VIKING SOCIETY
FOR N O R T H E R N
TEXTRESEARCHSERIES

General Editors
G. Turville-Petre and P. G. FooteVOLUME V

N I N E NORSE S T U D I E S
By Gabriel Turville-PetreNINENORSE STUDIESBYGABRIELTURVILLE-PETRE

Vigfusson Reader inand Professor of Ancient Icelandic
Literature, History, and Antiquities, inthe University of Oxford
Honorary Life Member of
the Society

VIKING SOCIETY
FOR N O R T H E R N RESEARCHU N I V E R S I T Y COLLEGELONDONMade in Great Britain andprinted by Western Printing Services Ltd, Bristol© 1972 Gabriel Turville-Petre© 1972 Modern Humanities Research
Association (Chapter viil, first publishedin the Modern Language Review and here
reproduced by permission of the Editors).

PREFACE
The nine studies selected for publication in this volume were
written over a number of years, although nothing that has appeared since 1962 is included. Various minor amendments havebeen made, some references updated, and bibliographical andother conventions normalized throughout, doubtless not withperfect consistency. Postscripts have been added to five of thepapers, showing that in some cases I have revised my opinions
slightly.
Two of the articles were first published in Icelandic. 'The
Cult of 09inn' has been translated by me, 'Drottkvatt and Irish
syllabic measures' by Professor Gearoid Mac Eoin, to whom I am
most grateful, as I am also to Professor David Greene for removing errors and suggesting improvements after the paper had
been put into English.
My thanks are also due to Mr P. Cahill who checked referencesin papers V, VI, and VII, and to Mr M. P. Barnes who read a
proof of the whole book. Mr David Thomas, Honorary Memberof the Society, has given unstinting help in designing the bookand seeing it through the press. Professor Peter Foote has acted
as General Editor.
The proposal that I might publish such a collection of papers
in the Text Series first came from the Council of the Viking
Society. I welcome the opportunity and deeply appreciate thehonour the Society thus does me.
G.

TURVILLE-PETREACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
O n behalf of the Viking Society the a u t h o r and General Editor
wish to t h a n k t h e following for their generous permission tor e p r i n t the articles in this volume:
Heimspekideild Haskola Islands and Professor Steingrimur J. Porsteinsson for 'The Cult of CSinn in Iceland', which first appeared in
Icelandic in Studia Islandica 17 (1958), 5-25.
Messrs George Allen and Unwin Ltd, London, for 'Thurstable',which first appeared in English and Medieval Studies presented
toJ.R.R.
Tolkien . . . ed. Norman Davis and C. L. Wrenn (1962), 241-9.
The Folklore Society and Miss Christina Hole, Honorary Editor of
Folklore, for 'Dreams in Icelandic Tradition', which first appeared in
Folklore 69 (1958), 93-111.
Messrs Bowes and Bowes Ltd, London, for 'Legends of England in
Icelandic Manuscripts', which first appeared in The Anglo-Saxons.
Studies . . .presented to Bruce Dickins, ed. Peter Clemoes (1959), 104-21.
The Publications Committee of the Pontifical Institute of MediaevalStudies, Toronto, and Professor J. R. O'Donnell, Editor of MediaevalStudies, for 'The Old Norse Homily on the Assumption and Mariu Saga'and 'The Old Norse Homily on the Dedication', which first appeared inMediaeval Studies ix (1947), 131-40, and xi (1949), 206-18, respectively.
To the Modern Humanities Research Association and the Editors ofModern Language Review for 'Gisli Siirsson and his Poetry', which first
appeared in Modern Language Review 39 (1944), 374-91.
To the Royal Irish Academy and Professor David Greene, Editor of
Eriu, for 'Drottkvcett and Irish Syllabic Measures', the English version
printed in £riu xxii (1971), 1-22, of a paper first published in Icelandic
in Skirnir 128 (1954), 31-35T h e essay, 'Liggja fylgjur Jjfnar til Islands', was first printed in 1940
in Saga-Book xii (1937-45), 119-26.

CONTENTS
Prefacevii
Abbreviationsx
I The cult of (36inn in Icelandi
II Thurstable
20
III Dreams in Icelandic tradition30
IV Liggja fylgjur pinar til Islands
52
V Legends of England in Icelandic manuscripts 59
VI The Old Norse homily on the Dedication
79
VII The Old Norse homily on the Assumption
and Mariu Saga
102
VIII Gisli Siirsson and his poetry: traditions
and influences
118
IX Drottkvcett and Irish syllabic measures
154

ABBREVIATIONS
Aarboger Aarbeger for nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie
Alfr. Alfrcedi islenzk i-iii, ed. N. Beckman
and Kr. Kilund (1908-18)
Altg. Rel. Jan de Vries, Altgermanische Religionsgeschichte^ l-ii (1956-7)
Arkiv Arkiv for nordisk filologi
Blondal Sigfus Blondal, Islenzk-donsk Ordabok (1920-24)
Bps. Biskupa Sogur, gefnar lit af hinu islenzka
Bokmentafelagi, i-ii (1858-78)
Cleasby- An Icelandic-English Dictionary based
Vigfusson on the MS collections of the late
Richard Cleasby enlarged and completed by Gudbrand Vigfusson (1874)
EETS Early English Text Society
EHR English Historical Review
EPNS English Place-Name Society
Fib. Flateyjarbok, ed. Gu5brandr Vigfusson
and C. R. Unger, i-iii (1860-68)
Fritzner J. Fritzner, Ordbog over Det gamle
norske Sprog i-iii (1883-96)
I F Islenzk fornrit
JEGP Journal of English and Germanic Philology
Litt. Hist. Finnur Jonsson, Den oldnorske og oldislandske
Litteraturs Historie^ i-iii (1920-24)
NED J. A. H. Murray and others, A New
English Dictionary (1888-1933)
NN E. A. Kock, Notationes Norroena (1923-44)
PL Migne, Patrologia Latina
PMLA Publications of the Modern Language
Association of America
Saga-Book Saga-Book of the Viking Society for Northern Research
Skj. Finnur Jonsson, Den norsk-islandske
Skjaldedigtning, A i-ii, B i-ii (1912-1915)
Notes to individual essays explain additional abbreviations used in them.
Numbering and orthography of quotations from and references to poemsof the Edda follow those of Gustav Neckel's edition, Edda^ (1936).

I

THE CULT OF d D I N N IN ICELAND

T

HOSE who read the mythological and historical works
written in Iceland in the middle ages must be aware of somediscrepancy. When we read Snorri's Edda, it is obvious that
Snorri considered OSinn the most powerful and foremost god
in the heathen hierarchy. According to Snorri, (39inn is supremeamong all the gods: 'This OSinn with his brothers (Vili and Ve)
will be ruling heaven and earth.' Another name for (39inn is
AlfgSr (Father of All): 'He will live throughout all ages governing
all his dominions and ruling all things great and small.'It is plain that when Snorri had these last sentences put onparchment, he was working under the influence of Christianconceptions of Almighty God and, for this reason, OSinn had
grown even more powerful in his eyes than he had ever been in
the eyes of heathens. When we turn to the Poetic Edda, which
was the chief source of Snorri's Gylfaginning, we see the same
picture. OSinn dominates everything. The sibyl in the Vgluspd
directs her words in the first place to CQinn; Cdinn forces her totell her secrets. It was (36inn, with two lesser gods, who cameupon two lifeless tree-trunks and gave them gnd, making them
man and woman and thus ancestors of us all. We have to thank(39inn for the most precious of gifts, the gift of poetry. Under thename of Bglverkr (the Evil-doer), OSinn robbed the holy meadfrom the fastness of the giants and brought it home to Asgar9r.

But it is not enough to call CSinn the god of poetry; he is godof all secret wisdom. While he hung for nine nights on the windtorn tree, Yggdrasill, as if it were a gibbet, he spied the runes;
he seized them and took them to himself. 69inn is master ofmagic and he knows all the magic songs. He awakens a deadsibyl and compels her to tell of the fate in store for Baldr. He
forces hanged men to talk to him, and thus he knows the secretsof death. Odinn has other gifts besides these; he can stop a spear

2

N I N E NORSE STUDIES I

in flight by the glare of his eye alone and, when he chants under
the rims of the shields of his friends, they march to battle assuredof victory.
It is plain that (39inn was god of war and warriors. He waspatron and protector of the most renowned heroes, as is told timeand again in Heroic Sagas. OSinn chose the horse Grani for
Sigurdr and accompanied SigurQr on his way to avenge his father.
OSinn counselled Sigur5r when he went to attack the dragon
Fafnir. In the same way, Haraldr War-tooth lived under theprotection of dSinn for a century and a half: 'Such a spell wascast on King Haraldr that no iron could cut him, and afterwards
he never bore a shield in battle, but yet no weapon got a hold on
him.''
When at last these chosen heroes fell dead, it was not because(39inn had deserted them, but rather because he loved them morethan others. He could not be without them in Valh^ll, where
they became Einherjar and passed their days in sports, even until
the Ragnargk. Then the dead heroes will march out of ValhQll
in military formation to fight against the wolf at the side of OSinn.
We cannot know when this terrible day will come, but we know
this, that the grey wolf, Fenrir, is breaking his bonds, ready tospring and fall upon us:
We cannot know for sure;the grey wolf is glaring
on the dwellings of gods.^
Nearly all the sources which I have cited are preserved in Icelandic manuscripts alone. Scholars agree that many of them werecompiled or composed by Icelandic authors, e.g. Snorri's Edda
and the Vgluspd. But it is probable that some of these sources
I Sggubrot af Fornkonungum, ch. 4 (in C. af Petersens and E. Olson, Sggur
Danakonunga, 1919-25, 13). Saxo illustrates the relationship between Haraldr
and OSinn in his Gesta Danorum, Liber vii.
2 Ovist es at vita;
s6t ulfr inn hijsvi& sJQt go8a (from Eiriksmdl).

THE CULT OF 6 D I N N IN ICELAND

3

derived from Norway. The Hdvamdl is, of course, compiled fromfragments of various poems, but most scholars would agree thata great proportion of these poems originated in Norway in the
ninth and tenth centuries. We may regard it as certain thatsimilar conceptions of OSinn were dominant in Norway and in
Iceland in the tenth century, at least among certain classes.
Let us now turn to the so-called 'historical' sources, in which
everyday life of heathen Icelanders is described. I think chieflyof the Sagas of Icelanders [Islendinga Sggur) and the Landndmabok. Historians of our time have cast doubts on the veracity of
the Sagas of Icelanders, and not without reason. Icelandic
scholars living today have shown that the aim of most authors ofsagas was artistic' But this does not imply that Sagas of Icelanders are of no use as sources of history. T h e authors knew
more about the culture of their heathen forefathers than it ispossible for us to know. They drew on sources unknown to us,
forgotten poems, oral tales and older writings, compiled as earlyas the twelfth century but now lost. It is, therefore, not presumptuous to assert that some sagas give a true picture of the civilization of Iceland in the tenth century.
When we turn to the Landndmabok, the foundations are moresecure. Jon Johannesson* and other Icelandic scholars have shownthat the book had very ancient origins, and that much of thematerial in it was compiled already in the days of Ari the Wise,
only three or four generations after the Icelanders had adopted
Christianity.
What can we deduce from these historical sources about thereligious customs of the heathen Icelanders? T h e sources havebeen studied by many specialists, both in Iceland and elsewhere.
I would mention the objective work Heidinn sidur d Islandi by
dlafur Briem (1945), for which many will be grateful. I must alsomention the chapters in that great work, Islenzk menning (i,3 I have chiefly in mind many works by SigurSur Nordal and Einar Ol.
Sveinsson.
4 See Gerdir Landndmabdkar (1941), esp. 203 fF.

4

N I N E NORSE STUDIES 1

1942), in which SigurSur Nordal considers the beliefs of theancient Icelanders from the point of view of a philosopher.
At first sight, it looks as if the gods hardly filled an important
place in the social life of the Icelanders in ancient times; besides
them there were many hidden forces, guardian spirits, such as
landvcettir and drntenn; there were elves and trolls. Jon Johannesson argued in his Islendinga Saga' that belief in these lower beings
was older and more primitive than belief in the ^^sir or othergods. I would not wish to assert that this opinion is correct, but
we can safely say that the belief in the lower beings was considerably more persistent than the belief in gods. Even today,
many people both in Iceland and other western lands believe infairies or 'hidden people', even in trolls and such-like elemental
beings. Belief in these lower beings is not inconsistent withorthodox Christianity; it hardly concerns Christianity.
However that may be, it is plain when we read the Sagas of
Icelanders and the Landndmabdk attentively that the gods played
an important part in the lives of ancient Icelanders; they had
their place in the social order. We know that 'temples' were set
up in many parts of the country, and there can be no doubt that
one god or more was worshipped in each of them.
The author of a section of the Landndmabdk {Hauksbok,
ch. 268) included a chapter from the Law of Ulfljotr {Vlfijotslgg),
describing various practices observed in the chief temples. It
is said there, among other things:
An arm-ring, weighing two 'ounces' or more, must be kept in every chief
temple . . . Everyone who had to perform legal business in court mustfirst swear an oath on that ring and name his witnesses . . . 'I call towitness of this,' he must say, 'that I swear an oath on the ring, a legallybinding oath. So help me Freyr and NJ9r5r and the all-powerful(almdttki) god that I shall prosecute this case or defend it, bear witness
or deliver judgment or sentence as I know to be most just, most trueand in closest accord with law.'*
5 Islendinga Saga I (1956), 145.
6 Baugr, tvieyringr e6a meiri, skyldi liggja 1 hverju h<jfu6hofi . . . Hverr sa
ma5r, er Jiar J^urfti iQgskil af hendi at leysa at domi, skyldi ibr ei6 vinna at peimbaugi ok nefna s^r vatta . . . 'Nefni ek I J^at vaetti,' skyldi hann segja, 'at ek vinn

THE CULT OF O D I N N IN ICELAND

5

These precepts show that, under the heathen religion, at least
three gods were worshipped in Iceland and also that this worshipwas established by law. People were obliged to invoke the Vanir,
Freyr, and his father NJQr9r and, besides these, the nameless'all-powerful' god (dss).'' Who can this one be?
Some mythologists have maintained that hinn almdttki dss
was I>6rr. I have also read an article by an Icelandic scholar, whoargues that he must be Ullr.* But, if this were the case, the oathwould be words alone when spoken by Icelanders, for they canhardly have had clear ideas about the age-old god UUr. I cannot
agree with this view, but will not discuss the problem at present.'
But yet other scholars, and among them the most eminent,
have stated without hesitation that the words hinn almdttki dss
denoted Odinn.'" It is unthinkable, according to some, thatmen would swear the most sacred of oaths, the oath on the holy
ring, without calling 09inn to witness. In the following pages I
shall attempt to decide whether this conclusion is right.
ei6 at baugi, lQgei&. Hjdlpi m6r sva Freyr ok NJQrdr ok hinn almdttki ass sem ek
mun svd SQk J>essa soekja eSa verja e5a vitni bera e5a kviSu eSa doma sem ek veit
r6ttast ok sannast ok helzt at iQgum.'7 Cf. Jon Johannesson, Islendinga Saga, I 146.
8 See Hermann Palsson's paper in Skirnir 130 (1956), 187-92. T h e main evidence for Hermann Pdlsson's view seems to be that, according to Atlakvida (32),the king of the Huns swore an oath 'on the ring of UUr' (,at hringi Ullar). It is
not impossible that in the eyes of some peoples at one time UUr was the highestof gods, but it appears that his cult was confined to limited areas, chiefly east
Norway and middle Sweden, where place-names containing the element Ulland Vllin- are preserved. It is clear that the cult of UUr died out very early; see
N. Lid, Religionshistoria (Nordisk Kultur xxvi, 1942), 115 ff. T h e idea that UUr
was the god of the oath on the ring has also occurred to others, e.g. G. Dum&il,
Mythes et Dieux des Germains (1939), 39-40. Dum^zil expresses himself very
cautiously and is, in general, undecided about this question.
9 I am also unable to agree with the opinion of Jakob J. Smdri, Skirnir 110(1936)1 i6i> who holds that hinn almdttki dss may be some mysterious, invisible
deity like hinn riki . . . sa er gllu rcedr, mentioned in Vgluspd (text of Hauksbdk).
The opinion of Jakob J. Smari is based largely on observations of Andrew Langabout religious beliefs of primitive tribes in Australia.
10 The scholar who has written best and most thoroughly from this point ofview is J. de Vries, Contributions to the Study of Othin (Folklore Fellows Communications xxxni, 2, No. 94, 1931), esp. 46 ff.; cf. also J. de Vries, Altg. Rel., u§ 441 and references there given; further Fiimur Jonsson, Godafrcedi Nordmanna
og Islendinga (1913), 43.

6

NINE NORSE STUDIES I

T o tell the truth, the sources hardly suggest that 09inn was
worshipped in Iceland. Scholars have supposed that VfgaGliimr worshipped 69inn, but that is uncertain and must be left
undecided.'' On the other hand, we find ample evidence of theworship of other gods in Icelandic sources, and especially of
the worship of J>6rr. One of the most famous stories of the cultof I>6rr is the one about I^orolfr Mostrarskegg found in Landndmabok and Eyrbyggja Saga. I>6r6lfr was a settler and his former
home was on the island of Mostr off the south-west coast of
Norway. According to Landndmabok, Porolfr was a zealous sacrificer and put his trust in I>6rr; he went to Iceland because of thetyranny of King Haraldr.
It is clear from this story that iJorolfr was a chieftain and landowner of south-western Norway. He had venerated Porr in
his native land and had taken the cult of I>6rr to Iceland, together
with the main pillars of his temple {gndvegissulur), on one ofwhich an image of I>6rr was carved.
The temple which I>6r61fr erected at Hofssta9ir in western
Iceland must have been dedicated to I>6rr, but it is not impossiblethat people worshipped other gods besides 5>6rr in that temple.
The Norwegian chieftain, Porolfr, and his Icelandic descendants
looked on I'orr as their chief friend and patron (fulltriii).
There are many significant points in the story about I>6r61fr,
but I would emphasize two of them. One is that I^orolfr was achieftain of western Norway, and the other that he fled from
Norway because of the tyranny of King Haraldr.
A number of Icelanders, and Greenlanders as well, worshippedt>6rr. It seems that, when the settlement of Iceland began, people
were very liberal about religious belief. Some thought that belief
in I'orr was not inconsistent with the Christian faith. We may
think of the story of Helgi the Lean, who believed in Christ, butwould yet invoke I>6rr for voyages at sea and matters of great
moment. But when heathendom was drawing to its end, it seems
that Icelanders regarded I>6rr as the guardian of the ancient
II See Anne Holtsmark, Maal og Minne (1933), m ff.

T H E C U L T OF O D I N N I N I C E L A N D

7

religion. It was I'orr who challenged the White Christ to a duel
and wrecked the ship of the German missionary, &angbrandr.
&6rr was the protector of our world {Midgardr) and, as it seems,of the World of Gods (Asgardr) as well.
I>6rr was not the only god who, according to story, was worshipped by Icelanders. When men swore an oath on the holy
ring, they were obliged to invoke Freyr. Place-names, such as
Freysnes, Freysholar, might suggest that the cult of Freyr wasprominent in eastern Iceland, although evidence from sporadic
place-names may be suspect. Personal names, such as Freysteinn,
Freydis, must have been associated in some way with Freyr.
Another name for Freyr was Yngvi, and personal names such as
Ingjaldr and Ingunn also provide evidence of the cult of Freyr incertain families.
The cult of Freyr is described chiefly in three Sagas of Icelanders: in Gisla Saga, Viga-Glums Saga, Hrafnkels Saga, and,to a lesser extent, in Brandkrossa Pdttr. It is obvious that theauthors of Gisla Saga and Viga-Glums Saga saw Freyr as a god of
fertility, as did Norwegians and Swedes. We may think of thestory of I>orgrimr Freysgo9i, who intended to hold an autumn
sacrifice at the 'winter nights', welcoming winter and offeringsacrifice to Freyr. After the death of Porgrimr, there was an event
which was thought peculiar: snow never lay on the southwestern slope of I>orgn'mr's howe, and it never froze. It wasunderstood in this way, that Porgrimr was so loved by Freyrbecause of his sacrifices, that the god would not wish frost tocome between them. We may also remember Gisli's verse as hegazed at I'orgrimr's howe in winter, exclaiming in cryptic{ofljost) language that he saw shoots sprouting upon it.'^According to Viga-Glums Saga, Freyr is again god of fertility.
Near to his temple at Hripkelssta9ir lay the fruitful cornfield
Vitazgjafi (the Certain Giver), upon which crops never failed.
The worship of Freyr also fills an important place in Hrafnkels
12 Teina sak i tuni
talgrims vinar falu . . .

8

N I N E NORSE STUDIES I

Saga. Sigur9ur Nordal'' has shown that this jewel among Icelandic sagas is largely fiction, the creation of its author. But thisneed not imply that the author created his saga out of nothing.
He described the customs of Icelanders in heathen times as heknew them from books and tradition. He emphasized the relationship between the horse and the god Freyr. This close relationshipis well known from other Icelandic writings, e.g. the Saga ofClafr Tryggvason in the Flateyjarbok.
As god of fertility, Freyr was god of the harvest. Norwegians
used to drink a toast to Freyr for fruitful harvest. Icelanders,
breeding animals and fishing more than cultivating crops, were,
therefore, less dependent on the harvest than their kindred
peoples of Norway and Sweden. It is not surprising that medieval
writers in Iceland state that Freyr was particularly the god of
the Swedes.
Icelanders swearing an oath on the ring also invoked Njgr9r.
The place-name Njardvik, given to two places in Iceland, mayalso give evidence of the cult of NJQr9r, although these placenames could have been brought by settlers from Norway. Snorrisays that NJQr9r should be invoked for voyages at sea and catches;
he was god of riches. Originally NJQr9r was a god of fertility,
like Freyr, and belonged to the race of the Vanir. It is told in
Icelandic sources that he was father of Freyr and Freyja but,
originally, he was more likely their mother, for Nerthus, ofwhom Tacitus wrote in the first century A.D., was not a god but
a goddess; she was Terra Mater.
1 do not doubt that other gods and goddesses were worshippedin the temples and shrines of Iceland, although it is difficult tofind evidence of this in the sources. But what of (39inn, highestof all the gods? Is it conceivable that Icelanders did not worshiphim?
In Iceland there are neither place-names nor personal names
associated with (39inn, but (39inn is mentioned in Icelandic
13 Hrafnkatla (Studia Islandica vii, 1940); cf. Jon Johannesson, Austfirdinga Sggur (IF xi, 1950), xxxix ff.

THE CULT OF ODINN IN ICELAND

9literature more often than any other god. This inconsistency may
be explained in various ways.
09inn is a many-sided figure but he is, among other things,
god of poetry. A poet working early in Christian times, in theeleventh century, called poetry 'the hallowed cup of the ravengod'. When (3lafr Tryggvason forced Hallfre9r, the Troublesome Poet, to abandon the pagan religion, he missed (39inn morethan any other god.
Sigur9ur Nordal'* has described the spiritual development of
Egill Skalla-Grimsson as it comes to light in his poetry. As
the son of an Icelandic farmer, Egill was not brought up in thecult of 69inn, but probably worshipped I>6rr, Freyr and NJQr9r.
But under the influence of the great chieftains of Norway, whostood in close relationship with the kings, Haraldr Finehair andEirlkr Bloodaxe, Egill came to worship (39inn; he learnt everything that could be learnt from the cult of 69inn.
Nowhere is this burning love for (39inn expressed more clearly
than it is in the Sonatorrek, in which Egill rebukes his 'patron',
who has deserted him and deprived him of his sons. We cannot
say that other Icelandic poets worshipped (39inn as passionately
as Egill did, but it is plain that he filled an honourable place intheir conceptions of the divine world. It is sufficient to think of
the numerous kennings of which names for 09inn form an element, e.g. Yggjar bdl (sword), Vidris vedr (battle). When poets
used such expressions, they must certainly have thought of thatmysterious, terrible god.
It might be tempting to conclude that the Icelandic poets had
religious conceptions other than those of the general public. Sucha conclusion would be incomplete, and even worse.
It is now time to turn away from Iceland and to look for evidence elsewhere, although it is difficult to know how far weshould look. In a paper published some years ago, the Dutch
14 Islenzk Menning 1 (1942), 170 ff.; cf. SigurSur Nordal's paper 'AtrunaSur
Egils Skalla-Grimssonar' in Skirnir 98 (1924), 145 ff., reprinted in Afangar u(1944), 103 ff.

10

N I N E NORSE STUDIES I

scholar, J. de Vries, argued that it was impossible to understandthe religious beliefs and practices of Germanic peoples fully without considering those of other Indo-Europeans." It seems thatde Vries is here following the Frenchman, Georges Dumezil,
who is unquestionably the most learned man in comparative
mythology living today.'*
The doctrines of Dumezil have, for truth, much in common
with those of J. Grimm and other great scholars of the nineteenth
century. To put it in few words, Dumezil maintains that thereligious conceptions of all, or nearly all, Indo-European peoples
were alike. In origin theirs was one and the same religion, whichdeveloped out of a common culture. Dumezil maintains that thesame customs predominated and the same divine beings were
worshipped by nearly all Indo-European peoples, by the Indians
as early as the fourteenth century B.C., by the Irish in the first
centuries after Christ's birth, and by Icelanders in the tenthcentury A.D.
Dumezil sees evidence of this, not so much in the names of thegods, but rather in words used to denote various kinds of officials
and religious activities. It is now many years since the Celticscholar, J. Vendryes, noticed that words applied to certain religious concepts and officials in heathen times were of the same
origin in many Indo-European languages, and particularly in
Sanskrit, Persian, Latin and the Celtic languages.'^ As an example
I may mention the verb, which appears in Irish as cretim (tobelieve), in Latin as credo and in Sanskrit as crdd dadhami. The
Sanskrit word raj (king), the Latin rex and the Irish ri may also
be mentioned. The Indo-European word deiwo- (god) is preserved in several languages, in Sanskrit as devah, in Latin as deus,
15 Germanisch-Romanische Monatsschrift xxxni (N.F. n, 1951), i ff.
16 T h e chief works of Dumezil which touch upon Norse subjects are Mythes
et Dieux des Germains (1939); Mitra-Varuna (1948); iofe' (1948; translation into
German, slightly revised, 1959); Les Dieux des Indo-Europeens (i 952); i a Saga de
Hadingus (1953); Aspects de la Fonction Guerriere (1956); Les Dieux des Germains (1959); Heur et Malheur du Guerrier (1969). I published a short appraisalof Dum^zil's opinions in Saga-Book xiv (1953-7). 131 ff17 Memoires de la Societe de Linguistique de Paris xx (1918), 265-85.

THE CULT OF 6 D I N N IN ICELANDIIin Irish as dta and, apparently, in Germanic languages as the god's
name Tiwaz or T^r.
But what were the distinguishing characteristics of this religion
and its adherents? It is held that the gods reflected the social orderof their worshippers. Dumezil distinguishes three classes of men,as the author of the Rigspula distinguished between prcelar,
karlar, and jarlar. The king and the priest formed the highest
class, i.e. in India the raj and the brahman, in Rome the rex andflamen. The second class were warriors, the bold men; in the thirdclass were the humble tillers of the soil.
Each of these classes is said to be reflected in the world of gods.
In the Indian hymns of the Rigveda, the oldest of all the literarysources, the highest gods are chiefly two, Varuna and Mitra. The
chief god of the middle class is the great warrior god, Indra, while
the third class of men is reflected in the Asvins, who are twins,
bringing fertility and health to men. Gods belonging to the firsttwo classes despise the humble gods of fertility. Similar distinctions of class may be seen in tales of Roman and Celtic gods,
e.g. in the Roman gods Jupiter, Mars, Quirinus.
In India, Rome, and the Celtic lands the priests formed a classof their own; they brought offerings to the gods and were guardians of the sacred wisdom. These holy men, brahmans, flamines,
druids, had much in common; they had similar duties, and various
things were forbidden to them, e.g. brahmans and flamines must
not drink wine; they must not touch dogs or horses; and they
were obliged to observe restraint in sexual matters. They were
often dressed in white.
Let us now look at the Germanic lands east of the Rhine andconsider what kinds of religious practice dominated there. Caesar
gave an answer to this question in his Gallic War.^^ In his
opinion the religious practices of the Germans were altogether
unlike those which he had come to know among the Celts in
Gaul. The Germans, he said, had no priests and they offered nosacrifices. They worshipped only those gods whom they could
18 De Bello Gallico, vi 21.

12

N I N E NORSE STUDIES I

see with their own eyes, such as the sun, fire, and the moon.
It is obvious that the Roman general did not fully understandGermanic religious customs. Other writers, living in the first
century after Christ's birth, showed that the Germans worshipped
many gods; they had priests and they brought sacrifice to thegods.
But what surprised Caesar was probably that the religious
ritual of the Germans was much simpler than that which he had
observed among the Celtic tribes west of the Rhine. It does notseem that Germanic priests, in those days, formed a class of theirown, nor that, in Germania, there were schools in which thesacred wisdom was taught.
How is this to be explained? Dumezil has offered an explanation. In his opinion, the Germanic social system was revolutionary." Class distinctions had nearly been obliterated, although
not altogether. Under more peaceful conditions, these distinctions were gradually restored. In Dumezil's view, the same classes
may be observed in Germania as in India, Rome, and the Celtic
lands.
Whether they are of common origin or not, it is undeniable
that the Germanic gods, 09inn, Tyr, I>6rr, and Freyr, or rather
the two Haddingjar, resemble the Indian gods, Varuna, Mitra,
Indra, and the Asvins, at least superficially.
We do not now need to think about gods of strength, nor ofgods of fertility. We must rather look for Germanic gods who
resemble the highest gods of the Indians.
In character the Indian gods are many-sided. They are described in sources of various ages and it is, therefore, difficult
to gain a clear conception of them. We, who are not learned inoriental literature, have to rely on the conclusions of specialists.
As I have already said, the highest gods in the mythologicalwritings of India were two, Mitra and Varuna, and they could be
invoked as Mitra-Varuna,^" as if they were one and the same. It issaid that they denote two aspects of the supreme power. In the
19 Mythes et Dieux des Germains, 7

ff.

20 Cf. Dum6zil,

Mitra-Varuna.

T H E CULT OF O D I N N IN ICELAND

13

world of gods, as in this world, there are two who wield supreme
power, the king and the priest.
These two gods, Varuna and Mitra, lived in concord, although
they were altogether unlike in temperament. Varuna is the terrible
god in the clouds. Through his own power, or with the help of
his spies, he sees all and knows all. He is unconquerable, but yet
he never joins in battle; he is master of magic and remarkable
to look at; he is yellow-eyed, bald, and afflicted with leprosy; heis lame and supports himself with a stick; ^' needless to say, he isimmensely old.
This picture which Dumezil draws of Varuna is really a composite, made from sources of various ages. But there can be no
doubt that Varuna resembles (59inn in many things. (39inn isblind or one-eyed, but yet he can see throughout all the worldsfrom his throne, Hli9skjalf. By the gift of his own sight, or with thehelp of his spies, the two ravens, he knows everything. He is
unconquerable, but he will never join battle until the Ragnargk.
(39inn's character is many-sided, but in most things he is evil.
He is god of occult wisdom and of death, leader of the Einherjar,
the fallen heroes. In other words he resembles Varuna in that heis not god of our world, but of the Other World.
But if 09inn is the Germanic Varuna, who is the Germanic
Mitra? Mitra, as it seems, represents the other side of the supreme power. If Varuna is the king, Mitra is the priest. Mitra is
the god of this world; he upholds law and justice. From various
evidence Dumezil and de Vries agree that Tyr was the chief godof justice among Germanic peoples,^^ although Ullr was also
worshipped as god of justice among some tribes and, perhaps,
the mysterious Mithothyn, of whom Saxo wrote.
It is agreed that Tyr was the god whom Romans often called
Mars, and he was sometimes called Mars Thincsus, which appears
21 Cf. Dumezil, Mythes et Dieux des Germains, 28. A. Hillebrandt describes
Varuna more fully in Vedische Mythologie n i (1902), 3 ff. See also J. Gonda,
Die Religionen Indiens 1 (i960), 73 ff.
22 See Dum&il, Mythes et Dieux des Germains, 41 and passim; de Vries,
Altg. Rel., II, especially §§ 347 ff.

14

N I N E NORSE STUDIES I

to mean 'Tyr of the Kng'. It is known that this god was worshipped widely in Germany in the first centuries after Christ's
birth.
Icelandic sources have little to tell of Tyr, but he is said to beeinhendr dss (one-handed god). Just as 09inn sacrificed his eye,Tyr sacrificed his hand to save the gods from the wolf Fenrir. He
placed his hand as a pledge in the jaws of the beast and, thereby,
deceived him.
Comparable stories are known from various Indo-European
peoples. The Roman hero Scaevola sacrificed his hand to deceive
the Etruscans and afterwards concluded an agreement withthem. ^3 But the story most like that of Snorri is to be found in
Irish writings. I think of the story of Nuadu with the silver hand.
Nuadu's right hand was struck off in battle and, as a result, hemade an agreement with his enemies.^*
It may be that some of Dumezil's assertions are doubtful, butboth he and de Vries agree that (39inn is the highest of all in the
divine world of the Germanic peoples. He is the god to whom
people looked up and whom they feared most. He is the regnator
omnium deus, the terrible god whom the tribe of the Semnones
worshipped in the holy grove. ^^But the strange thing about this is that (39inn is the lawless
god, while Ullr and Tyr are seen as gods of justice like the Indian
Mitra and the Celtic Nuadu. This, in my view, is a very daring
conclusion, but it is the essential of the case. Whereas gods ofjustice dominated among most peoples and were seldom driven
from power, the power of the lawless, the furious {odr) god,
dominated among the Germanic peoples.
In the Irish story, which I mentioned, Nuadu was god ofjustice. He was once forced from power and, in his place, camethe wicked tyrant, Bress, who seized all the cows of Munster.
Bress ruled for seven years, until the people rose against him and23 Cf. Dumezil, Mitra-Varuna, 174 ff.
24 See H. d'Arbois de Jubainville, The Irish Mythological Cycle (translated
and edited by R. I. Best, 1903), 85 ff.
25 Tacitus, Germania, xxxix.

THE CULT OF ODINN IN ICELAND

I5

restored Nuadu to the kingship. Bress is the Irish 69inn and,beside him, stands his kinsman, the evil, one-eyed Balor, who,in the end, killed Nuadu with the glare of his eye alone.
But is there further evidence that in Germanic civilization therejection of moral law was known? I think there is, but this applies
only to Germanic tribes on the Continent. We may remember thetribe of the Harii with their masked highwaymen, who painted
their bodies to strike terror into their enemies.
In his Gallic War Caesar describes the social system of Germanic tribes in a most remarkable way.^* No one, said Caesar,
possessed lands (or real property), but the chieftains distributed
the lands yearly. At the end of the year the farmers were obliged
to leave their lands and, presumably, to surrender their produce.
In a society of this kind there was no place for an aristocracy,
and there could be no hereditary land-holders (odalsboendr). A
social system of this sort was based on war; it was the militaryleaders and warriors alone who wielded power. In fact, this was
the social system reflected in Valhgll, where 09inn ruled supreme;
he was the leader of the Einherjar in the world of gods and of thechampions in this world.
It is time to think of stories of one champion, who was a fosterson of (39inn. I think of Starka9r Storvirksson, who was of giant
ancestry and, therefore, the enemy of I>6rr. (39inn ordained for
him that he should live three spans of life, but Starka9r was avillain and was to commit a deed of villainy in each span. The
first was to hang his lord. King Vikarr. 09inn gave Starka9r thegift of poetry: he made poetry as fast as he could talk. But themost remarkable point is that Starka9r had no human attachments; he had neither son nor daughter and was loathed of all
the common people. He had an enormous fortune in movable
property, but neither land nor estates.^'
The description which Caesar gave of the Germans on the
Rhine is remarkably like that which Snorri wrote twelve centuries
later of the rule of Haraldr Finehair:
26 De Bello Gallico, vi 22.

27 Gautreks Saga, ch. 7.

l6

N I N E NORSE STUDIES I(He) took to himself all the hereditary estates (oSul) in every administrative district (fylki) and all the land, both inhabited and uninhabited, and even the sea and the lakes, and all farmers must be his
tenants.. .^^In other words, Haraldr broke the traditional law and introduced a lawless autocracy, which conflicted with the law of thearistocracy and the hereditary farmers, who had dominated Norway hitherto.
As the history of England shows plainly, autocracy and therule of kings are ill consistent with the rule of the nobility andhereditary landowners. But in Norway, in the days of Haraldr
Finehair, there were only two choices: rule of the hereditary
landowners and rule of the king. Democracy, as we understandthe term, was unknown.
We may consider the origins of Haraldr Finehair. On his
father's side, he was said to descend from the Ynglingar, theroyal house of the Swedes. But his mother was closely related toDanish chieftains. Haraldr grew up in south-eastern Norway, in
those regions which had long been under Danish influence andeven subjected to Danish authority.
There is a tale about Haraldr Finehair in the Flateyjarbok and
the Agrip; it is not altogether clear, but it seems that in his youth
Haraldr had once been the guest of (39inn.
Haraldr had close relations with Denmark. He married many
wives, but parted from all of them when he married the Danishborn Ragnhildr. This Ragnhildr was mother of Eirikr Bloodaxe,
the favourite son of his father. No king of Norway was better
suited to be the chosen hero of 09inn. He slew his brothers—
drove his kinsmen to the wall {foerdi frcendr stna vid utgarda), as
is told—and displayed his contempt for the bonds of kindred andduties of relationship. We may remember how the evil-tempered
09inn set brother against brother, kinsman against kinsman, as
28 Egils Saga Skalla-Grimssonar, ch. 4: Haraldr konungr eignaSisk i hverju
fylki 65ul QU ok allt land, byggt ok 6byggt, ok jafnvel sjoinn ok VQtnin, ok skyldu
allir biiendr vera hans leiglendingar . . .

THE CULT OF 6 D I N N IN ICELAND

17

is shown clearly in Saxo's Gesta Danorum and in the Heroic
Sagas. We may think of the words of (39inn himself:
I set the chieftains at odds,
never did I make peace between them.^'
It is no wonder that the poet of Eiriksmdl should draw so imposing a picture of the reception of Eirikr in Valhgll after his deathin Britain. The character of (39inn is many-sided but he is, in thefirst place, god of lawlessness, god of footpads and champions.
On such a basis we can perhaps understand why the medieval
historians do not suggest that the settlers of Iceland worshipped(39inn. In origin their leaders were largely noblemen and hereditary landowners of western Norway; their civilization was basedon traditional law and family relationship. It is said that they fledfrom Norway because of the tyranny of King Haraldr; it could
as well be said that they fled before the tyranny of (39inn.
De Vries maintains in one passage that (39inn was the 'aristocratic' god. In my view, this is a misunderstanding or misuse ofa word. 69inn is rather the god of lawlessness and, it seems, ofthe royal court. Such conceptions were southern in origin andhardly struck root in Norway or in Iceland until heathendom was
falling into its decline.
This need not imply that the name of (39inn was not knownin Scandinavia before the Viking Age; there are good reasons tobelieve that it was. While there are no place-names containing theelement 6din- in Iceland, there are a number in Norway, morein Sweden and proportionately more in Denmark. Some of these29 From Hdrbardsljod, 24:
Atta ek iqfrum
en aldri saettak.
Cf. Helga kvida Hundingsbana II, 34:
Einn veldr OSinn
QUU bglvi,
J>viat me5 sifiungom
sakriinar bar.
(C6inn alone causes every evil, for he bore runes of strife between
kinsmen.)

l8

N I N E NORSE STUDIES I

appear to be of great age, e.g. those compounded with -akr (cornfield), -vin (meadow). These last two suggest that for some people,
at one time, (39inn was god of fertility, rather than the ruthless
god of kings, champions, perjurers, and poets, which he appears
to be in the literary sources. ">For such reasons, I think it improbable that men in Iceland,swearing an oath on the holy ring, called on (39inn. What point
could there be in invoking (39inn on such an occasion? We may
remember the words of (39inn himself:
I believe that (39inn
has sworn an oath on the ring;
how should we trust his pledges?"
In conclusion I would say that I think Dumezil is right in supposing that the divine world reflects our world. It may well be thatthe religion of Indo-European peoples was originally one and thesame religion, but if so, peoples' religious beliefs must have beenvery variable.
The highest gods did not, among all these peoples, correspondwith the Indian Mitra-Varuna, but men chose their chief god
according to their social system, their way of life, and their needs.
The Swedes depended on the fertility of the soil and, therefore,
their chief god was the fertility god, Freyr. Inhabitants ofwestern Norway, and hence the Icelanders as well, chose thetrusty I'orr, who must have been hinn almdttki dss in their eyes."
30 See my Myth and Religion of the North (1964), 66 and references there
given.
31 Hdvamdl, n o :BaugeiS OSinn
hygg ek at unnit hafi:
hvat skal hans trygg&om triia?
I think it conceivable that Viga-Gliimr had OSinn in mind when he swore a false
or ambiguous oath, saying: 'I swear a temple oath on the ring and say this to theAss' (ek vinn hofseiS at baugi ok segi ek J^at Msi), Viga-Glums Saga, ch. 25.
32 A. Bugge, Aarboger (1900), 290, and C. Marstrander, Revue Celtiquexxxvi (1915), 244 ff., point out that, according to Irish annals, there was a circlet
or arm-ring (fail nofdinne), which apparently belonged to I>6rr, in a temple near
Dublin. In the year 994 an Irish king, named Maelseachlainn, seized this holy

T H E CULT OF O D I N N IN ICELAND19

But kings and champions, those who fought their way to power,
may well have worshipped the lawless, creative god, (39inn.
I consider it unlikely that the cult of (39inn, as we know it,
was common among West Norse peoples before the ninth century, but it may well be that 09inn had been the chief god of thecontinental Germans for many centuries. This view is in someways old-fashioned, but it is not necessarily wrong for that reason.

POSTSCRIPT

H. L. Tapp {JEGP, LV, 1956, 85 ff.) decided, on grounds rather
different from those used here, that hinn almdttki dss was I'orr.
(3lafur M. (3lafsson {Andvari, N.F. xii, 1970, 103 ff.) madeinteresting observations about the heathen oath, and concluded
that the dss was I'orr for those who saw him as the highest god,but (39inn for those who regarded (39inn as the highest, e.g. poets
and warriors. This is, perhaps, too subtle and subjective an outlook for men of the Viking Age.
ring. I should also mention the holy grove of E>6rr {coill Tomair) in this area,
which King Brian destroyed in the year looo.
Marstrander has shown that I'orr was the chief god of the Norsemen in Irelandand that the Irish called the Norsemen 'men of I'orr' (muinter Tomair) in contrast
to 'men of God or Christ' (muinter Dd, muinter Crist), as the Irish called themselves.
In another work (Bidrag til det norske sprogs historie i Irland, 1915), Marstrander
showed that the Norse settlers in Ireland were largely of West Norwegian stock,
like the Icelanders. Their dialect was like Icelandic and they probably had
religious concepts similar to those of the settlers of Iceland. See further J.
Steenstrup, Normannerne 11 (1878), 359-62.

II

THURSTABLE

N his survey of place-names in which memories of heathendom are preserved. Sir Frank Stenton' mentioned a large
number which contain the name of the god Thunor (I>unor). The
most remarkable of his findings was that these names were practically confined to Saxon and Jutish territories. The few names in
Anglian territory which might contain this element were of
doubtful origin. Many of the names compounded with Thunor
are reminiscent of those in Scandinavia compounded with Porr,
particularly in the eastern regions, where the fertilizing powersof this god were more strongly emphasized than they were in
the west. The name of Thunor is compounded with feld inThunderfield in Surrey and Thunresfeld in Wiltshire. These
names may be compared with the eastern Scandinavian Porsakr
and Porsvin, and they probably designated fields, places of public
worship dedicated to the god. In at least six instances the nameof Thunor is combined with leak, which may here be interpreted
as 'sacred grove', and is thus comparable with the Swedish andDanish Porslundr and the Irish coill Tomair near to Dublin.^
Names of the type Punores hlcsw (Thunor's mound) and Thundridge (Hertfordshire) could also be compared with the Norse
Porshaugr, Porsdss, Porsberg.

I

One of the most interesting of the English place-names compounded with Thunor is that of the Essex hundred, or halfhundred, Thurstable. 3 This name is not recorded in any early
text, but appears first in the form Thurestapl{e) (1067) and lateras Thurstapel (1219) and Thurstapl (1227). P. H. Reaney noticed
that there was probably a Hundredhouse in this district (1398),
which would serve as a meeting place. O.S. Anderson remarks
on iLprisona regis de Thurstapl (1258).
1 Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Ser. IV, xxili (1951), 1-24.
2 See C. Marstrander, Revue Celtique xxxvi (1915), 244 ff.
3 T h e forms are listed by P. H. Reaney, The Place-Names of Essex (EPNS xii,
I935)> 3°2; and by O. S. Anderson, The English Hundred-Names 11 (Lunds
Universitets Arsskrift, 1939), 47-8.

THURSTABLE

21

Stenton, A. H. Smith"^ and other specialists agree that the nameThurstable was originally Punres stapol or 'Thunor's Pillar'.
The loss of n before r has many parallels in Late Old English,'and it is therefore not necessary to assume Scandinavian influencein the form Thurstable. We may suppose that, in pagan times,
there was a pillar in Thurstable hundred, dedicated to the god
Thunor, and that this was a meeting place.
Sacred pillars and trees are known from many other sources.
Tacitus {Germania, 34) mentions 'Pillars of Hercules' {Herculis
columnas), said to be still standing in his day, and probably
situated in Heligoland or on the Frisian coast.* Pillars of Hercules
are also known outside the Germanic world, in the Straits ofGibraltar, and on the Black Sea. The question remains what
Tacitus meant by Hercules when he wrote the passage lastquoted from the Germania. He uses the name elsewhere, although
he may not always designate the same figure. Going into battle,
he says {Germania, 3), Germans used to sing the praises of Hercules, whom they believed had once been among them, and theycalled him the first of all strong men {primumque omnium virorum
fortium). In this passage it looks as if Hercules was the namewhich Tacitus applied to a German hero, perhaps to Arminius,or even to Sigfrid, whom many have identified with Arminius. ^The songs might then be of the same type as the heroic Bjarkamdl, which St (3lafr ordered his poet to sing before the battleof Stiklasta9ir.^ The use of the name Hercules for a mortal herois also recorded in other regions.'
It is, however, plain that Tacitus also applied the name
4 English Place-Name Elements 11 (EPNS xxvi, 1956), 146, 217.
5 See A. Campbell, Old English Grammar (1959), 189-90.
6 On the Pillars of Hercules see H. M. Chadwick, The Origin of the English
Nation (1907), 228-9; E. Norden, Die germanische Urgeschichte in Tacitus Germania (1920), 470 ff.; Die Germania des Tacitus, erlautert von R. Much (2nd ed.
rev. by R. Kienast, 1959), 47 ff.
7 See especially G. Vigfusson and F . York Powell, Sigfrid-Arminius (1886);
further O. Hofler, Siegfried Arminius und die Symbolik (1961), where details of
bibliography are given.
8 Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla, (3lafs Saga Helga, ch. 208.
9 See Norden, op. cit., 172 ff.

22

N I N E NORSE STUDIES II

Hercules to a Germanic god. In his Annals (ii 12) he mentions aholy grove of Hercules {silva Herculi sacra), in which various
Germanic tribes used to meet. If only because of comparison
with the Norse Porslundr, this may lead us to suspect that by
Hercules, Tacitus meant Thunor or I'6rr.
H. M. Chadwick,'" who examined Tacitus's account of the
Pillars of Hercules, arrived at the interesting conclusion that, by
Hercules, Tacitus in this last passage designated the obscure
Germanic god, Irmin. He gave strong arguments to support thisview, although the existence of a god Irmin has been questioned.
In fact, Irmin is rarely found except as the first element of acompound. In the Lay of Hildebrand, Almighty God is called
Irmingot (1. 30), and mankind is irmindeot (1. 13). Old English
supplies numerous examples of the compounded element
eormen-, e.g. eormencyn 'mankind', eormengrund 'the wide earth',eormenlaf 'a mighty heritage', eormenpeode 'all peoples'. Old
Norse has also some examples of this element. In the Grimnismdl(str. 20), and again in Sturla I'6r9arson's Hrynhenda (str. 15),composed in 1262, the world is called jgrmungrund.^^ In Bragi's
Ragnarsdrdpa (str. 16) and in the Vgluspd (str. 50) the World
Serpent is called jgrmungandr, which could mean no more than'the mighty magic wand'. In Haustlgng (str. 18) I'j6961fr ofHvin seems to refer to I>6rr's giant enemy as jgrmunprjotr,
although this reading is questionable.'^ Again jgrmuni (v. 1.
aurmuni) appears as a poetic word for an ox,'^ and as a namefor a horse.'+ Although this has been disputed, the last two words
are probably based on the same root. Again, in the pulur,^' thesimplex Jgrmunr (v. 1. Jgrundr) is given as a name for (39inn.
It is now generally agreed that the element irmin- has somesacral significance, and that its original meaning must be deeper
than 'big' or 'extensive', although it had evidently faded andmeant little more than this to the Christian poets of England.
10 op. cit., 228
ff.
II Skj., B II 117.
12 Skj., A I 20; B I 18.
13 Skj., B I 669; A 1 675.
14 Skj., B I 676; A I 685.
IS Skj., B 1673; A I 682.

THURSTABLE

23

The names Ermanaric and {H)erminiones must have meant
something more than 'the great king', 'the great people'.
Evidence of the sacral significance of irmin- is found especiallyin the Saxon records about the Irminsul. It is plain that the
Irminsul was a place or an object held in veneration by the pagan
Saxons, but it is described in rather varying terms.'*
According to the Prankish Annals, Charles the Great burned
down the chief seat of Saxon heathendom near Heresburg in
Westphalia in A.D. 772, and this was called Irminsul or Erminsul.
It is stated in another text that Charles destroyed the temple{fanum) of the Saxons, quod vocatur Irminsul. Elsewhere theIrminsul is described as a famous grove {lucum famosum).
From these quotations, it is evident that the Irminsul wasthought of as a temple, a holy grove, and an idol, but Rudolphof Fulda goes into closer detail when he describes it. The Saxons
used to worship leafy trees and wells, but, Rudolph goes on tosay, they particularly worshipped truncum quoque ligni non
parvae magnitudinis in altum erectum. In the Saxon language thiswas called Irminsul, quod Latine dicitur universalis columna,
quasi sustinens omnia.^'^From this last passage it appears that the Irminsul was acolumn or sacred pillar, believed to uphold the universe. Thisis borne out by an obscure passage written by the monk Widukind about 968. About the year 831,'* the Saxons had won a
victory over the Thuringians at Scheidungen, on the Unstrut.
In the morning they placed their eagle at the eastern gate, andpiled up an altar of victory according to their traditional superstition, imitating by the name of Mars the Pillar of Hercules. In
his next sentence, Widukind shows that he was thinking of an
16 A large number of references to the Irminsul were collected by J. Grimm,
Teutonic Mythology (tr. J. S. Stallybrass, 1900), 116 ff. See further J. de Vries,'La valeur religieuse du mot germanique Irmin', Les Cahiers du Sud xxxix (1952),
18 ff.
17 ed. G. H. Pertz (Mon. Germ. Hist., 1887), 11 676.
18 ed. H.-E. Lohmann and P. Hirsch (Scriptores rerum Germanicarum inusum scholarum . . . editi, 1935), 1 xii.

24

N I N E NORSE STUDIES II

Irminsul, for he mentions the opinion that the Saxons descended
from the Greeks, adding that Hirmin or Hermis is the Greek for
Mars.
The word Irminsul also appears in various forms in the Old
High German glosses; it is said to mean colossus, altissima
columna. The plural irminsuliis also glossed as pyr amides.^^ If weare not yet able to explain the first element of the compound, thesecond is plain enough. It is related to the Old English syl (pillar,
column) which, in the phrase Ercoles syla in the Old English
Orosius^° is applied to the Pillars of Hercules {Herculis columnae).
It is, therefore, of the same origin as Old Norse sul, siila, meaning'piflar'.
The Old Norse compound gndvegisstila (generally in pi.
gndvegissulur) has a strong sacral significance. It is often translated as 'pillars of the high seat', although this translation is misleading. The origin of the word gndvegi is disputed, but its firstelement probably means 'opposite', and the second may derivefrom vegr, 'way'.^'However that may be, the gndvegi was the central place in themain room or hall, where the master of the house would sit withchosen companions. It is most fully described by the authorof the Fagrskinna,^^ when speaking of royal residences in Norway,
Sweden, and Denmark. These buildings had a doorway at eachend, and the king's seat was on the middle of the long bench ordais, facing the sun. Opposite it was the lower or second gndvegi{hit ooedra, annat gndvegi), occupied in this case by the king's
counsellor, or by the most distinguished guests. The farther
their seat from the central place on each side, the less was thehonour shown to its occupants. The gndvegi was not a single
seat, for we sometimes read of several sitting in it together.^^ Jt
19 Grimm, op. cit., i 115-16.
20 King Alfred's Otosius, ed. H. Sweet (EETS 79, 1883), 8.
21 For various views see E. Birkeli, Hogseetet (1932), 118 ff., and A. M. Sturtevant, Scandinavian Studies and Notes xviii (1944), 65 ff.
22 ed. Finnur Jonsson (1902-3), 306.
23 See further Valtyr GuSmundsson, Privatboligen pa Island (1889), 184 ff.

THURSTABLE

25

is told of Haraldr Finehair that he esteemed his poets most of all
his retainers, and they occupied the second gndvegi. ^^The gndvegi, as it seems, was marked off from the rest of thehall by the gndvegissulur, the main supporting pillars, of which
there were probably four, two on each side. These were venerated
because they supported the house, as the Irminsul supported theuniverse.
The deep veneration in which the gndvegissulur were held isemphasized in a great number of stories about men who settled
in Iceland in the ninth and tenth centuries, showing that thesepillars were regarded as the abode of tutelary gods, who would
guide the settler to his new home.
Qgmundr Kormaksson,^^ sailing from Norway to Iceland,
threw his main pillars overboard and when he made land in
Mi9fJQr9r they had already come to shore. I'6r9r Skeggi Hrappsson settled at Boer, below L6nshei9r in Austur-Skaptafellssysla,
where he lived for ten years or more. But after I>6r9r heardthat his pillars had been found in Leiruvagr, below Mosfellshei9r,
he moved house. 2*
Stories of this kind are not uncommon, but in Iceland it wasparticularly the god I'orr who guided the supporting pillars, as
is shown in many sources.
In the Landndmabok^'^ it is told of a certain Hallsteinn that,after taking possession of I'orskafJQr9r, he offered sacrifice toI'orr, and asked him to send some supporting pillars. Shortly
afterwards a huge tree-trunk drifted ashore, and pillars were madeof it, not only for Hallsteinn's house, but for nearly all the housesin the neighbourhood. ^^ According to the version of Landndmabok in Hauksbdk and to the longer version of Gisla Saga,^^
Hallsteinn had sacrificed one or more of his sons for the pillars.
The association between the main pillars and the god I'orr isbrought out more strongly in the story of Porolfr Mostrarskegg,
24 Egils Saga Skalla-Grimssonar, ch. 8.
25 Kormdks Saga, ch. 2.
26 Landndmabdk, ed. Finnur Jonsson (1900), 9 (Hauksbok) and 209 (Sturlubok).
27 ibid., 165.
28 ibid., 42
29 ed. Finnur Jonsson (1929), 54 n.

26

N I N E NORSE STUDIESII

the father of Hallsteinn, as it is told in Eyrbyggja Saga (ch. 3-4)
and again in Landndmabok. ^°torolfr was originally called Hr61fr, but he was so devoted toI'orr, his patron and beloved friend {dstvinr), that people called
him tdrolfr. When he lived in Norway, on the island of Mostr,
he kept a temple dedicated to I'orr, and it was called iJorshof(I'orr's Temple). I'orolfr had to leave Norway because of his
enmity with Haraldr Finehair but, before he did so, he offered asacrifice to I'orr, who directed him to Iceland. He took down thetemple and shipped most of the timbers, as well as the soil under
the altar on which the idol had stood. As he sailed west off
Reykjanes, he threw the main pillars of the temple overboard.
On one of these the image of I'orr was carved, and I'orolfr
resolved that he would settle at the place where the god broughtthem to shore. They sped swiftly over the waves, and I'orolfr
sailed into Brei9afJQr9r. He made land in a creek afterwards
called Hofsvagr (Temple Creek). After I'orolfr and his men had
explored the surrounding country, they found the pillars on apromontory where I'orr had brought them. In the words ofEyrbyggja Saga it looks as if the god is nearly identified with thepillars: Porr hafSi a land komit med sulurnar.
There are some other stories which illustrate the close association between I'orr and the supporting pillars. It is told of asettler in northern Iceland that, when he first sighted land, herefused to jettison his pillars, saying that he would rather invoke
I'orr directly and ask the god to show him where to land. If theland were already occupied, he would fight for it. 3'
It is not told in Norse sources that any god other than I'orr
was patron of the supporting pillars. In fact, they appear to be
I'orr's pillars. For the settlers of Iceland, I'orr was the chief
god; he was the all-powerful god {hinn almdttki dss), who upheld
their houses, as he upheld their law and their traditional religion. ^ ^30 pp. 31 and 152.
31 Landndmabdk, 65 and 187-8.
32 I have discussed this question briefly in' T h e Cult of 06inn in Iceland',see p . 17 above.

THURSTABLE

27

On these lines we may understand the significance of Thurstable, or Thunor's Pillar, in Essex. We may suppose that it was
the site of a pillar sacred to the god Thunor. This pillar wasprobably believed to support the sky and thus the world, or atleast the world of those who venerated it.
If this hypothesis is correct, we may wonder what were therelations between Thunor's Pillar in Essex, the Irminsul of the
Saxons and the Pillars of Hercules, to which Tacitus alluded.
From the arguments so far given, it seems that by Hercules
Tacitus could just as well have designated Irmin as I'orr(Thunor). In either case, he had good reason. Irmin and I'orr
resembled Hercules in that all three were gods of supporting
pillars. While the Irminsul supported the world of the Saxons,
I'orr, with his gndvegissulur, upheld the house of the Icelandic
farmer, and with his stapol he assured the security of the Essex
hundred.
In Greek myth, as is well known, it was the task of Atlas tohold up the celestial globe. But on one occasion, when he went
to fetch the apples of the Hesperides, Herakles (Hercules)
relieved Atlas of his painful burden.
I'orr, Irmin, Herakles, and Atlas were not the only gods whose
task was to uphold the house, the sky, the universe. It wasalso the task of Indra, filled with soma, as I'orr was filled withmead. In R. T. H. Griffith's noble rendering of the Rigveda:
High heaven in unsupported space he stablished:
he filled the two worlds and the air's mid-region.
Earth he upheld, and gave it wide expansion. These
things did Indra in the soma's rapture. ^ 3
The remarkable similarities between Indra and I'orr have beenemphasized often enough, and many have believed that they wereoriginally identical. 3+ Just as I'orr is the son of (39inn and of
33 Rigveda (Benares, 1896-7), II 15.2
34 For this view see esp. V. Rydberg, Undersokningar i germansk mythologi(1886-9), II 100 ff. The same view has been expressed in another form by28

N I N E NORSE STUDIES II

jQr9 (Earth), Indra is sometimes said to be the son of Heaven
and Earth. This would not be the occasion to reopen the discussion of the identity of the two figures, although I hope to do
so at another time. For the present, it is enough to say that thetwo gods are of the same type.
Who, then, is Irmin, if the arguments that he is a god are
accepted? It was noticed that in pulur the name Jgrmunr wasprobably applied to 09inn, although there are some doubts
about the reading. As Snorri observed,'^ (39inn has more names
than any other god. A great many of these are no other thannicknames, based on one or another of the adventures of thissinister figure. He is Bdleygr (the fiery-eyed), Bglverkr (the evildoer), Helblindi (the death-blind). But some of (39inn's names
do not appear to be nicknames, but rather the names of forgotten
gods, whose functions 09inn has absorbed. One example might
be Gautr, whose name suggests that he was originally a specialized
fertility god, distinct from 09inn.3*
Irmin, since his pillar upholds everything, must have been
conceived as a god of the same type as I'6rr, Herakles, Indra.
It is, therefore, of minor importance whether we identify theGermanic Hercules of Tacitus with I'orr or with Irmin.
Many have associated Irmin with the Indian Aryaman.^^Philological difficulties have been noticed in the identification
Irmin-Aryaman, but such objections can rarely be decisive whenapplied to the names of gods or heroes.
Aryaman was also identified by J. Vendryes^* and again by
G. Dumezil^' with the Irish ancestor-hero, Eremon.*" Although
G. Dumezil in many works, e.g. Les Dieux des Germains (1959), 106 ff., and Les
Dieux des Indo-europeens (1952), ch. i.
35 Edda Snorra Sturlusonar, ed. Finnur Jonsson (1931), 28.
36 If the relationship of the name Gautr to the verb gjota, 'to give birth (ofcertain animals), spawn etc.', is accepted.
37 On this question see esp. J. de Vries in Cahiers du SudxKKix (1952), 26 ff.
38 Memoires de la Societe de Linguistique de Paris XX (1918), 269 ff.
39 Le Troisieme Souverain (1949), 167 ff.
40 T h e name Aryaman is explained by G. Dumezil, Les Dieux des Indoeuropeens (1952), 100 ff., and entirely differently by H. W. Bailey in Transactionsof the Philological Society (1959), 71 ff.

THURSTABLE

29

little is known of either of these, they share certain remarkablefeatures, apart from the general similarity of their names.
But the identification of Irmin with Aryaman is more difficult,because there is little that we can deduce from the sources about
Irmin's place in religious life except that he upheld the world of
his worshippers. In that case, if we follow Dumezil's tripartite
system, he would belong to the second, and not to the first classof deities, as Aryaman is said to do.

IllDREAMS IN I C E L A N D I CTRADITION

CCORDING to a proverb, which has been popular in
1. Iceland for many centuries, dreams have no significance{ekki er mark at draumum). When these words are uttered, theyoften serve as the introduction to a story illustrating the deep significance of a dream or its prophetic value. Among no people inEurope is the cult of dreams so deeply rooted. In no literature are
dream-symbols more sophisticated, nor their interpretation more
subtle and intricate.'
As is well known, Iceland was first peopled, chiefly by Norwegians, in the ninth century, and Icelandic historians of the thirteenth century wrote not only about the dreams of their own
countrymen but also about those of their Scandinavian kinsmen
and ancestors. One of the oldest of the dreams recorded is thefamous one of Ragnhildr, queen of Halfdan the Black (ninth century). ^ Ragnhildr dreamed that she took a thorn or brooch fromher tunic, and as she held it in her hand it took root in the soil andgrew into a stout tree, so tall that she could scarcely see over it.
The bowl of the tree was red as blood, the upper stem was a beautiful green, and the branches white as snow. The limbs were so greatand so many that they spread over the whole of Norway, and evenmore distant lands. Ragnhildr was to be the mother of Haraldr
Finehair, first ruler of all Norway, and it was many years before
the dream was fully explained. The red bowl of the tree signified
the battles and bloodshed of Haraldr's early years; the green stem
signified the glory of his reign; the white summit signified his old
age and grey hair, and the spreading branches symbolized his

A

1 According to W. Henzen (Vber die Traume in der altnordischen Sagalitteratur,
1890, 7s) some 250 dreams are recorded in Old Icelandic saga-literature alone.
G. D. Kelchner (Dreams in Old Norse Literature, 1935, 3) speaks of'five hundred
and thirty dream references' in this literature.
2 Heimskringla, ed. Bjarni A6albjarnarson (fF xxvi-xxviii, 1941-51), i 90 and
148.

DREAMS I N I C E L A N D I C T R A D I T I O N

31descendants distributed throughout Norway, who had ever since
provided the country's rulers.
Dreams of trees, which signify descendants, are common in
Icelandic as in other literatures, and the trees take different shapes
according to the different qualities of the unborn descendants. In
one case a woman dreamed of a tree with roots great and strong,signifying the prowess of her unborn son, but the blossom on thetree was poor, and this signified lack of success and of the good willof his kinsmen. Before the birth of a daughter, the same woman
dreamed of another tree with many branches and splendid blossom.
The daughter would have many descendants and, according to one
version of the story, the blossom signified the new religion, towhich the descendants of this pagan woman would belong. ^An Icelandic traveller in Greenland dreamed that he was athome in Iceland, and on his right knee he had five fine leeksbranching out into many leeks. One of them towered above hishead and it had the beauty of gold. The leeks symbolized the
dreamer's descendants, but none of them equalled Bishop Porlakr the Saint (died 1193), who was represented by the golden
leek.''The dream of Sigur9r the Jerusalem-farer, king of Norway (died1130) is more sombre. Gazing out to sea, he saw a dense fog approaching, and as it drew nearer it turned out to be a huge tree,with its roots in the sea and its branches towering in the air. As
the tree struck the shore it broke into fragments, some large andsome small, and they entered every creek of Norway. The kinginterpreted the dream himself. It signified the arrival from Ireland of Haraldr Gilli, claiming to be a son of Magnus Bareleg,and half-brother of King Sigur9r. Haraldr shared the kingdom
with Sigur9r, and had many descendants of varying stature.'
Descendants may also appear as hair growing on the head of the
3 Hardar Saga ok Holmverja in Islendinga Sogur, ed. GuSni Jdnsson (1946-9),
XI! 2H-14, 299-300
4 Fldamanna Saga, ed. Finnur J6nsson (1932), 46.
5 Morkinskinna, ed. Finnur Jonsson (1932), 395; cf. Heimskringla, ed. cit.,Ill 265.

32

N I N E NORSE STUDIES I I I

dreamer. King Halfdan, husband of Ragnhildr, fell asleep in a pigsty, and dreamed that his hair grew profusely, falling in locks ofdifferent colours and length. Some of them reached the ground,
others the calf of the leg or the knee, but some reached only to theneck, and others seemed to sprout from his head like little horns.
One of the locks exceeded all others in length and beauty. Halfdan's dream was quickly explained. He would have many descendants, who would rule Norway, although not all with equal distinction. The greatest of them all, it was afterwards said, wasrepresented by the longest and most beautiful of Halfdan's locks.
He was St 6lafr, perpetual king of Norway (died 1030).*
Belief in dream-symbolism implies a belief in fate, and in Iceland this belief transcended the religious opinions of pagans andChristians. Not only men, but also the gods are subject to thedecree of an impersonal, insensitive fate. In a poem of great antiquity, the half-divine Skirnir is made to say: 'My destiny was
fashioned down to the last half-day, and all my life was determined.'' Heroes face death in exaltation, knowing that none canlive a night after the sentence of the norns (or fates). The future,
therefore, is not something unformed, but it is a state which exists
already. The seer may be aware of it in a waking state, but many
more can see it in dreams, and when they do so it is most often
disguised in symbols. Some are better able to interpret thesesymbols than others. The symbols which appear in dreams may
be animate or inanimate, and many examples of both kinds could
be quoted from older and later ages.
Clothing is among the most common of inanimate symbols. If
the dreamer sees a man dressed in red,* he will fall in battle. In theyear 1171,3 man dreamed that he was wearing a ruffled tunic, andsoon afterwards he was drowned. The ruffled tunic symbolized
the great waves which overcame him.'
6 ibid., I 90-1.
7 Skirnismdl (Fgr Skirnis), str. 13.
8 Brennu-Njdls Saga, ed. Einar Ol. Sveinsson (iF xiii, 1954), ch. 133.
9 Sturlu Saga in Sturlunga Saga, ed. Jon Johannesson and others (1946),
ch. 29.

DREAMS I N I C E L A N D I C T R A D I T I O N

33The most elaborate and artistic dreams of clothing are thoseascribed to Gu9run, heroine of the Laxdoela Saga (ch. 33). First
Gu9run dreamed that she was wearing a headdress which did notsuit her, so she took it off and threw it into the river; secondly she
was wearing a fine silver bracelet, but it dropped from her arm
into the water; thirdly she was wearing a golden bracelet, butwhen she fell it split on a stone and blood gushed from it. Lastly
Gu9run dreamed that she was wearing a magnificent golden helmet, laden with jewels and so heavy that she could hardly holdup her head, and it fell from her into the fjord.
Only an expert could see the meaning of these four dreams. The
clothing and jewels represented the four husbands of Gu9run.
She would not love the first of them and would leave him; hersecond husband would be a distinguished man, but he would notlive long and would die by drowning. Gu9run's third husband
would be nobler than the second, for gold is nobler than silver.
As the golden bracelet was broken by Gu9run's fall, and blood
gushed from it, so should the death of her third husband result
from Gu9run's own weaknesses, and her husband would die by
the sword. The fourth husband would be a mighty man, bearing
a 'helmet of terror' {oegishjdlmr) over his wife. As the helmet fell
into the fjord, so would he be drowned in it.
Many examples of clothes and jewels as symbols in a dream
could be cited from older and later times. During the latter yearsof the nineteenth century a woman dreamed that she was wearing
a gold ring which split in two, and soon afterwards two of her children died.'" Another woman, living about the same period,
dreamed before her marriage that an unknown man came to her
and gave her nine beautiful buttons, but she lost all except one.
She had nine children and lost all but one." Dream-symbols of
this kind are fully represented in the dream-books circulating in
Iceland today.'^ To be dressed in patched clothes denotes
10 Sigfiis Sigfusson, Islenzkar Pjdd-Sogur og-Sagnir (1922-5), n 31-2.
11 ibid., II 2 3 .

12 Margeir Jonsson, Rddningar drauma (1936); T^tarlegar drauma-rdSningar(author not named, 1955). On these books see pp. 38, 46 below.

34

N I N E NORSE STUDIES

III

improved circumstances, but torn clothes denote loss of a friend.
The significance of clothes depends much on their colour.
Considering its importance in the middle ages, it is not surprising that the sword should figure in dreams described in early
literature. In the Gudriinarkvida II'3 Atli dreamed that his
wife, Gu9run, pierced him with a sword. This dream will be discussed briefly below (p. 47). A more realistic dream is describedin Heidarviga Saga, one of the oldest of the Family Sagas, probably written about 1200. On the night before a battle in which
he lost his life, a certain I'orbjgrn Briinason dreamed that hestruck a blow with his sword and it broke in two. I'orbjgrn
spoke two verses in his dream, and remembered them when heawoke."*At all periods the interpretation of some dreams has depended
on word-play, and such interpretations are remembered in countries other than Iceland. I once heard of an Englishman, who
dreamed repeatedly that he was falling down a bank. He saw themeaning of his dream when he looked into his Bank account.
In Iceland this word-play is carried to greater lengths. In theyear 1254, a member of a party riding forth to attack an enemy
dreamed that one of their number, Vigfiiss son of Gunnsteinn,
had left them. The party then turned back, for the name Vigfiissmeans 'Battle-eager', and it is supported by the name of Vigfuss's
father Gunnsteinn, which means 'Battle-stone'."While the Great Assembly was sitting at Thingvellir in the year
II20, a man who was not present dreamed that one came to himfrom the meeting. When asked the news, the stranger said that aman had undertaken to work in all the dwellings at Thingvellir.
His name was forir dritloki (dirt-ender), and it signified theoutcome of the Assembly.'*
As these last examples show, much depends upon the name of
13 Str. 38, cf. Atlakvida, str. 40-1.
14 In Borgfirdinga Sggur, ed. Sigur3ur Nordal and GuSni Jonsson (IF in,
1938), 291.
15 Sturlunga Saga, ed. cit., i 506.
16 Porgils Saga ok Haflida, ed. U. Brown (1952), 25.

DREAMS I N I C E L A N D I C T R A D I T I O N

35the person who figures in a dream, and symbolism of this kind
is very common in the dreams recorded in later periods. The word
bjorg means 'means of subsistence, stores, provisions, food', andwhen a woman called Scebjorg (sea-provision) appears in a dream,a good catch of fish may be expected. In contrast, a woman of thename Ingibjorg (cf. engin bjorg 'no provisions') betokens famine.
Names containing the elements -berg (rock), -steinn (stone), denoting hard substances, signify hardship {hardindi).^''
Word-play is not confined to names. On the night before he set
sail for Norway, in the latter years of the twelfth century, a certain
priest dreamed that he went into the presence of the archbishop in
Ni9ar6ss, and the archbishop welcomed him warmly. He told his
dream to the mystic Gu9mundr the Good, afterwards bishop, who
was with him on the voyage. From the word erkibyskup (archbishop), Gu9mundr deduced that an 'arch-wonder' {erkib^sn)
would befall them. On the first night at sea their ship was
wrecked."One of the most fruitful of dreamers was Sverrir (died 1202), theshort-legged apostate priest, who made himself king of Norway.
His biography was written partly by the Icelandic abbot Karl (diedc. 1212) and partly by other Icelanders, and the sources of partsof the story were Sverrir's own words. As an ordained priest,
Sverrir was better educated than his predecessors, and he was wellcapable of inventing dreams to further his own ambitions. The influence of Scripture has been detected in t h e m . " But Sverrir had
his short legs firmly rooted in the northern soil, and the solutionof some of his dreams depended on popular word-play. He once
dreamed that he was sleeping in an upper room, when a man ofterrifying aspect came to his bedside. The stranger told Sverrir to
get up and follow him, and he led Sverrir to a huge fire, on which
the body of a man was roasting. The dream-man told Sverrir to sit
down and eat, and placed the human body before him. Sverrir ate
17 On the meanings of names in dreams see especially J6n Arnason, Islenzkar
Pjddsogur og Mfint^ri (1862-4), I 4I5; Sigfus Sigfusson, op. cit., 11 31; Margeir
J6nsson, op. cit., 62-70.
18 Bps., i 423.
19 Cf. G. M. Gathorne-Hardy, A Royal Impostor (1956), 266.

36

N I N E NORSE STUDIES I I I

the flesh from the bones, reluctantly at first, but as he ate his appetite grew, and when he came to the head he wanted to eat that aswell, but the dream-man took it from him and told him to stop.
Sverrir interpreted the dream himself. The man who was roastingin the fire {eldr) was his enemy Jarl Erlingr, and he was growing
old {eldask). When Sverrir devoured the body it showed that his
party would destroy the greater part of their opponents, but since
Sverrir did not eat the head, the young King Magnus himself
would escape.^"
The saga-hero Viga-Gliimr^' once dreamed that he walked
from his house and met his enemy, iJorarinn. Unarmed, the two
champions attacked each other with whetstones {hardsteinar), andthe whetstones met with a great crash {brestr hdr), which could beheard throughout the whole neighbourhood {heradsbrestr). The
significance of the dream is slightly obscure, but it rests on theword brestr, for besides 'crash' this also means 'loss'. The sameword-play may be noticed in several dreams recorded in recent
times. A woman dreamed that she heard three great crashes out inthe east over the sea, accompanied by blazes of light. Shortly afterwards news reached Iceland of the death of King Christian IX(1906) and of two members of his family. Crashes and flashes portend the death of chieftains. ^^In early literature animals are common dream-symbols, and innearly every case the animal may be regarded as the fylgja (sometimes called hamingja, hugr), the attendant spirit or fetch, more
often seen in sleep than in a waking state. The belief in the fylgja isremarkably persistent and survives today. The word fylgja besides
meaning 'fetch' also means the 'afterbirth of a child' and, in popular belief, the fetch and the afterbirth are intimately linked. ^^ The
conception of the fetch is rather variable. According to some, thefetch will take the form of the beast which first walks over or
20 Sverris Saga, ed. G. Indreb0 (1920), ch. 42.
21 Viga-Gliims Saga, ed. G. Turville-Petre (2nd ed., i960), 35-6; cf. notes
75-6.
22 Sigfus Sigfusson (op. cit., 11 45-6) gives some further examples.
23 Cf. pp. 52 ff. below and references there given.

DREAMS I N I C E L A N D I C T R A D I T I O N

37devours the afterbirth. ^'^ Consequently, we hear of fetches who
have the form of mice, sheep, dogs, foxes, cats, birds of prey or
carrion feeders. We hear also of men and women who have fetches
which accord with their character, and these are the more common
in older literature. Cheats and wizards may be attended by foxes,
beautiful women by swans.
The fetches seen in dreams take the form both of animals seenin Iceland and of those known only by hearsay. The most common
in the older literature is perhaps the wolf, which has never been
seen in Iceland. Before he was attacked in his house, Atli of Otradalr dreamed that he saw eighteen wolves led by a vixen, a morevicious creature than he had ever seen.^' The leader of the assailants was the most wicked wizard in the whole of that region.
Wolves appear in many dreams, and they are nearly always the
fetches of enemies.^* Bears are not necessarily evil, but seldom canany good be expected from a polar bear.^^Horses figure rather rarely in the dreams related in older literature, and their significance depends much on their colour. A certain I'orkell silfri dreamed that he was riding a red or chestnut,
galloping so swiftly that he seemed hardly to touch the ground.^*I'orkell interpreted his own dream; the red colour was a token
of distinction and good prospects.^' But iJorkell's wife was wiser
than he, and she quoted the proverb, 'a horse is a man's fetch'{marr er manns fylgja). A red or bloody fetch was an omen of violent death, as is told in many sources. The flying horse is also
remembered as an evil omen. 3"
24 See Sigfus Sigfusson. op. cit., iii 241; Jonas Jonasson, Islenzkir Pjodhcettir(1934), 261 ff.; Jon Arnason, op. cit., 1 355, 357 ff.
25 Hdvardar Saga Isfirdings in Vestfirdinga Sggur, ed. Bjorn K. Sorolfsson
and GuSni Jonsson (IF vi, 1943), 349.
26 See Brennu-Njdls Saga, ch. 62. There are many other examples.
27 The fetch of Atli appears in a dream as a polar-bear in the Atlamdl (seep. 48 below). Other examples of bears as fetches may be found in Brennu-Njdls
Saga, ch. 23, Hardar Saga ok Holmverja, ed. cit., 271 (ch. 31). There are others
besides these.
28. Vatnsdcela Saga, ch. 42.
29 Rautt munfyrir brenna (Vatnsdcela Saga, loc. cit.).
30 See W. H. Vogt's edition of Vatnsdcela Saga (1921), 111 and references
there given, and further Einar Cl. Sveinsson's ed. (IF vili, 1939), m , note 1.

38

N I N E NORSE STUDIES I I IGisli Siirsson was frequently visited in sleep by two dreamwomen {draumkonur), the one good and the other evil; the good
dream-woman was mounted on a white horse, and the same wastold of the good attendant spirits who attempted to rescue ^19randi from the pagan attendants of his own family. 3'
Horses seem to figure rather more frequently in modern dream
symbolism and still their significance is chiefly in their colour. To
be riding a bay signifies illness or death, while a dappled grey or aroan signifies drunkenness and debauchery. A grey signifies
severe weather and s n o w . "In the past, cattle have often appeared in dreams as the fetchesof men. According to Vdpnfirdinga Saga,^^ an old nurse wasfound weeping over her dreams. They were of bulls and oxengoring each other to death, and the dreams foretold a feud between two families which continued through generations. The
fetch of Gu9mundr the Mighty (died c. 1025) also appeared inthis form. On the day of Gu9mundr's death, his brother dreamed
that he saw a fine ox walking up the district. The ox came to Gu9mundr's farm, went to every building until he reached the highseat, where he dropped dead.^-*Fetches in the form of birds are less common than might be expected. In Gunnlaugs Saga^' a beautiful girl appeared in a dream
before her birth in the form of a pen swan, and her future lovers
took the form of two eagles, which fought to the death. The third
fetch was a falcon, who flew off with the pen, and represented the
girl's husband. A few examples of bird-fetches could also be quoted
from the Heroic Sagas, and there are some in later Icelandic literature. Jon Arason, last of the Catholic bishops, was beheaded by
Danish agents in 1550. Before his birth, Jon's mother had dreamed
that she gave birth to an eagle, which alighted on the gable of achurch, and the head flew from his body. 3* In a story published in
31 Cf. pp. 118 ff. below; D. Stromback, Tidrande och Diserna (1949).
32 Cf. Margeir Jonsson, op. cit., s.v. hestur.
33 In Austfirdinga Sggur, ed. Jon Johannesson (IF xi, 1950), 48-9 (ch. 13).
34 Ljosvetninga Saga, ed. Bjorn Sigfusson (iF x, 1940), ch. i i , cf. ch. i5.
35 ed. P. G. Foote (1957), ch. 2.
36 Bps., n 443-4.

DREAMS I N I C E L A N D I C T R A D I T I O N

39the last century, two children appear to their father in a dream in
the form of white birds^' and, according to a more recent story, awoman dreamed that she saw eleven doves on the cradle of her
infant daughter. One of them was dead and the mother handledit, but she could not grasp the other ten. When the girl grew up shebore eleven children, but her mother saw only the first of them,which was stillborn. ^^As examples already quoted have shown, dreamers may bebrought into touch with inhabitants of other worlds, of whom few
are conscious while awake. Many have had dream-men and dreamwomen {draummenn, draumkonur), and these are men and women
who appear regularly to dreamers and converse with them. I havealready mentioned the good and evil dream-women who used toappear to Gisli Siirsson, and I have discussed these in anotherpaper. ^' It has been said in later times that an easy way to obtain adream-man or woman is to ask one on the point of death to fulfil
this function. After death, the body of the dream-man rots likeany other, but the eyes remain uncorrupt and glitter as if he werealive.''" The dream-man or woman often gives good advice, tellingthe dreamer where lost objects are to be found, or where to look
for straying sheep. In the end the dream-man may begin to lie, andthis is a sign that the dreamer's days are numbered.
These last examples show that dreamers may be brought into
touch with the dead and with beings of the Other World.
Occasionally dead people, no doubt conceived as former members of the same family, may be seen calling one to join them.
According to Viga-Glums Saga (ch. 19), a woman fell into aswoon as her husband left the house. When asked what she had
seen, she said that she had seen dead men going to meet her husband, and he must be doomed.*' Sometimes, when a man dies,
his attendant spirit may be seen approaching another member of
37 Jon Arnason, op. cit., n 190.
38 Brynjolfur J6nsson, Dulrmnar Smdsogur (1907), 6-7.
39 See pp. 118 ff. below.
40 See Jonas Jonasson, Islenzkir Pjddhcettir (1934), 417-8.
41 A similar motive occurs in Atlamdl, str. 28.

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N I N E NORSE STUDIESIII

his family. When his grandfather died in Norway, Viga-Gliimr
dreamed in Iceland that he saw an enormous woman, her shoulders brushing the mountains on each side, walking to his home atiJvera {Viga-GMms Saga, ch. 9).''^
Sometimes attendant spirits and comparable beings who figurein dreams are thought to be closely associated with pagan traditions, and stories in which this is implied are especially prevalent in
the legendary and clerical literature of the middle ages. A pathetic
example is given in the Tale of Thorvald the Far-traveller, where
the first Christian mission to Iceland {c. 981) is described.''^ When
the German bishop, Frederick, came to Gilja, in Vatnsdalr, therich farmer, Ko9ran, was deeply impressed by his regalia, his incense and candles. For many years Ko9ran had put his trust in a'prophet' {spdmadr), who lived in a rock. Ko9ran agreed that if thebishop could drive the 'prophet' out of his rock, he would adopt
his religion. The bishop sprinkled Holy Water over the rock and,on the next night, the 'prophet' appeared to Ko9ran in a dream.
He complained that boiling water had been poured over his house;
his children had been scalded and their screams were hard to bear.
The bishop continued his ministrations and the 'prophet' appeared
to Ko9ran a second night and a third until, according to one version of the story, the rock split in two. Ko9ran was now convincedof the superiority of the bishop and of the religion which he taught.
An even sadder tale is told of the troll, or cairn-dweller, who
appeared to iJorsteinn Ox-leg'''' in a dream. He knew that JJorsteinn would soon go abroad and would adopt the new religion.
He only regretted that he and his like could not do so themselves,cairn-dwellers as they were. But if I'orsteinn should have a son,he should call him by the cairn-dweller's name, Brynjarr. The
name would then enjoy the benefits of baptism, even though thecairn-dweller were debarred from them.
42 Cf. Hallfredar Saga, ed. Einar <5l. Sveinsson (IF v m , 1939), ch. 11.
43 Pdttr afPorvaldi Vidfdrla, ch. i,mBps.,l 38-40;cf.i?mteJ5a^a,publishedin the same volume, 5-6.
44 In Islendinga Sogur, ed. Gu3ni Jonsson (1946-9), x 352-6.

DREAMS I N I C E L A N D I C T R A D I T I O N

4IAt all ages stories have been recorded in which dreamers meetand converse with creatures of the Other World. In later times theelves {dlfar) or hidden people {huldufdlk) have appeared most frequently. Conceptions of the hidden people vary, but many ofthem differ little from the rest of us. They keep their sheep andcattle, and have their clergymen and doctors, but few can see them
except in dreams. They may call on us for help, and we may givethem milk and, in our dreams, attend their women in childbirth.
Sometimes, in their turn, the hidden people and their doctors help
us, and I remember several stories about this from recent years.""
I have mentioned many precognitive dreams, and some in whichdreamers are brought into touch with the dead and those of the
Other World. Many dreams have also been recorded, in all ages,
in which the dead or the other-world people bring the dreamer
some gift. Occasionally this is a material gift, but more often aspiritual one.
Bishop Jon (^gmundarson (died 1121) dreamed in Denmarkthat he was in a cathedral church, where he saw and heard David
playing the harp. On the next day Jon called for a harp and playedDavid's melody before the king. Jon had never studied music
before.''*Music has played little part in the civilization of the Icelanders,
but no people have prized poetry more highly. Poetry is the sacredmead and has mysterious origins. (39inn had stolen it from thegiants, and the giants had seized it from the dwarfs, who had
brewed it from strange ingredients. It is not suprising that poetry
is the gift which the dead and those of the Other World most often
bestow on the dreamer. Numerous examples of this are recordedin older as well as in later literature, but I shall mention few ofthem. Those who have died violently appear to their relatives
and describe their fate in verse. According to the Gunnlaugs Saga(ch. 13), Gunnlaugr and Hrafn appeared to their fathers after
dying in their duel in Norway. Both of them were covered in
45 In his novel Ljos Heimsins (1937) Halldor Kiljan Laxness gives a satiricalstory of this kind.
46 Bps., I 220-1, cf. 155-6.

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III

blood and told how they died in verses, which their fathers remembered when they woke up. Many stories closely resembling
this one have been recorded in the nineteenth and twentiethcenturies. Sailors who have been drowned, shepherds who havedied of exposure, appear to their intimates and describe in verses
how they died or where their bodies lie. The verses are remembered and they scan, although it is often emphasized that neither
the dreamer nor the dead man had any poetic skill.'"
Sometimes, those who utter verses in a dream are not lately
dead, but they are heroes and heroines of a distant past. In theyear 1255, a girl dreamed that an enormous woman came to her
mounted on a grey. When asked where she came from, the stranger
said that she came from the world of the dead {ndsheimr) in thenorth. She came a second night and a third and spoke in verses
foretelling much which came to pass. In the end she disclosedthat she was Gu9riin Gjiikad6ttir, heroine of the eddaic lays of
the Niflung cycle.''* On another occasion, about the year 1206,
the poet Egill Skalla-Grimsson (died c. 990) appeared in anger toa dreamer, uttering a verse.""The story of the astronomer, StJQrnu-Oddi (c. 1075-1150), isstranger and more elaborate. 5° Oddi had no poetic gifts, but hewas a wise man, and he never lied. He once had a dream in two
parts, and it consisted of a fantastic tale about kings and jarls in
Sweden (Gautland). Oddi himself took part in the adventuresand he became another person, the king's favourite poet. Whenhe awoke, he remembered some nineteen verses which he had
made in honour of the mythical king.
Dreams have been recorded, both in the middle ages and inrecent times, in which the gift of composing poetry is conferredby the dead or the people of the Other World. The best known isthat of HallbJQrn hali. HallbJQrn was a shepherd, grazing his
sheep near the grave-mound of a great poet, I'orleifr jarlsskald,
47 See Jon Arnason, op. cit., i 228 ff.; Sigfds Sigfiisson, op. cit., 11 10 ff.
48 Sturlunga Saga, ed. cit., I 520-1.
49 ibid., I 241.
50 Stjornu-Odda Draumr in Islendinga Sogur, ed. Gu3ni Jonsson (1946-9), ix
379 ff.

DREAMS I N I C E L A N D I C T R A D I T I O N

43

who had been killed by the magic of Hakon the Great (died 995)."
The shepherd longed to make a poem in praise of the cairndweller but, since he was not a gifted man, he could not evencomplete the first line:
Here lies a poet {her liggr skald).
One night HallbJQrn fell asleep on the burial mound. He dreamed
that the mound opened and a large man came out of it. He pulled
the shepherd's tongue and himself completed the verse, telling
HallbJQrn that if he could remember it when he woke up hewould become a famous poet. He must pay especial attention tometrical form, choice of words and kennings. HallbJQrn, it is said,
lived to be a famous poet, although none of his verses survive
except the one quoted, if we may count that as his. We cannot be
sure when he lived, for several men called HallbJQrn hali are remembered. This was perhaps the one who made poetry for
Kniitr Eriksson, king of Denmark (died 1195) and for King Sverrir of Norway (died 1202).
A story which closely resembles this one has been told in recent
times. The well-known poet Sigur9ur Brei9fj6r9 (1798-1846)5^
in his early years greatly admired the work of a predecessor, Arni
B69varsson (1713-76). Once, Sigur9ur was visited in sleep byArni, who spoke to him in a verse, telling him that if he could remember the verse when he woke up he would be no less a poetthan himself. I quote the verse for its formal interest:
Herjans laerQu sdlda said,
sdld J)a9 standi i skor9um,
svo )?u ver9ir skalda skald,
skald sem eg var for9um.
It is sad to think how little the taste of Other World poets has
in common with our own. Their interest seems to be chiefly inform and technical excellence.
51 Porleifs Pdttr Jarlsskdlds in Eyfirdinga Sggur, ed. Jonas Kristjansson(IF

IX, 1956), 2 1 5 - 2 9 .

52 See Edda Snorra Sturlusonar in (1880-87), 374-5; cf. J6nas Kristjansson,
op. cit., c.

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N I N E NORSE STUDIESIII

An intellectual gift even more sophisticated than that of composing poetry was once conferred on a dreamer. It was the gift of
textual criticism. Hermann Jonasson (1858-1923) was a learnedman, who had lifelong experience of dreams." He dreamed that
one of the heroes of Njdls Saga appeared to him and explained inclosest detail the compilation of this saga. It consisted originallyof three sagas clumsily put together. This conclusion accorded
fairly well with the learned doctrines of the time, but would findlittle support today.
I have tried to give examples of most of the more interestingkinds of dreams recorded in Iceland at all periods of its history.
Some of those last cited have much in common with the beliefs
of modern spiritualists, and this could be said of many others
lately recorded, which I shall pass by.
Readers might well ask how far the dreams recorded in Iceland
are historical, how far they represent native tradition, and how far
they have been introduced into sagas, stories and poems asliterary motives, based upon foreign models.
Considering the wealth and diversity of the material, no generalanswers to these questions could be expected. The dreams firstcited in this paper, those of trees, which symbolized descendants,
have analogues in many foreign sources. Several are recorded inearly French literature, s* and the closest to the dream of Ragnhildr is probably that related in the Roman de Rou {c. 1160), in
which the pregnant mother of William the Conqueror dreamed ofa tree growing from her body, which covered the whole of Normandy. A dream recorded by Herodotus (i, 108) differs little.
King Astyages dreamed that he saw a vine growing from his
daughter's body, and spreading over the whole of Asia. Nabuchodonosor also dreamed of a tree, which symbolized the fate of his
kingdom {Daniel 4).
A closer biblical analogue may be found in a dream ascribed to
53 See his Draumar (1912).
54 See R. Mentz, Die Traume in den altfranzosischen Karls- und Artus-Epen(1888), especially 40, 66, 78 ff.

DREAMS I N I C E L A N D I C T R A D I T I O N

45

St (3lafr. (3lafr once came to a remote valley in a province ofeastern Norway. His host, Rau9r (or Rau9ulfr), had exceptional
powers of divination and especially of elucidating dreams, ^s Afterthe king had slept, he commanded Rau9r to tell him his dream,just as Nabuchodonosor had commanded his Chaldean wizards
to tell him his own dream before interpreting it {Daniel 2, 31 ff.).
(3lafr's dream was modelled closely upon that of Nabuchodonosor*
He saw a mighty cross bearing a crucified figure. The head of the
figure was of gold, but the lower parts of the body were made ofbaser metals in descending order, down to the legs, which were ofwood. The head represented St Olafr's kingship, but the baser
metals represented the kings who were to rule after him down to
the middle of the twelfth century, s*
The prophet Daniel maintained his reputation throughout the
middle ages as the master of dream-reading. One of the most influential books ever published in Europe was a bare catalogue of
dream-symbols arranged alphabetically, and ascribed to thefamous prophet. I may call the book and its author alike PseudoDaniel. Pseudo-Daniel was written in late Greek, ^^ translated
into Latin at a very early date, and subsequently into Old English
and more than once into Middle English. ^^ The influence of this55 See J. E. Turville-Petre, The Story of Raud and his Sons (1947).
56 S. Larsen, Aarboger (1917), 56, remarks on the similarity between Pharoah's
dream (Genesis 41) and that described in Jdmsvikinga Saga (ed. C. af Petersens,
1882, 4 ff.) of the three trios of oxen, white, red and black, which came from thesea and symbolized the nine coming years. T h e parallel is striking, but the Norsedream is more elaborate and contains various additional elements. T h e significance of the oxen depends largely on their colour.
57 A complete Latin text, with interlinear gloss in Old English, from theeleventh-century manuscript Cotton Tiberius A III, fols. 27''-32'', was publishedby M. Forster in ArchivfUr das Studium der neueren Sprachen cxxv (1910), 39 ff.
In this article and in other papers published in the same journal (especially ex,
357 ff.; cxx, 302 ff.; cxxvii, 31 ff.) Forster surveyed the Latin and English manuscript material. A Latin manuscript of the early tenth century, preserved in
Vienna, is mentioned. The Old English gloss was also published by O. Cockayne,
Leechdoms, Wortcunning and Starcraft (1866), i n 198 ff. A fragmentary Greek
text was published by E. de Stoop in Revue dephilologie et de litterature ancienne
xxxiii (1909), 93 ff. See also Postscript below and Pauly's Real-Encyclopddie derclassischen Altertumswissenschaft, Neue Bearbeitung, VI (1937), cols. 2240-1.
58 See M. Forster, Archiv cxxvii, 31 ff.

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N I N E NORSE STUDIES I I I

book persists to this day and, although few have heard of it, itworks like a mole under ground. I have seen modern English
dream-books (unsigned), which must be derived from i t . " Inthis paper I have mentioned two Icelandic dream-books circulating today,*" and I have seen others besides these. These
modern Icelandic dream-books derive largely from PseudoDaniel, although they are larded with dream-puns (especiallythose of names), native experience and prejudice,*' which could
never have occurred to Pseudo-Daniel. Although I do not know
when dream-books of this kind were first introduced into Iceland, folklorists living in that country would probably have little
difficulty in finding out.
Jonas Jonasson (1856-1918)*^ remarked on the existence ofdream-books in Iceland, and said that they were all of foreign
origin. He did not think that much attention was paid to them,but thought rather that dream-interpretations were based onnative tradition, and that some of them were confined to one
district, or even to one dreamer. It is, however, possible that the
dream-books have greater influence now than they did in Sira
Jonas's time.
While it is plain that the current dream-books, although basedon Pseudo-Daniel, are influenced by native tradition, it is moredifficult to know how far the native tradition was itself influenced
by Pseudo-Daniel. When I wrote this paper, I was not awareof any version of Pseudo-Daniel written in Icelandic during the
middle ages, but a medieval Icelandic version of it has since cometo light (see the Postscript below).
S. Larsen*' did not consider the later Icelandic interpretations
59 Forster (Archiv cxxv, 40, note 9) refers to a 'Dream Book by Madame
Xanto', evidently derived from Pseudo-Daniel.
60 See note 12 above.
61 According to the dream-books it is a bad omen to see a policeman, andno better to kiss or be kissed by him. Sigfus Sigfusson (op. cit., II 36-7) relates
how a girl dreamed that a policeman called and kissed all the children except
herself, from whom he turned in disgust. All the children whom the policeman
had kissed died soon afterwards in an epidemic of 'flu (told 1902).
62 op. cit., 415.
63 Aarb0ger (1917). 37-85-

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47of dreams or the current dream-books but, in a most valuable
paper, he suggested that nearly all of the dream-symbols found in
the early literature derived from Pseudo-Daniel. He did not believe that the authors of the Icelandic works which he quoted had
direct access to Pseudo-Daniel but rather that they had received
his symbols through oral media. It is probable that this book
exercised an indirect influence on early Icelandic poets and prosewriters, but I think that Larsen has pressed his conclusions too
far. One of the richest sources of dream-symbolism in early poetry
is the Gudriinarkvida II, which was mentioned above. According
to str. 38 of that poem, Atli dreamed that his wife, Gu9riin,
pierced him with a poisoned sword. No one who believed in theprecognitive significance of dreams could see any but an evil
symbol in this, but the poet is precise in his interpretation, telling
us that iron is a symbol of fire. Consequently it seems unnecessary
to trace this part of the poem to the vague words of PseudoDaniel: Ferro percussum se uidere, desolationem significat. We
read in another poem, which can hardly have been unknown tothe author of the Gudriinarkvida that Gu9riin did in fact pierce
Atli with a sword, and set the castle on fire as well. According toanother passage in the same Gudrunarkvida (str. 42), Atlidreamed that two whelps slipped the leash, howling and joyless;he thought their bodies turned to carrion and he was forced to eat
them. According to Pseudo-Daniel, savage or barking dogs showthat enemies will attack,*'' but they did not show Atli this. The
two whelps signified his sons; they were to be murdered and he
was to be forced to eat their flesh.
Larsen quotes a number of dreams from the Atlamdl, a poem
which was probably composed in the eleventh century, most likely
in Greenland. Some of the symbols quoted show striking affinity
with those of Pseudo-Daniel. Among them is a symbol which
GlaumvQr dreamed before her husband Gunnarr fell into thehands of Atli (str. 26). Glaumvgr saw a river rushing through the
64 Canes latrantes uiderit, uel eis infestare ( = infestari), inimici tui te superare
querunt (Archiv cxxv, 51).

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N I N E NORSE STUDIES I I I

house breaking the legs of Gunnarr and his brothers. This may becompared with Pseudo-Daniel: Flumen in domum suam intrare,
periculum uite patietur. But yet the same symbol is found in the
Heidarviga Saga (ch. 26), one of the oldest and most earthy of thefamily sagas. In the latter case the symbol occurs in a vision andnot a dream, and its meaning in the story is plain enough. The
enemies represented by the river would approach from the moorin the north. It is difficult to believe that the circumstantial story
told in the saga owes much to the words of Pseudo-Daniel.
Wild animals, which pursue and attack, usually predict the attacks of enemies in Icelandic literature as well as in that of France
and in Pseudo-Daniel. Larsen quotes a telling example fromAtlamdl (str. 17), where Kostbera dreams that a polar-bear{hvitabjgrn) enters the house, smashing the timbers and fallingupon the household. Her husband says that this is a dream of
weather, portending a storm from the east, but it is clear that he
was wrong, and the correct interpretation would accord betterwith the words of Pseudo-Daniel: ursum ad se infestare uiderit,inimici seditionem significat. But the poet shows more clearly
what he means by the dream-figures of animals when he describes
Kostbera's next dream (str. 19). She saw an eagle flying the lengthof the house, spattering all with blood. The eagle was the fetch{hamr) of Atli. This example and many like it provide connecting
links between the foreign and the native occultism. As observed
above, Icelanders and other Scandinavians believed that men
were attended by fetches, which took the form of animals,
generally according with their own characters. Inevitably, theform of a man's fetch would be determined by those who saw it.
It was their opinion of his character which shaped it.*^ This beliefin fetches may not be identical, but it has much in common withthe belief in shape-changing, which was also frequent in thenorth.** In other words, Pseudo-Daniel may have exercised an
65 Cf. J. de Vries, Altg. Rel., I 224 ff.
66 Cf. E. Benez^, Das Traummotiv in der mittelhochdeutschen Dichtung bis1250 (1897), 41 ff.

DREAMS I N I C E L A N D I C T R A D I T I O N

49

influence on early Iceland as on other lands, but his symbols weremade to accord with older and deeper occultism.
I have mentioned dreams which are more than, or other than,precognitive. I called attention especially to those in which a
dreamer receives the gift of a poem, or even the gift of composing
poetry himself. These have numerous foreign analogues. The one
most often quoted is that of the cowherd, Caedmon, told by Bede{Hist. EccL, IV 24). Csedmon left his chanting companions, rather
than be called on to sing, and went to the cowshed. As he lay down
to rest, a man appeared to him and told him to sing. Caedmon said
that he could not, but the dream-man told him to sing of the beginning of creation, and so Caedmon praised God the Creator in
his famous hymn. Caedmon remembered the verse when he woke
up and, it is said, was the founder of English religious verse.*'The stories of Hallbjgrn hali and of Sigur9ur Brei9fjor9, quoted
above (pp. 42-3), have something in common with that of Caedmon. Caedmon and HallbJQrn were both cowherds or shepherds;
they both remembered dream-poems when they woke up andboth became famous poets, although none of their verses are
remembered except the ones spoken in dreams. It has been suggested that the story of HallbJQrn was modelled on that of Caedmon, and that of Sigur9ur upon that of Hallbjgrn, but the motive
is so widespread that this may be doubted.*^ In fact, the story ofHallbJQrn bears a much closer resemblance to another English
story. The story is one of those which explain why Bede was called
67. See A. H. Smith, Three Northumbrian Poems (1933), 10 ff.
68 A number of parallels are cited by L. Pound in Studies in English Philology
in Honor of F. Klaeber (1929), 232 ff. Peter Foote (in a letter 17 December, 1957)
points out the similarity between the story of Jon Qgmundarson and the harp
(p. 41 above) and certain stories of St Dunstan; cf. G. Shepherd, Review ofEnglish Studies, New Series v (1954), H 3 ff- A. G. van Hamel, Saga-Book xi(1928-36), 148-9, quotes an interesting parallel from modern Iceland. Simon
Dalaskald (1844-1916), a vagrant poet, dreamed of Klaufi, a saga-poet of doubtful authenticity. Klaufi spewed into Simon (s/>3)r ofan i hann) and henceforward
Simon could not refrain from speaking in poetry himself. 06inn, when he stole
the sacred mead of poetry from the giants, took the form of an eagle, and regurgitated most of the mead into a vessel which the gods made ready for him. T h eremnant was scattered and any fool can have it.

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III

Venerabilis and not Beatus.^^ After Bede's death, a certain clericwished to compose a line of verse to be engraved on his tomb. He
began: hac sunt in fossa, wishing to continue: Bede sancti ossa,
but he realized that this would not scan. After he had slept, thecleric returned to the tomb and saw engraved upon it: Hac suntin fossa Bede venerabilis ossa.
A version of this story in Icelandic is preserved in a manuscriptof the fourteenth century.'" Like HallbJQrn, the aspiring poet had
begun his verse and, when he could get no further, it was completed by someone of the Other World while he slept.
The tale of HallbJQrn might have been influenced by both of
the English tales but, if so, this influence fell upon fertile soil. The
Icelanders must have learnt verses in their dreams before thestory of Hallbjorn was told. They have learnt many since andhave many still to learn.
The question how far the recorded dreams are historical has
already been answered in part. It is plain that ancient authors
used dreams as an artistic embellishment. When they did so, they
were often influenced by foreign models, whether directly or
through oral media, and especially by the models provided by the
Bible and the French epics. But the Icelandic authors used thesemotives because dreams already played an important part in the
lives of Icelanders, as they do to this day. It is hard to doubt thatmany of the dreams recorded in early times, e.g. those found in
the Islendinga Saga of Sturla, were based upon genuine experience." Nor can I doubt the truth of all the examples cited by
Sigfus Sigfusson (1855-1935), Gu9mundur Fri9j6nsson (18691944),'^ and other recent collectors. I do not believe that all the
dreamers were liars, but I cannot say what was the significance of
their dreams. It is possible that people's dreams are influenced by
69 A text is given in Nova Legenda Anglie, ed. C. Horstman (1901), i i n .
70 T h e Icelandic text was published in Edda Snorra Sturlusonar i n (18801887), 375 footnote, and by G. Vigfusson, Hdkonar Saga (Rolls Series, 1887),
433-4; translation in English by G. W. Dasent, The Saga of Hacon (Rolls Series,1894), 448-9 .See pp. 61-3 below.
71 Cf. GuSmundur Finnbogason, Islendingar (1933), i n ff.
72 Skirnir 83 (1909), 168 ff.

DREAMS IN ICELANDIC TRADITION

51

the systems and symbols which they have heard or read. Whenfolklore marches with psychology and philosophy it is time to
stop.
POSTSCRIPTThis paper was the first of a series of three papers on Icelandic
dream traditions, the second being in the Festschrift Walter
Baetke (1966), 342-54, and the third in Nordica et Anglica,
Studies in Honor of Stefan Einarsson, ed. A. H. Orrick (1968),
19-36. When the present article was published in Folklore, I
explained (p. 46) that I was not aware of any version of theSomniale Danielis written in Icelandic during the middle ages,
although I suspected that it was known. Later, with the generous
help of Hans Bekker-Nielsen, I came upon a fragment of a textof the Somniale written in Icelandic, c. 1500. I published this in
facsimile, transcript and translation in Nordica et Anglica, cited
above.
I am grateful to Mrs Rachel Giblin, of the University ofLiverpool, for pointing out that the Greek text of the Somniale
preserved in the Vatican manuscript (Cod. Vatic. Palat., 4to, 319)
was published in Byzantinische Zeitschrift xxvi (1926), 290-314.
This is, of course, not immediately relevant to Icelandic dream
traditions or to the fragmentary Somniale published in Nordica
et Anglica, for which Latin sources must be sought.
The article from Folklore is selected for republication because,
despite obvious defects, it has more general interest than theother two, and, I hope, gives an impression of the wealth of
Icelandic dream-symbolism.

IV LIGGJAFYLGJUR

PlNAR

TIL

ISLANDSTHIS sentence is found in Orkneyinga Saga.^ It is related
that Earl RQgnvaldr summoned his sons Porir and Hrollaugr, and asked if either of them was prepared to go and rule theOrkney Islands. I'orir said his father must decide, but the Earl
told him that it would be more profitable for him to stay at home.
Then Hrollaugr asked if he should go to Orkney and the Earlanswered: Eigi mun per jarldoms audit, ok liggja fylgjur pinar til
Islands. Dr A. B. Taylor, the most recent translator of the saga,
renders the phrase: 'This Earldom will not fall to thy lot, forthy guardian spirits point towards Iceland.'^ In his rendering
Taylor echoes Cleasby-Vigfiisson's gloss (s.v. fylgja): 'Thy
guardian angels, good angels, point to Iceland.'' Taylor's rendering and Cleasby-Vigfiisson's gloss give the peculiar, if not unparalleled, meaning 'to point to' to the words liggja til. Moreeasily reconcilable with the Icelandic would be: 'Your guardian
spirits belong to Iceland'; but that too would be curious, andrather vague in implication.

The word fylgja has several meanings in Icelandic, and themost common of them, both in the old and modern literature, is'attendant spirit, guardian spirit'. According to ancient belief
the attendant spirit was a kind of companion, comparable withthe guardian angel of Christianity; it was thought to accompany
a man throughout his whole life, giving him strength and protecting him from evil.'' It is usually pictured in the form of a
I ed. SigurSur Nordal (1913-16), ch, 6; cf. the ed. of Finnbogi GuSmundsson ( I F xxxiv, 1965), 10.
2 The Orkneyinga Saga (1938), 140.
3 Cf. G. W. Dasent's rendering in The Orkneyingers' Saga (Rolls Series,1894), 7: 'the spirits that follow thee lie towards Iceland.'4 On Norse beliefs relating to attendant spirits, see J. de Vries, Altg. Rel., 1
224 ff., and works mentioned there; M. Rieger, 'Uber den nordischen Fylgjenglauben' in Zeitschrift fUr deutsches Altertum XLII (1898), 277 ff. On modern Icelandic beliefs see Jon Arnason, Islenzkar Pjodsogur og JEfintjiri (1862-4), 1 354 ffA few of the better known stories about attendant spirits will be mentioned in
the present paper; for further examples see Fritzner, s.v. fylgja, hamingja.

LIGGJA FYLGJUR t l N A R TIL fSLANDS

53

woman or of an animal, but it is normally invisible except tothose gifted with second sight. Sometimes, however, it may beseen by people not endowed with such abnormal powers,
especially in dreams or at the time of death, s I'orsteinn, in
Gunnlaugs Saga,^ dreams that he sees a swan and two eagles, andthey are said to be the fylgjur of his unborn daughter and her
suitors. Before he fought at Knafaholar, Gunnarr of Hli9arendi
dreamed that he was attacked by a pack of wolves, and these may
be regarded as the fylgjur of his enemies.' A little while before thedeath of his brother Gu9mundr riki, Einarr of I'vera dreamed of amagnificent ox, which walked up to the high seat at Gu9mundr's
home, MQ9ruvellir, and then dropped dead. This too is said tobe an attendant spirit.* In some instances the sources mention'family spirits' and this is said to be the meaning of the expression cettarfylgjur.^ Modern critics commonly, though possibly
incorrectly, call them kynfylgjur.^° Family spirits were thought
to descend from one generation to another and to guide thedestinies of a whole family. Thus, before the poet Hallfre9r diedat sea, he and his companions saw a woman clothed in a mailcoat
walking on the water; when she came to Hallfre9r's younger son,who bore his father's name, she vanished, for henceforth she wasto be his guardian." Similarly, when Viga-Gliimr's maternal
grandfather, Vigfiiss, died in Norway, Gliimr dreamed that hesaw a woman of gigantic stature walk up the valley of EyjafJQr9r.
When she reached Gliimr's home, I'vera, the dream ended.'^In the meaning 'attendant spirit' the word fylgja is interchangeable with hamingja, which also has this meaning, though
5 Brennu-Njdls Saga, ed. Einar Cl. Sveinsson (IF xii, 1954), 107 (ch. 41).
6 Gunnlaugs Saga Ormstungu, ed. P. G. Foote (1957), ch. 2.
7 Brennu-Njdls Saga, ch. 42.
8 Ljdsvetninga Saga, ed. Bjorn Sigfusson (iF x, 1940), 60 (ch. 11).
9 Pdrdar Saga Hredu, ed. Gu6ni Jonsson (Islendinga Sogur vi, 1946), 430.
The interpretation of cettarfylgja in this passage in the concrete sense of 'family
spirits' is not altogether certain, but see de Vries. Altg. Rel., I 227.
10 See below pp. 57-8.
11 Hallfredar Saga, ed. Einar (3l. Sveinsson (fF vili, 1939), ch. 11.
12 Viga-Gliims Saga, ed. G. Turville-Petre (i960), ch. 9.

54

N I N E N O R S E S T U D I E S IV

it has several others as well. In addition to 'attendant spirit'
Cleasby-Vigfiisson and Fritzner (s.v. fylgja) give the meanings'a baby's caul' and 'afterbirth' for the word fylgja. In Modern
Icelandic fylgja {barnsfylgja) is the most usual word for the'afterbirth' of a child, and it is found with that meaning in Abbot
Arngrimr's life of Bishop Gu9mundr, written about the middleof the fourteenth century.'' The Rev. Jonas Jonasson, writing oflater Icelandic customs and beliefs, describes certain superstitions attached to the afterbirth {fylgja).^* It is popularly believed
to contain some part of the infant's soul, and this is thought to beincomplete until the afterbirth has been released. It must, therefore, be tended carefully, not thrown out onto the open field, orplaced anywhere where animals might devour it. It should rather
be buried beneath the threshold or under rocks, or else burned.
If it is burned, the baby will be 'attended' by a light or star.''This belief shows how closely the Icelanders associate the afterbirth with their beliefs about guardian spirits, and that the connection between them is popular, and not due merely to learned
conjecture. This close association of the afterbirth with theguardian spirits is not, of course, confined to Iceland, but it isworld-wide. It is, in fact, true to say that, according to the beliefsof certain tribes more primitive than the Icelanders, the afterbirth is not merely associated with the guardian spirit, but it
actually is the guardian spirit. It is said that among the Kooboos,
a primitive tribe of Sumatra, the navel string and afterbirth are
regarded as the child's good spirits or guardian spirits, who comeinto the world with him and protect him from evil. Among other
tribes the afterbirth is thought of as a kind of twin brother, who
accompanies a man throughout his life and defends him against
danger.'*13 Bps., II 168.
14 J6nas Jonasson fra Hrafnagili, Islenzkir Pjodhattir (1934), 261.
15 Jon Arnason (Islenzkar Pjddsdgur, 1 355), on the other hand, says that if
the afterbirth is burned the child will be deprived of his guardian spirit, just as
he would if it had been eaten by an animal. Probably both of these beliefs havebeen popular.
16 Cf. E. O. James in Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics (1908-26), art.

LIGGJA FYLGJUR pfNAR TIL fSLANDS

55

The word fylgja in the meaning 'attendant spirit' is commonly
said to be related to the verb fylgja 'to follow, accompany'."
But according to H. Falk and A. Torp,' * it is really related to ON
fulga and Norw. dialect folga which mean 'thin covering; membrane' {ci.fela 'to h i d e ' ) " and according to the same authorities,
the word fylgja originally meant 'afterbirth' and only later cameto mean 'attendant spirit'. If this is so, the semantic developmentof fylgja must have been closely parallel to that of hamingja.
Hamingja, as has been said, also means 'attendant spirit',^" butmore commonly it is used in the abstract sense of 'fortune,
destiny'. In some instances of its use hamingja seems almost to
mean 'strength; mana'. In the common expression, leggja hamingju sina til vid e-n {med e-m)," hamingja is glossed by Fritzner(s.v.) as 'guardian spirit', in which case the expression should be
rendered: 'to transfer one's guardian spirit to someone'. But it
is more likely that in such phrases hamingja is used in an abstract
sense, and that the expression means 'to give one's strength (orluck) to someone'. Similarly, the expression etja hamingju vid
6ldf konung^^ probably means 'to try one's strength against King
(3lafr' rather than 'to set one's guardian spirit against him' or 'to
incite one's guardian spirit to combat him'.^''Tutelary gods and spirits'; also A. C. Krujt in the same publication, art. 'Indonesians'. Numerous examples of beliefs of this kind are cited by J. Frazer,
The Golden Bough, Part i. The Magic Art i (1911), 199 ff.
17 Thus making it identical in origin with the nonn fylgja ( = fylgd), meaning'following, support'.
18 Etymologisk Ordbog over det norske og det danske Sprog (1903), s.v.fylgje.
See also Ordbok dver svenska sprdket, utg. av Svenska Akademien, s.v. fylgja;
IE,. Hellquist, Svensk etymologisk ordbok^ I (1957), s.v. fylgja.
19 With fylgja may be compared hyldir, hyldar (i. pi., also written hildir,
hildar; see Blondal, s.v. hyld), which is used in modern Icelandic for the afterbirth of an animal, and is probably related to the verb hylja 'to cover, hide'.
Alexander Johannesson (Isldndisches etymologisches Wdrterbuch, 1956, 176)
would relate hildir to the adj. heill.
20 As in Viga-Gliims Saga, ch. 9. See note 15/29 in my edition of that saga.
21 E.g. Laxdoela Saga (IF v, 1934), ch. 2 1 : Haraldr konungr ok Gunnhildr
leiddu Oldf til skips ok sggdusk mundu leggja til med honum hamingju sina . . . For
further examples see Fritzner, s.v. hamingja.
22 Fib., n 65; cf. the expression etja kappi vid e-n (e.g. Laxdoela Saga, ch. 19).
23 Cf. the expression etja hestum 'to goad horses to fight'.

56

N I N E N O R S E S T U D I E S IV

The word hamingja is related to hamr, which means 'skin,covering' and 'shape', and is the same word as M L G ham, English heam, hame (see NED, s.v. hame i) and Norw. dialect ham,all of which are glossed as 'skin; afterbirth'.^'' It is probable,
therefore, that the word hamingja was originally associated withthe skin and the membranes attendant on birth. In popularbelief these were thought to determine the destiny of the child,and hence the word hamingja developed the meaning of 'guardian
spirit, attendant spirit', to which were naturally added the abstract
meanings 'destiny; fortune; mana'. It was the abstract meanings
oi hamingja which predominated, and the word is commonly usedin the sense of 'fortune' in Iceland at the present day. It is moreover probable that in a number of instances in which the word isglossed in the dictionaries as 'guardian spirit' {skytsaand), it really
has the abstract meaning of 'destiny, fortune'.
In the case oi fylgja the abstract meanings of 'fortune; destiny; mana' are not given at all in the dictionaries consulted, andit appears from them that although it meant both 'afterbirth' and'attendant spirit', it was never used in an abstract sense. ^^ But considering how closely parallel the histories of the words fylgja andhamingja appear to be, it is reasonable to suppose that fylgja
also had an abstract sense. ^^ In fact, if it is taken in this way, thesentence liggja fylgjur pinar til Islands becomes readily intelligible,and gives the rendering: 'your destiny belongs to Iceland' or'your destiny lies in Iceland'. The syntactical compound liggja
til has then its usual meaning 'belongs to, pertains to'.^*In conclusion it is worth considering whether this abstract
sense oi fylgja is present in any other instances of its use. Its
usual meaning in the sources is undoubtedly that of 'attendant,
24 See Falk and Torp, op. cit., s.v. ham. The word hamingja is said to beformed from *hamgengja, in which case it may be compared with hamhleypa'one who changes his shape' (cf. J. de Vries, Altg. Rel., II 350 and references).
25 Jon Arnason (op. cit., I 354) remarks that in ON, in contrast to modern
Icelandic, the conception o{ fylgja seems to resemble that of hamingja, gipta,
gcefa, audna and heill.
26 For examples of this use of liggja til see Fritzner, 11 518A; CleasbyVigfusson, 389.

LIGGJA FYLGJUR I'fNAR T I L fSLANDS

57

protective spirit'. Nevertheless, there are a few passages in which
it is unnecessary to interpret the word in a personified sense. In
Ljosvetninga Saga" the following passage occurs:
Finni maelti pi: 'Pat mynda ek astla, at Jjar myndir pu eigi hafa getat
staSizk fylgjur peira I>orvar9s ok frasnda hans, er fjdndskap leggja a ))ik.'
Eyjolfr maslti: '^Etlar pu, at ]?eira fylgjur se meiri fyrir ser en minar ok
minna frasnda?'
In this instance the meaning oi fylgjur (pi.) is vague and indefinite, but it seems no less probable, considering the context,that it implies 'force' or some kind of magical strength (mana)
rather than personified attendant spirits. Vatnsdcela Saga^^ reads:
enpd hafapeir brcedr rammar fylgjur; leitum ver pd til leyna vdrra,
ef at oss ekr. Here too the meaning oi fylgjur seems to be abstract
rather than concrete. ^9More light may perhaps be thrown on this problem by consideration of the compound kynfylgja, oi which the last element
is probably, though not certainly, identical with the word discussed. Kynfylgja is generally used in an abstract sense; it isglossed by Cleasby-Vigfusson as 'a family characteristic, peculiarity', and similarly by Fritzner and Blondal. Examples of its
use leave no doubt that this abstract meaning of kynfylgja predominates,^o but in one passage it is said to mean 'familiar
spirit' (cf. Cleasby-Vigfiisson, s.v.). Vglsunga Saga^^ reads:
Veit ek af framvisi minni ok af kynfylgju vdrri, at af pessu rddi
stendr oss mikill ofagnadr. These words are translated by William
Morris and Eirikr Magniisson: 'I wot, by my fore-knowledge,
27 Edition cited, l o o - i (ch. 20).
28 ed. Einar 6 I . Sveinsson (IF vill, 1939), 83 (ch. 30).
29 Cf. W. H. Vogt's keen remarks on hamingja, gipta and fylgja in the introduction to his edition of Vatnsdcela Saga (1921), §§ 38-9.
30 Hefir Jjat jafnan kynfylgja verit Haukdoelum ok Oddaverjum, at }>eir hafa
inar beztu veizlur haldit (Sturlunga Saga, ed. G. Vigfiisson, 1878, 11 158); Ma6r
h6t Eysteinn, hann var9 fyrir meini miklu, ok var J>v£ aumhgar, at Jjat var
honumkynfylgja(B/)s.,i i96);amodern Icelandic example: ungtlif.semsennilega
hefir a& kynfylgju andlegan brest (of inherited drunkenness, Morgunbladid,
2 July 1939, 9).
31 ed. Magnus Olsen (1906-8), ch. 4.

58

N I N E NORSE STUDIESIV

and from the fetch of our kin, that from this counsel will great
evil fall on us if this wedding be not speedily u n d o n e . ' " Thisrendering is supported by J. de Vries." E. Wilken,^'' however,has questioned the interpretation of kynfylgja in this passage as'familiar spirit', apparently feeling that such an interpretationis unsuitable to the context. He suggests that in this passage theword means 'erbliche Begabung' or 'inherited gifts' as it does
elsewhere. Considering that 'inherited characteristics, features'is the usual meaning of kynfylgja, there is certainly no reason to
depart from it in this passage of Vglsunga Saga, where it suits
the context so well. It need not, however, be disputed that theword kynfylgja may have had the meaning 'familiar spirit',
although the dictionaries cite no instances where it is used inthat sense.
It appears, then, that while fylgja was most often used in theconcrete sense of 'attendant spirit', the compound kynfylgja had
generally the abstract meanings, 'inherited gifts, faults, characteristics'. Hamingja was also generally abstract in meaning,
though in a few instances it is used as a concrete noun to mean
'attendant spirit'. Just as the abstract hamingja was sometimes
used in a concrete sense, so the concrete fylgja might sometimes be used as an abstract, and had the meanings 'mana;
destiny'.
32 Volsunga Saga (London, T h e Walter Scott Publishing Co., no date), 9.
33 Altg. Rel, I 227.
34 Die Prosaische Edda (1912-13), II 113; cf. the translation by M. Schlauch,
The Saga of the Volsungs (1930), 51 (ch. 4).

V

LEGENDS OF ENGLANDICELANDIC

IN

MANUSCRIPTS

N a paper which he published in the Saga-Book of the Viking
Society^ some years ago Bruce Dickins minutely scrutinized
the cult and legends of St Olafr in the British Isles, and heshowed how people of these islands could adopt saints and legendsof Scandinavia as their own. In the present paper, which will beless ambitious, I shall attempt to follow the development of certain legends and stories about England and English saints in
Iceland.

I

THE VENERABLE BEDE

Few Englishmen are named more often by early Icelandic writers
than the Venerable Bede. Like other people, Icelanders thoughtof Bede chiefly as a scientist, and especially as a chronologist.
Two early versions oi Landndmabok,^ those of Sturla (died 1284)
and of Haukr (died 1334), begin with a quotation from the Aldarfarsbok or de Temporum Ratione,^ in which Bedaprestr heilagr had
written about the island of Till (Thile, Thule), quoting theauthority of Pliny. Bede had said that the island of Till lay six
days {doegr) to the north of Britain, and that there was no day
in winter, and no night in summer when the days were at theirlongest. Wise men believed that Till was Iceland.
It is probable that this passage was introduced into Landndmabok by Sturla,'' but it may well have been known in Iceland
before his time. It is, in fact, evident that chronological works byBede, or derivatives of them, had been studied in Iceland since
the first years of the twelfth century, and probably before.
1 XII (1937-45). 53-8o.
2 Landndmabdk, ed. Finnur Jonsson (1900), 129 and 3. T h e passage is repeatedin the version of Oldfs Saga Tryggvasonar in Fib., i 247.
3 ed. C. W. Jones, Bedae Opera de Temporibus (Medieval Academy of America
Publication XLl, 1943), 239; cf. de Temporibus, ibid., 297-8.
4 Cf. Jon J6hannesson, Gerdir Landndmabdkar (1941), 71.

6o

N I N E NORSE STUDIES V

Icelandic Easter Tables appear to derive largely from Bede,although they were adapted to the peculiar double calendar of
Iceland. 5 The system of dating years after the birth of Christ,
stemming ultimately from Dionysius {c. A.D. 525),* probably
reached Iceland through the medium of Bede. This ara vulgaris,
the alpj/du tal or almanna tal, was the basis of Ari's chronology.
The Six Ages and the age of the world at the time of Christ's
birth are also given on the authority of Bede.'
The conclusions of Bede and Dionysius were accepted inpractically the whole of the Western Church, but it is strangethat not all Icelanders were satisfied that they were correct.
According to one of the oldest Icelandic computists, Christ wasborn on 25 December in the year 8 of our era, ^ and this was theprevailing view among Icelandic historians of the first decades of
the thirteenth century. The authors of the older Porldks Saga,
Hungrvaka, Pdls Saga, Prests Saga Gudmundar and Sverris Saga
consistently date the years with a number seven lower than weshould give them. It has been shown that the instigator of thiseccentric system of dating was the French or Lotharingian computist Gerland (c. 1080),' whose Computus was probably brought
to Iceland before the middle of the twelfth century.
Although Icelandic historians departed from the chronology
of Bede, some of them did so unwittingly. In the Prests Saga
Gudmundar the date of Gu9mundr's birth is given as 1154 at tali
Beda prests,^" although this date is really based upon Gerland's
reckoning.
As already remarked, Ari followed Bede's chronology. It
5 Cf. N . Beckman in Alfr., Ii esp. x ff. and 70-1.
6 In the later Porldks Saga, Bps., l 299, a direct reference is made to the calculations of Dionysius.
7 See Alfr., lll 52 ff.; cf. Jakob Benediktsson, Veraldar Saga (1944), introduction, xlv ff. See also Fib., Ill 476.
8 Alfr., II 44.
9 I had suggested this in (unpublished) papers delivered to 'Powicke's Group'in Oxford (3 March 1945) and to the London Medieval Society (i Feb. 1946).
It has since been proved by Jon J6hannesson in a most thorough paper publishedin Skirnir cxxvi (1952), 76 ff.
10 Bps., I 414-5.

E N G L A N D I N I C E L A N D I C MSS

6lcannot be told in what form it reached him, nor whether Ari had
read any of the historical works of Bede. It might be said that
the Islendingabok is, in the first place, a history of the Church of
Iceland, and might thus have been inspired by Bede's greater
work, the Historia Ecclesiastica. When Ari told how, at the age ofseven, he was brought to the wise layman Hallr i Haukadal to be
educated in his house," he may have thought of Bede's sentences: . . . cum essem annorum septem, cura propinquorum datussum
educandus reverentissimo abbati Benedicto.^^In fact, the Historia Ecclesiastica, Bede's chief work in our eyes,
was known little, if at all, in Iceland, and his reputation rested
upon other writings. A number of Icelandic and Norwegianhomilies are based upon Latin texts by, or ascribed to, Bede, andBede's name recurs in the Icelandic annals. Nearly all the
Icelandic annalists record the date of Bede's death between 731
and 735. Under the year 870, the year in which Ingolfr firstwent to Iceland, the compiler of the Oddaverja anndll records
Bede's words about Till, saying that he died 121 years before that
date. The early annals that were continued by Gottskalk Jonsson(c.i524-90) recorded that Bede wrote his kalendarium andmartirilegium (sic) in the year 722.'^In the passage which I quoted from the Landndmabok Bede
had the title heilagr. Icelanders regarded him as a saint, or nearly
as a saint, but, like others, they wondered why it was that thetitle sanctus or beatus was denied him.
The conventional answers were supplied in a manuscript of the
fourteenth century."' This manuscript is a scrapbook and contains, among other things, some legends of the Virgin, a list of her
names, and a summary of the life of the Venerable Bede. A few
lines of this life were printed by Jon Sigur9sson,'s and the whole
text was given by Gu9brandur Vigfusson as an appendix to the
II Islendingabdk, ch. 9.
12 Hist. EccL, v 24.
13 Islandske Annaler, ed. G. Storm (1888), 458 and 310.
14 AM 764 4to, fol. 36''. See Kr. KSlund, Katalog over den Arnamagnceanske
Hdndskriftsamling (1889-94), n 184-5.
15 Edda Snorra Sturlusonar in (1880-87), 375. n.

62

N I N E NORSE STUDIES V

Hdkonar Saga.^^ Vigfiisson's text contained rather many misreadings, and it may, therefore, be useful to reprint the whole ofthis short life in normalized form. It is written in two hands, here
called A and B . "A. Capitulum Mvintf/r
Vyr9uligr gu9s vin Beda prestr, agaetr litskyrari gu91igra ritninga,
bl6mga9isk a Englandi pann tima'^ er li9it var fra holdgan gu9s sonar
DCLXXX ok VII ar. Hann var gamall ma9r ok sj6nlauss.
Um ]7enna g69a mann rennr upp spurning hvf hann hefir i sinn hei9r
venerabilis en eigi beati." En )?vi skal pat til svara at sva bar til at einnklerkr vildi semja einn versa yfir hans legsta9 ok sva byrja9isk:
hac sunt in fossa.
i>a gat hann me9r ongum mastti^" fengit f>ar vi9 sva at honum lika9i
ok litlum tima si9arr var9 honum gengit til legstaSar ]?essa g69a manns.
Leit hann pi at versinn var alggrr, ok fietta upphafit:^'Hac sunt in fossa Bede venerabilis ossa.
Hann hefir samsett J7a bok er kallask Martirilogium. tat finnsk ok lesitat ]?essi ssell Beda hafi J>ess beSit gu9, at hann skyldi brott ganga af
Jjessi vergld a uppstigningar hati9 gu9s sonar, ok ]?at sama Q91a5isk hann.
B. Af Beda Presti
Enn segja Jjat sumar boekr at Beda prestr hafi farit lei9ar sinnar um
einn dal; Jjar var mJQk grjotott. M tok til or9a leiStogi hans, pvi at hannvar pi sjonlauss: 'Heyr, fa9ir, her er kominn mikill mannfJQldi, p\iberr f>ik til^^ at predika gu9s or9.' Hann var til fiiss; predikar si9an
har91a stormerkiliga. Ok er hann gerir enda a sinni predicatione heyrisk
skyrt at steinarnir sagt hafi J)vilik orB:
Amen venerabilis pater.
It has sometimes been said that the first of these legends, thatof the clerk who could not complete his line of verse without
16 Icelandic Sagas (Rolls Series, 1887), 11 433-4.
17 I am grateful to Peter Foote for arranging for photostats to be made of thisand other manuscripts cited in this paper, as well as for checking several readings.
18 a Englandi repeated here, but erased.
19 heati abbreviated; thus Jon SigurSsson (JS) and GuSbrandur Vigfusson(GV), who improves the text by inserting nafn before venerabilis.
20 hcetti GV, giving a more usual expression,
21 upphafit abbreviated; thus J S ; upphaf GV. 22 til above line; GV omits.

E N G L A N D I N I C E L A N D I C MSS

63

supernatural assistance, provided the model for the story of HallbJQrn hali, whichistold'mPorleifsPdttr
Jarlsskdlds.^^ It is there
described how I'orleifr Jarlsskald was killed at I'ingvellir throughthe magic of Hakon the Great (c. 994). A poor shepherd, called
HallbJQrn, used to graze sheep near the poet's grave-mound, andoften slept there at night. He wished that he could make a poem
in praise of the cairn-dweller, but he had so little skill that hecould not even complete the first line, which began:
Her liggr skdld.
One night, as HallbJQrn slept, the grave-mound seemed to open,
and a huge man came out of it. He pulled HallbJQrn's tongue
and completed the strophe, telling him that if he could remember
it when he woke up, he would be a famous poet.
HallbJQrn has not been identified in history with certainty, forseveral men of his name and nickname are remembered. But it iscommonly supposed that the HallbJQrn named in the Pdttr should
be identified with the one named in the Skdldatal, who is said
to have made poetry for Kniitr Eriksson, king of the Swedes(died 1195), and for King Sverrir of Norway (died 1202). Similar
stories have been told of how later Icelandic poets acquired theirgifts, e.g. Sigur9ur Brei9fj6r9 (died 1846) and Simon Dalaskald(died 1916).^'' If the story of HallbJQrn was modelled on that ofBede, those of Sigur9ur and Simon might be modelled on that ofHallbJQrn. But the motive is a standard one, cropping up in
many countries and in many centuries, ^s
23 ed. Jonas Kristjansson, Eyfirdinga Sggur ( i F ix, 1956), 213-29. See Jonas
Kristjansson's introduction, p. c, and references there given.
24 See Jonas Kristjansson, op. cit., loc. cit.; also Finnur Jonsson, Islenzkar
Fornsogur in (1883), xlvi; Jon SigurSsson, op. cit., loc. cit.; A. G. van Hamel,
Saga-Book xi (1928-36), 148-9.
25 This motive is discussed further on pp. 42-3, 49-50 above.

64

N I N E NORSE STUDIES V

B E D E , K I N G A R T H U R , AND T H E C A N O N S OF LAON

Under the title Mariu Saga C. R. Unger published in 1871 thesaga of the Virgin Mary, together with a large collection of legendsof the Virgin, which are appended to her saga in one manuscript or
another. The age and authorship of the Mariu Saga itself arebriefly discussed on pp. 105-7 below. On the other hand thelegends appended to the saga in its various manuscripts are ofdiverse age and origin. Their textual history and mutual relations
are not made clear by Unger, invaluable though his work is. The
stories cover a wide area; the scenes of a few are laid in Iceland,but others as far afield as Alexandria and Jerusalem. Some of them
are found in manuscripts assigned to the early years of the thirteenth century, and these include the legend of Romaldus and thatof Theophilus, to which Sir George Webbe Dasent called attention as early as 1845.^*
Some of the legends in this great collection were first written
in Norse by order of Hakon, king of Norway. This was presumably Hakon Magniisson (1299-1319), for whom the lost Heilagra
Manna Blomstr and the biblical Stjorn were also compiled. This,at least, would be the most natural interpretation of a note included in a manuscript of the early fifteenth century: 'Her
byrjar upp kapituleran fyrr skrifa9ra jarteigna blessa9rar gu9s
m69ur Marie, er vir9uligr herra Hakon, Noregs konungr, letsnara or norrcEnu. . .'^' We must evidently emend the text of thisnote and read with Dasent^* / norroenu or with Unger or lattnu inorrcenu. The ascription most probably applies to those legends ofwhich a list follows in the manuscript. The latest date I havenoticed in the whole collection is 1330, but I am not now concerned with the legend in which this date is given.
Many of the legends printed by Unger are found in several
manuscripts, and in such cases their textual relations are often
26 Theophilus in Icelandic, Low German and other Tongues (1845).
27 Mariu Saga, 1016.
28 op. cit., xxxiii.

E N G L A N D I N I C E L A N D I C MSS

65

intricate. It would be valuable if some of them could be publishedseparately with full critical apparatus. One of those which isparticularly interesting for the present study is that published byUnger as no. LXI (pp. 639-54). This, it turns out, is no other thanan Icelandic version of the story of the canons of Laon and their
tour through northern France and southern England in the year
II13. Long ago, this story attracted the interest of students ofEnglish history, while Arthurian scholars, always impassioned,
have debated its age and authenticity.^' The outline of the story
must be given briefly. In doing this, I shall follow the text ofMigne, 30 but shall retell chiefly those incidents which have somebearing on the Icelandic version.
Laon was renowned as a centre of Christianity and learning, flourishingunder the famous teacher Master Anselm (died 1117), whose lectures
drew students from distant lands. Calamity followed glory, when a certain Gerardus de Cyrisiaco was brutally murdered in the cathedral. His
blood could not be washed from the floor for, as Anselm knew well, thechurch could be cleansed by fire alone. He had not long to wait, for in
Easter week 1112a tumult broke out in the city, in which Bishop Gualdericus was killed and the cathedral and many other buildings wereburnt to cinders.
Gualdericus was followed as bishop by the distinguished Bartholomew
and it was resolved to elect a party of clerks and laymen to carry the
famous shrine of Mary, together with other relics which belonged tothe cathedral, through the neighbouring districts, asking for alms to
restore the cathedral. The party toured northern France, where many
miracles were performed through the agency of Mary. With lavish rewards they returned to Laon and began to rebuild. By the spring of 1113
a great part of the cathedral had been rebuilt, but funds ran low. Therefore, a second tour was planned, this time in England. Shortly before
Palm Sunday the party left Laon, passing through the north of France
to Vissant, where they took ship. Their companions were some Flemish
wool-buyers, provided with large sums of money. In the Channel the
29 Among the more interesting works on this history I may mention those of
T . A. Archer, EHR 11 (1887), 103 ff.; E. Faral, La Legende Arthurienne (1929),
1 225 ff.; J. Tatlock, Speculum viii (1933), 454 ff., and PMLA XLVIII (1933),
317 ff. See also J. Tatlock, The Legendary History of Britain (1950), 204.
30 PL CLVi, col. 961 ff.; here called M.

66

N I N E NORSE STUDIES V

ship was attacked by pirates, who so terrified the Flemings that they .surrendered their purses to the shrine of Mary. When the shrine was carried
to the prow a furious wind struck the pirate ship, breaking the mast andknocking one of their number dead into the sea. On their delivery the
Flemings demanded their money back, but divine vengeance overtook
them. They travelled through a great part of England and bought manybales of wool, which they stored at Dover. On the night before it was tobe shipped the whole stock was burnt out.
The men of Laon proceeded to Canterbury, where, it is said, they
were handsomely received by Archbishop William. Later they reached
Winchester, where miracles were wrought and well rewarded. But at
Christchurch, in Hampshire, the party met with a less friendly reception. Christchurch was then a famous market town and was filled withmerchants. The dean of the church was cross-grained and resented the
intrusion of the Laon men. His church was not fully built and he reliedon the customary offerings of the merchants. He allowed the shrine of
Mary to be placed over a small side-altar, but was exasperated when hefound the merchants bringing their offerings there, instead of to themain altar. He expelled the men of Laon with shrine and relics into thepouring rain. They had hardly left Christchurch, when a five-headed
dragon rose from the sea. He spared those who had befriended the menof Laon, but, spewing fire and brimstone, he wrought havoc on theproperty of others.
The party went on to Salisbury and Exeter. At Wilton, in Somerset,
they were shown the grave of the Venerable Bede, beside whom rested
a famous poetess, Murier. They went on to Danavexeria, said to be
Arthur's country, where they were shown King Arthur's seat and oven.
They were entertained there by Agardus (Algardus), later bishop of
Coutances in Normandy. When they pressed further west to Bodmin
the men of Laon met with some adventures. A man with a withered arm
kept vigil before the shrine. But afterwards this man started arguing with
one of the Laon party about King Arthur. The Cornishman said that
King Arthur was still alive, but the Frenchman did not believe him, andso a brawl broke out, and the Cornishman's arm remained withered.
After some further adventures in western England, the party returned
to Laon, where the church was reconsecrated in 1114.
The author of this story names himself Hermann monachus,and he is generally identified with Hermann of Tournai (diedt.ii47).3' Book II, in which the tour through England is de31 On Hermann see M. Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur desE N G L A N D I N I C E L A N D I C MSS

67

scribed, is given in the words of the canons themselves, although
this feature is not reproduced in the Icelandic version. The valueof the description of England in the second decade of the twelfth
century is certainly great, but serious inconsistencies have shaken
the confidence of some historians. The canons cannot, as they are
made to say, have found William in the see of Canterbury in theyear 1113, because he was not made archbishop until 1123. They
could not have visited the grave of the Venerable Bede at Wilton,
because it was never there, and they could not have known in
I I I 3 that Agardus (Algardus) was to be bishop of Coutances in1135. Consequently book 11 cannot have received its present form
until after 1135, and it cannot exactly reproduce the words of thecanons, as Hermann claims. Perhaps there never was a dragon
at Christchurch, and, if not, perhaps there was no brawl at Bodmin about King Arthur. It is the latter point which has chiefly
exercised Arthurian scholars. Faral ^^ does not regard this text
as reliable evidence that the cult of King Arthur was widespread as early as 1113. But yet, while it is easy to see reasons forinventing the dragon of Christchurch, it is more difficult to see
why Hermann should invent the story of King Arthur.
The manuscripts of the Icelandic version
The story of the Laon canons is found in two Icelandic manuscripts which contain the Mariu Saga and many legends of theVirgin. The older of these manuscripts, following Unger, may
be called E. It dates from the first half of the fifteenth century
and is preserved as Perg. 4to no. i in the Royal Library of Stockholm. The later manuscript, D, is no. 634-5 4*° ^^ the Arnamagnasan collection of Copenhagen. ^ 3 It probably dates from theMittelalters in (1931), 531 ff. T h e identification has been questioned; see Tatlock,Speculum vm, 454. In the Icelandic version the author of the history is called
Helimandr.
32 op. cit., loc. cit.
33 My reading of these manuscripts is based on photostats, but for convenience I give references to page and line in Unger's edition.

68

NINE NORSE STUDIES V

beginning of the eighteenth century, and was written by Sira
Eyj61fur Bjornsson (1666-1746), a well-known scribe, who was
exceptionally careful and accurate. Sira Eyj61fur faithfully
reproduced archaic orthography and word-forms, and, although
his exemplar has perished, it is clear that it was older than E andcloser to the original Icelandic text, and was probably written in
the fourteenth century. But parts of this exemplar had been lost
before Sira Eyjolfur copied it, and the legend of Laon begins,
following Unger's text, on p. 641,1. 17, in bk. i, ch. 8, of Hermann's story. Unger made E the basis of his text, but cited thechief variants of D, and occasionally included them in his maintext. A future editor would probably make D the basis of his
text of the legend, while citing the variants of E.
Cursory comparison of the Icelandic with the Latin originalshows that the Icelandic version has been shortened throughout.
Several of the miracles have been left out altogether, and a number of historical details have fallen by the wayside. Closer comparison of the two Icelandic texts shows more remarkabledifferences. In general the eighteenth-century D reproduces theLatin original far more faithfully than does the fifteenth-century
E, from which many sentences have been dropped. A few
examples will illustrate this:(i) D (642/3) sva at hann fell til jar9ar fyrir QIIU folki
M (i, 9) coram omni populo in terram cecidit
E omits(2) D (643/10) at Qllum kirkjum 1 borginni
M (i, 13) et in omnibus aUis ecclesiis etiam minimis per totam
urbem
E omits(3) D (646/5) J>eir foru vi9a um England
M (11, 5) tota pene Anglia circuita
E omits(4) D (646/12) kvomu lyaudunensi me9 helga domana 1
Cantuariam
M (11, 6) feretro atque reliquiis Cantuariam venimus
E Kv6mu J?eir til Cantuariam

ENGLAND IN ICELANDIC MSS

69(5) D (646/28) er prestrinn kom til hennar
M (11, 6) veniente presbytero
E omits(6) D (648/24) er hann haf9i jjangat haft til lands til SQIU
M (11, 10) quas venales habebat
E er hann haf9i Jjangat haft
(7) D (649/11) me9 J>eim eldi er flaug af hans ngsum
M (11, 11) flamma, quam ex naribus suis emittebat
E omits(8) D (649/20) Hann bles lit af sinum ngsum eldi me9 ogurligum
reyk, Jjvilikum sem af brennisteini
M (11, 11) per nares flammas sulphureas emittentem
E hann bles lit af sfnum ngsum eldi mjgk ogurligum(9) D (650/7) Jjessi, sem brott haf9i rekit helga domana or
kirkjunni
M (11, 11) qui feretrum Dominae nostrae de Ecclesia ejecerat
E omits.
These examples, to which many more could be added, showthat the original Icelandic text of the legend has been severely
curtailed in E. There are other instances in which D correctly, or
nearly correctly, represents the Latin text, while E has departed
from it:(i) D (642/26) Frii sancta Maria, Frii sancta MariaM (i, 13) Domina Sancta Maria, Domina Sancta MariaE Frii sancta Maria hjdlpa9i mer(2) D (646/27) me9 heitleik sinnar triiar
M (11, 6) ex ipso calore fidei
E me9 hreinleika sinnar triiar.
Sometimes E gives a personal name or a place-name in corrupt
form, reading, for instance, Alinie for Cilinie of D (644/23,
Cilniee M), Holdistanus for Koldistanus oi D (645/9, Coldistannus
M). In some cases both Icelandic texts are corrupt, while E isfurther from the Latin than D : Aatrabakum E, Attahatum D(644/12, Atrebatum M).
Examples such as these might suggest that D faithfully represents the original Icelandic text, while the text of E is abridged
and corrupt. Within certain limits this conclusion will prove

70

NINE NORSE STUDIES V

correct, although there are some passages which show that the
text of E cannot be derived from the exemplar of D, for E is, infact, often closer to the original than D :(i) E sii stoersta klukka
M Campania etiam major
D (642/5) sii klukka(2) E hina agatuztu helga d6ma
M pretiosas reliquias
D (644/19) hina helguztu Ijeknisdoma.
In rather many instances proper names are better preserved inE than in D, and in such cases it is difficult to believe that corruption is the fault of so careful a scribe as Sira Eyj61fur:
E Eleynandi, M Helinandi, D (644/18) Elydani
E Doura, M Dobras (i.e. Dover), D (646/8) Douta
E Vintonia, M Wintonise, D (648/6) Vincorna
E Uiltonia, M Wiltonia (i.e. Wilton), D (650/20) Valltonia.
Occasionally a name which survives in corrupt form in E has
been dropped altogether from D. D (652/7) reads kvomu peir iher ad and E kvomu peir til her ads pess er heitir Everia; while M
reads venimus in provinciam qua vocatur Danavexeria.
The variants quoted, if considered together, show that E andthe exemplar of D derive from a common Icelandic source, which,on the whole, is better represented by D than by E.
As already remarked, the text of E has been abridged. Comparison with the Latin text of Migne shows that the text of D has
also been abridged, although less drastically than that of E. It
remains to consider whether the first Icelandic text of Hermann's
story was as short as that in D.
The text of E contains some readings which are closer to theoriginal than those of D. It is also possible that E reproducessome sentences of the original which are not in D. The Icelandic
texts represent books i and li of Hermann's history, but notbook III, which is about a very different subject. There are,however, some reasons to believe that the first Icelandic
redactor knew book iii, or at least the beginning of it. Unlike D,

E N G L A N D I N I C E L A N D I C MSS

71

E ends in a flourish, telling of the large sums of money collectedby the canons on their travels, and how the church was rebuilt,
finer and more beautiful than before, and was subsequently
consecrated by Bishop Bartholomew. This was told in Hermann's
bk. Ill, ch. I, where Hermann wrote: 'Quis namque digne
poterit referre quantus postmodum in episcopatu Laudunensi, etde ipso per totum pene terrarum orbem fulgor religionis et novi
luminis refulserit?' These words seem to be echoed in the text ofE (654/5) • 'Skein ok sl9an sva mikil elska varrar frii sancte Marieyfir J>essum sta9, at pvi var likt, sem Q11 nalseg heru9 toeki blezan
af )5essi borg I triiar styrk ok astar hita.' It thus appears that
sentences of the original Icelandic version have been preservedin the abridged E, but lost from D. If so, both texts may contribute something to the study of the original Icelandic version.
If the Latin manuscripts of Hermann's history were compared,
and if an attempt should be made to construct a critical text of it,
it is possible that the Icelandic manuscripts would be of somehelp. In Hermann's bk. i, ch. 3, we read of the burning of thecathedral, and the murder of Bishop Gualdericus, which isfollowed by the election of Bishop Bartholomew. But E (640/8),
which is the only Icelandic text available at this point, names anintervening bishop, Hugo decanus Aurelianensis kirkju, who diedafter holding office for only seven months. Hugo is not mentioned
in the corresponding passage of Migne's text, but he is mentioned
in the first chapter of book iii, although without the title decanus
Aurelianensis. It is rather improbable that Hermann would haveneglected to mention him in his proper place.

BERGR SOKKASON AND THE DRAGON OF C H R I S T C H U R C H

The age of the Icelandic version of Hermann's story may now be
considered. It must be older than E (early fifteenth century),
and older than the exemplar of D (probably of the fourteenth century). It may be possible to establish its age more precisely. Thishistory, or at least part of it, was known to the famous Icelandic

72

N I N E NORSE STUDIES V

scholar Bergr Sokkason. Illustrating the speedy vengeance of
God in his learned Nikolaus Saga,^* Bergr retells the story ofthe dragon of Christchurch. Bergr's flowery, rhetorical style isunlike that of Hermann or his Icelandic redactors, and he has
embellished the dry original so much that it is difficult to knowwhether his sentences are based on Icelandic or Latin. Bergrseems to reproduce, in his own words, some phrases of the Latin
original which are not to be found in other Icelandic texts, although E and D generally represent Hermann far more faithfully
than Bergr does. The following examples may suggest this:(i) Bergr (57/29) en i sta9 sem kaupmenn ver9a vlsir, at her er
komit gu9s m69ur skrin, hvert )jeir hQf9u a9r heyrt frsegjask
fyrir otgluligar jarteignir, sniia fieir Jjangat allir hverr med sitt
offr, sva at engi Jjeira ssei decanum e9a hans mikla altari
M (11, 10) Bed cum videret quosdam negotiatorum, qui
miracula Wintoni« gesta audierant, feretrum Dominje nostras
cum oblationibus expetere, et majus altare dimittere . . .
ED (648/4) En sem hann sa nasr alia kaupmenn, pi sem heyr9u
J>aer jarteignir, er gerzk hQf9u i Vintonia, offra til skrinsins . . .
ED, as usual, correspond closely with M, yet B represents
M more exactly in the italicized words.
(2) B (58/1) hvert hiis i staSnum er niXigafullt af kaupmqnnum
M (11, 10) et tota villa negotiatoribus repleta
ED (648/9) var hvert hiis fullt
In the italicized words B again corresponds more closely with
M than do ED.
(3) B (58/3) ser gu9s moSir til peira
M (11, 10) nos respexit Dominas misericordia
ED omit(4) B (58/25) bj69andi me9 f>eira son
M (11, 10) earumque sonitu convocat
ED (648/25) kallandi saman me9 Jjcira hlj69an
In the loan-word son B corresponds with M {sonitu) moreclosely than do ED in hljodan.
34 ed. C. R. Unger, Heilagra Manna Sogur (1877), 11 49 ff. In this case I
have been obliged to rely on Unger's text.

ENGLAND IN ICELANDIC MSS

73

These and other examples go to show that in some of his words
and phrases Bergr corresponds more closely with the Latin thando ED. It might therefore be concluded that Bergr had used a
Latin text, and that his Icelandic is not related to ED. There aresome reasons to doubt this conclusion.
The phrasing of Bergr is sometimes very close to that of ED.
In example (2) quoted above, the words of Bergr hvert hiis . . .
fullt are also found in ED, although this alone would have little
significance. There are other instances of agreement between B
and ED, which are trivial in themselves, but may add up. I will
quote a few of them:(i) B (57/18) kirkja . . . hvergi user fullgQr
ED (648/1) kirkja . . . enn eigi allggr
M (11, 10) necdum ex integro fore constructam(2) B (57/27) pvi at regn var storliga mikit
ED (649/2) en me9 pvi at stort regn var (liti D)
M (11, 10) donee nimietas pluviae cessaret(3) B (57/23) hann hraeddisk sik munu lata kaupmanna offrit
ED (648/1) ottandisk at )?eir misti offr kaupmanna
M (11, 10) ne solitam amitteret negotiatorum oblationem(4) B (48/31) dreki hrseSiligr
ED (649/9) "^gurligr dreki
M (11, 11) draconem(5) B (58/39).. . hans erendi er ekki annat en gera decano sem
mestan ska9a
ED (649/30) hann hef9i til J>ess eins J>ar komit iyar til J>ess
komit at eins E) at brenna g69s fyrr sag9s decani
M (11, 11) ac si propter hoc solum venisset(6) B (59/3) brennandi J>at upp i einu augabrag9i me9 QIIU J>vf
g69si er a var
ED (649/31) ok brennir d litilli stundu (sem otnianligt matti
Jjykkja added in D) skipit me9 QUU pvi sem a var
M (11, 11) navem volatu petens, cuncta quae in ea erant succendit.

74

N I N E NORSE STUDIES V

In the passages last quoted the text of Bergr is too close to thoseof ED for it to be probable that they derive independently fromthe Latin of Hermann. If they do not, two possibilities appear
open. Bergr might have had both the Latin and the Icelandic
texts of the history before him. This is improbable. Bergr was
citing only one incident of the history and only as an illustrationof one precept. He took liberties with his original, and would
certainly not be interested in the exactness of a translation or in
textual variants. It is more probable that Bergr was following
an Icelandic text of the history. But, if so, his text was slightly
fuller, closer to the original and therefore older than ED. In thiscase, the relations of the extant texts of the history in Icelandic
might be approximately as follows:
Latin
I (first Icelandic version)B

X (abridged)

Y (abridged)

Z (further abridged)

d (Eyjolfur's
exemplar)E (interpolated)I

D
It is hoped that the sequel will clarify certain details implied inthis stemma.^^
35 A strip of a folio is preserved in AM 240 fol. 11, 3, which is assigned to thebeginning of the fourteenth century (see Kalund, Katalog, 1 207). Unger describes this fragment as slidt og vanskeligt at Icese, but Mr Olafur Halldorsson, towhom I am greatly indebted, has kindly read it for me under an ultra-violet lamp.
He points out that the side which Kalund describes as verso is, in fact, recto,
and it is here called (a), while Kalund's recto is called {b). T h e fragment contains
a fuller text than E, and, where it overlaps, than D . It is, however, further removed from the Latin original in many things. It is, in parts, more verbose thanE N G L A N D I N I C E L A N D I C MSS

75

The age of the Nikolaus Saga
It is hard to know when Bergr Sokkason wrote his work, althoughseveral details of his career are remembered. 3* He entered themonastery of tingeyrar, probably in 1317, and had previously
been taught at MunkaJ^vera by Larentius Kdlfsson, afterwards
bishop of Hoiar (1324-31). Bergr returned to Munka]?vera asprior in 1322-3 and was consecrated abbot in 1325. In 1334 heresigned his oflice 'because of his humility', but it was restored tohim in 1345. The date of his death is given variously as 1345 and1350; the latter is probably nearer the truth but we have noevidence to confirm it.
In his preface to the Nikolaus Saga Bergr describes himself as
klerklauss madr, which may imply that he had not attained major
orders when he wrote it. It would be reasonable to think that
Bergr wrote the Nikolaus Saga while still at iJingeyrar. A large
library was kept there, and it is plain that when he wrote his
Nikolaus Saga Bergr consulted several books other than the life
by Johannes Barensis, which was his main source. This suggeststhat the Nikolaus Saga was written 1317-22, and that the storyof the Laon canons existed in this Icelandic version in the second
decade of the fourteenth century. It may also suggest that it wasstored at I'ingeyrar and, perhaps, first written there.
The fragment AM 240 fol. 11, 3, mentioned here in note 35,
might tell more about the age of the Icelandic version fromwhich D and E descend, although this fragment is too scrappy
to allow conclusions. A few words and phrases used in it {umj>mislig herud 240, um ^mis herud ok Ignd E, per Franciam M ;Hermann, while incidents are given in different order and greatly altered. I cannot be sure that this fragment has any direct relations with E D , but, if it has,
it forms a class of its own from which E D cannot descend. T h e column on thefirst side (a) is based on bk. i, chs. 3-4, of Hermann's history, with insertions
from bk. 11, ch. 1. The second column (6) retells incidents from bk. 11, chs. 8-9,
although in a very different form.
36 The chief source about Bergr's life is Laurentius Saga, Bps., I 832, 840 andpassim.See also Jon Espolin, Islands Arbcekur I (1821), 47, 81, etc.; Finnur
Jonsson, Litt. Hist., iil 90 ff.; P. G. Foote, The Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle in
Iceland (London Medieval Studies, Monograph No. 4, 1959), 24.

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NINE NORSE STUDIES V

Soldunian (?) 240, Solldunum E, Issuldunum M) might suggest that
it was based ultimately on the same Norse text as D and E. If
so, the Norse original of D and E existed already in the thirteenth
century. In 240 the story has been radically altered, and put intoa rhetorical 'Latinate' style, which is more like that of Bergr
Sokkason than of D and E or of Hermann's original. Certain
word-forms prevalent in 240 (i.e. val, allum, margu, heilagum, etc.)
might suggest that it was written under Norwegian influence.

The Icelandic redactors of Hermann
It is interesting to consider the alterations made in Hermann's
story by his Icelandic redactors. On the whole they have represented him faithfully, although they have cut down or modified
some of his sentences.
I have already mentioned the story of King Arthur, whose seatand oven were shown to the men of Laon in Danavexeria, andthe brawl which broke out at Bodmin because of him (M, II, 1516). In the text of D (652/8 ff.) this story is shortened. Arthur issaid to hefragr af Bretum, but it is not related that the Cornishman told the Frenchmen that Arthur was still alive, nor that
'Britons' and Frenchmen were always quarrelling about thissubject {sicut Britones solent jurgari cum Francis pro rege Arturo).
D says only that the Cornishman spoke 'rather severely' about
King Arthur {taladi ngkkut hardliga . .. sakir Arturi konungs), andso his withered arm was not healed. E has cut down the story
further still, and Arthur is not named in it at all, but the redactor is content to say that the Cornishman 'talked rather severely'.
It seems, therefore, that these redactors had little interest inKing Arthur, which is surprising, since many Icelanders musthave known of him since the first decades of the thirteenth century. The Prophecies of Merlin {Merlinusspd) were rendered into
Icelandic verse by Gunnlaugr Leifsson (died 1218), and it isprobable that Geoffrey of Monmouth's Historia Regum {Breta
Sggur), which is preserved in Hauksbdk, was translated into

E N G L A N D I N I C E L A N D I C MSS

77

Icelandic soon after t h a t . " The Tristrams Saga was written in
Norway in 1226, and it is likely that this and other sagas of
Arthur's cycle were known in Iceland during the thirteenth
century.
Although E has cut down Hermann's story more severely thanD, the redactor of E was not content with excision alone. If he
had little interest in Arthur, he showed a greater devotion to theVenerable Bede. After telling how the Laon canons visited Bede's
shrine at Wilton, E digresses, and gives an account of Bede's life
and work, together with three reasons why he was called venerabilis and not sanctus (650/32-652/5).^s The text here given is plainly
the main source of Section A quoted on p. 62 above. I quote a
few sentences of E, which will show how close is the verbal
similarity: 'Vir9uligr gu9s vinr Beda prestr ok munkr, agastr
skyrari heilagra ritninga, bl6mga9isk me9 bJQrtum lifna9i ]panntima in Anglia, sem li9it var fra holdgan vars herra Jesu Krists
CLXXX ok atta ar {sic). Hann var gamall ma9r ok sjonlauss . . .'A has added to the information given in E that Bede was theauthor of the Martirilogium, and that he died on the feast of the
Ascension.
Section B quoted on p. 62 above appears to have been added
later, and gives a second reason for Bede's title which is, in fact,
the first reason given by E. This section does not show any verbal
likeness to E, but it is perhaps too short to do so.
These stories about Bede's title are commonplace, and it is,therefore, difficult to detect the source of E. John of Tynemouth(died 1366), as it seems, copied these stories from the Legenda
Aurea of Jacob of Voragine (died 1298).3' In a few phrases E
resembles the text printed by Horstmann more closely than the
Legenda Aurea. The phrase dgcetr skf/rari heilagra ritninga in E
37 Cf. my Origins of Icelandic Literature'^ (1967), 201-2.
38 The legends are discussed by T . Wright, Biographia Britannica Literaria,
Anglo-Saxon Period (1842), 269 ff., and by H . Gehle, Disputatio historicotheologica de Bedce Venerabilis uita et scriptis (1838).
39 See Legenda Aurea, ed. T . Graesse (1850), 833; Nova Legenda Anglie, ed.
C. Horstman, I (1901), 107-11; further J. A. Giles, Venerabilis Bedae Opera(1843-4), I clxi f. and ci ff.

78

NINE NORSE STUDIES V(and A) bears some resemblance to . . . profunda sanctarum scripturarium penitranda ingredi conatus est, which is given in Horstmann's text, but not in the Legenda Aurea.
It may be noted finally that the redactor of E has not only
mutilated Hermann's story. On the contrary, he has sometimes
improved it and given it point. Hermann (M, 11, 20) tells of ayoung man in Totnes, who stole some of the canon's money, andafterwards rode into the forest and hanged himself. This story
is repeated in D, but the version given in E is more subtle. As
the thief rode through the forest, an oak-tree stretched down oneof its limbs, coiled its withies round his neck and raised him aloft.
This is rather like the tragic story told of King Vikarr in Gautreks
Saga.

VI T H E OLD N O R S E H O M I L Y ON
THE D E D I C A T I O N

THE homily In Dedicatione Tempeli {Kirkjudagsmdl) is oneof the most interesting of early Norse homilies. It is preserved in three ancient manuscripts:
No. 237, folio, in the Arnamagnaean Collection; here called Z,.'
No. 15, quarto, in the Royal Library of Stockholm; here called S. ^No. 619, quarto, in the Arnamagnaean Collection; here called A^.^
L and S were both written in Iceland, while A^ was written in
Norway. The text of L is defective and portions of it are missing
at the beginning and at the end. The manuscript in which L is
contained is perhaps the oldest surviving one written in Icelandic.
It is believed that it was written about 1150.'' Since there are so
few Icelandic manuscripts of comparable age, such dating has
only limited value.
S is generally known as the Stockholm Homily Book. It was
written about the end of the twelfth century or early in the thirteenth. 5 It is a collection of fifty-six homilies intended for different
feasts of the year. A^ is probably of slightly later date than S, but
it is evident that the Norwegian scribes who wrote it were copying
1 Published in Leifar forma kristinna frceda islenzkra, ed. l>orvaldur Bjarnarson (1878), 162-5.
2 Published in Homiliu-B6k, ed. T h . Wis^n (1872), 98-103. A facsimile ofthis text is contained in Corpus Codicum Islandicorum Medii Aevi v m , with an
introduction by F. Paasche (1935). Cf. also the Postscript, pp. l o o - i below.
3 This text has been published a number of times: in Gammel norsk homiliebog,
ed. C. R. Unger (1864); in Codex A.M. 61 g Quarto, ed. G. T . Flom (University
of Illinois Studies in Language and Literature, 1929); in Gamal norsk Homiliebok,
ed. G. Indrebo (1931), to which references in this paper apply. A facsimile
edition of the Norwegian Homily Book was published with an introduction by
Trygve Knudsen, Gammelnorsk Homiliebok (Corpus Codicum Norvegicorum
Medii Aevi I, 1952).
4 See H. Spehr, Der Ursprung der isldndischen Schrift und ihre Weiterbildungbis zur Mitte des 13. Jahrhunderts (1929), 167.
5 Cf. A. Holtsmark, En islandsk scholasticus fra det 12. drhundre (1936),
49 ff.

8o

N I N E N O R S E S T U D I E S VI

older originals throughout.* A'^ is a collection of homilies comparable with S and eleven identical homilies, or parts of them, arefound in both of these books.
The difference between the three texts of the Dedication
Homily are slight. Their relationship will be considered at theend of this paper. For the present, the readings of N will be madethe basis of discussion, unless otherwise stated.
In this homily the different parts of a church building areenumerated and a symbolical meaning is given to each of them.
The altar is said to symbolize Christ, the bells the preachers, thechancel the saints in Heaven, and the nave the Christians onearth. But not only do the different parts of the church represent
the different members of whom the spiritual Church is composed;
every Christian is said to be the living temple and, consequently,
the parts of the church building may be said to represent thedifferent virtues present in a good Christian.' The symbols usedin the homily are thus divided into two series: the concrete andthe abstract. ^ In the second series, the altar is said to symbolize
love, the altar-cloth good deeds, and the floor humility.
Most of the symbols used in this homily can be found inEuropean texts of various ages and it is plain that the Norse
homily is derived from foreign models. K. Vratny' threw valuable
light on its sources. He suggested that it was based upon books
and treatises of Honorius Augustodunensis, who probably
worked in Germany during the first half of the twelfth century.
Vratny considered that the main source of the homily was to befound in Book l of the Gemmae Animae,^° one of the chief works
attributed to Honorius.
It is clear that the Norse homily is closely related to passages
6 See Indrebo, op. cit., 38-9.
7 Cf. Rabanus Maurus, De Universo xiv, xxi; PL i i i , 397D: si ergo ille
templum Dei per assumptam humanitatem factus est, et nos templum Dei per
inhabitantem spiritum ejus in nobis efficimur.
8 A similar distinction may be observed in homilies ascribed to Hugo of
St Victor, PL 177, 901A f. and 903D f.
9 Arkiv XXIX (1913), 174 ff., and xxxii (1916), 31 ff.
10 PL 172, 541 ff.

THE HOMILY ON THE DEDICATION

8l

in the Gemmae, as well as to passages in other works assigned to
Honorius, e.g. in the Sacramentarium,^^ in the Commentary on
the Song of Songs,'^ and in the Sermones in dedicatione.^^It is not improbable that the Norse homilist knew these worksof Honorius. It can be shown that the Lucidarius and other works
ascribed to this author were known in Iceland and in Norway inthe twelfth and thirteenth centuries.'•* But if the Norse homilist
knew the works of Honorius, he probably knew other expositionsof architectural symbolism as well. A great proportion of thesymbols used by Honorius had already been used by earlier
writers, often in the same words as Honorius used. Honorius
frequently copied older writers, just as younger writers copiedhim.
The practice of using parts of a temple or of a church as symbols of men and their qualities had its roots in antiquity. Examples of it are found in the Old Testament, and even more, in
the New Testament. Christ is the corner-stone of the building{Eph. ii, 19-20); He is the temple {John ii, 19); He is the gate
{John X, 9) and His followers are living stones (/ Peter ii, 5).
Isidore and Bede were among the early exponents of architectural symbolism. Amalarius of Metz (died 850) should also bementioned. The fullest exposition of architectural symbolism
written in the earlier middle ages is, perhaps, that contained inBook XIV of the De Universo of Rabanus Maurus, bishop of
Mainz (died 856).
During the twelfth century, many of the intellectual fashions ofpast ages were revived. Symbolism flourished in that century as
never before and many writers used the parts of church buildings
to symbolize religious objects or truths which were felt to be
more lasting and more real than the building itself. Among thesymbolists of the twelfth century should be mentioned Hugo of
St Victor (died 1141), Honorius Augustodunensis, Johannes
11 PL 172, 737
ff.
12 PL 172, 347
ff.
13 PL 172, 1099 ff.
14 I have discussed the influence of Honorius on early Icelandic literaturein Origins of Icelandic Literature^ (1967), 118-9, 137-8.

82

N I N E N O R S E S T U D I E S VI

Beleth (died 1202), Ivo of Chartres and Sicardus (died 1215). The
most detailed account of symbolism of this kind is contained in
the Rationale divinorum officiorum of Durandus, bishop of Mende(died 1296).'5
A considerable modern literature has been devoted to thestudy of symbolism of this kind among medieval theologians andmention should be made of the works of Neale Mason and B.
Webb,'* of H. O. Taylor" and especially of that of J. Sauer.'S
Without the assistance of such books as these, this study of theNorse Dedication Homily would not have been undertaken.
In his work on the Dedication Homily, Vratny compares thefollowing passage:
Honorius, Gemmae i, ch. cxxxviii; A'^ 96/20: Dyrr kirkjunnar merkja
Ostium . . . est Christus, qui . . . trii retta, pi er oss lei9ir inn til
fideles aditum ostendendo per fid- almennilegrar kristni.
em introducit."
The similarity between these two passages is not close, because
Christ is not precisely trii (faith). Ostium is not the only possible
equivalent in Latin of the Norse dyrr (doorway).
Passages reminiscent of that quoted from the Norse homily
can also be found in Book xiv of the De Universo of Rabanus
Maurus. Rabanus wrote:
Vestibulum autem aliquando significat fidem, per quam intratur in
Ecclesiam;^"and again:
Potest quoque per vestibulum fides intelligi. Ipsa quippe est ante
gradus et portam: quia prius ad fidem venimus, et postmodum per
spiritualium donorum gradus ccelestis vitae aditum intramus . . ."In other passages, Rabanus expounds the symbolical meaning
15 Rationale divinorum officiorum (Naples, 1859).
i6 Neale Mason and B. Webb, The Symbolism of Churches and Church
Ornaments (1843).
17 H. O. Taylor, The Medieval Mind n (1925), Book v.
18 J. Sauer, Symbolik des Kirchengebdudes (1902).
19 PL 172, S87C.
20 PL I I I , 398D.
21 ibid.

T H E H O M I L Y ON T H E D E D I C A T I O N

83of ostium and it is plain that his words are related to those of
Honorius, even though it is not necessary to conclude that thesymbolism of Honorius is based directly on that of Rabanus.
The symbolical interpretation of ostium depends largely on the
etymology accorded to the word. The basis of this etymology
was given by Isidore :^^ostium est per quod ab aliquo arcemur ingressu, ab ostando dictum (siveostium, quia ostendit aliquid intus). Alii aiunt ostium apellari, quia
ostem moratur, ibi enim adversariis nos obicimus . . .
These three etymologies run through the symbolical literatureof the middle ages. They are quoted in the works of Rabanus, ^^Honorius,^'' Sicardus,^' Durandus.^* It can be seen how the
Norse homilist adapted them to his own needs when he wrote:
A'^ 96/21: Hur9 fyrir durum merkir skynsama menu, Jia er hraustliga
standa a moti villumgnnum ok byrgja )5a fyrir litan kristni gu9s i kenningum sinum {S adds: en veita innggngu truQndum).
Similar sentiments were expressed by Rabanus when he quoted
the etymologies of Isidore^' and again in a later passage:
Ostium vero in porticu doctores, qui cseteris lucem vitas, januamqueintrandi ad Dominum pandebant, exprimit.^'
The walls of the church were symbolized in various ways,
according to whether they were considered to be two or four.
In the Norse homily, the walls were thought of as two and weresaid to represent the Jews and the Gentiles, who were united in
one faith:
N 96/28: Tveir kirkjuveggir merkja tvinnan ly9 kominn til einnar
kristni, annan af gy9ingum en annan af hei9num J>j69um.
Similarly Rabanus wrote:
Parietes enim templi Dei, fideles sunt ex utroque populo, hoc est,
ludaico et Gentile, ex quibus Christus aedificavit Ecclesiam suam.^'
22 Isidori Hispalensis Episcopi Etymologiarum libri xx, ed. W. M. Lindsay(1911), XV, vii, 4.
23 PL I I I , 399B.
24 PL 172, 587C.
25 PL 213, 21B.
26 Rationale 1, i, 26.
27 PL i i i , 399B.
28 PL I I I , 399D.
29 PL I I I , 401C.

84

N I N E N O R S E S T U D I E S VI

Suchlike symbols were also used by Bruno of Segni'" and by
Durandus. 31
In the Norse homily, the front wall {brjostpili), which joins thetwo side walls, was asserted to represent Christ, who unites thetwo peoples in one faith:
N 96/30: Brj6st)?ili, er samtengir ba9a veggi f einu hiisi, merkir drottinn
varn, er samtengir tvinnan ly91 einni trii, ok er sjalfr brjost ok hlifskJQldr
kristni sinnar.
Rabanus used this same symbol for the corner between the twowalls:
Angulus, quod duos parietes inunum conjungit... intelligitur Christus,
eo quod duos parietes conjungat in unum, credentes, videlicet ex ludaeiset Gentibus.3^
The four corner-posts of the church were stated by the Norse
homilist to signify the four Gospels (A'' 97/8). Comparable symbols were used by continental writers for the four walls."
Rabanus^'' wrote in one passage: Columnae enim sunt Apostoli etdoctores Evangelii. When he used abstract symbols, the homilist
said that they signified the four cardinal virtues (A'^ 98/15) andthis symbol was also used by continental writers for the four
walls. 3 5
The roof of the church was symbolized in various ways. Since
it faces downward, it was said to signify the active life. Thus, ina passage attributed to Hugo of St Victor: Tectum sunt activi . . .
res terrenas administrantes.^^ But since the roof also faces upward, it was said to signify the contemplative life, and Rabanus
wrote:
Tectum intentionem coelestis operationis signat, id est vitam contemplativam in Evangelio . . .3'
These latter sentiments were echoed by the Norse homilist:
30 PL 164, 318D.
31 Rationale I, i, 9.
32 PL i i i , 401D,
33 Honorius, Sermo in dedicatione, PL 172, 1103B; Rationale I, i, 15.
34 PL I I I , 404A.
35 Rationale 1, 1, 17.
36 PL 177, 901.
37 PL I I I , 403A.

T H E H O M I L Y ON T H E D E D I C A T I O N

85

A'^ 97/10: Rffifr kirkju merkir }?a menu, er hugskotsaugu sin hefja upp
frd Qllum jar91igum hlutum til himneskrar dyr9ar, ok hlifa sva kristninni
f boenum vi9 freistni, sem rasfr hlifir kirkju vi9 regni . . .
These last sentences might also be compared with another passage
by Rabanus, although the similarity is somewhat remote:
Significant ergo tigna praedicatores sanctos, quorum et verbo et exemplo
structura ejusdem Ecclesiae, ut subsistere possit, continetur: quia suaerobore doctrinas turbines hereticasimpulsionis, ne earn dejiciant, arcent.^s
The passage, last quoted from the Norse homily, is but distantly
related to that in which Honorius ^^ and, with little diflFerence,
Sicardus''" and Durandus'" spoke of the roof-tiles:
Tegulas tecti, quae imbrem a domo repellunt, sunt milites, qui Ecclesiama paganis et hostibus protegunt.
It need hardly be said that the church, whose parts the Norse
homilist used for his symbols, was built of timber, although thisis not to say, precisely, that it was the kind of church which modern writers would describe as a stave or mast church. Since thechurch was built of timber, some of the favourite motives of theEuropean symbolists could not be used. Christian men, whoformed living stones of which the church was built, were notmentioned in this homily. Instead of a floor of stone, the homilist
alludes to one of boards:
N 96/23: G61f]?ili 1 kirkju merkir Iftillata menn, pi er sik laegja 1 allrivir9ingu ok veita pvi meira upphald Qllum ly9, sem Jieir ver9a meir fyrir
allra atro9a {L reads: undir fotum tro9nir).
These words find their closest parallel in the work of Honorius,''^ from whom Sicardus'" and Durandus'*'' hardly differ:
Pavimentum, quod pedibus calcatur, est vulgus cujus labore Ecclesia
sustentatur.
When he used abstract symbols, the Norse homilist said that thefloorboards signified humility, obedience, patience:
38 PL I I I , 402C.
41 Rationale i, i, 36.
44 Rationale I, i, 28.

39 PL 172, 586B.
42 PL 172, 586D.

40 PL 213, 22C.
43 PL 213, 20A.

86

NINE NORSE STUDIES VI

A'' 98/17: golfjjili merkir litillaeti ok hly9ni ok )JoUnmoe9i, pi er eigi
skammisk at Jiola laegning ok vanretti af mgnnum.
Rabanus wrote in similar terms:
Pavimentum intelligitur humiliatio atque afflictio animas . . . humilitas
fidelium doctrinam sanctorum patienter suscipientium . . .^^The foundation of the timber church is called the syllustokkr(groundsel). It represents, in the first series of symbols, theapostles, who are the basis of faith:
A'^ 96/19-20: Syllustokkar kirkjunnar merkja postula gu9s, en {v.l. er)
undirstokkar eru all(r)ar kristni.
When abstract symbols are used, the groundsels signify faith, thebasis of all good works:
N gSjiz: Syllustokkar pessar kirkju merkja trii, pvi at yfir Jjann grundV9II ok undirstokk skulum ver smi9a 9II g69 verk . . .
Similarly, European symbolists claimed that the foundation
signified Christ or the Apostles''* and Rabanus wrote:
Fundamentum enim allegorice Christus intelUgitur, vel fides ejus
catholica, super quam fundata est Ecclesia.'"T h e timber church, like many stone churches, was divided
into chancel {sgnghus) and nave {kirkja). The chancel signified
the saints in Heaven, and the nave the Christians on earth:A^ 96/12-13: Sgnghiis merkir helga menn i himni, en kirkjan kristna
menn a J9r9u.
The chancel and the nave were sometimes said, by European
symbolists, to signify the contemplative and active life,''* but
Rabanus signified them in these words:
Sanctum autem, quod velo suspense a sanctuario separatum est, significat
praesentem Ecclesiam, quae peregrinatione istius mundi versatur;sanctum autem sanctorum illam, quae in CCEIIS est.'"45 PL I I I , 403B-C.
46 Cf. J. Sauer, op. cit., 115.
47 PL 111, 400D.
48 Cf. J. Sauer, op. cit., 118-9.
49 PL m , 393D.

THE HOMILY ON THE DEDICATION

87

These sentiments may be compared with those expressed by
Honorius: Duo chori psallentium designant angelos, et spiritus
justorum . . .^°The altar was stated by the Norse homilist (A'' 96/14) to symbolize Christ, for sacrifices offered to God were sanctified only
over the altar. This motive was also used by Rabanus, Honorius,
Hugo of St Victor, Durandus and by most symbolists from theninth century to the end of the thirteenth century.='
The altar-cloth was said by the Norse homilist {N 96/16) tosignify the saints, a thought which finds close parallels in theGemmae and the Sacramentarium of Honorius. ^^ When he used
abstract symbols, the Norse homilist (A'^ 97/29) said that the altarcloth signified good deeds. Rabanus^s asserted the same of thevestments worn by the priest.
Other parallels between the Norse homily and the expositionsof European symbolists could be quoted without looking further
afield. Enough has been said to show that nearly every thought
expressed in the homily is derived from a foreign source, although the homilist has adapted symbols originally designed fora church of stone to his church of wood.
The form of the Norse homily bears a certain resemblance todedication homilies ascribed to Honorius 5+ and to Hugo of
St Victor." Most of the symbols used by the Norse homilist are
to be found in many continental works, some of which, like thoseof Sicardus and Durandus, are much later than the Norse
homily. But the closest resemblance in motives appears to be
between the Norse homily and Book xiv of the De Universo of
Rabanus. It is, however, improbable that the Norse homilist
had access directly to the De Universo. It is more likely that heused an early homily based upon that book. Alternatively, it ispossible that the Norse homilist used several sources and, inthat case, the Gemmae Animae may have been one of them. If
so PL 172, 588A.
52 PL 172, S87A and 745D.
54 PL 172, 1099
ff.

51 Cf. J. Sauer, op. cit., 159 ff.
53 P L iii, 397.
55 PL 177, 901 f., and 903 ff.

88

NINE NORSE STUDIES VI

this paper should lead one, better acquainted than I am with theLatin literature of the middle ages, to identify the sole or chiefsource of the Norse homily, it will have achieved its purpose.
In conclusion it may be worth considering whether the parallel
passages in Latin can throw any light on the relationship between the early texts of the Norse Dedication Homily. The threetexts were compared in detail by G. Indrebo,^* whose work thereader should consult. Indrebo concluded that, except in a few
instances of scribal error, the readings of N were closer to theoriginal than those of the other two.
It was said above that the differences between the three texts
were slight. Few of them have any material significance. On thewhole, L and N resemble each other so closely that they could beconsidered as one text. S stands somewhat apart. This is surprising, because the disparity of age between L and N appears to
be greater than that between L and S. Considering the great ageof L, it is probable that the text LN represents the original morefaithfully than S.
I have noted about one hundred and twenty instances ofdifference between the texts of N and S. The text of L is extant
in about seventy of these instances and, in nearly all of them, L
resembles A^^. The following examples will serve to illustrate this:A word, or even a sentence, found in L and A^ is omitted in S:
N (96/31), L (162/11) i einu hiisi; S (100/18) omits.
N (96/34), L (162/15) drottinn sjalfr; S (100/21) drottinn.
N (97/4) tva veggi, fiat er tvinna ly9i einni trii {sic); L (162/19)
tva veggi, )?at es tvinna ly9a i einni trii; S (100/25) tvinna ly9i feinni tni.
N (98/28), L (183/31) sva sem hann J^etta maslti: liik upp pA munnminn, Jja es betr gegnir at masla en Jjegja, en JJii byrg hann )?aer betra er ]?agat en maelt; S (101/22) omits.
Occasionally, S has a word or a phrase not to be found in theother two:
56 op. cit., 51 ff.

THE HOMILY ON THE DEDICATION

89

S (100/10) en veita innggngu triigndum (cf. A^ 96/21, L 162/3).
N (96/25), L (162/5) l'"vi meira; S (100/12) l^eir pvi meira.
N (96/32), L (162/12) trii; S (100/19) trt sinni.
In other instances, similar words are used in LN and S, but indifferent order:
N (97/6), L (162/22) sja ma 9II tf9endi; S (100/27) 9II ti9endi ma sjd.
N (97/9), L (162/25) kenningar ]5eira; 5 (100/30) ]?eira kenningar.
N (97/22), Z, (163/11) )7a er bera pislarmark Krists; S (101/4) Jja
es pislarmark Krists bera.
Here and there, LN use one word and S another:
A'' (97/18), L (163/7) I'eim trjom; S (100/38) dvergum.
N (97/23), L (163/12) sik; 5 (101/5) hold sitt.
N (97/29), L (163/19) klaeSi; S (loi/io) biiningr.
A' (98/7), L (163/30) Davi9 maelti 1 salmi; 5 (101/21) salma skaldit
maelti.
I note only about thirty instances m which the text of L differsfrom that of N. In such instances, the readings of S generally
resemble those of N. This is also remarkable, since N is a Norwegian manuscript, while L and S are Icelandic.
The differences between A'^ and L may consist in word-order:
N (96/35), S (100/22) kirkju ok S9nghuss; L (162/16) sgnghiiss ok
kirkju.
A^ (97/32), S (101/13) gu^s elska (elsku N) ok naungs; L (163/21)
elska gu9s ok naungs.
Sometimes different words are used in L and N:A^ (96/31), S (100/25) samtengir; L (162/20) sem tengir (scribal
error?).
N (97/13), S (100/33) '^i^ regni; L (163/1) vi9 elum ok skiirum.
A'(98/15), iS (101/27) hornstafir; L (164/4) hornsteinar.
A^ (99/4), 5 (102/12) g69ir broe9r; L (164/31) g69 systkin.
Here and there, L contains a word or a phrase not found in theother two:N (97/29), S (101/11) g69 verk; L (163/19) merkja g69 verk.
N (98/26), S (101/37) —; ^ (164/16) me9an ver lifum.
N (99/9), 5 (102/16) 1 tarum; L (164/35) iSranar tarum.

90

NINE NORSE STUDIES VI
There are a number of instances in which different grammaticalforms are used in L and N:
N (97/12), S (100/23) raefr; L (162/28) rasfrit.
N (97/13). S (100/33) kirkju; L (163/1) kirkjunni.
Although small, these examples of similarity between S and N
are sufficient to show that S bears a closer resemblance to A^
than to L, and that S and A'^ have some relationship which is notshared by L. The few instances in which S and L have the same
readings and N differs should probably be explained as errors
or spontaneous alterations made by the scribe of N:
L (162/12), S (100/19) hann sjalfr; N (96/32) sjalfr.
L (162/17), S (100/23) fyr(ir) trii Krists; N (97/2) fyrir Ktist.
L (162/21), iS (100/26) i einni ast; N (97/5) einni ast.
L (163/20), S (101/12) yfir altara; N (97/30) yfir altari.
i (163/35), *5 (101/23) or; AT (98/11)1.
L (163/35), S (101/24) en; A^ (98/12) ok.
L (164/5), 'S' (101/27) vitra; A'' (98/16) vizka.
L (164/22), S (102/4) of; N (98/32) um.
L (164/29), S (102/11) Jjjonustu; A^ (99/3) til Jjjonustu.
There are few instances in which all three texts differ and they
can have little significance:
N (96/35) er i milli kirkju ok S9nghuss er;
L (162/16) es a mi91i es S9nghiiss ok kirkju;
S (roo/22) f>at er es a mi91i kirkju ok S9nghiiss.
N {gj/i) inn fyrir Krist i kristnina;
L (162/17) inn fyr trii Krists i kristnina;
S (100/23) *nn 1 kristnina fyr trii Krists.
A^ (98/1) pvi si9r gu9s gata J'r9ng;
L (163/24) pvi sf9r J>r9ng gata gu9s;
S (101/16) pvi si9r f'r9ng vera gu9s gata.
Comparison of the three texts of the Dedication Homily showsthat L and N often resemble each other and contrast with S,
although, on some occasions, S and N resemble each other andTHE HOMILY ON THE DEDICATION

9I

contrast with L. The relationship between the three might be
expressed by either of the following schemes:

/ \
\
/ \
L
N
S
N
S
Either of these schemes would be consistent with the conclusionthat the text LN represents the original more faithfully than does
S. If the first alternative is accepted, it is implied that readings
shared by S and either L or N were probably in the homily in its
original form. There are some slight indications that this was
not always the case.
In one passage N (96/23) reads:
G61f}jili i kirkju merkir litillata menn, pi er sik Iffigja i allri vir9ingu okveita pvi meira upphald ollum ly9, sem Jjeir ver9a meir fyrir allra dtroda.
In this passage the reading of S (100/11) differs little from that ofA^, but, instead of the words italicized, L (162/6) reads: undir
fotum trodnir. The difference is not material, but the phrasing of
L accords more closely with that used in parallel passages in
Latin. Honorius, from whom Sicardus and Durandus hardly
differ, wrote:
Pavimentum, quod pedibus calcatur, est vulgus cujus labore Ecclesia
sustentatur. 5'This example may suggest that, in some instances, L preserves
the original text more faithfully than either of the other two. In
another passage A'^ (97/10) reads:
Raefr kirkju merkir pi menn, er hugskotsaugu sin hefja upp fra 9llum
jar91igum hlutum til himneskrar dyr9ar, ok hlifa sva kristninni i boenumvi9 freistni, sem raefr hlifir kirkju vid regni.
The italicized words are identical in S (100/33) but, instead ofvid regni, L (163/1) has vid elum ok skiirum. In this case the reading
57 Honorius, PL 172, 586D; Sicardus, PL 213, 20A; Rationale I, i, 28.

92

N I N E N O R S E S T U D I E S VI

of A'' (and S) might be supported by the words of Honorius, withwhom Sicardus and Durandus agree closely:
Tegula; tecti, quae imbrem a domo repellunt, sunt milites, qui Ecclesiama paganis et hostibus protegunt. 5*
But in this Latin passage, the roof-tiles are considered as symbols
of active churchmen, not of contemplative, as the roof is considered in the Norse homily. The el ok skiir may reflect the
turbines hcereticce impulsionis, of which Rabanus wrote in the passage quoted on p. 85 above. At least, there are not sufficientreasons to accept Indrebo's assertion that, in these cases, thereadings of L are later than those of N.
It is possible that S may preserve some features of the original
which have been obscured in the other two. In one passage A'^(96/19) reads:
Syllustokkar kirkjunnar merkja postula gu9s, en {sic) undirstokkar eru
all(r)ar kristni.
The corresponding passage of L has been lost, but 5 (100/5)
reads:
Syllustokkar kirkjunnar merkja postula ok spamenn, er undirstokkar
eru allrar kristni, sem Paulus maelti: Er eru9 smi9a9ir yfir grundv9ll
postula ok spamanna.
In this instance S appears to be following the original text of thehomily more faithfully than A^, which has probably been shortened. Durandus, 5 9 who was doubtless following an establishedtradition, wrote:
Hasc est domus Domini, firmiter asdificata, cujus fundamentum est
angularis lapis Christus, super quo fundamento positum est fundamentum apostolorum et prophetarum.
A few lines below, S (100/8) reads:
Hur9 fyrir durum merkir skynsama menn, pi es hraustUga standa f
gegn villum {sic) m9nnum ok byrgja fia fyr litan kristni gu9s i kenningum
sinum, en veita innggngu triigndum.
58 Honorius, PL 172, 586B; Sicardus, PL 213, 22C; Rationale i, 1, 36.
59 Rationale I, 1,9.

T H E H O M I L Y ON T H E D E D I C A T I O N

93In this passage the readings of L {idzji) and of N (96/21) differ
little from that of S, but both L and A^ omit the words italicized
above. It is, however, possible that these words were in thehomily in its original form. Evidence of this might be seen in thefollowing passage of Rabanus:*"
Ostium vero in porticu doctores, qui casteris lucem vitae, januamqueintrandi ad Dominum pandebant, exprimit.
The passage last quoted from the Dedication Homily is rather
more distantly related to that of Honorius,*' with which it has,nevertheless, something in common:
Ostium . . . est Christus, qui per justitiam obstans infideles a domo sua
arcet, et fideles aditum ostendendo per fidem introducit.
It might be suggested that the words en veita innggngu triigndum
were in the original Norse Homily, but were omitted independently from L and A^, since they were felt to be unnecessary.
But the evidence available to me is too slight to permit of conclusions about the relationship of the three texts.
TRANSLATION*^

King Solomon first erected a temple to God and, when it wascompleted, he invited his people to hold a festival. Then Solomonstood praying and he spoke these words: 'Thou didst hear, O
Lord, the prayer of Thy servant, which I prayed to Thee when
I fashioned the temple for Thee; therefore, bless and hallow
this house which I did build in Thy name. Hear, O Lord, theprayer which Thy servant prays to Thee this day, that Thineeyes may be open and Thine ears listening above this house day
and night. If Thy people shall transgress and turn to repentanceand come to this temple, hear Thou their prayers in this place anddeliver them from the hands of their enemies.'
60 PL I I I , 399D.
61 PL 172, 587C.
62 T h e Norwegian text of the homily is translated from Indrebo's edition
since this is the most convenient text for general purposes. Some of the variant
readings of S and L are translated in footnotes.

94

N I N E N O R S E S T U D I E S VI

And when Solomon had ended his prayer, the Lord appeared
and the whole people witnessed the magnificence of the Lord,
coming over the temple, and all present bowed down to God
and praised the Lord.
From these origins, churches and all the celebration of dedication days began. And since, dear brethren, we are holding the
feast of dedication today, it is of first importance that we realize
how great is the grace we receive in the church. When a man firstcomes into the world, he shall be brought to church and shallthere be baptized, and he then becomes the son of God, he who
was until then the slave of sin. In the church, the flesh and bloodof Our Lord shall be consecrated, and all Christians shall taste of
It for their salvation. At this service, the heavens are opened andGod's angels join with men in attending the service of the priest.
In church, meetings of reconciliation are held between God andmen, and all the prayers which we offer in church are those mostpleasing to God.* ^ If we fall into mortal sin and are in disagreementwith God, we must go again to church and accept the penanceimposed by the clerks and so be reconciled with God. And whena man dies, his body shall be brought to church and buried there
and the clerks shall commit his soul to God's keeping.**
Therefore, dear friends, we should take great care of ourchurches, for we go to them when we come into the world, andwhile we are in the world, and when we depart from it.
Now, since the church and the whole Christian community isdenoted by the same name in books, we may explain how thechurch symbolizes the people and how the Christian people may
be called the palace of God. For Paul the Apostle spoke in thesewords :*5 You are the holy temple of God, who dwells in you. As thechurch is constructed of many diverse objects assembled together,**so the people are assembled in one faith from diverse races andtongues. A part of the Christian community is in heaven with
63 S adds: although God hears our prayers wherever we pray from thedepth of our hearts.
64 S adds: with many prayers and invocations for his salvation (scelusgngum).
65 S omits: For . . . words.
66 5 : of many stones or timbers.

T H E H O M I L Y ON T H E D E D I C A T I O N

95God and others are here on earth. Therefore, some parts of thechurch signify heavenly glory and some parts Christendom onearth. The chancel signifies the saints in heaven and the nave theChristians on earth. The altar signifies Christ, for just as nosacrifices offered to God are sanctified except over the altar, ourwords will not be acceptable to God unless they are sanctified in the love of Christ. The altar-cloths are the saints who adorn
Christ in good deeds, as Paul the Apostle said: All of you who are
baptized in Christ have adorned Christ.^''
The foundation timbers of the church signify the Apostles ofGod, who are the foundations of all Christendom.** The portal
into the church signifies the true faith, through which we are led
into the community of Christianity. The door before the portal
signifies the wise who boldly resist the heretics in their teaching,and exclude them from God's Christianity.*' The floor-boards
signify the humble who lower themselves in all dignity and give
greater support to the whole community the more they are trodden under foot. The benches in the church signify the merciful
who relieve the sufferings of their weak brethren in their mercy,
as the benches give comfort to those who sit upon them. The twowalls of the church signify the two peoples joined in one Christendom, one of the Jews and the other of the heathen tribes. The
front wall, which joins the two walls in the one house, signifies
the Lord who joins the two peoples in one faith and is Himself
the protection and shield of His Christendom. In this front wall
there is a doorway to go into the church and windows whichlight up the church, for the Lord Himself enlightens all whoenter His faith. The rood-screen between the nave and the chancel signifies the Holy Ghost, for just as we enter Christianity by
way of Christ, so also do we enter heavenly glory through the gateof mercy of the Holy Spirit. And just as Christ united the two
67 The Vulgate reads: Quicumque enim in Christo baptizati estis, Christum
induistis (Gal. iii, 27).
68 S reads: of all faith, as Paul the Apostle said: You are built upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets.
69 S adds: but give entry to the faithful.

96

N I N E N O R S E S T U D I E S VI

walls, that is the two peoples, in one faith, so also does the Holy
Spirit unite those two peoples in one love. In this rood-screen
there is a large doorway through which all that happens in the
chancel may be seen from the nave, for every man who finds the
doorway of the Holy Spirit may observe many celestial things
with his spiritual eyes.
The four corner-posts in the church signify the four gospels,
for the teachings contained in them are the stoutest supports of
all Christianity. The roof of the church signifies those who raise
their spiritual eyes above all earthly things to heavenly glory andthus shelter Christianity from temptation by their prayers, as
the roof shelters the church from rain.'"
The long-timbers of the church, that is to say the ridge-beams
and the wall-plates," which support and hold fast both therafters and the wainscoting of the church—these signify therulers who are appointed to govern and to further Christianity,
such as abbots who govern monks and princes who govern peoples.
The tie-beams, which uphold the wall-plates and strengthen
those timbers which support the ridge-beams,'^ signify those
Christians who make peace between'^ the worldly chiefs by theircounsels, for these support monasteries and holy places with theirwealth.
The bells signify the clerks who make a beautiful soundbefore God and men in their prayers and preachings. The crosses
and roods signify the ascetics who bear the marks of Christ's
passion on their bodies when they weary themselves in fastingand vigils.
70 L reads: from storms and showers.
71 'Wall-plates' is perhaps not the precise equivalent of ON stafkegjur. This
word appears to be used generally for horizontal beams supported by uprightposts along the inside of the wall, but not touching it. The usual word for 'wallplates' is veggloegjur. See Valtyr GuQmundsson, Privatboligen paa Island i
Sagatiden (1889), 118; also A. Nilsson in Forntida gdrdar i Island, ed. M. Stenberger (1943). 296.
72 S reads: T h e tie-beams which strengthen the wall-plates and upholdthe king-posts (dvergum) which support the ridge-beams.
73 S reads: strengthen.

THE HOMILY ON THE DEDICATION

97

But just as we say that the church signifies the whole Christianpeople, so it may signify each Christian man who verily makes
himself the temple of the Holy Spirit by his good works. For
every man shall fashion a spiritual church within himself, notwith timbers or stones, but rather with good works. The chancelof this church is prayer and psalm-singing. The altar signifies loveand the altar-cloth good deeds, which must accompany love. Just
as all sacrifices are hallowed over the altar, so all good works arehallowed and made acceptable in love. And this love may be distinguished in two commandments, i.e. love of God and love of
our neighbour. The front wall and the rood-screen of the church
signify this two-fold love, the front wall love of our neighbour andthe rood-screen love of God. In the rood-screen is a large doorway
into the chancel; for the more deeply he loves God the lessnarrow will the path of God appear to every man. In the front
wall there are windows, for light is the command of the Lord, said
the psalmist,'* and it enlightens our eyes. The Lord Himself
explained this clear precept more fully when He said: It is Mycommandment that each of you love the other.
The doorway before the portal signifies control of the tongue,
as David said in the p s a l m : " Set a watch, O Lord, before mymouth, and a door to guard my lips, and as he spoke in these words:
Open my mouth when it befits better to speak than to be silent, butclose it when it is better to be silent than to speak.''^ The door may
further signify wisdom, which distinguishes good things fromevil, so that we open our hearts to good things and shut out all evil
fantasies. The foundation timbers of this church signify faith,for over this foundation and basis we shall fashion all our goodworks, so that we may become temples of God. The four cornerposts" signify the four cardinal virtues which are the stoutest
supportsof other good deeds,'8 i.e. wisdom and justice, fortitude
and temperance. The floor-boarding signifies humility and74 S: David.
76 S omits: open . . . speak.
78 S omits; which . . . deeds.

75 S: The psalmist said.
77 L: comer-stones (hornsteinar).

98

N I N E N O R S E S T U D I E S VI

obedience and patience, not being ashamed to suffer humiliationand injustice of men. The benches signify those works of mercy
which bring comfort to the needy, as the benches give rest to
those who sit upon them. The walls signify, all together, gooddeeds and all useful toil endured for the love of God and one's
neighbour. The wall-plates which hold the wainscoting together
signify steadfastness in good works. The roof above the walls
signifies hope and the regard which we must have for God above
all good deeds. The beams which support the roof-timbers signify
patience which supports our hope, so that we shall not cease to
expect the mercy of God. The tie-beams, which support the walls
lest they fall before the storm, signify peace and concord which
support and unite all our good works lest they fall before thestorm of diabolical temptation. The crosses and roods signify
mortification of the flesh, that is fasting and vigils. The bells
signify the teachings which awaken us to good deeds, just as thebell awakens us to divine service." The yard around the church
signifles the custody of all these good qualities which have been
enumerated here. For we may well take care of all these goodqualities, if we contemplate the works of those who have passed
from the world before us, so that good example may stimulate
us to emulation and bad example warn us against sins. This
thought is signified by the burial of bodies in the church-yard. It
must be realized that everything needed for the adornment andservice of the church may be fulfilled spiritually in us, if we live
so purely that we are worthy to be called the temple of God.
Therefore, it is necessary for us, dear brethren, when we celebrate
this feast of dedication, to purify the churches of our hearts sothat God shall not find in His temple, which we are ourselves,
anything which may anger Him. And just as we like to appear
finely dressed and washed on a feast day, so must we wash thestains of sin in tears'° from our spirits within and adorn themwith good deeds. And just as we feed ourselves with fine meatson feast days, so must we feed our spirits with festive food, that79 S omits: just . . . service.

80 Z.: in tears of repentance.

THE HOMILY ON THE DEDICATION

99

is the word of God; for it is unseemly that the body should be
finely fed and clothed and the inner man be threadbare and go
without food. It is of no avail if we come finely dressed to theouter church, if we neglect the feast of the inner church, that is
persistence in good deeds; for it is for this reason that we celebrate
feasts of dedication annually on earth, that we may celebrate an
eternal day of dedication, which is true rejoicing of all the saints
in heaven. And we may win that joy if we give manifold mercy
to our neighbours in their needs. It is good to give alms tochurches, but it is better to comfort our distressed neighbours
in their needs. For churches pass away with the world, but spirits
never pass away.
If we wish to be temples of the Holy Spirit, we must show every
mercy to our neighbours in need, as the church shows mercy to us.
As the church conducts us to God by means of the baptismal font,
so must we conduct our neighbours from transgression by meansof the font of tears, in weeping for their sins, for tears purify sins
like the baptismal font. And just as in church we submit topenance for our sins, so must we punish our neighbours for theirsins. And just as we receive spiritual food in church, i.e. corpus
domini, so must we give bodily food to those in need. And justas the church offers burial to the dead in its precincts, so must
we offer prayers for their souls. If we celebrate temporal festivals
with such devotion, then we shall win the eternal festival inheaven with our Saviour, the Lord Jesus Christ, who lives andrules as God with the Father and Holy Spirit per omnia scecula
sceculorum. Amen.

lOO

N I N E NORSE STUDIES VI
POSTSCRIPTIn the same year as this paper was first published an article on
the Dedication homily, 'Till Gammelnorsk Homiliebok. Kirkedagshomilien', by Trygve Knudsen appeared in Studier tilldgnade Rolf Pipping {= Studier i nordisk filologi xxxix, 1949), 2 8 39. Another paper by him on similar lines, 'Stavkirkeprekenen i
Gammelnorsk Homiliebok', later appeared in the volume of his
essays published in honour of his seventieth birthday, Skrifttradisjon og litteraturmdl (1967), 53-72.
Professor Knudsen had not apparently seen my paper inMediaeval Studies, but his conclusions were in some ways similar.
He did not attempt to place the homily in its European setting—though he was aware that that was where it belonged—but
showed greater interest in word-forms and other textual variants,
attempting, especially in his second paper, to find evidence thatmight decide whether the work was Icelandic or Norwegian inorigin and, if Norwegian, from which part of Norway it came. On
the whole, Knudsen considered the homily more likely to be
Norwegian than Icelandic, but he did not press this conclusion
because the evidence was very slight.
A useful, salutary survey of the problems involved in the discussion of the homily and its background has been recently given
by Hans Bekker-Nielsen in 'The Old Norse Dedication Homily'
in Festschrift fUr Konstantin Reichardt (1969), 127-34.

II

When I wrote this paper in 1949 I was not aware that the homily
on the Dedication was also preserved in the fifteenth-century
Icelandic manuscript, A M 624 4to, a miscellany in several
hands, chiefly containing works of edification. The text of thishomily was published by Oluf Kolsrud, parallel with the otherTHE H O M I L Y ON THE D E D I C A T I O N

lOI

versions, in his Messusk;pringar (1952), 85-107 (his A, B, C, D
correspond to L, N, S and 624). According to Trygve Knudsen,
Skrifttradisjon og litteraturmdl (1967), 61, the homily in 624 is ofminor interest from a textual point of view {av mindre teksthistorisk interesse). I have unfortunately not had an opportunity to
study this manuscript at first hand, and the brief remarks following are based on Kolsrud's edition and partly on notes on the 624
homily's textual relations generously placed at my disposal by
Mr Hans Bekker-Nielsen of Odense University.
It appears then that when 624 differs from S, it more often
does so in agreement with L and A^, suggesting that the left-handstemma on p. 91 is more likely to be the correct one. 624 also has
a few striking correspondences with S, however, and its exact
position in the stemma remains for the present obscure. Taken
by itself, the homily in 624 may not be able to throw very muchlight on the original text, but it is evidently of great importancein helping to clarify relations between the different versions thathave come down to us and it deserves more attention than it hasreceived. I hope to consider it more closely in a later study.

VII

T H E O L D N O R S E H O M I L Y ON T H E
A S S U M P T I O N A N D MARlU

SAGA

T

HE Old Norse homily on the Assumption of the Blessed
Virgin is found both in the Stockholm Homily Book' {S)and in the Norwegian Homily Book^ {N). In S this homily bears
the title Assumptio Sancte Marie, in A'' it is called simply Sermode Sancta Maria. S, Perg. 4:0 nr 15 in the Royal Library,
Stockholm, is the work of several hands, and it is commonly
believed that it was written about the beginning of the thirteenth
century, or perhaps in the latter years of the twelfth century. ^It is thus one of the oldest of Icelandic manuscripts apart fromsmall fragments.

A'' is thought to be rather later than S. Three hands can be distinguished in it, and it was probably written in the neighbourhoodof Bergen, although the scribes who made it appear to be following older manuscripts written in other dialects of Norwegian,notably in those of Trondheim, Eastern and South-western
Norway.*S contains fifty-six homilies, and A^ thirty-four. Eleven homilies, or parts of them, are found in both books. G. Indreb0s hascompared the parallel texts of these eleven homilies. He decided
that the texts in A^, although later, were closer to the originals
than those of S. He also concluded that the homilies found inboth books were first written in Norway and were later transcribed in Iceland. The validity of this last conclusion will not
be discussed now, even though some of the examples of differ1 Homiliu-B6k, ed. T . Wisto (1872), 4-10; also published in facsimile asvol. VIII of the series Corpus Codicum Islandicorum Medii Aevi, with an introduction by F . Paasche (1935).
2 For editions of the Norwegian Homily Book see p. 79, note 3, above.
References in this paper apply to Indrebo's edition.
3 See A. Holtsmark, En islandsk scholasticus fra det 12. drhundre (1936), 49 ff.
4 Cf. Indrebo, op. cit., 39 ff., and works mentioned there.
5 ibid., 42 ff.

T H E H O M I L Y ON T H E A S S U M P T I O N

IO3ences between Norwegian and Icelandic texts, which Indrebo
quotes to show the superiority of the Norwegian, are of doubtful
significance.* There are good reasons to believe that homilies
were written in Norway in the vernacular before the middle ofthe twelfth century.'
Indrebo^ has shown that the scribes of the Norwegian andStockholm books did not follow identical copies of the texts
which appear in both of them, and that their relationship is moredistant than that. This implies that the eleven homilies foundin both books must be considerably older than either of them. It
may be suggested that they go back to originals written about the
middle of the twelfth century.
The two texts of the homily on the Assumption differ little.
The chief difference between them is that the text of S contains
a passage of fifty-six lines which is not in A'^.' The subject of thishomily and its treatment are somewhat conventional. At the
beginning the homilist alludes to Mary's descent from Abraham,and says a few words about her childhood and early youth. He
then speaks in general terms about her sanctity and sufferings,
and explains why she is superior to all other saints. In the middle
passages the homilist departs from this general praise of the Virgin, and describes her virtues in symbols. As in many medieval
texts, Mary is the glass through which the rays of the sun shine. ^^Towards the end, the homilist speaks of Mary's death and burial,and of the Assumption of her soul, and perhaps also of her body
into heaven. Finally he speaks, again in general terms, of her
virtues, and explains that she is superior, not only to the saints,
but even to the angels. He urges his listeners to model their lives
on her life, and recommends them to implore her intercession,for she is more merciful than other saints.
6 I allude to this question in the essay on the Dedication homily, vii above.
7 Cf. Indrebo, op. cit., especially 40
ff.
8 ibid., 47 ff.
9 S, 8/32-10/13.
10 Numerous examples of this are known from Middle English poetry andfrom Latin hymns. Cf. C. M. Dursch, Symbolik der christlichen Lehre (1859),
144; Carleton Brown, English Lyrics of the 13th Century (1932), 10.

104

N I N E NORSE STUDIES VII

K. Vratny" first showed that this homily on the Assumption
was closely related to the Mariu Saga,^^ in which the life of theVirgin was told from beginning to end, with many digressions
and a fair proportion of theological discussion. Vratny listed sixteen passages which appeared, with but slight differences, bothin the homily and in the saga. Some of these passages amounted toas much as twenty lines of the printed text of the Mariu Saga,
while others consisted of no more than a single sentence. In thesaga the symbolism which depicted Mary as the glass piercedby the rays of the sun is not developed as it is in the homily, andmost of the parallel passages consist of reflections on Mary's
sanctity, on her sufferings, death, burial and assumption. The
following examples will show how closely passages in the twoworks resemble each other:(i) pau (Joachim and Anna) kostgaef9u meirr, at )jau hef9i mikit
kraptalan af gu9i Jjar fyrir, en pvi minna auralan af heimi J>a9an f fra{Mariu Saga, 2/12-3).
. . . ok h9f9u mikit kraptalan af go9i, en litit auraldn af heimi (Homily, S, 4/24-s).
(2) Pat finnsk opt i S9gum heilagra manna, at gu9s englar koma ok
vitrask 1 andlati J)eirra me9 miklum ilm ok Ijosi, ok )jeir er hja standa
kenna himneskan ilm e9a heyra fagran S9ng e9a sja bjart ljos. En ef
drottinn Jesus Kristr veitir opt mikla dyr9 f andldti Jjraela sinna e9a)?j6na, pi megum ver at likendum ra9a )?a9an af, hversu mikla dyr9
hann mundi veita f andlati m69ur sinnar, er drottning er allra
heilagra manna, e9a elligar hef9i hann eigi haldit l9g sin sjalfr, paner hann setti, fyrir pvi at hann bau9 hverjum manni at vegsama
f99ur sinn ok moQur. Af ]?vi skulum ver tnia, at sa, er kom l9gin
at fylla en eigi at ey9a J>eim, dr6ttinn sjalfr Jesus Kristr, for i mot
9nd m69ur sinnar me9 allri himna dyr9 ok 6umroe9iligum ilm, ok
var af J>eim mgnnum, er vi9 andlat gu9s m69ur varu staddir, atsumra manna frasggn, pelrra er hja varu, en allra manna tni, sen ok
heyr9 ok kennd 9II sii dyr9 himneskra fagnaSa, er menn megu bera
e9a standask at sja e9a heyra Ifkamliga {Mariu Saga, 51/6-23).
11 Arkiv

XXXII (1916), 4 2 .

12 Mariu Saga, ed. C. R. Unger (1871). Unger prints two texts of the saga,
but the differences between them are slight. There are numerous manuscripts
of Mariu Saga (see Unger's introduction, xi ff.), but the relationship between
them has not been studied systematically.

THE HOMILY ON THE ASSUMPTION
IO5
I>at finnsk opt 1 S9gum heilagra manna, at englar gu9s vitrask iandlati Jjeirra me9 Ijosi, e9a J)eir er hja standa kenna himneskan ilm
e9a heyra fagran S9ng. En ef dr6ttinn Jesus Kristr veitir opt sUka
dyr9 i andlati praela sinna, pi megum ver at glikendum marka, hversu
mikla dyr9 hann myndi syna f andlati m69ur sinnar, er drottning er
omnium sanctorum, e9a ella hef9i hann eigi haldin pau l9g, es hannbau9 hverjum manni at g9fga f99ur sinn ok m69ur. Af J>vi skulum
ver tnia, at drottinn Jesus Kristr for i gegn 9nd m69ur sinnar me9
allri himna dyr9 ok goSum ilm, ok vas sen i andlati hennar ok heyr9
9II sii dyr9, es menn mattu standask at sja e9a heyra (Homily, S,
8/3-13)Vratny did not compare the homily with the saga in detail, nor
did he discuss the problems raised by the relationship between
them. He was, however, satisfied that the homily was a compilation, and that the saga was one of its sources. Indrebo'^ seemedto accept this conclusion, but it has led to serious difficulties.
Since it is found both in the Stockholm and Norwegian books,
the homily on the Assumption must have been written a considerable time before the end of the twelfth century. But mostcritics have assigned the Mariu Saga to the thirteenth century.'*
Indeed, it cannot have been written in its present form before
1215, because in chapter 23 reference is made to the LateranCouncil convoked by Innocent I I I in that year. Moreover,according to an old tradition, the compiler of the Mariu Saga was
the distinguished cleric, Kygri-BJQrn Hjaltason. Some details
about BJQrn's career are recorded in several sources, and especiallyin the various versions of the Saga of Gu9mundr the Good. Shortly
after the election of Gu9mundr as bishop in 1201, Kolbeinn
Tumason appointed Kygri-BJQrn secretary at the see of Holar.'^This was contrary to the will of Gu9mundr himself, and it is said
that relations between him and BJQrn were unfriendly. BJQrn wasalways among the friends of Gu9mundr's enemies, first of Kolbeinn Tumason, and later of Sighvatr Sturluson. In 1214 Bjgrn
went abroad, first to Norway and then to Rome. It was suspected
13 op. cit., 62, note 2.
14 Cf. F. Paasche, Norges og Islands litteratur i (1924), 277 ff.; Finnur
J6nsson, Litt. Hist., 11 868-9.
iS Bps., i 475-6.

I06

N I N E NORSE STUDIES VII

that he had given the ecclesiastical dignitaries abroad an unfavourable account of Gu9mundr's conduct as bishop, and thiswas perhaps one of the reasons why Gu9mundr was ultimately
suspended from office. '* It is not known how long Bjgrn remained
abroad on this occasion, but it is recorded that he landed in Iceland in 1224." It cannot be said whether he had been in Icelandin the meantime, or whether he stayed abroad for ten years.
In 1236 BJQrn was himself elected bishop of Holar in succession
to Gu9mundr. He then went abroad again, and apparently to
Rome to have his election confirmed, but he died on the way
back in 1237 or 1238 and never took office as bishop.'^
The ascription of Mariu Saga to Bjgrn is based upon a statement found in a version of Abbot Arngrimr's Saga of Bishop
Gu9mundr, which was written about the middle of the fourteenth century. After speaking of BJQrn's enmity with his hero,
Gu9mundr, the author attempts to estimate BJQrn's character.
He writes:
Var Kygri-BJ9rn mikilshdttar klerkr, sem au9synask md 1 pvi, at hannhefir samsett Mariu S9gu.'9
Another reason to suppose that Bjtjrn was, in fact, the compiler of Mariu Saga may be seen in the assertion of this same Sagaof Gu9mundr, that BJQrn arrived in Rome shortly before theLateran Council of 1215^" and he was probably there while it was
sitting. It is not recorded that Bjgrn himself took any part in thisCouncil, but his presence in Rome at that time could well accountfor the interest shown in chapter 23 of Mariu Saga for details of
the decisions taken, and for the eloquent description of the delegates present. 2' If BJQrn compiled the Mariu Saga, he most
16 Bps., II 92-3.
17 See Sturlunga Saga, ed. Gudbrandr Vigfusson (1878), 1266. It has been suggested that Bjgrn was among the signatories of a diplomatic document made in
Iceland about 1218, but this is by no means certain. See Diplomatarium Islandicum I (1857-76), 394 ff.
18 See Sturlunga Saga, i 346; cf. Islandske Annaler, ed. G. Storm (1888),
index s.v. Kygribigrn.
19 Bps., 11 186.
20 Bps., II 92.
21 Interesting problems arise from the latter part of ch. 23 of Mariu Saga.
T h e author there describes the Lateran Council in some detail, and not in-THE H O M I L Y ON THE A S S U M P T I O N

I07

probably did so between 1216 and 1236. If it is right to supposethat he stayed abroad until 1224, he probably compiled it between
that date and 1236.
Indrebo^^ was aware of the difficulties involved by Vratny's
explanation of the relationship between Mariu Saga and thehomily on the Assumption. It would seem to imply that Mariu
Saga must have been written before BJQrn's time. Moreover,according to Indrebo's explanation of the relationship between
the two texts of the homily, the Mariu Saga must be a Norwegianrather than an Icelandic work. For the homily, which was influenced by it, was a Norwegian work which was later transcribedin Iceland.
Indrebo suggested two possible explanations of these difficulties. The Mariu Saga, which Bjgrn compiled, may have been
another and later one than that which is now preserved. Alternatively, Bjgrn may have worked over and revised an older Mariu
Saga, which was the basis for the homily. In that case the saga
survives only in the revised form which Bjgrn gave it.
It will certainly be agreed that Mariu Saga cannot be derived
from the homily in its present form. In nearly every case theparallel passages are fuller and more detailed in the saga thanthey are in the homily, which often gives no more than a summary of them. At the same time it is hard to believe that thehomilist has eclectically copied passages from the saga. As wasnoted above, the homilist writes the sentence: ok hgfdu mikit
kraptaldn af godi en litit auraldn af heimi {S 4/24-5), almost inaccurately. He goes on to say that certain decisions about the chronology of thelife of Christ were taken at this Council. This passage is closely related to another,
printed in Alfr. I, 32, where it is also said that the author of the approved
chronology was Meistari Gallterius of Paris, who was himself present at theCouncil. Gallterius and his book are repeatedly cited in the chronological textsof Iceland, cf. N. Beckman, Alfr. 11, 237, note 4, and see also Fib., i n 524, andIslandske Annaler (1888), index s.v. Gallterus; but I have not been able to identify him or his book in the literature of any other land. See also Veraldar Saga,
ed. Jakob Benediktsson (1944), App. in, 90-1.
22 op. cit., 62, note 2.

Io8

NINE NORSE STUDIES VII

the same words as the Mariu Saga {zjiz-i^). But the passage inwhich this sentence is found in Mariu Saga is a close translationof the Gospel of the Birth of Mary, with the exception of the sentence quoted, which cannot be traced to that book. Similarly, thewhole of chapter 21 of Mariu Saga appears in the homily, although in different order and in shortened form. But neither
chapter 20 nor chapter 22 of Mariu Saga has had any influenceon the homily. In chapter 20 the compiler of Mariu Saga had
mainly followed the Antiquities of the Jews oi Josephus,^^ andhad included a few sentences from the Gospel of St Matthew, ii.
At the beginning of chapter 22 the compiler of Mariu Saga
returned to Josephus, but the sources of the intervening chapter
21 seem at first to be more difficult to trace. Why should thehomilist have picked out from Mariu Saga those passages whose
sources were obscure? It should be mentioned that the sources ofthe saga are not, in most instances, difficult to trace.
Neither Vrdtny nor Indrebo attempted to find sources for thepassages which the saga shares with the homily. It will be agreed
that they cannot be derived independently from a source in Latin,
for the verbal similarity between the saga and the homily is too
close to allow such a conclusion. It might, in fact, be thought thatthe content of the passages common to both works is of so generala kind that it is unnecessary to suppose that they had any foreignsource. Most of the sentiments expressed in these passages might
be no more than the pious reflections of a Norwegian or Icelandic
priest.
It will be noticed that, in chapter 27 of the Mariu Saga, thequestion whether the body of the Virgin was taken up into heaven
as well as her soul is discussed, and no conclusion is reached.
The author writes:
En ]?ar kve9r Jeronimus prestr skyrt a, at hon andaSisk ok var J9r9u9, en
hann segir eigi vi'st, hvart var heldr, at hon tok upprisu likama sins
litlu eptir andlat sitt, e9a vaeri folginn likami hennar, til jjess at syndugirmenn naB9i eigi at sja ne h9ndla {Mariu Saga, 57/12-17).
23 See below, p. 115.

T H E H O M I L Y ON T H E A S S U M P T I O N

IO9The homilist discusses the question in similar terms, and hewrites:Jeronimus prestr segir skyrt, at hon anda9isk ok var grafin, en hann segir
eigi vist hvart heldr vas, at hon tok upprisu likams sins litlu eptir andlat
sitt, e9a gu9 fal likam hennar, at syndgir menn megi eigi sja {S, 8/19-22).
In these words the saga and the homily give a clue to the sourceof most, though not of all, of the passages which appear in bothof them. Many of the sentiments expressed in these passages are,in fact, to be found in a letter on the feast of the Assumption,
which is popularly ascribed to St Jerome, and addressed to theholy women Paula and Eustochium.^* A part of this letter was
also translated into Old English by iElfric, who made it the basisof his homily on the Assumption.^5 After he has described how
Mary was buried, Jerome says that her grave is now empty. He
continues:
Haec idcirco dixerim, quia multi nostrorum dubitant, utrum assumpta
fuerit simul cum corpore, an abierit reUcto corpore. Quomodo autem,
vel quo tempore, aut a quibus personis sanctissimum corpus cujus inde
ablatum fuerit . . . nescitur . . . {PL 30, 1230).
If the Norse homily and the Mariu Saga are compared with
Jerome's letter, it will be found that the saga follows the lettermore closely than the homily does. The following passage foundin the letter may be compared with the second example from thesaga and the homily quoted on p. 104 above:
Legimus enim quam saspe ad funera et ad sepulturas quorumlibet sanctorum angelos advenisse, et exsequis eorum obsequia prasstitisse:
necnon et animas electorum usque ad caelos, cum hymnis et laudibus
detulisse: ubi et utriusque sexus chori commemorantur frequenter
auditi, laudesque cecinisse: interea et quod perspicacius est, multo
nonnumquam lumine eosdem resplenduisse; insuper et adhuc viventes
in came, ibidem miri odoris fragrantiam diutius persensisse . . . quod si
ad recreandam spem . . . Salvator noster Jesus Christus . . . talia et tanta
24 S. Eusebii Hieronymi opera omnia, PL 30, 122-42. On the origins of thisletter see D. G. Morin in Revue Benedictine ix (1892), 496-7.
25 Published in The Homilies of Aelfric, ed. B. Thorpe, I (1843-4), 437 ff.

IIO

N I N E NORSE STUDIES VII

dignatus est exhibere per suos cash ministros circa defunctos: quantomagis credendum est hodierna die militiam caelorum cum suis agminibus festive obviam venisse genitrici Dei, eamque ingenti lumine circumfulsisse, et usque ad thronum olim sibi etiam ante mundi constitutionem paratum, cum laudibus et canticis spiritualibus perduxisse{PL 30, 130B).
Early in his letter Jerome warns the holy women against an
apocryphal book De transitu eiusdem Virginis, and says that
nothing is known about the passing of the Virgin, except thaton this day she left her body. He continues:
Monstratur autem sepulcrum ejus cernentibus nobis usque ad prassens
in vallis Josaphat medio, quae vallis est inter montem Sion et montem
Oliveti posita . . . ubi in ejus honore fabricata est Ecclesia miro lapide
tabulata: in qua sepulta fuisse (ut scire potestis) ab omnibus ibidem
praedicatur: sed nunc vacuum esse mausoleum cernentibus ostenditur{PL 30, 123C-D).
The Norse homilist says:
En likamr hennar var grafinn i dal peim, es heitir Vallis Josaphat, ok vas
J>ar g9r si9an kirkja d^rlig henni til vegs, en mi es )7ar torn fundin gr9fin{S, ^lis-il).
Mariu Saga says:
En likami sasllar Marie var jar9a9r i dal )jeim, er heitir Vallis Josaphat.
I>ar var si9an dyrlig kirkja g9r henni til dyr9ar. En mi er gxqi hennar
t6m fundin.
Sta9r sa er en helga masr Maria anda9isk i, heitir, sem ibr var sagt,
Vallis Josaphat. Hann Uggr i milli fjalla )Jeirra, er annat heitir Oliveti en
annat Sion {Mariu Saga, 51/25-32).
In this last example Jerome's letter is more fully represented
by the saga than by the homily. There are, in fact, a number ofpassages in the letter which reappear in the saga, but not in thehomily. In chapter 27 (57/27 ff.) the saga quotes the words ofSolomon {Song of Songs vi, 9): Que est ista que ascendit sicut
aurora consurgens,pulcra ut luna, electa ut sol, terribilis ut castrorum
acies ordinata. Jerome also quotes these words {PL 30, 130A), but
the saga devotes no less than three and a half pages (58-61) toTHE HOMILY ON THE A S S U M P T I O N

III

symbolical interpretation of them, which is not found in Jerome'sletter.
It was remarked above that the whole of chapter 21 of the
Mariu Saga appears in the homily, although in different orderand in compressed form. In this chapter the author speaks
especially of Mary's humility. He then contrasts Mary with thosemartyrs who endured bodily suffering. Mary suffered spirituallywhen she saw her son crucified, and she is greater than the othermartyrs. He goes on to explain that Mary worked no miracles inthis life. Most of these thoughts can also be traced to Jerome'sletter. The following examples from chapter 21 of the saga andthe corresponding passage of the homily will help to show the
relationship between these works and Jerome's letter:. . . a9rir helgir menn toku pining a likam sinum . . . en 9nd sancte Marievar pind, J^a er hon sa augum sinum a, er sonr hennar varr drottinn var. . . krossfestr {Mariu Saga, 43/12-16).
I>eir menn eru ok mikils vir9ir af gu9i es piningar taka af vandum m9nnum fyrir hans sakar, en p6 hefir Maria )>essa dyr9 framar en a9rir,
pviat a9rir helgir menn t6ku piningar a likami sina, en 9nd Mariu vas
pind, es hon sd augum sinum a pining drottins vdrs {S, 5/20-24).
Alii namque sancti, etsi passi sunt pro Christo in carne, tamen in anima,
quia immortalis est, pati non potuerunt. Beata vero Dei genitrix, quia in
ea parte passa est . . . quia spiritualiter in caro ejus passa est gladio
passionis Christi, plus quam martyr fuit {PL 30, 138A).
Although Jerome's letter is represented more fully by thesaga than by the homily, some passages from the letter appear in
the homily, but not in the saga. The homilist says:
Ef dr6ttinn sag9i f9gnu9 vesa englum d himni yfir einum manni, }>eim es
iSrask synda sinna, pi md sjd at glikendum hversu mikill f9gnu9r peim
myndi pa verba, es ]?angat kom drottning J>eirra ok m69ir drottins J>eirra{S, 8/24-7).
Jerome writes:
Quod si gaudium fit in caslo de quolibet peccatore converso, multo magis
putandum pro tantae Virginis exaltatione et gloria, quod exsultatio fiat insupernis . . . {PL 30, 137B).

112

NINE NORSE STUDIES VII

Like the letter, the homily is designed to be read on the feastof the Assumption. The homilist says:
Hdti9 uppnumningar m69ur gu9s veitir mikinn f9gnu9 englum d himni
ok m9nnum d J9r9u . . . d J9r9u es m9nnum skylt at fagna dyr9 hennar...{S, 8/22-4).
This passage cannot be traced exclusively to one passage in theletter, for Jerome repeatedly calls on his readers to rejoice in thisfeast of the Assumption (e.g. PL 30, 128C, 126C, etc.), and there
can be little doubt that the expression of this thought in thehomily is due to the influence of the letter.
Similarly, the homilist advises his audience to model their lives
on the life of the Virgin:
En sa dyrkar rettliga gu9s m69ur, er Iff sitt myndir eptir hennar atfer9...{S, 8/29-30).
St Jerome repeatedly urges Paula and Eustochium to imitate
the Virgin and to follow her example, although in rhetoricallanguage which would be altogether unsuitable for an early
Norse homily (e.g. PL 30, 139D, 140C-D, etc.).
Other passages which demonstrate the similarity between
Jerome's letter on the one hand and Mariu Saga and the homily
on the Assumption on the other could be quoted. Enough has
been said to show that a great proportion of the passages which
the saga shares with the homily are derived ultimately from
Jerome's letter on the feast of the Assumption. This letter isrepresented more fully by the saga than it is by the homily, although each of them contains passages from the letter which are
not in the other. This implies that the two works are derived
partly from a common source, for which Jerome's letter was thebasis. Verbal similarity between the saga and the homily showsthat this common source was in the vernacular and not in
Latin.
It has also been shown that the homily and the saga have certain passages in common which cannot be traced to Jerome's

T H E H O M I L Y ON T H E A S S U M P T I O N

II3

letter. 2* These passages are found especially at the beginning of
the homily and in the early chapters of the saga, where Mary's
childhood and youth are described. This shows that the source
used by the Mariu Saga and the homily was not simply a version
of Jerome's letter in Old Norse. It contained a considerable
amount of material which is not in the letter, at any rate not in
the received form of it.
It may be surmised that this early vernacular source for Mariu
Saga and the homily was itself a homily, based largely, though
not exclusively, on Jerome's letter and designed to be read on
the feast of the Assumption. The Mariu Saga, as now preserved,
reproduces a greater proportion of this lost homily than theexisting homily on the Assumption does. But since it is designed
to be read on the feast of the Assumption, the existing homily is,
in form, a truer representative of the lost homily than the Mariu
Saga i s . "So far as I am able to see, there is no reason to doubt thetraditional ascription of Mariu Saga to Kygri-Bjgrn. I shouldlike to discuss the sources of this saga more fully but a few words
should be said about them now. It seems that Kygri-Bjgrn 'put
this saga together' {hann hefir samsett Mariu sggu), and that thematerial which he used for it was of many different kinds.
As C. R. Unger^^ pointed out, the chief source for the firsttwelve chapters of the saga is the Gospel of the Birth of Mary,nearly all of which appears in close translation in these chapters.
The Gospel of the Birth of Mary, in its turn, appears to be based
26 See above, p. 104, example i. One passage which appears both in the saga
(14/16-23) and the homily (S, 4/28-30), but not in Jerome's letter, is related tothe apocryphal Acts of St Bartholomew (i.e. the Apostolic History of Abdias, ed.
J. A. Fabricius in Codex Apocryphus Novi Testamenti, 1703-19, I 675 ff.). Verbal
similarity between the saga and the homily on the one hand and the Icelandic
version of the Acts of Bartholomew (Postola Sogur, ed. C. R. Unger, 1873, 746
and 759) on the other may perhaps suggest that the passage in the saga and thehomily was taken from the vernacular version of the Acts, and not from theLatin text.
27 The influence of Jerome's letter can also be seen in another Icelandic
homily on the Assumption (S, 2-4).
28 Introduction to Mariu Saga, p. i n .

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N I N E NORSE STUDIES VII

upon the Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew,^^ and like the Gospel of
Pseudo-Matthew it was commonly attributed to St Jerome. This
explains the reference to Jerome made in the Prologue to the
Mariu Saga (1/5-7):
eptir pvi sem segir enn g9fgi kennima9r ok enn dyrligi prestr Jeronimus,
ok tok hann f>at af frds9gn Matheus gu9spjallamanns . . .
Unger says that the compiler of the saga did not know theGospel of Pseudo-Matthew. It seems probable, however, that hedid, although he used it sparingly, perhaps believing it heretical.
The following sentences resemble the Pseudo-Matthew moreclosely than they do the Birth of Mary:
Hvern dag k6mu englar gu9s hana at finna ok foer9u henni himneska
fcezlu. En }jd alia vist gaf hon fatcekjum mgnnum, er biskup gaf henni{Mariu Saga, 14/28-30).
These words may be compared with Pseudo-Matthew (ch. vi):
Cotidie esca quam de manu angeli accipiebat ipsa tantum reficiebatur;
escam vero quam a pontificibus consequabatur pauperibus dividebat.
In his first twelve chapters the compiler oi Mariu Saga has used
several sources besides the apocryphal gospels already mentioned.
These include the canonical gospels of St Luke and St Matthew.
In chapter 8 he follows a late apocryphal work known as the Trinubium Annae, which tells how Anna, the mother of Mary, wasmarried three times, first to Joachim, second to Cleophas, thebrother of Joseph, and third to Saloma. A translation of the
Trinubium into Icelandic was made at an early date, 3° and a version of it in English, dating from the first decades of the twelfth
century, has been published. 3'
The Gospel of the Birth of Mary ends with the birth of Christ,and after that the sources of the Mariu Saga become more varied.
The description of the birth of Christ (ch. 13) resembles that of
29 For the texts of the Gospels of Pseudo-Matthew and of the Birth of Marysee Evangelia Apocrypha^, ed. C. de Tischendorf (1876), 51 and 113 ff.; cf.
Liber de Infantia Mariae et Christi Salvatoris, ed. O. Schade (1869).
30 Published in Alfr., i 56.
31 See M. Forster, Englische Studien Liv (1920), 58 ff.

T H E H O M I L Y ON T H E A S S U M P T I O N

II5Pseudo-Matthew (xiii) in several features. One of the most interesting chapters is chapter 18, in which the flight into Egypt is
described. Here the compiler seems chiefly to follow the Gospel of
Pseudo-Matthew, or a source which resembled it closely. As in
Pseudo-Matthew (xxiii), the Egyptian idols are said to fall fromtheir pedestals when the Lord and his mother approach. On
their way into Egypt the holy family came to an old, withered
fig-tree, which suddenly became green with leaves and heavy withfruit {epli) when they came near (cf. Pseudo-Matthew, xx). Like
many other apocryphal texts, Mariu Saga describes how Christ
met the good thief, Dismas, then a child in arms, on his way into
Egypt. Once, when the Virgin was left alone with Dismas, hebegan to cry, and she gave him suck. 32
Among the sources which the compiler of the Mariu Saga usedmost were the Books xvi and xvii of the Antiquities of the Jews
of Josephus. These books supplement the canonical gospels andenable the compiler of the Mariu Saga to give a fairly detailed
background of Jewish history. It is interesting to see how, in
chapter 20 of Mariu Saga, the work of Josephus {Ant. Jews,
XVII, vi-viii, xi) is interwoven with the Gospel of St Matthew ii.
The compiler of Mariu Saga chiefly follows Josephus in his
descriptions of Jewish politics, cruelty and intrigue in the time ofChrist. 3 3 It is not known in what form the work of Josephus
reached the compiler of the Mariu Saga, but it is known thatversions of Josephus's works in Latin circulated during the
middle ages. Brandr Jonsson, who died in 1264, also used the
Antiquities of the Jews, and probably the War of the Jews, for his
Gydinga Saga.^* Both of these works might be expected tointerest the Icelanders in the thirteenth century. Josephus's
descriptions of the ruthless ambition, cruelty and deceit whichflourished in Palestine in the time of Christ are not unlike passagesin Sturlunga Saga.
32 Cf. M. R. James, The Apocryphal New Testament (1926), 117, 161.
33 The influence of Josephus is strongest in chs. 20 and 22 of Mariu Saga.
34 Cf. Gydinga Saga, ed. GuSmundur I>orlaksson (1881), v ff.

Il6

N I N E NORSE STUDIES VII

In addition to the historical and pseudo-historical works already mentioned, the compiler of Mariu Saga made extensive
use of the fathers and commentators, some of whom he names,
viz. Augustine, John Chrysostom, Gregory. Like many teachersof his age, he delights in symbolism. The fifteen steps of thetemple, up which Mary runs unaided at the age of three, aresymbolized in two ways (chs. 4-5). The gifts of the Kings fromthe East have each a symbolical meaning (ch. 15),'^ as have thewords of the Magnificat (ch. 11) and of the Song of Songs (ch. 27).
In chapter 26 the Last Judgement is described in a way which
recalls the Lucidarius, attributed to Honorius Augustodunensis. 3*
The compiler of the Mariu Saga was a man of immense learning, and he could rightly be described as mikilshdttar klerkr. The
method which he employed in compiling the Mariu Saga wassimilar to that used by Snorri for his books of Norse history. Like
Snorri he used various sources, but while the sources for the
Heimskringla were native ones, those for Mariu Saga were foreign.
Like Snorri, the compiler of the saga has put his own stamp on
his work. He is cautious and restrained in his religious beliefs, andperhaps even a little sceptical. He condemns the belief in the
Immaculate Conception (ch. 3), and follows the letter attributed
to Jerome in his doubts about the assumption of Mary's body(ch. 27), although it may be deduced from chapter 25 that
he knew some version of the Transitus Mariae. He is aware thatthe fathers do not always agree in their interpretations of Holy
Writ, and in such cases he thinks it wiser to refrain from drawing
conclusions:
En )?ar, sem a }?ykkir greina 1 frds9gnum heilagra fe9ra, J>ar er sa hattr
tekinn af vitrum m9nnum, at segja hvdratveggju fras9gn, en dcema
hvdrki omaett, en p6 f>ykkir Jiat bjartast ok 6erfi9ast, at hafa fleiri mannavitni til mals S9nnunar (38/8-12).
In one passage (22/20 ff.) the compiler alludes to the faulty
3 5 On the symbolical meaning of these gifts see O. Schade, op. cit., 3 5, note 213.
36 See The Elucidarium and other Tracts in Welsh, ed. J. Morris Jones andJ. Rhys (1894), Latin text, 217-8; cf. Alfr., in 8.

THE HOMILY ON THE ASSUMPTION

II7

Latin of his countrymen. He rebukes those who are so carelessthat they render: Magnificat anima mea dominum by miklar
drottinn gnd mina.
It would not be suprising if so thoughtful and careful a scholar
as this one had little in common with a fanatic like Bishop Gu9mundr of H61ar.

VIII

GiSLI

SURSSON

TRADITIONS AND

AND HIS POETRY:INFLUENCESAMONG the most popular of the family sagas are Gunnlaugs Saga^ and Gisla Saga Siirssonar.^ Their popularity,especially in the case of Gunnlaugs Saga, has been even greaterin foreign countries than it has in Iceland. The reason for this isfundamentally the same in each case. It is not because they are
typical examples of the saga literature, but because they are not.
Gunnlaugs Saga and Gisla Saga have both been strongly influenced by literatures of another kind.
In Gunnlaugs Saga the extent and sources of this influence are
not obscure. Although it is cast in the conventional form of afamily saga, it shows the influence of foreign taste and thought.
This may be seen in its treatment of the love-motive, in the chivalry of Gunnlaugr, and even more clearly in the conduct of theheroine, Helga fagra. She is not a woman whom most saga
writers would admire. As she sits passively gazing into the embroidered cloak of her dead lover, at the end of the saga, Helgareminds us of Isabella gazing at the Pot of Basil.
Helga is less forcible than the more classical heroines of the
Icelandic sagas. She may be contrasted with Hildigunnr in
Njdls Saga.^ Just as Helga preserved Gunnlaugr's cloak, so
Hildigunnr preserved the cloak in which her husband had been
1 T h e text of Gunnlaugs Saga has been printed about twenty-five times, andthe saga has been printed in translation about sixty times. The translations
include Polish, Czech, Finnish and Faroese versions. Gunnlaugs Saga has inspired some notable literary works, including John Masefield's 'Daffodil Fields',
Collected Poems (1932), 253 ff.
2 T h e popularity of Gisla Saga has not been so great as that of Gunnlaugs Saga,
but it has been published in translation at least twenty times. The translations
include seven in German and one in Polish. Gisla Saga has inspired literaryworks, e.g. B. H. Barmby, Gisli Sursson, a drama (1900), and Maurice Hewlett,
The Outlaw (1919). T h e saga has formed the subject of numerous essays andmonographs, some of which will be mentioned below.
3 Brennu-Njdls Saga, ed. Einar (5l. Sveinsson (IF xii, 1954), ch. 116.

o f S L I SURSSON AND H I S P O E T R Y

II9slain, and in it she wrapped his clotted blood. But Hildigunnr
preserved the blood-stained garment, not to indulge her emotions, but to incite her husband's relatives to vengeance. This was
Hildigunnr's purpose when she cast the cloak, crackling withdried blood, over the shoulders of her kinsman, Flosi.
It is plain that the author of Gunnlaugs Saga modelled his
taste largely on the standards of Europe. Possibly he had studied
foreign romances in Latin or French, or even in German, though
it seems more probable that these reached him in Icelandic or
Norwegian versions, the Riddara Sggur. It is chiefly the continental taste of its author which has made Gunnlaugs Saga agreeable
to those trained to appreciate the medieval and post-medieval
literature of Europe. For them, the detached formalism of VigaGliims Saga is too rigid; the disparaging cynicism of Ljosvetninga
Saga is too severe.
Gisla Saga* is certainly greater as an artistic achievement than
Gunnlaugs Saga. Nevertheless, it is apparent that the author of
Gisla Saga has not modelled his taste exclusively on earlier
family sagas, and that influences other than they have been atwork. This may be seen when Gisli is compared with other outlaws whose lives the saga writers relate. For example, Grettir
Asmundarson remained an outlaw for nearly twenty years because he was self-willed and headstrong, and altogether illadapted to the social conditions of the age in which he lived.
Gisli was made an outlaw because he slew his sister's husband,
I>orgrimr. In this deed, Gisli had fulfilled the duty of avenging
his friend and sworn brother Vesteinn, whom I'orgrimr had slain
4 References to the prose of Gisla Saga apply, unless otherwise specified, to
Benedikt Sveinsson's edition (1922), in which the shorter and longer versions
are both printed in full. References apply to the shorter version unless otherwise
stated. I number the strophes attributed to Gisli according to Finnur Jonsson,
Skj., A I 101-9, and B i 96-104. Other useful editions of the saga are those of
Konra& Gislason (1849), of Finnur Jonsson (1903), and of Finnur Jonsson (1929).
The last has not been available to me while preparing this paper. On the relations
between the shorter and longer versions of the saga see Finnur J6nsson, Gisla
Saga (1903), xxii-xxvii; Finnur Jonsson, Litt. Hist., 11 451 ff.; Gudbrand Vigfiisson and F . York Powell, Origines Islandicae 11 (1905), 188 f.; B . M. Olsen,
Um islendinga sogur (1937-9), 198 ff.

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N I N E NORSE STUDIES V I I I

secretly. Sworn brotherhood, undertaken at will, was among themost binding of human ties. For GIsli, vengeance for Vesteinn
was a sacred duty. Consequently, in the suffering which heendured because of it, Gisli resembled a Christian martyr, andhe himself seemed to realize this. Gfsli's brother, I>orkell, fromwhom he had the right to expect support, forsook him, and hebecame an outcast. But, unlike most outlaws, Gfsli is not in any
way an unsocial or anti-social man. He remained bound to society
chiefly through his wife, Au9r, to whom he had an emotional,
sentimental devotion. In this, Gisli may again be contrasted with
Grettir. Love motives played small part in Grettir's life. Grettir's
chief contacts with society were through his blood-relatives, especially his mother and his brother, lUugi. Grettir is more characteristically an Icelandic hero than Gfsli.
Most family sagas describe the relations between one man andanother. Several of them show how one man rises above thosearound him. Sometimes this is because, like Hrafnkell, he has
greater will-power than the others, or, like Snorri go9i, he is morecunning, or, like Gu9mundr riki, he is more ruthless and vindictive. Several sagas describe human friendship. Njdls Saga is an
outstanding example. The characters of Njdll and Gunnarr werecomplementary, and each of them benefited from this mutual
friendship. One was straightforward, brave and physically wellendowed, but rash. The other was wise, prudent and learned, but
not physically a strong man.
Gisla Saga is concerned with human relations, too, but it does
not treat them as most family sagas do. The author is not primarily interested in what his heroes do, nor even in what they
think, but in what they feel. His chief concern is with theemotions.
In the early chapters of Gisla Saga, the most striking featureis Gfsli's friendship with his brother-in-law, V6steinn. Gisli and
Vesteinn travel abroad together (chs. 7-8). In Denmark they arebrought into touch with Christian teachers, and are influenced by
Christian ways of life. Gisli returns to Iceland earlier thanG I S L I S I J R S S O N AND

HIS

POETRY

121

Vesteinn. Before they parted, Gfsli cunningly fashioned a coin,
which could be divided into two parts, one to be carried by his
sworn brother and the other by himself. He persuaded Vesteinn
to promise that he would never again leave Iceland without his
consent.
Much of the saga describes the mutual love of Gfsli and his
wife, Au9r, the sister of Vesteinn. The loyalty of Au9r to her husband is emphasized in many chapters, as is the tragedy of theirenforced separation during the days when Gfsli lived in hiding
as an outlaw.
Gisli's relations with his brother and sister, I>orkell andI>6rdfs, are of particular interest, and are used to disclose thehero's character. I>orkell and I>6rdfs are remarkably similar, andGisli loves them both in a way which they do not deserve. Morethan once, in his early years, Gfsli had risked his life to defendt>6rdfs from the shaming advances of disreputable suitors (ch. 2).
But l>6rdfs did not repay this solicitude. She married I>orgrfmr,
whom Gfsli slew, and she afterwards married I>orgrfmr's brother,
Bgrkr. When she learned that Gfsli had slain her first husband,she denounced him to Bgrkr (ch. 16).
When Gfsli speaks of his sister's didoyalty he uses a plaintive
tone which is unusual from the hero of a family saga. He oncesays (ch. 19):ok )?6ttumsk ek eigi )?ess ver9r fra henni, }>vf at ek )>ykkjumsk Jjat lyst hafa
npkkumm sinnum, at m^r hefir eigi hennar 6vir9ing betri f>6tt en sjdlfs
mins; hefi ek stundum lagt Iff mitt ( hdska fyrir hennar sakir, en hiin
hefir mi gefit m^r dau9ard9.
Gfsli's brother, I>orkell, is one of those whom the saga describes
best. He is a weak and ungenerous man, vain, foppish and lazy.
It is perhaps because he is himself so ineffectual that he chooses
noticeably forceful characters for his friends. These include
I>6rdfs's husband, I>orgrfmr, and her viking suitor Bdr9r, both ofwhom Gfsli slew. The bad company which I>orkell kept damaged
his relations with Gfsli, as is apparent already in ch. 2. Porkell'svanity led him to take an inactive part in the murder of Vesteinn,

122

N I N E NORSE STUDIES V I I IGfsli's foster-brother. In spite of torkell's weaknesses, Gfsli
appears to be deeply attached to him. It is told how concerned
Gisli was about torkell's happiness (ch. 9), and how grieved hewas when he parted from him (ch. 23). I'orkell was not illdisposed towards Gfsli, and was ready to help him in his distress,
but only so long as he ran no risk himself. Gisli reproaches his
brother for his lack of magnanimity in much the same bitter tone
as he uses when he speaks of I>6rdfs. On one occasion he says:
Ok munda ek eigi per svd svara, sem pu svarar mer nu, ok eigi heldr
gera (ch. 19), and, on another: Nii Pykkisk pii gllum fotum i etu
standa ok vera vinr margra hgfdingja ok uggir nii ekki at per; en
ek em sekr, ok hefi ek mikinn fjandskap margra manna ... (ch. 24).
Subsidiary relationships and the sentiments of the minor
characters are also described in some detail. Several times theauthor shows how much Au9r loved her brother, Vesteinn(ch. 10). In ch. 14 he describes Au9r's grief at Vesteinn's death.
Ch. 9 is among the most remarkable in the saga. It is told there
how Asger9r, the wife of I>orkell, and Au9r, the wife of Gfsli,
accuse each other of unfaithfulness to their respective husbands.
AsgerSr admits, according to the longer version (ch. 14), that she
loved Vesteinn more than her husband, though she knew that thislove could never be expressed. I'orkell overheard this conversation. His vanity was injured and his jealousy was roused. It wason this account that JJorgrfmr slew Vesteinn at the instigation ofI'orkell. At first we merely suspect I'orkell's part in this murder.
It is not until ch. 28 that all doubts are removed. In that chapter
it is told how the young sons of Vesteinn slew I'orkell.
The whole tragedy of Gisli's life develops from ch. 9. Gfsli slew
his brother-in-law, I'orgrfmr, to avenge his sworn brother,
Vesteinn (ch. 16). This deed, which Gfsli committed in fulfilment of his duty, led to his outlawry and death.
The episode described in ch. 9, when Asger9r and Au9r quarrel
in their apartment, has been compared with the scene in the Burgundian story, when the rival heroines Brynhildr and Gu9run
quarrel in the river. Both incidents appear in themselves to be

GfSLI SIIRSSON AND HIS POETRY

123

trivial. They provoke jealousy and lead to slaughter and catastrophe.
The emotional situations are sometimes described with astylistic tenseness, or emphasis, such as is seldom found in thehistorical prose of Iceland. In ch. 14 I'orkell questions Gfsli
about Au9r's grief for Vesteinn's death. He twice uses the samewords: Hversu bersk Audr af um brodur daudann? Hvdrt grcetr
hon mjgk? As Vesteinn rides to his death at H611, he is warned bythree people, whom he encounters on his way, of the dangers
which await him. Each of them uses the same words: Ver{tu) varr
um pik (ch. 12).
Sometimes the prose of the saga seems to show the influenceof poetic style. In ch. 9 I'orkell speaks in such a way that it is hardto say whether he is using prose or verse: Heyr undr mikit, heyr
erlygi, heyr mdl mikit, heyr manns bana eins eda fleiri. In ch. 18
Gfsli gazes at torgrfmr's howe and discloses, in a cryptic strophe,that he had slain him. The strophe is introduced, in the shorter
text, with the words: Gisli kvadpd visu, er ava skyldi. The wordceva is archaic, and is hardly ever found in historical prose. It ispreserved in poetic diction, and is especially common in heroic
poetry. The phrase ava skyldi is also found in Vglundarkvida (41).
The proverb sdr ce gjgf til gjalda is used in Gisla Saga (ch. 15) inmuch the same form as it is in the Hdvamdl (145).
Poetical tendencies in the prose of Gisla Saga appear so frequently that there is little need to call attention to them. Thistendency is combined with an interest in nature, which is also
unusual in Icelandic prose. The following passage (ch. 18),
describing the witch Au9bJQrg, will serve as a typical example:
VeSr var kalt liti, ok logn ok hei9rfkt. Hon gengr n9kkurum sinnum
andscelis um hiisin ok vi9rar f allar aettir ok setr upp nasirnar. En vi9
J>essa hennar me9fer9 pi tok ve9rit at skipask, ok gerir d fjiik mikit ok
eftir )jat J>ey, ok brestr fl691 hlf9inni, ok hleypr snxskri9a a bee Bergs, ok
fd J?ar t61f menn bana, ok ser enn merki jarSfallsins f dag.
It has been rightly said that, while Icelandic poetry is more
poetical than other poetry, Icelandic prose is more prosaic. Gisla

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N I N E NORSE STUDIES V I I I

Saga is one of the few historical sagas to which this sharp distinction does not apply.
Just as the story of Gisla Saga and the prose in which it is told
differ from those of other family sagas, so the strophes in Gisla
Saga differ from those which other sagas preserve. The saga
attributes 36 strophes to its hero. Like the saga itself, most ofthese are concerned with the emotions, especially with love,sorrow, and apprehension. Such themes are not usually the
subjects of scaldic verse. Probably the complicated metrical formof scaldic poetry did not readily lend itself to subjects of this kind.
Scaldic poetry was better suited to objective, visual description.
It tended to be concrete and picturesque. It appeals to the mind,
as jewellery appeals to the eye, for its brilliance and workmanship.
In str. 3 Gfsli expresses his grief at Vesteinn's death and alludes
to the intimacy of their friendship. He says:
komskat ma9r a mi91i
min ne hans at vi'ni.
No one could come between us, as we sat drinking our wine.
In str. 4 the poet describes Au9r's grief at the death of her
brother, Vesteinn. At first Au9r maintained her self-control, andwept only in secret:Hylr a laun und lini,
linnvengis, skap kvinna,
Gri9ar leggsk or g69um,
Gefn, el kerum svefna.
The gold-adorned goddess (Au9r) hides her woman's temper beneaththe veil, while her tears flow from the fair cups of sleep, s
In str. 5 Au9r conceals her tears no longer:
5 For alternative interpretations of these difficult lines see Finnur Jonsson,
Skj., B I 96; E. A. Kock, NN, §§ 346, 1938; K. Reichardt, Studien zu den Skalden(1928), 187-8. My interpretation bears some resemblance to that of JonPorkelsson, Sk^ringar a visum i Gisla Sdgu (1873), 3T h e chief difficulty is in the interpretation of Gridar el. I take this as a kenning,
though possibly a defective one, meaning 'shower of the giantess, tears', cf.
Gridar byrr, trgllkvenna vindr 'spirit, emotion', cf. R. Meissner, Die Kenningar
der Skalden (1921), 138-9.

G f S L I S I J R S S O N AND H I S P O E T R Y

I25

Hrynja laetr af hvftumhvarmsk6gi Gnd b6gar
hrauns fylvinga; hyljar
hldtrs bann f kne svanna.
The bracelet-bearing goddess lets the nuts (tears) fall from the fair forestof her eyeUds (lashes); the enemies of laughter pour down into the kneesof the woman.*This rich description of the weeping Au9r is unique in thescaldic poetry of the family sagas. But comparable passages may
be found in the heroic poetry. Unlike scaldic poetry, many of
the heroic lays are concerned chiefly with the great emotions,love, sorrow and fear. Among the most intensely emotional of
the heroic lays are those of the Burgundian cycle, especially theFirst and Second Lays of Gu9run {Gudr. i and Gudr. ii) and
Sigurdarkvida en skamma. The characters whose emotions aremost fully described in these lays are Brynhildr and Gu9run. The
weeping Au9r of Gisla Saga is reminiscent of Gu9run Gjukadottir, rather than of any heroine in the family sagas.
In Gudr. i the heroine is described sitting beside the dead bodyof Sigur9r. Gu9run does not weep at first, but, when the sheet iswithdrawn and the body is exposed, her tears fall fast:
hlyr ro9na9i
en regns dropirann ni9r um kne.
M gret Gu9nin
Gjiika dottir,
svd at tdr flugu tresk 1 g9gnum,
ok gullu vi9gaess f tiini (str. 15-16).
It has long been recognized that some of the strophes assigned
to Gfsli are influenced by lays of the Edda, and particularly by
those of the Burgundian cycle. ^ This influence is plainly evident
in str. 9, where the poet alludes directly to Gu9run Gjiikadottir.
There is no other strophe in the whole of scaldic poetry in which
so direct an allusion is made to heroic legend.
6 Cf. E. A. Kock, NN, § 348. For another interpretation see Finnur J6nsson,
Skj., B I 97.
7 E.g. Gudbrand Vigfusson and F. York Powell, Corpus Poeticum Boreale(1883), II 331. Cf. notes below.

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N I N E NORSE STUDIES V I I I

The subject of str. 9 is I>6rdfs, Gfsli's sister. In str. 8 Gfsli had
told Cordis that it was he who had slain her husband, I'orgrimr.
I'ordfs reported this news to BQrkr, whom she had married afterI'orgrimr's death. Bgrkr was the brother of I'orgrimr, and was,therefore, obliged to avenge him.
These circumstances lead Gisli to contrast the unstable character of his sister with the unshakeable loyalty of the Burgundian
heroine, for whom the blood-tie was stronger than that ofmarriage. It is related in Atlakvida, Gudr. 11, and in some othersources, how Gu9run slew her husband Atli and her own sonsin revenge for her brothers, Gunnarr and Hggni. Gu9run had no
greater reason to love her brothers than I'ordfs had to love
Gisli. Gunnarr and Hggni had caused the death of Gu9run's
first husband, Sigur9r, just as Gfsli had caused I'orgrimr's
death.
I'ordfs was a more complex character than Gu9run, and it was
partly for that reason that she was less constant. After she hadlearned that Gisli had slain I'orgrfmr, she could no longer observe
all the duties of loyalty which society expected of her. She was
faced with a hard choice. She could either hold her peace, andshirk the duty of avenging I'orgrimr, in which case she would
offend Bgrkr, or else she could denounce her brother, ignoring
the blood-tie. Unlike Gu9run, the real Germanic heroine,I'ordis chose the second course. This was why Gfsli contrasted
I'ordfs with Gu9run in str. 9:
Gatat sdl fasta systir
sveiga min at eiga
gaetnar Gjiika dottur,
Gu9riinar, hugtiinum.
I'd er log-Sdga Icegis
I6t sinn—af hug stinnum
svd rak snjallra brce9ra
sor-Freyja—ver deyja.
My inconstant sister had not the firm heart of wise Gu9nin, Gjuki's
daughter, in her breast.—For that gold-adorned goddess, the necklace-G f S L I S l i R S S O N AND H I S P O E T R Y

127

bearer (Gu9nin), caused her husband's death. Thus did Gu9nin stoutly
avenge her valiant brothers.*
The choice which I'ordfs made was followed by remorse, which
was inevitable in one so vacillating as she. No more is said of her
until the end of the saga, but she is not forgotten. It is told in
ch. 37 how the assassin, Eyjolfr, came to Bgrkr and I'ordis to tellthem of Gisli's death. Bgrkr rejoiced at the news, and told
I'ordfs to prepare sumptuous food to welcome the assassin. But
I'ordis said that she could only weep for her brother's death. Laterin the same evening, I'ordfs seized the sword, which had beentaken from Gisli, and tried to stab the assassin. When her husband restrained her, I'ordis called her witnesses and divorced
him. In all the saga literature there are few characters describedso completely in so few lines as I'ordfs.
Gfsli slew I'orgrfmr secretly by night (ch. 16). His guilt wassuspected, but not publicly known. A howe was raised for I'orgrfmr beside the lake, Seftjgrn. I'orgrfmr had been a devotee ofthe god Freyr, and was known as 'Freyr's Priest'. In return, the
god loved I'orgrimr so much that he would not allow frost tocome between him and I'orgrimr. The howe, in which I'orgrimrlay, remained green and free of frost, though the lake, SeftJQrn,
and the soil around were frozen hard. As he sat beside the frozen
lake, Gisli disclosed his guilt in these cryptic lines (str. 8), which
he addressed to his sister, I'ordis:
Teina sek i tiini
tdl-Grims vinar fdlu,
Gauts fiess, er geig of veittak,
Gunnbliks, }jdar miklar.
8 My interpretation of the first half of this strophe is very different from thoseof Finnur Jonsson (Skj., B197), E. A. Kock (NN, § 350) and other commentators.
According to my interpretation there is no kenning in the first half-strophe. Thismight be thought improbable. But it is not unlikely that a poet whose subject wasderived from heroic lays might also be influenced by the simpler syntax of thoselays.
On the adj. sveigr (vacillating, pliable) see Fritzner, s.v. sveigr, torsveigr, torsveigdr. Cf. Modern Icelandic sveigjanlegr.

128

N I N E NORSE STUDIES V I I I

I see sprouting shoots on I'orgrimr's howe; I see great patches ofthawed turf on the tilled field of that warrior whom I struck down."
Several critics'" have remarked on the verbal similarity between this strophe and str. 40 of Gudr. il, which says:
Hug9a ek her i tiini
teina fallna,]?d er ek vildak
vaxna Idta . . .
In this strophe Atli is telling Gu9run about an evil dream, andthe young shoots {teinar) symbolize his doomed sons.
In 22 of the 36 strophes attributed to him, Gisli describes
visions which had appeared to him in dreams. Magnus Olsen"
has developed the suggestions of earlier scholars that both Gisla
Saga and the strophes in it have been influenced by heroiclegends and lays. He draws especial attention to four of the dream
strophes (32-5), in which he again sees the influence of Gudr. 11.
These four strophes of Gisla Saga contain four dream pictures,
each of which is introduced with the word hugdak. The first linesof str. 33 may be cited as an illustration:
Hug9ak bl69 um bd9ar,
baug-Hlin, kndar minar
her9ar hvgssu sver9i
hraenets Regin setja . . .
Goddess adorned with rings, I thought that Reginn of the corpse-net(warrior) was smearing blood on both my sturdy shoulders with his
sharp sword . . .'^In the corresponding passage of Gudr. 11 (str. 38-42), four
dream pictures are also introduced, each with the word hugdak.
The contents of the two sets of dreams are also, in some respects,
9 For alternative interpretations of these lines see E. A. Kock, NN, § 1075;
Finnur Jonsson, Skj., B I 97. T h e plural form pdar is doubtful. Cf. B. M. Olsen,
Timarit hins islenzka bdkmentafelags xvi (1895), 57.
10 E.g. B. M. Olsen, op. cit., 57-8; Finnur Jonsson, Gisla Saga (1903), 45;
Magnus Olsen, Festskrift til Finnur Jdnsson (1928), 6-7.
11 loc. cit. See also the same author's paper in Arkiv XLVi (1930), 150-60.
12 For alternative interpretations see Finnur Jonsson, Skj., B i 103; E. A.
Kock, NN, § 365.

G f S L I SURSSON AND H I S P O E T R Y

129

similar. They both forebode death and disaster, symbolized ineach case by blood and gore.''The suggestion that some of the strophes of Gisla Saga havebeen directly influenced by heroic legends and lays need not be
doubted. Str. 9 shows plainly that its author was well versed in
the story of Gu9run. Str. 8 and the dream strophes 32-5 suggestthat Gudr. 11 was one of the lays which influenced the strophes ofGisla Saga. Str. 4-5 suggest the influence of Gudr. i or of a lay ofsimilar taste. It has also been shown that the story of Gisla Saga
has something in common with heroic legend. M. Olsen suggeststhat it has been influenced by Sigurdarkvida en skamma and perhaps by parts of Sigrdrifumdl. Even the prose in which Gisla Saga
is told shows the influence of poetry, most probably that of heroic
poetry.
Several scholars have sought to explain how it is that both thestrophes and the saga itself have been influenced by heroic legends
and lays. The most interesting conclusion is perhaps that ofMagnus Olsen.'*Olsen suggests that Gfsli, to whom the saga attributes thestrophes, was himself a student of heroic poetry. He remarks that,
according to the saga, Gisli spent his early years in Norway. In
Olsen's view, Norway was the home of most of the heroic lays.
Gfsli must have known these lays intimately, especially Gudr. 11.
He must, indeed, have known them so well that they influenced,
not only his thoughts, but also his career. Olsen further suggests
that, at a much later date, when the prose of the saga was written
in Iceland, the author {forfatteren) was again influenced by heroiclays. Olsen believes that the author of the prose was influenced by
Sigurdarkvida en skamma and by parts of Sigrdrifumdl. Like manyother scholars, Olsen assigns these lays to a later date than Gudr. 11.
A similar conclusion is plainly expressed by K. Liestol. Liestol
writes: 'The heroic poems lived so vividly in the mind of Gfsli
that he compared his own experiences with occurrences in these
poems. And this resemblance must also have been evident to the
13 Magnus Olsen, op. cit., 8-9.

14 op. cit., 8-14.

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N I N E NORSE STUDIES VIII

sagamen, including the last of them, to whom Gisla Saga owes
its final and perfect form.'''This conclusion implies a remarkable coincidence. Early scaldic
poets are seldom inspired by the stories and diction of heroic lays.
Scaldic and heroic poetry may, as has often been said, be two
branches of one tree, but the two branches are generally kept
apart. The authors of family sagas, writing in the thirteenth
century, are comparatively rarely influenced by the substance orstyle of heroic lays.'^ The two outstanding exceptions to thesegeneral rules are, therefore, said to be the poet Gfsli Sursson, who
lived in the tenth century, and the biographer of Gfsli, who lived
in the thirteenth century.
Magnus Olsen uses his conclusion to establish the date of Gudr.
II, which he believes to have influenced the poet Gfsli. He maintains that this lay was of Norwegian origin, and that it must havebeen composed before the middle of the tenth century. For,according to traditional chronology, Gfsli was born about 930,
and left Norway about 955.
Whenever these lays were composed, it is obvious that they
were known in Iceland in the thirteenth century. If it could be
proved that they were composed in the tenth century, it would
not show when the strophes of Gisla Saga were composed, orwhether the author of the saga was right in ascribing them toGisli Sursson. If, on the other hand, it could be established thatlays of this kind were not composed until after the tenth century,
it would suggest that the author was historically inaccurate inascribing the strophes to Gfsli Sursson.
It would be beyond the scope of this paper to discuss thegeneral problems about the dating of the Edda lays. It may,nevertheless, be helpful to consider briefly, without reference toGisla Saga, the ages of the two lays of Gu9run, which appear
15 The Origin of the Icelandic Family Sagas (1930), 173.
16 T h e influence of heroic lays may also be seen in Laxdoela Saga, though lessplainly than in Gisla Saga; cf. Einar Ol. Sveinsson, Laxdoela Saga (IF, v,
1934), xlv ff. See also K. Liestol, op. cit., 169 ff.; W. P. Ker, Epic and Romance(1922), esp. 209 ff.

G f S L I SURSSON AND H I S P O E T R Y

I3I

to be among those which have influenced the strophes assigned
to Gisli. The dates to which scholars assign these lays ofGu9run differ by as much as 500 years.
The similarity between the first and second lays of Gu9run is
so close that one of them must have influenced the other. I shallnot attempt to decide which has supplied the motives common toboth. G. Neckel'7 has suggested that Gudr. i has influenced
Gudr. II, and has adduced several important arguments to support his case. Finnur Jonsson,'* on the other hand, supposes that
Gudr. II is the older of the two. This conclusion is supported by
the designation enforna, which the Codex Regius applies to Gudr.
II. Finnur Jonsson believes that Gudr. 11 was composed about
950, and he assigns Gudr. i to the latter years of the tenthcentury.
Finnur Jonsson's conclusions about these lays are in agreementwith his general views about the age of the heroic poetry. It would
be impossible, in this paper, to discuss the arguments which haveled Finnur Jonsson to his conclusions. Nevertheless, the reader
does not escape the impression that his methods are somewhat
arbitrary. In dealing with this problem, Finnur Jonsson seems
reluctant to assign literary monuments, which he so rightly
admires, to a date which he considers post-classical." The artistic
value of the lays may not be impaired if they are found to datefrom the twelfth or thirteenth instead of from the ninth or tenthcentury, but their value as monuments of antiquity is certainly
reduced.
It was probably considerations of this kind which prompted
Finnur Jonsson to write: 'The spirit and culture of the Viking
Age (ninth and tenth centuries) come so vividly to light in theheroic poems, that it is hardly conceivable that they were composed much later.'^^ General statements of this kind do not bear
17 Beitrdge zur Eddaforschung (1908), 295 ff.
18 Litt. Hist., I 286 ff., 295 ff.
19 General problems relating to the age and home of the Edda lays are discussed by Finnur J6nsson, Litt. Hist., I 37-54, and in many other books andpapers by the same author.
20 Bdkmenntasaga Islendinga (1904-5), 66.

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N I N E NORSE STUDIES V I I I

scrutiny. It is largely from the heroic lays that we try to form ourideas of the spirit and culture of the Viking Age. Nevertheless,the picture which they give us may well be that of another age, orof a conglomeration of ages. The differences of taste and culture
which the heroic lays display are greater than we should expect
if they arose merely from individual differences of taste among
poets who lived in one period. Hamdismdl and Brot do not read
as if they belonged to the same stage of cultural development as
the lays of Gu9run or Sigurdarkvida en skamma. It is largely on
grounds of this kind that some scholars seek to distinguish between older and later strata among the heroic poems. 2'
If they are considered from this point of view, such poems as
the lays of Gu9run can hardly be assigned to any but the latest
period of heroic tradition. Their motives and their 'spirit' areboth typical of romantic medieval culture, even though they arecast in a strophic form which dates from an early phase of
Scandinavian poetry.
Comparatively little is known about the development of heroic
poetry among Germanic peoples. It seems, however, that theearliest poets were seldom inspired except by action. They sangof heroic deeds rather than of the motives which prompted them,or of the memories which they left. If this is correct, the oldest,
or at any rate the most archaic, poems of the Icelandic collection
must include Brot, parts of Hamdismdl and parts of the 'Battle of
the Goths and the Huns'. In these lays, the psychological interest
is little developed. Dialogue is used only to press the action forward, and not to disclose the mind of the speaker. Long speeches
and monologue have no place.
As the heroic tradition developed, the interests of those who
fostered it changed in Scandinavia, just as they did in Europe.
The old stories became so well known, that there was little needfor poets to retell them. The new poets were interested, not in
21 On these questions see especially A. Heusler, 'Die Lieder der Liicke im
Codex Regius' in FestschriftfUr H. Paul (1902); G. Neckel, op. cit.; H. Schneider,
Germanische Heldensage i (1928), esp. 134-57. -^ number of the statements madebelow are derived from these works.

G I S L I SURSSON AND H I S P O E T R Y

133what their heroes did, but in why they did it, and in how theheroes suffered after the well-known action had taken place. The
author of Sigurdarkvida en skamma, one of the longest of theheroic lays, shows how little he is interested in the murder of
Sigur9r when he dismisses it with the words (str. 21):
St69 til hjarta

hJ9rr Sigur9i.

This poet did not stint his words when he described the moral
conflict in Brynhildr's mind before Sigur9r's murder and Gu9riin's sorrow after it.
In the two lays of Gu9run the interest in psychology is developed as highly as it is in Sigurdarkvida en skamma. The authorsof these lays pay little heed to action. Sentiment is their soleconcern.
In Gudr. i the heroine is depicted sitting beside the dead bodyof her husband. The love motive, in which the older poets had
little interest, is here the central theme. The intensity of the loveof Gu9run and Sigur9r is described in these words, which GuUrQud addresses to Gu9run (str. 17):
Ykkar vissa ek
manna allra
Un9ir pii hvdrki
systir min,dstir mestar
fyr mold ofan.
liti ne inni,
nema hjd Sigur9i.

Earlier tradition knew nothing of this passionate love of heroand heroine.
The situation described in Gudr. i is similar to that describedin Aventiure xvii of the Nibelungenlied. We read in this Aventiure
how Kriemhilt (Gu9run) stood beside the murdered body of
Sigfrid outside her door.
In Gudr. i the poet describes how Gullrgnd uncovered the bodyof Sigur9r, so that Gu9run might gaze upon it (str. 13):
Svipti hon blaeju
ok vatt vengi'littu d Ijiifan,
sem )ju hdlsa9ir

af Sigur9i
fyr vifs kneum:
legg9u munn vi9 gr9n,
heilan stilli.'

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NINE NORSE STUDIES VIII

Similarly, it is related in Aventiure xvii (1068-9)^^ how the
hero's coffin was uncovered, so that Kriemhilt might gaze for thelast time on Sigfrid:
Do bat si's also lange
mit jamers sinnen stare,daz man zebrechen muose
den vii herlichen sarc.
Do brdhte man die vrouwen
da si in ligen vant.
Si huop sin schoene houbet
mit ir vii wizen hant;
do kuste s'also toten
den edelen ritter guot.
Ir vii liehten ougen
vor leide weineten bluot.
It is described in str. 16 of Gudr. i how Gu9run wept so loudthat the geese in the courtyard shrieked in terror (cf. p. 125
above). This scene is described even more extravagantly in
Sigurdarkvida en skamma (str. 29), which says:
svd slo hon svaran
sfnar hendr,
at kvd9u vi9
kdlkar i vd,
ok gullu vi9
gasss i tiini.
Whether the version of this strophe preserved in Gudr. i or thatin Sigurdarkvida en skamma is the earlier, its source cannot havebeen far removed from that of the Nibelungenlied (xvii, 1025),
which describes how Sigfrid's friends and kinsmen weep forhim:
Sigemunt der herre
den fiirsten umbesloz.
do wart von sinen vriunden
der jamer also groz,daz von dem starken wuofe
palas unde sal
and ouch diu stat ze Wormez
von ir weinen erschal.
Gudr. II is a strange poem. Nothing happens before our eyes.
Gu9run merely tells her audience about the sufferings of her past
life. It is a kind of elegy, a tragic and pathetic poem. It is introspective, and leaves the impression that the heroine is sorry, notso much for her dead husband as for herself. The following lines
will serve as an example (str. 12):22 Das Nibelungenlied, ed. K. Bartsch (1931).

G I S L I SURSSON AND H I S P O E T R Y

Nott J>6tti mer
er ek sdrla satk
lilfar ]?6ttumk
ef J>eir leti mik
e9a brendi mik,

I35

ni9myrkr vera,
yfir Sigur9i,
9IIU betri,
Hfi tyna
sem birkinn vi9.

The figure of Grfmhildr, mother of the Gjiikungar, plays anotable part in Gudr. 11. This woman appears only in sources
which we have reason to assign to a late date, and we may supposethat she did not exist in the earliest Scandinavian traditions. She
was probably introduced, in the first place, as a witch to mix themagic potion, so that Sigur9r might forget his betrothal to Brynhildr without staining his spotless honour. The author of Gudr. 11
has moved a step further and, in his hands, Grfmhildr has cometo life. Now she mixes a second magic potion, this time so that
Gu9run might forget her love for Sigur9r and her hatred of her
brothers. The author has borrowed the character of Grimhildrfrom Norse lays which themselves belong to the later. Christianperiod. The hatred which Gu9run shows of her brothers in theearly part of Gudr. 11 (e.g. in str. 9) contrasts with her traditional
loyalty to them, such as she shows in Atlakvida. But this preference of husband for brothers finds its parallel in the Nibelungenlied. It is characteristic of medieval morality, rather than of theheroic age.
B. Sijmons^s did not believe that the greater part of Gudr. 11(str. 1-36) was composed so early that it could have influenced
the historical Gfsli, who lived from about 930-78. He remarked,
however, that the passages of Gudr. 11 which appear to have influenced Gisli's poems were all to be found at the end of the lay,
between str. 37 and 44. He suggested that str. 37-44 had been
wrongly attached to Gudr. 11, and that they were originally partof some other lay, which might have been older. He inferred thatthe supposed older lay might even have been composed before
950, though he admitted that its extant strophes (str. 37-44 ofGudr. 11) did not give the impression of great antiquity.
23 B. Sijmons and H. Gering, Kommentar zu den Liedern der Edda 11 (1931),
290-1.

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N I N E NORSE STUDIES V I I I

It must be conceded that the two sections of Gudr. 11 hangbadly together. In the first section modern taste and motives predominate, and Gu9run's love for Sigur9r is emphasized. In thesecond, the older tradition, Gu9run's loyalty to her brothers, isbrought out. But the means whereby the poet combined the conflicting traditions are evident, the more so because of his unskilful hand. It was largely to combine the version of the story
which he had learnt from modern sources with that which heknew from the older sources that the poet introduced the witch
Grimhildr with her magic potion.
Both these lays of Gu9run show how Scandinavian poets were
influenced by changes of taste in medieval Europe, and how they
combined the traditions of Christian Germany with the legends
which had reached them, as pagans, several centuries earlier.
Gisla Saga and Gisli's poems also show the influence both ofolder and of later traditions. Gisli remembers the older Gu9run
when, in str. 9, he says that his sister has not so steadfast a heart
as she. He is inspired by later traditions when he describes theweeping Au9r (str. 4-5), and when he discourses on the virtuesof helping the blind, the lame and the armless. He is a product ofmedieval culture when he plaintively rebukes his sister andbrother for their failing loyalty towards him, and when he suffers
for many years as a martyred outlaw.
Several scholars have doubted whether all the strophes which
the saga assigns to Gisli were really composed by him. Gu9brandur Vigfusson held somewhat different views about these
poems at different periods of his life. In his Timatal^* Vigfusson
said that Gfsli was one of the grandest poets of the old tradition.
His dream strophes were among the finest monuments of Old
Norse poetry. When he wrote his Prolegomena to Sturlunga Saga, ^ ^Vigfusson still admired the strophes of Gisla Saga, but he thenbelieved that they were the work of a poet who lived, not in thetenth, but in the thirteenth century. In the Corpus Poeticum
24 Um timatal i islendinga sdgum (1855), 362.
25 Sturlunga Saga (1878), I Iii.

GfSLI SURSSON AND HIS POETRY

I37

Boreale^^ he writes of the author of these strophes as a 'versifier',
who had taken genuine old verses and worked them up into
bastard drottkvcett. Vigfusson now detected the influence of theheroic lays on the strophes of Gisla Saga. He suspected that the'versifier' had had access to the so-called Kdruljod (i.e. Helgakvida
Hundingsbana u, 1-13). But he thought this versifier was poorly
acquainted with ancient poetry, and consequently his whole work
was 'clumsy and botched'. In Origines Islandicae^'' Vigfusson
maintained that the strophes were composed after the saga itself.
He distinguished two types of poetry in Gisla Saga. The authorof the first type, which included some of the dream strophes, wasin touch with heroic tradition, and had probably read a few lines
of an Eddaic lay. The other strophes were mere verbiage of thethirteenth century, added by an editor to ornament the saga. It
seems that Vigfiisson's taste was now dictated by his keen historical sense and his love of antiquity.
Other scholars have also doubted whether Gfsli really composed all the strophes which the saga assigns to him. Gu9mundur
torlaksson,^* who questioned Gfsli's authorship, was satisfied
that they must be much older than the saga, and this view has
been widely held. B. M. (3lsen^' said that the dream strophes
were probably not Gisli's work, but he did not discuss theirauthorship in detail. He suspected that the complicated psychology, the dual personality which the rival dream women symbolized, could hardly have been appreciated by an outlaw inpagan Iceland. Olsen suggested that some of these dream strophes
were so deeply Christian in outlook that they must be the work ofa cleric. If this were so, Olsen thought it likely that some of theother strophes were also composed by a poet who lived later thanGfsli. He once suggested that this poet might perhaps also havebeen the author of the saga.
Finnur Jonsson3" spoke more emphatically than his predecessors.
26 H (1883), 331.
27 n (1905), 190.
28 Udsigt over de norsk-islandske Skjalde (1882), 46-7.
29 Um islendinga sSgur (1937-9), " S ff.
30 Gisla Saga (1903), xxi ff., cf. Litt. Hist., i 507 ff.

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NINE NORSE STUDIES VIII

For a time he nearly dispelled the suspicion that the saga washistorically inaccurate in ascribing its strophes to Gfsli. He
said that there was not the slightest reason to doubt the saga's
statement. Form, content and language all showed that thestrophes were Gfsli's work. A later author could not haveimagined the trials of the outlawed man so vividly that he could
depict them in strophes like these. Many scholars have accepted
this view. It may, however, be helpful to re-examine the question.
No one can read these strophes without being struck, as
B. M. Olsen was struck, by the Christian piety which colours
them. According to the saga (chs. 8 and 10), Gisli had met
Christian men when he visited Denmark. He was influenced by
Christian teaching and, when he returned to Iceland, he abandoned some, though not all, of the conventional pagan ritual.
According to the longer version, Gfsli was marked with the
Cross in Denmark." But both Norway, where Gfsli was broughtup, and Iceland, where he spent most of his adult years, were
pagan lands. It is hard to believe that, after such casual contact
with Christianity, Gfsli had all the appreciation of Christian
thought, and had such deep experience of Christian mysticism,as the saga implies that he had.
In ch. 22 the good dream woman appears to Gfsli. She tells
him to abandon pagan beliefs and practices: 'at lata lei9ask enn
forna si9 ok nema enga galdra ne forneskju . . .' The words ofthis guardian spirit are preserved in str. 16, which the heroaddresses to his wife, Au9r:
Blakkskyndir hjalp blindum,
Baldr drygg at pvi skjaldar,
illt kve9a hd9 at h9ltum,
handlausum Ty granda.
This strophe offers many textual difficulties, and admits ofvarious readings and interpretations, though its general meaning
is not obscure. It might be rendered: 'Sea-farer, help the blind;
3 1 / penna tima var kristni komin i Danmgrk, ok letu peir Gisli felagar primsignask (ch. 13).

G I S L I SURSSON AND H I S P O E T R Y

139

think of that, warrior. It is wicked to mock the lame, and to injure the armless m a n . ' "These sentiments are exclusively Christian. F. Paasche'' seesin this strophe the direct influence of the Ezra Apocalypse, whichsays: 'Laugh not a lame man to scorn, defend the maimed and let
the blind man come unto the sight of my glory.'3*
Str. 16 is the last of a group of four strophes, which the poetaddresses to his wife on one occasion. These four strophes havemuch in common, and must be regarded as a single poem or
flokkr. In str. 15 the poet describes how his guardian spirit had
warned him to pay no heed to the magic charms and pagan
thoughts of evil poets {gerskat namr galdrs).^' He must learn
nothing of poetry but that which is fine and ennobling.
In str. 13-14 the poet tells how his dream guardian leads him
into a hall where he meets his friends and relatives. She shows
him seven fires, which signify the number of years he has yet tolive. The hall in which Gfsli is united with his dead friends andrelatives is reminiscent of the story of I'orsteinn Porskabftr.^*
When I'orsteinn died, the hill, Helgafell, opened to receive him,
and there he joined his dead kinsmen. There are many similar
tales, both in old and later Icelandic. The flickering flames, someof which have nearly burnt out, are reminiscent of the story of thelamp of life, as told in Norna-Gests Pdttr.^'' Norna-Gestr does
not die until the candle which he carries is burnt out. This
motive is unquestionably of foreign origin. The number sevenalso suggests the use of standard European motives. ^^32 On this strophe see also Jon Helgason, Acta Philologica Scandinavica vi(1931). SS-62; Finnur Jonsson, Skj., B i 99.
33 Festskrift til Finnur Jonsson (1928), 200-2.
34 II Esdras, ed. W. Oesterley (1933), 11.
35 The general sense of str. 15 is plain. Several critics object to the construction gerskat ncemr galdrs because it implies a strained word-order. T h e construction is, however, supported by the prose of ch. 22. T h e poet is warned:
at nema enga galdra ne forneskju. For other interpretations see E. A. Kock, NN,§ 354; K. Reichardt, op. cit., 86-7.
36 Eyrbyggja Saga, ed. Einar Ol. Sveinsson ( i F iv, 1935), ch. 11.
37 ed. E. Wilken in Die prosaische Edda (1912), 235-61.
38 Cf. Finnur Jonsson, Litt. Hist., 11 839-40; N. Kershaw, Stories and Ballads

140

N I N E NORSE STUDIES V I I I

Since str. 13-14 are prophetic, they lead to the suspicion that
Gfsli did not compose them himself. It is more likely that they
are the work of a later poet, who knew the course of Gfsli's life. If
these strophes are composed by Gfsli, we must conclude, notonly that Gfsli was fully Christianized, but also that he was aprophet. Even this conclusion would be preferable to that ofFinnur Jonsson. ^ 9 Finnur Jonsson supposes that Gfsli dreamed
the dreams and composed the strophes, but that he did not die
precisely seven years later. It was merely tradition which had
made Gisli's life conform with his own prophecy.
If the dream strophes of ch. 22 were composed by a poet who
lived later than Gisli, it is unlikely that those preserved in theother chapters are Gfsli's work. Most of them are prophetic,
even though their prophecies are not all so precise as those inch. 22. In several of the dream strophes the poet describes
visions of the future life. He relates how the good spirit promises
him relief from his sufferings, and shows him a bed, upon which
he will rest on soft cushions (str. 23). In str. 26 it is told how the
Lord of Men {Allvaldr alda) had driven Gisli alone from his
house, in order that he may learn to know 'another world'{annan heim). This last allusion is somewhat obscure. The 'otherworld' probably has some relation to the Christian heaven, andperhaps to Christian faith, which the poet will learn to value inhis solitary life.
In all the dream strophes the dominant theme is the conflict
between good and evil. Thus the good spirit represents Christianteaching, while the evil one, her hands besmirched with blood,
symbolizes the old religion. The one gives the poet good advice,while the other tells him wicked things, and offers him only evil
prospects (ch. 22).
The conduct of these two spirits is less like that of traditional
fylgjur than of the good and evil guardian angels, who played sogreat a part in medieval Christianity. These divine and Satanic(1921), 13; H. Dehmer, Primitives Erzdhlungsgut in den Islendinga Sogur (1927),
108-9.
39 Gisla Saga (1903), xxii.

G I S L I SURSSON AND HIS POETRY

141

guardians were well-known to the early theologians of Norway
and Iceland.'K' But it is unlikely that a man like the historicalGfsli, who had spent nearly all his life among pagans, would haveunderstood these symbols of the abstract qualities of good andbad. For it is doubtful whether Scandinavian pagans recognized
any sharp distinction between good and evil. T h e poets of the
Hdvamdl knew of no such sharp distinction.
No less than 22 of the 36 strophes assigned to Gfsli are concerned with dreams. S. A. Krijn,"*' in a very useful paper, attempted to divide these dream strophes into three groups, in which
she saw three distinct poems. Str. 13-16, 22-24 and 32-35 hangclosely together, and may be said to form distinct groups. But thethoughts expressed and the symbols used in these dream strophes
are so uniform, and so distinct from other scaldic poetry, thatthey can hardly be the work of more than one poet.
The dream strophes are the result of Christian experiences suchas an Icelander of Gfsli's age could not have known. But this does
not show at what date they were composed. They might beassigned to a poet who lived at any time between the Conversion(A.D. IOOO) and the time when the saga was written in its present
form.
Several scholars have maintained that, even though Gfsli was
not their author, the dream strophes must be much older than
the saga. It is said that their style and language both lead to thisconclusion. Hence, some scholars conclude, the strophes werecomposed, not by Gfsli, but by a Christian poet who lived soonafter Gfsli's death.
It is hard to decide the age of these strophes from their styleor technique. T h e metrical form used in most of them is anancient one, but this does not show that they are old. T h e same
metre was still used by Icelandic poets of the thirteenth andfourteenth centuries.
40 See e.g. Michaels Saga in Heilagra manna sogur, ed. C. R. Unger (1877),
I 683; Gammel norsk Homiliebog (1864), 183; cf. Gamal norsk Homiliebok, ed. G.
Indrebo (1931), 142.
41 Arkiv u (1935), 69 ff.

142

N I N E NORSE STUDIES V I I I

It may be helpful in determining the date of the dream strophes
to consider their 'spirit', their thoughts and the symbols in which
they are expressed. If they are considered from this point of view,
these strophes appear to have something in common with themystical poetry of the late twelfth century. They seem sometimes
to be influenced by the kind of symbolism which is used at its
best in such poems as Harmsol and Solarljod. Both of these poems
describe visions of Heaven and Hell. The place where Gisli is torest on a bed of soft cushions (str. 23) is not altogether unlike thescene of heavenly repose described in Solarljod (str. 72):*^
Hvilur peirra
vdru a himingeislum
haf9ar hagUga.
Like the dream strophes of Gisla Saga, Solarljod is a Christianpoem which uses a pre-Christian technique. It is also influenced,
though superficially, by the sentiments of Hdvamdl and of otherpagan poetry. It could not be suggested that the dream strophes
have been influenced directly by Solarljod or Harmsol. But it is
not extravagant to suppose that the author of the dream strophes
had read the great Christian poems of the twelfth century, as
well as the older and younger lays of the heroic tradition.''^The saga attributes 14 strophes other than the dream strophes
to its hero. The most striking of all these is str. 9, which wasmentioned above (p. 126). In this strophe the poet alludes in plain
words to the tragedy of Gu9run Gjiikadottir. He is citing heroiclegend, though it cannot be clearly decided which heroic lay has
inspired him. The story of Gu9run's fraternal loyalty is told in
42 Sdlarljod, ed. Bjorn M. Olsen (1915), 21.
43 F. Seewald, Die Gisla Saga (1934), 118, suggested that the diction of str. 5
had been influenced by Mdriuflokkr (fragmentarily preserved, printed Skj.,B I 634), which describes Mary weeping at the Cross. The evidence for direct
influence of the Mdriuflokkr on str. 5 is not strong, though it is possible that thefigure of the weeping Au3r was partly coloured by traditions about the weeping
Mary. There must have been many poems and legends on this subject. The
fourteenth-century Mdriugrdtr (esp. the diction of str. 49, Skj., B 11 519) mightalso be compared with Gisli's str. 4-5. T h e influence of the weeping Mary would
not, of course, preclude the influence of the weeping GuSrun. See p. 125 above.

G I S L I SURSSON AND HIS POETRY

143

Atlakvida and several other sources. It was evidently part of theoldest, as well as of the latest, Scandinavian tradition about
Gu9run. On such evidence, str. 9 might be assigned to any
period between 850 and 1300. But since it is preserved in thesame saga, str. 9 should probably be ascribed to the same poet as
the other strophes which bear the unusual marks of heroic tradition. I have suggested that the emotional romanticism, which isinherent in some of the strophes of Gisla Saga, as in some of the
eddaic lays, belongs to Christian Iceland rather than to pagan
Norway.
It has been argued that some of the strophes of Gisla Saga
contain ancient linguistic forms which prove that they were composed at an early date.tt The metre sometimes demands forms
with uncontracted vowels, such as dar, grdum, fe'i, instead of thecontracted forms dr, grdm, fe. The vowels in such forms as thesewere generally contracted towards the end of the twelfth century.
It was not, however, long before the uncontracted forms began
to reappear, because of analogy. It is doubtful whether the contraction was ever completed. As has already been observed, Icelandic poets did not conform with this phonological law.*' They
often used uncontracted forms after the contracted ones had become common in prose, and continued to use contracted ones
after the uncontracted forms had been restored. This argument
cannot, therefore, be used to show when the strophes were composed. It has also been suggested that the use of the archaic form
Porketill (for Porkell), in str. 21, is indicative of an early date.
But Porketill continued to be recognized by scribes as a poetic
form of the name long after I'orkell had become common inprose. 1*
The diction of the strophes of Gisla Saga does not give any
clear indication of their age. T h e apparent use of the word sdl(soul, spirit) in str. 9 suggests a late date of composition. This
44 See Finnur Jonsson, Gisla Saga (1903), xxi; Litt. Hist., i 508 ff.
45 Cf. Bjorn K. tdrolfsson, Um islenzkar ordmyndir (1925), xxi f.; A. Noreen,
Altisldndische Grammatik* (1923), § 130.
46 E. H. Lind, Norsk-isldndska dopnamn (1905-15), s.v. Porkell.

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N I N E NORSE STUDIES

VIII

word is generally regarded as a loan from English. It is rarely
found except in specifically Christian texts, where it generally has
the meaning 'immortal soul'. Its presence in str. 9 is demanded
by Finnur Jonsson's interpretation, and by most others, no lessthan by mine, but undue weight should not be attached to thisargument, for these interpretations may be at fault. *7
It has been shown that influences which appear to belong to
the medieval period are to be found both in the dream strophes
and in others which the saga preserves. Since these influences are
distinctive, and are not often found in scaldic strophes of familysagas, it seems probable that they should be traced to one andnot to several poets. There remain a number of strophes whichhave not been mentioned in this paper. Most of these bear acertain resemblance to the dream strophes. Two of them (10 and
11) are composed in kviduhdttr. This is the metre of Ynglingatal,of Hdleygjatal and of Egill's Arinbjarnarkvida and Sonatorrek. It
is certainly one of the most ancient metres, but it is scarcely everused for detached scaldic strophes {lausavisur). Its use in Gisla
Saga suggests the hand of a late poet with antiquarian tastes,rather than that of an ancient poet.'**Str. 2 is somewhat exceptional. It describes the burning ofGfsli's home in Norway. Unlike most of the strophes in this saga,
it is objective and picturesque. It has characteristics of the older
period of scaldic verse, and is perhaps an ancient strophe. But
this does not show that str. 2 is Gisli's work. It is preserved onlyin the longer text of the saga, and in a passage which most critics
believe to be an interpolation. It seems possible, therefore, that
this is an ancient strophe which has been assigned wrongly to
Gfsli.
It has already been shown that the plot and the prose of Gisla
Saga bear some of the same distinctive marks as the strophes.
The saga itself is sentimental and romantic, and appears to be
47 On sdl see H. Falk and A. Torp, Etymologisk Ordbog (1903), s.v. sjal. For
another view see Seewald, op. cit., 122.
48 Str. 18 is in rhyming couplets (hin minnsta runhenda), which suggests a latedate of composition; cf. A. Heusler, Deutsche Versgeschichte I (1925), 280 ff.

G f S L I SURSSON AND H I S P O E T R Y

145influenced by poetic diction and thought. It may, therefore, besuggested that the prose and the verse are both the work of thesame author. This seems more probable than Liestol's suggestion
which would imply that the author of the strophes and a series ofsuccessive 'sagamen' were all subjected to the same exceptional
influences.
It has been argued that statements made in the prose do notalways agree precisely with those made in the strophes. On thesegrounds it has been concluded that the prose and the verse cannot
be by the same author. In fact, the differences are very slight,
and might easily have arisen during scribal transmission.'" The
textual histories of many sagas show how great were the alterations made by scribes in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, so
The similarity between the prose and the verse of Gisla Saga ismuch more striking than the differences.
There are reasons to doubt that the historical Gfsli was a poet.
Snorri and the other critical writers of the thirteenth century say
nothing of him. Probably these early critics would have mentioned
him if he had really been so great a poet as the author of thestrophes attributed to him certainly was. But there is no positive
reason to doubt that Gisli lived. The outline of his life, as it istold in the saga, may perhaps be true. Landndmabok gives evidence that Gisli lived, 5' even though the genealogies drawn in
Landndmabok do not agree precisely with those of Gisla Saga.
Gfsli is rarely mentioned in other sources," and it is doubtful
whether he was a famous man until the saga was written. It is
unlikely that the character of the historical outlaw bore a close
resemblance to the artistic description of the thirteenth century.
49 The more important of these inconsistencies are pointed out in Benedikt
Sveinsson's edition, 197-217.
50 Cf. Viga-Glums Saga, ed. G. Turville-Petre (1940), xxii ff.
51 Landndmabdk, ed. Finnur Jonsson (1900), Hauksbdk, 39, 46; Sturlubdk,
162,169. Gisli's relationship with Snorri go3i is mentioned in Njdls Saga, ch. 114.
52 Islendinga Saga (Sturlunga Saga, ed. G. Vigfusson, i 247) in a story relating
to the year 1221 mentions a spear called Grdsida, which people said had once
belonged to Gisli Sursson (cf. Bjorn M. Olsen, Um islendinga sogur, 128-9). It
is not possible to decide from this passage whether Sturla knew Gisla Saga when
he wrote Islendinga Saga.

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The author probably used traditional tales about Gfsli, but there
is little reason to believe that these were very many or very full.
The author drew freely on standard motives, such as were applied
to many heroes in his day.'' He treated his subject according to
the taste of a medieval and Christian culture. He was influenced,
strongly though probably indirectly, by the changing artistic
fashions of Europe. Consequently his work lacks the austerity
which characterizes many of the best Icelandic sagas. It is forthis reason that Gisla Saga appeals especially to those trained toappreciate the romantic literatures of medieval and post-medieval
Europe.
I shall not attempt to decide who was the author of Gisla Saga,
nor precisely when he lived. Some idea of the age of Gisla Saga
may perhaps be obtained by comparing it with other sagas. The
slaughter of I'orgrfmr by Gfsli, as told in ch. 16, closely resembles
the story of the slaughter of Helgi Asbjarnarson, which is related
in Droplaugarsona Saga (ch. 13). The similarity of the phrases andmotives used in these two sagas is so close, that one of them musthave copied directly from the other. Bjorn K. I'orolfssons* andA. Heusler55 both concluded that Gisla Saga had influenced
Droplaugarsona Saga. Heusler believed that this influence was
exercised mainly through an oral medium, and that it took place
before either saga was written. His conclusion was based on aforced and unnecessarily complicated hypothesis. In reality theverbal similarity between the two passages is so close that it can
only be concluded that the author of one copied from a writtenversion of the other.
I. Gordon'^ studied the relationship between Gisla Saga and
53 A number of these are cited by H . Dehmer, op. cit., esp. 46, 88, 93, 101.
T h e story of the vengeance taken by the youthful sons of Vesteinn for their father(Gisla Saga, ch. 28-9) seems also to contain stock motives. It has something incommon with the story of Gestr Sdrhallsson and Viga-Styrr (Heidarviga Saga,ch. 8-9). Ultimately such stories may be related to legends like that of Vali whoavenged his brother Baldr when one night old (Vgluspd, str 31 f.).
54 'Droplaugarsona Saga' in Festskrift til Finnur Jdnsson (1928), 45-66.
55 'Beriihrungen zwischen den Islandergeschichten' in Deutsche Islandsforschung (1930), 220-31.
56 Medium JEvum in (1934), 79-94.

GfSLI SURSSON AND HIS POETRY

147

Droplaugarsona Saga in considerable detail. Her conclusion was
the opposite to that of Bjorn I'orolfsson and Heusler. She showed
that, as told in Droplaugarsona Saga, the story is, in many ways,
more logical and better placed than it is in Gisla Saga. She concluded that the author of Gisla Saga had borrowed the story from
Droplaugarsona Saga. In this case, Gisla Saga must be a later
work than Droplaugarsona Saga.
Einar Ol. Sveinsson'^ compared Gisla Saga with Eyrbyggja
Saga. He suggested that Eyrbyggja had borrowed the story of
Gisli's death and a few other incidents from Gisla Saga, for the
relevant passages of Eyrbyggja appear to be summarized from Gisla
Saga. If this is so, Gisla Saga must be older than Eyrbyggja Saga.
Droplaugarsona Saga is probably among the oldest family sagas,
even though it can hardly be as old as 1180, as Bjorn I'orolfsson
supposed^s (he later changed his opinion). Eyrbyggja Saga was
assigned by its latest editor to about the year 1220, though there
are reasons to believe it is somewhat later than that. Earlier
scholars have suggested that it was written 1240-50.
There are indications that Styrmir fr69i (died 1245) did notknow Gisla Saga, or, at any rate, that he did not use it when hemade his version of Landndmabok. Styrmir probably worked in
the third decade of the thirteenth century. There are similar
indications that Sturla I'6r9arson (died 1284) used Gisla Saga
when he compiled his version oi Landndmabok.^'^ Sturla probably
worked after 1260, perhaps even after 1270. It may be suggested
that Gisla Saga is later than Styrmisbok but older than Sturlubdk.
Gisla Saga cannot be among the oldest family sagas. Its author
shows a studied artistry, which is typical of the later rather thanof the older period. His taste is romantic and even sentimental.
His work shows influences which the authors of the oldest familysagas avoided. But he lived at a time when the scholarly interestin heroic lays and scaldic poetry was still at its height. It might
57 Eyrbyggja Saga (IF iv, 1935), xxi-xxii.
58 op. cit., 64.
59 Cf. J6n J6hannesson, Gerdir Landndmabdkar (1941), 105 ff.

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NINE NORSE STUDIES VIII

be suggested that he belonged to the generation of Olafr hvftaskald (born 1210) rather than to that of Snorri Sturluson (born
1178).
POSTSCRIPT

After some doubt, I have decided to republish this paper in theform in which it appeared in 1944.*" Much valuable work on
Gisla Saga and the verses in it has appeared since that date,*'and I hope that my paper contributed something to the discussion, although the problems involved remain far from solution.
Recent critics seem generally to agree that most of the verses
ascribed to Gfsli are the work of one poet. Not only the plaintive
tone, but also the striking similarity of imagery suggests this. I
may mention the kennings for 'woman' in which, time and again,
the basic word is the name of a goddess or valkyrie, e.g. serFreyja, Eir aura. A list of such expressions was given by Bjorn K.
I'6r61fsson in his edition of the saga.*^
It is also agreed by most scholars that the bulk of these verses
was not by Gisli, since the Christian sentiments which predominate, not least in the dream verses, are not likely to be thoseof an Icelander of the mid-tenth century. Influence of Christian
poetry assigned to the twelfth century had been detected, as wasemphasized in the present paper. But here agreement stops.
It is said that the verses cannot be the work of Gfsli himself,
living in the tenth century, nor of the author of the saga, whoprobably worked towards the middle of the thirteenth century;
the poet must have lived between those two dates. Grammatical
60 Modern Language Review xxxix (1944), 374-91.
61 Bjorn K. Porolfsson's authoritative edition of the saga in Vestfirdinga Sggur( I F VI) was published in 1943 but, for obvious reasons, was not then available
to me. References in this note apply to his edition unless otherwise stated.
Among the most important recent works on Gisla Saga I would mention:
Ida L. Gordon, 'The Origins of Gisla Saga', Saga-Book xni (1946-53), 183205; Anne Holtsmark, Studies in the Gisla Saga (Studia Norvegica vi, 1951);
Peter G. Foote, 'An Essay on the Saga of Gisli', appended to The Saga of Gisli,translated by George Johnston (1963).
62 op. cit., viii.

GtSLI SURSSON AND HIS POETRY

149

forms are said to show that the verses belong to the twelfth
century and not to the thirteenth; forms such as fei, pvisa might
be seen as archaic. Attention was called, particularly by Bjorn K.
I'ordlfsson {op. cit., vi ff.), to hiatus forms, such as brda, pda,
grdum, sometimes demanded by the metre. At some time during
the thirteenth century, these forms would have been contracted
to bra, pd, grdm. The uncontracted forms were later restored byforce of analogy. It is, therefore, difficult to say at which time, inwhich areas and among which classes uncontracted forms were
avoided. T o quote another work by Bjorn K. I'orolfsson:'Sjalfsagt hafa osamandregnar myndir altaf veri9 til. . .' ('Undoubtedly uncontracted forms always existed . . .').*' The argument from contraction or its absence carries little weight,
although a more thorough study of the subject might proverewarding. I may pass over the uncontracted form Porketil (ace.
sg., str. 24), instead of the later Porkel, also said to show that theverse is older than the thirteenth century. Since Icelanders of
the thirteenth century and later continued to write this form,
they knew of its existence and may well have used it in daily
speech. The purely grammatical arguments, said to show that theverses belong to the twelfth century rather than the thirteenth,appear to be inconclusive. Cf. p. 143 above.
The prosody of the verses in Gisla Saga should be considered
briefly, although it is not likely that this will help greatly in
deciding their age. In the first place, it must be recognized thatthe saga does not claim that Gisli was a court or professional poet.
We cannot expect such stringency as we find, for example, in thework of I'j6961fr Arnorsson (died c. 1066). Gfsli is liberal in his
distribution of rime and half-rime; he frequently omits the halfrime in odd lines, although sometimes he has a full rime where
we might expect a half. Like most scalds, he is strict in his use offull rime at the end of each half-strophe.
It is generally agreed that, whatever the reason, the older
scalds in their rimes regarded g and a as identical, but towards
63 Um islenzkar ordmyndir a 14. og 13. old (1925), xxii.

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N I N E NORSE STUDIES V I I I

the end of the twelfth century the two sounds came to be heard
as distinct. *"> Gfsli sometimes treats them as if they were identicalin full rime, but sometimes as if they were distinct using them in
half-rime. I doubt whether this has great significance since, as
already remarked, Gfsli (or pseudo-Gfsli) was not a strict poet.
In one verse (21) Gisli uses a six-syllable line with end-rime. As
Peter Foote pointed out {op. cit., 114), this form is so rare inscaldic poetry which we can assign to an early period, that theverse is unlikely to belong to the historical Gfsli. But since thisverse forms part of a sequence, it is hardly likely, as remarked
by Foote, that the rest of the sequence could be the work of atenth-century poet.
It has been widely said that there is some discrepancy between the verse and the story told in the prose. This implies that,while the author of the saga used the verse as a source, he did notunderstand it as well as we do. This is a dangerous hypothesis.
Very few sagas are preserved in the form in which they were firstwritten. Scribes of the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth centuries rewrote the sagas which came into their hands, intending
to improve them in one way or another, especially compressing
the style, and sometimes incorporating material not in theoriginal. *5
Gfsli's last verse (40), as he faced death, is said to conflictwith the prose. According to the prose, Gisli's wife, Au9r, waspresent or near by, but the poet seems to say that she will hearof {fregna) his valour. The discrepancy, if such it is, is thus in the
one word, fregna. But Au9r might still hear talk of Gfsli's valour,even if she had witnessed it herself.
Peter Foote also called attention to another apparent discrepancy, which is particularly interesting, since it may throw lighton the saga in its scribal, rather than oral transmission. The halfstrophe (39) reads in the received text:
64 T h e problem was discussed in detail by Hreinn Benediktsson in Acta
Philologica Scandinavica xxvi (1963), 1-18.
65 Viga-Glums Saga provides an excellent example of both of these processes.

G I S L I SURSSON AND H I S P O E T R Y

151

ok hJ9rraddar hlyddi
heggr rjiipkera tveggja,
koma mun dais a drengi
d9gg, temingja h9ggvi.
These difficult lines are explained differently in the two versions of the saga. The differences between them are instructive,
for they show how much sagas may be altered by their scribes.
According to the supposedly later version (Y),** Gisli had adream: rennr d hann hgfgi, ok dreymir hann pegar, at fuglar tveir
koma d husit ok hjoggusk at i Icemingi; peir vdru heldr meiri en
rjupkerar, ok letu heldr illiliga; peir vdru allir litadir i blodi einu.
If we had only this version, and believed it to be the original
text, we might safely say that the author had misunderstood theverse. But the writer of the 'older' version (E) interpreted thelines in a different way, and his explanation may also be incorrect:
rennr d hann svefnhgfgi, ok dreymir hann, at fuglar kcemi i hiisit,er Icemingar heita, peir eru meiri en rjiipkerar ok letu illiliga ok
hgfdu vdlkazk i rodru ok blodi.^'Recent critics have concentrated on the word Icemingjar{Icemingar). According to Bjorn K. I'orolfsson,** Icemingr cannot
be a bird because we do not know of any bird with such a name.
To quote Peter Foote: 'All are agreed that it cannot possibly
mean any sort of bird.' But the diminutive suffixes -ing-, -ungare particularly common in bird-names; titlingr and f^lungr may
be cited among many examples.*' In Icelandic the word lomr
(cf. English loom, Danish lorn) is applied to the red-throateddiver {colymbus stellatus). The description of the birds which
Gisli saw in his dream corresponds closely with that of the redthroated diver. This bird is much larger than a cock ptarmigan;on his throat he has a patch of dull red, the colour of gore. His
66 Tveer Sogur af Gisla Surssyni, ed. Konra8 Gislason, with notes on the verses
by Sveinbjorn Egilsson (1849), 155.
67 op. cit., 67-8; cf. Bjorn K. t>6r61fsson's edition, 110.
68 op. cit., 110, note i.
69 See Bjarni Saemundsson, Fuglarnir (1936), 686 ff., and particularly W. B.
Lockwood, Faroese Bird Names (1961).

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N I N E NORSE STUDIES V I I I

conduct is unpleasing, for he utters 'eerie wails, growls, hoots,
goose-notes, screams and howls'.7" It was not until after I had
written this note that I realized that Sveinbjorn Egilsson musthave had similar thoughts when he translated the lines: 'Og jeg
horte tydelig, at denne Lyd kom fra nogle Laeminger (Fugle;
maaskje en Art Lomfugle), der sloges med hverandre . . . ' "If this explanation of the word Icemingr is correct, we should,
according to modern convention, spell it Icemingr.
I have not attempted in this note to prove that the verse andprose of Gisla Saga are by the same author, but only to show thatthe arguments that they are not so are inconclusive. If the verses
are older than the saga, they have coloured the thoughts andtastes of the saga-writers. The poet thought of heroic legend when
he contrasted his fickle sister, I'ordis, with Gu9run Gjiikadottir(p. 126 above). The saga itself has much of the tragic tone of the'Burgundian' lays, the loyal Au9r filling the place of the loyal
Gu9run and the blameless, brave Gisli that of Sigur9r. Loyalties
are thus reversed, for a pagan woman's first loyalty was to herbrothers, but a Christian woman's to her husband.
Let us suppose that the verses in Gisla Saga are older than thesaga itself, even if not so old as Gfsli. In this case, the verses musthave been a main source for the author of the saga, and he may
have known more verses than those now preserved. It could be,
as some have argued,'^ that the author of the saga received theverses in written form. But the written text would need explanatory notes, for the verses would not be comprehensible withoutthem. If this were so, the verses and the explanatory notes might
be regarded as the 'saga' in its most primitive form.
A much more subtle and interesting suggestion was made byPeter Foote.''^ He remarks on many words and phrases, used in
the verses, which are characteristic of the twelfth century, and70 Cf. J. Fisher, Bird Recognition 11 (1951).
71 Tvar Sogur af Gisla Surssyni, 187-8.
72 See Bjorn K. Porolfsson's edition, xi.
73 See note 61 above.

GfSLI SURSSON AND HIS POETRY

153

suggests that the verses in Gisla Saga belong to that period. Thisimplies that much of the material of the saga was transmitted
orally in explanatory tales which went with the verses. If this isso, we cannot tell what words were used in the prose, but thestory need not have been very different from that which we havenow. Foote seems to be returning to the theory of the oral saga,
although in a much modified form. He would not say, as Heusler
did: 'Bei vielen Sagas denkt man zuerst an ein Diktat: das Pergament fangt die gehorte Sprache des Geschichtenmannes mit derTreue des Phonographen auf.'^*74 A. Heusler, Die Anfange der isldndischen Saga (1914), 61.

IX DROTTKVATT

AND

IRISH

SYLLABIC MEASURESN this article I intend to make a comparison between the
poetry of the Scandinavian people and that of the Irish. But
first of all it may not be out of place to recall shortly the principal
episodes of Irish history during the viking period.
It is impossible to say for certain when the Scandinavians madetheir first contact with Ireland. It is possible that the great fleet
which plundered the island of Tory in the year 617 was mannedby Scandinavians, but that can never be more than conjecture.
However, reliable sources relate that Scandinavian vikings plundered the islands of lona and Lambay in the year 795 and Inish
Patrick, not far from the Isle of Man, in the year 798. A few years
later, vikings plundered Inishmurray near Sligo and bands ofthem made forays inland as far as Roscommon. The Irish annalists tell of many attacks and landings in the following years, principally in the south of Ireland. In the year 823 Bangor on Belfast
Lough was attacked and a short time later further attacks weremade on the east coast of Ireland. By this time Scandinavians
seem to have begun to settle in Ireland and the annalists of that
period imply that whole bands of them had settled in East Meathabout the year 826 and on the coast of Wicklow about the year

I

835It is impossible to say for certain to which of the Scandinavian
nations these first vikings belonged. But one may assume thatsome of them were Norwegians who had settled in the Orkneys
and in Shetland. These islands had been settled from Norway a
few decades earlier.
In the year 832, according to the Irish annalists, the NorwegianTurgesius landed in the north of Ireland at the head of a large
royal fleet. Other fleets, which were probably also under the leadership of Turgesius, landed in other Irish harbours. Turgesius

DROTTKV.STT AND IRISH MEASURES155

was recognized as king of all the Scandinavians in Ireland andprobably held sway over many Irish people also.
The organization of Irish society fell to pieces under the tyrannyof Turgesius. He took possession of the monastery of Armagh,
expelled the abbot and installed himself in his place. His wife,
Ota, assumed a similar dignity in Clonjnacnoise and gave oraclesfrom the altar of the cathedral church in her capacity as a priestess.
The Irish annalists of this period describe Turgesius in extreme
terms, as though he were in his person the incarnation of paganism and Anti-Christ himself. The historians of a later period heldthat his object was to uproot Christianity and to establish anutterly pagan kingdom in Ireland. But it is hardly likely that sucha thought could have occurred to him. The pagans had no hardand fast dogmas in matters of religion and bothered little about
the religious beliefs of other people. Turgesius plunderedchurches and monasteries, because in them were kept the valuables and wealth of the people. He made himself abbot of themonastery in Armagh because he was ambitious for the abbatial
power.
The kingdom of Turgesius lasted only thirteen years. Then hewas captured by one of the Irish chieftains who had him drowned.
The opposition of the Irish grew for a while thereafter, and theannalists speak less frequently of battles between the Scandinavians and the Irish than of battles between the fair and the dark
foreigners, that is between the Norwegians and the Danes on the
coasts of Ireland. Irish chiefs fought on the side of the Norwegians or the Danes as it suited themselves.
Large bands of Danes came to Ireland about the middle of theninth century and flerce battles were fought at that time. It is said
that on one occasion when the battle was going against the Danes
they called on St Patrick, the favourite saint of the Irish, andcarried off the victory. Such accounts show how insignificant was
the opposition of the Scandinavian pagans to Christianity andChristian customs. At first the Danes were successful in theirbattles against the Norwegians, but their power was later broken

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NINE NORSE STUDIES IX

when the Norwegian chief Amhlaibh landed in the year 853. It
was said of Amhlaibh that he was the son of the king of Lochlann,
and many scholars have assumed that he was identical with Olafr
hvfti who is often mentioned in Icelandic sources dealing with theperiod of the settlement of Iceland. But the Icelandic texts do notsupport that identification. Amhlaibh became head of the foreigners in Ireland and Irish chieftains fought sometimes with, sometimes against him.
By this time the Irish and the Scandinavians had lived asneighbours for about a generation and influenced each other's
way of life. The Norwegian scholar, Carl Marstrander,' investigated the loan-words which Irish borrowed from Scandinavian andcame to the conclusion that the majority of them were derived
from the dialect which was spoken in southwest Norway. He holds
that some of these loanwords show Norwegian forms which cannot be later than the middle of the ninth century.
This hybrid Scandinavian-Irish culture becomes clearly visible
in the accounts of the people called Gall-Ghaedhil or foreign
Irish. These people appear first in history about the middle of theninth century, when they are mentioned by the Irish annalists.
Some say they were Irish who had been fostered by Scandinavians. Others say that they were Irish people who had abandoned
Christianity and adopted the customs of the Scandinavians. Manyof them were doubtless the sons of Scandinavian fathers andIrish mothers. For a short period the Gall-Ghaedhil appear as aseparate nation, warlike and independent. They fought sometimes
with the Irish, sometimes with the Scandinavians, just as theypleased. They surpassed the Norwegians in fierceness andcruelty. They attacked the churches just as the Norwegians did
and were called the 'sons of death' {maic bdis). The name of oneof their chiefs tells its own story. His name was Caitill Finn.
That is the Norwegian name Ketill with the Irish epithet finn
'fair'. Caitill was defeated and killed by the Norse leader
Amhlaibh about 856. After his time there are few accounts of
1 Bidrag til det norske sprogs historie i Irland (1915).

D R O T T K V . S T T AND I R I S H M E A S U R E S

157

attacks by the Gall-Ghaedhil in Ireland. But the mixed NorseIrish nation which lived in Western Scotland and the Hebrides
was also called Gall-Ghaedhil in later times.
Amhlaibh visited Ireland every now and again up to the year
870. Then it is said that he returned to Norway where his father
was faced with internal disturbances. This is not at all unlikely,
because the Icelandic historians relate that in those years there
was internal conflict in Norway, when Haraldr harfagri rose topower. Now begins a period of peace in Ireland, probably because
the Norwegian chieftains were fully occupied at home and wereunable to send any strong force to Ireland.
It was during this period that the Scandinavians first becameaware of Iceland, though it is likely that the Irish had gone there
many generations previously. It is possible that the Scandinavians
first heard of Iceland from the Irish. The earliest settlers of Iceland found Irish hermits there before them. The dialect which
the majority of the settlers of Iceland spoke was the same as thatwhich was spoken in southwest Norway and was also that which
was most commonly spoken in the Norwegian colonies of Ireland.
The settlement of Iceland was, of course, the result of manycauses. One of them was the tyranny of Haraldr harfagri, as the
Icelandic historians tell us. But it would also appear that further
causes are attributable to conditions in Ireland. After Amhlaibh
had left for home, the outlook for the Norwegians was gloomy.
Many of them found it desirable to emigrate to Iceland. And
indeed a considerable number of the first settlers came from
Ireland and the Hebrides, not from Norway itself.
According to the Icelandic genealogies, many of the first settlers
were of mixed race, and tradition implies that they were also
mixed in religion and culture. They were men of the type called
Gall-Ghaedhil by the Irish annalists.
One of the most prominent settlers was Helgi hinn magri who
settled the whole of Eyjafj6r9ur. His father, Eyvindr, was anative of Gautland but had settled in Ireland. Helgi's mother was
Rafarta, daughter of an Irish sub-king called Kjarval (Cerrball).

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N I N E N O R S E S T U D I E S IX

It is said that Helgi was of very mixed religion, that he believed
simultaneously in Thor and in Christ. Au9r hin djupu9ga settled
a large region of western Iceland. She had been reared in theHebrides, where her father had held sway as jarl of Haraldr
harfagri. Au9r was a Christian and deeply religious. One of her
followers, Erpr, was son of a Scottish jarl and ofan Irish princess.
Orlygr was also a well-known settler and a relative of Au9r.
Just like his kinswoman, Orlygr had been reared in the Hebrides
by a bishop called Patrick. He built a church on Kjalarnes where
his descendants adopted the custom of devotion to St Colum Cille,
one of the principal saints of the Irish, even though they themselves were no longer Christians.
Many Icelandic leaders have Irish names or epithets, such as
Njall, Kormakr, Helgi bjolan, Olafr feilan. But the slaves whobore Irish names were proportionately more numerous. I need
only mention Duf]?akr and Melkolfr.
Thus the culture of the Icelanders was mixed from its very
beginning. In its principal features it was Scandinavian, but
influences from the British Isles and Ireland were considerable.
Scholars debate how strong these Irish influences on Icelandic
culture were and in which fields they are to be found. In thisarticle I intend to examine this problem from one point of view
only. I wish to look at certain metres which were in use among
Irish and Scandinavian poets in those countries.
First, it is desirable to trace the history of metrics in Irelandin broad outline. In this I rely on the specialist works of R.
Thurneysen, Douglas Hyde and Kuno Meyer. ^ Otherwise I
follow my own paths.
As far as can be seen, the earliest metres which the Irish poets
used were similar to those of early Germanic verse. Their prin2 T h e following works have been indispensable: Douglas Hyde, Irish Poetry(1903). R. Thurneysen 'Zur irischen Accent- und Verslehre', Revue CeltiqueVI (1885), 336 ff. R. Thurneysen, 'Mittelirische Verslehren' in Irische Texte
III (ed. W. Stokes and E. Windisch, 1891). K. Meyer, Vber die dlteste irische
Dichtung i - n (1913-14). K. Meyer, BruchstUcke aus der dlteren Lyrik Irlands(1919). Some of the opinions about Irish poetry which appear in this article areborrowed from these works. See also G. Murphy, Early Irish Metrics (1961).

D R O T T K V A T T AND I R I S H M E A S U R E S

159

cipal characteristics were rhythm and alliteration. The rhythm
was dependent on the principal stress or 'rise' which was repeatedat determined intervals. The number of unstressed syllables was
not fixed and varied from one line to another, as happens in Beowulf and in the earliest Scandinavian heroic poems, Hamdismdl
and Hlgdskvida.
Alliteration in the earliest Irish poems was governed by thesame rules as in early Germanic poetry. Alliteration took place
between accented syllables which began with the same consonant
or with any vowel. However, in the earliest Irish poetry alliteration was not used, as in the earliest Germanic poetry, to bind oneline to the next, but each accented syllable alliterated with thefollowing to form a sort of chain which was broken only whenanother alliterative chain began. The following example shows
how this alliteration usually appeared:/ Bruisius, / breosus/ barnia / lond / Labraid,/ lath / Elggae,/ ane / Luirc / Loiguiri.
The alliteration did not have to bind the lines together in pairs
as in early Germanic and Icelandic poetry. But, as the above example shows, the third line may be connected by alliteration withthe second and the fourth with the third. Stanzas can be joined
together in the same way. The lines quoted above continue asfollows:/ Lugaid / loig, / lond
/ Labraid, / sanb / Setne,/ sochlu / Coil / Cobthach,/ conn / Mai / Muiredach.
Kuno Meyer has investigated these primitive Irish poems withgreat care. He cites only a few poems which are composed in thismetre and concludes that the majority of them were composed at
the end of the sixth or in the seventh century. The subject matterof these poems is not very interesting. The pedigrees of chieftains
are traced to Adam and other famous Old Testament characters.

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NINE NORSE STUDIES IX

Sometimes the heroic feats of ancestors are recalled, and superficially these poems are not all unlike Ynglingatal, Hdleygjatal
and Noregskonungatal, in which the pedigrees of the Norwegianand Swedish chieftains are traced. It is worth noting that, while
the Scandinavian poets begin with 09inn or the earliest ancestors
and trace the genealogy down to the chieftains who were still alive,
the Irish poets begin with the living chieftains and trace thepedigree backwards, just as is done in Biskupacettir in Icelandic.
Irish poems of this type can usually be divided into strophes or
sections. Each section is composed of four lines. In many poems
each line has two stresses, as was usual in early Germanic poetry.
In some of the poems which Meyer quotes the lines have threestresses while others have two and three in alternate lines:/ Dind / Rig/ riiad / tuaim / tenbai,/ tricha / fuirech
fo / bron / bebsait.
The lines in Irish poems are often bound together in pairs andthese pairs are called long lines (German Langzeile). The alliteration which binds one line to another is sometimes unreal, i.e. whenstressed syllables alliterate with unstressed, as in the example:/ tricha / fuirech
fo / br5n / bebsait.
The long lines are usually joined together with end-rhyme. In
some examples, such as those above, there is no end-rhyme, andthis seems to be the oldest form. In the Book of Leinster, which
was written in the second half of the twelfth century, it is said
that Ross Ruad, king of Leinster, was the first to use end-rhyme.
This can hardly be true, for Ross Ruad is thought to have lived
in the second century after Christ, but this assertion serves to showthat the medieval metrical scholars in Ireland were aware that
end-rhyme was an innovation in Irish poetry.
The grouping of lines in strophes or stanzas would seem to be

D R 6 T T K V . E T T A N D IRISH MEASURES

l6l

another innovation. Thurneysen ^ has drawn attention to many
early fragments which cannot be divided into stanzas of equal
length, in spite of regular alliteration and rhythm.
Such examples lead one to suspect that the earliest poets in
Ireland did not divide their compositions into stanzas. Bothstrophic division and end-rhyme may probably be regarded as
derived from hymns and popular songs in Latin, though endrhyme only reached its full development with the Irish poets.
This primitive rhythmic poetry fell into disuse among the Irish
in the seventh or eighth century and was largely replaced by theso-called syllabic poetry. This derives its name from the fact thatthe number of syllables in the line is fixed.
Poetry of this type has a rhythm which is every bit as strongas that of the previous type, but the basis for the rhythm isdifferent. It no longer depends on the stress but on the numberof syllables in the line, on the last stress in the line, and on theform of the line-end.
The majority of scholars agree that this syllabic poetry originated in the Latin hymns and popular songs of the fifth and sixth
century. Thurneysen in a famous article in Revue celtique in 1885
pointed to some early Latin poems which he regarded as themodels followed by the early Irish poets.
It is noticeable that in those examples which Thurneysen cites
the number of syllables in the line is fixed, each line ends in aparticular way, and the position of the final stress in the line isdetermined by rule. In the example given here below the line isformed of fifteen syllables but is divided into two by the caesura
which occurs after the eighth syllable. Therefore the long line isequivalent to two short lines, the first of which has eight and thesecond seven syllables:
Caesar Gallias subegit
Nicomedes Caesarem,
Ecce Caesar nunc triumphat
qui subegit Gallias.
3 Zeitschrift fiir celtische Philologie xix (1933), 205-6; cf. ibid., xii (1918), 365.

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N I N E N O R S E S T U D I E S IX

These continental poems cited by Thurneysen differ from
Irish syllabic poetry in that the stresses in each line are repeatedat regular intervals. There exist still more primitive poems in
Latin which in some points more closely resemble Irish syllabic
verse.
The hymn which St Augustine composed against the Donatist
heretics in the fourth century after Christ is a good example.*
Each line is composed of sixteen syllables, but is divided into two
short lines, each of eight syllables. Each line contains the same
number of stresses and the position of the last stress in the line orin the half-line is always the same. Therefore the line-end always
has the same form. In this hymn the end of the line always consists of a trochaic dissyllable. One line is as follows:
Propter hoc dominus noster
voluit nos praemonere
and another runs:
congreganti multos piscesomne genus hinc et inde.
Sometimes the final syllables are joined together by assonance:
Omnes qui gaudetis de pacemodo verum indicate.
Sometimes Latin metricists regard this type of poetry as
rhythmic. Irish metricists would probably regard it as unrhythmic.
But I doubt if they are right in doing so. This poetry exhibits thesame qualities as Irish syllabic verse: the syllables are counted, theend of the line has a fixed form and all stresses except the final
one are variable both in number and position. Stanzas of eightsyllable lines ending in a dissyllable, like the hymn of St Augustine, are to be found in Old Irish where it is called Rannaigecht
bee mor or Sedrud (Murphy, Early Irish Metrics, 54). But it is not
a common metre. I cite here one example from an Irish medieval
metrical tract:
4 Cf. F. J. E. Raby, Christian Latin Poetry (1927), 20 ff.

D R 6 T T K V . « T T A N D I R I S H MEASURES

163

A mic rig na cairce a / Cualaind
fin duid is mid mailte / maidim
Is rut a milid a / Malaind
do laim do ririb i / Croirind.s
The most popular metre with the Irish was called debide. It
consisted usually of seven-syllable lines. In this metre the formof the line-end was variable but only within the limits imposed bystrict rules. For example, if the last stress in the first line fell on
the final syllable, the final stress in the next line would fall on the
penultimate or antepenultimate syllable:
Inmain tir an tir lit / thoirAlba cona / hingantaib:nocha ticfuinn eisdi il/lemana tisainn le / Noise.*
Irish syllabic poetry is divided into stanzas and each stanza
usually consists of four lines. As I have already said, stanzaic
division seems to have been in use before syllabic metres were
perfected. But whatever the truth of that, the stanzaic division
probably originated in Latin hymns and popular songs.
I do not intend here to discuss the wide variety of Irish metres,
elision, or the shortening of lines. Neither do I intend to speak of
end-rhyme, comhardadh sldn (perfect rhyme), or uaithne (consonance) in Irish poetry. But I will turn now to Scandinavian
metrics and will endeavour to see in what way they can be compared to the Irish.
The earliest poems which have been preserved in the northerncountries are rhythmic with regular alliteration. As in the earliest
Irish poetry, the stress is the basis of the metre and the stress isrepeated at regular intervals. Lines are formed and each line contains two stressed syllables. The lines are bound together in pairsby alliteration. Here one must distinguish between studlar, whichis alliteration in the narrow sense and falls on one or both of the
5 See Thurneysen in Irische Texte in (ed. Stokes and Windisch, 1891), 146.
6 From Oidheadh Chloinne Uisnigh, ed. W. Stokes in Irische Texte 11(1887), 127.

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N I N E NORSE STUDIES IX

Stressed syllables in the first line, and hgfudstafr, which usually
falls on the first stressed syllable in the second line of the pair.
Each line contains the same number of stresses, but the numberof unstressed syllables which precedes or follows the stresses
varies from one line to the next, as this example shows:
Sjau eigu vit salhiis
sver9a full,
hverju eru Jjeira
hJ9lt 6r gulli.
It is doubtful whether it is right to divide these early poems
into stanzas. Modern editors most frequently do so. But eventhe most diligent of them are often unsuccessful in making thestanzas equal in length. This early metre is very similar to thatwhich is used in the Old English Beowulf and in the heroic poetryof the Germanic peoples on the European mainland. Early Germanic poetry is not divided into stanzas.
But gradually stanzaic division appeared in Scandinavian
poetry and the full stanza usually contains eight lines and isdivided into two half-stanzas with a notable pause after the
fourth line. Each half-stanza is complete in itself in form and thesentences in it are generally grammatically perfect. Therefore,
the Scandinavian half-stanza contains four lines and is similar tothe stanza which was in use among Irish and Latin poets.
Rhythmic or accented poetry of this type forms about one-thirdof the poetry which is preserved in early Icelandic manuscripts.
A great part of it is preserved in the Codex Regius of the Poetic
Edda. Its metrical ancestry is to be found among the heroic poemsof the English and other Germanic peoples.
However, the great majority of early Icelandic and Norwegian
poems differ basically in form from the eddaic poetry. They may
be called by the name drottkvcedi or court poetry or scaldic
poetry. No one doubts that the metres used by the court poets
are later than those which the eddaic poets used. But there isconsiderable disagreement about their age and origin.

D R O T T K V i ^ T T AND I R I S H M E A S U R E S

165Scandinavian scaldic verse resembles Irish syllabic poetry inmany points but differs from it in others.
As in Irish poetry, the syllables are counted and in most of thescaldic metres the end of the line has a fixed form. Usually, but
not always, this consists of a trochaic dissyllable. In the mostpopular of the Irish metres, debide, the lines consist of seven syllables. But in the most popular of the scaldic metres, called
drottkvcett, the line consists of six syllables and ends always in atrochaic dissyllable:
I'el h0ggr stort fyr stdli
stafnkvfgs a veg jafnan
lit me9 ela meitli
andaerr J9tunn vandar . . .
It is only right to mention that in the half-stanza, as in all poetry
composed in the drottkvcett metre, alliteration is governed bystricter rules than in the eddaic poetry. In the stricter form, thefirst stressed syllable in the second line must always alliterate
and its first sound is called hgfudstafr. Two stressed syllables in thefirst line must also alliterate and they are called studlar.
The above half-stanza is composed in the metre drottkvcett,but the poet has followed stricter rules than is usual. The lines
are joined together in pairs with alliteration, as is usual in eddaic
poetry. But, in addition to that, each line has a kind of internal
rhyme, hending, which falls on the last stressed syllable and on
another stressed syllable within the line. Hending, as illustrated
in the second and fourth line above, is called adalhending, i.e. theconsonants at the end of the syllable are the same and are preceded by the same vowel: stafn : jafn, and- : vand-.
Irish poets used adalhending no less than the Scandinavians, but
in Irish poetry it is formed in a different manner and its position
is not the same as in the drottkvcett metre. The vowels had to be
identical but the consonants which followed them needed only tobelong to the same consonantal group. In many Irish metres
adalhending was used as an end-rhyme to join the line-ends together, but it was also used to connect a word in the middle ofl66

N I N E N O R S E S T U D I E S IX

one line with a word in the middle of the next. In the first andthird lines of the example given above, the rhyme is calledskothending. There the vowels are dissimilar but the consonants
which follow them are identical: Pel: stdl, ut : meit. Skothending
is not unlike uaithne (consonance) in Irish poetry. As in the caseof uaithne, skothending is formed with identical consonants but
different vowels. But skothending differs from uaithne in so far as
the consonants must be identical, whereas in uaithne they need
only belong to the same consonantal group. In Irish metrics theconsonants are divided into six groups: soft (c, p, t), hard(g, b, d), rough (ch, ph, th), strong (11, m, mm, ng, nn, rr), light(bh, gh, dh, 1, mh, n, r), while s stands alone.' The stanza in thefollowing example is composed in the metre Rannaigecht Mhor.
There is comhardadh sldn or adalhending between the final syllablesof the second and fourth line and uaithne or skothending between
the first and third line.
Imdha broc ag del fa a / dhion
ann is miol muighe nach / mall,is edan rionntanach / roinag techt on muir moir an / all *The metres in use among the Scandinavian scalds were almost
as varied as those of the Irish. There are approximately one
hundred metres preserved in Old Icelandic. Each of them has its
own name and the medieval metrical scholars distinguished between them just as the Irish metricists did in the Metrical Tracts.
One variation which the scalds used was to shorten or truncate
alternate lines by removing the unaccented final syllable, so thatthe rhythm is completely changed, as is illustrated in the following
half-stanza by the early settler I'orir snepill:
Her liggr, kjola keyrir,
kaldakinn of aldr,
en vit f9rum heilir,
HJ9lmun-Gautr, d braut.
7 Cf. D . Hyde, op. cit., 89; E. Knott, Irish Syllabic Poetry (1935), 4-5.
8 Cf. The Adventures of Suibhne Geilt, ed. J. G. O'Keeffe (1913), 136; second
edition in Medieval and Modern Irish Series i (1931), 72.

DR6TTKV.ffi;TT AND I R I S H M E A S U R E S

167In other examples each line is truncated, as in the following,
which Ottarr svarti composed in the first years of the eleventh
century:
Fold verr folk-Baldr,
fdr md konungr svd,
9rn reifir Aleifr,
es framr Svfa gramr.
Irish poets also used this trick which has a very noticeable
effect on the rhythm. The following Irish example is written ina type of debide, but the first line is shortened to three syllables,
so the metre is called debide gairit, 'shortened debide':
Do chath / rod,
A Dhe nime, ni ma / lott,ba Suibhne Geilt m'ainm iar / sin,
mh'aonar dhamh a mbarr / eidhin.'
The seven-syllable rannaigecht, which has rhyming words at theend of the alternate lines, can be shortened in the same way. The
following stanza is put in the mouth of the hero Fer Diad before
he began his tragic duel with his foster-brother, Cii Chulainn:
Truag, a Dhe,teacht do mhnaoi eadrom as / e,leth mo croidhe in Cii cen / colagus leth croidhe na Con / me.'"I have cited only a few examples, but I think that they suffice
to show the principal resemblances between Irish and Scandinavian metres. In the scaldic metres, as in the Irish, each syllable
is counted and there is very little room for variation in this. In
Irish metres, as in those of the scalds, the form of the line-end is
an important factor. New metres are formed not only by changing the number of syllables, but also by changing the form of theline-end. In Irish and in Scandinavian poetry, both adalhending{comhardadh sldn) and skothending {uaithne) are used, but they are
9 ibid., 38; second edition, 21.
10 Tain Bd Cuailnge, ed. E. Windisch (1905), 455. The Stowe Version of Tdin
Bd Cuailnge, ed. C. O'Rahilly (1961), 2697 ff.-

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NINE NORSE STUDIES IX

formed somewhat differently and have different positions within
the stanza. Both the Irish and Scandinavian poets were conscious
craftsmen and were therefore always willing to experiment andform new metres.
In many points, however, the metres of the scalds differ fromthose of the Irish. Alliteration occurs in both but in the syllabic
Irish poems it is used only as an ornament, whereas in the poetryof the scalds it is an indispensable structural feature. In the matterof alliteration the metres of the scalds resemble those of the eddaic
poets and other early Germanic poets.
There is a further difference which I have hardly mentioned.
In the majority of Irish syllabic poems the line-ends are joinedby rhyme. In many metres this rhyme is in alternate lines. But indebide, which is the most common of all Irish metres, the lineends rhyme in pairs. Arising out of this stressed syllables are
made to rhyme with unstressed as in the following example:
Sirfidh Eirinn 'na gheilt / ghlas
agus bidh do rinn / raghas."End-rhyme was not a very important feature of scaldic poetry
but the oldest examples of it are probably those found in Hgfudlausn, attributed to Egill about the middle of the tenth century.
As far as I know, the scalds never used alternating rhyme
but rhymed the line-ends together in pairs and sometimes therhyme continued right through the stanza. One seldom finds thescalds rhyming stressed and unstressed syllables, but there areexamples of it. Egill has one in Hgfudlausn:
Vasat villr sta9ar
vefr darra9ar.
Some scholars have sought to show that it is a great difference
between Irish metres and those of the scalds, that in Irish the line
is usually of seven syllables, whereas the most popular length ofline among the scalds is of six syllables. But this difference ishardly of importance and may well owe its origin to poetic taste
II The Adventures of Suibhne Geilt (1913), 6; second edition, 4.

D R O T T K V i S T T AND I R I S H M E A S U R E S

169and the nature of the two languages. The Irish metre Rinnard,
which is not at all uncommon, consists of six-syllable lines which
always end in a trochaic dissyllable, just as do the lines of thedrottkvcett metre, for example:
An clog sin ro / ghonais
notchurfi-si ar / crdobhaibh
gurbat aon re / henaibh
an clog ndomh re / naomhaibh.'^
There exists, however, a more important difference between
the Irish and Scandinavian metres. I have already mentionedthat in Irish poems the number of the stressed syllables varies
from line to line but the position of the final stressed syllable isfixed according to predetermined rules. The examples which havealready been cited are sufl5cient to show this. They will also showthat the form of the line-end contains a rhythm which is repeatedat regular intervals. But it is said that in the drottkvcett line thenumber of stressed syllables is unchangeable, just as is the numberof syllables and the form of the line-end. In the most common
metre, drottkvcett, there are three stresses in each line, in somemetres there are two, and in others there are four.
It is not to be denied that in the majority of scaldic poems thenumber of stressed syllables is the same in each line, but I am not
at all convinced that this is always so. For this reason I have sometimes been in doubt as to how a line should be scanned, especiallythose composed in the metre hadarlag. Other metricists besides
myself have had the same difficulty and have come to different
conclusions. Some have asserted that hadarlag is a type of
mdlahdttr. If such is the case, its lines have two stresses. On theother hand, some would hold that hadarlag is a type of drottkvcett
metre and, if such is the case, the lines should have three stresses.' ^12 ibid., 12; second edition, 6.
13 Snorri Sturluson (Hdttatal 79) seems to regard hadarlag as a type of
drdttkveett metre, as does also A. Heusler, Deutsche Versgeschichte I (1925),
216, 301 ff. On the other hand Finnur J6nsson, Stutt islenzk bragfrcedi (1892),
52-3, and E. Sievers, Altgermanische Metrik (1893), i i 3 . regard hadarlag as a
type of mdlahdttr.

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N I N E N O R S E S T U D I E S IX

But as far as I can see, some lines in hadarlag have three stresses
and some have only two. But the number of syllables is fixed andthe form of the line-end is invariable. I cite the following example
from the poem Hrafnsmdl which I>orm69r Trefilsson composed
about Snorri go9i:
Saddi svangreddir
sdra dynbgru
9rn a ulfs vir9i
f Alptafir9i;)?ar let J)d Snorri
pegna at hJ9rregni
fJ9rvi fimm numna:
svd skal fjandr hegna.
If all scaldic verse were examined in this light I expect that further doubtful lines would be found. I well realize that this guessof mine will seem far-fetched to many.
Fifty years ago there were many scholars who thought that thescaldic metres and their great variety of language was the resultof influence from Irish poetry.'* Few would agree with this at thepresent day. Instead of this the majority hold that the complex
language of the scaldic poems and their great variety of metreswere formed by Scandinavians who had never heard any poetry
other than early Germanic heroic verse and the like, more or lessthe same as is to be found in the Poetic Edda. It is thought that thepoetic language and even the strict counting of syllables originatedin magical formulas.'s The half-stanza in the drottkvcett metre
14 Among the older scholars who held that the scalds were influenced by Irish
poets one may name A. Edzardi, Beitrdge zur Geschichte der deutschen Spracheund Literatur v (1878), 570 ff., Gudbrandur Vigfusson, Corpus Poeticum
Boreale i (1883), esp. 446 ff., and S. Bugge, Bidrag til den celdste Skaldedigtning!
Historie (1894). In more recent times A. Heusler, Deutsche Versgeschichte 1(1925), 299 ff., came to the same conclusion but did not investigate the problem fully.
15 Finnur J6nsson denied that the Irish could have had any real influenceon the poetry of the scalds. He considered that the relations between the Irish
and the vikings were so unfriendly that such cultural influence could not haveoccurred. See Bdkmenntasaga Islendinga (1904-5), 7 ff., Litt. Hist., i 18 ff.
and elsewhere. E. Noreen, especially in Eddastudier (1921), 32 ff., Studier 1
fornvastnordisk diktning 11 (1922), i ff., and Den norsk-isldndska poesien (1926),

D R 6 T T K V J E T T A N D IRISH MEASURES

171

consists of twenty-four syllables and the number 24 is thought
to have great magical importance because that was the numberof the runic letters. It is also held that the scaldic poets cannot
have been under any Irish influence because, it is said, drottkvcett
was being composed before the Scandinavians came into contact
with the Irish.
Here we must consider when the earliest scaldic poems werecomposed. The earliest court poet mentioned in reliable sources
is Bragi Boddason the Old. Little is known with certainty about
his life but accounts concerning Bragi and genealogies in which
he and his kinsmen are named seem to indicate that he lived inwestern Norway.
It is difficult to determine when Bragi lived. Most of those whohave discussed the question in recent years have been convincedthat his floruit lay in the first decades of the ninth century. The
principal reasons for this opinion are that, according to several
sources, Bragi composed poems about King Bjgrn of Haugr.
None of these poems has survived and it is nowhere said that hecomposed them in scaldic metres. In Egils Saga mention is madeof Bjgrn and he is said to have been king of the Swedes. For thatreason many scholars have concluded that he is identical with
Bernus, a king who ruled over part of Sweden when St Ansgar
came there as missionary about the year 830. It is clear that thename Bernus is nothing other than Bjgrn in its Latin form.
But apart from this there is little to support this identificationof these two rulers. There are many arguments which would
seem to contradict this identification.
Bjgrn at Haugi is named in many Icelandic genealogies. They
disagree, however, about the date at which he lived. He is called aking of the Swedes in one version of Hervarar Saga where he is
143 ff., also denied that there could be any question of Celtic influence. He wasof the opinion that the peculiar qualities of scaldic verse were derived frommagical and tabu formulas and the like. F . Askeberg, Norden och kontinenten igamal tid (1944), 108 ff., agrees with Noreen. J. de Vries, Altnordische Literaturgeschichte I (1941), 70 ff., seems to be undecided in his opinion. Other
scholars who discuss the origin of scaldic verse avoid this problem.

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also made a great-grandson of Ragnarr lo9br6k. If that were true
Bragi could not have been born before the tenth century. But thegenealogies in Hervarar Saga are not to be trusted.
The genealogies m Landndmabdk^^ imply that Bjqrn flourishedin the last decades of the ninth century, about the time when
Iceland was settled. It is said there that I'orm69r hinn rammi had
fled from BJQrn and settled in Iceland. In two versions of Landndma {Hauksbok and Pordarbok) it is said that I'orm69r was a
Swede and that may well be true. But in Pordarbok, which seems
to preserve the original text of this chapter, Bjcjrn is said to haveexpelled I'orm69r from Norway and not from Sweden. The reason
was that I>orm69r had killed a man called Gyr9r and it is possiblethat this Gyr9r was the great-grandfather of Erlingr Skjalgsson,
who lived in western Norway and died about 1028. But of course
this is only conjecture.
In Pordarbok it is also said that a certain settler, Olafr bekkr,
was a refugee from BJQrn on account of murder. Olafr was theson of Karl from Bjarkey in Halogaland, and so it is likely that
BJQrn would have expelled him from Norway and not from
Sweden. Nevertheless it is possible that the author of Landndmabok had confused Bjarkey in Halogaland with Bjarkey on the
Lggr (Malaren).
There is a further account in Landndmabok about I'6r9r
knappr, a settler. According to one version of the book, Hauksbok, Porbr was a Swede. According to the other two versions helived in Sogn in western Norway. Haukr calls I'6r9r a nephewof King BJQrn, but according to Pordarbok and Sturlubdk he was
BJQrn's son.
It is clear that according to the most reliable Icelandic sources
BJQrn of Haugr flourished not in the first but rather in the later
decades of the ninth century. It is unlikely that he was king of theSwedes, but it is possible that he was a sub-king in western Nor16 On these pedigrees see the article of Jon Johannesson in Afmcelisrit dr.
Einars Arndrssonar (1940), 1-6, translated into English by G. Turville-Petre in
Saga-Book xvii (1966-9), 293 ff.

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173

way. The word haugr is not uncommon as an element in Norwegian place-name compounds. It is possible that some medieval historians made Bjgrn king of the Swedes because they wished
to identify him with Bernus whom they knew from Adam ofBremen's 'History of the Bishops of Hamburg' or from otherlearned sources.
In Landndmabdk and elsewhere Bragi is said to have composeda verse about Geirmundr and Hamundr, the twin sons of Hjgrr,
king of Rogaland. This verse is preserved but it is not composedin any type of scaldic metre. When the twins, Geirmundr and
Hamundr, grew up, they spent some years on viking expeditions
and finally went to Iceland and settled there. They appear tohave left Norway some years after the battle of HafrsfJQr9r, about
885-90, and can hardly have been born earlier than 855-60.
It is difficult to draw conclusions about Bragi's dates fromgenealogies in which he is himself named. He was the greatgrandfather of ArinbJQrn who was the friend of Egill Skallagrimsson. According to Egils Saga, ArinbJQrn was somewhat older
than EgiU, who was apparently born about 910. If we supposethat ArinbJQrn was born about 905, we may consider that Bragi
was born about 830. A similar conclusion may be drawn also fromthe genealogies of the poets Gunnlaugr ormstunga (born about984) and Tindr Hallkelsson, both of whom were descendants ofBragi. But opinions based on such a weak foundation are not tobe relied upon.
It should be mentioned that Gu9brandur Vigfusson in his book
Corpus Poeticum Boreale (li, 2 ff.), which has not received theattention it deserves, concluded that Bragi lived in the years
835-900.
The earliest poem by Bragi which is preserved is called Ragnarsdrdpa. Eight stanzas and eleven half-stanzas of it are preservedin Snorra Edda. One may conclude from these that this poem wascomposed in honour of a certain chieftain, Ragnarr Sigur9arson.
Medieval historians identified him with the famous Danish
viking, Ragnarr lo9br6k. Scholars of a more recent period, how-

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NINE NORSE STUDIES IX

ever, denied that they were one and the same, and it may well bethat this is the sounder opinion. It is not at all unlikely, however,
that, though he was a Dane, Ragnarr lo9br6k may have had akingdom in Norway. We have little information about him fromreliable sources, except that he sailed up the Seine and that hissons waged war in England for twelve years, from 865 to 877.
Most scholars agree that the verses attributed to Bragi are theearliest we have in any of the scaldic metres. They are composedin drottkvcett metre, which is seen to be fully developed, eventhough the rules followed by Bragi are not as strict as those which
we find in those poems which were composed at a later period.
Some have assumed that there had been scaldic poets before
Bragi whose poems are lost. I doubt whether this is correct. One
might perhaps conclude from the sources that Bragi was theoriginator of the drottkvatt metre and of other metres used by the
court poets.
Medieval Icelandic mythologists speak of the god of poetry
whom they call Bragi. In spite of the arguments put forward by
Jan de Vries'^ and others, there is nothing in the sources to showthat the god Bragi was at any time the subject of a cult. He mustsurely be identical with the poet Bragi, who in the mind of later
generations was raised to divine status because he was responsible
for this great revolution in metrics.
But if Bragi was the originator of this new art, it is difficult tobelieve that he had never heard any poems other than those composed in the early Germanic metres. If Bragi lived in western
Norway, in the last decades of the ninth century, it is quitepossible that he was in contact with Irish poets or even with thepoets of the Gall-Ghaedhil.
I do not wish at present to discuss the vocabulary of the scalds,
but a few words must nevertheless be said on the subject. As iswell known, this differs very greatly from the vocabulary of allother types of Germanic poetry. The difference lies principallyin its use of kennings. The scalds were not the first to use ken17 Altg. Rel., II 272 ff.

D R 6 T T K V . S E T T A N D IRISH MEASURES

175

nings, because they occur in early English poetry and in eddaic
poetry. But kennings were perfected in the hands of the scalds
and became much more complex and varied than they had previously been. In their use of kennings the scalds use as comparisons not only visible things, as the early English poets did when
they called a sword 'ray of battle' or the sun 'the jewel of heaven'.
The scalds in their kennings made frequent use of early heroic
tales and mythology. Already in the ninth century Bragi called
the sea Leifa Ignd 'the lands of Leifi', because Leifi was the kingof the sea. In the work of another poet the sea is called Meita
vgllr 'the plain of Meiti' and the waves Meita hlidir 'the slopesof Meiti'. Other Germanic poets made very little use of kenningsof this kind, but one may find examples of them in Irish poems.
In Immram Brain the waves are called gabra Lir 'Let's horses',
while the sea is called crich Mananndin maic Lir 'territory of
Manannan mac Lir'.'*In scaldic verse kennings are often rekit, that is they are composed not only of two parts but of three or even more. Bragi has
many kennings of the type rekit. In Ragnarsdrdpa the shield iscalled lauf Leifa landa 'leaf of the lands of Leifi', where the poet
was thinking of the bright shields decorating the gunwale ofthe long ships. As far as I know, there are no kennings of this typein early English poetry. Neither have I found any unambiguous
examples in early Irish poetry. But I think that such kennings
might be found in the so-called rhetorics often inserted in Irish
tales. These rhetorics or runs have not yet been thoroughly
examined and are often unintelligible. In the tale Tochmarc Emire,
Cii Chulainn is made say to his beloved: femmir i tig fir adgair
buar maige Tethrai, 'We slept in the house of the man who tends
the cattle of the plain of Tethra.' These strange words are later
explained. Tethra was the king of the people who were called
Fomoire and so may be regarded as the god of the sea. His plainis the sea. The cattle of that plain are fish, while the man tending
18 W. Krause gives some examples in Die Kenning als typische Stilfigur der
germanischen und keltischen Dichtersprache (1930).

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N I N E NORSE STUDIES IX

them is the fisherman. Such figures of speech remind one of thekennings of the court poets like Meita vgllr. If the court poet had
spoken of the 'cattle of the plain of Meiti', he would have meantfish.
Some have argued that the Scandinavians understood too littleof Irish culture to be influenced by the Irish poets. However, it
is well known that the Scandinavians were quick to appreciate thebeauty of Irish jewellery and sculpture and that Scandinavian
craftsmen were considerably influenced by Irish models. There isalso reason to believe that they appreciated Irish poetry. Thereexists a fragment of a poem which was composed in honour of
one Amhlaibh who was king of the men of Dublin. The name
Amhlaibh is the same as Olafr and this chieftain was clearly a
Scandinavian prince. It is not unlikely that he was that son of theking of Lochlann who came to Ireland in the year 853, but thisis only an assumption.
There is an account of an Irish poet called Rumann who cameinto the fortress of the Scandinavians in Dublin and entertained
the people with poetry. At first the vikings refused to pay him thefee to which he was legally entitled under Irish law. Then Rumann asked for one penny from every bad viking and two pennies
from every good viking. Since no one wished to be called abad viking, none of them gave less than two pennies. Then
Rumann composed a poem about a storm at sea which the vikings
could well appreciate. In this poem there are figures of speechor kennings which could just as well be found in Scandinavian
court poetry. I shall quote a few stanzas:'«Anbthine mor ag muig Lir
ddna tar a hardimUb;
at-racht gaeth, ran-goin gaim garg
CO tet tar muir morgelgarb . . .
Is Idn ler, is lomndn muir,is dlainn in etharbruig . . . .
19 See K. Meyer, Otia Merseiana, 11 79 ff. Cf. R. Flower, The Irish Tradition(1947), 51; D . Greene and Frank O'Connor, A Golden Treasury of Irish Verse(1967), 126.

DROTTKV/ETT AND IRISH MEASURES

177

Fordath eala forda-tuig
mag mflach cona muintir . . .
gliiastar mong mnd Mananndin . ..
There is a great tempest on the plain of Ler, bold over its highborders. The wind has risen, rough winter has killed us, and comes tous over the great wild sea . . .
The ocean is full, the sea in flood; beautiful is the palace of theships...
The pallor of the swan has covered the plain of whales and its
inhabitants . . .
The hair of Manannan's wife blows loose . . .
This poem is attributed, in the single manuscript in which it
has been preserved, to Rumann mac Colmain who died in theyear 747. But scholars are in agreement that the poem is muchlater and was not composed before the tenth or even the eleventh
century. However that may be, the author of the poem may havebelonged to that group of poets who taught the Scandinavians tolook on poetry as a craft which gave the poet the right to demand
great rewards and valuable jewellery.
One can hardly avoid the conclusion that the metres of thescalds first came into use in the later years of the ninth century
and that their originators were poets from the west of Norway. If
this is so, the earliest scalds belonged to that part of the Scandinavian nations which had closest connections with the Irish. The
metres of the scalds differ in many important points from theearlier Germanic metres. Many characteristics might be traced
to the sophisticated metres of the Irish filid. But the syllabic
metres of the Irish were originally derived from those used in
Latin popular songs and hymns. Some of those innovations which
the Scandinavian court poets adopted may also point to Latin
hymns which the Scandinavian poets heard in the British Isles.
End-rhyme was probably adopted by the court poets from such
Latin poetry.
I have not compared the matter of the Scandinavian poetry or
its spirit with the matter and spirit of Irish poetry. The difference

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NINE NORSE STUDIES IX

here is great. But I do not think that the Irish taught the court
poets of Scandinavia what the matter of poetry should be. The
Irish taught them rather how they should compose their poetry.
The Irish poems which I have read are for the most part lyricaland delicate. But Scandinavian poems are often stiff and hard.
The Irish poets composed their best work about love and thebeauty of nature, while the scalds paid little attention to suchmatters. Nevertheless there are interesting descriptions of loveand nature in Scandinavian poetry, as in this stanza by Kormakr:
Heitask hellur fljota
hvatt sem korn d vatni,
enn emk au9sp9ng ungri
6j>ekkr, en bJ99 sokkva.
Foerask fJQll en storu
fraeg 1 djiipan aegi,
au9s d9r jafnf9gr tr69aalin ver9i Steinger9i.
Finally, I wish to thank those who read the manuscript of thisarticle and commented on it. I would name especially Professor
Einar Ol. Sveinsson, Dr Jon J6hannesson, and Eirikur Benedikz.
POSTSCRIPT

The above paper was published in Icelandic in Skirnir cxxviii(1954), 31-55. I expressed in it the opinions which I then heldon the origins of scaldic verse-forms. These opinions were notnew, but were as little fashionable then as they are today. H. Lie,in Maal og Minne (1952), 1-92, and other scholars of recent
times have seen the scaldic, syllable-counting discipline as apurely native development.
Celtic and Germanic traditions have much in common. To
think only of the stories of Sigur9r and Finn: these have so many
similarities that they must be related, although it does not seem
possible to say that one has influenced the other. In this case, it
seems that they are both part of a Celto-Germanic culture, andcould have originated at a time when Celts and Germans lived

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179

close together on the Continent. I cannot enter into such general
problems in this short note.
The traditional Germanic verse-forms as exemplified in Beowulf and in some of the lays of the Edda are, in some ways, likethe Irish rhythmical forms, such as those published by Kuno
Meyer in Vber die dlteste irische Dichtung (1913-14) and BruchstUcke aus der dlteren Lyrik Irlands (1919). Both the Irish andGermanic forms are rhythmical and alliterative, although theplace of the alliterating syllables and their function are not determined in Irish in the same way as they are in Germanic. But inboth Irish and Old Norse other forms of poetry are found. In these
the syllables are counted more or less strictly, and the line ends ina given form.
C. Watkins recently published a most learned paper {Celtica
VI, 1963, 194 ff.), suggesting that Irish syllabic forms, with their
fixed line-ending, were relics of Indo-European verse-forms.
Many students of Irish, on the other hand, have regarded the
Irish syllabic forms as 'imitation by vernacular poets of theLatin hymns sung by seventh-century Irish monks' (G. Murphy,
Early Irish Metrics, 1961, 12).
I am not able to decide between the two conclusions justquoted, but I think it safe to say that the syllable-counting
scaldic forms cannot descend from Indo-European, for we haveno record of them except in the Scandinavian lands. No examplesof poetry in scaldic form older than those of Bragi are preserved,
and recent research suggests that Bragi worked in the second
half of the ninth century, rather than in the early years of it—
see the paper by Jon Johannesson referred to in note 16 above.
Most of the verses ascribed to Bragi are in the measuredrottkvcett, which is undoubtedly the basis of most scaldic
measures and the one most used. Many have maintained, as I
have in the paper above, that Bragi was the founder of the scaldic
art, but the arguments of the late Jan de Vries {Ogam ix,
1957) 13 ff-) suggest that both the diction and the metricalform of Bragi's verses are so sophisticated that he cannot have

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NINE NORSE STUDIES IX

been the first of the scaldic poets. But de Vries evidently foundthe scaldic and Irish verse-forms too close for it to be likely thatthe two developed independently. On the evidence offered by
the archaeologist A. W. Brogger in his work Den norske Bosetningen paa Shetland-Orkneyene (1930; cf. H. Shetelig, Viking
Antiquities in Great Britain and Ireland i, 1940, 23 ff.) de
Vries suggested that there had been peaceful contacts between
Norse and Gaelic-speaking peoples before the Viking Age, as
early as 750. Influence of Gaelic forms on Norse might well havetaken place at that period.
Typical scaldic forms resemble the traditional Germanic inmany ways, but differ in certain essentials. In these the scaldic
forms generally resemble the Irish, particularly in the fixedsyllable count and the concentration on the form in which theline ends. The line-ending contributes much to the rhjrthm ofscaldic poetry, although even more to that of Irish.
Unlike Beowulf and the oldest eddaic poems, scaldic poems,
like the Irish, are essentially stanzaic, but, while Irish stanzas
commonly consist of four lines, those of the scalds consist ofeight. But each half-stanza {helmingr) is generally complete insyntax; it can, and often does stand alone. It seems, therefore,that the basic scaldic unit is the half-stanza of four lines.
I have appended this note to show that my opinions today are
not precisely the same as they were in 1954. I have discussed the
problem in closer detail in a book on scaldic poetry, which is not
yet published, nor even completed. The present paper was intended to show only one possible approach. It is to be hoped thatthe subject will be studied by those who are expert in Celtic aswell as in Old Norse. Much that I have said may be out of date,
and there may be faults which I have overlooked.