How Is Taro=wa asu ku-ru hazu=da Expressed in Koryak?
-Comparing Koryak Agentive/Patientive Nominals with Japanese MMCKUREBITO, Megumiີ५ఱ‫૽ڠ‬໲‫ڠ‬໐‫ܮ‬ါలĶĶ࣢าक़ˎˌˍˍා˔࠮

How Is Taro=wa asu ku-ru hazu=da Expressed in Koryak?

How Is Taro=wa asu ku-ru hazu=da Expressed in Koryak?
-Comparing Koryak Agentive/Patientive Nominals with Japanese MMCKUREBITO, Megumi

1. Introduction
In the present paper I examine which construction in Koryak corresponds toJapanese Mermaid Construction (MMC, herafter) and in what points they are
similar and in what points they differ. Japanese MMC is known to be usedwith a variety of nouns occurring in the slot ‘Noun’, while no Koryak form
which has the same syntactic construction as MMC has been observed.
However, there are a few forms which have morphological and syntactic
similarity to MMC despite the structural differences. Here I will take up oneof those forms, that is the agent/patient nominal formed by a complex suffix-jo-lq´l (JQ, hereafter) whose original meaning is ‘agent or patient of future
action’ and further examine if there is any connection between JQ and MMC
based on my previous description on this form (Kurebito 2011a, 2011b).
2. Outline of the language
The Koryak language is mainly spoken in the northern part of the Kamchatka
Oblast and in the Magadan Oblast along the sea of Okhotsk in Russia. It is amember of the Chukchi-Kamchatkan language family together with theneighboring Chukchi, Kerek, Alutor, and Itelmen. According to the official
2002 Russian census, 2,369 people (27.1% of the total Koryak population)
regard Koryak as their native language (http://www.raipon.org/). Koryak ischaracterized by marked dialectal diversity: besides the main dialects,
Chawchђvan and Palana, the presence of a number of other dialects,
including Paren, Itkan, Kamenskoe, Apuka, and Karaga, has been reported(Zhukova 1968:271). All the examples demonstrated in the present paper are
those of the Chawch´van dialect.

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ີ५ఱ‫૽ڠ‬໲‫ڠ‬໐‫ܮ‬ါ

The Koryak phonemic inventory set up by Kurebito (2004) is asfollows: Consonants: p, t, t’, k, q, v, ֙, ә, c, m, n, n’, ֊, l, l’, j, w; Vowels: i,e, a, o, u, ђ. Voicing is not a contrastive feature and all the stops arevoiceless. The symbol [’] denotes palatalization of the dentals. c is used as asymbol of the affricate [tÉ S ]. Pitch and stress are not distinctive.
Koryak is a polysynthetic language guaranteed by incorporation and avariety of affixes including suffixes, prefixes, and circumfixes. Therefore
Koryak can quite easily create a ‘word’ which would correspond to a‘sentence’ in other less synthetic languages. This might be one of the reason
for the constructional difference between JQ and MMC.
(1a) t’-´-ktep-nalƒ-´-t’-ic÷-´-N-´-k-Ø
1SG.S-E-wild.sheep-skin-E-make-fur.coat-E-make-E-1SG.S-PF‘I made a coat with a wild sheep skin.’(1b) k-ena-mal-´-n-kemet÷-´-jp-an-´-N-Ø
IPF-1SG.O-well-E-CAUS-clothes-E-put.on-CAUS-E-IPF-3SG.S‘He/She is dressing me with clothes.’
Koryak is also agglutinating; double-marking; and non-configurational.
Nouns are marked for both case and number. There are twelve major cases:
absolutive, locative, instrumental, dative, allative, prolative, ablative,
contactive, causal, equative, comitative, and associative. There are threenumber markers: singular, dual, and plural, which are distinguished only inthe absolutive case. But proper nouns and human nouns in a higher positionof the animacy hierarchy distinguish between singular and plural even in
oblique cases.
Case-marking in the syntax follows an ergative pattern. However, there
is no special form for the ergative except in the personal pronouns. Either
the locative or the instrumental is substituted for the ergative according to
the animacy hierarchy (Kurebito 2002).
Relative order of the A (=transitive subject), the O (transitive object)
and the V is not fixed. The relative order of a noun and its modifier is in themain not fixed.

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How Is Taro=wa asu ku-ru hazu=da Expressed in Koryak?

Koryak has no traditional alphabet of its own. Although a Cyrillic
based orthographic system was introduced in 1930s, it is currently notwidespread. All the data presented in the present paper were obtained fromthe spoken language.
3. Adnominal clause
Koryak employs two main strategies for the formation of adnominal clauses(ACs hereafter), that is, the infinite participial strategy and the finite
subordinate strategy. They differ from each other with regard to the NP
positions they can modify. Thus, the infinite participial clause modifies theintransitive subject or the transitive direct object of the clause only, whereas
the finite subordinate clause modifies oblique NPs and possessor nouns withthe help of relativizers, such as relative adverbs and a relative pronoun. The
use of these two strategies is not random: it reflects their complementary
distribution as per the Accessibility Hierarchy (Keenan and Comrie 1977).
Specifically, NPs in a higher position of the hierarchy are modified by a lessexplicit strategy, namely participles, and NPs in a lower position are
modified by a more explicit strategy, namely relativizers.
The Koryak adnominal clause falls into the Uti no kankee (‘internal
relationship’) type and the Soto no kankee (‘external relationship’) type isunattested.
3.1. Infinite participial clause
Koryak mainly employs two nominalizing suffixes to form adnominal
clauses, that is, -l÷ (LH hereafter) and JQ (Kurebito 2008a, 2008b). It
should be noted that LH is a single suffix, while JQ is actually a complex
suffix which can be further analyzed into two components -jo and -lq´l. -jo
is a nominalizing suffix attached to verbal stems and denotes the intransitive
subject or the transitive object (jeNa-jo-n ‘one that flies’, t´m-jo-n ‘one that[someone] killed=carcass’)(The word-final -n is the marker of the absolutive
singular). -lq´l is suffixed to a nominal stem and denotes the meaning of‘one for future ~, material for making ~, one that should become ~’(ja-lq´l-Ø ‘material for building house=post’, cawat-´-lq´l-Ø ‘material formaking rope’)(The word-final -Ø is the marker of the absolutive singular).

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ີ५ఱ‫૽ڠ‬໲‫ڠ‬໐‫ܮ‬ါ

LH and JQ behave similarly both morphologically and syntactically,
showing an ergative pattern and occurring only in the absolutive case. The
major difference is that they function complementarily, each taking on ashare of the tense marking, LH for the present and past tense as in (2a) and(2b), and JQ for the future tense as in (3a) and (3b).
(2a) el’÷a-Ø,[÷aminwucin ƒivi-k

woman-ABS.SG INTRJ

thisyear-LOC

inenƒ´julev-´-l÷-´-nkaleja-k],

Nanko ku-lejv-´-N-Ø.

teach-E-NML-E-ABS.SG school-LOC there IPF-walk-E-IPF-3SG.S‘The woman who teaches at school this year is walking there.’(2b) kalikal,[÷aminbook (ABS.SG) INTRJajƒ´veqaj´kmiN-a

yesterday boy-INSTR(ERG)j´lN-´-l÷-´-n]read-E-NML-E-ABS.SG‘the book which the boy read yesterday’
lajv-´-jo-lq´l-Ø(3a) qaj´kmiN-´-n,[÷aminmitiw

boy-E-ABS.SG

INTRJ

tomorrow go-E-NML-to.be 1 -ABS.SGt´nop-et´N]
mountain-ALL‘the boy who will walk to the hill tomorrow’(3b) kalikal,[÷aminbook (ABS.SG) INTRJ

mitiw

ƒ´mnantomorrow I (ERG)

akmec-co-lq´l-Ø 2 ]buy-NML-to.be-ABS.SG
1

I t m e ans ‘ f ut u r e~, o n e m e a nt t o be~’ . Gen er a lly it i s s pe lle d ‘ to- b e ’ wit h a hyp hen
be twe e n ‘ t o’ an d ‘ be ’ , but her e f or de s cr ip tive pur po se s I hav e us e d a per iod to a voi dc on f us io n w i th t he hyp h en us ed to i nd ica te a m or ph ol og ica l b ou nd ar y.
2 ak mec - co- l q´l - Ø is th e s ur fa ce f or m o f t he unde r lyi n g ekm it -j o lq ´l r e al ize d bya ss i m i lat i on o f t and j i nto cc a t t h e m or phe m e boun dar y.

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How Is Taro=wa asu ku-ru hazu=da Expressed in Koryak?

‘the book which I will buy tomorrow’
3.2. Finite subordinate clause
3.2.1. Relative adverbs
Relative adverbs such as miNki ‘where’, meNqo ‘from where’, tite ‘when’ areemployed when oblique nouns denoting place or time are modified.
(4a) en’pic-Ø
father-ABS.SGq´tt-i-Ø

wajam-tajn-et´N,[miNki÷amin

go-PF-3SG.S

river-shore-ALL

where

INTRJ

ƒ´cci

ajƒ´vek-eje÷o-N-Ø].

yesterday you(ABS) IPF-fish-IPF-3SG.S‘Father went to the river where you fished yesterday.’
meNqo

ano-k

river-ABS.SG INTRJ

from.where

spring-LOC

Nell´-Øm´t-ajtala-n-Ø]reindeer.herd-ABS.SG

1PL.S-drive-3SG.O-PF from.here(4b) wejem-Ø,[÷amin´java-kwotqo

ko-tva-N-Ø.

remote.place-LOC IPF-be-IPF-3SG.S‘The river from where we drove the reindeer herd is far away fromhere.’(4c) Nanen ƒivi-k,
thatyear-LOC[tite

Kol’a-Øƒe-pl’´tko-lin

when

Kol’a-ABS.SG

RES-finish-RES+3SG.S

kalicit-´-k], Jawjek-Øq´tt-i-Ø

learn-E-INF Jawjek-ABS.SG go-PF-3SG.S

Magadan-et´N
Magadan-ALL

vetat´nv-´-N.
workplace-E-DAT‘Jawjek went to Magadan to work in the year when Kol’a finishedschool.’− 23 −

ີ५ఱ‫૽ڠ‬໲‫ڠ‬໐‫ܮ‬ါ

3.2.2. Relative pronoun
P o s s e s s i v e n o u n s a r e m o d i f i e d b y mik´n ‘whose’, t h e g e n i t i v erelative pronoun.
(5) ƒ´mnan ƒe-jƒule-lin-ØI(ERG)

el’÷a,[÷aminRES-know-RES+1SG.S-3SG.O woman-ABS.S INTRJ

mik´n Navak´k-Ømalawja-k

qun
INTRJ

ko-vetat-´-N-Ø

whose daughter-ABS.SG hospital-LOC IPF-work-E-IPF-3SG.S
doktor-o].
doctor-EQ‘I know the woman whose daughter works at the hospital as a doctor.’

4. Grammatical functions of JQ and degree of nominalization
JQ actually has the following three different functions in a sentence:(a) argument(b) adnominal phrase/clause(c) predicate in the main clause
The degree of nominalization of JQ varies according to this functional
difference. That is, the degree decreases in the order of (a) > (b) > (c). In
other words, of the three functions, (c) retains the most verbal features bothsemantically and syntactically. In the present paper the following will be themain criteria by which the degree of nominalization of JQ is measured:(A) To what extent can JQ take case/number marking?
(B) Does JQ differ from a finite verb in the way it takes arguments andadjuncts?
(C) Does JQ have the tense-aspect-modal categories inherent in verbs?

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How Is Taro=wa asu ku-ru hazu=da Expressed in Koryak?

Results are shown in the following table:(6) Degree of nominalization of JQ and its morphological, syntactic, andsemantic features
Criteria
hi ghCase/number
markingCaseoftransitive
subject
AdjunctsTA
Modalcategory

JQ
argument
2(AB S/LOC )GEN

JQ adnominal
phrase/clause
1(ABS)
GEN/ERG---

oblique
nouns

-----

relative----

obliquenouns,
adverbs
relative----t ypical
noun
12
---

low
JQ
predicate---finite verb
---

ERG

ERG

obliquenouns,
adverbs
relative
Obligation

obliquenouns,
adverbs
absolute
Indicative,
Imperative,
Optative

Several points should be highlighted:
1)Case/number marking of JQ increases in restriction (a) ψ (b) ψ (c)accordingly. However, even in (a), case marking is much more
restricted than that of the typical noun.

2)

Case/number marking of the transitive becomes increasingly moresimilar to that of a verb in the order (a) ψ (b) ψ (c).

3)

Adjuncts appear more freely as finite verb in the order of (a) ψ (b)ψ (c).

4)

Predicative JQ is grammaticalized in terms of semantics and acquires amodal meaning, obligation.

4.1. JQ as an argument
JQ follows an ergative pattern. When attached to an intransitive verb
stem, it codes the subject with the meaning ‘one that is (was) supposed to be
the agent of certain action’ as in (7a). When attached to a transitive verb

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ີ५ఱ‫૽ڠ‬໲‫ڠ‬໐‫ܮ‬ါ

stem, it codes the object with the meaning ‘one that is (was) supposed to be
the patient of certain action’ as in (7b).
(7a) va-jo-lq´l-Ø ‘one who should stay (should have stayed)’
jeNa-jo-lq´l-Ø ‘one who should fly (should have flown)’(7b) ÷ aj Naw-jo- lq´ l- Ø ‘one whom [s om eon e] s hould call (should h ave
called)’t´m-jo-lq´l-Ø ‘one whom [someone] should kill (should have killed)’
4.1.1. Case/Number marking
The case/number marking of the JQ argument is restricted to only two cases.
JQ cannot take any case markers other than the absolutive and locative. For
example, JQ in the instrumental (=ergative) case is not permissible.
(8a) is an example of JQ used as an intransitive subject. (8b) is an
example of JQ used as a transitive object. Each of them takes the absolutive
case. (8c) is an example of JQ in the locative case. While (9), in the
instrumental case, is not permitted.
(8a) taNataw-jo-lq´l-Ø
jepp´ ku-j´lqet-´-N-Ø
get.dressed-NML-to.be-ABS.SG yet
IPF-sleep-E-IPF-3SG.S‘The one who is supposed to dress himself is still sleeping.’(8b) ƒ´mnan t´ne-jo-lq´l-Øt-´-nt´mNev-´-n-ØI(ERG) sew-NML-to.be-ABS.SG 1SG.S-E-lose-E-3SG.O-PF‘I lost the one which I was supposed to sew.’(8c) jeNa-jo-lq´l-´-kmitiw
ƒe-minnine-te
fly-NML-to.be-E-LOC tomorrow IMPR-join-IMPR‘Join the one who is supposed to fly tomorrow.’
na-k-enajej-ƒe(9) *jeNa-jo-lq´l-a
fly-NML-to.be-INSTR(ERG) INV-IPF-look.for-2SG.O‘The one who is supposed to fly is looking for you.’
4.1.2. Arguments and adjuncts
A JQ argument used as a subject of the transitive appears either in theergative or in the genitive as in (10). This fact coincides with Givón’s− 26 −

How Is Taro=wa asu ku-ru hazu=da Expressed in Koryak?

stipulation (2001:25) that subject
case-marking through nominalization.

and/orobjectacquiresgenitive(10) ƒ´m-nin-Ø÷ajNaw-jo-lq´l-Ø
miNk´je amu
1SG-GEN-ABS.SG call-NML-to.be-ABS.SG where
probablyƒe-lq-´-lin
RES-leave-E-RES+3SG.S‘The one who was supposed to be called by me has probably gonesomewhere.’
As for adjuncts, JQ can take the oblique noun just as a finite verb can,as in (11), but adverbs such as the temporal adverb in (12) are not permitted.
(11) magadan-et´N
jeNa-jo-lq´l-Ø
jepp´ ko-tva-N-Ø
Magadan-ALL fly-NML-to.be-ABS.SG yet
IPF-be-IPF-3SG.SN´lv´l÷-´-kreindeer.herd-E-LOC‘The one who was supposed to fly to Magadan is still in the reindeer
herd.’(12) *mitiw
va-jo-lq´l-Ø
jaja-kecƒi
tomorrow
be-NML-to.be-ABS.SG house-LOC now÷eqev-i-ØN´lv´l÷-´-kleave-PF-3SG.S reindeer.herd-E-LOC‘The one who was supposed to stay home tomorrow has flown to  Magadan today.’
4.1.3. TAM
Finite verbs have future/non-future tense and perfect/imperfect aspect. In
this case tense is the absolute with the present as the reference point. On theother hand, the JQ argument has relative tense whose reference point isdecided by context. Perfect/imperfect aspectual difference is neutralized in
JQ. Modal differences are not overtly marked on JQ.

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ີ५ఱ‫૽ڠ‬໲‫ڠ‬໐‫ܮ‬ါ(13) jeNa-jo-lq´l-Ø
jepp´ jaja-k
ku-j´lqet-´-N-Ø
fly-NML-to.be-ABS.SG yethouse-LOC IPF-sleep-E-IPF-3SG.S‘The one who is (was) supposed to fly is still sleeping at home.’(14) ƒ´m-nin-Ø÷ajNaw-jo-lq´l-Ø
miNk´je amu
1SG-GEN-ABS.SG call-NML-to.be-ABS.SG where
probablyƒe-lq-´-lin
RES-leave-E-RES+3SG.S‘The one who is (was) supposed to be called by me has probably gonesomewhere.’

4.2. JQ as an adnominal phrase or clause
4.2.1. Case/number marking
A JQ adnominal phrase or clause takes only the subject of an intransitive
verb or the object of a transitive verb as a head noun (Kurebito 2008a,
Kurebito 2008b). Therefore, the one case that adnominal JQ can take, theabsolutive, is more restricted than argument JQ seen above in 4.1. Examples
for this will be shown in 4.2.2.
4.2.2. Arguments and adjuncts
Unlike the JQ argument, adnominal JQ takes the subject not in the genitive
but the ergative like a finite verb. Also it can not only take oblique nouns
but also adverbs, and can also be accompanied by a converb.
(15a) below is adnominal JQ derived from the intransitive verb
Najq´tva ‘clean’. It can be expanded into a noun modifying clause by taking
oblique nouns and adverbs as in (15b) and (15c). In the examples below, thehead nouns are underlined and the noun modifying clauses are in brackets.
(15a)

(15b)

´ccaj-Ø[Najq´tva-jo-lq´l-Ø]p´ce
ant-ABS.SG
clean-NML-to.be-ABS.SG firstajm-e-Ø
go.to.fetch.water-PF-3SG.S‘The ant who is supposed to clean has gone for water at first.’´ccaj-Ø
[jaja-k
Najq´tva-jo-lq´l-Ø]p´ce
ant-ABS.SG house-LOC clean-NML-to.be-ABS.SG first− 28 −

How Is Taro=wa asu ku-ru hazu=da Expressed in Koryak?

(15c)

(16)

ajm-e-Ø
go.to.fetch.water-PF-3SG.S‘The ant who is supposed to clean at home has gone for water.’´ccaj-Ø,[÷amin ecƒijaja-kant-ABS.SG INTRJ
today house-LOC
Najq´tva-jo-lq´l-Ø]p´ce
ajm-e-Ø
clean-NML-to.be-ABS.SG first
go.to.fetch.water-PF-3SG.S‘The ant who is supposed to clean at home today has gone for water.’qaj´kmiN-´-n,[÷amin mitiw
jamk-´-Nqoboy-E-ABS.SG INTRJ
tomorrow neighboring.brigade-E-ABL
jac-co-lq´l-Øƒe-tumƒ-e]come-NML-to.be-ABS.SG COM-friend-COM
ko-ncocmaw-N-´-ne-nujetik-Ø
IPF-prepare-IPF-E-3SG.S-3SG.O
sledge-ABS.SG‘The boy who is supposed to come from the neighboring brigade withhis friend is preparing the sledge.’

The following examples are those of adnominal JQ derived from atransitive verb. The head noun is the object of the verb. (17a) is anadnominal phrase, while (17b) is an adnominal clause in which the subjectof the transitive verb is marked in the ergative. Also note the interjection÷amin, a marker showing the boundary of the adnominal clause andreminding the hearer of a previously known statement, is inserted between
the head noun and the clause as the clause is expanded.
(17a)kalikal[akmec-co-lq´l-Ø]book(ABS.SG) buy-NML-to.be-ABS.SG‘the book which [someone] intends to buy.’(17b) kalikal,[÷amin ƒ´mnan mitiw
book(ABS.SG) INTRJ
I(ERG) tomorrow
akmec-co-lq´l-Ø]buy-NML-to.be-ABS.SG‘the book which I should buy tomorrow’− 29 −

ີ५ఱ‫૽ڠ‬໲‫ڠ‬໐‫ܮ‬ါ

In (18) below, JQ derived from transitive verb forms an adnominal
clause together with the core argument, the subject in the ergative, atemporal adverb, and a converb.
(18) wala-Ø,[÷amin mitiw
÷ojacek-aknife-ABS.SG INTRJ
tomorrow man-INSTR(ERG)
java-jo-lq´l-Ø
qoja-nm-at-´-k],use-NML-to.be-ABS.SG reindeer-kill-AP-E-CONVqiN´n ƒa-nt´mNaw-len-Øen’pici-te
likely RES-lose-RES+3SG.S-3SG.O father-INSTR(ERG)‘Father is likely to have lost the knife which the herder should use
tomorrow when he kills reindeer’At the same time, examples taking the genitive may also be found as in (19).
(19) [ƒ´m-nin-Ø
t´ne-jo-lq´l-Ø]ic÷-´-n1SG-GEN-ABS.SG sew-NML-to.be-ABS.SG fur.coat-E-ABS.SGt-´-nt´mNev-´-n-Ø
1SG.S-E-lose-E-3SG.O-PF‘I have lost the fur coat which I should have sewn.’
4.2.3. TAM
The JQ adnominal phrase or clause has relative tense as well as the JQ
argument. At the same time, mood is also not overtly coded as a JQ
argument.
(20a)

(20b)

÷ojacek-Ø,[÷amin mitiw
jeNa-jo-lq´l-Øman-ABS.SG INTRJ
tomorrow fly-NML-to.be-ABS.SG
magadan-et´N]
Magadan-ALL‘the guy who should fly to Magadan tomorrow’÷ojacek-Ø,[÷amin ajƒ´ve
jeNa-jo-lq´l-Øman-ABS.SG INTRJ
yesterday fly-NML-to.be-ABS.SG
magadan-et´N]
Magadan-ALL− 30 −

How Is Taro=wa asu ku-ru hazu=da Expressed in Koryak?

‘the man who should have flown to Magadan yesterday’

4.3. Predicative JQ
Predicative JQ is grammaticalized in terms of semantics because its meaning
is not the same as that of argument JQ: the former denotes the modal
meaning of obligation, ‘should (should have)’, while the latter denotes‘agent or patient of certain future action’.
Predicative JQ, like an ordinary nominal predicate, takes
person/number markers at the final position of the word. That is, theperson/number markers code the subject of the intransitive verb or theobject of the transitive verb as shown in paradigm (21).
(21) Paradigm of JQ predicate derived from the intransitive va ‘ be, sta y’ .
1SG.S

va-jolq´l-iƒ´m ‘I should stay (should have stayed).’

1DU.S

va-jolq´l-muji ‘We (DU) should stay(should have stayed).’

1PL.S

va-jolq´l-muju ‘We (PL) should stay (should have stayed).’

2SG.S

va-jolq´l-iƒi ‘You (SG) should stay (should have stayed).’

2DU.S

va-jolq´l-tuji ‘You (DU) should stay (should have stayed).’

2PL.S

va-jolq´l-muju ‘You (PL) should stay (should have stayed).’

3SG.S

va-jolq´l-Ø ‘He should stay (should have stayed).’

3DU.S

va-jolq´l-te ‘They (DU) should stay (should have stayed).’3PL.S

va-jolq´l-o ‘They (PL) should stay (should have stayed).’4.3.1. Case/number marking
Naturally, predicative JQ does not take any case marking.
4.3.2. Arguments and adjuncts
Predicative JQ can take core arguments and adjuncts just as thecorresponding finite verb does. That is, the subject of the transitive verb
appears in the ergative case and ergative/genitive conversion seen in theadnominal phrase or clause is not observed in predicative JQ. Additionally,− 31 −

ີ५ఱ‫૽ڠ‬໲‫ڠ‬໐‫ܮ‬ါpredicative JQ not only occurs with oblique nouns but also with temporaladverbs.
Examples (22a) and (22b) below are predicative JQs derived fromintransitives, and (23a) and (23b) are predicative JQs derived fromtransitives.
(22a)

(22b)

(23a)

(23b)

ƒ´cci
ecƒi  va-jo-lq´l-eƒeƒ-en’pici-teyou(ABS.SG) today  be-NML-to.be-2SG.S COM-father-COM
jaja-khouse-LOC‘You (SG) should stay home with your father today.’´ccu
awje-jo-lq´l-oawje-ja-kthey(ABS) eat-NML-to.be-3PL.S
eat-house-LOC‘They (PL) should eat at the buffet’ƒ´mnan in÷e÷ajNaw-jo-lq´l-Ø
qaj´kmiN-´-nI(ERG) soon
call-NML-to.be-3SG.O boy-E-ABS.SG‘I should immediately call the boy.’
mitiw
ƒ´nan
N´lv´l÷-´-Nqo
tomorrow you(SG.ERG) reindeer.herd-E-ABLj´le-jo-lq´l-Øt´m-jo-nbring-NML-to.be-3SG.O kill-NML-ABS.SG‘You (SG) should bring the killed reindeer from the herd tomorrow.’

4.3.3. TAM
The tense of predicative JQ is relative, as it also is with the argument,
adnominal phrase and clause. The reference point can be the present or the
past according to the context. In (24a) the reference point is the present andin (24b) the reference point is the past.
(24a)ƒ´mmo mitiw
an’pec-´-NN´lv´l÷-´-kI(ABS) tomorrow father-E-DAT reindeer.herd-E-LOC
wenn’a-co-lq´l-eƒ´mhelp-NML-to.be-1SG.S‘Tomorrow I should help my father in the reindeer herd.’− 32 −

How Is Taro=wa asu ku-ru hazu=da Expressed in Koryak?

(24b)

´nno
ajƒ´vejanot
he/she(ABS) yesterday firstqoja-nm-ac-co-lq´l-Øreindeer-kill-AP-NML-to.be-3SG.S‘Yesterday he should have first killed reindeer.’At the same time, there is no overt mood marking, although, asmentioned above, it has the modal meaning of obligation.
5. Is predicative JQ similar to MMC?
We have so far investigated the semantic, morphological and syntactic
features of the predicative JQ and clar ified that it is gramm aticalized interms of semantics, and that it is in part both morphologically andsyntactically more like a finite verb than are the other functional units in a
sentence, for example, arguments.
Now let us examine how predicate JQ relates to MMC. As Tsunoda( 2 0 1 0 ) f o r m u l a t e s , J a p a n e s e M M C (e.g. Taro=wa asu kuru hazu=da.
Taro=wa ima dekake-ru tokoro=da.) h a s t h e f o l l o w i n g s t r u c t u r e .
(25)

Noun-concluding construction, or mermaid construction[Clause] +Noun+ Copula.

Tsunoda (2010) investigates the meaning of the noun used in MMC andmorphological and syntactic features of MMC. He compares otherconstructions such as 1) internal AC, 2) external AC, 3) adverbial clause oftime, 4) subordinate clause with =yoo, 5) main clause with =yoo, 6) verb
clause, 7) i-adjective clause, 8) na-adjective clause, and 9) noun clause fromboth morphological and syntactic points of view. He concludes that there isstrong evidence to identify MMC not with 1-4 but rather with thosemono-clausal constructions in 5-9 above. In other words, MMC is apparently
like adnominal constructions, but morphologically and syntactically more
like an adjective or verb.
It seems that MMC, with its intermediate character, shares features incommon with the predicative JQ. For the sake of clarification, we shouldsort out the differences and similarities between predicative JQ and MMC.

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ີ५ఱ‫૽ڠ‬໲‫ڠ‬໐‫ܮ‬ါBelow, using the sentence, ‘Taro should come tomorrow’, I shall showcorrespondences between JQ and MMC. ‘+’ indicates a word boundary, ‘-’ asuffix, and ‘=’ an enclitic.
(26) How does ‘Taro should come tomorrow’ show correspondence between JQ
and MMCJQ

Taro-na-k mitiw+ jac-co-lq ´l-Øarguments/adjuncts

verbal stem

suffixpersonmarkerMMC

adnominal form ofnoun

Copula+ hazu=daverb
Taro=waasu+ kur-uFrom this table we can see the following similarities and differences
between JQ and MMC:(27) Similarities
1) Both JQ and MMC can take arguments and adjuncts just like a finiteverb.
2) The nominal elements, that is, -co-lq´l in Koryak and hazu inJapanese occurring in the slot ‘Noun’ are both grammaticalized in termsof semantics.
(28) Differences
1) The verbal forms of JQ and MMC are morphologically different. Thatis, in JQ the verb appears as a stem, while in MMC it appears as an
adnominal form which is more independent than JQ stem.
2) The nominal elements are morphologically different. That is, -co-lq´lin Koryak is a suffix, while hazu in Japanese is a word. In Koryak there
is no evidence that JQ is a suffix that etymologically originates in anoun as does the Japanese modal propositions =dake ‘only’ from thenoun take ‘extent, limit’ and =bakari ‘only’ from the noun hakari‘instrument for measuring weight’ (Tsunoda 2010). Therefore, JQ should
be regarded as a ‘pure’ suffix.

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How Is Taro=wa asu ku-ru hazu=da Expressed in Koryak?

3) The sentence final forms are different. That is, JQ requires a person
marker which agrees either with the subject or the object, while MMC
requires a copula which shows no agreement.
At this point in time the reasons for these differences have not been
fully investigated. Here I will tentatively point out a few points for future
investigation.
(a) Difference 2 above may be due to the degree of synthesis of eachlanguage. Koryak is a highly polysynthetic language which can often
express the concrete meanings of nouns and verbs not by words but by
affixes.
(b) Difference 3 may be due to the fact that Koryak does not have Soto nokankee ‘external relationship’, while Japanese does. Koryak is a double
marking language which generally requires rigid agreement between
arguments (subject and object) and verb. Therefore, it does not have Soto nokankee (‘external relationship’).

Abbreviations
ABL= abl ative
AP=anti pas sive
DAT=dativ e
FUT=fut ure
INTRJ=i nterjection
NML=nom i nal izer
RES=resultative
2=seco nd person

ABS=a bsolutiv e
CAUS=causative
DU=dual
GEN=gen itive
INV=in vers e
O=object
S=subje ct
3=third per son

 ALL=allati ve
ANM=a nim ate COM=c om ita tive CONV=converb
 E=epent hes is
ERG= erga tive IMPR=im per ativ e INSTR=ins trum enta l
IPF=imperfective LOC= loc ative
PF=perfective
PL=plural
SG=singu lar
1=first person

References
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Keenan, E. L. and B. Comrie (1977) Noun Phrase Accessibility andUniversal Grammar. Linguistic Inquiry 8-1: 63-99.
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Kurebito, M. (2004) A Report on Koryak Phonology, In O. Miyaoka and F.
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(2008a)Bunshioyobi

Kankeishi

ni

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Kurebito,M(2011b)Agentive/Patientive

Nominalizationin

Koryak,Linguistic Typology of the North 1:87-109.
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Zhukova, Alevtina N. (1968) Korjakskij jazyk. Jazyki Narodov SSSR Χ ,271-293, Leningrad: Nauka.

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