Discussion Paper for Peace-building Studies, No. 01 [Summer 2004]

Human Security and Peace Building: Practical Research Through NGOs

Yasunobu Satō ∗Human security is argued as a concept that bonds peace and development. Human security means
human liberation, that is to say, liberation from physical and artificial hindrances such as war,poverty or political oppression, which prevent people from choosing freely and acting freely on what
they have chosen. By shifting the idea of security from nation-based to individual-based security, it
becomes possible to discuss the protection of individuals from threats to individual security – whichcannot be addressed adequately by nation-based security. As a method, development rather thanarms is advocated. Peace is argued to be a goal of development. The peace referred to here is ‘positive
peace’, that of a society in which human rights are a reality.
This paper addresses human security theory as one approach to building peace. It offers an
overview of aspects of both conflict management governance and resolution of the structural factors ofconflict, as methods of ensuring human security. It then discusses practical applications: the role ofNGOs and their potential for empowering the weak. Finally, practical research and education in thefield of human security is explored as one form of peace-building activity: viewpoints, practicaldetails, and partnership, as well as the possibility of practical cooperation with NGOs and otherorganizations.

I. The concept of human security
The concept of human security is an attempt to treat the issue of security as anindividual issue rather than an issue between nations. As shown in Figure 1, humansecurity can be seen as the overlap of two
concepts of human development1 andpositive peace2. This is because the goal of
human security is the overlapping of thedevelopment of individual capability

Positivepeace

discussed by Amartya Sen and a society

Humandevelopment

without structural violence, such as
poverty, as discussed by Johan Galtung.
Human security∗

Figure 1 (drawn by author)

Professor, The University of Tokyo, Graduate Program on Human Security–1–

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Here, we will consider the meaning of human security.
1. UNDP Human Development Report 1994 and The World Summit for Social
Development 1995
It was the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) which identified humansecurity as a new development issue. This emerged from a paradigm shift indevelopment theory from development focused on the economic growth of a nation tohuman-oriented development (human development), the goal of which is theadvancement of human rights.
According to the 1994 UNDP human development report, ‘human security’ has sevendimensions: (1) economic security, (2) food security, (3) health security, (4)environmental security, (5) personal security, (6) community security, and (7) politicalsecurity. These are identified as typical areas in which human security is threatened,but it is recognized that human security is not limited to these seven. In other words, theproblems of employment, income, food and so on are not only problems of development,
but problems of human security: thus security and development are two sides of thesame coin. It is further recognized that development relates to conflict prevention.
Moreover, the assertion that individual human security should be respected draws
attention to the weak, who have hitherto been ignored. The UNDP raised the questionsof who protects human security in situations such as civil war and ethnic conflict, when
the nation isn’t fully functioning, and how?
This UNDP proposal, in the 1995 Copenhagen Declaration on Social Development,
and the Programme of Action of The World Summit for Social Development, confirmedthat social development/social justice and peace/security are inseparable. Underpinningthese ideas is the UNDP theory of human security, which regards social injustice as astructural problem threatening peace and development – a problem which must be
addressed.
2. Approaches of the Japanese government toward human security
Learning from the Gulf War, Japan has been searching for ways of using humanitarian
aid to achieve world peace. It therefore focuses on the use of Official Development
Assistance (ODA) for humanitarian aid. A policy speech by former prime minister Keizō
Obuchi in December 1998 noted the Japanese Government’s definition of human security
as a concept encompassing all kinds of threats to human survival, human life andhuman dignity, and requiring strengthened measures to tackle such threats. In its MidTerm Policy on ODA in 1999, the Japanese Government identified conflict anddevelopment as important issues to be tackled, and established the Trust Fund for
Human Security3 at the United Nations. At the Okinawa Summit 2000 and at theUnited Nations Millennium Summit, the Japanese Government proposed an initiative–2–

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for conflict prevention: a comprehensive approach under which consistent efforts toward
conflict prevention should be made in all phases from pre- to post-conflict. Based on this,and again on the initiative of the Japanese Government, the Commission on Human
Security was established in June 2001 with co-chairs Sadako Ogata, the commissioner of
the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) and former high commissioner of
the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), and Professor Amartya
Sen.
In the ODA Charter, revised in August 2003, peace-building was clearly identified as
an important new issue, with human security as one of the basic principles. The
development assistance of Japan is now shifting its emphasis to peace-building, thoughspecifics and features are still under discussion. The Commission on Human Security
released its final report in May 2003, before being reformed into the Advisory Board on
Human Security (ABHS). Since then, the Board has been implementing the report’s
proposals and advising about the operation of the Trust Fund for Human Security.
The commission’s report concerns mainly security from conflict, poverty and disease,and the education needed to attain this. This paper will deal simply with howdevelopment can maintain security by focusing on conflicts which directly relate topeace-building.

II. Peace-building: toward development for human rights and justice
Human security theory offers theoretical support for peace-building. So what does peacebuilding mean in practice? Peace-building means building a society in which positive
peace is secured – peace without structural violence such as poverty and discrimination– or a society which guarantees human security. In other words, it is a society in which
individual human rights and social justice are respected. That is to say, this is a
discussion about how to transform a ‘conflict society’, characterized by conflict, terrorism
and violence, into a ‘peace society’ in which human beings can live freely; and how tocreate the conditions to bring about such a transformation. Below is an overview of theapproaches toward peace taken by the United Nations.
1. Development and limits of Peace-Building Operations (PBO)
At the heart of the United Nations’ Peace Building Operation (PBO) are Peace Keeping
Operations (PKO). PKO started at a time when the Security Council, the core of the UN
collective security system, was paralyzed by the Cold War. The General Assembly took
the initiative in establishing PKO in place of the Security Council as ceasefire observer
missions. Subsequently PKO have developed into peace operations including
comprehensive transitional governance such as that provided by the UN Transitional
Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC). This kind of comprehensive and complex PKO is–3–

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sometimes called second-generation PKO to distinguish it from earlier PKOs, whichwere mainly cease-fire operations. In 1992, Mr Boutros-Ghali, the UN Secretary Generalat that time, proposed in his report An Agenda for Peace preventive diplomacy,
peacemaking, peacekeeping, post-conflict peace building, cooperation with localorganizations and other measures as ways of strengthening the United Nations after theCold War. In this report Boutros-Ghali’s idea of ‘peace-enforcement forces’ attracted a lotof attention; although details were not given, the idea saw expression in the second
United Nations Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM II). This peacekeeping operation, toconfiscate arms and ammunition, was authorized to use ‘all necessary means’ – in otherwords, force. However, as a result, the use of force by the United Nations became aneveryday matter and therefore the United Nations itself became a party to conflict. The
reaction went far beyond Somalia, reaching an international level. The UN mission
ended in failure, and was compelled to withdraw.
2. The development of UN peace-building operations
After the lesson of Somalia, UN PKO returned to its original form: the principle of nonuse of force has been enshrined; thus, as in the first Gulf War, operations involving theuse of force are conducted by multinational forces mandated by a United Nations
resolution. At the same time, the United Nations Peacekeeping Operation expanded its
mission further into taking on peace-building operations which lead smoothly to postconflict reconstruction. One such operation is the United Nations Transitional
Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) started in 1999. Its mission was as follows: tomaintain security and government in East Timor, to fund effective administration, tosupport the construction of administrative and social services, to secure humanitarian
aid and the coordination and implementation of reconstruction and development
assistance, to support development of the capacity to establish independent selfgovernment, and to support the establishment of conditions necessary for sustainable
development. This is a new type of peacekeeping operation which focuses on peacebuilding.
From the awareness that peace and development are inseparable, discussion shiftedaway from peace imposed by force to a realization that peace-building throughdevelopment assistance is necessary and that peacekeeping operations and peacebuilding operations are consecutive issues4. The Development Assistance Committee(DAC) of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) released
its DAC guidelines on conflict, peace and development co-operation in 1997 based on
Canada’s concept of comprehensive peace-building. In the guidelines, the DAC confirms
the importance of the role of development assistance at each phase: pre-conflict, midconflict, immediate aftermath of conflict, and post-conflict. The DAC also makes
proposals at each phase regarding the goal of development assistance to strengthen the–4–Discussion Paper for Peace-building Studies, No. 01 [Summer 2004]

rule of law and promote civilian participation in the democratization process. In this way,
discussions are now addressing the concretization of comprehensive Peace Building
Operations (PBO), attempting further cooperation with development assistance andaiming at conflict prevention5.
3. The World Bank
The World Bank is, of course, the development bank which has led world development
assistance since World War II, but the approach of the World Bank toward conflict has
been passive as a result of its mandate of being non-political. In 1997, however, a PostConflict Unit6 was established in the Social Development section, and a Post-Conflict
Fund7 was also founded. As a result, the World Bank now responds rapidly and flexibly
with reconstruction assistance in the immediate aftermath of conflict. In 2001, operating
manual 2.308 was released regarding nations affected by conflict. This manual statesthat causes of conflict vary and it is thus necessary to analyze the relation between
development assistance and conflict. Based on the opinion given in the manual, theWorld Bank released the draft of its Conflict Analysis Framework (CAF) in August 2003
and is now drawing up its final edition in cooperation with the organizations of theUnited Nations.
As stated above, in cooperation with the United Nations or other organizations, theWorld Bank now cooperates with emergency aid agencies from the early phases of aconflict. On the other hand, based on experience, the World Bank studies the causes ofconflict by analyzing conflicts and determining suitable methods of assistance forresolving the causes of conflict.

III. Conflict management governance and resolving structural factors of conflict
To prevent conflict, a system is necessary which avoids conflict and violence as responses
to a situation. However, as human society allows individual freedom as much as possible,
collisions of freedom vs. freedom, right vs. right, are inevitable. Thus, the system shouldbe able to resolve conflicts not through force or oppression, but peacefully with justice. In
other words, governance for managing conflict is required. At the same time, social
development to resolve the structural factors of conflict themselves is also necessary.
These two aspects are interrelated, and if both can be practically implemented, thevicious circle of violence can be cut and conflict can be prevented.
1. Conflict management governance
Conflict management governance is when both the processes of democratic and legal
resolution of conflict are enabled. This is because justice in modern society is regarded as
democracy and the rule of law. So long as people believe that justice prevails, they will–5–

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not feel it necessary to resort to violence. Therefore, as governance assistance for conflict
management, programs are required which offer assistance with democratization,
assistance for improving legislation, and assistance with the administration of justice. In
other words, the aim is a political process and a legal process which shifts the conflictfrom tyranny and violence to democratic process and the rule of law, and governance isthe system of assistance and human resource development to achieve this aim.
However, the developing countries where many conflicts break out generally lack thefeatures associated with modern society. Community-based cooperative humanrelationships are offered as justification for the oppressive conflict resolution associatedwith traditional society, and there is a possibility of anarchy if traditional discipline isbroken. The only method is a compromise by which the reality and values of the society
are respected, but traditional discipline is changed little by little, while recognizing theidentity and autonomy of the citizens. In implementing such a method a stopgap solution
is to use the traditional method of conflict resolution as a ‘cover’, though this is notwithout associated dangers. This is the issue of transitional justice.
For instance, consider the problem of introducing alternative dispute resolution as aconciliation system into Japan’s legal system. It must be founded in what citizens
themselves consider to be justice. Not only the formal law of the modern state but
informal law - customs as indigenous norms, so-called ‘living law’ – would have to betaken into consideration and modified. However, it must not be forgotten that from apractical point of view ‘justice’ is rather ambiguous and subjective, and standards varyby region, race, or religion. Without forgetting this ambiguous and subjective
characteristic of justice, it is necessary to try to understand the cultural characteristics
of a region and the normative consciousness and values of the local people.
2. Resolving the structural factors of conflict
It follows from this perspective that conflict management governance is directly linked totackling the structural factors of the conflict. This is because the structural factors of theconflict derive from the actual political, economic and cultural structure of the local
society. On the other hand, it is not enough merely to deal with and manage the conflict
non-violently by establishing democratic politics and legal systems. It is also necessary
to understand the economic, social, historical, cultural, religious and psychologicalaspects of the people, the groups and the society to which they belong. Such aspects, likepoverty, social injustice, historical hatreds and cultural dislikes, are the structural
factors of conflict. The situation must then be transformed to resolve these factors.
Otherwise, even if the conflict appears to have ended, the structure of the conflictcontinues, and this will reignite into violence again.
For example, even if a conflict ends through a vote or court case, if the structure of
the conflict remains, the discontent simmers. The conflict is resolved only through a–6–Discussion Paper for Peace-building Studies, No. 01 [Summer 2004]

process by which the parties overcome their point of dispute, come to a settlement, andachieve reconciliation. Poverty cannot be solved by mere welfare. This is because poverty
is frequently only a result of discrimination, political power balance, or lack of access tojustice. Therefore, in many cases measures such as affirmative action are necessary,measures which actually ensure political equality.
Cultural, historical and religious confrontation may have deep roots because they
relate to human identity. Therefore, resolution of the factors of conflict must take a longterm, generational approach. Such measures may be required as increasing
opportunities for mutual understanding by putting each side in the other’s shoes andcreating chances for them to meet and act together.

IV. The role of NGOs and empowerment of the weak for self-development
Both in improving conflict management governance, and in resolving the structural
factors of conflict, the goal is to improve the autonomous, self-governing ability of bothindividuals and society. At the heart of participatory approaches to development(participatory development), ownership, sustainable development, and endogenousdevelopment, lies the aim of restoring the independence of the people receiving
assistance. For this reason, education in autonomy is indispensable for development
assistance.
Official Development Assistance (ODA) by nations, more especially direct assistance
between two nations, and even multinational assistance through internationalorganizations, is apt to maintain and reinforce a ruler-ruled relationship between
provider and receiver: a hidden colonialism, as it were. Thus, the importance of the roleNGOs play in development assistance is increasing. There are many kinds of NGO, and
it is impossible to consider them a single category, but it can be said that they are
expected to play a leading role in the field of human security as ‘actors’ to contribute tohuman interests, instead of national interests, beyond the national borders.
Along with the worldwide consolidation of superior-subordinate relationships
resulting from the expansion of free trade in so-called globalization, there is thewidespread fear of a proliferation of terrorism – symbolized by the 9.11 attacks –resulting from a backlash against this globalism and the relationships it engenders. The
United States declared its ‘War on Terror’, and increasingly tends towards unilateralism.
This undermines the authority of the United Nations as a cornerstone of post-WWII
collective security, despite hopes that it would regain its function after the end of theCold War. In Japan once again, both national security and the necessity forhumanitarian aid provided in the name of the nation are being hotly debated. We should
transcend empty nationalism and use the key of human security to unlock global–7–

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assistance to empower the weak, and use civil society to monitor the global economy andauthoritarianism. That’s what this century’s peace could be. Here the roles NGOs can be
expected to play are described.
1. Cooperation among local and international NGOs
It is not easy for an NGO to operate in an area of conflict. Nevertheless, it is possible
with the support and cooperation of international NGOs. In fact, it has been pointed outthat behind the success of the UNTAC operation in Cambodia lay the support ofinternational NGOs – including Japanese ones – within Cambodia dating back well overa decade before UNTAC arrived, and the trust between local and international society
which had already matured at an individual level.
NGO operations tend to be divided into factions in conflict areas, but a level ofneutrality can be gained by the intervention of international NGOs. Of course, NGOs
themselves are often government puppets, and thus accountability should be maintained.
Rather than simply relying on relations between governments, maintaining anddeveloping relationships among NGOs and citizens is an effective way of monitoringcorruption among governments.
2. Horizontal cooperation among professionals
Recently the NGOs which provide services in the area of development assistance orhumanitarian aid are becoming increasingly professional. It is no longer rare for NGO
staff to obtain a position at the United Nations or the World Bank. NGOs in the EU and
US invite researchers and academics to take up executive positions as policymakers inorder to strengthen their advocacy. This tendency towards increasing professionalism is
expected to accelerate.
On the other hand NGOs, even in occupational areas not necessarily specializing indevelopment assistance, are increasingly cooperating with international counterparts.
For example, the Japanese and US bar associations have been offering support to legalsystem reforms through ODA9. Such cases of alliances based on a firm sense of
professional mission, and cooperation based on realistic intentions – such as business
investment – could contribute to creating more even-handed relations in the current onesided relationship which we refer to by using the terms ‘developing’ and ‘developed’
countries.
A system, and professionals to put it into practice, is indispensable in order to govern
a peaceful society. The legal system and the legal profession can, in particular, beunderstood as the ‘infrastructure’ of conflict management. Cooperation among bar
associations will contribute to human resource development and technology transfer.
Likewise, cooperation among autonomous private professional bodies has the potential tostrengthen the sense of unity among people, and recover the security of local–8–

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communities which is being eroded by the penetration of the market economy. The senseof global citizenship cannot be nurtured without such horizontal cooperation.
3. Learning from real cases
Researchers can play an active part in NGOs not only through policy or advocacy at
headquarters, but also by fieldwork conducted in areas of conflict, which provides theopportunity to learn from the wisdom of those who actually live there, and by presenting
the results to the wider world. In an area of conflict, the weak have no voice. Those whooffer assistance will fail if they deem those receiving the assistance incapable ofunderstanding the actual situation, and if they try to import and impose their own ideas
and systems. Research into human security is not simply about concepts and theories; it
involves getting directly involved through NGOs, or piling up case studies derived fromfieldwork through joint research.
As noted above, NGOs can be expected to offer opportunities for case studies andpractical training through their operations in the field. At the same time, it is also
possible for NGOs to improve their quality through research and education, to promote
their operations professionally, and to enhance their ability to advocate policy.

V. In place of a summary: university/NGO cooperation for research and education
The concept of human security can be seen as a redefinition: from a security problem to adevelopment issue. It is a form of rhetorical or theoretical justification for development
agencies’ involvement in peace-building through humanitarian and reconstruction
assistance in conflict areas. The concept entails policymaking intent. Thus research andeducation in human security must not be mere idealism, failing to engage with the global
issues, for this is the goal of research. It should always be tackled as a key to resolving
practical issues. Research and education in human security is itself one aspect of the
support activity required to create a society which features human security.
It is necessary for academics to participate in practical activities, to use methods suchas participatory observation, to learn and theorize from practice, to put theory into
practice, in some cases to criticize the practice, and to make proposals for more practicalactivities. What is proposed here is a method of research and education involving a cycleof learning and practice.
It is important to promote cooperation not only with agents of governments orinternational organizations, but also with NGOs as the main actors in the practice ofdevelopment and humanitarian aid. NGOs are supported by a spirit of volunteerism, andso have the potential to work purely in the service of human security, which directly
benefits mankind. The spirit of volunteerism does carry with it limitations, but it is no
exaggeration to say that NGOs support the details of operations conducted by the–9–Discussion Paper for Peace-building Studies, No. 01 [Summer 2004]

international organizations. To conclude this paper, some practical methods will be put
forward.
1. Experimental research and education
Human security, as an issue, should be approached through experimental research.
Although human security belong to a specific academic field, its research must be
experimental and practical, to deal with actual issues. Thus research into humansecurity should be practical, and based on area studies and case studies. In the
educational field it is preferable to implement a curriculum incorporating field studies,such as participation in NGO activities like on-the-job training.
2. Network-style open research education
Human security is an interdisciplinary field and cannot be categorized into a specificacademic discipline: thus open, interdisciplinary research is called for. It is quite
impossible for only one researcher to gain the breadth of knowledge and analysis
required, and so a network-style research method is necessary which connects a numberof researchers, practitioners, and other experts to conduct research jointly. The same istrue in the educational field in which a wide variety of lectures or interactive classes byexperts in various academic disciplines or practical areas are called for.
3. The cycle of research and practice
The many experts referred to above must include practitioners. Since the goal ofresearch is to contribution to practice, the participation of practitioners is essential tounderstand practical needs and to achieve the goal. On the other hand, it is also
necessary for researchers to dive into the practical reality with the results of theirresearch, to test theories, to perform participatory observation, and to evaluate it. A
cycle of research and education is required in which both practice and academic learninginteract through collaboration and feed back into each other.
4. Learning from refugees
Finally, even though when undertaking a field study, if the research is done only over ashort period under extraordinary circumstances, it may not be possible to understandthe actual situation without being subject to bias. It is preferable to conduct joint
research with local people. Although unfortunately rare in Japan, there are refugees
from areas of conflict, and to restore their human dignity, it may be possible to invite
them as teachers or lecturers and let them participate actively in research and educationfrom the mid- and long-term perspective. Thus, research and education can contribute to
the empowerment of refugees. This means that universities will participate in peacebuilding assistance as experts.
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References
Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), ‘Participatory development and good governance,’ 1995 (inJapanese).
Institute for International Cooperation, JICA, ‘Research study on peace building’. 2001 (in Japanese, theexecutive summary is available in English at:
http://www.jica.go.jp/activities/report/field/pdf/2001_03a.pdf).
The World Bank, ‘World development report: attacking poverty 2000/2001.’
United Nations Development Program, Human Development Report 1994.
Satō, Yasunobu. ‘Conflict and development,’ JICA, 2001 (in Japanese).
Satō, Yasunobu. ‘International cooperation law under globalization: cooperation for peace.’ Forum ofInternational Development Studies No. 18, 2001 (in Japanese).
The Commission on Human Security, ‘Human Security Now,’ 2003 (http://www.humansecuritychs.org/finalreport/FinalReport.pdf).
Report of the Panel on United Nations Peace Operations. [A55/305-S/2000/809]. URL:
http://www.un.org/peace/reports/peace_operations/report.htm (as of 16 July, 2004).

Notes
1. Development theory is shifting its paradigm from economic development, aiming for economic growth, tosocial development, aiming for the equal distribution of resources, and further to human-oriented
development, aiming at enhancement of individual autonomy, that is to say, human development.
Human development is the basis of the UNDP’s human security theory which is referred later, andderives from Amartya Sen’s Capability Theory.
2. As defined by Johan Galtung, a situation in which there is not only no direct violence but also no
structural violence such as poverty, oppression, or discrimination, etc.
3. With the assistance of the Trust Fund for Human Security, UHNCR Tokyo Office operates training
courses to improve NGOs’ crisis management ability.
4. cf. Brahimi Report (Report of the Panel on United Nations Peace Operations [A55/305-S/2000/809];
http://www.un.org/peace/reports/peace_operations/report.htm)
5. DAC released a supplement to the guidelines in 2001, and in 2003 incorporated them in its guidelines

Helping Prevent Violent Conflict. In these guidelines, conflict prevention is dealt with as the core issue
and the new viewpoints like gender or business are added.
6. Now renamed The Conflict Prevention and Reconstruction Unit.
7. The Japanese Government funds the Japan Post-Conflict Fund (15 million dollars in fiscal year 1999),
which is used for large projects on a scale of 1–2 million dollars.
8. World Bank Operation Manual, Operational Policies: Development Cooperation and Conflict (OP 2.30,
January 2001) cf. The World Bank. http://www.worldbank.org/–11–

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9. The Japan Federation of Bar Associations (JFBA) supports the training of lawyers with its Cambodian
counterpart as part of the project to improve the legal system. It began as a voluntary project in whichyoung Cambodians were invited to Japan to train as lawyers. The project was operated by a small NGO,
the Japan Jurist League for Cambodia (JJ League), which the author founded with interested lawyers
after his return from the UNTAC mission as its human rights officer.

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