DANISH KINGS AND THE
JOMSVIKINGS IN THE GREATESTSAGA OF ÓLÁFR TRYGGVASON

BYÓLAFUR HALLDÓRSSONVIKING SOCIETY FOR NORTHERN RESEARCH
UNIVERSITY COLLEGE LONDON
2000

© 2000 Ólafur Halldórsson
ISBN:978 0903521 47 5

The translation is by Anthony Faulkes

The cover illustration is of the great runestone at Jelling in
Jutland, which dates from circa 980. According to the inscription
it was raised by Haraldr Bluetooth in memory of his father
Gormr and his mother Þyri.

Printed by Short Run Press Limited, Exeter

CONTENTS
PREFACE ............................................................................................ 4
TEXT ................................................................................................... 5
NOTES .............................................................................................. 34
SOURCES ......................................................................................... 85
THE COMPILER’S METHODS ...................................................... 92
MANUSCRIPTS ............................................................................... 93
BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS .................................. 94
INDEX OF NAMES .......................................................................... 99

PREFACE
In The Greatest Saga of Óláfr Tryggvason (ÓlTr) it is told in chs 66–70
how the emperor Otto the Young (Otto III, 983–1002) took his army to
Denmark, defeated King Haraldr Gormsson and introduced Christianity
into the country. Before this account there are six chapters (chs 60–65)
which tell of the kings of the Danes before the time of Haraldr Gormsson.
These six chapters form a kind of preface to the section about the introduction of Christianity, and are in a different style and orginally derived
from different sources. The material in chs 72, 84–86, 88 and 90 is a continuation of this section (chs 60–70) taken partly from Heimskringla andpartly from a text which is ultimately derived from Jómsvíkinga saga.
This material, chs 60–70 and the parts of chs 72, 84–86, 88 and 90 that are
not derived from Heimskringla, is printed below. The text is taken fromthe writer’s edition of ÓlTr, re-collated with the main manuscript of thesaga, AM 61 fol. (A), and amended from other manuscripts where there
are obvious errors in A. All such emendations are noted at the foot of thepage and the manuscript readings in the footnotes are marked with thesame sigla as in the edition in Editiones Arnamagnæanæ (Series A, vol. I,
abbreviated ÓlTrEA I). The manuscripts are these:
A: AM 61 fol.
B: AM 53 fol.
C1: AM 54 fol.
D1: AM 62 fol.
D2: GKS 1005 fol., Flateyjarbók.
The text is printed in normalised spelling, but in two respects theorthography of the manuscripts has been followed more closely than iscustomary: ‘z’ (rather than ‘sk’ or ‘zk’) is used for middle voice formsand ‘i’ is used universally in place of ‘j’. Where the verb gera in the main
manuscript is written with ‘e’ or the abbreviation for er in the first syllable,
this spelling is retained, but ‘ø’ is printed where the verb is spelled with‘io’ or ‘iπ’. The italicised figures at the beginning of each passage indicate the page and line numbers of the corresponding text in ÓlTrEA I. The
figures in brackets in the text refer to the following numbered notes inwhich an attempt has been made to identify the compiler’s sources and toindicate parallels in other works.

TEXT
117.1–132.8
CHAPTER 60
Svá er sagt at Arnúlfus hét maðr heilagr; hann var fyrst iarl á Saxlandi, ensíðan erkibyskup í Mezborg. Hans son var Angíses hertogi á Frakklandi.
Hann átti Begám Pippínsdóttur. Pippín hét son þeira, hans son Karl faðir 3
Pippíns Frakkakonungs, fo≈ður Karlamagnúss keisara. (1) Karlamagnús
var konungr yfir Frakklandi fio≈gur ár ens fiórða tigar, en síðan var hannkeisari tólf ár Rómveria. (2) Á hans do≈gum váru þeir stólkonungar at 6
Miklagarði Michael, Nicefórus ok Leó. (3)Karlamagnús konungr átti Hildigardén drottningu. (4) Þeira son var
Hlo≈ðver. Hann tók ríki eptir fo≈ður sinn ok var keisari *siau ár ok tuttugu.1 9
Hann lék aldregi né hló. (5)Á þeim tíma er Karlamagnús var konungr, þá réð fyrir Iótlandi sá konungr
er Godefrídus hét. Hann drap Hrœrek Frísaho≈fðingia og skattgildi Frísi. 12(6) Síðan fór Karlamagnús konungr með mikinn her í móti Godefrídó. Þá
var Godefrídus drepinn af siálfs síns liði, (7) en Hemingr bróðurson hans
tekinn til konungs. (8) Hemingr helt fram liðinu til móts við Karlamagnús 15
konung, þar til er þeir funduz við á þá er *Egdera2 heitir. Þar sættuz þeir.
(9) En Hemingr andaðiz vetri síðar. (10)Þá gerðuz konungar at Iótlandi *Sigfrøðr3 frændi Godefrídi, en annarr 18
hét Hringr anulo. Þeir deilðu um ríkit ok drógu báðir her at sér. Um síðir
áttu þeir mikla orrostu, ok lauk svá at hvártveggi4 fell. Í þeiri orrostu fellu
tíu þúsundir ok níu hundruð ok fiórir tigir manna. (11) Þá tók konungdóm 21
sá maðr er Haraldr hét. (12) Hann var fimm vetr konungr áðr hann barðiz
við Reinfrídum, son Godefrídi. Í þeiri orrostu hét Haraldr því til sigrs sér,ef hann kœmiz ór orrostu þeiri, at5 taka skírn með o≈llu skuldaliði sínu. 24
Í þeim bardaga fékk hann sigr ok fór litlu síðar með konu sína ok Hárek
bróðurson sinn ok mikit Danalið til fundar við Hlo≈ðvé son Karlamagnússer þá var keisari. Var Haraldr þá skírðr ok hans menn í Meginzuborg á 27
do≈gum Paschalis páfa.6 Fór þá Haraldr aptr í Danmo≈rk ok með honum
1 thus BC1, ‘.xxví˝. Ñr’ A, ‘xí˝ ár ok xx’ D1,2.
2 thus BD1; Egða AC1, ‘egdrera’D2.
3 thus D1; ‘Sigfπdr’ A, ‘Sigrodr’ B, ‘Sigraud’ C1, ‘sigfrode’ D2.
4 hvártveggi] + ‘þeira’ A.
5 at] + ‘hann skylldi’ A.
6 páfa] + ens fyrsta með því nafni í postulegu sæti D1,2.

6

3

6

9

12

15

18

21

24

27

30

Óláfs saga Trygvasonar

Ansgaríus byskup, ok skírði hann þar margt manna. (13) Haraldr varðsóttdauðr (14), en Hárekr frændi hans tók konungdóm ok réð fyrir Iótlandi,
þar til er Guthormr bróðurson hans barðiz við hann. Þá var liðit frá holdganvárs herra Iesú Kristí *átta hundruð ára sextigir ok tvau ár.7 Í þeiri sókn
fellu þeir báðir ok allt konungakyn þat er með þeim var, útan sveinn einnlifði er Hárekr hét, ok varð sá konungr síðan. (15)Ansgaríus byskup fór þá enn í Danmo≈rk til fundar við Hárek ok skírði
hann. Hárekr lét gera kirkiu í Rípum, en Haraldr hafði áðr látit gera íHeiðabœ. (16) Ansgaríus byskup andaðiz þremr vetrum eptir bardaga þeira
Háreks ok *Guthorms.8 (17) Þá er sagt at Hárekr kastaði kristni ok dó litlusíðar. (18) Eptir þat váru konungar heiðnir, Sigfrøðr ok Hálfdan. (19)*Rimbertus9 var byskup næstr eptir Ansgaríum. (20) Á tólfta ári hans
byskupsdóms andaðiz Hlo≈ðver keisari, son Karlamagnúss. Hann átti fióra
sonu er svá hétu: Lotharíus, Hlo≈ðver, Karl, Pippín. Þeir skiptu ríki með
sér, svá at Lotharíus hafði Borgundíam ok Lothoringíam ok Rómaríki, en
Hlo≈ðver hafði Frakkland ok keisaranafn, Karl Valland, Pippín Aquitaníam.
(21)
Þá er Rimbertus hafði byskup verit tólf ár heriuðu Danir ok Norðmenn
á land þat er Norðmenn kalla Kerlingaland, en á móti þeim gerði Hlo≈ðverenn ungi Hlo≈ðversson. Hann drap af hermo≈nnum fiórtán10 þúsundir. (22)
En fimm vetrum síðar andaðiz Hlo≈ðver. (23) Á því ári leituðu Danir okNorðmenn at hefnaz. Þeir fóru með miklu liði upp eptir Rín ok brenndu
þar allar borgir ok kirkiur ok ho≈fðu ena æztu kirkiu at hrossahúsi í borgþeirri er Aquisgranum heitir. Þeir brenndu Kólni ok allar borgir upp með
Rín til Meginzu. (24) Þá gerði Karl bróðir Lotharíi lið móti þeim. Þeirfunduz við á þá er Mosa heitir. (25) Í Danaliði váru þeir konungar Sigfrøðr
ok Guðfrøðr ok synir Ragnars loðbrókar. Þeir sættuz við keisarann ok létu
skíraz, en litlu síðar rufu þeir allt sáttmálit ok heriuðu vestr á Frakkland
allt til Parísar en brenndu hana. Þá kom í mót þeim með mikinn her
Arnaldus er þá var keisari ok drap af þeim níu hundruð manna. Eptir þat
sto≈ðvaðiz Danaherr. Þá var liðit frá *higatburð11 várs herra Iesú Kristí níu
hundruð *vetra,12 eða nær því. (26) En seytián vetrum síðar var Húnó
7 thus C1, ‘.dccc.lx.í˝. Ñr’ A, ‘dccc ára .lx. ok í˝. ár’ B, ‘dccc ok lx ara ok í˝ á’ D1,‘niu hundrud ok lx .ara ok eítt ár’ D2.
8 thus BC1, ‘Goðorms’ A, ‘gvttorms’ D1, ‘guthorms’ D2.
9 Rimbertus, amended from Gesta Hammaburgensis; ‘Rambertus’ A, ‘Rímbirtus’B,‘Runbrtus’ (!) C1, ‘Rvnbertvs’ D1,2.
10 ‘xííí˝’ A, ‘xíí˝’ B, ‘þrettan’ C1, ‘ííí˝’ D1,2.
11 thus BC1D2, ‘higat burði’ A, ‘hegat bvrd’ D1.
12 thus BC1D1, ‘ara’ D2, ÷ A.

Óláfs saga Trygvasonar

7

byskup vígðr í Brimum á Saxlandi. (27) Á tólfta ári þaðan frá fór Heinrekr,
er fyrstr var keisari með því nafni, til Danmerkr ok fœrði þá Dani til kristni,bæði með blíðmælum, ógnum ok orrostum, ok létti eigi fyrr en þeir hétu 3
at taka trú rétta. (28) Síðan fór Húnó byskup til fundar við Fróða konunger þá réð13 Iótlandi ok skírði hann ok alþýðu. Þá váru gørvar upp kirkiur
þær er eyðz ho≈fðu í Heiðabœ ok í Rípum. Þá var ok go≈r kirkia í Árósi. 6(29) Eptir þat sendi Fróði menn til Rómaborgar ok lét vígia þriá byskupa
til Iótlands at ráði Agapíti páfa. Var Heredus byskup vígðr til Heiðabœiar,en Lívedagus til Rípa, en Rimbrondus til Áróss. Þat var níu hundruðum 9
fiórum tigum ok átta árum eptir holdgan várs herra *Iesú Kristí,14 á tólfta
ári konungdóms Ottónis ens mikla. (30)Þar var fyrr frá horfit konungatali er þeir réðu fyrir Danmo≈rk Sigfrøðr 12
ok Hálfdan. (31) Eptir þá réð *sá konungr fyrir Do≈num15 er Helgi hét.
Hann átti bardaga við Óláf Svíakonung ok fell Helgi þar, en Óláfr réð
lengi síðan fyrir Danmo≈rk ok Svíþióð ok varð sóttdauðr. (32) Eptir hann 15
tóku ríki í Danmo≈rk Gyrðr ok Knútr, en eptir þá Siggeirr. (33)
CHAPTER 61 (34)Þá er Sigurðr hringr, faðir Ragnars loðbrókar, var konungr yfir Svíaveldi
ok Danaveldi ok hann hafði friðat hvártveggia ríkit ok sett yfir skattkonunga 18
ok iarla, þá minntiz hann þess ríkis er Haraldr hildito≈nn, frændi hans,hafði átt í Englandi ok fyrir Haraldi16 Ívarr enn víðfaðmi. (35) En þat ríkiho≈fðu þá enskir konungar; hét sá Ingialdr er þá réð fyrir, ok er svá sagt at 21
hann væri bróðir *Vestrsaxa-konungs.17 Ingialdr var ríkr konungr.
Hringr konungr bauð út leiðangri miklum af ríki sínu ok fór vestr til
Englands. En er hann kom til Norðimbralands, beiddi hann sér viðto≈ku. 24
Gekk þar þá undir hann margt fólk. En er Ingialdr konungr spurði þat, þásamnaði hann saman her miklum ok fór í mót Hringi konungi, ok áttu þeirsaman no≈kkurar orrostur. En í síðustu fell Ingialdr konungr ok Ubbi son 27
hans ok mikill hluti liðs þeira. Eignaðiz þá Hringr konungr Norðimbraland
ok allt þat ríki er átt hafði Ingialdr konungr. (36) En áðr Hringr konungrfœri liði sínu vestan af Englandi, setti hann skattkonung yfir Norðimbra- 30
land. Sá er nefndr Óláfr; hann var son Kinriks þess er sagt er at væri13 réð] + ‘fyrir’ A, + ‘j’ D2.
14 thus BC1D1,2, ÷ A.
15 thus BC1D1,2, ‘fyrir dπnum sa konungr’ A.
16 thus C1, ‘har )’ AB.
17 thus BC1, ‘petrs saxa konungs’ A. Different text in D.

8Óláfs saga Trygvasonarbróðurson Móaldar digru, móður Ívars víðfaðma. Fór þá Hringr konungr
aptr til ríkis síns.
3Óláfr konungr réð lengi Norðimbralandi, *allt18 þar til er son Ubba
konungs kom til ríkis. Sá er nefndr Eava. Áttu þeir Óláfr margar orrostur,ok í enni síðustu flýði Óláfr konungr, en Eava lagði þá ríkit undir sik.
6 Óláfr konungr fór þá til Svíþióðar á fund Hrings konungs. Setti Hringr
konungr Óláf ho≈fðingia yfir Iótland. Var Óláfr *þar lengi síðan19 skattkonungr, fyrst Hrings konungs, en síðan Ragnars loðbrókar. Hann var
9 kallaðr Óláfr enski. (37) Hans son var Grímr grái er konungdóm ok ríki
tók eptir fo≈ður sinn. Grímr var faðir Auðúlfs o≈flga er skattkonungr var á
Iótlandi Ragnars loðbrókar. Sonr Auðúlfs hét Gormr, er enn var skatt12 konungr á Iótlandi. Hann var kallaðr Gormr enn heimski. (38)
Gormr konungr átti marga þræla, en no≈kkurir af þrælum hans ho≈fðu
verit sendir til *Hollsetulands20 at kaupa þar vín, ok fluttu þeir vínit á
15 mo≈rgum hestum. En er þeir fóru sunnan yfir skóg þann er Myrkviðr er
kallaðr, tóku þeir sér náttból á skóginum. Logn var veðrs. Um nóttina erþrælarnir vo≈kðu, heyrðu þeir barnsgrát í mo≈rkina. En um morgininn er
18 lýsa tók, fóru þrælarnir í mo≈rkina at leita barnsins, en skógrinn var bæðiþro≈ngr ok myrkr. At lykðum nálguðuz þeir barnsgrátinn. Þeir fundu þarbarn sveipat líndúk. Dúkrinn var knýttr saman á brióstinu. En er þeir leystu
21 knútinn, váru þar í þrír gullhringar. Barnit var vafit undir í silkidúk. Þat
var sveinbarn hit fríðasta. Þeir tóku upp barnit ok ho≈fðu með sér, þar til erþeir fundu Gorm konung. Sýndu þeir honum barnit svá búit sem þeir ho≈fðu
24 fundit. Konungr iós svein þann vatni ok gaf nafn ok kallaði Knút af knútiþeim er barnit hafði með sér. Fœddiz sveinn sá upp í hirð Gorms konungs.
Hann var snimma vitr ok vel at íþróttum búinn umfram flesta menn þá er
27 þar í landi váru. Gormr konungr átti engan son. Hann unni *svá mikit
Knúti fóstra sínum21 at hann tók Knút sér í sonar stað ok virði hann meiraen alla frændr sína, svá at hann gaf Knúti konungdóm eptir sinn dag.
30 Þessi var kallaðr Knútr hinn fundni.
Gormr konungr réð ekki lengi fyrir lo≈ndum. Hann varð sóttdauðr. En
áðr hann andaðiz lét hann Knút taka til konungs yfir ríki þat allt er hann
33 hafði *átt22 á Iótlandi. Var Gormr konungr heygðr at fornum sið.

18 thus BC1, ÷ A.
19 thus B, ‘konungr lengi siþan þar’ A, ‘þar sidan leíngi’ C1.
20 thus BD1, ‘holldsetu’ A, ‘holltzetalandz’ C1.
21 thus BC1D1, ‘knuti fostra sinum sva mikit’ A.
22 thus BC1, ‘haft’ A.

Óláfs saga Trygvasonar

9

CHAPTER 62
Knútr konungr lét stefna þing fio≈lmennt. Á því þingi lýsti hann fyrir alþýðu
at þann mann innlenzkan eða útlenzkan er honum kunni satt at segia umætterni sitt skyldi hann gera auðigan ok ríkan. Þetta spurðiz víða um lo≈nd. 3
Svá er sagt at á einu kveldi komu til hirðar Knúts konungs tveir saxneskir
menn. En er þeir náðu at tala við konung, mælti sá er fyrir þeim var: ‘Erþat með sannindum, herra, at þér hafið heitit þeim manni miklu ríki er þér 6
kynni at segia ætt þína?’ Konungr segir at þat var satt ok sór um at þat skalhann vel efna. Gestrinn mælti: ‘Skulu þenna kost iafnt eiga þrælar sem
friálsir menn?’ Konungr segir at þat skal allt at einu. Þá mælti gestrinn: 9‘Þat er þér, konungr, þá fyrst at segia, at ek ok þessi minn fo≈runautr erumþrælar iarls eins á Saxlandi, en vit kunnum sannliga at segia þér ætt þína.
Armfermir iarl réð fyrir Hollsetulandi. Váru vit þá þrælar hans ok þó 12
trúnaðarmenn. En svá bar til at iarl gat barn við systur sinni ok var því
leynt þar til er hún fœddi barnit. Síðan var barnit sveipat silkidúkum okknýtt útan at líndúki ok þar í knýttir þrír gullhringar. Síðan var sveinn sá 15
fenginn í hendr okkr at vit skyldim týna. En vit fórum í skóginn Myrkvið
ok bárum barnit langt í skóginn ok lo≈gðum niðr undir viðarrœtr. Gengum
frá síðan.’ So≈gðu þessir menn o≈ll so≈nn merki til hvar þeir ho≈fðu barninu 18
komit, svá at hinir þrælarnir ko≈nnuðuz við, er sveininn ho≈fðu fundit. Knútr
konungr gaf þá enum saxneskum þrælum at leysa sik með til frelsis. Baðþá síðan koma til sín. Þeir gerðu svá. En er þeir kómu o≈ðru sinni aptr til 21
Knúts konungs, þá gaf hann frelsi sínum þrælum, þeim er hann ho≈fðufundit. Gaf hann þá hvárumtveggium leysingiunum iarldóma ok gerði þá
alla ríka menn, sem hann hafði heitit. Þaðan af var hann kallaðr Þræla- 24
Knútr. Hann átti son ok lét kalla Gorm eptir fóstra sínum. (39)Þræla-Knútr réð ekki lengi ríki ok var hann þó frægr konungr. Eptir þat
var til konungs tekinn Gormr son hans. Helt hann ríki af sonum Ragnars 27
loðbrókar ok var mest í kærleikum við Sigurð orm í auga. Hann fóstraði
son Sigurðar ok Blæiu dóttur Ellu konungs. Gormr iós þann svein vatni
ok gaf nafn ok kallaði hann eptir Knúti feðr sínum. Sá var síðan kallaðr 30
Ho≈rða-Knútr, þvíat þar heitir á *Ho≈rð á Iótlandi23 sem hann var fœddr. (40)
CHAPTER 63
Synir Ragnars loðbrókar váru hermenn miklir. Þeir hefndu fo≈ður síns ok
drápu Ellu konung í Englandi. Gerðiz Ívarr enn beinlausi þá konungr yfir 33
23 thus BC1D1,2, ‘horda landi’ A.

10Óláfs saga Trygvasonarþeim hluta Englands er áðr ho≈fðu átt hans ættmenn ok frændr. Hann iók
ríki sitt á marga vega. Hann lét drepa hinn heilaga Eatmund konung ok
3 lagði undir sik ríki hans.
Svá er sagt at Loðbrókarsynir hafi rekit mestan hernað í forneskiu umo≈ll þessi lo≈nd: England, Valland, Frakkland, Saxland ok allt út um
6 *Lumbarði.24 Svá kómu þeir fremst at þeir unnu þá borg er Lúna *heitir.25
Ok um hríð ætluðu þeir at vinna Rómaborg. En er þeir kómu aptr *í ríki
sitt, þá26 skiptu þeir *ríkinu með sér.27 Tók Bio≈rn iárnsíða Uppsalaríki,
9 Svíþióð alla ok hvárttveggia Gautland ok o≈ll þau lo≈nd er þar liggia til.
Sigurðr ormr í auga hafði *Eygotaland28 ok allar eyiar, Skáni ok Halland.
Hvítserkr hafði Reiðgotaland ok þar með Vinðland.
12
Sigurðr ormr í auga átti Blæiu dóttur Ellu konungs. Þeira son var Ho≈rðaKnútr, sem fyrr er ritat. Ho≈rða-Knútr var konungr í Danmo≈rk eptir Sigurð
fo≈ður sinn á Selundi ok Skáni.
15Þá er Ho≈rða-Knútr var fulltíði at aldri ok kvángaðr, gat hann son við
konu sinni. Þann lét hann heita Gorm eptir Gormi fóstra sínum, syni Knúts
hins fundna. Gormr son Þræla-Knúts hafði verit allríkr konungr, þvíat
18 hann helt alla Danmo≈rk af Ragnarssonum þá er þeir váru í hernaði. Þá er
Gormr son Ho≈rða-Knúts óx upp var hann allra manna fríðastr sýnum þeira
er menn ho≈fðu sét í þann tíma. Hann var mikill maðr ok sterkr ok hinn
21 mesti atgervimaðr um alla hluti. En ekki var hann kallaðr vitr maðr eptir
því sem verit ho≈fðu hinir fyrri frændr hans. (41)Þá er Gormr var roskinn maðr at aldri fekk hann konu þeirar er Þyri hét.
24 Hún var dóttir Haralds iarls af Iótlandi, er kallaðr var Klakk-Haraldr. Þyrivar kvenna fríðust ok vitrust. Ok þat er mælt at hún hafi verit mestr sko≈rungr
af konum á Norðrlo≈ndum. Hún var ko≈llut Þyri Danmarkarbót. Klakk27 Haraldr iarl var kallaðr vitrastr þeira manna er þá váru í Danmo≈rk. Ensíðan er Gormr tók konungdóm ok ríki eptir Ho≈rða-Knút fo≈ður sinn, þáhlítti hann mio≈k ráðum Haralds iarls mágs síns ok Þyri konu sinnar. (42)Gormr konungr fór með her sinn í þat ríki *Danmarkar er þá var kallat2930Reiðgotaland, en nú er kallat Iótland, á hendr þeim konungi er þá réð þar
fyrir. Sá var nefndr Gnúpa. Þeir áttu saman no≈kkurar orrostur. En svá lauk33 at Gormr felldi þann konung ok eignaðiz allt hans ríki. Því næst fór Gormr
24 thus C1, ‘lungbarði’AD1,2, ‘lunbardi’ B.
25 thus B, ‘het’ AC1.
26 thus BC1, ÷ A.
27 thus B, ‘með ser Àiki sino’ A, ‘med ser rikinu’ C1
28 thus BC1, ‘egipta land’ (!) A.
29 thus BC1 (Danmarkar] ‘danmerkr’ C1), ‘idanmπrk er kallat er’ A.

Óláfs saga Trygvasonar11

á hendr þeim konungi er Silfraskalli var kallaðr ok átti við hann ófrið okorrostur, ok hafði Gormr konungr iafnan sigr, ok um síðir felldi hann þannkonung. Eptir þat gekk hann upp á Iótland ok fór svá herskildi, at hann 3
eyddi o≈llum konungum allt suðr til Slés, ok svá vann hann ríki mikit íVinðlandi. Margar orrostur átti *hann30 við Saxa ok gerðiz enn ríkasti
6
konungr. (43)Gormr konungr gat tvá sonu við konu sinni Þyri. Hét hinn ellri Knútr,
en hinn yngri Haraldr. Knútr Gormsson var allra manna fríðastr ok fegrstrsýnum er menn hafi sét. Hann var ok *svá31 þokkasæll, fyrst at upphafi, at 9
konungr unni honum umfram alla menn, ok þar með var hann *svá32
skapfelldr o≈llu landsfólkinu, at hvert barn unni honum. Hann var kallaðr
Knútr Danaást. Haraldr var líkr móðurfrændum sínum. Þyri móðir hans 12
unni honum eigi minna en Knúti. (44)
CHAPTER 64
Ívarr enn beinlausi var konungr í Englandi langa æfi. Hann átti ekki barn,þvíat svá segiz at hann hefði til þess enga fýst né eðli, en eigi skorti hann 15spekð né grimmð. Hann varð ellidauðr þar á Englandi ok var þar heygðr.
Þá váru dauðir allir Loðbrókarsynir. (45) Eptir þat tók konungdóm í
Englandi Aðalmundr Iáthgeirsson, bróðurson Eatmundar hins helga, ok 18
kristnaði hann víða England ok tók skatt af Norðimbralandi, er heiðit var.
Eptir hann *varð33 konungr Aðalbrikt. Hann var góðr konungr ok varð21
gamall. (46)Á hans do≈gum ofarliga kom Danaherr til Englands, ok váru þeir brœðrho≈fðingiar fyrir liðinu, synir Gorms hins gamla, Knútr ok Haraldr. Þeirheriuðu víða um Norðimbraland ok lo≈gðu undir sik margt fólk. To≈lðu þeir 24
þat arftekiulo≈nd sín er átt ho≈fðu Loðbrókarsynir ok *áðr34 aðrir margirþeira forellrar. Aðalbrikt konungr hafði liðsamnað mikinn ok fór mótiþeim. Hann hitti þá fyrir norðan Kliflo≈nd ok drap af Do≈num margt 27*manna.35 No≈kkuru síðar gengu Gormssynir upp við Skarðaborg okbo≈rðuz, ok þar ho≈fðu Danir sigr. Eptir þat fóru þeir suðr með landi okætluðu til Iórvíkr. Gekk þar undir þá allt fólk. Uggðu þeir þá ekki at sér. (47) 30
30 thus BC1, ‘Gormr’ A.
31 thus BC1, ÷ A.
32 thus BC1, ÷ A.
33 thus BC1D1, ‘var’ AD2.
34 thus BC1D1 (after aðrir B, after margir C1, ‘ok adr margir adrir’ D1), ÷ A
35 thus BC1, ‘norð manna’ A.

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Einn dag var skin heitt, ok fóru menn á sund milli skipanna. En er
konungar váru á sundinu, þá hliópu menn af landi ofan ok skutu á þá.
*Var þá36 Knútr lostinn o≈ru til bana. Þeir tóku líkit ok fluttu út á skip. En
er þetta spurðu landsmenn, þá dróz þegar herr mikill saman. Ok því næstkom Aðalbrikt konungr, ok sneriz þá til hans allt þat fólk sem áðr hafði
gengit undir Dani. Síðan náðu Danir hvergi landgo≈ngu fyrir samnaði
landsmanna. Fóru Danir þá brott ok heim til Danmerkr. (48)
Gormr konungr var þá staddr á Iótlandi. Haraldr fór þegar á hans fund*ok37 sagði móður sinni tíðendin. Gormr konungr hafði þess heit strengt
at hann skyldi deyia ef hann spyrði fráfall Knúts sonar síns, ok svá sá erhonum segði dauða hans. Þá lét Þyri tialda ho≈llina grám vaðmálum. En er
konungr kom til borðs, *þá þo≈gðu allir38 þeir er inni váru. Þá mælti
konungr: ‘Hví þegia hér allir menn? Eru no≈kkur tíðendi at segia?’ Þá svarar*drottning:39 ‘Þér, herra, áttuð hauka tvá; var annarr hvítr, en annarr grár.
Hinn hvíti haukrinn hefir flogit langt á eyðimo≈rk. Ok er hann sat á tréno≈kkuru, kómu margar krákur ok plokkuðu hann svá at *allar fiaðrar eru
af honum,40 ok er nú *ónýtr fuglinn.41 En hinn grái *haukr42 er aptr kominn,ok mun hann nú drepa fugla til borðs yðr.’ Þá mælti konungr: ‘Svá drúpir
nú Danmo≈rk sem dauðr sé Knútr son minn.’ Þá svaraði drottning; ‘So≈nnmunu þessi tíðendi *er43 þér segið, herra.’ So≈nnuðu þat þá allir þeir erinni váru. (49)Þann sama dag tók Gormr konungr sótt ok andaðiz annan dag at
iafnlengðinni. Þá hafði hann verit konungr tíu tigi vetra. Haugr mikill var
orpinn eptir Gorm konung. Þá var tekinn til konungs yfir Danaveldi Haraldr
son hans, ok var hann lengi konungr síðan. (50)
CHAPTER 65 (51)27

Hlo≈ðver keisari Hlo≈ðversson, sonarson Karlamagnúsar, ríkti með brœðrum
sínum, sem fyrr er ritat, *sextán ár ok tuttugu.44 (52) Eptir þat ríkti Karlson hans ellefu ár með brœðrum sínum tveim; hét annarr Karlómannus,
36 thus BC1, ‘þa var’ AD1.
37 thus BC1D1, ‘en’ A.
38 thus BC1, þo≈gðu allir menn AD1.
39 thus BC1D1, ‘drotningin’ A.
40 thus BC1D1 (‘fiadrar allar’ D1), ‘af honum ero allar fiaðrar’ A.
41 thus BC1D1, ‘fuglinn v nyttr’ A.
42 thus A, haukrinn BC1, ‘fvglínn’ D1.
43 thus BC1D1, ‘sem’ A.
44 written ‘xvi. ár ok xx.’ B, ‘.xxx. (+ ok D1,2) .vi. ár’ AD1,2, ‘tolf ar ok tuttugv’ C1.

Óláfs saga Trygvasonar13

en annarr Hlo≈›ver. (53) Í þann tíma byggðiz Ísland. Þá réð fyrir Danmo≈rk
Gormr enn gamli, en Haraldr enn hárfagri *fyrir45 Nóregi. (54)Eptir Karl Hlo≈ðversson ríkti Arnaldus son Karlómanni tólf ár, þá Hlo≈ðver 3
son Arnoldi tólf ár, þá Konráðr Konráðsson siau ár. Hann var fyrstr keisariþeira manna er eigi váru at langfeðgatali komnir frá Karlamagnúsi. Eptir
Konráð ríkti Heinrekr átián ár, þá Ottó hinn mikli keisari *þriátigi ára ok 6
átta46 ár, þá Ottó hinn rauði son hans níu ár, þá Ottó hinn ungi son Ottó
hins rauða átián ár. Í þann tíma var Haraldr Gormsson konungr at Danmo≈rkok Nóregi, ok Hákon Hlaðaiarl helt af honum ríki í Nóregi, sem fyrr er 9
sagt. Var þá vinátta þeira góð; sendi Hákon iarl Haraldi konungi á einu
sumri sex tigi hauka, [. . .] (55)
CHAPTER 66 (56)132.11–15
Ottó keisari er hinn ungi var kallaðr strengði þess heit at hann skyldi snúa 12Do≈num til réttrar trúar ef hann mætti, ella skyldi hann fara með allan sinn
styrk ok afla *í Danmo≈rk47 þriú sumur í samt *ok eyða þar allt,48 ef hann*fengi49 eigi kristnat fyrr.50 Eptir þessa heitstrenging sendi hann [. . .] (57) 15
133.11–134.15
Gørir konungr þá bert at hann ætlaði at halda her þeim til móts við Ottó
keisara.
CHAPTER 67
Ottó keisari dró her saman um várit á Saxlandi. Hann hafði mikit lið ok 18
frítt. Helt hann til Danmerkr um sumarit. Funduz þeir Haraldr konungr áskipum. Þeir lo≈gðu þegar til orrostu ok bo≈rðuz allan þann dag til nætr. Þarfell fio≈lði liðs af hvárumtveggium ok þó fleira af keisaranum. En er nátta 21
tók settu þeir þriggia nátta grið til ráðagerðar ok viðrbúnaðar hvárumtveggium. En er þriár nætr váru liðnar, *þá51 gengu á land hvárirtveggiu
45 thus BC1D2, ÷ AD1.
46 thus C1, ‘.xxx.viij.’ A, ‘xxx Ñra ok víí˝’ B, ‘xxx. ok viij’ (‘atta’ D2) D1,2.
47 thus BC1, ÷ A. Different text in D1,2.
48 thus B, ‘med her ok eyda þar allt’ C1, ÷ A. Different text in D1,2.
49 thus BC1D1,2, ‘giæti’ A.
50 fyrr] + ‘ok heria þar’ A.
51 thus BC1, ÷ AD1,2.

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Óláfs saga Trygvasonarok bio≈gguz til bardaga. Gengu síðan saman fylkingar ok varð hin harðasta
sókn. Veitti keisaranum þá þungt ok fell miklu fleira hans lið. Ok er á leiðdaginn brast flótti í lið hans, ok flýðu þeir til skipa sinna.
Svá er sagt at Ottó keisari sat á hesti um daginn ok barðiz allfrœknliga.
En er meginherrinn tók at flýia, reið hann ok undan til skipanna. Hannhafði í hendi mikit spiót gullrekit ok alblóðugt upp at ho≈ndum. Hann setti
spiótit í siáinn fram fyrir sik ok mælti hátt: ‘Því skýt ek,’ sagði hann, ‘til
allsvaldanda guðs, at annan tíma er ek kem til Danmerkr skal ek geta
kristnat land þetta eða láta lífit *ella52 ok liggia hér dauðr í Danaveldi.’
Ottó keisari *sté53 þá á skip sín með sitt lið ok fór heim til Saxlands oksat þar um vetrinn. (58) En Hákon iarl var eptir með Danakonungi okho≈fðu þeir mikla ráðagerð. Létu þeir þá efla at nýiu *Danavirki.54 (59)
CHAPTER 68
135.2–135.10

15

18[. . .] Flutti keisarinn allan þann her út í Danmo≈rk.
Þá er keisarinn spurði at Hákon iarl var í Danmo≈rk ok ætlaði at beriaz ímóti honum með Haraldi konungi, sendi hann iarla sína tvá; hét annarrUrguþriótr en annarr Brimisskiarr; þeir skyldu fara *til Nóregs55 með þriátigi kugga hlaðna af mo≈nnum ok vápnum at kristna þar landit meðan Hákon*iarl væri56 í brottu.
CHAPTER 69
Hákon iarl hafði verit í Danmo≈rku með Haraldi konungi um vetrinn. En erþeir spurðu at Ottó keisari var kominn í Danmo≈rk með mikinn her, [. . .]136.21–23

21

Borgarhlið var á hveriu hundraði faðma ok þar kastali yfir til varnar virkinu,þvíat brúat var yfir díkit fyrir hveriu borgarhliði. [. . .] (60)137.12–13
Sneri þá keisarinn frá at sinni ok fór með sinn her til skipa sinna. [. . .]52 thus C1, ÷ ABD1,2.
53 thus BC1D1, steig AD2.
54 thus BC1D1,2, ‘dana uelldi’A.
55 thus BC1, í Nóreg AD2, ‘j mot’ D1.
56 thus BC1D1,2, ‘var’ A.

Óláfs saga Trygvasonar

15

CHAPTER 70 (61)138.19–142.14[. . .] Eptir þat helt Óláfr konungr skipunum suðr með Danmo≈rk ok allt 3suðr til Slés, þvíat hann spurði at þar var fyrir Ottó keisari ok með honum*Búrizláfr57 Vinðakonungr, mágr Óláfs, ok þat með at þeir þurftu liðs við.
(62) En er Óláfr fann keisarann bauð hann at veita honum lið með alla 6
sína sveit. Keisarinn leit við honum ok spurði hverr hann væri. Hann
svaraði: ‘Óvant er *nafn mitt58, herra. Ek heiti Óli.’ Keisarinn mælti: ‘Þú
ert mikill maðr ok hamingiusamligr, ok allir þínir menn sýnaz mér 9frœknligir, ok vil ek sannliga þiggia yðra liðsemð.’Keisarinn átti *þá59 húsþing við ráðgiafa sína ok *alla60 ho≈fðingia. Hannsagði svá: ‘Lítið á, góðir ho≈fðingiar, ok gefið ráð til hveriar framferðir 12*vér skulum hafa,61 þvíat oss er *vandi mikill62 til handa kominn, af þvíat allr þessi hinn mikli herr er hér er saman kominn er mio≈k vistalauss, enDanir hafa kvikfé sitt ok allt annat góz þat er þeir eiga flutt undan oss 15*þangat63 í landit sem þeir þikkiaz helzt geyma mega fyrir várum hernaði,svá at þessum megin Danavirkis má *ekki64 finnaz þeira góz, þat er til
mannfœðu megi hafa. Vér ho≈fum nú átt hér no≈kkurar orrostur ok veitir 18
oss erfitt at vinna land þetta. Nú gefið ráð til hveriu vér skulum fram fara,
svá at vér haldim sœmð várri.’ En er keisarinn hætti at tala, þo≈gðu flestir,en þeir sem svo≈ruðu, so≈gðu at tveir *váru65 kostir til: sá annarr at hverfa 21
frá ok fara heim í ríki sitt, eða66 drepa fararskióta sína til viðrlifnaðar
fólkinu. Keisarinn svaraði: ‘Á þessum ráðum liggia stórir meinbugir, þvíat
þat er hit mesta kristnispell skírðum mo≈nnum at eta hross, þeim er o≈ðruvíss 24
mega lengia líf sitt. En ef vér gefum nú upp stríð þetta, at sinni, ok fo≈rum
heim í ríki várt, þá kann ek þat siá, at aldri fám vér annan tíma meira her
eða fríðara at vinna Danaveldi. En mér siálfum þó hin mesta ósœmð ok 27óhœfa at níðaz á trú minni, þvíat ek hefi því heitit guði upp á trú mína at
ek skal þessu sinni annathvárt fá kristnat Danmo≈rk eða deyia hér ella.
57 thus C1D1,2, ‘borizlafr’ A, ‘burizleifr’ B.
58 thus BC1D1,2, ‘mítt nafn’ A.
59 thus BC1D1,2, ÷ A.
60 thus BC1D1, ‘aðra’ A, ÷ D2,
61 thus BC1D1,2, ‘hafa skal’ A.
62 thus BC1D1, mikill vandi AD2.
63 thus C1D1,2, after flutt A. Reworded in B.
64 thus BC1D1,2, ‘eigi ’A.
65 thus BC1D1,2, ‘væri’ A.
66 eða] + ‘at’ A.

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Fyrir því vil ek hvártveggia þetta ráð ónýta. En heyra vilium vér hvat hinnnýkomni ho≈fðingi, Óli, leggr til.’ Óli svaraði: ‘Þat ferr saman um hagimína, herra, sem eigi er hentaz. Ek *em67 ráðagerðarmaðr lítill, en ek hefiþó svá mikinn metnað á ráðum mínum, at ek mun hér leggia til með o≈lluekki, útan þér, herra, ok allir yðrir ráðgiafar heitið því at hafa þat ok halda
er ek legg til.’ Keisarinn iátar því, ok allir þeir hétu at hafa þat ráð sem Ólilegði til. Þá mælti Óli: ‘Þat er mitt hit fyrsta ráð, at þér leitið þangat fulltings
sem nógt er til *ok heitið á hifnakonung68 at allr herrinn fasti sex dœgr tilþess at sá guð er alla hluti hefir skapat gefi oss at sigraz á Do≈num ok látayðr fram koma sínu ørendi, því sem þér farið með. Því næst vil ek at allr
herrinn fari í skóg þann er næstr er Danavirki, ok skal hverr maðr ho≈ggva*sér69 limbyrði ok bera undir virkit, ok siám síðan hvat tiltœkiligastþikkir.’Nú var góðr rómr go≈rr at því er Óli mælti, ok lofaði allr herrinn þessa
ráðagerð. Ok um morgininn snimma fóru menn í skóg ok báru viðinn atvirkinu síð um kveldit. En hinn næsta dag eptir gerði Óli þat ráð, at þeirtóku vatskero≈ld o≈ll þau er þeir fengu ok fylldu upp af spánum ok báru ítio≈ru, gørðu síðan til *valslo≈ngur.70 (63) En hvat sem þeir ho≈fðuz annat at,þá lét Óli suman herinn sœkia at virkinu sem þeir kómuz við með skotum
ok grióti. En þeir máttu ekki *ganga71 at virkinu um daga, þvíat Hákon
iarl hafði sett fio≈lða manns í alla kastala, áðr hann fór frá, at veria borgina,
ef enn kynni herr at *at72 koma.
Um kveldit síð slógu keisarans menn eldi í vatskero≈ldin, eptir tilskipan
Óla, ok sløngðu at virkinu. Lék eldrinn skiótt tio≈rgaða spónu í kero≈ldunum.
En er loganum sló út um kero≈ldin, festi brátt í liminu er þeir ho≈fðu borit
undir virkit. Veðrit hafði verit um daginn kyrrt ok biart. En um kvelditgerði á sunnanvind hvassan ok þurran ok tók at styrma svá sem náttaði.
Nú sem limit tók at loga, en stormrinn stóð at borginni, þá festi eldinn
brátt í ko≈stulunum, er af tré váru gørvir, ok svá var *ok73 víða borgarveggrinn af viðum. Varð þá eldsgangrinn svá mikill at hvat logaði af o≈ðru,svá at um morgininn eptir sá engi líkindi Danavirkis nema griótit. [. . .]67 thus C1, er ABD1,2.
68 thus B, ‘ok heitid a himna gud’ C1, ÷ A. Different text in D1,2.
69 thus BC1D1,2, ÷ A.
70 thus BD1,2, ‘vágir e. slaungur’ A, ‘or vagsi slongur’ C1.
71 thus BC1D1,2, ‘sækia’ A.
72 thus C1D1,2, ÷AB.
73 thus BC1D2, ÷A. ok — viðum] ‘veggírnir’D1.

Óláfs saga Trygvasonar17

142.15–143.2
Var hermo≈nnum þá eigi lengi vistaskortr, þvíat þar var nógt búfé Dana til
strandho≈ggva. En er Haraldr Danakonungr spurði at Danavirki var brennt
ok Ottó keisari kominn á Iótland með allmikinn her, [. . .]3
143.8–144.3
Poppó hét byskup sá er var með keisaranum. Hann talði trú fyrir Haraldi
konungi ok sagði mo≈rg stórtákn almáttigs guðs. En er byskup hafði talatguðs erendi bæði langt ok sniallt, þá svaraði Haraldr konungr svá: ‘Trauðr 6
er ek at fyrirláta þann átrúnað sem ek hefi haft ok haldit alla æfi ok mínirfrændr ok forellrar fyrir mér, svá at ekki fyrirlæt ek hann fyrir orð yðurein saman, þó at þér talið fagrt ok miúkliga, útan þér sýnið þar með opinber 9tákn, svá at eigi megi við dyliaz at yðr trúa sé betri ok réttari en vár trúa.’
Poppó byskup lét þá leggia *glóandi74 iárnslá í hœgri ho≈nd sér ok bar níu
fet, svá at allir sá. [. . .] (64)12
144.3–5
Haraldi konungi þótti mikils um vert er hann sá þetta. Tók hann þá trú ok
var skírðr ok allr hans herr. [. . .]144.16–145.6
Keisaranum þótti ráðagerðin Óla vel hafa gefiz ok spurði enn Óla á hveriu 15
landi hann væri fœðingi eða hver ætt hans væri. Óli svarar: ‘Ekki skal nú
dyliaz lengr fyrir yðr, herra. Ek heiti Óláfr. Ek er norrœnn at ætt. Tryggvi
konungr Óláfsson var faðir minn.’ Keisarinn svarar: ‘Heyrt hefi ek getit 18
fo≈ður þíns, en þín meir. Nú vil ek at þú farir með mér til Saxlands, ok skal
ek gera þik mikinn ho≈fðingia í mínu ríki.’ Óli svarar: ‘*Hafi75 þér þo≈kk
fyrir boð yðvart, en ek hefi ríki no≈kkut í Vinðlandi ok verð ek þess at 21
geyma, en giarna vil ek vera vin yðvarr.’ Keisarinn sagði at svá *skyldi76
vera. [. . .] (65)
CHAPTER 72
147.5–16
Þá er Hákon iarl fór austan um Gautland með herskildi spurðu iarlar 24
74 thus BC1D1,2, ‘logandi ’A.
75 thus BC1D1,2, ‘hafit’ A.
76 thus BC1D1,2, ‘skal’ A.

18Óláfs saga Trygvasonar

keisarans, Urguþriótr ok Brimisskiarr, til ferða hans ok allar tiltekiur. Þeirváru í Víkinni ok ho≈fðu kristnat alla Víkina *norðr77 til Líðandisness.
3 Þeim þótti ekki friðvænligt að bíða þar Hákonar iarls, ef landsherrin slœgiz
í móti þeim með honum. Flýðu þeir þá brottu með o≈ll skip sín, þau er þeirho≈fðu þangat haft ok átta78 o≈nnur.
6Þá er Hákon iarl kom í Víkina, varð hann brátt *víss79 hvat iarlarnirho≈fðu þar at hafz, at þeir ho≈fðu brotit hof, en kristnat fólk allt, þat er þeirmáttu því við koma. Lét Hákon þá gera upp hof o≈ll, þau er niðr váru
9 brotin, ok sendi boð um alla Víkina, at engum manni skyldi hlýða at haldaþeim átrúnaði er iarlar ho≈fðu boðit. [. . .]147.17–19
12

Settiz hann þá fyrst um kyrrt. Réð hann nú einn o≈llum Nóregi ok galt
aldregi síðan skatt Danakonungi. Var hann síðan at o≈llu verri ok heiðnari
en áðr hann var skírðr.
CHAPTER 84
172.14–177.11[. . .] ok er svá sagt at Pálnatóki veitti honum þau sár. Pálnatóki var son
Pálnis Tókasonar ok Ingibiargar dóttur Óttars iarls af Gautlandi. Ho≈fðuþeir frændr, Pálnatóki ok hans forellrar, ráðit fyrir Fióni langa æfi. En er
Pálnatóki gerðiz landvarnarmaðr Búrizláfs konungs á Vinðlandi ok
18 ho≈fðingi Iómsvíkinga, þá setti hann *son sinn80 er Áki hét til forráða á
Fióni. Hann var iafnaldri Sveins sonar Haralds konungs. Váru þeirfóstbrœðr meðan þeir óxu upp báðir samt á Fióni með Pálnatóka. Móðir
21 Áka var Álo≈f dóttir Stefnis er iarl var á Bretlandi.
Í þann tíma réð fyrir Skáney í Danmo≈rku Haraldr iarl er kallaðr var
Strút-Haraldr. Synir hans váru þeir Sigvaldi, Hemingr ok Þorkell hinn
24 háfi. Sigvaldi var hár maðr vexti, langleitr í andliti, biúgnefiaðr, fo≈lleitr
ok eygðr vel. Þorkell var manna hæstr, fríðr sýnum ok rammr at afli. Tófa
hét dóttir Haralds iarls.
27
Þá réð fyrir Borgundarhólmi sá ho≈fðingi er hét Véseti. Kona hans hét
Hildigunnr. Þeira synir váru þeir Búi *hinn81 digri ok Sigurðr er kallaðr
15

77 thus BC1D2, ‘alt’ A, ‘ok nordr’ D1.
78 átta] + ‘skip’ A.
79 thus BC1D1,2, ‘varr’A.
80 thus C1, ‘.j.’ A. Lacuna in BD1, different text in D2.
81 thus C1, ÷ A.

Óláfs saga Trygvasonar19

var kápa. Dóttir Véseta hét Þórgunna. Hún var gipt Áka á Fióni. Þeira son
hét Vagn. Hann var snemmendis bæði mikill ok styrkr, fríðr sýnum, heldródæll í æsku ok hinn mesti ofrhugi þá er hann þroskaðiz. Búi móðurbróðir 3hans var ekki fríðr sýnum, óeirinn í skapi, bæði var hann hár ok digr ok
svá styrkr at menn vissu eigi at honum yrði no≈kkut sinn aflfátt. Sigurðr
kápa, bróðir hans, var vænn í ásiónu, fámálugr ok stilltr vel, en o≈ruggr at 6
hug. Hann átti Tófu dóttur Strút-Haralds iarls af Skáney.
Þessir allir hinir ungu menn sem nú var frá sagt, synir Strút-Haralds oksynir Véseta ór Borgundarhólmi ok Vagn Ákason, váru komnir til 9
Iómsborgar á Vinðlandi áðr en Pálnatóki var andaðr ok ho≈fðu gengit undirlo≈g Iómsvíkinga, þau er Pálnatóki hafði sett. Ok eigi miklu síðar tók
Pálnatóki sótt þá er hann leiddi til bana. Var þá Sigvaldi, son Strút-Haralds, 12settr ho≈fðingi yfir Iómsvíkinga. Leið eigi langt áðr af var gengit lo≈gumþeira í mo≈rgu lagi, svá at þá váru konur lo≈ngum í borginni, svá ok urðuáverkar eða víg innan borgar með siálfum Iómsvíkingum ok margar aðrar 15
lo≈gleysur. (66)Því næst gerði Sigvaldi iarl heimanferð sína af Iómsborg upp í Vinðland
á fund Búrizláfs konungs. Búrizláfr konungr átti þá tvær dœtr á lífi; hét 18o≈nnur Ástríðr, en o≈nnur Gunnhildr. Hin þriðia hans dóttir, þó at þá værio≈nduð, var Geira dróttning er átti Óláfr konungr Tryggvason. Ástríðr varfríð sýnum ok kvenna vitrust. Sigvaldi hafði eigi lengi dvaliz með konungi 21
áðr hann hafði fram sín erendi ok sagði svá: ‘Þat er yðr kunnigt, herra, at
vér ho≈fum dvaliz um hríð hér í landi yðr til frelsis ok yðru landsfólki,þvíat vér Iómsvíkingar ok borg vár hefir verit langan tíma svá sem láss 24
fyrir yðru ríki. En vér ho≈fum fyrirlátit ríki várt ok eignir í Danmo≈rk. Núyðr satt at segia vil ek eigi slíkt lengr til lítils vinna. Því eru tveir kostir til
af minni hendi, at þú gipt mér Ástríði dóttur þína, ella munu vér allir 27
Iómsvíkingar fara brott ór borginni heim í Danmo≈rk ok geyma eigna várra.’
Konungr svaraði: ‘Þat er mér ok mínu ríki mio≈k skaðaligt at þér eyðið
Iómsborg. En dóttir mín, Ástríðr, er hin vitrasta til allra ráðagørða. Fyrir 30
því mun ek mest hafa hennar tillo≈g hér um, þó at ek hefði ætlat at gipta
hana enn tignara manni fyrir nafns sakir heldr en þú ert.’ Tók konungr þá
tal við Ástríði ok sagði henni rœðu þeira Sigvalda. Tala þau lengi þetta 33
mál tvau samt. Segir hún svá at hún vildi fyrir hvern mun eigi vera gipt
Sigvalda. En fyrir nauðsynia sakir fo≈ður síns vill hún at honum sé eigi frá
vísat með þeim skildaga sem þau gera ráð um, heldr en þeir gefi upp 36
borgina ok alla landvo≈rn. Var þá Sigvaldi til kallaðr ok segir konungr svá
til hans:‘Þat er ráðagerð vár at gipta þér dóttur mína, Ástríði, ef þú vill sitia hér 39
sem áðr með alla Iómsvíkinga til landvarnar. Ok þar með skaltu áðr en20Óláfs saga Trygvasonarþessi ráð *takiz82 koma af oss æfinliga skatti þeim er vér eigum at gialda
Danakonungi. En at o≈ðrum kosti skaltu koma Sveini konungi á várt vald.’3Þessu iátar Sigvaldi ok ferr við þat heim í Iómsborg.
CHAPTER 85
Sveinn Haraldsson var tekinn til konungs í Danmo≈rk eptir fo≈ður sinn. Fór
hann þá þegar at veizlum yfir ríki sitt. (67)6
Sigvaldi býz nú af Iómsborg *ok ferr83 til Danmerkr. Hann hafði þriúskip ok hálft annat hundrað manna. Lagði hann skip sín til lægis þar nær
sem hann spurði at Sveinn konungr var á veizlu með sex hundruð manna.
9 Sigvaldi lét tengia skip sín hvert fram af stafni annars. Hann lét skióta
bryggiu á land af því skipinu sem næst var landi, en kasta akkeri fyrir hinu
yzta. Síðan sendi hann menn á konungs fund at Sigvaldi sé siúkr, svá at
12 hann sé mio≈k svá kominn at bana. ‘Ok þat *skulu84 þér segia með,’ sagði
hann, ‘at ek bið hann koma til mín fyrir þá skyld, at þar liggr við allt hansríki ok líf at vit finnimz áðr ek dey.’
15
Sendimenn Sigvalda fara til bœiarins ok segia konungi allt sem þeimvar boðit. En Sigvaldi sagði meðan þeim mo≈nnum sem á skipunum váru
hversu þeir skyldi breyta ef konungr kœmi til þeira, at þegar er konungr
18 kœmi á þat skip er næst væri landi með þriá tigi manna, þá skyldi kippa útþeiri bryggiunni er á land lá. En er hann kœmi á miðskipit með tuttugu
menn, þá skyldi kippa af þeiri bryggiunni er þar var í meðal skipanna. ‘En
21 ek mun hér liggia,’ segir Sigvaldi, ‘á hinu yzta skipinu, ok skal þeiri bryggiu
af kippa þá er hann er hér kominn með tíu menn, en síðan *skulu85 þér
hafaz at slíkt sem ek kann fyrir segia.’24Þegar er Sveinn konungr frétti siúkleika iarls svá mikinn ok honum
váru so≈gð þessi erendi o≈ll saman, brá hann við skiótt ok fór til strandarmeð allt lið sitt. Fór þetta svá allt sem Sigvaldi hafði fyrir *mælt.86 En er
27 Sveinn konungr kom á hit yzta skipit, spurði hann hvar iarl lá. Honum var
sagt at hann lá þar í lyptingunni. Tialdat var yfir lyptinguna; gekk konungr
þar til ok lypti upp tialdinu ok frétti ef hann mætti mæla. Hann svarar ok
30 heldr lágt, kvez mæla mega, en vera máttlítill. Konungr mælti: ‘Hver eru
þau tíðindi er þú sendir mér orð um at mér lægi allmikit við at vita?’ Hann
svarar: ‘Lút þú at mér meir, at þú megir skilia hvat ek segi, þvíat ek er
82 thus C1, ‘takaz’ A.
83 thus C1, ÷ A.
84 thus C1, ‘skulut’ A.
85 thus C1, ‘skulut’ A.
86 thus C1, ‘sagt’ A.

Óláfs saga Trygvasonar21lágmæltr.’ Konungr laut þá allt niðr at honum. En iarl greip hann þá báðum
ho≈ndum ok helt sem fastaz. Var hann *þá eigi87 allmáttlítill. Síðan kallaði
Sigvaldi á sína menn, bað þá róa út o≈llum skipunum sem ákafaz, ok var 3
svá gert. Reru þeir brottu með Svein konung ok þessa þriátigi hans mannasem á skipin ho≈fðu gengit með honum, en allt annat hans lið stóð eptir á6stro≈ndu, þvíat engi váru skip nálæg.
Þá mælti konungr: ‘Hvat er nú, Sigvaldi? Viltu svíkia mik?’ Sigvaldi
svarar: ‘Eigi vil ek svíkia þik, en fara hlýtr þú með mér til Iómsborgar, en
alla virðing skal ek veita þér ok þínum mo≈nnum sem ek kann. Muntu þá 9
vita til hvers þetta kemr.’ Konungr mælti: ‘Svá mun nú hlióta vera at sinni
sem þú vill.’
Fara þeir nú þar til er þeir koma til Iómsborgar. Þá mælti Sigvaldi til 12
konungs: ‘Nú skaltu vera velkominn ok þiggia veizlu er ek hefi látit búa.
Skal ek þér þióna með allri góðvild ok allir mínir menn.’ Konungr svarar:‘Þat mun nú líkaz, ór því sem at ráða er, at þekkiaz þat er til sœmðar er 15
gert.’ ‘Nú skal ek ok segia þér,’ segir Sigvaldi, ‘fyrir hveria so≈k ek hefiþik hingat flutt, at ek hefi tekiz þat á hendr fyrir vináttu sakir við þik atbiðia til handa þér Gunnhildar dóttur Búrizláfs konungs, þeirar meyiar er 18
ek vissi vænasta ok bezt at sér um alla hluti, þvíat ek vildi eigi at þú
misstir hins bezta kvánfangs. En mér er fo≈stnuð o≈nnur dóttir hans er Ástríðr
heitir, ok er sú ófríðari ok at o≈llu minna háttar sem vera ætti.’ Hafði Sigvaldi 21
svá ráðit til sett, at Iómsvíkingar so≈nnuðu þetta með honum.
Ok enn sagði iarl til konungs: ‘Nú er yðr, herra, svá at hugsa yðvart ráð,at þessa kvánfangs munu þér kost eiga, ef þér vilið þat til vinna at gefa 24
upp Vinðum æfinliga skatta, þá sem þeir eiga yðr at gialda. En ef þú vill
eigi þenna kost, þá mun ek fá þik í hendr Vinðum.’ (68) Konungr þóttiz
27
nú siá allt ráðit þeira Búrizláfs konungs ok Sigvalda. [. . .]177.18Þá fekk Sigvaldi iarl Ástríðar. [. . .]CHAPTER 86
178.5–14[. . .] Þess getr Biarni byskup í Iómsvíkingadrápu, at þeir fóru til Danmerkr.
30
Hann segir svá:

87 thus C1, ‘eigi þa’ A.

22Óláfs saga Trygvasonar
Heldu dreyrgra darra
Danmarkar til styrkir,þeim gafz rausn ok ríki,rióðendr skipum síðan,ok auðbrotar erfiógnrakkir þar drukku,þeim frá ek ýmsum aukaz
annir, feðra sinna. (69)3

6

178.25–179.12[. . .] Gørðiz þá gleði mikil í ho≈llinni. Þá mælti Sveinn konungr: ‘Nú*eigu88 þér Iómsvíkingar at leita yðr ágætis því meira sem þér eruðnafnfrægari en flestir menn aðrir á Norðrlo≈ndum.’ Þeir so≈gðu víst vel
12 fallit at láta eigi svá skiótt niðr falla gleði þá er konungrinn hafði upp
hafit. (70) Svá segir Biarni byskup:
9

Enn vildu þá einkumo≈ldurmenn at skyldu,
slíkt eru yrkisefni,ágætis sér leita,
ok haukligast hefia
heitstrengingar gátu,
eigi frá ek *at89 ýtao≈lteiti var lítil. (71)

15

18

21

179.19–27[. . .] Svá segir Biarni byskup:
Heitstrenging frá ek hefia
heiptmildan Sigvalda.
Búi var o≈rr at aukaórœkinn *þrek90 slíkan.
Hétuz þeir af hauðri
Hákon reka, fíkium
*grimm91 var frœknra fyrða
fión, eða lífi ræna. (72)

24

27

30
88 thus C1, ‘eigit’ A.
89 thus C1, ‘æðri’ A.
90 thus C1, ‘styr’ A.
91 thus C1, ‘gra’ A.

Óláfs saga Trygvasonar23

180.11–17[. . .] Svá segir Þorkell Gíslason í Búadrápu:
Báru á vali víka,
vel frá ek þeim líka
seggium *snarræði,92sverð ok herklæði. (73)Þat var nær vetrnóttum. [. . .] (74)36CHAPTER 88
182.10–183.2[. . .] Þeir ho≈fðu hvassan byr ok gengu skipin geyst. (75) Hér segir svá:Knúði hvasst harða,hliópu *marir93 barða,hregg á hefils vo≈llum,á humra fio≈llum.
Blá *þó94 hro≈nn hlýrum,hraut af brimdýrum,kili skaut æst alda,
uðr hin sviðkalda.

9

12

15

Ok enn:Báru raukn rasta
rekka geðfasta,þro≈ng at rym randa,
til ræsis landa.
Við nam *víðr95 mo≈rgum,
vápn eru grimm to≈rgum,nýtt gaf nest hro≈fnum,
Nóregr skipsto≈fnum.

92 thus C1, ‘snerreiði’A.
93 thus C1, ‘níarir’ A.
94 thus C1, ‘þvo’ A.
95 thus C1, ‘viði’ A.

18

21

24

24

3

6

9

183.5–23[. . .] Svá er sagt at þeir hliópu upp á Iaðri iólanóttina. (76) Sá maðr var
nefndr Geirmundr er þar var fyrir með sveit manna. Hann var ungr okættaðr vel. Þeir sváfu í loptskemmu no≈kkurri. Iómsvíkingar lo≈gðu atskemmunni ok *œpðu96 heróp. Geirmundr ok hans félagar vo≈knuðu viðóp ok vápnabrak, vissu at ófriðr var. Geirmundr klæddiz skiótt. Hann sto≈kk
ofan ór loptinu; þat var heldr hátt hlaup, en þó kom hann standandi niðr.
Þar var nær staddr Vagn Ákason ok hió til hans. Kom ho≈ggit á ho≈ndina ok
tók af fyrir ofan úlflið. Komz hann við þat brottu. (77) Niðmyrkr var á.
(78) Geirmundr nam staðar er hann var skammt kominn frá bœnum, þvíat
hann vildi vita hvat her þetta var. (79) Þessar upprásar getr í Iómsvíkingadrápu:
Segia rauðra randa
reynendr flota sínum
iólanótt at Iaðri
Iómsvíkingar kœmi.
Váru heldr á harðan
hernað firar giarnir;rióðendr buðu ríki
randorma Geirmundi. (80)

12

15

18

21

24

Óláfs saga Trygvasonar

184.7–12[. . .] Iarl mælti: ‘Hvaðan af vissir þú at þar sé heldr Iómsvíkingar en aðrir
menn?’ Geirmundr svarar: ‘Því vissa ek at þeir váru, at einn maðr mælti
þá er ho≈ndin var ho≈ggvin af mér: “Fénaði þér nú, Vagn Ákason,” þvíat
gullhringr fylgði hreyfanum. Ok enn heyrða ek nefndan Búa ok fleiri
Iómsvíkinga þá er ek nam stað skammt frá þeim.’ [. . .] (81)
CHAPTER 90

27

185.20–186.8[. . .] Svá segir Biarni byskup:
Þá buðu þeir at mótiþeim er sunnan *kómu97
til geirhríðar *greppum98
gørla Nóregs iarlar.
96 thus C1, ‘æpti’ A.
97 thus BC1, ‘kvæmi’ A.
98 thus BC1, ‘greipum’ A.

Óláfs saga TrygvasonarÞar varð mestr á méli,morðremmandi, sko≈mmu,
margr var at laufa leiki,
landherr saman fundinn. (82)253186.16–17[. . .] ok sá maðr er hét Ármóðr, mikill kappi. [. . .] (83)186.20–187.4
Svá segir Biarni byskup:

6

Ok ho≈fðingiar hraustir
heyra menn at váru,
þat hefir þióð í minnum,þrír með flokki hvárum,þar er hreggviðir hittuz
hiálmaskóðs á víðum,fundr þótti sá fyrða
frægr,99 Hio≈rungavági. (84)912187.14–24
Því næst settu hvárirtveggiu upp merki sín, ok tókz hin grimmasta orrosta. 15(85) Gekk í fyrstu griót ok o≈rvar. Svá segir í Búadrápu:
Herr bar hátt merki,á Hamðis serki
grimmt kom él eggia,
at *gekkz100 lið seggia.
Meiddu fio≈r flotna,
flest varð hlíf brotna,glumðu gráir oddar,
griót ok skotbroddar.
Síðan hófz ho≈ggorrosta. [. . .] (86)

99 frægr] + ‘™’ A.
100 thus BC1, ‘gekk’ A.

18

21

24

26

Óláfs saga Trygvasonar

188.1–19
Hrutu fyrir borð margra manna ho≈fuð ok aðrir afho≈ggnir limir, sem segirí Búadrápu:
Hrutu fyrir borð bæði,brustu herklæði,ho≈fuð ok hendr manna,
hræ nam vargr kanna. (87)36

Tveir menn eru nefndir, þeir er fóru með Iómsvíkingum ór Danmo≈rk.
Þeir váru frá því harðfengir ok illir viðreignar sem aðrir menn. Hét annarr
9 þeira Hávarðr ho≈ggvandi, en annarr Áslákr hólmskalli; hann bitu eigi iárn.
Þeir váru stafnbúar Búa. (88) Búi var ok allstórho≈ggr. Svá segir Biarni
byskup:Klauf með yggiar eldi*ólmr Gull-Búi101 hiálma;niðr lét hann í herðar
hringserkia bo≈l ganga.
Hart réð ho≈gg at stœra
Hávarðr liði fyrða,viðr hefir illr at eigaÁslákr verit fíkium. (89)

12

15

18

188.22–189.18
21

24

27

30

[. . .] Lét Vagn þá undan síga, (90) en þó barðiz hann með mikilli hreysti
ok allir hans menn ok drap margan mann. Þá felldi hann Ármóð, ríkan
mann ok mikinn kappa er var með Eiríki. Þess getr Biarni byskup:
Vagn hefir orðit ýtumo≈rfengr at bo≈ð strangri;
með fullhuga frœknum
fram *gingu102 vel drengir,þars í Yggiar éliÁka sonr hinn ríki
brátt frá ek hann at hlœði
hugprúðum Ármóði. (91)
101 thus GKS 2367 4to, álmr gall Búi ABC1.
102 thus Konráð Gíslason 1877, 36, gengu GKS 2367 4to, A, gengu BC1.

Óláfs saga Trygvasonar27

Þá var hin ákafasta sókn um allan herinn, þvíat Iómsvíkingar hio≈ggubæði hart ok títt. (92) Svá segir í Búadrápu:
Neytti herr handa,hríð var sno≈rp branda,
fúst var fár randa
til *fio≈rnis103 landa.
Fellu fleinbo≈rvar,
flugu af streng o≈rvar,
sungu hátt hio≈rvar
við hlífar go≈rvar.

3

6

9

190.10–191.10[. . .] Fellu þá allmio≈k menn Hákonar iarls, bæði fyrir skotum ok grióti.
Svá segir í Búadrápu:
12
Gullu hræs haukar,
hvassir benlaukarskýfðu liðs leggi,lamði griót seggi.
Gnustu gráir málmar,
gengu í sundr hiálmar,
hauks varat friðr fio≈llumí fio≈rnis sto≈llum. (93)1518

En er Hákon iarl sá fættaz liðit á skipum sínum ok honum þótti óvænt at 21
hann mundi fá hæra hlut í þessum bardaga – tók herr hans hvarvetna atláta undan síga –, þá er svá sagt at hann hafi farit til lands ok blótat tilsigrs sér syni sínum siau vetra go≈mlum er hét Erlingr. Hann var hit fríðasta 24
mannsefni. (94) Svá segir í Iómsvíkingadrápu:
Hvarvitna frá ek ho≈lða,
herr œgsti gný darra,
fyrir hreggviðum hio≈rva
hrøkkva, gunnar *ro≈kkum,104
áðr í o≈rva drífuýtum grimmr at blóta,
fram kom heipt en harða,Hákon syni tœki. (95)
103 thus BC1, ‘fiolnis’ A.
104 thus C1, ‘rekkvm’ A.

27

30

33

28

Óláfs saga Trygvasonar

191.18–193.4[. . .] en Búi gekk í gegnum fylkingar. (96) Þess getr í Búadrápu:
Búa frá ek greitt ganga,
gladdi‹z›105 svanr Hanga,vo≈kð var go≈ll geira,gegnum lið þeira.

36

Því næst kom Hákon iarl ofan af landi ok gekk út á skip sitt. Eggiaði
hann þá fast lið sitt, sagði þeim ráðinn sigrinn. (97) Þá gerði él mikit ok
illviðri móti Iómsvíkingum, (98) sem segir í Iómsvíkingadrápu:

9Þá frá ek él hit illaœðaz Ho≈lgabrúðar;glumði hagl á hiálmum
harða grimmt ór norðri,þars í ormfrán auguýtum skýiagrióti,
þí106 náði ben blása,barði hreggi keyrðu. (99)1215

Svá var haglit stórt at hvert haglkornit vá eyri. (100) Svá segir hér:
Hagl vá hvert eyri,
hraut á lo≈g dreyri,blóð *þó107 bens árumór bragna sárum.
Þar fell valr víða,vé sá gylld ríða,barðiz sveit snarla
á snekkium iarla.

18

21

24

27

Þar með þóttuz Iómsvíkingar siá konu á skipi Hákonar iarls, þá er í raufveðrit, ok sýndiz þeim sem o≈r flygi sem tíðaz af hverium fingri hennar, en
hver o≈rin varð manns bani. (101) *Þar er þetta um kveðit:108
105 editor’s emendation; gladdi ABC1.
106 thus GKS 2367 4to og A, ‘þvi’ B, ‘þa’ C1.
107 thus BC1, ‘þuo’ A.
108 thus BC1 (þetta] þat C1 ), ÷ A.

Óláfs saga Trygvasonar29¯rum réð sér sno≈rpum,
slíkt er raun go≈rpum,flagð hit forlióta
af fingrum skióta.
Gerðiz grimmt fíkium
at gumnum ríkium,gnýr var hár hlífa,
hregg ok loptdrífa.

3

6

193.8–9[. . .] þvíat hann vissi eigi at Sigvaldi hafði hlaupit til ára. [. . .] (102)9193.10–18
Svá segir Biarni byskup:
Þá var þo≈rfum meiriþrekfo≈rluðum iarli,braut frá ek hann at heldi,
hugraun, flota sínum.
Snara bað segl við húna
Sigvaldi,109 byr *ko≈ldum110glumði hro≈nn á húfum,hríð fell í bug váða. (103)

12

15

18

193.20-194.4[. . .] Þessir menn váru á skipi Eiríks iarls: Þorsteinn miðlangr. Hann var
hinn mesti hermaðr. Hafði hann verit missáttr við Hákon iarl, en keypti
sik nú í frið með þessu, at hann veitti io≈rlum lið með sína sveit. Þar var ok 21íslenzkr maðr er hét Þorleifr skúma, son Þorkels hins auðga ór Alviðru.
Hann hafði ho≈ggvit sér rótakylfu mikla fyrir bardagann ok vá með henni
um daginn. Þar var ok Vigfús Víga-Glúmsson. Var hann allstyrkr maðr. 24
Vigfús sá hvar Áslákr hólmskalli hió til beggia handa ok drap marganmann. Hann hafði enga hlíf, þvíat ekki vápn festi á honum. [. . .] (104)194.6–17Varð þat hans bani. Í þeiri svipan barði Þorleifr skúma Hávarð ho≈ggvanda
109 Sigvaldi] + ‘i’ GKS 2367 4to.
110 thus BC1, ‘kπlldu’ A.

30Óláfs saga Trygvasonar

með kylfunni þar til er hann fell ok var mio≈k beinbrotinn. (105) *Þessa111
getr alls saman í Iómsvíkingadrápu:
Þar lét Vigfús verða
vegrœkinn Ásláki,þann erat þo≈rf at segiaþátt, helfarar veittar.
Þorleifr of vann þykkva
þrekstœrðum Hávarði,hart vá hann með kylfu,
ho≈ggrammr brotit leggi. (106)

3

6

9

194.23–195.11[. . .] Svá segir í Búadrápu:*Sté112 fyrir húf hesti
hrófs enn þrekmestigœðir gunnskára,
gladdiz naðr sára.
Niðr kom *bens bára,113
Búi nam sér hvára,ferð hykk friðar misstu,frœkn í ho≈nd kistu. (107)

12

15

18

Sumir menn segia at Sigmundr Brestisson útan af Færeyium hafi verit íþessumbardaga með Hákoni iarli ok hafi ho≈ggvit báðar hendr af Búa, þá
21
er hann hafði áðr drepit Þorstein miðlang. Segia þeir er þat sanna at Búi
hafi stungið stúfunum í hringa kistnanna ok stigi svá fyrir borð með báðar.
24 [. . .] (108)195.15–196.1
Var þat lengi at þeir náðu ekki uppgo≈ngu á skeiðina. Þess getr í Iómsvíkingadrápu:

111 thus BC1, ‘þess’ A.
112 thus BC1, ‘Steig’ A.
113 emendation, presumably by Sveinbjörn Egilsson, see SHI I 206.16, Skjd B I
538; ‘byrs bára’ A, ‘bensara’ C1.

Óláfs saga TrygvasonarSkeið frá ek víst at verði
Vagn með sína þegna;o≈ll váru þá þeira
þunn skip hroðin o≈nnur;
upp náði þar þeygi
þengils maðr114 at ganga;
ofan réðu þeir ýgiaEiríks menn at keyra. (109)

31

3

6

Vagn varðiz allfrœknliga, hió til beggia handa ok drap margan mann, 9en þó var hann um síðir ofrliði borinn. [. . .] (110)196.2–14
Svá segir í Búadrápu:
Felldi Vagn virða,valði of nái stirða
hrafn enn hvassleiti,
hrundi á borð sveiti.
Þó réð þess dála,þrymr var hár stála,eyðis unnglóða
Eiríkr skip hrióða. (111)

12

15

18

Þeir Vagn váru nú bundnir allir er þeir kómu á land, með því móti at einnstrengr var snaraðr at fótum þeim o≈llum, en hendr þeira váru lausar. Sátu 21þeir allir samt á einni lág. [. . .] (112)196.17–18[. . .] ok síðan hvern at hendi. Svá er sagt at allir Iómsvíkingar mælti
24
hreystiorð áðr drepnir væri. [. . .] (113)
196.22–197.7
Þar váru drepnir átián Iómsvíkingar. (114) Svá segir:

114 náði . . . maðr A, náðu . . . menn GKS 2367 4to, BC1.

32Óláfs saga TrygvasonarÞar lét Eiríkr o≈ndu
átián þegar týna,heldr frágum þá þverra,þegna, lið fyrir Vagni.
Mæltu hraustar hetiur,
haukligt var þat fíkium,þau hafa þióðir uppi,
þróttar orð, með fyrðum. (115)

En er átián váru drepnir [. . .] (116)
197.22[. . .] Bio≈rn enn brezki [. . .] (117)
197.24–199.2
Þess getr Biarni byskup: (118)
Ok með fio≈rnis fálu
fór Þórketill leira,þá er menbroti mælti
manso≈ng um Gná hringa.
Gerðiz hann at ho≈ggva
hauklyndan son Áka;Vagn gat heldr at hánum
heipto≈rr vegit fyrri. (119)
Eiríkr gekk þá at Vagni ok spurði ef hann vildi þiggia grið. ‘Vil ek,’ segirhann, ‘ef ek skal ná at efna heitstrenging mína.’ (120) Svá segir í Iómsvíkingadrápu:‘Viltu,’ kvað hringa hreytir
hyggiu gegn at Vagni,‘élsvellandi yðvart
Yggiar líf of þiggia?’‘Eigi mun ek nema efna,’ungr, ‘þat er heit nam strengia,’
svá kvað Ullr at iarli
egghríðar, ‘fio≈r þiggia.’ (121)Óláfs saga Trygvasonar

33

Eiríkr iarl lét þá leysa alla ór strengnum. (122) Váru þá tólf eptir af
Iómsvíkingum, þeir eð þágu grið með Vagni, (123) sem Biarni byskup
segir:
Grið lét o≈rr ok aura
Eiríkr gefit stórum,mio≈k leyfa þat þióðir,þegnum tólf með Vagni. (124)200.5–9[. . .] Svá segir Biarni byskup:
Þá gekk Ullr at eigao≈rlyndr þrymu randa,
menn fýstu þess, mæta,margir, Ingibio≈rgu. (125)200.14–15[. . .] með Ingibio≈rgu konu sína. Settiz hann at Fióni ok varð ágætr ho≈fðingi,
ok er mart stórmenni frá honum komit. Bio≈rn hinn brezki fór vestr til
Bretlands ok settiz þar at eignum sínum. (126)

34

Notes

NOTES
(1) The Arnulfus who is here said to have been ‘first jarl in Saxland andlater archbishop in Mezborg’ is referred to in many sources; see, for example, Paulus Diaconus, Liber de episcopis Mettensibus (MGHSS II 264–65). His descendants down to Charlemagne are there traced in the same
way as in ÓlTr, though it does not say there that Arnulfus had been ‘jarl in
Saxland’. The same links are listed in the genealogy of the Carolingians(Domus Carolingicae genealogia, printed in MGHSS II 308–09), in theLife of Louis the Pious (Thegani vita Hludowici imperatoris, Quellen V
216.6–10), and in Annales Marbacenses in a passage which according to
the editor (Hermann Bloch, SrG 1907, 2) is taken from Die Legende Karls
des Grossen. There and in the Life of Louis the Pious it says of Arnulfus that
he had been ‘in iuventute dux’ (‘a duke in his youth’), but nothing is saidof where he had been dux. There is a corresponding genealogy in Veraldar
saga (VerJB 70.11–15): ‘þeSir erv langfedgar Karls ins mikla keisara.
Avrnolfr (Arnvlfvs in B-class manuscripts) byskup heilagr af Mettis.
Ansigivs hertogi. Pippinvs. Karolvs. hann var konvngr i Fracklandi. hansson var Pippinvs fadir Karlamagnvs keisara.’ This genealogy in Veraldar
saga can hardly be derived from the same source as the text in ÓlTr.
(2) Charlemagne was made king on 9 October 768 (ArF 26–29), consecrated emperor by Pope Leo on Christmas Day 801 (ArF 112), and died
28 January 814, according to ArF in about the seventy-first year of his life
(ArF 140: ‘anno aetatis circiter septuagesimo primo’). According to theaccount in ÓlTr he was king for 34 years and emperor for 12, and thus
king and emperor for 46 years altogether, while according to ArF and
Nithard (Nithardi historiarum libri iv, Quellen V 386.26–28) he was kingfor 32 years and emperor for 14; according to ArF king and emperor for
46 years and 82 days altogether.
(3) In ÓlTr the emperors in Constantinople are called ‘stólkonungar’ (seealso ÓlTrEA I 299, line 36 of the footnotes, I 300.3, II 308.12). The same
title is used of them in Veraldar saga (VerJB 70.10) and other sources(GeringÍÆ XVII 2). Ásgeir Blöndal Magnússon (Íslensk orðsifjabók 965)
has pointed out that this title could be derived from Old Slavonic stol’ny
kn’az’, which was used of the king in Kiev. The names of the emperors inConstantinople, Michael, Niceforus and Leo, could have been taken from,for example, ArF (136, 139 et passim), or from Einhard’s Vita Karoli
Magni: ‘Imperatores etiam Constantinopolitani, Niciforus, Michahel etNotes35

Leo, ultro amicitiam et societatem eius expetentes / conplures ad eum
misere legatos’ (Quellen V 186.6–8: ‘The emperors in Constantinople,
Niciforus, Michahel and Leo, who of their own accord sought his friendship and alliance, also sent very many ambassadors to him’).
(4) Einhard mentions Queen Hildigardis in Vita Karoli Magni (Quellen V
188.16). Her name also appears in ArF and many later sources.
(5) Charlemagne had their son Hludowicus (778–840; for some strange
reason called Hlo≈ðver in some medieval Icelandic sources, e.g. Resensbók(see note 36), Landnámabók and ÓlTr, see Foote 1959a, 27–28) crownedin 813, and so it is correct when ÓlTr says that he ruled for 27 years. The
comment in ÓlTr, ‘he never played or laughed’, probably originates in thelong adulatory description of him in Thegani vita Hludowici. It says there:‘Nunquam in risum exaltavit vocem suam, nec quando in summis
festivitatibus ad laetitiam populi procedebant themilici, scurri et mimi
cum coraulis et chitaristis ad mensam coram eo, tunc ad mensuram ridebat
populus coram eo, ille nunquam nec dentes candidos suos in risu ostendit’(Quellen V 228.12–16: ‘He never burst out laughing, nor at the highest
festivals, when clowns, jesters and players came before his table for theentertainment of the people, together with pipe- and harp-players, and thepeople around him laughed proportionately, he never even revealed thewhiteness of his teeth in a smile’). In Veraldar saga he is described like
this: ‘Eptir hann var sonr hans Lvdovicvs keisari .vii. ar ok .xx. hann hlo
alldregi at þvi er sagt er’ (VerJB 71.6–8). The original source is the sameas in ÓlTr, but in Veraldar saga a different translation has been used.
(6) In ÓlTr the Latin form of the name Godefridus has been kept, but thisking was presumably called Goðfrøðr or Guðfrøðr, cf. the text further on
at 6.27. He is called ‘rex Danorum’ (‘king of the Danes’) in ArF 118 andmany other sources, but in ÓlTr and following the same source in AnnStorm
his rule is limited to Jutland. The rest of what is said of him in ÓlTr accords for the most part with ArF, which has under the year 808: ‘Godofridus
vero priusquam reverteretur, distructo emporio, quod in oceani litore
constitutum lingua Danorum Reric dicebatur [. . .]’ (ArF 126: ‘But
Godofridus, before he returned, destroyed a trading-place that had been
established on the coast and in the language of the Danes was called Reric’).
This place, said to have been called Reric by the Danes, has not been
identified. A little further on, under the year 809, we read: ‘[. . .] Thrasco
dux Abodritorum in emporio Reric ab hominibus Godofridi per dolum

36

Notes

interfectus est’ (ArF 129: ‘Thrasco, the leader of the Abroditi, was treacherously killed by Godofridus’ men in the trading-place Reric’). The person
who first wrote down the account that the compiler of ÓlTr used has
conflated these two passages into one and misunderstood the place-name
Reric, not surprisingly, and invented out of it a Hrœrekr lord of the Frisians.
Finally, it is said in ArF that the emperor discovered in 810 that Guðfrøðr
had taken tribute from the Frisians (ArF 131: ‘[. . .] vectigalis nomine
centum libras argenti a Frisionibus iam esse solutas [. . .]’, ‘that a hundred
pounds in silver had alread been paid by the Frisians as tribute’). What issaid in early Icelandic annals about ‘dráp Hrœreks Frísaho≈fðingja okGuðfrøðar Jótakonungs’ (810 in Resens annáll, Forni annáll, Flateyjar
annáll and Gottskálks annáll, but 809 in Oddverja annáll) is derived fromthe same source as was used by the compiler of ÓlTr.
(7) In ArF there is an account of Charlemagne’s expedition againstGuðfrøðr in 810 which says that while he was waiting with his army, helearned that Guðfrøðr’s fleet had returned home: ‘Nam et classem, quae
Frisiam vastabat, domum regressam et Godofridum regem a quodam suo
satellite interfectum, [. . .]’ (ArF 131: ‘[It was reported] that the fleet which
had been ravaging Frisia had returned home and that King Godofridus
had been killed by one of his men’).
(8) In ArF Guðfrøðr’s nephew Hemingr is mentioned under the year 810:
‘Godofrido Danorum rege mortuo Hemmingus filius fratris eius in regnum
successit ac pacem cum imperatore fecit’ (ArF 133: ‘After the death of
Godofridus, king of the Danes, his brother’s son Hemmingus succeeded
to his throne and made peace with the emperor’).
(9) What is said here agrees with the account of the peace made between
Hemingr and Charlemagne in ArF under the year 811, though that accountis not included in its entirety in ÓlTr, which only says that they met by theRiver Eider that year and made peace. In ArF there is the following account of the peace: ‘Condicta inter imperatorem et Hemmingum Danorum
regem pax propter hiemis asperitatem, quae inter partes commeandi viamclaudebat, in armis tantum iurata servatur, donec redeunte veris temperie
et apertis viis, quae immanitate frigoris clausae fuerunt, congredientibus
ex utraque parte utriusque gentis, Francorum scilicet et Danorum, XII
primoribus super fluvium Egidoram in loco, qui vocatur *Heiligen,1 datis
vicissim secundum ritum ac morem suum sacramentis pax confirmatur’
1 The A- og B-manuscripts of ArF have a blank for this name.

Notes37(ArF 134: ‘The peace agreed between the emperor and Hemmingus kingof the Danes was only sworn on arms because of the harshness of thewinter which closed the road communicating between the parties until,with the return of the warmer weather of spring, the roads were opened
which had been closed by the fierceness of winter and twelve leading men
from each side and of each nation, that is the Franks and Danes, met together on the River Eider at a place called Heiligen and exchanged oaths
each in accordance with their own rites and customs to confirm the peace’).
After this there is a list of the names of the leading men of the Franks andDanes who made the peace, which includes two brothers of Hemmingus,‘Hancwin et Angandeo’, whose names were presumably Hákon and Angantýr.
(10) ArF, under the year 812: ‘Nec multo post Hemmingus Danorum rex
defunctus nuntiatur’ (ArF 136: ‘Not long afterwards the news came that
Hemmingus king of the Danes had died’). Even though it is not absolutely certain, because of the imprecise wording of ArF (‘Nec multo post’,literally ‘not much later’), which year Hemingr died, the writer of thesource used by the compiler of ÓlTr has noted that his death is recorded
under the year 812 in ArF.
(11) The kings whose names are given as Sigfrøðr and Hringr anulo inÓlTr are in ArF called Sigifridus and Anulo and this is said of them underthe year 812: ‘Cui (i. e. Hemmingo) cum Sigifridus nepos Godofridi regis
et Anulo nepos Herioldi, et ipsius regis, succedere voluissent neque intereos, uter regnare deberet, convenire potuisset, comparatis copiis etcommisso preolio ambo moriuntur. Pars tamen Anulonis adepta victoriam
fratres eius Herioldum et Reginfridum reges sibi constituit; quam necessariopars victa secuta eosdem sibi regnare non abnuit. In eo proelio_
XDCCCCXL viri cecidisse narrantur’ (ArF 136: Since Sigifridus, kinsman (nephew?) of King Godofridus, and Anulo, kinsman (nephew?) of
Herioldus and of the king himself (i. e. Hemmingus), both wanted tosucceed him, and could not agree between themselves which was to rule,they mustered troops, fought a battle and were both killed. But Anulo’s
side won the victory and made his brothers Herioldus and Reginfridus
their kings. The defeated side had no alternative but to go along with therest and did not reject these as their rulers. In this battle it is said that ten
thousand nine hundred and forty men fell’).
Anulo is a problematical name for a Danish king. According to Gustav
Storm, ‘Anulo var et almindeligt frankisk Navn [. . .] og ganske svarer til
det nordiske Aale (tidligere Anli, opr. Anala)’ (Storm 1878, footnote 39).

38

Notes

If this is correct, the writer of ArF would have regarded Áli as the same
name as Anulo. If the compiler of the source that underlies ÓlTr regarded
Anulo in ArF as a surname (nominative o–n-stem), it is easy to see why heshould have called him Hringr, but odd that he should still let him keep
his Latin name as a surname. He must have been good enough at Latin toknow that ‘the Latin cognomen was often an o–n-stem, though the corresponding common noun and adjective followed the first or second declension’.2 Herioldus’ descent is not given in ArF. The number of those said tohave fallen in the battle in ÓlTr corresponds exactly with that in ArF.
(12) In ArF, under the year 812, Herioldus (Haraldr) and Reginfridus(Ragnfrøðr) are said to have been Anulo’s brothers, but this is not stated inÓlTr. In the last part of the annal for 812 it says that Haraldr and Ragnfrøðr
sent to Charlemagne to ask for peace and requested the release of theirbrother Hemmingus, who was apparently being held hostage by the emperor:‘Harioldus et Reginfridus reges Danorum missa ad imperatorem legatione
pacem petunt et fratrem suum Hemmingum sibi remitti rogant’ (ArF 137).
Peace was ratified in 813 by a sixteen-man delegation of Danes andHemmingus was sent back with them (ArF 138). This information is not inÓlTr, and it looks as though from this point that text is independent of ArF.
(13) In ÓlTr it says that Haraldr was ‘fimm vetr konungr áðr hann barðiz
við Reinfrídum, son Godefrídi’. The form Reinfridus corresponds to themanuscript designated E 2 (‘codex Parisinus n. 5942 seculi X’) by theeditors of ArF (Praefatio xii), see the textual note on 137.17; though
admittedly there it is not the son of Guðfrøðr that is referred to. But thesentence itself does not correspond to ArF under the year 814. It says
there that the Danish kings Herioldus and Reginfridus had the previous
year been defeated and driven from their kingdom by the sons of Godefridus, but had regrouped their forces and attacked again; in this conflict
Reginfridus and Godefridus’ eldest son were killed, but Herioldus fled tothe emperor, who told him to go to Saxony: ‘Harioldus et Reginfridus
reges Danorum, qui anno superiore a filiis Godofridi victi et regno pulsi
fuerunt, reparatis viribus iterum eis bellum intulerunt; in quo conflictu etReginfridus et unus de filiis Godofridi, qui maior natu erat, interfectus
est. Quo facto Herioldus rebus suis diffidens ad imperatorem venit et se inmanus illius commendavit; quem ille susceptum in Saxoniam ire etoportunum tempus exspectare iussit, quo ei, sicut petierat, auxilium ferre
2 Eyjólfur Kolbeins, personal communication.

Notes39

potuisset’ (ArF 141: ‘Herioldus and Reginfridus, kings of the Danes, who
had the previous year been defeated by the sons of Godefridus and driven
from their kingdom, regrouped their forces and made war on them again.
In this conflict both Reginfridus and one of the sons of Godefridus, who
was the eldest by birth, were killed. After this, Herioldus, despairing of
his cause, went to the emperor and put himself in his hands. He received
him and ordered him to go to Saxony and wait for an opportune time
when he would be able to give him the help he had requested’). But in
ArF there is no mention either of Herioldus’s vow during the battle to bebaptized, which is a hagiographic motif, or of his baptism itself until theannal for 826: ‘Eodem tempore Herioldus cum uxore et magna Danorum
multitudine veniens Mogontiaci apud sanctum Albanum cum his, quos
secum adduxit, baptizatus est; multisque muneribus ab imperatore donatus
per Frisiam, qua venerat via, reversus est’ (ArF 169–70: ‘At this sametime Herioldus came, with his wife and a large number of Danes, and wasbaptized at St Alban’s in Mainz, together with those he had brought withhim. He then returned through Frisia, the same way as he had come, withmany gifts given him by the emperor’). What in ÓlTr corresponds to thispassage in ArF, is that Haraldr went with his wife and a large troop of
Danes to visit the emperor and that he was baptized in Mainz(Meginzuborg, Mogontiacum). In ÓlTr it is not stated in which year Haraldr
was baptized, and this event is not dated otherwise than by being set ‘ádo≈gum Paschalis páfa’ (‘ens fyrsta með því nafni í postulegu sæti’ is added
here in D1,2), which is irreconcilable with the date in ArF, for Paschal I
was dead in 826 (pope 817–24). In ArF it is not mentioned that Haraldr
took his nephew Hárekr with him to the emperor, nor that Bishop Ansgar
went with him to Denmark. On the other hand Vita Anskarii has a chapter
about Ansgar’s going to Denmark with Haraldr (Quellen XI 30–38). Adamof Bremen says that Hárekr, whom he calls Haraldr’s brother, had beenwith him and been baptized at the same time as he: ‘Eodemque tempore
rex Danorum Haraldus a filiis Gotafridi regno spoliatus ad Ludewicum
supplex venit. Qui et mox christianae fidei cathecismo imbutus apud
Mogontiam cum uxore et fratre ac magna Danorum multitudine baptizatus
est. [. . .] fratri eius Horuch, ut piratis obsisteret, partem Fresiae concessit’(Quellen XI 186.26–32: ‘At this same time Haraldr, king of the Danes,
having been robbed of his kingdom by the sons of Gotafridus, came to
Louis seeking help. He was immediately instructed in the elements of theChristian faith and was baptized at Mainz with his wife and his brotherand a large number of Danes. [. . .] He gave his brother Hárekr part of Frisia
to defend it from vikings’).

40

Notes

(14) I know of no source for the statement that Haraldr died of sickness,and it may well be that the compiler of the text used by the writer of ÓlTrassumed that this was what became of him because he had found no mention of his having fallen in battle or died in any other way.
(15) The Hárekr who is here said to have been kinsman of Haraldr isclearly the Hárekr nephew of Haraldr who went with him to visit the emperor, see above. Annales Fuldenses, under the year 854, has the following passage corresponding to what ÓlTr has about Hárekr and his nephew
Guthormr: ‘Ibique inter Horic regem Danorum et Gudurm filium fratris
eius, qui eatenus ab eo regno pulsus piratico more vixit, orta contentione
ita se mutua caede mactaverunt, ut vulgus quidem promiscuum innumerabile caderet, de stirpe vero regia nisi unus puer nullus remaneret, [. . .]’(Quellen VII 46.12–16: ‘There (i. e. in Denmark) a conflict took place
between Hárekr the king of the Danes and his nephew Guthormr, who
had been driven by him from the kingdom and until then had been living
as a viking, and they inflicted such slaughter on each other that besides
the indiscriminate fall of an innumerable crowd, none was left of the royalline except one boy’). The name of the boy who survived of the royal line
is not given here, but Adam of Bremen, quoting a source that he refers toas ‘Hystoria Francorum’, does name him: ‘[. . .] de styrpe autem regia
nemo omnium remaneret preter unum puerum, nomine Horicum’ (Quellen
XI 202.8–9: ‘[. . .] but of the royal line no one at all was left except for one
boy called Hárekr’). In ÓlTr it says that the battle between Hárekr andGuthormr took place eight hundred and sixty two years ‘eftir holdganvárs herra Iesú Kristí’. This calculation relates to the feast of the Annunciation, 25 March. There is thus a difference of eight years in the dating of
the battle in AF and ÓlTr. The origin of the dating in ÓlTr is not clear. If
the difference is due to misreading of a manuscript, it may be that
D.CCC.liu was read as D.CCC.lxii by a copyist (iu read as xii).
(16) In Adam of Bremen’s History it is told how the Danes abandoned
Christianity after Hárekr II was made king and that Ansgar then returned
to Denmark and baptized him, and that Hárekr then allowed him to builda church in Ribe which was the second church to have been built in Denmark (Quellen XI 202.9–16). On the other hand it appears from the lastsentence under the year 854 in AF that the battle between Hárekr I and
Guthormr and their fall are to be seen as a fitting punishment for the evils
they had inflicted on the Church: ‘[. . .] Domino sanctorum suorum iniurias
ulciscente et adversariis digna factis retribuente’ (Quellen VII 46.16–17:

Notes41‘Thus the Lord punished the wrongs committed against his saints andmade just requital to their enemies for what they had done’). This mustmean that it was not Hárekr II who drove out priests and closed the churches(Quellen XI 202.9–11), but Hárekr I. In Vita Anskarii it says that Hárekr(I) allowed Ansgar to build the first church in Denmark in Slesvig, i. e. in
Hedeby, and it is on this that Adam based his reference to the building of thefirst church in Denmark (Quellen XI 80.10–19, 198.11–15 and 202.12–16).
(17) Bishop Ansgar died 3 February 865 (Quellen XI 129, footnote 186),
which agrees with the statements in ÓlTr that he died three years after thebattle between Hárekr and Guthormr and that this battle took place in
862. This indicates that the Icelandic compiler of this text used a sourcethat dated the battle between Hárekr and Guthormr to 862.
(18) What is said in this sentence does not agree with any known source
and is probably a misunderstanding or misremembering of what is said in
Adam of Bremen’s History, see note 16 above.
(19) Sigfrøðr and Hálfdan are named in AF, under the year 873. It says
there that they each sent to Louis II (Louis the German, king of the East
Franks) with requests for peace treaties. They are said to be brothers, but
it is not mentioned that they were heathen (Quellen VII 88.24–36). Adamof Bremen refers to these events, and it appears from what he says that
Sigfrøðr and Hálfdan were heathen. Adam mentions that in Archbishop
Rimbert’s account it does not say who were the kings of the Danes in histime, but that it can be deduced from ‘Hystoria Francorum’ that Sigfrøðr
and Hálfdan were the rulers (in Denmark). ‘Qui etiam munera Ludvico
cesari miserunt, gladium videlicet capulo tenus aureum et alia, pacem
rogantes. Et missis utrimque ad Egdoram fluvium mediatoribus pacem
firmam ritu gentis per arma iuraverunt’ (Quellen XI 208.7–11: ‘They also
sent the emperor (!) Louis gifts, a golden-hilted sword and other things,
asking for peace. Mediators were sent by both sides to the River Eider andthey swore to a steadfast peace by their arms according to the custom of
the heathens’).
(20) Rimbert was archbishop in Bremen 865–88 and succeeded Ansgar.
The information about him is presumably taken from Adam of Bremen(Quellen XI 206–16).
(21) Here the compiler of ÓlTr has become confused and conflated two

42

Notes

Louises into one Hlo≈ðver. The Hlo≈ðver who is mentioned here in ÓlTr as
having died in the twelfth year of Rimbert’s archbishopric can only beLouis II, king of the East Franks (843–76), who admittedly was not crownedemperor, though he was called ‘keisari’ by Scandinavians, according to
Resensbók. In manuscripts derived from Resensbók, where the divisionof the kingdom between the sons of Louis the Pious is described, it says:‘Loduvikus þydπsct land. þvi calla nordmenn hann keisara’ (Papp. fol. nr.
76, 10v). But the emperor Louis the Pious (Louis I), son of Charlemagne,
who in ÓlTr is called Hlo≈ðver, died in 840 (Quellen VII 26), and his sonsaccording to Nithardi historiarum libri iv, AF and other sources were
Hlutharius, Pippinus, Hludowicus and Karlus, which agrees with ÓlTr.
But what it says in ÓlTr about the division of the kingdom between themis not taken direct from AF. ÓlTr is correct in saying that Pippin was kingin Aquitania. He died in 838 (Quellen VII 24.10–11), but about the division of the kingdom between his brothers in 839, AF has as follows: ‘Post
pascha vero mense Maio Wormatiam veniens Hluthario filio suo de Italia
in fidem eius venienti reconciliatur regnumque Francorum inter eum etKarlum filium suum minimum dividit, Hluthario quidem, qui maior natu
erat, nominis sui dignitatem et sedem regni tribuens, Hludowico vero filio
suo minori pro eo, quod eum offenderat, Baioariorum provincia tantum
concessa’ (Quellen VII 24.20-25: ‘After Easter, then, in the month of May,he (i. e. Louis the Pious) came to Worms and was reconciled with his son
Lothair who had come from Italy to demonstrate his loyalty, and divided
the kingdom of the Franks between him and his youngest son Charles.
But Lothair, who was older by birth, he dignified with his own title andgranted him the throne of his realm, while to Louis, his younger son, because of his displeasure with him, he only granted the province of Bavaria’).
Later in AF there is an account of the Treaty of Verdun in 843 (Quellen
VII 30.23–28), where the three brothers who still survived divided the
kingdom between them, but this is not the source of the details in ÓlTr.
There is more similarity between ÓlTr and the text of Adam of Bremen,
which has the following: ‘Tandem mediante papa Sergio pax inter fratresconvenit, regnumque divisum est in tres partes ita ut Lotharius maior natu
cum Italia Romam, Lotharingiam cum Burgundia possideret, Ludvicus
Rhenum cum Germania regeret, Karolus Galliam, Pippinus Aquitaniam’(‘Finally peace was agreed between the brothers by the mediation of Pope
Sergius, and the kingdom was divided into three parts, so that Lothair, theeldest, was to have Italy including Rome, Lotharingia together with Burgundy, Louis was to rule the Rhineland together with Germany, Charles
Gallia, Pippin Aquitaine’). As regards this text, it should be noted that

Notes43

Pope Sergius II was not involved in this treaty and that the Pippin mentioned here was the brothers’ nephew, Pippin II (Quellen XI 194.26–30
and footnote 127 on p. 195).
(22) Rimbert, as was said above, became bishop in 865 and so had beenbishop twelve years in 877. AF mentions raids by Danes and Norwegians
neither in 877 nor in 878. Norðmenn in ÓlTr is doubtless a translation of
Northmanni in some Latin work, but what Kerlingaland represents is noteasy to say (Karlungaland?).
(23) ‘Hlo≈ðver enn ungi Hlo≈ðversson’, i. e. Louis the Young (Hludowicus
III iunior), grandson of Louis the Pious, died 882 (Quellen VII 114–116).
(24) AF, under the year 881, probably deals with both the battles describedin ÓlTr, but the account in ÓlTr is not based on AF, which has: ‘Rex (i. e.
Hludowicus III, king of the West Franks) cum suo nepote Hludowico (i. e.
Hludowicus III iunior (Louis the Young), king of the East Franks) apud
villam Gundolfi congruum habuit colloquium; inde transiens omne tempus aestivum in Baioaria moratus est. Nepos vero illius cum Nordmannis
dimicans nobiliter triumphavit; nam novem milia equitum ex eis occidisse
perhibetur. At illi instaurato exercitu et amplificato numero equitum
plurima loca in regione regis nostri vastaverunt, hoc est Cameracum,
Traiectum et pagum Haspanicum totamque Ripuariam, praecipua etiammonasteria, id est Prumiam, Indam, Stabulaus, Malmundarium et Aquense
palatium, ubi in capella regis equis suis stabulum fecerunt. Praeterea
Agrippinam Coloniam et Bunnam civitates cum aecclesiis et aedificiis
incenderunt. Qui autem inde evadere potuerunt, sive canonici sive
sanctimoniales, Mogontiacum fugerunt, thesauros aecclesiarum etsanctorum corpora secum portantes’ (Quellen VII 114.19–30: ‘The kingand his kinsman Louis had a harmonious conference at Gondreville; goingon from there he spent the whole summer in Bavaria. His kinsman, however, fought with the Norsemen and splendidly triumphed, for nine thousand of their horsemen are said to have been killed. But when they had
renewed their army and increased the number of horsemen they laid waste
many places in the realm of our king, that is Cambrai, Maastrict and the
district of Haspengau and the whole of Ripuaria, also the principal monasteries, that is Prüm, Inda, Stablo, Malmédy and the palace of Aachen,where they stabled their horses in the royal chapel. Moreover they burned
the cities of Cologne and Bonn, including churches and other buildings.
Those who managed to escape from them, whether clerics or monks, fled

44

Notes

to Mainz, carrying their church treasures and the relics of the saints withthem’). There is also an account of the campaign of the viking leaders
Sigfrøðr and Guðfrøðr in Adam of Bremen (Quellen XI 208.22–210.18),
but his account is not the model for what appears in ÓlTr, nor is what istold of their activities in Annales Bertiniani and Annales Vedastini (printed
among other places in Quellen VI).
(25) The Charles who attacked the Danes was Charles III, king of
Alamannia 876–87 and emperor 881–87, brother of Louis the Young, andnot brother of Lotharius, as it says in ÓlTr.
(26) AF, under the year 882, and Reginonis Chronica tell of the treaty of
the Danes with the emperor Charles, their breaking of the truce and treachery, and also say that Guðfrøðr had himself baptized as a Christian, butthat text is not the source of what is said in ÓlTr. Under the year 886 in AF
it is mentioned that the Danes (‘Nordmannos’) had been in Paris, but it is
not said that they had burned the city. This is, however, referred to in
Annales Vedastini under the years 885 and 886, where there are detailed
accounts of the attacks of the Danes on Paris (Quellen VI 308 ff.).The
emperor Arnaldus mentioned here is called Arnolfus in AF (Quellen VII
130.8–9, 132.7 etc.) and Arnulfus in Annales Bertiniani and Annales
Vedastini (Quellen VI 278.12, 314.37 etc.); he became king of the East
Franks in 887, and he was emperor 896–99. What is said here about hisbattle with the Danes must relate to the battle by the river Dyle in the year
891. The compiler of ÓlTr did not know the actual year and dates thebattle imprecisely: ‘níu hundruð vetra eða nær því’ after the birth of Christ.
In AF, under the year 891, it says that Sigfrøðr and Guðfrøðr were killedin this battle, and that one man of the army of Christians fell, but many
thousands (‘tanta milia hominum’) of the other side (Quellen VII 150–54).
(27) Bishop Huno, called Unni in Adam of Bremen, was bishop in Bremen
918–36 (Quellen XI 227, footnote 232). In ÓlTr it says that he was ordained
bishop seventeen years after the Emperor Arnaldus fought the Danes; this
therefore assumes that the battle took place in 901. This agrees with theearlier statement that the battle was ‘níu hundruð vetra eða nær því’ after
the birth of Christ and indicates that the chronology of the compiler of thetext used by the author of ÓlTr was somewhat out.
(28) The twelfth year from the ordination of Bishop Huno was the year
930. Henry I was king and emperor 919–36. His Christianisation of Frisia

Notes45

and Denmark is alluded to in Widukind’s Saxon Chronicle under the year
934: ‘Cum autem omnes in circuitu nationes subiecisset, Danos, qui navali
latrocinio Fresones incursabant, cum exercitu adiit vicitque, et tributarios
faciens, regem eorum nomine Ghnubam baptismum percipere fecit’(MGHSS III 435.32–34: ‘And when he had made subject all the surrounding peoples, he invaded the Danes, who had been attacking the Frisians
on viking ships, with an army and defeated them, made them tributary,
and forced their king, whose name was Gnúpa, to accept Christianity’).
According to ÓlTr Henry’s expedition to Denmark was four years earlier,and the wording does not suggest that its text was derived from Widukind.
Thietmar dates this expedition of Henry’s to 931: ‘Insuper Northmannos
et Danos armis sibi obtemperantes fecit et ab errore pristino revocatos,cum rege eorum Cnutone hos Christi iugum portare edocuit’ (MGHSS III
739.34–36: ‘Moreover he made the Northmen and Danes submit to himself by force of arms, and having called them back from their previous
false doctrine, he taught them, together with their king, Cnut, to bear theyoke of Christ’). Adam of Bremen also mentions Henry’s expedition to
Denmark: ‘Deinde cum exercitu ingressus Daniam, Vurm regem primo
impetu adeo perterruit, ut imperata se facere mandaret et pacem supplex
deposceret’ (Quellen XI 228.11–13: ‘Next he invaded Denmark with hisarmy, and with his first attack so completely terrified King Gorm that hecommitted himself to carrying out his commands and submissively sued
for peace’). Just before (Quellen XI 226.32–228.4), Adam speaks of theking of the Danes ‘Hardecnudth Vurm’, who had persecuted Christians.
But the king Adam calls Vurm is thought by scholars to have been Gormr
the Old, so that it is probably right to assume that ‘Hardecnudth Vurm’
stands for Gormr Ho≈rða-Knútsson (Storm 1878, 50, footnote 1). None of
the three works that have been cited here was the direct source of what issaid in ÓlTr of Henry’s mission to Denmark, and none of them contains
the remark in ÓlTr, ‘bæði með blíðmælum, ógnum ok orrostum.’(29) The Fróði who is here said to have ruled over Jutland is named in
Danish annals. The text of the Roskilde Chronicle is closely related toÓlTr: ‘Hec dum agerentur, Hericus rex defunctus est, et in regnum Frothi
leuatus est; quem Unni, Bremensis archiepiscopus, baptizauit. Extemplo
erecte sunt ecclesie, que pridem destructe sunt, Sleswicensis et Ripensis.
Terciam rex in honore sancte Trinitatis apud Arusam edificauit’ (SMHDMÆ
I 17.10–14: ‘While these [the raids by the Danes on Frankia and Frisia]
were going on, King Eiríkr died and and Fróði was raised to the kingship.
He was baptized by Unni, archbishop of Bremen. Forthwith the churches

46

Notes

which some time before had been destroyed, in Schleswig [Hedeby] andRibe, were raised up. A third was built by the king at Århus in honour of
the Holy Trinity’). In ÓlTr it does not say in which year Bishop Huno
went to Denmark, but according to Adam of Bremen, who mentions thisvisit of his, it was a year or so before he died (Quellen XI 228.18–232.8).
(30) Agapitus II was pope 946–55. What is said here, that the bishops
were ordained with the approval of Pope Agapitus, agrees with Adam ofBremen (Quellen XI 236.15–25). Adam says that the sees that are named
here in ÓlTr were established in Denmark after Haraldr Gormsson wasbaptized. But while the names of the bishops and of their sees are thesame in Adam as in ÓlTr, they are spelled differently, which indicates thatthe names in ÓlTr were not derived from Adam’s History: ‘Igitur beatissimus pater noster primus ordinavit episcopos in Daniam, Horitum [Haredum] ad Sliaswig, Liafdagum ad Ripam, Reginbrondum ad Harusam. [. . .]Anno archiepiscopi factum est hoc XII’ (Quellen XI 236.26–238.1–3:‘Thus our most blessed father was the first to ordain bishops for Denmark, Horitus [Haredus] to Schleswig, Liafdagus to Ribe, Reginbrondus
to Århus. [. . .] This was done in the twelfth year of his [Adaldag’s] archbishopric’). In ÓlTr it does not say how many years passed from when
Bishop Huno baptized King Fróði and the people of Denmark and thechurches were built until the bishops were ordained; it only says: ‘Eptirþat sendi Fróði menn til Rómaborgar [. . .].’ But the establishment of thesees in Denmark is dated ‘níu hundruðum fiórum tigum ok átta árum eptir
holdgan várs herra Iesú Kristí, á tólfta ári konungdóms Ottónis ens mikla.’
Otto I was emperor 936–73 and the twelfth year of his ‘kingship’ was948. Adam of Bremen, however, dates it to the twelfth year of Archbishop
Adaldag (937–88).
(31) When it says here that the List of Kings was departed from ‘er þeirréðu fyrir Danmo≈rk Sigfrøðr ok Hálfdan’ it presumably means that thesection ‘Rimbertus — Ottónis ens mikla’ (6.12–7.11 above) is not derived from the source here referred to as ‘konungatal’. Presumably thekings whose names appear in this section, Sigfrøðr, Guðfrøðr and Fróði,were not named in this ‘Konungatal’, but all those named from here on,
Helgi, Óláfr, Gyrðr, Knútr (Gnúpa) and Siggeirr (Sigtryggr), were.
(32) Adam of Bremen calls Helgi, king of the Danes, Heiligo, and quotes
Sveinn Úlfsson king of the Danes for the information about his successor:‘Successit illi Olaph, qui veniens a Sueonia regnum optinuit Danicum vi

Notes47

et armis, habuitque filios multos, ex quibus Ghnob et Gurd regnum optinuerunt post obitum patris’ (Quellen XI 218.17–20: ‘He was succeeded byÓláfr, who came from Sweden and gained the Danish kingdom by force
of arms. He had many sons, of whom Gnúpa and Gyrðr held the kingdom
after their father’s death’). Also from Sveinn Úlfsson: ‘“Post Olaph”, inquit,“Sueonum principem, qui regnavit in Dania cum filiis suis, ponitur inlocum eius Sigerich. Cumque parvo tempore regnasset, eum Hardegon,filius Suein, veniens a Nortmannia privavit regno”’ (Quellen XI 224.11–14:‘“After Óláfr,” he said, “the ruler of the Swedes, who reigned in Denmark with his sons, there was appointed in his place Sigerich [Sigtryggr].
And when he had ruled a short time, Hardegon, son of Sveinn, came from
Norway and deprived him of the kingdom”’). Óláfr who came from
Sweden (and who ÓlTr and Adam of Bremen agree fought against Helgi
and ruled Denmark long after) is possibly derived from the same sources
as Óláfr Kinriksson, see note 37 below.
(33) The king who is here called Knútr is in Widukind’s Saxon Chronicle
called Chnuba, but Ghnob by Adam. Adam calls Gyrðr and Siggeirr Gurd
and Sigerich. The names of these kings in ÓlTr were originally takenfrom a work in Latin. Gyrðr is probably correctly named, but the ones
who in ÓlTr are called Knútr and Siggeirr were in fact called Gnúpa andSigtryggr. Both their names appear on a runestone found near Gottorp in
1887: ‘Ásfríðr gørði kumbl þessi dóttir Óðinkárs eft Sigtrygg konung sun
sinn auk Gnúpu’ (cf. Johs. Brøndum-Nielsen, ‘Danske Runeindskrifter’,Nordisk kultur VI 127). Later in ÓlTr (10.32) Gnúpa is correctly named.
(34) With Chapter 61 the sources that were used in Chapter 60 are put aside.
It is clear from the beginning of Chapter 61 that the story is here being
taken up using a source which has previously told of the forebears of
Sigurðr hringr, and it appears from what is here said of Ívarr víðfaðmi, his
grandson, Haraldr hildito≈nn, and Haraldr’s nephew, Sigurðr hringr, that
this same source was also used in So≈gubrot af fornkonungum and in thegenealogy which preceded Ágrip af sog≈ u Danakonunga in manuscript (seeÍF XXXV 46–71 and 325–26; Ólafur Halldórsson 1990, 77–78 and 90–91).
(35) In So≈gubrot af fornkonungum this is said about the rule of Haraldr
hildito≈nn in England: ‘Hann lagði undir sik þann hlut Englands, er átthafði Hálfdan snjalli ok síðan Ívarr konungr’ (ÍF XXXV 57).
(36) Ingjaldr brother of the king of the West Saxons is described as follows

48

Notes

in the English regnal list which is preserved in a copy by Árni Magnússon
of a manuscript that had belonged to P. H. Resen (Resensbók), and wasburned in 1728: ‘Ingeld broder vestr | Saxa konungs. hann var konungr |xxxvi. hann let gora || mustari i Glestin-|ga bvri. siðan fo-|ro þeir bader til
rvms | oc o≈nduðuz þar | þessi ero nofn | langfeðga þeira. | Ioppa | Eava [. . .]’(AM 1 e β II fol., 85v–86v). On these kings Árni later wrote the memorandum (same manuscript, 82r): ‘Ingeld þesse, broder Vestr Saxa konungs,§ ad vera sa Ingialldr sem fiell fyrir Sigurdi Ringi (vide Olafs Sπ_gu
Tr. sonar) hvers sonarson Eava utflæmdi Olaf Kinreksson. VestSaxa
konungrinn, broder Ingealldz, § ad vera Inas Rex Visi Saxonum etMonarcha Angliæ qvi vixit 689–727. Et illius Inæ frater reverâ erat
Ingesilus, Eoppæ pater.’
In Resensbók and ÓlTr the king of the West Saxons, brother of Ingeld,
is not named. In the Anglo-Saxon regnal list which was translated andused in Resensbók, he is called Ine (Faulkes 1977, 179). He is also mentioned in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, first under the year 688, where it issaid that he became king and ruled 37 years, and under 726 it is said that
he went to Rome. His brother Ingild is said to have died in 718. He isnever called king in the Chronicle and nothing is said of him other thanthat he was Ine’s brother and father of Eoppa father of Eafa (Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle I 4 and s. a. 718, 855). There are no sources for his having at
any time been king in Northumbria. His son and grandson, who are called
Ubbi and Eava in ÓlTr, are only named in genealogies and in the AngloSaxon Chronicle. It may be considered certain that the compiler of thesource of ÓlTr found the names of these people in some source of AngloSaxon origin and made them into kings of Northumbria, but failed torealise that Ingild, brother of Ine, king of the West Saxons, died in 718,
when neither Danes nor Norwegians had begun to raid in England andSigurðr hringr had not yet been born — if indeed he ever had any existence except in books.
(37) Óláfr, who in ÓlTr is said to be ‘son Kinriks þess er sagt er at væribróðurson Móaldar digru, móður Ívars víðfaðma’, and who is later said tohave been made ruler of Jutland by Sigurðr hringr, is probably derived
from the same sources as the Óláfr who in Adam of Bremen and ÓlTr issaid to have slain Helgi king of the Danes. Móo≈ld digra, who in ÓlTr issaid to have been the mother of Ívarr víðfaðmi, is included by Arngrímurlærði in a genealogy in Rerum Danicarum fragmenta (Bibl. Arn. IX 353).
Arngrímur may have got the name from ÓlTr (Olrik 1894, 146), but it ismore likely that Arngrímur’s sources and those of the compiler of ÓlTr

49

Notes

were related (Bibl. Arn. XII 239–40). The name itself, Móo≈ld, must be
English. In a Marian miracle story (MarUnger 200) it is used of the motherof Thomas à Becket, who in Thómas saga is called Maild (ThomUnger
297, ThomEM I 12). As far as I know this name is found nowhere elsethan in these sources.
In Chapter 61 of ÓlTr Sigurðr hringr and Óláfr Kinriksson are madecontemporaries, and it looks as though the compiler of this text neglected
to compare their genealogies. In the form of a family tree, they are likethis (X and Y represent the father and brother of Móo≈ld digra):X

Móo≈ldYÍvarr víðfaðmi

Kinrik

Unnr

Óláfr

Randverr
Sigurðr hringr
According to the text of ÓlTr Óláfr Kinriksson was no older than Sigurðr
hringr, which is not very likely, if there were two generations between them.
(38) In ÓlTr it is stated that Óláfr Kinriksson was tributary king in Jutland
and was called Óláfr enski. From him are descended other tributary kings
there: Óláfr enski → Grímr grái → Auðúlfr o≈flgi → Gormr heimski. The
first three have names and nicknames that alliterate together, which arouses
the suspicion that they have the same origin as the alliterating names andnicknames of many of the heroes that in So≈gubrot af fornkonungum aresaid to have taken part in the Battle of Brávellir. Auðúlfr’s name may havebeen derived from the same English regnal list as Ingjaldr, Ubbi and Eava.
In Árni Magnússon’s copy of the regnal list in Resensbók, ‘Aðvlf’ is thethird name after Eava, and Árni identifies him in a parenthesis after his
name with ‘Ethelwlfus’, i. e. Æthelwulf king of the West Saxons 839–58,
who was a great fighter of battles, whom it is not improbable that theDanes may have called ‘the Powerful’, for according to the Anglo-Saxon

50

Notes

Chronicle he fought against heathens (i. e. Danes) in 851, and there weregreater losses in their army than the writer of the annal had ever heard of.
But he was never tributary king in Jutland. The Gormr who is the last of
the descendants of Óláfr enski and called ‘the Foolish’ was presumably inthe regnal list that is here being followed taken to be the same person as
Gormr the Old, father of Haraldr bláto≈nn; this is implied by his nickname‘hinn heimski’, which recalls the comment on Gormr the Old in Chapter
63 of ÓlTr: ‘En ekki var hann kallaðr vitr maðr eptir því sem verit ho≈fðuhinir fyrri frændr hans.’ And in Jvs7, where there is an eclectic text, itsays of Gormr: ‘[. . .] sá var fyrst kallaðr Gormr hinn heimski, en þá erhann var roskinn Gormr hinn gamli eða hinn ríki’ (Blake 1962, 2.6–7).
The section that comes next in ÓlTr must be derived from a different
source from that which has just been discussed.
(39) The section about King Gormr and Knútr fundni in Chapters 61 and
62 of ÓlTr has the same origin as the beginning of Jómsvíkinga saga
(Jvs291, Jvs7, JvsFlat and JvsAJ), but even so there is much variation
between the texts. In Jómsvíkinga saga king Gormr is first introduced
into the story, then his two followers, Hallvarðr and Hávarðr (later on in
the text said to be brothers; Norwegians in JvsAJ), and after them Arnfinnr
jarl in Saxony, who had a child with his own sister. He sent her away withsome trusted followers who, when the child was born, took it into the area
ruled over by King Gormr and left it in the forest called Myrkviðr. There
the boy-child was found by Hallvarðr and Hávarðr who brought it to King
Gormr. In ÓlTr King Gormr sends his thralls to Holstein to buy wine andon the way back through the forest of Myrkviðr they find the child andbring it to King Gormr. In Jvs the jarl’s trusted followers put the child at
the foot of a tree, and it seems that they hid in the forest to see whatbecame of the child but then they disappear from the story. In ÓlTr King
Knútr holds an assembly and promises wealth and power to anyone who
can tell him of his ancestry. Later two men come to him and say they arethralls of a jarl in Saxony, though from their words it appears that they had
been both thralls and trusted followers of Jarl Armfermir of Holstein who
had a child with his sister and entrusted it to these thralls of his to be
destroyed. They took the child into the forest of Myrkviðr and laid it down
under the roots of a tree. In both versions the way the child had been fitted
out is described, in Jvs: ‘Þeir fundu þar sveinbarn; þat var lagt undirviðarrœtr ok knýttr knútr mikill í enninu á silkidregli er þat hafði um
ho≈fuðit. Þar var í ørtugar gull. Barnit var vafit í guðvefjarpelli’; in ÓlTr:‘Þeir fundu þar barn sveipat líndúk. Dúkrinn var knýttr saman á brióstinu.

Notes51

En er þeir leystu knútinn, váru þar í þrír gullhringar. Barnit var vafit undir
í silkidúk.’ In both versions it says that King Gormr gave the child a nameand called it Knútr (‘knot’) from the knot that had been tied on him andbequeathed him his kingdom after his death.
There is no more satisfactory explanation than that the same story lies
behind both these versions, that is the tale of the foundling boy who becomes the leader and saviour of his people (like Moses in the Bible), or aking and ancestor of kings (like Scyld Scefing in Beowulf, who became
the ancestor of the Scyldings or Skjo≈ldungar; see Stith Thompson, MotifIndex L 111.2.1, R 131.11.2, S 354). The boy’s father is called Arnfinnur
in Jvs and in two manuscripts of ÓlTr, B and C2, but Armfermir in A and
Arnfermir in C1, and said to be jarl in Saxony in Jvs, but in Holstein inÓlTr. In Jvs it says that Jarl Arnfinnur was subject to Charlemagne, which
implies that the story of the origin of Knútr fundni was originally written
in a book where nothing was said of the kings who are named before
Knútr in ÓlTr, and are assumed there to have lived long after the time ofCharlemagne. In Jvs it is stated that King Gormr and Jarl Arnfinnr weregood friends, ‘ho≈fðu verit fyrr í víkingu báðir samt’. This is stated as an
explanation of why the jarl’s trusted followers took the child into the forest of Myrkviðr, which is assumed to have been in King Gormr’s kingdom. In ÓlTr the explanation is more problematical. There the men who
told Knútr fundni of his descent say they are thralls of a jarl in Saxony, buthave previously been thralls and trusted followers of the Jarl Armfermirin Holstein, who had the child with his own sister. Here the jarl in Saxony
has slipped in from the original source even though he has no business inthis version of the story. Something else that has slipped in from the original source in ÓlTr is the remark of the Saxon thralls that they have beentrusted followers of Jarl Armfermir in Holstein. In Jvs the child is obviously deposited in such a way that it will be found and an eye kept on its
fate. In ÓlTr the thralls are charged to destroy the child, but neverthelessthe detail is retained from the original version of the tale that the child wasaccording to the thralls ‘sveipat silkidúkum ok knýtt útan at líndúki okþar í knýttir þrír gullhringar’, — that is, the child had been disposed ofwith the intention that it should be found even though it had previously
been said that the thralls were to destroy it. The account in Jvs is closer towhat is said in the Bible about Moses, who was deposited in a place where
it was likely that he would be found, an eye being kept on him to ensurethat this happened. This indicates that in this respect Jvs is closer to theoriginal than ÓlTr. In Jvs the child is found when King Gormr and all his
followers go into the forest to enjoy themselves, ‘ok fóru at dýrum, aldini

52

Notes

ok fuglum’, but the brothers, Hallvarðr and Hávarðr, get left behind in theforest when the others go back home: ‘En fyrir myrkrs sakir, þá fátu þeireigi heim ok sneru þá leið sinni til sióvar ok þóttuz vita at þeir mundi feta
heim ef þeir fylgdi sióvarstro≈ndu, þvíat borg konungsins var skammt frá
sió, er mo≈rkin gekk fram allt at sió. Ok þá er þeir gengu um sióvarsanda
ok at melum no≈kkurum, þá heyra þeir barnsgrát [. . .] Þeir fundu þar
sveinbarn [. . .]’ Here the reader of the saga is provided with a descriptionof the landscape, and some gravel banks (‘melar no≈kkrir’) are introduced
as a suitable place for the jarl’s trusted followers to deposit the child in,while earlier it is stated that Gormr and his men went into the forest ‘íallgóðu veðri’, which explains both how the child survived and how thebrothers were able to hear the child’s crying. In ÓlTr King Gormr’s thralls
find the child when they are coming back from Holstein with wine on
many horses and they stop for the night in the forest Myrkviðr. It is statedthat the weather was calm, doubtless as an explanation of how the thralls
heard the child’s crying while they were awake in the night, though they
did not go to look for the child until it was light, so it is to be assumed thatthe child survived crying the whole night. In ÓlTr the child is broughtfrom Holstein and abandoned, apparently not far from the public road. In
Jvs it appears that the child was brought from Saxony, even though it is
not expressly stated. It is natural for the reader of the saga to assume thatthe jarl’s trusted followers took the child on a ship, and that is how theycame to deposit it on gravel banks near the shore. In ÓlTr the reader knows
nothing about the origin of Knútr fundni until the Saxon thralls tell him
about his parents. Here a narrative technique is used that is very common
in tales: what is left unsaid at the beginning of a narrative is explained laterin a story that someone is made to tell in direct speech. From considerationof all these differences it seems to me unmistakable that in ÓlTr the text
has been rewritten and is further from the original source than that in Jvs.
(40) At the end of Chapter 62 of ÓlTr there is a passage that includes
details of the successors of Gormr heimski: Þræla-Knútr, his son Gormr,and Ho≈rða-Knútr son of Sigurðr ormr í auga and King Ella’s daughterBlæja. King Ella has not been named before in ÓlTr, nor his daughterBlæja either, and it is not mentioned until the beginning of the next chapter that Ella was king in England. It is doubtless Ælle king in Northumbria that is meant, who according to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle fell inbattle against heathens (i. e. Danes) in 867. Ella’s daughter Blæja is nowhere mentioned in English sources. The kings who appear in this passage, their names and descent, together with King Ella and his daughter

Notes53Blæja, turn up again in Chapter 63, but in a different connexion, see thetext of ÓlTr below, p. 54, lines 12–14; the explanation of Ho≈rða-Knútr’s
name, ‘þvíat þar heitir á Ho≈rð á Iótlandi sem hann var fœddr’, is lacking
there. This explanation is probably derived from oral sources. This is confirmed by the fact that Sven Aggeson includes the same explanation of
the name of Ho≈rða-Knútr, son of Knútr inn ríki: ‘quem cognomine Durum
uulgo nominabant, non quod austerus uel crudelis extiterit, uerum inde,quod tale prouincie nomen extiterit, ex qua natalem duxit originem’(SMHDMÆ I 123.19–22; Christiansen, Eric 1992, 64 and 125: ‘he wasgiven the surname Hard: it was a name he got not because he was harsh or
inhuman, but because there was a province of the same name from which
he came originally by birth’). The place-name Ho≈rð does not exist and has
never existed in Jutland except as the first element of ‘Harthesysæl’ (written
thus Kong Valdemars Jordebog f. 9v, now Hardsyssel). According to
Nudansk Ordbog this first element is genitive of the name of the inhabitants, *harthar, which is taken to be derived from Old Danish *harth, thesame word as Old High German hart and Old English haraþ, hared (inplace-names), used of forests, see pp. 88–89 below.
(41) It is obvious that the end of Ragnarssona þáttr (Rsþ) in Hauksbók,
from ‘Eftir’ HbFJ 464.8, must be derived from the same source as the textof ÓlTr printed here on pp. 9.26–12.25, ‘Þræla-Knútr — síðan.’ The textof Rsþ is generally shortened and the order of the material is not the sameas in ÓlTr (Olrik 1894, 150–52). Moreover there is a short interpolationfrom this same source in Jvs7 (Blake 1962, 6.16–7.19, ‘Í þann tíma —hann’), which corresponds to ‘Eptir — síðan’, pp. 11.17–12.25 (ÓlTr lines
46–79 on pp. 55–57 below). Also to be taken into consideration are thelast lines that can be read in Ragnars saga loðbrókar in AM 147 4to(RagnOlsen, 193–94). Here there are just a few lines of a completely different text from that in the version of Ragnars saga that is preserved in
NKS 1824b 4to. They correspond to ÓlTr lines 2–7 and Rsþ lines 1–6
below. In 147 the text ends at the bottom of a recto page, and half the lastline is blank, which means that either a chapter or the saga itself ended
with this line, but the writing on the verso of this leaf is so completely
erased that it has not yet been possible to read anything of it. The best way
to reveal the relationship between these texts is to print them all in such a
way that they can easily be compared:

54

Notes

ÓlTr Synir Ragnars loðbrókar váru hermenn miklir. Þeir hefndu fo≈ður síns ok drápu
Ellu konung í Englandi. Gerðiz Ívarr enn beinlausi þá konungr yfir þeim hluta
3 Englands er áðr ho≈fðu átt hans ættmenn ok frændr. Hann iók ríki sitt á marga
vega. Hann lét drepa hinn heilaga Eatmund konung ok lagði undir sik ríki hans.
Svá er sagt at Loðbrókarsynir hafi rekit mestan hernað í forneskiu um o≈ll þessi
6 lo≈nd: England, Valland, Frakkland, Saxland ok allt út um Lumbarði. Svá kómuþeir fremst at þeir unnu þá borg er Lúna heitir. Ok um hríð ætluðu þeir at vinna
Rómaborg. En er þeir kómu aptr í ríki sitt, þá skiptu þeir ríkinu með sér. Tók
9 Bio≈rn iárnsíða Uppsalaríki, Svíþióð alla ok hvárttveggia Gautland ok o≈ll þau lo≈nder þar liggia til. Sigurðr ormr í auga hafði Eygotaland ok allar eyiar, Skáni okHalland. Hvítserkr hafði Reiðgotaland ok þar með Vinðland.
Sigurðr ormr í auga átti Blæiu dóttur Ellu konungs. Þeira son var Ho≈rða-Knútr,
12
sem fyrr er ritat. Ho≈rða-Knútr var konungr í Danmo≈rk eptir Sigurð fo≈ður sinn á
Selundi ok Skáni.
Þá er Ho≈rða-Knútr var fulltíði at aldri ok kvángaðr, gat hann son við konu sinni.
15Þann lét hann heita Gorm eptir Gormi fóstra sínum, syni Knúts hins fundna. Gormr
son Þræla-Knúts hafði verit allríkr konungr, þvíat hann helt alla Danmo≈rk af
18 Ragnarssonum þá er þeir váru í hernaði. Þá er Gormr son Ho≈rða-Knúts óx upp var
hann allra manna fríðastr sýnum þeira er menn ho≈fðu sét í þann tíma. Hann var
mikill maðr ok sterkr ok hinn mesti atgervimaðr um alla hluti. En ekki var hann
21 kallaðr vitr maðr eptir því sem verit ho≈fðu hinir fyrri frændr hans.
147 Eptir þessa orrostu geriz Ívarr konungr yfir þeim hluta lands er áðr ho≈fðu átt hansættmenn. Hann iók mio≈k <ríki> sitt á marga vega. Svá er sagt at hann léti drepa
3 Iátmund hinn helga ok lagði undir sik ríki hans.
Loðbrókarsynir fóru víða með hernaði um England vestr ok svá víða annars staðar.
Rsþ Eptir þessa orrostu gerðiz Ívarr konungr yfir þeim hluta Englands sem hans frændrho≈fðu fyrri átt. Hann átti þá tvá brœðr frilluborna en annarr hét Yngvarr en annarr
3 Hústó. Þeir pínuðu Iátmund konung enn helga eptir boði Ívars, ok lagði hannsíðan undir sik hans ríki.
Loðbrókarsynir fóru um mo≈rg lo≈nd með hernaði: England ok Valland ok
6 Frakkland ok út um Lumbarði. En svá er sagt at þar hafi þeir framast komit er þeirunnu þá borg er Lúna heitir. Ok um eina stund ætluðu þeir at fara til Rómaborgarok vinna hana, ok hefir þeira hernaðr frægstr verit um o≈ll Norðrlo≈nd af danskri
9 tungu. Ok er þeir koma aptr í Danmo≈rk í ríki sitt, þá skipta þeir lo≈ndum með sér.
Tók Bio≈rn iárnsíða Uppsalaríki ok alla Svíþióð ok þat er þar til heyrir. En Sigurðr
ormr í auga hafði Selund ok Skáni ok Halland ok alla Víkina ok Agðir til Líðandis12 ness ok mikinn þorra af Upplo≈ndum, en Hvítserkr hafði Reiðgotaland ok Vinðland.
Sigurðr ormr í auga <átti> Blæiu dóttur Ellu konungs. Þeira son var Knútr er
kallaðr var Ho≈rða-Knútr, er ríki tók eptir fo≈ður sinn í Selund, Skáni ok Hallandi,
15 en Víkin hvarf þá undan honum. Hann átti þann son er Gormr hét; hann var heitinn
eptir fóstra hans, syni Knúts fundna. Hann helt allt land af sonum Ragnars meðan
þeir váru í hernaði. Gormr Knútsson var allra mann mestr ok sterkastr ok enn
18 mesti atgervimaðr um alla hluti, en ekki var hann svá vitr sem verit ho≈fðu enir
fyrri frændr hans.

Notes55

Þá er Gormr var roskinn maðr at aldri fekk hann konu þeirar er Þyri hét. Hún var ÓlTrdóttir Haralds iarls af Iótlandi, er kallaðr var Klakk-Haraldr. Þyri var kvenna fríðust
ok vitrust. Ok þat er mælt at hún hafi verit mestr sko≈rungr af konum á Norðrlo≈ndum. 24
Hún var ko≈llut Þyri Danmarkarbót. Klakk-Haraldr iarl var kallaðr vitrastr þeira
manna er þá váru í Danmo≈rk. En síðan er Gormr tók konungdóm ok ríki eptir
Ho≈rða-Knút fo≈ður sinn, þá hlítti hann mio≈k ráðum Haralds iarls mágs síns ok Þyri 27
konu sinnar.
Gormr konungr fór með her sinn í þat ríki Danmarkar er þá var kallat Reiðgotaland, en nú er kallat Iótland, á hendr þeim konungi er þá réð þar fyrir. Sá var 30
nefndr Gnúpa. Þeir áttu saman no≈kkurar orrostur. En svá lauk at Gormr felldi þannkonung ok eignaðiz allt hans ríki. Því næst fór Gormr á hendr þeim konungi er
Silfraskalli var kallaðr ok átti við hann ófrið ok orrostur, ok hafði Gormr konungr 33
iafnan sigr, ok um síðir felldi hann þann konung. Eptir þat gekk hann upp á Iótland ok
fór svá herskildi, at hann eyddi o≈llum konungum allt suðr til Slés, ok svá vann hannríki mikit í Vinðlandi. Margar orrostur átti hann við Saxa ok gerðiz enn ríkasti konungr. 36
Gormr konungr gat tvá sonu við konu sinni Þyri. Hét hinn ellri Knútr, en hinn
yngri Haraldr. Knútr Gormsson var allra manna fríðastr ok fegrstr sýnum er mennhafi sét. Hann var ok svá þokkasæll, fyrst at upphafi, at konungr unni honum 39
umfram alla menn, ok þar með var hann svá skapfelldr o≈llu landsfólkinu, at hvertbarn unni honum. Hann var kallaðr Knútr Danaást. Haraldr var líkr móðurfrændum
sínum. Þyri móðir hans unni honum eigi minna en Knúti.
42Ívarr enn beinlausi var konungr í Englandi langa æfi. Hann átti ekki barn, þvíat
svá segiz at hann hefði til þess enga fýst né eðli, en eigi skorti hann spekð né
grimmð. Hann varð ellidauðr þar á Englandi ok var þar heygðr. Þá váru dauðir 45
allir Loðbrókarsynir. Eptir þat tók konungdóm í Englandi Aðalmundr Iáthgeirsson,bróðurson Eatmundar hins helga, ok kristnaði hann víða England ok tók skatt af
Norðimbralandi, er heiðit var. Eptir hann varð konungr Aðalbrikt. Hann var góðr 48
konungr ok varð gamall.
Gormr tók konungdóm eptir fo≈ður sinn. Hann fekk Þyri er ko≈lluð var Danmarkar- Rsþbót, dóttur Klakk-Haralds er konungr var í Iótlandi. En er Haraldr var andaðr, þá 21
tók Gormr þat ríki allt undir sik.
Gormr konungr fór með her yfir allt Iótland ok eyddi o≈llum neskonungum alltsuðr til Slés, ok svá vann hann mikit af Vinðlandi, ok margar orrostur átti hann við 24
Saxa ok gerðiz hann enn ríkasti konungr.
Hann átti tvá syni; hét enn ellri Knútr, en Haraldr enn yngri. Knútr var allraþeira manna fegrstr er menn hafa sét. Konungr unni ‹honum› umfram hvern mann 27
ok þar með o≈ll alþýða. Hann var kallaðr Danaást. Haraldr líktiz í móðurætt sína,
ok unni móðir hans honum eigi minna en Knúti.
Ívarr enn beinlausi var lengi konungr í Englandi. Hann átti ekki barn, þvíat 30
hann var svá skapaðr at honum fylgði engi girnð né ást, en eigi skorti hann spekð
eða grimmð, ok varð hann ellidauðr á Englandi ok var þar heygðr. Þá váru allirLoðbrókarsynir dauðir. Eptir Ívar tók konungdóm í Englandi Aðalmundr; hann 33
var bróðurson Iátmundar ens helga, ok kristnaði hann víða England. Hann tók
skatta af Norðhumrulandi, þvíat þat var heiðit. Eptir hann tók konungdóm son
36hans er Aðalbrigt hét. Hann var góðr konungr ok varð gamall.

56
ÓlTr

Notes

Á hans do≈gum ofarliga kom Danaherr til Englands, ok váru þeir brœðr ho≈fðingiar

51 fyrir liðinu, synir Gorms hins gamla, Knútr ok Haraldr. Þeir heriuðu víða umNorðimbraland ok lo≈gðu undir sik margt fólk. To≈lðu þeir þat arftekiulo≈nd sín er
átt ho≈fðu Loðbrókarsynir ok aðrir áðr margir þeira forellrar. Aðalbrikt konungr
54 hafði liðsamnað mikinn ok fór móti þeim. Hann hitti þá fyrir norðan Kliflo≈nd ok
drap af Do≈num margt manna. No≈kkuru síðar gengu Gormssynir upp við Skarðaborg
ok bo≈rðuz, ok þar ho≈fðu Danir sigr. Eptir þat fóru þeir suðr með landi ok ætluðu til
57 Iórvíkr. Gekk þar undir þá allt fólk. Uggðu þeir þá ekki at sér.
Einn dag var skin heitt, ok fóru menn á sund milli skipanna. En er konungar
váru á sundinu, þá hliópu menn af landi ofan ok skutu á þá. Var þá Knútr lostinn
60 o≈ru til bana. Þeir tóku líkit ok fluttu út á skip. En er þetta spurðu landsmenn, þádróz þegar herr mikill saman. Ok því næst kom Aðalbrikt konungr, ok sneriz þá til
hans allt þat fólk sem áðr hafði gengit undir Dani. Síðan náðu Danir hvergi
63 landgo≈ngu fyrir samnaði landsmanna. Fóru Danir þá brott ok heim til Danmerkr.
RsþOfarliga á hans do≈gum kom Danaherr til Englands, ok váru formenn hersins
Knútr ok Haraldr, synir Gorms konungs. Þeir lo≈gðu undir sik mikit ríki í
39 Norðhumrulandi, þat er Ívarr hafði átt. Aðalbrigt konungr fór móti þeim, ok bo≈rðuzþeir fyrir norðan Kliflo≈nd, ok fell þar mart af Do≈num. Ok nokkuru síðar gengu
Danir upp við Skarðaborg ok bo≈rðuz þar ok fengu sigr. Síðan fóru þeir suðr til
42 Iórvíkr, ok gekk þar undir þá allt fólk, ok uggðu þeir þá ekki at sér.
Ok einn dag er heitt veðr var fóru menn á sund, ok svá sem konungssynir váru
á sundi millim skipanna hlupu menn af landi ofan ok skutu á þá. Var þá Knútr
45 lostinn o≈ru til bana, ok tóku þeir líkit ok fluttu út á skip. Ok er landsmenn spyriaþetta, samnaz þeir saman, svá at síðan fá Danir engar uppgo≈ngur sakir samnaðar
landsmanna ok fara síðan heim aptr til Danmarkar.

Jvs7 Í þann tíma réð Aðalsteinn konungr Englandi. Hann var góðr konungr ok gamall.
Á hans do≈gum ofarla kom Danaherr í England, ok váru synir Gorms konungs
3 ho≈fðingiar fyrir, Knútr ok Haraldr. Þeir heriuðu víða um Norðrimbraland ok lo≈gðuundir sik mikit ríki ok to≈lðu þat arftekinn hluta sinn er átt ho≈fðu Loðbrókarsynirok aðrir þeira forellrar. Aðalsteinn konungr hafði liðsafnað mikinn ok fór í mót
6 þeim brœðrum ok hitti þá fyrir norðan Kliflo≈nd ok drap hann fio≈lða af Do≈num.
No≈kkuru síðar gengu þeir upp Gormssynir um Skarðaborg ok bo≈rðuz þar, ok ho≈fðu
Danir sigr. Eptir þat ætluðu þeir til Iórvíkr suðr, ok gekk þá allt fólk undir þá.
9 Uggðu þeir þá ok ekki at sér.
Einn dag er heitt skin var á fóru menn á sund milli skipanna ok konungar báðir.
Þá hliópu menn af landi ofan ok skutu á þá. Þá var Knútr lostinn o≈ru til bana, ok
12 tóku þeir líkit á skipit. En er þetta spurðu landsmenn, þá dróz þegar saman herróvígr. Ok því næst kom Aðalsteinn konungr, ok sneriz þá til hans allt fólk þat er
áðr hafði gengit undir þá Knút, ok eptir þat fá Danir engar uppgo≈ngur fyrir liðsafnaði
15 landsmanna. Ok eptir þat fóru Danir aptr til Danmerkr.

Notes57

Gormr konungr var þá staddr á Iótlandi. Haraldr fór þegar á hans fund ok sagði ÓlTrmóður sinni tíðendin. Gormr konungr hafði þess heit strengt at hann skyldi deyia
ef hann spyrði fráfall Knúts sonar síns, ok svá sá er honum segði dauða hans. Þá 66
lét Þyri tialda ho≈llina grám vaðmálum. En er konungr kom til borðs, þá þo≈gðu
allir þeir er inni váru. Þá mælti konungr: ‘Hví þegia hér allir menn? Eru no≈kkurtíðendi at segia?’ Þá svarar drottning: ‘Þér, herra, áttuð hauka tvá; var annarr hvítr, 69
en annarr grár. Hinn hvíti haukrinn hefir flogit langt á eyðimo≈rk. Ok er hann sat á
tré no≈kkuru, kómu margar krákur ok plokkuðu hann svá at allar fiaðrar eru af
honum, ok er nú ónýtr fuglinn. En hinn grái haukr er aptr kominn, ok mun hann nú 72
drepa fugla til borðs yðr.’ Þá mælti konungr: ‘Svá drúpir nú Danmo≈rk sem dauðr
sé Knútr son minn.’ Þá svaraði drottning; ‘So≈nn munu þessi tíðendi er þér segið,75
herra.’ So≈nnuðu þat þá allir þeir er inni váru.
Þann sama dag tók Gormr konungr sótt ok andaðiz annan dag at iafnlengðinni.
Þá hafði hann verit konungr tíu tigi vetra. Haugr mikill var orpinn eptir Gorm
konung. Þá var tekinn til konungs yfir Danaveldi Haraldr son hans, ok var hann 78
lengi konungr síðan.
Gormr konungr var þá á Iótlandi. Ok er hann spurði þessi tíðindi, þá hné hann Rsþ
aptr ok sprakk af harmi annan dag eptir at iamlengð. Þá tók konungdóm eptir hann
50
yfir Danaveldi Haraldr son hans. Hann tók fyrstr trú ok skírn sinna ættmanna.
Þá var Gormr konungr staddr á Iótlandi. Haraldr fór þegar þangat ok sagði móður
sinni tíðendi. En Gormr konungr hafði þess heit strengt at hann skyldi deyia ef
hann spyrði fall Knúts sonar síns, ok svá sá er honum segði. Þá lét dróttning tialda
ho≈llina grám vaðmálum. En er konungr kom til borðs, þá þo≈gðu allir þeir er inniváru. Þá mælti konungr: ‘Hví þegia allir menn? Eru no≈kkur tíðendi at segia?’ Þásegir dróttning: ‘Herra, þér áttuð tvá hauka, annarr hvítr, en annarr grár. Hinn hvíti
h(efir) flogit langt í eyðimo≈rk. Þar kómu at honum krákur margar ok plokkuðu
hann svá at allar fiaðrar váru af honum reyttar. Ok nú er hinn hvíti fólginn, en hinngrái aptr kominn, ok mun hann nú drepa fugla til borðhalds yðr.’ Þá mælti Gormr
konungr: ‘Svá drúpir Danmo≈rk sem dauðr sé Knútr son minn.’ Þá s(varaði)dróttning: ‘So≈nn munu vera þessi tíðendi er þér segið, herra.’ Ok so≈nnuðu þat þá
allir er inni váru.
Þann sama dag tók Gormr konungr sótt ok andaðiz annan dag at iafnlengð. Þáhafði hann verit konungr tíu tigi vetra. Haugr mikill var orpinn eptir hann.

Jvs7
18

21

24

27

58

Notes

It is clear, if the beginnings of these texts are compared, that sometimes it
is ÓlTr and sometimes Rsþ that is closer to 147, which indicates that the
text of the original source is best preserved in 147, and has been changed
in both ÓlTr and Rsþ. In ÓlTr the alteration arises from the fact that in it
the account of the battle which the sons of Ragnarr loðbrók had with King
Ella is not included, but just alluded to in the sentence, ‘Þeir hefndu fo≈ður
síns ok drápu Ellu konung í Englandi.’ On the other hand the passage
ÓlTr lines 2–4: ‘Gerðiz — hans’ is almost identical in ÓlTr and 147. The
chief difference is that ÓlTr has (line 4): ‘Hann lét drepa’, but 147 (line 2):‘Svá er sagt at hann léti drepa’. In Rsþ the corresponding lines are changed,
but the initial words ‘Eptir þessa orrostu’ are the same in Rsþ and 147.
Finally, the sentence ‘Loðbrókarsynir fóru víða með hernaði’ in 147 iscloser to the text of Rsþ (line 5) than ÓlTr (lines 5–6), but it is worth
noting that the corresponding text in ÓlTr begins with the same words(‘Svá er sagt at’) as the sentence in 147 lines 2–3: ‘Svá — hans’.
It has been asserted that the passages in Rsþ and Jvs7 printed here were
included in these works from ÓlTr (Bjarni Guðnason 1982, xliv; Krijn
1914, 13–14). But the few lines in 147 show that in fact this cannot be thecase. If the texts of 147 and Rsþ were derived from ÓlTr it would benecessary to assume an intermediate link between them and ÓlTr fromwhich the common introductory words of these two texts were derived.
Rsþ in Hauksbók was probably written during the years 1306 to 1308
(Stefán Karlsson 1964, 114–21), and any intermediate link between Rsþ
and ÓlTr would have to have been somewhat earlier. It would then hardly
be possible to assume that ÓlTr was later than about 1300, and that is not
unproblematic. There is also the fact that in all three texts, 147, Rsþ andJvs7, there are a few departures in common from the text of ÓlTr thatcannot be traced to any of the surviving manuscripts of the saga (Ólafur
Halldórsson 1990, 75–76). The examples are these (ÓlTr] 147, Rsþ, Jvs7;
references to the line numbers of the text in ÓlTr):
1–2 Synir — Englandi] Eptir þessa orrustu 147, Rsþ. 2 enn beinlausi] ÷ 147, Rsþ.
4 hinn heilaga Eatmund konung] Iátmund hinn helga 147, Iátmund konung enn
helga Rsþ. 5–6 Svá — lo≈nd] Loðbrókarsynir fóru víða (um mo≈rg lo≈nd Rsþ) með
hernaði 147, Rsþ. 51 synir Gorms hins gamla] synir Gorms konungs Rsþ, Jvs7.
52 margt fólk] mikit ríki Rsþ, Jvs7. 56–57 Eptir — Iórvíkr] Síðan fóru þeir suðrtil Iórvíkr Rsþ, Eptir þat ætluðu þeir til Iórvíkr suðr Jvs7. 60 Þeir tóku líkit] ok
tóku þeir líkit Rsþ, Jvs7. 76 iafnlengðinni] iamlengð Rsþ, iafnlengð Jvs7.

Rsþ 2–3 ‘Hann — Ívars’ is not derived from the same source as ÓlTrand 147. Those who are said to be the bastard brothers of Ívarr beinlausi,‘Yngvarr en annar Hústó’, are by William of Malmesbury called ‘Hinguar

Notes59

et Hubba’, and they have the same names in Abbo’s Life of Edmund(Hubba, however, is also called Ubba: Winterbottom 1972, 4–6 and 71 ff.),
but they are not said to be brothers in these works. It is not easy to say how
or when Hubba became the Hústó of Rsþ, but presumably the originatorof this sentence in Rsþ did not find the names of Yngvarr and Hubba insources about the sons of Ragnarr loðbrók and so made them the bastard
brothers of Ívarr beinlausi. A. H. Smith pointed out in his article ‘The
Early Literary Relations of England and Scandinavia’, which appeared in
Saga-Book XI:3 (1936), 215–32, that the compiler of the text of Rsþ did
not realise that Ingvar is the Anglo-Saxon form of the name Ívarr: ‘As weknow from English chronicles St. Edmund was slain by Ingwar and Hubba,
but Ingwar is merely an Old English form of the name Ivar; the compilerof the Þáttr did not recognise this and so related Yngvar to Ivar by naturalkinship’ (p. 230).
It looks as though the story that these texts are derived from had been
constructed from discrepant sources. In Chapter 61 of ÓlTr the kings who
are made descendants of Óláfr enski are said to have ruled in Jutland. At
the end of Chapter 62 it is stated that Ho≈rða-Knútr son of Sigurðr ormr íauga was born in Ho≈rð in Jutland, and the text can hardly be understood in
any other way than that his foster-father Gormr, son of Þræla-Knútr, wasking there. On the other hand it says in Chapter 63 (ÓlTr 13–14) that
Ho≈rða-Knútr was king in Selundr and Skáni, which accords with what islater said of his son Gormr the Old, that he ‘fór með her sinn í þat ríki
Danmarkar er þá var kallat Reiðgotaland, en nú er kallat Iótland’ (ÓlTr29–30). In Rsþ the text is shortened, but there also Gormr’s invasion of
Jutland is mentioned (Rsþ 23–24). This must be based on a different sourcefrom the immediately preceding text, where it is assumed that Gormr the
Old was king in Jutland. There is also evident some contradiction between the account of King Gormr’s invasion of Jutland and the account of
the division of lands among the sons of Ragnarr Loðbrók. On King Gormr’s
invasion of Jutland it says (ÓlTr 29–30): ‘Gormr konungr fór með hersinn í þat ríki Danmarkar er þá var kallat Reiðgotaland, en nú er kallat
Iótland [. . .]’, but on the division of lands among the sons of RagnarrLoðbrók it says: ‘Sigurðr ormr í auga hafði Eygotaland ok allar eyiar,
Skáni ok Halland. Hvítserkr hafði Reiðgotaland ok þar með Vinðland’(ÓlTr 10–11, altered text in Rsþ 10–12). In the former case the text issimilar to what is said about Reiðgotaland in the Prologue to Snorra Edda:‘[. . .] ok þat heitir nú Iótland, er þá var kallat Reiðgotaland’ (SnEFJ 6.10–
11). On the other hand the latter corresponds more to the passage in Snorri’s
Skáldskaparmál: ‘Í þann tíma var kallat allt meginland, þat er hann (i. e.

60

Notes

Óðinn) átti, Reiðgotaland, en eyiar allar Eygotaland. Þat er nú kallat
Danaveldi ok Svíaveldi’ (SnEFJ 186.16–18).
Reiðgotaland is mentioned in many places in medieval Icelandic writings,
but the name is not always used of the same area. In Hauksbók, in a passage with the heading ‘Hér segir frá því hversu lo≈nd liggia í vero≈ldinni’, it
says, ‘En austr frá Pólena er Reiðgotaland ok þá Húnland’ (HbFJ 155.23–24), and in Hervarar saga ok Heiðreks Reiðgotaland is taken to be in asimilar place. The idea that Reiðgotaland was east of Poland is probably
older than the assumption that it was an earlier name for Jutland (HkrBA
I 35, footnote 2).
(42) What is said in this paragraph about King Gormr, his wife ÞyriDanmarkarbót and her father Klakk-Haraldr is based either on Jvs or on asource common to ÓlTr and Jvs. In Jvs291 and Jvs7 Klakk-Haraldr iscalled jarl and said to rule over Holstein, but in JvsAJ he is ‘Rex Holsatiæ’(Opera I 90.21). In ÓlTr Haraldr is said to be jarl in Jutland. It is presumably influence from Heimskringla when Klakk-Haraldr is said to be rulerof Jutland (HkrFJ I 92–93), though it could be that ÓlTr and Heimskringla
are based on the same source, which deliberately departed from earlier
sources and for the same reason as Ho≈rða-Knútr is in ÓlTr made to beborn in Ho≈rð in Jutland, that is because the compiler of that source wanted
the kings of Denmark to be of Danish origin. In ÓlTr and Jvs it is statedthat Þyri was called Danmarkarbót. Irrefutable evidence for this nicknameof hers is the inscription on the smaller runestone at Jelling: ‘Gormr
konungr gørði kumbl þessi eft Þyri konu sína Danmarkarbót’ (from Nordisk
kultur VI 126). Is it not more likely that the nickname would have been
given to a woman who was not born and bred in Denmark? If her father iscorrectly named in the sources it must be considered more likely that KlakkHaraldr did not rule in Jutland, and then one would have to assume thatthe sources are older that make him ruler in Holstein.
(43) King Gormr’s invasion of Jutland is not mentioned in Jvs, nor in fact
in any other source than ÓlTr. It is clear that the account of it in ÓlTr isbased on an ancient source. This is indicated by the fact that the king inReiðgotaland is called Gnúpa, for this name occurs accurately, as was
said above (note 33), on a runestone. On the other hand Silfraskalli does
not appear anywhere else than in ÓlTr. Sophus Bugge supposed that thisname might have been used in a poem as a common noun (appellative) ofa rich man or king, perhaps Gnúpa himself (Bugge 1895, 375–76). This isof course out of the question, but on the other hand it could be that

Notes61

Silfraskalli was a nickname, perhaps Gnúpa’s. Place-names are the firstelements of most nicknames by far that have -skalli as the second element.
If Silfraskalli was a nickname of this kind, Silfra- ought to be genitiveof Silfrar, but I have found no evidence of the existence of such aplace-name.
(44) The sons of Queen Þyri and King Gormr are introduced into the story
in this way in Jvs: ‘Þau Gormr konungr ok Þyri áttu tvá sonu, ok hét Knútr
enn ellri, en Haraldr enn yngri’ (Jvs291 6.20–22). This agrees in substance with ÓlTr and the wording is similar, but not identical. The description of Knútr in ÓlTr also agrees to some extent with Jvs, but his
nickname, Danaást, does not appear in Jvs, and neither is it said there thatÞyri loved Haraldr no less than Knútr. It is most likely that the same source
underlies Jvs and the account on which ÓlTr is here based. This source
was an ancient one. This is indicated by the fact that Knútr’s nickname,
Danaást, appears in Oddr’s Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar and in Fagrskinna(ÓlOFJ 3.16; FskFJ 59.6).
(45) What is said here of Ívarr beinlausi, that he was king in England for along period, died of old age and was buried in England, agrees for themost part with Ragnars saga loðbrókar (RagnOlsen 169.12–26), but it isat any rate not taken from the preserved version of Ragnars saga.
(46) The English kings who are named here do not appear in the AngloSaxon Chronicle nor in any other English sources. There are no sources
for St Edmund having had a brother or a nephew, and the person who ishere said to have been Edmund’s nephew did not introduce Christianity tovarious parts of England, for England was already fully Christian in the
ninth and tenth centuries.
(47) Kliflo≈nd, Skarðaborg and Jórvík are mentioned in various accountsof Haraldr harðráði’s invasion of England in 1066 and in the same orderas here (Hem544 46.4, 44.22 and 47.30, OrknSN 90.11 and 14, MskFJ
267.15 and 17, 270.20, FskFJ 283.23 and 24–25, 285.13, HkrFJ III 196.14
and 16–17, 197.11). Gustav Storm thought that this meant that these placenames in ÓlTr were taken from Snorri Sturluson’s account of Haraldr’s
invasion (Storm 1880 177–80). Kliflo≈nd is the Old Norse name for Cleveland in Yorkshire, while Skarðaborg, which appears in more sources than
Kliflo≈nd, for instance in Kormáks saga, is the Old Norse name for
Scarborough in Yorkshire, and Jórvík is modern York.

62

Notes

(48) In Jvs291 there is a quite different account of the death of Knútr
Danaást. It says there that his brother Haraldr slew him in battle on Christmas Eve (Jvs291 12.11–13.4). In JvsAJ on the other hand it says as herethat Knútr was struck by an arrow while he was swimming on a hot summer’s day, but there is this difference between the account in JvsAJ andthose in ÓlTr, Rsþ and Jvs7, that in JvsAJ it says that the brothers were ona raid in Ireland and had attacked Dublin ‘inde solventes in locum, quem
Ielldunes vocant [. . .]’ (Opera I 94.9–10, see Opera IV, Chapter IV 16:‘[. . .] after that they relaxed in a place called Jo≈ldunes’). The story of
Knútr’s death at the hands of a sniper in Ireland is ancient. Saxo Grammaticus had heard of the raid of the sons of Gormr on England and the fallof Knútr in Ireland, but his account of all this is a highly rhetorical fantasy. In ÓlTr, Rsþ and Jvs7 the account of the raid of the sons of Gormr on
England is linked with the earlier accounts in the common source of theseworks of the Danish rule in Northumbria, and most likely the writer ofthat source departed from earlier accounts so as to provide a natural explanation of the raid of the sons of Gormr on England (Opera IV, Chapter
IV 17, JvsÓH 19–20). Gormr’s son Knútr is mentioned in both Fagrskinna
and Heimskringla and it appears from both that he died young, though
they do not say how he died and there is not even a hint that it was Haraldr
bláto≈nn that killed him. That account appears nowhere else than in the291-version of Jvs, though that does not necessarily mean that this story
cannot be older than the account in other works (JvsÓH 20 and 38).
(49) It is obvious that the same stories lie behind what it says in Jvs291
about Haraldr Gormsson, King Gormr and Queen Þyri after the death of
Knútr Danaást as behind the corresponding chapters of ÓlTr, Rsþ andJvs7. What is common to these sources is this: ‘[. . .] Gormr konungrhafði þess heit strengt, at hann skyldi þess manns bani verða, er honumsegði líflát Knúts sonar síns’ (Jvs291 13.10–12). In ÓlTr (65–66) andJvs7 (17–18) Gormr’s vow is extended in the following way, ‘at hannskyldi deyia ef hann spyrði fráfall Knúts sonar síns [. . .]’. This is probably
an addition by a narrator who had not understood the artistry of the accountin the Jvs291-version of Gormr’s death, see the next note below. Saxo
also mentions this vow of Gormr’s; his text is more closely related to the
Jvs291-version than to that in ÓlTr: ‘Tanta autem maioris filii caritate
tenebatur, ut a se occidendum iuraret, qui prior ipsius exitum nuntiasset’(SGD 268.18–19: ‘Moreover he had such great love for his elder son that
he vowed he would kill whoever first told him of his death’). In bothversions Þyri uses the device of telling the king of two hawks, ‘annarr

Notes63

hvítr (alhvítr Jvs291) en annarr grár’. In the Jvs291-version it is Haraldr
himself who tells the king about the hawks and that they fought and thewhite one was killed, and it is not stated there that they were owned by
King Gormr, but in the ÓlTr-version it is Þyri who tells him about thehawks, which the king had owned, saying that the white one had flown far
into the forest and that there a flock of crows had plucked from it all its
feathers. In ÓlTr it does not say explicitly that the white hawk is dead,
only ‘ok er nú ónýtr (ónýttr A) fuglinn’. In place of this Jvs7 (23) has: ‘Oknú er hinn hvíti fólginn [. . .]’ This is beyond all doubt the more original
text, which has been changed in ÓlTr because the compiler did not understand why Þyri is made to use the word fólginn, which could mean bothhidden and buried or deposited in a mound (see Lexicon poeticum 127),
cf. Ynglingatal 32 (based on Skjd A): ‘Ok buðlung | á Borrói | sigrhafendr| síðan f”lu’, and also the inscription on the Karlevi stone on Öland in
Sweden: ‘Fólginn liggr, hinns fylgðu | (flestr vissi þat) mestar | dæðir,dólga þrúðar | draugr, í þeimsi haugi’ (from Jansson 1987, 134). Making
Þyri use this ambiguous term precludes King Gormr from accusing her ofhaving told him of his son Knútr’s death. In both versions Þyri has the hallhung, in the Jvs291-version ‘blám (i. e. black) reflum’, and in the ÓlTrversion ‘grám vaðmálum’. In Jvs291 (14.9–13) there is this explanationof the queen’s procedure: ‘Fyrir því gørði hon svá, at þat var hygginna
manna ráð í þann tíma, þá er harmso≈gur kómu at eyrum mo≈nnum, at segia
eigi með orðum, ok gøra þá á þann veg sem nú lét hon gøra.’ There is alsoa reflex of this explanation in Saxo (SGD 268.22–25). In both versions
Gormr comments that his son must be dead (see JvsÓH 76.17–23), but inother respects the texts are unrelated, and nothing in the Jvs291-version
corresponds to this beautiful sentence in the other version: ‘Svá drúpir nú(÷ Jvs7) Danmo≈rk sem dauðr sé Knútr son minn.’(50) In ÓlTr and Jvs7 it says that King Gormr became ill (ÓlTr 76, Jvs728) when he learned of his son’s death and died (‘sprakk af harmi’ Rsþ49) the following day ‘at iafnlengð’. Presumably the story followed in the
Jvs291-version and in SGD is older, in which it says that Gormr died assoon as he himself spoke the words that his son Knútr must be dead, thus
fulfilling his vow ‘at hann skyldi þess manns bani verða, er honum segði
líflát Knúts sonar síns’ (Jvs291 13.11–12), he having in effect been the
one who told himself of Knútr’s death. In the common source of ÓlTr andJvs7 it must have been said that a great mound was built for Gormr. From
this it is clear that the writer of this source had either seen the mounds at
Jelling in Jutland or had had accurate information about them.

64

Notes

(51) Chapter 65 of ÓlTr links two sources, the one ending with Chapter
64, the other beginning with Chapter 66. The compiler of ÓlTr has taken
the final sentences of Chapter 65 from Heimskringla (HkrFJ I 296.3–7),
but it is doubtful whether it was he himself who linked two sources withthis chapter, see below. What is said of the emperors in this chapter must
be derived from a regnal list, parallel to the one that was in Resensbók andis now preserved in Papp. fol. nr. 76, 10v–11r, and Uppsala DG 36, though
it does not seem that the list in ÓlTr was taken from Resensbók. The orderand the number of years of each emperor’s rule agrees with Annales
Wirziburgenses (MGHSS II 238–47) and probably with other sources
unknown to me. There is a similar list, not derived from the same source,
in Veraldar saga (VerJB 70–72).
(52) The words ‘sem fyrr er ritat’ may refer to what is said of the sons ofCharlemagne’s son Louis in Chapter 60, though there it does not say how
long Louis’s son Louis ruled. In ÓlTr it says here that he ruled ‘sextán ár
ok tuttugu’, and the same length of reign is attributed to him in a copy of
Resensbók (‘xxxvi ar’ Papp. fol. nr. 76, 10v), and this agrees with Annales
Wirziburgenses and the statement in AF that he began his reign in 840 anddied in 876.
(53) The information about Louis’s son Charles and his brothers and thelength of his reign agrees with these same souces (‘ellefu ár’, i. e. 876–87).
(54) In Chapter 2 of Landnámabók Gormr the Old and Haraldr hárfagri
are mentioned along with other rulers who were in power when Iceland
was settled, but the wording of ÓlTr does not suggest that it was based on
Landnámabók, or on Resensbók either. The expression ‘Í þann tíma’ occurs
twice in this chapter. It also occurs in Chapter 84 in a part of the text theorigin of which can be traced to Jómsvíkinga saga, but otherwise nowhere in the sections of ÓlTr that are printed here. For instance in Chapter
60, we read: ‘Á þeim tíma er Karlamagnús var konungr [. . .]’.
(55) Otto III (‘hinn ungi’) was emperor 983–1002. In the first years of his
reign, both Haraldr Gormsson and Jarl Hákon were in power. The final
sentence here, ‘Var — hauka’, is taken from Jvs, cf. Jvs291 22.6–10: ‘Oknú sitia þeir Haraldr konungr ok Hákon iarl no≈kkura vetr í góðum friði, ok
er nú friðr milli landanna, Nóregs ok Danmerkr, ok vinátta þeira einkargóð, ok sendir Hákon iarl Haraldi konungi ein misseri sex tigi hauka [. . .]’.

65

Notes

(56) The text of Chapters 66–72 in ÓlTr is an amalgamation of two sources:on the one hand a text that has been taken to be derived from Ólafs saga
Tryggvasonar by the monk Gunnlaugr Leifsson, and on the other a text ofHeimskringla. Everything in Chapters 66–72 that ÓlTr has beyond thetext of Heimskringla and is either derived from another source or is thework of the compiler of ÓlTr is printed here. For comparison with the
major part of these texts there are printed here below passages from Chapters 6, 7 and 26 of Jvs291 and the text of AM 310 4to for two sections ofÓlO (ÓlOFJ. 47.8–53.33 and 109.11–112.15). Even though there are considerable differences between the parallel passages in Jvs291, ÓlO310
and ÓlTr there seems to be no other possible conclusion but that they are
all derived from the same original source. The text is shortened in ÓlO310
and ÓlTr, but not in the same way in both. This is clearly shown by thefact that sometimes one, sometimes the other, and sometimes both of thesetexts agree with Jvs291. The following are examples of phrases or whole
passages in Jvs291, ÓlO310 and ÓlTr that indicate a common origin:
Jvs291:

ÓlO310:ÓlTr:[. . .] keisarinn Ótta Ótta keisari strengði þess Ottó keisari [. . .] strengði
strengði þess heit [. . .]heit [. . .]þess heit [. . .][. . .] ok hefir í hendi spiót [. . .] þá hafði hann spiót í Hann hafði í hendi mikit
eitt mikit gullrekit ok hendi gullrekit, alblóðugt spiót gullrekit ok alblóðalblóðugt.
allt.
ugt upp at ho≈ndum.
Í annat sinni þá er ek kem Annat sinn er ek kem til [. . .] at annan tíma er ek
til Danmerkr, þá skal vera Danmerkr skal vera annat kem til Danmerkr skal ek
annat hvárt, at ek skal krist- hvárt, at ek skal fá kristnat geta kristnat land þetta eða
nat fá Danmo≈rk, eða ella Danmo≈rk eða láta hér líf láta lífit ella [. . .]láta hér lífit.
mitt.
Ótta keisari spyrr þetta, at Ótta keisari spyrr at Hákon Þá er keisarinn spurði at
Hákon iarl er kominn í iarl er kominn í Danmo≈rk Hákon iarl var í Danmo≈rkDanmo≈rk at beriaz í móti ok ætlar at beriaz í móti ok ætlaði at beriaz í móti
honum. Hann tekr þá þat honum. Sendir þá keisari honum [. . .], sendi hannráð, at hann sendir iarla iarla sína, Urguþiót ok iarla sína tvá; hét annarr
sína [. . .], Urguþriót ok Brimisskiar, til Nóregs. Urguþriótr en annarr
Brimiskiarr, til Nóregs. Þeir ho≈ f ðu tólf kugga Brimisskiarr; þeir skyldu
Þeir ho≈ f ðu tólf kugga hlaðna af mo≈ n num ok fara til Nóregs með þriáhlaðna af mo≈ n num ok vápnum, ok skyldu þeir tigi kugga hlaðna af
vápnum, þeirra ørenda at kristna Nóreg meðan mo≈ n num ok vápnum at
kristna Nóreg, meðan Hákon iarl væri í brottu. kristna þar landit meðan
Hákon iarl væri í brautu.
Hákon iarl væri í brottu.

66

Notes

Jvs291:
ÓlO310:ÓlTr:[. . .] á var sunnanvindr Sunnanvindr var á hvass [. . .] gerði á sunnanvind
hvass ok þurrt veðr [. . .] ok þurrt veðr.
hvassan ok þurran [. . .][. . .] ok síðan brann hvat [. . .] ok brann þá hvat af [. . .] at hvat logaði af o≈ðruat o≈ðru [. . .]o≈ðru [. . .][. . .]
Ok sitr Hákon nú of kyrrt Ok sitr hann nú í friði ok Settiz hann þá fyrst um
í landinu ok ræðr nú einn ræðr hann nú einn Nóregi kyrrt. Réð hann nú einnfyrir o≈ l lum Nóregi ok o≈llum ok geldr enga skatta o≈llum Nóregi ok galt aldgeldr aldregi síðan skatta Haraldi konungi [. . .]regi síðan skatt DanaHaraldi konungi Gormskonungi.
syni [. . .][. . .] konungrinn tók Sveinn konungr var við [. . .] Sveinn konungr var
veizlu ok drakk með sex sex hundruð manna á á veizlu með sex hundruð
hundruð manna.
veizlunni.
manna.
En þá er tuttugu menn eru Ok er tuttugu menn eru En er hann kœmi á
komnir á miðskipit, þá komnir á miðskipit, þá miðskipit með tuttugu
skal kippa af þeiri bryggiu- skal kippa þeiri bryggiu- menn, þá skyldi kippa af
nni [. . .]nni.
þeiri bryggiunni [. . .][. . .] ok sér konungrinn nú [. . .] en þó kallaz hann nú Konungr þóttiz nú siá
með vitra manna ráði bragð siá allt ráð ok bro≈gð Sig- allt ráðit þeira Búrizláfs
hans allt [. . .]valda.
konungs ok Sigvalda.

The following are examples where the texts of ÓlO310 and ÓlTragree alternately with Jsv291:
Jvs291:
ÓlO310:ÓlTr:Í þann tíma ræðr fyrir Í þann tíma [. . .], þá réð Ottó keisari er hinn ungi
Saxlandi ok Peitulo≈ndum fyrir Saxlandi ok Peitu- var kallaðr [. . .]Ótta keisari, er kallaðr var landi Ótta keisari. Hann erÓtta hinn rauði, ok iarlar kallaðr Ótta hinn rauði.
hans tveir; annarr hét Urgu- Iarlar hans tveir eru nefndir,þriótr en annarr Brimis- ok hét annarr Urguþiótr en
annarr Brimisskiarr.
kiarr.
[. . .] ok slær þar þegar í Ok slær þar í bardaga ok Þar fell fio≈ l ði liðs afbardaga [. . .] ok fellr mikit fell mart af hvárum- hvárumtveggium ok þó
fleira af keisaranum.
lið af hvárumtveggium, ok tveggium.
þó fleira af keisaranum.

Jvs291:
Ok er nátta tók, þá settu ÷þeir þriggia nátta grið á
millum sín ok lo≈ g ðu at
landi ok bjugguz við hvárirtveggiu. Ok er þriar nætrliðu, þá gingu saman
fylkingar [. . .] ok beriaz nú
á landi, ok gengr keisaranum nú þungt bardaginn,ok fell miklu fleira hans lið[. . .]

Notes

67

ÓlO310:ÓlTr:
En er nátta tók settu þeirþriggia nátta grið tilráðagerðar ok viðrbúnaðar
hvárumtveggium. En erþriár nætr váru liðnar, þá
gengu á land hvárirtveggiu
ok bio≈ g guz til bardaga.
Gengu síðan saman fylkingar [. . .] Veitti keisaranum þá þungt ok fell miklu
fleira hans lið.

Ok þar kømr at hann leggr Ok þar kømr at keisari Ok er á leið daginn brastá flótta undan með lið sitt. leggr á flótta með sitt lið. flótti í lið hans [. . .]Ótta keisari var á hesti um ÷
daginn [. . .]Svá er sagt at Ottó keisari
sat á hesti um daginn [. . .]Eptir þetta ganga þeir Ótta Nú fór hann heim til Sax- Ottó keisari sté þá á skip
keisari á skip sín, ok ferr lands.
sín með sitt lið ok fór heim
hann nú heim til Saxlands.
til Saxlands [. . .] En
En Hákon iarl er eptir með
Hákon iarl var eptir með
Haraldi konungi ok réð
Danakonungi ok ho≈ f ðu
honum mo≈rg vitrleg ráð.
þeir mikla ráðagerð.
[. . .] ok hverfa frá ok ofan ÷
til skipa sinna ok ganga áskip út.

Sneri þá keisarinn frá atsinni ok fór með sinn her
til skipa sinna.

‘Ekki er til þess at ætla,’ ‘Ekki er þat at ætla at ek ‘Trauðr er ek at fyrirláta
segir hann, ‘at ek muna muna skipaz við to≈lu þína þann átrúnað [. . .], svá at
skipaz við orð ein saman eina saman [. . .]’ekki fyrirlæt ek hann fyrir[. . .]’
orð yður ein saman [. . .]’The following is an example of the agreement of ÓlO310 and ÓlTr,where Jvs291 has a different wording:Jvs291:
ÓlO310:ÓlTr:[. . .] at vér farim í dag á [. . .] at allr herrinn fari í [. . .] at allr herrinn fari í
merkr ok skóga, þá er oss skóg í dag [. . .]skóg þann er næstr er
eru nálægstir [. . .]Danavirki [. . .]

68

Notes

And in the following examples from the same chapter, ÓlTr agrees now
with Jvs291, now with ÓlO310:
Jvs291:
ÓlO310:ÓlTr:
ok skal hverr maðr ho≈ggva ok skal hverr maðr fá sér ok skal hverr maðr ho≈ggva
sér byrði af þeim viði er byrði viðar ok bera at sér limbyrði ok bera undiross þykkir v”n at eld- virkinu ok siám þá hvat í virkit ok siám síðan hvattiltœkiligast þikkir.
næmstr sé. ok skulu vér geriz.
þann við allan bera at virkinu ok siám þá enn síðan
hvat í gøriz.
Ok þann sama dag tóku Síðan tóku þeir vatnkero≈ld [. . .] at þeir tókuþeir o≈ll vatnkero≈ld þau er sín ok báru í lokarspánu ok vatskero≈ld o≈ll þau er þeirþeir ho≈ f ðu ok drápu ór tio≈ru [. . .]fengu ok fylldu upp af
botninn annan ok létu síðan
spánum ok báru í tio≈ru [. . .]koma þar í innan lokarspánu þurra ok aðra spánu[. . .]
Þá gengr á þingit byskup Þá stóð upp á þinginu Poppó hét byskup sá er
sá er var með keisara, er byskup sá er var með var með keisaranum. Hann
Poppa er nefndr, ok telr þar keisara, er Poppa hét. Hann talði trú fyrir Haraldi kontrú fyrir þeim á þinginu, talði trú fyrir þeim vel ok ungi ok sagði mo≈rg stórvel ok orðfœrliga, ok talar lengi.
tákn almáttigs guðs. En erhann langt ørendi ok sniallt.
byskup hafði talat guðserendi bæði langt ok sniallt,[. . .]
En þá er iarl kom í land En er Hákon iarl spurði Þá er Hákon iarl kom í
austan í Víkina ok spurði hvat iarlarnir ho≈ f ðu at Víkina, varð hann bráttþegar hvat þeir iarlarnir hafz, at þeir hafa kristnat víss hvat iarlarnir ho≈fðuho≈fðu at sýst meðan, at alla Víkina [. . .]þar at hafz, at þeir ho≈fðuþeir ho≈ f ðu kristnat alla
brotit hof, en kristnat fólk
Víkina norðr til Líðandisallt [. . .]ness.

There is no indication of anything other than that the differences between the wording in Chapter 26 of Jvs291 and the parallel passages inÓlO310 and ÓlTr are of exactly the same nature as in the passages inÓlO310 and ÓlTr which have just above been compared with Chapters 6
and 7 of Jvs291, see the fourth, fifth and sixth examples of agreementwith Jvs291 and ÓlO310 on p. 66, and also the following:Notes69

Jvs291:
ÓlO310:ÓlTr:‘Þat hafða ek ætlat fyrir Konungr svaraði: ‘Tignara Konungr svaraði: ‘[. . .], þómér,’ segir hann, ‘at ek manni hafða ek ætlat at at ek hefði ætlat at gipta
munda hana þeim manni gipta hana en þú ert [. . .]’ hana enn tignara manni
gefa er tignari væri fyrir
fyrir nafns sakir heldr ennafns sakir en þú ert [. . .]’þú ert.’[. . .] koma af landinu ÷o≈llum sko≈ttum þeim er vérho≈ fum hingat til goldit
Danakonungi [. . .][. . .] koma af oss æfinliga
skatti þeim er vér eigum atgialda Danakonungi.

[. . .] ok binda þau þetta Þessu iátar Sigvaldi, ok Þessu iátar Sigvaldi ok ferrsíðan fastmælum með sér binda þetta fastmælum við þat heim í Iómsborg.
[. . .] Sigvaldi ferr nú heim með sér.
eptir þetta til Iómsborgar.
Síðan sendi Sigvaldi Síðan sendir hann menn til Síðan sendi hann menn á
tuttugu menn skilríkia til konungs ok bað þá segia konungs fund at Sigvaldi
fundar við Svein konung konungi at hann vill finna sé siúkr, svá at hann sé
ok mælti at þeir skyldi þat hann fyrir nauðsyn ok þar mio≈k svá kominn at bana.
segia konungi, at hann liggi við líf hans ok ríki, ‘Ok þat skulu þér segia
vildi hitta hann at nauð- ‘en þér segit mik siúkan ok með,’ sagði hann, ‘at ek
synium, ok þat annat, at at bana kominn.’bið hann koma til mín fyrirhann væri svá siúkr, atþá skyld, at þar liggr viðhann væri náliga at banaallt hans ríki ok líf at vit
kominn. ‘Þat skulu þér ok
finnimz áðr ek dey.’
segia konunginum, at þar
liggr honum náliga við alltráð ok líf.’‘Lúttu nú at mér líttað, Sigvaldi mælti: ‘Lút þú at Hann svarar: ‘Lút þú atherra,’ segir hann Sigvaldi; mér, herra; þá munt þú mér meir, at þú megir‘þá muntu heldr mega nema hvat ek mæli.’skilia hvat ek segi, þvíat ek
nema mál mitt, þvíat ek
er lágmæltr.’
em nú lágmæltr.’

From these examples it seems clear that the text of Chapter 85 of ÓlTr isderived from the same source as the parts of Chapters 66–72 of the sagathat come from a source other than Heimskringla. The story that Jarl
Sigvaldi tricked King Sveinn tjúguskegg into leaving the country is ancient and older than Oddr’s Ólafs saga. This is indicated primarily by thelast sentence in Chapter 34 of ÓlO310, which has no parallel in other

70

Notes

sources: ‘En hann gerði Sigvalda iarl útlagðan af ættio≈rð sinni fyrir svik
sín, ok var hann brottu um hríð’ (ÓlOFJ 112.13–15). Secondly, reference
is made to it later in ÓlO, where it tells that Sigríðr stórráða urged Sveinn
tjúguskegg to ‘senda menn í Vinðland á fund Sigvalda iarls er þú hefirgert útlagðan fyrir allt Danaveldi [. . .]’ (ÓlOFJ 181.20–21); ‘Sentu menn
eptir Sigvalda iarli í Vin‹ð›land, er þú hefir útlagan gert [. . .]’ (ÓlOFJ
182.21–22). It can also be deduced from the verse which in both versionsof the saga, ÓlO310 and ÓlO18, is quoted in both Latin and Icelandic,
attributed in ÓlO18 to the Icelander Stefnir (ÓlOFJ 194–95). In the original version of ÓlO the story of Sigvaldi’s trick was probably not muchfuller than that in ÓlO18 (ÓlOFJ 109.30–110.34), and it is probably forthis reason that the compiler of the 310-version turned to the longer andmore dramatic account in Jómsvíkinga saga. But there is no likelihoodthat the monk Gunnlaugr Leifsson wrote the original version of this story
and it is difficult to see the origin of this tale that Jarl Sigvaldi tricked
King Sveinn into leaving the country. It could be an ancient oral tale, but
it could also be that some learned man made a good story out of the reference in Thietmar bishop in Merseburg (975–1018) and Adam of Bremen
to King Sveinn tjúguskegg having been taken prisoner and freed for agreat ransom, ‘[. . .] a Northmannis insurgentibus captus, cum a populo
sibi tunc subdito cum ingenti precio solveretur,’ says Thietmar (MGHSS
III 848.8–9: ‘[. . .] having been captured by Norwegian rebels, when he
was freed for a huge sum provided for him then by his people’); ‘Namcum bellum susciperet contra Sclavos, bis captus et in Sclavaniam ductus
tociens a Danis ingenti pondere auri redemtus est’ (Quellen XI 266.4–6:‘For while he was waging war against the Wends he was twice captured
and taken to Wendland, and as many times ransomed by the Danes for ahuge weight in gold’; see JvsÓH 43).
The passage about the emperor Otto, his invasions of Denmark andChristianisation of the Danes, is an interpolation in ÓlO310. In this interpolation there is a reference to what had previously been said in the workthat the interpolation was derived from:En þá réð Haraldr konungr Gormsson fyrir Danmo≈rku. En Hákon iarl Sigurðarson
var skyldr til at fara til liðs við Harald konung Gormsson ef hann ætti land sitt atveria, síðan hann hafði svikit Gull-Harald, ok var þat í sáttmáli (ÓlOFJ 47.15–19).

Later in ÓlO (ÓlOFJ 60–61) we hear about Hákon’s tricking of Haraldr
gráfeldr and Gull-Haraldr and that Hákon was tributary to Haraldr
Gormsson thereafter, but it does not mention there that Hákon was boundto go to support Haraldr if his country was attacked. The only source that

Notes71

mentions this is Jómsvíkinga saga, see Jvs291 20.19–24, JvsFlat, FlatChr
I 107.17–22, JvsAJ, Opera I 100.21–26. From this it is clear that the interpolation in ÓlO310 is taken from the 291-version of Jómsvíkinga saga.
The examination above of the parallel passages in Jvs291, ÓlO310 andÓlTr has revealed that all three texts must be derived from one and thesame source, and it is obvious that this source was not Gunnlaugr Leifsson’sÓláfs saga Tryggvasonar, but a version of Jómsvíkinga saga, as was pointed
out by scholars long ago (Munch 1853, 83.19–26 and 84.32–44; Gjessing
1877, xiv; Storm 1873, 35; Krijn 1914, 91–93; Larsen 1932, 15–18; Finnur
Jónsson, ÓlOFJ xvi and xxx–xxxi; Bjarni Aðalbjarnarson 1937, 61).
P. Groth tried to defend a different and more far-fetched explanation (Groth
1895, lv–lix). If this Jómsvíkinga saga was worded in the same way as theone that is preserved in 291, it would be necessary to assume anintermediate link between its text and ÓlO310 and ÓlTr, in which thestylistic features of the 291-text had been obliterated and the comments
by which it is particularly characterised had been omitted, for example
Jvs291, 23.4–7:[. . .] ok þykkir nauðsyn á vera, at eigi verði þau endimi í at menn sé kúgaðir til
kristni í Danmo≈rku eða á o≈ðrum Norðrlo≈ndum ok megi eigi halda háttum okátrúnaði sinna foreldra.

Also Jvs291, 32.11–13:
En þetta var þó ráð Hákonar jarls, þótt konungr bæri upp, þvíat hann vildi hotvetna
annars heldr en ganga undir trúna.

There are no traces of these comments in ÓlO310 or in ÓlTr. Even
though it is conceivable that the features that characterise the text preserved in 291 had been obliterated in a manuscript that was the intermediate link between it and ÓlO310 and ÓlTr, it must, taking everything into
consideration, be considered more likely that all three texts, Jvs291,
ÓlO310 and ÓlTr, are based on an older text of Jvs than the one preservedin 291, rather than that ÓlO310 and ÓlTr are derived from a manuscriptwith the same text as 291. It is clear that this text contained accounts ofÓláfr Tryggvason’s aiding the emperor and of the advice he gave about
how to conquer the Danavirki. Gunnlaugr Leifsson has been considered
the most likely originator of these accounts (see Foote 1959b, 26 and 33–
40, which has the most thorough treatment I know of this material), andindeed there is no more likely person of those that can now be identified.
But if this is correct, this text of Jvs must have been later than Gunnlaugr’sÓláfs saga Tryggvasonar. But I know of no convincing proof of this, and

72

Notes

this only can be regarded as certain, that none of these works, Jvs291,
ÓlO310 and ÓlTr, are directly dependent on Gunnlaugr’s Óláfs saga. What
has been believed to have been taken from Gunnlaugr’s saga in the text ofÓlTr which has been discussed here cannot be proved to be the work ofanyone else than the compiler of ÓlTr himself.
Now we turn to some particular points in what is printed above from
Chapters 66–72, 84–86, 88 and 90 of ÓlTr.
(57) In Jvs291 and ÓlO310 the emperor is called ‘Ótta hinn rauði’, but‘Ottó hinn rauði’ in Knýtlinga saga (ÍF XXXV 94). In the list of emperors
in Chapter 65 of ÓlTr and following a similar source in Resensbók and in
Icelandic annals the emperor Otto II is called ‘Ótta (Ottó ÓlTr) hinn rauði’,
see the index of names in AnnStorm 1888. Doubtless it was Ottó II thatwas meant in the common source of Jvs291, ÓlO310 and Knýtlinga saga;
the writer of that source thought that the nickname ‘hinn rauði’ was sufficient to distinguish him from Otto the Great and Otto the Young. In
Fagrskinna the emperor is called alternately ‘Otta’ or ‘Otte’ and in
Heimskringla Ótta, but in neither does he have a nickname or any otherindication of which emperor was meant, Otto I, II or III.
In the list of emperors in Veraldar saga (VerJB 71.19–21) we read:[. . .] Ottó inn mikli, er ríki hafði þriá tigi ok átta ára, hann braut Danavirki okkúgaði Harald Gormsson til at taka við kristni.

But in ÓlTr it is clearly stated that it was ‘Ottó keisari er hinn ungi var
kallaðr’ who invaded Denmark and fought with Haraldr Gormsson. Neither
is correct. There is this grain of truth in the accounts of the battle at theDanavirki in the works that have been discussed here, that it was the emperor Otto II who attacked Haraldr Gormsson in 974 (MGHSS III 760,JvsÓH 36). Otto II was emperor 973–83. The compiler of ÓlTr realisedthat according to his chronology it was impossible for Óláfr Tryggvason
to have been with Ottó II at the Danavirki; he therefore departed from his
source and replaced Otto the Red with Otto the Young.
(58) ‘ok sat þar um vetrinn’. This is an interpolation into a text that isotherwise based on Jvs, inserted so as to be consistent with a sentence atthe beginning of Chapter 68 that is taken from Heimskringla: ‘Um várit
eptir dró Ottó keisari her saman óvígian’, and with this interpolation in
Chapter 69: ‘Hákon iarl hafði verit í Danmo≈rku með Haraldi konungi um
vetrinn.’ In Chapter 66 the statement that the emperor vowed to go to
Denmark ‘þriú sumur í samt’ is taken from Jvs, and in Jvs he is made toNotes73

gather together an army for three winters before the second invasion. In
Fagrskinna and Heimskringla it is all made to take place in one and thesame invasion. Here again the compiler of ÓlTr has departed from his
sources, kept the two invasions of Jvs, but considered it more likely that
only one winter passed between them, thus avoiding direct conflict withwhat was said earlier about the emperor’s vow.
(59) ‘Létu þeir þá efla at nýiu Danavirki.’ Here the compiler of ÓlTr has
again departed from his source, on account of the fact that he had alreadymentioned the Danavirki (in Chapter 66, in a passage that he had takenfrom Heimskringla). In Jvs291 and in ÓlO310, however, it says that Haraldr
Gormsson and Jarl Hákon built the Danavirki (Jvs291, 24.11–14, ÓlOFJ
48.10–13).
(60) This is an addition to a description of the Danavirki derived from
Heimskringla (ÓlTrEA I 136.17–21). The addition was probably writtenby the compiler of ÓlTr on the basis of the text of Jvs, see Jvs291 28.30–
29.9.
(61) The passage printed here from Chapter 70 is obviously composed by
the compiler of ÓlTr taking account of the text of Jvs, but the same orsimilar wording comes through in only a very few places. The words ofthe emperor and of Óláfr Tryggvason in direct speech have exactly thesame characteristics as direct speech elsewhere in ÓlTr, which was demonstrably composed by the compiler (FærÓH, xi–xiii).
(62) In Jvs291 and ÓlO310 it is not mentioned that Búrizláfr king of theWends was among the emperor’s troops. The compiler of ÓlTr foundBúrizláfr in Heimskringla’s account of the emperor’s mustering of hisarmy (HkrFJ I 298.17–299.5).
(63) Catapults are not mentioned in the parallel sources.
(64) What is said here about Bishop Poppo and his mission is based on
Jvs, but is expanded with comments and rhetorical expressions characteristic of the compiler of ÓlTr.
The oldest source about Bishop Poppo having preached Christianity toHaraldr Gormsson and carried red-hot iron in his hand is an account in the
Saxon Chronicle of Widukind (fl. 973), which was dedicated to Matilda,
daughter of the emperor Otto I. There it says that the Danes had for a long

74

Notes

time been Christian, but had at the same time worshipped their heathen
gods. Bishop Poppo maintained to King Haraldr blátönn at a feast where
there was a dispute about the God of the Christians and the gods of theheathens, that there was one true God, God the Father, Son and Holy Spirit,and Haraldr told him to demonstrate by some sign that his faith was true,
and Poppo said he was quite prepared to do this. Haraldr then had him
guarded until the next day. Then he had a great piece of iron made red-hot
in a fire and told Poppo to pick up the iron and carry it in his hand. Poppo
did this and carried the iron as far as the king commanded and showed all
the people his unburned hand afterwards (Widukind, Chapter 65 of Book III).
In Fagrskinna, Heimskringla, JvsAJ, ÓlO310 and ÓlTr it says that Poppo
carried red-hot iron, nine paces according to ÓlO310 and ÓlTr, while
Jvs291 is alone in making Poppo walk nine paces over red-hot iron. Thisis undeniably reminiscent of the nine red-hot ploughshares which according to Ágrip and Heimskringla Haraldr gilli was made to walk over toprove his paternity (HkrFJ III 301, ÍF XXIX 50). The nine paces in Jvs291
are definitely derived from the common source of Jvs291, ÓlO310 andÓlTr, being based on the rule about the ordeal of carrying hot iron, thatthe one carrying the iron must walk with it for nine paces (Kulturhistorisk
leksikon V, column 547). But at a later stage, the scribe of 291, or somepredecessor, departed from that source and either himself thought up theidea of making Poppo walk over red-hot iron, or found this account in a
book. In Jvs291 the bishop’s ordeal is as follows:
Nú ferr þetta fram, at byskup syngr messu. Ok eptir messuna, þá gengr hann tilþessar raunar, treystr þá með holdi ok blóði almáttigs guðs, ok var í o≈llum byskups
skrúða, þá er hann trað iárnin. En guð hlífði honum svá at hvergi var brunaflekkr
á hans líkama, ok hvergi var á runnit á klæði hans (Jvs291 32.24–33.2).

This is undeniably reminiscent of what it says in Þorvalds þáttr víðfor≈ laabout Bishop Friðrekr when he walked on the fire at the wedding inHaukagil, where it is stated ‘at eigi með no≈kkuru móti sviðnuðu hinar
minnstu trefr á skrúða hans’ (ÓlTrEA I 289.23–24). It must be borne inmind, that in these texts, as also in Vo≈luspá, v. 56.9–11 (‘gengr fet nío |Fio≈rgyniar burr | neppr frá naðri’), and Snorri’s Edda (SnEFJ 72.17), theword ‘fet’ is used in the sense ‘pace, step’.
(65) In Jvs291 and ÓlO310 it is stated that the emperor invited Óláfr
Tryggvason to go with him when he set off back home. This remark has
given the compiler of ÓlTr occasion to make up a story about the conversation between the emperor and Óláfr.

Notes75(66) What is printed down to this point from Chapter 84 of ÓlTr is anaccount of the leaders of the Jomsvikings and their origins, compiled fromthe second part of Jvs and agreeing with the 291-version, with the one
exception, that here Hemingr is counted among the sons of Strút-Haraldr,
while in Jvs291 he is not mentioned until much later (in Chapter 27). This
passage is a necessary introduction to the material that follows derived
from Jvs, especially the account of Jarl Sigvaldi and his tricking of King
Sveinn, which appears to be taken with little change from Jvs, see pp. 66–
69 above.
(67) These two sentences at the beginning of Chapter 85 are an additionby the compiler of ÓlTr. The first sentence is based on Heimskringla (HkrFJ
I 319.10: ‘Síðan var Sveinn tekinn til konungs í Danmo≈rk’), but thesecond is inserted by the compiler as an explanation of how Sigvaldi ‘spurði
at Sveinn konungr var á veizlu með sex hundruð manna’.
(68) ‘En ef þú vill eigi þenna kost, þá mun ek fá þik í hendr Vinðum.’ Thisis a paraphrase by the compiler of some words in Heimskringla, see HkrFJ
I 320.5–6: ‘ok at o≈ðrum kosti segir iarl, at hann myndi Svein konung fá íhendr Vinðum.’(69) This is stanza 10 of Jómsvíkingadrápa (Jvdr). In prose word-order:
Styrkir dreyrgra darra rióðendr heldu síðan skipum til Danmarkar; þeimgafz rausn ok ríki; ok ógnrakkir auðbrotar drukku þar erfi feðra sinna;þeim frá ek ýmsum aukaz annir.
The major part of this poem, 40 stanzas, is preserved in the Codex Regiusof Snorri’s Edda, GKS 2367 4to, 53r29–54r. In the manuscript, stanza 40of this poem ends at the bottom of fol. 54r, and at the top of 54v begins
Málsháttakvæði. In the Codex Regius there is no sign of an original heading to the poem, nor any apparent reason why its conclusion should nothave been written on 54v. The last page of the manuscript (55v) is very
dark. Doubtless what is lacking of stanza 30 of Málsháttakvæði was written at the top of this page (see Skjd II A 136), but there is no way ofknowing whether anything else was written there. In ÓlTr, 16 complete
stanzas and two half-stanzas of Jvdr have been inserted into the accountof the Battle of the Jomsvikings and the events leading up to it, taken
mainly from Heimskringla. These are stanzas 10–12, 17, 18, 20, 26, 29,
30, 32–34 and 38 of the poem, but stanzas 41–45 (according to the numbering in Skjd II 1–10) are preserved nowhere but in ÓlTr. The text inmany places is better preserved in ÓlTr than in the Codex Regius, and it is

76

Notes

obvious that the stanzas in ÓlTr are not copied from there. In ÓlTr thepoem is attributed to Bishop Bjarni, and this doubtless refers to Bjarni
Kolbeinsson, bishop in Orkney 1188–1223.
(70) This passage is inserted in ÓlTr into an account that otherwise istaken from Heimskringla. The wording does not suggest any known source.
(71) This is stanza 11 of Jvdr. In prose word-order: Þá vildu o≈ldurmenn
einkum at enn skyldu leita sér ágætis; slíkt eru yrkisefni; ok gátu haukligast
hefia heitstrengingar; eigi frá ek at o≈lteiti ýta var lítil.
(72) This is stanza 12 of Jvdr. In prose word-order: Ek frá heiptmildan
Sigvalda hefia heitstrenging. Órœkinn Búi var o≈rr at auka slíkan þrek. Þeirhétuz reka Hákon af hauðri eða ræna lífi; frœknra fyrða fión var fíkium grimm.
(73) Þorkell Gíslason is named nowhere else than in ÓlTr and nothing is
known about him. Nothing has been preserved of his poem, Búadrápa,
except the stanzas that have been included in ÓlTr. This is the first of thesurviving stanzas; in prose word-order: Báru sverð ok herklæði á vali víka;þeim seggium frá ek líka vel snarræði.
(74) ‘Þat var nær vetrnóttum.’ Cf. Jvs291 93.21–22: ‘Ok er þetta um
vetrnátta skeið.’ The same dating of the memorial feast appears in JvsFlat
179.35–36, Jvs7 28.3–4 and Jvs510 54.32.
(75) ‘Þeir höfðu hvassan byr ok gengu skipin geyst.’ This is based on thefirst of the two stanzas of Búadrápa which follow.
The first stanza in prose word-order: Harða hvasst hregg knúði á humra
fio≈llum; marir barða hliópu á hefils vo≈llum. Blá hro≈nn þó hlýrum; uðr hinsviðkalda hraut af brimdýrum; æst alda skaut kili.
The second stanza: Raukn rasta báru geðfasta rekka til landa ræsis; þro≈ng
at randa rym. Víðr Nóregr nam við mo≈rgum skipsto≈fnum. Vápn eru grimm
to≈rgum, gaf nýtt nest hro≈fnum.
(76) ‘Svá er sagt at þeir hliópu upp á Iaðri iólanóttina.’ This is presumably
based on stanza 17 of Jvdr, which follows next. The dating agrees withthese other works: FskFJ 87.18–19: ‘Þeir koma her sínum iólanótt at Iaðri
[. . .]’; Jvs510 61.13: ‘Þetta var iólanóttina er Iómsvíkingar kómu á Iaðar’;JvsAJ, Opera I 129.6–7: ‘Ille cursu potitus secundo in vigilia nativitatis
Domini at pagum Jadar appulit’ (‘He had a good voyage and reached theNotes77

district of Jaðarr late on Christmas Eve); ÓlO310: ‘[. . .] kómu Iómsvíkingar
um miðsvetrar skeið í Nóreg [. . .]’ (ÓlOFJ 61.8–9); ÓlO18: ‘En nokkuru
síðar kómu þeir Iómsvíkingar í Nóreg með sex tigu skipa um miðian vetr’(ÓlOFJ 61.27–29). There is also a passage that has been interpolated into
the text of Jvs in Flateyjarbók which reads as follows: ‘Fundr þessi var á
Hio≈rungavági um vetrinn eptir iól’ (FlatChr I 187.22, ÓlTrEA I 180 footnote; Ólafur Halldórsson 1977, 616–17).
The text in Fagrskinna is in all likelihood based on Jvdr; this is impliedby the wording ‘iólanótt at Iaðri’ and the words that follow the quotation
above: ‘ok fengu veðr mikit, ok gátu þó haldit skipum sínum o≈llum’ (FskFJ
87.19–20). It looks as though this is based on stanza 16 of the poem.
At the time Jvdr was composed and the works referred to above were
written, ‘jólanótt’ in Christian terms was the night before 25 December.
But according to what it says in Hákonar saga góða in Heimskringla,
Yule in heathen times was ‘hafit ho≈kunótt, þat var miðsvetrarnótt’ (HkrFJ
I 185.10–11). Midwinter was in early times reckoned to be 12 January(Alver 1970, 96–97). It would be very surprising if these datings, ‘jólanótt’,‘um miðsvetrar skeið’, ‘um miðjan vetur’ and ‘um veturinn eftir jól’, were
not all derived from one early source and all based on the date of Yule at
midwinter in heathen times (Ólafur Halldórsson 1977, 617).
(77) In Jvs291 and JvsFlat the man who lost his hand when Vagn struck at
him is called ¯gmundr the White, but he is called Geirmundr in Fagrskinna,
Heimskringla, Jvs510, and Geirmundr the White in Jvs7, where the nameis doubtless taken from the same source as the interpolation about thekilling of Knútr Danaást and the death of Gormr the Old, but in JvsAJ an
attempt has been made to resolve the confusion by making the Jomsvikings
kill Geirmundr in Jaðarr, and cut off ¯gmundr the White’s hand in the Vík(JvsAJ, Opera I 129 og IV 133).
The text of this passage in ÓlTr does not quite agree with any particularversion of Jvs, though odd sentences or phrases are the same as or similar
to what appears in some versions of the saga, especially the 291-version:‘Sá maðr var nefndr Gerimundr er þar var fyrir með sveit manna.’ Cf. HkrFJ I
325.9–10: ‘Geirmundr er sá maðr nefndr [. . .]’; Jvs510 61.17: ‘Sá maðr er nefndr
Geirmundr [. . .]’.
‘Hann sto≈kk ofan ór loptinu’. Cf. Jvs, all versions: ‘[. . .] hann hleypr ofan (÷ 291,
after loptinu JvsFlat) ór loptinu [. . .]’; FskFJ 88.5: ‘[. . .] hlióp hann ór loptinu [. . .]’.
‘en þó kom hann standandi niðr.’ Cf. Jvs, all versions: ‘ok kømr (kom Fsk, 510)
standandi niðr.’

78

Notes

‘Þar var nær staddr Vagn Ákason ok hió til hans. Kom ho≈ggit á ho≈ndina ok tók af
fyrir ofan úlflið.’ Cf. Jvs291 101.8–10, FlatChr I 184.10–11: ‘En Vagn Ákason
var þar nær staddr, er hann kom niðr, ok ho≈ggr þegar til hans ¯gmundar (÷ JvsFlat)ok *hió á ho≈nd honum (kemr á ho≈ndina JvsFlat) fyrir ofan úlflið [. . .]’; Jvs510
62.2–4: ‘En Vagn Ákason var þar nær staddr ok hió hann til Geirmundar ok komá handlegginn fyrir ofan úlfliðinn [. . .]’; Jvs7 31.4: ‘Vagn varð nær staddr ok
høggr þegar til hans ok tók af ho≈ndina [. . .]’; FskFJ 88.6–7: ‘Vagn var þar nær okhió á ho≈nd Geirmundi fyrir ofan úlflið [. . .]’.

(78) ‘Niðmyrkr var á.’ The compiler has found it better to make thisstatement as an explanation of how Geirmundr escaped unseen from theJomsvikings.
(79) This sentence is based on Jvs, the 291-version, cf. Jvs291 101.13–19.
(80) This is stanza 17 of Jvdr. In prose word-order: Rauðra randa reynendr
segia Iómsvíkingar kœmi flota sínum iólanótt at Iaðri. Firar váru heldr
giarnir á harðan hernað; rióðendr randorma buðu Geirmundi ríki.
(81) This passage is an addition to text taken from Heimskringla, inserted
between the words ‘koma’ and ‘Síðan’ in HkrFJ I 326.8. The words ofJarl Hákon in this passage are not derived from any extant version of Jvs,
but in Geirmundr’s reply, the words ‘Fénaði þér nú, Vagn Ákason’, areexactly the same in Jvs291 103.7–8.
(82) This is stanza 18 of Jvdr. In prose word-order: Þá buðu þeir Nóregs
iarlar þeim greppum er sunnan kómu gørla at móti til geirhríðar. Þar varðá sko≈mmu méli mestr landherr saman fundinn, margr morðremmandi var
at laufa leiki.
(83) This is inserted into the text of Heimskringla after ‘maðr’ in HkrFJ I
329.16. Ármóðr is derived from Jvs, the 291-version (he is called Arnmóðr
in Jvs7), introduced into the saga in Jvs291 109.9–11 as follows: ‘En á
mót Sigurði kápu, bróður Búa, váru þeir feðgar, Ármóðr ór ¯nundarfirði
og Árni son hans.’ But the assertion in ÓlTr that Ármóðr was ‘mikill kappi’is most likely based on what is said about him in stanzas 21 and 29 of Jvdr.
(84) This is stanza 20 of Jvdr. In prose word-order: Ok menn heyra at þrírhraustir ho≈fðingiar váru með hvárum flokki, þat hefir þióð í minnum, þarer hiálmaskóðs hreggviðir hittust á víðum Hio≈rungavági; sá fyrða fundrþótti frægr.

Notes79(85) This is based partly on Heimskringla, and partly on the stanza from
Búadrápa that follows, cf. HkrFJ I 330.19–20: ‘Síðan lo≈gðu þeir saman
flotann; tekz þar in grimmasta orrosta [. . .]’.
(86) This passage (from ‘Gekk’) was inserted by the compiler between
the words ‘orrosta’ and ‘ok’ in HkrFJ 330.20.
The stanza from Búadrápa in prose word-order: Herr bar merki hátt;grimmt eggia él kom á Hamðis serki; seggia lið gekkz at. Flotna fio≈r meiddu
griót ok skotbroddar; flest hlíf varð brotna; gráir oddar glumðu.
(87) This is inserted between the words ‘liði’ and ‘þvíat’ in HkrFJ I 331.1.
The half-stanza from Búadrápa in prose word-order: Bæði ho≈fuð okhendr manna hrutu fyrir borð; herklæði brustu; vargr nam kanna hræ.
(88) This is not taken direct from any particular source. Hávarðr ho≈ggvandiand Áslákr hólmskalli are mentioned in all accounts of the Battle of the
Jomsvikings. What is said in ÓlTr, that no weapon could pierce Áslákr
and that he and Hávarðr were Búi’s forecastle-men, is probably based on
Heimskringla, where it says of Áslákr that weapons had not previously
pierced him and that he was Búi’s foster-father and forecastle-man (HkrFJ
I 333.6–7). But in Jvs it says that Áslákr was on Vagn’s ship and fought
alongside him. The sentence ‘Þeir váru frá því harðfengir ok illir viðreignar
sem aðrir menn’ does not actually seem to be worded in the way the compiler of ÓlTr would have expressed it.
(89) This is stanza 26 of Jvdr. In prose word-order: Ólmr Gull-Búi klauf
hiálma með yggiar eldi; hann lét hringserkia bo≈l ganga niðr í herðar.
Hávarðr réð at stœra hart ho≈gg fyrða liði, Áslákr hefir verit fíkium illr viðrat eiga.
(90) The words in italics here are taken from Heimskringla (HkrFJ I 332.5).
(91) This is stanza 29 of Jvdr. In prose word-order: Vagn hefir orðit ýtumo≈rfengr at strangri bo≈ð; drengir gingu vel fram með frœknum fullhuga,þars ek frá at hann, hinn ríki Áka sonr, hlœði brátt hugprúðum Ármóði í
Yggiar éli.
The prose before this stanza is based on both stanzas 28 and 29. The
Ármóðr here said to have been killed by Vagn is presumably the same asthe Ármóðr of ¯nundarfjo≈rðr who was previously said to have been positioned opposite Sigurðr kápa, see note 83.

80

Notes

(92) This is the introduction to the stanza from Búadrápa, and is not dependent on any other source.
The stanza in prose word-order: Herr neytti handa, branda hríð var sno≈rp,
fár randa var fúst til fio≈rnis landa. Fleinbo≈rvar fellu, o≈rvar flugu af streng,hio≈rvar sungu hátt við go≈rvar hlífar.
(93) The stanza from Búadrápa and the introduction to it are inserted
after the word ‘djarfasta’ in HkrFJ I 332.1.
The stanza in prose word-order: Hræs haukar gullu, hvassir benlaukarskýfðu leggi liðs, griót lamði seggi. Gráir málmar gnustu, hiálmar gengu
í sundr, hauks fio≈llum varat friðr í fio≈rnis sto≈llum.
(94) The first part of this passage is based on stanza 30 of Jvdr, which
follows next, but the second part, where it tells of Jarl Hákon’s sacrificeof his son, is based on Jvs. In Jvs291 and all other versions of the saga it isstated that Hákon sacrificed his son Erlingr at the age of seven, and in all
except Jvs7, that Erlingr was ‘enn efniligsti’ (Jvs291 115.18–19).
(95) This is stanza 30 of Jvdr. In prose word-order: Ek frá ho≈lða hvarvitna
hrøkkva fyrir gunnar ro≈kkum hio≈rva hreggviðum; herr œgsti darra gný; áðrýtum grimmr Hákon tœki at blóta syni í o≈rva drífu; fram kom en harða heipt.
(96) This is the beginning of an addition to the text of Heimskringla, whichis inserted after the word ‘einu’ in HkrFJ I 332.11.
The half-stanza from Búadrápa in prose word-order: Ek frá Búa ganga
greitt gegnum lið þeira; svanr Hanga gladdiz, geira go≈ll var vo≈kð.
(97) These two sentences are a paraphrase of what it says in Jvs, see Jvs291
115.26–116.2: ‘Nú eptir þetta ferr jarl til skipa sinna ok eggiar nú lið sittallt at nýiu. “Ok veit ek nú víst,” segir hann, “at vér munum sigraz á þeimIómsvíkingum.” ’(98) ‘Þá gerði él mikit ok illviðri móti Iómsvíkingum’, cf. HkrFJ I 332.11:‘Þá gerði illviðri ok él svá mikit at haglkornit eitt vá eyri’ and Jvs291
116.16–17: ‘Þeir allir Iómsvíkingar áttu at vega í gegn élinu.’(99) This is stanza 32 of Jvdr. In prose word-order: Þá frá ek hit illa él
Ho≈lgabrúðar œðaz; harða grimmt hagl ór norðri glumði á hiálmum, þarshreggi keyrðu skýiagrióti barði í ormfrán augu ýtum; ben náði þí blása.

Notes81(100) The words ‘hvert haglkornit vá eyri’ are derived from the stanza of
Búadrápa which follows. In Jvs it says that Jarl Hákon and his men weighed
the hailstones when the battle was over: ‘Ok er þat frá sagt at eyri vægieitt hvert haglkornit [. . .]’ (Jvs291 119.22). In place of the word hvert in
Búadrápa, JvsFlat, FlatChr I 195.2, Jvs510 88.9 and ÓlTr, there is eitt
hvert in Jvs291, eitt in Jvs7 38.28 and singula in JvsAJ, see Opera I 137.5–
7, FskFJ 97.7–8 and HkrFJ I 332.12.
The stanza from Búadrápa in prose word-order: Hvert hagl vá eyri,
dreyri hraut á lo≈g, blóð ór bragna sárum þó árum bens. Þar fell valr víða,sá ríða gylld vé, sveit á snekkium iarla barðiz snarla.
(101) This passage, and also the stanza from Búadrápa which follows, arebased on Jvs, cf. Jvs291 116.23-29.
The stanza in prose word-order: Hit forlióta flagð réð skióta sno≈rpumo≈rum af fingrum sér; slíkt er go≈rpum raun. Gerðiz fíkium grimmt hregg
ok loptdrífa at ríkium gumnum; var hár gnýr hlífa.
(102) This comment, which is based on Jvs, is in ÓlTr inserted after theword ‘sat’ in HkrFJ 332.16; see Jvs291 118.22–27: ‘Þat er sagt at Sigvalda
var orðit kalt í élinu ok hleypr hann til ára ok vill láta orna sér, en annarrmaðr setz við stiórnina. Ok er Vagn hafði kveðit vísuna ok hann sér
Sigvalda, þá fleygir hann spióti til hans ok ætlaði at hann sæti enn við
stiórnina, en Sigvaldi var þá þó við árar.’(103) This is stanza 33 of Jvdr. In prose word-order: Þá var þrekfo≈rluðum
iarli þo≈rfum meiri hugraun, frá ek at hann heldi flota sínum braut.
Sigvaldi bað snara segl við húna, hro≈nn glumði ko≈ldum byr á húfum, hríðfell í bug váða.
(104) This passage is inserted after the word ‘millum’ in HkrFJ I 333.1.
The content of it is put together from Jvs, except for the comment on
Vigfús Víga-Glúmsson: ‘Var hann allstyrkr maðr.’ Cf. HkrFJ I 333.3:‘Vigfús var allsterkr maðr.’ Þorsteinn miðlangr is named thus in Fagrskinna
and Heimskringla, but Þorkell miðlangr in all versions of Jvs. But what issaid in ÓlTr about his quarrel with Jarl Hákon is based on Jvs, see Jvs291
104.15–105.4. Þorleifr skúma is named thus in Jvs, but ‘Skúmr’ inFagrskinna. His descent is given in Jvs (except in JvsAJ) and Fagrskinna
in the same way as here: ‘Hann var son Þorkels ens auðga vestan órDýrafirði ór Alviðru’ (Jvs291 111.3–4).

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Notes

(105) This introduction to stanza 34 of Jvdr is inserted, together with thestanza, after the word ‘niðri’ in HkrFJ 333.5 What is said here of Þorleifr
skúma, that he broke Hávarðr ho≈ggvandi’s bones, is based exclusively on
this stanza of Jvdr. In Jvs and Heimskringla it is stated that Hávarðr lost
both legs: ‘[. . .] fœtrnir báðir váru ho≈ggnir undan honum fyrir neðan kné’(Jvs291 121.29–30); ‘[. . .] þvíat fœtr váru af honum ho≈ggnir’ (HkrFJ
336.7). The only source that says that Hávarðr’s legs were broken, apartfrom Jvdr and probably independently of it, is a passage inserted into thetext of Jvs in Flateyjarbók:
En þat er sumra manna so≈gn, þeira er fróðir eru, at Þorleifr skúma hefði um daginn
í bardaganum lostit Hávarð ho≈ggvanda, svá at báðir fœtr hans váru lamðir, þá erhann var áðr svá illr viðreignar, at náliga hió hann allt þat er fyrir honum varð(FlatChr I 195.37–196.3; ÓlTrEA I 180 footnote; Ólafur Halldórsson 1977,
618–19).

(106) This is stanza 34 of Jvdr. In prose word-order: Vegrœkinn Vigfús lét
þar verða Ásláki veittar helfarar; þann þátt erat þo≈rf at segia. Ho≈ggrammrÞorleifr of vann brotit þykkva leggi þrekstœrðum Hávarði; hann vá hartmeð kylfu.
(107) The stanza and the introductory words are inserted after the word
‘kisturnar’ in HkrFJ I 333.16.
The stanza in prose word-order: Enn þrekmesti gœðir gunnskára sté
fyrir húf hrófs hesti; naðr sára gladdiz. Bens bára kom niðr, frœkn Búi
nam kistu í hvára ho≈nd sér. Hykk ferð misstu friðar.
(108) This passage is based on Færeyinga saga, see FærÓH, 67–68 andclx–clxv.
(109) This is stanza 38 of Jvdr. In prose word-order: Frá ek víst at Vagnverði skeið með þegna sína; þá váru o≈ll o≈nnur þunn skip þeira hroðin; þarnáði þeygi þengils maðr at ganga upp; þeir réðu at keyra ýgia Eiríks mennofan.
The stanza and the prose before and after it are inserted after the word‘viðrtaka’ in HkrFJ I 334.2. The prose before the stanza is based on it.
(110) This sentence is a link between the stanza and a sentence taken withlittle change from Heimskringla (HkrFJ I 334.2–3 ‘en — xxx’).
(111) The stanza and the introductory words are inserted after the sentencefrom Heimskringla referred to in the preceding note.

Notes

83

The stanza in prose word-order: Vagn felldi virða; enn hvassleiti hrafnvalði of stirða nái; sveiti hrundi á borð. Þó réð Eiríkr dála hrióða skip þesseyðis unnglóða; var hár stála þrymr.
(112) This passage is put together from the text of Heimskringla, HkrFJ I
334.3–4: ‘ok fluttir á land upp bundnir’; 334.7: ‘Þeir Vagn sátu á einni lág
allir saman’; 334.9–11: ‘Þeir Vagn váru svá bundnir at einn strengr var
snúinn at fótum allra þeira, en lausar váru hendr þeira.’(113) This is inserted after the word ‘láginni’ in HkrFJ I 334.8. The comment
here on the heroic words of the Jomsvikings is based on stanza 41 of Jvdr.
(114) This sentence, the following stanza, and the five words of prose
after it are inserted after the word ‘honum’ in HkrFJ I 334.14. In ÓlTr thepassage about the execution of the Jomsvikings follows Heimskringla.
The words ‘sem ván var’ (ÓlTrEA I 196.21–22) are from the manuscriptof Heimskringla used by the compiler of ÓlTr. They are also found in
Jöfraskinna. In JvsFlat and Jvs7 ten Jomsvikings are mentioned as having
been executed after the battle, nine in JvsAJ and eight in Jvs510 (lacunain 291). The figure of eighteen in ÓlTr presumably comes from stanza 41
of Jvdr, and it may be asked whether the author of the poem did not choose
this number for the alliteration. Nevertheless it should be noted that
Heimskringla ends the account of the execution of the Jomsvikings and of
those who were let off with these words: ‘Átján váru drepnir, en tólf þágugrið’ (HkrFJ I 335.18–19). This agrees with stanzas 41 and 44 of Jvdr.
(115) This is stanza 41 of Jvdr, only preserved in ÓlTr. In prose wordorder: Þar lét Eiríkr þegar átián þegna týna o≈ndu; heldr frágum þá þverra
lið fyrir Vagni. Hraustar hetiur mæltu þróttar orð; þat var fíkium haukligt;þióðir hafa þau uppi með fyrðum.
(116) See the words commented on in note 114.
(117) ‘Bio≈rn enn brezki’ from Jvs is put instead of ‘Skarði víkingr’ in
FskFJ 102.4 and ‘víkingr Skarði’ in HkrFJ I 335.12.
(118) These four words and the next three stanzas together with the prose
links are inserted after the word ‘banaho≈gg’ in HkrFJ I 335.15.
(119) This is stanza 42 of Jvdr, only preserved in ÓlTr. In prose word-

84

Notes

order: Ok Þórketill leira fór með fio≈rnis fálu, þá er menbroti mælti manso≈ng
um hringa Gná. Hann gerðiz at ho≈ggva hauklyndan son Áka. Heipto≈rr
Vagn gat heldr vegit at hánum fyrri.
(120) This is based on the following stanza of Jvdr, except for the words‘“Vil ek,” segir hann’, which are taken from Heimskringla (HkrFJ
335.16–17).
(121) This is stanza 43 of Jvdr, only preserved in ÓlTr. In prose wordorder: Hyggiu gegn hringa hreytir kvað at Vagni: ‘Viltu Yggiar élsvellandiof þiggia yðvart líf?’ ‘Eigi mun ek þiggia fio≈r nema efna þat heit er nam
strengia.’ Svá kvað ungr egghríðar Ullr at iarli.
(122) This follows neither Heimskringla nor Jvs precisely, cf. HkrFJ I
335.17–18: ‘“Leysi þá ór strenginum,” segir jarl, ok svá var go≈rt’; FlatChr
I 201.36–37 (lacuna in 291): ‘Ok nú eru þeir allir leystir, Jómsvíkingar [. . .]’(123) This is based on the following stanza of Jvdr.
(124) This half-stanza and the one that follows are only preserved in ÓlTr.
The half-stanza in prose word-order: ¯rr Eiríkr lét stórum gefit grið okaura tólf þegnum með Vagni; þat leyfa þióðir mio≈k.
(125) This half-stanza and its introduction are inserted after the word ‘leiru’in HkrFJ I 337.17.
The half-stanza in prose word-order: Þá gekk o≈rlyndr þrymu randa Ullrat eiga mæta Ingibio≈rgu; margir menn fýstu þess.
(126) This is based on Jvs (FlatChr I 202.10–11, Jvs7 43.8–11, Jvs510
99.17–18, lacuna in 291) and is inserted after the word ‘Danmerkr’ in
HkrFJ I 337.20 The clause ‘ok er mart stórmenni frá honum komit’ isidentical in Hkr, JvsFlat, Jvs7 and ÓlTr.
After this there is an addition in A, which is entirely out of place: ‘okvar þar til þess er skip gengu meðal landa.’ The scribe has inserted this so
as to get three lines of indented text to provide space for a larger capitalthan for a normal chapter break, because here there is a change of topic,
and the story returns to telling of Óláfr Tryggvason.

Sources85

SOURCESIt is clear that the text of ÓlTr printed above in this book (pp. 5–33) was
originally compiled from various sources. It gives an account of the kingsof Denmark one after another down to Sveinn Forkbeard son of Haraldr
Gormsson. The text is not, however, conceived as just a chronicle of thekings of Denmark, but much rather as a compilation of sources about theearliest kings of the Danes, in which attention has been directed morethan anything else at the Christianisation of the Danes, the uniting of Denmark into a single kingdom and the beginning of Danish rule in England.
In the narratives of these sections of ÓlTr, Chapters 60–72 and 84–90, it
is possible to distinguish four main categories of source:
I. Latin sources, especially chronicles (or annals; Chapter 60) and a
regnal list of emperors (Chapter 65). In a very few places it looks as though
the text in ÓlTr is based on Adam of Bremen, though it is uncertain whether
the material that can be traced to Adam is derived direct from him or
through an intermediary.
II. *Saga of the Danish kings (Chapters 61–64), of which there are also
remnants in Ragnarssona þáttr, in Jómsvíkinga saga in Perg. 4to nr. 7 andin a fragment of Ragnars saga loðbrókar in AM 147 4to.
III. Jómsvíkinga saga (Chapters 66–70, 72, 84–86, 88 and 90). Actually it is uncertain whether the compiler of the text which survives in ÓlTrused a manuscript of Jvs, or followed *Saga of the Danish kings for theparts of the text that run parallel to Jvs.
IV. Heimskringla.
In addition, these sections of ÓlTr contain a short passage derived fromFæreyinga saga, a few stanzas from Þorkell Gíslason’s Búadrápa andmost of Bjarni Kolbeinsson’s Jómsvíkingadrápa. Each of these sourcesin turn is discussed briefly in what follows.
I. (Chapters 60 and 65)
In Chapter 60 use is made of Latin sources, and by far the clearest correspondences are with Annales regni Francorum. The most recent research
into the text of these annals indicates that they are not the work of one
person, but of three. ArF was early inserted into the beginning of the socalled Annales Fuldenses, and the whole compilation was attributed toEinhard (c.770–840), but more recent research has revealed that he had
no part in it.1 When in the past I and others before me have reckoned
1 See Carolingian Chronicles 1989, Introduction 5–8.

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Sources

Annales Fuldenses as one of the sources used by the compiler of ÓlTr andhave referred to Einhard as the author, therefore, this is to be disregarded.
In Chapter 60 of ÓlTr Danish kings of the ninth and early tenth centuries
come into the story. Their origin is not, however, traced to mythical kings,
rather the names of the earliest of them and information about them istaken from Latin Chronicles, to begin with from ArF, and later on fromother Latin sources. The kings are introduced in this order: 1) Guðfrøðr
king in Jutland. 2) Hemingr nephew of Guðfrøðr. 3) Sigfrøðr kinsman ofGuðfrøðr and Hringr ‘anulo’. 4) Haraldr. 5) Hárekr kinsman of Haraldr,
ruler of Jutland. 6) Hárekr. 7) Sigfrøðr and Hálfdan. 8) Helgi. 9) Óláfr.
10) Gyrðr and Knútr (Gnúpa). 11) Siggeir (Sigtryggr).
As far as one can see it is assumed that all these kings ruled over Jutland,even though this is only explicitly stated about some of them. The namesof all of them seem to have been taken from Latin works (except probably
no. 7, Sigfrøðr and Hálfdan, see notes 19 and 31); some are kept in Latin
form, though most are turned into Old Norse. No attempt has been madeto trace their descent any further than is done in the Latin sources or to be
more precise about the extent of their kingdoms. King Fróði, who comes
immediately after Sigfrøðr and Hálfdan and is said to have ruled Jutland
when the emperor Henry I made the Danes Christian, is from anotherstable. He is taken from a different source from the kings listed above,
probably a Danish chronicle, see note 29 on p. 45. Neither his ancestry
nor his descendants are mentioned.
What is said in Chapter 65 about the emperors and their reigns is takenfrom a Latin regnal list, see note 51 on p. 64.
II. (Chapters 61–64)
After Chapter 60 of ÓlTr there are four chapters derived from Old Norsesources. The following Danish kings are listed in them without any connection being made with those named above: 12) Sigurðr hringr. 13)
Ragnarr loðbrók. Then come tributary kings in Jutland: 14) Óláfr enski
Kinriksson. 15) Grímr grái Óláfsson. 16) Auðúlfr o≈flgi Grímsson. 17)
Gormr hinn heimski Auðúlfsson. 18) Knútr fundni. 19) Gormr Knútsson.
20) Ho≈rða-Knútr, son of Sigurðr ormr í auga. 21) Gormr the Old son ofHo≈rða-Knútr. 22) Haraldr Gormsson.
The origin of this second group of Danish kings is not easily traced. Asa start it seems clear that the series Sigurðr hringr → Ragnarr loðbrók →Sigurðr ormr í auga → Ho≈rða-Knútr → Gormr the Old → Haraldr
Gormsson comes from a source in which the ancestry of Danish kings

Sources87

was traced to Skjo≈ldr son of Óðinn. This series of kings from Sigurðr
hringr to Haraldr Gormsson is the same in Árni Magnússon’s transcript ofmaterial in Resensbók (AM 1 e β II fol., 86va13–88va5), where it is partof a series of Danish kings which is traced in one column from father toson, Skjo≈ldr being named first, and then the kings from him down to Knútr
inn ríki.2 A similar genealogy, identical from Óðinn to Haraldr hildito≈nn,but differently worded from Sigurðr hringr to Ho≈rða-Knútr, appears in
AM 415 4to, printed in Alfræði III 58–59. The same series as in Resensbók
from Sigurðr hringr to the sons of Knútr inn ríki is also in a genealogy
copied by Árni Magnússon from a vellum manuscript which is now burned(Ólafur Halldórsson 1990, 90–91 and references there). In Flateyjarbók(FlatChr I 26–27) there is a related genealogy traced from Skjo≈ldr son ofÓðinn to Sigurðr hringr, though it is not precisely the same as in Resensbók.
In Flateyjarbók it is clearly stated that Sigurðr hringr was son of Randverr
brother of Haraldr hildito≈nn, but this does not come out in Árni’s transcript from Resensbók until a supplementary list after the name of Knútr
inn ríki: ‘ValldaÀ milldi var .s. Hroars .h. s. Haralldr .s. h. Hálfdan snialli.s. h. IvaÀ viðfaðmi .s. h. (!) Avðr divpvðga .h. d. Haralldr hilldito≈ò heòar
.s. oc Randver radbards .s. Sigurð hringr hans .s.’ Scholars, e. g. Jakob
Benediktsson and Bjarni Guðnason, have regarded these genealogies asderived from *Skjöldunga saga (Opera IV 114–15; Bjarni Guðnason 1963,
116 ff.). They are found in various other places that are not listed here, see
the exhaustive account in Bjarni Guðnason 1963, 152–65 (which, however, lacks the genealogy from Resensbók).
In the genealogies of the Skjo≈ldungs that were mentioned above, thefollowing kings are listed before Sigurðr hringr: Óðinn → Skjo≈ldr →Friðleifr → Friðfróði → Friðleifr → Hávarr handrami → Fróði →Varmundr vitri → Óláfr lítilláti → Danr mikilláti → Fróði friðsami →Friðleifr → Fróði hinn frœkni → Ingjaldr Starkaðarfóstri → Hálfdan →Helgi and Hróarr → Hrólfr kraki → Hrœrekr hnøggvanbaugi → Fróði →Hálfdan → Hrœrekr sløngvanbaugi → Haraldr hildito≈nn. If the originalcompiler of the text now preserved in Chapter 60 of ÓlTr knew this list hehas entirely disregarded it and used other more reliable sources. Consequently it is not possible to determine whether this list existed when the
text of Chapter 60 of ÓlTr was compiled. The text of this chapter of ÓlTris no proof that the compiler did not know the beginning of *Skjöldunga
2 In Resensbók Óðinn appeared at the head of the list. His name was in the top
line of the column, but this line, according to Árni’s note on ff. 86v–87r in AM 1
e β II fol., had been cut off the top of the leaf along with the upper margin.

88

Sourcessaga. It is a sufficient explanation of why he included the text of Chapter
60 in his work that in it the introduction of Christianity, the first churches
and the first bishops in Denmark are mentioned.
It is not easy to say what source the first four tributary kings in Jutland
mentioned in Chapter 61 are derived from. Their names and nicknames
alliterate together, like some names in the genealogies of the Skjo≈ldungs,
which suggests that they have been thought up by a narrator, see above.
None of them is found in surviving genealogies of the Skjo≈ldungs, though
it is conceivable that Óláfr Kinriksson appeared in *Skjöldunga saga. He
is said to have been a tributary king in Jutland, subject first to Sigurðr
hringr and later to Ragnarr loðbrók. His grandson is also said to have been
tributary to Ragnarr loðbrók, while Gormr, son of Þræla-Knútr (Knútr
fundni) is said to have been subject to the sons of Ragnarr. Thus it isassumed that six kings in Jutland were contemporaries of Sigurðr hringr,
Ragnarr loðbrók and his sons and were subject to them, though if that had
been so, the reigns of some of them would have had to have been on the
short side. From this it is clear that Grímr grái, Auðúlfr o≈flgi and Gormr
hinn heimski have no business in the list of kings and it remains unclear
why they have been introduced into it.
One would expect the tale of Knútr fundni to have been the beginningof a saga in which he was made the ancestor of the kings of Denmark. In
Jvs7 and JvsAJ Knútr fundni is said to have been the father of Gormr: ‘sávar fyrst kallaðr Gormr hinn heimski, en þá er hann var roskinn Gormr
hinn gamli eða hinn ríki’ (Jvs7, 2.6–7); ‘Filium Gormonem nomine, inprima ætate stultum, postea vero senem nuncupatum, suscepit’ (Opera I
90.10–11: ‘He had a son called Gormr, in his youth nicknamed the Foolish,
but later on the Old’). The same descent was given in the exemplar of
Jómsvíkinga saga used in Flateyjarbók, though there the texts of ÓlTr andJvs are combined (FlatChr I 98). In Jvs291, however, it says that Knútr
fundni fostered Ho≈rða-Knútr, son of Sigurðr ormr í auga, and gave him
his name, and that Gormr the Old was his son. Long ago it was pointed
out that here Ho≈rða-Knútr had been added into the list of kings in Jvs(Bjarni Guðnason 1963, 117–18 and references there). In Jvs it says that
Arnfinnr father of Knútr fundni was Charlemagne’s jarl. No thought isgiven here to the fact that Charlemagne died in 814, and the saga justassumes that Knútr fundni was born before this. According to the saga
(Jvs7, JvsAJ), Haraldr Gormsson was the second generation from Knútr
fundni and should then really have been born rather before the year 900. It
may be that some historians noticed that the chronology could hardly beright and inserted some generations to make the story more credible.

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89

In genealogies Ho≈rða-Knútr is made to link together the branch of theroyal genealogy that was descended from Óðinn (the Skjo≈ldungs) withthat which had ruled Jutland (cf. Gjessing 1877, iii), thus making themembers of the latter in fact the predecessors of the later Danish kings.
Could he not in ancient stories have been the same person as Knútr fundni?
They were both fostered by a king in Jutland called Gormr and they both
had a son called Gormr. The best explanation seems to be this: that Ho≈rðaKnútr was another name for Knútr fundni, and that Knútr fundni, as issaid in Jvs291, gave his name to Ho≈rða-Knútr, the element Ho≈rða being
derived from the Old Danish forest-name *harth (assuming that this existed, see note 40 on p. 53), alluding to the fact that Knútr fundni wasfound in a forest (i. e. Skógar-Knútr). But when the Skjo≈ldungs began tomake their appearance in the genealogies of the Danish kings the nameHo≈rða-Knútr was stolen from Knútr fundni and slipped into the genealogyof the Skjo≈ldungs by making this new Knútr the son of Sigurðr ormr í auga.
Stories about Ho≈rða-Knútr are undoubtedly ancient. Knútr inn ríki named
one of his sons Ho≈rða-Knútr. In this he was not giving his own name tothis son of his; it was rather that he had taken this name from a story of
one of his ancestors, a tale with which story-tellers may have provided
entertainment in his court. According to the preserved accounts, Ho≈rðaKnútr son of Sigurðr ormr í auga was an obscure king, whereas the Knútr
who was found in the forest was of an origin that was reminiscent of the
Biblical stories of the prophet Moses and related stories of exposed children(see p. 51 above; also Stith Thompson, Motif-Index S 312.1). But any
written saga that began with the tale of Knútr fundni would most likely
have been the *Saga of Knútr inn ríki.
With Chapter 61 a narrative is picked up in the middle which had previously told about the forebears of Ragnarr loðbrók, that is Sigurðr hringr,
Haraldr hildito≈nn, Ívarr víðfaðmi and Móo≈ld digra, and these people arereferred to as if they had already been spoken of and so needed no introduction. But later (Chapters 62–63) the sons of Ragnarr loðbrók are spoken
of with reference to their having avenged their father and killed King Ellain England, and it is also mentioned that Ívarr beinlauss was king in England
for a long period, died of old age and was buried there in England, seenote 45. In these passages, as has been said before, an attempt has been
made to combine into one credible account two versions of the origin of
the Danish kings, on the one hand traditions about Knútr fundni, on theother traditions of the Skjo≈ldungs. The material has been selected so as toensure that it explained how Denmark was united into a single kingdom
in the time of Gormr the Old and then passed as an undivided inheritance90

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to his descendants, and at the same time showed that the Danes had fromtime immemorial had a right to rule in England.
It is clear from a comparison of ÓlTr, Rsþ and Jvs7 that the compiler ofÓlTr did not himself put together the text of these chapters from various
sources, rather that he took them from a saga in which older sources had
been arranged in accordance with the purpose of that saga and the overall
picture that its author wished to create of the history of the Danish kings.
Assuredly there is no direct proof available that Chapters 61 and 62 ofÓlTr were taken from this saga. The style in these chapters does not suggest that the compiler of ÓlTr rewrote and reworded them from an older
source, unless in Chapter 62, where he probably has to some extent left
his own mark on the conversation between Knútr fundni and the slaves,which is in direct speech, and the stylistic feature þá er/en er . . . þá israrer in the passages about Þræla-Knútr than elsewhere in these texts. But
the fact is, if Chapters 61 and 62 of ÓlTr were taken from the same saga as
Chapters 63 and 64, that saga of the Danish kings was not *Skjöldungasaga. In *Skjöldunga saga the genealogy of the Danish kings was definitely traced to Óðinn. The author of the lost saga of the Danish kings did
not find this appropriate, though it must even so be considered extremely
likely that he did take material from *Skjöldunga saga.
In Chapter 63 there appears Gnúpa, king in Reiðgotaland, whom Gormr
son of Ho≈rða-Knútr slew and whose kingdom he subjugated. This is definitely the same Gnúpa as Widukind mentions under the year 934 andThietmar under the year 931, see note 28, pp. 44–45. It must be considered remarkable that a man writing the history of the Danish kings, as far
as one can tell three rather than two centuries after the time of Gnúpa,
should have been able to name him correctly. He could indeed perhaps
have reconstructed the name either from Widukind’s Saxon Chronicle orfrom Adam of Bremen’s History (see note 33 on p. 47 above), but it israther unlikely that he would have gone to such lengths to discover a plausible name for a king for Gormr the Old to kill. It is surely closer to thetruth that he was either using oral tales or a lost Danish Chronicle — andactually a good deal more likely that he took King Gnúpa of Reiðgotalandfrom oral tradition than that he found it in a Danish chronicle.
In Chapter 62 we read: ‘Svá er sagt at á einu kveldi kómu til hirðar
Knúts konungs tveir saxneskir menn’, and in Chapter 63 this: ‘Svá er sagt
at Loðbrókarsynir hafi rekit mestan hernað í forneskiu um o≈ll þessi lo≈nd.’
This phrase, Svá er sagt, at the beginning of a story cannot be taken as anindication of an oral source. The same phrase comes at the beginning ofChapter 60: ‘Svá er sagt at Arnúlfus hét maður heilagur [. . .]’. This isSources91

taken from a written Latin source and translated into Icelandic, and there
is no likelihood that this translation was transmitted orally.
III. (Chapters 66–70, 72, 84–86, 88 and 90)
In Chapters 66–70, 72, 84–86, 88 and 90 the text is parallel to Jómsvíkingasaga, but it must be considered very uncertain whether the compiler ofÓlTr took the material in these chapters that corresponds to Jvs from amanuscript of that saga or from the saga of the Danish kings which it isassumed above that he used. Actually it is possible that he was combining
material from two exemplars, Chapters 66–70, 72, 84 and 85 being derived from a saga of the Danish kings, while in Chapters 86, 88 and 90
account was taken of Jvs. If the compiler of ÓlTr took any of these passages from a saga of the Danish kings, then this saga would have been anintermediate link between Jvs and ÓlTr. Otherwise one has to assume amanuscript of Jvs containing the same version as Jvs291, but in a quite
different style, see p. 71.
The compiler of ÓlTr interspersed a large part of Hallar-Steinn’s
Rekstefja through his work. He is likely to have used the same procedureand to have inserted stanzas from Búadrápa and Jómsvíkingadrápa into
accounts of the Jomsvikings, whether he took these accounts from Jvs orfrom a saga of the Danish kings.
IV. (Chapters 65–72 and 84–90)
In Chapters 65–72 and 84–90 of ÓlTr there is material from Heimskringla
in between pieces of text derived from other sources, sometimes just passages of varying lengths, sometimes whole chapters. The text that is takenfrom Heimskringla seems, judging by the relationship with other manuscripts, to be derived from the same manuscript as other parts of the textof Heimskringla in ÓlTr. This indicates unequivocally that it was the compiler of ÓlTr himself who combined these texts.
V. (Chapter 90)
In Chapter 90 there is a short passage from Færeyinga saga which thecompiler may have taken from the same manuscript as other passages
from that saga in ÓlTr. This is, however, not certain. The passage begins‘Sumir menn segia’, and later on we read: ‘Segia þeir er þat sanna’. Thismay mean that the compiler knew the account of Sigmundr Brestisson’s

92

Sourcespart in the battle at Hjo≈rungavágr in more sources than one, for example
in Færeyinga saga and a saga of the Danish kings (see FærÓH lxxiv–lxxv), and wrote the passage from memory.
VI. (Chapters 86, 88 and 90)
In Chapters 86, 88 and 90 of ÓlTr nine complete stanzas and three halfstanzas from Þorkell Gíslason’s Búadrápa are included, see note 73, p.
76, and sixteen stanzas and two half-stanzas from Jómsvíkingadrápa, seenote 69, pp. 75–76.

THE COMPILER’S METHODS
The parts of ÓlTr which are printed above at the beginning of this bookwere taken by the compiler from written sources from which he has selected only the parts he found suitable as an introduction to his account of
the final Christianisation of the Danes and the part played by Óláfr
Tryggvason in that achievement.
The compiler seems to have treated the text of these sources in a similar
way to the material he took from the works of Snorri Sturluson, and tohave altered the wording much less than he did with various things that hederived from other written sources. Even so, his method of working inthese passages is plain. He has taken the main part of the account of theBattle of the Jomsvikings from his manuscript of Heimskringla, but inmany places inserted additions from Jómsvíkinga saga. This is fully consistent with his method of working elsewhere in ÓlTr; he evidently preferred Heimskringla and followed its text wherever he could do so, but
was not shy of expanding its account from other sources or out of his own
head. Moreover he has in these passages departed from his sources wherever he saw an opportunity of introducing people’s conversation in directspeech. Two of the clearest examples of this are the exchanges between
the emperor Otto and Óláfr Tryggvason in Chapter 70 and the words ofJarl Sigvaldi in Chapter 84, when he announced his business with King
Búrizláfr and asked for his daughter Ástríðr’s hand, including a considerable bit of speech which is attributed to Jarl Sigvaldi. Here the compiler
has followed the same procedure as in many other places in ÓlTr.

Bibliography

93

MANUSCRIPTS(References are to page numbers)Árni Magnússon’s collection: Den arnamagnæanske samling, Copenhagen
and Stofnun Árna Magnússonar á Íslandi, Reykjavík:
AM 1 eβ II fol.: 48, 87.
AM 53 fol. (B): 4, 51.
AM 54 fol. (C1): 4, 51.
AM 61 fol. (A): 4, 51, 63.
AM 62 fol. (D1): 4, 39.
AM 147 4to: 53, 54, 58, 85.
AM 291 4to: 71, 74, 77, 78, 83, 84.
AM 310 4to: 65.
AM 415 4to: 87.
AM 510 4to: 78
GKS 1005 fol. (Flateyjarbók, D2): 4, 39.
GKS 2367 4to: 75.
Royal Library, Copenhagen:NKS 1824b 4to: 53.
Royal Library, Stockholm:
Perg. fol. nr. 1 (Bergsbók): 51.
Perg. 4to nr. 7: 85.
Papp. fol. nr. 76: 42, 64.
University Library, Uppsala:Uppsala DG 36: 64.
Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris:
Codex Parisinus n. 5942: 38.

94

Bibliography

BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS
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AF: Annales Fuldenses. Quellen VII.
Alfræði III: Alfræði íslenzk. Islandsk encyklopædisk litteratur. III.
Landalýsingar m. fl. Udgivet for STUAGNL ved Kr. Kålund. København
1917–18.
Alver, Brynjulf 1970: Dag og merke. Folkeleg tidsrekning og merkedagstradisjon. Universitetsforlaget. Oslo 1970.
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel. I–II. Ed.
C. Plummer and J. Earle. Oxford 1892–99.
AnnStorm 1888: Islandske Annaler indtil 1578. Udgivne for det norske
historiske Kildeskriftfond ved Dr. Gustav Storm. Christiania 1888.
ArF: Annales regni Francorum [. . .] Post editionem G. H. Pertzii recognovit
Fridericus Kurze. SrG 1895.
Ásgeir Blöndal Magnússon, Íslensk orðsifjabók. Reykjavík 1989.
Bibl. Arn.: Bibliotheca Arnamagnæana. I–. Hafniæ 1941–.
Bjarni Aðalbjarnarson 1937: Om de norske kongers sagaer. Oslo 1937.
Bjarni Guðnason 1963: Um Skjöldungasögu. Reykjavík 1963.
Bjarni Guðnason, ed., 1982: Danakonunga so≈gur [. . .] Bjarni Guðnason
gaf út. Íslenzk fornrit XXXV. Reykjavík 1982.
Blake, N. F., ed., 1962: Jómsvíkinga Saga / The Saga of the Jomsvikings.
Translated from the Icelandic by N. F. Blake. London 1962.
Bugge, Sophus 1895: To Runestene fra Sønderjylland og deres historiske
Betydning. Af Dr. Gustav Storm. (Med et Tillæg af Dr. Sophus Bugge.)[Norsk] Historisk Tidskrift 3. Række III. 1895, 378–79.
Carolingian Chronicles. Royal Frankish Annals and Nithard’s Histories.
Translated by Bernhard Walter Scholz with Barbara Rogers. Ann Arbor,
Michigan 1989.
Christiansen, Eric, trans., 1992: The Works of Sven Aggesen, TwelfthCentury Danish Historian. Translated with Introduction and Notes by
Eric Christiansen. London 1992.
Faulkes, Anthony 1977: ‘The Genealogies and Regnal Lists in a Manuscript in Resen’s Library’. In Sjötíu ritgerðir helgaðar Jakobi Benediktssyni 20. júlí 1977. Reykjavík 1977, 180–90.

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Foote, Peter G. 1959a: The Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle in Iceland. A Contribution to the Study of the Karlamagnús saga. London Mediæval
Studies. London 1959.
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FskFJ: Fagrskinna. Nóregs kononga tal. Udgivet for STUAGNL ved
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Jonsson. Udgiven af A. Gjessing. Kristianssand 1877.
Groth, P., ed., 1895: Det Arnamagnæanske Haandskrift 310 qvarto. SagaÓlafs konungs Tryggvasonar er ritaði Oddr muncr. Udgivet for det
norske historiske Kildeskriftfond af P. Groth. Christiania 1895.
HbFJ: Hauksbók. Udgiven efter de Arnamagnæanske håndskrifter no. 374,
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ÍF: Íslenzk fornrit. I–. Reykjavík 1933–.
Jansson, Sven B. F. 1987: Runes in Sweden. Translated by Peter Foote.
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Jvs291: (Jómsvíkinga saga in AM 291 4to) Jómsvíkinga saga efterArnamagnæanska handskriften N:o 291. 4:to. I diplomatariskt aftryck
utgifven af Carl af Petersens. København 1882.
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Nordisk kultur VI: Runorna. Utgiven av Otto v. Friesen. Nordisk kultur
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ÓlO18: ÓlO in Perg. 4to nr. 18.
ÓlO310: ÓlO in AM 310 4to.
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Bibliography

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INDEX OF NAMES(References are to page numbers)Árni Ármóðsson 78.
Abbo’s Life of Edmund 59.
Árni Magnússon 48, 49, 87.
Abodriti, people 35, 36.
Adam of Bremen 39–42, 44–48, 70, 85. Arnulfus (Avrnolfr), jarl, archbishop 5,
34, 90.
Adam of Bremen’s History 40, 41, 46, 90.
Aðalbrikt (Aðalsteinn, Athelstan), king Árós (Arusa, Harusa, Århus) 7, 45, 46.
Ásfríðr Óðinkársdóttir 47.
11, 12, 55, 56.
Aðalmundr Játhgeirsson (Athelmund Ásgeir Blöndal Magnússon 34.
Áslákr hólmskalli 26, 29, 30, 79, 82.
son of Edgar) 11, 55.
Agapítus páfi (Agapitus II, pope) 7, 46. Ástríðr Búrizláfsdóttir 19, 21, 92.
Auðr djúpúðga Ívarsdóttir, see Unnr
Agðir 54.
Ívarsdóttir 87.
Ágrip af Noregskonunga so≈gum 74.
Auðúlfr o≈flgi Grímsson 8, 49, 86, 88.
Ágrip af so≈gu Danakonunga 47.
Agrippina Colonia (Köln, Cologne) 43. Baioaria (Baiern) 43.
Áki Pálnatókason 18, 19, 26, 32, 79, 84. Baioarii (inhabitants of Baiern) 42.
Battle of Brávellir 49.
Alamannia 44.
Battle of the Jomsvikings 75, 79, 92.
Alviðra in Dýrafjo≈rðr 29, 82.
Bavaria 42.
Álo≈f Stefnisdóttir 18.
Angandeo (Angantýr), brother of Begám Pippínsdóttir 5.
Beowulf 51.
Hemingr 37.
Bible 51.
Angíses, duke 5.
Bjarni Guðnason 87.
Anglia 48.
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 48, 49–50, 52, 61. Bjarni Kolbeinsson, bishop 21, 22, 24–
26, 29, 32, 33, 76, 85.
Annales Bertiniani 44.
Annales Fuldenses 40–44, 64, 85, 85–86. Bjo≈rn hinn brezki 32, 33, 83.
Bjo≈rn járnsíða Loðbrókarson 10, 54.
Annales Marbacenses 34.
Annales regni Francorum 34–39, 85, 86. Bloch, Hermann 34.
Blæja Elludóttir 9, 10, 54, 52.
Annales Vedastini 44.
Borgundarhólmr (Bornholm) 18, 19.
Annales Wirziburgenses 64.
Borgundía (Burgundia, Burgundy) 6, 42.
AnnStorm 35.
Ansgar (Ansgaríus), bishop 6, 39–41. Borró 63.
Brávellir 49.
Ansigius, duke, see Angíses 34.
Anulo, nephew of Haraldr (Herioldus) Bretland 18, 33.
Brimar (Bremen) 7, 41, 44, 45.
37, 38.
Brimisskjarr, jarl 14, 18, 65, 66.
Aquense palatium (Aachen) 43.
Búadrápa 23, 25–28, 30, 31, 76, 79–81,
Aquisgranum (Aachen) 6.
85, 91, 92.
Aquitanía (Aquitaine) 6, 42.
Armfermir (Arnfermir, Arnfinnr) 9, 50, 51. Brøndum-Nielsen, Johannes 47.
Ármóðr of ¯nundarfjo≈rðr 25, 26, 78–80. Bugge, Sophus 60.
Arnaldus (Arnolfus, Arnulfus), emperor, Búi hinn digri Vésetason 18, 19, 22, 24,
26, 28, 30, 76, 78–80, 82.
son of Carloman 6, 13, 44.
Arnfinnr, jarl in Saxony, see Armfermir Bunna (Bonn) 43.
Búrizláfr (Boleslav I), king of the Wends
50, 51, 88.
15, 18, 19, 21, 66, 73, 92.
Arngrímur lærði Jónsson 48.

100

Index

Cameracus (Cambrai) 43.
Eygotaland 10, 54, 59, 60.
Charlemagne (Karlamagnús, Karl hinn Fagrskinna 61, 62, 72–74, 77, 78, 81.
mikli, Charles the Great), emperor 5, Fjón (Fyn) 18, 19, 33.
6, 12, 13, 34–36, 38, 42, 51, 64, 88. Flateyjar annáll 36.
Charles III, king of Alamannia 44.
Flateyjarbók 77, 82, 87.
Charles, son of Louis the Pious 64.
Forni annáll 36.
Christ, see Jesús Kristr 44, 45.
Frakkland 5, 6, 10, 34, 54.
Cleveland in Yorkshire 61.
Frankia 45.
Cnuto (Cnut), see Gnúpa 45.
Franks (Franci) 36, 37, 42.
Codex Regius of Snorri’s Edda 75.
Friðfróði 87.
Constantinople 34, 35.
Friðleifr I 87.
Danaherr 6, 11, 56.
Friðleifr II 87.
Danakonungr 14, 18, 20, 66, 67, 69.
Friðleifr III 87.
Danalið 5, 6.
Friðrekr, missionary bishop 74.
Danaveldi 7, 14, 15, 60, 70.
Frisia (Fresia) 36, 39, 44, 45.
Danavirki 14–17, 67, 71–73.
Frisians (Frísir, Frisi, Fresones) 5, 36, 45.
Dania (Denmark) 45–47.
Fróði I 87.
Danir (Danes, Dani) 6, 7, 11–13, 15–17, Fróði II 87.
35–41, 43–46, 48, 49, 52, 56, 70, 73, Fróði friðsami 87.
85, 86, 89, 92.
Fróði hinn frœkni 87.
Danmo≈rk (Denmark) 4–7, 10, 12–15, Fróði (Frothi), king of Jutland 7, 45,
18–22, 26, 39–41, 45, 46, 54–57, 59,
46, 86.
60, 63–65, 70–72, 75, 84, 85, 88, 89. Færeyinga saga 82, 85, 91.
Danr mikilláti 87.
Færeyjar (Faeroe islands) 30.
Domus Carolingicae genealogia 34.
Gallia 42.
Dublin 62.
Gautland 10, 17, 18, 54.
Dyle, river 44.
Geira Búrizláfsdóttir 19.
Dýrafjo≈rðr 82.
Geirmundr in Jaðarr 24, 77, 78.
East Franks 41– 44.
Germany (Germania) 42.
Eava (Eafa) Ubbason 8, 48, 49.
Glestingabúr (Glastonbury) 48.
Edmund the Saint (Játmundr, Eatmundr Gnúpa (Knútr, Chnuba, Chnob), king ofhinn helgi) 10, 11, 54, 55, 59, 61.
Jutland 7, 10, 45–47, 55, 60, 61, 86, 90.
Eider (Egdera, Egdora, Egidora) 5, 36, Godefridus (Goðfrøðr, Guðfrøðr), king37, 41.
of Jutland 5, 35, 36, 38, 39, 86.
Einhard 34, 35, 85, 86.
Gormr hinn gamli (Gormr the Old), son
Einhard’s Vita Karoli Magni 34, 35.
of Ho≈rða-Knútr 2, 10–13, 44, 45, 50,
Eiríkr jarl Hákonarson 26, 29, 31–33,
54–57, 59–64, 77, 86, 88, 89, 90.
82–84.
Gormr hinn heimski Auðúlfsson 8, 49,
Ella (Ælle), king of Northumbria 9, 10,50, 51, 52, 86, 88.
52, 54, 58, 89.
Gormr, son of Knútr fundni 9, 10, 54,
England 7, 9–11, 47, 48, 52, 54–56, 58,
52, 59, 86, 88.
61, 62, 85, 89.
Gormssynir 11, 56.
Eoppa (Ioppa) 48.
Gottorp 47.
Erlingr Hákonarson 27, 80.
Gottskálks annáll 36.
Ethelwlfus (Æthelwulf), king of the West Grímr grái Óláfsson 8, 49, 86, 88.
Saxons 49.
Groth, P. 71.

Index101Guðfrøðr, viking leader 6, 44, 46.
Hávarðr ho≈ggvandi 26, 29, 30, 79, 82.
Gull-Búi, see Búi hinn digri Vésetason Hávarr handrami 87.
26.
Heiðabœr (Hedeby), see Schleswig 6,
Gull-Haraldr Knútsson 70.
7, 41.
Gundolfi villa (Gondreville) 43.
Heiligen (place-name, Helganes in JutGunnhildr Búrizláfsdóttir 19, 21.
land?) 36, 37.
Gunnlaugr Leifsson 65, 70–72.
Heiligo, see Helgi, king of the Danes 46.
Guthormr (Gudurm), nephew of Hárekr Heimskringla 4, 60, 62, 64, 65, 69, 72–
6, 40, 41.
85, 91, 92.
Gyrðr (Gurd), king of Jutland 7, 46, Helgi Hálfdanarson, father of Hrólfr
47, 86.
kraki 87.
Hákon Hlaðajarl Sigurðarson 13, 14, 16– Helgi, king of the Danes 7, 46–48, 86.
18, 22, 27–30, 64–68, 70, 71, 73, 76, Hemingr (Hemmingus), nephew of78, 80, 81.
Guðfrøðr 5, 36, 37, 86.
Hákonar saga góða 77.
Hemingr Strút-Haraldsson 18, 75.
Hálfdan I 87.
Hemmingus, brother of Haraldr and
Hálfdan II 87.
Ragnfrøðr 38.
Hálfdan snjalli Haraldsson 47, 87.
Henry I (Heinrekr), king and emperor 7,
Hálfdan, king of the Danes 6, 7, 41, 46, 86.
13, 44, 45, 86.
Halland 10, 54, 59.
Heredus, bishop in Hedeby 7.
Hallar-Steinn 91.
Hericus (Eiríkr), king in Jutland 45.
Hallvarðr, courtier 50, 52.
Hervarar saga ok Heiðreks 60.
Hancwin (Hákon), brother of Hemingr 37. Hildigardis (Hildigardén), queen 5, 35.
Haraldr (Harioldus, Herioldus), king of Hildigunnr, wife of Véseti 18.
the Danes 5, 6, 37–40, 86.
Hinguar (Yngvarr, Ingwar), see Ívarr
Haraldr hinn hárfagri, king in Norway
hinn beinlausi 54, 58, 59.
13, 64.
Hjo≈rungavágr 25, 77, 79, 91.
Haraldr gilli, king in Norway 74.
Hludowicus III, king of the West Franks,
Haraldr bláto≈nn Gormsson, king of theson of Louis the German (Hlo≈ðver
Danes 2, 4, 11–14, 17, 18, 46, 50, 55–
II) 43.
57, 61–64, 66–68, 70, 72–74, 85–88. Hlo≈ðver Arnaldusson, emperor 13.
Haraldr gráfeldr, king in Norway 70.
Hlo≈ðver I Karlamagnússon, see Louis
Haraldr harðráði Sigurðarson, king in
the Pious 5, 6.
Norway 61.
Hlo≈ðver II Hlo≈ðversson, see Louis theHaraldr hildito≈nn 7, 47, 87, 89.
German, son of Louis the Pious 6,
Haraldr Valdarsson 87.
12, 42.
Hardecnudth Vurm 45.
Hlo≈ðver III hinn ungi Hlo≈ðversson, see
Hardegon, filius Suein (son of Sveinn) 47.
Louis the Young 6, 13, 43.
Hardsyssel (Harthesysæl) 53.
Hollsetuland (Holtsetuland, Holstein,
Hárekr I, nephew of Haraldr (Herioldus),Holsatia) 8, 9, 50–52, 60.
see Horuc 5, 6, 39–41, 86.
Horic II, see Hárekr II 40, 41.
Hárekr II, king in Jutland 6, 40, 41, 86. Horitus (Haredus), bishop in Schleswig
Haspanicus pagus (Haspengau) 43.
46.
Haukagil in Vatnsdalr 74.
Horuc, Horic, see Hárekr nephew ofHauksbók 53, 58, 60.
Haraldr 39, 40.
Hávarðr, courtier 50, 52.
Hringr (Sigurðr hringr) 8.

102

Index

Hringr anulo, king in Jutland, see Anulo Jórvík (York) 11, 56, 61.
5, 37, 86.
Jótland (Jutland) 2, 5–12, 17, 35, 45, 48–
Hróarr Hálfdanarson 87.
50, 53, 55, 57, 59, 60, 63, 86, 88, 89.
Hrólfr kraki Helgason 87.
Jvs7 50, 53, 58, 60, 62, 63, 76–78, 81,Hrœrekr hnøggvanbaugi 87.
83, 84, 88, 90.
Hrœrekr sløngvanbaugi 87.
Jvs291 60, 62, 63, 65–69, 71–78, 80, 81,Hrœrekr, lord of the Frisians 5, 36.
88, 89.
Hubba (Ubba), see Hústó 59.
Jvs510 76, 78, 81, 83.
Húnland 60.
JvsAJ 60, 62, 71, 74, 77, 81, 83, 88.
Húnó, see Unni archbishop 6, 7, 44, 46. JvsFlat 71, 76, 77, 78, 81, 83, 84.
Hústó 54, 58, 59.
Jöfraskinna 83.
Hvítserkr Loðbrókarson 10, 54, 59.
Karl hinn mikli, Karlamagnús, see CharHystoria Francorum 40, 41.
lemagne 34.
Ho≈lgabrúðr 28, 81.
Karl Hlo≈ðversson, see Karlus, son ofHo≈rð in Jutland 9, 53, 59, 60.
Louis the Pious 6, 12, 13.
Ho≈rða-Knútr, son of Knútr hinn ríki Karl (Karolus), son of Pippinus son of53, 89.
Angisius 5, 34.
Ho≈rða-Knútr Sigurðarson 9, 10, 52–55, Karlevi stone 63.
59, 60, 86–89.
Karlómannus, son of Louis II 12, 13.
Ieldunes (Jo≈ldunes) 62.
Karlus (Charles), son of Louis the Pious
Inas (Ine), king of the West Saxons 48.
42.
Inda 43.
Kerlingaland 6, 43.
Ingibjo≈rg Óttarsdóttir 18.
Kiev 34.
Ingibjo≈rg Þorkelsdóttir 33, 84.
Kinrik, nephew of Móo≈ld digra 7, 48, 49.
Ingjaldr (Ingild, Ingeld, Ingesilus), Eng- Klakk-Haraldr, jarl 10, 55, 60.
lish king 7, 47–49.
Kliflo≈nd (Cleveland) 11, 56, 61.
Ingjaldr Starkaðarfóstri 87.
Knútr Danaást Gormsson 11, 12, 55–57,
Ioppa 48.
61–63, 77.
Ireland 62.
Knútr fundni (Þræla-Knútr) 8–10, 50, 51,
Ísland (Iceland) 13, 64.
54, 86, 89, 90.
Italy (Italia) 42.
Knútr hinn ríki Sveinsson 53, 87, 89.
Ívarr hinn beinlausi 7–9, 11, 54–56, 58, Knýtlinga saga 72.
59, 61, 89.
Kólni (Cologne) 6.
Ívarr víðfaðmi Hálfdanarson 47–49, Kong Valdemars Jordebog 53.
87, 89.
Konráðr Konráðsson, emperor 13.
Jaðarr (Jæren in Norway) 24, 76–78.
Kormáks saga 61.
Jakob Benediktsson 87.
Landnámabók 35, 64.
Jelling 2, 60, 63.
Legende Karls des Grossen, Die 34.
Jesús Kristr 6, 7, 40, 46.
Leo, emperor 5, 34, 35.
Jómsborg 19–21, 69.
Leo, pope 34.
Jómsvíkinga saga 4, 50, 51, 60, 61, 64, Liber de episcopis Mettensibus 34.
70–73, 75, 77–82, 84, 85, 88, 91, 92. Líðandisnes in Norway 18, 54, 68.
Jómsvíkingadrápa 21, 24, 27, 28, 30, 32, Lívedagus (Liafdagus), bishop in Ribe
75–85, 91, 92.
7, 46.
Jómsvíkingar (Jomsvikings) 18, 19, 21, 22, Loðbrókarsynir 10, 11, 54–56, 58, 90.
24, 26–28, 31, 33, 75–78, 80, 83, 84. Lothoringía (Lotharingia, Lothringen) 6, 42.

Index103

Lotharius (Hlutharius, Lothair), son of Óláfr enski Kinriksson 7, 8, 46–50, 59,
Louis the Pious 6, 42, 44.
86, 88.
Louis II the German (Hludowicus, Óláfr, king in Sweden 7, 48.
Loduvicus, Ludewicus, Ludvicus), Óláfr lítilláti 87.
son of Louis the Pious, king of the East Óláfr Tryggvason 15, 17, 19, 71–74, 84,
Franks, see Hlo≈ðver II Hlo≈ðversson 6,
92.
39, 41, 42, 64.
Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar 48.
Louis the Pious (Hludowicus, Ludouicus, Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar by Gunnlaugr
Ludvicus), see Hlo≈ðver KarlamagnúsLeifsson 65, 71, 72.
son 5, 6, 12, 34, 35, 39, 42, 43, 64.
Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar by Oddr
Louis III the Young (Hludowicus III
Snorrason 61, 65–70.
iunior), see Hlo≈ðver hinn ungi Hlo≈ð- Óli (Óláfr Tryggvason) 15–17.
versson, emperor 6, 43, 44.
ÓlO18 70, 77.
Lumbarði (Lombardy) 10, 54.
ÓlO310 70–74, 77.
Lúna 10, 54.
Orkney 76.
Maild, mother of Thomas à Becket 49. Óttarr, jarl 18.
Mainz 39, 44.
Ottó hinn mikli (Otto I the Great), emMalmundarium (Malmédy) 43.
peror 7, 13, 46, 72, 73.
Málsháttakvæði 75.
Ottó hinn rauði (Ótta, Otto II), emperor
Matilda, abbess, daughter of Otto I 73.
13, 65, 66, 72.
Meginzuborg (Mogontiacum, Mogontia, Ottó hinn ungi (Otto III the Young), emMeginza, Mainz) 5, 6, 39, 43.
peror 4, 13–15, 17, 64, 67, 70, 72, 92.
Merseburg 70.
Pálnatóki 18, 19.
Mezborg (Mettis, Metz) 5, 34.
Pálnir Tókason 18.
Michael, emperor 5, 34, 35.
Paris 6, 44.
Mikligarðr (Constantinople) 5.
Paschalis (Pascal I), pope 5, 39.
Mosa (Maas), river 6.
Paulus Diaconus Warnefridi 34.
Moses, prophet 51, 89.
Peitulo≈nd (Poitou) 66.
Móo≈ld digra 8, 48, 49, 89.
Pippinus I (Pippín Hlo≈ðversson), son of
Myrkviðr, forest (Schwarzwald) 8, 9,Louis the Pious 6, 42.
50–52.
Pippinus II (Pippin), son of Pippinus
Niceforus, emperor 5, 34, 35.
I 43.
Nithard 34.
Pippinus son of Angisius (Pippín AngíNithardi historiarum libri iv 34, 42.
sesson) 5, 34.
Norðhumruland, see Norðimbraland 55, Pippinus, king of the Franks, son of
56.
Karolus (Pippín Karlsson) 5, 34.
Norðimbraland (Northumbria) 7, 8, 11, Poland (Pólena) 60.
48, 52, 55, 56, 62.
Poppó (Poppa), bishop 17, 68, 73, 74.
Norðmenn (Norwegians, Northmanni, Prumia (Prüm) 43.
Nordmanni) 6, 42–43, 45, 48, 50, 70. Ragnarr loðbrók 6–9, 54, 58, 59, 86, 88,Norðrlo≈nd 10, 55, 22, 54, 71.
89.
Nóregr (Norway, Nortmannia) 13, 14, Ragnars saga loðbrókar 53, 61, 85.
18, 23, 24, 47, 64–66, 77, 78.
Ragnarssona þáttr 53, 58, 59, 62, 63, 85,
Oddverja annáll 36.
90.
Óðinkárr 47.
Ragnarssynir, see Loðbrókarsynir 10, 54.
Óðinn 60, 87, 89, 90.
Randverr Ráðbarðsson 49, 87.

104

Index

Reginbrondus, bishop in Århus 46.
Sigfrøðr, viking leader 6, 44, 46.
Reginfridus (Ragnfrøðr) 37–39.
Siggeirr (Sigtryggr, Sigerich), king inRegionis Chronica 44.
Jutland 7, 46, 47, 86.
Reiðgotaland 10, 54, 55, 59, 60, 90.
Sigmundr Brestisson 30, 91.
Reinfridus, son of Godefridus 5, 38.
Sigríðr stórráða 70.
Rekstefja, poem by Hallar-Steinn 91.
Sigurðr hringr 7, 47–49, 86–89.
Reric, market town in Friesland 35, 36. Sigurðr kápa Vésetason 18, 19, 78, 80.
Rerum Danicarum fragmenta 48.
Sigurðr ormr í auga 9, 10, 52, 54, 59,
Resen, P. H. 48.
86, 88, 89.
Resens annáll 36.
Sigvaldi jarl Strút-Haraldsson 18–22, 29,
Resensbók 35, 42, 48, 49, 64, 72, 87.
66, 69, 70, 75, 76, 81, 92.
Rhenus (Rhineland) 42.
Silfraskalli, king in Jutland 11, 55, 60,
Rimbert (Rimbertus), archbishop 6,
61.
41–43.
Skáldskaparmál 59.
Rimbrondus, bishop, see Reginbrondus 7. Skáni (Skáney, Skåne) 10, 18, 19, 54, 59.
Rípar (Ribe, Ripa) 6, 7, 40, 45, 46.
Skarðaborg (Scarborough) 11, 56, 61.
Ripuaria 43.
Skarði víkingr 83.
Rín 6.
Skjo≈ldr, son of Óðinn 87.
Rómaborg (Roma, Rome, Rúm) 7, 10, *Skjo≈ldunga saga 87–88.
Skjo≈ldungs 87–89.
42, 46, 48, 54.
Skúmr, see Þorleifr skúma 81.
Rómaríki 6.
Slé, inlet (Slien, Schlei) 11, 15, 55.
Rómverjar 5.
Smith, A. H. 59.
Roskilde Chronicle 45.
Snorra Edda 59, 74.
*Saga of Knútr hinn ríki 89.
Snorri Sturluson 61, 92.
*Saga of the Danish kings 85.
Stabulaus (Stablo) 43.
Sancta Trinitas (Holy Trinity) 45, 46.
Sanctus Albanus (St. Alban’s in Mainz) Stefnir, jarl in Wales 18.
Stefnir Þorgilsson 70.
39.
Storm, Gustav 37, 61.
Saxar 11, 55.
Saxland (Saxonia, Saxony) 5, 7, 9, 10, Strút-Haraldr jarl 18, 19, 75.
13, 14, 17, 34, 38, 39, 50–52, 54, 66, Sueoni (Swedes) 47.
Sueonia (Sweden) 46.
67.
Sveinn, father of Hardegon 47.
Saxo Grammaticus 62, 63.
Sveinn tjúguskegg (Forkbeard) HaraldsScandinavians 42.
son 18, 20–22, 66, 69, 70, 75, 85.
Schleswig (Slésvík, Slesvig, Sleswic,
Sliaswig), see Heiðabœr 41, 45, 46. Sveinn Úlfsson, king of the Danes 46, 47.
Sven Aggeson 53.
Sclavania, see Vinðland 70.
Svíaveldi 7, 60.
Sclavi, see Vinðr 70.
Svíþjóð (Sweden) 7, 8, 10, 47, 54, 63.
Scyld Scefing 51.
So≈gubrot af fornkonungum 47, 49.
Scyldings (Skjo≈ldungar) 51.
Thegani vita Hludowici imperatoris 34,
Selundr (Sjælland) 10, 54, 59.
35.
Sergius II, pope 42, 43.
Sigfrøðr (Sigifridus), nephew of Thietmar, bishop 45, 70, 90.
Thomas à Becket 49.
Guðfrøðr 5, 37.
Sigfrøðr II, king of the Danes 6, 7, 41, Thómas saga 49.
Thompson, Stith 51.
46, 86.

Index

105

Thrasco, lord of the Abodrita 35, 36.
Vurm (Gorm), see Gormr hinn gamli 45.
Tófa Strút-Haraldsdóttir 18, 19.
Vo≈luspá 74.
West Franks 43.
Traiectum (Maastrict) 43.
Tryggvi Óláfsson, king in Víkin in Nor- West Saxons 47–49.
Widukind 45, 90.
way 17.
Widukind’s Saxon Chronicle 45, 47, 73,
Ubbi (Eoppa) 7, 8, 48, 49.
90.
Unni (Húni, Huno), archbishop 45.
Unnr Ívarsdóttir, see Auðr djúpúðga William of Malmesbury 58.
Wormatia (Worms) 42.
Ívarsdóttir 49.
Ynglingatal 63.
Upplo≈nd, in Norway 54.
York 61.
Uppsalaríki 10, 54.
Yorkshire 61.
Urguþrjótr, jarl 14, 18, 65, 66.
Vagn Ákason 19, 24, 26, 31–33, 77–84. Þórgunna Vésetadóttir 19.
Þorkell hinn auðgi 29, 82.
Valdarr mildi Hróarsson 87.
Þorkell Gíslason 23, 76, 85.
Valland (France) 6, 54.
Þorkell hinn háfi Strút-Haraldsson 18.
Valland (Wales?), 10.
Þorkell miðlangr 81.
Varmundr vitri 87.
Þórketill (Þorkell leira) 32, 84.
Veraldar saga 34, 35, 64, 72.
Þorleifr skúma, see Skúmr 29, 30, 81, 82.
Verdun 42.
Þorsteinn miðlangr, see Þorkell miðlangr
Véseti of Borgundarhólmr 18, 19.
29, 30, 81.
Vestr-Saxakonungr 7, 48.
Vigfús Víga-Glúmsson 29, 30, 81, 82. Þorvalds þáttr víðfo≈rla 74.
Vík, Víkin (Oslofjord in Norway) 18, 54, Þræla-Knútr, see Knútr fundni 52, 53, 59,
88.
68, 77.
Vinðland (Wendland) 10, 11, 17–19, 54, Þyri Danmarkarbót 2, 10, 12, 55, 57,
60–63.
55, 59, 70.
Vinðr (Wends), see Sclavi 21, 70, 73, 75. ¯gmundr the White 77, 78.
¯land 63.
Visi Saxones, see West Saxons 48.
¯nundarfjo≈rðr 78.
Vita Anskarii 39, 41.