News Media Coverage of Poverty in the
United States and the UK: A Systematic
Review and Agendas for Future Research
Minjoo, Lee*

Recently, public concerns on poverty and eco-of people living in poverty （Iyengar, 1991;

nomic disparity have surged all around theVossen & Schulpen, 2019）. In this sense, twoworld. This may sound far-fetched to those who

recent publications in the field are noteworthy:

remember that the validity of“class”as an ana-

The Routledge Companion to Media and Pover-lytical concept was once questioned in academicty（Borden, 2021）and Poverty in the News Me-

fields and was even deemed as a‘zombie cate-dia: Continuities, Ruptures, and Change in the

gory’（Beck & Beck-Gernsheim, 2002）. Howev-

Reporting Socioeconomic Inequality（Lugo-Oca-er, recurring economic crises in various parts ofndo, 2019）.The significance of the former is thatthe world, the subsequent widening economic

it is the first attempt to proclaim“poverty andinequality, and even the current COVID-19 glob-（news）media”as a distinct field of study andal pandemic have signaled an urgent need toinvited relevant research in discrete fields.

bring our attention back to and address relevant

While similar attempts have been observed,

issues, as numerous academics have insistedsuch as Class and News（Heider, 2004）, Media（for example, Piketty, 2013; Stiglitz, 2015,

and Class（Deery & Press, 2017）,and The Rou-among others）.

tledge Companion to Media and Class（Polson,

This urgency to tackle economic inequality

Schofield & Gajjala, 2020）,they embraced a com-and poverty is motivating scholars in various

paratively wider range of topics, types of media,

fields to reassess relevant issues. The studies ofand media genres compared to The Routledge

media and mass communication are no excep-

Companion to Media and Poverty（Borden, 2021）,

tion. Rather, a more imperative request should

which focuses only on news media. In addition, abe made to the field given the crucial influence

critical difference is that previous publications

that mass media wield on public attitudes to-approached the issues from the class analysis

ward relevant issues through the delivery ofperspective, hence touching upon the issues onnews and information on poverty and depictions

middle- and upper-class as well, whereas the lat-

* Interfaculty Initiative in Information Studies, The University of Tokyo
キーワード：Poverty, Welfare, News, Media, United States, United Kingdom

News Media Coverage of Poverty in the United States and the UK: A Systematic Review and Agendas for Future Research21ter is more focused on the poor and poverty.

groups according to their methodologies and

Likewise, Lugo-Ocando’s review article（2019）subjects of analysis. This article is structured as

is distinct in that it endeavored to provide a sys-follows: first, Lugo-Ocando’s review （2019） is

tematic review of previous research on poverty

examined to demarcate the scope of previous

and news media.

research addressed within this article and to

In the context of this existing literature, thisdraw new categories for mapping. Second, ac-

article aims to chart current studies on news

cording to the three identified categories ー con-media coverage of poverty by critically assess-tent, techniques, and ideology ー major findings

ing them, and to suggest future research to fur-of previous research are introduced and as-ther expand this area of study. Especially, tosessed. Third, future research agendas are sug-provide a more focused, systematic review ofgested indicating points to be revisited andthe extant research, this article attempts to de-strategies to remedy shortcomings of previous

limit its scope of analysis to research on news

literature.

media texts and to categorize them into three

1. The scope and methodology: Based on a critical examination of Lugo-Ocando’s
review（2019）
Lugo-Ocando’s review（2019）serves as a valua-news media’s framing effects on public opinion

ble starting point to determine the scope andover the issue of poverty, characteristics of jour-

methodology of this article. He has publishednalistic practices in poverty reporting, etc. The

noticeable research pertaining to journalism andsecond part, entitled“Key ideas of poverty indomestic and global poverty in the UK and oth-the news”delineates three major elements ofer countries, and this review is one of his cur-mass media’s poverty reporting: the binary lan-rent studies. In his review, he outlined majorguage of the deserving and undeserving poor

findings of previous research under three cate-and its persistence in poverty reporting, other-gories: first, a general overview of relevant re-ing, and journalism’s role in legitimizing the rul-

search; second, the main features of poverty re-ing power, which is far from its original norma-

porting; third, the absent elements in poverty

tive role as‘a watchdog of the power’（Berry,coverage. To be more specific, the first part ti-

2009; Norris, 2014）. In the last part, the author

tled“What we know”offers a broader overview

noted weaknesses in news media coverage ofof previous research related to news media andpoverty, such as the lack of contextual analysis,

poverty. Therefore, a variety of previous litera-

the absence of the issue of inequality, and theture is introduced here, including research on

paucity of voices of the poor in news reports.

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While in support of Lugo-Ocando’s majorpresented in news media coverage on poverty

points and with appreciation for the exhaustive

under the liberal political and welfare regime inreview of previous research across subjects andthe two nations. To collect journal articles andfields, this article further proposes two necessi-

books analyzed in the review, a search was con-ties to sketch a more focused and detailed map

ducted in the database of Communication &of relevant research: the need to restrict theMass Media Complete and the Google Scholar

scope of research reviewed and to classify andsite with keywords: poverty or poor & media,

re-juxtapose them with consideration of thepoverty or poor & news, poverty or poor & im-

methodology and research topic of each study.

age, poverty or poor & discourse, and poverty

With these proposals, first, this article limits theor poor & frame or framing. Additionally, books

scope of review to research that analyzed media

and journal articles mentioned in the bibliogra-

texts of poverty reporting by news media. Here,phies of the previously collected journal articles“news media”refers to newspapers, news ma-

and books were also included to review.

gagines, television broadcasting news, and tele-

Second, the major findings of previous re-vision documentaries. In addition, the scope ofsearch are mapped according to three catego-

this article only embraces previous research

ries: content, techniques, and ideology. These

that analyzed news media coverage of domestic

categories were determined by interrogating

poverty in specific countries and excludes thosethe methodologies of each study and the central

on poverty in foreign countries such as researchresearch subjects analyzed in each methodolo-that analyzed news articles published in the UK

gy. To be more specific, three dominant types ofbut covering the issue of poverty in Africa. Thismethodologies were identified in previous litera-is because the dis/accordance of the location/

ture on poverty coverage by news media: fram-subject of coverage affects approaches, tones,

ing analysis employing （quantitative） content

and other aspects of coverage. Finally, this arti-

analysis, analysis of visual images with（quanti-

cle embraces previous research written in Eng-

tative）content analysis, and discourse analysis

lish that investigated news media in the United

with qualitative textual analysis. While eachStates and the UK. This ascribes to several con-methodology is well known for its diversities inditions: the accessibility of research, the linguis-

research subjects, specific research methods,

tic ability of the author, and proximity in politi-

and analytical theories（for example, for framing

cal and policy developments in the two nations.

analysis refer to D’
Angelo, 2018; D’Angelo &The closeness in political and policy develop-

Kuypers 2010 for discourse analysis do Weth-ments in the two nations provides the opportu-

erell et al., 2001; Wodak & Meyer, 2001 amongnity to explore the similarity and distinctivenessothers）,major research subjects covered in pre-News Media Coverage of Poverty in the United States and the UK: A Systematic Review and Agendas for Future Research

23

vious research center on three categories sug-

Goffman coined the notion of“frame”to explain

gested above. Therefore, this article attempts tothat people tend to adopt specific“schemata of

more fully investigate the major findings of pre-interpretation”or“frameworks”to comprehend

vious research under each category and to artic-

and render implications on events happening

ulate the close relation between findings underaround them （Goffman, 1974, p. 21）. In otherdiscrete categories.

words, people make use of frames to grasp a

Especially, the category of techniques needs

situation, to weigh its importance, and thus tofurther clarification in its usage in this article.

decide what reaction they would take toward

Techniques, in this article, describe a variety of

the issue. Based on this initial conception ofdevices within media texts, or a format, or ele-frame in the field of behavioral sociology, media

ments constituting news coverage of poverty.

scholar Entman wrote:

The subject of techniques is not individually pronounced in previous research but masked as

Framing essentially involves selection andpart of frames identified in media coverage ofsalience. To frame is to select some aspects

poverty. This lack of acknowledgement of tech-of a perceived reality and make them moreniques in the notion of frame/framing may besalient in a communicating text, in such aderived from its inherent diversity in the defini-way as to promote a particular problem defi-tion and application of the notion of frame anal-

nition, causal interpretation, moral evalua-ysis. As noted by numerous scholars in framingtion, and/or treatment recommendation foranalysis, frame analysis is originally known for

the item described.（Entman, 1993, p. 52）

its wide range of applications in various disciplines with a variety of theoretical approaches

In addition, especially with regard to theand methods（Hertog & McLeod, 2001; Kitzinger,

realm of media text, Entman wrote,“The text2007）.Despite this sheer variety, frame analysis

contains frames, which are manifested by thein media and communication studies may bepresence or absence of certain key-words, stock

briefly classified as three fields according to its

phrases, stereotyped images, sources of informa-

objects of analysis: how and why journalists pro-tion, and sentences that provide thematicallyduce certain frames, identification of frames inreinforcing clusters of facts or judgments”

the media text, and what effects are made onto

（1993, p. 52）.

readers/viewers in diverse conditions of reception（D’Angelo, 2018, p. xxxiii）.

His explanation about frame/framing implies

Initially, frame analysis came from the field of

two elements—content and techniques—are

behavioral sociology. In his seminal work（1974）,

contained in the concept of frame/framing, al-24

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though he does not particularly pronounce them.

subject of analysis. However, since previous re-

Likewise, while a string of research detailed

search dedicated much attention to techniques

these techniques in framing analysis as“framing

as a constituent element of framing, as will be

devices”（Gamson & Lasch, 1983; Pan & Ko-

investigated later, this article attempted to nom-sichi, 1993）, previous research examined in thisinate them as one of the categories to investi-

article did not consider them as an individualgate major findings of previous research.

2. Content of news media coverage of poverty
2.1 Small amount of coverage and tendency to incorporate with relevant themes
One notable feature of news media coverage onvant, newsworthy events. For example, Kendall

poverty is its meager amount of coverage（Ken-（2011） found that poverty coverage is moredall, 2011; Martin, 2019）. Indeed, multiple stud-likely to appear in year-end seasons, when char-ies, especially those employing a quantitative

ity activities for disenfranchised people become

research method, begin by underscoring the no-more arresting to society. Similarly, when

ticeably small number of news items covering

crimes committed by the poor become news, orpoverty compared to other socio-political issues

related welfare policies are implemented（Bull-

such as elections. The unpopularity of poverty

ock et al., 2001; Harkins & Lugo-Ocando, 2017;

and relevant issues as a news item seems to

Kim et al., 2010）, poverty coverage increases.

remain consistent regardless of the period orThis minimization of news values and dependen-

nations in which news items are produced andcy on other incidents of poverty coverage, inaired（Kendall, 2011）.Furthermore, the issue ofturn, suggest the need to fully consider socio-po-poverty fails to catch constant public attention.

litical contexts and the inextricable relationshipRather, poverty coverage is subject to season or

between poverty and related issues when inves-is highly influenced by the occurrence of rele-

tigating media coverage of poverty.

2.2 Portrayals of the poor: Based on consideration of relations with social institutions anddemographic variables
2.2.1 Socio-historical origins
The tendency that news coverage of poverty istem）,as with the case for people in poverty be-

associated with relevant themes and incidents

ing described as welfare recipients, or criminals.

simultaneously has further implications: the is-

These two social institutions along with employ-sue of poverty tends to be discussed in relation

ment（wage labor）comprise major social rela-to welfare systems or crimes（or punitive sys-

tions integral to‘governing’the poor, in either

News Media Coverage of Poverty in the United States and the UK: A Systematic Review and Agendas for Future Research

25the form of regulation-punishment or social pro-olution began to bloom, which led to various so-visions（Geremek, 1994）.The origin of these so-

cio, economic, political apparatus introduced tocial relations dates to 1601, when The Act forcope with mass poverty wrought by it, such as

the Relief of the Poor was implemented in thethe Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834, the ap-

UK, in which a variety of transitions from feu-

proach of social economy, etc. In this period,dal, agricultural to modern, capitalistic society

poverty became no longer deemed natural but

had begun to appear. In pre-modern medieval

engendered by“a series of different forms ofsocieties, the poor had primarily subsisted on

conduct”（Procacci, 1991, p. 160）of poor peoplecharity and relief from benevolent individuals or

outside wage labor. Consequently, intervention

religious organizations seeking religious virtuesin（lack of）morality occupied the locus of gov-

（Geremek, 1994）. However, the incipient mod-erning the poor （Dean, 1992; Procacci, 1991）,

ern state began policing the poor as those whostarting with distinguishing‘the undeserving

should be investigated and regulated by central-poor’with moral flaws from‘the deserving

ized governing power（Dean, 1992）.To regulate

poor’（Gans, 1995; Katz, 1990）.These moral fail-the poor, public officials advanced classificatory

ings could be exemplified as psychological/be-

work to decide whether one should be put tohavioral deviance from the norms associatedwork or endowed public provision. Here, the cri-with social relations mentioned above: indolence

terion was whether one is able-bodied to under-and unwillingness to work relates to wage labor,take wage labor. Under this bifurcation, thedependency or abuse of systems or public goods

able-bodied were sent to workhouses to serve

equates to the welfare systems in contemporary

labor whereas the impotent poor were sent toterms, and criminality relates to punitive sys-almshouses to live with public provisions.（Al-tems. This, at the same time, coincides with thecock, 1997, pp. 10-11）

figure standing on the right opposite side of theWith these major social relations associatedfundamental principles constituting modern,with poor people, one more aspect should becapitalistic nation-states, an economically inde-considered: moral adjudication toward poverty,

pendent（male）citizen serving wage labor who

in relation with those social relations as well.

simultaneously constitutes middle-class norms

This originates from the 19th century when

（Fraser & Gordon, 1994）.

modern capitalism driven by the Industrial Rev-

2.2.2 The undeserving poor as welfare recipients and their moral failingWith this backdrop, one of major findings of pre-poverty centers on the binary classification ofvious research is that news media coverage ofthe deserving poor and the undeserving poor

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and underscores the moral deficiency conveyed

and the 2010s with some points even reinforcedby the latter. Especially, first, previous literature（Gavin, 2021; Harkins & Lugo-Ocando, 2015;

on media coverage in the UK points to theLundström, 2013）. For example, Lundström

marked ways of over describing deliberate de-（2013） investigated newspapers and internet

pendency on or abuse of the welfare system inblog posts in the UK as well as in Sweden be-news media. The origin of this interest can be

tween October 1, 2000 and December 31, 2010

traced back to the seminal work of Golding andand argued that media in the UK are more like-

Middleton （1982）. In this research, they con-ly to employ crime news narratives and portray-

ducted an extensive investigation of 14 massals of personal immorality in relation to the so-media outlets in the UK including national news-

cial security system when they cover the issue

papers, local radio programs, and evening televi-of welfare fraud. This characteristic even stands

sion news bulletins, thereby gaining a final sam-out compared to Sweden’s coverage, which

ple of 1063 items, over 125 days other thantended to report the issue of welfare fraud inweekends in the second half of 1976. In 1976 thethe format of policy discussion in the line of the

UK suffered from a financial crisis known as thenational health program as a collective social“Sterling crisis,” a nagging economic down-

problem. The author credited this difference toturn, and received a bailout from the IMF（Har-the liberal political, social regimes of UK and themon, 1997）.It was also‘the year of the cuts’onsocial democratic regime of Sweden.

public social services（Golding and Middleton,

What is interesting is the reversed relation-

1982, p. 59）. According to their findings, unem-

ship between the poor and welfare fraud andployment benefit and social welfare abuses were

the welfare system itself. In their analysis, Gold-the most prevalent topics in news stories on

ing and Middleton （1982） examined how the

welfare with greater emphasis on national wel-scope of the issue covered by media was ex-

fare provision than local social benefits. While

panded, shifted, and re-juxtaposed the targets offormally routinized events, such as legislation,

anti-welfare sentiment. Here, they focused onstatements, or publications of reports dominatedmedia coverage of the Derek Deevy’case atthese news stories, notably stories of prosecu-

Liverpool Crown Court in July 1976. Deevy wastion or conviction of social security fraud ora 42-year-old unemployed man living in Liver-sponging took up the largest portion of a total,

pool. In the earlier coverage, media delivered

30.8%. This implies media coverage of welfare

extensive, serialized coverage of welfare fraud

recipients is likely to pay greater attention to

in a sensationalized way and unveiled similar

welfare fraud. Several follow-up studies showed

subsequent events. Here, media put their spot-

this tendency remained persistent in the 2000s

light on the extent of immoral, fraudulent behav-News Media Coverage of Poverty in the United States and the UK: A Systematic Review and Agendas for Future Research27

iors of the welfare claimant and the threat it

was displaced by general distrust on the entire

would pose to those who are in‘genuine’need ofsystem itself as well as its basic principles. Even

benefits and taxpayers. However, later, media

further, in recent years in the UK, overgenerous

outlets’target shifted to a general concern on

welfare provisions are described to contributethe social security system, especially its generic-to spoiling the poor and this is extended to theity, laxity, inefficiency, and the financial burden

appeal of cutting welfare spending and main-

shouldered by the cost of the social security sys-

taining“austerity,”which was introduced in thetem. This implied that a sense of anxiety toward

wake of economic crisis and persisted up to theexcessive, illegal abuse of the welfare systempresent（Harkins & Lugo-Ocando, 2015）.

2.2.3 Demographic variables : Intersectionality （Crenshaw, 1989） of race and gender in the
United States
While previous research conducted in the Unit-

ple with poverty. In his extended research trac-

ed States shows that its media coverage of pov-

ing changes in the relationship between mass

erty is in line with the UK tendency that bifur-

media coverage of the poor, racial stereotypes,

cates the deserving poor and undeserving poorand the public’s attitudes toward welfare in theand that underscores the latter’s moral deficien-

United States from 1950 to 1992, Gilens（1999）

cy, it has its own feature of media coverage offurther revealed that the overrepresentation ofpoverty: stark appearance of specific demo-

the African American poor in the magazinesgraphic groups. For example, first, a considera-

and television news broadcasts in the United

ble body of research has argued that race has

States compared to the actual number of them

persistently operated as one of the most deci-

was not a temporal incident but had perpetuat-

sive factors, especially in the United States.

ed since the mid-1960s. In particular, he indicat-

Gilens（1996）demonstrated that African Amer-ed that the media coverage investigated in his

icans accounted for more than 50% of media

research were more likely to employ images of

portrayals of those in poverty by investigating

African American welfare recipients in news

weekly magazines and television news in theitems with a critical tone toward welfare poli-

United States between 1988 and 1992. This dom-cies, whereas white Americans tended to ap-

inant presence of African Americans in media

pear more in the news items with a neutral,coverage of poverty betrayed their actual per-positive, or empathetic tone toward the welfare

centage in the poor population in the United

system. He concluded that this association be-States during the same period, which made up

tween African Americans and the welfare sys-

less than one-third of the entire number of peo-tem, in turn, racialized the welfare system and28

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instilled it with anti-welfare sentiment. Several

welfare recipients was incarnated as African

following studies demonstrated the persistency

American, single mothers. Two subsequentof portraying the poor as African American.

studies in the same vein reaffirmed the domi-

Clawson and Trice （2000） and Clawson andnant narrative of African American female

Hurst（2013, as cited in Clawson & Jett, 2019, p.

teenage single mothers in news coverage of pov-

213）examined articles covering poverty in fiveerty and welfare, both by investigating TV net-

U.S. news magazines between 1993 and 1998

work news stories on welfare reform in the pe-and 2009 and 2012 and reached the same conclu-

riod ranging from 1993 to 2000 with quantitative

sion as Gilens（1996, 1999）: African Americans

content analysis（Luther et al., 2005）, and fromcontinued to dominate images of poverty in

1992 to 2007 with discourse and content analy-

news media while they comprised only 27% andsis（Kelly, 2010）.This intersectionality of gender

22% of the actual number of the poor during

and race operating within news media coverageeach period. In addition, Van Doorn（2015）reaf-of poverty in the United States had its root in:firmed the recurrent tendency for news media

enduring marginalization of African Americans

to racialize poverty, which again did not corre-in the history of the United States; and consecu-

spond to the actual poverty rate of African

tive neoliberal governments’hostile attitude to-Americans, in four U.S. news magazines be-ward the welfare system, which set out with thetween 1992 and 2010.

presidency of Ronald Reagan who popularized

Furthermore, there is one more demographic

the derogatory term“welfare queens”to garner

factor that intersects with this enduring raciali-

support for welfare reforms in his presidential

zation of poverty in news media in the United

campaign in 1976（Hancook, 2004）.Indeed, mostStates: gender. In her analysis on how the“poli-of the previous research revisited in this article

tics of disgust”is formulated in public discus-

not only examined media coverage of poverty

sions surrounding welfare reform in 1996, Han-from the perspective of intersectionality of gen-cook（2004）found that race and gender played

der and race, but also focused on the period un-a pivotal role in constructing the public identity

der the influence of welfare reforms, specifically,of welfare recipients. By conducting a content

the repeal of Aid to Families with Dependent

analysis of news coverage of five national media

Children（AFDC）and the subsequent introduc-

outlets and political discourses between 1995

tion of Temporary Assistance for Needy Fami-

and 1996, she revealed that the public identity oflies（TANF）in the 1990s.

2.3 Description of moral deficiency and identification of responsibility for poverty
Moral deficiency of the poor tends to be symbol-

ized as deviant psychological/behavioral charac-

News Media Coverage of Poverty in the United States and the UK: A Systematic Review and Agendas for Future Research29ters in news media coverage of poverty（Claw-and unintelligent characters were deployed toson & Trice, 2000; De Goede, 1996; Harkins &highlight their irresponsible childrearing as un-

Lugo-Ocando, 2015; Kendall, 2011; Rose &derqualified, bad mothers who could not manage

Baumgartner, 2013）. Detailed descriptions of

to secure financial support for their children orthese moral failings of the poor in media repro-

to suggest good examples as a laborious worker

duce in our daily lives that which the above not-to their children. This changed image of African

ed: laziness and work shyness against wage la-American welfare mothers served to legitimate

bor, dependency or fraud against welfare

more punitive, or‘paternalistic government ofsystem, and crimes against the legal system.

the poor’（Waquant, 2009）accompanying closer

Here, what should be additionally noted is, espe-

monitoring and regulations upon them withincially in previous research in the United States,

public debates on welfare reform.

patriarchy adds to social relations that deter-

These highlighted descriptions of psychologi-

mine the moral deviancy of poor women in US

cal/behavioral disorders as a moral failing of themedia coverage, corresponding to the intersec-

poor, in turn, are closely associated with identi-

tion of gender and race. One central trait under-

fying the responsibility for poverty in bothscored by previous research in this vein is theirterms of its cause and treatment（De Goede,

hyperfertility and dishonesty （Hancook, 2004;

1996; Harkins & Lugo-Ocando, 2015; Luther etLuther et al., 2005）. Several studies in the Unit-al., 2005; Redden, 2014）. For example, Luther et

ed States indicated that poor African Americanal.（2005）compared the ways that white Amer-

single mothers were portrayed as irresponsibly

ican and African American welfare recipientsgiving birth to many children out of wedlock

were portrayed in news reports and revealed

even while on welfare. This seemingly indis-that African Americans’poverty was more like-creet unwed childrearing further provided fod-ly to be attributed to personal characteristics,

der for welfare opponents to accuse African

whereas social, situational backgrounds and so-

American single mothers, who were symbolized

cial programs and institutions were highlighted

as“welfare queens,”of moral deficiency and tofor their contributions in helping white Ameri-lend credence to support for welfare cuts in the

can welfare recipients get out of poverty. This

United States since the 1970s. Moreover, Luthertendency prevailed both in the United States

et al.（2005）found that those manipulative andand the UK, as De Goede（1996）and Luther etfraud aspects once underscored were replacedal.（2005）found by looking into news media inwith incompetence in the 1990s. Here, not only

the former and as Harkins and Lugo-Ocandolack of work ethic, laziness, fraud of the welfare（2015）and Redden（2014）did in the latter. In

system, and hyperfertility, but their childlike

particular, Redden（2014）named this tendency

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as the“individualization”frame of poverty, em-

ample, Kim et al. （2010） demonstrated thatphasizing how newspapers in the UK and Cana-

newspapers and television news in the United

da coincidentally blame people in destitute cir-States from 1993 to 2007 mentioned societal re-cumstances for their own poverty, thus placing

sponsibility as a cause and treatment of poverty

the treatment responsibility on poor individuals

rather than individuals. They noted that the po-rather than societal support. However, some in-litical standpoint of each news organization andconsistent findings were also observed; for ex-

type of media may explain this.

2.4 Child poverty as the deserving poor
Compared to the undeserving poor and their hy-

news articles on child poverty to political advo-

per-visibility in media coverage of poverty, thecates by the New Labor in the elections in 2000,

undeserving poor, who are emblematized byand their following policy changes. As is known,children or the elderly, have drawn less media

UK politicians in the New Labor designatedattention. For example, by investigating news

child poverty as a primary goal to address andarticles in the United States from 1993 to 1998,

they implemented a variety of policies during

Clawson & Trice（2000）indicated the deserving

their primacy（Lister, 2006）.

poor, such as the elderly or children, have been

One salient characteristic of media coverage

underrepresented. This comparatively limitedof child poverty is its replacement of responsibil-

presence of the deserving poor is, in addition,

ity for poverty. The fact that children are ex-coupled with their incarnations as white（Gilens,

empted from the responsibility to work because

1999）.

of their physical inability and inadequacy for

However, especially in the UK entering thewage labor does not entirely remove the ques-

2000s, several studies observed a salient in-tion of the root cause of their poverty, instead it

crease in the number of news articles covering

is diverted to their parents. Barnett et al.（2007）

child poverty（Chauhan & Foster, 2013; Harkins

and Chauhan & Foster（2013）asserted that me-& Lugo-Ocando 2016, 2017; Redden, 2014）. In a

dia coverage of poor children in UK and New

study of 2,938 articles from 1985 to 2014, Har-

Zealand during the 2000s diverted the attribu-

kins and Lugo-Ocando（2016, 2017）demonstrat-tion of responsibility for child poverty to theired that the number of news articles on childparents. Poor children were depicted as neglect-poverty accounted for the second greatest num-ed victims whereas their parent（s） were de-ber of articles from the entire pool, and theynounced for irresponsibility in terms of theirbegan to emerge in 2000, and peaked in number

parenting, e.g., failing to provide appropriate

of articles in 2000. They attributed this surge of

economic, emotional care for children, etc. At

News Media Coverage of Poverty in the United States and the UK: A Systematic Review and Agendas for Future Research

31the basis of portrayals of bad parents of poor

‘problem families’in which irresponsible par-children is the assumption that children are in-ents are accountable for children’s poverty,

nocent and vulnerable, thus need to be protect-which simultaneously contributes to legitimate

ed and nurtured by adults who are supposed towelfare reforms by justaposing impoverishedtake on the responsibility of waged labor. In ad-

children as‘the victim of the social and moral

dition, Fink & Lomax（2014） contended that

failures of society’in contrast.

poor children are described as the symbol of

3. Techniques
Iyengar’s conceptions of two binary frames offer

be illustrated in the format of individual stories

us an indispensable starting point to investigate

rather than that of providing broader context, or

the issue of techniques in news media coverageexternal factors associated with poverty.

of poverty. In his seminal work（Iyengar, 1991）

However, subsequent studies observed thatanalyzing framing effects, especially in relation

episodic framing does not necessarily retain its

to where viewers place responsibility for politi-

prevalence in news media coverage of poverty.

cal issues, he included poverty in the list of polit-

For example, Bullock et al.（2001）demonstrated

ical issues to be interrogated. Before he verified

thatframing effects of media coverage of political is-ones in news coverage of poverty in 1999. Theysues through experiments on viewers, he exam-

attributed the cause of this inconsistency withined television news items in the United States

Iyengar’s finding to the time of coverage, whichfrom 1988 to 1992 and classified them into two

was three years after the Personal Responsibili-

binary frames: the episodic frame and the the-ty and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act

matic frame. Here, the former reports specific（PRWORA） was enacted under President

cases or events with an emphasis on concrete

Clinton’s cabinet in the United States. In otherinstances. The latter, in contrast, locates politi-

words, it was in need of underscoring the suc-

cal issues in“more general or abstract context

cess and legitimacy of welfare reforms that aand takes the form of a“takeout”or“back-vast majority of newspaper articles presented

grounders,”with reporting“general outcomespoverty from a societal, structural perspective

or conditions”（Iyengar, 1991, p. 14）. In relation

with thematic framing.

thematic frames outnumbered episodic

to media coverage of poverty, what should be

In considering the specific elements compris-

noted is that poverty was one of a few politicaling Iyengar’s two binary frames, as well as ma-

issues in which episodic frames predominatedjor subjects of news media studies, types ofnews items. This implies that poverty tends tosources and the ways various sources are de-

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ployed are another critical issues to explore.

effect that statistics would mask poor people’sHere, types of sources could be largely divided

actual, present situations under simple numbers.

into two types: human sources or non-human

In addition, Redden （2014） suggested whatsources. The former includes various types ofshould be interrogated here is not only the pre-people with different affiliations or statuses invailing use of numbers but also how they aresociety, and the latter involves results of statis-

used, that is, numerical figures that individuallytics, official reports from government or rele-appear without any explanation on a specificvant organizations, etc. First, as to human sourc-

context or more extensive discussion.

es, several previous studies found that politicians

Finally, one more point to be observed is theand government officials dominate news cover-relation between types of genre and usages ofage of poverty（De Goede, 1996; Harkins & Lu-

techniques. For example, it is noteworthy that

go-Ocando, 2016, 2017）. Such disproportionate

Kim et al.（2010）related Iyengar’s（1991）key

reliance on politicians and government officials

finding to television news’genre characteristic.

hinders the poor’s ability to be heard in news

More specifically, in reaffirming the predomi-

media. Furthermore, De Goede（1996）empha-

nance of episodic framing in televisions news

sized that assigning the role to state the issue of

items on poverty, they attributed it to televi-poverty to only politicians and government offi-

sion’s overall tendency to be event-oriented incials, in turn, renders the poor as being passive

telling the story（Wallack et al., 1993, as cited inwithout voice and political agency.

Kim et al., 2010, p.577）. This observation re-

As to the non-human sources, De Goede（1996）

minds us of the need to investigate unique tech-and Redden（2014）identified the predominantniques or formats embedded in individual media

use of statistical data in news media coverage oftypes, as well as further distinctive techniquespoverty in the United States and the UK. These

employed in specific genres in one media type.

studies coincidentally underline the undesirable

4. Ideologies
Though limited in number, some previous stud-in the UK. Malthusianism dates to the late 18th

ies have explored the ideologies underpinningto early 19th century when capitalism in its in-news coverage of poverty in the United States

cipient stage began to take shape grounded on

and the UK. First, Harkins and Lugo-Ocando

the development of private ownership of land（2015, 2016, 2017） have recurrently identified

and the Industrial Revolution. Malthus compre-

Malthusianism as the ideological origin that hashended poverty as a natural phenomenon en-

overshadowed news media coverage of poverty

gendered by imbalance between over-popula-

News Media Coverage of Poverty in the United States and the UK: A Systematic Review and Agendas for Future Research

33

tion and limited natural resources. By only

including news media coverage of poverty—

underscoring the scarcity of resources and thewould be not an exception, as observed by anecessity to maximize private property to en-plethora of relevant studies（e.g., Meyers, 2019;

hance economic growth with unequal distribu-

Phelan, 2014）. Especially, previous researchtion of resources, he diverted the locus of pover-identified the ideology of individual responsibili-ty from society or capitalistic system toty as a central neoliberal one salient in media

individuals（Ross, 1998, p. 16）.

coverage of poverty, which placed responsibility

A distinct thread of previous research indicat-

for cause and solutions of poverty on poor peo-

ed neoliberalism is another pivotal ideology thatple（De Goede, 1996; Redden, 2014）.However, it

permeates news coverage of poverty in theshould be noted that interrogating the locus of

United States and the UK. Given its overarching

responsibility for causes and treatment of pover-influences on aspects all over the world, espe-

ty has been a centering issue that previous re-cially in the UK and the United States where

search has pursued while they did not relate it

neoliberal political economic regimes have un-to neoliberalism （for example, Luther et al.,dertaken power since the mid-1970s, media or-

2005; Kim et al., 2010, etc.）.

ganizations and their products—undoubtedly

5. Agendas for further research
Based on the review above, this section propos-

erature. To be more specific, such insistent at-

es future research in succession to previous re-tention to the sociopolitical context surrounding

search, as well as shortcomings that they arepoverty includes not only political and policy

required to remedy. Suggestions are provided

regimes of a specific nation-state and related dis-for each category that this review previously

courses and knowledge, but also other factors

identified. First, for content of news media cov-

related to poverty such as continuously chang-erage of poverty, the sociopolitical context sur-ing forms of labor; subsequent changes in therounding poverty, or even consistently changing

forms of un/employment and standards of work

aspects of poverty, continues to require closer

ethics; newly emerging different types of experi-

examination. This is first and foremost as news

ence, relations, feelings, etc. that poor people arecoverage of poverty is highly subject to the im-experiencing in their daily lives; and relevant

plementation of relevant welfare policies anddiscourses and knowledge. In the same vein, fu-political regimes, in terms of aspects including

ture research’s attention should be extended to

the number, tone, content and ideology embed-

media systems（Hallin & Mancini, 2004）as part

ded in the coverage, as noted by the extant lit-of sociopolitical context determining media cov-

34

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erage of poverty. It is that further nuanced ex-erage of poverty, especially neoliberalism, there

amination of the the sociopolitical context sur-is a need for more thorough exploration. This

rounding poverty and poverty coverage that

includes, first, not only identifying the manifesta-

will contribute to the proliferation of future re-tion of neoliberal ideology as with most previous

search with a comparative perspective.

research, but also investigating how it develops

Second, techniques employed in news media

in news coverage through various discursive

coverage of poverty warrant further explora-strategies. Especially given that neoliberal ideol-tion. While some previous research holds a par-ogy highly relies on its discursive naturalization

ticular interest in techniques as illustrated

in its development（Bourdieu & Wacquant, 2001;

above, neither the number of nor the scope ofChouliaraki

subjects of analysis can be considered ample. To

strategy of legitimation is noteworthy（Reyes,enrich the study of techniques in news media

2011; Van Leeuwen, 2007）. Second, along withcoverage of poverty, first, a variety of tech-

the ideology of individual responsibility, whichniques that have been employed but unarticulat-

has continued to be problematized in previous

ed should be pronounced and examined. Such

research, future research is required to interro-

further examination could be advanced, for ex-

gate any possibility that different characteristics

ample, by comparing each technique across dif-of neoliberal ideology influence news media cov-

ferent types of media, as Kim et al.（2010）brief-erage of poverty, such as financialization（forly touched upon, or across genres in the same

example, Martin, 2002）or entrepreneur self（fortypes of media. Especially for the latter compar-

example, Miller & Rose, 2008）,etc. Third, otherison, it should be noted that a robust body ofthan neoliberalism, relations with different ideol-

existing research on reality television shows on

ogies, or socio-cultural discourses should also bepoverty in the UK, which is a seemingly similar

considered, especially that of waged labor, work

but fundamentally different genre in television,

ethics, familialism, etc. In this sense, one possible

is expected to offer an invaluable reference（foroption for future research is the approach of dis-

example, Barton & Davis, 2018; Jensen, 2014

course analysis, which seeks to explore various

among others）. Second, how specific techniques

discursive strategies, interdiscursivity, etc. Thisare employed in coverage requires urgent atten-

also broadens a possibility to re-conceptualize

tion. In particular, its deployment could be in-neoliberalism not as a static, consistent one, but

vestigated in relation with not only content but

as a multifaceted, amalgamated“neoliberaliza-

also ideology.

tion”or“neoliberalizing process”（for example,&

Fairclough,1999）, discursive

Finally, while some previous research touched

Peck & Theodore, 2012; Springer, 2016）necessi-

upon ideologies underpinned in news media cov-

tating analysis of the power relations surround-News Media Coverage of Poverty in the United States and the UK: A Systematic Review and Agendas for Future Research

35ing it.

6. Conclusion and further investigation
This review aimed to summarize key findings ofpoverty in Japan. This arises from the substan-previous research on news media coverage oftial need for the research on media coverage ofpoverty, to critically assess them and to suggest

poverty in non-Western countries, especiallysome research topics to be explored by future

those that do not follow liberal regimes of poli-

research. To do so, grounded on the critical ex-tics and policy like the UK and the Unitedamination of Lugo-Ocando’s review （2019）, it

States. While the amount of extant research is

first restricted its scope of analysis to researchcomparatively insignificant, the succeeding re-（written in English） on the manifestation ofview is expected to provide a bedrock to ad-

poverty as a domestic issue in news media invance an empirical study investigating media

the UK and the United States. Second, it classi-

coverage of poverty in Japan, which the author

fied and mapped major findings of previous re-of this article has pursued with a particular in-search under three categories: content, tech-

terest in investigating the sociohistorical discur-nique, and ideology, which were achieved bysive construction of poverty in Japanese televi-

looking into subjects of analysis and methodolo-sion documentaries during the Heisei period.

gies employed by the previous research analyz-

Second, despite this article’s demarcation of the

ed in this review. In doing so, not only were thescope of review to previous research analyzing

implications of each research presented but also

media texts of news media on poverty, it does

the relations between each study were articulat-

not necessarily deny the need to investigate theed. Some agendas for future research according

close relationship between media texts and theto each category were also suggested.

external conditions surrounding them, such as

In lieu of a conclusion, this section is devoted

journalists’practices, political-economic aspects

to briefly introducing subsequent studies thatof media organizations, etc. Therefore, further

the author will attempt to address limitations ofinvestigation on research analyzing such rela-this review. First, the author of this article will

tionships will also be conducted.

undertake another review of media coverage of36

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情報学研究

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Minjoo, Lee（イ・ミンジュ）［専門］メディア・ジャーナリズム、貧困・労働、ジェンダー、地域研究（日本）［主たる著書・論文］「声をあげる労働者たち」、『NNN ドキュメント・クロニクル 1970-2019』、丹羽美之編、東京大学出版会、2020
年［所属］東京大学大学院情報学環 助教［所属学会］日本メディア学会、
The International Association for Media and Communication Research（IAMCR）

News Media Coverage of Poverty in the United States and the UK: A Systematic Review and Agendas for Future Research

39News Media Coverage of Poverty in the
United States and the UK: A Systematic
Review and Agendas for Future Research
Minjoo, Lee*

With a growing awareness of economic inequality and poverty all over the world, academic
research that reexamines the relationship between media and relevant issues has burgeoned inrecent years. Against this backdrop, this article aims to offer a systematic review of previous studies
on news media coverage of poverty in the United States and the UK. Placing particular emphasison the existing studies of news media texts, the current review introduces their key findings
according to three categories drawn by assessing their methodologies and subjects of analysis:content, techniques, and ideology. The findings of the review are as follows: first, for content, extant
research demonstrates four tendencies in news media coverage of poverty in both countries: limited
news items on poverty; their dependency on relevant themes; bifurcation of the deserving poorand the undeserving poor; the prevailing depictions of the latter’s moral failings. In addition, in the
United States, racialized and gendered portrayals of the poor are glaring. Descriptions of the moral
deficiency of the undeserving poor are symbolized by their psychological and behavioral deviancefrom social norms: laziness and work shyness against wage labor, fraudulence toward the welfare
system, criminality to the legal system, and hyperfertility against patriarchy. These personal moral
flaws are ultimately intertwined with news media’s tendency to ascribe the responsibility for thecause and treatment of poverty to impoverished people’s lack of virtue. Meanwhile, news coverage of
impoverished children—the deserving poor—has a documented upsurge in quantity since the 2000sin the UK with a tendency to divert the attribution of responsibility for the cause of poverty to theirparents. Second, for techniques, statements of politicians and government officials and numericalfigures dominate news media coverage of poverty. Third, for ideology, some studies identify
Malthusianism and neoliberalism embedded in poverty news coverage. In the last section, directions
and suggestions for future research are advanced: consistent emphasis on sociopolitical contexts forcontent; extended investigation of techniques; and further identification and in-depth exploration ofideologies underpinning news coverage of poverty.
* Interfaculty Initiative in Information Studies, The University of Tokyo
Key Words：Poverty, Welfare, News, Media, United States, United Kingdom40

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