Institutionalising Pan-Africanism

Transforming African Union values andprinciples into policy and practice
Tim Murithi
ISS Paper 143 • June 2007
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Introduction

translated into protocols, treaties and institutions. The
discussion concludes with policy recommendations.

The African Union has emerged as a home-growninitiative by which the African people will be able toeffectively take the destiny of their continent into theirown hands. In this paper the creation of the AU as theinstitutionalisation of the ideals of Pan-Africanism will
be assessed. The underlying purpose of the creationof the AU is to promote solidarity, cooperation andsupport among African countries and peoples so as toaddress the catalogue of problems they face.

Defining Pan-Africanism

The general assumption is that the process of continental
integration began with an extraordinary summit of
the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) which wasconvened in Sirte, Libya, in 1999. But in fact theprocess began with the Pan-African movement andits demand for greater solidarity among the peoples ofAfrica. Therefore an understanding of the emergenceof the AU should start with the evolutionof the Pan-African movement. A reviewof the objectives and aspirations of PanAn understanding Africanism provides a foundation fora critical assessment of the creation ofof the emergence the AU and its prospects for promoting
the principles and norms of peaceof the AU
and development.

Some observers and commentators
question whether the AU is a valid
undertaking at this time, or whether it
is just another ambitious campaign by
self-seeking leaders to distract attention
from other, more pressing problemson the continent. It is true that while
the AU does exist, African unity does
should start withnot. Most of Africa’s problems can be
the evolution
resolved by mobilising the political will
Historically Pan-Africanism - the perception
to address the internal issues of social
by Africans in the diaspora and on theof the Panand political exclusion, authoritarianism,
continent that they share common goals
African movement - has been expressed in different forms
economic mismanagement and themisappropriation of state resources. The
by different people. There is no single
argument put forth in this paper isdefinition of Pan-Africanism and in factthat the critical challenge facing thethere are as many ideas about PanAU is whether it can transform the extensive range
Africanism as there are philosophers on Pan-Africanism.
of principles, norms and values that it has adopted
Rather than a unified school of thought, Pan-Africanism
into practical policies which can be implemented.
is a movement with as its common underlying theme
The proposition is that the institutionalisation of Panthe struggle for social and political equality and freedom
Africanism will only be achieved when the ideals thatfrom economic exploitation and racial discrimination.
inform this movement begin to manifest as progressive
It is interesting that the global dispersal of persons ofpolicy prescriptions. In turn, these policy prescriptions
African descent is partly responsible for the emergencehave to lead to the implementation of programmes thatof the Pan-African movement. As Hakim Adi andwill actually affect and improve the lives of Africans
Marika Sherwood observe in their book on politicalacross the continent.
figures in the history of the movement: ‘Pan-Africanism
has taken on different forms at different historical
The point of departure is an analysis of Pan-Africanism
moments and geographical locations’ (Adi & Sherwood
and a discussion of its institutionalisation in the form
2003:vii). They also note that the underpinning ofof the AU. This will be followed by an assessment ofthese different perspectives on Pan-Africanism is ‘thethe extent to which the norms and principles of thebelief in some form of unity or of common purpose
AU, namely peace, development, governance, humanamong the peoples of Africa and the African Diaspora’rights and the rule of law and participation, have been
Institutionalising Pan-Africanism • page Paper 143 • June 2007

(ibid). The movement also emphasises a celebrationof ‘Africaness’, resistance to the exploitation andoppression of Africans and their kin in the diaspora
as well as staunch opposition to the ideology of racial
superiority in all its overt and covert guises.
Pan-Africanism is an invented notion (Murithi 2005),
an invented notion with a purpose. This begs thequestion of what the purpose of Pan-Africanism is.
Essentially, Pan-Africanism is a recognition of thefragmented nature of the existence of Africans, andtheir marginalisation and alienation both on their own
continent and the rest of the world. Pan-Africanism
seeks to respond to Africa’s underdevelopment
and exploitation and the culture of dependency on
external assistance that unfortunately still prevails on
the continent. If people become too reliant on getting
their support, their nourishment and their safety fromoutside sources, they do not strive find the power
within themselves to rely on their own capacities. PanAfricanism calls upon Africans to drawn on their own
strengths and capacities and become self-reliant.

inspired by the ideas of persons like the JamaicanAmerican Marcus Garvey. These ideas were adopted
and reformed by continental African leaders in the
middle of the 20th century. Kwame Nkrumah, wholater became the first president of Ghana, Sékou
Touré of Guinea, Léopold Senghor of Senegal, Banar
Abdel Nasser of Egypt and Ali Ben Bella of Algeria
took the idea of Pan-Africanism to another level on
25 May 1963 when they founded the OAU (OAU
1963). The principles of the OAU, with the primaryobjective of continuing the tradition of solidarity andcooperation among Africans, kept the spirit of PanAfricanism alive.
During the era of the OAU, the key challenge wascolonialism. Since 1885, in what became known as
the ‘scramble for Africa’, various European colonial
powers (including the British, French, Belgians, Dutch,
Germans and Italians) had colonised enormous partsof Africa. Africans who had successfully fought on
the side of the allies during the Second World War
brought ideals for independence back to Africa after
the war.

Pan-Africanism is a recognition that
Africans have been divided among
The OAU embraced the principle of Panthemselves, that they constantly compete
Africanism and undertook the challengewith each other, are deprived of trueof liberating all African countries from theownership of their own resources, andgrip of colonialism. Its main focus was to
Pan-Africanism
are inundated with paternalistic externalbring an end to racial discrimination,
is a recognition
actors. Modern-day paternalism takes
on which colonialism with its doctrine
a sophisticated form, manifesting asof racial superiority was based. Inthat Africans
a kind and gentle helping hand withaddition, the OAU sought to assert thehave been
benign and benevolent intentions.
right of Africans to control their own
In reality, however, it perpetuates asocial, economic and political affairs
divided among‘master-servant’ relationship and resists
and achieve the freedom necessary
themselves
genuine empowerment of Africans andto consolidate development. With theindependence of thought in Africa. The
help of international actors the OAU
net effect is disempowerment of Africans,made a major breakthrough in achieving
so they do not decide for themselves on
this primary mission in 1994, when athe best way to deal with problems andnew government based on one person,
issues unique to them. Pan-Africanism recognises that
onevote came into being in South Africa under thethe only way out of this existential socio-political crisis
leadership of Nelson Mandela. However, the OAU
is by promoting greater solidarity amongst Africans.
was not as effective in monitoring and policing the
While dialogue and debate in Africa will not always
affairs of its member states when it came to the issues
generate consensus, it will at least be dialogue amongof violent conflict, political corruption, economic
Africans about possible resolutions to their problems.
mismanagement, poor governance, infringement of
It holds out the belief that if ideas are not designed bybasic human rights, lack of gender equality, and
the Africans themselves, it will rarely be in the interests
eradication of poverty.
of Africans.
The preamble of the OAU Charter of 1963 outlined a
From Pan-Africanism to thecommitment by member states to establish, maintain
Organisation of African Unity
and sustain the ‘human conditions for peace andsecurity’ (Gomes 2005). However, the charter also
In the 20th century, the Pan-African movement
contained the provision to ‘defend the sovereignty,
became more formalised. Its first formal organisation
territorial integrity and independence of the member
was the Pan-African Congress, which developed fromstates’ (OAU 1963) - a provision that was later
congresses which were convened in the UK and thetranslated into the principle of non-intervention. The
US under the leadership of activists like the Africankey organs of the OAU - the Council of Ministers andAmerican writer and thinker W E B du Bois andthe Assembly of Heads of State and Government the Trinidadian Henry Sylvester Williams and was
could only intervene in a conflict situation if they wereInstitutionalising Pan-Africanism • page Paper 143 • June 2007

invited to do so by the parties to that dispute. Many
intra-state disputes were considered to be internalmatters and as such the exclusive preserve of thegovernments concerned.
In June 1993 the OAU created a Mechanism for
Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution
in Cairo, but it was ineffective in resolving disputes
on the continent. Tragically, the Rwandan genocide
which started in April 1994 took place while themechanism was operational. It was also during thisperiod that the conflict in Somalia led to the collapseof the state, while violence in Sierra Leone, Liberia,
Angola, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)and Sudan led to the death of millions of Africans.
These devastating events highlighted the limitationsof the OAU as an institution to implement the norms
and principles it propounded. It demonstrated theimpotence of the OAU in the face of violent conflictwithin its member states. However, the Rwandan
tragedy did serve as the impetus for the adoption of anew paradigm to promote peace and security on the
African continent.

question is, however, whether the AU will be able tolive up to its vision and realise its mission.
The AU is composed of 53 member states and run by
the AU Commission based in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. It
is chaired by Alpha Oumar Konare. Its most important
decision-making body is the Assembly of Heads of Stateand Government and the executive decision-making
organ is the Executive Council of Ministers. The council
works closely with the Permanent Representatives
Committee of Ambassadors in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
The AU has also established a number of institutions,which are discussed below.

The African Union as theinstitutionalisation of Pan-Africanism

If the ‘purpose’ of Pan-Africanism is known, it is easierto understand the steps required to achieve its goals.
It is against this context that it becomes possible tounderstand the AU. It would be a mistake to view
the AU as an organisation that simply emerged of its
own accord over the last few years. It should more
appropriately be viewed as purely the
The doctrine of non-intervention
latest incarnation of the ideals of Panunfortunately resulted in the OAU being
Africanism. As such it represents the
The underlying
purely an observer of the atrocities
third phase of the institutionalisationcommitted by some member states.
ofthe Pan-Africanism, following as it
purpose of the
Eventually a culture of indifference
does on the Pan-African Congress and
AU is to promote the OAU. It therefore forms part of abecame entrenched in the international
relations of African countries, and they
progression and is unlikely to be the final
solidarity,
could act with impunity and withoutphase. It is hoped that it will be followed
cooperation andby organisations will bring about everfear of retribution. In effect the OAU
closer political, economic, social andwas a toothless watchdog. The OAU
support amongties among African peoples. The ideal
was perceived as a club of African
African countriesof African unity can be traced backheads of states, many of whom were notand peoples
to the 19th century and the AU is its
democratically elected representatives
expression in the 21st century. It doesof their own citizens, but self-appointed
not propound to be the perfect form, but
dictators and oligarchs. This negative
it does represent a progression towards
perception informed people’s attitude
Pan-Africanist ideals.
towards the OAU as an organisation that had little true
impact on the daily lives of Africans.

The creation of the African Union
The AU came into existence in July 2002, in Durban,
South Africa. It was supposed to usher in a new era ofcontinental integration leading to a greater unity andresolution of its problems. The evolution of the AU
from the OAU was visionary and timely. The OAU
had failed to live up to its norms and principles: at thetime of the demise of the OAU, Africa was a continentthat was virtually imploding due to the pressures ofconflict, poverty and underdevelopment and publichealth crises like malaria, tuberculosis and HIV/Aids.
The OAU effectively died of a cancer of inefficiency
because it had not lived up to its ideals of promoting
peace, security and development in Africa. The AU
emerged as a home-grown initiative, which placed thedestiny of the continent in the hands of its people. The
Institutionalising Pan-Africanism • page Transforming Pan-African norms andprinciples into policy and practice

The underlying purpose of the AU is to promotesolidarity, cooperation and support among Africancountries and peoples in order to address the problemsof the continent as a whole. In this section it isargued that the ultimate utility of the AU will depend
on whether it can transform the extensive range ofprinciples, norms and values that it has adopted into
practical policies which can be implemented. Some ofthese principles are discussed below.

The principle of peace: The AU
Protocol on Peace and Security
As discussed above the AU is an expression of PanAfricanism. One of the greatest challenges to thisPaper 143 • June 2007

solidarity concerns how the AU addresses humansecurity issues, problematic humanitarian situations
and public health concerns like the HIV/Aids pandemic,malaria and tuberculosis which are decimating
societies. The true expression of Pan-Africanism will
be achieved only when member states and societies inAfrica regard the post-conflict security and well-beingof their neighbours as being fundamentally related totheir own (Centre for Conflict Resolution 2005). Once
this has been achieved, political determination will
be required to bring about humanitarian interventions
in crisis situations. This view is reinforced by theStrategic Plan and Vision 2004-2007 issued by the
AU Commission, which also reiterates the importanceof achieving peace and security as a necessary prerequisite for post-conflict reconstruction, development
and the consolidation of democratic governance.

the continent, despite an urgent need for it. However,the AU has intervened in Burundi to promote peace
and pave the way for a more robust UN peace
operation. The country has been plagued by decadesof political tension and sporadic civil war.
The African Union Mission in Burundi (AMIB), which
was launched in 2003, was the first operation wholly
initiated, planned and executed by AU members. In
this regard it represents a milestone for the AU in termsof self-reliance in effecting and implementing a peace
operation. AMIB was mandated to stabilise a fluid anddynamic situation which could result in a relapse backinto violent conflict. In April 2003 the AU deployed
AMIB with more than 3 000 troops from South Africa,
Ethiopia and Mozambique to monitor the peace
process and provide security (Murithi 2005:91-95).

The AU has the primary responsibility for establishingThroughout its period of operation AMIB succeeded
and operationalising the continent’s peace and security
in de-escalating a potentially volatile situation and in
structure (Mwanasali 2004). The 2002 Constitutive
February 2004 a UN evaluation team concluded that
Act of the AU has entrenched the right to intervene,
the conditions were appropriate for the establishment
which means that African countries have to agree toof a UN peacekeeping operation in the country. In
give up some of their sovereign powers
terms of UN Security Council Resolution
to enable the AU to act as the ultimate
1545 of 21  May 2004 to deploy aguarantor and protector of the rights andpeacekeeping mission in Burundi, Kofi
The AU’s fledgling Annan, the UN Secretary-General,
well-being of the African people.
appointed a special representative,
institutions lack
The Peace and Security Council was
Ambassador Berhanu Dinka, to head theadequately trained mission on 1 June 2004.
established as a legal institution of the
AU through the Protocol Relating to thepersonnel andPeace and Security Council in 2002 (AUThe AU’s efforts in Darfur
the financial
2002). It is the key institution charged
with upholding peace on the continent
One cannot deny that the AU’s fledgling
wherewithal toand it is complemented by the Panel of
institutions lack adequately trained
underwrite its
the Wise, the Continental Early Warning
personnel and the financial wherewithal
initiatives
System, the African Standby Force (which
to underwrite all the initiatives it would
is to be operational by 2010) and thelike to undertake (Murithi 2007).
Military Staff Committee. An AU Peace
Nowhere was this clearer than in theFund has been established to ensurecomplex humanitarian situation in the
Darfur region of Sudan, where the AU security efforts
that there will be sufficient resources for post-conflict
were not wholly successful. With the increasing
reconstruction efforts. According to the Indicative
tension and violence in Darfur in 2003 the AU cameWork Programme of the Peace and Security Council,
under a great deal of pressure to take action to address
the AU will endeavour to be present on the groundand resolve the dispute, with the undertaking from thewhere there is a need for a peace operation. Whether
international community that it would provide political,
as a stand-alone AU operation or in partnership with
diplomatic and financial follow-up support to ensure
regional economic communities (RECs), the UN andthe success of the mission. On this basis the AU took
others, the AU has indicated its commitment to being
the initiative and brokered the Humanitarian Ceasefire
active in post-conflict reconstruction. This means
Agreement in N’djamena, Chad, on 8 April 2004.
that the African Standby Force needs to become
The African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) deployed
operational sooner rather than later to ensure that there
troops to oversee this ceasefire. Three years later it isis the necessary enforcement capacity to consolidate
clear that the AU force on the ground, consisting ofpeace agreements and intervene when and wheresome 7 000 troops, are unable to provide effective
necessary (Cilliers & Malan 2005).
monitoring of the humanitarian crisis in the region or
coordinate efforts to advance the cause of peace.
The AU’s peace efforts in Burundi
The AU has only been functioning for five years andhas inherited the assets and liabilities of the OAU. Thishas hampered its efforts towards peace operations on
Institutionalising Pan-Africanism • page This issue raises the question of whether African
leaders are serious about the principles to which
they committed themselves as signatories of thePaper 143 • June 2007

Constitutive Act of the AU. The Sudanese government,
also one of the signatories, would probably be able halt
the atrocities being committed in Darfur if it genuinely
wanted to and in the process alleviate the pressure on
the AU to resolve this issue. However, a more fruitful
avenue for addressing the Darfur issue would bethrough diplomatic pressure on the Khartoum regime,
rather than the ‘endless’ disbursement of resourceson peacekeeping to a place where there is no peace
to keep.

which has begun to affect neighbouring countries
and could have an adverse social and economic
impact in the southern African sub-region. One
solution could be to rephrase the AU intervention as
assistance, or possibly the AU could start a dialogue
with Zimbabwe, along the lines of the Congolese
dialogue for the DRC. This would serve to expand thenumber of stakeholders beyond the government andthe opposition to include civil society, ecumenicalgroups and so on.

The AU’s narrow mandate in Darfur does not provide
it with the flexibility to implement more robust
peacemaking and peacebuilding initiatives. Neither
does it have the wherewithal to finance comprehensive
peace operations. Despite these limitations and lack ofsuccess in Darfur, the AU deployed a peacekeeping
force in Somalia to try and bring stability to the country
in March 2007.

The AU’s attempt at mediation between the
Zimbabwean government and opposition parties wasa demonstration of its attempt to transform its norms
and principles into policy and practice. Despite
its lack of success, it showed that the AU is atleast trying to act responsibly towards it members.
However, it is clear that the AU still has a long way
to go to internalise its principles in its relations withmembers. There are several other situations aroundthe continent which require some form of intervention
too, such as between northern Uganda and the Lord’s
Resistance Army.

The peace envoys of the AU

Another important initiative for promoting the principleof peace entails the deployment ofspecial envoys by the AU Peace andIf the AU is to internalise the principles
Security Council. Such envoys haveof Pan-Africanism, it will have to act
The AU’s narrowalready been sent to the Central Africanat an earlier stage, and not wait until a
Republic in 2003 (Sadoka Fayala ofsituationis out of hand before deciding
mandate in Darfur
Tunisia was sent to assist with the postto intervene. Furthermore, it should
does not provide it not always wait for the international
conflict peacebuilding efforts), to Togo in2005 (former President Kenneth Kaunda)
with the flexibility community to make the first move.
and to Zimbabwe, also in 2005 (where
Obviously, the African continent would
to implement
the former Mozambican President
benefit most if there was collaboration
Joaquim Chissano tried to persuade an
between the AU, UN, EU and othermore robust
intransigent Mugabe regime to negotiate
partners. In this way the AU might
peacemaking and succeed in achieving its vision andwith the country’s opposition parties).
peacebuilding
The latter followed on a report by the
implementing its policies.
UN’s Special Envoy, Anna Tibaijuka, inwhich Zimbabwe’s urban demolitions
Promoting principled leadershipproject was strongly criticised forresulting in 800 000 people losing their homes. It had
In January 2006 the AU Assembly met in Khartoum,
an adverse effect on the studies of young children
Sudan. Traditionally, the country that hosted theand some even stopped their schooling altogether.
Assembly also chaired it for the next year. However,
The report described the government-sanctionedby 2006 the atrocities being committed in Darfur andforced removal of people from their homes as a
the negative publicity that Sudan had incurred were
‘violation of the right to adequate housing and otherdominating the agenda. Therefore the AU heads ofrights including the right to life, property and freedom
state agreed to defer Sudan’s chairmanship till 2007.
of movement’ (Tibaijuka 2005:63). However, true
Interestingly, in January 2007 the AU reneged on
to form, the government of Zimbabwe rejected theits promise to give Sudan the chairmanship of theappointment of Chissano, saying that it could not
Assembly of Heads of State and Government andnegotiate with an opposition that it perceived as
Ghana was elected to the position instead. This clearlystooges of the real power-brokers in London. The
indicates that the AU is making an effort to live up to
Zimbabwean government also issued a 45-page report
its principles of not endorsing or tacitly supportingin which it rejected the UN report and quoted themembers that flagrantly abuse its values.
Zimbabwean Minister of Information as saying that the
UN report a ‘a mischievous report’.
Implementing the principle of postFrom this it would seem as if the AU has miscalculated
its possible influence on this issue. However, there is
still an urgent need to find a way out of this deadlock,
Institutionalising Pan-Africanism • page 

conflict reconstruction

The AU has developed an African post-conflictreconstruction policy framework through a broad
Paper 143 • June 2007

consultative process with civil society and key
stakeholders (NEPAD 2005). This framework stresses
the link between peace and security on the one hand,and humanitarian and development dimensions of
post-conflict reconstruction and peacebuilding on
the other. The aim of the framework is to coordinate
and guide the efforts of the AU Commission, the AU
secretariat, the RECs, civilians, the private sector andother internal and external partners in the process of
rebuilding war-affected communities.

October 2001. One of the criticisms of NEPAD wasthat it did not include the views of African civil society
and since then the AU has made efforts to consult
with civilians. NEPAD proposes ways to advance andaccelerate Africa’s peace and security by building astrong foundation for development and economic
growth. It proposes to do this through improved
access to education and training and to healthcare,and by building the infrastructure necessary to make
Africa an equal partner in global trade and economic
development (Nkhulu 2005).

This plan is based on the premise that each country
should adopt a post-conflict reconstruction strategy
Some critics of NEPAD argue that the programmethat corresponds to its own particular needs (Bondcannot succeed because it tries to integrate Africa into a2005). In most countries there is a need to develop
global framework of neo-liberal laissez-faire economic
a post-conflict reconstruction process that addresses
principles, and that this is part of the reason why Africa
the needs of vulnerable groups such as womenfinds itself in a poor situation in the first place. The
and children, who are increasingly becoming theargument is that Africa’s current situation stems fromtargets of violence in conflict situations. Therefore
an economic framework in which richer countries
the peacebuilding policy of the AU stresses thepreach free trade but protect their own industries
importance of factoring the needs of such groups into
while simultaneously putting pressure on developing
planning and programming in order to develop an
countries to open up their markets. Liberalised African
effective overall post-conflict strategy. The disabled,markets give larger global corporations the opportunity
ex-combatants, child soldiers and victims
to extract primary commodities at low
of sexual violence also need receive
prices, buy up industries and production
appropriate care and attention sincein Africa and repatriate profit out of
an inadequate post-conflict programme
Africa back to their global shareholders.
The AU has tocan actually increase the vulnerability of
They thus deny Africans the benefit ofthese groups.
these profits, which are essential for
implement its
building infrastructure and promoting
development
development. As an illustration, in
The principle of development:
principles toagriculture alone developed Organisation
The New Partnership for
for
Economic Cooperation and
Africa’s Development
enable Africa to
Development countries spend US $320
gain control of its billion a year on subsidies, a situation
The AU has to implement its development
principles to enable Africa to gain control
economic policies which undercuts cotton production in
Mali and Burkina Faso and restricts theirof its economic policies. At this stage it
competitiveness in global markets.
is being mainly controlled externally, asituation that has to be addressed as soon
Therefore critics argue that at theas possible. The Structural Adjustment
very least African governments should be allowed
Programmes and Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers
to strengthen and protect their local industries. In
promoted and enforced by the International Monetary
addition, they should ensure that profits remain on theFund (IMF) and the World Bank have had a negative
continent to support development. The basic argument
impact on Africa’s development. By these twois that the adoption of a neo-liberal framework fororganisations’ own admission, the programmes did not
development is akin to adopting an aggressive strategy
achieve their objectives. In fact, UNCTAD estimatesfor promoting peace.
that IMF/World Bank policies implemented since 1980
have led to a 10 per cent decline in economic growthWith regard to the issue of debt cancellation, manyin Africa (UNCTAD 2004).
African countries are spending more money in servicing
Africa and the AU must therefore declare its economic
multilateral debt than the combined amount they spend
independence anew and identify programmes that willon the provision of healthcare and education to theirbring genuine development to the people who needpeople. Again, this means that more money is exiting
it most. It is in this context that much is being said
Africa and returning to foreign bankers. Clearly, this isabout the New Partnership for Africa’s Development
an unhealthy situation that is hampering development(NEPAD) for which the Group of Eight (G8) countries
and the promotion of peace. The AU should therefore
pledged support at their meeting in Kananaskis,
also consider the establishment of institutions that aim
Canada, in June 2002. NEPAD is a programme ofat promoting development and trade, including an
the AU, not a separate institution. It was designed
African central bank, an African monetary fund, andby African leaders and adopted in Abuja, Nigeria in
an African investment bank.
Institutionalising Pan-Africanism • page Paper 143 • June 2007

The principle of governance: The
African Peer Review Mechanism

article 30 of the Constitutive Act rejects any future‘unconstitutional change’ of government.

States on the African continent are to a large extent
suffering from an unprincipled form of governancein which the people’s right to free participation andchoice of leaders is subverted. This means that thoughelections are regularly held, people have no choicein leaders for whom they may vote. The mere fact ofelections is not sufficient to bring about democracy.
However, it would seem that the situation is changing:in the late 1980s the majority of African countries
were led by dictators who did not even to pretend
to seek the votes of their people to remain in power.
Today the majority of African governments seek
legitimacy through universal suffrage. While some ofthese processes are not as transparent as they shouldbe, they do at least demonstrate that the principle
and norm of ruling with the consent of the people isbeginning to take root on the African continent.

The recent coup d’état in Mauritania was a test of thecommitment of the AU to this principle. The AU roseto the challenge and summarily suspended Mauritania
from its activities. The AU went so far as to send ministers
to Nouakchott, the Mauritanian capital, to personallyinform the new military junta that the AU would not
accept unconstitutional changes of government. With
this act the AU effectively put on notice others who
harbour intentions to overthrow existing governments.
However, the junta in Mauritania was accepted on thebasis of its pledge that it would proceed to elections.
Elections were indeed held in 2007.

Once peace and democracy has been consolidated, itwould be vital to ensure that the constitutions that havebeen developed through consultation with citizens aremaintained and not undermined. This is problematicat the outset, because there are still a significant
number of African governments that initially came to
power through unconstitutional means. In spite of this,

The AU has also established an Economic, Culturaland Social Council which sits in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
and includes civil society representatives from across
Africa. The AU has also established a Civil Society andDiaspora unit (CIDO) to monitor its efforts on civilsociety initiatives within the office of the chairpersonof the Commission. Nepad, too, has established a

The principle of human rights
and the rule of law

The AU envisages the formation of an African Court ofJustice and Human Rights. The purpose of the court will
The NEPAD framework has launched an African
be to adjudicate on human rights violations affecting
Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) which will monitor
African citizens. The court will be established inand assess the compliance of African
Arusha, Tanzania. In terms of promoting
governments with the norms ofthe norm of the rule of law and thegovernance and human rights (APRM
protection of human rights in Africa, it
Once peace andbase document). This innovative
will be possible to make submissions tomechanism of voluntary, self-imposedthecourt. While the first judges of thedemocracy has
assessment seeks to raise the standards ofcourt were appointed in 2006, no cases
been consolidated, have been heard yet.
governance and economic managementin Africa. The ultimate aim is to improve
it would be vital
the lives of African people by promoting
The principle of participation: The
to ensure that the AU’s interface with civil society
a climate that will encourage investment
and development.
constitutions thatIn 2004, Africa established its first ever
have been adopted Pan-African
The first four countries to volunteer for
Parliament (PAP), based inare maintained
an APRM audit were Ghana, Mauritius,
Midrand, South Africa. The spokespersonof the AU, Desmond Orjiako, observed
Rwanda and Kenya. These countries willthat ‘this is an extremely important step
be assessed in four key areas, namely
for us, it will enable all persons to have a
democracy and political governance,
forum where they can air their views’ (Orjiako 2004).
corporate governance, microeconomic governance andAccording to Orjiako the PAP will enable Africansocio-economic development. The APRM team also
citizens to make inputs into how they should be
consults with civil society and the private sector. These
governed. The PAP will work in close cooperation with
APRM reports will be key tests of the effectiveness ofthe parliaments of the RECs and national parliaments of
NEPAD and the commitment of the AU to monitor
member states. The PAP will hold annual consultativeand police its own members (Kajee 2004). Critics
forums with these bodies to discuss matters of common
argue that the APRM has ‘failed’ in its analysis andinterest. The intention is that the body will eventually
criticisms of the lack of democratic governance among
have the ability to make laws and coordinate laws
its members.
for the whole continent, which will ensure grassroots
involvement by ordinary Africans in the laws that affectUnprincipled and unconstitutional
their future.
changes of government

Institutionalising Pan-Africanism • page Paper 143 • June 2007

structure for interfacing with civil society, according to
Nkhulu: ‘… a civil society desk has been establishedat the Nepad Secretariat with a view to having a onestop focal point for civil society.’ He confirms that ‘civilsociety participation is an integral part of the African
Peer Review process’ (Nkhulu 2005:9).

The principle of gender equality
The Assembly of Heads of State and Government,
which is the highest decision-making body of the AU,
comprises 52 men and only one woman. Obviously
the gender imbalance in the composition of the AU
has to be redressed and the AU accordingly adopted
the principle of gender equity through its ‘Solemn
declaration on gender equity’. This declaration wasapproved by the AU Assembly in 2004. The AU
Commission has also instituted a programme ofaffirmative action and has stipulated that five of theten commissioners should be women. In order toadvocate for and monitor its gender policies, the AU
has established a directorate for gender within the
Office of the Chairperson.

the AU, which is a blueprint for greater intervention
in the affairs of member states, particularly on issues
relating to peace and security.
At some point in its history the principle of nonintervention became a license for oppressive postcolonial governments to kill their own peoples throughinternecine conflicts. This created a need to returnto the principles that animated and inspired the
Pan-Africanists who founded the movement, and to
implement these principles in practice. The opportunity
provided by the renewed sense of Pan-Africanism canbe used by African citizens to hold governments
and their institutions accountable for their actions
and responsible for the wellbeing of their people.
Accordingly, the renewed sense of unity and solidarity
should serve as a foundation of Pan-African standardsof accountability and respect for the rights of humanbeings, and not a guise for permitting the excesses andmisuse of state power.

Critics of Pan-Africanism argue that this movement or
ideology did not in the past bring about any significant
transformation, other than enabling ‘atrade union of dictators’ in the form of the
The limits of Pan-AfricanismOAU heads of state and government torule unjustly and harshly. For that reason
In view of the above initiatives, based onwords uttered by current African leaders
its principles, the question that can beshould be followed by concrete deeds.
raised is whether the institutionalisation
The question is: how Africa should setof Pan-Africanism is in fact taking place.
The AU exists
about the task of protecting and guarding
As was stated above, the AU exists
but African unity
its institutions against exploitation? If the
but African unity does not. Most of
responseis through greater solidarity andAfrica’s problems can be resolved if thedoes notunity, does this imply Pan-Africanism?
political will is mobilised to address the
If African countries are left to follow
internal issues of social and political
their own dictates, without censure andexclusion, authoritarianism, economic
intervention by fellow Africans, the result
mismanagement and the misappropriation
is precisely the violence and slaughter inof state resources. Some observers andKigali, in Freetown, Monrovia, Bukavu,
commentators question whether the AU
Mogadishu and Darfur. How does Africa
is at this time a valid vehicle for addressing
prevent future massacres if not through working
the ills of the continent, or whether it is just anothertogether as one African collective? Therefore Africans
ambitious campaign by self-seeking leaders to distract
should find a middle road between the ideologicalattention from the pressing problems of the continent.
stance of Africans for Africa, as propounded by
The critical challenge facing the AU is whether it can
Pan-Africanism, and the politics of non-intervention,transform the extensive range of principles, norms
collusion and inaction which African leaders stilland values that it has adopted into practical policies
propound today.
with a practical basis. The institutionalisation of PanAfricanism will only be achieved when the ideals that
inform this movement begin to manifest as progressive
Pan-Africanism is a tool and in the right hands could
policy prescriptions. In turn, these policy prescriptions
be a key to Africa’s emancipation. It was Kwame
must lead to the implementation of programmes that
Nkrumah who argued that African states must unite
will improve the lives of ordinary Africans acrossor sell themselves out to imperialist and colonialist
the continent.
exploiters or sell themselves for a mess of portage, or
disintegrate individually. Nkrumah was offering future
The notion of Pan-Africanism has historically been
generations of Africans an option for a better life, as
used to defend the rights of nation-states against
against an Africa divided and torn apart by disputes
between states and factions within one state. Africa,
external interference. At the dawn of the 21st century
through its leaders, has sold out the continent for thethe majority of African heads of state and government
illusion of power and privilege. As a consequence thehave held onto this norm. This is the position despite
continent is on the brink of disaster.
the fact that most have signed the Constitutive Act ofInstitutionalising Pan-Africanism • page Paper 143 • June 2007

A possible antidote to this critical situation is thatthe emphasis should be on a united stance, one that
benefits all African peoples. Africans and their leaders
should return to their ideological roots and relearn theprinciples that animated their struggle for independence
and freedom. Today another battle for freedom isbeing waged on the continent: a battle for freedom
from conflict, poverty, disease and exploitation.

Towards the politics of principle:
Institutionalising the normsof the African Union

consisting of five regional brigades, to prevent and help
resolve conflicts in Africa by 2010. The PAP which
was recently inaugurated would cost US$30 million,
while US$3 million will be required to finance theproposed court of justice. Funds are also required forthe continent-wide peace, security and development
blueprint known as the NEPAD. The implications ofthese projects are that most African countries would
have to significantly increase their contributions to
the AU.

The view of the AU Commission is that the continent
must be seen to pick up the bill for its own problems
The above exposé of the limitations of Pan-Africanism
before turning to rich nations and expecting more andpaints a rather negative picture. However, there arecontinuing support. If African governments do notsome light points in the situation. The AU is aware of
make the pledge to fund the AU, it would undermine
the shortcomings that sunk the OAU and is at least
the ability of key institutions to implement strategies
making an effort to avoid the same mistakes. It has
for building a new Africa effectively. These funds
involved itself in on-going peace efforts, such as Côte
could be found - if prospects for peace becomedi’Ivoire, Sudan and Liberia. It does have some majora reality, a substantial amount of funds can bechallenges ahead, but it has realised that humanitarian
redirected from the huge military budgets of someand undemocratic issues, such as in Zimbabwe,
African countries. If countries are prepared to integratecannot be left to that country alone, particularly if that
their security mechanisms and even establish a Pancountry has signed the Constitutive Act
African armed forces division, financesof the AU, in which members undertakeand resources would be freed forto embrace a ‘respect democratic
education, healthcare and development.
The AU isprinciples, human rights, the rule of
The obstacles to funding would thus
law and good governance’ (art 4). Suchseem to be mostly self-imposed, andaware of the
problems should be dealt with by the AU
egotistical state-centric attitudes of states
shortcomings
and all its member states, in such a way
and leaders on the African continentthat its wayward members return to thewould have to be overcome. Prior to thethat underminedfold. However, the AU is only five years
July 2004 summit the former director of
the OAU and is
old and still has to overcome the old
the Peace and Security Directorate ofhabits inherited from the defunct OAU. It
the AU, Ambassador Sam Ibok, statedmaking an effort
is nevertheless making headway againstthat ‘funding for the AU so far is totallyto avoid the same inadequate’ and argued that African
the policy of non-involvement in which
mistakes
member states could do as they wanted
leaders needed to commit money toto within their borders.
back up their creation. Ibok said that ‘theonly way we can sound credible to the
As Eddie Maloka observes in A Unitedrest of the world is by putting something
States of Africa? African leaders must be commended
on the table. If you establish these AU institutions, thenfor taking advantage of the changed environment toyou have got to pay for it’ (Ibok 2004).
advance the cause of the African continent (Maloka
2001:5). The transition from the OAU to the AU is
Towards a Union of Africa?
a visionary step towards greater integration, good
governance and the rule of law in African countries.
The agenda to establish a Union Government of Africa,
However, the changes will come at a price, both inor the so-called United States of Africa (USA), is wellideological and monetary terms.
under way. At the core of this debate is the desire tocreate several ministerial portfolios for the African
At their annual summit in Addis Ababa in 2004 AU
Union. During the 4th Ordinary Session of the Assembly
leaders discussed ways and means of ending years ofof Heads of State and Government, from 30 to 31 conflict, reducing poverty and combating the scourge
January 2005, in Abuja, Nigeria, the AU agreed to theof HIV/Aids on the continent (Integrated Regional
proposals made by the Libyan government to establish
ministerial portfolios for the organisation. Specifically,
Information Network 2004). The chairperson of the AU
in the 6th Ordinary Session of the Executive Council
Commission, former President Alpha Oumar Konare,of AU Ministers, Libya proposed the establishment of
unveiled a three-pronged plan aimed at reaching these
the post of a minister of transport and communications
objectives and estimated that it would cost at least
to unify transportation in member states to be under
US $600 million. It includes proposals for a peace
the competence of the AU. The portfolio will include
fund of US$200 million and the AU hopes to have its
airports and main ports of African capital cities,
own standby rapid-reaction force of 15 000 troops,
Institutionalising Pan-Africanism • page Paper 143 • June 2007

highways, inter-state railways, and state-owned airline
companies, which are to become the basis for asingle African airline company. Libya proposed that
this should ultimately lead to the creation of a postof minister of transportation and communications.
Similarly, Libya proposed the creation of the post ofminister of defence and of an African Union ministerof foreign affairs.

overdependence and under-exploitation of its potentials
have increased the marginalisation of the continent inworld affairs’ (AU 2006:8). The study further outlines
the 16 strategic areas that an African Union government
should focus on including continental integration;
education, training, skills development, science andtechnology; energy; environment; external relations;food, agriculture, and water resources; gender andyouth; governance and human rights; health; industry
and mineral resources; finance; peace and security;social affairs and solidarity; sport and culture; trade andcustoms union; infrastructure, information technology
and biotechnology.

In order to respond to these proposals, the AU Assembly
decided to set up a Committee of Heads of State andGovernment chaired by the president of the Republicof Uganda and composed of Botswana, Chad, Ethiopia,
Niger, Senegal and Tunisia. The committee was toliaise with the chairperson of the AU Commission and
The study notes that the design and functioning
submit a report by the next summit, in July 2005. Inof a Union government as a tool for integration
November 2005, the committee convened a conference
would have far-reaching implications on the existingwith the theme ‘Desirability of a Union Government
institutions and programmes of the African Union (AUof Africa. The meeting included members of the
2006:7). It further assesses the implications of a Union
committee, representatives of the regional economic
government on the organs of the AU. The most notablecommunities (RECs), technical experts, academics,
impact would be the need to consider allowing acivil society and diaspora representatives, as well as
longer tenure (about three years for example) for thethe media. The conference came up with three key
President of the Assembly of the AU (AU 2006:14).
conclusions, including the recognition
The president of the Assembly wouldthat the necessity of an AU government
also be the unique spokesperson of theis not in doubt; that such a union must
union at world or other special summits.
A Unionbe of the African people and not merely
Therefore the study notes that it would
a union of states and governments; thatgovernment would be desirable that the function of president
its creation must come about throughbe on a full time basis and could be
have far-reaching
the principle of gradual incrementalism;
assigned to a former head of state or any
and that the role of the RECs should be
distinguished African with the necessary
implications
highlighted as building blocks for the
background and track record for theon the existing
continental framework. Based on thejob (AU 2006:14). Another notablefindings of this conference the Assembly
innovation would be that under the
institutions andmandated the AU Commission to prepareUnion government, the AU Commission
programmes ofa consolidated framework document
will be entrusted with the implementation
the African Union of decisions, programmes and projects
defining the purpose of the Union
government, its nature, scope, corein the strategic focus areas, which willvalues, steps and processes, as well as an
constitute the Community Domain
indicative roadmap for its achievement.
(AU 2006:15). This notion of issues
The Assembly reaffirmed that the ultimate goal of thefalling under the Community Domain would assign
African Union is full political and economic integration
the commission with ‘the executive authority andleading to a United States of Africa.
responsibility to effectively implement’ policies. The
study also recognises that the logic of using RECs as
The chairperson of the Committee of Seven, President
building blocks for the eventual deep, continental
Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria, submitted a detailed
integration remains valid. The challenge is in aligning,
report entitled: A study on an African Union
synchronising and harmonising the integration efforts
government: towards the United States of Africa, on Julyof member states, the RECs themselves, and the AU.
2006, to the 7th Ordinary Session of the AU Assemblyin Banjul, Gambia. Some of the key themes emerging
There are also national implications of the establishmentfrom this report highlighted the fact that Africa is overof a Union government. The study notes that it is vital
dependent on the external world, particularly withto build the necessary constitutency for advancing
regard to expatriate technicians and technology. It also
political integration. In this regard, some countries havenoted that Africa has not fully exploited its potential atalready set up ministries in charge of integration andnational, regional and continental levels with reference
other countries should follow suit. The study notes thatto trade, education and health sectors. It notes that
there is also a need to devise appropriate mechanisms‘a United Africa would have the unique potential offor legislative implications at the national level andproducing most types of food and agricultural produce
the direct involvement of the people in promoting
throughout the year’ (AU 2006:7). The study also notes
the Union Government could also be in the form ofthat in the context of globalisation, ‘the challenges ofnational associations or commissions for the United
Institutionalising Pan-Africanism • page 10

Paper 143 • June 2007

States of Africa (AU 2006:30). In terms of financing theUnion government the study discusses the possibilityof establishing indirect taxation schemes particularly
with regards to an import levy and an insurance tax. A
meeting of Ecosocc in March 2005 proposed imposing
a five US dollar tax on each air ticket bought for interstate travels and US$10on each ticket for travellers
between Africa and other continents (AU 2006:31).
Ultimately, the study is positive about the prospects fora Union government and outlines three phases for thetransition to such a government:• The initial phase – commencing immediately after
the decision of the Assembly at the AU summit
in July 2007. It will include all the steps andprocesses that are necessary for the immediate
operationalisation of the Union government• The second phase will be devoted to making
the Union government fully operational in all its
components and to laying the constitutional groundfor the United States of Africa• The third phase will aim at the facilitation of all
required structures of the United States of Africa at
the levels of states, the regions and the continent(AU 2006:31)
The study recommends a three-year period for eachphase, which will mean that the United States ofAfrica will be formed by the year 2015. Elections at
continental, regional and national levels would be
held, paving the way for the official constitution of theUnited States of Africa.

The role of civil society incontinental integration debates
It is important to include people and civil society in thisgrand debate. To what extent is the majority of African
people aware that this debate is going on? If they are
not aware, who is having this conversation on theirbehalf? How can a Union government project succeed
if it does not have the buy-in and support of the peopleof Africa? Can there be an African Union government
without African citizenship? Where are the African
citizens in this debate? The AU convened from 28 to
30 May 2007 an all-inclusive continental consultationon the Union government project, at its headquartersin Addis Ababa, as part of the preparations towards the
Accra meeting. Civil society participants were given theopportunity to contribute to debate. The AU has alsoestablished a website inviting public contributions on
the debate. Without laying the foundations for genuine
African citizenship, an African Union government will
ultimately remain a pipe dream.

Policy recommendations
If a strategy to institutionalise Pan-Africanism andtransform AU principles and norms into policy andpractice is to succeed, the organisation’s institutions,
Institutionalising Pan-Africanism • page 11

structures and mechanisms will have to be used toconsolidate peace and development. In particular,
the emerging AU peace and security infrastructure
should be used to intervene in and prevent conflictsituations before the disputes become violent, sinceprevention is better than cure. It is also important tooperationalise the brigades of the AU Standby Forcethat have already been established and engage themin ongoing peacekeeping and post-conflict operations
on the continent.
The AU should also exert pressure on parties toimplement post-conflict peace accords and upholdagreements. It should act as moral guarantor of
post-conflict peace agreements and appoint special
representatives to monitor such agreements. Principled
post-conflict reconstruction and development requires
improved policy coordination and collaboration withinternational partners like the RECs, UN, EU and otherbilateral and multilateral partners.
It will be possible to promote the institutionalisationof Pan-Africanism by encouraging all African states, inparticular those emerging from conflict situations, tosign up for the APRM and submit themselves to regular
audits. A further step would be to initiate a programmeof community awareness to inform the African peopleof the existence of the AU and the mechanismsthat are being established to address peace, security
and development issues. A useful strategy would
involve conducting a continent-wide civic education
programme to inform the people of the existence andworkings of the PAP and the Economic, Social andCultural Council (ECOSOCC), and how they interact
with the AU and NEPAD.

Conclusion
The extent to which Pan-Africanism can be
institutionalised depends on whether the principles
and norms that have been adopted by the AU canbe translated into policies that impact upon the
lives of African citizens at ground level. The AU has
established what can only be described as a symphonyof institutions and organs. The challenge is whether the
AU can act as an effective conductor, so as to ensurethat the organisation orchestrates Africa’s recovery
from violent conflict and puts in place strategies
for development.
People need to be placed at the centre of the AU’s
strategy for building peace and reinforcing democratic
governance and the rule of law across the continent.
The AU is not a well-known organisation among
the majority of African people, so there is a needfor greater publicity and awareness with the aim ofencouraging African citizens to make the Union theirown. The AU should not be the exclusive enclave ofa small diplomatic elite and continental civil service,
but should belong to all Africans. Financial support for
Paper 143 • June 2007

the AU does after all come from taxpayers’ money.
Therefore each African has the right to ask what the
AU is doing to improve this continent, its states and its
societies. One thing seems to be true: the AU is here
to stay and is off to a good start. It does however need
to be given a chance to develop in order to make adifference on the African continent.
In the final analysis, the grand debate on the Union
government is to be welcomed. The injunction thatthe great Pan-Africanist Kwame Nkrumah left us with isstill valid: Africa must unite, or disintegrate individually.
Somehow the debate captures this spirit and could beviewed as only the latest incarnation of an attempt
to institutionalise Pan-Africanism. Understanding the
motivations behind Pan-Africanism will help us tounderstand the grand debate. But it is also appropriate
to question whether the Union Government of Africa
Project will be built on a solid enough foundation torealise the aspirations of Pan-Africanism and improve
the wellbeing of Africans on the continent and in
the diaspora. The past in this sense is influencing thepresent: it remains to be seen whether it will ultimately
inform the future.

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Institutionalising Pan-Africanism • page 14

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About this paper
If successful, the evolution of the African Union (AU) into a Union Government of Africa or the United States ofAfrica would represent the further institutionalisation of Pan-Africanism. This paper assesses how the notion of PanAfricanism was first institutionalised as the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and then the AU. It provides ananalysis of the extent to which the AU has transformed its values and principles into practical policies and initiatives.
It aalso assesses how the AU has implemented its principles of peace, development and governance, through its
peace and security architecture; the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (Nepad); and the African Peer Review
Mechanism (APRM). The paper concludes that the potential establishment of the Union Government would represent
the next phase in the institutionalisation of Pan-Africanism.

About the author
Tim Murithi has a PhD from the Department of International Relations, Keele University, United Kingdom and isa senior researcher for the Direct Conflict Prevention Programme at the Institute for Security Studies in Addis Ababa,
Ethiopia. He can be contacted at tmurithi@issafrica.org

FunderThis paper and the research upon which it is based was made possible through the generous funding of the Switzerland
Embassy in Ethiopia, the Danish Embassy in Ethiopia and the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit(GTZ).

© 2007, Institute for Security Studies • ISSN: 1026-0404
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Institutionalising Pan-Africanism • page 16

Paper 143 • June 2007