MARITIME SECURITY IN SOUTH WEST ASIA
By
Vice Admiral Mihir Roy(Society for Indian Ocean Studies)“It is not clear whether sailors be counted amongst the living or dead”
Diogenes

The Indian Ocean
The warm rich embayed Indian Ocean of 28 million square miles covering
20 percent of the earth’s water expanse and lapping the shores of 3 continents isthe smallest but most strategic waterway encompassing 30 littorals and 11 land
locked states with 1284 islands. Moreover this region contains 1/3 of the works
population, ¼ of landmass, ¾ of strategic reserves of oil, iron ore and tin as also
70 percent of worlds disasters. The littoral countries are widely disparate in size,
population and per capita incomes as also the composition of their societies.
Some are well developed while others are only fifty percent literate.
The region is a cradle of all major religions as also a kaleidoscope of isms,
such as fundamentalism, tribalism, socialism, communism, talibanism as also
adventurism with a spectrum of political hues ranging from democracy, monarchy
to dictatorship. None of the 19 Arab States follow a democratic system. Most
countries have a fragile polity with terrorism in the garb of freedom movements
and religious fundamentalists.
The focus on the Indian Ocean started during the fascinating period when
Buddha lived between 563-483 BC with Buddhism traversing to the East throughits warm waters. It was the gateway for proselytising as also for cultural inroads
into South East Asia. The Mekong Valley, Malaya, Cambodia, Jog Jakarta andBali were dotted with Hindu principalities such as the Kingdoms of Suvarnadipa,
Sri Vijaya, Annan and Angkor. The ancient civilizations of China and India, in a
way met on the Mekong river in a country aptly named Indo-China.
Navigators were familiar with the Pole star, Kamal (sextant) and the
Matsya Yantra (wet compass) as also with astronomy which made phenomenal
progress due to the efforts of Aryabhatta and Varahamihara of India.
It is generally accepted that there are six subregions in this area — SouthAsia, the Gulf, East Africa / Horn and Red Sea, Southern Africa, Chagos,
Seychelles, Mascarene group and South East Asia. The north east boundary ofthis link ocean has not been clearly defined.
Maritime Security
Maritime security is both multi-dimensional and multifaceted and involves
military and non-military issues. These include naval threats and challenges(military security issues), arms trafficking and narco terrorism as well as piracy(hard non military security issues) along with shipping, fishing, sea bed minerals
1and offshore oil and natural gas resources, vulnerability of sealanes ofcommunication (SLOC), and illegal immigration. Moreover maritime security
includes environmental protection, nuclear issues, ballistic missile defence asalso maritime management as the seas are indivisible. Hence this paper will
focus the need for maritime cooperation in the region to ensure the stability andsecurity of this strategic link ocean and its sealanes of communications (SLOCs).
Tokyo New Delhi and Washington are in many ways natural allies and should
accept maritime responsibilities. They should demonstrate their capacity andcapability to oversee the security and stability of their respective ocean regions in
an interlocking maritime cooperation to ensure good order at sea.
In the current environment, we do not have the luxury of making clear –cut distinctions between traditionally ‘military’ and soft ‘non military issues suchas energy security, privatisation of ports, ship building, delimination of extended
maritime space, legal and regulatory mechanisms in the maritime zones,
protection of marine environment, pollution and the security of dual-use
oceanographic data.
The collapse of the Berlin Wall had triggered the current phase of
economic globalisation which is being driven by information technology. The
collapse of the World Trade Centre, a decade later, focussed on the security
dimension with a greater force. This is being described as ‘the third wave’ of theongoing multi-dimensional process of globalisation and utilising the oceanic
highway. Professor Barnet of the Naval War College stated ‘globalisation is
splintering the concept of national security as also generating new markets forboth supra and sub national security providers for which naval forces offer an
unique response’.
Terrorism
The events of 11 Sept. marks a watershed in the international security
environment. Non-state actors and non-state identities are likely to assume
increasing importance. The concept of armed conflict between nation states may
have to be modified with changes in the rules as well as the conduct of warfare.
Moreover global terrorism is mainly funded by narcotics. The polarisation ofinternational politics along religious lines as in the Crusades could be a possibility
but there is a positive move by the International Community to treat it as action
against the Taliban who supported Osama bin Laden and his Al Queda terrorist
network. They had earlier destroyed the 2000 old Buddha statue carved in rockat Bamian without heeding the advise of UNESCO and almost all civilised
countries to protect this world heritage. Women and girl children were denied
their basic rights of education as also to earn their living. Men were forced towear beards and other religions were advised to display yellow ribbons which
was to differentiate them from Muslims. Flogging, shooting and imprisonment
without trial was the order of the five years governance by the Mullahs of Taliban.
The International Community took little action until the catastrophic attack on theWorld Trade Centre in New York. It was USA who formed an international2

coalition and went after the terrorists in Afghanistan. Only President Bush withhis single-minded resolve and resources could have taken the necessary steps
to remove the cancer of international terrorism from the water planet
paradoxically called earth.
Regional Security
With regard to regional associations, SAARC (South Asian Association for
Regional Cooperation) appears to have run aground on the rocks of subcontinental obduracy because of cross border terrorism affecting Jammu &Kashmir. The India Ocean Rim – Association for Region Cooperation (IOR-ARC)
which Nelson Mandela during his state visit to Delhi in Jan 95 declared as ‘thenatural urge of the facts of history and geography that Nehru spoke of should
broaden itself to include exploring the concept of an Indian Ocean Rim for socioeconomic cooperation and to improve the lot of the developing nations’ isunfortunately in shallow waters owing to the pulls and presures of the main
actors India, Australia and to an extent South Africa with Mauritius being theinterlocutor. In the South West, the GCC (Gulf Coordination Council) tends to beenmeshed in Arab politics and Islamic issues which has metamorphised into
Jehad, cultural and International terrorism with the events of 11 Sept. More thana decade ago, a Muslim analyst observed that there were signs of the free
floating hostility directed against communism gravitating to Islam.
Ethnic conflicts, famine and lack of effective governance has prevented
any significant movement among the nations in the Horn of Africa. Similarly East
African states failed to maintain their cooperative relations and delineation of landboundaries inherited from their colonial days. Only Asean (Association of South
East Asian Nations) has established itself as a sub regional vehicle forcooperation in economic affairs and has recently addressed security matters
involving maritime cooperation in SE Asia. Apec has also been active infurthering regional cooperation in shipping and maritime safety. The
Transportation working group under APEC has taken a number of initiatives tofacilitate ocean trading communities which have a strong alliance with maritime
security.
The environment in the Indian Ocean changed from geostrategy to geo
economics, from conflict to commerce as also from a continental to a rimland
outlook which merits world communities such as Japan, India, US and EU to takenecessary steps to safeguard the heritage of mankind – the Oceans.
The volatile Indian Ocean with its neo geo-politics thus became the linkocean for human sustenance as also energy flows to achieve the politicoeconomic aspirations of the people particularly of developing countries and thishas contributed to changes in managing maritime security in this region where
only 10 littorals are privy to 65 percent of the world’s oil reserves.

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The emphasis also shifted from Euro-Atlantic to Asia-Pacific which was
accelerated by the advent of ocean trading blocs which brought in its wakebroader strategic and economic participation with an annual traffic of 70,000
ships traversing the link Indian Ocean. In planning for a better tomorrow, India
needs to urgently focus on updating port infrastruture in view of the mismatch
between capacity and demand for cargo handling which not only encourages
corruption but also imposes a penalty of $ 250 million per annum on India’s
exporters and importers due to the slow turn around of ships as estimated by theWorld Bank.
Militarisation of the Indian Ocean
The militarisation of the Indian Ocean will continue as currently five Carriergroups from US and UK and support ships from other nations including Japan
have initiated action from the sea against the terrorists operating fromAfghanistan.
The Gulf with its oil resource will remain the hot spot in the region toensure the transport of energy to Europe, Japan, USA & industrialising China.
India’s Navy will have to play a major part in this region with Asean keeping the
Malacca Straits free of regional politics. Japan’s Maritime Self Defence Force(JMSDF) with four escort flottillas, armed with missiles as also six divisions with
17 submarines fitted with Sub Harpons and with the largest number of P3COrions outside the USA fitted with missiles and Sea Dragon mine sweeping
helicopters needs to project her naval potential to ensure cooperative andcomphrensive security in their region of responsibility.
India will also require to modernise and expand her two fleet navy as per
the sanctioned strength approved four decades ago by the Indian Parliament for
which the new naval base at Karwar is being constructed.
There is another compelling reason which had been utilised during theCold war by USA to target ballistic missile from the Arabian sea to the soft under
belly of the Soviet Union. It is now an ideal platform for the tactical land attack
missiles such as the Tomahawks for prosecuting littoral warfare by long range
strikes from the sea to targets in Afghanistan when denied air bases insurrounding countries. The presence of several thousands of Arabs andPakistanis assisting the terrorists was exposed during the capture of Kundah withthe plea from Pakistan for a safe passage for their nationals after 3000 of them,
mostly professional terrorists who have operated in Kashmir, have been killed.
Organizations such as the Gulf Co-operation Council should be
encouraged to play a greater military role against terrorism provided that USA
exerts more pressure to resolve the Israeli-Palestine issue.
The US can be expected to reestablish the relationship with Iran as thelatter straddles the choke point of the Straits of Hormuz. Iran’s has in turn4

withdrawn its call for the export of Islamic revolution which was a threat to theGulf and instead has spelt out the need for a dialogue to ensure peace andstability in this region.
And finally the geopolitics of oil is likely to exacerbate the instability of theregion. The US Central Command will be of a greater importance to the US
strategic community in view of the requirement to ensure the safety ofhydrocarbons in South West Asia which accounts for almost 65 percent of Asianoil consumption. This has resulted in an increased number of tankers and
LNG/LPG carriers whose safety will be one of the major security concerns in theregion.
SLOC Safety and Security
SLOC is the route taken by a ship to transit from A to B. In maritime andeconomic parlance, it should be the shortest distance, economical and timely
delivery of cargo. SLOCs are the arteries of a region and serves as an umbilicalcord for the country’s economy.
But during confrontation, SLOCs translates itself as the strategic pathvarying in course and distance depending on the geography of the landmass,reefs and shallows as also the locations of ports and harbours. Hence to themilitary, SLOCs are an instrument of maritime power with geography being thedeterminator for the forces being deployed to support friends or deter adversaries.
To a politician, it is however the state of relations with countries locatedalong the sea route that will develop a strategy for the security of SLOCs. Hence
there is a significant link between SLOCs and geography in the context ofmaritime strategy. The subject of SLOC security is therefore closely linked to themaritime cooperative mechanism leading to the expansion of navies inevitably
followed by an arms race resulting in a tortuous and contested arms control
regime.
India’s security concerns stretches across a broad spectrum. They are at
global, regional and local levels with no clear distinction or division between themas sea-lanes in the region are proximate to the Asian landmass, and passthrough narrow choke points, which can be interfered with. The threats to SLOCs
can be classified into two distinct security groups. The first is the external factors
such as piracy, laying mines, military and territorial conflicts and disputes ofsome islets and the second being non traditional threats such as narco-terrorism,
drug trafficking and illegal migration. Global recession is the other aspect aslower prices will adversely effect the welfare economics of the Gulf Statesleading to dissatisfaction and therefore encouragement to fundamentalists.
The internal factors are the making of the maritime community itself due topoor seamanship, crew incompetence and unsatisfactory ship husbandry as 60of the 77 tankers lost at sea during 80’s were over 20 years old. Moreover5according to ILO there are approximately seven million Asians working abroad ofwhich 50% are illegal migrants. Smuggling in the US and Europe nets profit of$30,000 per person. The IMO has adopted an instrument titled interim measuresfor combating of unsafe practices associated with the trafficking or transport ofmigrants by sea. They are all sensitive factors affecting the maritime security of
the region.
The ongoing naval build-up by regional countries would be another threat
to SLOC security. In order to ensure sea-lane security many countries in theregion, including a number of medium and small states, are building up theirmaritime capabilities by acquisition programmes. It is estimated that 200-250
major warships were originally planned for procurement by the end of the new
century. Furthermore, analysts have expected that more than 30 modern
submarines have been ordered by Asian countries in the next decade. The
region will therefore continue to be one of the most lucrative markets for defence
manufacturers. But it can be said with little exaggeration that the real arms racein southeast is among the suppliers, rather than the recipients. The simmering
down of bi-polar deterrence and the expansion of national sovereignty notified by
UNCLOS III has become a significant motive for smaller regional powers tomodernise and expand their navies.
Regional SLOC Security Cooperation
As sea lines are crucial to the survival and prosperity of the Asian Pacificcountries, the safeguarding of SLOC security is in the interests of all regionalcountries. Since the world’s oceans are indivisible, no country can defend thewide radius of the sea-lanes by itself. In many ways, SLOCs is the classicalmultilateral maritime matrix as merchant ships are built in one country, owned byanother insured by a third, registered in a fourth and crewed by nationals of a fifth
country thus providing an explicit example of how a nation’s maritime security
interest extends beyond its own maritime boundaries. Therefore, cooperative
approaches to the safety and protection of sea-lanes needs to be developed, as
enumerated below:
(a)

(b)

(c)
(d)

First, the understanding of the interpretation of UNCLOS stipulations
related to the SLOC security needs implementation. In addition countries
could reach agreements regarding cooperation in the law enforcement on
the high seas for guaranteeing the norms for international navigation on
the high seas.
Settlement of islands’ sovereignty disputes and overlapping maritime
claims should be put on the national agenda. As an expedient measure,the establishment of joint patrol areas and joint development zones needs
to be initiated.
The ways of guaranteeing oil and gas transportation merits special
attention.
Naval cooperation is of particular importance for SLOC security. Bilateraland multilateral naval cooperation would reduce uncertainty in maritime

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security environment. Concrete cooperative approaches would be worked
out for the protection of SLOCs especially when dealing with nonconventional threats. They might include humanitarian assistance, searchand rescue at sea, avoidance of incident at sea (INCSEA), piracy,cooperative maritime surveillance, and mine-countermeasures.
Maritime Diplomacy
This was demonstrated at the ‘Bridges for Friendship’ at the International
Fleet Review at Mumbai (15-19 Feb) which was attended by 16 Naval Chiefs anddozens of flag officers of 29 nations taking part in the review of 90 ships which ina way reflected the maritime SLOC shift to the Gulf, Hormuz, Malacca, South
China Seas and Sea of Japan which in a manner is the ‘silk route’ of the post
Cold War ‘Blue planet’. Moreover the presence of warships from USA, Israel, Iranand Iraq which are currently in an estrangement mindset was not only anindicator of maritime diplomacy of ship visits but also a pointer to the coming ofage of the 50 years old modest Indian Navy as a stabilising regional power
supported by US, UK, France and Russia for ensuring cooperative security andsafety in the warm embayed Ocean of Destiny.
India is actively pursuing ‘Look East’ policy with maritime cooperation at
the bilateral and multilateral levels.
Confidence Building Measurese)
The need for preventing conflict such as Confidence Building Measures(CBM), Conflict Avoidance Measures (CAM), Trust Building Measures(TBM), Conflict. Resolution Measures (CRM), Confidence Building &Security measures (CBSM) and tension Reduction Measures (TRM)
merits more attention for ensuring greater stability in the Indian Ocean
Region.
There have been two regional organizations engaged in maritime security
issues. APEC has been active in recent years in furthering regional cooperationin shipping and maritime safety. The Transportation Working Group under APEC
has taken a number of initiatives to facilitate maritime commerce. ARF (ASEAN
Regional Forum) has also started to move into the area of maritime cooperation.
CSCAP (Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia Pacific) is perhaps thepremier institution for track-two process on security issues.
Since 1995, there has been a Maritime Cooperative Working Groupaffiliated to CSCAP. The working group has convened several meetings and has
been productive in making suggestions for regional maritime cooperation. It issuggested that a regional SLOC cooperative organization be set up based on the
Maritime Cooperative Working Group. The new organization could coordinate all
the bilateral and sub-regional activities in the region, apart from liaison among
regional law enforcement authorities and merits to be taken on board whileconsidering maritime security of the region.

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The dramatic increase in the volume of commerce flowing into and out of
East Asia has further sharply raised the security value of SLOCs in the AsiaPacific region. The supply of energy is becoming more critical in East Asia, and it
is likely to become a major security concern before too long. In the wake ofvarious threats to the free flow of trade, various maritime cooperative
mechanisms are being energized. The proposal for the creation of multilateral
maritime regimes is also being proposed which needs to be studied and its
ramification clearly understood.
Agenda for maritime cooperation
A framework for regional maritime cooperation could include joint searchand rescue doctrine, anti piracy patrols, and joint seminars on marine ecology
and seabed exploitation.
Advance maritime cooperation will encompass joint forces for disaster
relief, environmental protection, surveillance and upholding the Laws of the seas.
The broader maritime cooperation could be the joint development ofmarine technology, maritime diplomacy, development of eco-tourism, marineparks and safety of offshore assets.
Indo-Japan Relations
India and Japan share a number of common values and friendship. For
example, independent India did not demand reparations from Japan after WorldWar II for their occupation of Andamans and Nicobar in the Bay of Bengal.
Further India did not participate in the San Francisco treaty of September 1951
as Japan and China were specifically left out. Again Jawaharlal Nehru invited
Japan to the Bandung conference of 1955 despite the objections of Indonesia.
But due to the Cold war and perhaps the lack of imaginative ideas tosustain and cement such a relationship as also because of political indifference
there was a history of missed opportunities as the agenda of the two countries
was in a way too narrowly focussed. For example, Japan’s economic strength
revolves around the oil life line from South West Asia and therefore there is no
reason why the proposals for a pipeline from IRAN or CAR to the Indian Portscannot be another supply point for Japan.
Therefore it merits a more comphrensive dialogue particularly on maritime
related issues such as SLOCs, Search and Rescue, piracy, naval diplomacy,
confidence building measures and the implications of Asia-Pacific security.
Nuclear issues and disarmament and the impact of Ballistic Missile Defence(BMD) on regional peace and security also merits careful analysis.
In this vast canvas of strategic, economic and political issues, there areother areas such as the reformation of the UN, restructuring of the Security

8

Council, information technology, WTO, environmental protection, money
laundering, airline security and biological warfare which are not being covered inthis paper although they come within the parameters of comprehensive security
for South West Asia as also for other regions.
In hindsight, it appears that India failed to appreciate Japan’s post war
political and economic compulsions in the same way as Japan did notcomphrend the aspirations of a country such as India that had emerged
independent after centuries of colonial bondage. For India, non Alignment andsolidarity among recently liberated Afro-Asian Countries was important while
Japan felt her close alliance with US was indispensible for a faster economic
recovery which was apparent and justified.
Compherensive security and cooperation between countries are at threelevels-global, regional and bilateral. Prime Minister Moris visit to India in August
2000 emphasised the need to build a global partnership for the security of theenvironment, anti piracy operations, drug trafficking and a number of issue
outside the context of Japan’s relationship with the US. Similarly bilateral andregional issues need to be multi-faceted and multi layered to be meaningful andmutually beneficial.
Nuclear issues
Tokyo’s reaction to India’s Pokhran nuclear tests was sharp and the outcry
was far louder than at any time in the past despite Japan’s contradictions at
home.
It is appreciated that the nuclear issue is highly emotive at the popularlevel in Japan but it merits recognition regarding the basic difference between
actual possession and taking shelter under a nuclear umbrella as also Tokyo
being less silent regarding China’s explosions in 1995. India’s dilemma in having
Pakistan and China poised on its shoulders and a country of over a billion
citizens must perforce possess their own deterrence. Hence for psycho-politicalreasons, India was forced to become a reluctant nuclear power. She isconventionally stronger, than both her neighbours and has pronounced ‘no firstuse’. She is not obliged to defend any other state. Her command and control isunder civil authority. Hence Pokhran has solved her structural dilemma to someextent.
Nevertheless there are areas where cooperation in the nuclear field will be
of benefit and result in better confidence building measures between Japan andother Asian Countries.
a)

There are for example similarity of views on the question of nuclear
disarmament as both countries are openly committed to eliminate all
weapons of mass destruction. Nonetheless, Japan failed to use her moral
power in 1991 as the world’s only nuclear victim to support India’s

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b)

c)

proposal for a time bound elimination of nuclear weapons. Instead Japanpressed for an indefinite extension of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT)and in addition refused to support the US proposal for a secret ballot.
The second nuclear related issue is with regard to export controls as
India’s record is impeccable. India and Japan should find a solution
through mutual consultations to bring India’s power reactors undersafeguards so that Japan cold participate in the building of reactors inIndia in the same manner as Russia is cooperating in constructing the1000 mgw nuclear power station in South India.
The third area is related to regional cooperation with countries in the AsiaPacific such as Japan, Taiwan, Indonesia, Vietnam, South Korea andThailand in the same pattern as Euratom (European Atomic Energy
Community) to explore issues of waste management, nuclear safety, andadvanced nuclear research which could lead to some sort of Asiatom.

Ballistic Missile Defence (BMD)
Japan and India, despite belonging to different categories of nations havea convergence of opinions towards BMD albeit with Japan being conscious of
threats from North Korea and China and India from Pakistan and China. However
the mutual concern between Japan and India are the missile transfers between
China, Pakistan and North Korea. Moreover the BMD offers an opportunity toaddress the issue of global disarmament as in theory it would render nuclear
weapons redundant.
UN Peace-keeping operations
In the past Japanese maritime forces have been engaged in several Katas
such as:a)
Kata of mineseeping (Gulf war 1992)b)
Kata of UN peace keeping 1992)c)
Kata of escorting freghter Akatsuki carrying processed uranium from
Europe to Japan.
d)Kata of SLOC protection (1983)
With the Pko legislation, the Japanese government have reinterpreted therole of the JSMDF to a more acceptable functioning rationale, both domesticallyand internationally by opening the door to a whole gamut of international activityof which India has been one of the earliest and perhaps the most experienced in
UN peace keeping. This role for peacekeeping by Japan closely approximate her
pacifist tradition and also accords with their post cold war multilateral approach tosolving international disputes. Such a mindset contributes to a changing role of
the JSMDF as a stability factor in promoting maritime security.
Regional Confidence building
There has been a significant transformation in Japan regional security
portfolio with Prime Minster Kiichi Miyazawa who initiated the need for a JapanAsean dialogue to promote regional stability as demonstrated by the Asean

10

Regional Forum (ARF). The Japanese Defence Agency announced in March
1995 its ‘basic policy on security dialogue which could be extended to education,
training, Information technology, cultural cooperation & North-South dialogue. Aninteresting example is Prime Minister Obuchi’s visit to Myanmar in 1999 as thatcountry opens out to the Bay of Bengal as also to the western end of the busy
international choke point, of the Malacca Straits. China’s modernisation and the
expansion of her Navy will no doubt merit attention.
PiracySeafarers expect to sail ships in safe seas. The trauma of a piratical attack
can leave a mariner scarred for life. The numbers of reported piracy attacks
world-wide for 1999 rose to 40% compared with the 1998 figures and almost
triple compared with 1991 according to the International Maritime Bureaus (IMB)
Piracy Reporting Centre at Kuala Lampur with South East Asia and Somalia
having the highest density. A total of 285 separate attacks took place on ships
either at sea or at anchor and in port. While the number of crew killed has
declined, the trend to violence is a case for concern. Pirates carried guns on 53
occasions and knives were used twice as often as in 1998. Vessels wereboarded in 217 instances and on 11 occasions, pirates fired upon the ship they
were targeting.
The Japanese concern over piracy has become more serious following thedisappearance of 4,200 ton M.V. Tenyu, a Panama registered Japanese vessel
owned by Kobe based Masumoto Kisen Shipping Co. The vessel was on its way
from Kuala Tanjung in North Sumatra to South Korea with a cargo of aluminum
ingots worth US$ 1.9 million. The ship apparently turned up under a new nameand all fifteen crewmembers were reportedly missing or presumed
killed/murdered. The recent case of MV Alondra Rainbow, was similar to thatstory of MV. Tenyu. The vessel was however captured by Indian navy andcoastguard in the Arabian Sea and subsequently handed over to her owners.
Unlike the MV Tenyu, the crew was safe but these incidents have only added toTokyo’s concern about the vulnerability of Japanese owned shipping in thesewaters.
More recently, Tokyo and Singapore concluded a bilateral militaryagreement that permits Japanese patrol ships and aircraft to be stationed at
Singapore as also to evacuate Japanese nationals in disturbed areas. Earlier,during the Indonesian crisis leading to the fall of President Suharto, Tokyo had
positioned aircraft and patrol vessels in Singapore on standby for evacuation
duties. This agreement would certainly increase Japanese naval presence in the
Malacca Strait and South China Seas, as far as 2000 miles from home.
As a result, the Japanese maritime forces would now engage in Kata ofanti piracy and Kata of forward deployment. Earlier too, Japan had twice beenasked to aid in the safe passage of merchant shipping in distant waters and had

11agreed to police the Malacca Straits. Each of these Katas reflects a gradualexternal incremental activity of their NavyIn February 2001, Japan announced that they are considering deploying
vessels to patrol the straits of Malacca to combat piracy. Tokyo’s proposal to join
forces from Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore, South Korea and China to patrol thewaterways comes during a growing debate over the possible revision of Article 9of the Japanese constitution. This is a sea change is Japanese thinking
regarding maritime security. Tokyo is realising that Japan is a major maritime
power with strategic interests as well as pressing economic challenges.
Moreover Japan has come under growing pressure from the United States toassume a greater security profile for a more active role in her national interest.
Safety of Life at Sea
This galloping increase in the volume of commerce particularly of energy
supply by tankers has sharply raised the implications of disasters in the chokepoints of Hormuz, Malacca and South China seas for safe and unrestrictedpassage which is a basic requirement for the safety of SLOCs particularly forJapan, Korea, Taiwan and now China who are overtly dependent on oil supplies.
There are more than 150 collisions at sea annually due to poor visibility,
radar unservicability, hull failure, boiler explosions and above all human errors.
More than 97 bulk carriers were lost during the last four years with 532 casualties.
380 oil tankers visit Indian ports annually. Therefore energy supplies is both atool for industrial development as also a weapon to limit the potential ofadversaries during conflict. During the IRAN-IRAQ tanker war (1980-88), 543
tankers were attacked of which 80 vessels were sunk. This man made disastercost a further 200 billion US dollars in hull insurance which increased the price ofoil from 12 to 25 dollars per barrel which in turn slowed down the growth ofIndia’s dollar a day economy.
Moreover 30 IMO conventions for safer and cleaner seas have beenenacted encompassing disaster managements, oil spills, vessel traffic
management and hydrographic assistance which merits being taken into account
while considering maritime security in this region and meriting an integrated
regional search and rescue organization with access to satellites for ensuringsafety of life at sea. UNCLOS creeping jurisdiction impinging on innocent
passage through territorial waters, transit passages through international straits
and archipelagos, naval activities such as seeding anti submarine devices in the
EEZ of other countries and the legal issues relating to the shipment of nuclear
waste through territorial waters and straits could be the casus belli for conflict.
Search and Rescue Organisation
1500 lives were lost when the Titanic sank in 1912 on her maiden voyage.
More recently 571 lives on board the passenger ship were saved when the Greek
passenger vessel Oceania had lost her engines and was battling winds above 80

12miles per hour and 24 foot waves. What was common to both ships was that they
were built at reputed yards but what was not common to both was thecommunication system. While the Titanic depended on her simple wireless radio
to relay the SOS, the Oceania alerted the nearest Rescue Co-ordination Centre(RCC) via satellite. The RCC in turn immediately set in motion the rescue
operation. It took the rescuers, one day to reach the Titanic but 16 aircraft’s andseveral vessels arrived within hours to assist Oceania.
Satellite Communication System: GMDSS and India
Search and rescue has come a long way due to instant maritime
communication. Today merchant ships ply with on the confidence high seasbecause of a new satellite communication system called the GMDSS (Global
Maritime Distress and Safety System). The GMDSS is provided by a global body
called INMARSAT which is under the aegis of International Maritime
Organisation (IMO) Japan is a maritime nation and needs to take active interestin cooperation with regional navies and coastguards for the safety of life at sea.
Confidence Building Measurese)
The need for preventing conflict such as Confidence Building Measures(CBM), Conflict Avoidance Measures (CAM), Trust Building Measures(TBM), Conflict. Resolution Measures (CRM), Confidence Building &Security measures (CBSM) and tension Reduction Measures (TRM)
merits more attention for ensuring greater stability in the Indian Ocean
Region.
There have been two regional organizations engaged in maritime security
issues. APEC has been active in recent years in furthering regional cooperationin shipping and maritime safety. The Transportation Working Group under APEC
has taken a number of initiatives to facilitate maritime commerce. ARF (ASEAN
Regional Forum) has also started to move into the area of maritime cooperation.
CSCAP (Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia Pacific) is perhaps thepremier institution for track-two process on security issues.
Since 1995, there has been a Maritime Cooperative Working Groupaffiliated to CSCAP. The working group has convened several meetings and has
been productive in making suggestions for regional maritime cooperation. It issuggested that a regional SLOC cooperative organization be set up based on the
Maritime Cooperative Working Group. The new organization could coordinate all
the bilateral and sub-regional activities in the region, apart from liaison among
regional law enforcement authorities and merits to be taken on board whileconsidering maritime security of the region.
India as a Regional Maritime PowerThe talks recently held in Washington offers a new template to develop
the much talked about natural alliance between the two large democracies India
and the United States.

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The Iraqi invasion and occupation of Kuwait, and the liberation of Kuwait
by the US made explicit the reality that Washington remains the principal bulwark
for regional security in the Gulf. Most of the Gulf States would like to see acontinuing American security role in the region.
Equally important for India is the reality that dominance in the Gulf by adistant power like the U.S. may be preferable than the exercise of hegemony bya local power, say one of India’s neighbours. India and the U.S. share similar
political objectives such as sustaining political moderation, economic freedom
and regional stability.
India has jettisoned the old diplomatic baggage of Indian Ocean being a‘zone of peace’ and has come to appreciate the diamention of seapower in theregion. On the otherhand, Washington realise that India is a credible and ‘reliableseaforce in the region and therefore a natural partner in any future maritime
cooperative mechanism in the region. It is primarily one of mutual benefit that liesat the heart of evolving security cooperation at sea between the two countries.
The idea of Indo-US cooperation in the Indian Ocean which is a departurefrom the Cold War scenario was at the initiative of Secretary of State, GeneralColin Powell who saw the need for supporting the Indian Navy which heconsidered was the fourth ranked Asian seaforce and having the potential to help
keep the peace in the warm embayed link ocean. The broad elements of Indo-US
cooperation are:First, there is energy security. India has become one of the world’s largest
importers of petroleum products. As its economy grows, India’s reliance on the
Gulf for its energy will increase. The U.S. remains the principal external influenceon the world’s petroleum market. Hence India and the U.S. have a common
interest in ensuring a steady flow of oil from the Gulf and at reasonable prices.
Already there is an OPEC consensus to cut oil production by about one million
barrels per day
Second, with the volatility of the oil market and the growing dependence ofEast and South-East Asia on the energy resources of the Gulf, the safety andsecurity of the sea lanes of communication between the Gulf and East Asia has
become a vital necessity. India, which straddles the sea lanes of the Indian
Ocean and the choke points of Malacca & Hormuz and the US being the principal
naval power, could do a lot together with Indian Ocean Rim (IOR) navies incooperative harmony for keeping SLOCS safe and secure across the Indian
Ocean by promoting political stability and commercial viability.
Third, New Delhi has a significant stake in the economic prosperity of the
Gulf which is home to a large number of Indian expatriate workers and a big
market for Indian goods and services. The U.S. could play a positive role in14

promoting greater energy and economic integration between India and the Gulf
which could form the nucleus of a broader economic and security community in
the Indian Ocean littoral.
Fourthly, both India US and Asean Countries have a major interest inpromoting political stability in the region that is threatened by fundamentalism,
cross border terrorism and arms trafficking from both the Golden crescent andGolden Triangle. New Delhi and Washington must find an institutional frameworkfor sustained political consultations on Gulf security. Such a mechanism could
help reduce the many misperceptions of each other’s policy and reconcile
political differences on how best to deal with the complex situation in the Gulf.
Admiral Blair, C-in-C Pacific, during his recent visit to India emphasised thepolicy of U.S. and Indian Navy cooperating to establish good order at Sea without
going into Defence pacts.
Finally, there is a much greater possibility today for harmonising the Indianand American positions on the Gulf and the Indian Ocean. New Delhi’s approachto the Gulf has acquired greater pragmatism and sophistication, as part its
greater diplomatic activism in the region. It has reached out to countries such as
Saudi Arabia, which it had neglected in the past. It is also strengthening ties withtraditional friends like Oman and consolidating the relationship with Iran,
Myanmar and Vietnam, China which is a net importer of oil may prefer to havesecure SLOCS in the immediate future, but her interests in the Indian Ocean
particularly in the Bay of Bengal merits careful analysis.
Conclusion
It is not possible nor desirable to look at Indian Ocean security incompartmental terms. India’s interest in the area are complex ranging fromenergy security to multi religious and multi ethnic society. For example there are
more Muslims in India than in Pakistan or Bangladesh. There are more Nepal’s
and Tamils in India than in Nepal or Sri Lanka. Hence any disturbance inadjoining countries will impinge on India’s security calculas.
Maritime security is therefore linked to development of maritime
cooperation such as an interlocking regional mechanism for Asia-Pacific as also
the acceleration of naval arms race and consequent arms control and lastly the
emerging trends in international relations which is fast changing after thecatastrophic incidents of 11 Sept.
Moreover if globalization succeeds in a democratic country with a freemarket economy where poverty and illiteracy are major road blocks, then it will
be a global pattern benefiting the majority of developing countries. The WorldBank further states that India, China, Russia, Indonesia and Brazil are the key
players in the world economy. India has also been projected by the World Bankas the fourth largest economy after US, China and Japan in terms of purchasing
power parity (PPP) as shown up by the resilience of her economy which15comfortably absorbed the East Asian financial crisis and post Pokhran sanctions.
US National Security Adviser, Condoleezza Rice emphasized ‘India’s potential asa democratic stabilising force in South Asia and her role in economic
development as it becomes a major economic player’. There is unfortunately awide chasm between Pentagons view of security and US industries vision ofbusiness opportunities on the populated Sub-Continent. What is needed to be
pursued in a broader bilateral agenda so as to build a tangible relationship at
multiple levels.
Moreover as the largest littoral country and with a stable democratic polity
and a credible three dimensional sea force, India is well placed to play ameaningful role in this link ocean. As Admiral Dennis Blair stated recently in New
Delhi that ‘one of the key factors for future security in the Asia Pacific region is tothink of interaction among regional armed forces more like commercial
transactions where all participants gain better security as a result of individualtransactions’.
Hence, India’s Navy and JMSDF in concert with the US Navy should act
as regional naval powers as maritime stability is overtly dependent on thesurrounding environment which in turn is subordinate to economic, budgetaryand developmental interest and therefore needs to be in harmony with the socioeconomic, geo-political and techno-strategic environment in the strategic linkocean which the US evangilist of seapower Admiral Mahan declared more than acentury ago as ‘the Ocean of Destiny in the 21st century’.

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