SNORRI STURLUSONHEIMSKRINGLAVOLUME III

The printing of this book is made possible by a gift to the University ofCambridge in memory of Dorothea Coke, Skjæret, 1951

Snorri Sturluson

HEIMSKRINGLAVOLUME III

MAGNÚS ÓLÁFSSON TO MAGNÚS
ERLINGSSON

translated by

ALISON FINLAY
andANTHONY FAULKES

VIKING SOCIETY FOR NORTHERN RESEARCH
UNIVERSITY COLLEGE LONDON

2015© VIKING SOCIETY 2015
ISBN: 978-0-903521-93-2

The cover illustration is of a scene from the Battle of Stamford Bridge in theLife of St Edward the Confessor in Cambridge University Library MS Ee.3.59
fol. 32v. Haraldr Sigurðarson is the central figure in a red tunic wielding alarge battle-axe.

Printed by Short Run Press Limited, Exeter

CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION................................................................................. vii
				

Sources.............................................................................................. xi
This Translation.............................................................................. xiv

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL REFERENCES............................................. xvi

HEIMSKRINGLA III............................................................................. 1

		
		
		
		
		
		
		
		
		

Magnúss saga ins góða...................................................................... 3
Haralds saga Sigurðarsonar............................................................. 41Óláfs saga kyrra............................................................................. 123
Magnúss saga berfœtts................................................................... 127
Magnússona saga........................................................................... 145
Magnúss saga blinda ok Haralds gilla........................................... 170
Haraldssona saga............................................................................ 186
Hákonar saga herðibreiðs............................................................... 215
Magnúss saga Erlingssonar............................................................ 233

INDEX OF NAMES........................................................................... 263

Introduction
King Óláfr inn helgi (the Saint) casts a long shadow over the third and lastpart of Heimskringla. It has been pointed out that in writing the Óláfs saga
helga that is the centrepiece of Heimskringla Snorri was amplifying theversion of the same narrative he had written earlier in the Separate Saga ofSt Óláfr, whereas the process of constructing the sagas of subsequent kings
involved cutting down the earlier texts he was using as sources. Thus, ‘if
Snorri was indeed the author of the whole of Heimskringla, it . . . seems likelythat it was a matter of importance for him that Óláfs saga helga should belarge enough to dominate the other parts of his narrative’ (Ármann Jakobsson
2005, 397). It is in keeping with the planned dominance o­f the saga of StÓláfr that reference to the saint should continue throughout the sagas of his
successors that cover the historical period from Óláfr’s death in 1030 up to1177. The groundwork was already laid by the inclusion in the Separate Sagaof stories of miracles attributed to the saint in the years after his death; these
are repeated in their chronological contexts in the sagas of his son Magnús(Magnúss saga ins góða ch. 27) and half-brother Haraldr (Haralds saga
Sigurðarsonar chs 14, 55–57), and in the joint reign of the sons of Haraldr
gilli (Haraldssona saga chs 24–25). Alongside conventional hagiographicalaccounts of miraculous cures, the saint’s interventions repeatedly testify
to his benevolent protection of his son: he appears to Magnús in a dream
before his significant battle against the Wends at Hlýrskógsheiðr—in which
Magnús carries his father’s axe, named Hel—and is explicitly said to haveensured his victory. In a second dream Óláfr appears to Magnús to presage
his death (ch. 28), a scene clearly recalled by the saint’s later appearance toHaraldr harðráði before his fall at Stamford Bridge in 1066 (Haralds saga
Sigurðarsonar ch. 82), where Haraldr’s predicted death in battle, not caused
by God, is set against his brother’s ‘holy fall’ (stanza 152). One effect of theseinterventions is that Haraldr’s character and reign are directly contrasted,
not only with those of his predecessor (and, for a short time, joint ruler)
Magnús, but also with those of his sainted half-brother.
On a secular level, Haraldr is compared more positively with Óláfr in thetestimonial of Halldórr Brynjólfsson, who knew them both, and declaresthat ‘I never came across two men more alike in character’. His assessment,
occupying its own chapter near the end of Haralds saga Sigurðarsonar, canbe seen as a specimen of the traditional mannjafnaðr ‘comparison of men’,another example of which occurs in a later saga in the exchange between
the jointly ruling brothers Sigurðr Jórsalafari and Eysteinn (Magnússona
saga ch. 20). It has been noted that Heimskringla (following its main source,
Morkinskinna; see below) bases its account of Norwegian history on ‘twoviii

heimskringla

contrastive sets of kings . . . the “foreign adventurer” type [Haraldr harðráði,Magnús berfœttr, Sigurðr Jórsalafari] and the “builder and lawmaker” type
[Magnús góði, Óláfr kyrri, Eysteinn Magnússon]’ (Andersson 2012, 120; seealso Andersson 1993, 16–19; Bagge 1991, 139, 156; Lönnroth 1978, 53–80).
It is notable in this context that St Óláfr, in the stanza in which he predicts
his half-brother’s death in defeat, aligns himself with the stay-at-homes: ‘I
had, since at home I lingered, | a holy fall to earth’.1
As has been pointed out with reference to Morkinskinna, the literarytechnique of comparison of kings was encouraged by the prevalence of joint
kingship in this period of Norwegian history: ‘A good deal of [the] narrative
deals with periods when there are two kings in Norway at the same time,thus providing an opportunity for comparison’ (Ármann Jakobsson 2005,
396). This phenomenon resulted from the conditions under which a claim
to kingship could be made (Bagge 2010, 40–41):
In the case of Norway, the rules of succession—or perhaps the lack of suchrules—have often been regarded as a serious problem. All male descendants ofa king, at least the agnatic descendants, whether they were born in wedlock ornot, had an equal right to claim the throne and could in principle be recognisedby any local assembly . . . If two or more kings were recognised at the sametime, they had to make an arrangement between them or fight over the throne.
If a peaceful arrangement was made, as happened several times in the period
1045–1157, no territorial division took place. The king had no fixed residence
in this period, but travelled around the country, largely receiving his incomesin the form of veizla, i.e. provisions for himself and his men in the local region.
When there were several kings, they usually travelled in different parts of thecountry, probably according to some pre-arranged pattern, occasionally meetingfor eating, drinking, and discussion. It is clear that this arrangement implied
great risks for conflict. No rule forced the pretenders to agree to divide thethrone between them; a stronger candidate, or a candidate believing himself tobe the stronger, might easily try to fight his rival. Once an agreement was made,plenty of situations might lead to conflicts between the co-rulers, such as thesharing of common incomes, who was to preside over the common meetings,
and quarrels between their adherents. The sagas give many examples of suchconflicts. Division between the kings meant a division of wealth and power but
not necessarily of ambition.

Bagge’s remarks are made in the context of the so-called ‘civil wars’, theterm conventionally designating the turbulent period from the death of
Sigurðr Jórsalafari in 1130, to 1240. But even the ‘period of peace’ of thepreceding century begins with the uneasy collaboration of the young king1
This contrastive theme is found only in the Heimskringla (and Fagrskinna)
text of the stanza, since Morkinskinna has a different version of these lines: ‘If you
stayed at home you would have had a holy fall to earth’.

introductionix

Magnús inn góði with his half-uncle Haraldr, clearly forced on Magnús
by the greater age, wealth and charisma of the returned adventurer from
Byzantium, and includes the shared rule of Haraldr Sigurðarson’s two sonsand, in turn, of the three sons of Magnús berfœttr, Sigurðr, Eysteinn andÓláfr. The prevalence of rival claimants was exacerbated by the appearanceof pretenders, self-declared sons of Magnús berfœttr: first Haraldr gilli
who successfully legitimises his claim to royal descent by undergoing theordeal of walking over hot iron bars (Magnússona saga ch. 26), then theless successful Sigurðr slembidjákn (Magnús saga blinda ok Haralds gillach. 13). This chaos of competing claims reaches its nadir in Haraldssona
saga, where factions fighting in the names of the sons of Haraldr gilli, aged
respectively five and three, defeat Sigurðr slembidjákn, who has bolstered
his own claim by an alliance, voluntary or not, with the blind and mutilated
Magnús inn blindi, whom he has taken out of the monastery in which hehad taken refuge after his own reign was ended by enemies who brutally
mutilated him ‘in such a way that he could not call himself a king fromthen on’. Throughout these struggles the puppet child-kings are used as
figureheads for the warring factions and carried in person into battle, whichleads in the case of the one-year-old Ingi to permanent physical deformity:‘It is said that Þjóstólfr Álason had King Ingi in his lap while the battle was
raging . . . people say that it was then that Ingi caught the sickness that hesuffered from all the rest of his life, and his back became crooked and one
leg was shorter than the other, and he was so lacking in strength that he had
difficulty in walking as long as he lived’ (Haraldssona saga ch. 2).
To some extent the evolution of the monarchy throughout the period
narrated in Heimskringla III reveals the increasing influence of Christianity
and the church on the ideology of kingship and government. It begins withthe divine authority conferred (retrospectively) on St Óláfr by virtue of his
martyrdom, continues with the establishment of the new see of Niðaróssin 1152/53 (Magnúss saga Erlingssonar ch. 16) and culminates in the
involvement of Archbishop Eysteinn in the institution of the ceremony ofcoronation, beginning with that of the seven-year-old Magnús Erlingssonin 1163/64 (Magnúss saga Erlingssonar ch. 21). Haki Antonsson traces thecontinuing importance of martyrdom in the ideology of kingship in thisperiod and points out the mutual support existing between monarchy andchurch: ‘the fledgling Scandinavian Church was not averse to bestowing
sanctity on royal or princely figures. After all it was only with the supportof the secular authority that the Church was able to establish itself within adeeply traditional society’ (Haki Antonsson 2004, 75).
Against this background, the striking figure of Haraldr Sigurðarson
stands out as the contrastive embodiment of secular values. His nickname

xheimskringlaharðráði—which does not appear in the Old Norse texts until it is added inchapter headings in thirteenth-century and later manuscripts of historical
works—has been rendered variously as ‘tyrant’ or ‘hard-ruler’, ‘ruthless’,‘savage in counsel, tough, tyrannical’, ‘severe’, but is perhaps best translated
as ‘resolute’ (Finlay 2015, 99–100). While Óláfs saga helga dominates
Heimskringla as a whole, Haralds saga Sigurðarsonar achieves this statusover the sagas of its final third, by virtue both of its length and of thecompelling character of Haraldr himself. It falls into three parts, Haraldr’s
early adventures as a mercenary in Byzantium, an amalgam of historicalkernel and legendary enhancement; his rule in Norway, first jointly with hisnephew Magnús and then as sole king, and his dealings particularly withKing Sveinn Úlfsson of Denmark (a further opportunity for comparison ofkings); and finally his doomed expedition—condemned outright by both
Snorri and his poetic sources as imprudent—to extend his rule to England,
and his death at Stamford Bridge in 1066.2 This final exploit has been seenby later historians as the end of an era, and Haraldr labelled ‘the last of theformidable Viking kings of Scandinavia’ (Magnusson and Pálsson 1966, 9).
While Haraldr is not presented by Snorri explicitly in these terms, he does
emerge as a fascinatingly mixed character; ‘a chameleon king’ to Theodore
Andersson (2006, 93); described by Ármann Jakobsson as ‘a rogue king’(2005, 396). The comparison of him with St Óláfr at the end of his saga
emphasises his ambition: ‘But Haraldr fought for fame and power and forced
all the people to submit to him, as far as he could’. The episode in Byzantium
harnesses legendary stories to attribute to him cunning, resourcefulness, acapacity for leadership and equally, for treachery; once Haraldr is establishedin authority in Norway these attributes are revealed in a more realistic mode,
for instance in his treatment of Kálfr Árnason, former enemy of his brotherÓláfr, with whom he arranges an ostensible truce, but then engineers his
fall in a fight against the Danes (Haralds saga Sigurðarsonar chs 51–53).3
Despite the evidence of thoughtful planning in its construction, Heims­
kringla ends seemingly abruptly some years before the death of the last
king named in it, Magnús Erlingsson; the last recorded event is the Battle
Haraldr’s service as a mercenary with the Varangian Guard is attested in Greek
sources, principally the Consilia et Narrationes of Kekaumenos, a composite
text, from the mid- to late 1070s. For the Greek text and English translation by
Charlotte Roueché see http://www.ancientwisdoms.ac.uk/library/kekaumenosconsilia-et-narrationes/. Three versions of The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, A, C
and E, include contemporary accounts of the Norwegian invasion. That of the C
version is the fullest (Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, I 194–98). See Finlay 2015.
3
For a more detailed account of the construction of Haraldr’s reign in Heimskringla
and earlier sources, see Finlay 2015.
2

introductionxiof Ré in 1177, in which Magnús and his father defeated the Birkibeinar, therebel band that were promoting the claim of yet another pretender to royal
power. The ending of Heimskringla here is in line with earlier texts, Ágrip
and Fagrskinna, that cover the same time span, and was probably dictatedby the pre-existence of Sverris saga, believed to have been written before
1210. Sverrir, brought up in the Faroes, arrives in Norway in 1177 claiming
to be the son of King Sigurðr Haraldsson; his saga, the first part of whichis said in the saga’s Prologue to have been written by the Icelandic abbot
Karl Jónsson under the instruction of Sverrir himself, tells of his ultimately
successful campaign to establish himself as king by defeating Magnús and his
father Erlingr, and then his defence of the kingdom against new contenders forthe throne, until his death in 1202 (Sverris saga 2007). Snorri’s choosing to
end his work with the events of 1177 suggests that he saw Heimskringla not
as a text to be read in isolation, but as part of the continuing documentationof the history of his time.
Sources
A general account of the sources of Heimskringla has been given in the
Introduction to Volume I. This is supplemented here with some further
consideration of the specific sources of the sagas in the final part of thework. As is the case throughout Heimskringla the primary source must be
considered the skaldic stanzas incorporated in the text, though these tail off
towards the end of the work; only five stanzas are cited in the whole of thelast two sagas, Hákonar saga herðibreiðs and Magnúss saga Erlingssonar.
On the other hand, as events progress towards Snorri’s own time, reference ismade more frequently to named individuals as oral informants. This is alreadyevident in the account of Haraldr Sigurðarson’s exploits in Byzantium, where
it is made clear repeatedly that Haraldr himself and his followers were thesources for the narrative; singled out in particular is the Icelander Halldórr
Snorrason (‘he brought this story back to this country [i.e. Iceland]’, ch. 9).
Though Haraldr’s feats are celebrated after the fact by his poets, it is madeclear that they derived their material from the king’s own account: ‘Sosays the poet Stúfr, who had heard the king himself tell about these events’(ch. 12); ‘it was Haraldr himself that transmitted this story, together withthe other men who were there with him’ (ch. 14).
The primary written source for the third part of Heimskringla is Morkin-​skinna, a history covering most of the same chronological ground, written
probably about 1220, and marking ‘a key moment in the genre’s development. . . Morkinskinna is the first extant work in Old Norse in which a saga dealing
with many kings is narrated in such detail; it may even be the case that itis the first kings’ saga in Old Norse concerned with the lives of more than

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a single king’ (Ármann Jakobsson 2014, 11). It shares with Heimskringla
the technique of citing skaldic stanzas (frequently the same ones, though
the wording sometimes differs) as authorities, and is emphatic in presenting
an Icelandic perspective, showing a particular interest in the relations of
Icelanders with kings. The one surviving manuscript (from about 1275)
is damaged and probably about a third of the original work is missing; itprobably extended, like Heimskringla and other texts, to cover events up to1177, but the existing narrative breaks off in 1157. Material missing from theearlier part of the text can be supplied from the part of Flateyjarbók written
in the fifteenth century, which has a version of Morkinskinna’s account of
Magnús inn góði and Haraldr Sigurðarson.
Because the original version does not survive, scholars have differed as tohow closely Morkinskinna is represented by the surviving text, and in particularwhether the many þættir—short semi-independent narratives, including
many anecdotes of encounters between Icelanders, most of them poets, andNorwegian kings—are part of the original text or later interpolations. The latterview undoubtedly owes much to the fact that Heimskringla, while following its
source closely on the whole, does not include these interludes. Morkinskinna
has generally been compared to Heimskringla, to its detriment, but has recently
been rehabilitated by studies such as that of Ármann Jakobsson (2014), whoargues that the þættir, which he considers original, are among the featuresof Morkinskinna that give it a distinctive focus, not just on the character androle of kings as individuals, but on the dealings between kings and retainers,
with a particular interest in Icelandic retainers. Theodore Andersson has
recently contrasted the differing, but commonly Icelandic, viewpoints ofMorkinskinna and Heimskringla in the light of political relations between
Iceland and Norway, speculating that the Icelandic suspicion and distrust of
Norwegian kings in Morkinskinna reflects strained relations, amounting to a
trade war, between the two countries in the period 1215–20, and that Snorri,
writing a few years later, made ‘adjustments’ which ‘may reflect a desire to
remove the signs of Icelandic distrust in order to promote better relations withthe mother country’ (Andersson 2012, 134). While this argument is basedon suppositions about the dates of composition of both texts that cannot be
verified, it gives a useful account of how Heimskringla differs from its source,
at least in its coverage of the period 1030–1130.
The narrative in chapters 39–72 of Haralds saga Sigurðarsonar in
Heimskringla differs substantially from that of the corresponding sequencein Morkinskinna, which suggests that Snorri based it on another text,
Hákonar saga Ívarssonar. This tells of the Norwegian chieftain Hákon
Ívarsson, great-grandson of Jarl Hákon inn ríki of Hlaðir, and the growing
friction between him and King Haraldr. This sequence contributes stronglyintroductionxiii

to the negative aspects of the overall portrait of Haraldr, involving not
only his mounting envy of the popular and successful Hákon, but also his
enmity with other magnates, Einarr þambarskelfir and the brothers Kálfr
and Finnr Árnason. A fragmentary text of the saga survives in a fifteenthcentury manuscript, supplemented by a Latin digest of the whole saga, andits version corresponds closely to that of Heimskringla, including the eightstanzas (and two half-stanzas) preserved in the fragments. It has generally
been considered that Hákonar saga was written early, but not early enoughto have been a source for Morkinskinna, which gives a different account of
the period in question; Andersson speculates that they may have been written
at the same time but without reference to each other, in a response to Sverre
Bagge’s recent claim that Hákonar saga is a late text based on Heimskringla(Andersson 2015, Bagge 2014). Andersson further suggests a relationshipof some kind between Hákonar saga and a supposed *Hlaðarjarla saga, ahistory of the jarls of Hlaðir that he argues may have ended with the deathof Einarr þambarskelfir (Andersson 1998), but this takes us into the realmof speculation as this text does not survive.
For his account of the death of the pretender Sigurðr slembidjákn (orslembir) in 1139 Snorri refers us to a named source, a book (Morkinskinna
calls it a saga) called Hryggjarstykki by one Eiríkr Oddsson (Haraldssona
saga ch. 11). Unfortunately nothing more is known about either the author or
the mysterious title. Eiríkr must be Icelandic, as implied by the statement thathe ‘was at this time for a long period in Norway’. The name Hryggjarstykki
has been translated as ‘Backbone-Piece’, which could suggest that it gives
just a summary of events; other suggestions have been that stykki ‘piece’
may be a technical term for a piece of parchment, implying that the work
was short enough to be confined to a single sheet, or that hryggr ‘backbone’
could refer metaphorically to a powerful man, alluding to the ownership ofthe book. But all interpretations are speculative. Snorri’s own account of
the contents of the work is ambiguous: ‘In that book it tells about Haraldr
gilli and his two sons [Morkinskinna specifies Sigurðr and Ingi] and about
Magnús blindi and about Sigurðr slembir, right up until their deaths’. This
could refer just to the deaths of Magnús and Sigurðr in 1139, or to the deathsof the sons of Haraldr as well, which would take the narrative up to thedeath of Ingi in 1161. Bjarni Guðnason (1978) argues that the work was a
hagiographical treatment of the life, and especially the martyrdom, of Sigurðr
slembidjákn. Hryggjarstykki has been referred to as the first ‘contemporarysaga’, since Eiríkr is said to have drawn on his own experience and that ofcontemporary witnesses:4
There are two further references to Eiríkr and his named informants, in chs 7
and 10.
4

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heimskringla

He wrote some of his account according to what Haraldr’s sons’ landed man
Hákon magi dictated. Hákon and his sons were in all these conflicts and strategies.
Eiríkr further mentions others that told him about these events, intelligent andreliable people, and were nearby, so that they heard or saw what happened, andsome things he wrote according to what he himself had heard or seen.

Other sources that may have existed in written form, or may perhaps havecirculated as more or less fixed oral legends, lend some passages in thelater sagas of Heimskringla a distinctly hagiographical tone and style,quite different from those of Snorri himself and of literary sources suchas Morkinskinna, and are evidently derived almost verbatim from nearcontemporary accounts. One of the most striking of these is the account in
Magnúss saga blinda ok Haralds gilla (chs 9–11) of the sack of the town of
Konungahella by a heathen Wendish force, events not recorded in any othersource. The clerical rhetoric of the narrative is especially noticeable in the
miraculous elements of its account of the preservation of the Holy Cross
relic from the heathen onslaught. It may be no accident that the prominent
Icelander Jón Loptsson, later Snorri Sturluson’s foster-father at Oddi, waspresent in Konungahella as a child, fostered by the priest Andreas Brúnsson
who plays a leading part in the rescue of the Cross relic preserved in his
church: ‘At the time there was with him being fostered and brought up
Jóan Loptsson and he was eleven winters old’ (ch. 9). If such narratives
existed in written form, quite probably at Oddi, Snorri may have instructed
an amanuensis to copy them without making any stylistic changes.
This Translation
This volume completes the three-volume translation of Heimskringla
published by the Viking Society. Volume I appeared in 2011, Volume II in
2014. The translation is based on the Íslenzk fornrit edition of Heimskringla
by Bjarni Aðalbjarnarson (Íslenzk fornrit XXVI–XXVIII, Hkr I–III). Volume
III of the edition and of this translation includes the sagas of Norwegiankings in the period 1030–1177. Page numbers of the edition appear here insquare brackets, and internal page references as well as those in the index
and introduction are to this edition. The prose has been translated by Anthony
Faulkes and the verse by Alison Finlay, who also wrote this Introduction.
Both have contributed footnotes, but as in previous volumes, many of these
are closely based on those of Bjarni Aðalbjarnarson.
To the right of each stanza is noted the name of the poem (if any) and thestanza number. As in Volume II, this information is based on the attributionsin the recent edition of the skaldic corpus, of which the relevant volumes are
Skaldic Poetry of the Scandinavian Middle Ages I. Poetry from the Kings’
Sagas 1: From Mythical Times to c. 1035 (Skald I) and Skaldic Poetry of theintroduction

xv

Scandinavian Middle Ages. II. Poetry from the Kings’ Sagas 2. From c. 1035
to c. 1300 (Skald II). These attributions sometimes differ from those in theolder edition of Finnur Jónsson (FJ), which was used in Heimskringla I. The
page number on which the stanza appears in Skald I or II is also noted here,
so that this edition can be referred to for full information on the meaning andmanuscript status of each stanza. This edition has proved invaluable for theinterpretation of the stanzas in this translation, and in specific instances theeditors of particular poems have been acknowledged in the footnotes. Theinterpretations sometimes differ, however, since our translation has followed
manuscripts of Heimskringla that are not always the ones chosen as primarymanuscripts by the editors of the skaldic edition.
The stanzas sometimes preserve archaic spellings of names, appropriate
to the presumed date of composition of the stanza, thus ‘·leifr’ for ‘Óláfr’
and ‘Hkon’ for ‘Hákon’. Although these are more often the reconstructionsof editors than spellings found in surviving manuscripts, they are retained
here in accordance with the conventions used in the Íslenzk fornrit edition.
Similarly, when names appear in alternative forms in the text (such as Fiðr/Finnr), the identity of the characters is made clear in the Index of names.
In the translation of directions, ‘north’ generally describes any journey,
wherever from, that ended up in Þrándheimr (Þrœndalǫg) or further north.
‘East’ describes any journey that ended up in the Vík or by Göta Elv. The
directions do not actually refer at all closely to the direction(s) travelled fromstarting point to destination (See Jackson 1998–2001).
We are most grateful to Carl Phelpstead, who has read and commented
on a draft of this volume,Bibliographical References
This bibliography incorporates those published in Volumes I–II, with the additionof references made in this volume.
1GT = The First Grammatical Treatise 1972. Ed. Hreinn Benediktsson. Reykjavík.
3GT = The Third Grammatical Treatise. In Den Tredje og Fjærde Grammatiske
Afhand­ling i Snorres Edda. 1884. Ed. Björn Magnússon Ólsen. København, 1–119.
Adam of Bremen 1959. History of the Archbishops of Hamburg-Bremen. Trans.
Francis J. Tschan. New York.
Ágrip. In Ágrip af Nóregskonunga sƒgum. Fagrskinna—Nóregs konunga tal 1984.
Ed. Bjarni Einarsson. Reykjavík, 1–54. ÍF XXIX.
Ágrip 2008 = Ágrip af Nóregskonunga sƒgum. 2008. Ed. M. J. Driscoll. London.
A History of Norway and The Passion and Miracles of the Blessed Óláfr 2001.
Trans. Devra Kunin. Ed. with introduction and notes by Carl Phelpstead. London.
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Ed. Alois Wolf. Tübingen, 9–25. ScriptOralia 51.
Andersson, Theodore M. 1998. The Continuation of *Hlaðajarla saga’. Journal of
English and Germanic Philology 97: 2, 155–67.
Andersson, Theodore M. 2006. The Growth of the Medieval Icelandic Sagas(1180–1280). Ithaca, NY, and London.
Andersson,Theodore M. 2008. ‘The Oral Sources for Óláfs saga helga in Heims­
kringla’. Saga-Book XXXII 5–38.
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Andersson, Theodore M. 2015. ‘Hákonar saga Ívarssonar Once Again’. Maal og
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SNORRI STURLUSONHEIMSKRINGLAIIImagnúss saga ins góða3[3] Magnúss saga ins góðaCHAPTER ONE
After Yule Magnús Óláfsson got ready to set out from the east in Hólmgarðr
down to Aldeigjuborg. They begin to prepare their ships when the ice
broke up in the spring. Arnórr jarlaskáld (Jarls’ Poet) speaks of this in
Magnússdrápa:1
		1.
Now I mean, for well I know them,
Magnússdrápa 1			to name to men the exploits		
Fsk 208–09
			of the strife-quick sword’s-edge
ÓH 614			
stainer2—let gold-breakers3 listen!
Skald II 207–08
			
The serpent’s home’s hater4			
had not reached eleven winters			fully when the bold friend of Hǫrðar5			
fitted warships to leave Garðar.
[4] King Magnús laid his course in the spring from the east to Svíþjóð. So
says Arnórr:		
2.
The young edge-reddener6 called men Magnússdrápa 2			
out to an assembly;			
Fsk 208–09
			
the trim troop of the eagle-feeder7
ÓH 614			
took up, war-clad, rowing stations.
Skald II 209			
The great king with hull rime-crusted Skáldsk 94
			clove, bold, the salt westwards;
			keen gales carried the surf-fire’s			quencher8 to Sigtúnir.
Arnórr jarlaskáld Þórðarson was the son of another court poet, Þórðr Kolbeinsson(see Vol. I, note 473), from Hítarnes in western Iceland. His nickname refers to his
service of the Orkney jarls Rǫgnvaldr and Þorfinnr, for whom he composed the memorial
poems Rǫgnvaldsdrápa and (some twenty years later) Þorfinnsdrápa. He is said to havecomposed for the kings Magnús and Haraldr during their joint rule, and memorial poems
for them both, which survive in only fragmentary form. His poem Hrynhenda, for Magnús,
is the first known praise poem to use the expanded hrynhent metre, which has eightrather than six metrical positions in each line (see stanzas 7, 8, 36, 39, 40 and 74 below).
2
hneitis eggja rjóðandi: ‘reddener of the sword’s edges’, warrior.
3seimbroti: ‘breaker, distributor of gold’, generous man.
4
ormsetrs hati: ‘hater of the dragon’s home (treasure, on which a dragon lies)’,
generous man, who gives away treasure.
5Hƒrða vinr: ‘friend of people of Hǫrðaland’, king of Norway (Magnús).
6
eggrjóðandi: ‘blade-reddener’, warrior.
7
ara bræðir: ‘feeder of the eagle’, warrior.
8
brimlogs rýrir: ‘destroyer of surf-fire (gold)’, generous man.
1

4heimskringla

Here it says that King Magnús, when he travelled from the east in Garðaríki,
he first of all sailed to Svíþjóð and up to Sigtúnir. At this time the king inSvíþjóð was Emundr Óláfsson.9 Also there then was Queen Ástríðr, who had
been married to the blessed King Óláfr. She welcomed her stepson10 Magnús
extremely warmly, and immediately had a large assembly summoned in
the place that is known as at Hangrar. And at this assembly Ástríðr spoke,saying as follows:‘There is now come here with us the son of the blessed King Óláfr, who
is called Magnús, now planning [5] his expedition to Norway to claim his
patrimony. I have a great obligation to support him on this journey, since he is
my stepson, as is known to everyone, both Svíar and Norwegians. I shall in thisspare nothing that is within my power by which his support may be as great as
can be, both in regard to the numbers of men that I have at my disposal, andalso the wealth. Moreover all those that commit themselves to this expedition
with him will have access to my complete friendship. I also wish to announce
that I shall undertake this expedition with him. It will then be plain to all that
I shall not spare anything else for his support that I am able to grant him.’
After this she spoke long and eloquently. But when she stopped, thenmany replied, saying that the Svíar had gained little glory from their travels
to Norway when they had followed his father King Óláfr.
‘And there is now little better prospect with this king,’ they say. ‘People
are therefore not keen on this expedition.’Ástríðr replies: ‘All those that would like to be men of valour at all will not
be fearful about that. But if people have lost their relatives with the blessed
King Óláfr, or have themselves been wounded, then it is now a manly thing
to go to Norway now and take vengeance for it.’Ástríðr managed her words and support so that a great number of troops cameforward to go with him to Norway with Ástríðr. The poet Sigvatr mentions this:		
3.
With my praise I’ll reward for
Poem about Queen Ástríðr 1			
a wealth of treasures, grandly, Skald I 646
			·leifr’s daughter,11 spouse of			
the stout prince, most victorious.
[6] 		A host met at Hangrar,			huge, from the land of Svíar,			in the east, as Ástríðr
			·leifr’s son supported.
9
It must actually have been Ǫnundr (Jákob) Óláfsson at this date. Emundr Óláfsson
did not succeed until 1050.
10
Not strictly speaking stepson. Ástríðr was St Óláfr’s first wife, Magnús’s motherwas St Óláfr’s second wife.
11
Daughter of King Óláfr of the Svíar.

magnúss saga ins góða

5

		
4.
Wise in counsel, she could not
Poem about Queen Ástríðr 2			the keen Svíar have handled
Skald I 648
			better had brisk Magnús			
been her own offspring.
			She most, with Christ the mighty,			made sure that King Magnús
			
happily could inherit			Haraldr’s12 whole legacy.
		5.
He owes Ástríðr a debt for
Poem about Queen Ástríðr 3			
her action, and we are glad of it; Skald I 649
			
it made generous Magnús,			
men’s friend,13 wide-landed.
			She has aided, as will few
			others, her step-son, deeply			wise woman; I honour
			with words of truth that lady.
[7] So says the poet Þjóðólfr in Magnússflokkr:14
		
6.
You launched, all-ruler, a warship— Magnússflokkr 2
			
the yard shivered, driven—
Skald II 65
			sent then over sea the thirty			seater at full stretch, gliding.
			
The wild storm did not spare the			swayed mast above you, lord;			fine retainers took down the masthead			tapestry15 at Sigtúnir.
CHAPTER TWO
Magnús Óláfsson began his expedition from Sigtúnir, now taking a large
troop that the Svíar had provided him with. They travelled on foot acrossSvíþjóð and so to Helsingjaland. So says Arnórr jarlaskáld:
Haraldr hárfagri, founder of the dynasty, or Magnús’s grandfather, Haraldr grenski.
virða vinr: ‘friend of men’, king.
14
The Icelandic poet Þjóðólfr Arnórsson is said in Skáldatal to have composed
for Magnús inn góði and for Haraldr harðráði, and many of his surviving verses are
assigned to a named poem in honour of each of these kings: the Magnússflokkr named
here, and the Sexstefja for Haraldr, named in Snorri’s Separate Saga of St Óláfr (seeVol. II, note 455). In addition there are fragments of a runhent (rhyming) poem inhonour of Haraldr, and verses that may have belonged to further poems about thesekings. Sneglu-Halla þáttr refers to Þjóðólfr as Haraldr’s hƒfuðskáld ‘chief poet’ andlocates his origin in Svarfaðardalr, Iceland.
15
húnskript: ‘pictured cloth of the mast-head’, decorated sail.
12

13

6

heimskringla

[8]
7.
			
			
			
			
			
			
			

Afterwards crimson shields you carried,
Hrynhenda 5
combat-Yggr,16 through Swedish settlements, ÓH 615
no poor pick of troops you garnered,
Skald II 189
people of the land sought your faction.
From east you came, tongue-colourerof the company of wolves,17 known to people,
to proud meetings, picked warriors
with pale shields and inlaid javelins.

		You held west with the highest
Hrynhenda 6of helms of terror into Þrœndish homes;
ÓH 615they say your foemen faltered,
Skald II 190–91
feather-reddener of Yggr’s seagull.18
Your enemies, sater of the swarthy
surf-of-wounds vulture,19 felt their misery—
they said your foemen were, fearful,forced to save their lives—increasing.

After that Magnús Óláfsson travelled from the east across Jamtaland and overKjǫlr and down into Þrándheimr, and immediately all the people of theseplaces welcomed him. But King Sveinn’s people, as soon as they learned that
King Óláfr’s son Magnús was come into their country, then they all scatteredin flight to safety. No resistance was offered to Magnús there. King Sveinn
was in the south of the country. So says Arnórr jarlaskáld:
8.

[9] 		

CHAPTER THREE
Magnús Óláfsson travelled with his troops out to Kaupangr. He waswelcomed there. After that he had Eyraþing summoned. And when thefarming community got to the assembly, then at it Magnús was accepted asking over the whole country as widely as his father King Óláfr had ruled.
After that King Magnús took on a following for himself and set up landed
men.20 In every area he appointed men to stewardships and to prefectures.
In the autumn King Magnús immediately called out a levy from the wholeof Þrándheimr, getting plenty of troops, afterwards taking his army south
along the coast.
rimmu Yggr: ‘Óðinn of battle’, warrior.
ulfa ferðar tungu rjóðr: ‘tongue-reddener of the pack of wolves’, warrior.
18
Yggjar ms fiðrirjóðr: ‘reddener of the feathers of the seagull (raven) of Óðinn’,warrior.
19
benja kolgu blágams fœðir: feeder of the dark vulture (raven) of the wave ofwounds (blood)’, warrior.
20
A lendr maðr ‘landed man’ was one who held land in fief from the king. He was
next in rank to a jarl in Norway.
16
17

magnúss saga ins góða7[10] CHAPTER FOUR
Sveinn Álfífuson was staying in Sunn-Hǫrðaland at the time he heard about
the news of this martial activity. He immediately had a war arrow issued
and sent out in all directions from where he was, summoning the farming
people to come to him and adding that the whole population was to come out
with troops and ships and defend the country with him. All the troops fromthat area that were nearest to the king went to see him. The king then held
an assembly and discussion with the farmers and announced his intention,saying this, that he plans to go against King Óláfr’s son King Magnús andfight a battle with him if the farmers were willing to go with him. The kingspoke for rather a short time. The farmers gave little applause to his speech.
Then the leading Danes that were with the king made long and eloquent
speeches, but the farmers replied, opposing them. Many said that they werewilling to go with King Sveinn and fight by his side, but some refused. Somewere entirely silent, some said this, that they would make their way to King
Magnús as soon as they could. Then King Sveinn replies:‘It seems to me that few of the farming people that we had sent word toare come here. But these farmers that are here say to our face that they wantto side with King Magnús, so it seems to me that they will all be the same
support to us as those that say they want to stay put, and also those that say
nothing about it. But as for those others that say that they will go with us, itwill be every other one or more of them that will be no use to us to turn toif we engage in battle with King Magnús. It is my opinion that we should
place no trust in these farmers, rather let us go there where the people are
all reliable and faithful to us. We have there sufficient support to subject thiscountry to ourself.’
And as soon as the king had delivered this opinion, then [11] all his men
followed this advice. They then turned the prows of their ships around andhoisted their sails. King Sveinn then sailed east along the coast and did notstop until he got to Denmark. He was welcomed there. And when he met
his brother Hǫrða-Knútr, then he invited King Sveinn to hold power with
him there in Denmark, and Sveinn agreed to this.
CHAPTER Five
In the autumn King Magnús travelled east right to the border, and he was
accepted as king over the whole country, and all the people of the country
were glad that Magnús had become king. That same autumn Knútr inn ríki(the Great) died in England on the Ides of November.21 He was buried in
Winchester. He had by then been king over Denmark for seven and twenty
21

13th November 1035.

8heimskringla

winters, and over both there and over England for four and twenty winters,
and over Norway as well for seven winters.22 Then Knútr’s son Haraldr was
accepted as king in England. That same winter Sveinn Álfífuson died in
Denmark. Þjóðólfr said this of King Magnús:
		
9.
			
			
			
			
			
[12] 					

Eagle’s sole-reddener, you stepped on 		Magnússflokkr 3
soil on your way from Svíþjóð;Skald II 67
a brave force followed you
from the east, lord, to Norway.
Sveinn fled; sometime later,
surely let down, from the country
I heard that off abroadÁlfífa’s son went rushing.

Bjarni Gullbrárskáld (Gullbrá’s Poet) composed about Kálfr Árnason:
			
10.
				
				
			
			
			
			
			

You helped young princes have theinheritance due to them;		
it’s true that Sveinn could be sovereign
solely over Denmark. 		
Kálfr, to the country
keen Magnús you conductedfrom Garðar; ’twas you gave the ruler
governance of the kingdom.

Kálfsflokkr 6
Fsk 208 (1–4 after 5–8)
ÓH 619Skald I 886

King Magnús was that winter ruling over Norway, and Hǫrða-Knútr overDenmark.
CHAPTER six
The following spring both the kings called out levies, and the word got
around that they would be engaging in battle by the Elfr. But as the twoarmies advanced on each other until they were close to meeting, then landed
men from each host sent intelligence to their relatives and friends, andwith the messages from both sides they included the request that people
were to make peace between the kings. And because the kings were bothlike children and young, at that time the government of the land was in
the hands of powerful men on their behalf that had been appointed for thisin each country. So it came about that a peace conference was arranged
22This is rather inaccurate. After Sveinn Forkbeard’s death in 1014 (1008 according
to Snorri) his son Haraldr was sole king over Denmark, and Knútr did not become
king there until 1019, on Haraldr’s death (1018 according to Snorri), three years after
the Anglo-Saxons had submitted to Knútr. Knútr was thus king of Denmark for 16
years and king of England for 19 years.

magnúss saga ins góða9

between the kings. After that they met in person and a settlement was
discussed, [13] and the terms of it were that the kings were to swear oathsof brotherhood and establish peace between them for as long as both theirlives lasted, but if one of them died without leaving a son, then the onethat survived was to inherit from him territories and subjects. Twelve men,those who were of highest rank from each kingdom, swore to this alongwith the kings that this agreement should be kept as long as any of them
lived. Then the kings parted, and each went back to his kingdom, and thisagreement was kept as long as they lived.
CHAPTER seven
Queen Ástríðr, who had been married to King Óláfr the Saint, came to
Norway with her stepson King Magnús, and stayed with him in high honour,as [14] was fitting. Then there also came to the court King Magnús’s motherÁlfhildr. The king immediately welcomed her with the greatest affection andsettled her down honourably. But it was with Álfhildr as can happen withmany that receive power, that her ambition grew in proportion, so that she
did not like it that Queen Ástríðr was rather more highly honoured than she
in precedence with seating and other treatment. Álfhildr wanted to sit closer
to the king, but Ástríðr called her her servant woman, which was what she
had been before, when Ástríðr was queen over Norway, while King Óláfr
was ruling the land. Ástríðr wanted by no means to share a seat with Álfhildr.
They could not bear to be in the same room.
The poet Sigvatr had been travelling to Rome when the battle at Stiklarstaðir
took place. And while he was on his way back from the south, he learned ofKing Óláfr’s fall. This was a very great sorrow to him. Then he said:
		
11.
				
				
				
				
				
				
				

ÓH 617
I stood on Mont,23 remembered,
one morning, near castles,24
Skald I 722
where many broad shields and masking25
mailcoats flew asunder.
I recalled the king who in his
country in early bud-time26
once was happy; my father
was there that time: Þórrøðr.

mont: presumably the Italian monte, referring to either the Alps or the Appenines.
Each of the phrases borgum nær ‘near castles, cities’ and of morgin ‘in themorning’ could alternatively refer to the remembered battle rather than to the poet’s
current situation.
25síðar: literally ‘long, hanging’.
26ƒndverðan brum: the beginning of bud-time, spring; i.e. in his youth.
23

24

10

heimskringla[15] One day Sigvatr was walking through a certain village and heard thatsome husband was lamenting bitterly that he had lost his wife, beating his
breast and tearing his clothes off, weeping a lot, saying he would willinglydie. Sigvatr said:

		
12.
			
				
			
			
			
			
				

A man claims, if he misses
a maid’s embrace, he’s readyto die; love’s bought dear if eventhe dignified must weep for her.
But fierce tears27 the fearless,flight-shy man sheds, bereft of
his lord; worse looks our grievous
loss to the king’s servants.

ÓH 442
Skald I 725

CHAPTER eightSigvatr got back to Norway. He had an estate and children in Þrándheimr.
He travelled from the south along the coast on a trading ship. And when
they were lying in Hillarsund, then they saw where many eagles were flying.
Sigvatr spoke:
		
13.
			
[16] 		
			
			
			
			
			

I see ravens to the harbour		
hurry, recalling carrion,
where rode once a ship under
the worthy son of Northmen.28
Greedy eagles yell shrilly
each day between Hillar—
those that ·leifr often
once fed—and the mainland.

Skald I 726

And when Sigvatr got north to Kaupangr, King Sveinn was then there,
and invited Sigvatr to go and be with him, for he had previously been withKing Sveinn’s father Knútr inn ríki. Sigvatr says that he wants to go backto his estate.
It happened one day when Sigvatr was walking out on the street, he saw
where the king’s men were entertaining themselves. Sigvatr spoke:
		
14.
			
			
			

I turn aside from the sport of		soldiers of the king’s retinue;
am pale as bast,29 burdened
my breast is with feeling.

Skald I 727

vígtr: ‘battle-tears’, i.e. ʻtears of rage shed by a warrior in a murderous mood’.
Óláfr Haraldsson.
29bast, the pale inner bark of the birch or lime tree, used for making rope.
27
28

11

magnúss saga ins góða

			
			
			
			

I recall where once mywidely-praised lord and I often
played on his people’s ancestral
properties formerly.

After that he went home. He heard many men [17] criticising him and sayingthat he had deserted King Óláfr. Sigvatr spoke:
		
15.
				
			
			
			
			
			
			

May White-Christ punish me		if I meant to depart from·leifr—I’m innocentof that—with hot fire.
Such witness, plentiful as water—
I went to Rome in peril—of others I have; from people
I shall never hide it.

ÓH 618Skald I 728

Sigvatr was discontented at home. He went out during the day and spoke:
		
16.
			
			
			
			
			
			
			

The high leaning cliffs looked to me
laughing, over all Norway—
once I was known on the vessels—
while ·leifr was living.
Now the slopes seem to me—such is my sorrrow;
I lost all the king’s favour—
unhappier since then.

Skald I 729

At the beginning of winter Sigvatr travelled east across Kjǫlr to Jamtalandand on to Helsingjaland, coming out in Svíþjóð and going straight to QueenÁstríðr, and stayed with her in high [18] honour for a long time. And he also
stayed with her brother King Ǫnundr, and received from him ten marks ofpure silver. So it says in Knútsdrápa. Sigvatr would often ask, when he metmerchants who travelled to Hólmgarðr, what they could tell him of MagnúsÓláfsson. He spoke:
		
17.
			
			
			
			
			
			
			

From the east I am still eager		to ask, from Garðar, about
the young prince; the praises
often brought are not sparing.
I ask about little, though the littlest
of love-birds, between us creeping,fly; I am cheated of the comingof the king’s heir hither.

Skald I 730

12

heimskringla

CHAPTER nine
So when Magnús Óláfsson got to Svíþjóð from Garðaríki, Sigvatr was thenthere with Queen Ástríðr, and they were all very pleased. Then Sigvatr spoke:
		
18.
			
			
			
[19]		
									You rebounded home boldly,		
but well may rejoice inlands and men, King Magnús;
your might I endorse.
I would have gone to Garðar
given my closeness to you;my godson got a writing,great king, from your stepmother.30

Skald I 734

After that Sigvatr joined Queen Ástríðr on her journey accompanying
Magnús to Norway. Sigvatr spoke:
		
19.
			
			
			
			
			
			
			

I speak my mind, Magnús, 		to men, that I rejoice inyour life, attending assemblies;
it is God’s endowment.
The lord of men would leave an
illustrious son, if he turned out
like his father; few peoples
could foster such a ruler.

Skald I 736[20] And when Magnús had become king in Norway, then Sigvatr followed
him and was very dear to the king. He then spoke this, when Queen Ástríðr
and the king’s mother Álfhildr had been having some words together:
		
20.
			
			
			

Let Ástríðr be higher,			Álfhildr, than yourself,
though your status greatly—
God willed it—is improving.

Skald I 736

CHAPTER ten
King Magnús had a shrine made and ornamented with gold and silver and
set with precious stones. And this shrine was both in size and its shape madein other respects like a coffin, except that there were legs underneath and on
30
Literally, ‘a document of the sister, kinswoman was written to [my] godson’.
Sigvatr was Magnús’s godfather; hence their closeness, mentioned in the previous
line. It has been suggested that this refers to a document written by Magnús’s
stepmother, Ástríðr; either a letter to him (Hkr III 19) or a statement of his eligibility
to reign as king of Norway (Hkr 1991 567).

magnúss saga ins góða13

top the lid was shaped like a roof and up above it figureheads and a ridge. On
the lid there are hinges at the back and hasps in front, and these are lockedwith a key. After that King Magnús had the holy relics of King Óláfr laid inthis shrine. There were many miracles performed there at the holy relics ofKing Óláfr. The poet Sigvatr mentions this:
		
21.
			
			
			
[21] 		
			
			
			

For him whose heart was noble
Erfidrápa Óláfs helga 24
has a gold shrine been made, for my ÓH 616
lord; the leader’s sanctity
Skald I 693
I laud; to God he journeyed.
Soon many a sword-tree31 goes fromthe unsullied king’s glorious
tomb, with his sight healed,
who had come blind thither.

Then the celebration of the holy feast of King Óláfr was made law all over
Norway. That day32 was then straight away celebrated there as one of thehighest feasts. The poet Sigvatr mentions this:
		
22.
			
			
			
			
			
			
			

It befits us the feast of ·leifr,
Erfidrápa Óláfs helga 25
father of Magnús, in my dwellingÓH 617
to celebrate—God strengthens
Skald I 695
the sovereign—sincerely.
I must uphold honestly
the holy death-day, lamented,of the king who fitted
the forks of my arm33 with red gold.

[22] CHAPTER elevenÞórir hundr (Dog) left the country soon after King Óláfr’s fall. Þórir travelled
out to Jórsalir, and there are many that say that he has never come back.
Þórir hundr’s son was called Sigurðr, father of Rannveig who was married
to Árni Árnason’s son Jóan. Their children were Víðkunnr in Bjarkey and
Sigurðr hundr (Dog), Erlingr and Jarðþrúðr.
CHAPTER twelve
Hárekr from Þjótta stayed at home on his estates right on until MagnúsÓláfsson got to the country and he was king. Then Hárekr travelled southto Þrándheimr to see King Magnús. At this time there was there with King
hrings meiðr: ‘sword’s tree’, warrior, man.
29th July.
33
handar tjƒlgur: ‘branches of the hand, arm’, arms or fingers.
31
32

14

heimskringla

Magnús Ásmundr Grankelsson. And when Hárekr went ashore from his
ship on his arrival at Niðaróss, and Ásmundr was standing on a balcony by
the king, they saw Hárekr and recognised him. Ásmundr said to the king:‘Now I am going to pay back Hárekr for the killing of my father.’He had in his hand a small and thinly forged broad-bladed axe. The kinglooked at him and said:‘Use my axe instead.’This one was wedge-shaped and thick. The king spoke again:‘You must expect, Ásmundr, that the bones in that fellow will be hard.’Ásmundr took the axe and went down from the building, and when he got
down onto the cross-street, then Hárekr and his men were coming up towards
him. Ásmundr struck at Hárekr’s head so that the axe immediately stuck
down in his brain. This caused Hárekr’s death. So Ásmundr went back up
into the building to the king, and the edge had all broken off the axe. Then
said the king:‘What use would the thin axe have been then? It looks to me as though
this one is no good now.’
After this King Magnús gave Ásmundr revenues and [23] stewardshipin Hálogaland, and there are many long stories about the dealings betweenÁsmundr and Hárekr’s sons there.
CHAPTER thirteen
Kálfr Árnason was largely in charge of the government together with King
Magnús for a time to start with. But then people began to remind the kingabout Kálfr’s whereabouts at Stiklarstaðir. Then Kálfr began to find it moredifficult to cope with the king’s moods. It came about on one occasion when
there was a lot of people round the king and people were pleading theircases, then there came before him with his own urgent business a man who
has been mentioned before, Þorgeirr of Súla from Veradalr. The king paid
no heed to what he was saying and was listening to those that were nearer
to him. Then Þorgeirr spoke to the king in a loud voice so that everyone
could hear that was nearby:
			
23.
				
				
			
			
			
			
			

Speak to me,		
Magnús king!		
In your father’s
following I was.
From there I carried
my cloven skull,
when they stepped overthe stricken king.

ÓH 621
Skald II 9

magnúss saga ins góða

			
			
			
			

15

You give love tothe loathsome crowdof lord-betrayers
who delighted the devil.’[24] Then people made an uproar about it, and some of them told Þorgeirr
to leave. The king called him over to himself and afterwards settled hisbusiness in such a way that Þorgeirr was well pleased, and he promised
him his friendship.
CHAPTER fourteen
It was somewhat later, when King Magnús was at a banquet at Haugr
in Veradalr. And while the king was sitting at table, then Kálfr Árnason
was sitting on one side of him and on the other side Einarr þambarskelfir(Bowstring-shaker). It had reached the point where the king was beginningto treat Kálfr rather coldly, and was now honouring Einarr most highly. The
king spoke to Einarr:‘Today we shall ride to Stiklarstaðir. I want to see the traces of what took
place there.’
Einarr replied: ‘I cannot tell you about that. Let your foster-father Kálfr
go. He will be able to to tell you about what happened there.’
So when the tables had been taken away, then the king got ready to go.
He said to Kálfr:‘You must go with me to Stiklarstaðir.’Kálfr says that this was not necessary. Then the king stood up and spoke
rather angrily:‘You shall go, Kálfr!’
Then the king went out. Kálfr got his clothes on quickly and said to his
servant:‘You must ride in to Egg and tell my men to have all the luggage on board
ship before sunset.’
The king rode to Stiklarstaðir and Kálfr with him. They dismounted fromtheir horses and went to where the battle had been. Then said the king to
Kálfr:‘Where is the place that the king fell?’
Kálfr replies, stretching out his spear-shaft: ‘Here he lay when he had
fallen,’ he says.
The king said: ‘Where were you then, Kálfr?’
He replies: ‘Here where I am standing now.’
The king spoke, and was now red as blood: ‘He was within range of youraxe, then.’

16heimskringla

Kálfr replies: ‘My axe did not reach him.’
He then went off to his horse, leapt on its back and rode on his way and[25] all his men, but the king rode back to Haugr. In the evening Kálfr got
in to Egg. His ship was ready by the shore and all his movable property on
board and it was manned with his men. They immediately made their way
during the night out along the fiord. After that Kálfr travelled day and nightas fast as the wind would take him. He then sailed to the west across the sea
and stayed there a long time, raiding round Scotland and round Ireland andthe Suðreyjar. Bjarni Gullbrárskáld mentions this in Kálfsflokkr:
			
24.
			

I’ve heard that Haraldr’s nephew
held you dear, Þorbergr’s brother;you earned that; it lasted
until men34 destroyed it.
Between you envious men
kindled constant strife.
I think ·leifr’s heir
was harmed by this affair.

Kálfsflokkr 7
ÓH 624
Skald I 887

CHAPTER fifteen
King Magnús took possession of Vigg, which had been owned by Hrútr,
and Kviststaðir, which had been owned by Þorgeirr, also of Egg, and all theproperty that Kálfr had left behind, and many other great possessions that
had been owned by those on the farmers’ side that had fallen at Stiklarstaðir
he arranged to be appropriated by the royal treasury. He also inflicted heavy
punishments on many of the men that had opposed [26] King Óláfr in thatbattle. Some of them he drove out of the country, and from some he exacted
very heavy payments, for some he had their livestock destroyed. Then thelandowners began to grumble and said among themselves:‘What can this king mean by acting towards us contrary to the laws that
King Hákon inn góði (the Good) established? Does he not remember that
we have never put up with loss of our rights? He will go the same way as
his father or some of the other rulers that we have deprived of life when we
got tired of their tyranny and lawlessness.’
This grumbling was widespread in the country. The people of Sogn had
mustered troops, with the public announcement that they would engage inbattle with King Magnús if he came there. King Magnús was at the time inHǫrðaland and had been staying there a very long time and had a large troop
and acted as though he would now be going north to Sogn. The king’s friends
34
herr: ‘men’. This is the reading of the main Hkr manuscript; others have hann‘he’ (see Skald I 887).

magnúss saga ins góða17

became aware of this, and twelve men held a conference and it was agreed
between them to choose by lot one person to tell the king of this grumbling.
And it was settled that the poet Sigvatr was chosen.
CHAPTER sixteen
Sigvatr composed a flokkr35 that is known as Bersƒglisvísur (’Plain-speaking
verses’), and it opens to begin with about how they felt the king was hesitating
too much about putting a stop to the landowners that were threatening tostart hostilities against him. He spoke:
			

25.

[27] 		

I’ve heard that south among Sygnir		 Bersƒglisvísur 1
Sigvatr has dissuaded		 ÓH 625
the king from waging warfare.		 Skald II 12
I will go, if we yet must battle.
Let us arm, and with noargument, defend, eager,
the lord and his lands with ring-swords;
how long till this encounter?

In the same poem there are these verses:
			
26.
				
				

He who fell at Fitjar			 Bersƒglisvísur 5
foremost36 was called, and punished		 Mork I (Flb) 33–34
hostile looting, Hkon,		 ÓH 625
he was loved by people.		 Skald II 16
Men held fast to the most friendly
foster-son of Aðalsteinn’slaws later; still farmers are slow
to relinquish what they remember.

			I think they made just choices,		 Bersƒglisvísur 6
farmers and jarls also,		 Mork I (Flb) 34
for people’s property was given		 ÓH 625
peace by the two ·leifrs.		 Skald II 17
Haraldr’s heir, ever trusty,
and Tryggvi’s son, supported
leek-straight37 laws that the namesakes
laid down for the people.

27.

[28] 		A series of stanzas without a refrain; a less formal style of poetry than a drápa.
fjƒlgegn: ‘effective in many ways’; perhaps a periphrasis for Hákon’s nickname
inn góði ‘the Good’.
37
laukjƒfn: ‘straight as a leek’, i.e. just.
35

36

18
		

heimskringla

28.

		
29.
			
			
			
[29] 		
			
			
			
		
30.

		
31.
			
			
			
[30] 		
			
			
			
		
32.
			
			
			

King, at your counsellors you must not
become angry for plain speaking;this command of our lord will
make clear, prince, the way for glory.
Other laws, unless the landsmenlie, the farmers say they have,worse than those you in Ulfasund
once promised to people.

Bersƒglisvísur 9
Mork (Flb) 36
ÓH 626
Skald II 20
Fsk 213

Who counsels you to cancel,
Bersƒglisvísur 1
king intent on hatred—
Mork I (Flb) 38–39
often you assay slenderÓH 626swords—your promises?
Skald II 24
A prosperous king of people
his pledges must honour.
To break your bond never,battle-enlarger,38 befits you.
Who incites you to slay yourBersƒglisvísur 11
subjects’ cattle, war-leader39?
Mork I (Flb) 37–38
It is arrogance for a ruler
Fsk 213–14
in his realm to act so.
ÓH 626
None had earlier offered
Skald II 22
a young king such counsel;
your troops, I think, tire of plunder;
people, prince, are angry.
Take notice, thief-toppler,Bersƒglisvísur 10of talk of men now going
Mork I (Flb) 37
about here; the hand must be
Fsk 213 (ll.1–4)
held back by moderation.
ÓH 626
It is a friend who offers—
Skald II 21
you must heed, gladdenerof the tear-hawk of warm wounds,40
what the farmers want—a warning.
The threat is grave that greybeardsBersƒglisvísur 12
against the king, as I hear it,
Mork I (Flb) 38
mean to rise; measures
Fsk 214–15
must for that be taken.		 Ágrip 2008, 46–48

hjaldrmƒgnuðr: ‘battle-increaser’, warrior.
hjaldrgegnir: ‘advancer of battle’, warrior.
40
varmra benja tármútaris teitir: ‘gladdener of the hawk (raven) of the tears ofwarm wounds (blood)’, warrior.
38
39

magnúss saga ins góða19

It’s harsh when thing-men hang their3GT 30, 114 (ll. 1–4)
heads, and under mantles—
ÓH 626
your servants are stricken
Skald II 23
with silence—stick their noses.
		33.
All say the same: ‘Of hisBersƒglisvísur 14
			subjects’ ancestral properties
Mork I (Flb) 38
			
my lord claims ownership.’ÓH 627
			
Honourable farmers turn against him. Skald II 25
			
He who his inheritance			
hands out to king’s barons			according to rushed rulings
			
will reckon that robbery.
[31] After this warning the king changed for the better. Many people also
used the same arguments with the king. So it came about that the king held
discussions with the wisest people, and they then agreed on their laws.
After this King Magnús had the law code written down that still appliesin Þrándheimr and is known as Grágás. King Magnús became popular andbeloved of all the people in the country. He was for this reason known as
Magnús inn góði (the Good).
CHAPTER seventeen
King Haraldr of the English died four winters after the death of his father
Knútr inn ríki.41 He was buried beside his father in Winchester. After his death
Haraldr’s brother Hǫrða-Knútr, old Knútr’s second son, took the kingdom
in England. He was now king of both England and the realm of the Danes.
He ruled this realm for two winters. He died of sickness in England and isburied in Winchester beside his father.42 After his death [32] Eatvarðr inn góði(the Good), son of King Aðalráðr of the English and Jarl Ríkarðr of Rúða’sdaughter Queen Emma, was taken as king in England. King Eaðvarðr was
half-brother43 to Haraldr and Hǫrða-Knútr. Old Knútr and Emma’s daughter
was called Gunnhildr. She was married to Emperor Heinrekr in Saxland. He
was known as Heinrekr mildi (the Gracious). Gunnhildr was three winters
in Saxland before she got ill. She died two winters after the death of her
father King Knútr.44
17th March 1040.
8th June 1042.
43bróðir sammœðri ‘son of the same mother’. This is not correct. Haraldr was not
son of Knútr’s second wife Emma (who had previously been married to ÆþelrædII), but of his first wife Ælfgifu (Álfífa).
44
Gunnhildr was married to Henry 29th June 1036, and died 18th July (?) 1038. Henry
became Emperor in 1046. In 1036 he was only king of Germany. Knútr died in 1035.
41
42

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heimskringla

CHAPTER eighteen
King Magnús Óláfsson heard of the death of Hǫrða-Knútr. Then he
immediately sent his men south to Denmark carrying messages to the men
who had sworn oaths to him when their settlement and special agreements
had been made between Magnús and Hǫrða-Knútr, and reminded them of
their promises, adding also that he would immediately in the summer be
coming to Denmark in person with his troops, and adding finally that he
was going to take possession of the whole realm of the Danes as the special
agreements and oaths had stated, or else himself fall in battle with his army.
So says Arnórr jarlaskáld:
		
34.
			
			
			
[33] 		
			
			
			

Extreme was the eloquence		
Magnússdrápa 5
the jarls’ lord was endowed with.
Mork I (Flb) 48
Fulfilment followed the words of
Fsk 216
Skald II 213
the fooler of she-wolf’s sorrow,45
when the prince said, in the cruel clash
of carved shield,46 under the raven’s
claw, he’d fall on his face, happy,
fated, or else have Denmark.

CHAPTER nineteen
Then King Magnús mustered troops, summoning to come to him landed
men and powerful landowners, providing himself with longships. And whenthese forces assembled then they were very splendid and very well fitted
out. He had seventy ships when he sailed from Norway. So says Þjóðólfr:		

35.

Boldly you made use of, battleMagnússflokkr 4
brave lord, long vessels,		
Skald II 68
in that men steered seventy
sailing ships eastward.
South sang linked boards; high-hoisted
sails whispered with forestay.
The creek was cut by an oak47 high-masted;
its curved rim Visundr lowered.

[34] Here it mentions that King Magnús now had the great Visundr (Bison)that the blessed King Óláfr had had built. It numbered more than thirtyrowing benches. There was a bison-head on the prow and a fishtail aft. The
45
ylgjar angrtælir: ‘beguiler of the grief of the she-wolf’, warrior who gladdens
wolves by feeding them carrion, here Magnús.
46
grafnings gný: ‘clash of the graven shield’, battle.
47
eiki: a ship made of oak.

magnúss saga ins góða21

figurehead and the tail and both necks were all covered in gold. This ismentioned by Arnorr jarlaskáld:
		
36.
Foam drove in on the afterdeck,
Hrynhenda 10
ugly; the red gold shivered		Mork I (Flb) 45
on the ship’s helm; the fir-tree’s hardy
Skald II 195
hound48 set the rushing fir-ship plunging.
Strong prows from the north around Stafangr
you steered. The sea shook before you.
Blizzard-horse’s49 mastheads shone like
fire, up into the realm of Danes.
King Magnús sailed out from Agðir and across to Jótland. So says Arnórr:		37.
I shall relate how, listing,		
Magnússdrápa 6			
the lee-side bison,50 rime-swollen,
Mork I (Flb) 49
			carried the king of the Sygnir,51
Skald II 215
			
courageous, southwards.
[35] 		The caller of the mailcoat-meeting,52
			
the monarch, steered—gladly			
people greeted the gods of			girdle-pins53—for broad Jótland.
CHAPTER twenty

And when King Magnus got to Denmark, then he was warmly welcomed
there. He soon held assemblies and meetings with the people of the country
and asked to be accepted in accordance with the special agreements. And
since the national leaders that were most distinguished in Denmark werebound by oaths to King Magnús and wanted to keep their words and oaths,
then they spoke much in favour of this before the people. There was anotherreason too, that Knútr inn ríki was now dead and all his progeny; andthe third thing was that now the sainthood of King Óláfr was universallyacknowledged throughout all countries, and his performance of miracles.
CHAPTER twenty-one

After this King Magnús had Vébjargaþing summoned. That is where theDanes have chosen themselves kings in both ancient and modern times.

fýris garmr: ‘hound of the fir-tree’, stormy wind.
élmarr: ‘storm-horse’, ship.
50
hléborðs visundr: ‘bison of the lee-side’, ship. Visundr, in other verses the name of
Magnús’s ship, here has a dual function as a name and as the base word in a kenning.
51
Sygna þengill: ‘lord of Sygnir’, i.e. king of Norway.
52brynþings bjóðr: ‘convener of the mailcoat-assembly (battle)’, warrior.
53
fetilstinga æsir: ‘gods of sword-belt spikes (swords)’, warriors.
48
49

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And at this assembly the Danes accepted Magnús Óláfsson as king over
the whole realm of Danes. King Magnús stayed in Denmark for a long time
during the summer, and all the people welcomed him warmly wherever hecame, and submitted themselves to him. He then organised the whole country,
the stewardships and prefectures, and granted revenues [36] to men of theruling class. But when autumn was drawing to a close, he took his forces to
Norway and stayed on the Elfr for a while.
CHAPTER twenty-two
There is a man called Sveinn, son of Þorgils sprakaleggr’s (Break-Leg’s)son Jarl Úlfr. Sveinn’s mother was King Sveinn tjúguskegg’s (Forkbeard’s)
daughter Ástríðr. She was Knútr inn ríki’s (half-)sister by the same father,but she had the same mother as King Óláfr Eiríksson of the Svíar. Theirmother was Skǫglar-Tósti’s (Battle-) daughter Queen Sigríðr in stórláta (ofthe Great Undertakings).
Sveinn Úlfsson had now been staying for a long time with his relatives, thekings of the Svíar, ever since his father Jarl Úlfr had fallen, as is written in
the Saga of Knútr inn gamli (the Old), [where it says] that the latter had his
kinsman by marriage Jarl Úlfr killed in Hróiskelda.54 It was for this reason
that Sveinn did not stay in Denmark after that.
Sveinn Úlfson was the most handsome of all men in looks. He was also
the biggest and strongest of men and a very great man for sports and a veryfine speaker. It was the opinion of everyone that knew him that he had all
the qualities that make a good leader.
Sveinn Úlfsson came to see Magnús Óláfsson while he was lying on theElfr, as was written above. The king received him kindly. He had many
supporters for this there too, for Sveinn was a very popular person. He also
spoke well and eloquently on his own behalf before the king, and it cameabout that Sveinn submitted to King Magnús and became his follower.
After that the king and Sveinn discussed many things in private.
[37] CHAPTER twenty-three
One day when King Magnús was sitting on his throne and there were crowdsof people round him, Sveinn Úlfsson was sitting on the footstool in front of
the king. Then the king began to speak:‘I wish to make known to leading men and all the people the plan that I
intend to put into effect. There has come here to me a person splendid bothin descent and in himself, Sveinn Úlfsson. He has now become my follower
and pledged to me his troth on this. And as you know, since all Danes have
54

This information is apparently not in the surviving versions of Knýtlinga saga.

23

magnúss saga ins góðathis summer become my subjects, so the country is without a ruler, nowthat I have left it, though as you know it is very subject to raids there fromthe Vinðr and Kúrir and other eastern Baltic peoples, and likewise from
Saxons. Moreover I promised to provide them with a leader for the defence
and government of the country. I can see no one as well suited for this in
every respect as Sveinn Úlfsson. He has the descent for being a leader. Now
I am going to make him my jarl and make over to him the realm of Danes tosupervise while I am in Norway, just as Knútr inn ríki appointed his father
Jarl Úlfr ruler over Denmark while Knútr was in England.’
Einarr þambarskelfir says: ‘Too much of a jarl, too much of a jarl, fosterson!’
The king then spoke angrily: ‘You think I don’t know much, but it seems
to me that you think some too much of a jarl, and thus some not much of aman.’
Then the king stood up and took his sword and fastened it to Sveinn’s belt.
After that he took a shield and fastened it on his shoulder, after that put ahelmet on his head and gave him the title of jarl and the same revenues inDenmark as his father Jarl Úlfr had had there previously. After that a shrinewith holy relics was brought out. Svainn laid his hands on it [38] and swore
oaths of allegiance to King Magnús. After that the king led the jarl to thethrone to sit next to him. So says Þjóðólfr:		38.

Úlfr’s son was himself by the Elfr
east, and made fair promises;		
There Sveinn did swear them, 		
set his hands on the shrine.		
For him ·leifr’s son set out,
the Sknungar’s king, pledges—
less long has their concordlasted than it should have.

Magnússflokkr 5Mork I (Flb) 52
Fsk 219
Skald II 69

Then Jarl Sveinn travelled to Denmark, and was warmly welcomed by thewhole people there. He then chose himself a following and soon became agreat ruler. In the winter he travelled widely round the country and establishedvery good relations with the leading men. He was also popular with thecommon people.
CHAPTER twenty-four
King Magnús took his forces to the north of Norway and stayed there
during the winter. But when spring came, then King Magnús called out alarge naval force and took it south to Denmark. And when he got there, helearned the news from Vinðland that the Vinðr in Jómsborg had departed

24

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from their allegiance to him. The kings of the Danes had commanded agreat jarldom there—they had founded Jómsborg in the first place—and it
had [39] become a very strong fortress. So when King Magnús heard tellof this, then he called out from Denmark a great navy and made his way toVinðland in the summer with his whole army, and had a very large army.
Arnórr jarlaskáld mentions this:
		
39.
			

You shall hear how you carried, kinsman
Hrynhenda 11
of a king,55 the war-shield into Vinðr country— Skald II 196
fortunate, you dragged from the flat slipway
frost-coated boards56—in a stef section.57
I have never yet learned, lord, of a ruler
launching more ships at their homeland,
you are giving grief to the Vinðr,engraved by ships then was the current.

And when King Magnús got to Vinðland, then he made for Jómsborg and
immediately took the fortress, killing many people in it and burning thefortress and the countryside widely round about and causing very great
devastation there. So says Arnórr jarlaskáld:
		
40.
			
			
			
[40]		
								Prince, you fared with fire among ill-doers;		
Hrynhenda 12
fated was death then to seamen.
Skáldsk 100 (ll. 1–4)
A column of fire you kindled,		
Skald II 197
crusher of thieves,58 south at Jóm.
The heathen folk in the broad fortressto defend halls never ventured.
King, with bright fire you afforded
the fortress-men heart-stopping terror.

Many people in Vinðland submitted to King Magnús, but there were very
many more that fled away. Then King Magnús went back to Denmark, set
up his winter quarters there and dismissed his army, both the Danish one andalso many of the troops that had come with him from Norway.
CHAPTER twenty-five
The same winter that Sveinn Úlfsson had become overlord over the whole
realm of Danes and he had developed good relations with very many of thehilmis kundr: ‘king’s descendant’, i.e. Magnús.
borð: boards, i.e. ships. Some manuscripts have bƒrð ‘prows’.
57
stefjamél: A formal drápa included one or more stef ‘refrains’. A stefjamél or
stefjabálkr was a group of verses appearing between refrains.
58
hlenna þrýstir: ‘oppressor of thieves’, just king.
55
56

magnúss saga ins góða25

important men and gained good report among the common people, thenhe had the title of king conferred on himself, and many of the ruling classwere in favour of his doing this. But in the spring, when he learnt that King
Magnús was travelliing from the north from Norway bringing a great army,
then Sveinn went to Skáney and from there up into Gautland and so to Svíþjóð
to see his kinsman King Emund of the Svíar, and stayed there during thesummer, but kept men on the watch in Denmark for King Magnús’s travels
and the size of his forces. And when Sveinn learnt that King Magnús had
dismissed a great part of his forces, and also that he was south in Jótland,
then Sveinn rode down from Svíþjóð, having now a large force that the kingof the Svíar provided him with. And when Sveinn [41] came out to Skáney,then the people of Skáney welcomed him and treated him as their king. Thena large force thronged to him. After this he travelled out to Sjáland, and he
was welcomed there. He subjected everywhere there to himself. Then hetravelled into Fjón and subjected all the islands to himself, and the people
submitted to him. Sveinn had a great army and many ships.
CHAPTER twenty-six
King Magnús heard the news of all this, and of this too, that the Vinðr had
an army out. After that King Magnús summoned troops to come to him,
and there soon gathered an army from all over Jótland to him. Then DukeÓtta of Saxland joined him from Brunswick. He was at this time married toÚlfhildr, the blessed King Óláfr’s daughter and King Magnús’s sister. The
duke had a large force of men. The leaders of the Danes urged King Magnús
to advance against the army of Vinðr and not allow heathen people to travel
over their country there and lay it waste, and this proposal was adopted, thatthe king turned his army to the south on towards Heiðabýr. But when King
Magnús was lying by Skotborgará on Hlýrskógsheiðr then there came to him
intelligence from the army of Vinðr, which included the report that they had
such a large army that no one could number it, and that [42] King Magnús
had not a fraction of their numbers and the only thing for him was to flee
away. King Magnús, however, wanted to fight as long as people felt he hadsome possibility of winning, though most were against it, and everyone
agreed that the Vinðr had an invincible army, though Duke Ótta was rather
in favour of fighting. The king then had a trumpet muster the whole armyand had everyone put on their armour, and they lay outside during the nightunder their shields, because they had been told that the army of Vinðr hadadvanced close to them, and the king was very anxious. He felt it would
be a bad thing if he had to flee, for he had never experienced that. He slept
little during the night and chanted his prayers.

26heimskringla[43] CHAPTER twenty-seven
The next day was the eve of Michaelmas day.59 And when it was almost
dawn, then the king fell asleep and dreamt that he saw his father the blessed
King Óláfr, and he spoke to him:
‘Are you very anxious and fearful now that the Vinðr are advancing against
you with a large army? You must not fear heathens, even if there are a lotof them together. I will be with you in this battle. Make your attack on theVinðr when you hear my trumpet.’
And when the king awoke, then he tells what he has dreamt. Then day
began to dawn. Then all the people heard the sound of bells up in the sky,and King Magnús’s men recognised, those that had been in Niðaróss, thatit sounded as if it was Glǫð being rung. This bell had been given by KingÓláfr to Clemenskirkja in Kaupangr.
CHAPTER twenty-eight
Then King Magnús got up and called out that the war-trumpets should beblown. Then the army of Vinðr advanced from the south over the river against
them. Then all the king’s army leapt up and made for the heathens. King
Magnús threw his coat of mail off himself and was wearing outermost a redsilk tunic and took in his hand the axe Hel, that had been King Óláfr’s. King
Magnús ran ahead of all other men against the enemy army and straight away
hewed with both hands at one man after another. So says Arnórr jarlaskáld:
			
41.
				
				
				
[44] 		
				
				
				

With broad axe, unwearied,		
went forth the ruler—		sword-clash happened round the Hǫrðar’shead60—and threw off his mailcoat,when the shaft—land was shared out by
the shaping guardian of Heaven,61
Hel62 clove pallid craniums—
the king’s two hands encircled.

Magnússdrápa 10
Mork I (Flb) 65–66
Fsk 223
ÓH 630Skald II 219

This battle was not a long one. The king’s men fought like fury. And wherever
they met, the Vinðr fell as thick as waves breaking on the shore, and thosethat were still standing turned in flight, and they were then cut down likecattle. The king himself pursued the rout eastwards across the heath, andthe host fell all over the heath. So says Þjóðólfr:59
Mikjálsmessuaptann: cf. note 188 below. St Michael’s day (Michaelmas or the
Feast of St Michael and all Angels) is 29th September.
60
Hƒrða hilmir: ‘ruler of the Hǫrðar’, king of Norway (Magnús).
61
himins skapvƒrðr: ‘the shaping-guardian of Heaven’, God.
62
Hel: the axe owned by St Óláfr, named after the goddess of the underworld.

magnúss saga ins góða

		

42.

				

I hold that in a troop of a hundred
Haraldr’s brother’s son63 was standing—
the raven saw his hunger-ban
soon coming64—in the army’s forefront.
Far-flung was the path offleeing Vinðr; where Magnús battled
hewn corpses came to hide theheath a league broadly.

27
Magnússflokkr 10
Mork I (Flb) 65
Fsk 222
ÓH 630Skald II 72

It is universally held that no slaughter as great as that of the Vinðr which took
place on [45] Hlýrskógsheiðr has taken place in Northern Lands in Christiantimes. But not many of King Magnús’s troops fell, though numbers were
wounded. After the battle King Magnús has his men’s wounds bandaged,
though there were not as many doctors in the army as were now required. So
the king went up to such men as seemed suitable to him and felt their hands,
and as he took hold of their palms and stroked them, then he nominatedtwelve men who it seemed to him must have the softest hands, sayingthat they were to bandage men’s wounds, though none of them had ever
bandaged wounds before. And all these became very good doctors. There
were two Icelandic men among them, one was Þorkell Geirason of Lyngar,
the other Bárðr svarti (the Black) in Selárdalr’s father Atli, and many doctors
were descended from them afterwards. After this battle the miracle that theblessed King Óláfr had performed became famous throughout very manylands, and it was universally said that no one had better fight against King
Magnús Óláfsson, and his father King Óláfr would stand by him so closelythat his enemies would not be able to offer him any resistance for that reason.
[46] CHAPTER twenty-nine
King Magnús now turned his army against Sveinn, whom he referred to as
his jarl, though the Danes called him king. King Magnús took to his ships andprepared his army. Then both sides increased their numbers greatly. There were
now many leading men among Sveinn’s troops, Skánungar, Hallandsfarar,
Fjónbúar. But King Magnús had mostly Norwegians and Jótar. He then took
his troops to meet with Sveinn. They clashed at Ré off Vestland. A great battle
took place there, and it ended with King Magnús being victorious, while Sveinn
fled and lost many troops. He then fled back to Skáney, because he had a refuge
up in Gautland if he needed to have recourse to one. But King Magnús thenwent back to Jótland and stayed there for the winter with a large following andhad a watch kept on his ships. Arnórr jarlaskáld mentions all this:63
64

King Magnús, whose father Óláfr helgi was half-brother of Haraldr harðráði.
i.e. that its food was on its way.

28
		
43.
			
			
			

heimskringla

Keen, at Ré the ruler			raised Glammi’s strong meeting.65
Frankish blades were bloodied		
off broad Vestland by the monarch.

Magnússdrápa 9
Mork I (Flb) 54
Skald II 2184

[47] CHAPTER thirty

Sveinn Úlfsson went immediately aboard his ships when he learnt that King
Magnús had disembarked from his ships. Sveinn gathered troops to himself,
all that he could get, and then went during the winter round Sjáland andround Fjón and round the islands, and when Yule approached, he made his
way south to Jótland, making first for Limafjǫrðr, and many people there
became his subjects, and he took tribute from some. Some went to see King
Magnús. So when King Magnús heard about this, what Sveinn was up to,then he went to his ships, taking with him the troop of Norwegians that wasthen in Denmark, and some Danish troops, then made his way from the south
along the coast. Sveinn was now in Áróss and had a large force, so when
he heard about King Magnús’s army, then he brought his troops out of thetown and prepared for battle. But when King Magnús had found out where
Sveinn was, and he realised that they could not now be far away from eachother, then he had a meeting with his men and spoke to his troops, saying this:‘Now we have learnt that the jarl with his troops will be lying here now aheadof us. I am told that they have a large force. And I want to make you aware of
my plan. I want to go ahead to a meeting with the jarl and fight with him, though
we have rather fewer troops. We shall now place our trust again, just as before,
in God Himself and my father the blessed King Óláfr. He has granted us victory
several times before when we have fought, and we have often had fewer forces
than our enemies. Now I desire that men should be prepared for us to be looking
out for them, and when our meeting comes about, then we shall row at them andimmediately start the battle. So let all my men be ready to fight.’
Then they put on their armour and each one got himself and his position
ready. King Magnús and his men advanced until they saw the jarl’s force,
immediately launching an attack. So [48] Sveinn’s men armed themselves
and fastened their ships together. Immediately a fierce battle commenced.
So says the poet Þjóðólfr:
		
44.
			
			

Recently jarl and ruler		round shields brought together;
there biting blade-play66 came overthe billows’ ember-pine-trees,67

Magnússflokkr 8
Skald II 73

Glamma rammþing: ‘strong meeting of Glammi (a sea-king)’, battle.
brandleikr: ‘sword-play’, battle.
67grœðis glóða bƒrr: ‘conifer of embers of the ocean (gold)’, man; here plural.
65
66

29

magnúss saga ins góðaso that shirt-markers of the meetingof the maid of Heðinn68 remembered
no greater engagement; the army
got to make spear-tumult.69
They fought across the bows, and only those stationed in the forward part ofthe ship could make their blows tell, but those that were in the midmost part
thrust with halberds, and all those that were further aft shot sling-spears or
javelins or war-darts, while some threw stones or casting spears, and thosethat were behind the mast used bows and arrows. Þjóðólfr mentions this:
		
45.
			
			
			
			
			
			
			

I learned of flint-headed lances
Magnússflokkr 9
launched, and many a spear—		
Skald II 74
the raven got meat—where we waged
war, swiftly at broad shields.
Men made use, as best theymight, in the quarrel ofarms,70 of rocks and arrows,
ring-trees71 then lay struck down.

[49]

Archers placed more arrows		
on the tautened bowstring;		
that day the Þrœndir would not
get short of missiles earlier.
Then sling-darts so thickly
sped over the battle,
a storm of arrows sent forth wildly,
scarce could you see between them.

46.

Magnússflokkr 10
Skald II 75

Here it says how furious was the shower of missiles. King Magnús was tobegin with at the beginning of the battle behind a shield wall, but when hefound they were not making much progress, then he leapt forward out of
the shield wall and so along the ship and shouted loudly, urging his men
on and going right forward to the prow into the hand-to-hand fighting. And
when his men saw this, then they all urged each other. Now there was a great
shouting throughout his host. So says Þjóðólfr:68Heðins manþinga serkjar merkjendr: ‘markers of the shirt (mailcoat) of theassembly (battle) of Heðinn’s maiden (Hildr)’, warriors, who stain mailcoats withblood. Hildr, daughter of King Hƒgni, was carried off by the legendary hero Heðinn,which led to the Hjaðningavíg battle (Skáldsk 72); her assembly is battle.
69
geira gný: ‘din of spears’, battle.
70
vápna senna: ‘quarrel of weapons’, battle.
71baugs bƒrvar: ‘conifers of the (arm)-ring’, men.

30

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47.
			
			
			

Among Magnús’s72 warriors
men urged each other boldly
onwards with stout war-clouds;73
the urging worked, where they battled.

Magnússflokkr 11
Skald II 77[50] Then a most furious battle took place. In that storm Sveinn’s ship was
cleared from the front across the stem and bows. Then King Magnús himself
went with his troop up onto Sveinn’s ship and after that one after anotherof his men, making then such a fierce attack that Sveinn’s men gave way,and King Magnús cleared that ship and after that one after another [of therest]. Then Sveinn fled and a great part of his forces, but a large number of
his men fell and many were given quarter. So says Þjóðólfr:		

48.

Further into carnage went the keeperof keel-wagons,74 Magnús—that was famous—in the fairforestem of the landing-stage-Hrafn.75
We caused there, king, booty
to increase, and the troop of
the jarl’s housecarls to dwindle;
the army cleared the vessels.

Magnússflokkr 12
Skald II 78

		
49.
			
			
			

Until the splendid destroyerof sun of the swan’s ground76 granted—the jarl’s troop took to flight—
truce for life to sword-staves.77

Magnússflokkr 13
Skald II 80[51] This battle was on the Sunday next before Yule. So says Þjóðólfr:		

50.

Fierce warfare, waged bywoods of the harsh storm of Hrammi78—
the army went eager to battle—
on a Sunday was engaged in.

Magnússflokkr 14
Skald II 81

72
This translation follows Hkr III 49. Diana Whaley, in Skald II, takes ‘Magnús’
as well as ‘mannr’ to be nominative; thus, Magnús exhorts his men, who also urge
on each other. This matches Snorri’s account of Magnús plunging into the fray to
encourage his men, but the syntax is awkward.
73bƒðský: ‘battle-cloud’, shield.
74
kjalar vagna vƒrðr: ‘guardian of wagons of the keel (ships)’, seafarer.
75
varar Hrafn: ‘Hrafn (horse of the legendary king Áli) of the landing stage’, ship.
76
svanfoldar sólrýrandi: ‘destroyer of the sun (gold) of the swan’s land (sea)’,
generous man.
77hjƒrva stafir: ‘staves of swords’, men.
78
Hramma harðéls viðir: ‘trees of the harsh storm (battle) of Hrammi (Óðinn)’,warriors.

magnúss saga ins góða31

As staves of sword-uproar79
ceded their lives, fated—folk sank down perforce—a body
floated on each billow.
King Magnús captured in it seven ships containing Sveinn’s men. So saysÞjóðólfr:
		
51.
			

He stripped, the son of ·leifr
Sts about King Magnús
the Stout, seven ships earlier;		 in Danaveldi 1
the king won; Sogn’s women
Skald II 88
will learn such news without sorrow.

And again he spoke:
		
52.
			
			
			
[52] 		
			
			
			

Sveinn’s comrades have certainly,
Sts about King Magnús
sword-Gautr,80 missed out on		 in Danaveldi 2
a homecoming; rather harshly
Skald II 89
has the men’s venture finished.
Stirred by storm, the wave scatterstheir skulls and leg-bones—
over the envoys of riches81
the ocean roars—on the sands’ bottom.

Sveinn fled straight away that night to Sjáland with those troops that had got
away and were willing to go with him, while King Magnús took his ships tothe shore and straight away that night had his men go up ashore, and earlynext morning they came back down with a great deal of cattle for slaughter.
Þjóðólfr mentions this:
		
53.
			
			
			
			
			
			
			

I saw great stones yesterday—
Sts about King Magnús
skull gaped before boulder—		 in Danaveldi 3
hurled strongly; not speedily
Skald II 90
proceeded their company.
We drove down—not with words only
will Sveinn defend the country—
cattle; halfway along the coastline
came the ship to anchor.

hjƒrva gnýstafir: ‘staves of the din of swords (battle)’, warriors.
sverð-Gautr: ‘sword-Óðinn’, warrior.
81auðs ærir: ‘messengers of wealth’, generous men.
79
80

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CHAPTER thirty-one

King Magnús immediately took his forces from the south to Sjáland in pursuitof Sveinn. But as soon as King Magnús’s troops approached, then Sveinn
immediately fled up inland with all his troops, but King Magnús made after
them and pursued the rout, killing any that they caught. So says Þjóðólfr:[53] 54.
One word told the Selund
Sts about King Magnús
			
woman who bore the standard;		 in Danaveldi 4			it’s true, moreover, that many
Skald II 91
			men bore shields blood-reddened.
			
The treasure-twig82 was fated			
to tiptoe through the forest;			
many who fled footed it			fast to Hringstadir.
		
55.
Mired to the neck was the manly
Sts about King Magnús			
monarch of Sknungar;83		 in Danaveldi 5
For Lund’s overlord84 not to prevail,
Skald II 92
life-proud, would be a wonder.
Over bogs yesterdayand earth, hurled spears flew; overmounds the mighty jarl’s standard
made tracks down to the sea.
[54] Sveinn then fled across to Fjón, but King Magnús then went harrying
over Sjáland, burning widely the property of the people that in the autumn
had joined Sveinn’s troop. So says Þjóðólfr:		
56.
The jarl succeeded in destroying
Magnússflokkr 15
			
the seats of princes in winter;
Skald II 82
a land-defence not little
you let issue from you.
Generous Magnús, you managed
to make risky war behind a shield;
it was then, for Knútr’s able nephew,
almost as if he were finished.
		
57.
You had houses, Þrœndr’s ruler85—
Magnússflokkr 16
homesteads you dared harm, angry— Skald II 83
destroyed by fire; each structure
consigned to flame and cinders.
auðtroða: ‘stick of wealth’, woman.
Sknunga harri: ‘lord of the Skánungar’, king of Denmark.
84
Lundar allvaldr: ‘overlord of Lund’, king of Denmark.
85
Þrœnda ræsir: ‘ruler of Þrœndr’, i.e. king of Norway.
82
83

magnúss saga ins góða33

The jarl’s followers fiercely,
friend of chieftains, you wanted
to repay—they ran away promptly—
for their perilous enmity.
[55] CHAPTER thirty-two
As soon as King Magnús got news of Sveinn, then he took his troops acrossto Fjón. And as soon as Sveinn knew of this, then he went aboard ship andsailed, coming out in Skáni, went from there to Gautland and after that tosee the king of the Svíar. But King Magnús went up onto Fjón, having many
people’s property there plundered and burned. All Sveinn’s men that were
there fled away in all directions. So says Þjóðólfr:		
58.
Up in the air the storm tosses
Sts about King Magnús
			
embers from oaken walls, 		 in Danaveldi 6
south, in cormorants’ country;86
Skald II 93
kindled, fire plays wildly.
Dwellings burn higher by halfnear the households on Fjón.
Roofs and shingles are ruined;
razed are halls by Northmen.87
		59.
Men must, Freyr of battles,88
Sts about King Magnús			
remember to get to know		 in Danaveldi 7
			
the weaving-Gefn89 of Sveinn’s soldiers, Skald II 94
			since there were three encounters.
			
On Fjón one may look forward			to a fair girl; it’s good to redden[56] 		blades; let’s join the forefront
			of the force in weapons’ tumult.90
After this all the people in Denmark submitted to King Magnús. Then there
was uninterrupted peace there in the latter part of winter. Then King Magnús
appointed his men to the government over all the land there in Denmark.
And when spring drew to a close, then he took his army north to Norway
and stayed there for a very long time over the summer.

86
hróka land: ‘land of cormorants’, the sea; here, a play on words for Sjáland (sjár means‘sea’). This follows the interpretation of Hkr III 55, which adopts the reading of somemanuscripts á hróka landi; others have af instead of á. Diana Whaley in Skald II follows
the latter reading and takes hróka land as a kenning for the sea, thus ‘a storm from the sea’.
87Norðmenn: Norwegians.
88
viga Freyr: ‘god of battles’, warrior (vocative, addressed to Magnús’s soldiers).
89
vef-Gefn: ‘weaving-Gefn (Freyja; goddess)’, woman, wife (sg. for pl.).
90
vápna glamm: ‘din of weapons’, battle.

34

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CHAPTER thirty-three
So when Sveinn learnt about this, then he rode straight out to Skáni, taking alarge force from Svíaveldi. The Skánungar welcomed him. He then gathered
troops, went after that out to Sjáland and subjected those there to himself,similarly Fjón and all the islands. So when King Magnús learnt of this, thenhe gathered troops and ships and after that laid his course south to Denmark.
He learnt where Sveinn was lying with his army. King Magnús then advanced
against him. Their meeting was in the place known as Helganes, and it wasin the evening of the day. And when the battle commenced, King Magnús
had a smaller force and larger ships and better manned. So says Arnórr:
		
60.
			
			
			
[57] 		
		
			
				

I have heard it called widely
Helganes, where manyelks of the wave91 the well-known
wolf-gladdener92 emptied.
At early twilight, the ship-tree93
ordered shields be set together.
All the autumn night the rain of
the ogress of strife-clouds94 lasted.

Magnússdrápa 12
Mork I (Flb) 75 (ll. 1–4)
Fsk 224
Skald II 221
Skáldsk 65 (ll. 5–8)

The battle was of the fiercest, and as the night drew to an end, there cameto be many casualties. King Magnús was all night throwing missiles withhis hands. Þjóðólfr mentions this:		

61.

Sveinn’s host bowed before halberds Magnússflokkr 17
Mork I (Flb) 70
at Helganes, as it is called;there wounded warriors,
Skald II 84
worthy of death, sank down.
Many a slinged spear the Mœrir’s
magnificent lord95 wielded;
with darts the keen ruler
reddened the point, ash-mounted.

To tell of this battle in the fewest words, King Magnús was victorious, andSveinn fled. His ship was cleared from stem to stern, and all Sveinn’s otherships were cleared. So says Þjóðólfr:vágs elgr: ‘elk of the wave’, ship.
vargteitir: ‘wolf-cheerer’, warrior.
93
reggbúss: ‘box-tree of the ship’, seafarer.
94
rógskýja rýgjar regn: ‘rain of the troll-wife of strife-clouds’; strife-clouds areshields; the troll-wife of shields is the axe; rain of the axe is battle.
95Mœra gramr: ‘king of the Mœrir’, king of Norway.
91
92

35

magnúss saga ins góða

		
62.
			
[58] 		

Firm, the jarl fled the killingfrom his empty vessel,
where Magnús made perilous
the movement of Sveinn from there.
The army’s king coloured
the cutter’s blade crimson;
blood spurted on the sharpened
sword; for lands the king battled.

Magnússflokkr 18
Mork I (Flb) 73
Fsk 223
Skald II 85

And again Arnórr says:		

63.

The king, scourge of Sknungar,
seized all Bjǫrn’s brother’s96
warships; men rowed thereat the right moment.

Magnússdrápa 14
Mork I (Flb) 75
Fsk 224
Skald II 223

A great number of Sveinn’s men fell there. King Magnús and his men got agreat deal of plunder. So says Þjóðólfr:
		
64.
			
			
			
			
			
[59] 					I bore back from battle
Sts about King Magnús
my booty, a shield from Gautland—		 in Danaveldi 8
south in summer the sword-din
Skald II 96
was strong—and more, a mailcoat.
Fine weapons I got, as before I
informed the calm lady.
I gained a helmet, where the ruler,
hardy, the Danes hammered.

Sveinn then fled up onto Skáni and all those of his troops that got away, but
King Magnús and his troops drove the rout far up into the land, and there
was then little resistance from Sveinn’s men or the farmers. So says Þjóðólfr:		

65.

·leifr’s son had earlier
Sts about King Magnús
ordered the advance onto land;		 in Danaveldi 9
Magnús, with much splendour,
Skald II 97
marched wrathful from the warships.
The hardy king ordered harrying—here is tumult—in Denmark.
Across the hills speeds hastily
the horse, over the west of Skáney.

After this King Magnús went harrying all over the area. So says Þjóðólfr:96Bjǫrn’s brother is Sveinn. See Anglo­–Saxon Chronicle C 1049.

36

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66.
			
			
			
[60] 		
			
			
			

Now Northmen start to urge on— Sts about King Magnús
near the poles we are marching—		 in Danaveldi 10
Magnús’s standards; not seldom Skald II 98
by my side my shield I carry.
Not skew-footed across Skáney
the scraggy one rushes,97
few paths that are fairer
I’ve found, to Lund southwards.

After that they began to burn the area. Then the people fled away in all
directions. So says Þjóðólfr:
		

67.

		
68.
			
			
			
[61] 		
			
			
			

		
69.
			
			

We bore ice-cold irons
Sts about King Magnús
amply, in the lord’s army.		 in Danaveldi 11
Swiftly the bright hopes of Sknungar Skald II 98
for success are now failing.
Briskly, through the broad settlement
blazes red fire, by our
enforcing; keen fire-raisers
fashioned that hardship.

Bright fire burns over people’s
Sts about King Magnús
buildings the realm of Danes;		 in Danaveldi 12
the king destroys most swiftly
Skald II 99
the settlement, with a great army.
Over a heath men wearyof holding Denmark carryshields; we won victory; wounded
warriors of Sveinn run from us.

Last year on Fjón the leader
Sts about King Magnús
let once-used ways be trodden,		 in Danaveldi 13
I hardly hide myself in
Skald II 101
the heart of the princes’ army.
Mighty deeds of Magnús
the men of Sveinn will not challenge—
many standards this morning
mount high—who now are fleeing.

Sveinn then fled east to Skáni. King Magnús then went to his ships and laid
his course after that east past the coast of Skáney, and had only made very
hasty preparations. Then Þjóðólfr spoke this:97
That is, he runs straight ahead. Sláni ‘gangling, lanky man’ could refer to the peopleof Skáney (cf. Hkr III 60). Diana Whaley takes it to refer to the poet (Skald II 98).

magnúss saga ins góða

		
70.
			
			
			
[62] 		
			
			
			

37

Other than this ocean
Sts about King Magnús
I have nothing to drink;		 in Danaveldi 14
I suck a gulp from the salty
Skald II 102
sea, as the king I follow.
Before us lies—but full little
fear we have of Svíar,
we swear—Skáney’s wide coast.
Suffered ill we have for the ruler.

Sveinn fled up into Gautland and after that made his way to see the king of
the Svíar and stayed there the winter in high honour.
CHAPTER thirty-four
King Magnús turned back from his expedition when he had subjected Skáni
to himself, making then first for Falstr, going up ashore there and harrying
there, killing many troops that had previously submitted to Sveinn. Arnórr
mentions this:		71.

For deceit not sparingly
Magnússdrápa 17
the sovereign repaid the Danish.
Mork I (Flb) 76 (ll. 1–4)
He made fall, full of courage,
Fsk 225 (ll. 1–4)
the Falstr-dwellers’ army.
Skald II 226
He heaped, the young wealth-hawthorn,98 Skáldsk 66 (ll. 5–8)
heavy corpse-piles for eagles,
and certainly retainers
served the eagle’s feeder.99

After that King Magnús took his troops to Fjón and harried and caused muchdamage there. So says Arnórr:[63] 72.
			
			
			
			
			
			
			

Further, on Fjón he reddened—
Magnússdrápa 18
the force’s lord100 fought for land, Mork I (Flb) 76
people paid for robbing him—
Fsk 225
painter of mail,101 bright banners.
Skald II 227
Let men remember which othermaster of troops102 has reached twenty
so unstinting to the swarthy raven.
The sovereign was granted spirit.

auðar þorn: ‘thorn-tree of wealth’, man.
ara grennir: ‘feeder of eagles’, warrior.
100
dróttar gramr: ‘lord of the retinue’, king.
101
hringserks lituðr: ‘colourer of the mailshirt’, warrior.
102
herskyldir: ‘army-leader’, king.
98
99

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CHAPTER thirty-five
King Magnús remained that winter in Denmark, and there was thenuninterrupted peace. He had had many battles in Denmark and been
victorious in all of them. Oddr Kíkinaskáld (Poet of the people of Kíkin?)says this: 103
		
73.
			
			
			
[64] 		
			
			
			

Before Michaelmas was fought
Poem about Magnús
a metal-grim battle.		 góði 1Vinðr fell, and folk grew very
Mork I (Flb) 74
familiar with noise of weapons.
Skald II 32
And nearing Yule another,
not at all minor, happened—
among men fierce fighting
befell—south of Áróss.

Again Arnórr says:
		74.

·leifr’s avenger,104 you provided matter Hrynhenda 14
for verse; this into words I fashion.
Skald II 200
You cause Hlǫkk’s hawks105 to quaff the oceanof carrion.106 Now will the poem enlarge.
In one year you have, lessenerof the shield-reed’s base,107 daring—
great king, you are called invincible—
carried out four arrow-blizzards.108

King Magnús had three battles with Sveinn Úlfsson. So says Þjóðólfr:
		
75.
			
[65] 					The fray with good fortune
Magnússflokkr 19
was fought, as Magnús wanted.
Skald II 86
The strife-sweller109 gives me occasion
to recite about victory.

103
In Morkinskinna (or the part of Flateyjarbók preserving the text missing fromthe lacuna in Morkinskinna) this verse (and the only other known stanza credited toOddr) is attributed to Þjóðólfr. Nothing is known of Oddr kíkinaskáld. His nickname
may derive from the common Norwegian farm name Kíkin. Those who lived in thesefarms could be known as Kíkinar, and Oddr may have composed for them.
104·leifs hefnir: ‘avenger (i.e. son) of Óláfr’, i.e. Magnús.
105
Hlakkar haukar: ‘hawks of Hlǫkkr (valkyrie)’, ravens or eagles.
106hrælƒgr: ‘sea of carrion’, blood.
107
randa reyrar setrs rýrir: ‘diminisher (generous giver or damager) of the resting
place (shield) of the reed of the shield (sword)’, warrior or ruler.
108ƒrvar hríðir: ‘storms of arrows’, battles.
109
sóknstœrir: ‘increaser of battle’, warrior.

magnúss saga ins góða39

The sovereign of Þrœndr110 stained red
the sword; after three pitched battles
he holds ever after
the higher shield, in payment.
CHAPTER thirty-six
King Magnús was now ruling over both Denmark and Norway. So after hehad gained possession of the realm of the Danes, then he sent messengers
west to England. They went to see King Játvarðr and delivered to him theletters and the seal of King Magnús. And this is what was included in theletters along wih King Magnús’s greetings:‘You will have heard of the special agreements that Hǫrða-Knútr and I
made between ourselves, that whichever of us survived the other who had
no sons, then he was to take over the lands and subjects that the other had
possessed. Now it has come about, as I know that you have heard, that I havereceived the whole realm of the Danes as inheritance after Hǫrða-Knútr. He
possessed, when he died, England no whit less than Denmark. I am claiming
now to possess England in accordance with valid agreements. I wish you
to give up your rule for me, or otherwise I shall come to get it with force ofarms from both Denmark and Norway. The one that is granted victory willthen rule the lands.’[66] CHAPTER thirty-seven
So when King Játvarðr had read these letters, then he replied as follows:‘It is known to everyone in this country that my father Aðalráðr was entitledby birth to this kingdom both from earlier times and from more recently.
There were four of us sons of his. And when he died leaving his lands, thenmy brother Eatmundr took the rule and kingdom, since he was the eldest of
us brothers. I was then quite happy with this, as long as he was alive. But
after him, my stepfather King Knútr took the kingdom. It was not easy toclaim it then, as long as he was alive. And after him my brother Haraldr111
was king, as long as he was granted life. And when he died, then my brotherHǫrða-Knútr was ruling the realm of the Danes, and that then seemed theonly fair division of the inheritance between us brothers, that he should beking over both England and Denmark. But I had no kingdom to rule over.
Now he died. It was then the decision of all the people of this country to takeme as king here in England. But as long as I had no royal title, I served mysuperiors while having no higher rank than the men who had no birthright110
111Þrœnda buðlungr: ‘king of Þrœndr’, i.e. of Norway.
Cf. note 43 above.

40

heimskringla

to the rule in this country. I have now received consecration to the kingshiphere, and the kingdom, with no less validity than my father had before me.
I am not now going to give up this title as long as I am alive. But if King
Magnús comes to this country with his army, then I shall not gather troops
against him. He will have the opportunity to gain possession of England anddeprive me first of my life. Tell him just what I have said.’
The messengers then went back and came to see King Magnús and told
him the whole result of their mission. The king took his time in replying,and yet spoke as follows:‘I feel, however, that this will be the fairest and most proper thing to do, tolet King Eatvarðr possess [67] his kingdom in peace as far as I am concerned,
and keep this kingdom which God has let me gain possession of.’haralds saga sigurðarsonar

41[68] Haralds saga Sigurðarsonar
CHAPTER ONE
Sigurðr sýr’s (Pig’s) son Haraldr, King Óláfr the Saint’s [half-] brother by
the same mother, he was in the battle at Stiklarstaðir when the blessed KingÓláfr fell. Haraldr was then wounded and got away with the others that took
to flight. So says Þjóðólfr:		
76.
By Haugr, I heard, a shield-shower,112
Sexstefja 1
			sharp, drove at the ruler;ÓH 580
but the burner of Bolgars113
Skald II 112
his brother well supported.
Lifeless ·leifr, reluctant
Fsk 199 (ll. 5–8)
he left, the princelingat the age of twelve and three
years, helmet-stand114 hiding.
Rǫgnvaldr Brúsason got Haraldr out of the battle and brought him to a certain
farmer who lived in a forest far from other people. Haraldr was treated there
until he was cured. After that the farmer’s son accompanied him east overKjǫlr, [69] and they went the whole way by forest tracks as far as possible,and not by the normal route. The farmer’s son did not realise whom he wasconducting. And as they were riding between some uninhabited woods, thenHaraldr uttered this:		
77.
Now, with scant fame, from forest
Mork I (Flb) 83
			to forest I am slinking.
Orkn 53
			
Who knows if I’ll not be widelyÓH 580			
renowned in the future?
Skald II 44
He travelled east across Jamtaland and Helsingjaland and so to Svíþjóð.
There he found Jarl Rǫgnvaldr Brúsason and very many others of the menthat had escaped from the battle, King Óláfr’s men.
CHAPTER two
The following spring they got themselves places on a ship and travelled in
the summer east to Garðaríki to visit King Jarizleifr and stayed there thewinter. So says Bǫlverkr:115

hlífél: ‘shield-shower’, battle.
Bolgara brennir: ‘burner of Bolgars’, i.e. Haraldr.
114
hjalmsetr: ‘seat, support of the helmet’, head.
115
According to Fsk 245 and Skáldatal, Bǫlverkr was the brother of Þjóðólfr
Arnórsson, but nothing else is known of him. Eight stanzas survive of his poem on
Haraldr harðráði.
112
113

42
		
78.
			
			
			
			
			
[70] 					heimskringla

You wiped, when you had finishedDrápa about Haraldr
warring, the sword’s mouth,116 ruler; 		 harðráði 1
you rendered the raven full of
Fsk 227 (attrib. to
raw meat; wolves howled on hillsides.		 Valgarðr at Vǫllr)And, harsh prince—I’ve not heard of ÓH 581
a harmer of peace117 advancing
Skald II 286
more than you—the year following
you were east in Garðar.

King Jarizleifr welcomed Haraldr and his companions. Haraldr then became
leader over the king’s national defence force, together with Jarl Rǫgnvaldr’s
son Eilífr. So says Þjóðólfr:
		
79.
			
			
			
			
			
			
			

Where Eilífr held sway
Runhent poem about
in a single fray		 Haraldr 1
two chiefs did group
Mork I (Flb) 85
their wedge-formed troop.
Fsk 228 (1st half)
East-Vinðr were caught
Skald II 103
in a tight spot.
For the Læsir not light
was the liegemen’s right.

Haraldr stayed in Garðaríki for some winters and travelled widely round theeastern Baltic lands. After that he set out for Grikland taking a large bodyof men. Then he made for Mikligarðr. So says Bǫlverkr:[71] 80.
			
			
			

Along the shore the cool shower
Drápa about Haraldr
shoved the black prow of the warship		 harðráði 2
Mork I (Flb) 87
strongly, and the shielded118 vessels
splendidly bore their tackle.
Skald II 288
The mighty prince saw Mikligarðr’s
metal roofs before the forestem.
Many fair-sided ships headed
to the high city rampart.

CHAPTER three
At this time Queen Zoë in ríka (the Great) was ruling over Grikland,along with Michael kátalaktús (Moneychanger). And when Haraldr got
to Mikligarðr and to see the queen, then he became a mercenary there andimmediately in the autumn went aboard a galley with the soldiers that werei.e. edge.
friðskerðir: ‘peace-damager’, warrior.
118
brynjaðr: either covered with protective metal, or lined with shields.
116
117

haralds saga sigurðarsonar

43

going out onto the Griklandshaf. Haraldr kept his own company of men.
At this time the leader over the army was a man whose name is Gyrgir.
He was a kinsman of the queen. And when Haraldr had been in the army
for only a little time before the Væringjar became very attached to him,
then they all kept together [72] when battles took place. So then it cameabout that Haraldr became leader over all the Væringjar. He and Gyrgir
travelled widely round the Greek islands, carrying out many raids there on
pirates.
CHAPTER four
It happened on one occasion when they had been travelling round the country
and were about to get themselves a night’s lodging by some woods, that theVæringjar arrived first at the place for their night quarters, and they picked
themselves the sites for their tents that they considered the best and wereon the highest ground, for there the lie of the land is such that the groundis wet, and when rain comes there, then it is not pleasant to lie where it is
low down. Then Gyrgir, the leader of the army, arrived, and when he saw
where the Væringjar had pitched their tents, he told them to go away andpitch them elsewhere, saying that he wished to pitch his tents there. Haraldrsays as follows:‘If you arrive first at the night’s lodging, then you take yourself night
quarters, and we shall pitch our tents there in a different place, wherever
we please. [73] You do the same now, pitch your tent wherever you like,somewhere else. I had thought that it was the right of the Væringjar here
in the realm of the king of the Greeks that they should be independent andfree in all respects in their relations to everyone, and be bound in service tothe king alone and the queen.’
They disputed this matter ardently, until both took up weapons. Then they
were on the very point of resorting to a fight. Then the most sensible mencame up and parted them. They said this, that it would be more seemly thatthey should come to an agreement on this matter and make clear regulations
between themselves, so that there would be no need for any such disputes
about this in the future. Then a meeting was fixed between them, and thebest and most sensible men made the arrangements. And at this meeting theydecided it so that everyone was in agreement that they should cast lots anddecide by lot between the Greeks and the Væringjar which of them were to
ride ahead or row or enter the harbour and make their choice of camping
sites first. Then both sides were to be content with what the lot said. Thenthe lots were made and marked. Then Haraldr said to Gyrgir:‘I want to see how you mark your lot, so that we do not both make thesame marks.’

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He did so. Then Haraldr marked his lot and threw it into the sheet, as did
they both. Now the man who was to pick up the lot, then he picked up oneof them and held it between his fingers and and raised his hand and said:‘These are the ones that are to ride ahead and row and enter the harbour
and choose their camping sites first.’
Haraldr grasped the man’s hand and took the lot and threw it out into thesea. After that he said:‘That was our lot.’
Gyrgir says: ‘Why did you not let more men see it?’‘See here,’ says Haraldr, ‘the one that is left. You will recognise your markon that one.’
Then that lot was examined, and they all recognised Gyrgir’s mark on it.
It was declared that the Væringjar were to have their preferred choices on
everything they had been disputing.
There were other things [74] that led to disagreements between them, andit always turned out that Haraldr got his way.
CHAPTER five
They all travelled together during the summer and made raids. When thewhole army was together, Haraldr put his men outside the battle or else where
there was least danger to life, saying he wanted to avoid losing his troops.
But when he was on his own with his men, then he engaged so energeticallyin the fighting that he could only achieve either victory or death. It often
happened, when Haraldr was leader of the troop, that he was victorious
when Gyrgir was not. The soldiers noticed this and declared they would bebetter off if Haraldr was sole leader over the whole army, and criticised thecommander because he and his troops got nowhere. Gyrgir says that theVæringjar would never give him any help, told them to go off somewhere
else, and he would go with the rest of the army and let each get on as best
they could. Then Haraldr left the army, and the Væringjar with him, and the
Romance speakers.119 Gyrgir went with the army of Greeks. Then it became
clear what each could do. Haraldr always won victory and wealth, but the
Greeks went back to Mikligarðr, except that the young men that wanted to
get themselves riches attached themselves to Haraldr and took him now
as their leader. Then he made his way with his army west to Africa, which
the Væringjar refer to as Serkland. He then greatly added to his troops. In
Serkland he won eighty cities. Some were surrendered, but [75] some hetook by force. After that he went to Sicily. So says Þjóðólfr:119

Probably Normans.

45

haralds saga sigurðarsonar

		

81.

One may say eighty strongholds
in Serkland were taken,
the young foe of the fire-red
field of the snake120 risked himself,
before the host-upholder,121
hazardous to Serkir,
went, shield-holding, to wage Hildr’s
harsh sport122 in level Sicily.

Sexstefja 2
Mork I (Flb) 93
Fsk 230
Skald II 113

So says Illugi Bryndœlaskáld (poet of the people of Brynjudalr):
		
82.
			
[76] 					With the shield you, under splendid Mikjáll—
Poem about
the son of Buðli, as we have heard,
Haraldr harðráði 4bade home his brothers-in-law—123
Fsk 230
brought Southern Lands, Haraldr.
Skald II 285

Here it says that now at this time Mikjáll was king of the Greeks.
Haraldr stayed for many winters in Africa, acquiring a lot of portablewealth, gold and all kinds of precious objects. But all the wealth that heacquired and did not need to keep for his expenses, he sent by means ofreliable men of his north to Hólmgarðr into the care and keeping of King
Jarizleifr, and a huge quantity of wealth was amassed there, which is not
surprising should happen, when he was raiding the part of the world thatwas richest in gold and and precious objects, when he achieved as much as
was truly said above, that he would have won eighty cities.
CHAPTER six
So when Haraldr got to Sicily, then he raided there and made his way therewith his men to a certain large and populous city. He surrounded the city, as
there were strong walls there, so that he thought it was uncertain that they
could be broken down. The citizens had plenty of food and other supplies thatthey needed for defence. Then Haraldr tried this expedient, that his fowlers
caught small birds that nested in the city and flew to the forest in the daytime
to find food for themselves. Haraldr had pine shavings tied to the backs ofthe birds and poured wax and sulphur on them and had [77] them set on fire.
ormtorgs hƒtuðr: ‘enemy of the serpent’s market-place (treasure)’, generous man.
herskǫrðudr: ‘army supporter’, king.
122
Hildrs leikr: ‘game of Hildr (valkyrie)’, battle.
123
In the poems Atlakviða and Atlamál, Atli treacherously invites his brothers-inlaw Gunnarr and Hǫgni to visit him and puts them to death. In Illugi’s poem, of whichfour stanzas survive, references to legendary stories are intercalated in each stanza inthis way, in a technique like that called stæltr ‘inlaid’ in Snorra Edda (Háttatal 12).
120

121

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The birds flew, as soon as they were freed, all into the city at once to see
their young and their homes, which they had in the thatches of houses, where
they were thatched with reeds or straw. Then the fire from the birds got
into the thatches of the houses. And though each one was carrying a small
amount of fire, it soon grew into a large fire, when a lot of birds carried it
to the thatches in many parts of the city, and the next thing was that one
building after another caught fire until the city was in flames. Then all thepeople went out of the city and begged for mercy, the very same ones that
previously on many a day had spoken haughtily and scornfully of the armyof Greeks and their leader. Haraldr gave everyone quarter that asked for it,
after that gaining control over this city.
CHAPTER seven
There was another city that Haraldr took his men to. It was both populous andstrongly built, so that there was no likelihood that they would be able to storm
it, there being level and hard ground around the city. Then Haraldr had themset to work to dig a hole, starting where a stream was flowing and there was a
deep gully so that they could not be seen from the city. They carried the earth
out to the water and let the stream carry it away. They were engaged on thiswork both day and night. They worked in shifts. But the army made attacks
round the city every day, and the citizens went to the battlements, and they
shot at each other and at night both sides slept. And when Haraldr decided
that the underground passage was long enough to have got in past the citywall, then he had his men armed. It was towards daybreak when they enteredthe underground passage. And when they reached the end, they dug up above
their heads until they came to stones set in mortar. This was the floor of thestone-built city hall. After that they broke up the floor and got up into the hall.
There they found many of the citizens sitting [78] eating there and drinking,and they were surprised in a very awkward situation, for the Væringjar camein with drawn swords and straightway killed some, while some fled, those thatwere able to. The Væringjar made after them, while some took the city gates
and threw them open. The whole host of the army entered by them. And when
they got into the city, then the people of the city fled, though many begged formercy, and all were granted this who gave themselves up. Haraldr took thecity in this way and with it a huge amount of wealth.
CHAPTER eight
They found a third city, which was the largest of all these and the strongest
built and richest in wealth and inhabitants. Around this city there were great
ditches, so they realised that they could not win here with the same kind ofharalds saga sigurðarsonar

47

stratagems as they did the previous cities. They lay there a very long time
without managing to achieve anything. So when the citizens saw this, thenthey got bold. They put their lines of soldiers up on the city wall, after thatthey opened their gates and shouted to the Væringjar, egging them on andtelling them to come into the city now and taunting them for lack of courage,
saying they were no better at fighting than chickens. Haraldr told his men to
behave as though they had not noticed what they were saying.
‘We will get nowhere,’ he said, ‘by rushing up to the city. They will use
their weapons on us down beneath their feet.124 And even if we get into thecity with a few men, they will then be able to shut those they want to inside,and some of us outside, for they have set guards on all the city gates. We
shall make just as much fun of them and we shall let them see that we are
not afraid of them. Our men shall advance over the ground as close as they
can to the city, taking care, however, [79] not to go within range of their
missiles. Our men shall all go unarmed and play games, and let the citizens
see that we do not care about their lines of soldiers.’
So it went on after that for a few days.
CHAPTER nine

There are Icelandic men named that were on this expedition with Haraldr,
Snorri goði’s (the priest/chieftain’s) son Halldórr (he brought this story backto this country), secondly there was Úlfr, son of Óspakr, son of Ósvífr inn
spaki (the Wise). They were both the strongest of men and very bold fightersand most dear to Haraldr. They both took part in the games. And when thisprocedure had gone on for some days, then the citizens wanted to display evengreater daring. They did not now go up armed onto the city walls, but still let
the city gates stand open. And when the Væringjar saw this, then they went
one day to their games with swords under their cloaks and helmets under theirhoods. And when they had been playing for a while, then they found that thecitizens were not reacting. Then they quickly grasped their weapons, afterthat running to the city gates. And when the citizens saw this, they foughtback well and were fully armed. A battle took place there at the city gates.
The Væringjar had no shields, except that they wrapped their cloaks roundtheir left arms. They were wounded, and some fell, and all were in a poor way.
Haraldr and the men that were with him that were in the camp came up to
help their comrades. But the citizens had now got up onto the city walls, andwere shooting missiles and stones onto them. Then there was a fierce battle.
Those that were at the city gates felt that help was slower in coming to themthan they wished. And when Haraldr got to the city gates, then his standard
bearer fell. Then he spoke:
124

i.e. presumably from the battlements.

48

heimskringla‘Halldórr, pick up the standard!’
Halldórr replied, picking up [80] the pole and speaking unwisely:‘Who is going to carry a standard before you, if you follow it in as cowardly
a fashion as you have been doing for a while now?’
This was spoken more in anger than in truth, for Haraldr was the boldest
fighter. Then they fought their way into the city. The battle was fierce andended with Haraldr being victorious and winning the city. Halldórr was badly
wounded, having a great gash in his face, and he had this disfigurement all
his life, as long as he lived.
CHAPTER ten
It was the fourth city that Haraldr came to with his army that was the largestof all those that have already been described. It was also so strongly built thatthey could see no hope of being able to storm it. After that they surrounded
the city and blockaded it, so that no supplies could be carried to the city. And
when they had waited a short while, then Haraldr got an illness, so that hetook to his bed. He had his tent pitched away from the rest of the camp, for hefelt it would be restful for him not to hear the noise and laughter of the troops.
His men came frequently with their troops to see him and back again to ask
him for instructions. The citizens saw this, that there was something unusualwith the Væringjar. They sent out spies to find out what this could mean. And
when the spies returned to the city, they were able to report the news that theleader of the Væringjar was sick and this was why there were no attacks on
the city. And when this had gone on for a while, then Haraldr became weaker.
His men then got very anxious and downcast. The citizens learnt of all this. It
reached the point where the sickness was so afflicting Haraldr that his death
was spoken of throughout the army. After this the Væringjar went to talk withthe citizens, telling them of their leader’s death, asking that clerics should
give him burial in the city. And when the citizens learned this news, then [81]there were many that were in charge of the monasteries or other great Church
establishments there in the city; then they were each keen to take this corpse
to their church, for they knew that a great offering would come in with it. Thena whole multitude of clerics put on vestments and went out from the city withshrines and holy relics and made a fine procession. And the Væringjar also
made a great funeral cortège. Then the coffin was carried high and covered
over with fine silk cloth, with many banners carried above it. But when all
this had been carried in past the entrance to the city, then they threw down
the coffin across the city gateway in front of the gates. Then the Væringjar
blew a war signal in all their trumpets and drew their swords. Then the wholearmy of the Væringjar rushed from the camp fully armed and ran then to thecity with shouts and cries. But the monks and other clerics that had gone outharalds saga sigurðarsonar

49

on this funeral procession competing with each other, wanting to be first andforemost to be out there to receive the offering, now they showed twice asmuch zeal in getting as far away as possible from the Væringjar, for they werekilling everyone that was closest to them, whether he was cleric or lay. The
Væringjar went through this whole city killing the people and plundering all
the establishments in the city, taking a huge amount of wealth from it.
CHAPTER eleven
Haraldr was many winters on this raiding expedition that has just been
described, both in Serkland and Sicily. After that he took this army back to
Mikligarðr and stayed there a little while before setting out on his journey
to [82] Jórsalaheimr. He then left behind the gold for the salaries of the kingof the Greeks’ army and all the Væringjar that had joined up with him forthis expedition. It is said that on all these expeditions Haraldr had foughteighteen major battles. So says Þjóðólfr:
		
83.
			
			
			
[83] 		
			
			
			

It is known that eighteen—		
Sexstefja 6often truce has been riven		
Skald II 117
on the king’s behalf—harsh battles
Haraldr has conducted.
Sharp claws with blood you coloured,king triumphant, of the grey eagle—
the wolf won a morsel wherever
you went—before you came hither.

CHAPTER twelve
Haraldr went out to Jórsalaland with his followers, then continuing after thatover to Jórsalaborg. And wherever he went over Jórsalaland, all the cities
and strongholds were surrendered to his power. So says the poet Stúfr, who
had heard the king himself tell about these events:125
125
Stúfr blindi (‘the Blind’) Þórðarson was an Icelandic poet, the grandson, as Laxdœla
saga tells us, of Guðrún Ósvífrsdóttir (ÍF V 100) and, according to Stúfs þáttr, the greatgrandson of Glúmr Geirason (see Vol. I, note 178). The þáttr survives in two versions:
one tells of Stúfr reciting to King Haraldr in Norway a poem called Stúfsdrápa; according
to the other version, preserved in Morkinskinna, it was a memorial poem for the kingthat was called Stúfsdrápa or Stúfa. Whether Stúfr composed one poem or two in honourof Haraldr, it seems that the surviving four full and four half-stanzas attributed to him
are from the memorial poem, since they refer to Haraldr in the past tense rather thanaddressing him. The poem has a klofastef ‘split refrain’ of three lines, distributed as the
final lines of three separate stanzas (84, 85 and 108 below): Hafi ríks þars vel líkar / vistof aldr með Kristi / Haralds ƒnd ofarr lƒndum ‘Let the powerful Haraldr’s spirit haveresidence with Christ forever above lands, where it is pleasant’.

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heimskringla

		
84.
			
			
			
			

The very bold one, prevailing,126
Stúfsdrápa 2
advanced from the Greeks,
Mork I 107
blade-brave—the land bowed to the raiser Fsk 233
of battles127—to win Jórsalir.
Skald II 352
And for his ample poweras his due to the battle-strengthener128
the land unburned was delivered.
Let the powerful have, where it is pleasant . . .

[84] Here it tells how that land came unburned and unplundered into Haraldr’s
power. Then he went out to the Jórðán and washed himself there, as thecustom is among other pilgrims to the Holy Land. Haraldr deposited a greatamount of wealth at the Lord’s sepulchre and the Holy Cross and at otherholy relics in Jórsalaland. He then restored to peace the whole route out to
the Jórðán, killing robbers and other plunderers. So says Stúfr:
		85.

The angry speech and the actionsof Egðir’s king129 prevailed
on both banks of the Jórðán;that banished men’s crimes.
People got sure punishment
for proven misdemeanours,
unruliness, from the ruler. . . residence with Christ forever.

Stúfsdrápa 3
Mork I 108
Fsk 234
Skald II 353

Then he went back to Mikligarðr.
[85] CHAPTER thirteen
When Haraldr was come to Mikligarðr from out in Jórsalaland, he was keen to
travel to Northern Lands for his patrimony. He had now heard that his brother’sson Magnús Óláfsson had become king in Norway and also in Denmark. He
then left the service of the king of the Greeks. And when Queen Zoë got toknow of this, she got very angry and raised charges against Haraldr, reckoningthat he had acted dishonestly with the king of the Greeks’ wealth that had been
gained in raiding expeditions while Haraldr had been leader over the army.
There was a girl called Maria, young and fair. She was Queen Zoë’s brother’sdaughter. Haraldr had asked for this girl’s hand in marriage, but the queen had
refused. Væringjar that have been in Mikligarðr as mercenaries have come backenn øfri: ‘the one who had the upper hand’.
víga valdir: ‘cause, controller of battles’, warrior.
128
gunnar herðir: ‘hardener of warfare’, warrior.
129Egða gramr: ‘king of the Egðir’, i.e. of Norway.
126
127

haralds saga sigurðarsonar

51

here to the north saying that the story had gone around among well-informed
people there that Queen Zoë herself wanted to have Haraldr as her husband,and that this was really her main complaint against Haraldr when he wanted
to leave Mikligarðr, though this was not the one made public to the ordinary
people. The king of the Greeks at this time was the one called Konstantinus
Monomakus. He was ruling the kingdom along with Queen Zoë. For thesereasons the king of the Greeks had Haraldr taken prisoner and put in a dungeon.
CHAPTER fourteen
Now when Haraldr had nearly reached the dungeon, then the blessed KingÓláfr appeared to him, saying that he was going to help him. There on thatstreet a chapel was later built and dedicated to King Óláfr, and this chapel[86] has stood there ever since.
The dungeon was built in such a way that there is on it a high tower, open
to the sky, and a doorway from the street to get into it. Haraldr was put into
it, and with him Halldórr and Úlfr. The following night a rich woman came
down into the dungeon, having got up by means of some ladders, together
with two of her serving men. They let down a rope into the dungeon and drew
them up. This woman had previously been granted a cure by the blessed KingÓláfr and he had then appeared to her in a dream, instructing her to free his
brother from prison. Then Haraldr went straight to the Væringjar, and they
all stood up to receive him and welcomed him. After that the whole troop
armed themselves and went to where the king was sleeping. They took theking prisoner and put out both his eyes. So says Þórarinn Skeggjason in his
drápa:130
		86.
The king got even more embers
Haraldsdrápa 1of arms;131 the emperor		Mork I 112
of Gríkland got stone-blind from
Fsk 235
a grave major injury.			
Skald II 294
So says the poet Þjóðólfr too:		
87.
Both eyes of the emperor		Sexstefja 7			the ender of the heath-goer’s		Mork I 112
			sorrow132 had stabbed out—		Fsk 235 (ll.1–4)
			
strife then had started.		
Skald II 118
130Þórarinn Skeggjason is named in Skáldatal (604-05) as a poet of Haraldr, but
is otherwise unknown, and this half-stanza is the only verse attributed to him. He
may be the brother of another Icelandic poet and lawspeaker, Markús Skeggjason,
named in Íslendingabók (22). In Morkinskinna and Fagrskinna the verse is attributed
simply to ‘Þórarinn’. A drápa is usually a fairly lengthy formal poem with refrains.
131
handa glœðr: ‘arm-embers’, gold arm-rings.
132heiðingja sútar eyðir: ‘destroyer of sorrow (hunger) of heath-goer (wolf)’, warrior.

52

heimskringla[87] 		
			
			
			

In the east the overlordof Egðir133 on the bold ruler
made a nasty mark; the Greeks’monarch took an ill journey.

In these two drápas about Haraldr and many other poems about him it ismentioned that Haraldr blinded the actual king of the Greeks. They could
have named for this role commanders or counts or any other men of highrank if they were certain that that would be more accurate, for it was Haraldr
himself that transmitted this story, together with the other men that were
there with him.
[88] CHAPTER fifteen
During that same night Haraldr and his men went to the apartments that Mariaslept in and took her away by force. After that they went to the Væringjar’s
galleys and took two of the galleys, rowing after that in to Sjáviðarsund.
And when they got to where iron chains were lying across the channel, thenHaraldr said that the men were to sit at the oars on each galley, while the menthat were not rowing were all to run to the rear of the galley and each one wasto hold his sleeping bag in his arms. So the galleys ran up onto the chains.
As soon as they stuck and they lost way, then Haraldr told all the men to run
forward. Then the galley that Haraldr was on tipped forward and it leapt off
the chains with its momentum, but the other one broke when it balanced on
the chains, and there were many perished there, though some were rescued
from the water. Thus Haraldr got out from Mikligarðr and so sailed into
Svartahaf. And before he sailed away from the land, he set the young ladyup ashore and provided her with a good retinue back to Mikligarðr, tellingher now to tell her kinswoman Zoë how much power she had over Haraldr
and asking whether the queen’s authority had in any way [89] prevented himfrom being able to get the young lady.
Then Haraldr sailed north to Ellipaltar, going from there all the way acrossAustrríki. On these travels Haraldr composed some entertaining verses, and they
are sixteen altogether and they all end in the same way.134 This is one of them:		

88.

Boards135 sliced, past broad Sicily,
the sea; then we were splendid.
The stag of the cabin136 swiftly
slid under men, as expected.		

Gamanvísur 2
Mork I 114
Fsk 237
Skáldsk 75 (ll. 1–4)

Egða allvaldr: ‘ruler of Egðir’, king of Norway.
Each of the five surviving verses ends with the same couplet.
135súð: riveted boards, i.e. ship.
136
vengis hjƒrtr: ‘hart, stag of the roofed cabin or raised deck in the stern’, ship.
133
134

53

haralds saga sigurðarsonar

I little think a laggard
likely to go thither;
yet the Gerðr of gold rings137
in Garðar keeps aloof from me.

Skald II 36

In this he refers to King Jarizleifr in Hólmgarðr’s daughter Ellisif.
CHAPTER sixteen
So when Haraldr got to Hólmgarðr, King Jarizleifr welcomed him extremely
warmly. He stayed there for the winter, taking now into his own keeping all
the gold that he had previously sent there from out in Mikligarðr, and manykinds of valuable objects. It was so much wealth that no [90] one in northerncountries had seen so much in the possession of one man. Haraldr had threetimes been involved in palace plundering138 while he was in Mikligarðr. It is
the law there that every time a king of the Greeks dies, then the Væringjar
shall hold a palace plundering. They shall then go through all the king’s
palaces where his treasuries are, and everyone shall then be free to keep
whatever he gets his hands on.
CHAPTER seventeen
That winter King Jarizleifr gave his daughter to Haraldr in marriage. She
was called Elisabeth; northern people call her Ellisif. Stúfr blindi (the Blind)reports this:
		
89.
			
			
			

He made, the monarch of Egðir,139
the match he wanted, prolific battler;
the people’s confidant140 took plentyof gold and the prince’s daughter.

Stúfsdrápa 4
Mork I 118
Fsk 238
Skald II 354[91] So in the spring he set out from Hólmgarðr and went during the spring
to Aldeigjuborg, getting himself a ship there and sailing from the east during
the summer, making first for Svíþjóð and laying his course towards Sigtúnir.
So says Valgarðr at Vǫllr:141
gollhrings Gerðr: ‘goddess of the gold ring’, lady.
This practice is not referred to elsewhere either in Norse or Greek sources, and
it is unlikely ever to have taken place in Constantinople.
139Egða allvaldr: ‘king of Egðir’, i.e. of Norway.
140
gumna spjalli: ‘confidant of men’, ruler, king.
141
Valgarðr is listed in Skáldatal as a poet of Haraldr harðráði, but he is otherwise
unknown, apart from seven full and four half-stanzas, apparently all from this same
poem addressed to Haraldr. His nickname ‘at Vǫllr’ may refer to an origin in Völlur
in Rangárvallasýsla in southern Iceland.
137

138

54

heimskringla

		
90.
			

You launched with the fairest freight— Poem about Haraldr
fame is granted you—a vessel.		 harðráði 5Gold from Garðar, doubtless,Mork I 118
you got from the east, Haraldr.
Fsk 238
You steered stoutly in raging
Skald II 304
storm, all-trusty ruler—
you saw, when the sea-spray slackened,
Sigtún—while the ships wallowed.

CHAPTER EIGHTEEN
There Haraldr met Sveinn Úlfsson. He had that autumn fled in the face ofKing Magnús off Helganes. And when they met, they welcomed each other.
King Óláfr sœnski (the Swedish) of the Svíar was father of Haraldr’s wife
Ellisif’s mother, while Sveinn’s mother Ástríðr was King Óláfr’s sister.142
Haraldr and Sveinn became close friends and confirmed their friendshipwith promises. All the Svíar were friends of Sveinn, for he belonged to
the foremost family in the land. Now all the Svíar also became friends andsupporters of Haraldr. Many important people there were connected withhim by marriage. So says Þjóðólfr:
[92]

91.

The oaken keel carved westward
the climbing water from Garðar.
After that all the Svíar
aided you, bold land-ruler.
Haraldr’s waterlogged warshipwent, with much gold, underthe broad sail, listing to leeward—
over the lord broke a furious tempest.

Sexstefja 9Skald II 121

CHAPTER NINETEEN
After that they got themselves ships, Haraldr and Sveinn, and soon a large
army gathered round them, and when this force was ready, then they sailfrom the east to Denmark. So says Valgarðr:
		
92.
			

142

Then into the ocean, war-glad ruler,
Poem about Haraldr
the oak sped under you—		 harðráði 6
your proper patrimony
Mork I 120
was prepared for you—from Svíþjóð. Fsk 239
The ship had sail hoisted
Skald II 305
high against stay where you ran it

Cf. Magnúss saga ins góða ch. XXII above.

haralds saga sigurðarsonar[93] 					55

past flat Skáney; ladies
you scared, close kin to Danes.

First they took the army to Sjáland and made raids there and carried out
burnings in many places there. After that they made for Fjón, going ashore
there and making raids. So says Valgarðr:
		
93.
			

Haraldr, you totally ravaged
Poem about Haraldr
the whole—lord, foes you conquer;		 harðráði 7
to call on fallen carrion
Mork I 121
quickly the wolf ran—of Selund.
Fsk 240
The king made with many
Skald II 306
men for Fjón, inflicted
no small hardship on helmets.
The highly carved shield shattered.

		A bright blaze in the settlement
Poem about Haraldr
burned, south of Hróiskelda. 		 harðráði 8
The bold ruler had buildings
Mork I 122
brought down by burning.
Fsk 241
Many landsmen low were lying,
Skald II 307
liberty Hel stole from some,families to the forest silent
fled, grief-stricken.

94.

[94] 		
			
		
95.
			

The crowd, sadly scattered—
Poem about Haraldr
Danes still living were fleeing—		 harðráði 9loitered, and lovely
Mork I 122
ladies were captured.
Fsk 241
A lock held the lass’s body,
Skald II 307
lots of women to the warships
passed before you; bright fetters
into flesh bit greedily.

CHAPTER twenty
King Magnús Óláfsson made his way north in Norway in the autumn after
the Battle of Helganes. Then he learnt the news that his kinsman Haraldr
Sigurðarson was come to Svíþjóð, and this too, that he and Sveinn Úlfsson
had become close friends and had a great army out, planning again to subject
the realm of the Danes to themselves, and after that Norway. King Magnús
calls out a levy from Norway, and soon a great army gathers round him. He
then learnt that Haraldr and Sveinn were come to Denmark, [95] burning

56

heimskringla

everything there and destroying it by fire, and the people of the country werein many places submitting to them. It was also said as well, that Haraldr
was bigger than other men and stronger and so intelligent that nothing was
impossible to him and he was always victorious when he fought battles;
he was also so wealthy in gold that people knew of no precedent. So saysÞjóðólfr:
		96.

Now for trees of sea-stallions—143
serious fear the troop suffers;
the host takes ships offshore—
sure peace is a risky prospect.
Splendid Magnús means tomove slipway-steeds144 south, lavishwith war,145 while Haraldr fits out otherwave-steeds146 to go northwards.

Skald II 159

CHAPTER twenty-one
King Magnús’s men, those that took part in his making policies, reckon thatthey would be in a hopeless situation if the kinsmen, he and Haraldr, weregoing to be after each other’s lives. Many people offered to go and seek for asettlement between them, and in the light of these arguments the king agreed
to this. Some men were then put onto a swift vessel and they went as fast
as they could south to Denmark, getting there some Danish men that werereliable friends of King Magnús to take this offer to Haraldr. This business
was conducted [96] in the greatest secrecy. And when Haraldr heard thissaid, that his kinsman King Magnús was going to offer him a settlement
and friendship, and Haraldr was to have a half share of Norway along withKing Magnús, while the wealth of both of them was to be shared half andhalf between the two of them,147 this private agreement then went back to
King Magnús.
CHAPTER twenty-two
It was a little later on that Haraldr and Sveinn were talking one evening
over their drink. Sveinn asked which were the valuable objects Haraldr had
that he was most fond of. He answered that it was his standard, Landeyðan
víðis valmeiðar: ‘trees of the horse of the sea (ship)’, seafarers.
hlunngotar: ‘horses of the slipway’, ships.
145
mildr morðs: ‘generous with war, slaughter’, referring to Magnús.
146
unnvigg: ‘wave-horse(s)’, ship(s).
147
Something is missing here. Hulda (and Hrokkinskinna) have: ‘then Haraldr
agreed to these terms for his own part’.
143
144

haralds saga sigurðarsonar

57(Land Waster). Then Sveinn asked what it was about the standard that madeit such a great treasure. Haraldr says that it was held that he before whom
the standard was carried would be victorious, saying that so it had turned
out ever since he had had it. Sveinn replies:‘I will believe that this power is in the standard if you fight three battles
against your kinsman King Magnús and you are victorious in them all.’
Then says Haraldr crossly: ‘I am aware of the kinship between me andMagnús without your reminding me of it, and it is not for that reason the casethat should we proceed against each other in hostile fashion, other meetings
between us would not be more suitable.’
Sveinn then changed colour and spoke:‘Some people say, Haraldr, that you have done this before, keeping only
those of your private agreements that you feel are advantageous to you.’
Haraldr replies: ‘Rather fewer occasions will you be able to quote on which
I have not kept my private agreements, than I know that King Magnús willassert that you have kept with him.’
Then each proceeded on his own way. In the evening, when Haraldr wasgoing to bed on the raised deck of his ship, then he spoke to his servant:[97] ‘Now I am not going to lie in the bed tonight, because I have asuspicion that everything is not going to be free from treachery. I noticed
this evening that my kinsman-in-law Sveinn was very angry at my plain
speaking. You must keep watch in case anything unexpected should takeplace here tonight.’
Then Haraldr went elsewhere to sleep, and put there in his bed a log ofwood. And during the night a boat was rowed up to the raised deck, anda man went on board there and ripped open the awning over the raised
deck, after that stepped up just by it and struck at Haraldr’s bed with agreat axe so that it stuck fast in the log. This man immediately leapt out
into the boat, though it was pitch-dark, immediately rowing away, but
the axe remained behind to show what had happened. It was stuck fast in
the log.
After this Haraldr woke up his men and made them aware what treacherythey were up against.
‘We can see,’ he says, ‘that we are getting no kind of support from Sveinn
here when he engages in treachery against us. That will be the best course
to get away from here while there is a chance. Let us now untie our ships
and row secretly away.’
This they did, rowing during the night northwards along the coast,
travelling day and night until they got to King Magnús where he was lying
with his army. Then Haraldr went to see his kinsman King Magnús and a
joyful meeting took place, as Þjóðólfr says:

58
		
97.
			
			
			
[98] 		
			
			
			

heimskringla

You caused water, king known widely,
to be cut above thin planking—fine ships split the flood—where you
fared from the east to Denmark.
Then ·leifr’s son offered
you half shares with himselfof lands and liegemen; the kinsmen,
I believe, met there most joyfully.

Sexstefja 10
Skald II 122

Then these kinsmen had a talk between themselves. It all went in conciliatory
fashion.
CHAPTER twenty-three
King Magnús was lying by the coast and had a tent up ashore. He then invited
his kinsman Haraldr to his table and Haraldr went to the banquet with sixty
men. There was a very fine banquet there. And as the day drew to a close,
King Magnús went into the tent where Haraldr was sitting. Some men went
with him carrying loads consisting of weapons and clothing. Now the kingwent to the man at the bottom of the table and gave him a good sword, to thenext a shield, then clothing or weapons or gold, something bigger to thosethat were of higher rank. Finally he came to face his kinsman Haraldr withtwo canes in his hand, saying this:‘Which of the canes here do you wish to have?’
Then Haraldr replies: ‘The one that is nearer to me.’Then spoke King Magnús: ‘With this cane I give you half the realm of
Norway with all its dues and taxes and all the possessions that belong to
it on this condition, that you shall be as lawfully king as I everywhere in
Norway. But when we are all together, I shall have precedence in greetingsand service and in seating. If there are three of us of this rank, I shall sit in
the middle. I shall occupy the royal berth and dock. You shall also stand by[99] and support our rule in the role in which we have set you as the person
in Norway that we had thought no one would have been as long as our skull
had remained up above the ground.’Then Haraldr stood up and thanked him warmly for the rank and honour.
Then they both sit down and were very merry that day. In the evening Haraldr
and his men went to their ship.
CHAPTER twenty-four
The next morning King Magnús had trumpets blown for an assembly of
the whole army. And when the assembly was in session, then King Magnús
announced in the presence of them all the gift that he had given his kinsmanharalds saga sigurðarsonar

59

Haraldr. Þórir of Steig gave Haraldr the title of king at this assembly. On
that day King Haraldr invited King Magnús to his table, and he went withsixty men during the day to King Haraldr’s tents where he had prepared abanquet. Then both the kings were present there sitting together, and there
was a fine feast [100] and it was served splendidly. The kings were merry
and happy. So when the day drew to a close, then King Haraldr had a verylarge number of bags carried into the tent. The men also carried in clothing
and weapons and other kinds of precious objects. He shared out this wealth,giving it and dealing it out among the followers of King Magnús who were
present at the banquet there. After that he had the bags opened, saying thento King Magnús:‘Yesterday you gave us a great deal of power that you had previously won
from your enemies and ours, and took us into fellowship with yourself. That
was well done, for you have worked hard for it. Now on our side there is this,that we have been abroad and moreover have been through some dangers as
a result of which I have amassed this gold, which you will now be able tosee. I wish to contribute this to the fellowship with you. We shall have allthis wealth in equal shares, just as each of us has half the power in Norway.
I realise that our characters are different. You are a much more liberal man
than I. We shall divide this wealth equally between us. Then each of us cando what he wants with his share.’After that Haraldr had a great oxhide spread out on the ground and thegold from the bags poured onto it. Then scales and weights were got out andthe wealth was weighed out in parts, everything divided by weight, and it
seemed to everyone that was looking on a most amazing thing that so muchgold should have been brought together in one place in Northern Lands. It
was, however, really the property and wealth of the king of the Greeks, since
everyone says that there are housefuls of red gold there. The kings were now
very merry. Then a nugget came up. It was as big as a man’s head. King
Haraldr picked up the nugget and spoke:‘Where is now the gold, kinsman Magnús, that you can bring out to equal
this nugget-head?’
Then Magnús replies: [101] ‘There has been such warfare and great military
expeditions that I am giving you nearly all the gold and silver that is in mykeeping. There is now no more gold than this ring in my possession.’
He took the ring and gave it to Haraldr. He looked at it and spoke:‘This is not much gold, kinsman, for a king who has two kingdoms, andyet there are some who would doubt whether you own this ring.’
Then King Magnús replied gravely: ‘If I do not rightly own that ring, thenI do not know what I have got rightfully, for my father the blessed KingÓláfr gave me this ring at our final parting.’

60

heimskringla

Then King Haraldr replies with a laugh: ‘You are telling the truth, King
Magnús: your father gave you the ring. This ring he took from my father
for no very good reason. Moreover, it is true that at that time things were
not good for petty kings in Norway when your father’s power was at its
maximum.’
King Haraldr gave Steigar-Þórir there at the banquet a mazer bowl.148 It
had a silver band round it and a silver handle on top, both gilded, and wascompletely filled with pure silver coins. With it there were two gold rings
that together weighed a mark. He also gave him his cloak, it was fine cloth
dyed brown, trimmed with white fur, and promised him great honour and his
friendship. Þorgils Snorrason said this, that he saw an altar-cloth that wasmade from this mantle, and Guthormr Steigar-Þórir’s son’s daughter Guðríðr
said that she claimed her father Guthormr had the bowl in his possession, as
she saw with her own eyes. So says Bǫlverkr:
		
98.
			
[102]		

To you, as I heard, harmer 		Drápa about Haraldrof hoards,149 was later granted		 harðráði 7
the green ground, and you offered
Mork I (Flb) 129
him gold when you met Magnús.
Fsk 246
The accord between you kinsmen
Skald II 292
was kept most peacefully,
and Sveinn after that
only an age of war expected.

CHAPTER twenty-five
King Magnús and King Haraldr both ruled Norway the next winter after
their settlement, and each of them had his own following. During the winterthey travelled round Upplǫnd receiving banquets and were sometimes both
together, and sometimes each on his own. They travelled all the way northto Þrándheimr and to Niðaróss. King Magnús had been looking after theholy relics of King Óláfr since he came into the country, cutting his hair andnails every twelve months, and he himself kept the key with which the shrine
could be opened. Then many kinds of miracles took place at the holy relicsof King Óláfr. There soon came to be rifts in the harmony between the kings,
and many people were so malicious as to encourage ill-will between them.
CHAPTER twenty-six
Sveinn Úlfsson remained behind asleep after Haraldr had gone away. Afterthat Sveinn made enquiries about Haraldr’s movements. So when he learnt148
149

A bowl hollowed from a burr on a maple.
hoddstríðir: ‘hoard-damager’, generous man.

haralds saga sigurðarsonar

61

that Haraldr and [103] Magnús had come to an agreement and that they now
had a single army between them, then he took his troops east along the coastof Skáney and stayed there until he learnt in the winter that Magnús andHaraldr had taken their force north to Norway. After that Sveinn took his
troops south to Denmark and he received all the royal dues there that winter.
CHAPTER twenty-seven
So when spring began, they called out a levy from Norway, King Magnús
and King Haraldr. It so happened on one occasion, that King Magnús andKing Haraldr were lying one night in a certain harbour, and the following
day Haraldr was ready first, and he sailed straight away, and in the evening
he sailed into the harbour that he and King Magnús had intended to stay inthat night. Haraldr berthed his ship in the royal berth and put up his awning
there. King Magnús sailed later in the day, and they arrived in the harbour
when Haraldr and his men had already put up their awnings. They see that
Haraldr and his men had berthed in the royal berth and that he intended tolie there. So when King Magnús and his men had furled their sails, thenKing Magnús said:‘Let men now pull on their oars and position themselves all along the sidesof the ship, let some get out their weapons and arm themselves. And since
they are unwilling to move away, we shall fight.’
But when King Haraldr sees that Magnús was going to start a battle withthem, then he spoke to his men:
‘Cut the cables and let the ships slip out of the berth. Kinsman Magnús isangry!’
They did so, they sailed their ships out of the berth, King Magnús sailed
his ships into the berth. When both parties had berthed their ships, King
Haraldr went with some of his men aboard King Magnús’s ship. The kingreceived him warmly, bidding him welcome. Then King Haraldr replies:[104] ‘I thought we were come among friends, though I was a little doubtful
for a while whether you were going to let it be so. But it is true what theysay, childhood is hasty. I do not want to take it in any other way than as acharacteristic of childhood.’
Then says King Magnús: ‘It was a characteristic of my family, not of mychildhood, though I cannot but bear in mind what it is that I have granted, andwhat I have retained. If this small matter were now taken as our deliberate
policy, then it would soon arise again. But we want to keep all the agreementsthat have been entered into, and we expect the same from you, as we havestipulated.’
Then Haraldr replied: ‘It is indeed the traditional thing for the wiser one
to give way.’

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heimskringla

And he then went back to his ship. From such exchanges between the
kings it could be seen that it was difficult to avoid problems between them.
King Magnús’s men reckoned that he was in the right in what he said, while
those that were less sensible reckoned that Haraldr had been rather put toshame. But King Haraldr’s men said that nothing had been stipulated otherthan that King Magnús was to have the berth if they both arrived at the sametime, and that Haraldr was not obliged to vacate the berth if he had got there
first, reckoning that Haraldr had behaved sensibly and well. But those thatwanted to express the more hostile view reckoned that King Magnús wastrying to upset the agreement, and reckoned that he had done wrong andbrought shame on King Haraldr. In such disagreements there soon came tobe talk among less sensible people of there being discord between the kings.
There were many indications now that the kings differed in their attitudes,
though there is little of it written here.
CHAPTER twenty-eight

King Magnús and King Haraldr took this army south to Denmark. And
when Sveinn learnt this, then he fled away east to Skáni. The kings Magnús[105] and Haraldr stayed in Denmark for a long time during the summer,
subjecting the whole country to themselves. They were in Jótland in theautumn. It happened one night when King Magnús was lying in his bed, that
he had a dream and dreamt he was in the presence of his father the blessed
King Óláfr, and he dreamt he spoke to him:
‘Which would you rather, my son, go with me now or become the mostpowerful of all kings and live a long time and commit a misdeed that you
will scarcely or not at all be able to put right?’
And he dreamt he replied: ‘I want you to make the choice for me.’Then he dreamt the king replied to him: ‘Then you shall go with me.’King Magnús tells this dream to his men. And a little later he caught asickness and lay there in a place called Súðaþorp. And when he was comeclose to death, then he sent his brother Þórir to Sveinn Úlfsson, to say that hewas to stand by Þórir when he needed it. This was also in the message, that
King Magnús gave the realm of Denmark to Sveinn when his life was over,saying that it was right that Haraldr should rule over Norway and Sveinn
over Denmark. After that King Magnús góði died, and his death was very
greatly mourned by all the common people. So says Oddr Kíkinaskáld:[106] 99.
			
			
			

Men shed many tears bearing
the munificent king to the grave;that was a weighty burden
for the ones he had given gold to.

Poem about Magnús góði 2
Mork I (Flb) 176
Fsk 249
Skald II 33

haralds saga sigurðarsonar

63

The lord’s housecarls could hardly
hold back, the mind troubled—
and the king’s company sat often
cast down thereafter—from weeping.
CHAPTER twenty-nine
After these events King Haraldr held an assembly with the troops, telling
people his intention of taking the army to Vébjargaþing and having himself
accepted as king over the realm of the Danes, afterwards winning the country,
reckoning it to be as much his patrimony as the realm of Norway after his
kinsman King Magnús, then bidding the troops put out all their strength,
declaring that then the Norwegians [107] would for ever be the masters of
the Danes. Then Einarr þambarskelfir replies, declaring himself to be undera greater obligation to convey his foster-son King Magnús to his burial andbring him to his father King Óláfr than to fight abroad and covet anotherking’s realm and possessions, ending his speech by saying that he thought
it better to follow King Magnús dead than any other king alive, afterwards
having the corpse taken and laid out decently so that his lying in state on
the royal ship could be seen. Then all the Þrœndir and Norwegians set out
on their journey home with King Magnús’s body, and the levy broke up.
Then King Haraldr realised that his best course was to go back to Norway
and first of all take possession of that realm, and from there reinforce his
troops. King Haraldr now went back to Norway with the whole force. And
as soon as he got to Norway, then he held an assembly with the people ofthe country and had himself accepted as king over the whole land. Thus hewent on all the way from the east through the Vík, being accepted as kingin every district of Norway.
CHAPTER thirty
Einarr þambarskelfir and with him the whole host of Þrœndir took MagnúsÓláfsson’s body and conveyed it to Niðaróss, and he was buried there at
Clemenskirkja. The blessed King Óláfr’s shrine was there at that time. King
Magnús had been an average person in size, with regular features and a freshcomplexion, light-coloured hair, well-spoken and decisive, noble in character,most liberal with his wealth, a great warrior and a most bold fighter. He was
the most popular of all kings, praised by both friends and foes.
[108] CHAPTER thirty-one
That autumn Sveinn Úlfsson was located in Skáni and was preparing to
set out east into Svíaveldi, intending to give up the title he had assumed in64heimskringla

Denmark. But when he had got to his horse, then there rode up to him there
some men to tell him the news, to begin with that King Magnús Óláfsson
is dead, and also this, that the whole army of Norwegians was gone awayfrom Denmark. Sveinn replies to this swiftly, saying:‘I call God to witness that never again shall I flee the realm of the Danesas long as I live.’He then mounts his horse and then rides south to Skáni. Then immediately
a great troop flocked to him. That winter he subjected the whole realm ofDanes to himself. All the Danes now accepted him as king. King Magnús’s
brother Þórir came to Sveinn in the autumn with the message from King
Magnús, as was witten above. Sveinn welcomed him, and Þórir stayed withhim after that for a long time in high honour.
CHAPTER thirty-two
King Haraldr Sigurðarson took the kingship over the whole of Norway
after King Magnús Óláfsson’s death. Now when he had ruled Norway for
one winter, and when spring came, then he called out a levy from the wholecountry, [109] a half-levy150 in troops and ships, and made his way south to
Jótland. He made raids in many places during the summer and burned, andsailed into Goðnarfjǫrðr. Then King Haraldr composed this:151		100. We’ll let, while the linen-oak152
Mork I 188
			lulls her husband, the anchor
Fsk 250–51
			grip in Goðnarfjǫrðr,Skald II 46
			
the Gerðr of incantation.153
Then he spoke to the poet Þjóðólfr, telling him to cap it. He said:		101. Further south next summer—
Mork I 188
			
I speak a prophecy—cold-nose154
Fsk 251
			shall fix with its fluke the vessel
Skald II 165
			of fir; we add a hook to the ocean.
Bǫlverkr alludes in his drápa to Haraldr travelling to Denmark the next
summer after King Magnús’s death:		
102. From the fair land you fitted out
Drápa about Haraldr			a fleet—sea washed over vessels;		 harðráði 8
According to lawbooks this was one man in fourteen.
In Morkinskinna this and the following half-stanza form a single stanza attributed
to Haraldr; one version of Fagrskinna attributes the whole stanza to Þjóðólfr, theother, like Heimskringla, divides it between Haraldr and Þjóðólfr.
152
líneik: ‘oak-tree of linen’, woman.
153
galdrs Gerðr: ‘Gerðr (goddess) of chant’, woman.
154
kaldnefr: the anchor.
150
151

haralds saga sigurðarsonar

65

			
			
[110] 		the next year, with splendid stud-horses Mork I 189
of the surge,155 you carved the ocean. Fsk 251
On dark wave the fine hull—156
Skáldsk 94 (ll. 1–4)
Danes were then in trouble—
Skald II 293
lay; people looked onladen warships offshore.
Then they burned Þorkell geysa’s (Dash’s) estate. He was an importantleader. Then his daughters were led to the ships as captives. They had madea great joke the winter before about King Haraldr travelling to Denmark withwarships. They had carved an anchor in cheese, saying that it might wellserve to hold back the king of Norway’s ships. Then this was composed:		103. Island-ring objects,157
Mork I 190
anchor-rings, Danish maidens
Fsk 252
carved out of yeast-cheese;
Skald II 815
that irked the ruler.
Now in the morning manya maid sees—fewer are laughing—[111] 		a hefty hook of iron			
holding the overlord’s vessels.
People say that an informant who had seen King Haraldr’s fleet said toÞorkell geysa’s daughters:‘You said, daughters of Geysa, that Haraldr would not be coming toDenmark.’
Dótta replied: ‘That was true yesterday.’Þorkell ransomed his daughters with a huge amount of money. So says
Grani:158		104. Never did the dogged one
Poem about Haraldr			
let dry her eyelashes159		 harðráði 1
			
in heavily dense Hornskógr
Mork I 192
			
the Hlǫkk of Kraki’s snowdrift.160
Fsk 252
gjalfrstóð: ‘stud-horses of the surge’, ships.
skokkr: ‘hull’; Kari Ellen Gade in Skald II translates ‘bottom boards’. Here, it
represents ‘the ship(s)’.
157
eybaugs þing: ‘thing of the island-ring (sea, which encircles islands)’ something
belonging to the sea, or equipment used in the sea, (here) anchor.
158
Skáldatal names Grani among Haraldr's poets, but his only surviving works
are this stanza, another in Morkinskinna and in part in Snorra Edda, and a further
couplet in Snorra Edda.
159
that is, allow her to stop weeping.
160
Kraka drífu Hlƒkk: ‘valkyrie of the (snow-)drift of Kraki (gold)’, woman (here,
one of Þorkell’s daughters, perhaps the Dótta of line 7, if not a generic singular).
155
156

66

heimskringla			The lord of Filir161 drove the fleeing
Skald II 296
			of the chieftain’s foes to the shore.
			Very fast Dótta’s father			
was forced to pay out riches.
King Haraldr made raids all that summer in the realm of the Danes and got
a huge amount of wealth, but he was not resident in Denmark that summer,
going back to Norway in the autumn and staying there during the winter.
[112] CHAPTER thirty-three
King Haraldr married Þorbergr Árnason’s daughter Þóra the next winterafter King Magnús inn góði died.162 They had two sons. The elder wascalled Magnús and the second Óláfr. King Haraldr and Queen Ellisif had
two daughters. One was called Maria and the other Ingigerðr.
Now the next spring after this military expedition that has just been told
about, King Haraldr called out a force and went in the summer to Denmarkand made raids and after that every summer in succession. So says the poet
Stúfr:
		105. Falstr, it is said, was laid waste;
Stúfsdrápa 5			fear lay heavy on people.		
Mork I 194
			
The raven was fed; the Danish		Fsk 253			
were frightened every year.		
Skald II 355
CHAPTER thirty-four
King Sveinn ruled over the whole of Denmark after King Magnús died.
He stayed put in the winters, but lay out with a levy in the summers andthreatened to go north into Norway with an army of Danes and cause noless damage there than King Haraldr had done in the realm of the Danes.
One winter King Sveinn challenged King Haraldr that they should meet on
the Elfr the next summer and fight to the finish or else come to a settlement.
Then both spent the whole winter preparing their ships, and they both calledout a half levy the following summer.
[113] That summer Þorleikr fagri (the Fair) came from out in Iceland andset himself to compose a flokkr163 about King Sveinn Úlfsson. He heard,
when he got to the north of Norway, that King Haraldr was gone south tothe Elfr against Sveinn. Then Þorleikr uttered this:164
Fila dróttinn: ‘lord of Filir (inhabitants of Fjalir)’, king of Norway.
Presumably Þóra was Haraldr’s concubine rather than his wife.
163
An informal series of stanzas without a refrain. See note 35 above.
164
What we are told here is all that is known about Þorleikr (or Þorleifr) fagri,
except that in Skáldatal he is said to have been a poet of Sveinn Úlfsson. Ten stanzasof the flokkr survive, and a further three fragments are attributed to Þorleikr.
161
162

haralds saga sigurðarsonar

67

		
106.
			

It is likely that the Innþrœndr
Flokkr about Sveinn Úlfsson 2
Mork I 195
army, active in point-onslaught,165
will meet on the road of Rakni166
Fsk 254
the ruler expert in battle.		
Skald II 314
Of the two, God can determine
which takes life from the other,or lands; Sveinn cares little
for lightly kept covenants.
And again he uttered this:		
107. Haraldr, who often raises
Flokkr about Sveinn Úlfsson 3
red shield off land, angrily		
Mork I 196
steers broad board-oxen167 southwards
Fsk 254
onto Buðli’s pathways,168		
Skald II 315
while glorious leek-beasts,169 gold-mouthed,gaily covered with colour,of Sveinn, who reddens spears,
			sailed across the sea northwards.
[114] King Haraldr came to the arranged meeting with his army. Then he learnt
that King Sveinn was lying south off Sjáland with his fleet. Then King Haraldr
divided his forces, letting most of the troop of farmers go back. He went withhis following and landed men and his favourite troops and all those of thetroop of farmers who were closest to the Danes. They went south to Jótland
to the south of Vendilskagi, and so south round Þjóð, laying everywhere theywent waste. So says the poet Stúfr:
		108. Those at Þjóð fled forthwith		
Stúfsdrápa 6			from the prince’s meeting.		
Mork I 197
			
High-hearted, he dared boldly.		
Fsk 256
			. . . Haraldr’s spirit above lands . . .170
Skald II 355
They went all the way south to Heiðabýr, took the market town and burnt
it. King Haraldr’s men then composed this:		
109. All Heiðabœr in anger		Mork I 197
			from end to end was ravaged		Fsk 256			with fire; that can be called		
Skald II 816
			a courageous deed, I consider.
odda snerta: ‘onslaught of spear-points’, battle.
Rakna stígr: ‘path of Rakni (a sea-king)’, the sea.
167borðraukn: ‘draught-animal(s) of the board’, ship(s).
168Buðla slóðir: ‘tracks of Buðli (sea-king)’, the sea.
169
gullmunnuð: with gold figureheads; lauks dýr: ‘beast(s) of the leek (mast)’, ship(s).
170
For the split refrain, see note 125 above.
165
166

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There is hope we bring harm to—high flame spewed from buildings—
Sveinn; I stood last night on the rampartof the stronghold before dawning.

Þorleikr also mentions this in his flokkr when he had heard that no battle
had taken place on the Elfr:
		
110.
			

How the king hoping for battle Flokkr about Sveinn Úlfsson 6
to Heiðabœr travelled		
Mork I 199
Fsk 257
the war-Rǫgnir171 can enquire of
the king’s troop, if he knows not,
Skald II 317
when Haraldr took westward
once to the king’s town, that yearthat never should have been,
needlessly, skis of fair weather.172

CHAPTER thirty-fiveThen Haraldr travelled north taking sixty ships, most of them being large ones
and heavily loaded with plunder that they had captured during the summer.
And when they got north past Þjóð, then King Sveinn came down to the shorewith a large army. He then challenged King Haraldr to fight and go ashore.
King Haraldr had a force that was less than half their number. [116] Yet hechallenged King Sveinn to fight with him on ships. So says Þorleikr fagri:
		
111.
			

Sveinn bade—he was born at
Flokkr about Sveinn Úlfsson 7
Mork I 200
the best time under Miðgarðr—173
the powerful ranks redden		Fsk 257
rimmed shields on land.		
Skald II 319
But Haraldr, shy of hesitation,
held he would, if the land was
defended by the rash king, fight on
the fair-weather horse174 rather.

After that Haraldr sailed north past Vendilskagi. Then the wind blew them offcourse and they took shelter under Hlésey and lay there during the night. Thena dense fog came down upon the sea. And when morning came and the sunrose, then they saw to one side on the sea what looked like some fires burning.
King Haraldr was now told of this. Then he looked and straightway said:
folk-Rƒgnir: ‘battle-god’ (Rƒgnir is a name for Óðinn), warrior.
byrskíð: ‘ski(s) of fair wind’, ship(s).
173
und Miðgarði: i.e. in the world.
174
byrjar val: ‘horse of fair wind’, ship.
171
172

haralds saga sigurðarsonar

69‘Take the awnings off the ships, and let men start rowing. The army ofDanes must be come upon us. The fog must have cleared where they are,the sun must be shining on their dragon heads that are gilded.’
So it was as Haraldr said. Now was come there King Sveinn of the Daneswith an invincible army. Both parties then rowed as fast as they could. The
Danes had ships that were faster to row, but the Norwegians’ ships were bothswollen and deep in the water. Now the distance between them grew less. Then
Haraldr realised that it would not do to leave things as they were. Haraldr’s
dragon ship was sailing in the rear of all his ships. Then King Haraldr said thatthey were to throw planks of wood overboard and put on them [117] clothing
and things of value. There was such a complete calm that this was carriedalong by the current. So when the Danes saw their wealth drifting on the sea,
then those that were ahead turned after it, thinking it easier to take what was
floating free than to get it on board from the Norwegians. Now the pursuit wasdelayed. Now when King Sveinn came up behind them with his ship, he urged
them on and said it was a great disgrace, having such a large army, that theyshould not manage to catch them and gain power over them, when they had
a small force. Then the Danes set to and worked hard at the rowing a second
time. So when King Haraldr realised that the Danes’ ships were gaining onthem, then he told his men to lighten the ships and carry overboard malt andwheat and bacon and chop out their drink.175 This worked for a while. ThenKing Haraldr had the bulwarks and casks and barrels that were empty taken
and thrown overboard, and prisoners of war as well. So when all this was
tossing about together on the sea, then King Sveinn ordered the men to behelped, and this was done. With this delay they drew apart. Then the Danes
turned back and the Norwegians went on their way. So says Þorleikr fagri:		
112. I have heard it all, how
Flokkr about Sveinn Úlfsson 8on the ships’ path176 Norwegians
Mork I 203
were pursued by Sveinn, while		Fsk 260the second king escaped, keen-spirited.
Skald II 320
The loot of the lord of Þrœndr177—
they lost more vessels—
was all set on storm-swollen
sea of Jótland floating.
[118] King Sveinn turned his fleet back under Hlésey, meeting there sevenof the Norwegians’ ships. This was troops from the levy and just farmers. So
when King Sveinn got up to them, then they begged for quarter for themselves
and offered ransom for themselves. So says Þorleikr fagri:
i.e. from their wooden containers fastened in the ships.
flausta vegr: ‘way of ships’, sea.
177Þrœnda þengill: ‘lord of Þrœndr’, i.e. king of Norway.
175
176

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113.
			
			

To the lord of men a large ransom Flokkr about Sveinn Úlfss. 9
the leader’s friends offered.		
Mork I 203
They soothed the fight, stern-minded,
Fsk 260
whose force was smaller.		
Skald II 321
And swiftly deciding farmers
stayed then, when they started
exchanging words—life was cherishedby children of men178—the onset.

CHAPTER thirty-six
King Haraldr was a powerful man and a firm ruler within his own country,
very intelligent in his thinking, so that it is universally held that there
has been no ruler in Northern Lands that has been as profoundly wise as
Haraldr or as clever in his decisions. He was a great warrior and of the very
boldest in fighting. He was strong and better able to use weapons than any
other man, as has been written above. And yet there are many more of his
famous achievements that have not been recorded. The reason for this is
our ignorance, and this too, that we are unwilling to write down in books
unattested stories. Though [119] we have heard talk or mention of otherthings, still it seems to us better from now on that material should be added
than that the same should have to be removed. There is much material about
King Haraldr recorded in poems that Icelandic men presented to him or tohis sons. He was for that reason a great friend to them. He was also a very
great friend to all the people here in this country.179 And when there wasa great famine in Iceland, then King Haraldr allowed four ships licence toexport meal to Iceland and stipulated that no pound of a ship’s cargo wasto be dearer than the cost of a hundred ells of homespun. He licensed allpoor people who could provide their own food for the voyage to travel outof Iceland. And as a result this land was able to eke out its sustenance until
there was harvest and recovery. King Haraldr sent out here a bell for the
church that the blessed King Óláfr sent the timber for, which was raised at
the Alþingi. Such memorials have people here of King Haraldr, and manyothers in the noble gifts that he presented to people who visited him.
Halldórr Snorrason and Úlfr Óspaksson, who were mentioned above, cameto Norway with King Haraldr. Their natures were different in many ways.
Halldórr was one of the biggest and strongest and handsomest of men. King
Haraldr bore this testimony of him, that he has been the one of the men that
had been with him that was least taken aback by sudden events. Whether it
was deadly danger or welcome news or whatever might turn up in the way
178179ýta kindr: ‘offspring of men’, people.
i.e. in Iceland. These are Snorri Sturluson’s thoughts.

haralds saga sigurðarsonar71

of danger, then he was no happier and no sadder, [120] he slept and drankand enjoyed food neither more nor less than was his custom. Halldórr was aman of few words and not of ready speech, outspoken and severe in characterand uncompromising; and that was unpleasant for the king, when he had
plenty of other decent and compliant men around him. Halldórr stayed ashort time with the king. He went to Iceland, set up house in Hjarðarholt,
lived there until his old age and became an old man.
CHAPTER thirty-sevenÚlfr Óspaksson stayed with King Haraldr on very friendly terms. He wasa most intelligent person, well-spoken, a most outstanding person, reliable
and straightforward. King Haraldr made Úlfr his marshal and gave him in
marriage Jórunn Þorbergsdóttir, sister of Þóra, who was married to King
Haraldr. Úlfr and Jórunn’s children were Jóan sterki (the Strong) at Rásvǫllr
and Brígiða, mother of Sauða-Úlfr (Sheep-), father of Pétr byrðarsveinn(Load-Carrying Lad),180 father of Úlfr flý (Speck) and his brothers. Jóan
sterki’s son was Erlendr hímaldi (Slowcoach), father of Archbishop Eysteinn
and his brothers. King Haraldr gave Úlfr stallari (Marshal) the privileges ofa landed man and revenues of twelve marks and in addition half a districtin Þrándheimr. So says Steinn Herdísarson in Úlfsflokkr.181[121] CHAPTER thirty-eight
King Magnús Óláfsson had Óláfskirkja built in Kaupangr. It was in theplace where the king’s body had been kept the night before its burial. It wasat that time above the town. He also had the royal palace raised there. The
church was still not fully finished before the king died. King Haraldr had
that completed that was still lacking. He also provided materials for building
himself a stone hall there in the palace grounds, and it was not fully finished
before he had Máríukirkja built from its foundations up on the gravel banknear where the holy relics of the king lay in the ground the first winter after
his fall. It was a great minster strongly built with mortar, so that it could
hardly be demolished when Archbishop Eysteinn had it pulled down. The
holy relics of King Óláfr were kept in Óláfskirkja while Máríukirkja was
Cf. ch. 9 of Haraldssona saga below.
Steinn Herdísarson was great-grandson of the Icelandic poet Einarr skálaglamm
Helgason (Vol. I, note 315), and a distant cousin of Stúfr blindi and of Úlfr himself.
Kari Ellen Gade in Skald II (366) and other editors assign stanza 130 below toÚlfsflokkr, of which nothing else survives. Seven stanzas are preserved of his
Nizarvísur on the Battle of the Niz in 1062, in which he is said to have been presenton Úlfr’s ship (see p. 147, st. 130 below), and sixteen stanzas of his Óláfsdrápa for
Haraldr’s son Óláfr kyrri.
180
181

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being built. King Haraldr had the buildings of the royal palace placed below
Máríukirkja by the river, where they are now. But the building he had had
erected as his hall he had consecrated as Gregoriuskirkja.
CHAPTER thirty-nine
There is a man called Ívarr hvíti (the White) who was an important landedman. He had an estate in Upplǫnd. He was Jarl Hákon inn ríki’s (the Great’s)
grandson. Ívarr was of all men the most handsome in looks. Ívarr’s son was
called Hákon. It is said of him that he was superior to all men living at thattime in Norway in valour and strength and abilities. He was already in his
youth on warlike expeditions and won great honour for himself on them,and Hákon became a most excellent person.182[122] CHAPTER forty
Einarr þambarskelfir was the most powerful of the landed men in Þrándheimr.
He and King Haraldr were not on very good terms. Yet Einarr still had therevenues that he had had while King Magnús was alive. Einarr was mostextremely wealthy. He was married to Jarl Hákon’s daughter Bergljót, as was
written above. Their son Eindriði was now fully grown up. He was now married
to Sigríðr, daughter of Ketill kálfr (Calf) and King Haraldr’s niece Gunnhildr.
Eindriði inherited handsomeness and fairness from his mother’s family, Jarl
Hákon or his sons, but got his size and strength from his father Einarr, and all
the abilities in which Einarr surpassed other men. He was a most popular person.
CHAPTER forty-one
There was a jarl named Ormr in Upplǫnd at this time. His mother was Jarl
Hákon inn ríki’s daughter Ragnhildr. Ormr was a most excellent man. At
this time Áslákr Erlingsson was east at Sóli in Jaðarr. He was married to
Jarl Sveinn Hákonarson’s daughter Sigríðr. Jarl Sveinn’s other daughter,
Gunnhildr, was married to King Sveinn Úlfsson of the Danes. These weredescendants of Jarl Hákon now in Norway, as well as many other fine people,
and this line was all much handsomer than other folk and most were peopleof very great ability, and all of them fine people.
[123] CHAPTER forty-two
King Haraldr was an imperious person. And this became more marked as
he strengthened his hold on the land, and it reached the point that it was nogood for most people to cross him in speech or to bring forward any matterother than what he wished to have done. So says the poet Þjóðólfr:182

There is a separate saga about Hákon Ívarsson, which was one of Snorrri’s sources.

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haralds saga sigurðarsonar

		

114.

The trusty troop of the battleattender183 must, at the pleasureof the splendid strife-grower,184
sit and stand, lord-dutiful.
The whole nation kneels to
the nourisher of the war-starling,185
the only choice is to say yea toall that the king bids people.

Sexstefja 11
Mork I 226 (ll. 5–8)
Fsk 273 (ll. 5–8))
Hákonar saga Ívarss. 7
Skald II 123

CHAPTER forty-three
Einarr þambarskelfir was the most prominent leader of the landowners out
over all Þrándheimr. He was the spokesman for them at assemblies attended
by the king’s men. Einarr had a good knowledge of the laws. He was notlacking in boldness in invoking them at assemblies, even if the king himself
was present. All the landowners supported him. This made the king very angry,
and eventually it came about that they quarrelled with each other openly.
Einarr said that the landowners would not put up with injustice from him if
he contravened the law of the land with them. And this went on between themon a number of occasions. [124] Then Einarr took to having a large numberof men about him in his residence, but many more when he went to the town
if the king was going to be present there. It happened one time that Einarr
went in to the town and had a large following, eight or nine longships andnearly five hundred men. And when he got to the town, he went ashore withthis troop. King Haraldr was in his palace and was standing out on a balcony
and saw Einarr’s troop disembarking, and it is said that Haraldr then spoke:
		

115.

		
116.
			

Here I see the active Einarr,
able, þambarskelmir,
to cut the kelp-halter,186
come ashore well-attended.
With full force he is waiting
to fill the king’s throne; often
at a jarl’s heels a smaller hostof housecarls surges, I notice.

Mork I (Flb) 207
Fsk 263
Hákonar saga Ívarss. 47
Skáldsk 80 (ll. 5–8)
Skald II 47

The reddener of radianceof rims187 from the country

Mork I (Flb) 207
Fsk 262

hjaldrvitjaðr: ‘battle-visitor’, warrior.
dolgstœrandi: ‘increaser of battle’, warrior.
185
folkstara feitir: ‘fattener of the war-starling (raven)’, warrior.
186þangs þjalmi: ‘noose of seaweed’, the sea; to cut this is to sail.
187
randa bliks rjóðandi: ‘reddener of the gleam (sword) of shields’, warrior.
183
184

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will oust us, unless Einarr
the axe’s thin mouth kisses.

Hákonar saga Ívarssonar 47
Skald II 48

Einarr stayed some days in the town.
[125] CHAPTER forty-four
One day a meeting was being held, and the king himself was at the meeting.
A thief had been taken in the town and was brought to the meeting. The man
had previously been with Einarr, and he had been well pleased with the man.
Einarr was told. Now he felt sure that the king would not let the man off
even if Einarr thought it important. So Einarr had his troop arm themselves
and after that go to the meeting. Einarr took the man from the meeting byforce. After this friends of both came up and negotiated a settlement between
them. So it came about that a meeting was arranged; they were to meet face
to face. There was an audience chamber in the royal palace down by theriver. The king went into this chamber with a few men, while the rest of
his following was out in the courtyard. The king had a board placed acrossthe roof-hole, and this left a very small opening. Then Einarr came into thecourtyard with his troop. He said to his son Eindriði:‘You stay ouside with our troop, then I shall be in no danger.’
Eindriði stood outside by the entrance. And when Einarr came into thehall, he said:‘It is dark in the king’s audience chamber.’At that moment men leapt at him, some were thrusting and some cutting.
So when Eindriði heard this, he drew his sword and ran into the chamber.
He was immediately cut down, as were both of them. Then the king’s men
ran to the chamber and in front of the entrance, and the landowners wereat a loss what to do, for they now had no leader. They egged each other on,
saying it was disgraceful that they should fail to avenge their chief, and yet
nothing came of any attack. The king went out to his troops and he put themin battle order and raised his standard, but there was no attack made by thelandowners. Then the king went out onto his ship, and all his troops, afterthat rowing out along the river and so on his way out into the fiord. Einarr’s
wife Bergljót heard about his death. She was then in the lodging that [126]
she and Einarr had previously used out in the town. She immediately went
up into the king’s palace where the troop of landowners was. She urged themhard to battle, but at that moment the king rowed out along the river. Then
said Bergljót:‘It is a pity that my kinsman Hákon Ívarsson is not here now. The slayers ofEindriði would not be rowing out here along the river if Hákon was standing
here on the river bank.’haralds saga sigurðarsonar

75

After that Bergljót had Einarr and Eindriði’s bodies laid out. They wereburied at Óláfskirkja by the tomb of King Magnús Óláfsson. After the fall ofEinarr Haraldr was hated so much for what he had done there that the only
reason why the landed men and landowners made no attack and fought nobattle against him was that no leader came forward to raise a standard at thehead of the army of landowners.
CHAPTER forty-fiveAt this time Finnr Árnason was living at Yrjar in Austrátt. He was now oneof King Haraldr’s landed men. Finnr was married to Hálfdan son of Sigurðr
sýr’s daughter Bergljót. Hálfdan was King Óláfr inn helgi and King Haraldr’s
brother. King Haraldr’s wife Þóra was Finnr Árnason’s niece. Finnr was onvery good terms with the king, as were all his brothers. Finnr Árnason had
been for some summers on raids in the west. They had at this time all been
together raiding, Finnr and Guthormr Gunnhildarson and Hákon Ívarsson.
King Haraldr travelled out through Þrándheimr and out to Austrátt. He waswelcomed there. After that they spoke together, the king and Finnr, anddiscussed between themselves these events that had now taken place a very
short time before, the killing of Einarr and his son, and also the grumbling
and unrest that the Þrœndir were directing at the king. Finnr replies instantly:‘You have [127] managed everything in the worst possible way. You doall sorts of bad things, and afterwards you are so frightened that you don’tknow where you are.’
The king answers with a laugh: ‘Kinsman-in-law, I shall now send you
into the town. I want you to reconcile the landowners to me. If that does notwork, I want you to go to Upplǫnd and see to it with Hákon Ívarsson that
he is not against me.’Finnr replies: ‘What will you offer me if I undertake this dangerous mission,for both the Þrœndir and the Upplendingar are such great enemies of yours,that it is impossible for any messengers of yours to travel there unless they
can rely on their own resources?’
The king replies: ‘Go, kinsman-in-law, on this mission, for I know thatyou will be successful, if anyone can be, in making us reconciled, so choosea favour from me.’Finnr says: ‘Keep your word then, and this is the favour I choose: I choose
a truce and the right to stay in the country for my brother Kálfr, and [that hemay keep] all his possessions, and also this, that he may have all his titles
and all his power, such as he had before he left the country.’
The king spoke and agreed to all this that Finnr said: they had witnesses
and confirmed it by shaking hands. After that Finnr said:

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heimskringla‘What shall I promise Hákon for agreeing to a truce with you? He has now
most say with the Þrœndir.’
The king says: ‘What you must hear first, is what Hákon demands on hispart for a settlement. After that promote my interests as far as you can, butultimately refuse nothing except only the kingdom.’
After this King Haraldr travelled south to Mœrr and and gathered troops
to himself and got a large following.
CHAPTER forty-six
Finnr Árnason went in to the town, taking with him his personal following,nearly eighty men. And when he got into the town, then he had a meeting withthe townspeople. Finnr spoke long and eloquently at the meeting, telling thetownspeople [128] and the farmers to adopt quite another course than hostility
towards their king and driving him out, reminding them of how much evil
had come upon them after they had done that before with the blessed KingÓláfr, saying that the king would atone for this slaying in accordance withthe judgment the noblest and wisest men would be willing to pass. By thetime Finnr had ended his speech, people were willing to leave this matter as
it was until the messengers returned that Bergljót had sent to Upplǫnd to see
Hákon Ívarsson. After that Finnr went out to Orkadalr with the men that had
accompanied him to the town. After that he went up to Dofrafjall and east
across the mountain. Finnr went first to his kinsman-in-law Jarl Ormr—thejarl was married to Finnr’s daughter Sigríðr—and told him about his mission.
CHAPTER forty-seven
After that they arranged a meeting with Hákon Ívarsson. And when they met,then Finnr presented his message to Hákon that King Haraldr had sent tohim. It was soon apparent from what Hákon said that he felt himself under adeep obligation to avenge his kinsman Einarr, saying that word had come tohim from Þrándheimr that he would be getting plenty of support from there
for an uprising against the king. After that Finnr put it to Hákon how muchdifference it would make to him, that it would be better to accept from theking honours as great as he could ask for rather than risk starting warfare
against the king to whom he was in the past bound in service, saying that
he would suffer defeat.
‘And you will then have forfeited both wealth and security. But if you
defeat King Haraldr, then you will be named a traitor to your lord.’
The jarl188 supported what Finnr said too. So when Hákon had considered
this business then he revealed what was in his mind, saying as follows:
188

i.e. Ormr.

haralds saga sigurðarsonar77‘I will come to terms with [129] King Haraldr if he will give me in marriage
his kinswoman King Magnús Óláfsson’s daughter Ragnhildr, with as greata dowry as befits her and pleases her.’
Finnr says that he will agree to this on behalf of the king. They confirm
these terms between themselves. After that Finnr travels back north toÞrándheimr. Then this unrest and disturbance was settled, so that the kingstill held his kingdom in peace within the country, since now all the banding
together that Eindriði’s kinsmen had started in opposition to King Haraldr
was put an end to.
CHAPTER forty-eight
So when the appointed time for Hákon to claim the fulfilment of the particularpromises made to him came, then he went to see King Haraldr. And when
they start their discussion, then the king says that he is willing for his partto stand by all the terms of the settlement agreed between Finnr and Hákon.
‘You, Hákon,’ says the king, ‘must discuss this matter with Ragnhildr, to see
whether she is willing to accept this match. But neither you nor anyone else
has the power to decide on marrying Ragnhildr unless she is in agreement.’
After this Hákon went to see Ragnhildr and raised the matter of this
proposal with her. She replies as follows:‘I frequently realise that my father King Magnús is truly dead and gone as
far as I am concerned, if I must give myself in marriage to just a farmer, even
if you are a fine man and endowed with many skills. If King Magnús werealive, then he would not marry me to any man of lower rank than king. So
it is not to be expected that I should be willing to marry a man of no rank.’
After this Hákon went to see King Haraldr and tells him what had passed
between him and Ragnhildr, then brings up the special agreement between
him and Finnr. Finnr was also present, and other men who had been thereat the conversation between him and Finnr. Hákon calls them all to witness,that it had been stipulated that the king was to [130] endow Ragnhildr withwhatever she wished.
‘Now if she is unwilling to marry a man with no rank, then you can giveme a title. I have the descent that makes me entitled to be a jarl, and someother qualifications, according to what people say.’
The king says: ‘My brother King Óláfr and his son King Magnús, when
they were ruling the kingdom, they had one jarl at a time in the country. I
have also done the same since I became king. I do not want to take the title
from Jarl Ormr that I have previously given him.’
Then Hákon realised in regard to his petition, that it would not be
successful. He was now greatly displeased. Finnr was very angry too. They
said that the king was not keeping his word, and parted with matters thus.

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Hákon straightway left the country taking a well-manned longship. He
reached the south of Denmark and went straight to see his kinsman-in-law
King Sveinn.189 The king welcomed him warmly and gave him large revenues
there. Hákon became defender of the land there against vikings who wereraiding the realm of the Danes a great deal, Vinðr and other people from theeastern Baltic, including Kúrir. He lay out on warships winter and summer.
CHAPTER forty-nine
There is a man named Ásmundr, of whom it is said that he was King
Sveinn’s nephew and his foster-son. Ásmundr was the most accomplishedof all men. The king was very fond of him. But when Ásmundr grew up,
he was soon a very overbearing person, and he became a fighter. The kingwas displeased at this, and made him go away from him, giving him a good
estate on which he could well maintain himself and his followers too. [131]
So when Asmundr got this property of the king’s, he gathered a large troop
around himself. But the wealth the king had given him was not sufficient forhis maintenance. Then he took over another one, much larger, that belonged
to the king. And when the king learnt this, then he summoned Ásmundr tosee him. And when they met, then the king says that Ásmundr was to stayin his court and have no following, and it had to be as the king wished. But
when Ásmundr had been a short time with the king, then he could not standit there and ran away during the night and got back to his following and now
did even more wickedness than before. And as the king was riding round thecountry and got to where Ásmundr was, then he sent a troop to take Ásmundr
prisoner by force. After that the king had him put in irons and kept like thatfor a while, thinking he might settle down. But when Ásmundr got out of his
irons, then he immediately ran away and got himself a troop and warship,
taking it then and raiding both abroad and at home and caused a very great
deal of damage, killing many men and plundering widely. But the people
that were the victims of this warfare came to the king and complained tohim about their losses at his hands. He replies:‘What’s the point of telling me about this? Why don’t you go to Hákon
Ívarsson? He is my land-protector and appointed to protect you farmers
from warfare and punish vikings. I was told that Hákon was a bold man andvaliant, but now it seems to me he does not want to get involved anywherethat he thinks there will be any danger.’
These words of the king’s were conveyed to Hákon and were greatly
expanded on. After this Hákon went with his troop to search for Ásmundr.

189
Hákon’s father Ívarr hvíti was grandson of Jarl Hákon inn ríki Sigurðarson (see p. 121
above, ch. 39); Sveinn Úlfsson married Gunnhildr daughter of Jarl Hákon’s son Sveinn.

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79

Their meeting was at sea. Hákon immediately engaged in battle. A fierce andgreat battle took place there. Hákon boarded Ásmundr’s ship and cleared
the ship. So it came about that he and Ásmundr engaged in hand to handfighting and exchanged blows in person. Ásmundr fell there. Hákon cut off
his head. After that Hákon went [132] straightway to see King Sveinn andcame before him while the king was sitting at table. Hákon went in front of
the table and laid Ásmundr’s head on the table before the king and asked
if he recognised it. The king made no reply and his face went red as blood.
After that Hákon went away. A little later the king sent men to him andordered him to leave his service.
‘Say that I will do him no harm, but I cannot be responsible for all our
kinsmen.’CHAPTER fifty
After this Hákon left Denmark and went to the north of Norway to his
properties. His kinsman Jarl Ormr was now dead. People were very pleased
to see Hákon, his relatives and friends. Then many high-ranking people cameforward to negotiate terms of a settlement between King Haraldr and Hákon.
It came about that they reached agreement on these terms, that Hákon married
the king’s daughter Ragnhildr and King Haraldr gave Hákon a jarldom andthe same power as Jarl Ormr had had. Hákon swore oaths of allegiance toKing Haraldr for the service that he was bound to perform.
CHAPTER fifty-one
Kálfr Árnason had been on viking raids in the west after he left Norway,
but in the winters he often stayed in Orkney with his kinsman-in-law
Jarl Þorfinnr. His brother Finnr Árnason sent word to Kálfr, and had him
told of the private agreement that he and King Haraldr had entered into
together, that Kálfr should have the right to live in Norway and [keep] his
possessions and the same revenues as he had had from King Magnús. And
when this message reached Kálfr, then he immediately set out, travellingeast to Norway, first of all to see his brother Finnr. After that Finnr secured
a truce for Kálfr, and they met face to face, the king and Kálfr, thenmade their peace in accordance with what [133] the king and Finnr had
previously agreed privately between themselves. Kálfr pledged himself tothe king and all the undertakings such as he had previously entered intowith King Magnús, so that Kálfr was duty bound to carry out all the tasks
that King Haraldr wished [to have done] and that he felt his realm would
be benefitted by. Then Kálfr took over all his possessions and revenues
that he had previously had.

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CHAPTER fifty-two
So the next summer following, King Haraldr called out a levy, going south
to Denmark and raiding there during the summer. But when he got south toFjón, then he found himself faced with a great gathering of troops. Then the
king made his troops disembark from their ships and prepared to go ashore.
He drew up his troops, putting Kálfr Árnason at the head of one company
and ordering them to go ashore first and telling them which direction they
were to take, while he said he would go ashore after them and come to theirsupport. Kálfr and his men went ashore, and soon they were met by troops.
Kálfr immediately engaged in battle, and this battle did not last long, since
Kálfr was soon overpowered, and he took to flight along with his men, and theDanes pursued them. Many of the Norwegians fell. There fell Kálfr Árnason.
Haraldr went up inland with his host. There it soon turned out to be in theirpath that they found the slain before them, and soon found Kálfr’s body. It
was carried down to the ships. But the king went up inland and made raids
and slew many men there. So says Arnórr:
		
117.
			
			
			

The flashing blade on Fjón—		
Haraldsdrápa 1
fire ran through men’s houses—
Skald II 261
the king crimsoned; the Fjón-dwellers’company grew smaller.

[134] CHAPTER fifty-three
After this Finnr Árnason expressed his feeling of hatred towards the kingin respect of his brother Kálfr’s fall, declaring that the king had engineered
Kálfr’s death and that Finnr had just been the victim of a fraud when hepersuaded his brother Kálfr to return over the sea from the west into the power
and trust of King Haraldr. And when this talk got about, then many people
said that it seemed foolish of Finnr to believe that Kálfr would gain the trustof King Haraldr, it being evident that the king would be revengeful about
lesser offences than those that Kálfr had committed against King Haraldr.
The king let anyone say what they pleased about this, not admitting anything,also not denying anything. The only thing that was clear was that the kingfelt it had turned out well. King Haraldr spoke this verse:
		
118.
			
			
			
			
			
190

Now, urged to enmity,		
of eleven and two in all
I’ve caused the killing;
I recall still those men’s slaying.
spoilers of gold190 still pay backdeceptions with malice,golls lýtendr: ‘spoilers of gold’, (generous) men.

Skald II 49

haralds saga sigurðarsonar

			
			

81

which goes with guile; little
gets the leek, they say, growing.

Finnr Árnason took this affair so much to heart [135] that he left the country
and turned up in the south in Denmark, went to see King Sveinn and waswelcomed warmly there, and they spoke in private for long periods, and it
turned out in the end that Finnr became subject to King Sveinn and became
his follower, and King Sveinn gave Finnr a jarldom and Halland to govern,and he stayed there as defender of the land from the Norwegians.
CHAPTER fifty-four
Ketill kálfr (Calf) and Gunnhildr at Hringunes’s son was called Guthormr,
nephew of King Óláfr and King Haraldr. Guthormr was an able and manlylooking person at an early age. Guthormr frequently stayed with King Haraldr
and was there on very friendly terms and took part in the king’s policymaking, for Guthormr was an intelligent person. He was a very popularperson. Guthormr frequently went raiding and raided a great deal in the
British Isles. He had a large troop of men. He had a retreat and winter quartersin Dublin in Ireland and was on very friendly terms with King Margaðr.
CHAPTER fifty-five
The following summer King Margaðr and Guthormr with him went andraided in Bretland and they gained a huge amount of wealth there. Afterthat they made their way into Ǫngulseyjarsund. There they were going toshare out their booty. But when that great pile of silver was brought out andthe king saw it, then he wanted to have all the wealth for himself alone andpaid little regard to his friendship with Guthormr. Guthormr was ill pleased
with this, that he and his men should be denied their share. The king saysthat he [136] should have two alternatives available:‘The first, to put up with what we wish to have done, the second, to engage
in battle with us, and the one that is victorious shall have the wealth, andthis besides, that you must leave your ships, and I shall have them.’
It seemed to Guthormr that there were great objections to both courses,
feeling he could not with honour abandon his ships and wealth without having
done anything to deserve it. It was also very perilous to fight with the kingand the great force that he had with him. But the odds between their forceswere so great, that the king had sixteen longships, and Guthormr five. Then
Guthormr asked the king to grant him three nights’ respite on this matter for
him to have discussions with his men. He imagined that he might be able tosoften the king’s attitude during this time and put his friendship with the kingon a better footing by means of his men’s representations. But nothing that

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he asked for could be got from the king. This was the eve of St Óláfr’s day.191
Now Guthormr chose rather to die bravely or win victory rather than the othercourse, to suffer disgrace and dishonour and get a name for cowardice fromsuch a great loss. Then he invoked God and his kinsman the blessed KingÓláfr, praying for their support and help, and vowing to give a tenth part of
all the booty they got if they won the victory to that blessed person’s house.
After that he organised his troops and drew them up in battle order againstthat great host and set to and fought them. And with the help of God and theblessed King Óláfr, Guthormr won the victory. Margaðr fell there and every
man, young and old, that was in his following. And after this sublime victory
Guthormr wends his way happily home with all the wealth they had won inbattle. Then from the silver that they had won there was taken every tenthcoin, as had been promised to the blessed King Óláfr, and this was an immense
amount of money, so that of this silver Guthormr had a crucifix made of thesame height as himself or his forecastle man, and that [137] image is sevenells high.192 Guthormr gave this crucifix made like that to the foundation of
the blessed King Óláfr. It has stayed there since as a memorial of Guthormr’s
victory and the miracle performed by the blessed King Óláfr.
CHAPTER fifty-six
There was a count in Denmark, evil and envious. He had a Norwegian servant
girl whose family was from Þrœndalǫg. She worshipped the blessed KingÓláfr and firmly believed in his sainthood. But this count, whom I mentioned
just now, did not believe all that he was told about that holy man’s miracles,
saying it was nothing but just rumour and gossip, making mock and fun ofthe praise and glory that all the people of the country accorded the goodking. So now came the feast day on which the gracious king lost his life
and which all Norwegians observed. Then this foolish count did not wish
to keep it holy, and gave his servant girl orders to bake and heat the ovenfor bread on that day. She knew for certain the nature of the count, that hewould harshly punish her if she did not comply with what he had ordered
her to do. She goes unwillingly to her task and heated the oven, lamenting
bitterly as she worked and vowing to King Óláfr, saying she would neverbelieve in him unless he avenged this monstrous behaviour by some sign.
Now here you may hear the fitting punishments and just miracles: it all
happened straight away and at the same time, that the count went blind inÓláfsvƒkuaptann: St Óláfr’s day, Óláfsmass (Óláfsmessa) below, end ofch. 56, is 29th July. The vigil (Óláfsvaka) would be held the preceding night, at theend of the eve of St Óláfr’s day.
192
The standard ell varied in the Middle Ages between approximately 48 and 57 cm. The
viking ell is said to have been 46 cm. This would make the image at least 10 ft 6 in. high.
191haralds saga sigurðarsonar

83

both eyes and the bread that she had put in the oven turned to stone. Piecesof this stone reached the foundation of the blessed [138] King Óláfr andmany other places. After that Óláfsmessa has always been kept in Denmark.
CHAPTER fifty-sevenWest in Valland there was a man that was disabled so that he was a cripple,
walking on knees and knuckles. He had been out on the road during the day,and was now asleep. He dreamt that a noble-looking man came to him andasked where he was bound for, and he mentioned a certain town. So thisnoble person spoke to him:
‘Go to the church of St Óláfr that stands in London, and you will then be
made whole.’
And after that he awoke and went straight to seek St Óláfr’s church. And
eventually he came to London Bridge and asked the citizens there if they
could tell him where St Óláfr’s church was, but they replied that there weremany more churches there than they could tell to which person each of themwas dedicated. So a little later a man went up to him there and asked where
he was bound for. He told him, and this person then spoke:‘We shall both go together to St Óláfr’s church, and I know the way there.’
After that they went across the bridge and went up the street that led toSt Óláfr’s church. And when they got to the gateway into the churchyard,
then this person stepped over the threshold that was in the gateway, and thecripple rolled himself in over it and immediately stood up cured. But when
he looked around, then his companion had disappeared.
[139] CHAPTER fifty-eight
King Haraldr had a market town built east in Oslo, and often stayed there,
for it was a good place for getting supplies, the land around being very
productive. Staying there was very convenient for guarding the land from theDanes, and also for incursions into Denmark. He was accustomed to doing
this frequently, even when he did not have a large army out. It happened
one summer that King Haraldr was travelling with some light ships anddid not have a large force of men. He made his way south into the Vík, andwhen he got a favourable wind, he sails across to the coast of Jótland, then
set to and made raids, but the people of the country gathered together anddefended their land. Then King Haraldr made his way to Limafjǫrðr andsailed into the fiord. Limafjǫrðr is so shaped that the entrance there is likea narrow river channel, but when you get in along the fiord, then it is like ahuge sea there. Harald made raids there on both shores, while the Danes had
hosts gathered everywhere. Then King Haraldr took his ships up to a certain

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island. It was a small and uninhabited place. And when they searched, thenthey found no water, so told the king about it. He had a search made for if
any heather-snake193 was to be found on the island, and when one was found,they brought it to the king. He had the snake brought to a fire and heated up
and made exhausted so that it should get as thirsty as possible. After thata thread was tied to its tail and the snake released. Then it soon wriggled
off, and the thread unwound itelf from the ball of thread. Men followed thesnake until it dived down into the ground. The king told them to dig forwater there. This was done; they found water there so that there was no lack.
King Haraldr learnt from his informants the news that [140] King Sveinn
was come with a large naval force before the entrance to the fiord. He took along time to get in, since only one ship could go at a time. King Haraldr took
his ships further in to the fiord. And where it is broadest it is called Lúsbreið,and there from the inner bay there is a narrow isthmus across to the open sea
to the west. Haraldr and his men rowed over to it in the evening. And during
the night, when it had got dark, they cleared the ships and dragged them overthe isthmus and had completed the whole job before dawn and put the ships
to rights once more, making their way north past Jótland. Then they said:
		
119.
			

Haraldr slipped out of
the hands of the Danes.

Skald II 818

Then the king said that the next time he came to Denmark, he would havemore troops with him and larger ships. Then the king travelled north toÞrándheimr.
[141] CHAPTER fifty-nine
King Haraldr stayed the winter in Niðaróss. He had a ship built during thewinter out on Eyrar. It was a buss-type ship.194 This ship was built after thestyle of Ormr inn langi and finished with the finest craftsmanship. There
was a dragon head at the prow, and in the rear a curved tail, and the necks ofboth were all decorated with gold. It numbered thirty-five rowing benches,
and was of a proportionate size, and was a most handsome vessel. The kinghad all the equipment for the ship carefully made, both sail and rigging,anchor and cables. King Haraldr issued a challenge during the winter south
to Denmark to King Sveinn that he should the next spring come from thesouth to the Elbr and meet him and fight to reassign the lands and let one or
the other have both kingdoms.
An adder (cf. Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar (Vol. I), ch. 80).
búza was a large transport ship. The word appears in twelfth-century Latin inconnection with the Crusades. In Middle High German sources it meant a kind ofwarship.
193
194

haralds saga sigurðarsonar

85

CHAPTER sixty
That winter King Haraldr called out a levy, a full one, from Norway. And
when spring came, a great army gathered. Then King Haraldr had the great
ship launched on the river Nið. After that he had the dragon heads set up.
Then spoke the poet Þjóðólfr:
		
120.
			
			
			
			
			
[142] 					Launched forth, fair lady, from river
Stanzas about
to flood I saw the warship;		 Haraldr’s leiðangr 1
look where long linked planks
Skald II 150
lie offshore, of the splendid dragon.
The bright snake’s195 manes, since it wassent out from the slipway,
glow—garnished necks bear puregold—over the cargo.

After that King Haraldr prepares the ship and his journey. And when he
was ready, he sailed the ship out of the river. It was very skilfully rowed.
So says Þjóðólfr:121.

Stanzas about
The squad-Baldr196 on a Saturdayslings off the long awning 		 Haraldr’s leiðangr 2
where at the linked planks of the serpent Hákonar s. Ívarss. 2
splendid ladies gaze from town.
Skald II 151
The young lord set about steering
the spanking-new warshipout of the Nið; in the ocean
the oars of men dip, westward.

		
122.
			
			
			
[143] 		
			
			
			

Straight from the stroke the king’s army Stanzas about
slices the oar expertly. 		 Haraldr’s leiðangr 3
At the oars’ motion maiden
Hákonar s. Ívarss. 25
marvels as she stands amazed.
1GT (ll. 1–2)
Rowing there’ll be, till into two
Skald II 152
the tarred sea-gear197 breaks, lady.
The fir, four-sided,198 to that gives
in full peacetime its sanction.

		

ormr: ‘serpent, dragon’, dragon-ship.
lið-Baldr: ‘troops-god’, battle-leader.
197
sæfƒng: ‘sea-gear’, oars.
198
þƒll: ‘fir-tree’, is taken here to refer to oars made of fir-wood; ferkleyf ‘fourcleaved’ probably refers to their square cross section. Kari Ellen Gade in Skald II
takes þƒll as an incomplete kenning for a woman, and ferkleyf as referring to the‘sea-gear’ (oars) mentioned in l. 6.
195
196

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heimskringla

123.

There is strain for troops before slicing Stanzas about
sea-gear from the strong ocean, 		 Haraldr’s leiðangr 4
where in readiness for rowing
Hákonar saga
the rowlock holds seventy oars. 		 Ívarssonar 25
Northmen row out the iron-nailed
Skald II 154
adder199 on the hail-dashed—
it is like seeing from beneathan eagle’s wing—current.

King Haraldr took the army south along the coast, having a full levy oftroops and ships out. And when they make their way eastwards into the Vík,
they met a strong headwind, and the host lay in harbours far apart from eachother, both off the outlying islands and within the fiords. So says Þjóðólfr:
		
124.
			
			
			
[144] 		
			
			
			

The ship’s shaven prows have
Stanzas about
shelter under the forest.		 Haraldr’s leiðangr 5
The lord of the fleet locks in
Skald II 155
lands with stems of warships.
All the host is anchored—
the isthmus for shelter
is used by armoured200 warships—
in each bay in the skerries.

But in the great storm that arose, the great ship needed good anchoring. So
says Þjóðólfr:
		

125.

The king hits high crashing
Stanzas about
Hlésey’s fence201 with the forestem.		 Haraldr’s leiðangr 6
Then the prince uses to the utmost
Skald II 156
the anchor-ropes of the warship.
Not gentle to the bowed iron202
is the scathe of the lime-tree.203
The thick fluke is fretted
by foul weather and rocks.

And when they got a favourable wind King Haraldr took the army east to
the Elfr and arrived there in the evening of the day. So says Þjóðólfr:naðr: ‘snake’, dragon ship.
hábrynjaðr: ‘high-armoured’, a reference to shields lined along the sides ofthe ship.
201
Hléseyar hryngarðr: ‘crashing fence round the island of Hlésey’, the sea.
202
bjúgt járn: ‘bowed iron’, the anchor fluke.
203
lindis skaði: ‘harmer of the lime-tree’, wind, storm.
199
200

haralds saga sigurðarsonar

		
126.
			
			
			
[145] 		
			
			
			

87

Haraldr has now hastened
Stanzas about
halfway to Elfr, valiantly.		 Haraldr’s leiðangr 7
The lord of Norway overnights
Skald II 157
near to the lands’ border.
The king has a þing204 at Þumli:
there for Sveinn is appointed—
if the Danes do not run—a meeting
due to the raven205 with him.

CHAPTER sixty-ONE
And when the Danes learn that the army of Norwegians was come, thenthey all flee that are able to do so. The Norwegians learn that the king of theDanes also has his army out and that it is lying south round Fjón and roundSmálǫnd. And when King Haraldr learnt that King Sveinn was unwilling tohold a meeting with him or a battle, as had been arranged, then he adopted
this course again like the previous time, let the force of farmers go back andmanned a hundred and fifty ships. After that he took this force south past
Halland and raided widely. He sailed the army into Lófufjǫrðr and maderaids inland there. A little later King Sveinn came upon them there withhis army of Danes. He had three hundred ships. And when the Norwegians
saw the army, then King Haraldr had the army called together by trumpets.
Many said that they should flee, saying that it was impracticable to fight.
The king replied as follows:‘Each man of us shall fall one on top of another before we flee.’
So says Steinn Herdísarson:
		
127.
			
			
			
[146] 		
			
			
			

This he said, what, hawk-minded,
he thought would happen:
The king held there was hardly
hope from him there of mercy.
Rather than surrender,
the ruler, famous, said we musteach fall crossways on top of
the other; men readied all weapons.

Nizarvísur 1
Mork I 244
Fsk 264
Skald II 360

After that King Haraldr placed his host in position for an attack. He placed
his great dragon forward in the middle of the force. So says Þjóðólfr:
		
128.
			
204
205

Giver of friendly gifts, eager,
gracious to wolves, he made hover

Sexstefja 13
Hákonar saga Ívarss. 27

i.e. a hostile meeting, a battle with Sveinn.
fundr skyldr hrafni: ‘a meeting owed to the raven’, i.e. a battle.

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his dragon in the fleet’s forefront,		 Skald II 125
in the force’s vanguard, at the middle.

This ship was very well manned and had a large complement. So saysÞjóðólfr:
		
129.
			
			
			
			
			
			
			

To stand firm the prince, peace-choosy,206
instructed the bold company;
the ruler’s friends over rowlocks
raised a shield-wall, as I saw it.
He closed in the strong-swimming
serpent207 with shields beyond Niz,the able man of action,
so that each touched the other.

Sexstefja 14
Skald II 126[147] Úlfr stallari placed his ship to one side of the king’s ship. He spoke tohis men, saying that they were to sail the ship forward energetically. Steinn
Herdísarson was on Úlfr’s ship. He spoke:
		
130.
			
			

Úlfr urged us all, the king’s marshal,Úlfsflokkr 1
when out at sea were shaken
Mork I 245
Fsk 266
long-hafted halberds;208 rowing
was hastened on the ocean.
Hákonar saga
He bade, brisk confidant,		 Ívarssonar 27of the bold king, that the ship properly Skald II 366
advance—and men assented—
side by side with the ruler.

Jarl Hákon Ívarsson lay furthest out on one wing, and many ships
accompanied him, and this force was very well equipped. But outermost on
the other wing lay the leaders of the Þrœndir. There too there was a large
army and a fine one.
CHAPTER sixty-two
King Sveinn also drew up his forces. He placed his ship to face King
Haraldr’s ship in the middle of the force, and next to him Finnr Árnason
brought forward his ship. The Danes positioned all the troops next to themthat were boldest and best equipped. After that each side tied their ships
together right [148] across the middle of the fleet. But because the army wasfriðvandr: perhaps ‘careful about peace’?
ramsyndr naðr: ‘strong-swimming snake’, dragon ship.
208hkesjur: ‘high (i.e. long-shafted) halberds’, shaken in battles at sea. Kari Ellen
Gade in Skald II chooses to take the first syllable as hár ‘rowlock’, and reads this asa kenning for oars, which are shaken in the motion of rowing.
206
207

haralds saga sigurðarsonar89

so huge, there was a very large number of ships that were not tied in, and soeach one brought his ship forward whenever he felt like it, and this happened
all at very different times. And though there was a great unevenness in theodds, yet each side had an invincible army. King Sveinn had six jarls with
him in his force. Sveinn Herdísarason said this:		
131. The hersir’s lord209 faced hazard,
Nizarvísur 2
who awaited with longships,		
Mork I 244
half the second hundred,210		
Fsk 265
heart-strong, a Danish meeting.
Skald II 361
Next it came about that the countryof kelp211 was carved by the angryHleiðr-dweller,212 with three hundred
horses of the sea,213 thither.
CHAPTER sixty-three
King Haraldr had a blast of trumpets sounded as soon has he had got his ships
ready, and let his men hasten forward to the attack. So says Steinn Herdísarson:		
132. Before the river’s mouth Haraldr
Nizarvísur 3			hindered Sveinn’s access. 		
Skald II 362
			
Resistance ensued, for no peace			
the sovereign would beg for.
[149] 		The king’s confidants			
increased the rowing, sword-girt,			outside Halland; hot wounds			splashed blood on the water.
After that the battle began and it was of the fiercest. Each of them urges his
troops on. So says Steinn Herdísarson:		
133. Shy of shields, each ruler—		
Nizarvísur 4			short the distance between armies— Skald II 362
			
capable, bade the company
			of combatants shoot and strike.
			Both flew, when red blood			the blade discharged—			that snapped the span of fated			
sailors—rocks and arrows.
hersa dróttinn: ‘lord of hersir (lords)’, king.
i.e. a hundred and fifty.
211þangs láð: ‘land of seaweed’, the sea.
212
Hleiðrar atseti: ‘resident of Hleiðr (ancient seat of Danish kings)’, king of the Danes.
213
sunda marir: ‘horses of sounds (of the sea)’, ships.
209
210

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It was late in the day when battle was joined, and so it continued all night.
King Haraldr shot from a bow for a long time. So says Þjóðólfr:
		
134.
			
			
			
[150] 		
			
			
			

Sexstefja 15
All night the king of Upplǫnd214
his elm-bow drew, valiant. 		
Mork I 246 (ll.1–4)
Onto white shields showered		Fsk 266 (ll.1–4)
shafts sent by the ruler.		
Skald II 127
The bloodied point broke wounds on
byrnie-wearers,215 where—
flight of Fáfnir’s spears216 thickened—
Finns’ payment pierced shields.217

Jarl Hákon and the troops that accompanied him did not tie their ships
together, and rowed at the ships of the Danes that were going free, and every
ship that he grappled with, he cleared. And when the Danes realised this,then each of them moved their ship away from where the jarl was sailing.
He pursued the Danes as they backed away, and they were then on the pointof fleeing. Then a small boat rowed up to the jarl’s ship and someone called
to him, saying that one wing of the formation was giving way and many of
their troops were fallen. After that the jarl rowed over there and launched astrong attack there, so that the Danes were now again in retreat. So the jarlwent on all night, pushing forward where there was the greatest need, andwherever he turned up, then there was no resistance to him. Hákon rowed
round the fringes of the battle. In the latter part of the night there was ageneral flight of Danes, for now King Haraldr had gone up with his men
aboard King Sveinn’s ship. This was then so completely cleared that all themen on the ship had fallen except those that had leapt into the water. So
says Arnórr jarlaskáld:
		
135.
			
			
			
[151] 					Sveinn went from his warship		with reason, most valiant—		
steel struck hard on helmets—		
such is my opinion.
The ship of the fluent-speaking
friend of Jótar218 had toHaraldsdrápa 4
Mork I 249
Skald II 264

upplenzkr hilmir: ‘king of Upplǫnd’, i.e. of Norway.
brynmenn: men wearing mailcoats.
216
Fáfnir’s vigrar: ‘Fáfnir’s spears’, spears of (thrown from) the ship, where thedragon name Fáfnir refers to a dragon-ship. The reading Fáfnir occurs in only one
manuscript, Eirspennill; others have the obscure famnings or fannings.
217
Finna gjƒld: ‘payment of Finns (Lapps)’, arrows. The reference is to the threemagic arrows of Gusi, king of the Finns (Lapps), mentioned in ¯rvar-Odds saga.
218
Jótar vinr: ‘friend of Jótar’, king of Denmark.
214
215

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haralds saga sigurðarsonar

			
			

float empty before the ruler
fled from his dead followers.

So when King Sveinn’s standard had fallen and his ship emptied, then all his
men fled, though some fell. But on the ships that were tied together, the men
there leapt into the water, though some got onto other ships that were not tied.
But all Sveinn’s men now rowed away, those that managed to. There wasa very great loss of life. And where the kings themselves had been fighting
and most of the ships were tied together, there were left behind empty morethan seventy of King Sveinn’s ships. So says Þjóðólfr:
		
136.
			
			
			

They said Sogn’s able ruler219
stripped at least seventy
splendid ships of Sveinn’s people
all in a single moment.

Sexstefja 17
Mork I 248
Fsk 268
Skald II 130

King Haraldr was rowing after the Danes and pursuing them, but that was
not easy, for the fleet of ships in front was so tightly packed that one could
hardly move forward. Jarl Finnr refused to flee, and he was captured. He
also had poor sight. So says Þjóðólfr:
		
137.
			
			
			
[152] 		
			
			
			

Six Danish jarls for successSveinn need not reward,
who increase in one conflictcourage in arrow-play.220
He who was not willing,
war-bright, to save his valiant
heart, was captured in the company’s
kernel, Fiðr Árnason.

Sexstefja 18
Mork I 250
Fsk 268
Skald II 131

CHAPTER sixty-four
Jarl Hákon lay behind with his ship, while the king and other troops pursued
the rout, since the jarl’s ship could not move forward there because of theships that lay in the way. Then a man rowed to the jarl’s ship on a boat andmade for the raised deck. This was a big man and he had a broad hood. He
called up onto the ship:‘Where is the jarl?’
He was in the part of the ship in front of the raised deck, and was staunchingsome man’s blood. The jarl looked at the man with the hood and asked him
his name. He says:
Sogns gramr: ‘king of Sogn’, i.e. of Norway.
ƒrleikr: ‘arrow-play’, battle. For a contrary interpretation, see Kari Ellen Gadein Skald II.
219
220

92

heimskringla‘This is Vandráðr ([One in] Trouble). Talk with me, jarl.’
The jarl leant out to him over the side of the ship. Then the man in theboat said:‘I would receive life from you, if you will grant it.’
The jarl straightened up and called over two of his men by name that wereboth dear to him, saying:‘Step into the boat and convey Vandráðr to land. Take him to my friend,
Farmer Karl. Say this to him as a token, that he should give Vandráðr the horsethat I gave Karl the other day and his saddle and his son to accompany him.’
After that they stepped into the boat and take to the oars, while Vandráðr
steered. This was when day was just breaking. There was then the maximumof ships moving about, [153] some were rowing to land, some out to sea, bothon small ships and large ones. Vandráðr steered where he thought there was
the greatest space between the ships. And where the Norwegians’ ships were
rowing close to them, then the jarl’s men announced themselves, and everyone
let them pass wherever they wanted to go. Vandráðr steered on along the shoreand did not go in to land until they had got beyond where the crowd of ships
was. After that they went up to Karl’s dwelling, and it began to get light. They
went into the living room. Karl was there and had just got dressed. The jarl’s
men told him their errand. Karl spoke, saying that they should have something
to eat first, and had a table set up for them and let them have a wash. Then thehousewife came into the room and immediately said:‘It is a very strange thing that we never get any sleep or peace in the nightfor the shouting and racket.’Karl replies: ‘Did you not know that the king has been fighting in thenight?’She asked: ‘Which side came off best?’
Karl replies: ‘The Norwegians won.’‘Our king must have fled again,’ she says.
Karl replies: ‘People are not sure of that, whether he has fallen or fled.’
She said: ‘We are unfortunate in our king. He is both a cripple and a
coward.’221
Then Vandráðr spoke: ‘The king will not be a coward, but he is not blessedwith victories.’
Vandráðr was the last to take a wash, and when he took the towel, then hewiped himelf on the middle of it.222 The housewife took hold of the towel
and snatched it from him. She said:
221
Examination of King Sveinn’s skeleton has revealed that he had a poor gait,being bow-legged, was slightly wounded in one foot, and waddled.
222
A normal guest would use only the edge of the communal towel. Vandráðr betrays
his rank by his behaviour, as he does again when he takes the highest-ranking seat at table .

haralds saga sigurðarsonar

93‘You haven’t much idea how to behave. It is boorish to wet the whole ofthe towel at once.’
After this Karl set the table up before them, and Vandráðr sat in the middle.
They ate for a while, and after that they went out. Now a horse was ready andthe old man’s son was ready to [154] accompany him, and he had anotherhorse. They ride away to the forest, and the jarl’s men went to their boat androw out to the jarl’s ship.
CHAPTER sixty-five

King Haraldr and his men pursued the rout a short way, after that rowed backto the ships that were empty. They then searched the slain. A large number ofdead men were found on the king’s ship, but the king’s body was not found,and yet they felt sure that he was fallen. Then King Haraldr had the bodies
of his own men prepared for burial, and the wounds of those that needed it
bandaged. After that he had the bodies of Sveinn’s men conveyed to landand sent messages to the farmers that they were to bury the dead. After that
he had the plunder shared out. He waited there some time. Then he learnt
the news that King Sveinn was come to Sjáland, and the whole of his armythat had fled from the battle was now come to him, and many other troops,
and he had got a huge army.
CHAPTER sixty-six

Jarl Finnr Árnason was captured in the battle, as was written above. He wastaken to the king. King Haraldr was now very cheerful and said:‘We have now met here, Finnr, but the last time was in Norway. The Danish
court has not stood by you very well, and Norwegians will have a thanklesstask dragging you about with them, a blind man, and so keeping you alive.’
Then the jarl replies: ‘Norwegians have many thankless tasks to perform,
and that worst of all everything you make them do.’Then said King Haraldr: ‘Will you accept quarter, though you do notdeserve it?’
Then the jarl replies: ‘Not from a hound like you.’
The king said: ‘Then do you want your kinsman Magnús to give you
quarter?’
King Haraldr’s son Magnús was now captain of a ship.
[155] Then the jarl replies: ‘What say does that puppy have in the givingof quarter?’
Then the king laughed, finding it fun to taunt him, and said:‘Will you accept quarter from your kinswoman Þóra?’Then says the jarl: ‘Is she here?’‘She is so,’ says the king.

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Then jarl Finnr spoke this nasty speech when he could not control what
he said, which has since been quoted to show how angry he was:
‘It is not surprising that you have done well in horsefights, since the mareis behind you.’
Jarl Finnr was given quarter, and King Haraldr kept him with him for awhile. Finnr was rather gloomy and abrupt in what he said. Then said King
Haraldr:‘I can see, Finnr, that you will not now be friends with me and with yourkinsmen. I will now give you leave to go to your king, Sveinn.’
The jarl replies: ‘I will accept that, and all the more thankfully in that I
may the sooner get away from here.’
After that the king had the jarl’s party conveyed ashore. The Hallandsfarar
welcomed him. King Haraldr now took his troops to the north of Norway,going first in to Oslo, then giving leave to return home to all those of his
troops that wished to go.
CHAPTER sixty-seven
People say that King Sveinn stayed in Denmark that winter and continued
his rule as before. During the winter he sent men north to Halland for Karland his wife. And when they came to where the king was, then he summons
Karl to him. After that the king asked if Karl recognised him or felt he hadseen him before. Karl replied:‘I recognise you now, king, and I recognised you before when I saw you,and it is thanks to God that the little service I was able to do you was ofbenefit to you.’
The king replies: ‘All the days that I live henceforward I have to reward
you for. Now [156] in the first place, I will give you whatever dwelling in
Sjáland you choose for yourself, and in addition I shall make you a greatman, if you know how to cope with that.’
Karl thanked the king warmly for what he said, and added:‘There still remains a boon that I wish to ask for.’The king asked what it was. Karl says:‘I would ask this, that you, king, let me take my wife with me.’The king says as follows: ‘This I will not grant you, for I shall provide
you with a much better and wiser woman. But your wife can keep thecottage that you have both had previously. That will provide a maintenancefor her.’
The king gave Karl a large and splendid estate and arranged a good
marriage for him, and then he became an important person. This got to bewell known and was reported widely. It reached north to Norway.

haralds saga sigurðarsonar

95

CHAPTER sixty-eight
King Haraldr stayed the winter after the Battle of the Niz in Oslo. In
the autumn, when the troops returned from the south, there were many
discussions and stories told about this battle that had taken place in theautumn by the Niz. Everyone that had been there felt he had something totell about it. It happened on one occasion that some men were sitting in alower room and were drinking and were full of talk. They were discussing
the Battle of the Niz, and also who had left it with the greatest renown. They
were all agreed on one thing, that there had been no one there like Jarl Hákon:‘He was the boldest fighter, and he was the most skilful, and he was themost successful, and everything that he did was of the greatest help, and it
was he that won the victory.’
King Haraldr was out there in the yard and was talking with some people.
After this he went to the entrance to the room and said:‘Everyone here would like to be called Hákon.’
And he went on his way.
[157] CHAPTER sixty-nine
Jarl Hákon travelled in the autumn to Upplǫnd and stayed there in his realm
during the winter. He was very popular among the Upplendingar. It happened
during the spring, towards its end, that on one occasion when people weresitting drinking, there was again discussion of the Battle of the Niz, andpeople were loud in their praise of Jarl Hákon, but even so there were some
who preferred others. So when they had been discussing this for a while,then some man or other puts in:‘It may be that other men fought boldly by the Niz besides Jarl Hákon,and yet there can have been no one there that I think can have achieved suchsuccess as he did.’
They say that his greatest success was in having forced into flight manyof the Danes. The same man replies:‘It was a greater success when he gave King Sveinn his life.’
Someone replies to him: ‘You cannot know what you are saying.’
He replies: ‘I have very precise knowledge of this, for it was the man thatconveyed the king to land himself that told me.’
And then it was, as is often said, that ‘many are the ears of the king’.
The king was told of this, and he immediately had many horses brought
out and rode straight away during the night with two hundred men. He
rode all that night and during the following day. Then there came riding
towards them some men that were on their way out to the town with meal
and malt. There was a man called Gamall that was in the king’s party. He

96heimskringlarode up to one of the farmers. He was an acquaintance of his. They spokein private. Gamall says:‘I will pay you to ride as fast as you can along the shortest secret routes thatyou know, and get to Jarl Hákon. Tell him that the king is going to kill him,
for the king now knows that the jarl put King Sveinn ashore by the Niz.’
They agree on the terms. This farmer rode and got to the jarl, he was at
the time sitting drinking and was not gone to bed. So when the farmer haddelivered his message, the jarl stood up straight away, and all his men.The
jarl had [158] all his movable wealth taken away from the dwelling into theforest. All the men too were away from the dwelling during the night when
the king arrived. He stayed there during the night, and Jarl Hákon rode on
his way and turned up east in Svíaveldi at King Steinkell’s and stayed withhim during the summer. King Haraldr after that turned back out to the town.
The king went in the summer north to Þrándheimr. They stayed there during
the summer, and in the autumn went back east into Vík.
CHAPTER seventy
Jarl Hákon travelled straight away in the summer back to Upplǫnd when
he heard that the king was gone north, remaining there until the king camefrom the north. After that the jarl travelled east into Vermaland and stayed
there for a long time during the winter. King Steinkell gave the jarl thegovernorship there. He went during the winter, towards its end, west into
Raumaríki, and he had a large troop that the Gautar and Vermir had provided
him with. Then he took up his land dues and the taxes that he was entitled
to from the Upplendingar. After that he travelled back east to Gautland andremained there during the spring. King Haraldr stayed during the winter in
Oslo and sent men of his into Upplǫnd to collect the taxes and land dues andthe fines payable to the king. But the Upplendingar say this, that they weregoing to pay all the dues that they were bound to pay and hand them overto Jarl Hákon as long as he was alive and had not forfeited his rights or his
realm, and the king got no land dues from there that winter.
CHAPTER seventy-one
That winter there passed dispatches and messengers between Norway and
Denmark, and these involved the desire of both sides, the Norwegians andthe Danes, to make peace between themselves and a settlement, [159] andthey called upon the kings to undertake this, and these embassies seemed
to be getting close to coming to terms; and it came about eventually that apeace conference was arranged on the Elfr between King Haraldr and King
Sveinn. So when spring came, both the kings gathered large numbers ofharalds saga sigurðarsonar

97

forces and ships together for this expedition, and the poet tells in a flokkr223
about the travels of these kings:224

		

138.

		

139.

The lord, land-encircling,225		
*Halli stirði, flokkr 1
locks it north of Eyrarsund		
Skald II 338
with ship’s stems. The raven-soother226
spurned with his heel227 the harbour.
Gold-encrusted prows keenly
carve—and the washboards228 quiver—the ocean ahead under
the army west of Halland.
Oath-firm Haraldr often		
encloses land with warships.		
Sveinn cuts, to encounter the otherking, island-sounds229 also.
He has out no small armyof all the Danes, the praise-winning
raven-feeder,230 all bays enfoldingin the south with prows.

*Halli stirði, flokkr 2
Skald II 338

You set out south, whither,		sage king, all the Danes requested.
Still for a set meetingis seen no less matter.
Sveinn starts northwards
to strive, nearly to the frontier,off the wide land it waxed
windy—to meet Haraldr.

*Halli stirði, flokkr 3
Skald II 340

Here it says that these kings keep the appointment that [160] has been madebetween them, and they both come to the frontier, as it says here:
		

140.

			

See note 35 above.
The poet of stanzas 138–43 is anonymous, but in Skald II they are atributed toHalli stirði, mentioned in Skáldatal as one of Haraldr’s poets but otherwise unknown.
Johan Peringskiöld’s 1697 edition of Heimskringla includes an attribution of stanza
140 to ‘Halli stríði’ (II, 143), probably basing it on a misreading of his text.
225i.e., who surrounds territory with ships.
226
hrafngœlir: ‘raven-comforter’, warrior.
227
hæll, i.e. kjalarhæll, ‘heel of the keel’, the rear end of the keel, with word-playon the metaphor of the ship as horse?
228hlýða: ‘washboard’, ‘mounted on the uppermost strake . . . to provide extra
protection from the waves’ (Jesch 2001, 141).
229
eysund: ‘island-sounds’, sea.
230
hrafngrennir: ‘raven-feeder’, warrior (here, Sveinn).
223

224

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So when the kings met, people began to discuss the settlement between
the kings, and when the topic turned to this, then there were many thatcomplained of the losses they had suffered from the raiding, plundering andkilling. This went on for a long time, as it says here:		
141. On both sides eloquent farmers*Halli stirði, flokkr 4			utter very loudly			
Skald II 341
			words that much worry people			when the men encounter.
[161] 		Not quick are men who quarrel			
constantly throughout—			
stubbornness swells in the princes—			
settlement terms to approve.
		142. Rulers’ great rage grows very		*Halli stirði, flokkr 5			risky, if they must settle.		
Skald II 342
			
Men who can mediate			measure the weight of issues.
			All that pleases the people			
princes must be told of.
			
If men must part less friendly,			
malice231 is the reason.
After this the best men and those that had most sense got involved. Then theterms of peace between the kings were concluded in this way, that Haraldr
was to have Norway, and Sveinn Denmark as far as the frontier that had beenof old between Norway and Denmark. Neither was to compensate the other.
The raiding that had been started was to stop, and whoever had been lucky
in what he had gained was to keep it. This peace was to remain in force aslong as they were kings. This settlement was confirmed by oaths. After thatthe kings exchanged hostages. As it says here:		
143. This I have heard, that hostages*Halli stirði, flokkr 6			Haraldr and Sveinn allotted		
Skald II 342
			against trouble—God arranges that—			
gladly, each with the other.
[162] 		Their oaths may they honour			and all the peace terms—with witnesses			sealed was the settlement there—so that			
neither side may blemish it.
King Haraldr took his troops north into Norway, and King Sveinn went
south to Denmark.

231
vili grandar (so the best manuscript)s: ‘a will to injury’. Hkr III 161 follows
the reading of Eirspennill: vili girndar: ‘a will for greed’, avarice.

haralds saga sigurðarsonar

99

CHAPTER seventy-two
King Haraldr was in the Vík during the summer, and he sent his men toUpplǫnd for the dues and taxes that he was entitled to there. Then the farmers
carried out no payments, saying they would let everything there wait for Jarl
Hákon, in case he should come to them. Jarl Hákon was now up in Gautland
and had a large force. And when the summer was coming to an end, King
Haraldr made his way south to Konungahella. Then he took all the lightships he could get hold of and made his way up along the Elfr. He had theships dragged out [of the water] past the waterfalls and conveyed them up
into Lake Vænir. After that he rowed east across the lake to where he hadheard Jarl Hákon was. So when the jarl got intelligence of the king’s travels,then he made his way down towards the sea, not wanting the king to makeraids on them. Jarl Hákon had a large force that the Gautar had provided
him with. King Haraldr sailed his ships up into a certain large river. Afterthat he took to land marches, but left behind some of his troops to guard theships. The king himself rode and some of his men, but many more were on
foot. They had to pass through a certain wood and there lay ahead of themsome marshland with brushwood on it and then again a wooded ridge. And
when they got up on the ridge, then they saw [163] the jarl’s troops. There
was now only marsh between them. Then both sides drew up their troops.
Then the king said that his troops were to sit up on the ridge.
‘Let us see first if they want to attack. Hákon is impetuous,’ he says.
The weather was frosty and there was some drifting of snow. Haraldr andhis men sat under their shields, but the Gautar had not put much clothingon and they got cold. The jarl told them to wait until the king attacked andthey were all standing on the same level. Jarl Hákon had the standards that
King Magnús Óláfsson had had. The Gautar’s lawman was called Þorviðr.
He was sitting on a horse and the reins were tied to a peg that was stuck inthe marsh. He spoke, saying:‘God knows that we have a large troop here and pretty bold men. Let us
ensure that King Steinkell hears that we are giving proper support to thisgood jarl. I am sure that if the Norwegians attack us, we shall resist themdauntlessly. But if the young ones squeal and will not stand firm, then let us
run no further than here to this brook. And if the young ones squeal more,as I am sure will never happen, then let us run no further than to thismound.’At that moment the army of Norwegians leapt up and shouted a war cry
and beat on their shields. Then the army of Gautar began to shout, and thelawman’s horse shied so violently when it was startled by the war cry thatthe peg came up and struck him on the head, the lawman. He said:‘The worst luck of all the Norwegians upon whoever shot that!’

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The lawman then galloped away. King Haraldr had earlier said to his troops
as follows:‘Though we give off a banging and shouting, yet let us not go over the
ridge before they come up here at us.’
And they did as he advised. But as soon as the war cry was raised, then thejarl had his standard brought up, and when they got beneath the ridge, then
the king’s troops threw themselves down upon them. Then immediately [164]some of the jarl’s troops fell, and some fled. The Norwegians did not pursue
the rout far, because it was late in the day. They captured there Jarl Hákon’s
standards and such of the weapons and clothing as they could get hold of.
The king had both the standards carried before him as he came down. They
discussed among themselves whether the jarl must have fallen. But when
they rode down through the wood, then they had to ride in single file. A man
leapt across the path and thrust a halberd through the man carrying the jarl’s
standard. He takes hold of the standard pole and ran the opposite way into thewood with the standard. And when the king was told this, then he said:‘The jarl is alive! Give me my coat of mail!’
The king then rides through the night to his ships. Many said that the jarl
had taken his vengeance. Then Þjóðólfr said this:
		

144.

The men who owed aid to		the jarl battle-happy—		
the strong ruler achieved this—Steinkell’s, to death are given.
But Hkon swiftly, his hope ofhelp from there turning out badly,
retreated; he who tones down
the tale may tell it thus.

Mork I 266
Skald II 173

King Haraldr was that night, what was left of it, by his ships, but in themorning when it was light, then there was ice covering all round the ships
so thick that one could walk round the ships. Then the king told his menthat they were to cut the ice away from the ships and out into the lake. Men
then went up [165] and set about the ice-cutting. King Haraldr’s son Magnús
was captain of the ship that lay furthest down the large river and furthest out
in the lake. And when men had pretty well cut out the ice, then a man leapt
out over the ice to where it was waiting to be cut and after that went at theice-cutting as if he were mad and crazy. Then a man said:‘Now it is as often happens, that no one is as handy, wherever he joins in, asthat Hallr Koðránsbani (Slayer of Koðrán). See now how he is cutting the ice!’
Now there was a man on Magnús’s ship called Þormóðr Eindriðason,
and when he heard Koðránsbani named, then he leapt at Hallr and struck

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him a mortal blow. Koðrán had been the son of Guðmundr Eyjólfsson, andValgerðr was Guðmundr’s sister and mother of Þormóðr’s mother Jórunn.
Þormóðr was a winter old when Koðrán was killed and had never seen HallrÓtryggsson before now. Now the ice was also cut out as far as the lake, andMagnús sailed his ship out into the lake and immediately set sail and sailed
west across the lake, while the king’s ship lay furthest in in the broken ice,and he was the last to get out. Hallr had been in the king’s following and wasa great friend of his, and he was very angry. The king was late reaching theharbour. Magnús had now shot the killer in the wood and offered atonement
for him, but the king was on the point of attacking Magnús and his men until
their friends came up and made peace between them.232
CHAPTER seventy-threeThat winter King Haraldr travelled up into Raumaríki and had a large force.
He brought charges against the farmers, accusing them of having withheld
dues and taxes from him, and supported his enemies in acts of hostility
against him. He had the farmers taken prisoner, some of them mutilated,some killed, and many deprived of all their possessions. They fled, thosethat were able to. [166] He had settlements burnt very widely and caused
complete devastation. So says Þjóðólfr:
		

145.

The humbler of island-Danes		harshly bridled the Raumar.		
There, I hold, bold Haraldr’s		
host advanced strongly.		
Fire was kindled for requital;
the king prevailed, and later
the high roof-hound233 brought toheel the wretched farmers.

Sexstefja 21
Mork I 225
Fsk 272
Skald II 135

After that Haraldr went up into Heiðmǫrk and burnt there and and caused
damage there no less than in the previous place. From there he travelled out
to Haðaland and out to Hringaríki, burning there and laying everywherewaste. So says Þjóðólfr:
		
146.
			
			
			

Burned were fierce men’s assets.
Embers lodged in rafters.		
With a harsh stone the Heinir		
he hit, the war-leaders’ shaker.234

This story is also told in Ljósvetninga saga ch. 20.
hrótgarmr: ‘roof-hound’, fire.
234
hertoga hristir: ‘shaker of war-leaders’, king.
232
233

Sexstefja 22
Mork I 225 (ll. 5–8)
Fsk 272 (ll. 5–8)
Skald II 136

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For life people pleaded.
Fire imposed on the Hringar
harsh judgement, before the haltingof Halfr’s damage235 happened.

After that the farmers submitted all their affairs to the king.
[167] CHAPTER seventy-four
After King Magnús died, fifteen winters passed before the Battle of the
Niz took place, and after that two more before Haraldr and Sveinn werereconciled. So says Þjóðólfr:
		
147.
			
			
			

The ruler of Hǫrðar236 hung up		
hostility finally;			
peace began in the third year;		
iron had bitten shields off the seashore.

Sexstefja 23
Fsk 273
Mork I 261
Skald II 137

After the settlement there was the king’s dispute with the Upplendingar for
three seasons.237 So says Þjóðólfr:
		

148.

Now of actions it is not easy		
adequately to speak, whereby		the king taught Upplendingar
to own a barren plough.238
Such long-lasting fame the cleverlord’s head has won itself
in these past three seasonsthat it will endure forever.

Sexstefja 19
Skald II 133[168] CHAPTER seventy-fiveEaðvarðr Aðalráðsson was king in England after his brother Hǫrða-Knútr.
He was known as Eaðvarðr inn góði (the Good). That is what he was. KingEaðvarðr’s mother was Ríkarðr Ruðujarl’s daughter Queen Emma. Her
brother was Viljálmr Bastard’s father Jarl Roðbjartr,239 who was now duke inRúða in Normandy. King Eaðvarðr was married to Jarl Guðini Úlfnaðrsson’s
235
Holfs galli: ‘flaw, destruction of Halfr’, fire. Hálfr was a legendary kingkilled when his stepfather set fire to the hall in which he was drinking (Hálfs saga
ok Hálfsrekka, chs 12–13).
236Hƒrða fylkir: ‘ruler of Hǫrðar’, i.e. king of Norway.
237
i.e. 18 months. The seasons counted were summers and winters.
238
i.e. he had so devastated the land that crops could not be sown.
239
It is actually Emma’s brother’s son Robert I son of Richard II that is meant,since she was Richard I’s daughter. Her brother was Richard II.

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103

daughter Queen Gyða. Gyða’s brothers were Jarl Tósti—he was the eldest—,
the second Jarl Mǫrukári, the third Jarl Valþjófr, the fourth Jarl Sveinn, thefifth Haraldr—he was the youngest. He was brought up in King Eaðvarðr’scourt and was his foster-son, and the king loved him immensely and treated
him as his son, for the king had no child.
[169] CHAPTER seventy-six
It happened one summer that Haraldr Guðinason had a journey to make to
Bretland and went by ship. And when they got out to the open sea, then acontrary wind arose and they were driven far out to sea. They reached land west
in Normandy and had endured a deadly storm. They made for the city of Rúðaand there met Jarl Viljálmr. He welcomed Haraldr warmly and his company.
Haraldr stayed there a long time in the autumn with hospitable entertainment,
for storms were raging and it was not possible to go to sea. So when it got close
to winter, then they discussed this, the jarl and Haraldr, that Haraldr should
stay there for the winter. Haraldr was sitting in a seat of honour on one sideof the jarl, and the jarl’s wife on his other side. She was fairer than any other
woman that people had seen. They always all had entertaining talk together
over their drinks. The jarl generally went early to bed, but Haraldr sat long in
the evenings talking with the jarl’s wife. So it went on for a long time during
the winter. On one occasion, as they were talking, she said:‘The jarl has now spoken about it to me and asked what it is that we talkabout so constantly, and he is now angry.’Haraldr replies: ‘We must now let him know as soon as possible everythingthat we have talked about.’
The next day Haraldr called the jarl to speak with him, and they went into
the audience chamber. The jarl’s wife was also there and their advisers. Then
Haraldr began his speech:‘There is this that [170] you have to be informed of, jarl, that there is more
to my coming here than what I have yet revealed to you. I am intending to
ask for your daughter as my wife. I have spoken of this often to her mother,and she has promised me to support this suit with you.’
And as soon as Haraldr had raised this request, then everyone that heard
welcomed it, and backed it with the jarl. This business was concluded insuch a way that the girl was betrothed to Haraldr, but because she was soyoung, then some winters’ delay was laid down until the marriage date.
CHAPTER seventy-seven
So when spring came, then Haraldr got his ship ready and prepared to beoff. He and the jarl parted on very friendly terms. Then Haraldr sailed out

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to England to see King Eaðvarðr and did not come to Valland afterwards tofulfil this marriage agreement. King Eaðvarðr ruled England for three andtwenty winters, and he died of sickness in London on the nones of January.240
He was buried at Pálskirkja, and English people declare him to be a saint.
Jarl Guðini’s sons were at this time the most powerful men in England.
Tósti was appointed chief over the king of the English’s army, and he was
the defender of the country when the king started to get old. He was madesuperior to all other jarls. His brother Haraldr was always within the court thenext in line [171] for all services and it was his duty to watch over all the royaltreasuries. People say that when the king’s death drew close, then Haraldr was
nearby and few other people. Then Haraldr bent over the king and said:‘I call you all to witness that the king has just now given me the kingdom
and complete power in England.’
Next the king was lifted dead from the bed. That same day there wasa meeting of the leading men there. At this there was a discussion of theelection of a king. Now Haraldr produced his testimony that King Eatvarðr
had given him the kingdom on the day of his death. This meeting ended with
Haraldr being taken as king and he was consecrated king on the thirteenth
day241 in Pólskirkja. Then all the leading men gave allegiance to him, andall the people. But when his brother Jarl Tósti heard this, he was ill pleased.
He thought he had no less a claim to be king.
‘I want,’ he says, ‘the chief men of the land to choose as king the one thatthey think is most suitable.’
So these words were spread around among the brothers. King Haraldr says
this, that he will not give up the kingdom since he had been enthroned in
the place that the king was entitled to sit, and had after that been annointed
and consecrated king. All the support of the multitude came to be behind
him too. He also had control of all the royal treasuries.
[172] CHAPTER seventy-eight
So when Haraldr realised that his brother Tósti wanted to deprive him of the
kingdom, then he was mistrustful of him, for Tósti was a clever man and agreat man and was on good terms with the leading men of the land. ThenKing Haraldr took from Jarl Tósti the control of the army and all the powerthat he had previously held greater than that of other jarls in that country.
Jarl Tósti would by no means suffer to be the underling of a brother towhom he was equal in birth. So he went off with his following south acrossthe sea to Flanders, stayed there a short time, then went to Frísland and on
from there to Denmark to see his kinsman King Sveinn. They were siblings,
240
241

5th January 1066.
i.e. of Christmas, 6th January.

haralds saga sigurðarsonar

105King Sveinn’s father Jarl Úlfr and Jarl Tósti’s mother Gyða. The jarl asks
King Sveinn for help and support. King Sveinn invited him to stay with him,saying that he shall get a jarldom in Denmark so that he can be a leader offitting status there. The jarl says as follows:‘I wish to [173] go to England back to my patrimony. And if I get nosupport for this from you, king, then I will instead offer you to give you all
the support that I have at my command in England if you will go with anarmy of Danes to England to win land just like your uncle Knútr.’The king says: ‘I am so far an inferior man to my kinsman King Knútr
that I can hardly keep the realm of the Danes from the Norwegians. The
old Knútr gained the kingdom of the Danes by inheritance, and Englandby warfare and battle, and yet it was for a time rather uncertain whether hemight not lose his life there afterwards. He got Norway without a battle.
Now I have the sense to adjust the level of my ambitions more to my weakabilities than to the achievements of my kinsman King Knútr.’Then the jarl said: ‘I have had less success in my errand here than I expectedthat you, such a high-ranking man, would grant me, your kinsman, in myneed. It may now be that I shall look for friendship in a direction that ismuch less fitting, and yet it may be that I shall find a ruler that is less prone
to be dismayed by the idea of very great undertakings than you are, king.’
After that the king and the jarl parted not entirely of one mind.
CHAPTER seventy-nine
Jarl Tósti changed direction in his travel, and turned up in Norway andwent to see King Haraldr. He was in the Vík. And when they meet, the jarlreveals his errand to the king, telling him all about his travels since he left
England and asking the king to give him support in getting back his realm
in England. The king’s reply is this, that Norwegians would not be keen
to travel to England and lay it waste and have an English ruler over them.
‘People say,’ he says, ‘that those English are not very reliable.’
The jarl replies: ‘Is it true what I have heard people [174] say in England,that your kinsman King Magnús sent men to King Eaðvarðr, and it was in
the message that King Magnús had inherited England just like Denmark
from Hǫrða-Knútr, as stood in their oaths?’
The king says: ‘Why did he then not get it, if he had a right to it?’
The jarl says: ‘Why do you not have Denmark, as King Magnús had beforeyou?’
The king says: ‘The Danes have no reason to boast over us Norwegians.
Many a burnt patch have we left for those kinsmen of yours.’
Then said the jarl: ‘If you will not tell me, then I will tell you. King Magnús
won Denmark because the leading men of that land helped him, and you

106heimskringla

did not get it because all the people of the country stood against you. King
Magnús did not fight to conquer England because the people of the country
wanted to have Eatvarðr as king. If you want to gain England, then I can bringit about that the majority of the leaders in England will be your friends andsupporters. I lack nothing more in comparison with my brother Haraldr thanjust the name of king. Everyone knows that no such fighting man has beenborn in Northern Lands as you, and I find it surprising that you have beenfighting for fifteen winters to win Denmark, but you will not take England,
which now lies open to you.’King Haraldr considered carefully what the jarl was saying, and realisedthat much of what he said was true, and on the other hand he began to getkeen to have the kingdom. After this the king and the jarl spoke together longand often. They settled on this plan, that they should in the summer go to
England and conquer the country. King Haraldr sent word all over Norway
and called out troops for an expedition, a half levy. This now became widely
known. There were many guesses about where the expedition would be going.
Some said, reckoning up King Haraldr’s achievements, that nothing would
be impossible for him, while some said that England would be difficult to
defeat, the population there being enormous and the host that is known as[175] þingamannalið242 being there. These were men of such boldness thatthe support of one of them was better than that of two of King Haraldr’s bestmen. Then Úlfr stallari replies:		
149. There’s no call for king’s marshals
Mork I 303
			constantly to hang about—
Skald II 348
			I gain243 wealth eagerly—			in Haraldr’s prow-area,244			
if we are bound, bright linen			bank,245 to flee two before—			young, I learned otherwise—			
only one þingamaðr.
Úlfr stallari died that spring. King Haraldr stood over his grave and said, as
he was walking away:‘There lies one now that was most faithful and most loyal to his lord.’
Jarl Tósti sailed in the spring west to Flæmingjaland to meet up with thetroops that had gone with him from out in England and the others that had
joined him from both England and there in Flæmingjaland.

242
The Norse term for the king’s personal following in England (literally ‘the troopof men of the assembly’, the king’s household troops). Cf. line 8 of the next verse.
243fæk ‘I get’. Mork has the past tense, fekk, a reading adopted in Skald II.
244
stafnrúm: ‘the space in the stem [occupied] by fighting men’ (Jesch 2001, 145).
245
hƒrbrekka: ‘linen-slope’, woman.

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CHAPTER eighty
King Haraldr’s army assembled in Sólundir. And when King Haraldr was
ready to sail out from Niðaróss, then he first went to King Óláfr’s shrine
and opened it and cut his hair and nails and afterwards locked the shrine
and threw the keys out into the Nið, and [176] the blessed King Óláfr’s
shrine has never since been opened. There had now passed from his fall
thirty-five winters. He had also lived thirty five winters in this world. King
Haraldr took the troops that were following him south to meet up with his
own troops. A large force was collected there, so that it is people’s reportthat King Haraldr had nearly two hundred ships, and in addition carriers forprovisions and small craft. While they were lying in Sólundir, a man thatwas on the king’s ship who is named as Gyrðr had a dream. He dreamt hewas standing on the king’s ship and looking up at the island where a large
troll-wife was standing with a long knife in her hand, and in the other handa trough. He also dreamt he could see across all their ships and it seemed tohim that there was a bird sitting on every ship’s prow. These were all eagles
and ravens. The trollwife spoke:
		
150.
			
			
			
			
			
			
			

It’s sure, the eastern overlord
urges himself westwards
for a meeting with many splendid—
my gain is this—knucklebones.246
The corpse-grouse247 can pick out,
confident of plenty,
steak from the sovereign’s
stem-hawks.248 I go along with that.

Mork I 305
Hemings þáttr 45
Skald II 819[177] CHAPTER eighty-one
There is a man named Þórðr, who was on a ship that was lying a short way
from the king’s ship. He dreamt during the night that he thought he saw
King Haraldr’s fleet sail to land, felt sure that it was England. He saw on the
coast a great host and he dreamt that both sides were preparing for battle,
and had many standards raised, but in front of the troops of people of thecountry rode a great trollwife mounted on a wolf, and the wolf had a man’scorpse in its mouth and blood flowed over its chops, and when it had eaten
it, then she flung another into its mouth, and after that one after another, andit gulped them all down. She said:246
mót við knútu: ‘a meeting with knucklebones’, a meeting with the dead, i.e.
death.
247
valþiðurr: ‘capercaillie of slaughter’, raven or eagle.
248
stafns haukr: ‘hawk of the prow’, ship. It could also be a kenning for ‘warrior’.

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151.

The she-troll makes shine the blood-red
shield, when war approaches.
The wife of Aurnir’s offspring249
sees the king’s downfall fated.
The woman with jaws working
worries the flesh of soldiers.
the wolf’s mouth is stained withinwith blood by the mad woman,
and with blood by the mad woman.250

Mork I 304
Fsk 277
Hemings þáttr 45
Skald II 821[178] CHAPTER eighty-two
Moreover King Haraldr dreamed one night that he was in Niðaróss and met
his brother King Óláfr, and he uttered a verse before him:
			

152.

The famous king, for his advancement, Mork I 305
the fat one, won most battles;
Fsk 277
I had, since at home I lingered,Hemings þáttr 39
a holy fall to earth. 		
Skald II 822
Still I dread that death isdue, lord, to come upon you;the greedy troll’s steeds251 you’re going
to glut. God will not cause it.

Many other dreams were narrated at this time, and other kinds of ominous
visions, most of them dismal ones. King Haraldr, before he left Þrándheimr, had
his son Magnús taken as king there, and set him in charge of the kingdom in
Norway while King Haraldr was away on his travels. Þóra, Þorbergr’s daughter,
was also left behind, but Queen Ellisif went with him, and her daughters Mariaand Ingigerðr. King Haraldr’s son Óláfr also left the country with him.
CHAPTER eighty-three
So when King Haraldr was ready and there arose a favourable wind, he sailed
out to sea and came to land by Hjaltland, though some of his troops cameby Orkney. King Haraldr lay [179] there a short while, before he sailed to
Orkney, and he took with him from there a large troop and Jarl Þorfinnr’ssons, the jarls Páll and Erlendr, but left there Queen Ellisif and their daughters
Maria and Ingigerðr. From there he sailed south past Scotland and on past

Aurnir’s jóða brúðr: ‘woman of Aurnir’s (giant’s) offspring’, troll-woman.
The repetition of the last line is characteristic of the verse-form galdralag‘incantation form’, appropriate to prophetic verses.
251
The troll’s horse is a wolf (cf. Gylf 46/26). The adjective ʻgreedy’, grammaticallyagreeing with ‘troll’s’, properly belongs with fákum ʻhorses’.
249

250

haralds saga sigurðarsonar

109

England and came to land there where it is called Kliflǫnd. There he went
ashore and immediately made raids and subjected the land to himself, meeting
no resistance. After that King Haraldr made for Skarðaborg and fought therewith the citizens. He went up onto the cliff that is situated there and had agreat fire made there and set ablaze. And when the fire was burning, they tookgreat forks and flung the fire down into the town. Then one building after
another caught fire. Then the whole place went up in flames. The Norwegians
slew many people there, and took all the wealth they got hold of. There wasthen nothing else the English people could do, if they were to stay alive, but
submit to King Haraldr. He then subjected all the land to himself wherever
he went. After that King Haraldr made his way with the whole army south
along the coast and landed by Hellornes. There he was met by an assembled
force, and King Haraldr fought a battle there and was victorious.
CHAPTER eighty-four
After that King Haraldr went to the Humber and up along the river andcame to land there. At this time the jarls were up in Jórvík, Mǫrukári and his
brother Jarl Valþjófr, and had an invincible force. King Haraldr was lying
in the Ouse when the jarls’ army made their way down. Then King Haraldr
went ashore and began to draw up his troops. One wing of his formation
was stationed [180] forward on the bank of the river, and the other extended
up inland to a certain dyke. It was a deep fen, broad and full of water. The
jarls let their formation move slowly down along the river with the wholehost. The king’s standard was close to the river. There the formation wasvery deep, but it was shallowest by the dyke and those troops were the mostunreliable. Then the jarls advanced down along the dyke. Then the wing of
the Norwegian formation that reached to the dyke gave way, and the English
men pushed forward there after them, thinking that the Norwegians must be
going to flee. Mǫrukári’s standard advanced there.
CHAPTER eighty-five
So when King Haraldr saw that the formation of English men was comedown along the dyke opposite them, then he had the war trumpets blown
and urged on the army vigorously, then letting the standard Landeyða becarried forward, pressing the attack so strongly that everything gave way
before them. Then the casualties in the jarls’ troops became heavy. Then their
troops soon turned in flight, some fleeing up and down along the river, but
most of the host leapt out into the dyke. The dead lay there so thickly that
the Norwegians were able to walk across the dyke dry-shod. Jarl Mǫrukári
perished there. So says Steinn Herdísarson:

110
		
153.
			
			
			
[181] 		
			
			
			

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Many troops perished in the river.
Submerged, men drowned.
Soon lay no few soldiers
encircling young Mǫrukári.
The forward lord of men252 pursued
the flight; before the valiant
ruler the host rushed headlong.
High-spirited, knows under . . .253

Óláfsdrápa 1
Mork I 307
Fsk 279
Skald II 368

This drápa was composed by Steinn Herdísarson about King Haraldr’s sonÓláfr, and in it he mentions that Óláfr was in the battle with his father King
Haraldr. This is spoken of in Haraldsstikki too:254
		
154.
			
			
			
			
			
			
			

There lay fallen
in the fen below
the host of Valþjófr
hewn by weapons,so that war-bold
Norwegians mightcross walking
on corpses alone.

Skald II 807

Jarl Valþjófr and the troops that got away fled up to the city of Jork. There
was a very great slaughter there. The battle was on Wednesday, the next day
before Matheusmass.255[182] CHAPTER eighty-six
Jarl Tósti had come from the south from Flæmingjaland to King Haraldr assoon as he got to England, and the jarl was in all these battles. It then turned
out as he had said to Haraldr before this meeting, that multitudes of people
thronged to them in England. These were relations and friends of Jarl Tósti,and it was a great enhancement of the king’s forces. After this battle that has
just been related, troops from all round the neighbouring districts submitted toKing Haraldr, though some fled. Then King Haraldr prepared his expedition
to capture the city and stationed his army by Stamford Bridge. And [183]Msk has Fila dróttinn ‘lord of the Filir’, i.e. king of Norway (here, Óláfr Haraldsson).
The last line is part of a klofastef ‘split refrain’, of which a second line is found inst. 168. The third line is preserved in Morkinskinna and Fagrskinna. The whole can betranslated ‘High-spirited Óláfr knows himself much the best king born under the sun.’
254
This anonymous poem is mentioned only here (and in the related Hulda–
Hrokkinskinna), and this is the only surviving stanza. It is in a variant of fornyrðislag
metre that may have been known as stikkalag, Cf. Háttatal p. 73, note to 97⁄11.
255
St Matthew’s day (in the west) is 21st September.
252

253

haralds saga sigurðarsonar

111

because the king had won such a great victory against great leaders andoverwhelming forces, all the people were afraid and despaired of standing up
to him. Then the citizens decided to send a petition to King Haraldr and offer
themselves and also the city into his power. The result of this whole petition
was that on the Sunday King Haraldr went with his whole army up to thecity and set up an assembly, the king and his men, outside the city, and thecitizens attended the assembly. All the people accepted submission to King
Haraldr, and gave him hostages, sons of high-ranking men, it being the casethat Tósti knew details of all the people in that city, and in the evening theking went down to his ships with an automatic victory, and was very merry.
An assembly was arranged for early on the Monday in the city. King Haraldr
was then to set up the organisation of the place with men of the ruling classand hand out ranks and fiefs. That same evening after sunset there came tothe city from the south King Haraldr Guðinason with an invincible army. He
rode into the city with the goodwill and consent of all the citizens. All thegates of the city and all the routes in were occupied, so that no information
could reach the Norwegians. This army was in the place during the night.
CHAPTER eighty-sevenOn the Monday, when Haraldr Sigurðarson had eaten breakfast, he had thetrumpets blown for going ashore, then he makes his army ready and divides thetroops, which parts are to go and which are to be left behind. In every company
he had two men go inland for every one left behind. Jarl Tósti got ready forgoing inland with King Haraldr with his company, but there were left behind to
guard the ships the king’s son Óláfr and [184] the Orkney jarls Páll and Erlendr
and Þorbergr Árnason’s son Eysteinn orri (Black Grouse), who at that time was
the noblest and dearest to the king of all the landed men. King Haraldr had
before this promised him his daughter Maria. The weather was now extremely
good and the sun was hot. The men left behind their mailcoats, and marched
up with shields and helmets and halberds and girded with swords, and many
also had arrows and bows and were very merry. But when they advanced into
the neighbourhood of the city, they found riding towards them a large troop.
They saw the cloud of dust raised by the horses and beneath it fair shields andwhite mailcoats. Then the king halted his troops, had Jarl Tósti called to him
and asked what troops these would be. The jarl speaks, saying he thought it
more than likely that it would be hostile, saying also that it could on the other
hand turn out that this would be some of his kinsmen, looking for mercy andfriendship, so as to get in return the king’s support and trust. Then the king said
that they would first of all hold still and find out about the army. They did so,and the troop turned out to be larger the closer it got, and to look at it all seemedjust like a heap of bits of ice with the glittering of their weapons.

112

heimskringla[185] CHAPTER eighty-eight
King Haraldr Sigurðarson spoke then:‘Let us now take up some good and sensible plan, for there is no denyingthat it is hostile, and it must be the king himself.’
Then the jarl replies: ‘The first thing is to turn back as quickly as we canto our ships for our troops and weapons, then face them as best we can, or
alternatively let the ships look after us, and then riders will have no powerover us.’
Then King Haraldr replies: ‘I wish to follow a different plan, to mount threebold fellows on the swiftest horses and let them ride as fast as they can andtell our troops—then help will soon come to us—because the English men can
expect a storm of the sharpest, rather than that we should get the worst of it.’
Then the jarl speaks, bidding the king have his own way in this as ineverything else, saying that he too was not eager to flee. Then King Haraldr
had his standard, Landeyða, set up. He was called Frírekr that was carrying
the standard.
CHAPTER eighty-nine
After that King Haraldr drew up his troops, making the battle line long and
not deep. Then he curved the wings round backwards so that they met. It
then formed a wide circle and a thick one, and the same everywhere allround the outside, shield against shield and the same above their heads, but
the king’s company was within the circle and the standard was there too. It
was a picked troop. In a separate place was Jarl Tósti with his company. He
had a different standard. It was drawn up in this way, because the king knewthat mounted men were accustomed to ride forwards in small detachments
and withdraw immediately. So the king says that his company and the jarl’s
company should move forward to where the greatest need was.
‘And our bowmen shall also be there with us, and those that are standing
foremost shall set the butts of their spears [186] in the ground, and set the points
before the breasts of the riders, if they ride at us, and those that are standing
closest, they are to set their spear points before the breasts of the horses.’
CHAPTER ninety
King Haraldr Guðinason was come there with an invincible army, bothhorsemen and men on foot. King Haraldr Sigurðarson then rode round hisformation and examined how they were drawn up. He was sitting on a blackhorse with a white blaze on its head. The horse fell under him and the kingforward off it. He stood up straight away and said:‘A fall is a good omen for a journey.’haralds saga sigurðarsonar

113

Then King Haraldr of the English spoke to the Norwegians that werewith him:‘Did you recognise that big man that fell off his horse there, with the darktunic and the fair helmet?’‘That is the king himself,’ they said.
The king of the English says: ‘A big man and he has a stately air, and it ismore than likely that he has run out of luck.’
CHAPTER ninety-one
Twenty horsemen rode forward from the þingmannalið256 out in front of theNorwegians’ battle line and they were fully mailcoated and their horses too.
Then spoke one of the horsemen:‘Is Jarl Tósti among the troops?’
He answers:’That is not to be denied, you will find him here.’
Then spoke one of the horsemen: ‘Your brother Haraldr sends you agreeting and has this to say too, that you should have pardon and the whole ofNorthumberland, and rather than that you should not be willing to pay homage
to him, then he will give you a third of the whole kingdom alongside him.’
Then answers the jarl: ‘Then there is something on offer other than hostility
and dishonour like last winter. If this had been offered then, then there would
be many a man still alive that is now dead, and the kingdom in England
would then have been in a better state. [187] Now if I accept this offer, what
will he offer King Haraldr Sigurðarson for his trouble then?’
Then spoke the horseman: ‘He has said something about that, what he will
grant him of England: a space seven foot long, or so much longer as he istaller than other men.’
Then says the jarl: ‘Go now and tell King Haraldr that he should prepare forbattle. Something other shall be the truth to be told among the Norwegians
than this, that Jarl Tósti departed from King Haraldr Sigurðarson onto theside of his enemies when he was going to fight west in England. Rather thanthat, we shall all adopt the same course, die with honour or gain England by
victory.’
Then the horsemen rode back. Then King Haraldr Sigurðarson spoke tothe jarl:‘Who was this well-spoken man?’
Then says the jarl: ‘It was King Haraldr Guðinason.’
Then spoke King Haraldr Sigurðarson: ‘Too long has this been kept hiddenfrom us. They were come in such a way in front of our troops that this Haraldr
would not have been able to report the deaths of our men.’256

See note 242 above.

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Then says the jarl: ‘That is true, lord. He was behaving incautiously forsuch a ruler, and it could have been as you say. I could see that he wanted
to offer me pardon and great power, but I would have been his slayer if I
had told who he was. I would rather that he were my slayer than I his.’
Then said King Haraldr Sigurðarson to his men:
‘This was a small man and he stood proudly in his stirrups.’
People say that King Haraldr spoke this verse:		155. We go forward			Mork I 316
			
in formation				Fsk 284			
without byrnies			
Skald II 54
			under dark blades.
			helmets shine.
			I have not mine.
[188] 		Now lies our armour			at the ships below.
His mailcoat was called Emma. It was long, so that it reached halfway down
his leg, and so strong that never had a weapon pierced it.
Then King Haraldr Sigurðarson spoke: ‘This was poorly expressed, andit will be necessary to make another verse that is better.’
Then he spoke this:		
156. We creep not because of weapons’Mork I 316
crash—so the discreet falcon-		
Fsk 284
field Hildr257 ordered—in battle
Hemings þáttr 51
into the shield’s hollow.		
Skald II 55
To hold my helmet-stump258
high the necklace-prop259 long ago
commanded me, in metal-din260
where met skulls and battle-ice.261
Then Þjóðólfr also spoke:		157. I shall not desert, though the sovereign Mork I 314
			himself fall on the battlefield,		
Fsk 284			
young heirs of the ruler;		
Hemings þáttr 51
			
it will go as God wills.		
Skald II 174[189] 		The sun shines on no stronger			
stuff of kingship than those two;
valteigs Hildr: ‘Hildr (valkyrie) of the falcon’s ground (arm)’, woman.
hjalmstofn: ‘helmet-stump’, head.
259
menskorð: ‘necklace-prop’, woman.
260gný malma: ‘din of steel (weapons)’, battle.
261
hlakkar íss: ‘ice of battle’, sword.
257
258

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haralds saga sigurðarsonar

			
			

true hawks are the unhesitant
Haraldr’s avengers.

CHAPTER ninety-two
Now the battle begins, and the English men launch a charge at the Norwegians.
Their resistance was harsh. It became difficult for the English men to charge
the Norwegians because of their shooting at them, and they rode in a circle
round them. There was at first sporadic fighting as long as the Norwegians
kept their formation properly, but the English men charged them hard and
immediately withdrew, when they could not achieve anything. So when the
Norwegians saw this, and felt the charges had been made weakly, then they
attacked them and tried to pursue the rout, but when they had broken fromthe shield wall, then the English men charged them from all sides and used
spears and missiles on them. So when King Haraldr Sigurðarson saw this,he stepped forward in the battle to where the the fighting was densest. There
was then the most violent of battles, and many troops on both sides fell. ThenKing Haraldr Sigurðarson got so furious that he leapt forward right out of theformation and struck with both hands. There stood against him then neither
helmet not mailcoat. Then all those that were closest took to flight. The
English men were then right on the point of fleeing. So says Arnórr jarlaskáld:
		
158.
			
			
			
[190] 		
			
			
			

The mediocrity-shy leader		little defence before him		
had in helmet-din,262 nor trembled
the heart, battle-swift, of the ruler,
where, watching the lord of hersar,263
warriors the army saw
by the bloody sword bittenof the bold prince-subduer.264

Haraldsdrápa 1
Mork I 318
Fsk 286
Skald II 272

King Haraldr Sigurðarson was struck in the throat by an arrow. That was his
death wound. Then he fell and all the company that had advanced with him,
except those that pulled back, and they held the standard. There was thenstill the harshest of battles. Then Jarl Tósti went beneath the royal standard.
Then both sides began to form up a second time, and there was then a very
long pause in the battle. Then spoke Þjóðólfr:
		
159.
			

People have paid a heavy 		
penalty; now defeated		hjalmþrima: ‘helmet-clash’, battle.
hersa þengill: ‘lord of hersar (lords)’, king.
264dƒglinga hneitir: ‘suppressor of rulers’, king.
262
263

Mork I 318
Fsk 288

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I declare the host. Haraldr		
had men fare west needlessly.		
The bold leader’s life ended		leaving us all in an awkward
place; the praised ruler
experienced life-harm.

Hemings þáttr 53
Skald II 175
Skáldsk 104 (ll. 5–8)

[191] But before the battle was joined, then Haraldr Guðinason offered a
truce to his brother Jarl Tósti and the other men who were then still alive of
the Norwegian troops. But the Norwegians all shouted out together saying
this, that every man should fall across the corpse of the next before theywould accept a truce from English men, then shouted a war cry. Then thebattle began a second time. So says Arnórr jarlaskáld:
		
160.
			
			

Not decorous was the death of		the dread king; gold-reddened		spear-points did not spare 		the slayer of wrongdoers.		
All the glorious lord’s liegemen
elected much rather
to fall round the king, fastin fight, than accept quarter.

Haraldsdrápa 13
Mork I 319
Fsk 288
Skald II 274

CHAPTER ninety-three
Eysteinn orri arrived at that moment from the ships with the troops thatbelonged to him. They had full mailcoats on. Eysteinn then took hold ofKing Haraldr’s standard the Landeyða. [192] Now the battle began a thirdtime, and it was of the bitterest. English men were now falling in large
numbers, and they were on the point of fleeing. This battle was known as
Orrahríð (Orri’s storm). He and Eysteinn had gone in such a rush from theships that they were already so tired as to be almost out of action before
they got to the battle, but after that they were in such a fury that they did
not protect themselves as long as they could stand up. In the end they threw
off their mailcoats. It was then easy for the English men to find somewhereto land their blows, but some completely collapsed and died without being
wounded. Nearly all the high-ranking men of the Norwegians fell. This wasin the latter part of the day. It turned out, as might have been expected, thatthey still did not all act the same, many fled, and there were many too thatwere able to get away as the result of various pieces of good fortune. It had
also got dark in the evening before all the killing was over.

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117

CHAPTER ninety-four
King Haraldr Sigurðarson’s marshal Styrkárr got away, a splendid person.
He got hold of a horse and thus rode away. In the evening some wind arose,rather a cold one, but Styrkárr had no clothing other than a tunic and ahelmet on his head and some kind of sword in his hand. He got cold when
he recovered from his weariness. Then he was met by a wagoner and he wasin a fur-lined coat. Then spoke Styrkárr:‘Will you sell the coat, farmer?’‘Not to you,’ he said. ‘You must be a Norwegian, I recognise your speech.’
Then said Styrkárr: ‘If I am a Norwegian, what do you want, then?’
The farmer answers: ‘I would like to kill you, but unfortunately I have nousable weapon.’
Then said Styrkárr: ‘If you cannot kill me, farmer, then I shall try whether
I can kill you.’
He swings up his sword [193] and brings it down on his neck so that hishead flew off, after that took the fur-lined coat and leapt on his horse andwent down to the shore.
CHAPTER ninety-fiveViljálmr Bastard, jarl of Rúða, heard of the death of his kinsman King
Eatvarðr, and this too, that now Haraldr Guðinason was accepted as kingin England and had received consecration to the kingship. But Viljálmr
thought he had a better claim than Haraldr to power in England becauseof his kinship with King Eatvarðr.265 There was also the fact that he felt he
had to repay Haraldr for the disgrace in his breaking his engagement withhis daughter. And for all these reasons combined Viljálmr gathered an army
together in Normandy and had a very large host of men and a sufficient fleetof ships. The day he rode out of the city to his ships and was mounted on his
horse, then his wife went up to him wanting to speak with him. So when hesaw this, then he struck at her with his heel and kicked his spur against her
breast so that it sank in deeply. She fell down and died straight away, andthe jarl rode to his ship.
[194] He travelled with his army out to England. There with him was his
brother Bishop Ótta. So when the jarl got to England, then he made raids
and subjected the land to himself wherever he went.
Viljálmr was bigger and stronger than anyone and a good horseman,the greatest of fighters and very fierce, a most clever man and said to beunreliable.
William was great-grandson of Richard I of Normandy (the Fearless), Edward
the Confessor’s mother Emma was Richard’s daughter.
265

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CHAPTER ninety-six
King Haraldr Guðinason gave King Haraldr Sigurðarson’s son Óláfr leave todepart, and also to the troops that were there with him and had not fallen inbattle. Then Haraldr turned towards the south of England with his army, forhe had now heard that Viljálmr Bastard was travelling from the south into
England and was subjecting the land to himself. There were there now withKing Haraldr his brothers, Sveinn, Gyrðr, Valþjófr. The encounter between
King Haraldr and Jarl Viljálmr was in the south of England by Helsingjaport.
A great battle took place there. King Haraldr and his brother Jarl Gyrðr fell
there, and a large part of their troops. This was nineteen nights after the fallof King Haraldr Sigurðarson. Jarl Valþjófr got away by flight, and late in theevening [195] the jarl met a certain company of Viljálmr’s men. And when
they saw the jarl’s troops, these men fled away to a certain oak wood. There
were a hundred men. Jarl Valþjófr had the wood set on fire and completely
burnt up with everything in it. So says Þorkell Skallason in Valþjófsflokkr: 266
		
161.
			
			
			
			
			
			
			

In hot fire a hundred 		
henchmen of the ruler		
were burned by the Yggr of battle:267
a broiling night for warriors.
It is learned that men were laid under
the ogress-steed’s talon.268
Flesh of Frakkar fed the dusky
filly of the troll-woman.269

V alþjófsflokkr 1
Skald II 382[196] CHAPTER ninety-seven
Viljálmr had himself taken as king in England. He sent word to Jarl Valþjófr
that they should come to an agreement, and grants him a truce for the meeting.
The jarl went with a few men, but when he got onto the heath to the north of
Kastalabryggja, then there came against him two officers with a companyof men and took him prisoner and put him in irons, and after that he was
executed, and English people declare him to be a saint. So says Þorkell:

266
Little is known of this poet other than the two stanzas preserved here. According
to Fagrskinna he was the son of Þórðr skalli ‘Bald-Head’ and was a retainer of JarlValþjófr, and the poem was composed after the jarl’s death. Fagrskinna uniquely givesa hagiographical account of the jarl’s death and subsequent miracles; this material
is said to be recorded in detail in Þorkell’s poem, although only a half-stanza of it
is cited in Fagrskinna (Fsk 295). Cf. Hemings þáttr 56, where he is described as
dying a martyr’s death.
267
sóknar Yggr: ‘Óðinn of battle’, warrior.
268flagðviggs kló: ‘claw of the ogress’s horse (wolf)’, wolf’s claw.
269
óls blakkr: ‘horse of the troll-woman’, wolf.

haralds saga sigurðarsonar

		

162.

119

Verily brave Valþjófr			Valþjófsflokkr 2
Viljálmr in truce cheated,		
Fsk 295 (ll. 1–4)
stainer of swords, who northwards
Skald II 383
sliced the frosted ocean.
Truly, slow to cease will be—
no splendid prince more glorious
than my gallant master was will perish—
men’s slaughter in England.

[197] Viljálmr was afterwards king in England for one and twenty winters,
and his descendants for ever after.
CHAPTER ninety-eight

King Haraldr’s son Óláfr took his troops away from England and sailed out
from Hrafnseyrr and came in the autumn to Orkney, and there the news waslearnt that King Haraldr Sigurðarson’s daughter Maria had died suddenlyon the same day and at the same hour as her father King Haraldr had fallen.
Óláfr stayed there during the winter. And the following summer Óláfr
travelled east to Norway. He was then accepted as king with his brother
Magnús. Queen Ellisif travelled from the west with her stepson Óláfr andher daughter Ingigerðr. Then there came also with Óláfr across the sea fromthe west Skúli, who was later known as konungsfóstri (King’s Foster-Father),and his brother Ketill krókr (Hook). They were both great men and of highlineage in England, and both very intelligent. They were both very dear to
King Óláfr. Ketill krókr went north to Hálogaland. King Óláfr arranged him
a good marriage, and many high-ranking people are descended from him.
Skúli konungsfóstri was an intelligent person and an outstanding man, themost handsome of men in looks. He became the steward in King Óláfr’scourt and spoke at assemblies and decided all the national policies with theking. King Óláfr offered to give Skúli an area of Norway, that which mostappealed to him, with all the revenues and dues that belonged to the king.
Skúli thanked him for his offer and said he wanted to request other thingsof him, because‘If there should be a change of king, it could be that the gifts would become
void. I would like,’ he says, ‘to accept some properties that are situated close
to the market towns in which you, king, are accustomed to stay and receive
Yule feasts.’[198] The king granted him this and transferred to him estates in the eastnear Konungahella and near Oslo, near Túnsberg, near Borg, near Bjǫrgvin
and in the north near Niðaróss. They were practically the best properties
in each place, and these properties have since remained with the family

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heimskringlathat has descended from Skúli’s line. King Óláfr gave him his kinswomanGuðrún Nefsteinsdóttir in marriage. Her mother was King Sigurðr sýr andÁsta’s daughter Ingiríðr. She was King Óláfr the Saint and King Haraldr’ssister. Skúli and Guðrún’s son was Ásólfr at Rein. He was married to SkoptiǪgmundarson’s daughter Þóra. Ásólfr and his wife’s son was Guthormr at
Rein, father of Bárðr, father of King Ingi and Duke Skúli.
CHAPTER ninety-nine
One winter after King Haraldr’s fall his body was conveyed from the west
from England and north to Niðaróss and was buried in Máríukirkja, which he
had had built. It was everyone’s opinion that King Haraldr has been superior
to other people in intelligence and good decision-making, whether he wasto act quickly or give long deliberation to what he was to do or others. He
was of all people the boldest in fighting. He was also blessed with victory,
as now has been shown in writing for a while. So says Þjóðólfr:
		
163.
			
			
			

The most splendid destroyerof Selund-dwellers gained by daring.
Men’s valour brings half the victory,
as verified by Haraldr.

Sexstefja 24
Skald II 138

King Haraldr was a handsome man and noble-looking, fair-haired and witha fair beard and long moustache, one eyebrow a little [199] higher than theother,270 large hands and feet and both well shaped. His height measured
five ells.271 He was fierce to his enemies and harsh in punishments for any
opposition. So says Þjóðólfr:
		

164.

For proven pride Haraldr
punishes his followers, wise-counselling.
The king’s fighters pay fittingly
for their deeds, I think.
Sword bearers have burdens
they bring upon themselves.
All gain—thus Haraldr hands out:harshness—from justice to others.

Sexstefja 25
Skald II 138

King Haraldr was most ambitious for power and for any advantageous
possessions. He was hugely liberal towards his friends, those that he waswell pleased with. So says Þjóðólfr:Cf. Faulkes 2011, 1⁄170 and note.
The length of an ell varied greatly in different places and at different times in
the Middle Ages, but it is probable that here it is the ell of 46 cm that is assumed,which would make him 7ft 6½ in. tall. Cf. note 192 above.
270
271

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haralds saga sigurðarsonar

		
165.
			
[200] 					A mark for a work272 the wakerof war of ships273 had me granted.
He makes merit of actionscommand his favour.

Sexstefja 26
Skald II 139

King Haraldr was fifty years of age when he fell. We have no noteworthy
accounts of his youth until he was fifteen winters old, when he was at
Stiklarstaðir in the battle along with his brother King Óláfr, and after that
he lived thirty-five winters. And all that time he never had any respite fromviolence and warfare. King Haraldr never fled from a battle, but he often took
precautions in the face of overwhelming odds that he had to deal with. Everyone
said, who followed him in battle and warfare, that when he was in a situationof great danger and it had suddenly come upon him, that he would adopt thecourse that everyone realised afterwards had been the most likely to work.
CHAPTER one hundred
Brynjólfr gamli úlfaldi’s (Camel’s) son Halldórr was an intelligent man anda great leader. He said this, when he heard people’s talk, and people wereassessing the characters of the brothers King Óláfr the Saint and Haraldr
quite differently, then Halldórr spoke as follows:‘I was on very friendly terms with both the brothers, and I was [201]acquainted with both their characters. I never came across two men more alikein character. They were both most sensible and most bold as fighters, men
ambitious for wealth and power, imperious, not in sympathy with ordinary
people, natural rulers and stern in punishment. King Óláfr forced the peopleof the country to Christianity and right conduct, and harshly punished thosethat turned a deaf ear. The leaders of the land would not put up with his justand fair judgments and rose against him here and killed him on his own
territory. As a result he became a saint. But Haraldr fought for fame andpower and forced all the people to submit to him, as far as he could. He also
fell on other kings’ territory. Both the brothers were men that were virtuous
in general conduct and high-minded. They were widely travelled and menof great energy and from this became widely renowned and famous.’
CHAPTER one hundred and one
King Magnús ruled over Norway, the son of Haraldr, the first winter after
the fall of King Haraldr, and after that he ruled two winters with his brotherÓláfr. There were then these two kings. Magnús held the more northerly
part of the country, and Óláfr the more easterly. King Magnús had a son
272
273

verki: i.e. a poem.
snekkju hjaldrs vekjandi: ‘waker of the warship's battle’, warrior, king.

122

heimskringlathat was called Hákon. He was fostered by Steigar-Þórir. He was a mostpromising man. After King Haraldr Sigurðarson’s fall King Sveinn of theDanes reckoned that the peace between the Norwegians and the Danes wasended, reckoning that the peace had been agreed for no longer than theyboth lived, Haraldr and Sveinn. So a levy was called out in each of the two
kingdoms. Haraldr’s sons had a full levy from Norway in troops and ships,
and King Sveinn travelled from the south with his army of Danes. Thenmessengers passed between them and brought offers of settlement terms.
The Norwegians said that they would either keep to the same terms as had
been agreed before or else fight. Therefore was this composed:[202] 166.

·leifr defended, with wordsof war and peace-talks,
his country, so to claim it
no king, mighty, ventured.

Ágrip 2008, 60
Mork II 11
Skald II 824

So says Steinn Herdísarson in Óláfsdrápa:
		
167.
			
			
			
			
			
			
			

The war-strong one in Kaupangr
where the holy king lies buried
will withhold from Sveinn his274
inheritance; he is a powerful ruler.
To his kin King ·leifr275
conclusively will render
all Norway; the heir ofÚlfr276 need make no claim there.

Óláfsdrápa 7
Mork II 3
Fsk 297
Skald II 373

On this expedition to the arranged meeting, a settlement was made between
the kings, and peace between the two countries. King Magnús caught anillness, ringworm disease,277 and kept to his bed for some time. He died inNiðaróss and was buried there. He was a popular king with all the common
people.

i.e. Óláfr’s.
i.e. Saint Óláfr.
276Úlfs arfi: ‘heir of Úlfr’, i.e. Sveinn.
277
Ringworm is not normally fatal. It has been supposed that Magnús died ofergotism, a kind of food poisoning derived from a fungal disease of rye and othercereals.
274
275óláfs saga kyrra

123[203] Óláfs saga kyrra
CHAPTER ONE
King Óláfr was sole king over Norway after his brother Magnús’s death. Óláfr
was a big man in every part of his growth and well shaped. Everyone used to
say that no one had seen a handsomer man or one nobler in appearance. He
had yellow hair like silk and it became him extremely well, a shining body, thefinest of eyes, well-shaped limbs, generally not given to saying much and silent
in assemblies, merry with wine, a great drinker, talkative and cheerful in speech[then], peaceable as long as his rule lasted. Steinn Herdísarson mentions this:
		
168.
			
			
			
			
			
			
			

In all lands the lord of Þrœndr
looks, blade-bold, to establish
peace—that well pleases
people—with ample skill.
Folk are glad that his followers
are forced into peace-talks
by the obstinate English-scarer.
. . . Óláfr born [under] the sun.278

Óláfsdrápa 12
Mork II 6
Fsk 299
Skald II 378[204] CHAPTER two
It was an ancient custom in Norway for the king’s high seat to be in the middleof the long bench. Ale was handed across the fire.279 But King Óláfr was thefirst to have his high seat put on a dais across the room. He was also the firstto have rooms built with fireplaces and the floor strewn with straw in winteras well as summer.280 It was in the time of King Óláfr that market towns
developed extensively in Norway, and some were founded from scratch. KingÓláfr founded the market town in Bjǫrgyn. There soon came to be there a great
settlement of wealthy men and shipping bringing in merchants from othercountries. He had the great stone church Christchurch built up on foundations
there, though little of it was completed, but he got the timber church finished.
King Óláfr had the Miklagildi (Great Guild) set up in Niðaróss and many others
in market towns where previously there had been just informal drinking clubs.
Then [205] Bœjarbót, the great drinking-feast bell, was in Niðaróss. The clubmembers had Margrétarkirkja, a stone church, built there. In the time of KingÓláfr there were started public houses for drinking and wakes in the market
For the completion of the klofastef ‘split refrain’, see st. 153.
The long fire down the centre of the room between the two long benches.
280
These fireplaces were built with a brick or stone surround at the side or in acorner of the room, instead of the open fires in the centre of the room. When thelatter were lit (in winter), the floor could not be strewn because of the danger of fire.
278
279

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towns. And then people took up new fashions in dress, wearing fancy hosegathered in to the legs, some clasped gold rings round their legs, and now people
wore trailing gowns, ties to draw them in at the side, sleeves five ells long andso narrow that they had to be drawn up with arm bands and gathered right up
to the shoulders, high shoes and all embroidered with silk, and in some cases
covered in gold. There were many other new fashions introduced at that time.
CHAPTER three
King Óláfr used these customs in his court, that he had his cup-bearers stand
before the table and serve him in goblets and likewise all the men of rankthat sat at his table. He also had candle boys that [206] held candles before
his table, as many as there were men of rank sitting there. Further out fromthe high table, there was also a marshals’ seat, that the marshals would sit
on, and other important men, and they would face in towards the high seat.
King Haraldr and other kings before him were accustomed to drink fromanimal horns and carry ale from the high seat across the fire and drink a toast
to anyone he wanted to. So says the poet Stúfr:
		
169.
			
			

I have known the strife-stirrer281—
very useful he was to know—
with a good breeze of Gríðr282
greet me, victory-blessed,
when, fierce to rings,283 eagerly
the feeder of the blood-starling284
held at Haugr the gilded
horn to toast me in person.

Stúfsdrápa 1
Skald II 351[207] CHAPTER fourKing Óláfr had a hundred members of his court and sixty guests and sixty
housecarls285 whose duty it was to convey to the palace whatever was needed,or to carry out other tasks that the king wanted done. And when the landowners
asked the king about this, why he had more attendants than the law provided
for or than previous kings had had when he travelled round to banquets where
the landowners had put them on for him, the king replies as follows:
hildar hvessir: ‘stirrer of battle’, warrior.
Gríðar byrr: ‘fair wind of Gríðr (giantess)’, (kind) thought. For this kenning,see Skáldsk 108/28. Its origin is not known.
283‘fierce to rings’, because he gives them away, i.e. generous with gold.
284blóðstara bræðir: 'feeder of the blood-starling (raven or eagle)', warrior.
285
Húskarlar were members of the king’s (or other nobleman’s) personal following.
On guests, see note 377 below.
281
282

óláfs saga kyrra125‘I would not be able to rule the kingdom any better, and I would not keeppeople more in awe of me than they were of my father, even if I had twice as
many attendants as he had, but it is not just for the sake of imposing burdens
on you or because I want to increase your expenses.’
CHAPTER five
King Sveinn Úlfsson died of sickness ten winters after the fall of thetwo Haraldrs. The king there in Denmark next was his son Haraldr hein
(Whetstone), four winters, then Sveinn’s second son Knútr, seven wintersand he is a true saint, then the third son of Sveinn, Óláfr, eight winters, thenthe fourth son [208] of King Sveinn, Eiríkr góði (the Good), again eight
winters. King Óláfr of Norway married King Sveinn of the Danes’ daughter
Ingiríðr, and King Óláfr Sveinsson of the Danes married Ingigerðr, King
Haraldr’s daughter, King Óláfr of Norway’s sister. Óláfr Haraldsson, whomsome called Óláfr kyrri (the Quiet) and many Farmer Óláfr (Óláfr bóndi), he
had a son with Þóra Jóansdóttir. He was called Magnús. This boy was mostfair of face and very promising. He grew up in the king’s court.
CHAPTER six
King Óláfr had a stone minster built in Niðaróss and sited it in the place that
King Óláfr’s body had at first been buried, and the altar was placed overwhere the king’s grave had been. It was consecrated as Christchurch.286 Afterthat King Óláfr’s shrine was also conveyed there and placed over the altar
there. Then many miracles were performed there. And the next summer after,on the anniversary of the consecration of the church, then it was very wellattended. It was on the eve of St Óláfr’s day287 that a blind man received hissight there. And on the feast-day itself, when the shrine and the holy relics
were carried out—the shrine was set down in the churchyard, as it was thecustom to do—then a man who for a long time previously had been dumb,
received his speech, and he then sang praises to God and the blessed KingÓláfr with fluent voice. The third person was a woman who had made her
way there from the east in Svíþjóð and had on this journey suffered great
difficulty because of blindness, and yet she trusted in God’s mercy andarrived there on her journey at this festival. She was led sightless into theminster at Mass during the day, and before [209] the service was over she
could see with both eyes and was now sharp-sighted and bright-eyed, but
before that she had been blind for fourteen winters. She went from therewith sublime joy.
286
287

Actually it was dedicated to the Holy Trinity.
i.e. 28th July. See note 191 above.

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CHAPTER seven
The event took place in Niðaróss that King Óláfr’s shrine was being carriedthrough the streets, and the shrine got heavy so that people could not carryit on from the spot. So after that the shrine was set down and the street was
broken up and what was underneath was examined, and a child’s bodywas found there that had been murdered and hidden there. This was thenremoved, and the street repaired as it had been before, and the shrine wascarried on as usual.
CHAPTER eight
King Óláfr stayed generally in country areas on great estates that he had.
And when he was east in Ranríki at Haukbœr on an estate of his, then hecaught a sickness that led to his death. He had then been king in Norway
six and twenty years, and he was accepted as king one year after King
Haraldr’s fall. King Óláfr’s body was conveyed north to Niðaróss and buried
at Christchurch, which he had had built. He was a most popular king, andNorway had prospered and been improved greatly under his rule.

magnúss saga berfœtts

127[210] Magnúss saga berfœtts
CHAPTER ONE
King Óláfr’s son Magnús was immediately accepted as king over the wholeof Norway in the Vík after King Óláfr’s death. But when the Upplendingar
heard of King Óláfr’s death, then they took as king Magnús’s cousin Hákon
Þórisfóstri (foster-son of Steigar-Þórir). After that Hákon and Þórir travelled
north to Þrándheimr, and when they got to Niðaróss, then they summonedEyraþing, and at this assembly Hákon asked for the title of king for himself,
and this was granted him, insofar as the farmers took him as king over half
the country, which is what his father Magnús had had. Hákon abolished theland-dues payment for the Þrœndir and granted them many other changes in
the law. He also abolished Yule gifts for them. Then all the Þrœndir switchedto friendship with King Hákon. Then King Hákon set up a following for
himself, going after that to Upplǫnd. He granted the Upplendingar the samechanges in the law as he had granted the Þrœndir. They were also his absolute
friends. At this time the following was composed in Þrándheimr:		
170. Young, Hkon came hither; 		
Skald II 828
			he, kindly with glory,			born best of men on earth,			
brought with him Steigar-Þórir.
[211] 		He himself then kindly offered ·leifr’s			
heir288 rule in half of Norway,			
but well-spoken Magnús wanted			
to wield power over all.
CHAPTER two
In the autumn King Magnús travelled north to Kaupangr. And when he got
there, then he went into the royal palace and stayed there in the quarters
and remained there the first part of the winter. He kept seven longships inan opening where the ice had thawed in the Nið by the royal palace. So
when King Hákon learnt that King Magnús was come to Þrándheimr, thenhe travelled west across Dofrafjall and so to Þrándheimr and to Kaupangr
and took up his quarters in Skúlagarðr down from Clemenskirkja. This was
the old royal palace. King Magnús was displeased at the great grants that
King Hákon had given the farmers so as to gain their friendship. Magnús
felt it was just as much his own property that had been given away, and he
was very annoyed in his mind about this and felt himself wronged in thisby his kinsman, that he should have so much less revenue than his father
288Óláfs son: ‘son of Óláfr’, Magnús.

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had had or his forefathers, and he blamed what had been decided on Þórir.
King Hákon and Þórir became aware of this, and were worried about whatcourse Magnús might take. What seemed to them most suspicious was that
Magnús had longships with awnings up, launched and ready. In the spring,close to Candlemas,289 then King Magnús set out in the dead of night andsailed out the ships with awnings still up and lights underneath and made out
for Hefring, spending the night there and making great fires up on the shore
there. Then [212] King Hákon and the troops that were in the town assumed
that this was done with an eye to treason. He had trumpets blown to call out
his troops and all the Kaupangr people made their way up and were gathered
together during the night. And in the morning when it began to get light andKing Magnús saw the host of ordinary people on the Eyrar, then he sailed
out from the fiord and so south to Gulaþingslǫg. King Hákon then prepared
for a journey and was planning to go east into Vík, and first held a meetingin the town, then spoke and asked people for their friendship and promised
his friendship to all. He said he was in the dark about the intentions of his
kinsman King Magnús. King Hákon was sitting on a horse and was readyto travel. Everyone promised him friendship with goodwill and support,
if it were necessary, and all the people escorted him out under Steinbjǫrg.
King Hákon travelled up to Dofrafjall. And as he was going over themountain, he rode during the day after a ptarmigan that was flying away fromhim. Then he was taken ill and contracted a mortal sickness and died there
on the mountain, and his body was conveyed north and arrived in Kaupangr
a fortnight later than he had left it. Then all the townspeople went, and mostof them weeping, to meet the king’s body, for everyone loved him with deep
affection. King Hákon’s body was entombed in Christchurch.
King Hákon lived to be a good twenty-five years of age. He has been
the one most popular of leaders in Norway among all the people. He had
travelled north to Bjarmaland and fought a battle there and was victorious.
CHAPTER three
King Magnús sailed during the winter east into Vík, and when spring camehe sailed south to Halland and raided in many places there. Then he burned
Viskardalr there and other areas. He gained much wealth there and travelledback after that to his kingdom. So says Bjǫrn inn krepphendi (the ClenchedHanded) in Magnússdrápa: 290
The Feast of the Purification of the Virgin Mary, 2nd February.
Nothing is known about this poet. Six full and four half-stanzas of his
Magnússdrápa survive in Heimskringla, with a further half-stanza in Morkinskinna.
289

290

magnúss saga berfœtts

129

Magnússdrápa 1
The Vǫrsar’s lord291 had Halland—
the Hǫrðar’s king burned buildings,
Mork II 38
the flight was swiftly followed—
Skald II 396
far and wide with sword, ravaged.
The Þrœndr’s ruler fired—flames werefanned by death of the woodpile292—
the Viskardalr women lay wakeful—a wealth of districts later.
Here it mentions this, that King Magnús caused the greatest devastation in
Halland.
[213] 171.

CHAPTER four
There is a man named Sveinn, son of Haraldr flettir (Plunderer), a Danish
person by birth. He was a very great viking and a mighty fighter and a mostvaliant, a man of high lineage in his own country. He had been with King
Hákon.
Now after the death of Hákon, then Steigar-Þórir was not confident that
he would be able to achieve a settlement or friendly relations with King
Magnús if his power was extended across the country, because of Þórir’s
offences and opposition that he had previously been involved in against
King Magnús. After that Þórir and Sveinn adopted this plan, which wasafterwards carried out, that they raised a troop with Þórir’s resources and large
numbers of adherents. But because Þórir was now an old man and infirm,
Sveinn then took on the management of the troop and the title of leader.
Other leaders joined in with this plan. [214] The most notable of these wasÁslákr of Forland’s son Egill. Egill was a landed man. He was married toǪgmundr Þorbergsson’s daughter Ingibjǫrg, Skopti in Gizki’s sister. There
was a man called Skjálgr, powerful and wealthy, who also joined the troop.
Þorkell Hamarskáld (Poet of Hamarr) mentions this in Magnússdrápa: 293		172. From far and wide his forces		
Magnússdrápa 1
			
he formed, high-minded Þorkell,
Mork II 19			with Egill—not advantageous
Fsk 303			
those aims were for people.		
Skald II 410
Vƒrsa dróttinn, Hƒrða ræsir, Þrœnda buðlungr: ‘lord of the Vǫrsar, ruler of theHǫrðar, king of the Þrœndr’, king of Norway.
292
kastar hel: ‘Hel (goddess of death, i.e. death) of the woodpile’, fire.
293Þorkell Hamarskáld is listed in Skáldatal among poets of Óláfr kyrri and
Magnús berfœttr (Skáldatal (269, 286). Two stanzas of Magnússdrápa are preservedin Heimskringla with a further two and a half in Morkinskinna. He also composeda poem about Eysteinn orri, mentioned but not cited in Morkinskinna (Mork I 321),and one lausavísa (st. 175 below).
291

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I have heard that heavy
harm once befell Skjálgr’s friends
when too large a stone294 landed men
lobbed at the war-falcon’s waterer.295

Þórir and his party raised their troops in Upplǫnd and came down into
Raumsdalr and Sunn-Mœrr and got themselves ships there, after that sailingnorth to Þrándheimr.
CHAPTER five
There was a man called Sigurðr ullstrengr (Wool-String), son of Loðinn
Viggjarskalli (Bald-Headed Man from Vigg). He gathered troops by meansof an arrow-summons296 when he heard about Þórir and his party’s company,
and called out to Vigg all the troops he could get. So Sveinn and Þórir sailed
their troops there and fought with Sigurðr and his men and were victorious
and inflicted great loss of life, though Sigurðr fled [215] and went to see
King Magnús. But Þórir and his party went to Kaupangr and stayed there
in the fiord for a while, and many men came to them there. King Magnús
heard about all these doings and immediately called troops together and afterthat sailed north to Þrándheimr. And when he got into the fiord and Þórir
and his party heard about it—they were lying now by Hefring and wereready to sail out of the fiord—then they rowed to Vagnvíkastrǫnd and there
disembarked from their ships and came north into Þexdalir in Seljuhverfi,
and Þórir was carried on a stretcher over the mountain. After that they took
to ships and travelled north to Hálogaland. So King Magnús followed themfrom Þrándheimr when he was ready. Þórir and his party travelled all theway north to Bjarkey, and Jón fled off, and his son Víðkunnr. Þórir and his
men plundered all the movable property there and burned the farm and agood longship that Víðkunnr had. Then said Þórir as the warship burned
and the ship tilted over:‘More to starboard, Víðkuðr!’Then this was composed:
		

173.

There burns in mid Bjarkey		
the best farm I know of.		
The grief—no good from Þórir
is gained—of the stick297 is roaring.

Mork II 26
Fsk 305
Skald II 829

294
urpu steinn of afl sér: ‘threw a stone beyond their strength’, i.e. bit off morethan they could chew.
295morðhauks brynnir: ‘giver of drink to the battle-hawk (raven)’, warrior.
296
An arrow was sent round as a symbolic call to arms.
297
vandar bƒl: ‘bale, destruction of the stick’, fire.

magnúss saga berfœtts

			

131

At evening Jóan need not complain at
an absence of fire and plundering.
Bright fire the broad farmsteadburns; to the clouds smoke rises.

[216] CHAPTER six
Jón and Víðkunnr travelled day and night until they met King Magnús.
Sveinn and Þórir also sailed from the north with their troops and plunderedwidely round Hálogaland. And when they were lying in the fiord called
Harmr, then they saw King Magnús’s fleet going by, and he and Þórir felt
they had not the forces to fight and rowed away and fled. Þórir and Egill
rowed to Hesjutún, but Sveinn rowed out to sea, and some of their troops
rowed into the fiord. King Magnús sailed after Þórir’s party. And when theships rowed up to the landing place, then Þórir was in the middle part of his
ship. Then Sigurðr ullstrengr called to him:
‘Are you sound in health, Þórir?’Þórir replies: ‘Sound in my hands, infirm in my feet.’
Then Þórir’s party’s troops all fled up on land, while Þórir was captured.
Egill was also captured, because he did not want to run leaving his wife.
King Magnús had them both taken to Vambarhólmr. And when Þórir was
led ashore, he staggered on his feet. Then spoke Víðkunnr:‘More to larboard, Þórir!’
After that Þórir was led to the gallows. Then he spoke:
		
174.
			

We were four fellows
formerly, one the helmsman.

Ágrip 2008, 66; Mork II 26
Fsk 305; Skald II 391

And when he stepped up to the gallows, he spoke:‘Evil are evil counsels.’
After that he was hanged, and when the gallows-beam was tilted up,298
Þórir was so heavy that his neck was severed, and his trunk fell to the ground.
Þórir was the biggest of all men, both tall and stout. Egill was also led to
the gallows, and when the king’s slaves were about to hang him, then Egill
spoke:‘The reason for you hanging me is not that each of you would not be moredeserving of hanging.’
As it was said:299
298
The gallows was evidently constructed as an upright with a pivoted cross piecewith arms of unequal length. The noose was suspended from the end of the shortarm, and the longer arm was hauled down sharply.
299
In Morkinskinna this stanza is attributed to Þorkell Hamarskáld (see note 293
above).

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heimskringla[217] 175.
			I am told from tongue of Egill
a true word was spoken
to the king’s slaves, restrained in loyalty,
Sól of the wave’s daylight.300
he called them each far fitterfor hanging, and higher,
than himself; too great a sorrowthe spoiler of battle-gleam301 suffered.

Mork II 27
Fsk 306
Skald II 414

King Magnús was sitting by while they were hanged, and was so angry thatnone of his men was so bold as to dare to ask for quarter for them. Then the
king spoke, when Egill kicked the gallows:‘Good kinsmen are of poor service to you when you need it.’
From this it could be seen that the king wished to have been asked that
Egill’s life might be saved. So says Bjǫrn inn krepphendi:
		

176.

Swords the bold lord of Sygnir302
stained on raiding parties;
the wolf began widely
warm meat to tear on Harmr.
You have heard how the ruler—
hanged was Þórir, so it happened;
well went the war-maker’s venture—
could wean men from treason.

Magnússdrápa 2
Mork II 39 (ll. 1–4)
Skald II 397[218] CHAPTER seven
After that King Magnús made his way south to Þrándheimr and sailed intoÞrándheimr, dealing out heavy punishments there to the people that wereguilty of treason against him. Some he killed, and burned the property ofothers. So says Bjǫrn inn krepphendi:
		
177.
			
			
			

Shield-shy, the raven-feeder303
frightened the host of Þrœndr
who seemed to see in settlements
surging bane of forest.304

Magnússdrápa 3
Skald II 39

unnar dags Sól: ‘Sól (goddess) of the wave’s daylight (gold)’, woman.
hjaldrbliks eyðir: ‘destroyer of battle-gleam (sword)’, warrior.
302
Sygna harri: ‘lord of Sygnir’, i.e. king of Norway.
303
hrafngreddir: ‘raven-feeder’, warrior; ‘Shield-shy’ means he scorned to carry a shield .
304
markar bƒl: ‘bale, destroyer of the forest’, fire.
300
301

magnúss saga berfœtts

			
			
			
			

133

Of two hersar the host-Baldr305
halted the lives together,306 I think.
The ogress’s horse307 was not empty.
The eagle flew to the hanged.

Sveinn Haraldsson first of all fled out to sea and on to Denmark, and stayed
there until he had brought about a settlement for himself with Magnús’s
son King Eysteinn. He accepted a reconciliation with Sveinn and madehim his cup-bearer and allowed him to be on very good terms with him andheld him in honour. King Magnús now held the kingdom as sole ruler. He
established peace for his country and destroyed all the vikings and pirates.
He was a valiant man and warlike and diligent and in every way more likehis grandfather Haraldr than his father in character.
[219] CHAPTER eight
King Magnús set out on an expedition abroad, taking with him a large andsplendid troop and a good naval force. He sailed this troop west across thesea and first of all to Orkney. He captured the jarls Páll and Erlendr and sent
them both east to Norway, and appointed instead his son Sigurðr as ruler
over the islands and provided him with counsellors.
King Magnús sailed his troop to the Suðreyjar, and when he got there,
he began straight away to lay waste and burn the settlements, and slew thepeople and plundered everything wherever they went, and the inhabitants fled
away in all directions, and some into the fiords of Scotland, and some south
to Saltíri or out to Ireland. Some were given quarter and offered submission.
So says Bjǫrn inn krepphendi:
		
178.
			
			
			
			
			
			
			

All over Ljóðhús, limb-sorrow308
Magnússdrápa 5, 7
leapt near the sky, fiercely.
Skald II 399 (ll. 1–4)
Far and wide folk were eager
for flight; fire poured from buildings.
The liberal lord—farmers
Mork II 42 (ll. 5–8)
lost life and wealth—ravaged
Skald II 401 (ll. 5–8).
Ívist with fire; the king coloured
crimson the battle-beam.309

her-Baldr: ‘army-Baldr (a god)’, warrior.
i.e. at the same time.
307
svru jór: ‘horse of the giantess’, wolf.
308
limsorg: ‘branch-sorrow’, fire.
309
róggeisli: ‘battle-beam (of light)’, sword.
305
306

134

heimskringla[220] 179.310 The storm-gosling’s hunger-slaker311 Magnússdrápa 6, 8
			Skíði caused to be harried.
Mork II 41 (ll. 1–2),
			
In many wounds the wolf, merry,
Skald II 400, 401
made its tooth red within Tyrvist.
Grenland’s lord312 made maidens— Mork II 42 (ll. 5–8)
men of Mull ran till weary;
far inland went the Scots’ scatterer—
south in the islands313 weep.
CHAPTER nine
King Magnús brought his troop onto Eyin helga and there offered quarter andpeace to everyone and everyone’s goods. People say that he decided to open
the small Kolumkillakirkja and the king did not go inside and immediately
fastened the door shut with a lock, saying that no one was to be so bold as
to enter this church after that, and this has been held to ever since.
Then King Magnús took his force south to Islay, laying waste and burning
there. And when he had won that land, then he sets out south past Saltíri,then laid waste on both sides in Ireland and Scotland, [221] so harrying
everywhere south to Man and laid waste there as in other places. So saysBjǫrn krepphendi:

		
180.
			
			
			

Far and wide on smooth Sandey
the smart king bore shields.
All over Islay smoked when theoverlord’s men stoked the burning.
Sons of men stooped undersword-blades south of Sanntíri.
The bold builder of victory314
brought about fall of Manxmen.

Magnússdrápa 8, 9
Mork II 42 (ll. 1–4),
Skald II 401 (ll. 1–4)
Mork 41 (ll. 7–8)
Skald II 402 (ll. 5–8)

King Guðrøðr of the Suðreyjar’s son was called Lǫgmaðr. Lǫgmaðr was
appointed to the defence of the land in the Northern Isles.315 But when King
Magnús came to the Suðreyjar with his army, then Lǫgmaðr fled away fromthis army but stayed in the islands, though eventually King Magnús’s men

310
In Morkinskinna, ll. 1–2 of this stanza combine with ll. 7–8 of stanza 180 tomake a half-stanza, and ll. 5–8 is the latter half of a stanza of which ll. 1–4 of stanza
180 is the first half.
311hríðar gagls hungrþverrir: ‘hunger-diminisher (feeder) of the battle-gosling(raven)’, warrior.
312
Grenlands dróttinn: ‘lord of Grenland’, king of Norway.
313suðr í eyjum ‘south in the islands’ probably means í Suðreyjum (in the Hebrides).
314
sigrgœðir: ‘victory-increaser’, warrior.
315
i.e. of the Hebrides.

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135

captured him with his ship’s crew when he was about to flee to Ireland. The
king had him set in irons and kept under guard. So says Bjǫrn krepphendi:
		
181.
			
[222] 		
			
			
			
			
			

Every shelter owned by
Magnússdrápa 10
the heir of Guðrøðr was parlous.
Mork II 44
Lands were refused to Lǫgmaðr
Skald II 403
by the lord of Þrœndr there.316
The able king of Egðir,317
young, where tongues of battle-strips318
resounded, had the destroyerof snake’s bed319 caught off the headlands.

CHAPTER ten

After that King Magnús took his troop to Bretland. But when he got toǪngulseyjarsund, then there came against him an army from Bretland, andtwo jarls, Hugi prúði (the Courteous) and Hugi digri (the Stout) were incommand of it, and they immediaely engaged in a fight. There was a toughbattle there. King Magnús shot from a bow, but Hugi prúði was in a full coatof mail so that nothing of him was visible except his eyes. King Magnús
shot an arrow at him, and so did a Hálogaland man that was standing next
to the king. They both shot at the same time. One arrow hit the noseguardof his helmet, and it was deflected off it away in another direction, but theother missile hit the jarl in the eye and flew back through his head, and that
one was attributed to the king. Jarl Hugi fell there, and after that the Bretar
fled, having lost a large number of men. So says Bjǫrn krepphendi:
		
182.
			
[223]					The tree of Laufi320 contrived—
tips of spears flew fast, wherearms sped—in Ǫngulssund
the end of Hugi inn prúði.

		
183.
			
			
			

Sword-point sounded on mailcoat.
Þorkell Hamarskáld,
Strongly shot the ruler.		 Magnússdrápa 3
The Egðir’s lord322 bent the bow.
Mork II 46 Fsk 308
Blood spurted on helmets.
Skald II 411

Magnússdrápa 11
Mork II 46
Skald II 404

And this was also composed:321lofðungr Þrœnda: 'lord of Þrœndr', i.e. king of Norway..
Egða gramr: ‘king of the Egðir’, i.e. of Norway.
318
véttrims tunga ‘tongue of the battle-strip (along the middle of the blade)’, sword.
319
naðrbings tƒpuðr: ‘destroyer of the snake-bed (gold)’, generous man.
320
Laufa lundr: ‘tree, grove of Laufi (sword)’, warrior.
321
In Morkinskinna and Fagrskinna this verse is ascribed to Þorkell Hamarskáld.
322
allvaldr Egða: ‘overlord of the Egðir’, i.e. king of Norway.
316
317

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The string’s hail323 flew—forces
fell, and in hard battle for land
the jarl’s killing was caused by
the king of Hǫrðar324—into ring-mail.
King Magnús was victorious in that battle. Then he won Ǫngulsey, which
was as far as the furthest south the previous kings that had been in Norway
had gained power. Ǫngulsey is a third part of Bretland.
[224] After this battle King Magnús turns his troops back and made his way
first to Scotland. Then men travelled between him and King Melkólmr of the
Scots, and they made an agreement with each other. King Magnús was tohave all the islands that lie to the west of Scotland, all those that a ship witha rudder attached could travel between and the mainland.325 So when King
Magnús came from the south to Saltíri, then he had a light warship dragged
across Saltíriseið with the rudder fastened in position. The king himself sat
on the raised deck holding the tiller and thus gained possession of the land,
what lay on the port side. Saltíri is a large area and better than the best islandin the Suðreyjar except Man. There is a narrow isthmus between it and themainland of Scotland. Longships are often dragged across it.
CHAPTER elevenKing Magnús stayed in the Suðreyjar during the winter. Then his men
travelled all round the fiords of Scotland inside all the islands, both inhabited
ones and uninhabited, and made all the islands possessions of the king of
Norway. King Magnús obtained on behalf of his son Sigurðr the hand ofBjaðmynja, daughter of King Mýrjartak Þjálbason king of the Irish. He wasruling [225] over Kunnaktir. The following summer King Magnús went withhis troops east to Norway. Jarl Erlendr had died of sickness in Niðaróss andis buried there, and Páll in Bjǫrgyn.
Skopti son of Ǫgmundr Þorbergsson was an excellent landed man. He lived
at Gizki in Sunn-Mœrr. He was married to Þórðr Fólason’s daughter Guðrún.
Their children were Ǫgmundr, Finnr, Þórðr, Þóra, who was married to Ásólfr
Skúlason. Skopti’s sons were the most promising men in their youth.
CHAPTER twelve
King Steinkell of the Svíar died about the time of the fall of the two Haraldrs.
The king that was next in Svíþjóð after King Steinkell was called Hákon.
After that Steinkell’s son Ingi was king, a good and powerful king, of allstrengs hagl: ‘hail of the (bow)string’, arrows.
Hƒrða gramr: ‘king of the Hƒrðar’, i.e. of Norway.
325
i.e. that were separated from the mainland by a deep enough channel.
323
324

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137

men the biggest and strongest. He was king in Svíþjóð at the same time as
Magnús was in Norway. King Magnús claimed these had been the boundariesof the countries in ancient times, that the Gautelfr had been the frontier
between the realms of the king of the Svíar and the king of Norway, andafter that Lake Væni as far as Vermaland. King Magnús reckoned he had all
the area that was west of Lake Væni, that is Sunndalr and Norðdalr, Véar
and Varðynjar and all of Markir that belong to them. But these had now fora long time been subject to the power of the king of the Svíar and the taxes
had belonged to Vestra-Gautland, but the [226] people of Markir wanted
to carry on being subject to the king of the Svíar. King Magnús rode out of
the Vík and up into Gautland and took a large and splendid troop with him,
and when he got to the frontier area he laid waste and burnt, travelling thus
through all the areas. People submitted to him and made over the lands tohim by oath. But when he got up to Lake Væni, it was getting to the end of
autumn. Then they went out onto Kvalðinsey and built a fortification thereof turf and timber and dug a ditch round it. So when this stronghold was
built, then food and other provisions that were necessary were conveyed
into it. The king put into it three hundred men, and the commanders overthem were Finnr Skoptason and Sigurðr ullstrengr, and they had the finest
troops, and the king then went back out to the Vík.
CHAPTER thirteen
So when the king of the Svíar heard about this, then he called troops together,and the word went round that he would be riding down, but this was delayed.
Then Norwegians composed this:
		
184.
			

Overlong delays Ingi,			arse broad, his descending.		

Mork II 59, Fsk 210
Skald II 831

But when Lake Væni was frozen over, then King Ingi rode down, taking
nearly thirty hundred men. He sent word to the Norwegians that were
occupying the stronghold, telling them to be off with the goods they had andgo back to Norway. So when the messengers brought the king’s words, thenSigurðr ullstrengr replied saying that King Ingi would achieve somethingother than driving them away like a herd to the pasture, and said he would
need to come closer first. The messengers took back these words to the king.
After that King Ingi went out to the island with his whole army. Then he asecond time sent men to the Norwegians telling them to be off and take their
weapons, clothing and horses, [227] but leave behind all their plunder. They
refused this. So after this they launched an attack and shot at each other. Thenthe king had stones and timber brought up and the ditch filled. Then he hadanchors and cables with long poles got and lifted up onto the timber wall.

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Many men went up and dragged the wall apart. Then great fires were madeand flaming brands were shot at them. Then the Norwegians asked for quarter,
but the king told them to come out without weapons and without coats, andwhen they went out, then each of them was struck a blow with a rod. They
went away thus and back home to Norway, and then the people of Markir
all returned back to allegiance to King Ingi. Sigurðr and his companions
went to see King Magnús and told him of their disaster.
CHAPTER fourteen
Straight away in the spring when the ice melted, King Magnús went witha large troop east to the Elfr and made his way up along the eastern branch
and laid waste all the realm of the king of the Svíar. And when he got up to
Foxerni, then they went up ashore from the ships, and when they got acrossa certain river which flows there, then there came to meet them the army of
Gautar, and a battle took place there, and the Norwegians were overpowered
and resorted to flight, and a large number were killed near a waterfall. King
Magnús fled and the Gautar followed them and slew as many as they could.
King Magnús was easily recognised, the biggest of men, he had a red jacket
over his mailcoat, his hair like pale silk and it fell down onto his shoulders.
Ǫgmundr Skoptason was riding on one side of the king. He was also a verylarge and handsome man. He said:‘Give me your jacket, king!’
The king replied: ‘What do you want the jacket for?’‘I want to have it,’ he said. ‘You have given me greater gifts.’
The lie of the land there was such that [228] there was open level ground
all around, and one could see now everywhere Gautar and Norwegians, thenthere were more stony slopes and brushwood and then there was dead ground.
Then the king gave Ǫgmundr his jacket and he put it on. After that they rodeon over the open ground. Then Ǫgmundr turned abruptly aside with his men,
and when the Gautr saw that, then they thought it was the king and all rodethat way after him. Then the king rode on his way to his ship, and Ǫgmundr
drew away with difficulty and yet reached the ship unharmed. After that King
Magnús made his way down along the river and so north into the Vík.
CHAPTER fifteen
The following summer a conference of kings was arranged by Konungahella
on the Elfr, and King Magnús of Norway and King Ingi of the Svíar, King
Eiríkr Sveinsson of the Danes attended it, and this conference was secured
by a truce. So when the meeting was in session, then the kings went out
in front of everyone else on the open ground and they spoke together formagnúss saga berfœtts

139

a short while, then went back to their followers, and thus the peace terms
were concluded. Each of them was to have the area of rule that their fathers
had had previously, and each of the kings was to compensate the people oftheir country for the plundering and loss of life, and each of them afterwards
was to make it commensurate with what the other had given. King Magnús
was to marry King Ingi’s daughter Margrét. She was afterwards known asfriðkolla ‘Peace-Girl’. People said that [229] more princely-looking men thanthey all were had never been seen. King Ingi was biggest of all and mostmightily framed, and he seemed most like a nobleman, but King Magnús
seemed most imposing and most lively, while King Eiríkr was handsomestof all. But they were all fine, big men and noble-looking and eloquent. And
thus they parted.
CHAPTER sixteen
King Magnús married Queen Margrét. She was sent from the east fromSvíþjóð to Norway, and she was provided with a splendid escort. But King
Magnús had previously had some children that are named: a son of his wascalled Eysteinn, and his mother was of low rank. A second was called Sigurðr,and he was a winter younger. His mother was called Þóra. The third wascalled Óláfr, and he was by far the youngest. His mother was Sigríðr, daughterof Saxi in Vík, a noble person in Þrándheimr. She was the king’s mistress.
People say that when King Magnús returned from raiding in the west, that
he to a large extent adopted the customs and clothing fashions that were usualin the British Isles, as did many of his men. They went round the streets withbare legs and had short coats and then cloaks. So people called him Magnúsberfœttr or berbeinn (Barelegged). Some called him Magnús hávi (the Tall),[230] and some Styrjaldar-Magnús (Warfare-). He was the tallest of men.
There was a mark made for his height in Máríukirkja in Kaupangr, a churchthat King Haraldr had had built. There on the north doorway three crosses
were chiselled in the stone wall, one Haraldr’s height, one Óláfr’s height,
the third Magnús’s height; and these indicated where each of them found it
easiest to kiss, the highest Haraldr’s cross, the lowest Magnús’s cross andÓláfr’s mark equidistant from the two.
CHAPTER seventeen
Skopti Ǫgmundarson had a quarrel with King Magnús, and they were
disputing about a certain inheritance; Skopti was holding it, but the kingwas claiming it with such great vehemence that it almost amounted to athreat. Then many meetings were held, and Skopti advised that he and hissons should never all at once be at the king’s mercy, saying that until then140

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all would be fine. When Skopti was in the king’s presence, he put forward
the argument that there was close relationship between him and the king,and this too, that Skopti had always been a close friend of the king and theirfriendship had never failed, saying this, that people could be certain of this,that he was gifted with such intelligence ‘that I,’ he says, ‘would not persist
in a dispute with you, king, if I was in the wrong. And in this I take after
my forebears, that I shall maintain my rights in the face of any person, andI will not make any distinction between one person and another in this.’
The king was the same, and his mood was not softened by such speeches.
Skopti returned home.
CHAPTER eighteen
After that Finnr went to see the king and spoke with him and asked the kingfor this, that he should let him and his father get justice in this matter. The
king replied angrily and [231] abruptly. Then Finnr spoke:‘I expected something else from you, king, than that you would deprive
me of my legal rights after I went to stay on Kvalðinsey which few ofyour other friends were willing to do, saying, as was true, that those thatoccupied it were being handed over and doomed to death, if King Ingi had
not shown us more generosity than you had treated us with, and even so it
will have seemed to many that we left there with dishonour, if that means
anything.’
The king’s mood did not change with these words, and Finnr went home.
CHAPTER nineteen
Then Ǫgmundr Skoptason went to see the king, and when he came into theking’s presence, he stated his purpose and asked the king to treat the family
justly. The king maintained that what he had spoken was just, and they wereremarkably impudent. Then spoke Ǫgmundr:‘You will be able to act in this way, treating us wrongfully, because ofyour power. In this it will be shown to be true, as they say, that most whoselife have been saved give little or no reward. I will add this to what I have
said, that never again shall I enter your service, nor any of our family, if I
have my way.’
After that Ǫgmundr went home, and he and King Magnús never saw eachother afterwards.
CHAPTER twenty
In the following spring Skopti Ǫgmundarson sets out away out of thecountry. He had five longships and all of them well fitted out. His sonsmagnúss saga berfœtts

141Ǫgmundr and Finnr and Þórðr joined him on this journey. They were rather
late getting ready, sailed in the autumn to Flæmingjaland and stayed there
for the winter. Early in the spring they sailed west to Valland [232] and in
the summer they sailed out through Nǫrvasund and in the autumn to theCity of Rome. There Skopti died. The whole family died on this journey.
Þórðr lived longest of them. He died in Sicily. People say that Skopti wasthe first of the Norwegians to sail through Nǫrvasund and that journey
became most famous.
CHAPTER twenty-one
An event took place in Kaupangr, where King Óláfr lies, that a house in the
town caught fire and the fire spread. Then King Óláfr’s shrine was carriedout of the church and placed facing the fire. After that a reckless and foolishman leapt up and banged on the shrine and spoke threateningly at the blessed
man, saying this, that everything was now going to burn up unless he saved
them by his prayers, both the church and other buildings. Now almighty God
caused the burning of the church to be prevented, but to the foolish man hesent a pain in the eyes immediately the following night, and he lay there
right on until the blessed King Óláfr prayed to almighty God for mercy forhim, and he was cured in the selfsame church.
CHAPTER twenty-two
Another event took place in Kaupangr, that a woman was conveyed to thefoundation there in which King Óláfr lies. She was so misshapen that she
was all curled up so that both feet lay bent up by her thighs, and since she
was all the time in prayer and had prayed to him with tears, then he cured
her from that great affliction, so that feet and legs and other limbs werestraightened from their curving, and [233] afterwards every joint and limb
served its correct purpose. Previously she was not able to crawl there, but
afterwards she walked sound and joyful to her home.
CHAPTER twenty-three
King Magnús set out on a journey abroad and took a great army. He had
now been king over Norway for nine winters. Now he went west across thesea and had the finest troops that were available in Norway. All the men of
the ruling class that were in the country went with him, Sigurðr Hranason,Víðkunnr Jóansson, Dagr Eilífsson, Serkr from Sogn, the king’s marshal
Eyvindr ǫlbogi (Elbow), Sigurðr’s brother Úlfr Hranason and many othersof the ruling class. The king went with all this troop west to Orkney, andtook with him from there Jarl Erlendr’s sons Magnús and Erlingr. Then

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he sailed to the Suðreyjar, and while he was lying off Scotland, thenMagnús Erlendsson leapt from the king’s ship during the night and swam
ashore, went after that up into the forest and turned up at the court of theking of the Scots. King Magnús took his troop to Ireland and made raids
there. Then King Mýrjartak came to join him, and they defeated much of
the country, Dublin and the county of Dublin, and King Magnús stayed
during the winter up in Kunnaktir with King Mýrjartak, but set his men
to guard the land where he had conquered it. And when spring came, thekings went with their army west into Ulster and fought many battles there
and defeated the land and had defeated the greater part of Ulster. ThenMýrjartak went back to Kunnaktir.
[234] CHAPTER twenty-four
King Magnús then prepared his ships and was planning to sail east to
Norway. He set his men in Dublin to guard it. He was lying off Ulster withall his troops and they were ready to sail. They felt they needed animals
at the coast for slaughter, and King Magnús sent some of his men to KingMýrjartak [asking him] to send him animals for slaughter, and named a day
for them to come, the next before Bartholomeusmass326 if the messengers
were unharmed. But on the eve of the feast day they were not come. So on
the feast day, when the sun rose, King Magnús went ashore with the greaterpart of his troop and went inland from the ships, wanting to search for his
men and cattle. The weather was still and sunny. The way led over bogs
and fens and there were logs cut across there, [235] but scrub on both sides.
When they pressed on, they were faced by a very high rise in the ground.
From it they could see a long way all round. They saw a great cloud of dust
from horses up inland, then discussed among themselves whether it would
be an army of Irish, but some said that it must be their men with the cattle
for slaughter. They called a halt there. Then said Eyvindr ǫlbogi:‘King,’ he says, ‘what is your opinion about that group travelling there?
People think you are going on incautiously. You know that the Irish aretreacherous. Work out some plan now for your troop.’
Then the king spoke: ‘Let us now draw up our troops and be prepared incase this is a trap.’
Then they were drawn up. The king and Eyvindr stepped out in front of
the battle line. King Magnús had a helmet on his head and a red shield with alion depicted on it in gold, was girded with a sword that was called Leggbítr(Leg-Biter), with the fittings on the hilt of walrus ivory and the haft wrappedin gold, a very fine weapon. He had a halberd in his hand. He was wearing
326

St Bartholomew’s day is 24th August.

magnúss saga berfœtts

143

a red silk jacket over his tunic with lions cut out in yellow silk on the front
and back. And people said that there had not been seen a more imposing or
gallant-looking person. Eyvindr also had a red silk jacket of the same styleas the king’s. He was also a big man and handsome and most warrior-like.
CHAPTER twenty-five
But when the cloud of dust came closer, then they recognised their men, andthey were travelling with a large herd of cattle for slaughter that the king of
the Irish had sent them, and he had kept all his promises to King Magnús.
After that they turned back out to the ships, and it was then about the periodof midday. But when they got out onto the bogs the going was slow for themover the fens. Then an army of Irish rushed forward from every forest edge
and immediately engaged in battle, but the Norwegians were in scatteredorder and many soon fell. Then spoke Eyvindr:‘King,’ he says, ‘Our troops are faring unfortunately. [236] Let us now
quickly adopt a good plan.’
The king spoke: ‘Blow a war trumpet to call all the troops under the
standards, but the troop that is here, let it set up a shield wall, and after that
let us go away in retreat out across the bogs. After that it will not matter,when we get to the level ground.’The Irish were shooting boldly, and yet they were falling in very large
numbers, but always another man took over every man’s place. And when
the king got to the lowest ditch—it was there very hard going and in few
places possible to get across—the Norwegians were falling in large numbers.
Then the king called to his landed man Þorgrímr skinnhúfa (Fur Cap)—he
was an Upplander—and told him to go across the ditch with his company.
‘And we shall hold the defence meanwhile,’ he says, ‘so that you will not
be hurt. Go afterwards to that knoll that is over here, and shoot at them while
we get over the ditch. You are good bowmen.’
But when Þorgrímr and his men got over the ditch they threw their shields
over their backs and ran down to the ships. So when the king saw that, hespoke:‘You are deserting your king in an unmanly way. It was unwise of me tomake you a landed man, and to make Sigurðr hundr an outlaw. He would
never have behaved so.’King Magnús got a wound, a halberd was stabbed through both thighs
above the knee. He grasped the shaft between his legs and broke off theshank and spoke:‘Thus we break every foreleg, boys.’327

327
It is said to have been considered a feat of strength to break a sheep’s (or otheranimal’s) foreleg between one’s hands.

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King Magnús was struck in the neck by a battleaxe,328 and that was his
death-wound. Then those that remained fled. Víðkunnr Jóansson took thesword Leggbítr and the king’s standard to the ships. Those that ran last werehe, secondly Sigurðr Hranason, thirdly Dagr Eilífsson. Eyvindr ǫlbogi, ÚlfrHranason and many other men of rank fell there with King Magnús. Manyof the Norwegians fell, but yet very many more of the Irish. And those
Norwegians that [237] got away went off immediately in the autumn. Jarl
Erlendr’s son Erlingr fell in Ireland with King Magnús. And when the troops
that had fled from Ireland got to Orkney and Sigurðr heard of his father King
Magnús’s fall, then he immediately joined them on their journey, and they
travelled in the autumn east to Norway.
CHAPTER twenty-six
King Magnús was over Norway ten winters, and in his time there wassatisfactory peace within the country, but people had a hard and costly timewith the expeditions. King Magnús was most popular with his men, but tothe farmers he seemed harsh. People report words of his, when his friends
would say that he often went on incautiously when he was raiding abroad,he would say this:‘A king should be had for fame and not for long life.’
King Magnús was nearly thirty years of age when he fell. In the battleVíðkunnr slew the man that had caused the death of King Magnús. ThenVíðkunnr fled, and had received three wounds. And for these reasons King
Magnús’s sons admitted him to the closest friendship.

328

Sparða was a type of Irish axe.

magnússona saga

145[238] Magnússona saga
CHAPTER ONE
After the fall of King Magnús berfœttr his sons took over the kingdom in
Norway: Eysteinn, Sigurðr, Óláfr. Eysteinn had the more northerly part of thecountry, and Sigurðr the more southerly. King Óláfr was now four winters
old or five. So the third of the country that was his, they both had in their
keeping. Sigurðr was accepted as king when he was thirteen winters old or
fourteen, but Eysteinn was a winter older. King Sigurðr left the King of the
Irish’s daughter behind across the sea to the west.
When Magnús’s sons were accepted as kings, there came back from
Jórsalaheimr and in some cases from Mikligarðr the men that had travelled
out with Skopti Ǫgmundarson, and they were most famous and were able
to tell about all kinds of events, and because of this news a large number ofpeople in Norway became keen to undertake that journey. It was said that in
Mikligarðr, Norwegians who were willing to become mercenaries received
great wealth. They asked the kings that one or other of them, Eysteinn or
Sigurðr, should go and be the leader of this party that was undertaking thejourney. So the kings agreed to this and made preparations for the journeyat the expense of both of them. Many of the ruling class, both landed men
and powerful landowners, resolved upon this journey. So when preparations
had been made for the journey, then it was decided that Sigurðr should go,
and Eysteinn should have the rule over the land on behalf of both of them.
[239] CHAPTER two
One winter or two after the fall of Magnús berfœttr there came from thewest from Orkney Jarl Páll’s son Hákon, and the kings gave him a jarldom
and government in Orkney, the same as jarls had had before him, his father
Páll and his uncle Erlendr. Hákon travelled west to Orkney.
CHAPTER three
Four winters after King Magnús’s fall, King Sigurðr left Norway with hisparty. He now had sixty ships. So says Þórarinn stuttfeldr (Short Cloak):329
		
185.
			

So large and finea force assembled

Stuttfeldardrápa 2
Mork II 73

329Þórarinn stuttfeldr is unknown other than from Morkinskinna, which identifies
him as an Icelander and recounts a brief episode accounting for his nickname; it also
refers to a poem called Stuttfeldardrápa, to which the stanza cited here (along withfive others and a further couplet) is considered to belong, although Morkinskinna
itself attributes this stanza to Þorvaldr blƒnduskáld (Morkinskinna II 134–37).

146

heimskringlaof the most wise leader
beloved of the king,that sixty ships
slid hence over sea,
fine-planked, governedby pure God’s decrees.

Skald II 474

In the autumn King Sigurðr sailed to England. Now Viljálmr Bastard’s son
Heinrekr was king there. King Sigurðr stayed there for the winter. So says
Einarr Skúlason:330[240] 186.
			

The leader went, unwearied,
west with the largest of forces.
To English soil under the ruler
the ocean’s steed waded.
The prince let, pleased with battle,
the prows rest, and stayed there
winter-long. No better leader
alights from a Valr of Vimur.331

Sigurðardrápa 1
Skald II 538

CHAPTER FOUR
The following spring King Sigurðr went west to Valland with his party andturned up in the autumn out in Galizuland and stayed there the second winter.
So says Einarr Skúlason:
		

187.

And he who highest power
Sigurðardrápa 2
Skald II 539
had got under the sun’s mansion,332
the nation’s king, his soul nourishedthe next winter in Jacob’s land.333
There, I heard, the prince of the people
paid the fine jarl for cheating
speech; the black swan of battle334
the bold-spirited king gladdened.

Einarr Skúlason was an Icelander, mentioned in a catalogue of priests living inwestern Iceland in 1143. He recited his poem Geisli ‘Beam of Light’ in honour ofSt Óláfr in Trondheim in 1153. He composed encomia for Sigurðr Jórsalafari andhis brother Eysteinn, Haraldr gilli, Magnús blindi, Haraldr gilli’s sons Ingi, Sigurðr
and Eysteinn, and about Norwegian and Swedish nobles.
331
Vimrar Valr: ‘Valr (name of a horse) of Vimur (name of a mythical river)’, ship.
332
sóls rann: ‘the sun’s house’, the sky, heaven.
333
The land of St James (the Great, apostle) of Compostella, i.e. Galicia.
334
hjaldrs svartr svanr: ‘black swan of battle’, raven.
330

147

magnússona saga[241] Now these were the circumstances with this event, that the jarl thatwas ruling over that country there made an agreement with King Sigurðr,and the jarl was to have a market set up for Sigurðr for the purchase offood the whole winter. But it lasted no longer than until Yule, and then it
became difficult to get hold of food, for the country is barren and a poor
country for food. Then King Sigurðr took a large troop to the castle thatthe jarl owned and the jarl fled away, as he had few troops. From there
King Sigurðr took much food and a great deal of other plunder and had it
conveyed to his ships, after that setting off and travelling west past Spain.
As King Sigurðr was sailing past Spain, it happened that some pirates thatwere going about after booty came towards him with a host of galleys, soKing Sigurðr joined battle with them and so they began their first battlewith heathens, winning from them eight galleys. So says Halldórr skvaldri(the Clamorous):335
		

188.

And pirates went, worthless—		
war-gods of the roof of Fjǫlnir336
the prince piled up—to encounterthe powerful ruler.
Eight galleys the army
emptied. True to the people,
the warriors’ friend, where fell no
few troops, gained booty.

Útfarardrápa 1
Mork II 77 (ll. 5–8)
Skald II 484[242] After that King Sigurðr made for the castle that is called Sintré, andfought a second battle there. This is in Spain. It was occupied by heathen
people making raids on Christians. He won the castle and killed all thepeople there, as they were unwilling to have themselves be made Christian,and took much wealth there. So says Halldórr skvaldri:
		
189.
			
			
			

Mighty deeds of the monarch		
I must tell, that happened		in Spain; Ván’s daylight’s slinger337
assaulted Sintré proudly.

Útfarardrápa 2
Mork II 78
Skald II 485

335
Halldórr skvaldri is otherwise unknown. He is said in Skáldatal to have composed
for Jarl Sóni Ívarsson of Gautland, and for Magnús berfœttr, Sigurðr Jórsalafari,
Haraldr gilli and Ingvi Haraldsson, all kings of Norway, King Eiríkr eymuni of
Denmark, and Jarl Karl Sónason, Jarl Jón Sørkvisson and King Sørkvir Kolsson of
Sweden; but of all his poetry only seven full and eleven half-stanzas survive.
336
Fjƒlnis hróts vígæsir: ‘war-gods of Fjƒlnir’s (Óðinn’s) roof (shields)’, warriors.
Óðinn’s hall was said to be roofed with shields.
337
Vánar dags sløngvir: ‘slinger (dispenser) of the daylight of Ván (a mythicalriver) (gold)’, generous man.

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Opposing the stern prince
proved, for warriors, rather
fearsome, but they flatly
refused God’s law, offered to them.

CHAPTER five
After that King Sigurðr took his party to Lisbon. This is a great city in Spain,
and half Christian and half heathen. There is the dividing line between
Christian Spain and heathen Spain. All the areas that lie to the west of there
are heathen. There King Sigurðr fought his third battle with heathens andwas victorious, winning much wealth there. So says Halldórr skvaldri:[243] 190.
			
			
			

South near the city, daring
descendant of a ruler,
they call Lisbon, when you landed,
you won the third victory.

Útfarardrápa 3
Mork II 79
Skald II 486

Then King Sigurðr took his party west past heathen Spain and sailed to the citythat is called Alkasse, and there fought his fourth battle with heathens and won
the city, killing many people there so that he caused the city to be deserted.
There they won an enormous amount of wealth. So says Halldórr skvaldri:		
191. I heard you were eagerÚtfarardrápa 4			
out at so-called Alkasse
Mork II 80
			for the fourth time fiercely
Skald II 487
			
to fight, war-advancer.338
And also this:
		
192.
			
			
			

I heard it was enacted
in one sacked town, to a heathen—folk found it best to hasten
into flight—woman’s sorrow.

Útfarardrápa 5
Mork II 80
Skald II 487[244] CHAPTER six
Then King Sigurðr continued his journey and made for Nǫrvasund, but
in the straits he was faced by a large army of pirates, and the king joined
battle with them and fought there his fifth battle and was victorious. So says
Halldórr skvaldri:
		
338

193.

Edge of swords you ventured
east of Nǫrvasund to redden.

folkþeysandi: ‘one who makes battle rush on’, warrior.

Útfarardrápa 6
Mork II 81

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magnússona saga

To fresh wounds—God favoured you— Skald II 488
flew the gull of carrion.339
After that King Sigurðr sailed his army on along the southerly coast by
Serkland and came to the island that is called Formentera. At that time there
had established themselves there a great army of heathen blacks in a certain
cave, and they had set up a stone wall in front of the cave entrance. They maderaids widely over the country and conveyed all the booty to the cave. King
Sigurðr made a foray up onto the island and went to the cave, and it was ina certain cliff, and it was a long way to go up into the cave to the stone wall,and the cliff jutted out forwards above the stone wall. The heathens defended
the stone wall and were not afraid of the Norwegians’ weapons, but they wereable to get stones and missiles down below their feet onto the Norwegians
from above. The Norwegians also did not attempt the ascent as things were.
Then the pirates took fine silk clothes and other costly items and carried themout onto the wall and shook them at the Norwegians and shouted at them andegged them on and taunted them for lack of courage. Then King Sigurðr madehimself a plan. He had two ships’ boats taken, those that are called barkar, andhauled up onto the cliff above [245] the entrance to the cave and poles withthick cables all the way beneath the ribs and round the stems. After that as
many men as there was space for got in, then they let the boats down in frontof the cave by ropes. Those that were in the boats shot and threw stones so thatthe heathens retreated from the stone wall. Then King Sigurðr went up into
the cliff with his army under the stone wall and broke down the wall and so
got up into the cave, so the heathens fled in past the stone wall that was built
across the cave. Then the king had large timbers brought into the cave anda great bonfire heaped up in the entrance to the cave and set alight. And theheathens, when the fire and smoke overcame them, then some lost their lives,
some went onto the Norwegians’ weapons, but all the people were killed orburnt. There the Norwegians got the greatest amount of booty that they hadtaken on this expedition. So says Halldórr skvaldri:
		

194.

			
			
339
340

Formentera
before the war-keenpeace-disturber’s340
prow appeared.
There blades and firethe black men’s troop
must endure, till
death they received.

náskári: ‘corpse-gull’, raven or eagle.
friðraskaðr: ‘disturber of peace’, warrior.

Útfararkviða 1
Skald II 483

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And also this:
		

195.

[246] 		From above, battle-strengthener,341
boats you had lowered—the prince’s
feats on Serkir become famous—
before the ogress’s short cut.342
And up the cliff to the crowded
cavern you pressed forwardwith your company, keen on battle,
clash-Þróttr of Gǫndul’s meeting.343

Útfarardrápa 7
Mork II 83
Fsk 317
Skald II 488

Again Þórarinn stuttfeldr says:
		
196.
			

The king, battle-skilled,bade men drag onto
the cliff breeze-wolves,344
dark black, two,
when strong beasts of ship-rails345
sank down on cables,
bringing the company, before
the cave’s opening.

Stuttfeldardrápa 4
Mork II 84
Skald II 476

CHAPTER seven
Then King Sigurðr went forward on his way and came to the island thatis called Íviza, and there fought a battle and was victorious. This was his
seventh. So says Halldórr skvaldri:
		
197.
			
[247] 					The death-wheel marker346 moved,
much glorified, his ship-fleet—keen for fame was peace-fracturing’s
forwarder—to Íviza.347

Útfarardrápa 9
Mork II 85
Skald II 490

After that King Sigurðr came to the island that is called Manork, and there
fought his eighth battle with heathens and was victorious. So says Halldórr
skvaldri:bƒðstyrkir: ‘battle-strengthener’, warrior.
gýgjar gagnstígr: ‘giantess’s short cut’, cliff.
343Gƒnduls þings gný-Þróttr: ‘Óðinn of the clash of Gƒndul’s (valkyrie’s) assembly(battle)’, warrior.
344
byrvargr: ‘wolf of favourable wind’, ship.
345þrama ramdýr: ‘strong animal of ship’s rails’, ship.
346morðhjóls merkir: ‘the marker (with blood) of the death-wheel (shield)’, warrior.
347ræsir friðslits: ‘advancer of peace-breaking’, warrior.
341
342

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198.

And once more the eighth
arrow-storm348 was wakened
on green Manork; the monarch’s
men reddened the Lapp’s payment.349

Útfarardrápa 10
Mork II 85
Skald II 491

CHAPTER eight
In the spring King Sigurðr came to Sicily and stayed there a long time. DukeRoðgeirr was there at this time. He welcomed the king and invited him toa banquet. King Sigurðr came to it and a large troop with him. There wassplendid entertainment there, and every day at the banquet Duke Roðgeirr
stood and served at King Sigurðr’s table. And the seventh day of the banquet,
when people had taken a wash, then King Sigurðr took the duke by the handand led him up into a high seat and gave him the title of king and the rightof being king over the realm of Sicily, for previously jarls had been there
over that realm.
[248] CHAPTER nine
King Roðgeirr of Sicily was a most powerful king. He defeated the whole of
Púll and made it subject to himself, and many great islands in Griklandshaf.
He was known as Roðeirr ríki (the Great). His son was King Viljálmr in Sicily,
who for a long time conducted a great war with the emperor of Mikligarðr.
King Viljálmr had three daughters, but no son. He gave one of his daughtersin marriage to Emperor Frírekr’s son Emperor Heinrekr, and their son was
Frírekr who was now emperor in the City of Rome. King Viljálmr’s second
daughter was married to the Duke of Kapr, the third was married to Margrít
yfirkussari (Corsair Chief). Emperor Heinrekr slew both these men. King
Rodgeirr of Sicily’s daughter was married to Emperor Mánúli in Mikligarðr.
Their son was Emperor Kirjalax.
[249] CHAPTER ten
In the summer King Sigurðr sailed out across Griklandshaf to Jórsalaland,
after that went up to Jórsalaborg and there met King Baldvini of Jórsalir.
King Baldvini welcomed King Sigurðr exceedingly warmly and rode withhim out to the River Jórðán and back to Jórsalaborg. So says Einarr Skúlason:
		

348
349

199.

The lord set the hull sailing,sea-cold—the poet’s praise of
the mighty king’s munificenceis many-sided—in Gríksalt,

Sigurðardrápa 3
Skald II 540

oddhríð: ‘point-storm’, storm of arrows.
Finns gjƒld: arrows; see st. 134 above; reddened, i.e. with blood.

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until by extra broad Akrsborg
the injurer of wealth350 his vesselmoored; all men awaited
a morn of joy with the leader.
		
200.
			

[250] 					I tell how the king travelled		Sigurðardrápa 4
to the town of Jórsalir, strife-glad;		Skald II 540
men know no lord nobler
beneath the wind’s wide dwelling.351
And the foe of hawks’ land flame—352
famous was that action—
was able to wash in the purewater of Jórðán, valiant.

King Sigurðr stayed a very long time in Jórsalaland in the autumn and thefirst part of winter.
CHAPTER elevenKing Baldvini gave a fine banquet to King Sigurðr and a great troop of his
men with him. Then King Baldvini gave King Sigurðr many holy relics, andnow a piece of the Holy Cross was taken with the consent of King Baldvini
and the Patriarch, and they both swore on a holy relic that this piece of wood
was from the Holy Cross that God himself was tormented on. After that thisholy relic was given to King Sigurðr, on condition that he and twelve othermen with him first swore that he would promote Christianity with all his
might and establish in his country an archbishop’s see, if he could, and thatthe cross should be kept there where the blessed King Óláfr lay, and that heshould introduce tithes and pay them himself.
King Sigurðr went after this to his ships in Akrsborg. Now King Baldvini
also got his army ready to go to Sýrland to the city that is called Sæt. Thiscity was heathen. King Sigurðr joined him on this expedition. And when
the kings had been surrounding this city for a short while, the heathens gavethemselves up, and the kings won the city for themelves, and the troops [had]the rest of the plunder. King Sigurðr [251] let King Baldvini have the wholecity. So says Halldórr skvaldri:
		
201.
			

You seized the heathen city, 		Útfarardrápa 11
sater of the wound-bitch,353		Fsk 319

auðlestir: ‘harmer of wealth’, generous man.
glyggs salr: ‘hall of the wind’, the sky.
352
hauka fróns leyghati: ‘hater of the flame (gold) of hawks’ land (arm)’, generous man.
353
benja tíkr bræðir: ‘feeder of the bitch of wounds (she-wolf)’, warrior.
350
351

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with force—each fight nobly
fought—but yielded it kindly.

Skald II 491

Here Einarr Skúlason also tells of this:
		
202.
			
			

Dœlir’s king354 captured—the warrior355 Sigurðardrápa 5recalls it—Sætt, I heard;
Skald II 541
death-slings356 started wildly
swinging in Hrist’s tempest.357
The strife-hawk’s mouth-stainer,358
strong, breached the harmful
fort; fair swords were reddened;
and the fast king could hail victory.

[252] After this King Sigurðr went to his ships and prepared to leave
Jórsalaland. They sailed north to the island that is called Kípr, and King
Sigurðr stayed there a certain time, going after that to Grikland, and sailed hiswhole troop out off Engilsnes and lay there a fortnight, and every day there
was a fresh fair wind north across the sea, but he wanted to wait for a windthat would be a cross wind and the sails could be set longways down the ship,
for all his sails had fine silk cloths stitched on them, both the side that faced
forwards and that which faced back, since both those in the bows and thosethat were aft did not want to have to look at the less beautiful side of the sails.
CHAPTER twelve
When King Sigurðr sailed in to Mikligarðr, he sailed close to the shore.
There are everywhere there up on the shore cities and castles and villages inan unbroken line. Then could be seen from the shore into the inner sides of
all the sails, and there was no space between them just as if it was a fence.
All the people were standing outside that could see King Sigurðr sailing by.
Emperor Kirjalax had also heard about King Sigurðr’s journey, and he had
the city gate in Mikligarðr that is called Gullvarta opened. The emperor mustride in through that gate when he has been a long time previously away from
Mikligarðr and has had successful victories. Then the emperor had silk cloths
spread over all the streets of the city from Gullvarta and up to [253] Laktjarnir.
There the most splendid imperial palaces are. King Sigurðr spoke with his men,saying that they were to ride proudly into the city and not to seem impressedDœlir’s king: i.e. the king of Norway.
i.e. the poet.
356
valslƒngur: ballistas, catapults.
357
Hristar hríð: ‘storm of Hrist (a valkyrie)’, battle.
358
gunnar vals munnlituðr: ‘colourer (with blood) of the mouth of the falcon of
battle (eagle or raven)’, warrior.
354
355

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by all the new sights they saw, and they did this. King Sigurðr and all his
men rode into Mikligarðr with this kind of pomp and on to the most splendid
palace, and there everything was prepared for them. King Sigurðr stayed
here for some time. Then King Kirjalax sent men to him to see whether hewished to accept six pounds of ship’s cargo of gold, or would rather that theking made arrangements for the games that the emperor was accustomed tohave performed in the Hippodrome. King Sigurðr chose the games, and themessengers said that the games cost the emperor no less than that amount ofgold. Then the king made arrangements for the games, and the games were
performed in the usual way, and all the games went better for the king thattime. Half the games are the queen’s, and their men compete in all the games.
And the Greeks say that when the king wins more games than the queen in the
Hippodrome, then the king will be victorious if he goes on a warlike expedition.
CHAPTER thirteen
After that King Sigurðr prepared for his journey home. He gave the emperor
all his ships, and gold-ornamented figureheads were on the ship that the kinghad commanded. They were placed in Pétrskirkja. Emperor Kirjalax gave
King Sigurðr many [254] horses and provided him with a guide all the way
across his realm. Then King Sigurðr left Mikligarðr, but a large number of men
stayed behind and became mercenaries. King Sigurðr returned from abroadgoing first to Bolgaraland and then through Ungaraland and through Pannonia
and through Sváfa and Býjaraland. There he met Emperor Lozarius359 of theCity of Rome, and he welcomed him exceedingly warmly, providing him
with a guide all the way across his realm and had a market held for them for
all the purchases that they needed. And when King Sigurðr got to Slésvík in
Denmark, then Jarl Eilífr gave him a splendid banquet. It was about the time of
midsummer. In Heiðabýr he met King Níkolás of the Danes, and he welcomed
him extremely warmly and himself accompanied him north to Jótland andgave him a ship with all its fittings that he had in Norway. Then King Sigurðr
went home to his kingdom, and he was warmly welcomed, and people said
that no more honourable journey has been made out of Norway than this one
was, and he was now twenty years of age. He had been three years on thisjourney. His brother Óláfr was now twelve winters old.
CHAPTER fourteen
King Eysteinn had done a great deal in the country that was beneficial while
King Sigurðr was on his journey. He started the Monastery in Bjǫrgyn on

At this time Henry V was Roman Emperor (1111–25), and Lothair III (Lozarius),
at this time Duke in Saxony, did not become emperor until 1133. Henry had returned
to Germany in the spring of 1111; Sigurðr may well have met him there.
359

magnússona saga

155Norðnes and spent a lot of money on it. He had Mikjálskirkja built there, a[255] most magnificent stone minster. He also had built in the royal palacegrounds Postolakirkja, a timber church. He also had built there the great palace,which is the most magnificent timber building that has been built in Norway.
He also had a church built on Agðanes and a fortress and harbour where before
there was no place to land. He also had Níkoláskirkja built in Niðaróss in theroyal palace grounds, and that building was very elaborately finished withcarvings and all kinds of craftsmanship. He also had a church built at Vágar
in Hálogaland and provided it with an income for its maintenance.
CHAPTER fifteen
King Eysteinn sent word to Jamtaland to the wisest and greatest people,
inviting them to visit him, and he welcomed all who came with much
warmth and sent them on their way with friendly gifts, thus drawing theminto friendship with him. And since many of them became accustomed togoing to him and accepted his gifts, while some sent him gifts who did not
visit him, so he got himself on completely friendly terms with all the people
that were in authority in the land. After that he spoke before them, saying
the Jamtr had behaved badly when they had turned away from the kings of
Norway in their fealty and paying of taxes, going over the story of how the
Jamtr had gone under the sway of King Hákon Aðalsteinsfóstri (foster-sonof Aðalsteinn) and after that been for a long time under the kings of Norway,going also into how many benefits they could receive from Norway andhow much trouble it must be for them to have to go to the king of the Svíar
for anything they wanted. And he so managed his speech that the Jamtr
themselves suggested to him and asked him if they might switch to fealty to
King Eysteinn, and claimed that this was what they both needed and musthave. Their friendship became so close that the Jamtr handed over all theirland to the rule [256] of King Eysteinn. In order to achieve this, the menof the ruling class there took oaths of loyalty from all the people, after thatgoing to King Eysteinn and swearing the land to him, and this has remained
valid ever since. King Eysteinn won Jamtaland by the use of reason, and notby making attacks like some of his predecessors.
CHAPTER sixteen
King Eysteinn was a man most handsome in looks, blue-eyed and rather wideeyed, fair-haired and curly-haired, a man not taller than average, of great good
sense, well-informed about everything, law and history and genealogy, wise inadvice and sensible in speech and very well-spoken, the most cheerful of men
and most humble, attractive to and popular with all the common people. He

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was married to Guthormr Steigar-Þórir’s daughter Ingibjǫrg. Their daughter
was called Maria, who was later married to Guðbrandr Skafhǫggsson.
CHAPTER seventeen
King Sigurðr was a man of large build and brown-haired, imposing inappearance, not handsome, with a well-formed body, brisk in movements,
reticent and not generally sociable, kind to his friends and steadfast in mind,
not a great talker, of virtuous life and noble-minded. King Sigurðr was afirm ruler and stern in punishment, kept the laws well, generous with wealth,powerful and splendid.
King Óláfr was a tall and slender person, handsome in looks, cheerful andhumble, popular. When the brothers were kings in Norway, they abolishedmany taxes that the Danes had imposed on the people while Sveinn Álfífuson
was ruling the land, and as a result they became extremely popular with thecommon people and the men of rank.
[257] CHAPTER eighteen
King Óláfr caught a sickness that led to his death, and he is buried at
Christchurch in Niðaróss, and he was greatly mourned. After that the twokings Eysteinn and Sigurðr ruled the land, but previously the three brothers
had been kings for twelve winters, five since Sigurðr came back to the country
and seven before. King Óláfr was seventeen winters old when he died, andthat was the eleventh of the calends of January.360 When King Eysteinn had
been one winter in the east of the country, and Sigurðr was in the north, thenKing Eysteinn remained for a large part of the winter in Sarpsborg.
CHAPTER nineteen
There was a powerful landowner called Óláfr in the Dale, a wealthy man. He
lived at Aumorð in Dalr mikli. He had two children. His son was called Hákon
faukr (Drifter?), and his daughter Borghildr. She was the fairest of women anda sensible person and very knowledgeable. Óláfr and his children were fora large part of the winter in Borg, and Borghildr was always in talk with theking, and there were different opinions among people about their friendship.
Now the following summer King Eysteinn travelled to the north of thecountry, while Sigurðr travelled to the east, and the next winter after that
King Sigurðr remained in the east of the country. He stayed for a long timein Konungahella and extended that market town greatly. He built a great
fortification there and had a great ditch dug round it. It was built of turf andstone. He had buildings erected inside the fortress. He had a church built
360

22nd December.

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157

there. He let the Holy Cross stay in Konungahella and in doing so did not
keep to his oaths that he had sworn in Jórsalaland, but he promoted tithes
and almost everything else that he had sworn. But in placing the Cross eastby [258] the frontier, he imagined that it would be a safeguard to the wholeland, but it turned out to be most ill-advised to place that holy relic so muchunder the power of heathens, as it proved later.
Borghildr Óláfsdóttir heard the rumour wherein people slandered her
and King Eysteinn about their talk and friendship. So she went to Borg andundertook a fast before an ordeal of carrying hot iron and carried the iron toclear her from this slander and was proved innocent. And when King Sigurðr
heard about this, then he rode in one day a distance equivalent to two longdays’ travel, and turned up in Dalr at Óláfr’s, and stayed there the night.
Then he took Borghildr as his mistress and carried her away with him. Theirson was Magnús. He was soon sent away for fostering north to Bjarkey in
Hálogaland to Víðkunnr Jóansson, and he was brought up there. Magnús
was the handsomest of all men and matured early in stature and strength.
CHAPTER twenty
King Sigurðr married Málmfríðr, daughter of King Haraldr Valdamarsson
from the east from Hólmgarðr.361 King Haraldr’s mother was King HaraldrGuðinason of the English’s daughter Queen Gyða gamla (the Old). Málmfríðr’s
mother was King Ingi Steinkelsson of the Svíar’s daughter Kristín. Málmfríðr’s
sister was Ingilborg, who was married to Knútr lávarðr (Lord), son of King
Eiríkr góði (the Good) of the Danes, son of Sveinn Úlfsson. Knútr andIngilborg’s children were Valdamarr, who took over the kingdom in Denmark
after Sveinn Eiríksson, Margrét, Kristín and Katrín. Margrét was married to
Stígr hvítaleðr (White Leather). Their daughter was Kristín, who was married
to King Karl Sørkvisson of the Svíar. Their son was King Sørkvir.
[259] CHAPTER twenty-one
King Eysteinn and King Sigurðr were one winter both being entertained ata banquet in Upplǫnd, and each of them was staying at a different place.
And since there was only a short distance between the residences where
the kings were to receive their banquets, then people adopted this plan, thatthey should be both together at the banquets, alternately at the residencesof each. First of all they were both together at the residence that belonged
to Eysteinn. And in the evening when people began to drink, then the beer
was not good, and people were silent. Then King Eysteinn spoke:
This Haraldr is also known as Matislav, and was actually son of Valdamarr, sonof Vissivaldr, son of Jarizleifr).
361

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heimskringla‘But people are silent. That is a better custom with ale, that people should
provide themselves with some amusement. Let us get ourselves some ale-cheer.
Then people’s fun will start up again. Brother Sigurðr, that will by everyone
be thought most suitable that we engage in some entertaining conversation.’
King Sigurðr replies rather curtly:‘You be as expansive as you want, but let me be allowed to be silent before
you.’
Then spoke King Eysteinn: ‘This ale custom has often been indulged in,for people to choose their equals to compare themselves with. I wish that to
be done here.’
Then King Sigurðr said nothing.
‘I see,’ says King Eysteinn, ‘that I am going to have to start thisentertainment. I will choose you, brother, to compare myself to. I adduce
this, that we have equal titles and equal possessions. I can see no differencein our descent or upbringing.’
Then King Sigurðr replies: ‘Do you not remember how I was able to force
you over backwards, if I wished, and you were a winter older?’Then King Eysteinn replies: ‘I remember it no less clearly, how you wereunable to take part in any sport that required agility.’
Then King Sigurðr spoke: ‘Do you remember how it went with ourswimming? I was able to duck you if I wished.’
King Eysteinn says: ‘I could swim no less far than you, and I was no worse
at swimming under water. And I was able to go on ice-skates so well that I
knew no one that could compete with me at it, but [260] you could not doit any better than an ox.’King Sigurðr says: ‘I think it a nobler and more useful accomplishment
to be well skilled with a bow. I believe you will not be able to get any use
from my bow even if you use your feet to bend it.’King Eysteinn replies: ‘I am not as strong with a bow as you, but thereis less difference between us in marksmanship, and I am much moreskilled on skis than you, and that has always before been said to be a fineaccomplishment.’
King Sigurðr says: ‘In this there seems to be a great difference, that it ismore princely that one that is going to be a superior over others should standout in a crowd, be strong and a better fighter than others, and conspicuousand easily recognised when there are most people around.’King Eysteinn says: ‘It is a no less distinguishing feature for a man to behandsome, and he will also be easily recognised in a crowd. That also seems
to me princely, for the finest outfit suits handsomeness. I am also much better
acquainted with the law than you, and also, whatever we have to talk about,
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159

King Sigurðr replies: ‘It may be that you have learned more legal tricks,
for at that time I had other things to occupy me. And while no one questions
your fluency, yet many also say that you are not too reliable in what you
say, and little notice can be taken of what promises you make, you speak toplease those that are present at the time, and that is not kinglike.’
King Eysteinn replies: ‘The reason for this is that when people bring theirsuits before me, then I am concerned first to conclude everyone’s businessin a way that will please them best. Then there often comes another thathas a suit against him, and then it is often necessary to make adjustments
to reach a compromise so that both will be pleased. It also often happensthat I promise something that someone asks, because I would like everyone
to go from his audience with me happy. The alternative I can see, if I
wished to follow it, is what you do, to promise [261] everyone something
unpleasant, and I never hear anyone complaining of your failure to fulfil thosepromises.’
King Sigurðr says: ‘People have said that the journey that I took abroad
was pretty princely, but you sat at home in the mean time like your father’sdaughter.’
King Eysteinn replies: ‘Now you have touched on a sore spot. I would nothave started this conversation if I had had no answer to give to this. I think it
more to the point that I fitted you out as I would my sister before you wereready to set out on your journey.’
King Sigurðr says: ‘You must have heard that I fought very many battles
in Serkland that you must have heard tell about, and that I won the victoryin all of them and many kinds of treasure such that none like them have evercome into this country. I was considered the more highly where I met thenoblest people, but I think you have not yet ceased to be a stay-at-home.’
King Eysteinn replies: ‘I have heard that you fought some battles abroad,but of more benefit to our country was what I did meanwhile. I built fivechurches from their foundations, and I built a harbour by Agðanes where
before there was no place to land, it being on the route for everyone travelling
north or south along the coast. I also built the tower in Sinhólmssund and thehall in Bjǫrgyn, while you were chopping up blacks for the devil in Serkland.
I guess that was of little benefit to our kingdom.’
King Sigurðr says: ‘The furthest away I travelled on that journey was to
the Jórðán, and I swam across the river. And out on the bank there is a sortof thicket. And in the foliage there I tied a knot, and I laid this spell on it,that you were to untie it, brother, or else be the subject of the curse that is
attached to it.’362
362

Cf. Orkneyinga saga (ÍF XXXIV) pp. 231–32.

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King Eysteinn says: ‘I shall not be untying the knot you have tied for me,
but I could have tied a knot for you that you would have been much lessable to untie, when [262] you sailed with a single ship into my fleet when
you came ashore.’
After that they were both silent, and each of the two was angry. There
were other things in the dealings between the brothers in which one could
see that each wanted to make much of himself and his importance, and eachwanted to be superior to the other, and yet the peace was kept between themas long as they lived.
CHAPTER twenty-two
King Sigurðr was in Upplǫnd at a certain banquet, and hot baths wereprepared there. And while the king was in the hot bath and the tub had anawning over it, then he thought there was a fish gliding round in the bathbeside him. Then he had such a great fit of laughter that he seemed out of
his mind, and after that this afflicted him very frequently.
Her brothers gave King Magnús berfœttr’s daughter Ragnhildr in marriage
to Haraldr kesja (Halberd). He was King Eiríkr góði of the Danes’ son. Theirsons were Magnús, Óláfr, Knútr, Haraldr.
CHAPTER twenty-three
King Eysteinn had a great ship built in Niðaróss. It was built in shape andafter the fashion in accordance with how Ormr inn langi had been, whichÓláfr Tryggvason had had made. It also had a dragon-head on the front anda curved tail at the back and both were gilded. The ship floated high in thewater, but the stems seemed somewhat smaller than would have been mostsuitable. He also had built there in Niðaróss boat sheds that were both so bigthat they were outstanding, and also built with the best materials and withvery splendid craftsmanship.
King Eysteinn was at a banquet in Hústaðir at Stimr. There he caught asudden illness that led to his death. He died on the fourth of the calends of
September,363 and his body [263] was conveyed north to Kaupangr and he isburied there in Christchurch. And people say that over no one’s body haveso many people in Norway stood as sad as over King Eysteinn’s since theblessed King Óláfr’s son Magnús was dead. Eysteinn was king in Norway
twenty winters. And after King Eysteinn’s death Sigurðr was sole king in
the country as long as he lived.
363

29th August.

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CHAPTER twenty-four
King Níkolás Sveinsson of the Danes after that married Ingi’s daughter
Margrét, who had previously been married to King Magnús berfœttr, andthe son of her and Níkolás was called Magnús inn sterki (the Strong). King
Níkolás sent word to King Sigurðr Jórsalafari (Jerusalem-Farer) and asked
him to give him troops and every kind of support from his kingdom and gowith King Níkolás east past Svíaveldi to Smálǫnd to Christianise people
there, as those that lived there did not observe Christianity, though some
had accepted Christianity. At this time widely in Svíaveldi many people
were heathen and many poorly Christian, since now there were some of thekings that had abandoned Christianity and maintained heathen worship,as did Blót-Sveinn (Heathen-Worship-) and later Eiríkr inn ársæli (of theProsperous Seasons). King Sigurðr promised to go, and the kings arranged
an appointment for meeting up in Eyrarsund. After that King Sigurðr calledout a full levy from the whole of Norway, both in troops and ships. And
when this army assembled, then he had a good three hundred ships. King
Níkolás arrived much earlier at the arranged place and waited there a longtime. Then the Danes complained bitterly, saying that the Norwegians would
not be coming. After that they broke up the expedition force. The king wentaway and the whole army. After that [264] King Sigurðr arrived there, andhe was displeased, sailing then east to Svimraróss and holding a meetingof his troops there, and King Sigurðr spoke about King Níkolás’s breaking
his word and it was agreed that they should carry out some depredation on
his land because of this. They plundered a village that is called Tumaþorp
and lies a short way from Lund and made their way after that east to themarket town that is called Kalmarnar, and raided there and also on Smálǫnd,and exacted a payment in food from Smálǫnd, fifteen hundred cattle, andthe Smálendingar accepted Christianity. After that King Sigurðr turned hisarmy back and came into his kingdom with many very costly things anditems of value that he had gained on this journey, and this expedition was
known as the Kalmarnar expedition. This was the summer before the great
darkness.364 This was the only warlike expedition by sea that King Sigurðr
undertook while he was king.
CHAPTER twenty-five
King Sigurðr was on one occasion at his residence, and in the morning when
the king was dressed, he was quiet and gloomy, and his friends were afraidthat now one of his fits would be coming over him again. But the steward
was a sensible and bold person and begged the king to speak, asking if he had
364

The solar eclipse on the 11th August 1124.

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had some news that was so significant that it prevented him being cheerful,or whether it was that he was not well pleased with the banquet, or whether
there were any matters that people could do something about. King Sigurðr
says that none of the things he had mentioned were the reason for it.
‘But the reason for it is,’ he says, ‘that I am pondering on the dream thatcame to me in the night.’‘Lord,’ he says, ‘it ought to be a good dream, and we would very much
like to hear it.’
The king [265] spoke: ‘I dreamt I was outside here at Jaðarr, and I looked out
to sea and saw there a great darkness and it was moving and was getting nearhere. It seemed to me as if it was a certain large tree, and the branches could
be seen up above the water, but the roots went into the sea. And when the tree
reached land, then it broke up, and the pieces of the tree were carried widelyover the country, both over the mainland and the outlying islands, skerries
and shores, and then I had a vision, so that I thought I was looking over all
the coastal parts of Norway by the sea, and I saw into every inlet, that piecesof this tree had drifted in, and most of them were small but some larger.’
Then the steward replies: ‘It is most likely with this dream that you yourself
will be the best person to explain it, and we would very much like to hear
you interpret it.’
Then spoke the king: ‘It seems to me most likely that it will be a portentof the arrival of some person into this country, and he will establish himself
here and his offspring will spread widely over this land and be of varying
importance.’365
CHAPTER twenty-six
Jóan smjǫrbalti’s (Butter Mound’s) son Hallkell húkr (Bent) was a landed manin Mœrr. He travelled west across the sea and all the way to the Suðreyjar.
There a man that was called Gillikristr came to see him from out in Ireland,saying he was King Magnús berfœttr’s son. His mother was with him andsaid that his other name was Haraldr. Hallkell welcomed these people andtook them with him to Norway and [he went] straight to see King Sigurðr
with Haraldr and his mother. They announced their business to the king.[266]King Sigurðr discussed this matter before the leading men, so that each could
put forward his thoughts as he felt inclined, but they all bade him decide forhimself. Then King Sigurðr had Haraldr summoned to him and says this tohim, that he will not refuse Haraldr the opportunity to carry out an ordeal
to prove his paternity on condition that he will give a guarantee that even if
his paternity is proved to be what he says it is, Haraldr shall not claim the365

Possibly the future King Sverrir, or perhaps Sigurðr slembidjákn.

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kingdom while King Sigurðr or the king’s son Magnús is alive, and theseguarantees were given with oaths. King Sigurðr said that Haraldr was totread over hot bars to prove his paternity, though this ordeal seemed rather
demanding since he was now to perform the ordeal for his paternity, and not
for the kingdom. He had already sworn oaths about that. But Haraldr agreed
to this. He fasted in preparation for the ordeal by hot iron, and this ordeal was
performed, which was the heaviest that has been performed in Norway, inwhich nine glowing ploughshares were put down, and Haraldr walked overthem with bare feet with two bishops leading him. And three days later the
results of the ordeal were examined. His feet were then unburned. After thisKing Sigurðr welcomed his kinship with Haraldr, but his son Magnús grew tohate Haraldr heartily, and many leading men sided with him. King Sigurðr was
so confident of his popularity with all the people in the country that he asked
that everyone should swear oaths that King Sigurðr’s son Magnús should
be king after him, and he received oaths from all the people in the country.
[267] CHAPTER twenty-seven
Haraldr gilli (Servant [of Christ]) was a tall man and slenderly built, long in
the neck, rather long in the face, black-eyed, dark haired, lively and quick,very Irish in his dress, short clothing and lightly clad. He was not fluent in
the Norwegian language, found it very difficult to find words, and many
people used to make a great deal of fun of this. Haraldr was sitting drinking
on one occasion and was talking with another man and speaking about thewest of Ireland. Part of what he said was that there were men in Ireland thatwere such fast runners that no horse could catch up with them in a race. The
king’s son Magnús heard this and said:‘Now he is lying again, as usual.’
Haraldr replies: ‘It is true,’ he says, ‘that men can be found in Ireland thatno horse in Norway will be able to overtake.’
They spoke a few words about this. They were both drunk. Then Magnús
spoke:‘You shall wager your head on it, if you cannot run as hard as I ride myhorse, and I will stake against you my gold ring.’
Haraldr replies: ‘I do not say that I can run so hard. I can find the men in
Ireland, that will run so, and I can bet about that.’
The king’s son Magnús replies: ‘I am not going to go to Ireland. We shallwager here, but not there.’
Haraldr then went to bed and would have nothing more to do with him.
This was in Oslo. And the next morning, when early Mass was over, [268]
Magnús was riding up through the streets. He sent word to Haraldr that hewas to come there. And when he came, he was dressed like this: he had on

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a coat and breeches with straps under the feet, a short cloak, an Irish hat on
his head, the shaft of a spear in his hand. Magnús marked out the course.
Haraldr spoke:‘You are intending too long a course.’
Magnús immediately decided on a much longer one, saying that it was
still too short. A large number of people were present. Then they had a race
along the course, and Haraldr kept up with the horse’s shoulder. So when
they got to the end of the course, Magnús spoke:‘You are holding on to the saddle-girth, and the horse was pulling you.’Magnús had a very swift Gautish horse. They now had another race back.
Then Haraldr ran the whole race ahead of the horse. So when they got to theend of the course, then Haraldr asked:‘Was I holding on to the saddle-girth this time?’
Magnús says: ‘This time you set off first.’
Then Magnús let his horse have a breather for a while and when it was
ready, then he drives his spurs into his horse and it was soon at a gallop.
Haraldr then stood without moving. Then Magnús looked back and shouted:‘Now run,’ he says.
Then Haraldr ran and was soon ahead of the horse and a long way ahead,and on to the end of the course. He arrived a long way in front, so he lay
down and sprang up and greeted Magnús when he arrived. After that theywent back to the town. But King Sigurðr had meanwhile been at Mass, andit wasn’t until after his meal during the day that he knew about all this. Thenhe spoke angrily to Magnús:‘You say Haraldr is silly, but I think you are a fool. You have no knowledge
about people’s way of life abroad. Didn’t you know before that people abroad
train themselves to other sports than swilling drink and making themselves
crazy and incapable and losing their senses? Give Haraldr his ring and neveragain try to make a fool of Haraldr as long as my head is above the ground.’[269] CHAPTER twenty-eight
Once when King Sigurðr was out with his ships, they sailed into harbour anda certain merchant ship beside them, a trader with Iceland. Haraldr gilli’s
place was in the middle part of the king’s ship, and next to him to the fore
would lie Sveinn Hrímhildarson. He was son of Knútr Sveinsson of Jaðarr.
Sigurðr Sigurðarson was a splendid landed man. He was captain of a ship
there. It happened one day of fine weather—there was hot sunshine—many
men were going swimming both from the longships and from the merchantship. A certain Icelandic man who was swimming was having fun fromducking those men that were not such good swimmers. People were laughingat this. King Sigurðr saw and heard all this. After that he threw off his clothesmagnússona saga

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and leapt into the water and swam to the Icelander, takes hold of him andpushed him under the water and held him down, and straightway a second
time, when the Icelander came up, the king forced him down and time andtime again. Then spoke Sigurðr Sigurðarson:‘Are we to let the king kill the man?’Someone said that no one was very keen to go up to him. Sigurðr spoke:‘There would be someone to do it if Dagr Eilífsson were here.’
After that Sigurðr leapt overboard and swam to the king, took hold of him
and said:‘Don’t kill the man. Everyone can now see that you are much the betterswimmer.’
The king said: ‘Let me go, Sigurðr. I am going to kill him! He wants toduck our men.’
Sigurðr replies: ‘We must play together first, but you, Icelander, make forthe shore.’
He did so, and the king let Sigurðr go and swam to his ship. Sigurðr did
the same. And the king spoke, telling [270] Sigurðr not to be so bold as tocome into his sight. Sigurðr was told, and he went up ashore.
CHAPTER twenty-nine
In the evening, when people were going to bed, some men were playing
games up on land. Haraldr was in the games, and told his boy to go out tothe ship and prepare his bed and wait for him there. The boy did so. The
king was gone to bed. So when the boy felt it was getting late, then he lay
down upon Haraldr’s bed. Sveinn Hrímhildarson spoke:‘It is quite disgraceful for valiant men to go out from home from theirdwellings in order to drag up servant boys here to the same level asthemselves.’
The boy replies, saying that Haraldr had directed him to come there. Sveinn
Hrímhildarson said:‘We don’t think it any great advantage having Haraldr lying here, without
him dragging in here slaves or beggars.’
And he snatches up a net pole and struck the boy on the head so that blood
flowed all over him. The boy immediately ran up ashore and tells Haraldr
what had happened. Haraldr went straight out onto the ship and aft to the
middle. He struck at Sveinn with a hand-axe and gave him a great woundon the arm. Haraldr went straight up ashore. Sveinn leapt up ashore after
him. Then Sveinn’s kinsmen rushed up and took Haraldr prisoner and weregoing to hang him. But while they were making preparations for this, thenSigurðr Sigurðarson went out onto King Sigurðr’s ship and woke him. So
when the king opened his eyes and recognised Sigurðr, he said:

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heimskringla‘For this very thing, that you have come into my sight, you shall die, for
I forbade you to do that.’
And the king leapt up. Sigurðr said:‘You will have a chance to do that, king, whenever you like, but otherbusiness is now more urgent first. Go as quickly as you can up [271] ashoreand help your brother Haraldr. The Rygir are just going to hang him.’
Then the king spoke: ‘God forbid! Sigurðr, call the trumpeter, have thetroops summoned up by trumpet to follow me.’The king leapt up ashore, and everyone that recognised him followed him
and went to where the gallows was set up. He immediately took Haraldr into
his charge, and all the people that the trumpet had summoned immediately
rushed up to the king fully armed. Then the king said that Sveinn and all his
companions were to go into exile, but at everyone’s entreaty it was concededby the king that they should be allowed to stay in the country and keep theirpossessions, but the wound would not be compensated for. Then Sigurðr
Sigurðarson asked if the king wished him to go away now.
‘That I do not wish,’ says the king. ‘I can never do without you.’
CHAPTER thirty
There was a man called Kolbeinn, young and poor, and King Sigurðr
Jórsalafari’s mother Þóra had his tongue cut out of his head, and there was
no greater reason for this than that this young man Kolbeinn had eaten halfa piece of meat from the king’s mother’s plate, saying that the cook had
given it him, but did not dare to confess this before her. After that this man
went without being able to speak for a long time. Einarr Skúlason mentions
this in Óláfsdrápa:366
		
203.
			
			
			
[272] 		A drinking-horn Hǫrn,367 high-ranking, Geisli 37
had the tongue, for a young man’s
Skald VII 37
small fault, from the head severedof the seeker of wealth, wretched.368
We saw, certainly deprived ofspeech, that hoard-breaker369
when we, some weeks later,
were at the place called Hlíð.

An alternative name for Einarr’s poem Geisli, composed in honour of St Óláfr.
hvítings Hƒrn: ‘Freyja (goddess) of the drinking-horn’, woman.
368auðar beiðir: ‘seeker of wealth’, man.
369
hodda brjótr: ‘breaker, destroyer of hoards of treasure’, generous man.
366
367

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He made his way after that to Þrándheimr and to Niðaróss and watched at
Christchurch. But about the time of mattins on the later St Óláfr’s day370
then he fell asleep and dreamt he saw King Óláfr the Saint come to him andtake hold of the stump of his tongue and pull it. And he awoke healed andthanked Our Lord joyfully and the blessed King Óláfr for having received
health and grace from them, having gone there without speech and visited
his holy shrine, and gone from there healed and clear-spoken.
CHAPTER thirty-one
Heathens captured a certain young man of Danish origin and took him toVinðland and kept him there in bonds with other men captured in warfare.
He was now in irons unguarded during the daytime on his own, but at night a
farmer’s son was then in the fetter with him so that he could not escape fromhim. But this poor man could never get any sleep or peace because of his griefand sorrow, thinking out many ways in which help might be available, very
anxious about his difficult situation and afraid of both hunger and torments
and expecting no ransoming from his kinsfolk, since they had twice previously
freed [273] him from heathen lands with treasure, and so he felt sure that theywould now find it both very difficult and costly to undertake it a third time.
It is well for the man who does not have to endure such evil in this world as
he felt he had endured. Now he could see nothing else for it but for him torun off and get away if it turned out to be possible. Next he sets about trying
at night-time and kills the farmer’s son, cuts off his leg and so makes away
for the forest with the fetter. But the next morning when it got light, then theyrealise and go after him with two dogs that were accustomed to track down
those that ran away, find him in the forest where he was lying and hiding fromthem. Now they capture him and beat him and baste him and ill-treat him inall sorts of ways. After that they drag him back, nevertheless grant him hislife and no other kind of mercy, drag him to torture and put him straight into a
dungeon where there were already present inside sixteen others, all Christians,
fastened him there both in irons and other bonds as securely as they could.
He felt the misery and torments he had had before were as it were a kind of
shadow of all the evil that he had had previously.371 He saw no one with hiseyes in this prison that would beg for mercy for him. No one felt pity for thiswretch except the Christians that there lay bound with him. They lamented
and wept for his hurts and his distress and misfortune. So one day they put
to him a plan, bidding him make a vow to the blessed King Óláfr and offer
370Óláfsvƒkudagr inn síðari: ‘the night before the later feast of St Óláfr’ (anniversaryof his translation in 1031), 3rd August. Mattins was held in the early morning.
371
Clearly an error for something like ‘that he was having to suffer now’. Cf. A
History of Norway and The Passion and Miracles of the Blessed Óláfr 2001, 43/9–11.

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himself as servant in his glorious house if he by God’s grace and his [274]intercession got out of this prison. Now he happily agreed to this and dedicatedhinself immediately to that foundation as they bade him. The following night
he thought he saw in a dream a man, not very tall, standing there next to him
and speaking to him in this manner:‘Listen, you unhappy man,’ he says, ‘why do you not get up?’
He says: ‘My Lord, what person are you?’‘I am King Óláfr, whom you invoked.’‘Oh ho, my good lord,’ he says, ‘I would gladly get up if I could, but I lie
fastened in irons and moreover in a fetter with other men that here sit bound.’After that he exhorts him and addresses him with these words:‘Stand up straight away and do not lose heart, indeed you are now free.’
Next he awoke and then told his companions what vision he had had.
After that they told him to stand up and see if it was true. Up he stands andfound that he was free. Now his other companions spoke, saying it would
do him no good, since the door was locked outside and inside. Then an old
man that was sitting there painfully bound put in a word and told him not
to doubt the grace of that person that he had received release from.
‘And he for this reason must have performed a miracle upon you, so thatyou should benefit from his grace and get free from here, not so that you
should have more misery and torment. Now be quick about it,’ he says, ‘andfind the doorway, and if you can get out, then you are saved.’
This is what he did, finds the doors already open, leaps out straight away and
immediately off into the forest. They discovered this. Then they set on theirdogs and went after him as swiftly as they could, but he is lying and hiding
and sees clearly, poor fellow, where they are going after him. Now the dogs
immediately lose the track when they passed up to him, and their eyes were
all deceived so that no one could find him, and he was lying there in front of[275] their feet. They now turned back home from there and bewailed andlamented that they could not catch him. King Óláfr did not let him perish now
he was come to the forest, gave him his hearing and complete health when
they had previously battered and lambasted him all over his head so that hehad gone deaf. Next he got on a ship together with two Christians who had
long been tormented there, and they all together took advantage of this vessel
with as much haste as they could and were conveyed on their way then fromthat escape route. After that he made his way to that holy man’s house, having
now become healed and capable of war service. Then he repented of his vows,
went back on his word to the gracious king and ran away during the day andcame in the evening to a certain farmer’s who gave him lodging for God’s
sake. After that, in the night while he was asleep, he saw three maidens go
up to him, fair and beautifully clothed, and they immediately addressed him

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and loaded him with great reproaches for having been so bold as to run awayfrom the good king that had granted him such great grace, since he had freed
him from fetters and the whole prison, and desert the dear lord whose service
he had entered. Next he awoke full of fear and got up straight away early inthe morning and told the master of the house, and the good farmer declaredthat he could do nothing other than return back home to the holy place. This
miracle was written down in the first place by a person that had himself seen
the man and the marks of the irons on him.
CHAPTER thirty-two
King Sigurðr had the market town at Konungahella developed so much that
now there was no wealthier one in Norway, and he stayed there for long
periods to guard the land. He had buildings erected in the royal palace grounds
within the fortifications. He imposed on all the areas that were in [276]the vicinity of the market town, and also on the citizens, that every twelve
months each man nine winters old or older was to carry to the fortification
five stone war-missiles or another five stakes, and these must be sharpened
at one end and five ells high.372 Inside the fortification there King Sigurðr
had Krosskirkja built. It was a timber church and very carefully constructedin materials and workmanship. When Sigurðr had been king four and twenty
winters, Krosskirkja was consecrated. Then the king deposited there the Holy
Cross and many other holy relics. It was known as Kastalakirkja (Fortification
Church). He placed a table before the altar there that he had had made in
Grikland. It was made of copper and silver and beautifully gilded, ornamented
with enamelling and jewels. On it was a shrine that King Eiríkr eimuni (Ever
Remembered) of the Danes had sent King Sigurðr, and a plenarius373 written
in gold lettering that the Patriarch had given King Sigurðr.
CHAPTER thirty-three
Three winters after Krosskirkja was consecrated, King Sigurðr caught asickness. He was at the time staying in Oslo. He died there one night after
Máríumass in Lent.374 He was buried at Hallvarðskirkja, laid in the stone walloutside the choir on the southerly side. [277] King Sigurðr’s son Magnús wasthere in the town at the time. As soon as King Sigurðr died, he took chargeof all the king’s treasuries. Sigurðr was king over Norway seven and twenty
winters. He was forty years of age. And his time was good for the people ofthe country: there was then both prosperity and peace.
About 230 cm or 7 ft 6 in.
A Missal, or a book that included the Gospels and Epistles for use with High Mass.
374
The Feast of the Annunciation, 25th March.
372
373

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heimskringla[278] Magnúss saga blinda ok Haralds gilla
CHAPTER ONE
King Sigurðr’s son Magnús was accepted as king over the whole country in
Oslo, as the common people had sworn to King Sigurðr. Then many men,
including landed men, immediately entered his service. Magnús was morehandsome than any man that was then in Norway. He was a proud-minded
and stern person, a man of great ability, and his father’s popularity was whatmost ensured him the friendship of the common people. He was a great
drinker, avaricious, unfriendly and difficult to deal with.
Haraldr gilli was affable, cheerful, playful, humble, generous, so that hespared nothing for his friends, open to advice, so that he let others makedecisions with him on anything they wanted. All this brought him friendshipand praise. Many men of the ruling class then came to be on good termswith him no less than with Magnús.
Haraldr was then in Túnsberg when he learnt of the death of his brotherKing Sigurðr. He then immediately held meetings with his friends, and theydecided to hold a Haugaþing there in the town. At that assembly Haraldr
was accepted as king over half the country. It was declared to be oaths taken
under duress when he had abjured his patrimony. Haraldr then got himself afollowing and appointed landed men. Troops soon gathered to him no whit lessthan to King Magnús. Then men passed between them and so matters stoodfor seven nights. But because Magnús got many fewer forces, then he saw noother [279] choice than to divide the kingdom between himself and Haraldr.
Then it was so divided that each of them was to share half the kingdom that
King Sigurðr had had with the other, while King Magnús had the ships andtable service and things of value and all the money that King Sigurðr had had,and yet he was the less pleased with his share, and yet they ruled the land forsome time in peace, though their thoughts ran on very different lines.
King Haraldr had a son that was called Sigurðr with Guthormr grábarði’s(the Grey-Bearded’s) daughter Þóra. King Haraldr married Rǫgnvaldr’s
daughter Ingiríðr. He was King Ingi Steinkelsson’s son. King Magnús was
married to Knútr lávarðr’s daughter Kristín, sister of King Valdamarr of theDanes. Magnús got to be not fond of her and sent her back south to Denmark,and after that everything went worse for him. He came to be greatly disliked
by her relatives.
CHAPTER two
When the two of them, Magnús and Haraldr, had been kings for three
winters, they both stayed the fourth winter north in Kaupangr, and eachmagnúss saga blinda ok haralds gilla

171

invited the other to a banquet. And yet battle was always on the point ofbreaking out among their followers. So in the spring Magnús makes his way
south along the coast with a naval force and gathered troops to himself, allthat he could get, then seeking from his friends whether they were willingto give him support in order to deprive Haraldr of the kingdom and sharewith him such of his rule as he [280] thought fit, pointing out to themthat Haraldr had abjured the kingdom. King Magnús got the agreement
to this from many men of the ruling class. Haraldr travelled to Upplǫnd
and took the inland route east to Vík. He also gathered troops to himself
when he heard about King Magnús. And wherever they went each sideslaughtered the other’s cattle, and also slew their men for them. King
Magnús had many more men, since he had had all the greater part of theland to collect troops from. Haraldr was in Vík on the eastern side of thefiord and gathered troops to himself, and then each was taking both men
and animals that were the other’s. His half-brother on the mother’s side,
Kristrøðr was now there with Haraldr, and many landed men were withhim, and yet many more were with King Magnús.
King Haraldr was with his troops in a place called Fors in Ranríki, andtravelled from there out to the sea. On the eve of the Feast of Láfranz375 they
took their evening meal in a place called Fyrirleif. Now the watchmen wereon horses and were keeping mounted guard on all sides of the residence, andnow the watchmen became aware of King Magnús’s men, that they were
now approaching the residence, King Magnús having nearly sixty hundredmen, and Harald having fifteen hundred men. Then the watchmen came andbrought King Haraldr intelligence, saying that King Magnús’s troops were
now come to the residence. Haraldr replies:‘What can my kinsman King Magnús want? It cannot be that he is wanting
to fight with us.’
Then says Þjóstólfr Álason: ‘Lord, you must make plans for yourself andour troops on the assumption that King Magnús will have been assembling
an army all this summer for this purpose, that he is intending to fight as soon
as he finds you.’
Then the king stood up and spoke with his men, bidding them take up their
weapons:‘If Magnús wishes to fight, then we shall also fight.’
Next a trumpet was blown, and King Haraldr’s troops went [281] rightout of the residence into a certain enclosed arable field and there set up his
standards. King Haraldr had two mailcoats, but his brother Kristrøðr, who
was said to be a most valiant man, had no mailcoat. When King Magnús andhis men saw King Haraldr’s troops, then they drew up their forces and made375

The Feast of St Laurentius (St Lawrence of Rome) is on 10th August.

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such a long battle line that they would be able to encircle King Haraldr’s
troops entirely. So says Halldórr skvaldri:
		
204.
			
			
			

There Magnús got much longer—
he made use of a large following;
warm carrion came tocover the field—battle-lines.

Haraldsdrápa 1
Skald II 493

CHAPTER three
King Magnús had the Holy Cross carried before him in battle. There was agreat and tough battle fought there. The king’s brother Kristrøðr had gonewith his company to the middle of King Magnús’s battle line and was striking
out on both sides, and men were fleeing before him in two directions. So one
powerful landowner that had been in King Haraldr’s troop was stationed
behind Kristrøðr. He swung up his halberd with both hands and thrust it
through his shoulders and it came out through his breast, and Kristrøðr fell
there. Then many that were standing nearby spoke, asking why he had done
this so evil deed. He replied:‘Now he knows that, for they slaughtered my animals in the summer andtook everything that was in the house, and forced me to go with them into
their army. I had been planning this for him earlier if I had an opportunity.’
After that King Haraldr’s troops began to take to flight, and he fled himself
and all his troops. Now many of King Haraldr’s troops had fallen. Ingimarr[282] Sveinsson of Askr, a landed man from King Haraldr’s troops, received
a mortal wound there and nearly sixty of his followers. King Haraldr thenfled east into Vík to his ships and went after that to Denmark to see King
Eiríkr eimuni and went to ask him for support. They met south in Sjáland.
King Eiríkr welcomed him, most of all because they had sworn oaths ofbrotherhood. He granted Haraldr Halland for revenue and government andgave him eight unrigged longships. After that King Haraldr travelled northround Halland, and now troops joined him.
King Magnús subjected the whole country to himself after this battle. He
gave quarter to everyone that was wounded and had them healed like his
own men and then claimed the whole country as his. He had now all the best
choice of troops that were in the country. But when they held discussions
about their policies, then Sigurðr Sigurðarson and Þórir Ingiríðarson andall the most sensible people wanted them to take their host into the Vík andwait there to see if Haraldr was going to try to come from the south. King
Magnús adopted a contrary course on his own initiative, going north toBjǫrgyn and settling down there for the winter, and let his troops go away
and his landed men to their estates.

magnúss saga blinda ok haralds gilla

173[283] CHAPTER fourKing Haraldr came to Konungahella with the troop that had accompanied himfrom Denmark. Now they had gathered together to oppose him, the landed
men and the citizens, and drew up a line of battle above the town. But King
Haraldr disembarked from his ships and sent men to the troop of landowners
and asked them not to shut him out of the country by warfare, saying hewould make no other demands than he had a right to, and men passed between
them. In the end the landowners abandoned their muster and submitted toKing Haraldr. Then in order to get support for himself, Haraldr gave fiefs
and revenues to landed men and improved rights to landowners that joined
his party. After that large numbers of people gathered to King Haraldr. He
travelled from the east round the Vík and gave satisfactory peace to all men
except King Magnús’s men. These he had plundered or killed wherever hefound himself. And when he got from the east to Sarpsborg, he took there twoof King Magnús’s landed men, Ásbjǫrn and his brother Nereiðr, and offeredthem the choice that one of them should be hanged and the other thrown into
the Sarp waterfall, and told them to choose for themselves. Ásbjǫrn chose to
go into Sarp, since he was the elder and this death seemed the more terrible,
and this was done. Halldórr skvaldri mentions this:
		

205.

[284] 		Ásbjǫrn was, who kept his words
Haraldsdrápa 3
to the lord badly—widely		
Skald II 494
the king fed the corpse-falcon376—
forced to leap into Sarpr.
Nereiðr the king had hanged on
the harm-tree, cruel, of Sigarr’s377
foe; for speeches at followers’
assemblies the spoiler of wave-fire378 suffered.

After that King Haraldr travelled north to Túnsberg, and there he waswelcomed warmly. There too a great army gathered round him.
CHAPTER five
King Magnús was still in Bjǫrgyn and learnt of these events. Then he hadcalled to a discussion with him the leading men that were in the town, andasked for advice about what was to be done. Then Sigurðr Sigurðarson replied:vígs valr: ‘falcon of slaughter’, carrion bird.
fjanda Sigars grandmeiðr: ‘harm-tree of Sigarr’s enemy (Hagbarðr)’, gallows.
According to Saxo Grammaticus, Hagbarðr was hanged by Sigarr, whose daughter’slover he was. Cf. Skáldsk 103.
378
hrannbáls glƒtuðr: ‘destroyer of fire of wave (gold)’, generous man.
376
377

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heimskringla‘I can suggest a good plan for this situation. Have a small warship mannedwith good fellows and put on it as captain myself or another landed man
to go to see your kinsman King Haraldr and offer him terms in accordancewith the arbitration that just men who are in the country decide on between
you, including this stipulation, that he is to have a half share of the kingdom
with you. And it seems to me likely with the support of the persuasion ofgood men that King Haraldr will accept this offer and then there will be asettlement between you.’
Then King Magnús replied: ‘And I do not want this course, for what would
then have been the good of our getting the whole kingdom into our power last
autumn, if we are now to share half the kingdom? So give some other advice.’
Then Sigurðr Sigurðarson replied: ‘It seems to me as if your landed men are
now staying at home and do not want to come to you, those that in the autumn
asked you for leave to go home. You acted then much against my advice when
you then dispersed so much the large numbers that we had, for I felt sure [285]that Haraldr and his companions would make back for the Vík as soon as they
heard that there was no ruler there. Now there is another course available, and
it is a bad one, and yet it may be that it will work. Send out guests379 and othermen with them, let them go and visit the landed men, and kill those that are
now unwilling to respond to your distress, and give their posessions to somethat you can rely on, though in the past they have been of little account. Letthem then whip up the people, and having no fewer evil men than good, travel
after that east against Haraldr with the troops that you can get, and fight.’
The king replied: ‘It will be very unpopular to have many great men killed,
and to raise up insignificant men. They have often failed us no less, and beenless efficient in managing the country. I wish to hear yet more suggestions
from you.’
Sigurðr replied: ‘I am now finding it difficult to work out any plans,since you will not make terms and will not fight. Let us then go north toÞrándheimr where the main power of the country is well-disposed to us,
taking whatever troops we can get the whole of the way there. Then it may
be that the Elfargrímar will get tired of wandering about after us.’
The king replied: ‘I don’t want to flee from those we were chasing lastsummer. So give me better advice.’
Then Sigurðr stood up and was about to go off, and said:‘I shall give you the advice that I see you want to have and that will be carriedout. Stay here in Bjǫrgyn until Haraldr comes with a crowd of warriors, andthen you will have to endure one of two things, death or disgrace.’
And Sigurðr stayed no longer at this discussion.
379
Gestir were officials of low rank at the king’s court who could be sent to doparticular tasks. (Cf. Vol. II, notes 119, 356.)

magnúss saga blinda ok haralds gilla

175

CHAPTER six
King Haraldr travelled from the east along the coast, taking a very large army.
This winter was known as the Winter of Crowds. Haraldr came to Bjǫrgyn
on Yule Eve and sailed his troops into Flóruvágar and did not want to fightover Yule because of the sanctity of the time. But King Magnús had his
preparations made in the town. He had [286] a ballista set up out on Hólmr,and he had iron chains and some timber booms made and placed across thebay over below the royal palace. He had caltrops forged and thrown acrossonto Jóansvellir, and no more than three days over Yule were kept sacred sothat no work was done. But on the last day of Yule,380 then King Haraldr had
the trumpet blown for the troop’s departure. Nine hunded men had joinedKing Haraldr over Yule.
CHAPTER seven
King Haraldr vowed to the blessed King Óláfr in return for victory forhimself to have Óláfskirkja built there in the town at his own expense. King
Magnús drew up his line of battle out in Christchurch churchyard, but Haraldr
rowed first to Norðnes. So when King Magnús and his party saw that, theyturned into the town and in to the head of the bay. But as they went in along
the streets, then many townspeople leapt in to their courtyards and to theirhomes, while those that were going across to the open ground ran onto thecaltrops. Then Magnús and his party saw that Haraldr had rowed all his troops
across into Hegravík and were walking up there onto the ridge above thetown. Then King Magnús turned out along the streets. Then his troops fledfrom him, some up onto the mountain, some up through Nunnusetr, some
into churches or hid in other places. King Magnús went out onto his ship,
but they had no chance to get away, since the iron chains blocked the exit.
Moreover few men were accompanying the king, so that they were unable
to do anything. So says Einarr Skúlason in Haraldsdrápa:		
206. They closed Bjǫrgyn’s
Haraldsdrápa II 2			bay week-long;
Skald II 545[287] 		no chance had thole-bulls381
			to hurry off.
A little later King Haraldr’s men came out onto the ships. Then King Magnús
was captured, but he was sitting back amidships on the high seat chest, andwith him his uncle Hákon faukr, a most handsome-looking man and said tobe not clever, and Ívarr Ǫzurarson and many others of his friends were now
captured, and some already killed.
380
381

Affaradagr ‘Departure Day’ (after the long Christmas holiday), 7th January.
há-Skrautar: ‘rowlock-Skrauti (bull)’, See Skald for alternative interpretations.

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CHAPTER eight
King Haraldr now held meetings with his advisers and asked them to makeplans with him, and at the conclusion of this meeting they reached thedecision to deprive Magnús of his kingship in such a way that he could notcall himself a king from then on. He was then handed over to the king’s
slaves, and they mutilated him, putting out his eyes and cutting off one leg andfinally castrating him. Ívarr Ǫzurarson was blinded, Hákon faukr was killed.
After this the whole country submitted to the rule of King Haraldr. Then it
was diligently enquired who had been the greatest friends of King Magnús
and who would know most about his stores of treasures and precious things.
Magnús had had the Holy Cross with him since the Battle of Fyrileif hadtaken place, and he would not tell where it had got to now. Bishop Reinaldr
in Stafangr was English and said to be very avaricious. He was [288] aclose friend of King Magnús and it was thought most likely that he would
have been got to look after great wealth and valuable things. He was sent
for, and he came to Bjǫrgyn. Then this charge was brought against him andhe denied it and offered to undergo an ordeal about it. Haraldr did not wantthat. He imposed a fine on the bishop of paying him fifteen marks of gold.
The bishop said that he did not wish thus to impoverish his establishment,
he would rather risk his life. After that they hanged Bishop Reinaldr out on
Hólmr on the ballista. And as he walked to the gallows he shook his bootoff his foot and spoke, swearing:‘I know of no more of King Magnús’s wealth than what is there in theboot.’In it there was a gold ring. Bishop Reinaldr was buried on Norðnes at
Mikjálskirkja, and this deed was spoken very ill of.
After this Haraldr was sole king over Norway as long as he lived.
CHAPTER nine
Five winters after the death of King Sigurðr great events took place inKonungahella. The prefects there then were Haraldr flettir’s son Guthormr
and Sæmundr húsfreyja (Housewife). He was married to the priest Andreas
Brúnsson’s daughter Ingibjǫrg; their sons Páll flípr (Flap Lip) and Gunni
físs (Fart). Ásmundr was Sæmundr’s illegitimate son. Andreas Brúnsson
was a very distinguished person. He officiated at Krosskirkja. His wife wascalled Solveig. At this time there was with him being fostered and brought
up Jóan Loptsson and he was eleven winters old. Jóan’s father the priest
Loptr Sæmundarson was also there at this time. [289] The priest Andreas andSolveig’s daughter was called Helga, who was married to Einarr. It happenedin Konungahella the next Saturday night after Easter week that there was amagnúss saga blinda ok haralds gilla177

great noise out in the streets all over the town, as when the king passed throughwith all his followers, and dogs made such a racket that they could not be
restrained and they broke out, and all those that got out went mad and bit
whatever they came across, people and animals, and all that were bitten andbled then went mad, and all that were with young lost their foetuses and went
mad. This portent happened nearly every night from Easter to the Ascension.
The people were very frightened at this prodigy, and many decided to leaveand sold their premises, going into the country or to other market towns, andit seemed most significant to all those that were most intelligent, and theyfeared that it must be a portent for great events that had then not yet comeabout, as it was. But the priest Andreas then spoke long and eloquently on
Whit Sunday and finally turned his speech to this, that he spoke about theduties of the citizens, and told people to take heart and not to desert that so
glorious place, rather to keep watch over themselves and take thought about
what they should do and guard themselves against everything that might
happen, against fire or hostility, and pray to God for grace for themselves.
CHAPTER ten
Thirteen trading ships set out from the town and were making for Bjǫrgyn,
and eleven were lost with men and goods and everything that was on them,but the twelfth was wrecked and the men were saved but the goods werelost. Then the priest Loptr travelled to Bjǫrgyn, and he was kept safe. It wason the Feast of Láfranz382 that the trading ships were lost. King Eiríkr of
the Danes and Archbishop Ǫzurr both sent word to Konungahella bidding
them to be on their guard about their town, and saying that Vinðr had a greatarmy out [290] and were raiding widely on Christians and were always being
victorious. The citizens paid too little attention to their situation, neglecting
and being oblivious of it the more time that passed from the terror that had
been afflicting them.
On the Feast of Láfranz, while the address was being made before High
Mass, King Réttiburr of the Vinðr came to Konungahella bringing five hundredand fifty Wendish warships, and on every warship there were forty-four men
and two horses. Dúnímiz was the name of the king’s nephew and Úniburr
was the name of one leader that was in charge of a huge troop. These two
leaders rowed up with part of their army along the eastern branch of the riverround Hísing and thus came down to the town, and with part of their troop
they sailed up the western branch to the town. They came ashore out by the
stakes383 and took the mounted force up there and rode there round Bratsáss
382
Láfranzvƒkudagr: see note 375 above; the vigil (vaka) was the night before theFeast (not the day before). Cf. note 370 above..
383
Poles driven into the river by the banks to moor ships to. Cf note 484 below.

178heimskringla

and so up through the town. Andreas’s son-in-law Einarr carried news of this
up to Kastalakirkja, since the townspeople were there, having come for High
Mass, and Einarr arrived while the priest Andreas was speaking. Einarr told
people that an army was coming to the town with a large number of ships,
though some of the troops were riding down round Bratsáss. Then many said
that it must be King Eiríkr of the Danes there, and people expected to get
quarter from him. Then all the people ran down into the town to their goods
and armed themselves and went down to the jetties and then immediately saw
that there was hostility and an overwhelming army. Nine ships trading withthe eastern Baltic that were owned by merchants were afloat in the river at
the jetties. The Vinðr attacked there first and fought with the merchants. The
merchants armed themselves and defended themselves well and valiantly
for a long time. A tough battle was fought there before the merchants were
defeated. In this attack the Vinðr lost a hundred and fifty ships with all theircrews. When the battle was at its fiercest, the townspeople were standingon the jetties and shooting at the heathens, but when the attack subsided thetownspeople fled up into the town and after that all the people fled to thefortification, and people took [291] with them their valuable items and all themoney that they could escape with. Solveig and her daughters and two other
women went up inland. When the Vinðr had defeated the trading ships, theywent ashore and mustered their troops and then their losses became apparent.
Some of them ran into the town, some onto the trading ships, and they took
all the goods that they wanted to take away with them. Next they set fireto the town and burnt it all and also the ships. After that they made for thefortification with all their troops and lined themselves up for their attack.
CHAPTER elevenKing Réttiburr had an offer made to those that were in the fortification thatthey might go out and have quarter for their lives with weapons and clothing
and gold. All without exception shouted in opposition and went out into thetown, some shooting, some casting stones, some throwing stakes, and there
was now a great battle. Now there were casualties on both sides, and many
more among the Vinðr. Solveig came up to Sólbjargir and tells there what
has happened. Then a war arrow was raised and sent to Skúrbágar. There akind of drinking party was being held and many people were there. A farmer
was there that was called Ǫlvir miklimunnr (Big Mouth). Now he leapt up
immediately and took shield and helmet and a great axe in his hand and spoke:‘Stand up, good fellows, and take your weapons and let us go to help thetownspeople, for it will be considered a disgrace by everyone that hears of
it if we sit here and swill ale while good fellows are putting their lives indanger in the town for our sakes.’magnúss saga blinda ok haralds gilla

179

Many replied speaking against it, saying that they would destroy themselves
and be no help to the townspeople. Then Ǫlvir leapt up and spoke:‘Even if everyone stays behind, yet I shall go on my own, and the heathens
shall lose one or two in exchange for me before I fall.’He runs down [292] to the town. So people go after him, wanting to see
how he was getting on, and also whether he could be given any help. But
when he got so near the fortification that the heathens could see him, theneight men ran towards him fully armed. And when they met, the heathens
leapt all round him. Ǫlvir swung up his axe and with the foremost point of
the axe-blade struck the one that was behind him under the throat so that it
cut his jaw and windpipe in two, and he fell over backwards onto his back.
Then he swung the axe forwards in front of himself and strikes a second on
the head and split him down to the shoulders. After that they attacked him
and he now killed two more and was himself badly wounded, but the fourthat remained now fled. Ǫlvir ran after them, but a kind of dyke was before
them, and two of the heathens leapt into it, and Ǫlvir slew them both. Now
he stood and was stuck fast in the dyke. So two heathens of the eight got
away. The men that had followed Ǫlvir took him and carried him with themto Skúrbágar, and he was fully healed. And people say that no one has carriedout a nobler exploit. Two landed men, Philippus’s brother Sigurðr Gyrðarson
and Sigarðr, came to Skúrbágar with six hundred men, and Sigurðr turnedback with four hundred men and was considered of little worth after thatand lived a short time. Sigarðr went to the town wih two hundred men andfought there with heathens and fell there with his whole troop. The Vinðr
attacked the fortification, but the king and the ships’ captains stayed awayfrom the battle. In one place where Vinðr were standing there was one man
and he was shooting from a bow and was shooting a man to death with eacharrow. Two men stood in front of him with shields. Then Sæmundr spokewith his son Ásmundr, saying that they should both shoot at the marksman
at once.
‘And I shall shoot at that one [293] that is holding the shield.’
He did so, and the man slid the shield in front of himself. Then Ásmundr
shot between the shields and the arrow hit the marksman in the forehead sothat it came out at the back of his head and he fell over backwards, dead.
So when the Vinðr saw that, then they all howled like dogs or wolves. ThenKing Réttburr had someone call to them and offer them quarter, but theyrefused this. After that the heathens launched a fierce assault. Then there wasone of the heathens that went so close that he went right up to the entrance
to the fortification and thrust with his sword at the man that was standing
inside the entrance, and men hurled missiles and stones at him, and he waswithout a shield but was so skilled in magic that no weapon could penetrate

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him. So the priest Andreas took consecrated fire and made the sign of thecross over it and cut tinder and set it on fire and fastened it on an arrow
point and gave it to Ásmundr, and he shot this arrow at the man skilled in
magic, and this shot pierced him so that he was completely done for, andhe fell dead to the ground. Then the heathens made horrible sounds again
as before, howling and snarling. Then all the people went up to the king.
The Christians thought that now they were discussing whether they should
withdraw. Now an interpreter that could understand Wendish understood
what the leader that is named Úniburr was saying. He spoke as follows:‘This people is savage and terrible to deal with, and even if we took all thewealth that is in this place, then we might well give as much wealth again
not to have come here, so many troops have we lost, and so many leaders.
And to begin with today when we began to fight against the fortification,then they had for their defence missiles and spears, next they battered us withstones, and now they are hitting us with sticks like dogs. I can see therefore
that their supplies for defence are on the wane, and we shall again make afierce attack on them and try them.’
And it was as he said, that they were now shooting [294] with stakes, but
in the first attack they had been using missiles and stones imprudently. So
when the Christians realised that the stock of stakes was geting low, they cut
each stake in two. But the heathens attacked them and made a fierce assault
and rested in between. They got both weary and wounded. And in each of
the pauses then the king again had them offered quarter, that they might
keep their weapons and clothing and what they could themselves carry out
across the fortification. Now Sæmundr húsfreyja was fallen, and what themen that were left decided to do was to give up the fortification and submit
themselves to the power of the heathens, and this was a most unwise thing
to do, for the heathens did not fulfil their promise, they took all the people,
men and women and children, slew many, all those that were wounded oryoung and they felt would be a nuisance to take with them. They took all
the wealth that was there in the fortification. They went in to Krosskirkja
and plundered it of all its finery. The priest Andreas gave King Réttiburr asilver-mounted mace and his nephew Dúnímiz a gold finger-ring. As a result
they felt sure that he must have some kind of authority in the place, and theyhonoured him more than other men. They took the Holy Cross and carried
it away.384 Then they took the table that stood before the altar, which King
Sigurðr had had made in Grikland and brought to the country. They laid it
down on the step in front of the altar. Then they went out of the church. Thenthe king said:
384
There is no indication of how the Cross was recovered after King Magnús’s
refusal to reveal its whereabouts in ch. VIII above.

magnúss saga blinda ok haralds gilla

181‘This building has been ornamented out of great love for the God whosebuilding this is, and it seems to me that little care must have been taken of
the place or the building, since I can see that God is angry with those thatare in charge of it.’King Réttiburr gave the priest Andreas the church and the shrine, the Holy
Cross, the plenarius book and four clerics. But the heathens burnt [295] thechurch and all the buildings that were within the fortification. But the fire thatthey had kindled in the church went out twice. Then they knocked down the
church. Then it all began to blaze inside and burnt like the other buildings.
Then the heathens went to their ships with their plunder and mustered their
troops, and when they realised their losses, then they took all the people
as prisoners of war and divided them between their ships. Then the priest
Andreas and his companions went to the king’s ship and took with them theHoly Cross. Then the heathens were struck with fear because of the portent
whereby such a great heat came over the king’s ship that they all felt they
were almost burning. The king told the interpreter to ask a priest why thiswas. He said that almighty God, in whom Christians believed, was sending
them a sign of his anger, in that they, who refused to believe in their creator,
dared to take in their hands the sign of his Passion.
‘And there is so much power in the Cross, that such miracles have often
taken place upon heathens, in some cases much plainer ones, when they
have taken it in their hands.’
The king had the clerics shoved into the ship’s boat, and Andreas carried
the Cross in his bosom. They drew the boat forward the whole length of theship and on past the beak and back along the other side to the raised deck,pushed it after that with poles and thrust the boat in to the jetties. After thatduring the night the priest Andreas went taking the Cross to Sólbjargir, andthere was both storm of wind and torrential rain. Andreas conveyed the Cross
to a good place of safety.
[296] CHAPTER twelve
King Réttiburr and his troops, what remained of them, went away and backto Vinðland, and many of the people that had been captured in Konungahella
were for long after in Vinðland in bondage, while those that were ransomed
and returned to Norway to their native places prospered very little. The
market town at Konungahella has never recovered the success it had before.
Magnús, who had been blinded, went after that to Niðaróss and entereda monastery and took on a monk’s habit. Then Hernes mikla in Frosta wasconveyed to that foundation for his maintenance.
So Haraldr now ruled the land alone the following winter and granted
all men reconciliation that wished to have it, then took many men into his

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service that had previously been with Magnús. Einarr Skúlason says this,that King Haraldr had two battles in Denmark, one off Hveðn, the other off
Hlésey:		

207.

On untrusty warriors			
you had, under high Hveðn, 		thin blades with blood reddened,brave raven’s mouth-stainer.385		

Haraldsdrápa I 1
Mork II 164
Fsk 329
Skald II 542

You fought a fight by Hlésey’s		flat shore, Harr’s shirt-reddener,386
strong, where storms buffeted		standards over warriors.		

Haraldsdrápa I 2
Mork II 164
Fsk 329
Skald II 542

And also this:
		

208.

[297] CHAPTER thirteen
There is a man named Sigurðr that was brought up in Norway. He was said
to be the priest Aðalbrikt’s son. Sigurðr’s mother was Saxi in Vík’s daughterÞóra, sister of Sigríðr mother of King Óláfr Magnússon and of the king’s
brother Kári, who was married to Dagr Eilífsson’s daughter Borghildr. Theirsons were Sigurðr in Austrátt and Dagr. Sigurðr’s sons were Jóan in Austráttand Þorsteinn, Andreas daufi (the Deaf). Jóan was married to Sigríðr, sisterof King Ingi and Duke Skúli.
Sigurðr was set to book-learning in his childhood and he became a cleric
and was ordained deacon. But when he became full-grown in age andstrength, then he was the most valiant of men and strong, a big man, and in
all accomplishments he was superior to all those of his own age and almost
everyone else in Norway. Sigurðr was at an early age a very overbearing
man and an unruly man. He was known as slembidjákn (Careless Deacon).
He was the most handsome of men, with rather thin and yet fine hair. Thenit got about concerning Sigurðr that his mother says that his father was
Magnús berfœttr. So as soon as he became independent in his way of life,
then he neglected the clerical life, then left the country. He stayed a longtime on his travels. Then he set out on a journey to Jórsalir and reached theJórðán and visited the holy relics, as is customary with pilgrims. And when
he got back, then he spent time on [298] trading voyages. One winter hewas present for some time in Orkney. He was with Jarl Haraldr at the fall ofÞorkell fóstri (foster-father) Sumarliðason. Sigurðr was also up in Scotlandwith King David of the Scots. He was regarded very highly there. After that385
386

hrafns munnlituðr: ‘colourer of the raven’s mouth (with blood)’, warrior.
Hars serkrjóðr: ‘reddener (with blood) of Óðinn’s shirt (coat of mail)’, warrior.

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183

Sigurðr travelled to Denmark and according to his own and his followers’
account, he had there performed an ordeal about his paternity and it wasproved that he was King Magnús’s son, and there were five bishops present.
So says Ívarr Ingimundarson in Sigurðarbƒlkr:387
		

209.

Five bishops,		
felt to be foremost,		
ran the ordeal		
for the ruler’s kin.		
Proofs appearedthat of this powerful king,this munificent one,
Magnús was father.

Sigurðarbálkr 10
Mork 172
Fsk 326
Skald II 507

Haraldr’s friends said that this had been a deceit and lie of the Danes.
CHAPTER fourteen
When Haraldr had been king over Norway for six winters, Sigurðr came to
Norway and went to see his brother King Haraldr, meeting him in Bjǫrgyn,
went straight to see him, revealed his paternity to the king and asked the
king to accept his kinship with him. The king gave [299] no immediate
decision on that matter and put it before his friends, having discussions andmeetings with them. And the outcome of their discussions was that the kingbrought charges against Sigurðr about his having been present at the killingof Þorkell fóstri west of the sea. Þorkell had accompanied King Haraldr
to Norway in the beginning when he had come to the country. Þorkell had
been a very close friend of King Haraldr. This case was pressed so hardthat Sigurðr was adjudged because of it to be guilty of a capital crime, andon the authority of landed men it now came about that late one eveningsome guests388 went to where Sigurðr was and called him to go with themand took a kind of small boat and rowed away from the town and south toNorðnes with Sigurðr. Sigurðr sat aft on a chest and considered his situationand suspected that this might be a plot. He was dressed like this, he had on
dark breeches and coat and a cloak with ties as overcoat. He was looking
down in front of himself and had his hands on the cloak-ties, sometimes
taking them off his head, sometimes putting them on his head. And when
they had got round a certain headland—they were merry and drunk and were387
A þáttr in Morkinskinna relates that Ívarr Ingimundarson was an Icelander ofgood family (Morkinskinna II 102–05). According to Skáldatal he composed about
Magnús berfœttr, Eysteinn Magnússon and Sigurðr Jórsalafari as well as Sigurðr
slembidjákn. Morkinskinna preserves 45 stanzas of his Sigurðarbƒlkr.
388
See note 379 above.

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rowing furiously and little suspected anything—then Sigurðr stood up andwent to the side, and the two men that had been set to guard him stood up
and went to the side, both grasping the cloak and holding it away from him,
just as it is common to do with high-ranking men. And as he suspected thatthey might be holding other clothing of his, then he grabbed both of them,
one with each hand and threw himself overboard with the whole lot, andthe boat glided on forward a long way, and they took a long time to turn it
and there was a long delay before they were able to rescue their men. And
Sigurðr swam away so far under water that he was up ashore before they
had turned their ship to follow him. Sigurðr was the fastest [300] of runners
and he makes his way up inland, and the king’s men went and searched for
him all night and could not find him. He was lying in a kind of cleft in therock. He got very cold. He took off his breeches and cut a hole in the seatand pulled them on [over his head] and put his arms out [through the legs]
and so saved his life for the time being. The king’s men went back and wereunable to conceal their failure.
CHAPTER fifteen
Sigurðr realised that it would not help him to go to see King Haraldr andwas now in hiding all the autumn and the first part of the winter. He stayedin the town in Bjǫrgyn with a certain priest and was plotting how he mightbring about King Haraldr’s death, and there were very many men in thisconspiracy with him including some of those that were now followers of King
Haraldr and members of his household, they having earlier been followersof King Magnús. They were now on very good terms with King Haraldr, sothat there was always one of them that was sitting at the king’s table. In theevening on Lucia’s day389 there were two men sitting there who were talking
together. One of them spoke to the king:‘Lord, we have now referred the judgment in our dispute to you for the
final decision, and we have each of us wagered a bowl of honey. I say that
tonight you will lie with your wife Queen Ingiríðr, but he says that you will
lie with Þóra Guthormsdóttir.’
Then the king replied with a laugh, and completely unaware that thisquestion was posed with so much cunning, saying:‘You will not win your bet.’
From this they felt certain where he would [301] be to be found that night,
though the bodyguard was still kept over the chamber that most people
thought the king would be in and that the queen slept in.
389

St Lucia’s day is 13th December.

magnúss saga blinda ok haralds gilla

185

CHAPTER sixteen
Sigurðr slembidjákn and some men with him came to that chamber where theking was asleep, and broke down the door and went in there with weapons
drawn. Ívarr Kolbeinsson was the first to wound King Haraldr, but the kinghad lain down drunk and was fast asleep and awoke to men attacking him
and spoke while still unconscious:‘You are treating me roughly, Þóra!’She leapt up at this and spoke:‘Those that wish you worse than I are treating you roughly.’King Haraldr lost his life there, but Sigurðr went off with his men. Thenhe had the men called to him that had promised to be his supporters if he
got King Haraldr’s life put an end to. Then Sigurðr and his men went to acertain warship and set men to the oars and rowed out into the bay below
the royal palace. Then day began to dawn. Then Sigurðr stood up and spokewith those that were standing on the royal jetty, and announced the killingof King Haraldr at their hands and requested acceptance by them and thatthey should take him as king, as his birth entitled him to be. Then crowds ofmen from the royal palace rushed there onto the jetties, and all swore as if
they spoke with one mouth, saying that it should never be that they granted
allegiance and service to a man that had murdered his brother.
‘But if he was not your brother, than your descent does not entitle you to
be king.’
They clashed their weapons together, condemning [302] them all as outlaws
and proscribed. Then the royal trumpet was blown and all the landed men andmembers of the king’s following were summoned together, and Sigurðr andhis men saw their most attractive course was to be off. He sailed to NorðrHǫrðaland and there held an assembly with landowners. They submitted to him
and gave him the title of king. Then he travelled in to Sogn and held an assembly
there with landowners. He was also accepted there as king. Then he travelled
north into Firðir. He was welcomed there. So says Ívarr Ingimundarson:
		

210.

The Hǫrðar and Sygnir,		Haraldr having fallen,		
accepted the generous		
son of Magnús.			
There swore many
men at assembly
to be like brothers
to the lord’s son.

King Haraldr was buried in the old Christchurch.

Sigurðarbálkr 13
Mork 179
Fsk 330
Skald II 509

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heimskringla[303] Haraldssona saga
CHAPTER ONE
Queen Ingiríðr together with landed men and the following that King Haraldr
had had, decided this, that a fast ship should be dispatched and sent north toÞrándheimr to tell of King Haraldr’s fall, and this too, that the Þrœndir were
to take as king King Haraldr’s son Sigurðr, who was now there in the northand being fostered by Sáða-Gyrðr (Seed-) Bárðarson, but Queen Ingiríðr
immediately travelled east into Vík. Ingi was the name of her and King
Haraldr’s son, who was being fostered there in the Vík with Gyrðr LǫgBersason’s (Law-) son Ámundi. So when they got to the Vík, Borgarþing was
summoned. Ingi was taken as king there. He was now in his second winter.
Ámundi and Þjóstólfr Álason and many other great leaders supported thisresolution. And when the news reached Þrándheimr in the north that King
Haraldr was deprived of life, then King Haraldr’s son Sigurðr was taken as
king there, and this resolution was supported by Óttarr birtingr (Trout) and
Pétr Sauða-Úlfsson and the brothers Guthormr Ásólfsson of Rein and Óttarr
balli (the Dangerous) and a large number of other leaders. And nearly all thepeople now switched their allegiance to the brothers, most of all because
their father was said to be saintly, and the land was sworn to them with thestipulation that it should submit to no other person as long as any of the sonsof King Haraldr was alive.
[304] CHAPTER two
Sigurðr slembidjákn made his way north past Staðr, and when he got to NorðMœrr, there were already letters and tokens for him from the influential menthat had switched their allegiance to King Haraldr’s sons, and he met withno acceptance or success. So since he himself had only a small following,
they now decided to make their way in to Þrándheimr, as he had previously
sent word on his own behalf in there to his friends and to the friends of King
Magnús, who had been blinded. So when he got to Kaupangr, he rowed up
into the river Nið and got his cables ashore in the royal palace grounds andhad to retreat from there because the people all opposed him. They sailed afterthat to Hólmr and took away out of the monastery there Magnús Sigurðarson
against the wishes of the monks. He had before this taken vows as a monk.
A number of people say that Magnús left of his own free will, since it wasdone in order to better his situation and he was hoping thereby to get troops
to support him, and so it happened and turned out. And this was directly
after Yule. Sigurðr and his party went out along the fiord. After that they
were pursued by Bjǫrn Egilsson, Gunnarr of Gimsar, Halldórr Sigurðarson,

187

haraldssona sagaÁslákr Hákonarson and the brothers Benedikt and Eiríkr and the followingthat had previously been with King Magnús, and a number of other men.
They went with their band south past Mœrr and right on past the entrance toRaumsdalr. There they divided their troop, and Sigurðr slembidjákn travelledwest across the sea straight away during the winter, but Magnús travelled toUpplǫnd, hoping for many troops there, which he got. He stayed there forthe winter and all through the summer there in Upplǫnd and now had a large
troop. So King Ingi went with [305] his troop, and they met in the place thatis called in Mynni. A great battle took place there, and King Magnús had alarger force. It is said that Þjóstólfr Álason had King Ingi in his lap while
the battle was raging, and went beneath the standard, and Þjóstólfr got into
great distress because of his tiredness and the attack, and people say that it
was then that Ingi caught the sickness that he suffered from all the rest of
his life, and his back became crooked and one leg was shorter than the other,and he was so lacking in strength that he had difficulty in walking as long as
he lived. Then the casualties started to go against King Magnús’s men, andthese men fell that were in the van of the battle line, Halldórr Sigurðarson
and Bjǫrn Egilsson, Gunnarr of Gimsar and a large part of Magnús’s force,
before he was willing to flee or ride away. So says Kolli: 390
		

211.

And also this:
		

212.

You waged east by Mynni		
arrow-storm,391 and soon after,		
ruler, the host with swords rendered
raven’s food, wearing helmets.

Ingadrápa 1
Mork II 181
Skald II 528

Felled lay all his forces		
before the ring-generous		lord to leave was willing.		
The war-skilled king heaven . . .392

Ingadrápa 2
Mork II 182
Skald II 529

Magnús fled from there east to Gautland and from there to [306] Denmark. At
that time Jarl Karl Sónason was in Gautland. He was mighty and ambitious.
Magnús blindi (the Blind) and his men used to say, wherever they cameinto the presence of leaders, that Norway would lie open to grabs if any
great leaders wanted to go for it, as there was no king over the country
and the government of the realm was in the hands of landed men, while390
Kolli inn prúði (the Magnificent), as he is called in Morkinskinna, is unknown
apart from the three stanzas attributed to him there, and two further stanzas of ‘adrápa about King Ingi’ that may belong to the same poem.
391
oddhríð: ‘point-storm’, battle.
392
This is probably part of a klofastef ‘split refrain’, but the rest does not survive.

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those landed men that were first appointed as rulers had all fallen out witheach other because of their jealousy. So because Jarl Karl was greedy for
power and open to persuasion, he now gathers troops and rides from theeast into the Vík, and many people submitted to him out of fear. So whenÞjóstólfr Álason and Ámundi heard about this, then they went against him
with whatever troops they could get, and with them took King Ingi. They
met Jarl Karl and an army of Gautar east in Krókaskógr and there fought
another battle, and King Ingi was victorious. There Jarl Karl’s uncle MunánǪgmundarson fell. Munán’s father Ǫgmundr was son of Jarl Ormr Eilífsson
and Jarl Finnr Árnason’s daughter Sigríðr. Ǫgmundr’s daughter Ástríðr was
Jarl Karl’s mother. Many fell at Krókaskógr, but the jarl fled east out of theforest. King Ingi drove them all the way eastwards out of his kingdom, andtheir expedition came to be regarded as most contemptible. So says Kolli:
		

213.

[307] 					I’ll show how the ruler reddened—
raven over wounds of Gautar		stooped; eagle was not seldom		
sated—bright wound-icicles.393
Repaid were—your power
is proven—strengthenersof sword-noise,394 who started
strife, at Krókaskógr.

Ingadrápa 3
Mork II 183
Skald II 530

CHAPTER threeMagnús blindi made his way to Denmark to see Eiríkr eimuni, and he had awarm reception there. He invited Eiríkr to accompany him into Norway, if
Eiríkr would like to subject the land to himself and take an army of Danes
into Norway, saying that if he comes with the backing of an army, that noone in Norway will dare to let fly a spear against him. So the king responded
by calling out a levy. He went with six hundred ships north into Norway,
and Magnús blindi and his men joined in this expedition with the king of
the Danes. But when they got to the Vík, then they proceeded with some
restraint, [acting] sensibly and peaceably on the eastern side of the fiord, andwhen they got to Túnsberg with their troops, they found there before them agreat gathering of King Ingi’s landed men. Gregorius’s brother Vatn-Ormr(Lake-) Dagsson had most authority over them. The Danes were unable toget ashore there or to get themselves water. Many of them were killed there.
Then they sailed in along the fiord to Oslo, and there they came up againstÞjóstólfr Álason. It is said that they wanted to have the blessed Hallvarðr’s393
394

sáríss: ‘ice of wounds’, weapons.
sverða glaumherðƒndum: ‘strengthener of sword-noise (battle)’, warrior.

haraldssona saga

189

shrine carried out of the town in the evening and as many as could manage
it got under the shrine and they were unable to carry it further than just out
onto the floor of the church. But in the morning when they saw that the army
was travelling in to Hǫfuðey, then four men carried the shrine up out of thetown, and Þjóstólfr and all the townspeople were accompanying the shrine.
[308] CHAPTER fourKing Eiríkr and his men made their way up into the town, and some ran afterÞjóstólfr and his men. Þjóstólfr shot a spiked shaft at a man that is calledÁskell—he was King Eiríkr’s forecastle man—and struck him under the chinso that the point appeared out at the back of his head, and Þjóstólfr thought
he had never achieved a better shot, for there was no bare skin visible on
him except just that spot. The blessed Hallvarðr’s shrine was conveyed up
into Raumaríki and was there for three months. Þjóstólfr travelled round
Raumaríki and he gathered troops during the night and came down to the town
in the morning. King Eiríkr had Hallvarðskirkja set on fire and various otherplaces through the town and burnt absolutely everything up. Next Þjóstólfr
came down with a large troop, and King Eiríkr set off with his naval force
and they could nowhere get ashore on the northern side of the fiord becauseof the gathering of landed men, and wherever they sought to go ashore, thenthey left five or six or more lying behind. King Ingi lay in Hornborusundwith a large force. So when King Eiríkr heard that, then he turns back south
to Denmark. King Ingi went after them and picked up from them all thatthey could. And people say that no worse expedition has been undertakenwith a large force into another king’s realm, and King Eiríkr was displeased
with Magnús and his men and thought they had made a great fool of him
when he had entered on this expedition, saying that never again would hebe their friend as he had been before.
[309] CHAPTER five
Sigurðr slembidjákn came that summer from west across the sea to Norway.
And when he heard of his kinsman Magnús’s misfortune, he realised thatnow he would get little support in Norway. He now sailed all along theouter route south along the coast and ended up in Denmark. He sailed into
Eyrarsund. But south off Erri he came across some warships of Vinðr andjoined battle with them and was victorious, cleared there eight warships
and killed there a large number of men, and hanged some. He also fought abattle by Mǫn with Vinðr and was victorious. Then he laid his course fromthe south and sailed up into the Elfr by the eastern branch and defeated there
three ships from the force of Þórir hvinantorði (Dung Beetle or Whistling

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Auk?) and his nephew, Haraldr kesja’s son Óláfr. Óláfr’s mother was King
Magnús berfœttr’s daughter Ragnhildr. He chased Óláfr ashore. Þórir wasin Konungahella and had a host waiting there. Sigurðr sailed there and they
shot at each other and men fell from both sides and many were wounded.
Sigurðr’s party were unable to get ashore. Úlfheðinn Sǫxólfsson, a manfrom the north of Iceland, Sigurðr’s forecastle man, fell there. Sigurðr sailed
away and laid his course north into the Vík and plundered widely. He lay inPortyrja on Lungarðssíða and laid an ambush for ships that were going intoor out of the Vík, and plundered them. The people of Túnsberg sent a force
against him and took him unawares, so that Sigurðr and his men were ashoreand sharing out their booty. Some troops came down upon them, and they
positioned their ships across the harbour outside of them. Sigurðr leapt on
his ship and rowed out at them, but Vatn-Ormr’s ship was the closest there,
and he drew back. But Sigurðr rowed out past them and got away on a single
ship, but many of his troops fell. So this was composed:[310] 214.
			

Poorly in the fight Vatn-Ormr		
at Portyrja did perform.		

Mork II 190
Skald II 836

CHAPTER SIX
After that Sigurðr slembidjákn sailed south to Denmark, and a man was lostfrom his ship who was called Kolbeinn Þorljótsson from Bataldr. He wasin a boat in tow that was tied to the ship, and they were sailing fast. Sigurðr
wrecked the ship when they got south, and he stayed in Álaborg during thewinter. And the following summer, then he and Magnús travelled from thesouth with seven ships and reached Listi unexpectedly during the night andsailed their ships to land. Waiting there was Benteinn Kolbeinsson, a followerof King Ingi and a most valiant man. Sigurðr and his party went ashore thereat daybreak and arrived unexpectedly and captured them in the building andwere going to set fire to the residence, but Benteinn got out into a kind of
storehouse in armour and well equipped with weapons and stood inside theentrance with drawn sword and had a shield before him and a helmet on his
head, being now ready for defence. The entrances were rather low. Sigurðr
asked why they did not go in. They replied that no one was keen to do that. So
while they were discussing this most eagerly, Sigurðr leapt into the building
past him. Benteinn struck after him and missed. After that Sigurðr turnedround to him and they exchanged few blows before Sigurðr killed him andcarried his head out in his hand. They took all the valuables that were in theresidence, after that went to their ships. And when King Ingi and his friends
and Kolbeinn’s sons, Benteinn’s brothers Sigurðr and Gyrðr, learnt of the deathof Benteinn, then the king sent out a troop against Sigurðr and his party, and191

haraldssona saga

went along himself, taking a ship from Hákon pungelta (Curry Bag), [311]son of Páll, grandson of Áslákr Erlingsson of Sóli and cousin of Hákon magi
(Belly). Ingi chased Hákon up ashore and took every last thing from them.
These fled away in to Firðir, Eindriði in Gautdalr’s son Sigurðr storkr (Stork)
and his brother Eiríkr hæll (Peg), and Grímr from Vist’s son Andreas kelduskítr(Bog Dirt), but Sigurðr and Magnús and Þorleifr skjappa (Half-Bushel) sailed
north on three ships by the outer route to Hálogaland. Magnús was during thewinter in Bjarkey with Víðkunnr Jónsson. But Sigurðr cut the stems off his
ship and knocked holes in it and sank it down in the inner part of Ægisfjǫrðr,and Sigurðr stayed during the winter in Tjaldasund on Hinn in a place called
Gljúfrafjǫrðr. In the inner part of this fiord there is a cave in the cliff. There
Sigurðr and his party, more than twenty men, stayed during the winter, andclosed off the entrance to the cave so that the entrance could not be seenfrom the beach. Sigurðr was provided with food during the winter by Þorleifr
skjappa and Einarr, son of Ǫgmundr of Sandr and Guðrún, daughter of Ari of
Reykjahólar’s son Einarr. That winter, it is said, Sigurðr had Lapps build him
two light ships deep in the fiord and they were fastened together with sinews
and there were no nails in them, and they had withies instead of knees [underthe beams], and they had twelve rowers on each side. Sigurðr stayed with theLapps while they were building the ships, and the Lapps had beer there andput on a banquet there for him. Afterwards Sigurðr composed this:[312] 215.
			It was good in the gammi395		
when we gladly drank,		
and the glad king’s son
would go between benches.
Cheer was not lacking
at the cheerful drinking.
Thane gladdened thane
there as everywhere.

Mork II 193
Skald II 499

These light ships were so fast that no ship could overtake them in the water,as this composition says:
		

216.

Only few can keep up with		
the fir-ship from Hálogaland:		
under sail speeds
the sinew-bound vessel.

Mork II 194
Skald II 837

So in the spring Sigurðr and Magnús travelled from the north with the twolight ships that the Lapps had built. And when they got to Vágar, they killed
the priest Sveinn and his two sons there.
395

a Lappish hut.

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CHAPTER seven
Sigurðr then travelled south into Víkar and there captured Viljálmr skinnari(Skinner)—he was one of King Sigurðr’s landed men—and secondly Þóraldi
keptr (Chops), and killed them both. Then Sigurðr travelled south along
the coast and met Styrkárr glæsirófa (Splendid Tail) south there by Byrða
when he was travelling from the south from Kaupangr, and they killed
him. And when Sigurðr got south to Valsnes, then he met Svína-Grímr(Swine-) and had his right hand cut off. Then he went south to Mœrr beyondÞrándheimsmynni and there captured Heðinn harðmagi (Tough Belly) andKálfr [313] kringluauga (Circle Eye), and let Heðinn go away, but they killed
Kálfr. King Sigurðr and his foster-father Sáða-Gyrðr heard about Sigurðr’s
movements and what he was up to. Then they sent men to find him. They
then put in charge Kálfr inn rangi’s (the Crooked’s) son Jón kaða (Hen),brother of Bishop Ívarr, and secondly the priest Jón smyrill (Merlin). They
manned Hreinninn, which had two and twenty rowing benches and was theswiftest of all ships. They went to look for Sigurðr and could not find him
and returned with little glory, for people say that they saw them and dared
not attack them. Sigurðr travelled south to Hǫrðaland and got to Herðla.
There Laxa-Páll’s (Salmon-) son Einarr had an estate, and he was gone in toHamarsfjǫrðr to the Rogation Days assembly.396 They took all the valuables
that were in the house and a twenty-five-benched longship that was owned
by Einarr and his four-winter-old son who was staying with his workman.
There were some that wanted to kill the boy, but some to carry him off withthem. The workman said to them:‘It will be no stroke of luck for you to be able to kill this boy, and no benefit
to you to carry him off. That is my son, and not Einarr’s.’
And because of what he said they left the boy behind, and they went off.
So when Einarr came back, then he gave the workman money to the value of
two ounces of gold and thanked him for what he had done and said he would
be his friend for ever after. This is what Eiríkr Oddsson says, who first wrote
down this account, that he heard Einarr Pálsson tell of these events in Bjǫrgyn.
Sigurðr then travelled south along the coast and right on east to Vík and met
Finnr Sauða-Úlfsson east at Kvildir where he was going round collecting King
Ingi’s land dues, and had him hanged. They then travelled south to Denmark.
[314] CHAPTER eight
The Víkverjar and Bjǫrgynjarmenn said it was a disgrace that King Sigurðr
and his friends sat doing nothing north in Kaupangr, though the slayers of
396

day.

Rogation Days are days of prayer and fasting on the three days before Ascension

haraldssona saga

193

his father were sailing the high seas outside Þrándheimsmynni, and King
Ingi and his troops were staying east in Vík in danger and defending the land
and had fought many battles. So King Ingi sent a letter north to Kaupangr.
In it stood these words:‘King Haraldr’s son King Ingi sends God’s and his own greetings to his
brother King Sigurðr and to Sáða-Gyrðr, Ǫgmundr sviptir (Loss), Óttarr
birtingr and all landed men, followers and housecarls and all the common
people, rich and poor, young and old. All are acquainted with the problems
that we have and also with our youth, that you are reckoned to be five
winters old, and I three winters. We can undertake nothing except what we
do with the help of our friends and kind people. It seems to me that now I
and my friends are more afflicted with the trouble and distress that we bothsuffer than you or your friends. Now be so kind as to go to see me as soon
as possible and with as many men as possible, and let us be both together
whatever happens. Now he is our greatest friend who continues to ensurethat we may be always on the best of terms and treated in as equal a manner
as possible in everything. But if you neglect to come and are unwilling to
respond to my urgent message again, as you have done before, you must
be prepared for me to come against you with a force. Let God then judge
between us, for we cannot go on any longer with things as they are, staying
with such great expense and large numbers as are necessary here because of
the hostility, while you are taking half of all the [315] land dues and otherrevenues in Norway. Live in the peace of God!’
Then Óttarr birtingr replies and stood up at the assembly and spoke.
CHAPTER nine
‘These are King Sigurðr’s words in reply to his brother King Ingi, that may
God thank him for his kind greeting and also the labour and difficulty thatyou and your friends have had in this kingdom in our common time of need.
And though some things seem rather harsh in the words of King Ingi to his
brother Sigurðr, yet there is a great deal in what he says in many respects.
Now I will make known to you my mind and find out whether the wishes ofKing Sigurðr and other men of the ruling class are in accordance with it, thatyou, King Sigurðr, should also make ready such force as is willing to follow
you to defend your land and go with as large numbers as are available tomeet your brother King Ingi as soon as you can, and that each of you should
support the other in all useful matters, and may almighty God [support] bothof you. Now we wish to hear what you have to say, king.’Sauða-Úlfr’s son Pétr, who was afterwards known as Pétr byrðarsveinn(Load-carrying Lad), had carried King Sigurðr to the assembly. Then the
king spoke:

194

heimskringla‘Let all men know that if I have my way I shall go to see my brother King
Ingi as soon as I can.’Now one after another there spoke and each began in his own way but
ended his speech at the same spot as Óttarr birtingr had replied, and now it
was decided to summon a troop together and travel to the east of the country.
After that King Sigurðr travelled east into Vík and there met his brotherKing Ingi.
CHAPTER ten
The same autumn there came Sigurðr slembidjákn and Magnús blindi
from the south from Denmark with thirty ships, both Danish troops andNorwegian. It was close to the winter nights.397 [316] So when the kings
and their troops learn of this, they travel east against them. They met at
Hvalir by Hólmr inn grái. This was the next day after Marteinsmass.398 It
was a Sunday. Kings Ingi and Sigurðr had twenty ships and all large ones.
A great battle took place there, but after the first onslaught the Danes fledback south with eighteen ships. Then Sigurðr’s and Magnús’s ships werecleared. And when Magnús’s ship was pretty well cleared, but he was restingin his bed, Hreiðarr Grjótgarðsson, who had been with him a long time andhad been one of his personal followers, he took King Magnús in his arms
and was going to jump onto another ship. Then Hreiðarr was hit by a spear
between the shoulders and in through them, and people say that there King
Magnús met his death from the same spear, and Hreiðarr fell over on hisback onto the deck with Magnús on top of him. But everyone tells that he
was felt to have served his liege lord well and gallantly. It is well for each
one that gets such report. There fell Loðinn saupruðr (Soup Swallower) of
Línustaðir on King Magnús’s ship, and Sigurðr slembidjákn’s forecastle
man Brúsi Þormóðarson and Ívarr Kolbeinsson and Sigurðr slembidjákn’s
midshipman, Hallvarðr fægir (Polisher). This Ívarr had gone in against
King Haraldr and been the first to injure him. Now a large part of Magnús’s
party’s troops fell, for Ingi’s men let none escape that they could lay hands
on, though I name but few men to whom this happened. They killed on one
islet more than sixty men. Two Icelandic men were killed there, Bergþórr
Másson’s son the priest Sigurðr and secondly Ari Einarsson’s son Klémet.
Kálfr inn rangi’s son Ívarr skrauthanki (Ornamented Hasp), who was later
bishop north in Þrándheimr—he was Archbishop Eiríkr’s father; Ívarr had
steadfastly followed Magnús—he [317] managed to get onto his brother Jón
kaða’s ship, and Jón was married to Gyrðr Bárðarson’s daughter Cecilia,
and was there among the troops. And there were these three that managed
397
398

The last three nights before the beginning of winter (late October).
The Feast of St Martin of Tours (Marteinsmessa) is 11th November.

haraldssona saga

195

to get onto Jón’s ship, the second being Arnbjǫrn Ambi who later marriedÞorsteinn in Auðsholt’s daughter, the third Ívarr dynta (Dandy) Starason.
He was Helgi Starason’s brother and Þrándish on his mother’s side, a mostpromising man. But when the troops realised that they were there, then they
grabbed their weapons and went for Jón and his friends, and they got on the
defensive and the whole host was on the point of fighting among themselves.
And this settlement was reached among them, that Jón redeemed his brotherÍvarr and Arnbjǫrn and he pledged ransom for them and he was paid backthis money afterwards. But Ívarr dynta was taken up ashore and executed,
for Kolbeinn’s sons Sigurðr and Gyrðr would not take payment for him, as
they recognised him as having been at the killing of their brother Benteinn.
Bishop Ívarr said it had affected him in this way, that he felt the worst thing
was when Ívarr was taken up ashore to face the axe and first he turned tothem and said he hoped they would meet again in happiness. This is what
Archbishop Jón’s sister Guðríðr Birgisdóttir told Eiríkr Oddsson, and she
said she had heard Bishop Ívarr say that.
CHAPTER eleven
There was a man called Þrándr gjaldkeri (Steward) that captained a ship in
Ingi’s fleet. And now it had reached the stage where Ingi’s men were rowing
in small boats to the men that were in the water and killing each one thatthey got hold of. Sigurðr slembidjákn dived into the water from his ship
when it had been cleared, and threw off his mailcoat [318] while under thewater, after that swimming and holding his shield above him. And some menfrom Þrándr’s ship captured one man in the water and were going to kill
him, but he begged to be released, saying he would tell them where Sigurðr
slembir was, and they agreed to that. But shields and spears and dead men
and clothing were floating all over round the ships.
‘You will see,’ he says, ‘where a red shield is floating. He is underneath that.’
After that they rowed over there and captured him and took him to Þrándr’s
ship, and Þrándr sent word to Þjóstólfr and Óttarr and Ámundi. Sigurðr
slembir had had a tinderbox on him, and the touchwood was inside a walnut
shell and wax poured over it. This is mentioned because it seemed a cleverway to keep it from ever getting wet. He held his shield above himself while
he swam so that no one would know whether it was that shield or someother when there were many of them floating on the sea. They said that theywould never have come across him if they had not been told where he was.
When Þrándr got ashore with him, then the troops were told that he had been
captured. Then a shout of joy arose from the army. And when Sigurðr heard
that, he said:‘Many a wicked man will be joyful over my head today.’196

heimskringla

Then Þjóstólfr Álason went up to where he was sitting and brushed off hishead a silken cap adorned with lace. Then Þjóstólfr said:‘Why were you so bold, you son of a slave, as to dare to call yourself King
Magnús’s son?’He replied: ‘You have no reason to regard my father as like a slave, foryour father was worth little in comparison with my father.’Þorgeirr Steinsson the physician’s son Hallr was one of King Ingi’s
followers and was present while this was going on. He dictated the story to
Eiríkr Oddsson, and he wrote down this account. Eiríkr wrote the book thatis known as Hryggjarstykki. In that book it tells about Haraldr gilli and his
two sons399 and [319] about Magnús blindi and about Sigurðr slembir, rightup until their deaths. Eiríkr was an intelligent man and was at this time fora long period in Norway. He wrote some of his account according to what
Haraldr’s sons’ landed man Hákon magi dictated. Hákon and his sons werein all these conflicts and strategies. Eiríkr further mentions others that told
him about these events, intelligent and reliable people, and were nearby, sothat they heard or saw what happened, and some things he wrote according
to what he himself had heard or seen.
CHAPTER twelve
Hallr says this, that the leading men wanted to have him [Sigurðr slembir]
killed straight away, but the men that were fiercest and felt the need toavenge their griefs on him decided his torments, and there were named forthis the brothers of Benteinn, Kolbeinn’s sons Sigurðr and Gyrðr, and Pétrbyrðarsveinn wanted to avange his brother Finnr, but the leading men andmost of the ordinary people went off. They broke his legs in two with thebacks of axes and his arms. Then they stripped him of his clothes and weregoing to flay him alive and cut the scalp off his head. They got no further
with this because of the blood flowing. Then they took whips of hide andbeat him for a long time so that all his skin was completely off as if it had
been flayed. And after that they took a log of wood and banged it on his
spine so that it broke in two. Then they dragged him to a tree and hanged
him and after that cut off his head and dragged his body away and buried it
in a sort of heap of stones.
[320] Everyone said, his friends and enemies, that no man in Norway had
been more accomplished in everything than Sigurðr within the memory of thepeople that were then around, though he was an unlucky man in some things.
Hallr said that he spoke little and often did not reply very much even if people
addressed words to him, and Hallr says this, that he never reacted any more399

i.e. Ingi and Sigurðr.

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197

than if they were striking a stock or a stone. But he added this, that it could
be true of a good fellow that was well endowed with endurance that he might
be able to bear torture to the extent that he might keep his mouth shut or react
very little, but he said that he [Sigurðr] never altered his voice and he spoke aslightheartedly as when he was indoors on the ale bench, he spoke neither louder
nor more softly nor with more of a tremor than his custom was. He went on
speaking right on until he died, and sang a third of the psalter, and he [Hallr]declared that this seemed to him beyond the endurance and strength of othermen. And the priest that had a church there a short way away had Sigurðr’s
body conveyed there to the church. This priest was a friend of Haraldr’s sons.
And when this got about, then they directed their anger towards him and had
the body taken back to where it had been before, and yet the priest had to pay
money for it. But Sigurðr’s friends afterwards went from south in Denmark byship to fetch the body and conveyed it to Álaborg and buried it at Máríukirkja
there in the town. The provost Ketill, who was in charge of Máríukirkja, told
Eiríkr that Sigurðr was buried there. Þjóstólfr Álason had King Magnús’s body
conveyed to Oslo and buried at Hallvarðskirkja by his father King Sigurðr.
They conveyed Loðinn sauprúðr to Túnsberg, but all the other troops theyburied where they were.
[321] CHAPTER thirteen
Sigurðr and Ingi had been ruling Norway six winters. That spring Eysteinncame from the west from Scotland. He was Haraldr gilli’s son. Árni sturla(Trouble) and Þorleifr Brynjólfsson and Kolbeinn hrúga (Heap), they had
travelled west across the sea after Eysteinn and accompanied him to land and
immediately sailed north to Þrándheimr, and the Þrœndir welcomed him andhe was accepted as king at Eyraþing around Rogation Days,400 so that he was toshare a third of Norway with his brothers. Sigurðr and Ingi were now in the eastof the country. Then people passed between the kings and made a settlement
between them whereby Eysteinn was to have a third of the kingdom . . .401
except that what King Haraldr had said about it was believed. King Eysteinn’s
mother was called Bjaðǫk, and she came to Norway with him.
CHAPTER fourteen
The fourth son of King Haraldr was called Magnús. He was fostered by
Kyrpinga-Ormr (Feeble Steps-). He was also accepted as king and had hisshare of the land. Magnús was diseased in the feet and lived a short timeand died of sickness. Einarr Skúlason speaks of him:
See note 396 above.
Some words are accidentally missing here, perhaps something like what is in
Fagrskinna: ‘No trials of Eysteinn’s paternity were made’.
400
401

198
		
217.
			
[322] 		heimskringla

Eysteinn bestows wealth on people.
Sigurðr adds to shield-clamour.402
Ingi makes metal403 sing.
Magnús makes peace among men.
The kin of the king much valued404
colour with blood the war-tent.405
Never came beneath the sun,four nobler brothers.

Haraldssonakvæði (?) 1
Skald II 549

After the fall of King Haraldr gilli Queen Ingiríðr was married to Óttarr
birtingr. He was a landed man and a great leader, Þrándish by descent. He
was a great helper of King Ingi while he was in his childhood. King Sigurðr
was not a great friend of his and felt he was rather too biassed in favour of his
kinsman-in-law King Ingi. Óttarr birtingr was killed north in Kaupangr by asingle attacker one evening when he was supposed to be going to evensong.
And when he heard the whistling of the blow, then he moved up his armand cloak against it, thinking that a snowball was being thrown at him, as
often happens with young boys. He fell at the blow. But his son Álfr hroði
(Trash) now came walking into the churchyard. He saw his father’s fall andalso that the man who had attacked him was running eastwards round thechurch. Álfr ran after him and killed him by the corner of the choir, andpeople said his vengeance had turned out well for him, and he was thoughta much greater man than before.
CHAPTER fifteen
King Eysteinn Haraldsson was now inside Þrándheimr when he heard ofÓttarr’s fall, and he summoned a troop of farmers to him. He went out to thetown and came to have a very large following. [323] But Óttarr’s kinsmen
and other friends blamed the plot mainly on King Sigurðr, and he was now
in Kaupangr, and the farmers were greatly incensed against him. But heoffered to undergo an ordeal and pledged a trial by hot iron that would prove
his innocence, and they settled for that. After that King Sigurðr travelled tothe south of the country, and this ordeal was never performed.
CHAPTER sixteen
Queen Ingiríðr had a son by Ívarr sneis (Pin). He was called Ormr, and later
known as King’s Brother. He was most handsome in looks and became a greatskaldar hjaldr: ‘din of the shield’, battle.
slƒg: blows (from weapons); also used to mean the weapons themselves.
404
Haraldr gilli.
405
folktjald: ‘battle-tent’, shield.
402
403

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haraldssona sagaleader, as will be described further later. Queen Ingiríðr was married to Árniin Stoðreimr. He was later known as King’s Brother-in-Law. Their children
were Ingi, Níkolás, Philippus in Herðla and Margrét, who was married toBjǫrn bukkr (Buck) and afterwards to Símun Kárason.
CHAPTER seventeen
Erlingr was the name of the son of Kyrpinga-Ormr and Sveinki Steinarsson’s
daughter Ragnhildr. Kyrpinga-Ormr was son of Sveinn Sveinsson, sonof Erlendr from Gerði. Ormr’s mother was Ragna, daughter of Jarl Ormr
Eilífsson and Jarl Finnr Árnason’s daughter Ingibjǫrg. Jarl Ormr’s mother
was Jarl Hákon inn ríki’s daughter Ragnhildr. Erlingr was an intelligent man
and was a great friend of King Ingi’s, and with his consent Erlingr married
Kristín, daughter of King Sigurðr and Queen Málmfríðr. Erlingr had an estatein Stuðla [324] in Sunn-Hǫrðaland. Erlingr travelled abroad and with him
Eindriði ungi (the Young) and still other landed men, and they had a fineforce. They set out on a journey to Jórsalir and travelled west across the sea
to Orkney. From there Jarl Rǫgnvaldr, who was known as Kali, travelled[with them], and Bishop Viljálmr. They took altogether from Orkney fifteen
longships and sailed to the Suðreyjar and from there west to Valland and afterthat the route that King Sigurðr Jórsalafari had travelled, out to Nǫrvasund,raiding widely out round heathen Spain. A little after they had sailed throughthe straits, Eindriði ungi and those that were accompanying him separated off
with six ships, and each party then went their own way. But Jarl Rǫgnvaldr
and Erlingr skakki (the Crooked) encountered a drómundr406on the sea andattacked it with nine ships and fought with them. And in the end they brought
smaller warships underneath the drómundr. Then the heathens brought
down on them both weapons and stones and pots of boiling pitch and olive
oil. Erlingr was positioned with his ship closest to them and the heathens’
shower of weapons came down outside this ship. Then Erlingr and his men
knocked holes in the drómundr, some down under the water, some up in thesides, so that they could get in there. So says Þorbjǫrn Skakkaskáld (Skakki’sPoet) in Erlingsdrápa: 407
		

218.

With the axe’s blades underwater—
eagerly it was done—Northmen,bold, in the new boarding
broke openings, fearlessly.

Erlingsdrápa 1
Skald II 631

A very large warship used on the Mediterranean (Greek δρóµων).
Þorbjǫrn is unknown from elsewhere. Only the three stanzas from his poem for
Erlingr skakki cited here survive, though Skáldatal claims that he composed also for
Erlingr’s son Magnús and for Sverrir Sigurðarson.
406
407

200

heimskringla[325] 		Enders of eagle’s hunger408
			in the dark wave-animal’s409
			iron-cladding saw your cunning.
			You opened war-slits410 from above.
Auðunn inn rauði (the Red) was the name of the man, Erlingr’s forecastle man,that first went up into the drómundr. They defeated the drómundr and slew
there a huge number of men, taking there a large amount of wealth and winninga fine victory there. On this journey Jarl Rǫgnvaldr and Erlingr skakki got toJórsalaland and out to the River Jórðán, then turned back, first to Mikligarðr,leaving their ships behind there, travelling home by land, and kept all safe until
they got to Norway, and their journey was very highly praised. Erlingr wasseen now as a much greater man than before, both from his journey and his
marriage. He was also a very intelligent person, wealthy and of good family,
well spoken and was most attached in full friendship to Ingi of the brothers.
CHAPTER eighteen
King Sigurðr was riding round attending banquets east in Vík with his
following and rode past a farm owned by a powerful man that was called
Símun. And as the king was riding through the farm, then could be heard
from inside one of the buildings such beautiful singing that he was quiteenchanted with it, and rode up to the building and saw inside that there wasa woman standing there at a hand-mill singing to it amazingly beautifully
as she was grinding. The king dismounted from his horse and went inside to
the woman and lay with her. And as he rode away, then [326] Farmer Símun
realised what the king had been up to there. But she was called Þóra and she
was Farmer Símun’s servant woman. Afterwards Símun had her taken careof. And later on this woman gave birth to a child, and this boy was named
Hákon and was said to be King Sigurðr’s son. Hákon was brought up therewith Símun Þorbergsson and his wife Gunnhildr. Also brought up there
were her and Símun’s sons Ǫnundr and Andreas, and they were very fondof Hákon, so that nothing could part them but death.
CHAPTER nineteen
King Eysteinn Haraldsson was located east in Vík close to the border. He had
a dispute with landowners, Renir and Hísingsbúar. They assembled troops

arnar hungrs eyðandi: ‘destroyer of the eagle’s hunger’, warrior.
vágfylvingi: ‘dark thing of the wave’, ship. This interpretation was suggested
by E. A. Kock (NN §348A), although the form fylvingr, which he derives from theadjective fƒlr, is not otherwise attested.
410
vígskarð: ‘war-cut’, a slit through which weapons could be fired (known as
an arrow-loop).
408
409

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against him, and he fought a battle with them and was victorious. The place
where they fought is called Leikberg. He also set fire to very many placesin Hísing. After that the landowners submitted and paid great fines, and the
king took hostages from them. So says Einarr Skúlason:
		

219.

The generous, bold king—		
so things for them went wrong—
the Víkverjar pays			
for arbitrary ways.
Most were afraid
before terms were made,and hostages takes
he who harsh payment makes.

Runhenda 2
Mork II 216
Skald II 552

		

220.

The sovereign fought 		
the stout cohort—			
to his men praise is clear—		
Leikberg near.
Renir fled a lot
and rendered what—riches men paid—
the ruler bade.

Runhenda 3
Mork II 217
Skald II 553[327] 		CHAPTER twenty
A little later King Eysteinn set out on a journey abroad west across the sea
and sailed to Katanes. He got intelligence about Jarl Haraldr Maddaðarsonin Þórsá. He attacked him with three small warships and came upon themunawares, though the jarl had a thirty-benched ship with eighty men
aboard. Yet as they were unprepared for it, King Eysteinn and his men now
immediately managed to board the ship and captured the jarl and took himwith them onto one of their ships. He ransomed himself with three marks ofgold, and they parted without more ado. So says Einarr Skúlason:
		

221.

Eighty men were aiding		the offspring of Maddaðr; 		
the wound-fiord gull’s feeder411
forwards412 himself, mighty.

Eysteinsdrápa 1
Mork 217
Skald II 559

411
sára sogns mƒgrennir: ‘feeder of the gull (raven) of the fiord (blood) of wounds’,
warrior, King Eysteinn.
412
fremsk: the reading of Morkinskinna and some manuscripts of Heimskringla.
Other manuscripts have fekksk ‘was captured’, in which case the ‘warrior’ kenning
would refer instead to Haraldr Maddaðarson, and he would be the subject of the clause.

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heimskringla

The tide-horse’s tirer413
took that jarl with three vessels.
The bold baiter of the corpse-skua414
bowed his head415 to the fine ruler.
[328] King Eysteinn sailed on from there southwards along the eastern coastof Scotland and made for the market town in Scotland that is called Apardjón,
and there killed many people and plundered the place. So says Einarr Skúlason:		
222. The troop, I’ve heard tell,		Runhenda 5of Apardjón fell.			
Mork 218
Smashed was war-ice;416		
Skald II 554
the prince spoiled peace.
He fought a second battle south by Hjartapollr with a mounted troop andforced them to flee. They cleared some ships there. So says Einarr:		
223. The king’s sword did pierce.		
Runhenda 6
Blood fell on spears.			
Mork 218
The troop kept together loyally
Skáldsk 104 (ll. 1–2)
by Hjartapollr.			
Skald II 555
Hot sword-hilt-Rhine417—
the wolf got more wine418—
Huginn419 cheered;English ships were cleared.
Then he sailed southwards again to England and there fought a third battleby Hvítabýr and was victorious and burned the town. So says Einarr:		
224. The prince increased war,		
Runhenda 7
swords chanted420 there,		Mork II 219[329] 		war-clouds421 were hewn,		
Skáldsk 104 (ll. 3–4)
by Hvítabýr town.			
Skald II 555
Strongly played on each house—
people endured woes,
the wolf’s tooth grew red—the Garmr of fir-wood.422
drasils hranna þreytir: ‘tirer of the horse of waves (ship)’, seafarer.
hræskúfs nistir: ‘feeder of the carrion-skua (raven)’, warrior.
415
literally ‘gave his head’, i.e. surrendered.
416
folksvell: ‘battle-ice’, weapons.
417
valbasta Rín: ‘the Rhine (water) of (the metal cladding of) the sword-hilt’, blood.
418
vitnis vín: ‘wolf’s wine’, blood.
420
419
i.e. clashed.
Huginn: the name of a raven.
421
hildar ský: ‘cloud of battle’, shield.
422
fyriskógar Garmr: ‘the Garmr (hound; damager, enemy) of fir forest’, fire.
413
414

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haraldssona saga

After that he made raids in many places across England. Stefnir was now
king in England. Next King Eysteinn fought a battle by Skarpasker withsome mounted troops. So says Einarr:
		

225.

The able king—			rain drove of bow-string423—		
by Skǫrpusker killed			
the troop shield-skilled.

Runhenda 8
Mork II 220
Skald II 556

Next he fought in Pílavík and was victorious. So says Einarr:
		

226.

In Pilavík the lord			
reddened the sword.			
Tore the wolf’s band			
Partar corpses grand.
He made, the king—sword on brow did sing—all Langatún
west of sea burn.

Runhenda 9Mork II 220
Skald II 557

There they burned Langatún, a large village, and people say that this town
hardly recovered afterwards. After this [330] King Eysteinn travelled awayfrom England and in the autumn back to Norway, and people gave very
varying reports of this expedition.
CHAPTER twenty-one
There was satisfactory peace in Norway in the early days of Haraldr’s sons,and there was fairly reasonable concord between them as long as their originaladvisers lived, indeed Ingi and Sigurðr were more or less children. At thattime they both had a single following, while Eysteinn had one of his own.
He was a full-grown man in age. But when Ingi and Sigurðr’s guardians
were dead, Sáða-Gyrðr Bárðarson, Ámundi Gyrðarson, Þjóstólfr Álason,Óttarr birtingr, Ǫgmundr sviptir and Erlingr skakki’s brother Ǫgmundr
dengir (Hammerer)—Erlingr was taken little notice of while Ǫgmundr wasalive—after that Ingi and Sigurðr split their following, and then Gregorius,
son of Dagr Eilífsson and Skopti Ǫgmundarson’s daughter Ragnhildr, ruled
as a support to King Ingi. Gregorius had great wealth and was himself amost outstanding person. He came to be in charge of the government of
the country alongside King Ingi, and the king allowed him to take what hewished of his own possessions. King Sigurðr became a very overbearing
person and unruly in every way as soon as he was grown up, and so was
Eysteinn too, and this was even more true in the case of Eysteinn, indeed
423

strengjar regn: ‘rain of the bow-string’, arrows.

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heimskringla

he was the most greedy for wealth and most avaricious of them all. King
Sigurðr grew into a big and strong man, a valiant man in looks, with brownhair and ugly mouth, but all right in his other features. He was of all men
the most well-spoken and readiest of speech. Einarr Skúlason mentions this:[331] 227.

The speech-craft of Sigurðr		
Sigurðardrápa II 1
excels, he who reddens		
Skald II 550
with gore sharp424 fires of gash-floods.425
God himself has given the king success.
It is, if the Raumar’s ruler426
orates, angry-worded, as if—
the glad-spoken king displays splendour—silent are other people.427

CHAPTER TWENTY-TWO
King Eysteinn was a swarthy man and dark in colouring, of quite tall averagebuild, a sensible and intelligent person, but what was most detrimental to his
authority was that he was avaricious and greedy for wealth. He married Níkolás
mási’s (Seagull’s) daughter Ragna. King Ingi was the most handsome of men
in his features. He had yellow hair, and it was rather thin and very curly. He
had not grown very tall, and he could scarcely walk on his own, one leg was
so withered, and his shoulders and chest were deformed. He was cheerful ofspeech and pleasant with his friends, generous with wealth, mostly letting
leading men make decisions about the government with him, popular withordinary people, and all of this very much attracted power and followers to him.
King Haraldr gilli’s daughter was called Brígiða. She was first of all married
to King Ingi Hallsteinsson [332] of the Svíar, and later to Jarl Karl Sónason andthen to King Magnús of the Svíar. He and King Ingi Haraldsson were sons of
the same mother. Last of all she was married to Jarl Birgir brosa (Smile). They
had four sons, one Jarl Philippus, second Jarl Knútr, third Fólki, fourth Magnús.
Their daughters were Ingigerðr, who was married to King Sørkvir—their son
was King Jón—second Kristín, third Margrét. Haraldr gilli’s second daughter
was called Maria. She was married to Hallkell húkr’s (Bowed’s) son Símun
skálpr (Sheath). Their son was called Níkolás. Haraldr gilli’s third daughter
was called Margrét. She was married to Símun’s brother Jón Hallkelsson.
Now many things happened with these brothers that led to differences
between them, but yet I shall only mention what seems to me to have had
the most significant consequences.
snarpa emended from snarpra (all manuscripts).
sárflóðs eldr: ‘fire of wound-flood (blood)’, sword.
426
Rauma ræsir: ‘ruler of the Raumar’, king of Norway.
427
i.e. it seems that other people’s words are worth nothing.
424
425

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CHAPTER twenty-three
Cardinal Níkolás from the City of Rome came to Norway in the time of thesons of Haraldr, and the Pope had sent him to Norway. Now the cardinal
was angry with Sigurðr and Eysteinn, and they had to make atonement withhim, but he was very well pleased with Ingi and called him his son. So when
they were all at peace with him, he granted them that he would consecrate
Jón Birgisson as archbishop in Þrándheimr and gave him the vestmentthat is called pallium and declared this, that the archbishop’s see was to
be in Niðaróss at Christchurch, where King Óláfr the Saint rests, thoughpreviously there had only been suffragan bishops in Norway. The cardinalbrought it about that no one should bear weapons [333] in marketplaces
with impunity excpt the twelve men that were the king’s bodyguard. He
in many ways improved people’s practices in Norway while he was there
in the country. No foreigner has visited Norway that everyone thought as
highly of or that had as much authority over the common people as he.
He returned south afterwards with great gifts of friendship and declared
he would always be the greatest friend of Norwegians. And when he got
south to the City of Rome, then the previous pope died suddenly, and all
the people of the City of Rome wanted to take Níkolás as Pope. So he wasconsecrated Pope with the name of Adrianus. Those people that visited
the City of Rome in his time say that he never had such urgent businesswith other people that he did not always speak with Norwegians first when
they wanted an audience with him. He was not Pope for long, and he issaid to be a saint.
[334] CHAPTER twenty-four
In the time of the sons of Haraldr gilli an event took place in which a manthat is named Halldórr came across some Vinðr, and they captured him andcaused him injuries, cutting his throat and pulling out his tongue from there
and cutting it off at the roots of his tongue. Afterwards he made his way tothe blessed King Óláfr, meditated devoutly on this holy person and weeping
bitterly, begged King Óláfr to grant him speech and health. Next he received
his speech and grace from that good king and immediately became his servant
all the days of his life and turned into a glorious and faithful person. This
miracle took place a fortnight before the later St Óláfr’s day,428 on the daythat Cardinal Níkolás reached land.
Óláfsmessa in síðari: the anniversary of his translation, 3rd August. Earlier
versions of Óláfs saga helga say a fortnight before the earlier feast, which was
29th July.
428

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CHAPTER twenty-five
There were two brothers in Upplǫnd, men of high lineage and well off, Einarr
and Andreas, sons of Guthormr grábarðr (Greybearded), maternal uncles ofKing Sigurðr Haraldsson. They had their ancestral property there and all theirpossessions. They had a sister quite handsome to look at, but yet not too prudent
about what wicked people say, as later became apparent. She was very friendly
with an English priest that was called Ríkarðr, who was living there with her
brothers, and she did him many favours and frequently great benefits out ofkindness. This led to no better result than that there got about and flew aroundmonstrous words about this woman. After this had become common talk, theneveryone believed this was the priest’s fault, as also her brothers did, as soon
as they became aware of this, then they declared him the most likely one to be
reponsible before the public429 in the [335] great friendship that existed between
them. This turned out to be the greatest misfortune for them [the couple]
afterwards, as was not unexpected, since they [the brothers] remained silent
about their concealed plot and let no sign of it be apparent in them. So one day
they called the priest to them—he was expecting nothing from them but justsomething good—, enticed him away with them saying that they had to go toanother district to see to something there that they needed done, and told him togo with them; taking with them a member of their household who was in the plot
with them. They went by ship along the lake that is called Rǫnd, and on along
the shore of the lake and landed on a promontory that is called Skiptisandr. There
they went ashore and played for a little while. Then they went to a certain secretplace, then told their workman to strike him a blow with the back of an axe. He
struck the priest so that he lay in a daze. But when he came to himself, he said:‘Why must you play so roughly with me?’
They replied: ‘Even if no one tells you, yet you shall now discover what
you have done.’
After that they put forward their charges against him. He denied them andspoke, bidding God and the blessed King Óláfr judge between them. Afterthat they broke his leg in two. Then they dragged him between them to theforest and bound his hands behind his back. After that they passed cords
round his head and a plank beneath his shoulders and head and put in a stickand twisted the cord.430 Then Einarr took a peg and put it in the priest’s eye,and his servant stood above and struck it with the axe and forced out the eye
so that it immediately flew down onto his moustache. So then he put the peg
in the other eye and said to his servant:429
fyrir alþýðu í þeiri miklu blíðu is most likely a corruption of fyrir þýðu þá
mikla ok blíðu ‘because of the great and kindly friendship’. Cf. Legendary Saga 216.
430
So as to tighten it.

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‘Strike somewhat more gently.’
He did so. Then the peg shot off his eyeball and tore away his eyelid. Afterthat Einarr took hold of the eyelid in his hand and stretched it up and saw
that the eyeball was still there. Then he put the peg out on his cheek andthe servant struck it then, and the eyeball sprang down onto the cheekbone[336] where it was most prominent. After that they opened his mouth andtook hold of his tongue and pulled it out and cut it off, and after that freed
his hands and head. As soon as he came to himself it occurred to him toplace his eyeballs up against his eyebrows in their places and he held them
there with both hands as well as he could. So then they carried him to theship and went to the farm that is known as at Sæheimruð and landed there.
They sent a man to the farm to say that a priest was lying there by a ship on
the shore. While the man that had been sent was gone up there, then they
asked if the priest was able to speak, but he fluttered his tongue and wanted
to try to speak with it. Then Einarr spoke to his brother:‘If he recovers and the stump of his tongue grows, then it occurs to me
that he may speak.’After that they pinched the stump of his tongue with tongs and pulled at
it and twice cut pieces off it, and a third time from in the roots of his tongueand left him lying there half dead. The housewife there on the farm was poor,and yet she went immediately and her daughter with her and they carriedhim back to the house in their shawls. After that they fetched a priest, andwhen he got there, then he bound up all his wounds and they tried to relieve
him as much as they could. He lay there, the wounded priest, in a sad state,hoping constantly for God’s grace and never doubting it, praying to God in
his mind and with sorrowful heart without speaking, all the more trusting
the more he was distressed, and meditated in his mind on the gracious king,Óláfr the Saint, God’s darling, having previously heard much said about his
glorious works and trusting in him all the more zealously with his wholeheart for every help in his need. So as he lay there maimed and devoid of any
strength, then he wept bitterly and sighed, begging with sorrowful breast thesaint, King Óláfr, to succour him. So then after midnight [337] the wounded
priest fell asleep. Then he dreamt he saw a noble-looking man come to him
and speak with him:
‘Badly have you now been treated, Ríkarðr my friend. I can see that now
your strength is not great.’He dreamt he agreed on this. Then this person spoke to him:
‘You are in need of grace.’
The priest says: ‘I would need the grace of almighty God and of the blessed
King Óláfr.’He says: ‘And you shall have it.’208

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Next he took hold of the stump of his tongue and pulled it so hard that it
was painful for the priest. Next he rubbed over his eyes with his hand, andover his leg, also over his other limbs that were painful. Then the priest
asked who it was there. He looked at him and said:‘It is Óláfr here from the north in Þrándheimr.’
And after that he disappeared, but the priest awoke completely cured, andimmediately began to speak.
‘Blessed am I,’ he said, ‘thanks to God and the blessed King Óláfr. He has
cured me.’
And miserably as he had previously been treated, so he received swift
remedy for all his misfortune, and it felt to him as if he had neither beenwounded nor distressed, his tongue whole, both his eyes come in their correct
positions, the fractures in his bones grown together and all his other wounds
healed and free from pain, back in the best of health. And it was now as asign that his eyes had been put out that there grew a white scar on each of
his eyelids in order that the glory of this noble king might be seen in thisman that had been in such a miserable state.
CHAPTER twenty-six
Eysteinn and Sigurðr had been in dispute because King Sigurðr had killed afollower of King Eysteinn’s, Haraldr inn víkverski (the Man from Vík), who had
premises in Bjǫrgyn, and another, the priest Jón son of Táparðr (Tabard), Bjarni
Sigurðarson.431 [338] Because of this they arranged a peace meeting between
them for in the winter in Upplǫnd. The two of them sat in discussion for a longtime, and the outcome of their talk was that they would meet in Bjǫrgyn, all
the brothers, the following summer. It was also part of their statement that theywanted King Ingi to have two or three estates and enough other wealth for him
to keep thirty men with him, saying they felt he did not have the health to be
king. Ingi and Gregorius heard this news and went to Bjǫrgyn and gathered avery large troop. Sigurðr arrived a little later, and he had considerably fewer
troops. Ingi and Sigurðr had now been kings over Norway for nineteen winters.
Eysteinn was longer coming from the Vík in the east than they coming fromthe north. Then King Ingi had a trumpet blown for an assembly in Hólmr, andSigurðr and Ingi with their men and a large number of people turned up there.
Gregorius had two longships and a good ninety men for whom he provided alltheir food and drink. He maintained his following better than other landed men,for he never drank in taverns without all his following drinking with him. He
wore a gilt helmet to the assembly, and all his following were helmeted. King
Ingi stood up and told people about what he had heard, how his brothers wanted
431

i.e. Táparðr was the nickname of Jón’s father Bjarni Sigurðarson.

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to deal with him, and asked for support, and the common people applauded
what he said loudly and said they would stand by him.
CHAPTER twenty-seven
Then King Sigurðr stood up and speaks, saying it was untrue what King Ingi
had accused them of, declared Gregorius had made it up, and said it should
not be long before such a meeting between them should take place, if he
had his way, at which he would cast down that gilt helmet there, and ended
his speech by saying that they would not both be walking about for long.
Gregorius answers, saying he thought that he [King Sigurðr] had little need
to be eager for that, and [339] declaring he was ready for it. A few days later
one of Gregorius’s menservants was killed out in the street, and the killer was
one of King Sigurðr’s menservants. Then Gregorius wanted to attack King
Sigurðr and his men, but Ingi dissuaded him, as did many other people. But
as King Ingi’s mother Ingiríðr was returning from evensong, then she cameacross where Sigurðr skrúðhyrna (Decorated Axe-Head) had been killed.
He was one of King Ingi’s followers and was an old man and had been in
the service of many kings. And he had been killed by King Sigurðr’s men
Hallvarðr Gunnarsson and Eysteinn trafali’s (Hindrance’s) son Sigurðr, andpeople blamed their action on King Sigurðr. So she went straight to King
Ingi and told him, said he would always be an insignificant king if he was
unwilling to do anything even when his followers were slaughtered one after
another just like pigs. The king got angry at her criticism, and as they werearguing together, Gregorius came walking in, helmeted and mailcoated,
telling the king not to be angry, saying she was quite right.
‘But I have come here to support you if you want to make an attack on King
Sigurðr, and there are more than a hundred men out here in the courtyard,
my followers, helmeted and mailcoated, and we shall attack them from there
where it seems hardest to others to do so.’But most people were against it and declared that Sigurðr would be willingto atone for his unlucky deed. So when Gregorius saw that it would be decided
against, he spoke to King Ingi:‘They are plucking your men off, killing my manservant a little while
ago, and now your follower, and they will be wanting to hunt down me orsome other landed man that they think will be the greatest loss to you, since
they can see that you are doing nothing about it, and will deprive you of the
kingdom after your friends have been killed. Now whichever way your otherlanded men want to go, I am not willing to wait to be slaughtered like an
ox, and Sigurðr and I shall [340] conclude our business tonight in whatever
way may turn out to be possible. But it is both that you are in a bad way on
account of your poor health, and moreover I think you have little desire to210heimskringla

keep your friends. But I am now quite ready to go from here to face Sigurðr,for my standard is here outside.’King Ingi stood up and called for his clothes, told everyone to get ready
who wanted to stand by him, saying it would do no good to hold him back,declaring he had given way a long time, affirming now they must fight it
out to the finish.
CHAPTER twenty-eight
King Sigurðr was drinking on Sigríðr sæta’s (Grass Widow’s) premises andwas getting ready and thought that nothing would come of the attack. Afterthat they approached the premises, King Ingi down from the smiths’ shops,
the king’s brother-in-law Árni from out at Sandbrú, Áslákr Erlendsson
from his premises, and Gregorius from the street, and it was considered tobe hardest from there. Sigurðr and his men shot a great deal from upstairs
windows and broke up ovens and threw the stones at them. Gregorius and his
men broke down the gate of the enclosure, and it was there in the gatewaythat Laxa-Páll’s son Einarr fell of King Sigurðr’s troop, and Hallvarðr
Gunnarsson. He was shot in through the upstairs room and no one grievedfor him. They knocked down the buildings and Sigurðr’s troops left his side
to receive quarter. Then Sigurðr went to an upper room and tried to ask fora hearing, but he had a gilt shield and people recognised him and would notlisten to him. People shot at him, so that it was like looking at a snowstorm,and he could not stay there. So when the troops had left his side and people
were knocking down the buildings very rapidly, [341] then he went out andhis follower Þórðr húsfreyja (Housewife) with him, a man from Vík, andthey wanted to go up to where King Ingi was to be found, and Sigurðr called
to his brother Ingi, that he should give him quarter, but they were both cut
down. Þórðr húsfreyja fell with great glory. Many men fell there, though I
name but few, of Sigurðr’s troops and also of Ingi’s troops, and four men of
Gregorius’s troops, and also those that were with neither, and they were hit
by missiles down on the jetties or out on the ships. They fought a fortnight
before the feast of John the Baptist,432 and that was a Friday.
King Sigurðr was buried at the old Christchurch out at Hólmr. King Ingi gave
Gregorius the ship that had been King Sigurðr’s. And two or three nights later
King Eysteinn arrived from the east with thirty ships and brought his nephew
Hákon along with him and did not go to Bjǫrgyn but stayed in Flóruvágar, andpeople passed between them and tried to reconcile them. But Gregorius wanted
them to sail out against them, saying there would not be a better opportunity
in the future, declaring that he would be the leader in this.
432

The feast for the birthday of St John the Baptist (Jónsmessa baptista) is 24th June.

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‘But you, king, are not to go. There is now no lack of troops for it.’
But many were against it, and so nothing came of the expedition. King
Eysteinn travelled east to the Vík, but King Ingi north to Þrándheimr andthey were now nominally reconciled, but did not meet in person.
CHAPTER twenty-nine
Gregorius Dagsson travelled east a short time after King Eysteinn and stayed
up in Hǫfund on Bratsberg at his residence. King Eysteinn stayed in Osloand had his ships dragged more than two sea-miles over the ice, because
there was a lot of ice lying over the Vík. He went up to Hǫfund and wasgoing to capture Gregorius, but he found out about it and went away up intoÞelamǫrk with ninety men and on north there across [342] the mountains
and came down in Harðangr and went after that into Eðni to Stuðla. Erlingr
skakki had a residence there, but he was gone north to Bjǫrgyn, though hiswife Kristín, King Sigurðr’s daughter, was at home and offered Gregorius
whatever he wanted from there. Gregorius was warmly welcomed there. He
took a longship from there that was Erlingr’s, and everything that he needed.
Gregorius thanked her heartily and said she had become a magnificent person,
as one might have expected. After that they travelled to Bjǫrgyn and found
Erlingr, and he thought she had acted well.
CHAPTER thirty
After that Gregorius Dagsson travelled north to Kaupangr and arrived there
before Yule. King Ingi was delighted to see him and bade him have everything
he wanted of his possessions. King Eysteinn burned Gregorius’s farm andslaughtered his stock. And the boat sheds that the elder King Eysteinn had
had built north in Kaupangr, which were the most splendid constructions,were then burnt during the winter and some fine ships with them that wereKing Ingi’s, and this act was very ill thought of, and the idea was attributed
to King Eysteinn and King Sigurðr’s foster-brother Philippus Gyrðarson.
The following summer King Ingi travelled from the north and acquired avery large following, and King Eysteinn from the east, and he too gathered
troops to himself. They met in Seleyjar to the north of Líðandisnes, andKing Ingi had the larger force. They were on the point of fighting. They
were reconciled, and the terms of their agreement were that Eysteinn was
to pledge himself to pay forty-five marks of gold. King Ingi was to havethirty marks as compensation for Eysteinn having instigated the burning of
the ships and also of the boat sheds, and then Philippus was to be outlawed
and also all those that had been [343] at the burning when the ships wereburnt. The men were also to be outlawed who were guilty of wounding King

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Sigurðr, for King Eysteinn accused King Ingi of protecting those men. And
Gregorius was to have fifteen marks in compensation for King Eysteinn
having burned him out of house and home. King Eysteinn was displeased
and felt it had been a forced settlement. King Ingi travelled east into Vík fromthe meeting, and Eysteinn north into Þrándheimr. After that King Ingi stayedin the Vík, and King Eysteinn in the north, and they did not meet. And theonly contacts they had were not such as to be conducive to peace, and alsoeach had friends of the other killed and nothing came of the compensation
payments on Eysteinn’s part. And each blamed the other for what had been
agreed not being fulfilled. King Ingi and Gregorius’s party attracted many
troops from King Eysteinn’s side, Bárðr standali (Strutter) Brynjólfssonand Hallkell húkr’s son Símun skálpr and many other landed men, Halldórr
Brynjólfsson and Jón Hallkelsson.
CHAPTER thirty-one
When two winters had passed after the fall of King Sigurðr, the kings gatheredarmies together, Ingi from the east of the country, and he got eighty ships,
and King Eysteinn from the north and he got forty-five ships. Now he had
the great dragon ship that King Eysteinn Magnússon had had built, and they
had very fine troops and large numbers of them. King Ingi lay with his ships
south off Mostr, and King Eysteinn a little further north in Grœningasund.
Eysteinn sent Áslákr ungi (the Young) Jónsson and Árni sturla Sæbjarnarson
south to Ingi. They had a single ship. So when Ingi’s men recognised them,
they attacked them and killed many men of theirs, capturing their ship andeverything that was on it, and all their goods. But Áslákr and [344] Árni andsome men with them got ashore and went to see King Eysteinn and told him
how King Ingi had received them. King Eysteinn now called a meeting of
his men and tells people what hostile acts Ingi and his men were willing tocommit and asked his supporters to stand by him.
‘And we have such a large and good force that I am by no means going
to flee away if you are willing to stand by me.’But there was no applause for what he said. Hallkell húkr was there, butboth his sons, Símun and Jón, were with Ingi. Hallkell replied, so that many
heard:‘Let your chests of gold stand by you now and defend your land!’CHAPTER thirty-two
During the following night they rowed away in secret on many ships, some tojoin King Ingi, some to Bjǫrgyn, some into the fiords. So in the morning when
it was light, then the king had only ten ships remaining. So he left the greatharaldssona saga

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dragon ship behind there as it was heavy to row, and other ships and largely
knocked the dragon ship to pieces, and also they cut open their beer barrels
and destroyed everything they could not take with them. King Eysteinn went
aboard Jón mǫrnefr’s (Suet Nose’s) son Eindriði’s ship, and they travelled
north and in to Sogn and from there overland east to Vík. King Ingi took theships and travelled east to the Vík along the coast. But now on the easternside of Fold, Eysteinn was there and he had nearly twelve hundred men. Thenthey saw king Ingi’s naval force and felt they did not have the troops to face
him and ran off into the forest. Then they fled all in different directions, sothat the king was just with one other man. King Ingi and his men got to knowof Eysteinn’s movements, and also that he had few men with him. They went
to [345] search for him. Símun skálpr came across him as he was coming out
towards them from a clump of bushes. Símun greeted him:
‘Hail, lord,’ he says.
The king says: ‘I am not sure whether you don’t think you are my lord
now,’ he says.
‘That’s as may be,’ says Símun.
The king asked him to get him away, saying that would be fitting for him.
‘Because for a long time things have been well between us, though now
it is different.’
Símun said that now nothing could come of anything of that kind. The
king asked that he might hear Mass first, and this was done. Then he lay facedown and stretched out his arms to both sides of him and asked that he be
struck in the cross between his shoulders, saying that then it should be put
to the test whether he could endure being cut by weapons or not, as Ingi’s
comrades had claimed. Símun spoke with the man that was to execute him,
telling him to act now, saying that the king had been crouching there overthe heather far too long. He was then dispatched and was thought to havereacted manfully. His body was conveyed to Fors, and south of the church
beneath the slope his body was placed for the vigil.
King Eysteinn was buried at Fors church, and his tomb is in the centre of
the floor of the church and there is a fringed covering spread over it, andpeople say that he is a saint. Where he was executed and his blood fell onto
the ground a spring came up, and another there beneath the slope where his
body had been placed for the vigil. From the water of each of these manymen claim to have received cures. It is said by the Víkverjar that many
miracles have been performed at King Eysteinn’s tomb, until his enemies
poured broth made of the flesh of a dog over the tomb.
It was Símun skálpr that was most criticised for this deed, and this was
how the common people reacted to it. But some say that when King Eysteinn
was captured, Símun sent someone to see King Ingi, and the king said [346]214

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Eysteinn was not to come before his sight. That is what King Sverrir has
had written. But this is what Einarr Skúlason says about it:
		
228.
			
			
			

Late will be saved Símun		skalpr by such actions,		
who, most evil, oft committed		murders, and betrayed his ruler.

Eysteinsdrápa 2
Fsk 341
Skald II 560

hákonar saga herðibreiðs

215[347] Hákonar saga herðibreiðs
CHAPTER ONE
King Sigurðr’s son Hákon was accepted as leader of the troop that had
previously followed King Eysteinn, and the men of this troop gave him
the title of king. He was now ten winters old. There were with him there
now Hávarðr hǫlðr (Freeholder) of Reyrr’s son Sigurðr and Hákon’s fosterbrothers, Símun’s sons Andreas and Ǫnundr, and many other leading men
and friends of King Eysteinn and King Sigurðr. They first went up into
Gautland. King Ingi took possession of all that they owned in Norway, andmade them outlaws. King Ingi travelled to the north of the Vík and stayed
there, though sometimes in the north of the country. Gregorius was facing
the danger in Konungahella and defended the land from there.
CHAPTER two
The next summer Hákon and his party came down from Gautland and went
to Konungahella taking a very large and fine troop. Gregorius was there in
the town and called a large assembly with landowners and townspeople andrequested troops. He felt the people were not very responsive and said heplaced little trust in them. He went away with two ships and in to the Vík
and was very gloomy. He was planning to go to see King Ingi. [348] He hadheard that King Ingi was travelling with a great army from the north aroundthe Vík. But when Gregorius had got a short way north, then he met King
Ingi’s foster-brothers Símun skálpr and Halldórr Brynjólfsson and Gyrðr
Ámundason. Gregorius was very pleased to see them. So he turned backand all of them together and had eleven ships. But when they rowed up to
Konungahella, then Hákon and his party were holding a meeting outside thetown and saw them coming. Then said Sigurðr of Reyrr:‘Now Gregorius is doomed, coming into our hands with a small force.’
Gregorius came to land opposite the town and was going to wait for KingIngi, for he was expected, but he did not arrive. King Hákon got ready inthe town and made Þorljótr skaufuskalli (Cleft-Cheek Baldy) leader in theforce that was in the merchant ships that were floating in front of the town.
He was a pirate and a freebooter. But Hákon and Sigurðr and the whole army
were in the town and drew up their forces on the jetties. Everyone there had
become subject to Hákon.
CHAPTER three
Gregorius and his party rowed up along the river and let the ships be carried
down by the current against Þorljótr’s party. They shot at each other for a

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while, until Þorljótr leapt overboard and his fellows. Some were killed, butsome reached land. Then Gregorius and his party rowed to the jetties, andGregorius immediately had gangways shoved up under Hákon’s men’s feet.
Then the man that was carrying his standard fell when he was about to go
up. Then Gregorius called on Auðunn Hallsson’s son Hallr to pick up thestandard. He did so and after that carried the standard up onto the jetties,
and Gregorius went straight after him and shoved his shield forward above
his head. But as soon as Gregorius got onto [349] the jetties and Hákon’s
men recognised him, then they drew back and immediately there was space
made on both sides. So when more of his troops came up from the ships,
then Gregorius and his men pushed forward, and Hákon’s men first drew
back and next they were running up into the town, and Gregorius and his
men chased them and twice drove them up out of the town and killed manyof them. There never was a more glorious attack than this, according towhat people say, that Gregorius made, because Hákon had more than forty
hundred men, and Gregorius not fully four hundred. Then Gregorius spoke
to Hallr Auðunarson after the battle:‘Many people seem to me less fierce in attacking than you Icelanders, foryou are less accustomed to it than we Norwegians, but none seem to me tobe bolder in fighting than you.’
Then Ingi arrived a little later and had many men killed that had accepted
Hákon, though some he made pay fines, and he burnt some people’s
dwellings, and some he drove out of the country and treated harshly in many
ways. In the winter Hákon travelled overland north into Þrándheimr andarrived before Easter, and the Þrœndir took him as king there to rule overwhat he inherited from his father, a third part of Norway to be shared withKing Ingi. Ingi stayed in the Vík, and Gregorius, and Gregorius wanted totravel north against them, but many were against it, and nothing came ofthis that winter.
CHAPTER four
Hákon travelled from the north in the spring taking nearly thirty ships. The
Víkverjar had left Hákon’s force with eight ships and gone ahead, raiding inboth Mœrrs. No one remembers raids having been made before between themarket towns. Hallkell húkr’s son Jón assembled a troop of landowners andwent against them and captured Kolbeinn óði (the Furious) and killed every
mother’s son on his ship. After that he searched for the rest and found themwith seven [350] ships, and they fought, but his father Hallkell did not go tomeet him, as they had arranged. There fell many good landowners there, andhe was wounded himself. Hákon travelled south to Bjǫrgyn with his troops,
and when they got to Stjórnvelta they learnt that King Ingi had arrived inhákonar saga herðibreiðs

217Bjǫrgyn from the east a few nights before, and Gregorius, and then they darednot sail that way. They sailed south past Bjǫrgyn by the outer route433 andthen came across comrades of King Ingi’s on three ships that had happened
to arrive from the east later. On them were King Ingi’s foster-brother Gyrðr
Ámundason—he was married to Gregorius’s sister Gyríðr—and secondlyGyrðr lǫgmaðr (Lawman) Gunnhildarson, thirdly Hávarðr klíningr (ButteredCake). So Hákon had Gyrðr Ámundason killed and secondly Hávarðr klíningr,
but took Lawman Gyrðr with him and travelled east into the Vík.
CHAPTER five
So when King Ingi learnt of this, then he travelled east after them. They met
east on the Elfr. King Ingi sailed up into the river along the more northerly
branch and sent out for intelligence for himself concerning Hákon and hismen. But King Ingi came to land out by Hísing and waited there for theintelligence. And when his intelligence men got back, then they went to theking and said that they had seen Hákon’s force and all their arrangements,
saying that they were lying up by the stakes434 and had tied the stems of theirsmaller ships together up between the stakes.
‘They have two merchant ships that trade with the Baltic and havepositioned them outermost of their ships.’
There were fortified crows’ nests on the merchant ships, which they also
had forward at the stems of both. So [351] when the king learnt this, what
preparations they had made, then he had a trumpet blown for a meeting of
his whole force. So when the assembly had been summoned and was insession, then the king seeks advice from his troops and addresses Gregorius
Dagsson and his brother-in-law Erlingr skakki and other landed men andships’ masters and tells them of all Hákon’s men’s preparations. Gregorius
was the first to reply and made known what he wanted, saying this:‘Encounters between us and Hákon have taken place a few times, and they
have generally had more troops and yet had the worst of it in our dealings.
But now we have many more troops, and it will now seem likely to thosepeople who have recently lost good kinsmen of theirs at their hands thatnow vengeance may well take place, for they have this summer for sometime up to now escaped from us. We have often said this, that if they wait
for us, as it is said that they are doing now, it may be that we should risk afight with them. Now there is this to say about my disposition, that I wantto engage in battle with them, if this is not contrary to the king’s wishes,
433
Outside the islands, rather than the usual route between the islands and themainland, so as to be less visible from the coast.
434
Poles driven into the river by the banks to moor ships to. Cf. note 383 above.

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for I think that, as has happened before, they will again be forced to yield if
we attack vigorously. I will launch my attack from where it seems to others
most difficult.’
There was great applause for Gregorius’s speech, and everyone said they
were ready to engage in battle with Hákon and his troops. Then all the ships
were rowed up along the river until each side could see the other. ThenKing Ingi and his troops turned out of the current of the river behind theisland. The king then had a talk with all the ships’ captains and told themto prepare to attack and then called on Erlingr skakki, saying, as was true,that there was no person in that troop more sensible, nor one more expert
in battle, though there were some that were even more impetuous. The kingthen again turned to speak to other landed men, addressing some by name,and ended his speech by saying that he was urging everyone to make their
attack when they saw that it would be useful, and afterwards all to be united
in one effort.
[352] CHAPTER six
Erlingr skakki replied to the king’s speech:‘It is my duty, king, not to be silent in response to your speech. And if you
want to know what my strategy will be, then I shall let you hear what it is.
This plan that is now being adopted is quite contrary to my inclination, for I
consider it to be an impossibility to fight with them in these circumstances,even though we have many troops and fine ones. If we are to make an attackon them and row at them against this current, where there are three menon one side of a rowing bench, then one must row and another must hold ashield over that one. What is there then but a third of our troops available
to fight? It seems to me that they will be coming into battle quite unable tofight that are at the oars turning their backs towards their enemies. Give mesome time to make plans, and I promise you in return that I shall work out
a strategy for this before three days are passed, so that we may more easily
sail to battle with them.’
And it was very clear from what Erlingr said that he was against attacking
them, but nevertheless many others urged it, saying that Hákon and his men
would leap up ashore again like before.
‘And then we shall get none of them,’ they say, ‘and they now have few
forces, and we have their fate entirely in our hands.’
Gregorius made little comment about it and spoke slightingly of it as if
the main reason for Erlingr being so against the attack was that he wanted
to put aside the plan that Gregorius proposed, rather than that he was able
to understand everything better than anyone else.

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219

CHAPTER seven
King Ingi then spoke to Erlingr:‘Brother-in-law,’ he says, ‘we shall now carry out your advice as to how
to manage the attack, but since the advisers are more keen for this, we shall
now make our attack on them today.’
Then [353] spoke Erlingr: ‘All the smaller ships and light vessels shallrow out round the island and up the more easterly branch and so downstream
against them and try whether they can loose them from the stakes, and thenwe shall row the large ships against them up from below, and I am not sure
until we have put it to the test whether they will attack the better than I inthat they are in a greater fury.’
This plan appealed to everyone. A sort of headland jutted out between
them and Hákon, and neither ships could be seen from the others. So when
the fleet of light ships rowed down along the river, then Hákon’s party saw
it, but before that they had been holding a discussion and making theirplans. Some supposed that King Ingi and his troops would attack, but manythought that they probably did not dare to, since the attack seemed to bemuch delayed, and they had great confidence in their preparations andtroops. In their party there were many important men. Sigurðr of Reyrr was
there, and the two sons of Símun. Níkolás Skjaldvararson was also there,
and Jón mǫrnefr’s son Eindriði, who was now the best known and mostpopular man in Þrændalǫg. Many other landed men and troop-leaders were
there. Now when they saw that Ingi’s men were rowing many ships downalong the river, then Hákon and his men thought that Ingi and his troops
were trying to flee, and they cut the cables from their ships, grabbed attheir oars and rowed after them and were going to chase them. The ships
drifted quickly with the current, and when they were brought down along
the river past the headland that before was between them, then they saw
that Ingi’s main fleet was lying out by the island Hísing. Ingi’s comrades
then saw where Hákon’s ships were moving, and assumed that they would
be attacking. Then there was a great turmoil and clashing of weapons andshouting of encouragement and they raised up war-cries, and Hákon andhis troops turned their ship towards the north of the country, and there is
there a sort of sheltering bay, and they got out of the current. They got
themselves ready there, took cables from their sterns up ashore and turned
their prows outwards and tied all their ships together, let the two Baltic
merchant ships lie out at the ends of the line of other ships, the one above
them, and the other below them, and tied them to the longships. And [354]in the middle of the fleet lay the king’s ship, and next to it Sigurðr’s ship,
and on the other side of the king’s ships lay Níkolás, and next to him

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Eindriði Jónsson. All the smaller ships lay further out from them. They
had loaded nearly all their ships up with stones and weapons.
CHAPTER eight
Sigurðr of Reyrr made a speech and spoke as follows:‘It is now likely that what we have long been promised will come about,that a battle between us and Ingi will take place. We have also now for a longtime been expecting this, and many of our comrades have boasted proudly thatthey would not flee or flinch in the face of King Ingi or Gregorius, and it isgood now to call to mind what they have said. Yet we can with less confidence
speak about how we have in the past suffered something of a toothache in ourdealings, and it is true, as everyone has heard, that we have very often been
given a rough ride by them. But none the less it is necessary for us to behave inas manly a way as possible and to stand as firmly as we can, for that is the only
way out for us so that we may be victorious. And though we have somewhat
fewer forces, yet fate can decide which side shall come out on top. This is ourbest hope in our situation, that God knows that we have the better case. Ingi has
already cut down his two brothers, and no one is blind to what compensation
is intended for King Hákon for the death of his father. It is to be cut down likehis other kinsmen, and this will become apparent today. From the beginning
Hákon has asked for no more of Norway than the third of it that his father
had had, and this was refused him. But by my reckoning Hákon has a better
claim to inherit from his uncle Eysteinn than Ingi or Símun skálpr or the othermen that deprived Eysteinn of life. To many a one that [355] is concerned forthe salvation of his soul and that has such great crimes on their consciences
as Ingi it would seem that he would not dare before God to give himself thetitle of king, and I am surprised that God permits him such impudence, and it
must be God’s will that we overthrow him. Let us fight boldly, for God will
give us victory. But if we fall, then God will reward us for it with manifold
joys if he grants evil men the power to overcome us. Let men behave withmoderation and not be afraid if battle takes place. Let each look after himself
and his comrades, and God after all of us.’Sigurðr’s speech was applauded warmly, and everyone made sincere
promises to respond to it properly. King Hákon went aboard one of the Baltic
merchant ships, and a shield wall was formed round him, but his standard
was on the longship that he had previously been on.
CHAPTER nine
Now this is to be said about Ingi’s men, that when they saw that Hákon’s
men were getting ready for battle—now there was only the river betweenhákonar saga herðibreiðs

221

them—then they sent out a swift boat after their troops that had rowed away
to tell them to turn back, while the king and the rest of the troops waited
for them and lined up their forces for an attack. Then the leaders madespeeches and told the troops their plans, this first, which ships were to lie
closest. Gregorius spoke:‘We have a large and fine force. This is now my advice, that you, king,be not in the attack, because everything is taken care of if you are, and one
cannot tell where a bad marksman’s arrow may end up. Their dispositions
are such that from the fortified crows’ nests on the merchant ships stones
and missiles will be thrown. This is a little less dangerous for those that are
far off. They have no more troops than are within the capacity of us landed
men to fight a battle with. I shall sail my ship at that one [356] of their shipsthat is largest. I still expect that fighting them will be a brief test for us. Thus
it has generally been in our encounters up to now, even when the odds havebeen the reverse of what they are now.’
It appealed to everyone when Gregorius said that the king himself should
not be in the battle. Then Erlingr skakki spoke:‘I shall support this advice that you, king, should not go into the battle. It
looks to me from their dispositions that we shall need to take great care if
we are not to receive many casualties from them. It seems to me best only
to have unwounded men to bandage up. In the planning that we were doingearlier today, then many people spoke against what I advised, claiming that I
did not want to fight. But it seems to us that the situation has changed muchfor the better now that they are away from the stakes. And now the point
has been reached where I shall not oppose engaging in battle, for I can see
what everyone is aware of, how very necessary it is to drive off this bandof villains that has roamed all over the country robbing and plundering, sothat afterwards people may inhabit the land in peace serving one king thatis as good and just as King Ingi is and yet has for long suffered hardshipand trouble from the overbearing and injustice of his kinsmen and has borne
the brunt of it on behalf of the whole population and exposed himself to
manifold dangers to bring peace to the land.’
Erlingr spoke much and eloquently, and so did still other leaders, and they
all ended on the same note, that everyone urged the attack. They waited until
all their force had assembled. King Ingi now had Bœkisúðin, and submitted
to his friends’ entreaty that he should not go into battle, and he lay behindby the island.
CHAPTER ten
So when the troops were ready, then they rowed hard forward to maketheir attack and both sides raised their war cries. Ingi’s men did not tie their

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ships together and did not row linked together, for they were rowing [357]across all the currents and the large ships were forced sideways a great deal.
Erlingr skakki attacked King Hákon’s ship and thrust his prow in between
it and Sigurðr’s ship. Then the battle began. But Gregorius’s ship driftedsideways up onto the shallows and listed heavily, and to begin with they
could not join in the attack. So when Hákon’s men saw that, then they sailed
towards it and attacked them, and Gregorius’s ship lay open before them.
Then Hákon magi’s son Ívarr sailed up to it and the raised decks ran into
each other. Ívarr hooked a grappling iron round Gregorius where he wasthinnest and hauled him towards himself, and Gregorius was forced out tothe ship’s side and the grappling iron up along the side and it came close
to hooking him overboard. Gregorius was not much wounded, for he had acoat of plate-mail. Ívarr shouted to him and said he had thick boards roundhim. Gregorius spoke, saying he had so arranged it that it should be what
was necessary and no more. Then it came very close to Gregorius and his
men having to go overboard until Áslákr ungi got an anchor onto their ship
and pulled them off the shallows. Then Gregorius attacked Ívarr’s ship andthey then fought together for a long while. Gregorius’s ship was bigger andhad more men on it. The troops on Ívarr’s ship fell in large numbers, butsome leapt overboard. Ívarr was badly wounded so that he was unable tofight, but when the ship had been cleared, then Gregorius had him conveyedashore and got him away, and they were friends after that.
CHAPTER eleven
So when King Ingi and his comrades saw that Gregorius was on the shallows
then the king shouted to the troops that they were to row over to him. He said:‘This is the worst kind of tactics for us to lie behind here when our friends
have gone into battle. We have the ship that is the biggest and best mannedin the whole fleet. Now I see that Gregorius is in need of support, [358] theperson that I owe most to, so let us join in battle as hard as we can. It is also
most proper that I should be in the battle, since I want to win the victory, if
it is going to be won. But even if I knew in advance that our men would not
be victorious, yet it would be our only course to be where our other men
are, because I cannot do anything if I lose the men who are my shield andare the most valiant and have long been in charge of me and my kingdom.’
Then he told them to set up the standards, and this was done, and they
rowed across the river. The battle was now at its fiercest and the king foundno space to attack, the ships were crowded so tightly together. So they sailed
beneath the Baltic merchant ships.435 Then halberds and pointed staves

435
Probably ought to be ‘one of the Baltic merchant ships’, cf. the other manuscripts,
some of which have the singular.

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hákonar saga herðibreiðs

were used on them from above and such a load of stones that they could
not withstand them, and they found they could not stay there. So when themen in the troop realised that the king was come, then they made room for
him, and then he attacked Eindriði Jónsson’s ship. Now Hákon’s men left
the small ships and went up onto the merchant ships, but some of them went
ashore. Erlingr skakki and his men had a hard fight. He was in the position
forward of the raised deck. He shouted to his forecastle men telling themto board the king’s ship. They replied that that was not possible and there
were iron spikes on the rails in front of them. Erlingr went forward to thestem and stayed there a short while before they forced their way up aboard
the king’s ship and cleared that ship. Then the whole force began to flee.
After this many of the troops leapt into the sea and many fell, but a whole
multitude reached land, as Einarr Skúlason says:
		

229.

[359] 				230.

From the bloody sea-steed’s436
stem to the depths fell many.
The ogress’ Glaumr437 fed amply.
On the stream carrion drifted.
The surge of wounds,438 scalding,stained the Elfr, poison-cold;
wolf-ale439 flowed with the water,
warm, into Kǫrmt’s necklace.440

Elfarvísur 1
Skald II 566
Skáldsk 87

In the swift stream floated,
Elfarvísur 2
deserted, many vessels,
Skald II 567
prows bloody—the troop bent
the bow—red darts flew at wet helmets,
until the lords’ following
fled ashore from—Hkon’s—
deer of the deep441—company
dwindled in the shield’s clamour.442

Einarr composed a flokkr about Gregorius Dagsson that is called Elfarvísur.
King Ingi gave quarter to Níkolás Skjaldvararson when his ship had beencleared, and he then went over to King Ingi and stayed with him afterwards
as long as he lived. Eindriði Jónsson leapt onto King Ingi’s ship when his
marblakkr: ‘sea’s horse’, ship.
gýgjar Glaumr: ‘Glaumr (horse) of the giantess’, wolf.
438
unda gjalfr: ‘surge of wounds’, blood.
439
vitnis ƒlðr: ‘wolf’s ale’, blood.
440
Karmtar men: ‘the necklace of Kƒrmt (an island)’, the sea.
441grœðis dýr: ‘animals of the ocean’, ships.
442
rítar rymr: ‘roar of the shield’, battle.
436
437

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own ship was cleared, and asked for quarter for himself. The king wanted
to give him quarter, but Hávarðr klíningr’s son leapt up and struck him
his death blow and this deed was much criticised, but [360] he said that
Eindriði had been behind the killing of his father Hávarðr. Eindriði was muchlamented, and yet most of all in Þrœndalǫg. There many of Hákon’s troops
had fallen, though no further leaders. Few fell of Ingi’s troops, though many
were wounded. Hákon fled up inland while Ingi travelled north into the Vík
with his troops. He stayed in the Vík during the winter, and Gregorius. And
when they got to Bjǫrgyn from the battle, King Ingi’s men, Bergljótr and his
brother, sons of Ívarr of Elda, they then killed Níkolás skegg (Beard), who
had been a steward, and afterwards went back north to Þrándheimr. King
Hákon came north before Yule, but Sigurðr was sometimes at home up in
Reyrr. Gregorius had received quarter for him from Ingi, so that he might
keep all his possessions, for Gregorius and Sigurðr were close relatives. King
Hákon was in Kaupangr over Yule, and his men had a fight one evening overYule in the royal hall early in the Yule season and seven men were killed andmany were wounded. And afterwards on the eighth day of Yule, then thesecomrades of Hákon travelled in to Elda, Óttarr birtingr’s son Álfr hroði andnearly eighty men, and they arrived in the early part of the night when theothers were drunk, and they set fire to the hall, while the others went out anddefended themselves. And Ívarr’s son Bergljótr and his brother Ǫgmundr fell
there, and very many men. There had been nearly thirty men inside there. In thewinter north in Kaupangr King Hákon’s foster-brother Andreas Símunarson
died, and he was lamented most of all. Erlingr skakki and those of Ingi’s menthat were in Bjǫrgyn went on as though they were going to go north duringthat same winter and capture Hákon, but nothing came of it. Gregorius sent
this message from the east in Konungahella that if he was staying as close as
Erlingr and his men, he would not stay put in Bjǫrgyn, if Hákon was having
King Ingi’s friends in Þrándheimr and their mates killed.
[361] CHAPTER twelve
King Ingi and Gregorius travelled from the east to Bjǫrgyn in the spring. So
as soon as Hákon learnt this, and Sigurðr and his men, that Ingi had left the
Vík, then they travelled eastwards overland into the Vík. And when King
Ingi and his men got to Bjǫrgyn, then a quarrel arose between Halldórr
Brynjólfsson and Bjǫrn Níkolásson. And Bjǫrn’s manservant had asked his
opposite number why he was so pale when they met down on the jetties,
and he said he had been being bled.
‘I would not want to look as pale as chaff like you are with bloodletting.’‘And I guess,’ said the other, ‘that you would have borne it worse and lessmanfully.’hákonar saga herðibreiðs

225

And the start of it was no more than that. Then one word led to anotheruntil they quarrelled and next they were fighting. So Halldórr Brynjólfsson
was told that his manservant had been wounded on the jetties. Now Halldórr
was drinking nearby on his premises. Then he went down there, thoughalready Bjǫrn’s menservants had got there, and Halldórr thought they
had parted on unequal terms, and they drove Bjǫrn’s menservants off andknocked them about. Then Bjǫrn bukkr was told that the Víkverjar were
beating his menservants down at the jetties. Then Bjǫrn and his men took
their weapons and went down and were going to avenge their men. Then
there were serious woundings. Now Gregorius was told that his brother-inlaw Halldórr needed support and his menservants were being slaughteredout on the street. Then Gregorius and his men leapt into their mailcoats andwent down. Now Erlingr skakki heard that his nephew Bjǫrn was fightingwith Halldórr and Gregorius in on the jetties and that he needed support.443
So he went over there and had a very large number of men and told people
to give him support, saying that it would be shameful‘If one man from the Vík is going to trample over us here in our native
place, and that will be [362] remembered against us for evermore.’
Fourteen men fell there, and nine were killed immediately, though five diedlater from their wounds, and many were wounded. Then word reached King
Ingi that they were fighting in there on the jetties, Gregorius and Erlingr, andhe went up and tried to part them and could do nothing about it, for both sides
were in such a fury. Then Gregorius shouted to King Ingi telling him to go
away, saying he would not be able to do anything about it as things were, andsaying that it would be the greatest disaster if anything happened to him,
‘For one cannot tell who it would be that would hold himself back fromany calamity if he felt it was within his power.’
So the king went away. And when the worst of the fighting was over,then Gregorius and his men went up to Níkoláskirkja and Erlingr and his
men after them, and they shouted at each other. After that King Ingi camea second time and made peace between them, and both sides were now infavour of him alone arbitrating between them. Then they learnt that Hákon
was in the Vík, and King Ingi and Gregorius travelled east and had a verylarge number of ships. So when they got to the east, then Hákon and his
men fled and there was no battle. Then King Ingi travelled in to Oslo, but
Gregorius stayed in Konungahella.
CHAPTER thirteen

Gregorius heard of the whereabouts of Hákon and his men a little later, ina place called Saurbýir. It is up by the forests. He went there and arrived at443Bjƒrn’s mother was Ása daughter of Kyrpinga-Órmr.

226

heimskringlanight, thinking that Hákon and Sigurðr must be in the larger farmstead, andset the buildings there on fire. Hákon and his men were in the smaller [363]farmhouse. They made their way to where they saw the fire, wanting to help
the others. Áli óskeyndr’s (Unshielded’s) son Munán, brother of Hákon’s
father King Sigurðr fell there. Gregorius and his men killed him when hetried to help those that were being burned in the building. They went out,
and a large number of men was killed there. Ásbjǫrn jalda (Mare) got awayfrom the farm—he was a very great robber— and had been badly wounded.
But a farmer met him and Ásbjǫrn asked the farmer to let him escape, saying
he would give him payment for it. The farmer said he would do what he waskeener for, saying he had often gone in fear of him, and struck him his deathblow. Hákon and Sigurðr got away, but a large number of their troops was
killed. Afterwards Gregorius travelled east to Konungahella. A little later
Hákon and Sigurðr went to Halldórr Brynjólfsson’s estate in Vettaland and set
fire to the buildings and burnt them. Halldórr went out and was immediately
killed and his menservants with him. There were killed nearly twenty men
in all. His wife Sigríðr, Gregorius’s sister, her they let go away to the woodin just her nightshirt. There they captured Gregorius’s nephew Ámundi, sonof Gyrðr Ámundason and Gyríðr Dagsdóttir, and took him with them. He
was five winters old at the time.
CHAPTER fourteen
Gregorius heard about these events, and he was greatly affected by them. He
made detailed enquiries about where they were. Gregorius left Konungahella
towards the end of the Yule season with a large troop, and they came to Forson the thirteenth day of Yule and stayed there for the night and held mattins
there on the last day of Yule,444 and the Gospel was read to him afterwards. This
was a Saturday. And when Gregorius and his men saw Hákon’s party, then it
seemed to them that [364] Hákon’s men’s troop was much smaller than their
troop. There was a river between them when they met. It is called Befja. The
ice on the river was unsafe, because there was a current running under the iceround the edges. Hákon’s party had knocked holes in the ice on the river andshovelled debris over them so that they could not be seen. When Gregorius
got to the river, he spoke, saying the ice looked unsafe to him, telling them it
was advisable to go to the crossings that were a little higher up the river. The
troop of farmers spoke, saying that they could not understand what reason hehad for not daring to attack them over the ice, when they had no more troops
facing them than were there, declared the ice perfectly sound, saying that it
seemed to have been passed over by people. Gregorius replied, saying that it
had seldom been necessary to taunt him for lack of courage very much, and444

January 6th. Cf. note 380 above.

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227

that it would not be so now, told them to back him up well and not to stay
standing on the land if he went onto the ice, and said their advice should be
adopted to walk onto unsafe ice though he declared himself to be unwilling.
‘But I refuse to put up with your taunts,’ he says, and ordered his standard
to be carried forward. He then went out onto the ice. But as soon as thetroop of farmers realised that the ice was unsafe, then their troop turned
back. Gregorius sank into the ice, though not deeply. He told his men togo carefully, but no more followed him than nearly twenty men, and all therest of his men turned back. Someone from Hákon’s party shot an arrowat him and hit him in the throat. Gregorius fell there and twenty men withhim, and this is now the end of his life. And it was universally said that hehas been the greatest leader out of the landed men in Norway that those thatwere alive at the time could remember, and has been the most well-disposed
to us Icelanders since the elder King Eysteinn died. Gregorius’s body wasconveyed up to Hǫfund and buried on Gimsey at a nunnery that is there. At
that time Gregorius’s sister Baugeið was abbess there.
[365] CHAPTER fifteen
Two royal stewards travelled in to Oslo to tell the news to King Ingi. And
when they got there, then they called the king to speak with them. He asked
what news they had to tell.
‘The fall of Gregorius Dagsson,’ they said.
‘How have things turned out so badly?’ said the king.
They told him. The king replied:‘Then they had their way who understood the least.’
It is said that he took this so badly that he wept like a child. But when hegot over this, he spoke as follows:‘I wanted to go to see Gregorius as soon as I heard about the killing ofHalldórr, for I felt sure that Gregorius would not hang about for long before
deciding to avenge him. But those people behaved as if nothing was asimportant as that Yule drinking feast and it could not be interrupted. For I
am certain, that if I had been there, either more circumspection would havebeen employed or else Gregorius and I would have shared the same night’s
lodging.445 So has passed away there the man that has been best to me andhas done most to keep the land in my hands. But I had thought until now
that our deaths would not have been far apart. Now I shall make it my firstpriority to go to battle with Hákon and his men and there will be one of two
outcomes, I shall either be killed or else overcome Hákon and his men. For
such a man as Gregorius was will not be too much avenged even if they all
die to pay for his death.’445

i.e. would have died together.

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Someone replies, saying he would not have to search far for them, declared
they were about to come there to meet with him. King Sigurðr’s daughter,
King Ingi’s cousin Kristín was there in Oslo. The king heard that she wasintending to leave the town, and sent word to her asking why she wanted
to leave the town. So she said she thought it was dangerous and not a place
for women to be in. The king asked her not to go away.
‘If it turns out that we are victorious, as I [366] intend, then you will bewell looked after here, but if it turns out that I fall, then my friends will get
no chance to see to my corpse, and yet you will be able to request permission
to see to the corpse. Thus you will best be able to repay me for having treated
you kindly.’
CHAPTER sixteen
On the evening of Blasius’s Day446 intelligence reached King Ingi that Hákon
was now expected to arrive in the town. Then King Ingi had his troops calledup from the town by a trumpet, and nearly forty hundred men were now
called out. The king had his battle line made a long one and no more than
five men deep. Then people told the king that he was not to be in the battle,
saying that there was much at stake in him.
‘And let your brother Ormr be the leader of the troops.’
The king says: ‘I think that if Gregorius were alive and were here now,and I were fallen and had to be avenged, that he would not lie in hiding, butwould be in battle himself. And though I am in a worse state because of mypoor health than he was, yet I shall not be less determined in his case, andthere is no chance of my not being in the battle.’
People say that Gunnhildr, who had been married to Hákon’s foster-brother
Símun, had someone sit outside [at night to cast a spell] to bring victory to
Hákon, but it was revealed that they should fight Ingi by night, and neverby day, and it said that then it would work. And the woman who it is said
sat outside is named as Þórdís skeggja (Bearded Woman), but I do not know
the truth of it. Símun skálpr, he had gone into the town and lain down tosleep and had woken up at the war cry. And towards the end of the night
intelligence came to King Ingi. He was told that Hákon and his men were
now coming in over the ice, for the ice was lying all the way from the town
out to Hǫfuðey.
[367] CHAPTER seventeen
King Ingi then went out onto the ice with his army and set up his battle
line in front of the town. Símun skálpr was in the wing that reached out
446

St Blaise’s day (Blasius’ Day) (in the west) is 3rd February.

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towards Þrælaborg, but in the wing that went in, in front of Nunnusetr,
was Óláfr klíningr’s (Buttered Cake’s) son Guðrøðr Suðreyjakonungr andJón son of Sveinn son of Bergþórr bukkr (Buck). So when Hákon and his
men got to where King Ingi’s battle line was, then both sides shouted a
war cry. Guðrøðr and Jón made signs to Hákon’s force and let them know
where they were to be found. After that Hákon’s men turned to where
they were and Guðrøðr and his men immediately fled, and that must havebeen nearly fifteen hundred men. But Jón and a large troop with him ran
over to Hákon’s troop and fought alongside them. King Ingi was told of
this. He replies thus:‘There has been a wide difference between my friends. Gregorius would
never have behaved thus as long as he lived.’
Then people spoke, begging the king that a horse might be shoved under
him and that he should ride out of the battle and up into Raumaríki.
‘There you will get plenty of help straight away today.’‘I have no heart for that,’ says the king. ‘I have often heard you say this,and it seems true to me, that little came of my brother King Eysteinn after
he took to flight, and he was very well endowed in every way that beseems
a king. Now I can see what poor prospects I shall have with my poor healthif [368] I take up the course that was so great a disaster for him, considering
how greatly our activity and health and all our endurance differ. I was thenin my second winter when I was taken as king in Norway, and now I am at
least twenty-five. I feel that I have had more difficulties and troubles during
my kingship than pleasure and comfort. I have had many battles, sometimes
with larger forces, sometimes with fewer. That has been my greatest good
fortune that I have never had to flee. Let God decide about my life, howlong it is to be, but never shall I take to flight.’
CHAPTER eighteen
So when Jón and his comrades had severed King Ingi’s battle line, thenmany of those that had been nearest there also fled, and then the battle line
broke up and fell into disorder, but Hákon’s party then pressed forward hard.
Day was also about to break. Then an attack was made on Ingi’s standard.
In that storm King Ingi fell, but his brother Ormr then carried on the battle.
Many of the host then fled up into the town. Ormr went twice into the town
after the king had fallen, and urged on the troops, and each time he wentout onto the ice and carried on the battle. Then Hákon and his men attacked
the wing of the formation that Símun skálpr was in charge of, and in thatonslaught the king’s kinsman-in-law447 Guðbrandr Skafhǫggsson fell from447Guðbrandr’s wife was a cousin of Ingi’s.

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Ingi’s troop, and Símun skálpr and Hallvarðr hikri (Dawdler) went at eachother and fought each other with their companies and drove each other out
in front of Þrælaborg. In this onset they both fell, Símun and Hallvarðr. The
king’s brother Ormr achieved very great renown and yet fled in the end.
Earlier in the winter Ormr had engaged himself to Níkolás masi’s daughter
Ragna, who had been married to King Eysteinn Haraldsson, and [369] was
now to have gone to his wedding the next Sunday. Blasius’s Day was on a
Friday. Ormr fled to Svíþjóð to his brother Magnús, who was now king there,
while their brother Rǫgnvaldr was jarl there. They were sons of Ingiríðr andHeinrekr halti (the Lame). He was King Sveinn Sveinsson of the Danes’ son.
The king’s daughter Kristín saw to King Ingi’s corpse, and he was laid in thestone wall in Hallvarðskirkja on the outer side of the choir on the southernside. He had now been king for twenty-five years. In this battle many men
fell from both sides and yet many more from Ingi’s troops. Árni Fríreksson
fell from Hákon’s troops. But Hákon’s men took possession of the wedding
banquet and a very great deal of other booty.
CHAPTER nineteen
King Hákon then subjected the whole land to himself and appointed his own
men to all the stewardships and likewise the market towns. King Hákon andhis men held their meetings in Hallvarðskirkja when they were deciding
national policies. The king’s daughter Kristín gave money to the priest thatwas in charge of the keys of the church to hide one of her men in the church
so as to be able to hear what Hákon and his men were talking about. And
when she found out what they were planning, she sent word to her husband
Erlingr skakki in Bjǫrgyn saying that he was never to trust them.
CHAPTER twenty
The event took place in the battle at Stiklarstaðir, as was written above, inwhich King Óláfr threw away from himself his sword Hneitir when he had
been wounded.448 Now some man or other, Swedish by descent, had broken
his sword, and he picked up the sword Hneitir and fought with it. Now thisman got away out of [370] the battle and went with other men that werefleeing. He turned up in Svíþjóð and went back to where he lived. He kept
this sword all his life, and afterwards his son, and one after another of theirkinsmen, and it was always a condition of owning the sword that each ownertold the next the sword’s name and also where it had come from. Now it
was much later, in the days of Emperor Kirjalax of Mikligarðr, that there
were there in Garðr large companies of Væringjar. Then it came about one
448

See Vol. II 385, ch. 228.

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231

summer when the emperor was on some military expedition and they werelying in their camp, that the Væringjar were keeping watch and were staying
awake to guard the king, lying out on the level ground round the outside of
the camp. They divided the night into watches among themselves, and thosethat had just been on the watch then lay down and slept. They were all fully
armed. It was their custom when they lay down to sleep for each one to havehis helmet on his head and his shield on top of him, and his sword under his
head, and he was to lay his right hand on the handle. A certain one of theircomrades to whose lot had fallen the watch in the last part of the night, now
awoke at dawn. Then his sword was gone. And when he searched for it, thenhe saw the sword lying on the ground a long way off from him. He stoodup and picked up the sword. He thought his comrades who had been on thewatch must have done it for a joke, taking his sword from him by a trick. They
denied this as far as they were concerned. Similar things happened for threenights. Then he was quite amazed himself and so also were the others who
saw this or heard about it, and men enquired of him what this could mean.
Then he said that this sword was called Hneitir and the blessed Óláfr had
owned it and carried it himself in the battle at Stiklarstaðir. He recounts what
had happened to the sword after that. Afterwards King Kirjalax was told. So
he had the man who was wearing this sword called to him, gave him gold,
three times the value of the sword. And the king had the sword taken intoÓláfskirkja which is maintained by the Væringjar. It stayed there afterwards
above the altar. [371] Eindriði ungi was in Mikligarðr at the time when these
events took place. He told this story in Norway, as Einarr Skúlason bears
witness in the drápa that he composed about the blessed King Óláfr, and init there is a passage that tells of this happening.
CHAPTER twenty-one
The event took place in Grikland when Kirjalax was king there, that theking went on a military expedition to Blǫkumannaland. And when he got
to Pézínavellir, then there came against him there a heathen king with an
invincible army. They had brought there a mounted troop and very large
waggons with battlements up on them. And when they prepared their night
quarters, then they arranged their waggons side by side round the outside of
their camp, and around them they dug a great ditch. All this then became astronghold as big as if it were a castle. The heathen king was blind.
Now when the king of the Greeks arrived, then the heathens drew up theirbattle line on the level ground in front of their waggon-castle. Then the
Greeks drew up their battle line facing it, and both sides rode and fought. It
then went badly and unfortunately. The Greeks now fled and had suffered a232heimskringla

large loss of men, and the heathens gained the victory. Then the king drew
up a battle line of Frakkar and Flemings, and after that they rode forward
against the heathens and fought with them and it went the same as with theprevious ones, that many were killed and all that escaped fled. Then the kingof the Greeks got very angry with his soldiers, but they replied to him telling
him now to get in the Væringjar, his wine bags. The king replies, saying that
he will not waste his treasures by taking a small number of men, though
they were valiant, against such a large army. Then Þórir helsingr (man from
Helsingjaland), who was then the leader of the Væringjar, replied to what
the king had said:‘Though we were faced by raging fire, yet I and my troops would [372]leap straight in if I knew that the result would be that you, king, would havepeace thereafter.’
So the king replied: ‘Make a vow to your king, the blessed Óláfr, for help
and victory for yourselves.’
The Væringjar had four hundred and fifty men. They made their vow by
joining hands and vowed to raise a church in Mikligarðr at their own expense
and with the support of good men and to have this church dedicated to thehonour and glory of the blessed King Óláfr. After that the Væringjar ran
forward onto the battlefield, and when the heathens saw this, then they told
their king that another detachment of the King of the Greeks’ army was now
coming.
‘And this one,’ they said, ‘is but a handful of men.’
Then the king replies: ‘Who is that noble-looking man that is riding there
on the white horse at the head of their troops?’‘We do not see such a man,’ they say.
The odds there were no less than sixty heathens against one Christian,but nevertheless the Væringjar advanced into battle very boldly. And assoon as they engaged, then fear came over the troop of heathens and terror
so that they immediately began to flee, and the Væringjar chased them andsoon killed a huge number of them. And when the Greeks and Frakkar saw
this, they that had previously fled before the heathens, they now joined inand pursued the rout with them. The Væringjar were now come up into thewaggon-castle.There a very great number of casualties took place. And after
the heathens had fled, then the heathen king was captured and the Væringjar
took him with them. Then the Christians captured the heathens’ camp andthe waggon-castle.

magnúss saga erlingssonar

233[373] Magnúss saga Erlingssonar
CHAPTER ONE
After Erlingr became aware of what the plans of Hákon and his men were,then he sent messages to all the leaders that he knew had been trusty friendsof King Ingi, and also to the king’s personal following and the men in his
service that had got away, and Gregorius’s men, and arranged to meetthem. And when they met and had their discussion, then it was immediately
decided that they should keep their company together, and they confirmed
this arrangement between them. After that they discussed whom they shouldtake as their king. Now Erlingr skakki spoke, enquiring whether it was theopinion of leaders or other landed men that King Haraldr gilli’s daughter’sson, Símun skálpr’s son, should be taken as king, and that Jón Hallkelsson
should take on the leadership of their company. Jón declined. Then it was
enquired of King Magnús berfœttr’s sister’s son Níkolás Skjaldvararson
whether he was willing to become leader of their company. He replied inthis way, that it was his advice that they should take one as king that wasdescended from a kingly line, but take one as leader of the company thatwas likely to turn out to be intelligent, saying he would find it easier to getfollowers. It was enquired of the king’s brother-in-law Árni whether he waswilling to have some one of his sons, the brothers of King Ingi, taken as
king. His reply was that Kristín’s son, King Sigurðr’s daughter’s son, had
the best descent entitling him to the kingdom in Norway.
‘There is for him,’ he says, ‘the man to govern with him [374] that isduty bound to be in charge of him and the kingdom in his father Erlingr, anintelligent man, determined and well tried in battles and a good ruler. He
will not lack success in this enterprise if good luck is on his side.’
Many seconded this suggestion readily. Erlingr replies:‘From what I have heard, most of those that have been enquired of for thisbusiness are rather reluctant to take on this responsibility. Now it seems to
me to lie in the balance, if we carry out this proposal, which is more likely,that the honour goes to the person that is put at the head of this company,or that it should turn out the contrary, which has now previously befallenvery many of those that have taken up such a dangerous course, that as aresult they have lost all their possessions and their lives as well. But if thisbusiness is concluded successfully, then it may be that there will be somethat would have liked to have taken up this opportunity. The person thattakes on this responsibility will need to set up strong safeguards against histhen suffering opposition or hostility from those that are now taking part inthese negotiations.’

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Everyone agreed to set up this alliance in all good faith. Erlingr spoke:‘It can be said as far as I am concerned that it seems to me almost thesame as my death to serve Hákon, and though this seems to me the mostdangerous course, yet I am willing to risk letting you arrange things, and I
will take on the leadership of the company if that is what you all consent toand want, and if you are all willing to confirm this by oaths.’
Everyone agreed to this, and it was decided at this meeting that theyshould take Magnús Erlingsson as king. After that they held an assemblyin the town, and at this assembly Magnús was taken as king over the wholecountry. He was now five winters old. After that everyone that was present
and had been in the service of King Ingi paid allegiance to him, and each ofthem kept the same titles as he had previously had with King Ingi.
[375] CHAPTER two
Erlingr skakki set out on his journey and committed himself to some ships,
taking with him King Magnús and all the landed men that were there. In
company there with him were the king’s brother-in-law Árni and King
Ingi’s mother Ingiríðr and her two sons and Sigurðr storkr’s son Jón kútiza
(Udder) and Erlingr’s personal following and also those that had been
followers of Gregorius, and they had in all ten ships. They travelled south toDenmark to see King Valdamarr and King Ingi’s brother Búriz Heinreksson.
King Valdamarr was King Magnús’s blood relative. They were sisters,
the daughters of King Haraldr of Garðar in the east—he was Valdamarr
Jarizleifsson’s son 449—King Valdamarr’s mother Ingilborg and King
Magnús’s mother Kristín’s mother Málmfríðr. King Valdamarr welcomed
them and he and Erlingr spent a long time on meetings and planning, andthe outcome of their talk was that King Valdamarr was to provide King
Magnús with all the support from his kingdom that he needed in order togain possession of Norway and thereafter keep it, while Valdamarr was tohave the rule in Norway that his previous relatives Haraldr Gormsson and
Sveinn tjúgusjegg had had, the whole of the Vík as far north as Rýgjarbit.
This plan was confirmed by oaths and special agreements. After that Erlingr
set out from Denmark and sailed out from Vendilskagi.
[376] CHAPTER three
In the spring immediately after Easter King Hákon went north to Þrándheimr.
He now had all the ships that King Ingi had possessed. Hákon held an assemblyin the town in Kaupangr and at it he was taken as king over the whole country.
Then he gave Sigurðr of Reyrr a jarldom, and there he was accepted as jarl.
449

Valdamarr was actually son of Járizleifr’s son Vissivaldr.

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After that Hákon and he travelled back south and all the way east to Vík. The
king went to Túnsberg, but sent Jarl Sigurðr east to Konungahella to defend
the land with part of their force, in case Erlingr should come from the south.
Erlingr and his company got to Agðir and immediately made north for Bjǫrgyn.
There they killed King Hákon’s steward Árni Brígiðarskalli (Brígið’s Old Man)
and went back east from there to meet with King Hákon. Now Jarl Sigurðr
had not become aware of Erlingr’s journey from the south, and he was still
now east by the Elfr, while King Hákon was in Túnsberg. Erlingr sailed tonear Hrossanes and lay there for a few nights. King Hákon got ready in thetown. Erlingr sailed to the town. They captured a trading ship and loaded itwith wood and straw and set it on fire, and the wind got up towards the town
and drove the trading ship up to the town. He had two cables put aboard the
trading ship and two small ships tied to it, had these row along behind as the
trading ship was blown ahead. And when the fire was very nearly got into thetown, then they held the cables that were on the trading ship so that the town
could not catch fire. Smoke blew so thickly into the town that they could not
be seen from the jetties where the king’s battle line was standing. After that
Erlingr sailed all his force in behind where the wind was blowing the fire andshot up at them. So when the townspeople saw that the fire was getting close
to their houses, and many were getting wounded from the missiles, then they
made up [377] their minds and sent the priest Hróaldr langtala (Long Speech)
out to see Erlingr to receive quarter for themselves and the town from Erlingr,
and they broke up the king’s battle line when Hróaldr told them that the quarterhad been accepted. So when the troop of townspeople was gone away, then
the troops on the jetties became thinned out. Then some urged Hákon’s menthat they should fight back, but Ǫnundr Símunarson, who now had the greatest
say over the troop said this:‘I am not going to fight for Jarl Sigurðr’s realm when he is nowhere near.’
After that Ǫnundr fled, and then the whole troop with the king, and theywent up inland and a very large number of men of Hákon’s troops fell there.
Then this was composed:
		

450

231.

Ǫnundr would not enter		
into battle, he declared,
until from the south Jarl Sigurðr
sailed bringing the housecarls.
Up the street Magnús’s soldiers,
splendid, are rushing,but the hawks450 of Hkon
hurried away quickly.

brave fellows (ironical).

Skald II 840

236

heimskringlaÞorbjǫrn Skakkaskáld says this:
		
232.
			
[378] 		It turned out in broad Túnsberg—
teeth of Gríðr’s steed451 you are not
reluctant to redden—lord of men,
I learned, for you smoothly.
Townspeople took fright at
the torrent of bright spear-points.
Trees of weapon-tumult452 felt
terror of fire and bent elm-bow.

Erlingsdrápa 2
Skald II 634

King Hákon travelled by the inland route north into Þrándheimr. And when
Jarl Sigurðr learnt of this, then he travelled with all the ships he could gethold of by the coastal route north to meet with King Hákon.
CHAPTER four
Erlingr skakki captured all the ships in Túnsberg that King Hákon possessed.
Along with them he got Bœkisúðin, which had been King Ingi’s. Erlingr
went after that and subjected the whole of the Vík to Magnús, and also
on northwards wherever he went, and stayed the winter in Bjǫrgyn. Then
Erlingr had King Hákon’s landed man Ingibjǫrn sipill (Slurp) killed north inFirðir. King Hákon stayed in Þrándheimr during the winter, but the following
spring he called out a levy and got ready to travel south to meet with Erlingr.
There with him then were Jarl Sigurðr, Jón Sveinsson, Eindriði ungi andǪnundr Símunarson, Philippus Pétrsson, Philippus Gyrðarson, Rǫgnvaldr
kunta (Cunt), Sigurðr kápa (Hooded Cloak), Sigurðr hjúpa (Overcoat),
Frírekr kœna (Boat), Áskell at Forland, Gunnarr gjaldkeri’s (Steward’s) sonÞorbjǫrn, Strað-Bjarni (Fuck-).
[379] CHAPTER five
Erlingr stayed in Bjǫrgyn and had a large force and came to the decision to
impose an embargo on all trading ships that were intending to travel northto Kaupangr, since he thought that intelligence would reach Hákon too soon
if the ships were to sail from one to the other, though he gave as his reason
that the Bjǫrgynjarmenn were more deserving of having the goods that wereon the ships even though they were being purchased at a lower price fromthe crews of the trading ships than they thought suitable, rather than thatthey should be transported ‘into the hands of our enemies and foes for theirsupport’. So the number of ships gathered at the town increased, for many451
452Gríðar fákr: ‘steed of Gríðr (a giantess)’, wolf.
malma dynviðir: ‘trees (men) of the din of weapons (battle)’, warriors.

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arrived each day, and none left. Then Erlingr had the lightest of his ships
drawn up ashore, and allowed the rumour to get about that he was going tostay there and give a welcome to the support coming from his friends andrelations. And one day Erlingr had a trumpet blown for a meeting of theskippers and then gave permission for all the skippers of trading ships todepart for wherever they wanted to go. So when men had got leave from
Erlingr skakki, those that were in charge of trading ships and had previously
been lying fully prepared to travel with their wares, some with their purchases
and some that had other business, there being then too weather that wasvery favourable for sailing north along the coast, and before mid-afternoonof that day had come, all those that were ready had sailed. Then whoever
had the fastest ship pushed ahead most energetically. They all raced eachother. So when this fleet got north to Mœrr there was then there facing themKing Hákon’s force, and he himself was there assembling and preparing his
troops and he was summoning to him landed men and the men of his levy,
not having had for a long time before this learnt any news from Bjǫrgyn,
but now they got the same news from all the ships that were travelling fromthe south that Erlingr skakki had beached his ships in Bjǫrgyn and that theywould have to seek him there, and they said that [380] he had a large force.
From there Hákon sailed to Véey and sent out Jarl Sigurðr and Ǫnundr
Símunarson in to Raumsdalr to get him forces and ships, and he sent out
men into both Mœrrs.
But when King Hákon had stayed a few nights in the market town, then hesailed away and a bit further south, thinking that then their journey would besooner started and forces would sooner reach him. Erlingr skakki had given
permission for the trading ships to sail out of Bjǫrgyn on Sunday, and on
Tuesday when mattins was over the king’s trumpet was blown and the menof the levy and the people of the town were summoned to him to launch theships that had previously been beached. Erlingr held an assembly with his
own troops and the men of the levy, saying what his plan was now, naming
men to captain ships, having who were enrolled onto the king’s ship readout. This assembly ended with Erlingr telling everyone to get ready in hisplace, wherever they had been assigned, and saying that anyone that wasthen waiting behind in the town when he sailed Bœkisúðin away should lose
life or limbs. The king’s brother-in-law Ormr sailed his ship away straightaway in the evening, and most ships had already been afloat.
CHAPTER six
On Wednesday, before the Masses were sung in the town, Erlingr had
sailed all his forces away out of the town. They had twenty-one ships.
There was now a fresh wind from the south along the coast. Erlingr had

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his son King Magnús with him. There were many landed men there andthey had a very fine troop. While Erlingr was sailing north past Firðir hesent a light ship aside from their route in to Jón Hallkelsson’s dwellingand had Níkolás, son of Símun skálpr and son of Haraldr gilli’s daughter
Maria captured, and they brought him with them out to the troop. He wenton the king’s ship. Straight away in the last part of the night on Friday theysailed [381] to Steinavágr. King Hákon was then lying in the harbour thatis called . . .,453 and had fourteen ships. He himself and his men were up
on the island playing a game, and his landed men were sitting on a kind ofmound. They saw that some boat or other was rowing to the island fromthe south. There were two men on it, and they were leaning back down to
the keel and pulling forward on the oars with no little vigour, and when
they got to land, they did not tie up the boat but both ran. So the ruling men
saw this and discussed among themselves that these men must have sometidings to tell. They stood up and went towards them. And as soon as theymet, Ǫnundr Símunarson asked:‘Are you able to tell anything of Erlingr skakki, as you are going in sucha rush?’The one that was first able to get out a word because of his exhaustion
replied:‘Erlingr is sailing at you here with twenty ships or thereabouts and manyof them pretty large, and you will soon see their sails now.’
Then said Eindriði ungi: ‘ “Too close to my nose,” said the old man, he
had been shot in the eye.’454
Then they went hastily to where the game was being played, and next a
trumpet sounded, and a war summons called all the troops to the ships in asmuch haste as possible, and this was at the time of day when the cooking
was nearly done. All the people made for the ships. Each man leapt out onto
the ship that was closest to him there, and the ships were unequally manned.
They take to the oars, some are raising the masts and they turn the ships
to the north and make for Véey, since they were expecting a great deal of
support for themselves there from the townspeople.
CHAPTER seven
The next thing was that they see the sails of Erlingr and his troops, and eachside sees the others. Eindriði ungi had the ship that was called Draglaun,a large longship built like a transport vessel,455 and it had now got short ofcrew, as those that had [382] previously been on it had leapt onto other ships.
All manuscripts have a gap here.
Presumably a proverbial expression to mean that danger was close.
455
langskipsbúza, cf. note 194 above.
453
454

magnúss saga erlingssonar

239

This was the slowest of Hákon’s ships. So when Eindriði got opposite theisland of Sekkr, then Bœkisúðin came after them, which was skippered by
Erlingr skakki, and these two ships got fastened together. But Hákon was
now nearly come in to Véey when they heard the sound of trumpets, since
the ships that were closest had turned back, wanting to help Eindriði, andnow both sides engaged in battle as far they could. Many of the sails went
down across the ships, but none of them were tied together and they cameside by side. This battle did not go on long before the organisation broke
down on King Hákon’s ship. Some fell, some leapt overboard. Hákon threw
a grey hooded cloak over himself and leapt onto another ship. And when hehad been on it a short time then he realised that he had come where he wassurrounded by enemies, and when he thought about it, then he could see
none of his own men nor of his own ships very close. Then he went ontoBœkisúðin and forward into the company of forecastlemen and asked forquarter, and the forecastlemen received him and gave him quarter. But in thisonslaught there had been a large number of casualties, and yet more of themamong Hákon’s men. There had now fallen on Bœkisúðin Símun skálpr’s
son Níkolás, and his killing was attributed to Erlingr’s men themselves.
After this there was a lull in the fighting and the ships on the two sides
were disentangled. Now Erlingr was told that King Hákon was there on theship and his forecastlemen had taken charge of him and had promised todefend him. Erlingr sent someone forward on the ship and bade him tell theforecastlemen that they were to guard Hákon so that he did not go away,
and said that he was not against the king getting quarter if this was what theruling men decided and if peace terms were negotiated based on that. The
forecastlemen all spoke, blessing him for saying that. Then Erlingr had thetrumpet sounded vigorously and gave men orders that they were to attack
the ships that had not been cleared, saying that they would never have abetter opportunity to avenge King Ingi. Then they all shouted a [383] war
cry and each urged on the next and went to the attack. In this tumult King
Hákon was mortally wounded. And after his fall and when his men becameaware of it, then they rowed hard forwards and threw down their shields andhewed with both hands, caring nothing for their lives. This rashness sooncaused them great harm, for Erlingr’s men could see unprotected parts of
their bodies to strike at. A large part of Hákon’s force fell. This was for themost part because the difference in numbers was great and Hákon’s men
protected themselves so little, and there was no point in any of Hákon’s
men speaking of quarter except just those that men of the ruling class took
into their power and pledged ransom for. These men fell of Hákon’s troop,
Sigurðr kápa, Sigurðr hjúpa, Rǫgnvaldr kunta. But some ships got away androwed in into the fiords and so saved their lives. King Hákon’s body was

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conveyed in into Raumsdalr and was buried there. His brother King Sverrir
had King Hákon’s body conveyed north to Kaupangr and laid in the stone
wall in Christchurch in the choir on the south side.
CHAPTER eight
Sigurðr and Eindriði ungi, Ǫnundr Símunarson, Frírekr kœna and yet moreleaders kept the troop together, abandoned the ships in Raumsdalr and afterthat travelled to Upplǫnd. Erlingr skakki and King Magnús went with their
troop north to Kaupangr and subjected the whole land to themselves wherever
they went. After that Erlingr had Eyraþing summoned. There Magnús was
taken as king over the whole country. Erlingr stayed there a short time, since
he thought the Þrœndir [384] were not faithful to him and his son. Magnús
was now said to be king over the whole country.
King Hákon was a quite handsome person in looks, well shaped, tall andthin. He was very broad-shouldered. Therefore his followers called him
Hákon herðibreiðr (Broad-Shouldered). But because he was young of age,other leaders took part in policy-making with him. He was cheerful andunassuming in speech, playful and had the nature of a youthful person. He
was popular with the common people.
CHAPTER nine
There was a man of Upplǫnd called Markús in Skógr, a kinsman of Jarl
Sigurðr. Markús fostered a son of King Sigurðr. He was called Sigurðr.
Afterwards the Upplendingar took Sigurðr as king with the consent of Jarl
Sigurðr and other leaders that had followed King Hákon, and they had
now still the support of a large troop. The band was often divided ino twogroups. The king and Markús were less in exposed positions, while Jarl
Sigurðr and other leaders with their troops were more exposed to dangers.
They travelled with this band mostly round Upplǫnd, and sometimes down
into the Vík.
Erlingr skakki always kept his son Magnús with him. He had the whole
fleet and the defence of the country in his charge. He stayed in Bjǫrgyn
for some time in the autumn and travelled from there east into the Vík andestablished himself in Túnsberg, making arrangements for winter quarters
there and gathering to himself the taxes and dues that belonged to the kinground the Vík. He also had a fine and large troop of men. But because Jarl
Sigurðr had a small part of the country and his following was large, there wassoon a shortage of money, and where there were no leaders near, then money
was demanded very unlawfully, some by harsh accusations of wrongdoing,
and some straightforwardly by plundering.

magnúss saga erlingssonar241[385] CHAPTER ten
At this time the realm of Norway was in a properous condition. The farming
community was wealthy and powerful and unused to lack of freedom and thehostility of the bands of men. There soon got to be many reports and detailed
accounts when plundering took place. The Víkverjar were staunch friends ofKing Magnús and Erlingr. This was chiefly on account of the popularity of King
Ingi Haraldsson, for the Víkverjar had often served under that standard with
their support. Erlingr had guards kept on watch in the towns, and twelve men
were on the watch every night. Erlingr was always holding an assembly withthe farmers and at them the unruliness of Sigurðr’s men was often discussed
and with the encouragement of Erlingr and other members of the troop there
came to be great support among the farmers for the idea that it would be avery fortunate act for people to ensure that that band never prospered. The
king’s brother-in-law Árni spoke at length on this matter and fiercely towards
the end. He asked everyone that was at the assembly, both men from the troop
and farmers and townsfolk that people should pass a resolution to condemn
according to the law Jarl Sigurðr and all their band to the Devil, both during
their lives and after their deaths. And with the vehemence and rage of thecrowd everyone now assented to this. This unprecedented act was carried out
and confirmed in the way that the law provided for judgments to be passed
at assemblies. The priest Hróaldr langtala spoke about this business. He wasan eloquent man, and this speech came to very much the same conclusion as
had previously been expressed. Erlingr gave a banquet in Túnsberg at Yuleand he distributed pay there at Candlemas.456
CHAPTER eleven
Jarl Sigurðr travelled round the Vík with his finest body of men, and manymen submitted to him as a result of bullying, and many paid money. In thisway he travelled widely up inland and [386] turned up in various places.
There were many in the band that secretly sought quarter from Erlingr, andthis answer came in reply that everyone that asked for it should have mercy
on his life but only those would be allowed to remain in the country that had
not committed serious offences against him. So when the men in the band
learned that people were not to be allowed to remain in the country, thenthis held the band together to a large extent, for there were many that knew
they could be so truly charged that Erlingr would think them very guilty.
Philippus Gyrðarson reached an agreement with Erlingr and got back his
property and returned to his estates. A little later Sigurðr’s men came there
and killed him. Each side struck many blows on the other in persecutions
456

See note 289 above.

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or in killing of people and that is not recorded in writing when leading men
were not involved.
CHAPTER twelve
It was in the first part of Lent that intelligence came to Erlingr that Jarl Sigurðr
must be coming to fight him, and he was heard of here and there, sometimes
nearby, and sometimes further off. Erlingr sent out scouts so that he should know
about it wherever they might turn up. He also had his whole troop called out every
evening from the town by trumpet, and they lay assembled during the nights
with the troop all set out in battle array. Then intelligence reached Erlingr that
Jarl Sigurðr and his men were a short way off up in Ré. Erlingr then set out fromthe town taking with him all the townspeople that were capable of fighting andhad arms, and also the merchants, except for twelve men that were left behind
to guard the town. He left the town on Tuesday in the second week of Lent457
after mid-afternoon, and every man had with him two days’ provisions. Thenthey travelled during the night and they took a long time to get their troops outof the town. [387] There were two men to each horse and each shield. When thetroop was counted then there were nearly thirteen hundred men.
Now when intelligence came to meet them, they were told that Jarl Sigurðr
was in Ré at the farm that is called Hrafnsnes with five hundred men. Then
Erlingr had his troops called together and told them the news that he hadheard, and everyone urged that they should hurry and capture them in thebuilding or fight straight away during the night. Erlingr made a speech andspoke as follows:‘It would seem likely that our meeting with Jarl Sigurðr will come about soon.
In their band there are many other men too whose handiwork may stick in ourmemory when they cut down King Ingi and also many others of our friends
whom it would take long to number. They carried out these deeds with the helpof fiends and witchcraft and villainy, for it stands here in our statutes and lawsof the land that no one is so degenerate that he not call it an act of villainy ormurderous crime if people are killed by night. This band have sought to findtheir salvation, on the instruction of those skilled in the black arts, in fightingby night and not under the sun. They have also by such methods achieved thevictory of overcoming such a ruler as they have laid low. Now we have often
maintained and demonstrated how hateful their way of going on seems to us
when they have engaged in battle by night. We shall therefore rather follow theexample of those other leaders, that are better known to us and better models
to imitate, by fighting in the light of day and in a properly organised way, andnot stealing upon sleeping men by night. We have a good force against them,457

i.e. 19th February 1163.

magnúss saga erlingssonar243

no larger an army than they have. We shall wait for daytime and the dawn andkeep together in our formation in case they decide to make some attack on us.’
After this the whole troop sat down. Some spread out some haystacks[388] and made themselves beds, some sat on their shields and thus waitedfor dawn. The weather was cool and and there was sleet falling.
CHAPTER thirteen
Jarl Sigurðr had so far received the intelligence that the force was come close
to them. His men got up and armed themselves, not knowing precisely how
large a force Erlingr and his men had. Some wanted to flee, though mostwanted to wait. Jarl Sigurðr was a sensible person and a good speaker, but
was not said to be a man of great daring. He also was now more keen toflee, and because of this came in for a great deal of criticism from his troops.
But when it began to get light, both sides began to draw up their troops.
Jarl Sigurðr drew up his on a kind of slope above the bridge between it andthe town. A small river was flowing there. And Erlingr and his men drewup theirs on the other side of the river. Behind their formation were men on
horseback, well armed. They had the king with them. The jarl’s men saw
now that the difference in numbers was going to be great, and reckoned it
was advisable to make for the forest. The jarl replies:‘You say that I have no courage in me, but now it will be put to the test,
so now each one must take care that he does not flee or flinch before I do.
We have a good vantage position, we shall let them go over the bridge, andwhen their standard gets over the bridge, then we shall throw ourselves onthem in front of the slope, and let no one flee from anyone else.’
Jarl Sigurðr had a dark-coloured tunic and a red cloak with the skirtstucked up, skin boots on his feet. He had a shield and a sword that was called
Bastard. The jarl spoke:‘God knows with me, that rather than get a lot of gold I would like tomanage to get one blow on Erlingr skakki with Bastard.’[389] CHAPTER fourteen
Erlingr skakki’s troop wanted to advance to the bridge. He spoke, tellingthem to turn up along the river.
‘This river is small and not difficult to cross, for it is level ground up to it.’This was done. The jarl’s battle-line went up along the slope keeping opposite
to them. And when the slope came to an end and it was level and straightforward
across the river, then Erlingr said that his men should sing the Paternosterand pray that the side should be victorious that was most proper. Then they
(Sigurðr’s men) all sang the Kyrie in a loud voice and all beat their weapons

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on their shields. And at that noise three hundred men of Erlingr’s troop shot off
and fled. Erlingr and his troop went across the river, and the jarl’s men shouted
a war cry, but their rush forward broke off at the bottom of the slope at Erlingr’s
battle line. The battle began at the beginning of the slope. First there were spear
thrusts and soon it was already a hand-to-hand fight. The jarl’s standard turned
tail, so that Erlingr and his men got up onto the slope. There was then a shortbattle before the jarl’s force fled into the forest that was behind them before.
Now Jarl Sigurðr was told, and men told him to flee. He replied:‘Forward with us now, while we still can!’Then they went forward very valiantly and hewed to both sides. In thisonset Jarl Sigurðr and Jón Sveinsson and nearly sixty men fell. Erlingr andhis troop lost few men and pursued the rout up to the forest. Then Erlingr
reviewed his troops and turned back. He came to where the king’s slaves
were trying to drag the clothes off Jarl Sigurðr and he was not entirely deadthough he was unconscious. He had put his sword in its sheath, and it was
lying next to him. Erlingr picked it up and hit the slaves with it, telling themto creep off. [390] After that Erlingr turned back with his force and establishedhimself in Túnsberg. Seven nights after the jarl fell some of Erlingr’s mencaught Eindriði ungi, and he was killed.
CHAPTER fifteen
Markús of Skógr and his foster-son Sigurðr decided to go down into the Vík
when spring came, and there got themselves a ship. So when Erlingr learnt
that, then he went east after them and they met in Konungahella. Markús andhis companion fled out onto the island of Hísing. The people of the country,
the Hísingsbúar, rushed down there and joined the battle array with Markús’smen. Erlingr and his men rowed to land, and Markús’s men shot at them.
Then Erlingr spoke with his men:
‘Let us take their ships and not go ashore to fight with the country’s army.
The Hísingsbúar are bad to visit, rough people and stupid. They will notkeep this band with them for long, for Hísing is a small country.’
This was done, they took the ships and conveyed them over to Konunga­
hella. Markús and his troop went up into Markir and planned to launch
attacks from there. They each had watch kept on the other. Erlingr had alarge number of men, calling out troops to join them from the surrounding
areas. Now neither side made attacks on the other.
CHAPTER sixteen
Erlendr hímaldi’s son Eysteinn was chosen as archbishop after the death ofArchbishop Jón. Eysteinn was consecrated in the same year as King Ingi

magnúss saga erlingssonar245

fell. And when Archbishop Eysteinn came to his see, he was well liked [391]by all the people of the land. He was a very outstanding person, a man ofnoble family. The Þrœndir welcomed him, for most of the men of rank inÞrœndalǫg were related to or had some link with the archbishop, and all
were firm friends of his. The archbishop then started negotiations with thelandowners, speaking first of the foundation’s need of money, and also ofwhat great development the foundation needed to have if it was now to be
as much more decently maintained than before as it was more dignified than
before now that an archbishop’s see was established there. He asked thelandowners that they should grant him the equivalent of an ounce of puresilver as his share of fines. Now previously he had had an ounce in ordinary
currency, which was legal tender for the king’s share of fines, but there isa fifty per cent difference in the value of this ounce by which the one hewanted to have, the ounce of pure silver, is greater.458 So with the supportof kinsmen of the archbishop and his friends, and his own management
ability, this change was brought about, and it was made law over the wholeof Þrœndalǫg, and it was brought about too throughout the area that cameunder his authority as archbishop.
CHAPTER seventeen
Sigurðr and Markús, after they had lost their ships on the Elfr, realised thatthey would not be able to get hold of Erlingr. So they turned up towardsUpplǫnd and thus travelled overland north to Þrándheimr. They werewelcomed there. Sigurðr was taken as king there at Eyraþing. Many goodmen’s sons joined the band there. They took to ships there and made quick
preparations, travelling, when summer came, south to Mœrr and received all
the royal dues wherever they went. There were these landed men in Bjǫrgyn
to defend the land, Níkolás Sigurðarson, Nǫkkvi Pálsson and yet more [392]leaders of troops, Þórólfr dryllr (Stocky), Þorbjǫrn gjaldkeri and many others.
Markús and his party sailed from the north and learnt that Erlingr’s men
were with large numbers in Bjǫrgyn. They sailed past there to the south by
the outer route [outside the islands]. People commented on the fact that thatsummer Markús’s men had a favourable wind wherever they wanted to go.
CHAPTER eighteen
Erlingr skakki, as soon as he learnt that Markús’s party had turned to thenorth, then he sailed north into the Vík and gathered troops to himself, andsoon had a large following and had large and numerous ships. But when he
458‘Silver’ coins were always mixed with copper. Pure silver had double the valueof silver coins, weight for weight.

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tried to sail out into the Vík, he got a contrary wind and lay here and there
in harbours all that summer. So when Markús and his band came east to
Listi, then they learnt that Erlingr had an invincible army in the Vík, andturned back north. And when they got to Hǫrðaland, then they planned to
go to Bjǫrgyn, and when they got in front of the town, then Níkolás and his
men were rowing out towards them and had a much larger force and larger
ships. Markús and his party then saw they had no other choice but to row
away south. Some make out to sea, some south into the sounds, some ininto the fiords, but Markús and some men with him leapt ashore up onto
the island that is called Skarpa. Níkolás and his men took their ships, gave
Jón Hallkelsson and some other men quarter, but killed most of those theycaught. A few days later Eindriði heiðafylja (Heath Mare) found Sigurðr andMarkús. They were conveyed to Bjǫrgyn. Sigurðr was beheaded out from
Grafdalr, and Markús hanged with another man on Hvarfsnes, and that was
at Michaelmas.459 The band that had followed them then dispersed.
[393] CHAPTER nineteen
Frírekr kœna and Bjarni inn illi (the Evil), Ǫnundr Símunarson, Ǫrnólfr
skorpa (Crust), they had rowed out to sea with some ships and sailed theouter route along the ocean past the coast, and wherever they came to land
they plundered and killed Erlingr’s friends. But when Erlingr learnt of
the killing of Markús and his men, then he gave the landed men and themen of the levy leave to return home, and he himself then sailed with his
troops east across Foldin, for he had heard of some of Markús’s men being
there. Erlingr sailed to Konungahella and stayed there during the autumn.
In the first week of winter Erlingr went out to the island of Hísing with alarge troop and requested an assembly there. The Hísingsbúar came down
and opened an assembly. Erlingr brought charges against them for having
rushed to join Markús’s men and for drawing up their forces against him.
Ǫzurr was the man that was the most powerful of the farmers that spokeon their behalf. The assembly lasted a long time, but in the end the farmers
entrusted the judgment to Erlingr, and he gave them an appointment for ameeting for a week later and appointed fifteen men of the farmers to cometo it. And when they came, Erlingr sentenced them to pay three hundred
cattle. The farmers went back home dissatisfied with their lot. A little later
the river froze over and Erlingr’s ship was stuck in the ice. Now the farmers
withheld the payment and lay assembled for a while. Erlingr prepared his
Yule banquet there, and the Hísingsbúar held a joint feast and had a party
together over Yule. In the night after the fifth day of Yule,460 Erlingr went
459
460

Mikjálsmessa, 29th September.
29th December.

247

magnúss saga erlingssonarout onto the island and captured Ǫzurr’s house [394] and burnt him inside,and in all he slew a hundred men and burnt three farms, after that travellingback to Konungahella. Afterwards the farmers came to him and paid the fine.
CHAPTER twenty
In the spring Erlingr skakki got ready as soon as he could get his ships
afloat because of the ice and left Konungahella. He learnt that those that had
previously been Markús’s men were making raids north in the Vík. Erlingr
had watch kept on their movements and went to look for them and found themwhile they were lying in a certain harbour. Ǫnundr Símunarson and Ǫrnólfr
skorpa got away, but Frírekr kœna and Bjarni inn illi were captured andmany of their troops killed. Erlingr had Frírekr tied to an anchor and thrown
overboard. For this deed Erlingr was very greatly disliked in Þrœndalǫg, for
Frírekr had very noble relatives there. Erlingr had Bjarni hanged, and then,before he was hanged, he uttered the most horrible words, as he usually did.
So says Þorbjǫrn Skakkaskáld:
		

233.

[395] 					East of the fiord Erlingr		
issued death to the vikings—		
many men got from Kœnamisery—when he went there.
A fluke was fastened between
Frírekr’s shoulders; ill-eager,hung on a tree somewhat higher,
harmful to people, Bjarni.

Erlingsdrápa 3
Skald II 635Ǫnundr and Ǫrnólfr and the groups that had got away fled to Denmark, butwere sometimes to be found in Gautland or in the Vík.
CHAPTER twenty-one
Erlingr skakki sailed after that to Túnsberg and stayed there a long time
during the spring. But when summer came he sailed north to Bjǫrgyn. There
was at the time a very large number of people there. The legate Stephanus
was there from the city of Rome and archbishop Eysteinn and other native
bishops. There also was bishop Brandr, who had now been consecrated
bishop for Iceland. There also was King Magnús berfœttr’s grandson Jón
Loptsson. King Magnús and other kinsmen of Jón’s had now acknowledged
his kinship to them. Archbishop Eysteinn and Erlingr skakki were often inconversation and in private talks. And on one occasion it came up in their
discussion that Erlingr asked:‘Is that accurate, lord, what people say, that you have increased the standardof money for your share of fines among farmers in the north of the country?’248

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The archbishop replies: ‘It is indeed true that farmers have granted me
an increase in the standard of money for my share of fines. They have done
this voluntarily, and under no compulsion, thus increasing God’s glory andthe wealth of our foundation.’
Erlingr says: ‘Is this the law, lord, of the blessed King Óláfr, or have[396] you interpreted this provision rather more rigorously than the way it
is written in the lawbook?’
The archbishop says: ‘The blessed King Óláfr will have set up the lawsin accordance with what was accepted and agreed to by the people, but one
cannot find in his laws that it is forbidden to increase God’s due.’
Erlingr replies: ‘If you are going to increase your dues, then you will wantto support us in increasing the king’s dues by the same amount.’
The archbishop says: ‘You have already now increased sufficiently thename and power of your son. And if I have now taken an unlawful standardof money from the Þrœndir, then I maintain that it amounts to a greater
breach of the law that he is king over the land that is not the son of a king.
There are neither laws nor precedents in this country to justify this.’
Erlingr says: ‘When Magnús was taken as king over the realm of Norway,
it was done with your knowledge and consent and also with that of otherbishops in this country.’
The archbishop says: ‘You promised, Erlingr, that if we agreed with youthat Magnús should be taken as king, you would support God’s rights in all
respects with all your power.’‘I acknowledge this,’ says Erlingr, ‘that I have promised to uphold God’s
law and the laws of the land with all my strength and that of the king. Now
I can see a better way forward than for each of us to accuse the other ofbreaking his promises. Let us rather keep all our personal promises. You
support King Magnús in his power, as you have promised, and I shall support
your power in all profitable matters.’
The whole discussion now proceeded smoothly between them. Now Erlingr
spoke:‘If Magnús has not been taken as king in accordance with what has been
the ancient custom in this country, then you can use your power to give him
a crown, in accordance with what God’s laws are for annointing a king topower. And though I am not a king nor descended from a kingly line, yethave most kings in our memory now been such as have not been as wellacquainted with the statutes and laws of the land as I. For King Magnús’s
mother is a legitimate daughter of a king and queen. Magnús is also [397] sonof a queen and son of a lawfully wedded wife. So if you are willing to grant
him consecration as king, then no one will afterwards be able to deprive himof the kingdom lawfully. Viljálmr Bastard was not a king’s son, and he wasmagnúss saga erlingssonar249

consecrated and crowned king over England, and since then the kingdom
has remained in his family in England and all of them have been crowned.
Sveinn Úlfsson in Denmark was not a king’s son, and yet he was crowned
king there and afterwards his sons and one after another of that family has
been crowned king.461 There is now an archbishop’s see here in this country.
That is a great glory and honour for our country. Let us enhance it further
with good things, let us have a crowned king no less than English people orDanes.’
After this the archbishop and Erlingr frequently discussed this business,and everything proceeded in a peaceable way. Afterwards the archbishop put
this to the legate and easily brought the legate into agreement with himself.
The archbishop then had a meeting with his suffragan bishops and otherclerics and put this matter to them, and all replied in the same way, saying
they consented to whatever the archbishop wished to have done, and all were
eager for the consecration to go ahead as soon as they found that that waswhat the archbishop wished to have done. That was the decision of them all.
CHAPTER twenty-two
Erlingr skakki had preparations made in the royal palace for a great banquet,
and the great hall was hung with precious cloths and tapestries and adornedin the most expensive way. Then the court and all the people in the king’s
service were given entertainment. There was a huge number of guests
and many leaders there. Magnús then received consecration as king from
Archbishop Eysteinn, and there were present at [398] the consecration fiveother bishops and the legate and a huge number of clerics. Erlingr skakki andtwelve landed men with him swore legally binding oaths together with theking. And on the day that the consecration took place, the king and Erlingr
had as their guests the archbishop and the legate and all the bishops, and thisbanquet was the most glorious. Father and son gave out there many great
gifts. King Magnús was now eight winters old. He had now been king forthree winters.
[399] CHAPTER twenty-three
King Valdamarr of the Danes had now heard the news from Norway that
Magnús was now sole king there. Now all other groups in that country had
been got rid of. Then the king sent men of his with letters to King Magnús
and Erlingr, reminding them of the personal agreement that Erlingr hadentered into with King Valdamarr, as was written here above, that King
This is incorrect. Knútr Valdimarsson was in 1170 the first king of Denmark
to be crowned.
461

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Valdamarr was to gain possession of the Vík from the east to Rýgjarbit if
Magnús became sole king in Norway. So when the messengers came forward
and showed Erlingr the letters from the king of the Danes, and he realises
the claim that the king of the Danes has in Norway, then Erlingr put thisbefore other people that he went to for advice, and they all said the samething, that never should the Danes be given a share of Norway, for people
said that the time that had been worst in the country was when Danes had
power over Norway. The messengers of the king of the Danes discussed
their request with Erlingr and asked him for a decision. Erlingr told them togo with him east into Vík in the autumn, saying that he would then give his
decision when he had seen the men in the Vík that were most knowlegeable.
[400] CHAPTER twenty-four
In the autumn Erlingr skakki travelled east into Vík and stayed in Túnsberg,
sending men over to Borg and having a four-district assembly called there
in the Borg. After that Erlingr went there with his troops. And when theassembly was in session, then Erlingr spoke and told about what plans had
been agreed between him and the king of the Danes when Erlingr and his
party had set up their band for the first time.
‘I am moreover willing,’ he says, ‘to keep to all the personal agreementsthat we entered into then, if it is what you farmers wish and consent to, toserve the king of the Danes rather than this king that is here consecrated andcrowned king over the country.’
The farmers answered Erlingr and said as follows:‘By no means are we willing to become subjects of the king of the Danesas long as one of us Víkverjar is alive.’
Then the whole crowd rushed up with shouts and cries bidding Erlingr
keep his oaths that he had sworn to all the people of the land to defend ‘yourson’s land, and we shall all follow you.’Thus this assembly was broken up. After this the messengers of the kingof the Danes went back south to Denmark and told the result of their errandsuch as it was. The Danes subjected Erlingr and all the Norwegians to much
criticism, saying that one never got anything from them but what was bad.
The word got around that the next spring the king of the Danes would takeout an army and make raids in Norway. In the autumn Erlingr went north toBjǫrgyn and stayed there during the winter and distributed wages there.
CHAPTER twenty-fiveThat winter some Danish men travelled round the country overland saying
what is very common, that they were on their way to the blessed King Óláfr

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for the vigil.462 But when they got to Þrándheimr, then they went to see manymen of rank, saying [401] now that their business was that the king of theDanes had sent them to seek their friendship towards him, and their welcome
if he came to the country, and he was promising to give them both power andwealth. This message was accompanied by a letter and seal of the king of
the Danes, and the instruction that the Þrœndir463 were to send in reply their
letters and seals. They did so and most responded positively to the messageof the king of the Danes. The messengers went back east towards the endof Lent. Erlingr was staying in Bjǫrgyn. And when spring came, Erlingr’s
friends told him the rumour they had heard from men on trading ships thatwere come from Þrándheimr in the north that the Þrœndir had come out
in open hostility to him and they had announced at their assemblies that if
Erlingr came to Þrándheimr he should never get out past Agðanes with hislife. Erlingr said that this was a false rumour and nonsense.
Erlingr announced that he was going to go south to Unarheimr for the
Rogation Days assembly, and had a warship prepared, a twenty-benched one,and a lighter ship, a fifteen-benched one, and also a ship to carry stores. So
when the ships were ready, then there arose a fresh southerly wind. On theTuesday in Rogation Days Erlingr had his troops summoned to the ships by
trumpet, but men were reluctant to leave the town and thought it unpleasant
to have to row against the wind. Erlingr sailed north into Byskupshǫfn. Then
said Erlingr:‘You are grumbling a lot about rowing against the wind, get out now andraise the masts, after that hoist the sails, and let us sail the ships north.’
They did so, sailed north during the day and during the night. Wednesdayin the evening they sailed in past Agðanes. Then they found before them agreat collection of ships, cargo ships and rowing boats and light ocean-goingvessels—these were for people attending the festival464—going in to thetown, some ahead of them, some behind. The townspeople therefore took
no notice of longships sailing past.
[402] CHAPTER twenty-six
Erlingr skakki arrived in the town at the time that mattins was being sungup at Christchurch. Erlingr and his men ran into the town, and they weretold that Óttarr birtingr’s son Álfr hroði, a landed man, was still sitting anddrinking with his men. Erlingr made an attack on them. Álfr was killed andnearly all his men. Few other men fell, for most had gone to church. This
This would have been in Þrándheimr on the eve of 29th July or 3rd August.
Kringla had bœndrnir, other manuscripts Þrœndir or Þrœndirnir.
464
Ascension Day (Thursday in Rogation week), the 40th day after Easter. Cf.
note 396 above.
462
463

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was the night before Ascension Day. Straightway in the morning Erlingr
had all his troops called out onto Eyrar by trumpet for an assembly, and at
the assembly Erlingr brought charges against the Þrœndir, accusing themof treason against the king and himself, and naming as responsible Bárðr
standali and Páll Andreasson and Raza-Bárðr (Arse-)—he at that time wastown steward—and very many others as well. They replied, denying thecharges. Then Erlingr’s chaplain stood up holding up many letters and seals
and asked if they recognised their seals there that they had sent in the spring
to the king of the Danes. Then the letters were then also read aloud. Alsopresent there with Erlingr were the Danish men that had brought letters during
the winter. Erlingr had got hold of them for this purpose. Then they repeated
before all the people the words that each of them had spoken:‘Thus you spoke, Raza-Bárðr, and you smote your chest: “From this breastcame all these plans originally”.’Bárðr replied: ‘I was mad then, my lord, when I said that.’
There was no other choice then but to hand over the judgment of the whole
affair to Erlingr. He then took on the spot an immense amount of moneyfrom many people, and pronounced all those that had been killed to haveforfeited compensation. Afterwards he went back south to Bjǫrgyn.
[403] CHAPTER twenty-sevenThat spring King Valdamarr had a great army out in Denmark and sailed
his troops north into the Vík. As soon as he got into the realm of the kingof Norway, then the farmers brought out against him a host and a crowd ofmen. The king travelled peaceably and sensibly, but wherever they travelledby the mainland, then men shot at them even if they were one or two, and it
seemed to the Danes like the absolute hostility of the people of the country.
So when they got to Túnsberg, then King Valdamarr called an assembly
there on Haugar, but no one attended from the surrounding districts. ThenKing Valdamarr made a speech, saying this:‘It is obvious as regards the people of this land, that all are opposed to us.
We now have two options open to us. The one is to lay waste this land andspare nothing, neither cattle nor men. The other option is to go back south
without more ado. But it is more to my mind to go rather to the eastern
Baltic to heathen countries of which there are plenty available, and not tokill Christian folk here even though they deserve it well enough.’But all the others were eager to make raids, and yet the king prevailed, sothat they went back south, and yet there was plundering very widely roundthe outlying islands and everywhere when the king was not nearby. They
travelled south to Denmark.

magnúss saga erlingssonar

253[404] CHAPTER twenty-eight
Erlingr skakki heard that an army of Danes was come into the Vík. Thenhe called out a levy over the whole country of troops and ships, and thisturned out to be a huge rush to arms and he took this army east along thecoast. But when he got to Líðandisnes, he learnt that the army of Danes
was gone back south to Denmark and they had plundered widely in the
Vík. Then Erlingr gave leave to all the levy troops to return home, but hehimself and some landed men sailed with a very large number of ships
south after the Danes to Jótland. And when they got to the place calledDýrsá, then they found before them Danes returned from an expedition,and they had many ships. Erlingr attacked them and fought with them. The
Danes soon fled and lost many men, but Erlingr and his men plundered theships and also the market town and got a very large amount of wealth there
and afterwards went back to Norway. Then there was for a time warfare
between Norway and Denmark.
[405] CHAPTER twenty-nine
The king’s daughter Kristín travelled in the autumn south to Denmark. She
went to see her kinsman King Valdamarr. They were the children of sisters.
The king welcomed her extremely warmly and presented her with banquetswith him there, so that she could maintain her following there well. She wasoften in conversation with the king, and he was very friendly with her. So
the following spring Kristín sent men to Erlingr and bade him go to see theking of the Danes and be reconciled with him. The next summer Erlingr
was in the Vík. He prepared a single longship and manned it with his finest
troops. After that he sailed over to Jótland. He learnt that King Valdamarr
was in Randaróss. Erlingr sailed there and arrived in the town at the time
when most people were sitting over their food. So when they had put up theirawnings and made fast their ship, Erlingr went ashore in a party of twelve
and all mailcoated, having hoods over their helmets and swords under theircloaks. They went to the king’s quarters. Just then dishes were being carriedin, and the doors were open. Erlingr and his men went straight in before thehigh seat. Erlingr spoke:‘We wish to have a truce, king, both here and for our journey back.’
The king looked at him and said:‘Is it you there, Erlingr?’
He replied: ‘It is Erlingr here, so tell us quickly whether we shall have a
truce.’
There were inside there eighty of the king’s men and all of them unarmed.
The king said:

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heimskringla‘You shall have a truce, Erlingr, as you ask. I do not act the villain to any
man if he comes to see me.’Erlingr kissed the king’s hand and after that went out and to his ship. He
stayed there for a while with the king. They spoke about making peace between
themselves and their countries, and it was agreed that Erlingr should stay there
as hostage with [406] the king of the Danes, while Archbishop Absalon’s
brother Ásbjǫrn snara (Snare) travelled to Norway as hostage in return.
CHAPTER Thirty
It happened on one occasion that King Valdamarr and Erlingr were inconversation. Erlingr spoke:‘Lord, it seems to me that the best way to reach a settlement is for you
to have all of that part of Norway that you were promised in our personal
agreement. So if that were the case, what leader would you put in charge
there? Would it be some Danish one? No,’ he says, ‘no leaders of theDanes would be willing to go to Norway and have to deal with a tough anddisobedient people, when he has previously been well enough off here withyou. It was for this reason that I came here, that I wish under no circumstances
to lose your friendship. In the past men have travelled here to Denmark
from Norway, Hákon Ívarsson and Finnr Árnason, and your kinsman King
Sveinn made both of them his jarls. I am not now a person of less power in
Norway than they were then, and the king gave them the administration of
Halland, a realm that he had held previously. Now it seems to me, lord, thatyou might well grant me this land465 if I pledge my fealty to you so that I
shall be holding this realm from you. Moreover my son King Magnús cannot
refuse me this, so I shall be subject and bound to you for every service thatbelongs to this title.’
Erlingr said this and other similar things, and it came about in the end that
Erlingr became subject to King Valdamarr, and the king led Erlingr to hisseat and gave him a jarldom and the Vík as his fief and to administer. Then
Erlingr went back to Norway and afterwards was jarl as long as he lived,
and remained at peace with the king of the Danes for ever after.
Erlingr had four sons by concubines. One was called Hreiðarr, [407] thesecond Ǫgmundr; they had their own separate mothers. The third was Finnr,
the fourth Sigurðr; their mother was Ása in ljósa (the Bright). They wereyounger. The king’s daughter Kristín and Erlingr had a daughter that wascalled Ragnhildr. She was married to Jón Þorbergsson of Randaberg. Kristín
left the country with a man that was called Grímr rusli (Useless). They wentout to Mikligarðr and stayed there a while, and they had some children.
465

i.e. the part of Norway claimed by Valdamarr.

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255

CHAPTER Thirty-oneÓláfr, son of Guðbrandr Skafhǫggsson and son of King Eysteinn Magnússon’s
daughter Maria, was being fostered with Sigurðr agnhǫttr (Bait-Hood) inUpplǫnd. Now while Erlingr was in Denmark, then the foster-father and -son,Óláfr and Sigurðr, started a band of men and many Upplendingar joined it.
Óláfr was taken as king of it. They travelled round Upplǫnd with this band,and sometimes into the Vík, sometimes east to Markir. They were not aboard
ships. So when Jarl Erlingr heard about this band, then he took his troops
into the Vík and was on board ships during the summer and in the autumn in
Oslo and gave banquets there over Yule. He had watch kept up inland on theband and went himself up inland to look for them, and with [408] him theking’s brother Ormr. And when they got to the lake that is called . . .466 thenthey captured all the ships that were by the lake.
CHAPTER Thirty-two
The priest that officiated at Ryðjǫkull—this is by the lake—invited the jarland his men to a banquet and to come there at Candlemas.467 The jarl promised
to go, he felt it would be a good thing to go to the services there. They rowed
there across the lake during the evening before the feast day. But this priest
had a different plan in hand. He sent men to bring intelligence to Óláfr andhis men about Erlingr’s movements. He gave Erlingr and his party strong
drink in the evening and made them drink a great deal. And when the jarlwent to sleep, then there were beds for them made in the banqueting hall.
Now when they had slept a little while, the jarl awoke and asked if it was
now time for mattins. The priest said that little of the night had passed, badethem sleep in peace. The jarl replied:‘I am having a lot of dreams tonight, and I am sleeping badly.’
After that he fell asleep. He awoke a second time and told the priest to
stand up and sing the service. The priest told the jarl to sleep, saying it was
now midnight. The jarl lay down and slept a short time and leapt up and told
his men to get dressed. They did so and took their weapons, went to churchand laid their weapons outside while the priest sang mattins.
CHAPTER Thirty-threeIntelligence reached Óláfr during the evening, and they walked during thenight along six leagues of pathways, and people thought this was a great dealof travelling. They arrived in Ryðjǫkull during mattins. It was absolutely
pitch-dark. Óláfr and his men went to the banqueting hall and shouted a466
467

This must have been part of the Raumelfr (Glomma).
Cf. note 289 above.

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war cry, killing a few men inside there that had not gone to mattins. But
when Erlingr and his men heard the [409] shout they ran to their weapons
and after that made off down for the ships. Óláfr and his men met them bya sort of enclosure. There was a battle there. Erlingr and his men retreateddown by the side of the enclosure, and the enclosure protected them. They
had a much smaller troop. Many of them fell, and many were wounded.
What helped them most was that Óláfr and his men could not distinguishthem, it was so dark. So Erlingr’s men made straight for the ships. BishopGuðmundr’s father Ari Þorgeirsson fell there and many others of Erlingr’s
followers. Erlingr was wounded in his left side, and some people say that hescraped the sword against himself when he was drawing it. Ormr was also
badly wounded. With difficulty they got aboard their ships and immediately
drew away from the shore.
It was said that Óláfr and his men had had very bad luck in the encounter,
considering how Erlingr and his men had been delivered up to them if Óláfr
had proceeded more sensibly. Afterwards people called him Óláfr ógæfa
(Bad Luck), but some called them Hettusveinar (Hood Boys).468 They went
up round the countryside with this band again as before, but Jarl Erlingr
went out into the Vík to his ships and stayed behind in the Vík during thesummer, while Óláfr and his men were in Upplǫnd and sometimes east in
Markir. They had the band like that a second winter.
CHAPTER Thirty-four
The next spring Óláfr and his band went out into the Vík and took all theroyal dues there, staying there a long time during the summer. Jarl Erlingr
heard about this and took his troops east to find them, and their meeting wason the eastern side of the fiord in a place that is called at Stangir.469 A great
battle took place there and [410] Erlingr was victorious. Sigurðr agnhǫttr fell
there and many of Óláfr’s men, but Óláfr got away by flight. He travelled
after that south to Denmark and stayed in Jótland at Álaborg the next winterafter that. And the following spring Óláfr caught an illness that led to his
death, and he is buried there at Máríukirkja, and the Danes call him a saint.
CHAPTER Thirty-five
Páll Skoptason’s son Níkolás kúfungr (Snail) was one of King Magnús’s
landed men. He captured Haraldr, who was said to have been son of King
Sigurðr Haraldsson and the king’s daughter Kristín and half-brother of King
Magnús. Níkolás conveyed Haraldr to Bjǫrgyn and handed him over to Jarl

Perhaps alluding to Óláfr’s foster-father’s nickname agnhǫttr (Bait-Hood).
Stangir, modern Stange, is on the eastern side of Lake Mjǫrs (Mjøsa) so austanfjarðar must mean east of Mjǫrs, rather than east of the Vík. Cf. Fritzner s.v. fjǫrðr.
468
469

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Erlingr. It was Erlingr’s custom, if enemies of his came before him, that hespoke nothing or very little to them, and calmly what he did say, if he wasresolved to kill them, while those that he wanted to have life he verbally
abused most bitterly. Erlingr said little to Haraldr, and people were suspicious
about what he was intending. Then people bade King Magnús to intercedefor Haraldr with the jarl. The king did so. The jarl replied:‘That is what your friends advise. But you will not long rule the country
in peace if you are always going to act with goodwill towards everyone.’
Afterwards Erlingr had Haraldr conveyed across to Norðnes and he wasbeheaded there.
CHAPTER Thirty-six
There is a man called Eysteinn that claimed to be King Eysteinn Haraldsson’s
son. He was then a young man, not completely full-grown, when it is toldthat [411] he turned up one summer east in Svíaveldi and went to see Birgir
brosa. He was now married to Haraldr gilli’s daughter Brígiða, Eysteinn’s aunt.
Eysteinn put before them his purpose and asked for their help for himself. The
jarl and his wife too welcomed what he said and promised him their support.
He stayed there a while. Jarl Birgir gave Eysteinn some troops and a good
sum of money for his immediate needs and sent him on his way generously.
They both assured him of their friendship. Eysteinn then went north in Norway
and came down in the Vík. Now troops immediately rushed to him, and thisband expanded. They took Eysteinn as king, and they stayed with this bandin the Vík during the winter. But because they were short of money, then theyplundered widely, and the landed men and farmers brought a troop against
them. So when they were overpowered, then they fled away into the forests andlay for long periods in deserted places. Then their clothing wore out, so they
fastened birch bark round their legs. The farmers then called them Birkibeinar(Birch-Legs). They often rushed into settlements and turned up here and there
and launched an attack if they were not faced by large numbers. They foughtsome battles with farmers, and now one side, now the other was victorious.
The Birkibeinar had three pitched battles and were victorious in all of them.
At Krókaskógr they narrowly escaped disaster. A gathering of farmers cameagainst them, a huge number of troops. The Birkibeinar felled heaps of trees
in front of them and afterwards ran into the forest. The Birkibeinar were twowinters in the Vík without going to the north of the country.
CHAPTER Thirty-seven
King Magnús had then been king for thirteen winters when the Birkibeinar
started up. The third summer they took to ships, then went out along the coast,

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getting themselves wealth and troops. They were at first in the Vík, but towards
the end of summer [412] they made for the north of the country, travelling sofast that no intelligence preceded them before they reached Þrándheimr. The
Birkibeinar’s band consisted mainly of men from Markir and Elfargrímar,and they had a large number from Þelamǫrk, and they were now well armed.
Their king, Eysteinn, was handsome and fair of feature, small of face, not a big
person. By many people he was known as Eysteinn meyla (Maidenly). King
Magnús and Jarl Erlingr were staying in Bjǫrgyn when the Birkibeinar sailed
past to the north, and they were not aware of them. Erlingr was a powerfulman, intelligent in mind, a very great warrior when there was war, a goodruler of the land and authoritarian, said to be rather severe and harsh. But thereal thing was that he gave only a few of his enemies permission to stay in the
country, even when they begged for quarter, and for this reason many ended
up running off to join the bands when these rose against him. Erlingr was a tall
man and tough in build, rather high-shouldered, long-faced, sharp-featured,
light-coloured and growing very grey-haired, carried his head rather on one
side, pleasant in manner and dignified, wore old-fashioned clothing, tunics
and shirts long in the body and sleeves, French cloaks, boots high in the leg.
He made the king wear similar clothing while he was young, but when hecould decide for himself he dressed in great finery. King Magnús was highspirited and playful, a very sociable person and a great man for the ladies.
CHAPTER Thirty-eight
Sigurðr Hranason’s son Níkolás, he was son of Brynjólfr úlfaldi’s (Camel’s)daughter Skjaldvǫr, sister of Halldórr Brynjólfsson and half-sister of King
Magnús [413] berfœttr. Níkolás was a very great leader. He had an estatein Hálogaland on Ǫngull at a place called at Steig. Níkolás had a dwellingin Niðaróss down from Jóanskirkja where the chaplain Þorgeirr had lived.
Níkolás was frequently in Kaupangr, and he had complete authority overthe people of the town. Níkolás’s daughter Skjaldvǫr was married to EiríkrÁrnason. He was a landed man too.
CHAPTER Thirty-nine
It was on the later Máríumass,470 when people were returning from mattins
in the town, that Eiríkr went to Níkolás and spoke:‘Father-in-law, some fishermen that have come in are saying that longships
were sailing in along the fiord, and people suppose that it must be Birkibeinar,
and the thing to do, father-in-law, is to have the whole town militia witharms summoned by trumpet call out onto Eyrar.’
470

The feast of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary, 8th September.

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259

Níkolás replied: ‘I do not, son-in-law, go by rumours of fishermen. I shallset a watch out in the fiord, and we shall hold an assembly today.’
Eiríkr went home, and when the bell was rung for High Mass, Níkolás
went to church. Now Eiríkr came to him and spoke:‘I think, father-in-law, that the information is true. There are now men herethat say they have seen the sails. It seems to me advisable for us to ride outof the town and muster troops for ourselves.’
Níkolás replied: ‘You are chattering on again, son-in-law. Let us first hear
Mass, then decide what to do afterwards.’
Níkolás went to church. And when Mass had been sung, Eiríkr went to
Níkolás and spoke:‘Father-in-law, now my horses are ready. I am going to ride out.’
Níkolás replied: ‘Farewell then! We shall hold an assembly on Eyrar andfind out what troops are in the town.’
Then Eiríkr rode away, but Níkolás went to his premises and afterwards
to eat.
[414] CHAPTER forty
Now just when food was being served, a man came in and told Níkolásthat now Birkibeinar were rowing into the river. Then Níkolás called outthat his men were to arm themselves, and when they were armed, Níkolás
told them to go inside into the upper part of the building, and this was themost unwise thing to do, for if they had guarded the courtyard, then thetownspeople would have come up to help them, for the Birkibeinar wentand filled the whole courtyard and then went to the upper storeys all round.
They shouted to each other. The Birkibeinar offered Níkolás quarter, but herefused. After that they fought. Níkolás and his men defended themselveswith bowshots and handshots and oven stones, but the Birkibeinar knocked
down the buildings and shot as often as they could. Níkolás had a red shieldwith gilt studs in it and stars on it, a Viljálmr’s make. The Birkibeinar shotso that the arrows stuck in as far as the binding of the heads. Níkolás spoke:‘The shield is now proving false to me.’There Níkolás fell and a large part of his company and he was very greatly
mourned. The Birkibeinar gave quarter to all the people of the town.
CHAPTER forty-one
Afterwards Eysteinn was taken as king there, and all the people submitted tohim. He stayed for a while in the town, after that travelled in into Þrándheimr.
Many troops joined him there. Þorfinnr svarti (the Black) of Snǫs joined him
there, and he had a troop of men. At the beginning of winter they travelled out

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to the town. Then Guðrún of Saltnes’s sons, Jón kettlingr (Kitten), Sigurðr and
Viljálmr, joined them. They travelled up out of Niðaróss to Orkadalr—then
there were calculated to be nearly twenty hundred men there—travellingon to Upplǫnd and then out across Þótn and Haðaland, then to Hringaríki.
[415] CHAPTER forty-two
In the autumn King Magnús travelled east into Vík with some of the troops,
and the king’s brother Ormr as well. Jarl Erlingr stayed behind in Bjǫrgyn andkept a large force there and was to go against the Birkibeinar if they travelled
down the coastal route. King Magnús established himself in Túnsberg, he andOrmr as well. The king gave a banquet there over Yule. King Magnús heard
about the Birkibeinar up in Ré. After that the king left the town with his troop
and Ormr as well and they reached Ré. There was a lot of snow and the weather
was amazingly cold. So when they got to this farm, then they went out of theenclosure onto the road, and on the outside of the fence they lined up and trod
the snow down hard for themselves. They had just less than fifteen hundred
men. The Birkibeinar were at another farm but some of their troops were inbuildings here and there. But when they became aware of King Magnús’sarmy, they gathered together and set up a battle line. And when they saw King
Magnús’s troops, then they thought, as was true, that their force was greater.
They immediately went into battle. But when they advanced along the road,then few at a time were able to move forward, and those that jumped out off
the road found the snow so deep that they could hardly get forward, and now
their line broke up, while those that went forward along the road first fell.
Then their standard was cut down, and those that were next in line retreated,while some took to flight. King Magnús’s men pursued them and killed them
one after the other when they caught them. Then the Birkibeinar could not
get their battle line formed and were exposed to weapons, and now many fell
and many fled. It was then as can often happen, that though men are brave andbold in battle, if they suffer heavy blows and start to flee, most find it difficult
to turn around again. Then the main force of Birkibeinar began to flee, and amultitude fell, for King Magnús’s men killed all they could, and none [416]of those they caught were granted quarter, and the rout scattered widely.
King Eysteinn took to flight. He ran into a certain building and begged
for quarter for himself and also that the farmer would hide him. But thefarmer killed him, afterwards going to see King Magnús and finding him at
Hrafnsnes. The king was inside in a room and was warming himself by thefire, and there were many people there. Afterwards men went and conveyed
the body there, carrying it into the room. Then the king told men to go andidentify the body. There was a man sitting on the corner bench, and it wasa Birkibeinn, and no one had taken any notice of him. But when he saw themagnúss saga erlingssonar261

corpse of his leader and recognised it, then he stood up quickly and sharply.
He had an axe in his hand, he ran quickly further in across the floor andstruck at King Magnús, hitting him on the neck by the shoulders. Some manor other saw the axe swing down and shoved him away. That caused the axe
to turn down onto the shoulders, and it was a great wound. Then he swung
the axe up a second time and struck at the king’s brother Ormr. He was lying
on the bench. The blow was aimed at both his legs. So when Ormr saw thatthe man was trying to kill him, he moved quickly, throwing his feet forwards
over his head, and the blow fell on the edge of the bench frame. The axe
stuck fast. But weapons were sticking so thickly on the Birkibeinn that he
was hardly able to fall. Then they saw that he had dragged his intestines
across the floor after him, and this man’s valour is very highly praised.
King Magnús’s men pursued the rout for a long time and they killed all
they could. Þorfinnr at Snǫs fell there, and many other Þrœndir fell there
too.
CHAPTER forty-three
This band, that were called Birkibeinar, had gathered together with a great
multitude. These people were tough and the most valiant fighters and werea rather unruly crew, going about quite furiously and madly, once they felt
they had [417] a great force. They had in their band few men that weregood planners or were accustomed to the administration of land or laws or
managing an army, and although some knew better, yet the majority471 allwanted to do what each himself thought fit. They felt themselves securewith the numbers in their band and their valour. But of the troops that got
away, many were wounded and had lost their weapons and clothing, andall were without money. Some made their way east to Markir and many toÞelamǫrk, mostly those that had relatives there. Some went all the way east
to Svíaveldi. They all ran away because they had little hope of quarter fromKing Magnús or Jarl Erlingr.
CHAPTER forty-four
After this King Magnús travelled back out to Túnsberg, and he came to bevery celebrated for this victory, for everyone said that Jarl Erlingr was theshield and organiser of the pair, but after King Magnús had gained victory
over such a powerful and numerous band when he had a smaller force, thenit seemed to everyone as if he was going to overcome all, and he would thenbe as much greater a warrior than the jarl as he was a younger one.
471

Kringla had flokkrinn, but other manuscripts fjƒlðinn.

Index of Names
Page references are to the page numbers of the Íslenzk fornrit edition, which
are noted in square brackets within the text of the translation.
Absalon, archbishop of Lund (1178–1201) 406.
Adrianus, pope (Adrian IV, 1154–59), earlier Cardinal Nicholas Breakspear 333.
Aðalbrikt, priest 297.
Aðalráðr (Æþelred II) Játgeirsson (son of Eadgar I), king of the English (978–1016)
32, 66, 168.
Aðalsteinn (Æþelstan) Játvarðsson (son of Edward the Elder), king of the English(924–39) 27 (verse).
Aðalsteinsfóstri, nickname (foster-son of (King) Æþelstan) 255.
Africa (Affríká) 74, 76.
Agðanes (Agdenes, near the entrance to Trondheimsfjord) 255, 261, 401.
Agðir (Agder, district of southern Norway) 34, 376.
Akrsborg (Acre, Akka, on the coast of northern Israel) 249 (verse), 250.
Álaborg (Ålborg, northern Denmark) 310, 320, 410.
Aldeigjuborg (modern Staraya Ladoga, near Lake Ladoga in Russia) 3, 91.
Álfhildr mother of King Magnús 14, 20.
Álfífa Álfrimsdóttir (Ælfgifu of Northampton, wife of King Knútr, mother of King
Sveinn) 10, 11, 12 (verse), 256.
Álfr hroði (Trash) son of Óttarr birtingr 322, 360, 402.
Áli óskeyndr (Unshielded, i.e. Shieldless), father of Munán 363.
Alkasse (probably Alcácer do Sal, Portugal) 243.
Ámundi son of Gyrðr son of Lǫg-Bersi 303, 306, 318, 330, 348, 350, 363.
Ámundi son of Gyrðr Ámundarson 363.
Andreas Brúnsson, priest 288, 289, 290, 293, 294, 295.
Andreas kelduskítr (Bog Dirt) Grímsson 311.
Andreas, son of Guthormr grábarðr (Greybeard) 334–36.
Andreas daufi (the Deaf) Sigurðarson 297.
Andreas Símunarson, foster-brother of Hákon herðibreiðr 326, 347, 353, 360.
Apardjón (Aberdeen) 328.
Ari Einarsson father of Klémet 316.
Ari son of Þorgeirr Hallason 409.
Ari Þorgilsson of Reykjahólar 311.
Arnbjǫrn Ambi (Ambi is a shortened form of Arnbjǫrn) 317.
Árni Brígiðarskalli (Brígið’s (Bridget’s) Old Man), King Hákon herðibreiðr’s
steward 376.
Árni King’s Brother-in-Law (konungsmágr) at Stoðreimr 323, 340, 373–375, 385.
Árni Armóðsson 12, 22–24, 112, 126–27, 132–34, 147, 152 (verse), 154, 184, 306,
323, 406.
Árni Árnason 22.
Árni Fríreksson 369.
Árni sturla (Trouble) Sæbjarnarson 321, 343–44.
Arnórr jarlaskáld (Jarls’ Poet) Þórðarson 3, 4, 7, 8, 32, 34, 39, 43, 46, 56, 58, 62,
64, 133, 150, 189, 191.

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Áróss (Århus in Denmark) 47, 64 (verse).
Ása in ljósa (the Bright), Erlingr skakki’s concubine 407.
Ásbjǫrn, landed man (see note 20) of King Magnús Sigurðarson 283.
Ásbjǫrn jalda (Mare) 363.
Ásbjǫrn snara (Snare) 406.
Áskell, King Eiríkr eimuni’s forecastle man 308.
Áskell at Forland 378.
Askr (Ask), in Hringaríki 282.
Áslákr of Forland 214.
Áslákr Erlendsson 340.
Áslákr son of Erlingr Skjálgsson, married to Sigríðr, daughter of Jarl Sveinn 122;
see vol. II.
Áslákr Erlingsson of Sóli, grandfather of Hákon pungelta 311.
Áslákr Hákonarson 304.
Áslákr ungi (the Young) Jónsson 343–44, 357.
Ásmundr Bjarnarson, nephew and foster-son of King Sveinn Úlfsson 130, 131, 132.
Ásmundr Grankelsson 22, 23.
Ásmundr son of Sæmundr húsfreyja 288, 292–93.
Ásólfr at Rein son of Skúli King’s Foster-Father 198, 225, 303.
Ásta Guðbrandsdóttir, married to Sigurðr sýr 198.
Ástríðr daughter of Óláfr sœnski, queen of Óláfr inn helgi 4, 5, 6 (verses), 13–4, 17–20.
Ástríðr daughter of Sveinn tjúguskegg 36, 91.
Ástríðr daughter of Ǫgmundr, mother of Jarl Karl 306.
Atli Hǫskuldsson 45.
Auðsholt, in Biskupstungur in Iceland 317.
Auðunn inn rauði (the Red), Erlingr skakki’s forecastle man 325.
Auðunn Hallsson 348, 349.
Aumorð (now Borge district in Østfold, Norway) 257.
Aurnir, name of a giant, in kenning for troll-wife 177 (verse).
Austrátt (Austrått, north of Trondheim) 126, 297.
Austrríki (countries east of the Baltic, Russia; cf. Garðaríki) 89.
Baldr, a god, in kenning for warrior 218 (verse).
Baldvini, king of Jerusalem (Baldwin of Boulogne, c. 1058–1118) 249–51.
Baltic (lands), the eastern (Austrvegr) 70, 403; eastern Baltic peoples, people fromthe eastern Baltic (Austrvegsmenn) 37, 130.
Bárðr, see Raza-Bárðr.
Bárðr svarti (the Black) Atlason 45.
Bárðr standali (Strutter) Brynjólfsson 343, 402.
Bárðr father of Guthormr at Rein 198.
Bartholomeusmass, St Bartholomew’s day (24th August) 234.
Bastard (Bastarðr), a sword 388.
Bataldr (Batalden, island off the west coast of Norway) 310.
Baugeið Dagsdóttir, abbess on Gimsey 364.
Befja (Bäveån, river in Ranríki) 364.
Benedikt brother of Eiríkr 304.
Benteinn Kolbeinsson 310, 317, 319.

index of names

265

Bergljót daughter of Jarl Hákon Sigurðarson, wife of Einarr þambarskelfir 122,
125–26, 128.
Bergljót daughter of Hálfdan, wife of Finnr Árnason 126.
Bergljótr son of Ívarr of Elda 360.
Bergþórr bukkr (Buck) 367.
Bergþórr Másson 316.
Bersƒglisvísur, a poem by Sigvatr Þórðarson addresed to Magnús Óláfsson 26.
Birgir brosa (Smile) Bengtsson, jarl 332, 411.
Birkibeinn, Birkibeinar (Birch-Legs), name given to the followers of Eysteinn
meyla 411–17.
Bjaðmynja (Blathmuine) daughter of King Mýrjartak 224.
Bjaðǫk (Blathach) mother of King Eysteinn Haraldsson 321.
Bjarkey (Bjerkøy, island off Vestfold, the area to the west of Oslofjord) 22, 215,
258, 311.
Bjarmaland (an area somewhere round the White Sea in northern Russia, probably
near modern ­Archangelsk) 212.
Bjarni inn illi (the Evil) 393, 394, 395 (verse).
Bjarni Gullbrárskáld (Gullbrá’s Poet) Hallbjarnarson 12, 25. See vol. II, note 345.
Bjarni táparðr (Tabard) Sigurðarson 337.
Bjǫrgvin, Bjǫrgyn (Bergen, western Norway) 198, 204, 225, 254, 261, 282, 284, 285,
287 (verse), 288, 289, 298, 300, 313, 337, 338, 341, 342, 344, 350, 360, 361, 369,
376, 378, 379, 380, 384, 391, 392, 395, 400–02, 410, 412, 415; Bjǫrgynjarmenn(people of Bjǫrgyn) 314, 379.
Bjǫrn inn krepphendi (the Clenched-Handed), Icelandic (?) poet, eleventh century
212, 217–19, 221, 222.
Bjǫrn Egilsson 304–05.
Bjǫrn bukkr (Buck) Níkolásson, married to Margrét Árnadóttir 323, 361–62.
Bjorn Úlfsson, jarl in England (killed 1049) 58 (verse).
Blasius’s Day (Blasiusmessa, St Blaise’s day, 3rd February) 366, 369.
Blót-Sveinn (Heathen-Worship-), King of the Svíar (died 1087) 263. See Heiðreks saga.
Blǫkumannaland (Wallachia in southern Romania) 371.
Bolgaraland (Bulgaria) 254.
Bolgars (Bolgarar, Bulgarians) 68 (verse).
Borg (= Sarpsborg) 198, 257, 258, 400.
Borgarþing, assembly at Borg 303.
Borghildr daughter of Dagr, wife of Kári the king’s brother 297.
Borghildr daughter of Óláfr in the Dale 257, 258.
Brandr Sæmundarson, bishop at Hólar in Iceland (1163–1201) 395.
Bratsáss (Brattås), west of Konungahella 290.
Bratsberg (in Þelamǫrk) 341.
Bretar, the Welsh 222.
Bretland (Wales) 135, 169, 222, 223.
Brígiða daughter of King Haraldr gilli 331–32, 411.
Brígiða daughter of Úlfr Óspaksson 120.
British Isles (Vestrlǫnd, Western Lands, i.e. western Europe, particularly the British
Isles) 135, 229.
Brunswick (Brúnsvík i.e. Braunschweig in Germany) 41.

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Brúsi Sigurðarson, jarl in Orkney (1014–1030) 68, 69.
Brúsi Þormóðarson, Sigurðr slembidjákn’s forecastle man 316.
Brynjólfr gamli (the Old) úlfaldi (Camel), Norwegian farmer 200.
Brynjólfr úlfaldi (Camel) Halldórsson 343, 348, 361, 363, 412.
Buðli, a legendary sea-king, in a kenning for sea 113 (verse).
Búriz Heinreksson brother of King Ingi 375.
Býjaraland (Bayern, Bavaria in Germany) 254.
Byrða (probably the headland where Norð-Mœrr and Naumudalr meet) 312.
Byskupshǫfn (Biskopshavn, Hǫrðaland) 401.
Bœjarbót (the town’s improvement), a bell that summoned guild members to adrinking feast in Niðaróss 205.
Bœkisúðin, King Ingi’s ship 356, 378, 380, 382.
Bǫlverkr Arnórsson, eleventh century Icelandic poet 69, 70, 101, 109.
Candlemas (Kyndilmessa), the Feast of the Purification of the Virgin Mary, 2nd
February.
Cecilia daughter of Gyrðr Bárðarson, wife of Jón kaða 317.
Clemenskirkja (St Clement’s church in Niðaróss) 43, 107, 211.
Christ (Kristr) 6, 84 (verses). See also White-Christ.
Christchurch (Kristskirkja), in Bjǫrgvin 204, 302, 341.
Christchurch (Kristskirkja), in Niðaróss 208, 209, 212, 257, 263, 272, 332, 383, 402.
Christchurch (Kristskirkja) churchyard, in Bjǫrgvin 286.
Dagr Eilífsson 233, 236, 269, 297, 307, 330, 341, 342, 351, 359, 363, 365.
Dagr Kárason 297.
Dalr mikli (the great valley, Store-Dal in Østfold, Norway) 257, 258.
Danes (Danir) 35, 37, 46–47, 59 (verse), 62 (the Danish, verse), 93 (verse), 94 (verse),
107–08, 110 (Danish maidens, Dana meyjar, verse), 112 (the Danish, verse), 114,
116–17, 133, 139, 140 (verse), 145, 147, 148 (Danish meeting, Dana fundr, verse),
150–51, 157–58, 159 (verse), 160 (verse), 174, 201, 256, 263, 298, 307, 316, 397, 399,
400, 403–04, 410; army of Danes (Danaherr) 112, 116, 145, 173, 201, 307, 404; leadersof the Danes (Danahǫfðingjar) 41, 406; king(s) of the Danes (Danakonung(a)r) 38, 116,
122, 145, 201, 208, 228, 254, 258, 262–63, 276, 279, 289–90, 307, 369, 399, 400–02,
405–06; Danish troops (Danalið) 315; ships of the Danes (Danaskip) 150; kingdom of
the Danes (Danaríki) 173; realm of the Danes (Danaveldi) 31–32, 34 (verse), 35, 37,
40, 60 (verse), 65–66, 94, 105, 106, 108, 111–12, 130, 173; island-Danes (Hólmbúar,= Eydanir?), isle-inhabitants, Danes that lived on the Danish islands 166 (verse).
Denmark (Danmǫrk) 11, 12, 32, 33 (verse), 35–40, 47, 56, 59 (verse), 61, 63, 65,
66, 85, 92, 94, 95, 97 (verse), 103–05, 108, 110–12, 130, 132, 133, 135, 137–41,
155, 158, 161, 162, 172, 174, 207, 218, 254, 258, 279, 282, 283, 296, 298, 305–10,
313, 315, 320, 375, 395, 397, 400, 403–07, 410.
David (Dávíð), king of the Scots (1124–53) 298.
Dofrafjall (Dovrefjell, mountain south of Þrándheimr) 128, 211, 212.
Dótta daughter of Þorkell geysa 111.
Draglaun, a ship 381.
Dublin (Dyflinn) 135, 233, 234; county of Dublin (Dyflinnarskíri) 233.
Dúnímiz, leader of Vinðr 290, 294.

index of names

267Dýrsá (Djurså, river on the eastern side of Jutland) 404.
Dœlir (people of Dalar, Guðbrandsdalar (valleys in Upplǫnd)) 251 (verse).
Eaðvarðr (Eat-, Ját-) (Eadward the Confessor) inn góði (the Good) son of Aðalráðr,king of the English (died 1066) 32, 65, 66, 168, 170, 171, 174, 193.
East-Vinðr (Austr-Vinðr, eastern Wends) 70 (verse).
Eatmundr son of Aðalráðr (Edmund Ironside, King Edmund II of the English, died1016) 66.
Eðni (Etne, Hǫrðaland) 342.
Egðir (people of Agðir) 84, 87, 90, 223 (verses).
Egg (Egge, Sogn) 24, 25.
Egill son of Áslákr of Forland 214, 216–17.
Eilífr, Danish jarl 254.
Eilífr son of Jarl Rǫgnvaldr Úlfsson 70.
Einarr Andreasmágr (Andreas Brúnsson’s son-in-law) 289, 290.
Einarr son of Ari of Reykjahólar 311, 316.
Einarr þambarskelfir or -skelmir (Bowstring-shaker) Eindriðason 24, 37, 107, 122–26.
Einarr son of Guthormr grábarðr (Greybeard) 334–36.
Einarr Pálsson, Laxa-Pálsson (Salmon-) 313, 340.
Einarr Skúlason, Icelandic poet and priest, twelfth century 239, 240, 249, 251, 271,
286, 296, 321, 326–30, 346, 358, 359, 371.
Einarr son of Ǫgmundr of Sandr 311.
Eindriði in Gautdalr 311.
Eindriði heiðafylja (Heath Mare) 392.
Eindriði ungi (the Young) 324, 370–71, 378, 38–383, 390.
Eindriði son of Einarr þambarskelfir 122, 125, 126, 128, 129.
Eindriði son of Jón mǫrnefr 344, 353–54, 358–60.
Eiríkr brother of Benedikt 304.
Eiríkr inn ársæli (of the Prosperous Seasons), king of the Svíar (died 1088) 263.
Eiríkr Árnason, landed man 413.
Eiríkr inn sigursæli (the Victorious) Bjarnarson, king of the Swedes (died c. 995) 36.
Eiríkr hæll (Peg) son of Eindriði in Gautdalr 311.
Eiríkr eimuni (Ever Remembered) Eiríksson, king of the Danes (1134–37) 276, 282,
289–90, 307–08.
Eiríkr Ívarsson, archbishop in Niðaróss (1189–1205) 316.
Eiríkr Oddsson, author of Hryggjarstykki (fl. mid-twelfth century) 313, 317–320.
Eiríkr góði (the Good) Sveinsson, king of the Danes (1095–1103) 207–08, 228–29,
258, 262.
Elbr 141, see Elfr.
Elda (in northern Þrándheimr) 360.
Elfargrímar (dwellers on the banks of the Elfr) 285, 412.
Elfarvísur, a poem by Einarr Skúlason 359.
Elfr(in) 12, 36, 38 (verse), 112, 113, 115, 144, 159, 162, 227, 228, 309, 350, 359(verse), 376, 391; see Elbr and Gautelfr.
Elisabeth daughter of King Jarizleifr 90, see Ellisif.
Ellipaltar (perhaps a compound derived from Greek ἕλη and Latin paludes, which
both mean ‘fen’; the word seems to be used of the mouth of the Dnieper) 89.

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Ellisif daughter of Jarizleifr 89–91, 112, 178, 179, 197. See also Elisabeth.
Emma, a coat of mail, 188.
Emma daughter of Duke Richard I of Normandy, queen of King Æþelred II and laterof King Knútr inn ríki 32, 168.
Emundr Óláfsson, king of the Svíar (1050–1060) 4, 40.
Engilsnes (Cape St. Angelo (Amphiphegus), Crete) 252.
England 11, 31, 32, 37, 65, 66, 168, 170, 171, 173–75, 177, 179, 182, 187, 193, 194,
196–98, 239, 328–30, 397.
English, the (Englar); Englishmen (Englismenn) 185; the English, king of (Engla­
konungr) 31, 32, 170, 186, 258; Engla beit English ships 328 (verse), Engla œgirEnglish-scarer 203 (verse).
Erlendr from Gerði 323.
Erlendr hímaldi (Slowcoach) son of Jóan sterki 120, 390.
Erlendr Þorfinnsson, jarl in Orkney (1054–98) 179, 184, 219, 225, 233, 237, 239.
Erlingr son of Jarl Erlendr Þorfinnsson of Orkney 233, 237.
Erlingr son of Jóan Árnason 22.
Erlingr skakki (the Crooked), son of Kyrpinga-Ormr 323–25, 330, 342, 351–53,
356–58, 360–62, 369, 373–402, 404–410, 412, 415, 417.
Erlingsdrápa, a poem by Þorbjǫrn Skakkaskáld 324.
Erri (Ærø, island off Fyn, Denmark) 309.
Eyin helga (the Holy Isle, Iona) 220.
Eyrar(nar) (the sand- or gravel-banks near Niðaróss) 141, 212, 402, 413.
Eyrarsund (Öresund, sound between Denmark and Sweden) 159 (verse), 263, 309.
Eyraþing (assembly in Þrándheimr) 9, 210, 321, 383, 391.
Eysteinn trafali (Hindrance) 339.
Eysteinn Erlendsson, archbishop in Norway (1161–88) 120, 121, 390, 391, 395–98.
Eysteinn meyla (Maidenly) son of King Eysteinn 41012, 414, 416.
Eysteinn son of Haraldr gilli, king in Norway (1142–57) 321, 322, 326–332, 337,
338, 341–347, 354, 367, 368, 410.
Eysteinn Magnússon, king in Norway (1103–23) 218, 229, 238, 254–263, 342–43,
364, 407.
Eysteinn orri (Heathcock) (or Orri) Þorbergsson 184, 191, 192.
Eyvindr ǫlbogi (Elbow), Magnús berfœttr’s marshal 233, 235, 236.
Fáfnir, dragon killed by Sigurðr; used to refer to a dragon-ship 150 (in verse).
Falstr (Falster, Danish island) 62, 112 (verse); Falster-dwellers (Falstrbyggvir) 62(verse)Filir (inhabitants of Fjalir, district in Sogn, western Norway) 111 (verse), 181 (verse, v.l.).
Finnr (Fiðr) Árnason 126–29, 130, 132–47, 151, 152 (verse), 154–55, 306, 323, 406.
Finnr son of Erlingr skakki 407.
Finnr Sauða-Úlfsson 313, 319.
Finnr Skoptason 225, 226, 230–232.
Firðir (Fjordane, area of western Norway) 302, 311, 378, 380.
Fitjar (Fitje, northern Norway) 27 (verse).
Fjón (Fyn, island in Denmark) 41, 47, 54–56, 61 (verse), 62, 63 (verse), 93 (verse),
133, 145: Fjónbúar (inhabitants of Fjón) 46; Fjón-dwellers (Fjónbyggvar,
inhabitants of Fjón) 133 (verse).

index of names

269

Flanders (Flandr) 172.
Flemings (Flæmingjar) 371.
Flóruvágar (Florevåg, near Bergen, Norway) 285, 341.
Flæmingjaland (land of Flemings, Flanders) 175, 182, 231.
Fold, Foldin (Vestfold, Østfold, the areas around Oslofjord) 344, 393.
Fólki son of Jarl Birgir brosa 332.
Forland (Folland in Norð-Mœrr) 214, 378.
Formentera (one of the Balearic islands in the Mediterranean, off Spain 244, 245(verse).
Fors (Foss in Ranríki) 280, 345; Fors church (Forskirkja, Tunge district, Ranríki) 345.
Fors (Fossum, near the Befja, Ranríki) 363. Perhaps the same as the preceding.
Foxerni (Fuxerna, near Göta älv, Sweden) 227.
Frakkar (Franks; or Normans?) 195 (verse), 371, 372; Frankish (Valskr) 46 (verse).
Freyr, heathen god, in kenning for human soldier(s) 55 (verse).
Frírekr, Haraldr Sigurðarson’s standard-bearer 185.
Frírekr, Holy Roman Emperor (Frederick I, Barbarossa (1155–90)) 248.
Frírekr kœna (Boat) 378, 383, 393, 394. See also Kœna.
Frírekr, Holy Roman Emperor (Frederick II, son of Henry VI) 248.
Frísland (Friesland or Frisia) 172.
Frosta (Frosta in Trondheimsfjord) 296.
Fyrileif (Färlev, Ranríki) 280; Battle of Fyrileif (Fyrileifarorrosta 287).
Galizuland (Galicia) 240.
Gamall 157.
Garðar (= Garðaríki) 3, 12, 18, 19, 70, 89, 91, 92 (verses), 375.
Garðaríki (Russia) 4, 18, 69, 70.
Garðr 370, see Mikligarðr.
Garmr, a mythical dog, as common noun for dog, enemy, destroyer 329 (in verse).
Gautar (inhabitants of Gautland) 158, 162–63, 227–28, 306; army of Gautar(Gautaherr) 163.
Gautdalr (Gutdalen, Sogn og Fjordane, Norway) 311.
Gautelfr (Göta älv, river in south-west Sweden) 225. See also Elfr.
Gautland (Östergötland and Västergötland, southern Sweden) 40, 46, 55, 62, 158,
162, 225, 226, 305, 306, 347, 395; from Gautland (gauzkan, Gautish) 58 (verse).
Gautr, a name of Óðinn, in kenning for warrior 51 (verse).
Gefn (name for Freyja), goddess, in kenning for woman (women) 55 (verse).
Gerði (Gjerde), in Sunn-Hǫrðaland 323.
Gerðr, a goddess, in kennings for woman 89, 109 (in verses).
Geysudœtr daughters of Þorkell geysa 111.
Gillikristr (servant of Christ) 265, see Haraldr gilli.
Gimsar (Gimsan, souther Þrándheimr) 304, 305.
Gimsey (Gimsøy, Lofoten, Norway) 364.
Gizki (Giske), island in Sunn-Mœrr 214, 225.
Glammi, a legendary sea-king, in kenning for battle 46 (verse).
Glaumr, a legendary horse, in kenning for wolf 358 (in verse).
Gljúfrafjǫrðr (on Hinn) 311.
Glǫð (Glad), a church bell 43.

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God (guð) 19–21 (verses), 47, 67, 108, 113 (verse), 136, 155, 161 (verse), 164, 178(verse), 188 (verse), 208, 232, 239 (verse), 242 (verse), 244 (verse), 250, 271, 273,
275, 289, 294, 295, 314, 315, 331 (in verse), 335–37, 354, 355, 368, 388, 395, 396.
Goðnarfjǫrðr (Randersfjorden on the eastern side of Jutland) 109.
Grafdalr (Gravdal, near Bjǫrgvin) 392.
Grágás, Magnús góði’s law code (not to be confused with the Icelandic law code of
the same name. See vol. II, note 517) 31.
Grani, Icelandic poet, eleventh century 111.
Greek islands (Griklandseyjar) 72.
Greeks (Grikkir) 73–74, 253, 371–72; army of Greeks (Grikkjaherr) 77; king of the
Greeks (Grikkjakonungr) 73, 76, 82, 85, 87, 90, 100, 371–72; (Girkir) 83 (verse),
87 (verse).
Gregorius son of Dagr Eilífsson 307, 330, 338–343, 348–352, 354–57, 359–67,
373, 375.
Gregoriuskirkja (church of St Gregory (probably of Tours)), in Niðaróss 121.
Grenland (in Þelamǫrk) 220 (verse).
Gríðr, name of a giantess, in kenning for thought 206 (in verse), for wolf 377 (inverse).
Grikland (Greece) 70, 71, 252, 276, 294, 371; (Gríkland) 86 (verse); Griklandshaf(Aegean Sea) 71, 248, 249.
Gríksalt (= Griklandshaf) 249 (verse).
Grímr from Vist (Viste, in Jaðarr (?)) 311.
Grímr rusli (Useless) 407.
Grœningasund, a passage for ships south of Bjǫrgvin 343.
Guðbrandr Skafhǫggsson 256, 368, 407.
Guðini Úlfnaðrsson, English jarl (Earl Godwine son of Wulfnoð) 168–70, 183, 186,
187, 191, 193, 194, 258.
Guðmundr (góði) Arason, bishop in Iceland (1160–1237) 409.
Guðmundr Eyjólfsson (inn ríki) 165.
Guðríðr daughter of Birgir 317.
Guðríðr daughter of Guthormr Steigar-Þórisson 101.
Guðrún of Saltnes 414.
Guðrún daughter of Einarr Arason 311.
Guðrún daughter of Nefsteinn 198.
Guðrún daughter of Þórðr Fólason 225.
Guðrøðr crovan (Small Hand), son of Haraldr svarti of Islay, king in the Hebrides(died 1095, before King Magnús came to the Hebrides) 221.
Guðrøðr son of Óláfr klíningr, brother of Lǫgmaðr Guðrøðarson, king in the Hebrides(1153–59) 367.
Gulaþingslǫg (the law of the western districts Rogaland, Hǫrðaland, Sogn andFirðir) 212.
Gullvarta (Golden Gate), gate in Mikligarðr 252.
Gunnarr gjaldkeri (Steward) 378.
Gunnarr of Gimsar 304, 305.
Gunnhildr wife of Símun Þorbergsson 326, 366.
Gunnhildr daughter of Knútr inn ríki 32.
Gunnhildr daughter of Sigurðr sýr 122, 126, 135.

index of names

271

Gunnhildr daughter of Jarl Sveinn Hákonarson 122.
Gunni físs (Fart) son of Sæmundr húsfreyja 288.
Guthormr grábarði (or -barðr) ((the) Grey-Bearded) 279, 300, 334.
Guthormr son of Ásólfr at Rein 198, 303.
Guthormr son of Gunnhildr, daughter of Sigurðr sýr 126, 135–37.
Guthormr son of Haraldr flettir 288.
Guthormr son of Steigar-Þórir 101, 256.
Gyða daughter of Guðini Úlfnaðrsson, queen of Játvarðr inn góði 168.
Gyða gamla (the Old) daughter of Haraldr Guðinason, queen 258.
Gyða daughter of Þorgils sprakaleggr, wife of Jarl Guðini 172.
Gyrðr, on King Haraldr Sigurðarson’s ship 176.
Gyrðr son of Ámundi Gyrðarson, King Ingi’s foster-brother 348, 350, 363.
Gyrðr Bárðarson, see Sáða-Gyrðr.
Gyrðr Guðinason (Gyrð Godewineson), jarl (died 1066) 194.
Gyrðr son of Gunnhildr, lǫgmaðr (Lawman) 350.
Gyrðr Kolbeinsson 310, 317, 319.
Gyrðr Lǫg-Bersason (Law-) 303, 330.
Gyrgir, leader of the army of Greeks 71–74.
Gyríðr daughter of Dagr Eilífsson, wife of Gyrðr son of Ámundi 350, 363.
Gǫndul, a valkyrie, in a kenning for battle 246 (verse).
Haðaland (Hadaland, a district of eastern Norway) 166, 414.
Hákon (the Red), king of the Svíar (1075–79) 225.
Hákon magi (Belly) 311, 319, 357.
Hákon (Hkon) inn góði (the Good) Aðalsteinsfóstri (foster-son of Aðalsteinn)
Haraldsson, king of Norway (died c. 961) 26, 27 (Hkun, verse), 255.
Hákon (Hkon) Ívarsson (?1038–65) 121, 126–32, 147, 150, 152, 156–158, 162–64,
406.
Hákon (Hkon) Magnússon, king in Norway (1093–94) 201, 210–13.
Hákon faukr (Drifter?), son of Óláfr in the Dale 257, 287.
Hákon Pálsson, jarl in Orkney (1103–23) 239.
Hákon pungelta (Curry-Bag) Pálsson 310–11.
Hákon inn ríki (the Great) Sigurðarson, Hlaðajarl (ruler of Norway c. 974–995)
121–23.
Hákon (Hkon) herðibreiðr Sigurðarson, king in Norway (1157–62) 326, 341,
347–50–55, 357–69, 373–74, 376–84.
Hákon Þórisfóstri (foster-son of Steigar-Þórir) 210, see Hákon (Hkon) Magnússon.
Hálfdan son of Sigurðr sýr 126.
Halland (in southern Sweden, but formerly part of Denmark) 135, 145, 149 (verse),
155, 159 (verse), 212, 213, 282, 406; Hallandsfarar, traders with Halland 46, 155.
Halldórr, cured by St Óláfr 334.
Halldórr skvaldri (the Clamorous), poet 241–47, 251, 281, 283.
Halldórr son of Brynjólfr gamli úlfaldi 200–01.
Halldórr son of Brynjólfr úlfaldi Halldórsson 343, 348, 361–63, 365, 412.
Halldórr Sigurðarson 304, 305.
Halldórr son of Snorri goði 79–80, 86, 119–20.
Hallkell húkr (Bent) son of Jóan smjǫrbalti 265, 332, 343–44, 349–50, 373, 380, 392.

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Hallr son of Auðunn Hallsson 348, 349.
Hallr Koðránsbani (Slayer of Koðrán) Ótryggsson 165.
Hallr son of Þorgeirr læknir (physician) Steinsson 318–20.
Hallsteinn son of Steinkell Rǫgnvaldsson, king of the Svíar (1067–70) 331.
Hallvarðr fægir (Polisher) 316.
Hallvarðr hikri (Dawdler) 368.
Hallvarðr Gunnarsson 339, 340.
Hallvarðr inn helgi (the Saint) Vébjarnarson (c. 1020–43) 307, 308.
Hallvarðskirkja, church of St Hallvarðr, in Oslo 276, 308, 320, 369.
Hálogaland (Hålogaland in northern Norway) 23, 197, 215, 216, 255, 258, 311, 413;
from Hálogaland (Háleyskr) 312 (in verse).
Hamarsfjǫrðr, in Norðr-Hǫrðaland 313.
Hangrar (unidentified place) 4, 6 (verse).
Haraldr flettir (Plunderer) 213, 218, 288.
Haraldr inn víkverski (the Man from Vík), follower of Eysteinn Haraldsson 337.
Haraldr kesja (Halberd) son of Eiríkr góði 262, 309.
Haraldr Bluetooth son of Gormr the Old, king of the Danes (died c. 986) 375.
Haraldr Guðinason (Harold Godwineson), king of the English (died 1066) 168–72,
174, 183, 186–87, 191, 193, 194, 207, 225, 258.
Haraldr inn grenski (the Grenlander) Gudrøðarson, father of St Óláfr (died c. 995)
28 (verse).
Haraldr Hákonarson, jarl in Orkney (1122–27) 298.
Haraldr inn hárfagri (the Fine-Haired) Hálfdanarson, king of Norway (c. 885–935)
6 (verse), see note 12.
Haraldr son of Haraldr kesja 262.
Haraldr (Harold Harefoot) son of Knútr inn ríki and Ælfgifu of Northampton, kingof the English (1035–40) 11, 31, 32, 66.
Haraldr son of Maddaðr Melmarason, jarl in Orkney (1138–1206) 327.
Haraldr gilli (short for Gillikristr, Servant of Christ) son of Magnús berfœttr, kingof Nor­way (1130–36) 265–71, 278–88, 296, 298–304, 314, 316, 318, 321–22,
326, 330–32, 334, 368, 373, 380, 385, 410–11; sons of (King) Haraldr (gilli)(Haraldssynir) 319, 320, 332.
Haraldr inn harðráði (the Harsh Ruler) Sigurðarson, king of Norway (1046–66), 25(verse), 44 (verse), 68–130, 132–35, 139–51, 154–67, 173–92, 194, 197–201,
206–09, 218, 225, 230.
Haraldr son of Sigurðr [munnr] (died 1170s) 410.
Haraldr hein (Whetstone) Sveinsson, king of the Danes (1074–1080) 207.
Haraldr king from Garðar (Hólmgarðr) son of Valdamarr son of Jarizleifr 258, 375.
Haraldrs, the two, i.e. Haraldr inn harðráði and Haraldr Guðinason 207, 225.
Haraldsdrápa, a poem by Einarr Skúlason about Haraldr gilli 286.
Haraldsstikki, anonymous poem about Haraldr Sigurðarson181.
Harðangr (Hardanger in Hǫrðaland) 342.
Hárekr from Þjótta Eyvindarson 22, 23.
Harmr (Velfjorden, in Hálogaland) 216, 217 (verse).
Haugar (now Møllebakken), near Túnsberg 403.
Haugaþing (assembly at Haugar) 278.
Haugr (Haug), in Veradalr 24, 25, 68 (verse).

index of names

273

Haukbœr (Håkeby, in Ranríki) 209.
Hávarðr hǫlðr (Freeholder) of Reyrr 347.
Hávarðr klíningr (Buttered Cake) 350, 359, 360.
Heðinn, legendary hero, in kenning for battle 48 (verse).
Heðinn harðmagi (Tough Belly) 312–13.
Hefring (Høvringen), headland to the west of Niðaróss 211, 215.
Hegravík (Sandviki), north of Bjǫrgvin 286.
Heiðabýr, Heiðabœr (Hedeby, on the southern border of Denmark) 41, 114, 115(verse), 254.
Heiðmǫrk (Hedmark, district in eastern Norway) 166.
Heinir (people of Heiðmǫrk) 166 (verse).
Heinrekr inn mildi (the Gracious or Generous), Holy Roman Emperor (Henry III(1046–56), known as the Pious or the Black) 32.
Heinrekr, Holy Roman Emperor (Henry VI (1091–97)) Fríreksson 248.
Heinrekr halti (the Lame) son of King Sveinn Sveinsson 369, 375.
Heinrekr Viljálmsson, king of the English (Henry I, son of William the Conqueror,
1100–35) 239.
Hel (the name of Loki’s daughter who presides over the world of the dead), KingÓláfr’s axe 43, 44 (verse).
Helga daughter of Andreas Brúnsson 289.
Helganes (Helgenæs, on the eastern side of Jutland) 56, 57 (verse), 91; Battle ofHelganes (Helganessbardagi) 94.
Helgi Starason 317.
Hellornes (Holderness, East Riding of Yorkshire) 179.
Helsingjaland (Hälsingland, on the eastern side of Sweden) 7, 17, 69.
Helsingjaport (Hastings) 194.
Herðla (Herdla, Hǫrðaland) 313, 323.
Hernes mikla (Hernes in Frosta) 296.
Hesjutún (Hestun, Hálogaland) 216.
Hettusveinar (Hood boys, see note 468) 409.
Hildr, a valkyrie, in kennings for battle 75 (verse), for woman 188 (verse).
Hillar (Hille), islands off Hǫrðaland 16 (verse).
Hillarsund (Hillesund, sound in Hǫrðaland) 15. The sg. form would have been usedof the largest in the group.
Hinn (Hinnøya, island in Hálogaland) 311.
Hippodrome (Paðreimr), in Mikligarðr 253. ‘Paðreimr’ is based on the Greekἱππόδρομος.
Hísing (Hisingen, island in the estuary of the Gautelfr) 290, 326, 350, 353, 390, 393.
Hísingsbúar (inhabitants of Hísing) 326, 390, 393.
Hjaltland (Shetland) 178.
Hjarðarholt, in Laxárdalr, Iceland 120.
Hjartapollr (Hartlepool), in Norðimbraland 328.
Hleiðr (Lejre, Sjælland, Denmark) 148 (verse).
Hlésey (Læsø, island between Jutland and Sweden, in the Kattegat) 116, 118, 144(verse), 296.
Hlíð (Lia), in Strind, Þrándheimr (?), 272 (verse).
Hlýrskógsheiðr (Lyrskovshede, heath south of Heiðabýr) 41, 44–45.

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Hlǫkk, valkyrie, in kenning for birds of prey 64 (verse), for woman 111 (verse).
Hneitir, a sword (striker) 369, 370.
Hólmgarðr (Novgorod) 3, 76, 89, 91, 258; merchants who travelled to Hólmgarðr,were trading with Hólmgarðr (Hólmgarðsfarar) 18.
Hólmr (now Bergenhus), near Bjǫrgvin 286, 288, 304, 338, 341.
Hólmr inn grái (Holmengrå, in Oslofjord) 316.
Hornborusund (either Hamburgsund [Hornborg-] in Ranríki or Homborsund inAustr-Agðir) 308.
Hornskógr (perhaps the place now known as Hornslet, in Jutland) 111 (verse).
Hrafn, a legendary horse (Skáldsk 58/34) in kenning for ship 50 (verse).
Hrafnseyrr (Ravenseer), by the mouth of the Humber 197.
Hrafnsnes (Ramnes), in Ré, Vestfold 387, 416.
Hrammi, a name of Óðinn, in kenning for battle 51 (verse).
Hreiðarr son of Erlingr skakki 406.
Hreiðarr Grjótgarðsson 316.
Hreinninn, a ship 313.
Hringar (inhabitants of Hringaríki) 166 (verse).
Hringaríki (Ringerike, district in south-eastern Norway) 166, 414.
Hringstaðir (Ringsted), on Sjáland 53 (verse).
Hringunes (Ringnes, in Heiðmǫrk) 135.
Hrist, a valkyrie, in kenning for battle 251 (in verse).
Hróaldr langtala (Long Speech), priest 377, 385.
Hróiskelda (Roskilde, Denmark) 36, 93 (verse).
Hrossanes, north-west point of Njótarey, west of Túnsberg 376.
Hrútr of Vigg 25.
Hryggjarstykki, history of Norway in the twelfth century by Eiríkr Oddsson 318.
Hugi digri (the Stout), jarl 222.
Hugi (enn) prúði (the Courteous), jarl 222, 223 (verse).
Huginn, a mythical raven, as a common noun for carrion bird after a battle 328 (inverse).
Humber, river (Humbra) 179.
Hústaðir (Hustad, by Stimr) 262.
Hvalir (Hvaler), islands in Oslofjord 316.
Hvarfsnes (Kvarven), west of Bjǫrgvin 392.
Hveðn (Hven, island in Eyrarsund) 296.
Hvítabýr (Whitby), in Northumberland 328, 329 (verse).
Hǫfuðey (Hovedøy, island near Oslo) 307, 366.
Hǫfund (now Gjerpen district, Þelamǫrk) 341, 364.
Harr, a name of Óðinn (‘hoary’), in kenning for coat of mail 296 (in verse).
Hkon, i.e. Hákon Ívarsson 164 (verse).
Hkon, i.e. Hákon Magnússon 210 (verse).
Hkon, i.e. Hákon herðibreiðr, 359, 377 (verses).
Hkun, i.e. Hákon Aðalsteinsfóstri 27 (verse).
Holfr (Hálfr), legendary king killed by fire, in kenning for fire 166 (verse).
Hǫrða-Knútr son of Knútr inn ríki, king of the Danes (1035–42), king of England(1040–42) 11–13, 31, 32, 65, 66, 168, 174.
Hǫrðaland (Hordaland, district in south-west Norway) 26, 302, 313, 324, 392.

index of names

275Hǫrðar (people of Hǫrðaland) 3, 43, 167, 213, 223, 302 (verses).
Hǫrn, a name for the goddess Freyja, in a kenning for woman 271 (in verse).
Iceland (Ísland) 113, 119, 120, 395; trader with Iceland (Íslandsfar) 269.
Icelander(s) (Íslending(a)r) 269, 349, 364.
Illugi Bryndœlaskáld (poet of the people of Brynjudalr, southern Iceland), Icelandic
poet, eleventh century 75.
Ingi son of Árni King’s Brother-in-Law 323.
Ingi Bárðarson, king of Norway (1204–17) 198, 297.
Ingi son of Hallsteinn Steinkelsson, king of the Svíar (1110–25) 331.
Ingi son of Haraldr gilli, king of Norway (1136–61) 303–08, 310–11, 313–18, 321–23,
325, 330–332, 338–45, 347–62, 365–69, 373–76, 378, 382, 385, 387, 390.
Ingi son of Steinkell, king of the Svíar (1079–84 and 1087–1105) 225–31, 258,
263, 279.
Ingibjǫrg daughter of Andreas Brúnsson, wife of Sæmundr húsfreyja 288.
Ingibjǫrg daughter of Finnr Árnason 323.
Ingibjǫrg daughter of Guthormr son of Steigar-Þórir, queen of Eysteinn Magnússon
256.
Ingibjǫrg daughter of Ǫgmundr Þorbergsson, wife of Egill Ásláksson 214.
Ingibjǫrn sipill (Slurp) 378.
Ingigerðr daughter of Birgir brosa, queen of King Sǫrkvi 332.
Ingigerðr daughter of Haraldr Sigurðarson 112, 178, 179, 197, 208.
Ingilborg daughter of Haraldr Valdamarsson, queen of Knútr lávarðr 258, 375.
Ingimarr Sveinsson of Askr 281–82.
Ingiríðr daughter of Rǫgnvaldr son of Ingi Steinkellsson 279, 300, 303, 322, 323,
339, 369, 375.
Ingiríðr daughter of Sigurðr sýr 198, 282 (?).
Ingiríðr daughter of King Sveinn Úlfsson of the Danes 208.
Innþrœndr (inland Þrœndir) 113 (verse).
Irish, Irish (men) (Írar) 235, 236; king of the Irish (Írakonungr) 224, 235, 238.
Ireland (Írland) 25, 135, 219, 220, 221, 233, 237, 265, 267.
Islay (Íl), Scotland 220, 221 (verse).
Ívarr of Elda 360.
Ívarr hvíti (the White), landed man in Upplǫnd 121, 126, 127, 128, 131, 147, 406.
Ívarr sneis (Pin) 323.
Ívarr son of Hákon magi 357.
Ívarr Ingimundarson, Icelandic poet, twelfth century 298, 302.
Ívarr skrauthanki (Ornamented Hasp) son of Kálfr inn rangi, bishop in Niðaróss(1140) 313, 316–17.
Ívarr Kolbeinsson 301, 316.
Ívarr dynta (Dandy) Starason 317.
Ívarr Ǫzurarson 287.
Ívist (North Uist, Hebrides) 219 (verse).
Íviza (Ibiza in the Mediterranean) 246, 247 (verse).
Jaðarr (Jæren, district in south-west Norway) 122, 265, 269.
Jacob (St James the Great, apostle, of Compostella) 240 (verse).

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Jamtaland (Jämtland, district in central Sweden) 8, 17, 69, 255, 256.
Jamtr (people of Jamtaland) 255.
Jarðþrúðr (or Jarðrúðr or Jarþrúðr (which is considered most correct) in somemanuscripts) daughter of Jóan Árnason 22.
Jarizleifr Valdamarsson, King of Garðar (Jaroslav I, Grand Prince of Kiev, d. 1054)
69, 70, 76, 89, 90, 375.
Játvarðr son of Aðalráðr, see Eaðvarðr.
Jóan smjǫrbalti (Butter-Mound) 265.
Jóan (Jón) son of Árni Árnason 22, 215, 216, 233, 236, 258, 311.
Jóan (Jón) Loptsson of Oddi 288, 395.
Jóan son of Sigurðr Kárason at Austrátt 297.
Jóan sterki (the Strong) son of Úlfr 120.
Jóanskirkja (St John’s church), in Niðaróss (Nidaros Cathedral?) 413.
Jóansvellir (Engen), by Bjǫrgvin 286.
Jóm, Jómsborg, viking stronghold in Wendland, southern Baltic 38, 39 and verse.
Jón mǫrnefr (Suet Nose) 344, 353, 354, 358, 359.
Jón smyrill (Merlin), priest 313.
Jón Árnason, see Jóan Árnason.
Jón Birgisson, archbishop in Þrándheimr (1152–57) 317, 332, 390.
Jón kettlingr (Kitten) son of Guðrún of Saltnes 414.
Jón Hallkelsson 332, 343, 344, 349–50, 373, 380, 392.
Jón kaða (Hen) son of Kálfr inn rangi 313, 317.
Jón Loptsson, see Jóan Loptsson.
Jón kútiza (Udder) son of Sigurðr storkr 375.
Jón Sveinsson 367, 368, 378, 389.
Jón son of Sørkvir II, king of the Svíar (1216–22) 332.
Jón Táparðsson (son of Bjarni táparðr (Tabard)), priest 337.
Jón Þorbergsson of Randaberg 407.
John the Baptist, feast of St (24th June) 341.
Jórðán (River Jordan) 84, 249, 250 (verse), 261, 297, 325.
Jork (York) 181, see Jórvík.
Jórsalaborg (Jerusalem) 83, 249; Jórsalafari (Jerusalem-traveller) 263, 271, 324;
Jórsalaferð (journey to Jerusalem) 324; Jórsalaheimr (the Holy Land) 81–82, 238;
Jórsalaland (the Holy Land) 83–85, 249, 250, 252, 257, 325; Jórsalir (Jerusalem)
22, 83 (verse), 249 (verse), 297; king of Jórsalir (Jórsalakonungr) 249.
Jórunn, mother of Þormóðr Eindriðason 165.
Jórunn daughter of Þorbergr Árnason 120.
Jórvík (York) 179, see Jork.
Jótar (Jutes, people of Jótland) 46, 151 (verse).
Jótland (Jutland in Denmark) 34, 35 (verse), 40, 41, 46, 47, 105, 109, 114, 139, 140,
254, 404, 405, 410; sea of Jótland (Jótlandshaf, the Kattegat) 117 (verse).
Kálfr kringluauga (Circle Eye) 312–13.
Kálfr inn rangi (the Crooked) 313, 316.
Kálfr Árnason 12, 23, 24, 25, 127, 132, 133, 134.
Kálfsflokkr, a poem by Bjarni Gullbrárskáld about Kálfr Árnason 25.
Kali, nickname of Jarl Rǫgnvaldr 324.

index of names

277

Kalmarnar (Kalmar, Sweden) 264; Karlmarnar expedition (Kalmarnaleiðangr)
264.
Kapr (Cyprus?—spelled Kípr in some manuscripts); cf. Kípr 248.
Kári the king’s (Óláfr Magnússon’s) brother 297.
Karl, farmer (bóndi) in Halland 152, 153, 155–56.
Karl son of Sóni Ívarsson, jarl in Gautland 306, 332.
Karl Sørkvisson (Charles son of Sverker I), king of the Svíar (c. 1160–1167) 258.
Kastalabryggja (Castlebridge, unidentified place in England; there is a Castle Bridge
Road in Nottingham) 196.
Kastalakirkja (Fortification Church), in Konungahella 276, 290.
Katanes (Caithness), in Scotland 327.
Katrín daughter of Knútr lávarðr 258.
Kaupangr an early name for Niðaróss 9, 16, 43, 121, 202 (verse), 211–12, 215, 230,
232, 263, 279, 304, 312, 314, 322–23, 342, 360, 376, 379, 383, 413; Kaupangr
people (Kaupangslýðr) 212.
Ketill, provost in Álaborg 320.
Ketill kálfr (Calf) at Hringunes 122, 135.
Ketill krókr (Hook) 197.
Kípr (Cyprus) 252. Cf. Kapr.
Kirjalax (I), emperor in Mikligarðr (Alexios I Komnenos (1081–1118)) 252–54,
370, 371–72.
Kirjalax (II) son of Emperor Mánúli, emperor in Mikligarðr (Alexios II Komnenos(1180–83)) 248.
Kjǫlr (Kjølen, mountain range in Norway) 8, 17, 68.
Klémet son of Ari Einarsson 316.
Kliflond (Cleveland, ‘cliff land, hilly country’, area in North Riding of Yorkshire) 179.
Knútr Birgisson, jarl 332.
Knútr lávarðr (Lord) Eiríksson 258, 279.
Knútr son of Haraldr kesja 262.
Knútr inn ríki (the Great) or inn gamli (the Old) son of Sveinn tjúguskegg, king of
the Danes and the English (died 1035) 11, 16, 31, 32, 35–37, 54 (verse), 66, 173.
Knútr helgi (Saint) son of Sveinn Úlfsson, king of the Danes (1080–86) 207.
Knútr Sveinsson of Jaðarr 269.
Knútsdrápa, a poem by Sigvatr in praise of Knútr inn ríki 18.
Koðrán son of Guðmundr Eyjólfsson (inn ríki), Guðmundarson 165.
Kolbeinn, cured by St Óláfr 271, 272.
Kolbeinn hrúga (Heap) 321.
Kolbeinn óði (the Furious) 349.
Kolbeinn Þorljótsson from Bataldr 310.
Kolbeinn’s sons (Kolbeinssynir), the sons of Kolbeinn Þorljótsson Sigurðr andGyrðr 310, 317, 319.
Kolli [inn prúði, the Magnificent], Icelandic poet, twelfth century 305, 306.
Kolumkillakirkja in litla (the small St Columba church), on Eyin helga 220.
Konstantinus Monomakus, king of the Greeks (Constantine IX Monomachos1042–1055)
85, 86.
Konungahella (in Ranríki, at the mouth of the Gautelfr) 162, 198, 228, 257, 275, 283,
288, 289, 290, 296, 309, 347, 348, 360, 362, 363, 376, 390, 393, 394.

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Kraki (Hrólfr kraki), legendary king of Denmark, who escaped his enemy byscattering gold to tempt his men from pursuing him; in a kenning for gold 111(verse).
Kristín daughter of Jarl Birgir brosa 332.
Kristín daughter of King Ingi Steinkelsson of the Svíar 258.
Kristín daughter of Knútr lávarðr 258, 279.
Kristín daughter of Sigurðr Jórsalafari 323, 342, 365, 366, 369, 373, 375, 405, 407,
410.
Kristín daughter of Stígr hvítaleðr, queen of Karl Sǫrkvisson 258.
Kristrøðr, brother of Haraldr gilli 280, 281.
Krókaskógr, in Ranríki (where it is now known as Sörbygden) 306, 307 (verse), 411.
Krosskirkja (Church of the Holy Cross), in Konungahella 276, 288, 294, see
Kastalakirkja.
Kunnaktir (Connacht), in Ireland 225, 233.
Kúrir (people of Kúrland, in the eastern Baltic area, now Latvia) 37, 130.
Kvalðinsey (Kållandsö), island in Lake Vænir 226, 231.
Kvildir (Kville), in Ranríki 313.
Kviststaðir or Kvístaðir (Kvistad), on Eyin iðri (Inney, Inderøy, Trondheimsfjord) 25.
Kyrpinga-Ormr (Feeble Steps-) son of Sveinn Sveinsson; but the nickname could bederived from the name of the farm in Sunn-Hǫrðaland, not far from Stuðla, now
known as Kyrping) 321, 323.
Kœna, see Frírekr kœna 394 (verse).
Kǫrmt (Karmøy, island in south-west Norway); in a kenning for the sea 359 (verse).
Láfranz, St Laurentius or Lawrence of Rome; Feast of Láfranz (Láfranzvƒkudagr,10th August) 289, 290; the eve of the Feast of Láfranz (Láfranzvƒkuaptann) 280;
Cf. note 375.
Laktjarnir, emperor’s palace in Mikligarðr (Greek Βλαχέρναι) 252–53.
Landeyðan (‘Land Waster’), Haraldr Sigurðarson’s standard 96, 180, 185, 191.
Langatún (Langton in North Yorkshire?), in England 329.
Lapp, Lapps (Finnr, Finnar) 150 (verse), 247 (verse), 311, 312.
Leggbítr (Leg-Biter), a sword 235, 236.
Leikberg (unidentified place) 326.
Líðandisnes (Lindesnes, the most southerly part of Norway) 342, 404.
Limafjǫrðr (Limfjorden, in Denmark) 47, 139.
Línustaðir (Linnestad), not far from Túnsberg 316.
Lisbon (Lizibón) 242, 243 (verse).
Listi (Lista, on the south coast of Norway) 310, 392.
Ljóðhús (Lewis, Outer Hebrides) 219 (verse).
Loðinn saupruðr (Soup Swallower) of Línustaðir 316, 320.
Loðinn Viggjarskalli (Bald-headed Man from Vigg) 214.
Lófufjǫrðr (Laholmsbukten, bay in Halland, facing the Kattegat) 145.
London (Lundún(ir)) 138, 170; London Bridge (Lundúnabryggja) 138.
Loptr son of Sæmundr inn fróði, priest 288, 289, 395.
Lozarius (Lothair III) Holy Roman Emperor (1133–37) 254. See note 359.
Lucia’s day (Lúcíumessa), Feast of St Lucia or Lucy (283–304), 13th December 300.
Lundr (Lund), in Skáney 53 (verse), 60 (verse), 264.

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Lungarðssíða (a shoreline named after the group of islands Lungarð (Lyngar) along
the coast of Þelamǫrk) 309.
Lúsbreið (Livøbredning, a broadening of the water by the island of Livø in Limafjǫrðr)140.
Lyngar (in Meðalland, southern Iceland) 45.
Læsir (i.e. Poles) 70 (verse).
Lǫgmaðr son of Guðrøðr crovan, king in the Hebrides (from 1095) 221, 222 (verse).
Maddaðr Melmarason (Matad son of Máel Muire), earl (jarl) of Atholl (1130s–1153/9)
327. Cf. Orkneyinga saga.
Magnús son of Jarl Birgir brosa 332.
Magnús Erlendsson, jarl in Orkney (1108–c. 1115) 233.
Magnús Erlingsson, king of Norway (1161–84) 373–75, 377 (verse), 378, 380,
383–85, 395–406, 410–12, 415–17.
Magnús son of Haraldr Sigurðarson, king in Norway (1066–69) 112, 154, 178, 197,
201–03, 210.
Magnús son of Haraldr gilli, king in Norway (1142–45) 321, 322 (verse).
Magnús son of Haraldr kesja 262.
Magnús (II) son of Heinrekr halti (Henrik Skadelår) and Ingiríðr Rǫgnvaldsdóttir,
king of the Svíar (1160–61) 332, 369.
Magnús inn sterki (the Strong) son of Níkolás Sveinsson 263.
Magnús inn góði (the Good) Óláfsson, king of Norway (1035–46) 3–5, 6 (verses),
7–14, 18–20, 21 (verse), 22–67, 85, 91, 94–109, 112, 121, 122, 126, 129, 130,132, 133, 163, 167, 174, 263.
Magnús berfœttr (Barelegs) Óláfsson, king of Norway (1093–1103) 208, 210–13,
215–31, 233–239, 262, 263, 265, 297, 298, 302 (verse), 309, 318, 343, 373, 395,
407, 412. Cf. Magnús hávi (the Tall) 229, Styrjaldar-Magnús (Warfare-) 230
Magnús Sigurðarson blindi (the Blind), king of Norway (1130–35, 1137–39) 258,
266–68, 276–88, 296, 300, 304–12, 315, 316, 319, 320.
Magnússdrápa, a poem by Arnórr jarlaskáld about Magnús inn góði 3.
Magnússdrápa, a poem about Magnús berfœttr by Bjǫrn inn krepphendi 212.
Magnússdrápa, a poem about Magnús berfœttr by Þorkell Hamarskáld 214.
Magnússflokkr, a poem about Magnús inn góði by Þjóðólfr Arnórsson 7.
Málmfríðr daughter of Haraldr son of Valdamarr son of Jarizleifr 258, 323, 375.
Man (Mǫn, Isle of Man) 221, 224.
Manork (Menorca, in the Mediterranean) 247.
Mánúli, emperor in Mikligarðr (Manuel I Komnenos (1143–80)) 248.
Manxmen (Manverjar, people of the Isle of Man) 221 (verse).
Margaðr son of Rǫgnvaldr Ívarsson, king in Dublin (1035–38 and 1046–52) 135, 136.
Margrét daughter of Árni King’s Brother-in-Law 323.
Margrét daughter of Jarl Birgir brosa 332.
Margrét daughter of Haraldr gilli 332.
Margrét daughter of King Ingi Steinkelsson of the Svíar 228–29, 263.
Margrét daughter of Knútr lávarðr 258.
Margrétarkirkja (St Magaret’s Church), in Niðaróss 205.
Margrít yfirkussari (Corsair Chief) 248.
Maria, Greek girl 85, 88, 89.

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Maria daughter of King Eysteinn Magnússon 256, 407.
Maria daughter of Haraldr Sigurðarson 112, 178, 179, 184, 197.
Maria daughter of Haraldr gilli 332, 380.
Máríukirkja (St Mary’s Church), in Niðaróss 121, 198, 230.
Máríukirkja (St Mary’s Church), in Álaborg, 320, 410.
Máríumass in Lent (Máríumessa í fǫstu, the Feast of St Mary in Lent, theAnnunciation, 25th March) 276.
Máríumass, the later (Máríumessa in síðari, the Feast of the Nativity of St Mary,
8th September) 413.
Markir, the forested frontier area between Norway and Sweden 225, 390, 407, 409,
417; the people of Markir, men from Markir (Markamenn) 225–26, 227, 412.
Markús in Skógr, Upplander 384, 390, 391, 392, 393, 394.
Marteinsmass (Marteinsmessa, Feast of St Martin of Tours, 11th November) 316.
Matheusmass (Mathéúsmessa, Feast of St Matthew, 21st September) 181.
Melkólmr (Malcolm III, King of the Scots (1058–93)) 224.
Michael or Mikjáll kátalaktús (Michael IV Catalactus, the Paphlagonian), king of
the Greeks (1034–41) 71, 75 (verse), 76.
Michaelmas, Feast of St Michael the archangel (Mikjálsmessa), 29th September,43, 63 (verse), 392; Mikjálskirkja (St Michael’s church), in Bjǫrgvin 254, 288.
Miðgarðr (Middle-Earth, the world) 116 (verse).
Mikjáll, see Michael.
Miklagarðskeisari (emperor of Mikligarðr) 248, 370.
Miklagildi (Great Guild), in Niðaróss 204.
Mikligarðr (Constantinople) 70, 71, 74, 81, 84, 85, 88–90, 238, 248, 252–54, 325,
370 (Garðr), 371, 372, 407.
Monastery (Munklífi) in Bjǫrgvin 254
Mostr (Moster), island in Sunn-Hǫrðaland (Sunnhordland) 343.
Mull, island in the Hebrides; men of Mull (mýlsk þjóð) 220 (verse).
Munán son of Áli óskeyndr 363.
Munán son of Ǫgmundr Ormsson 306.
Mynni (Minne in Upplǫnd) 305.
Mýrjartak Þjálbason, king of the Irish (Muircheartach son of Toirdhealbhach Kingof Munster (1086–1119)) 224, 233–235.
Mœrir (people of Mœrr) 57 (verse).
Mœrr (Møre, Norð-Mœrr and Sunn-Mœrr) 127, 265, 304, 312, 349, 379. 380, 391.
See also Norð-Mœrr and Sunn-Mœrr; both Mœrrs 349, 380.
Mǫn (Møn, Danish island near the entrance to the Baltic) 309.
Mǫrukári Guðinason (Morkere; actually son of Ælfgar of Mercia), jarl (earl) in
England 168, 179–80.
Nereiðr, landed man (see note 20) of King Magnús 283, 284 (verse).
Nið (Nidelva, the river Nið flowing into Trondheimsfjord) 141, 142 (verse), 175, 211, 304.
Niðaróss (Trondheim; also sometimes called Kaupangr) 22, 43, 102, 107, 141, 175,
178, 198, 202, 204, 205, 208–10, 225, 255, 257, 262, 272, 296, 332, 413, 414.
Níkolás (Nicholas Breakspear), cardinal from Rome (Cardinal Bishop of Albano
from 1149, papal legate in Scandinavia 1152–54, became Pope Adrian IV in 1154,
died 1159) 332, 333.

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Níkolás mási (Seagull) 331, 368.
Níkolás skegg (Beard) 360.
Níkolás son of Árni King’s Brother-in-Law, bishop in Norway (1190–1225) 323.
Níkolás kúfungr (Snail) son of Páll Skoptason 410.
Níkolás Sigurðarson (Skjaldvararson) 353–54, 359, 373, 391, 392, 412–13, 414.
Níkolás son of Símun skálpr 332, 380, 382.
Níkolás (Niels) Sveinsson, king of the Danes (1104–34) 254, 263, 264.
Níkoláskirkja (church of St Nicholas), in Niðaróss 255.
Níkoláskirkja (church of St Nicholas), in Bjǫrgvin 362.
Niz (River Nissan, south-west Sweden) 146 (verse), 156, 157; Battle of the Niz(Nizarorrosta) 156, 157, 167.
Norðdalr (Nordal, west of Lake Vænir) 225.
Norð-Mœrr (Nordmøre) 304.
Norðnes, near Bjǫrgvin 254, 286, 288, 299, 410.
Norðr-Hǫrðaland (Nordhordland, south-west Norway) 302.
Normandy (Norðmandí) 168, 169, 193.
Northern Isles (Norðreyjar, the more northerly islands of the Hebrides) 221.
Northern Lands (Norðrlǫnd; Scandinavia) 44 (45), 85, 100, 118, 174.
Northmen (Norðmaðr, Norðmenn), see Norwegian(s).
Northumberland in England, the Northumbria of Saxon times (Norðimbraland) 186.
Norway (Nóregr) 5, 11–15, 17 (verse), 19–21, 33, 36–38, 40, 56, 65, 85, 94, 96,
98–103, 105, 107–08, 111–13, 119, 121–22, 132, 141, 144 (verse), 154–56, 158,
161–62, 173–74, 178, 197, 201, 202 (verse), 203–04, 209–10, 211 (verse), 212,
219, 223, 225–27, 229, 233–34, 237–39, 254–56, 263, 265–67, 275, 277–78, 288,
296–99, 306–07, 309, 315, 319–21, 325, 330, 332–33, 347, 349, 354, 364, 368,
371, 373, 375, 399, 400, 404, 406, 411; kings of Norway (Nóregskonung(a)r) 110,
208, 224–25, 228, 255, 403; men of Norway, Norwegians (Nóregsmenn) 117, 349;
realm of Norway (Nóregsríki) 396, (Nóregsveldi) 98, 106, 385.
Norwegian(s) (Northmen, Norðmaðr, Norðmenn) 5, 16 (verse), 46, 47, 55 (verse),
59 (verse), 90, 106, 107, 116–118, 133, 135, 137, 143 (verse, Norðmeðr), 145,
153, 154, 158, 163, 164, 173, 174, 179, 180, 181 (verse), 183, 186, 187, 189,
191, 192, 201, 226–28, 232, 235, 236, 238, 244, 245, 263, 315, 324 (verse),
333, 400; (Nóregsmenn) 117, 349; (Austmenn) 117 (verse); army of Norwegians(Norðmannaherr) 108, 145, Norwegian troops (Norðmannalið) 315.
Nunnusetr (Nunnery), near Bjǫrgvin 286.
Nunnusetr (Nunnery), near Oslo 367.
Nǫkkvi Pálsson, landed man of King Magnús Erlingsson 391.
Nǫrvasund (Straits of Gibraltar) 232, 244, 324.
Oddr Kíkinaskáld (Poet of the people of Kíkin?) 63, 105.
Óláfr in the Dale, farmer in Dalr mikli 257, 258.
Óláfr (inn) sœnski (the Swedish) Eiríksson, king of the Svíar (c. 995– c. 1022), 4,
36, 91.
Óláfr ógæfa (Bad Luck) son of Guðbrandr Skafhǫggsson 407–10.
Óláfr klíningr (Buttered Cake) Guðrøðarson, king in the Hebrides (from c. 1103) 367.
Óláfr inn helgi (the Saint), digri (the Stout) Haraldsson, king of Norway (1015–1028,
died 1030) 3–5, 7–10, 13, 14, 17, 18, 20–22, 26, 32, 34, 35, 41, 43, 45, 47, 68, 69,

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85, 86, 94, 101, 102, 105, 107, 108, 119, 121, 126, 128–30, 135–38, 163, 175, 176,
178, 198, 200, 201, 208, 209, 232, 250, 263, 272–75, 286, 332, 334–37, 369–72,
395, 396, 400; Óláfskirkja (St Óláfr’s church in Niðaróss) 121, 126, (St Óláfr’s
church in London) 138; (St Óláfr’s church in Bjǫrgvin) 286; (St Óláfr’s church
in Mikligarðr) 370; St Óláfr’s day (Óláfsvaka, Óláfsmessa, 29th July) 136, 138,
208; the later St Óláfr’s day (Óláfsmessa in síðari, Óláfsvǫkudagr inn síðari), theTranslation, 3rd August 272, 334.
Óláfr inn kyrri (the Quiet), Farmer Óláfr (Óláfr bóndi) Haraldsson, king of Norway(c. 1050–1093) 112, 178, 181, 183, 194, 197, 198, 201–10, 230.
Óláfr son of Haraldr kesja 262, 309.
Óláfr son of Magnús berfœttr, king of Norway (1103–15) 229, 238, 254, 256,
257, 297.
Óláfr Sveinsson, king of the Danes (1086–95) 207, 208.
Óláfr Tryggvason, king of Norway (995–1000) 262.
Óláfsdrápa, a poem by Steinn Herdísarson about Óláfr kyrri 202.
Óláfsdrápa (Geisli), a poem by Einarr Skúlason about St Óláfr 271.
Orkadalr (Orkdal, in Þrándheimr) 128, 414.
Orkney jarls (Orkneyjajarlar) 184.
Orkney (Orkneyjar) 132, 178, 179, 197, 219, 233, 237, 239, 298, 324.
Ormr inn langi (the Long Serpent), a ship built for Óláfr Tryggvason 141, 262.
Ormr Dagsson, see Vatn-Ormr.
Ormr Eilífsson, jarl in Upplǫnd 122, 128, 130, 132, 306, 323.
Ormr King’s Brother, son of Ívarr sneis 323, 366, 368, 369, 380, 408, 409, 415, 416.
Orrahríð (Orri’s storm), the final attack of Norwegians at Stamford Bridge 192. Cf.
Eysteinn orri.
Oslo (Ósló) 139, 155, 156, 158, 198, 267, 276, 278, 307, 320, 341, 362, 365, 407.
Óspakr Ósvífrsson 79, 119, 120.
Ósvífr inn spaki (the Wise) Helgason 79.
Ótta (Ordulf or Otto), duke in Saxony (1059–72) 41, 42.
Ótta Róðbjartsson, bishop, brother of Vilhjálmr Bastard 194.
Óttarr birtingr (Trout) 303, 314, 315, 318, 322, 323, 330, 360, 402.
Óttarr balli (the Dangerous) son of Ásólfr at Rein 303.
Ouse (Úsa), river in Yorkshire 179.
Paðreimr see Hippodrome.
Páll Andreasson 402.
Páll Skoptason 410.
Páll flípr (Flap Lip) son of Sæmundr húsfreyja 288.
Páll Þorfinnsson, jarl in Orkney (1064–98) 179, 183, 219, 225, 239.
Pálskirkja (Póls-) (St Paul’s church), in London 170, 171.
Pannonia (Pannónía) 254.
Partar (unidentified group of people in England) 329 (verse). Cf. vol. II, v. 16.
Pétr byrðarsveinn (Load-Carrying Lad) Sauða-Úlfsson 120, 303, 315, 319.
Pétrskirkja (St Peter’s church), in Mikligarðr 253.
Pézínavellir (Pezina Plains on the Lower Danube) 371.
Philippus in Herðla son of Árni King’s Brother-in-Law 323.
Philippus son of Jarl Birgir brosa, jarl 332.

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283

Philippus Pétrsson 378.
Philippus (Sáða-)Gyrðarson 292, 342, 378, 386.
Pílavik (unidentified place in England) 329.
Pólskirkja 171, see Pálskirkja.
Portyrja (Portør, on the coast of Þelamǫrk) 309, 310 (verse).
Postolakirkja (Apostles’ church), in Bjǫrgvin 255.
Púll (Apulia) 248.
Ragna daughter of Níkolás mási 331, 368.
Ragna daughter of Jarl Ormr Eilífsson 323.
Ragnhildr daughter of Erlingr skakki 407.
Ragnhildr daughter of Jarl Hákon inn ríki 122, 323.
Ragnhildr daughter of Magnús góði 129, 130, 132.
Ragnhildr daughter of Magnús berfœttr 262, 309.
Ragnhildr daughter of Skopti Ǫgmundarson 330.
Ragnhildr daughter of Sveinki Steinarsson 323.
Rakni, a legendary sea-king, in kenning for sea 113 (verse).
Randaberg (Randaberg, Rogaland, south-west Norway) 407.
Randaróss (Randers, Jutland) 405.
Rannveig daughter of Sigurðr son of Þórir hundr 22.
Ranríki (Bohuslän, south-east Norway, now part of Sweden) 209, 280.
Rásvǫllr (Rosvold), in Veradalr 120.
Raumar, people of Raumaríki 166 (verse), 331 (verse).
Raumaríki (Romerike, district in eastern Norway) 158, 165, 308, 367.
Raumsdalr (Romsdal, district in western Norway, between Norð-Mœrr and SunnMœrr) 214, 380, 383; the entrance to Raumsdalr (Raumsdalsmynni) 304.
Raza-Bárðr (Arse-) 402.
Ré (Rügen, island in the southern Baltic) 46.
Ré (now Ramnes district in Vestfold, west of Oslofjord) 386, 387, 415.
Rein (Rein) in Norð-Mœrr 198, 303.
Reinaldr, first bishop in Stafangr (from 1125) 287, 288.
Renir (inhabitants of Ranríki) 326, 327 (verse).
Réttiburr (Ratibor I, duke of Pomerania 1124–1156), king of the Wends 290–96.
Reykjahólar, farm on Reykjanes, Breiðafjǫrðr, western Iceland 311.
Reyrr (Rør), in Heiðmǫrk, 347, 348, 353, 354, 360, 376.
Ríkarðr, English priest 334–37.
Ríkarðr, jarl in Normandy (Richard I, the Fearless, 942–966) 32, 168.
Rín, the River Rhine, in kenning for blood 328 (in verse).
Róðbjartr Ríkarðarson, jarl in Normandy (Robert I, 1027–1035) 168.
Roðgeirr ríki (the Great) Roðgeirsson (Roger II, son of Roger I, count in Sicily from1105, duke 1127, king 1130–1154) 247, 248.
Rome (Rúm) 14, 17 (verse); City of Rome (Rúmaborg) 232, 248, 254, 332, 333,
395; people of the city of Rome (Rúmaborgarlýðr) 333.
Rúða (Rouen in Normandy) 168, 169; jarl of Rúða, Rúðujarl (jarl of Rouen, i.e. ofNormandy) 32, 168, 193.
Ryðjǫkull, place in Raumaríki, now deserted 408.
Rygir (people of Rogaland) 271.

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Rýgjarbit (boundary between Agðir and the Vík, near the place now known as
Gjerne­stangen) 375, 399.
Rǫgnir, a name for Óðinn, in kenning for warrior 115 (verse).
Rǫgnvaldr kunta (Cunt) 378, 383.
Rǫgnvaldr son of Jarl Brúsi, jarl in Orkney (c.1037–c. 1045) 68, 69.
Rǫgnvaldr, jarl, son of Heinrekr halti 369.
Rǫgnvaldr son of Ingi Steinkellsson 279.
Rǫgnvaldr Kali Kolsson, jarl in Orkney (1136–58) 324–25.
Rǫgnvaldr Úlfsson, jarl 70.
Rǫnd (Randsfjord), lake in Haðaland 335.
Sáða-Gyrðr (Seed-) Bárðarson, Gyrðr 292, 303, 313, 314, 317, 330, 342, 378, 386.
Saltíri (Kintyre in western Scotland) 219, 220, 224; see also Sanntíri; Saltíriseið (theisthmus of Kintyre, at Tarbert) 224.
Saltnes (Saltnes, Østfold, Norway) 414.
Sandbrú, in Bjǫrgvin 340.
Sandey (Sanda), island in the Hebrides 221 (verse).
Sandr (Sand, east of Tjaldasund, on Tjaldey?) 311.
Sanntíri = Saltíri 221 (verse).
Sarpr (Sarp, Sarpsfossen, waterfall north of the Vík) 283.
Sarpsborg (in Vingulmǫrk, eastern side of the Vík) 257, 283. Cf. Borg.
Sauða-Úlfr (Sheep-) 120, 303, 313, 315.
Saurbýir (now Sörbygden), in Ranriki 362.
Saxons (Saxar) 37.
Saxi in Vik 229, 297.
Saxland (north Germany) 32, 41.
Scotland (Skotland) 25, 179, 220, 224, 233, 298, 321, 328; the fiords of Scotland(Skotlandsfirðir) 219, 224.
Scots (Skotar) 220 (verse); king of the Scots (Skotakonungr) 224, 298; the court of
the king of the Scots (hirð Skotakonungs) 233.
Sekkr (or Sekk; now Sekken), island in Romsdalsfjord, Norway 382.
Selárdalr, near Arnarfjǫrðr, Western Fiords, Iceland 45.
Seleyjar (Seløyar, north of Líðandisnes) 342.
Seljuhverfi (now Jøssund district in Sør-Trøndelag, Norway) 215.
Selund (Sjáland) 53, 93 (verses); Selund-dwellers (Selundbyggvar, inhabitants of
Selund) 198 (verse).
Serkir (Saracens) 75, 245 (verses).
Serkland (Saracen-land, north Africa) 74, 75, 81, 244, 261.
Serkr Brynjólfsson from Sogn 233.
Sigarðr, landed man 292.
Sigríðr sæta (Grass Widow) 340.
Sigríðr daughter of Bárðr and sister of King Ingi 297.
Sigríðr daughter of Dagr Eilífsson 363.
Sigríðr daughter of Finnr Árnason 128, 306.
Sigríðr daughter of Ketill kálfr 122.
Sigríðr daughter of Saxi in Vík 229, 297.
Sigríðr daughter of Jarl Sveinn Hákonarson 122.

index of names

285

Sigríðr in stórláta (of the Great Undertakings) daughter of Skǫglar-Tósti 36.
Sigtún(ir) (Sigtuna in eastern Sweden) 4, 7, 91.
Sigurðarbƒlkr, a poem about Sigurðr slembidjákn by Ívarr Ingimundarson 298.
Sigurðr agnhǫttr (Bait-Hood) 407, 410.
Sigurðr hjúpa (Overcoat) 378, 383.
Sigurðr kápa (Hooded Cloak) 378, 383.
Sigurðr skrúðhyrna (Decorated Axe-Head), follower of King Ingi 339.
Sigurðr son of Bergþórr Másson 316.
Sigurðr storkr (Stork) son of Eindriði in Gautdalr 311, 375.
Sigurðr son of Erlingr skakki 407.
Sigurðr son of Eysteinn trafali 339.
Sigurðr son of Guðrún of Saltnes 414.
Sigurðr sýr (Pig) Hálfdanarson 68, 94, 108, 126, 183, 185–90, 192, 194, 197, 198, 201.
Sigurðr [munnr (Mouth)] son of Haraldr gilli, king of Norway (1136–55) 279, 303,
312–16, 321–23, 325–26, 330, 331 (verse), 332, 334, 337–43, 347, 363, 384, 410.
Sigurðr son of Hávarðr hǫlðr of Reyrr 347–48, 353–55, 357, 360–63, 376–78, 380,
383–90.
Sigurðr Hranason 233, 236, 391, 412.
Sigurðr hundr (Dog) son of Jóan Árnason 22, 236.
Sigurðr son of Kári the king’s (Óláfr Magnússon’s) brother 297.
Sigurðr Kolbeinsson 310, 317, 319.
Sigurðr ullstrengr (Wool-String) son of Loðinn Viggjarskalli 214–16, 226–27.
Sigurðr Jórsalafari (Jerusalem-Farer) Magnússon, king of Norway (1103–30) 219,
224, 229, 237–47, 249–54, 256–66, 268–71, 275–79, 288, 294, 304, 320, 323–24,
342, 365, 373.
Sigurðr slembidjákn (Careless Deacon) Magnússon (died 1139) 297–302, 304,
309–13, 315–20.
Sigurðr Nefsteinsson 269–71, 282, 284.
Sigurðr (Sáða-)Gyrðarson, landed man 292.
Sigurðr son of Sigurðr Nefsteinsson, landed man 269, 270–71, 282, 284–85.
Sigurðr son of King Sigurðr Haraldsson 384–86, 390–92.
Sigurðr son of Þórir hundr 22.
Sigvatr Þórðarson, Icelandic poet (eleventh century) 5, 14–21, 26.
Sicily (Sikiley) 75, 76, 81, 89 (verse), 232, 247, 248; king of Sicily (Sikileyjarkonungr)248; realm of (Sikileyjarveldi) 247.
Símun skálpr (skalpr; Sheath) Hallkelsson 332–45, 346 (verse), 348, 354, 366–368,
373, 380, 382.
Símun Kárason 323.
Símun, Farmer (bóndi) Þorbergsson 325, 326, 347, 360, 366, 377, 378, 380, 381,
383, 393, 394; sons of Símun (Þorbergsson, Simunarsynir) 353.
Sinhólmssund (sound by Fjalir in Sogn?) 261.
Sintré (Cintra in Spain) 242.
Sjáland (Sjælland, Denmark) 41, 47, 52, 54, 56, 93, 114, 154, 156, 282. See also
Selund.
Sjáviðarsund (the Golden Horn, Mikligarðr) 88.
Skáney/Skáni (Skåne, the southernmost part of Sweden, earlier part of Denmark)40–41, 46, 55–56, 59, 60 (verse), 61–62, 93 (verse), 104, 108; people of Skáney

286

heimskringla iii(Skánungar) 41; the coast of Skáney, Skáney’s coast (Skáneyjarsíða) 61, 62 (verse),(Skáneyrarsíða) 103.
Skánungar (people of Skáney) 41, 46, 56. Cf. Sknungar.
Skarðaborg (Scarborough, Yorkshire) 179.
Skarpa (Skorpa, island in Sunn-Mœrr) 392.
Skarpasker (unidentified) 329. See Skǫrpusker.
Skíði (Isle of Skye, in Scotland) 220 (verse).
Skiptisandr (unidentified) 335.
Skjaldvǫr daughter of Brynjólfr, mother of Níkulás Sigurðarson 353, 359, 373, 412.
Skjaldvǫr daughter of Níkolás son of Sigurðr Hranason 413.
Skjálgr 214.
Skógr (Skog), in Heiðmǫrk, Upplǫnd 384, 390.
Skopti son of Ǫgmundr Þorbergsson 198, 214–27, 231, 232, 238, 330, 410.
Skotborgará (Kongeå, southern Denmark) 41.
Skrauti, a name for a bull; pl. in a kenning for ships 287 (verse).
Skúlagarðr (Skúli’s establishment in Niðaróss, cf. Skúli King’s Foster-Father,
197–98) 211.
Skúli King’s Foster-Father 197, 198, 225.
Skúli Bárðarson, duke 198, 297.
Skúrbágar, north-east of Konungahella 291, 292.
Skǫglar-Tósti 36.
Sknungar (= Skánungar, i.e. Danes) 38, 53, 58, 60 (verses).
Skǫrpusker (unidentified) 329 (verse). See Skarpasker.
Slésvík (southern Jutland) 254.
Smálendingar (people of Smálǫnd in Sweden) 264.
Smálǫnd (Småland, southern Sweden) 263, 264.
Smálǫnd (i.e. the islands south of Sjáland and Fjón?) 145.
Snorri Húnbogason, Icelandic lawspeaker (died 1170) 101.
Snorri goði (priest/chieftain in Iceland) Þorgrímsson 79, 119.
Snǫs (Snåsa, Nord-Trøndelag, Norway) 414, 416.
Sogn (Sogn, western Norway) 26, 51 (verse), 151 (verse), 233, 302, 344.
Sól, a goddess, in a kenning for woman 217 (in verse).
Sólbjargir, north-east of Konungahella 291, 295.
Sóli (Sole, in Jaðarr, on the south-west coast of Norway) 122, 311.
Sólundir (Solundøyar, islands at the entrance to Sognefjord on the west coast of
Norway) 175–76.
Solveig, wife of Andreas Brúnsson 288, 289, 291.
Southern Lands (Sunnlǫnd i.e. those round the Mediterranean) 76 (verse).
Spánn (Spain) 241–43, 324.
Staðr (Staden, headland at nearly the most westerly part of mainland Norway) 304.
Stafangr (Stavanger, south-west Norway) 34 (verse), 287.
Stamford Bridge (Stanforðabryggjur, Yorkshire) 182.
Stangir (Stange, Heiðmǫrk) 409.
Stefnir (Stephen), king of the English (1135–54) 329.
Steig (Steig), in Guðbrandsdalar 99, 101, 201, 210 (verse), 213, 256; Þórir of Steig
99, see Steigar-Þórir.
Steig (Steigen), in Ǫngull 413.

index of names

287

Steigar-Þórir Þórðarson 99, 101, 201, 210–11, 213–16, 217 (verse), 256. see Þórir
of Steig.
Steinavágr (Steinvåg), on the island of Heissa, Sunnmœrr 381.
Steinbjǫrg (Steinberget), just outside Niðaróss 212.
Steinkell [son of Rǫgnvaldr Úlfsson], king of the Svíar (1060–66) 158, 163, 164(verse), 225, 258, 279.
Steinn Herdísarson, Icelandic poet, eleventh century 120, 145, 147–49, 180–81,
202–03.
Stephanus, legate from Rome (sent by Pope Alexander III, arrived from England1163) 395, 397, 398.
Stígr hvítaleðr (White Leather) 258.
Stikla(r)staðir (Stiklestad, in the northern part of Þrándheimr) 14, 23–25, 68, 200,
369–70.
Stimr (Stemmet), mountain near the sea on the boundary of Norð-Mœrr andRaumsdalr 262.
Stjórnvelta (unidentified) 350.
Stoðreimr (Ståreim, Nordfjord, in Firðir) 323.
Strað-Bjarni (Fuck-) 378.
Stuðla (Stole, Sunn-Hǫrðaland) 323, 342.
Stúfr [blindi] Þórðarson, Icelandic poet, eleventh century 83, 84, 90, 112, 114, 206.
Styrjaldar-Magnús (Warfare-), i.e. Magnús berfœttr 230.
Styrkárr, Haraldr Sigurðarson’s marshal 192–93.
Styrkárr glæsirófa (Splendid Tail) 312.
Súðaþorp (Suderup), in Jótland 105.
Suðreyjar (Hebrides) 25, 219, 221, 224, 233, 265, 324; king of the Suðreyjar,Suðreyjakonungr (king in the Hebrides) 221, 367. Cf. verse 179, line 8.
Súl [or Súla] (Sulstua), highest farm in Veradalr 23.
Sunndalr (Sundal, west of Lake Vænir) 225.
Sunn-Hǫrðaland (south Hordaland, south-west Norway) 10, 324.
Sunn-Mœrr (Sunnmøre, western Norway) 214, 225.
Sváfa (Swabia) 254.
Svartahaf (the Black Sea) 88.
Sveinki Steinarsson 323.
Sveinn, priest 312.
Sveinn 263, see Blót-Sveinn.
Sveinn Álfífuson, see Sveinn son of Knútr inn ríki.
Sveinn son of Bergþórr bukkr 367, 378, 389.
Sveinn Eiríksson, king of the Danes (1146–57) 258.
Sveinn son of Erlendr from Gerði 323.
Sveinn Guðinason, jarl (?Swegen Godwineson, died 1052) 168, 194.
Sveinn Hákonarson, jarl (died 1016) 122.
Sveinn tjúguskegg (Forkbeard) Haraldsson, king of the Danes (986–1014) 36, 375.
Sveinn son of Haraldr flettir 213, 214, 216, 218.
Sveinn Hrímhildarson 270–71.
Sveinn son of Knútr inn ríki and Álfífa, king of the Danes (1030–35) 8, 10, 11, 12(verse), 16, 256.
Sveinn son of Sveinn Erlendsson 323.

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Sveinn son of King Sveinn Úlfsson 369.
Sveinn Úlfsson, king of Denmark (1047–74/76) 36–38, 40–41, 46–52, 54–59,
61–62, 64, 91–94, 96–97, 102–05, 108, 112–18, 122, 130–32, 135, 139–41, 145,
147–48, 150–57, 159–62, 167, 172–73, 201, 202 (verse), 207–08, 228, 258, 263,
369, 397, 406.
Sverrir Sigurðarson (?), king of Norway (1184–1202) 346, 383.
Svíar (Swedes) 5, 6 (verse), 7, 62 (verse), 91, 92 (verse); king(s) of the Svíar (Svía­
konung(a)r) 36, 40, 55, 62, 91, 225–28, 255, 258, 332; Svíaveldi (Swedish realm)
56, 108, 158, 263, 411, 417.
Svimraróss (Simrishamn, Skáney) 264.
Svína-Grímr (Swine-) 312.
Svíþjóð (Sweden) 4, 7, 11 (verse), 17–18, 40, 69, 91, 92 (verse), 94, 208, 225, 229,
369, 370.
Sygnir (people of Sogn) 26, 34 (verse), 217 (verse), 302 (verse).
Sýrland (Syria) 250.
Sæheimruð (perhaps should be Askheimsherað (thus in the Oldest Saga of St Óláfr),i.e. Askim, in Haðaland) 336.
Sæmundr húsfreyja (Housewife), prefect in Konungahella 288, 292–93, 294.
Sæmundr inn fróði (the Learned) Sigfússon 1056–1133, father of Loptr 288.
Sæt, Sætt (Sidon) 250, 251 (verse).
Sørkvir Karlsson (Sverker II, the Younger, King of Sweden 1196–1208) 258, 332.
Sørkvir Kolsson (Sverker I, the Elder, King of Sweden 1125–56) 258
Táparðr, see Bjarni Sigurðarson
Tjaldasund (Tjeldsund on Hinn) 311.
Tósti Guðinason, jarl (Tostig Godwineson, earl of Northumberland, died 1066) 168,
170–75, 182–87, 190–91.
Tryggvi son of Óláfr son of Haraldr hárfagri, king (died 963) 28 (verse), 262.
Tumaþorp (Östra Tommarp, Skáney) 264.
Túnsberg (Tønsberg, Vestfold) 198, 278, 284, 307, 320, 376, 378, 384, 385, 390,
395, 400, 403, 415, 417; people of Túnsberg (Túnsbergsmenn) 309.
Tyrvist (Tiree, Inner Hebrides) 220 (verse).
Ulster (Úlaztír in Ireland) 233, 234.
Úlfasund (Ulvesund, Nordfjord), in Firðir) 28 (verse).
Úlfheðinn Sǫxólfsson, Sigurðr slembidjákn’s forecastle man 309.
Úlfhildr daughter of Óláfr inn helgi 41.
Úlfnaðr (Wulfnoð, a South Saxon, father of Jarl Guðini) 168.
Úlfr Hranason 233, 236.
Úlfr Óspaksson, King Haraldr’s marshal (stallari) 79, 86, 119, 120, 147, 175.
Úlfr flý (Speck) son of Pétr byrðarsveinn 120.
Úlfr son of Þorgils sprakaleggr, jarl 36, 37, 38 (verse), 40, 47, 64, 91, 94, 102, 105,
108, 113, 122, 172, 202 (verse), 207, 258, 397.
Úlfsflokkr, a poem about Úlr stallari by Steinn Herdísarson 120.
Unarheimr (probably should be Ónarheimr, i.e. Onarheim, on the island of Njarðarlög,
now called Tysnesøy, in Hǫrðaland) 401.
Ungaraland (Hungary) 254.

index of names

289Úniburr, leader of the Wends 290, 293.
Upplendingar (people of Upplǫnd) 127, 157, 158, 167, 210, 384, 407.
Upplǫnd (Upplanda, area of eastern Norway) 102, 121, 122, 127, 128, 157, 158, 162,
210, 214, 259, 262, 280, 304, 334, 338, 383, 384, 391, 407, 409, 414.
Vágar (Vågan, on Aust-Vågøy in Lofoten, Hálogaland) 255, 312.
Vagnvíkastrǫnd (the coast on the north side of Trondheimsfjord) 215.
Valdamarr son of Jarizleifr, king in Garðar 258, 375.
Valdamarr I the Great, son of Knútr lávarðr, king of the Danes (1146–82) 258, 279,
375, 399–401, 403, 405, 406.
Valgarðr in Vǫllr (Icelandic poet, eleventh century) 91–93.
Valgerðr daughter of Eyjólfr 165.
Valland (i.e. Frakkland, Francia) 138, 170, 231, 240, 324.
Valr, a mythical horse (Skáldsk 88–89), in a kenning for ship 240 (in verse).
Valsnes (Valsnes), on Langøy, island in Hálogaland 312.
Valþjófr jarl Guðinason (Walþeof was actually son of Sigurðr, jarl in Northumber­land, and was probably a Dane) 168, 179–181, 194–96.
Valþjófsflokkr, a poem about Jarl Valþjófr by Þorkell Skallason 195.
Vambarhólmr (Vomba), island near Bergen 216.
Ván, a mythical river (Gylf 29) in a kenning for gold 242 (in a verse).
Vandráðr ([One in] Trouble), assumed name of Sveinn Úlfsson 152–54.
Varðynjar (Valbo district), eastern Sweden, north of Uppsala 225.
Vatn-Ormr (Lake-) son of Dagr Eilífsson 307, 309, 310 (verse).
Véar (Vedbo district, southern Sweden) 225.
Vébjargaþing (assembly at Viborg in Jutland) 35, 106.
Véey (Veøy), island in Raumsdalr, western Norway 380–82.
Vendilskagi (Skagen), peninsula at the northermost part of Jutland 114, 116, 375.
Veradalr (Verdal), valley in Þrándheimr 23, 24.
Vermaland (Värmland, district in western Sweden, on the border with Norway)
158, 225.
Vermir (people of Vermaland) 158.
Vestland (i.e. West Pomerania?) 46.
Vestra-Gautland, south-western Sweden 225.
Vettaland (Vettelanda in Ranríki), near Konungahella 363.
Víðkunnr (Víðkuðr) in Bjarkey son of Jóan Árnason 22, 215–16, 233, 236–37,
258, 311.
Vigg (Vigga), a farm in Orkadalr in Þrándheimr, on the coast 25, 214.
Vík/the Vík (Vík/Víkin, Oslofjord and the land on both sides) 107, 139, 143, 158,
162, 173, 210, 212, 226, 228, 280, 282–83, 285, 303, 306–07, 309, 313–15, 325–26,
338, 341, 343–44, 347–50, 360–62, 375–76, 378, 384–85, 390, 392, 394–95, 399,
400, 403–07, 409, 411, 415.
Vík (Saxvik), in Strind in Þrándheimr 229, 297.
Víkar (Vik in Hálogaland) 312.
Víkverjar (inhabitants of Vík, Oslofiord) 314, 326 (verse), 345, 349, 361, 385, 400.
Viljálmr, bishop in Orkney (William the Old, c. 1112–68) 324.
Viljálmr skinnari (Skinner), landed man 312.
Viljálmr son of Guðrún of Saltnes 414.

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Viljálmr Bastard (bastarðr) (Róðbjartsson, William the Conqueror, died 1087)
168–70, 193–97, 239, 397.
Viljálmr son of Roðgeirr, king of Sicily (William I the Bad, son of Roger II)(1154–66) 248.
Viljálmr’s make (Viljálmsgørð), a type of shield, perhaps named after its maker orinventer 414.
Vimur a mythical river (Skáldsk 25), in a kenning for ship 240 (in verse).
Vinðland (Wendland, on the southern shore of the Baltic) 38–40, 272, 296.
Vinðr (Wends, people of Wendland) 37–39, 41–45, 63 (verse), 130, 289–93, 309,
334; Vinðr country (Vinða grund, verse) 39; king of the Vinðr (Vinðakonungr)
290; army of Vinðr (herr Vinða, Vinðaherr) 41, 43; Wendish warships,warshipsof Vinðr (Vinðasnekkjur) 290, 309; see East-Vinðr.
Viskardalr, in Halland 212.
Vist (Viste), in Jaðarr (?) 311.
Visundr (Bison), a ship 33 (verse), 34.
Vænir, Væni (Lake Vänern in Sweden) 162, 225, 226.
Væringjar (Varangians, Scandinavian warriors in the service of the Greek emperors)
71–74, 78–82, 85, 86, 88, 90, 370–72; army of the Væringjar (Væringjaherr) 81.
Vǫllr (probably Völlur in Rangárvallasýsla in southern Iceland) 91.
Vǫrsar, people of Vǫrs (Voss, area in Hǫrðafylki, western Norway, i.e. Norwegians)
213 (verse).
White-Chist (Hvíta-Kristr, Jesus Christ) 17 (verse). See Christ.
Winchester (Vincestr), in England 11, 31.
Yggr, a name of Óðinn, in a kenning for warrior 195 (verse).
Yrjar (Ørland, in Austrátt) 126.
Zoë in ríka (the Great), Porphyrogenita, joint ruler in Constantinople (1028–50,
queen of Michael Catalactus and later of Konstantinus Monomakus) 71, 85, 88.
Þelamǫrk (Telemark, southern Norway) 341, 412, 417.
Þexdalr (Teksdal), in Norð-Mœrr 215.
Þjóð (Thy), in Jótland 114, 115.
Þjóðólfr Arnórsson, Icelandic poet, eleventh century 7, 11, 33, 38, 44, 48–52, 54–55,
57–61, 64, 68, 70, 75, 82, 86, 91, 95, 97, 109, 123, 141–44, 146, 149, 151, 164,
166–67, 188, 190, 198–99.
Þjóstólfr Álason, 280, 303, 305–08, 318, 320, 330.
Þjótta (Tjøtta), island off Hálogaland 22.
Þóra mother of Sigurðr Jórsalafari son of Magnús berfœttr 229, 271.
Þóra mother of Hákon herðibreiðr son of Sigurðr munnr 325–26.
Þóra daughter of Guthormr grábarði, Haraldr gilli’s concubine, mother of Sigurðr
munnr 279, 300, 301.
Þóra daughter of Jóan (in Morkinskinna and Fagrskinna daughter of Árni lági),mother of Magnús berfœttr 208.
Þóra daughter of Saxi in Vík, mother of Sigurðr slembidjákn 297.
Þóra daughter of Skopti Ǫgmundarson, wife of Ásólfr Skúlason 198, 225.

index of names

291Þóra daughter of Þorbergr Árnason 112, 120, 126, 155, 178.
Þóraldi keptr (Chops) 312.
Þórarinn stuttfeldr (Short-Cloak), poet in Norway (twelfth century) 239, 246.
Þórarinn son of Skeggi Bjarnason, Icelandic poet (eleventh century) 86.
Þorbergr, father of Jón of Randaberg 407.
Þorbergr Árnason 25 (verse), 112, 120, 178, 184, 214, 225.
Þorbjǫrn Skakkaskáld (Skakki’s Poet, i.e. poet of Erlingr skakki’s), poet (twelfth
century) 324, 377, 394.
Þorbjǫrn son of Gunnarr gjaldkeri (Steward) 378, 392.
Þórdís skeggja (Bearded Woman) 366.
Þórðr who had a dream 177.
Þórðr húsfreyja (Housewife), follower of King Sigurðr munnr Haraldsson 341.
Þórðr Fólason 225
Þórðr son of Skopti Ǫgmundarson 225, 231, 232.
Þorfinnr svarti (the Black) of Snǫs 414, 416.
Þorfinnr Sigurðarson, jarl in Orkney (1020–64) 132, 179.
Þorgeirr of Kviststaðir 25.
Þorgeirr [flekkr (Spot)], a farmer from Súla 23–24.
Þorgeirr, chaplain in Niðaróss 413.
Þorgeirr læknir (physician) Steinsson 318.
Þorgils sprakaleggr (Break-Leg) 36. Cf. vol. II.
Þorgils son of Snorri Húnbogason, Icelandic priest (died 1201) 101.
Þorgrímr skinnhúfa (Fur Cap), landed man 236.
Þórir, brother of Magnús góði 105, 108.
Þórir helsingr (man from Helsingjaland), leader of the Væringjar 371–72.
Þórir hvínantorði (Dung Beetle or Whistling Auk?) 309.
Þórir son of Ingiríðr (daughter of Sigurðr sýr?) 282.
Þórir of Steig Þórðarson 99, 210, 211, 214–16, 217 (verse); see Steigar-Þórir.
Þórir hundr (Dog) Þórisson, landed man 22.
Þorkell geysa (Dash), Danish leader 110, 111.
Þorkell Hamarskáld (poet from [a place called] Hamarr(?), Icelandic poet (fl. c. 1100)
214.
Þorkell son of Geiri Bjarnarson of Lyngar 45.
Þorkell Skallason, poet (eleventh century) 195.
Þorkell fóstri (foster-father) Sumarliðason 298, 299.
Þorleifr skjappa (Half-Bushel) 311.
Þorleifr Brynjólfsson 321.
Þorleikr fagri (the Fair), Icelandic poet (11th century) 113, 115–18.
Þorljótr skaufuskalli (Cleft-Cheek Baldy) 348.
Þormóðr Eindriðason (Ásgeirsson in Ljósvetninga saga) 165.
Þórólfr dryllr (Stocky) 392.
Þórrøðr, i.e. Þórðr Sigvaldaskáld (i.e. poet of Jarl Sigvaldi Strút-Haraldsson, andfather of the poet Sighvatr), Icelandic poet 14 (verse).
Þórsá (Thurso, on the north coast of Scotland) 327.
Þorsteinn in Auðsholt 317.
Þorsteinn son of Sigurðr Kárason in Austrátt 297.
Þorviðr, lawman of the Gautar 163.

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Þótn (Toten, an area of Haðaland near Lake Mjǫrs) 414.
Þrándheimr, district of northern Norway, modern Trøndelag (cf. Þrœndalǫg) 8–9,
15, 22, 31, 102, 120, 122–23, 126, 128–29, 140, 158, 178, 210–11, 214–15, 218,
229, 272, 285, 303–04, 316, 321–22, 332, 337, 341, 343, 349, 360, 376, 378, 391,
400–01, 412, 414.
Þrándheimsmynni (the entrance to Trondheimsfjord) 312, 314.
Þrándr gjaldkeri (Steward) 317–18.
Þróttr, a name of Óðinn, in kenning for warrior 246 (in verse).
Þrælaborg, south of Oslo 367, 368.
Þrœndalǫg (Trondelag; = Þrándheimr) 137, 353, 360, 391, 394.
Þrœndir, Þrœndr (people of Þrándheimr) 49 (verse), 54 (verse), 65 (verse), 107, 117(verse), 126–27, 147, 203 (verse), 210, 213 (verse), 222 (verse), 303, 321, 349, 383,
391, 396, 401–02, 416; host of Þrœndir (Þrœndaherr, þrœnzk drótt) 107, 218 (verse).
Þumli, in Hísing, perhaps the place now called Tumlehed 145 (verse).
Ægisfjǫrðr (Øksfjord), in the very north of Norway 311.
Ǫgmundr of Sandr 311.
Ǫgmundr sviptir (Loss) 314, 330.
Ǫgmundr son of Erlingr skakki 407.
Ǫgmundr Ívarsson of Elda 360.
Ǫgmundr dengir (Hammerer) son of Kyrpinga-Ormr 330.
Ǫgmundr son of Jarl Ormr Eilífsson 306.
Ǫgmundr son of Skopti Ǫgmundarson 225, 227–28, 231–32.
Ǫgmundr son of Þorbergr Árnason 198, 214, 225, 230–31, 238, 330.
·láfar, the Óláfrs, i.e. Óláfr Tryggvason and Óláfr helgi 27 (verse).
·leifr, i.e. Óláfr Eiríksson 5 (verse).
·leifr, i.e. Óláfr Haraldsson 6, 16, 17, 21, 25, 38, 51, 59, 64, 68, 98 (verses).
·leifr, i.e. Óláfr kyrri 202, 211 (verses).
Ǫlvir miklimunnr (Big-Mouth), farmer 291–92.
Ǫngull (Engeløy), island in Vestfjorden, Hálogaland 413.
Ǫngulsey (Anglesey, north Wales) 223.
Ǫngulseyjarsund (Menai Strait, between Anglesey and the mainland) 135, 222.
Ǫngulssund 222 (verse) = Ǫngulseyjarsund.
Ǫnundr (Jákob) Óláfsson, king of the Svíar (1022–c. 1050) 18.
Ǫnundr Símunarson, foster-brother of Hákon herðibreiðr 326, 347, 353, 377–78,
380–81, 383, 393–95.
Ǫrnólfr skorpa (Crust) 393–95.
Ǫzurr (Asser/Ascer Þorkelsson), archbishop in Lund (1104–37) 289.
Ǫzurr, farmer on Hísing 393–94.