VIKING SOCIETY FOR NORTHERN RESEARCHTEXT SERIESGENERAL EDITORS

Alison Finlay and Carl Phelpstead

VOLUME XXITHE SAGA OF BISHOP THORLAK(ÞORLÁKS SAGA BYSKUPS)

The printing of this book is made possible by a gift to the Universityof Cambridge in memory of Dorothea Coke, Skjaeret, 1951.

THE SAGA OF BISHOP THORLAKÞORLÁKS SAGA BYSKUPS

TRANSLATED BY ÁRMANN JAKOBSSON
AND DAVID CLARK

VIKING SOCIETY FOR NORTHERN RESEARCH
UNIVERSITY COLLEGE LONDON2013© Ármann Jakobsson and David Clark
ISBN: 978-0-903521-88-8

Cover image: Saint Þorlákr. Image from the Hólar altar cloth, fifteenth
century. Property of the National Museum of Iceland.

Printed by Short Run Press Limited, Exeter

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

vii

TRANSLATION

1

NOTES

33

BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS51

INDEX OF PERSONAL NAMES63

INDEX OF PLACE NAMES65

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The authors wish to thank Viðar Pálsson for his assistance with the­Introduction and the Þjóðminjasafn Íslands (National Museum of­Iceland) for permission to reproduce the image of Bishop Þorlákr fromthe Hólar altar cloth.

Introduction

vii

INTRODUCTION
1
The translation of St Þorlákr’s remains on 20 July 1198 was an important
event not just in the history of one saint but also in the history of Icelandic
literature, since his translation and subsequent veneration mark the
beginning of indigenous hagiography in Iceland. Bjarni Aðalbjarnarson
remarked in 1958 that the translation of Þorlákr in 1198 was the mainprerequisite for the ensuing biographies of the saint (Bjarni Aðalbjarnarson
1958, 35–37).1 First comes religious veneration; the literature follows.
And so it did, quite swiftly. The Oldest Book of Miracles (Jarteinabók
elzta) is believed to be almost contemporaneous with Þorlákr’s translation,
since it exists in a manuscript dated to the first quarter of the thirteenth
century.2 It is hard to find an Icelandic manuscript that is closer both to theoriginal text and to the events depicted. The manuscripts of the oldest sagaof Þorlákr (the A-version of the saga), the text translated in this volume,are younger, but it is generally accepted that it was probably composed in
the first decade of the thirteenth century, before the death of his successor,
Bishop Páll Jónsson, in 1211.3 This was followed by a younger version
1 The content of Bjarni’s article was anticipated in Einar Ól. Sveinsson 1954, 8–9.
2 It is preserved as the earliest section of AM 645 4to, dated to c.1220. Despite evident losses it includes forty-six miracles from shortly after Þorlákr’s translation to
March 1200. Its core must be the set of miracles written down on Bishop Páll Jónsson’s initiative and read at the Alþingi in summer 1199, hence its alias Jarteinabók
Páls biskups (Jarteinabók Þorláks byskups in forna). The three surviving versions of
the saga of St Þorlákr (known as A, B, and C) contain variously overlapping miracle
collections, the A- and B-versions in single manuscripts (c.1360 and early fourteenth
century respectively) while the C-version’s collection has a more complex tradition(fourteenth-century to seventeenth-century manuscripts), and could conceivably
have originated as two separate collections. For an overview see Ásdís Egilsdóttir
2002, xxxii, c; cf. Ordbog, 3 412.
3 Guðbrandur Vigfússon and Finnur Jónsson believed Þorláks saga dovetailed
with Hungrvaka, which they judged to have been put down either between c.1200
and Páll’s death in 1211 (Finnur) or after the death of Gizurr Hallsson in 1206
and before Páll’s in 1211 (Guðbrandur) (Guðbrandur Vigfússon 1858, xxxi–xxxiv(where he refutes his earlier dating of Þorláks saga to 1198, cf. 331 n.); Finnur Jónsson 1920–24, II 566). Sigurður Nordal likewise assigned both sagas to 1206–11,
primarily on grounds of his ‘three school’ model of saga composition which saw
Hungrvaka and Þorláks saga as influenced by Jóns saga helga and the Þingeyrar

viiiÞorláks saga(the B-version) in the late thirteenth century and yet another with more
miracles (the C-version) in the fourteenth century (see section 4 below).
The translation of Þorlákr’s remains is described in several versions ofthe Þorlákr legend. Here is the A-version’s account (see ch. 82):
It was agreed among all the leading men in the land, clerical and lay, to take his
body out of the earth. Therefore Bishop Páll called together clerics and chieftains to Skálaholt. First there was Bishop Brandr from Hólar, Priest Guðmundr
Arason, who later was bishop, Sæmundr and Ormr, brothers of Bishop Páll,
Hallr and Þorvaldr and Magnús Gizurarson, Þorleifr from Hítardalr and manyother chieftains. There was great flooding of the rivers at that time throughout
the whole land, but God wished that that impede no man from travelling to
the see. And when they had all come together they all kept vigil during thenight, to the praise of God and the holy Þorlákr.
During the following day his holy relics were taken out of the earth and carried into the church with hymns and songs of praise and beautiful processions
and with all the honour and veneration which could be achieved in this land.
The coffin was set down in the choir and clerics then sang the Te Deum, andsick men knelt at the coffin and many men were healed thereby.

It is evident from this narrative that the veneration of Þorlákr had the­approval of the Icelandic élite. Their presence in Skálaholt on this day
makes clear the official nature of the event.4 Although all existing ­narrative
school (1933, lxii–lxviii). Similarly, Jón Helgason judged Jóns saga helga older
than Þorláks saga (1934, 192). Bjarni Aðalbjarnarson (1958), followed by Jakob
Benediktsson (1969, esp. 106–07), saw the issue as essentially ecclesiastical,
and linked the production of texts on Þorlákr ­directly to his translation. Neither
Hungrvaka nor Jóns saga helga is now considered older than Þorláks saga, itself
dated closer to 1200 and thought to be the oldest of the biskupa sögur. Anotherblow to the theory of Þingeyrar’s leadership in the field was Ólafía Einarsdóttir’s
powerful objection (1964, 127–42) to previous interpretations of early Icelandic
uses of the Gerlandic calendar (computatio Gerlandi), drawn on by Nordal (1952,
212–14) and laid out most fully by Jón Jóhannesson (1952). See Ásdís Egilsdóttir
2002, xxiv–xxxi, lii, cix–cx.
4 Until the early thirteenth century sainthood was commonly declared througheither regional councils or episcopal powers. From the end of the tenth century, andincreasingly in the eleventh and the twelfth, it became common to seek the presenceof the pope (or his legate) at the declaration, for added prestige and recog­nition. The
papacy successfully turned custom into preconditioning rule, and by the pontificate ofAlexander III (1159–81) papal approval had become de facto indispensable. ­LateranIV proclaimed the making of saints a papal prerogative, but it was only in 1234 thatdeclaration of sainthood became fully de jure a papal act, by which the pope entered
saints into the official canon (hence canonisation, emerging as a legal term noearlier than the early eleventh century). Practically all early Norse saints, includingIntroductionixsources about St Þorlákr stress the presence of the most distinguishedpeople of Iceland, however, they also emphasise that of the namelesspoor. St Þorlákr not only aids the abbot of Þykkvabœr and his successor’s
brother-in-law in getting their health back, he also helps a nameless poorman find a lost piece of string and a poor farmer’s wife club a seal sothat her family can survive the Icelandic winter. Thus the cult of the saintbecame something in which rich and poor could share.5
2
Religious writing in Iceland is believed to have started with the adventand institutionalisation of Christianity in the early eleventh century. Boththe Íslendingabók of Ari inn fróði ‘the Learned’ (c.1125) and Hungrvaka(c.1200) ­mention the visits of foreign bishops in the eleventh century
who presumably brought learning with them,6 and the See of SkálaholtÞorlákr, were declared through episcopal powers alone. Summoning the clericaland lay optimates to Skálaholt for the event no doubt helped ensure its legitimacy,
even if it conformed to custom and, strictly speaking, did not violate canon law.
Jón Helgason suggested that the Latin vita may have been written in order to win
papal approval, but there is little to substantiate this (1976, 389; for a scepticalresponse, see Ásdís Egilsdóttir 2002, cx). For international and ecclesiasticalcontexts of the event see Vauchez 1988, Heinzelmann 1979, Schlafke 1960, Kemp
1948, Weinstein and Bell 1982.
5 The social and economic transformations of the central Middle Ages brought tothe fore and intensified links between the holy and pauperes, a term encompassing
not only the poor but the powerless in general. One manifestation was the growing
cult of St Nicholas of Myra, fuelled by his traditional reputation as a protector of
the poor and powerless as well as by the theft of his relics and their translation toBari (ON Bár) in Italy in 1087. His reputation spread speedily, his vita had alreadybeen translated into Norse by the twelfth century, and the author of Hungrvaka(22) saw reason to point out that St Nicholas was translated in the days of Bishop
Gizurr. Gizurr Hallsson himself arrives from Bár at a crucial moment later in the
text (35), apparently to his great prestige. Thus St Þorlákr, friend of potentes andpauperes, fits the international context well, and he (or his sanctified reconstruction)
was obviously informed by that context. On high medieval social and economictransformations, social terms, and saints and their miracles see Moore 2000, esp.
19–64. On St Nicholas and his cult see Meisen 1931; Blöndal 1949; Widding
1961a; 1961b; Sverrir Tómasson 1982; Gad 1967.
6 Ari speaks of the missionary priests Þangbrandr, sent by King Óláfr Tryggva­son,and Þormóðr. Þangbrandr’s mission is reported most fully in Óláfs saga Tryggvasonaren mesta (1958–2000, I 149–50, 168, 221, II 64–66, 150–61, 163–66), Kristni saga
(13–29) and Brennu-Njáls saga (1954, 256–69), where he is variously said to bexÞorláks saga

was ­established with the consecration of the Westphalia-educated Ísleifr
Gizurarson as bishop in 1056 (Hungrvaka, 6).7 In his lifetime Skálaholt was
not the bishop’s official residence; it belonged to his family and he used it
as his abode. It is with the election of his son Gizurr in his father’s place in1082 that Skálaholt gains its official status and, after his death, succeeding
bishops of Skálaholt lived there, of whom Þorlákr was the sixth (Íslendinga­
bók, 22–23, Hungrvaka, 8, 16).8 After 1106 their domain encompassed only
the south, west and east of Iceland as the North had its own bishop at Hólar(Íslendingabók, 23; Hungrvaka, 17–18; Jóns saga ins helga, 193–202).9 InÞorlákr’s day that diocese was held by Brandr Sæmundarson (1163–1201)
who later played a major role in Þorlákr’s elevation to sanctity, as well as
Saxon, Flemish or from Bremen; he is called Þorbrandr in the Þórðarbók redaction ofLandnámabók (348–49). On these conversion narratives, see e.g. Grønlie 2005. The
nationality of Þormóðr, who is otherwise referred to only later in Kristni saga (31)and as Thermo in Theodoricus’s Latin history of Norway (HN, 21), is obscure. Ari
gives a catalogue of twelve missionary bishops: ‘Friðrekr kom í heiðni hér, en þessir
váru síðan: Bjarnharðr enn bókvísi fimm ár, Kolr fá ár. Hróðolfr nítján ár, Jóhan ennírski fá ár, Bjarnharðr nítján ár, Heinrekr tvau ár. Enn kvómu hér aðrir fimm, þeir es
byskupar kváðusk vesa: Ñrnolfr ok Goðiskolkr ok þrír ermskir: Petrus ok Abrahám
ok Stephánus’ (Íslendingabók 18; see also 14–15, 21). Hungrvaka (8–9, 11–13)
names Kolr, Friðrekr, Jón inn írski, Bjarnvarðr bókvísi, Rúðólfr or Úlfr, Heinrekr
and Bjarnvarðr inn saxlenzki. Kolr appears widely as Kollr Víkverjabiskup, Jóhan
and Jón are one and the same, as are Bjarnharðr and Bjarnvarðr, and Hróðolfr andRúðólfr. On the early missionary bishops, their impact, background and historicalrepresentation see, e.g., Melsteð 1912–14, 823–28; Einar Arnórsson 1930, 75–81;
Jón Stefánsson 1950; Magnús Már Lárusson 1959a; Jón Jóhannesson 1956–58,
I 167–73; Sveinbjörn Rafnsson 1977; Hjalti Hugason 2000, 126–40, 143–51;
Orri Vésteinsson 2000, 20–21. The fundamental interpretive framework of Norse
Christianisation and its missionary aspects is primarily established in Ljungberg
1938; Paasche 1958 [1941]; Birkeli 1973; see also Birkeli 1982. For the culturaland religious context of missionary activity and the spread of Christian learning
see further Skre 1998; Sanmark 2004; Steinunn Kristjánsdóttir 2007. The oldest
known contemporary reference to a foreign cleric in Iceland, presumably spreading
Christian learning through missionary activities, is in the eleventh-century German poem Merigarto, whose author claims to have met this priest, Reginpreht, in
Utrecht (see Maurer 1855–56, I 599; Orri Vésteinsson 2000, 20).
7 See further Köhne 1972; 1974; 1987. On Ísleifr’s presumed fasts in Herford
see Skarðsárbók . . . 1958–66, 189.
8 See further Björn Karel Þórólfsson 1956, 7–8; Magnús Már Lárusson 1967
[1956], 53; Hjalti Hugason 2000, 263–65.
9 See also Einar Arnórsson 1930, 104; Björn Karel Þórólfsson 1956, 8; Bjarni
Sigurðsson 1986, 43; Orri Vésteinsson 2000, 188; Hjalti Hugason 2000, 265–70.

Introductionxi

in the acquisition of a local saint at Hólar in 1200, when the locals settled
on the first bishop, Jón Õgmundarson, as their first saint (he narrowly
beat Brandr’s predecessor Bj†rn who also seems to have been a strong
candidate for sanctity) (Jóns saga ins helga, 255–56, 298; Guðmundarsaga A, 106–07; cf. Magnús Már Lárusson 1962, 610).
Bishop Ísleifr is reported to have taught young men who went on toillustrious Church careers.10 Presumably books were used in his teaching
and by his son Teitr Ísleifsson, also a celebrated teacher of the late eleventh
century.11 Thus book production in late eleventh- and early twelfth-century
Iceland was probably strongly linked to the introduction of education forpriests, Latin learning and the emergence of important cultural centreswith schools, such as Skálaholt.12
We do not know much about these books. The author of the mid-twelfthcentury Fyrsta málfræðiritgerðin mentions four types of writing: law,
­genealogy, the works of Ari fróði and ‘þýðingar helgar’, now believed to behomilies and sermons (The First Grammatical Treatise 1972, 208; cf. Sverrir
Tómasson 1992, 429–31). On the other hand, it is believed that the earliest translations of legends stem from the latter part of the twelfth century,
preceding indigenous hagiographies such as the legend of St Þorlákr. Thus
the legends of Mary and the apostles, as well as those of famous martyrs,
ascetics and fathers of the Church, are likely to have existed in Icelandic
before St Þorlákr was translated,13 and to have served as models for the
10 Hungrvaka (9), following Íslendingabók (20), specifically names Bishop Kolr

in Víkin and St Jón (see also Kristni saga, 39).
11 Among his students were Ari fróði and Bishops Þorlákr Runólfsson of Skálaholt and Bj†rn Gilsson of Hólar. His son, Hallr electus, must also have studied
under him (Íslendingabók, 20; Jóns saga ins helga, 182; Hjalti Hugason 2000, 232).
12 See Paasche 1914, 58–63; Melsted 1903–30, III 114–26; Benjamín Kristjánsson
1947; 1958, 195–202; Halldór Hermannsson 1958, x; Jón Jóhannesson 1956–58,
I 187–91; Magnús Már Lárusson 1963a; Jakob Benediktsson 1970; Walter 1971;
Líndal 1974, 260–63; Foote 1975; Orri Vésteinsson 2000, 59–60, 144–45, 150,
182; Sverrir Tómasson 1988, 18–44; Hjalti Hugason 2000, 225–32; Gunnar F.
Guðmundsson 2000, 171–74; Cormack 2005, 28–30.
13 For the rise and cultural context of hagiographical legendary literature in Iceland see, e.g., Finnur Jónsson 1920–24, II 863–77; III 90–97; Mogk 1904, 331–45;
Turville-Petre 1953, 109–42; Magerøy 1961; Foote 1962; Widding, Bekker-Nielsen
and Shook 1963; Bekker-Nielsen 1965; Widding 1965; Widding and Bekker-Nielsen
1965; Collings 1969; Carlsson 1972; Jónas Kristjánsson 1975, 261–70; Jørgensen,
1982; Samuelson 1977; Cormack 1994; 2005; Sverrir Tómasson 1992; 1993;
2007; Wolf 1993a; 1993b; 2003; Kratz 1993; Kirby 1993. A recent collection on
Scandinavian sanctity with helpful references is DuBois, ed., 2008. A short but

xiiÞorláks saga

subsequent vitae of this first Icelandic saint, which were composed in both
Latin and Icelandic, although only fragments of the Latin texts remain.14
3
When Þorlákr died, Icelanders were probably starting to feel the needfor a local saint. This would have been a practical need, but no less religious for that. While also bringing money and prestige to Skálaholt andto Iceland as a whole, the emergence of a local cult would have given
Icelanders a saint they could identify with more easily than, for example,
Italian martyrs of another millennium. Some of this intimacy is clear
in the miracle narratives of St Þorlákr. Like all saints, he is seen as anintermediary between the suffering man and God himself, sometimes
appearing along with another saint, such as the fourth-century saints
Blaise and Vitus, to assist an Icelander in need (Þorláks saga, 88 (A),
197 (B), 284–85 (C)).
Þorlákr was an ideal candidate to become the first Icelandic saint. In theabsence of martyrs and ascetics, a bishop was perhaps the most likely
pioneer,15 and among the first nine bishops of Iceland (the others beingÍsleifr, Gizurr, Jón, the first Þorlákr, Ketill, Magnús, Bj†rn and Klœngr),
he seems to have stood out, for his own personal virtues, such as celibacy,
for his contribution to general morality in Iceland (his Penitentials, forexample) and for his attempt to question, criticise and improve the moralsof the Icelandic élite, rigorously following the letters of his superior, thearchbishop of Niðaróss.16
authoritative survey of wider perspective, including references to critical entries,
is Heffernan 2003, cf. his earlier standard Heffernan 1988.
14 On the Latin texts see note 30 below.
15 From the ninth century onwards saints were traditionally recruited from highchurch officials, episcopal as well as monastic (see Wolf 2008, 243).
16 St Þorlákr must be seen in the papal and archiepiscopal context of reformist
objectives, see Bull 1915; Bugge 1916; Holtzmann 1938; Joys 1948, 136–89;
Johnsen, 1951a; 1967; Kolsrud 1958, 186–202; Helle 1974, 45–52, 57–68,
85–89; 1981; Bagge 1981; Orrman������������������������������������������
2003, 443–55; Coviaux 2006. More specifically on St Þorlákr’s programme and its local context see Magnús Stefánsson
1975, 94–98, 104–08; Guðrún Ása Grímsdóttir 1982; Orri Vésteinsson 2000,
167–78, esp. 167–72; Gunnar F. Guðmundsson 2000, 25–38, cf. also 42–47;
Ásdís Egilsdóttir 2002, esp. xxxiv–xxxviii; Björn Þórðarson [1953]; Jón Viðar
Sigurðsson 2006, 499–502. Relevant archiepiscopal and papal letters are edited in DI, I 218–23, 258–64, 284–91, 298–302, 355–69. On the Penitentials
see Sveinbjörn Rafnsson 1982a; 1982b; 1985; Gunnar F. Guðmundsson 2000,
31–34; cf. DI, I 237–44.

Introduction

xiii

Later narrative sources also emphasise Þorlákr’s championship of therights of the Church to control church property, which is refashioned into akind of adventure tale in the late-thirteenth-century Oddaverja þáttr within
the B-version of Þorláks saga, with Jón Loptsson as the main antagonist(Þorláks saga, 163–81). This issue does not seem quite so important in theearly-thirteenth-century sources, such as the Þorláks saga in this volume,
however, where this conflict is referred to only in passing and Jón Loptsson is not mentioned in this context (cf. note 28 below).
Þorlákr was in many ways exceptional as a church leader in Iceland.
Soon after he was born at the farm Hlíðarendi in 1133, his parents wereforced to separate for financial reasons. This calamity turned out to be his
good fortune, as he was sent to Oddi to study with Eyjólfr Sæmundarson,
son of the renowned scholar Sæmundr inn fróði (‘the Learned’). Eyjólfr
was the uncle of the magnate Jón Loptsson, and he was also related,
more distantly, to Bishop Brandr Sæmundarson of Hólar.17 Thus Þorlákr
became the protégé of one of the most affluent and powerful families in
Iceland, which also had strong ties with the Icelandic church and, alongwith the family of Ísleifr Gizurarson, dominated it until the middle of thethirteenth century.18
After his studies with Eyjólfr he was sent abroad to study at the ­­cathed­ralschool in Lincoln in England, and in France, possibly at the school of St
Victor in Paris where many notable Scandinavian church leaders wereeducated in the middle of the twelfth century.19 Þorlákr would have been
exposed to the newly emerging ideas of the French church and he mightalso have met future leaders of the West Nordic church, such as the archbishops Eysteinn, Eiríkr and Þórir, who all studied at St Victor and whose
reigns at Niðaróss lasted from 1161 to 1214.20
17 Loðmundr Svartsson of Oddi was the great-grandfather of both Eyjólfr and
Brandr through the direct male line (Ásdís Egilsdóttir 2002, clv, clvii).
18 For reviews of early ecclesiastical and episcopal politics, especially among the
Oddaverjar and Haukdælir families, see Ármann Jakobsson 2000; Orri Vésteins­son 2000, 144–78, esp. 144–60. On the power of the Oddaverjar in general see,e.g., Helgi Þorláksson 1989; Jón Thor Haraldsson 1988. On fosterage see Magnús
Már Lárusson 1959b.
19 Þorlákr’s education is discussed in Gunnar F. Guðmundsson 2000, 27–30.
On the Victorine school in Paris and its reformist context see, e.g., Sicard 1991;
Ferrulo 1985, esp. 27–44. On Lincoln see Owen 1971.
20 Eysteinn Erlendsson (r.1161–88), Eiríkr Ívarsson (r.1189–1205) and Þórir víkverski Guðmundsson (r.1206–14). Their ecclesiastical and intellectual connections
with Paris are treated in Bekker-Nielsen 1968; 1976; Johnsen 1945; 1951b.

xivÞorláks sagaOnce back in Iceland Þorlákr became an important church reformer as
the founding father of Iceland’s first Augustinian monastery, Þykkvabœr,in 1168.21 He was therefore in a strong position to replace Bishop Klœngr
when he fell ill in 1174. His main rivals were another reforming abbot
from Flatey, and Páll S†lvason priest of Reykjaholt, who clearly held
an important position in the small élite dominating the Icelandic church
in the late twelfth century. Páll, though, was probably almost as old asKlœngr himself, and neither rival seems to have been as accomplishedas the foreign-educated Þorlákr, who also had the advantages of personalvirtue and the patronage of the Oddi family (Hungrvaka, 40).22 According
to the saga the main obstacle to Þorlákr’s victory was his lack of fame in
Iceland; the other contenders were apparently much better known to theclergy of the diocese, and Þorlákr’s aversion to the Alþingi, with its petty
strifes and mediated justice, mentioned in his saga, may have contributed
to his obscurity.
According to the saga the decision was left to Bishop Klœngr whochose Þorlákr. It is hard to say why he cast his vote in this way. Klœngr
was from the North himself and somewhat of an outsider in Skálaholt;
no other bishop of Skálaholt before 1237 had a more tenuous connection
with the Oddi-Haukadalr élite (see notes 18 and 22). He had also proveda somewhat troublesome bishop, owing to his extravagant spending andabove all his ambitious building enterprise at Skálaholt.23 The saga, inspite of its general caution, states succinctly that Skálaholt was more orless bankrupt when Þorlákr arrived there, and one of the main reasonsfor electing a successor during Klœngr’s lifetime was that the financesof the See could not be left to this ageing and ailing spendthrift. The saga
also makes clear that Þorlákr took the financial matters of the See firmly
in hand, along with Jón Loptsson and Gizurr Hallsson, who seem at thatstage to have been acting as the power behind the throne.
What happened later is less clear. According to Oddaverja þáttr conflict
broke out between Þorlákr and Jón in the first years of Þorlákr’s reign,and they certainly seem to have had some disagreement, although the Bversion’s account of the conflict seems exaggerated. Gizurr Hallsson, on
21 Gunnar F. Guðmundsson 2000, 30; Orri Vésteinsson 2000, 133–43, esp. 136; Jón
Jóhannesson 1956–58, I 227–36; Magnús Már Lárusson 1963b; Janus Jónsson 1887.
22 See Ármann Jakobsson 2000, 176–78; Orri Vésteinsson 2000, 152–54.
23 This greatly concerned the author of Hungrvaka: ‘Alls staðar skín í gegn áhugi
á fjármálum og hag staðar og kirkju’ (Everywhere an interest in the finances andmaterial wellbeing of the seat and the church shines through) (Hungrvaka 35–36,
40; see Ásdís Egilsdóttir 2002, xv).

Introduction

xv

the other hand, kept on good terms with Þorlákr, although the archbishop
had admonished him, along with Jón Loptsson, for keeping a concubine(‘having two wives’, DI, I 262–64). As lawspeaker in the 1180s Gizurr
was the country’s only lay official, and, having assumed office late inlife, seems to have retired from other duties and spent most of his termin Skálaholt (1186–1200). Presumably he was there to support Þorlákr,
rather than to act as a backseat driver, although one suspects he may
have done a bit of both.24 There is no reason to doubt his admiration forÞorlákr, however, and his part in his elevation to sainthood was probably
substantial. His speech at Þorlákr’s funeral serves as a milestone on thebishop’s way to sainthood, and he also seems to have been quite know­
ledgeable about the previous bishop of Skálaholt, so it seems not out of
the question that he had a hand in a plan to write not only what eventuallybecame the A-version of Þorláks saga, but also Hungrvaka, the story ofÞorlákr’s five predecessors, which mentions Gizurr Hallsson as the main
source (Hungrvaka, 3). The two texts could very well be from the same
hand, as their style is not dissimilar.25
While the younger versions of Þorláks saga emphasise Þorlákr’s conflictwith the magnates of Iceland and his sufferings in office, the A-version
presents him first and foremost as an ideal figure who enjoyed far more
respect than most bishops. Though the author does not shy away fromhis differences with notable men, his period in office is for the most part
depicted as a time of glorious success. This seems convincing, to theextent that Þorlákr clearly enjoyed great respect and that his elevation tosainthood involved the joint effort of the whole élite in Iceland. On theother hand, it may be significant that this happened a year after the deathof Jón Loptsson, as Jón not only had been his main antagonist but wasalso the father of his successor and related to most of the magnates who
promoted Þorlákr’s cult.
24 Páls saga byskups, 300, 304, 308, 312; cf. Ármann Jakobsson 2000, 176–78.
25 Ever since the nineteenth century common authorship of Hungrvaka andPáls saga, and sometimes Þorláks saga as well, has been suggested. Guðbrandur
Vigfússon (1858, xxxi–xxxiv, supported by Hannes Þorsteinsson 1912) argued
for common authorship of all, tentatively suggesting Ketill Hermundarson as theauthor; Finnur Jónsson (1920–24, 561, 567–68) split Þorláks saga from the othertwo; Einar Ól. Sveinsson (1954, 13) suggested Þórir the priest as author of Hungr­vaka and Páls saga; Sveinbjörn Rafnsson’s argument (1993, 9–44) for Bishop
Páll’s authorship of Hungrvaka and his son Loptr’s of Páls saga has been met
with ­scepticism by Ásdís Egilsdóttir (2002, cxxviii–cxxxii; for a general review
of authorship xxi–xxiii, xxvii–xxix).

xviÞorláks saga
4

Three main versions of Þorláks saga exist in Icelandic, as well as a text in
Latin and collections of miracles. The main manuscript of Þorláks saga A,
the version translated here, is Stockh. Perg. fol. no. 5, from c.1360. Thereis also an older fragment of the A-version, AM 383 4to, from c.1250.
The B-version is generally believed to have been composed 60–80 years
later than the A-version (perhaps during the reign of Árni Þorláksson,
bishop 1269–98), and is preserved in the early-fourteenth-century MS
AM 382 4to, with some fragments in British Library MS Add. 11242.
There is also a C-version with further miracles, which is much closer to
B than A, preserved in seven manuscripts, some medieval.26 Guðbrandur
Vigfússon and Jón Sigurðsson published both A- and B-versions, using C
to fill the lacunae in B.27 Ásdís Egilsdóttir does the same in her edition,
which has formed the basis of this translation (Þorláks saga). As thissuggests, the C-version’s textual significance is fairly slight save for its
additional miracles.
The main difference between the A-version of the saga and the B/Cversions is that the latter include additional material, mostly dealing withÞorlákr’s tribulations in office. Presumably these are added to emphasise
the sufferings that must precede holiness. In a new prologue it is said thatÞorlákr did not spare his own body from the sword of persecution, andthe saga duly includes graphic depictions of his conflict with magnates,
mainly Jón Loptsson, which are absent from the A-version.28
This conflict was the result of a disagreement over control of church
property, an issue that arose again in the 1270s, and thus it is not ­surprisingthat a saga composed in that era should emphasise this earlier claim.
On the other hand, the main emphasis is still not on control over church
26 For a recent thorough overview of versions A, B and C and their manuscript
traditions see Ásdís Egilsdóttir 2002, xxxi–lii; see also Ordbog 3, 412; Jón­Helgason 1976, 388–90.
27 Þorláks biskups saga, hin elzta and Þorláks biskups saga, hin yngri.
28 For this and what follows on the differing representations in the A- and Bversions of conflicts over ecclesiastical authority, staðamál, and the consequent
debates on the historicity in this respect of Þorláks saga (specifically Oddaverjaþáttr), see Guðbrandur Vigfússon 1858, xliii–xliv; Finnur Jónsson 1920–24, II 571;
Mogk 1904, 792; Jón Helgason 1950, 14; 1976; Jón Jóhannesson 1956–58, I 216–20;
Skovgaard-Petersen 1960, esp. 258–60; Jón Böðvarsson 1968; Magnús Stefánsson
1975, 96–104; Jónas Kristjánsson 1975, 243–44; Sverrir Tómasson 1992, 475–78;
Astås 1994; Ármann Jakobsson and Ásdís Egilsdóttir 1998; 1999; Orri ­Vésteinsson
2000, 112–32, esp. 116–19; Ásdís Egilsdóttir 2002, xxxii–lii, esp. xxxii–xliv.

Introduction

xvii

property but on Jón Loptsson’s immoral affair with the bishop’s sisterand the latter’s attempt to force him to give up this concubine, as wellas on the immorality of other chieftains with whom Þorlákr had to deal.
These events are not omitted in the A-version but merely referred to, in
accordance with this version’s overall tendency to emphasise the generalover the particular.
It seems likely that the B-version exaggerates Þorlákr’s claims ­regarding
church property, since no more nearly contemporary sources (such as­earlier bishops’ sagas or Sturlunga saga) indicate that this was a heatedissue in the 1180s. The saga itself remarks that Þorlákr got nowhere withhis claims, and one might wonder if he really did pursue them as ardently
as the saga insists, or whether it suited his successor, Bishop Árni Þorláksson, to portray Þorlákr as just as driven and energetic in this matter as hewas himself. On the other hand, both control over church property andthe morality of chieftains were issues that the archbishop of Niðaróss was­raising at the time, and there is no question that there was a conflict betweenÞorlákr and Jón Loptsson, even though the B-version’s dramatic accountof it may be exaggerated. Since scholars have noted some factual errors
in Oddaverja þáttr, the A-version may be more reliable on this score.29
It is generally assumed that both the A- and the B-versions of Þorláks
saga differ, each in its own way, from an original saga which may haveexisted in both Latin and Icelandic, or only in Latin. A few Latin fragments about Þorlákr exist, of which the oldest (in AM 386 4to) may befrom c.1200. These include a text about Bishop Klœngr and his ascetic
ways which has been omitted from both the extant A- and B-versions.
Ásdís Egils­dóttir has compared these texts to the Icelandic versions andconcluded that the Latin text was fuller in some respects, shorter in others(2002, cix–cxxiv).30 We may thus regard it as yet another Þorláks saga.
29 The historical and ecclesiastical context of staðamál is treated in Jón Jóhannes­

son 1956–58, II 89–109; Björn Þorsteinsson 1978, 129–43, 202–09; Guðrún Ása
Grímsdóttir 1998, xxvii–xli; Gunnar F. Guðmundsson 2000, 34–36, 84–93; Magnús Stefánsson 1978, 123–30; 2000; 2002; 2005. More generally on ­proprietarychurches as an ecclesiastical phenomenon see Magnús Már Lárusson 1968.
30 There are four fragments: AM 386 4to I from c.1200 (Lat. I), AM 386 4to II
from the early thirteenth century (Lat. II), AM 670e 4to 24–26 and 28–30 (ÁrniMagnússon’s copy of a no longer extant medieval manuscript), a fragment in
The National Archive of Iceland from the later fourteenth century (Lat. III) anda liturgical text in Breviarium Nidrosiense from 1519 (Lat. IV). See edited texts
in Byskupa s†gur 1938–78, 159–74; Latínubrot um Þorlák byskup (including atranslation into Modern Icelandic by Gottskálk Jensson); cf. also Brot af Þorlákss†gu hini elztu and Latínsk lesbókarbrot um Þorlák. Kirsten Wolf has translated

xviiiÞorláks saga

The miracles of Þorlákr are related in various texts. In addition to themiracles concisely related in the A-, B- and C-versions are those collected
in Jarteinabók elzta, which dates from c.1200. There are also two latercollections of miracles appended to two of the C manuscripts.31 Whilethese miracle collections share some material, they vary a great deal instyle and content. The two C collections are the most extensive and tend toemphasise the particular, firmly tying each miracle to a place or a person,
in some cases even a year (the latest date being 1325). Jarteinabók elzta
seems on the other hand to be intended for a foreign audience, as namesof individuals and places are glossed as if unfamiliar (‘a noble magnate
called Gizurr’, ‘a good farm named Breiðabólstaðr’), and they are usually
not geographically located with any precision.32
5
It has already been mentioned that Þorláks saga A emphasises the generalrather than the particular. This is particularly evident in the part of thesaga dealing with Þorlákr’s years in office. His actions are not listed year
by year but presented in an account of his general behaviour. Very few
names are mentioned and the saga tends to avoid particular cases whendescribing Þorlákr’s customs. He is said to have admonished some priests
who were less virtuous than they should have been, but none is identified.
There is much talk of Þorlákr defending the institution of marriage but,unlike Oddaverja þáttr with its narrative of the affairs of Bæjar-Högni
and Jón Loptsson, the saga names no names in that context either. The
passage of time is absent from Þorlákr’s reign; his behaviour remains
constant throughout these fifteen years. It is clear that, to this author,
the saint transcends time in remaining with his community after death.33
the Latin fragments into English (1989). See Bjarni Aðalbjarnarson 1958; Jakob
Benediktsson 1969; Gottskálk Þór Jensson 2003; 2004; 2009.
31 For edited texts see Jarteinabók Þorláks byskups in forna, Jarteinabók Þorláks
byskups önnur, Þorláks saga byskups C, and the earlier (1858) standard editions
Jarteinabók Þorláks frá 1199, Önnur jarteinabók Þorláks, Jarteinir úr Þorláks
sögu hinni ýngstu; cf. also note 2 above.
32 The miracle collections and their textual and cultural contexts are addressedin Einar Ól. Sveinsson 1936; Holtsmark 1938; Loth 1984; Seip 1963; Piebenga
1993; Kratz 1994; Kuhn 1994; Whaley 1994; Ásdís Egilsdóttir 2002, lxxx–cviii.
For Scandinavian context see, e.g., Gad 1961; Lundén 1950. For the place of
miracles in medieval mentality and culture see, e.g., Ward 1982; Finucane 1977.
33 For comparison between the A-version’s hagiographical generality andthe transformed focus in the B-version on particularities, see especially Ásdís
Egilsdóttir 2002, lii–lxxx; cf. also entries cited in note 28 above.

Introduction

xix

In the account of Þorlákr’s early years the historico-biographical tradition
is more prominent. The saga relates his birth, education and consecration,
including a claim that he was urged to marry but decided against it withthe help of advice in a dream from a noble-looking man, presumably someemissary of God, not to marry since the Church is to be his bride. He thenenters the canonical order, first along with Bjarnheðinn at Kirkjubœr andthen as the abbot of the monastery of Þykkvabœr. Þorlákr thus becomesthe first bishop of Iceland who is also an Augustinian monk. The ­accountis interspersed with biblical quotations, showing that the narrative ofÞorlákr’s life has a religious function and a clear moral. This is a life
encompassed in the edicts of the Bible, with frequent references to thePauline letters.34
The style of the saga resembles the learned style of Old Icelandictranslations of religious texts from the twelfth century which tends to be
simple and straightforward.35 It is slightly less sparse and succinct thanthe prose style of the Sagas of Icelanders, which may have developed thischaracteristic in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries. The
sentences are often longer, sometimes confusingly so. The author is not
shy of making judgements and interpreting the life of the saint, putting it
into the proper context of a vita.
The last part of the saga deals with Þorlákr’s death and his subsequentcult and miracles. This is a narrative replete with people, even though mostof them are not mentioned by name. The main emphasis in this part is StÞorlákr’s function in his community. He is in the background now, as thesupernatural helper invoked by the distinguished as well as the poor, theyoung and the despairing. He helps people find their fishing hooks andfetters, sets seals and whales adrift on the shores where people who need
the meat can find them, and can even send two ships in opposite ­directions,each aided by a favourable wind. He cures hands, throats, eyes and gastricdiseases, rids people of kidney-stones and helps the blind to see again. He
helps those who get burned and those who are possessed by demons. A
local saint, like a country doctor, cannot specialise too much. Þorlákr comesto the lowly and the great, and gives aid in minor as well as major trouble.
The author ends by emphasising Þorlákr’s fame. He is a saint not onlyfor Iceland but for all the North. He is venerated in Norway, England,
Sweden, Denmark, Greenland, Shetland, Orkney and Caithness. Thus,
according to his saga, Þorlákr is more famous than Iceland itself. In a
34 See the notes to the text for relevant biblical quotations. The indispensablereference source is Kirby 1976–80.
35 On this style, see e.g. Þorleifur Hauksson and Þórir Óskarsson 1994, 183–96.

xxÞorláks sagacountry desperate for attention from the outside world, as Iceland has
tended to be, this makes him a true culture hero.
6
One might expect Þorláks saga, as a religious text, to have been read aloudfrequently in Skálaholt and presumably in other centres of the ­Icelandic
church, to a mixed but devoted audience.36 The text has a function within
the cult of the saint and the author is palpably aware of this. The ­narrativeis replete with moral learning, clearly aimed at the faithful for their moral
and spiritual advancement. Þorlákr’s life becomes a vehicle for the wisdomof St Paul, the Gospels and the Psalms. His studies with Eyjólfr bring to
the author’s mind the importance of the imitatio Christi. Þorlákr and Bjarnheðinn together remind him of the apostles going two and two together
into the world, becoming ‘the light of the world’. Þorlákr’s lack of renown
before his election as bishop becomes a lesson in humility. And Þorlákr’slack of eloquence and his sufferings when speaking in public demonstratethat it is not always by eloquence that a man can lead, he can also teachby his own good example (docere verbo et exemplo).37
Þorlákr is clearly established in the narrative as a role model for clerics
and all virtuous men. One of the things that can be gained from his good
example is a love for books and reading and his audience might well havebeen thankful that he also loved stories, songs, music and dreams. IndeedÞorlákr sometimes comes across as devout to the point of dullness, but
the only thing he seems to have disapproved of is leikar ‘games’ which
are unfortunately not depicted in detail: perhaps the word refers to major
sporting events or to those types of game where money is wagered andchanges hands.
In spite of an emphasis on St Þorlákr’s strictness and some allusions to
his stern rebukes, he is portrayed as a loving and a much-loved saint. It is
36 On the recitation of hagiographical legends see Sverrir Tómasson 1988,
303–23 (with extensive citations of primary and secondary literature illuminating recitations in general); see also Sverrir Tómasson 1982, 11; 1992, 422–23.
On les and ræðingar (lectiones), lesbækr (lectionaria) and bréfer (breviaria) see
Helander 1957; Gjerløw 1965.
37 This is acknowledged by Gregory the Great in his Cura pastoralis and­increasingly adopted as a maxim in the twelfth century, primarily by Augustiniancanons. See Bynum 1979; 1982. Although Gregory’s Dialogi was probably more
widely read than the Pastoral Care, the latter was well-known in Skálaholt: thefirst bishop Þorlákr had it recited on his deathbed (Hungrvaka, 26). Gregory’spresence in early Icelandic learning is made evident in Boyer 1973.

Introductionxxi

less clear who loved him. Unlike St Jón of Hólar, who is shown within athriving community of clerics, students, scholars and hermits, Þorlákr isalone on the stage of his tale.38 Hardly anyone else is mentioned by name;the emphasis is on Þorlákr alone, a virtuous man singular in his saintly
behaviour and his close relationship with God.
7
Þorláks saga was first published in 1858 in the edition of Jón Sigurðsson and Guðbrandur Vigfússon, which included the A- and B-versions(Biskupa sögur 1858–78). Guðni Jónsson used this edition in his popular
edition of the Biskupa sögur (Byskupa sögur1948, reprinted 1981), whichcontained Þorláks saga A, Oddaverja þáttr and some additional miracle
collections. Jón Helgason in 1950 produced a facsimile edition of Stockh.
Perg. No. 5, which includes Þorláks saga (the A-version), Jóns saga andGuðmundar saga (Byskupa sögur . . . 1950) and in 1978 edited Þorláks
saga, concentrating on the A-version but including additional material
from the B- and C-versions, as well as the additional miracle collections
and the Latin fragments (Byskupa s†gur 1938–78). His edition had no
introduction but proved very useful to later editors. Ásdís Egilsdóttir was
responsible for a popular edition of the A-version of the saga in 1989 inconnection with the visit of the Pope to Iceland (Þorláks saga helga . . .
1989), and in 2002 edited Þorláks saga for the Íslenzk fornrit series. This
is now the definitive edition of Þorláks saga, including the A- and B/Cversions, all the medieval miracle collections and the Latin fragments ofthe saga. It has an extensive and informative introduction and detailed
notes, and has formed the basis for the present translation.
Despite these several editions of the Icelandic text, this is the firsttranslation of the saga into English to be published since 1895 (Leith
1895). The syntax of the original is sometimes tortuous and the expression
often oblique. This translation aims to make the sense as clear as possible
whilst retaining the flavour of the author’s style. While David Clark has
mainly been responsible for the translation and Ármann Jakobsson for
the introduction and notes, the two have collaborated closely throughout
the project.

38 A recent and thorough analysis of the style, characteristics and general outlookof Jóns saga helga is found in Foote 2003.

Þorláks saga

1

THE SAGA OF BISHOP ÞORLÁKR
CHAPTER ONE
At the time when Pope Anacletus ruled God’s Church,1 and Magnús­Sigurðarson and Haraldr Gilchrist were kings over Norway,2 Saint ­Þorlákr
was born in the region in Iceland which is called Fljótshlíð, at the farmstead
called Hlíðarendi,3 in the year Bishop Þorlákr Runólfsson died.4 They
bore the same name not because he was named after Bishop Þorlákr, butrather because that One who knows all and rules all wanted to honour
the earlier Bishop Þorlákr, so that his name would always be loved andexalted by all those people who have been destined since to hear and toknow the glory of the blessed Bishop Þorlákr. Almighty God has granted
that glory to the blessed bishop’s name of which Solomon the Wise spoke
formerly, saying that a good name was better than great riches.5 And truly
it was a good name, sanctified in holy baptism and blessed afterwards withepiscopal rank. In this the proverb has proved true that ‘what the wise
say comes to pass’,6 since that name is now better than much gold to themany who call upon him in their need. It has proved no less true in thiscase, in so far as Holy Scripture says in another place that ‘a good nameis better than costly ointment’,7 since it now often turns out that a cure is
speedily brought about by the invocation of his name for what could not
be healed before, either by ointments or by those medicines which people
had used and tried in vain.
CHAPTER TWOÞorlákr’s father was Þórhallr and his mother Halla. They were popular andaccomplished: he had been a merchant before he established his household, and she was thrifty and very wise.8 They were both of good family
and had distinguished ancestors.9 And it can now be seen clearly that
God has eminently fulfilled what he promised us by the mouth of David
the prophet: that the kindred of the righteous would be blessed,10 and it
can be seen that this has now been fulfilled beautifully and come to passin the life of the blessed Bishop Þorlákr. Þorlákr’s closest kinsmen wererighteous and upstanding; the family was large but its funds insufficient.
Þorlákr was young when his father and mother broke up their household.11 He was unlike most young people in his upbringing, easily guided
and compliant in everything. He was obedient and endeared himself to all,2Þorláks saga

was quiet and reserved in everything, able and eager to learn from an earlyage. He had studied the psalter before the separation of his mother andfather’s children, but he had scant other book-learning at first. However,from an early age he was already so attentive that many wise men spoke
admiringly of him.12 And, although he did not have much formal learningin childhood, he behaved as though he had learned nearly everything thatmight become him better than before. He had nothing to do with games orloose living. He was alert and even-tempered, and it could soon be seenthat he would follow that counsel which David teaches in the psalter: thata man must turn away from evil and do good, seek peace and pursue it.13
CHAPTER THREE
When his mother saw in her wisdom, with divine foresight,14 what anexcellent cleric Þorlákr might become from his good mode of life if his
education continued, then mother and son entered the most importantcentre of Oddi15 under the protection of Eyjólfr Sæmundarson the priest,16
who had both great authority and sound learning, and a greater share ofvirtue and good sense than most others. And we have heard the blessedÞorlákr bear witness about him, that it seemed to him he had scarcely everencountered such an excellent man as he was,17 and he showed afterwards
concerning his master that he did not want to let pass away from him thewholesome counsel which the blessed Apostle Paul gave to his disciples,
addressing his listeners thus: ‘Be imitators of me as I am of Christ’,18 for
it often happened when we praised his upright behaviour19 that he said it
followed the customs of Eyjólfr Sæmundarson his foster-father.20 It was
fitting that he praised him highly in his conversation, because he wasindebted to him.
Eyjólfr valued Þorlákr most of all of his disciples in everything whichpertained to the priesthood, for he saw from his wisdom and his conduct
what afterwards proved true, that he would rise above them all in this, as
is told later.
Þorlákr took holy orders at an early age when he was made a deacon by
Bishop Magnús, and he was fifteen years old when the bishop died. And
his ordination proceeded quickly because the authorities found that hehimself paid attention to and heeded to the utmost the obligations whichpertained to each of the ordinations that he received.21 And as quickly as
his education and ordination proceeded, he foresightedly attained withresolute steadfastness all the good qualities which belonged to the orders.
He bore in mind, while his learning was smaller and his orders lesser, what
the wise and holy Bishop Isidore says: that it is useful both to learn muchÞorláks saga

3and to live rightly, but if both cannot be achieved then it is more glorious
to live well.22 He also took care, though humility and service accompanied
the lesser ordinations rather than the great honour of worldly esteem, thathe held to all those virtues which ought to accompany the lesser offices,
when he was elevated to the higher duties and esteem with the greaterorders. This was his employment from an early age: that he spent a longtime at his reading and was often writing, in between he was at prayer,
and, when nothing else hindered him, he learned what his mother could
teach him: genealogy and family history.23
CHAPTER FOUR
After Bishop Magnús had died there was for a time no bishop at Skálaholt, and few clerics were being ordained. It was then decided to ask
Bishop Bj†rn to perform ordinations at the Althing,24 and he acceded tothe people’s request and Þorlákr was ordained as priest then along withmany other clerics.25 And when he was priest and he himself took up therule and the oversight of services, it quickly became clear how careful andattentive he would be about his services and in all else that was placed in
his charge with the ordination he had received. He then still proceeded
humbly in his actions as before and accepted for himself in the first yearsof his priesthood small but profitable parishes and kept them for a time,26
and it turned out well for him in terms both of money and of popularity,
for pretty much everyone who was near him loved him dearly. Many
good precedents have also been set by the blessed Þorlákr which havebeen scarce with many others,27 in that he was at the same time bothyoung and old: young in age but old in counsel. He then clothed himself
anew in many virtues and most of all that virtue which David called themost needful for clerics: that they should clothe themselves with helpful
counsel and righteousness;28 and he showed it afterwards all his life inthat he almost never let slip out of his hands what needed to be done, andall who were in his neighbourhood benefited.
And when things had proceeded in this way for some time and he had
become well off, he became eager to journey abroad, for he wanted to
explore the way of life of other good men. So he travelled from Iceland,
but nothing is told of his travels until he came to Paris and he remained
at school there as long as he deemed necessary for the study of what hewanted to learn there. From there he went to England and was at Lincoln
and undertook much further study there, profitable both to himself andto others,29 and he then had a lot of good things to share in his teachings
since he was scarcely so well instructed before as he was now.

4Þorláks saga

And when he had been away from Iceland for six years he went back tovisit his kinsmen and native land, and his family and foster-brothers andall his loving friends rejoiced,30 and his mother and his sisters above all,since they had the greatest interest in it but the greatest loss if anything
had hindered his coming back. His mother accompanied him continuously
after he came back to Iceland, and he lovingly granted aid to his sisters:
Ragnheiðr, mother of Páll (who afterwards became bishop after BishopÞorlákr), and the other, Eyv†r, and for a very long time he was greatly
vexed by their behaviour, which was not to his way of thinking.31 And
yet it came to a good conclusion at last, with God’s grace and the goodmanagement of those people who had a part in it and their own goodwill.
He still exhibited the same humility, or more, when he came back fromhis journey as he had had before, and he had not sought showiness or thefinery of this world, as does many another who gains less furtherance
and good fortune in their going away than he had gained. It is also thecustom of many men that they equip themselves more carefully withweapons and clothes when they come back from a voyage, when they
have more choice concerning such things than has been given to them
before. But as the fruits of his journey, Þorlákr displayed learning andhumility and many good customs which he had seen on his journey inmany good men, bishops and other learned and upright men, those whohave come closer to the place where God’s Church originated and hassince grown stronger.
CHAPTER FIVEÞorlákr remained with his kinsmen for some years and he then had a very
sizeable amount of property in his hands. And many wise men who werenear him saw that he was then even better-disposed with regard to manythings that were great and good—which were very important—than before
he went away.
And no long time had passed before Þorlákr’s kinsmen urged that heshould establish himself somewhat better than was then the case, andthey wished most of all that he would marry. It seemed to them that they
could see that he was a man of means and a prudent man in most things.
But God’s Church has long grown strong and increased in might, and theobligations of learned men have also grown in terms of ordinances, because
then not much fault was found by the authorities even if priests married
widows, but now that is forbidden.32 But then those women in the district
who seemed to be the best matches were widows. Now Þorlákr was urged
to adopt this course of action, and he then went along with his kinsmen toÞorláks saga

5

the farmstead called Háfr and intended to ask for the hand of that worthy
widow who lived there, and they were received very well indeed there.33
But when they went to sleep after receiving fine hospitality, the verysame night a man of noble appearance and in seemly clothing appearedto Þorlákr in a dream, and he spoke: ‘What would your mission be here,’he says, ‘if you could decide?’Þorlákr answered: ‘I do not know what will happen,’ he says.
The one who appeared to him in the dream spoke: ‘I know,’ he said,‘that you intend to ask for a wife here. But you must not let that matter
come up, because that will not happen. A much better bride is intended
for you, and you shall take no other.’
And when he had spoken this, he vanished from his sight and Þorlákr
wakes up. And he was then so dissuaded from this matter that he neverasked for a woman’s hand from that time on. They went away and Þorlákr
and the woman were good friends ever after. But his companions foundit rather strange that he was so changeable in this matter until they knew
what had occurred, but then all who knew about it were content. After
this whole incident his mind was not kindled to pride, though it had been
revealed to him by God that he intended a better destiny for him than his
kinsmen had intended and he himself had consented to. He rather embraced
humility all the more firmly, following the example of all the best people,
who have all become the more humble the higher they have gone up in
God’s sight—following the wise counsel of Almighty God when he saysthat everyone who humbles himself will be raised up,34 and ‘learn fromme, for I am gentle and humble in my heart, and you will find rest foryour souls.’35 And before things had long gone on in this way, it quickly
became clear what he had in mind.
CHAPTER SIX
At that time an excellent cleric led the farmstead called Kirkjubœr at Síða.
He was called Bjarnheðinn and in the judgement of the whole people was
the most excellent of men.36 He was a wise and popular man, generous
and eloquent, gentle and very learned.37 And when each of them learned
about the other—he and Þorlákr—then each of them became eager to live
together with the other, and God granted that to them since he is accustomed to grant righteous men their just desires. And Þorlákr then went tostay at Kirkjubœr38 and remained there for six years in total, and they thenexperienced that which God says: that ‘my yoke is easy and my burden islight.’39 That was both because strong beasts of burden were placed underthe yoke and also because they bore it easily, for they then started to bear

6Þorláks saga

nearly all the responsibilities on behalf of all those people inhabiting the
districts close by them. They also dealt with their subordinates in sucha way that they took from them the heavy burdens which had been laidon them because of their offences and abusive language against God andgood men, and because of their indulgence of the devil, and laid uponthem instead God’s light and mild burdens, in easily borne penances
and undemanding acts of atonement. They took upon themselves in aremarkable way those names by which Almighty God called his apostles
the light of the world,40 because they lit up the path of mercy which leads
to eternal rejoicing both with their excellent teaching in words and with
their glorious examples.41 It could be seen in their daily behaviour thatthey seldom forgot what God said to his disciples: ‘Let your light shine
before men,’ he said, ‘so that they may perceive your good deeds. Glorify
your father who is in heaven.’42
Those who were with them felt as if there were nearly no times in which
they might not have something good from them. They were also so likeminded and in agreement about good, as Luke says about God’s apostles,
that it might seem as if they had a single heart and a single soul.43 It thenspread widely around the district how unlike most men they seemed to
be in their way of life. It then at once became the talk of wise men that
there was nowhere more promising to look than there, to find that man
best fitted to carry the heaviest burden in Iceland—and that was not a
misjudgement, as it later turned out.
CHAPTER SEVEN
A man called Þorkell managed the second-best farmstead in the district;
he was wealthy in possessions and wise in understanding.44 And when hestarted to get on a little and had no close relations to inherit after him, thenhe endowed his kinsmen with money,45 but retained at his own disposal
the large and fine property that was left. He then made it known that hewished to choose Christ and His holy men as the heirs of all the property
that was left, and wanted to found a canonical order in Þykkvabœr. Butthat matter was difficult to arrange at first, and because of this he sought
first to get what was most difficult—the man who might establish the rule,
which those men who wanted to settle upon a chaste life there should follow. He went then to Kirkjubœr and urged Þorlákr to undertake it, and he
was not very difficult to persuade because he had already had it in mind
to forsake the world and place himself under rule,46 according to thewords of Almighty God, when he declares no one able to be his disciple
fully unless he leaves all his possessions for God’s sake and then servesÞorláks saga

7

him afterwards with a pure heart.47 And yet he enquired of Priest Bjarnheðinn how that would suit him or how advisable it seemed to him thathe accept the responsibility that had been asked of him. And Bjarnheðinn
said that it would seem to him a momentous day when Þorlákr decided
to move away from Kirkjubœr. And yet he declared he was not greatly
disposed to discourage him from what he saw that the salvation of manymen depended upon.
Then a canonical house was established at Þykkvabœr with the advice
and guidance of Bishop Klœngr and of all the people of the district, and thenÞorlákr moved there, and a canonical order was then established there.48
And the day that Þorlákr went away for good from Kirkjubœr all the people
followed him out of the farmstead and they took parting from him verymuch to heart. And when Bjarnheðinn came home he looked into Þorlákr’s
bed-space and spoke very earnestly, saying that that particular place would
never again be equally well occupied if Þorlákr did not occupy it himself.
Þorlákr also said all his life afterwards, which was to the credit both of theplace and of those who managed it, that he had never been so content withhis lot as in those six years when he was at Kirkjubœr, and this place has
in many ways been highly honoured, and not least because it may very
likely seem that the place where he was happiest will have been the best.
Þorlákr was fully thirty-five years old when he moved to Ver and hestayed there for seven years. He first took ordination as a canon and was
at first appointed prior over the canons who were there, and he at once
ordered their life so beautifully that it was remarked by wise men that they
had never seen such good conduct where there had been a regular life forso short a time as there. And later Bishop Klœngr consecrated Þorlákr as
abbot of Ver, and he then began anew to hold a remarkable rule over thebrothers over whom he was set.49 He commanded them to maintain loveand concord between them and explained to them how much was at stake,since the Son of God says that wherever two or three gathered together in
his name that he would be among them.50 He upheld the strictest conduct
on their behalf, and indeed they behaved well in every regard.
CHAPTER EIGHT
Halla, Þorlákr’s mother, was with him his whole life while she lived, but hehad settled money on both his sisters before he resolved upon the monastic
life. He was affectionately disposed toward all his kinsmen then as before,
and a spiritual father to all of those over whom he was placed. He forbade
the brothers any roaming about and all journeys for which there was nonecessity,51 but bade them be steadfast in all good things in their service,8Þorláks saga

just as the Apostle Paul has taught in his epistle: ‘Pray without ceasing’, hesays, ‘and give thanks to God in all things.’52 God’s Son Himself also saysthat everyone will be saved if he stands firm in good deeds right up until
the end of his life.53 He bade them carefully maintain silence when thatwas due, but use wholesome language when conversation was permitted,
and according to the words of the Apostle Paul: ‘Evil speech,’ he says,‘destroys good conduct.’54 It can also be seen why one ought in this life
to keep oneself from worldly and evil words, if it is even wrong for good
to be spoken when one should be silent, as David says in the Psalms: ‘I
am humble,’ he said, ‘and I kept silent over good things.’55 He seemed
humble because he was always more eager to speak good than evil, andyet he often refrained from both of them for God’s sake.
Men went to Abbot Þorlákr’s canon’s seat from other monasteries orplaces of the Rule, both his own countrymen and foreigners, to see and tolearn good conduct there, and each one who went there bore witness thatthey had never been to a place in which the life seemed to have been lived as
beautifully as the one Þorlákr had established. Then, for the first time, manymen realised that there was much good to be seen where he was on accountof his goodness, which others had not managed to bring about themselves.
Many of those who came to meet him with various troubles went away wholeafter meeting him when he gave them his blessing and chanted over them.
Many other things happened to him which many regarded even then as
miracles. This event occurred while he was staying there that the housecaught fire, but when Þorlákr came and blessed the house the fire abated.
If the livestock sickened then they always recovered with his chanting
over them, if they were destined to live.56 His consecration of water was
remarkable, for both men and cattle were cured by it. If water that Þorlákr
had consecrated was sprinkled over the cattle then they were almost neverharmed by sickness, weather or wild beasts. If mice did harm to food or
clothes then their numbers were reduced or they disappeared altogether
because of the water which was sprinkled over them, and if the people
did everything as he advised. The water then soon travelled around all theneighbouring region and around the whole of Iceland after Þorlákr became
bishop, because people everywhere seemed to find in it a remedy for thatfor which there was most need. And yet wise men were wary, in speaking,of calling them plain miracles or of attributing them to his extraordinary
holiness, because so speaks Holy Scripture: ‘You shall not praise a manin his lifetime. Praise him after his life and magnify him according to themerit of his life.’57 And it is so spoken for this reason: that it may becomea responsibility, both to those who speak before the end of someone’s lifeÞorláks saga

9

is fully known, and it may also be that this thought itself entices the mindof the man toward pride. And it can now be seen how well this has turned
out, that men have followed wholesome counsel in this matter, since few
praised him overmuch in life but now they seek to praise and glorify him
in every way they can, now that they know his glory and holiness.
CHAPTER NINE
As the conduct and life of Saint Þorlákr shone with such a blossom of
purity and goodness and fair prudence in all other matters as has just beensaid,58 Almighty God caused the way to be prepared for what he had previously planned: that his honour should be magnified and grow from what it
was then. And it happened in this way, that when Bishop Klœngr became
overcome with age,59 he was stricken with a serious illness. His legs brokeout in sores, and he then became completely incapable of performing his
office on account of illness. However, he had received permission from
Archbishop Eysteinn for a man to be selected as bishop after him.60 BishopKlœngr went to the Althing then and asked of his friends that a man should
be chosen to journey abroad,61 and meetings were set up for it.
That same summer, as if sent by God, Abbot Þorlákr went to the Althing
because it seemed to him necessary to go, since it was never his custom
to go from home unnecessarily. When the discussion began about thismatter three men were nominated for election who seemed best suited inevery way, and one of them was Abbot Þorlákr. The second abbot wascalled Õgmundr, a very notable man; the third man was a priest who wascalled Páll, a great scholar and a successful farmer.62 It bore fine witness
to each of them that each felt most eager to support the one that he knew
best. But it worked against Þorlákr that he had not much exalted himself inthat pride which is called conceit,63 and he praised his good deeds more in
the sight of God than of men, and he strove more to surpass other men in
goodness rather than to appear so in the eyes of those of little discernment.
And the result was that he seemed to many the least well-known of those
who were up for election, and this was understandable because he had
not been a very close neighbour to many men in their homes and regions.
Þorlákr was reticent at this meeting, but many of the others, who ­accrued
less credit from their big words than he, had much to say. It was thenenquired of Þorkell Geirason, whose truthfulness was known and who ofwise and noble men was most knowledgeable about Þorlákr’s conduct,what kind of leader Þorlákr might be or how eloquent he might be. ButÞorkell answered: ‘Þorlákr strives,’ he says, ‘to do everything best rather
than to talk most.’

10Þorláks saga

People were pleased with this answer, and many at once regarded Þorlákr
with more affection when they heard such worthy testimony to his modeof life from such a wise and even-tempered man. The conclusion of thematter was that the election was devolved to Bishop Klœngr, so that hewas to choose from those who were under consideration. And he choseÞorlákr to journey abroad and to take consecration as bishop after him
and all the responsibility which belonged to it.64
Lord Abbot Þorlákr went from the Thing back to his canonry, andasked Bishop Klœngr to have the management of the see and church thatseason.65 And then the finances of Skálaholt became very difficult: there
were large expenses but small donations. He was not able to travel on his
visits, and all the gifts ceased and things could not go on like this every
season as if there were no need for substantial provisions.
CHAPTER TEN
After Christmas men were sent from Skálaholt for the bishop-elect, andhe travelled from the east at Lent and Jón Loptsson, who was then thegreatest chieftain in Iceland, along with him, and they came to the church
in Skálaholt half a month before Easter, and Gizurr Hallsson was there
already.66 There were also other men there, who were the bishop’s friends
and the pillars of the community. Þorlákr then took up the oversight of thechurch, and a large debt was incurred then at once for those necessities
which the estate had to have.67 He then ­immediately had great trouble,
both because of the unwanted presence of men68 and other difficulties
about which he was troubled, but he bore them all patiently.
Bishop Klœngr lay in bed with little strength and Þorlákr remained at
Skálaholt, because men did not want him to travel abroad on accountof the hostilities which then existed between Norway and Iceland,69
since there were unsettled cases which had arisen between the lands
from killings and property seizures, and that delayed him for someyears. But when Bishop Klœngr died70 and the time came that it seemedto him necessary that Skálaholt should not be without a bishop any
longer than had already been the case, he did not allow himself to beheld back any longer from the journey abroad. It made no difference
that he was dissuaded from going on account of the hostilities. He
adopted the words of the Apostle Paul: ‘You should not tremble infear of wicked men,’ he said.71 Then he was ready to go abroad, andhe wished to have neither much money, compared to what others had
had, nor any great entourage, and he got on well with his journey until
they reached Norway.

Þorláks saga

11

CHAPTER ELEVEN
When Bishop-Elect Þorlákr72 came to meet Archbishop Eysteinn,73 hereceived him remarkably well and quickly let it be known that he would
happily do everything on his part that he deemed his duty, but he would notgive him the rank of bishop unless the king’s consent had been ­obtained.
Ruling over Norway then were the father and son—King Magnús andJarl Erlingr, his father74—and they took Þorlákr’s whole case badly andfrom them came threats instead of relief such that neither property nor
men would be safe. But Þorlákr paid that little heed and thereby showed
his steadfastness to be just as David teaches in the Psalter, that ‘it is better to trust God than chieftains’,75 and because of this he let it pass. But
the archbishop felt he was in great difficulties because he wanted to love
both parties, and he wished to heed what the Apostle Paul teaches in his
epistle: ‘Fear God,’ he says, ‘and honour the king’.76 It could also be seenin everything that he wanted to honour both parties fully in this matter. The
archbishop then bore messages between them and other well-intentioned
men, and it came about that the king and the jarl consented to Þorlákr taking
consecration as bishop, and the appearance of friendship was brought about
between them and they gave each other gifts before they parted. And King
Sverrir, who was both noteworthy in speech and wise in understanding,often mentioned that everything went easiest for the father and son when
there was friendship between them all and Þorlákr remained in the land,
both in battle and nearly everything else.77
Then Þorlákr was consecrated as bishop by Archbishop Eysteinn in thedays of Pope Alexander,78 three nights after the passion-day of the Apostle
Peter.79 Present at the consecration was Bishop Eiríkr of Stafangr wholater was Archbishop in Þrándheimr after Archbishop Eysteinn.80 The thirdpresent at Bishop Þorlákr’s consecration was Páll, bishop of Bergen, a mostoutstanding man and a friend of Bishop Þorlákr all his life afterwards.81
Bishop Þorlákr remained only a short time with the archbishop after hehad been consecrated because he knew full well how urgent the need wasfor his return to Iceland and the sheep over whom he had been set. And
when Bishop Þorlákr had parted from the archbishop, the other bishops
asked what he had thought of Bishop Þorlákr.
He said that he thought he had never consecrated a bishop82 whom hedeemed fully his equal in all the qualities which a bishop should have,as the Apostle Paul says in the epistle which he sent to Titus: ‘It is fitting,’ he said, ‘that a bishop be innocent and educated, diffident and no
drinker, open-handed, not avaricious, clever and kind-hearted, helpful
and hospitable, upright and honest, spotless in life and sage in counsel,

12Þorláks sagatrue and trustworthy, kind and quick of speech, affectionate with folk but
harsh with the heedless.’83 And one can see it is for a holy man to followthat way of life.
‘I cannot tell you how wise his way of life has seemed to me,’ said thearchbishop, ‘better than by saying that I would choose to have the last
day of my life such as I saw every one of his days to be.’ And it can now
be seen how wise and clear-sighted he was about the state of the blessed
Bishop Þorlákr.
CHAPTER TWELVE
When summer came Þorlákr took passage in a ship and put out to sea
with his companions and had a good voyage, and they took harbour where
they would have chosen, and the bishop came home to Skálaholt the day
before the Feast of St Laurence.84 People were very glad at his coming
and he began at once calmly to rule in those matters which came before
him with authoritative probity. He nevertheless closely maintained thecanonical rule in everything that he could bring about when he was madebishop: in terms of dress and of vigils and fasts and prayer-meetings. He
began to reform the household customs and home affairs, which reforms
were well kept in his day in many respects.
Bishop Þorlákr felt most love and affection for those priests and clerics who lived chastely and held their offices in approximately the way­appointed, and honourably regarded and happily established them as far as
it was in his power to do so. But those clerics who set less store by good
behaviour and held their offices unwarily he admonished with kindly commands to do better and turn their conduct into the right path along with theconduct of those for whom they had to answer. But those who were not
moved by soft admonitions he rebuked with stern words in moderation andgentle chastisement, just as the Apostle Paul taught Timothy: ‘You shallwarn and pray and rebuke with all patience and the aim of instruction.’85
He thought carefully about the church’s property and always set men overits financial administration so that he himself might be as free as possible
from that occupation, and still the assets of the church were augmented as
far as was possible, and still they had everything that they needed. 86 And
his management of financial matters was so judicious that all wise men soon
spoke of how good his guidance seemed to be in all matters.87
And, however much time he spent in the disposition of that whichpertained to the property so that it all proceeded in the best manner, henonetheless gave the most thought to what pertained to the church and thatthe clerics were provided for as well as possible in every way. Moreover,Þorláks saga

13

it went along with this that he also took great pains over all the divine
services of the clerics and lovingly taught them all the services which
their ordination obliged them to perform. He gathered together clerics forthe highest festivals in Skálaholt and explained what each of them should
do so that all that they were obliged to perform proceeded beautifully inthe sight of God. And as much as he took pains over others, he himself
did everything best so that nearly everyone could distinguish him frommost other clerics in terms of how excellently he performed all services
in God’s sight so that it was a delight to see and hear.
Bishop Þorlákr often taught lessons, and that was a great trial because
speech was difficult and painful for him, but the words were so sweet andwell put together that what David says in the psalter always came into theminds of those who listened to his lessons: that ‘sweeter are your utter­ancesin my throat, O Lord,’ he says, ‘than honey and the honeycomb in mymouth.’88 Bishop Þorlákr bore out the same utterances of God by setting
such a beautiful example by his life that none so glorious could be foundin the life of any person living at the same time.
Bishop Þorlákr kept long vigils at night when others slept, andprayed earnestly that he might achieve for himself what God promised:‘Blessed is that servant,’ he says, ‘whom the Lord finds keeping watch
when he comes to visit him.’89 And that is also mentioned in God’scommandment when he speaks thus himself: ‘Watch,’ he says, ‘for you
do not know at what time the Lord will come.’90 And it has proved thatthese hours were seldom out of Þorlákr’s mind, because now has comeabout for him what God promised to those who were often found inwise vigils: that he would place them over all good things belonging
to him after this life.91
CHAPTER THIRTEEN
Bishop Þorlákr the Holy fasted often when he was home at his see and in
this he bore in mind what the Lord himself said in the Gospel, that there
were some kinds of demonic temptations which cannot be overcome except
with fasting and praying,92 and he therefore let the same be seen in his life:that he wanted to rise above all demonic temptations. He consoled those
who had been sorrowful and told them what the Lord himself said: thatblessed are those who mourn now for they shall afterwards be comforted,93
and what Christ said to his apostles in another Gospel: ‘Your sorrow shallbe turned into rejoicing,’ he says.94
Bishop Þorlákr reconciled and brought into agreement those who had
been wrathful and discordant and told them, as was said and is true, that

14Þorláks saga

anger greatly blunts men’s integrity while it continues, as the Apostle Paulsays, that God’s righteousness and the wrath of man have nothing in common,95 and in another place: ‘Do not be overcome by evil, rather overcome
evil with good,’96 that is: to overcome anger with patience and goodness.
Bishop Þorlákr often looked on holy books and read over the holy
scriptures, for he never forgot what the Apostle John says in his book:‘Blessed is the one who reads and hears the words of this book and guards
those things which are written in it.’97 He often taught clerics both to readbooks and other knowledge which was useful for them. He saw how muchneed there was to teach good things, as David says in the psalter: ‘Come,
my sons, and listen to me, and I will teach you how God is to be feared.’98
He was always writing, and always wrote holy books after the exampleof the Apostle Paul when he said in his epistle: ‘We do not write to you
anything other than what there is most need for you to read and to know.’99
But whatever else Bishop Þorlákr did his lips were never still in God’s
praise and in prayer, for he was mindful of what the Apostle James says in
his epistle: that the continual prayer of a righteous man can do much before
God.100 His prayer has indeed greatly helped both himself and many others.
The bishop was mild and gentle in all good counsels, and gave wholesome counsel concerning everything about which he was approached. He
has now gained what God has promised to those who are of the disposition
about which he speaks in the Gospel: ‘Blessed are the meek, for they will
gain the earth eternally.’101
CHAPTER FOURTEEN
Bishop Þorlákr sang Mass every day, both for his own salvation and thatof others, and always bore in mind the Passion of God’s Son, and he has
now received a reward for his service all the more beautiful in proportion
to how he celebrated that sacrament more often and in a more remarkable
way than most other men. He took great pains to love poor people: heclothed the cold and fed the hungry, and it was obvious that it seldom left
his thoughts what will occur at the Day of Judgement: how much rides onwhat was done in this life for the poor.102 He also took pains, beyond whatmost good men before him have done, to have poor men called together
for the highest festivals, twelve or nine or seven at a time,103 and camesecretly to wash their feet and then dried them with his hair and gave
each of them generous alms before they went away.104 And he acted soafter God’s example rather than men’s: God who previously washed his
disciples’ feet and later allowed himself to be tortured to save all mankind.
God’s Son also spoke thus when he had washed his apostles’ feet: ‘DoÞorláks saga

15

according to my example that which I now do for you.’105 The blessedÞorlákr therefore made the foot-washing precede the merciful gift. His
intimate friends and confidants could not keep silent after his death about
what they felt they knew clearly: that he had concealed within himself theacts of mortification and of charity which he believed no-one knew about,
as God commands that the left hand shall not know what the right handdoes.106 And the bishop’s intimate friends dared not reveal more openly
afterwards what he himself wanted to have concealed thus.
Bishop Þorlákr was often accustomed to have discussions withgood and pure men, and thus acquaint himself with their customs and­strengthen them in their wholesome counsel so that they might maintaintheir virtue. He also placed careful guard on the conditions of thosemen who did <not> heed their misdeeds,107 to lead them from wrongfuldesires and call them back to the correction of their affairs even though
before they had not paid due heed,108 because the Lord said: ‘I do notdesire the death of the sinful man,’ he said, ‘rather I desire that he turnto me and live.’109 The blessed Bishop Þorlákr showed this to all of
those who wished to repent of their faults, and if they wanted to follow
his advice he was glad over them and gently helped them with lightpenances, according to what God’s prophet said: that every day that a
man wished to turn to God he would then live the good life and not die
an evil death.110 But those who would not be converted by his friendly
admonition and not give up their misconduct at his rebuke, he put someunder an indict and excommunicated some, according to what Christ
commanded his disciples: ‘You shall chastise your brothers lovingly,
but if they will not be chastised then you shall loathe them as heretics orheathens.’111 He patiently bore men’s offences against him but greatly
lamented men’s misconduct and never agreed with the immorality ofevil men because he was eager to obey what God says: ‘Blessed are thelong-suffering for they will be called the sons of God.’112 Disobedientmen pained him because he healed the spiritual wounds of his subordinates, just as was granted to the Apostle Paul concerning God’s Church
in his day so that no man had an injury or grief that it did not seem tohim that he felt all their troubles because of his love for them.113
CHAPTER FIFTEEN
Holy Bishop Þorlákr used the authority which he was given at his consecration to bind and loose the unions of men on God’s behalf,114 so thatthe balance between both parties seemed to wise and righteous men to beobserved, and neither fury or intemperance ever ensued. And indeed, dif-

16Þorláks saga

ficult though it might be, he was never so faint-hearted or soft in this, thatit could not be attributed more to meekness and mercy, even if he waited
long for many, since a correct judgement was reached in the end.115 He
often let what David says come into his mind: that the Lord loves forgiveness and righteousness, and grants glory and mercy.116
It is also to be mentioned that Bishop Þorlákr most loved that place(secondly only to Skálaholt) which he had previously adorned with his
presence. He consecrated as abbot in Ver Guðmundr Bjálfason, a goodand righteous man, gentle and free of ambition.117 Þorkell Geirason, who
was mentioned earlier in this account,118 placed himself under the Rule
there and maintained it well while he lived; he died in the ninth year of
Bishop Þorlákr’s episcopate.
In the days of Bishop Þorlákr it was made law to keep holy St Ambrose’sDay, St Cecilia’s Day and St Agnes’ Day, and to practise night fasts before
the Feasts of the Apostles and St Nicholas’ Mass.119 He sternly commanded people to keep the Friday fast so that no one should eat twice onan ordinary Friday, except for the one in Easter week.120 He kept Friday
so strictly himself that he ate only fish and vegetable foods if he was ingood health, but he was mild and moderate in this when he was ill, sothat he ate white food on Ember Days and Fridays if he was asked to doso,121 and set an example for those men who now wish to do the things
that, it is to be hoped, will seem most fitting in the sight of God. BishopÞorlákr was ill during his episcopate in the year when Christmas fell on a
Friday, and he was weak and yet he ate meat that day and showed by his
example that it was better done so.122
He took great pains to keep together those people who were joined inholy matrimony, but he laid a heavy share of fines and penances upon
those people who seriously violated it. It seemed to him that it would be
the greatest offence to God if the greatest enjoyment of this world which
he has granted to men—and, for the sake of his love and mercies and thedesires of men, made righteous and blessed what would otherwise be a
cardinal sin—if that were wretchedly insulted and wrongly violated. But
he never let the money which men paid for their misdeeds be added toother money; instead he contributed it for the purpose that those married
couples who lived well together and were penniless might stay together as
before, and that would serve those who had donated the money as some
protection and penance for their wicked deeds.123
Bishop Þorlákr broke up all those unions which he knew to be unlawfully
contracted in his days, whether greater or lesser men were involved. He
was not wholly in agreement with some men, even chieftains,124 ­becauseÞorláks saga17

he agreed only with what was fitting. It seemed to him that it was aneven greater downfall of God’s Church if noble men erred greatly. He
also deemed it no more excusable that they, who had previously had
great credit from God both in wealth and in honour, should not restrain
themselves from unlawful things.
CHAPTER SIXTEEN
Now it is to be told about the daily habits of the blessed Bishop Þorlákr:
how even-tempered he was about good things. He never said a word thatwas not to some purpose if he was called upon for it. He was so careful inhis speech that he never cursed the weather, as many do, nor any of those
things which were not reprehensible and which he saw were ­according toGod’s will. He longed for no day to come.125 He felt no great apprehension about anything except the Althing and Ember Days.126 The Althing
because it seemed to him many men who were highly thought of went
astray in their suits there, and much seemed to him to lie at stake; but theEmber Days because it seemed to him a great and momentous responsibility to ordain men who had come a long way for it when he saw inthem a serious incapacity, both on account of having little learning andof other behaviour which was disagreeable to him. However, he could
hardly bear to deny them, both on account of their own poverty and forthe sake of those men who had taught them or had sent their tokens forthem.127 But he told each of them clearly what obligations pertained toeach ordination and caused the responsibility to fall on their own heads
and those who sent them.
Þorlákr often allowed teaching to take place, for he saw that, although
it was often not listened to as sensibly as written narratives should be,128
nevertheless it hindered many men from unprofitable acts. He was so
even-tempered in his fasts when he was at home, and in vigils and prayer
whether he was at home or not, that the like could not be expected ofanyone else. He consumed so little food that nothing else seemed more
likely than that he would part from them when he suffered the most. As
far as alcohol was concerned it was never apparent that it affected him, if
he had this kind of drink. But he was so lucky with alcohol that ale neverfailed which he had blessed and made the sign of the cross over with his
hands when it was being made. He was so unpretentious and friendly atthose feasts where there was drinking that he suffered everything that was
not unseemly. But when Bishop Þorlákr drank water or non-intoxicating
liquor he proceeded with it so moderately and with such abstinence thathe sipped three sips, or five, or seven, but almost never more.129 He also

18Þorláks saga

almost never drank between meal-times unless he was sick, if it was nota public banquet.
Bishop Þorlákr was never completely well during his episcopate, andthat was as was to be expected since the Apostle Paul says that strength ismade perfect in sickness.130 He often allowed healers to operate on him forhis pain, and showed that God has established healers so that they should
sometimes be able by God’s will to stop long discomforts with brief pains.
Bishop Þorlákr had a more rational manner in his prayers than mostother men. He first sang the Credo and Pater Noster,131 after he had signed
himself with the sign of the Cross, and the hymn Jesu nostra redemptio,132
and he allowed it to be known at once that he thought continually upon theransom with which God had redeemed mankind, and true love for God andmen, the desire of everlasting bliss and life with God, the fear of Judgement
Day and the Second Coming of the Creator to judge all mankind; all ofwhich this hymn proclaims. Then he sang the Prayers of Gregory133 while
he got dressed and after that the first psalm from the psalter, and never let
go out of his thoughts the wholesome counsel which stands in the psalm:that ‘blessed is the one who does not go after evil counsel and does notconsent to evil deeds with sinners and does not judge unjust judgements
and always heeds God’s laws’.134 But when he came to church he firstsang praise of the holy Trinity. After that he praised with song the holy
men to whom the church was consecrated, which he was then in and where
holy relics were kept. Afterwards he read the Hours of Mary,135 and afterthat he laid himself down before the altar completely prostrate, where
it was not hallowed, and prayed for a long time for all God’s Church.
And every day he sang a third of the psalter above and beyond his usual
singing, whether he was at home or not, and sang more from amongst
the psalms than other men.136 He first sang the Gloria Patri for the holy
Trinity,137 then next the Miserere mei Deus,138 then Salvum fac Pater et
Domine for all Christian people.139 But if a difficult case came before
him he sang the verse with which Solomon the Wise prayed to God in hisdays: Mitte mihi Domine auxilium de sancto.140 And when he went fromthe table he sang Benedicam Dominum in omni tempore,141 and when hegot undressed for sleep he sang the psalm where the Lord is reminded ofhis promise that they shall be safe who guard their ways justly and who
offend others neither in words nor in deeds. This psalm is Domine, quis
habitabit,142 and it was his great delight to maintain such practices, andhe hoped that some might imitate his custom. He took pleasure in stories
and songs and in all stringed and other musical instruments, in wise men’s
speech and dreams and in all that in which good men’s pleasure lay, exceptÞorláks saga

19

for games, because it seemed to him that this could hinder the profitlessbusiness of bad men.143
CHAPTER SEVENTEEN
Bishop Þorlákr dreamed a dream at the Althing where it seemed tohim he went from the church there at the Thing back to his booth andhe bore the head of the holy Martin in his embrace.144 But Páll, thepriest at Reykjaholt, a holy man,145 interpreted the dream thus: that
he himself would thereafter bear a holy bishop’s head wherever hewent. And it is now obvious to all that that is true. When the blessedÞorlákr had sat at the see at Skálaholt for fifteen years with honourand bright blossoms of all kinds of good deeds, beloved of God andof good men, merciful and upright, humble, patient and just, wearied
by men’s offences and by manifold illnesses besides, then he soughtwith his friends to give up the bishopric and submit himself afterwards
to the same canonical rule. But Almighty God did not allow this to bebrought about, for he saw his chastity and his virtuous life well sufficed for sanctity, though the honour which he had given him did notdiminish at all in men’s eyes.146
CHAPTER EIGHTEEN
The blessed Bishop Þorlákr travelled around the quarter nearest to him forthe last time and on that journey acquired the illness which led him to thegrave. He came back to Skálaholt with very little strength and lay in bed
for three months and had a serious illness, but never such severe pain thathe could not give counsel about everything and order things as he wished.
Gizurr Hallsson was then at Skálaholt, a great chieftain, wise andbenevolent.147 He often strengthened the blessed Þorlákr with beautiful
parables about holy men who bore their pains valiantly for the sake ofGod. Páll, his sister’s son, also came to find him in his illness, because
the bishop loved him most out of his kinsmen, and many of the bishop’s
friends and loved ones came to him to receive wholesome counsel from
him and to show him their love. Þorvaldr Gizurarson, a great chieftain,
came there and the blessed Þorlákr reckoned up the see’s financial ­affairs
before the clerics and chieftains, and they had greatly strengthened while
he had authority over it; and therefore, with their advice, he allottedsome money to his poor kinsmen. He gave his best household items tothe bishop who was to come after him and other things to priests, but theleast valuable ones to poor people, because he never ignored them when

20Þorláks saga

he gave gifts to his friends. He gave a gold ring to Bishop Brandr,148 but
his consecration ring to Páll, his sister’s son, and that was a predictionof his honour since he became bishop after him,149 and all thought it wasgood to be allotted something that he had owned.
Seven nights before his passing he called clerics to him and had extreme
unction administered to him, and before he was anointed he gave a longspeech, though speaking was difficult for him: ‘I lay in sickness once
before, anointed and with little strength,’ he said, ‘and I decreed that all
men who had been excommunicated by me should be free if I died. I
intended that as a comfort to them but not as an admission of error on mypart, but they credited that to me as if I thought I had gone too far againstthem when because of their crimes I excommunicated those who would
not be admonished legally, and I commanded them to be released because
I thought I was dying. But now I decree to you that all my pronouncements
shall stand againt them unless they have reconciled themselves with thepenances that I had previously ordained, or else they shall await the verdictof the bishop who comes after me.’Then he rested and said again to those who were beside him: ‘I wantto ask you to forgive me if I have done anything to you of which you did
not think well.’But all said that they had nothing to be angry with him for. And Gizurr
Hallsson spoke thus on behalf of all of them: ‘We ask you, master, thatyou forgive us for the things we have done amiss toward you, which must
be many and weighty.’
The blessed Þorlákr agreed to this forgiveness willingly. Then Gizurr
uttered that speech which it is obvious the holy spirit spoke through him:
‘We ask you, master, although you are now parting from us visibly inbodily presence, be to us a spiritual father, interceding for mercy with
Almighty God, for we firmly believe that in the spiritual life you will haveno less power with God than now.’
But Bishop Þorlákr answered nothing, in imitation of God’s Son, when
he agreed with something silently without saying a word, and he now
grants to all what he was asked for then. But for the sake of humility he
did not want to reveal that he was able to do this. And few who were by
him then could forbear weeping for sorrow.
As the bishop saw that he said: ‘Do not grieve though our living together
is interrupted, for I go according to my destiny. I have always been capableof little if others have not helped me. I am little loss to you since next after
me will come a great leader. I will comfort you in this, that I think I know
certainly that God will not adjudge me a man doomed to hell.’Þorláks saga

21

Afterwards he kissed the clerics and gave them blessings before he wasanointed. But after the extreme unction he would not speak except forwhat there was most need for, but his lips always stirred in prayer while
he was living.
And when seven nights had passed after the extreme unction, he asked fora change of clothes early on this day, but Ormr the priest, his chaplain,150
answered thus: ‘It seems to us, master, a great responsibility to move you; doyou not want to be changed into these clothes if you have not long to live?’
The bishop answered: ‘It will be fitting to move me, but I hope for mercyfrom God from the anointing and not from these clothes.’
Other clothes were then given to him and he maintained all that day
the same good customs. And when evensong was finished a certain faintness came over him, and when he raised up his eyes he said: ‘Where hasÞorkell gone now?’ But Gizurr Hallsson, that very wise man, consideredthat Þorkell had shown himself to the bishop at his death because he had
most openly encouraged him from the worldly to the pure life.
But when Bishop Þorlákr had come to the point of death, he asked forsomething to drink. And when it was carried to him, he sank onto the pillows and fell asleep blessedly unto God, and God granted him that glory
that he thirsted for at his death, just like God’s Son Himself, nor could it beassuaged earlier than in the spiritual life, for which God’s friends are always
thirsty. In the death of the blessed Bishop Þorlákr God elucidated what hesaid earlier from the mouth of David: that the death of holy men would be
glorious, because it seemed to all to be better to be beside him in death thanby many living men.151 It also occurred after his death that his face wasmuch brighter than other men’s, and his pupil was as bright in his eye as aliving man’s who was very sharp-sighted. Many wounds had befallen his
body, great and small, but all were healed as soon as he had died, and all
felt that this was a great matter but Gizurr the more because he could see
more clearly than the others. Then the body was prepared and his hair cut.
People now have that relic far and wide and derive much comfort from it.
Bishop Þorlákr died on Thursday, one night before Christmas Eve, at
sixty years old, and he had been bishop for fifteen years. There had thenpassed 1186 years since the birth of Christ.152
CHAPTER NINETEEN
After the bishop’s death his body was carried into the church and was
kept in the choir for three nights to await burial. But he was laid in theearth on the second day of Christmas, and standing by were Priest Páll,
his kinsman who became bishop after him, and many other learned men.

22Þorláks saga

There came there also the body of a poor man who was leprous, and thebishop had taken him from poverty and looked after him until the day ofhis death, and God wanted his act of mercy to be shown, which was justone of many others.
But before men left the grave of the blessed Bishop Þorlákr, Gizurr
Hallsson spoke about the events which had occurred, as was the custom
at the burial of distinguished men. He told first of what a useful man
Bishop Þorlákr had been both to the see and to all the people of the land.
Then he spoke some words to the honour of those bishops who had had
residence at the see of Skálaholt before Þorlákr had come.153 After thathe spoke thus:‘It is good to remember the witness and traditions of our ancestors about
those bishops who lived before our memory, since the one whom theyknow best seems best to everyone, and as glorious men as they have all
been in their episcopates, nevertheless it surpasses all how Þorlákr preparedhimself for the dignity of bishop far beyond all others. He was chaste all
his life, well-mannered and virtuous, liberal and just, merciful and wiseof counsel, humble but strict, meek of temper with true love and affection
for both God and men. He took consecration as a child and the wisest men
decided to increase his honour and consecration while possible, and at a
young age he placed himself under the holy Rule and maintained it right
until death. Now although it is commanded that we should not let judgement be pronounced about the condition of a man, there must be few witha prospect of salvation if he is not full of bliss, as dissimilar as he was tomost men in his life and good customs.’
He closed his speech with eloquent words.
The lay proprietors of the see and the people everywhere in the landgrieved greatly over the death of the blessed Bishop Þorlákr, for they
thought him to be more separated from people than has now proved to be
the case, since never had the sanctity or miracles of any man emerged in
Iceland before Bishop Þorlákr’s, and yet many men were comforted bybeautiful dreams where God illuminated his merit further. And yet then avery bad time and famine set in, with only one bishop in the land and he
was very old,154 and then unrest raised itself in the north.
It happened in Vatnsdalr that a truthful farmer dreamed that he seemed
to have come outside and saw a man come from the south over the heath,and he asked him how Bishop Þorlákr was, and he answered: ‘He is notcalled Þorlákr now, but rather Ruler with God.’ The farmer told the dreamto Abbot Karl and he interpreted it as meaning that the bishop would bedead and have glory with God.155

Þorláks saga

23

Gizurr Hallsson dreamed a little after the death of Bishop Þorlákr thathe seemed to see him sitting on the church at Skálaholt in his bishop’s
robes and he was blessing the people from there. And he interpreted his
dream as meaning that he would still be an overseer over his Church.
Many wise men said that either the sanctity of Bishop Þorlákr must result,or otherwise this would not be destined for Iceland, of which Archbishop
Eiríkr bore witness in the letter which he sent to Bishop Páll, saying thus:‘Our excellent brother, Bishop Þorlákr, of fine memory, we believe has
been holy in his life, but is now a glorious gemstone of power before God
and of great authority.’
CHAPTER TWENTY
A priest in the north who was called Þorvaldr156 dreamed four years157
after the death of Bishop Þorlákr that he came to him and told him when
the weather would improve, for the winter was oppressive then: ‘I give
you this advice,’ he said, ‘that men seek my grave in the summer and seethat my body is taken out of the earth, and if there seem to anyone to besigns of holiness there then men shall do as pleases them concerning my
invocation and the keeping of my day.’ He then disappeared. The priest
told the dream to Bishop Brandr and offered to swear to it.
21.158 During the winter, the eve of Maundy Thursday after the death of
Bishop Þorlákr, a farmer called Sveinn saw such a great light in Skálaholt
over Bishop Þorlákr’s tomb that he could hardly see the church for it.
22. Priest Ormr went on a mission to the Althing during the following
summer, on behalf of Bishop Brand, to recount what signs had occurredof Bishop Þorlákr’s sanctity in those districts. And his horse exerted ­itself
so hard in spots of snow159 that it could not continue, but as soon as heinvoked Bishop Þorlákr his horse jumped up and he rode a full day’s
journey to the Thing. And when this event had been told, and many ­others,
then men were glad at this account and many men at once invoked BishopÞorlákr in their need and it seemed to be well, but that was still without
getting permission from the bishops.
23. Later the same summer Bishop Brandr sent Priest Ormr with hisother clerics to the Althing and had his letter carried before Bishop Páll
and the other chieftains, and there was then a testimony to the many
miracles of Bishop Þorlákr. Then men had a meeting about this matter,and Bishop Páll was easy to lead and hesitant in these matters as withmany others concerning the other chieftains of the land and the management of this joyous news.160 Men’s counsel along with Bishop Brandr’s

24Þorláks saga

message was that Bishop Páll declare in the place of legislature161 on St
Peter’s Mass-day that all men should be allowed to invoke the blessed
Bishop Þorlákr.162 Men should sing services to him on his death day. At
St Peter’s Mass Bishop Þorlákr was chosen as bishop and then invocationof him was allowed, and the keeping of his mass-day was made law thesecond summer after this event. And, as a sign that God did not think thispresumptuous, at once remarkable miracles occurred at the same Thing.
24. There was a man called Tj†rvi; he suffered a great injury to his
hands.163 The hands went stiff and leprous so that he could not straighten
his fingers, and that injury lasted for fifteen years. He invoked the blessed
Bishop Þorlákr for his healing. He fell asleep after that and, when he wakened and wished to wash himself, his hands had been completely healed
and they were shown to everyone who was present, and then the Te Deumwas sung.164 And as soon as this miracle had become known to all thenone after another started to invoke the holy Bishop Þorlákr, and it was
not strange, since the miraculous power was so great that it was granted
almost before it was asked.
25. This event occurred at the same Thing, that Abbot Jón from Ver
went down with serious bronchitis and swelled terribly so that he could eat­nothing and could hardly speak so that it could be heard.165 Then he invoked
the blessed Bishop Þorlákr for his health and fell asleep immediately afterwards and awoke completely healed. This event was told to Bishop Páll.
26. The man called Guðmundr gríss, Bishop Páll’s kinsman, had a serious
throat disease, and he was both unable to eat and weak and he seemed tomany men likely to die.166 Then he called on his friend Bishop Þorlákr tointercede for him with God for such healing as he might see would best suithim. But when he had made this firm vow he improved from day to day
and was completely well as soon as the taper had burned out in Skálaholt
upon which he had made his vow, and he himself recounted this miracle
to Bishop Páll and many other men.
27. The man from the Austfirðir called Sighvatr, of high lineage, sufferedpain in the eyes so severe that he thought his eyes would burst if the pain did
not lessen quickly.167 He invoked the blessed Bishop Þorlákr. He became
heavy with sleep immediately after the vow, and when he awakened all
the pain had gone from his eyes, but the eyelids were red and swollen asa testimony to the pain which had been in his eyes.
28. There was a man called Unas.168 He suffered an uncomfortable illness
there at the Thing; he completely swelled up. His belly went up in front ofÞorláks saga

25

his breast and such a violent pain ensued that he could hardly stand. He latercalled with tears of compunction upon the holy Bishop Þorlákr for his healing. He became heavy with sleep immediately after that. He seemed to see
the holy Bishop Þorlákr in a dream, and with him the blessed boy Vitus.169
The bishop said to him: ‘You will not benefit from your own behaviour if
you become well, rather from the fact that God’s time of mercy has now
come in gifts of healing towards men.’ He awoke completely healed.
29. A northern man also suffered a violent pain at the same Thing, an
illness which at once bereft him of his wits. Then other men invoked theblessed Bishop Þorlákr for him and he at once became completely well.
30. A noble priest who was called Þórðr became dangerously ill at the
dissolution of the Thing and men were afraid for him because he was aprominent man.170 He then called on the blessed Bishop Þorlákr for hishealth to recover and his infirmity abated so quickly that he was able toleave the Thing with the other men, and he was in a short time completely
well and praised God and the holy Bishop Þorlákr for his health.
31. At the Thing it occurred that a northern man lost his good sledgestraps, and they were searched for carefully and not found. And when
their recovery seemed hopeless to him he called upon the blessed BishopÞorlákr that the sledge-straps should be found, and at once they were
found where they had most often been looked for, and they praised God
and the holy Bishop Þorlákr.
32. There was a worthy man named Árni.171 He had a great and dangerous pain inside his ribs. He called upon the holy Bishop Þorlákr to heal
him and improved at once.
33. After the Thing it happened that Ormr, kinsman of the blessed BishopÞorlákr and brother of Bishop Páll, was in the bath at Skálaholt and had
it in his mind that he would love the sanctity of his kinsman more if he
had a sign of it himself, and at that moment he scratched his right hand on
his razor and it bled terribly and would not stop.172 Then he called upon
his kinsman and patron, Bishop Þorlákr, to stop the bleeding and nevera drop came out after that.
34. There was a priest called Torfi, of noble extraction and well ­married,and his wife will be mentioned later in this narrative.173 He suffered asevere pain in the eyes when he left the Thing and he could not sleep thenight he was in Skálaholt. Then he called upon the holy Bishop Þorlákr
and was then led to the church and there at his mass he received healingof his injury and went away completely well.

26Þorláks saga

35. One good housewife also suffered great pain in the eyes and invoked
Bishop Þorlákr and was healed at once.
36. Magnús Gizurarson, foster-son of the blessed Bishop Þorlákr,
owned a good and productive farm.174 But that difficulty occurred thatthe best part of the ewes ran away and could not be found, and it looked
as if the greatest harm would happen: that the sheep would swell up
and lose their milk. He then took the best course, as he frequently did,and called upon the holy Bishop Þorlákr, his foster-father. After thatthe sheep came from the heath, completely unswollen, towards those
who sought them.
37. One young boy suffered severe pain in the eyes and bore it withdifficulty, and the mother was very concerned. She then took the wick ofa candle and laid it on the boy’s head and invoked the holy Bishop Þorlákr
and he was healed at once.
38. One poor man lost good fetters where there were extensive bogs
thick with grass and it was unlikely that they would be found. He thencalled upon the holy Bishop Þorlákr that the straps should be found andthey were found at once and the poor man was pleased.
39. One young man rode carelessly where there were volcanic ventsand his horse’s feet were burned so that people thought it would die.
Then the blessed Bishop Þorlákr was invoked and in a few days the horse
was healed completely. They gave thanks to God and to the holy BishopÞorlákr for this incident.
40. One man suffered a large boil in his throat and became unable tospeak. He directed his thoughts to invoke the holy Bishop Þorlákr. And
the same night the boil burst and he was healed in a few nights.
41. There was one man who was so short-sighted that he could not see
any better than to discern his own fingers, and he had been this way fora long time.175 He called on the holy Þorlákr for his eyes and he at once
became sharp-sighted.
42. The hand of one young man swelled up to such an extent that healers
were not able to do anything. But as soon as the holy Þorlákr was called
upon the hand was completely healed.
43. In a great overflowing of the rivers two chests were lost, one fullof iron and artefacts and the other of clothes. The man who owned thechests called upon Bishop Þorlákr and the chests were found unspoiled
with everything that was in them.176

Þorláks saga

27

44. In one town people came to an impassable river and those whocalled upon Bishop Þorlákr got over it safely, but those who did not callon him did not.
45. A young woman became so violent with terrible pains that men
could hardly hold her. But as soon as Bishop Þorlákr was called upon for
her then she at once was healed.
46. One woman had for many years had so much pain in her hand that
she could not use it for anything. She called upon the holy Bishop Þorlákr
for it and the next night afterwards she was whole.
47. Merchants in Iceland could in no way raise their anchor. But as soon
as they called upon Bishop Þorlákr it came loose.
48. Many went by ship out from the Vestmannaeyjar and a rough sea
and a storm came upon them so that they lay near death. They then called
upon Bishop Þorlákr to help them and at once a great calm fell and thesea became tranquil and they reached harbour safely.
49. One housewife lost a good gold ring and it was searched for far andwide and frequently and not found. She called upon the holy Þorlákr andat once the ring was found where it had most often been sought.
50. One woman suffered such a violent sickness that her speech andwits left her. But as soon as the holy Bishop Þorlákr was invoked for her
she became well.
51. One old priest broke his collar-bone and such pain and swelling set
in that he became disabled. He called upon the holy Bishop Þorlákr for
himself and he quickly became well.
52. A man sold a poor man a blind sheep and did not want to compensate
him when he found out. The poor man called upon Bishop Þorlákr andthe sheep regained its sight.
53. In one farmstead a thief stole a lot of goods. But those who suffered the loss called upon Bishop Þorlákr to compensate them for theloss, but it was a very poor season for food then. Then it struck them thatthey should go into the river with a net, and immediately they caught
so many large salmon that their loss seemed to them well compensated.
54. The river called Holtavatn dammed up so that the sand was thrown
up over it thirty fathoms deep.177 That turned into a great loss for thosemen who owned meadows by the river. Then one farmer called upon theholy Bishop Þorlákr so that the digging out should go better than wasusual. And the next day the river had broken out into the sea.

28Þorláks saga

55. A ship drifted away from a man on account of a storm and inundation of water. But the man who lost the ship invoked Bishop Þorlákr andit had come back by the morning to the same landing place.
56. A young boy fell into the fire and burned his hand terribly. But his
father and mother called upon Bishop Þorlákr for him and the hand wascompletely healed within three days.
57. A young boy fell into a tub of whey and seemed dead when he waspulled out. But the boy’s father and mother called upon the holy BishopÞorlákr for his life with great sorrow. And as soon as the vow was confirmed the ruddiness came back to his cheeks and after a long time deadhe sprang up completely well.
58. One man swelled up terribly and the whole belly bloated and puffed
up as big as an ox. But his wife invoked the holy Bishop Þorlákr for him
and he quickly became healthy.178
59. When Bishop Páll had the miracles of Bishop Þorlákr read aloudat the Althing for the first time, a blind man and a deaf man who werestanding by received their sight and hearing.
60. One woman fell into a hot spring at Reykjaholt and was terribly
burned so that her flesh and skin stuck to her clothes. People called upon
Bishop Þorlákr for her that her feet should not fall off, and she was completely well within a month.
61. One woman broke her leg and great pain and swelling ensued,
and she lay for a long time in her bed and healers could not achieve any
relief for her. She invoked the holy Bishop Þorlákr and that same night
he came to her in her sleep and laid hands on the leg and she awakened
completely well.
62. One man lost a great iron sledge-hammer in deep icefields. He
called on Bishop Þorlákr and he found the sledge-hammer on land a
day later.
63. Some merchants from Orkney were driven off course by a storm to
the Faroes where there were cliffs and reefs, and it seemed certain deathto all of them. They called on the holy Bishop Þorlákr and at once thestorm turned into a favourable wind around them.
64. Other merchants had come to the point of death in the English
Channel because of the storm and the height of the sea. They called upon
Bishop Þorlákr and at once got a fair wind and balmy weather and thereafter a good harbour.

Þorláks saga

29

65. A man had epilepsy and pain in the eyes. He called upon the holy
Bishop Þorlákr for his recovery and did not improve. He was tormented
for a long time in this sickness, but one night he dreamed that BishopÞorlákr came to him and said to him: ‘I heard your cry to me, but you
could not receive any healing because you have unconfessed crimes.
Now confess yourself before a priest if you wish to receive healing.’
Afterwards he woke up. And as soon as he had confessed, he became well.
66. A woman had a serious illness from a dreadful boil on her stomach for thirty years. She called upon the holy Bishop Þorlákr for her
recovery. And during the night before the thirteenth day Bishop Þorlákr
showed himself to her in a dream, and she awakened completely healed.
67. A young man was playing and his hand went out of joint and went
back in with difficulty. Such pain and swelling ensued that he was incapacitated. He called upon Bishop Þorlákr, and in a dream he came to him andsaid: ‘You are quick to make promises but not to fulfil them.’ And when
he awoke he remembered that he had made a vow to him and not fulfilledit. He discharged both his vows and then became completely whole.
68. A horse was maimed in being gelded so that its whole belly began
to rot from the pus. The man who owned it vowed to give Bishop Þorlákr
half the horse, and within half a month it was completely healed.
69. One man had a leg injury where the bone cavities were full of bloodand pus, and the healers could not heal it at all. He called upon BishopÞorlákr for his healing, and in a dream it seemed to him he came to him
and stroked the leg, and he awoke completely healed.
70. One young boy sustained an acute illness where the abdomen broke
open. The father and mother called upon Bishop Þorlákr for him and heat once became completely healed.
71. Again men called upon Bishop Þorlákr for a fair wind for themselves and they got a good wind. And when they sailed out along the fjord
another ship sailed towards them with a strong wind, and they had called
upon Bishop Þorlákr for a wind, and each of them by evening made theharbour they wanted.
72. Two women were travelling on a winter’s day in a great frost andheavy weather into the icy part of the fjords. One of them went into
labour far from any dwellings. They called upon Bishop Þorlákr to help
them. Then men came to them and transported them to a farmstead.
The child was gravely hurt from the frost so that its bones became
crooked, and one of its eyes popped out onto its cheek and a wound30Þorláks sagabroke out on its body. The grief-stricken mother called upon the holy
Bishop Þorlákr for some mercy for the child. Then she bound earth outof Þorlákr’s tomb onto the child’s eye and afterwards lay down andquickly fell asleep. It was then three o’clock in the afternoon, but by
the middle of the evening the child awoke so completely healed that theeye had come back, blue in colour and sharp-sighted. All the wounds
had healed up and all the child’s twisted bones, but the eye which had
been healed was a bad colour.179
73. At one farmstead in the Vestfirðir a house caught fire so that thewhole farmstead seemed likely to burn, but there was no one at home
except for young children. One child called upon Bishop Þorlákr for help
and instantly there came such heavy rain from heaven that the fire wentout, but the rain did not fall any more widely than on this farmstead.
74. A man fell from a cliff and his knee-cap and leg were damaged. He
called upon Bishop Þorlákr and was quickly completely healed.
75. One poor housewife called upon Bishop Þorlákr to give her children
something to eat because there was a great famine then. She went to thebeach and saw a large seal. It lay there quietly as she went toward it as if
it were stuck fast to the stone, and she killed it and that yielded enoughprovisions for her.
76. One hospitable farmer could not get a meal on account of the famine.
He called upon Bishop Þorlákr for help and a little later a whale came tohim as shore-drift where many men had ownership along with him. They
made the whale fast and much disagreement arose amongst the men about
the division. Then came such sharp weather that the fastenings broke andthe whale which had drifted ashore broke out to sea and came afterwards
to land which this farmer alone owned.
77. A poor farmer called upon Bishop Þorlákr for food in the famine.
He went to the beach and laid down a fishing-line during the evening.
And in the morning a whale as long as the fishing-line had been caught
there.
78. A man rowed out to sea and pulled a large fish on board. The line
broke and the fish swam out to sea with the hook. He called upon BishopÞorlákr and a little later he found the fish drifted ashore with his hookand line in it.
79. A poor man’s cow fell from a cliff and was completely smashed
up. The poor man called upon Bishop Þorlákr and the cow was quickly
completely healed.

Þorláks saga

31

80. A woman was possessed by the devil, but when men poured into hermouth oil which Bishop Þorlákr had consecrated, she became well at once.
81. A great tree fell upon a woman so that she was severely injured. But
her husband invoked Bishop Þorlákr for her and she felt she saw him ina dream and awoke completely well.
CHAPTER EIGHTY-TWO
When so many unusual miracles of Bishop Þorlákr were revealed andread aloud, it was agreed among all the leading men in the land, clericaland lay, to take his body out of the earth. Therefore Bishop Páll called
together clerics and chieftains to Skálaholt. First there was Bishop Brandr
from Hólar, Priest Guðmundr Arason, who later was bishop,180 Sæmundr
and Ormr, brothers of Bishop Páll, Hallr and Þorvaldr and Magnús­Gizurarson, Þorleifr from Hítardalr and many other chieftains.181 Therewas great flooding of the rivers at that time throughout the whole land,
but God wished that that impede no man from travelling to the see. And
when they had all come together they all kept vigil during the night, tothe praise of God and the holy Þorlákr.
During the following day his holy relics were taken out of the earth andcarried into the church with hymns and songs of praise and beautiful processions and with all the honour and veneration which could be achieved inthis land. The coffin was set down in the choir and clerics then sang the Te
Deum, and sick men knelt at the coffin and many men were healed thereby.
A young man of high lineage who was called Þorsteinn, who had had adangerous kidney-stone infection for a long time, was completely healed
there so that the stone was flushed out of him, no smaller in size than abean, and afterwards many signs occurred from the stone.182
There was a man called Uni who walked with a wooden leg because his
leg was crippled, and he became completely healed there.183
A maiden crippled from childhood became completely well there,
and God healed many other illnesses and pains through the merit of thisexcellent friend of his.
A young boy who had had epilepsy for a long time received healing
there.
Then the coffin and Bishop Þorlákr’s holy relics were carried into theplace where he was venerated for a long time.
One poor man intended to go to Skálaholt on this day of glory because his
fingers were completely pressed into his palms and the hands had totallywithered, but he could not come and he met people who told many joyful32Þorláks saga

tidings from Skálaholt. But he became sad that he had not been deservingof being there. He called then with tears upon the holy Þorlákr, and hebecame completely healed the next night afterwards.
In the same year that Bishop Þorlákr’s holy relics were taken out of theearth many miracles occurred, which I will mention in a short narrative.
CHAPTER EIGHTY-THREE
Many sick people received healing, whatever kind of illnesses they languished in, if they called upon his name. If people were situated on sea
or on land, whatever kind of peril they faced, they quickly received theremedy for their difficulties as soon as they called upon him, so that thewinds subsided and the seas became calm, conflagrations were extinguished, floods abated, storms stilled, property that people lost was found,and if people bound earth out of his tomb on an injury, boil or sore, thenit quickly improved. Cattle were restored from all kinds of sickness assoon as he was invoked.
Because of these benefits of the holy Bishop Þorlákr which I have
now told, much money was given to the see at Skálaholt from all lands
in which his name was known, most from Norway, a lot from England,
Sweden, Denmark, Gautland, Gotland, Scotland, Orkney, the Faroes,
Caithness, Shetland, Greenland, but most from within the country.
And it can be observed what love people had for him from this: thefirst time that services were sung to him at the see, 130 wax candles
were burned there.
Bishop Páll had a goldsmith named Þorsteinn make a shrine for theholy relics of Bishop Þorlákr which is there to this day, and that shrine
now stands over the high altar at Skálaholt where God grants all kinds of
miracles according to his merits.184 The blind receive their sight there, thedeaf their hearing, the crippled are made straight, the leprous are cleansed,
the lame walk, the insane and demon-possessed receive full cures, captives are freed wherever in the lands they call upon his name.185 The
dumb receive the power of speech, and all kinds of internal illnesses andsicknesses improve there, and there is no injury of humans or cattle bysea or by land that God does not grant healing and help on account of theintercession of his blessed friend Bishop Þorlákr, as soon as he is invoked.
We pray now that he intercede for us with Almighty God for peace andprosperity and a good end to this life, and afterwards may he lead us tothe heavenly lodging, freed from all the devil’s power by his authority,that with him we may live blessedly with God in the court of heaven for
ever and ever without end. Amen.

Notes33

NOTES
1 Anacletus II (b. 1090, d. 25 July 1138; consecrated 14 February 1130) wasborn Pietro Pierleoni. He was wealthy and from a powerful Roman family ofrecently converted Jews, studied in Paris and was a monk in Cluny under Abbot
Pontius (abbot from 1109 until his deposition in 1122). Appointed cardinal deaconof Cosma and Damiano in 1106, and later a papal envoy, Anacletus II was elected
as pope by the majority of the cardinals after the death of Honorius II. Importantreformers such as Bernard of Clairvaux (1090–1153), however, supported Innocent
II (d. 1143), who also gained the support of the Holy Roman Emperor. Anacletus
II was thus declared antipope but was recognised in Scotland, Aquitaine, Milan
and other Italian cities, and had control of Rome during his lifetime. He died­before Innocent II, whose followers eventually gained the upper hand, and it isthus noteworthy that only Anacletus should be mentioned here. See Schmale 1961.
2 Magnús and his uncle Haraldr were joint kings of Norway 1130–35. For theirtumultuous reign see Heimskringla 1941–51, III 94–106.
3 The first settler of Hlíðarendi was Baugr. His son was Gunnarr in Gunnarsholt,
father of Hámundr, father of Gunnarr of Hlíðarendi, one of the main charactersof Njáls saga. In the early thirteenth century it was occupied by Krákr, father ofHafliði and Jón of Egilsstaðir, who are mentioned in Sturlunga saga. Hafliði’sdaughter Þorgerðr married Magnús Agnarr Andrésson of the Oddi family. With
her the farmstead seems to have passed to the Oddi family, who held it in the
fourteenth century (Landnámabók, 348, 352–54; Sturlunga saga, I 363, 567).
4 Þorlákr Runólfsson, third bishop of Skálaholt, was consecrated in 1118 anddied in 1133. He is one of the five bishops whose stories are related in Hungrvaka(Hungrvaka, 22–28).
5 Proverbs 22: 1. Melius est nomen bonum quam divitiae multae ‘A good nameis better than great riches’. Here and below the English translation used is that of
the Douay-Rheims Bible.
6 cf. ‘Spá er spaks geta’ (Grettis saga 1936, 104).
7 Ecclesiastes 7: 2. Melius est nomen bonum quam unguenta pretiosa ‘A goodname is better than precious ointments’.
8 The word forvitra, translated here as ‘very wise’, could also imply the giftof second sight.
9 Þórhallr and Halla presumably separated before Þorlákr reached the age of ten,since Eyjólfr the priest is referred to as his foster-father (ch. 3). It seems reasonable to assume that Þorlákr spent at least five years with him before taking holyorders at fifteen. Halla is not mentioned when Þorlákr goes to Skálaholt (ch. 10),which might indicate that she died while Þorlákr was abbot (between 1170 and1177). The families of Þorlákr and Halla are traced in Byskupa ættir. Þorlákr wasdescended directly in the paternal line from the settler Ketill einhendi. Among
his other notable ancestors were Þorgils Örrabeinstjúpr, hero of Flóamanna saga,and Þóroddr, father of the well-known lawspeaker Skapti. Of the many other children of Þórhallr and Halla, only two daughters are named, Eyv†r and Ragnheiðr
(Byskupa ættir, 12).

34

Notes

10 Psalms 111: 2. Generatio rectorum benedicetur ‘the generation of the righteous
shall be blessed’. Here and elsewhere the numbering of the Psalms is that of the
Vulgate. In the imediately preceding passage the righteous are defined as those
who fear and obey God (cf. Astås 1994).
11 As is implied in the preceding paragraph, this separation seems to have beenmostly due to poverty.
12 These wise men are not named, in keeping with this author’s custom of usingnames sparingly.
13 Psalms 33: 15. Diverte a malo et fac bonum, inquire pacem et persequaere
eam ‘Turn away from evil and do good: seek after peace and pursue it’. Archbishop Þórir Guðmundsson of Niðaróss uses the same quotation to admonish thechieftains who had quarrelled with Bishop Guðmundr Arason (Saga Guðmundar
Arasonar Hólabiskups eptir Arngrím ábóta, 90).
14 The close relationship between mother and son may be a deliberate echo ofthat of St Augustine and his mother Monica. Þorlákr was an Augustinian monk
and Monica was greatly venerated in the twelfth century (her translation occurredin 1162). See further Book 9 of St Augustine’s Confessiones.
15 This could mean that Jón Loptsson (who later lived at Oddi) and Þorlákr
grew up together, but Jón is nine years older and may not have lived in Oddi, his
uncle’s residence, at the time.
16 Eyjólfr was the son of Sæmundr fróði of Oddi, Jón Loptsson’s uncle. He does
not figure strongly in other narratives, but he and Hallr Teitsson are mentioned in
Hungrvaka as the most important chieftains in the country after the death of Bishop
Magnús Einarsson. Eyjólfr is believed to be older than his brother Loptr; he may havebeen born about 1090 but died in 1158, according to annals (Hungrvaka, 32; Islandske
Annaler indtil 1578 1888, 116 (Annales regii); Flateyjarbók 1944–45, IV 302 (Annáll).
17 The benevolent foster-father and instructor is a theme in the Icelandic bishops’
sagas; see Ármann Jakobsson 2005.
18 1 Corinthians 11: 1. Imitatores mei estote, sicut et ego Christi ‘Be ye followersof me, as I also am of Christ’.
19 The author is here presumably not referring to himself in the plural but speaking on behalf of Þorlákr and his disciples, who may have been the group responsible
for the composition of Þorláks saga, Hungrvaka and Páls saga.
20 There is a parallel in the words of St Jón Õgmundarson about Ísleifr Gizurar­son, that he would ávallt geta er ek heyri góðs manns getit ‘always mention[him] when I hear a good man spoken of’ (Jóns saga ins helga, 183).
21 This metaphor has a parallel in Vitæ Patrum: Sva fluttu helgir fedr, at hinnmerkiligi guds madr Macharius elskade einna mest allra fedra eydemorkina, þviat
hann kannadi hana alla i uthorn ‘the holy fathers related that the most distinguishedservant of God, Macharios, loved the desert most of all the fathers as he explored
it to its extremities’. In Latin this is Ita ut etiam ultima et inaccessibilia deserti
perscrutatus sit loca, so that úthorn (translated here as ‘utmost’) is the same as
ultima (Heilagra manna søgur . . . 1877, II 470).
22 St Isidore (born c.560, d. 4 April 636), metropolitan of Seville from 600. His
brother Leander (540–600) held office before him (from 594). Isidore presided over

Notes35

two church councils in his lifetime (619 in Seville and 633 in Toledo). Seventeen
works have been attributed to him, of which Etymologiarum sive originum librior the Etymologiae (twenty volumes) is best known. Isidore was very influential
in the Middle Ages, although he was neither canonised until 1598 nor officiallydeclared a doctor of the church until 1722. Helgi Guðmundsson has identified thequotation as being from Isidore’s Sentences II.1.11: Utile est multa scire et recta
vivere. Quod si utrumque non valemus, melius est ute bene Vivendi stadium quam
multa sciendi sequamur (Sancti Isidori Hispalensis Sententiarum libri tres 1850,
601; Helgi Guðmundsson 2003, 237–38).
23 On this education see Ásdís Egilsdóttir 1994.
24 Bj†rn Gilsson was bishop at Hólar at the time, and would have been ­expected
to carry out the duties of the bishop of Skálaholt in the absence of an elect there.
After Magnús Einarsson’s death Hallr Teitsson, the grandson of the first bishopÍsleifr of Skálaholt, was elected bishop, but he died abroad in 1150 and does
not seem to have received papal approval in spite of his great language skills(Hungr­vaka, 34). He was married, a chieftain (goði) and in his sixties whenelected, so it might be argued that in electing him, the Icelanders were testing
the patience of the Church with their candidates. Bj†rn himself is probably theleast-known Icelandic bishop of the Commonwealth age. He is believed to bea descendant of Einarr of Þverá, brother of Guðmundr inn ríki. Bj†rn’s sisterwas Þórný, wife of Jón Sigmundarson of Svínafell. His brother was also Bj†rn,­abbot at Þverá (the second Icelandic monastery, founded partly from Bj†rn’s
own estate). His mother was Þórunn, daughter of Bj†rn, son of Þorfinnr karlsefni. On his mother’s side Bj†rn is related to the bishops Þorlákr Runólfsson and
Brandr Sæmundarson. Bj†rn is mentioned in Hungrvaka, Jóns saga helga andGuðmundar saga. He studied with Teitr Ísleifsson in Haukadalr and later with
Bishop Jón at Hólar. He was bishop from 1147 and died on 20 October 1162.
In the Prestssaga of Guðmundr Arason he is said to have indirectly pointed toBrandr Sæmundarson as his successor. When Jón Õgmundarson is made saint,Bj†rn’s relics are translated as well. In Rannveigar leiðsla in Guðmundar saga it
is mentioned that all the bishops are saintly, but Bj†rn comes fourth in saintliness(after Þorlákr, Jón and Ísleifr). We may infer that Bj†rn was a devout bishop,
and perhaps unmarried (his descendants are not known). Ólafur Halldórsson has
suggested that a prophecy that Guðríðr Þorbjarnardóttir’s descendants will bemature, bright, sweet and with a good scent is an indirect reference to BishopBj†rn; he believes that a vita of Bj†rn may have been under composition around
1200 (Ólafur Halldórsson 1985, 384–86).
25 Although exemptions from the age requirement of thirty for priestly ordination appear common, Þorlákr’s youth (seventeen or eighteen, perhaps) must be
considered highly unusual.
26 The profitable parishes have not been identified but were probably in thesouth of Iceland.
27 The author tends to be somewhat opaque in his criticism of his contemporaries.
28 Psalms 131: 9–10. Sacerdotes tui induantur iustitiam et sancti tui exsultent—propter David servum tuum nun avertas faciem Christi tui ‘Let thy priests

36

Notes

be clothed with justice and let thy saints rejoice—For thy servant David’s sake,turn not away the face of thy anointed’. This is a somewhat indirect quotation.
29 It is likely that Þorlákr studied at one of the distinguished cathedral schools
in Paris, perhaps the school of St Genevieve or the school of St Victor. The latterhad several Scandinavian pupils at the same time who later became importantchurch leaders, such as Eiríkr Ívarsson and Þórir Guðmundsson, both archbishops
at Niðaróss around 1200. Lincoln also had a cathedral, founded in 1072 (moved
from Dorchester at the instigation of King William I); it had previously been an
important Viking stronghold. In the twelfth century Lincoln was the largest diocesein England and had important connections with Paris. Alexander (1093–1148) had
been bishop of Lincoln just before Þorlákr arrived; a great Cistercian scholar, towhom Geoffrey of Monmouth dedicated Prophetiae Merlini (later translated into
Icelandic by Gunnlaugr Leifsson). In the thirteenth century the renowned scholar
Robert Grosseteste was bishop at Lincoln.
30 These foster-brothers are presumably his fellow students with Eyjólfr­Sæmundarson.
31 The name Eyv†r is in Þorlákr’s family (his grandmother was Eyv†r Leifsdóttir)
but nothing is known of this sister and her conduct. Ragnheiðr, however, became
the concubine of Jón Loptsson, evidently to Þorlákr’s displeasure. Oddaverja þáttr
relates how it became necessary for him to interfere in their affairs (Þorláks saga,
175, 180). Páll Jónsson, Þorlákr’s successor, is the subject of Páls saga byskups.
32 In 1190 Archbishop Eiríkr Ívarsson of Niðaróss wrote to the Pope and complained that Bishop Njáll of Stavanger (1188–1207) had married a woman who
was already married, i.e. a widow. However, Eiríkr did not mention the marriagesof priests in his letter of admonition to the Icelandic chieftains from 1180, although
he did refer to the concubines of Jón Loptsson and Gizurr Hallsson (Norske middel­
alderdokumenter 1973, 62–67; DI, I 260–64).
33 According to Kristni saga and Flateyjarbók (Kristni þáttr), Skeggi Ásgautsson
lived in Háfr around 1000. He was the son of Ásgautr Ásmundsson who wasdescended from the Irish king Cerbhall. Skeggi’s mother was Þórdís, daughterof Þorkell bjálfi who settled all the area between Ragná and Þjórsá and lived in
Háfr. Skeggi’s son Þorvaldr, already grown up in 1000, married Koltorfa, sisterof Hjalti Skeggjason. It is not known who lived in Háfr after Skeggi and Þorvaldr,
and thus the identity of this widow remains unclear (Kristni saga, 31; Flateyjarbók
1944–45, I 491).
34 Luke 14: 11. Qui se humiliat, exaltabitur ‘he that humbleth himself shall be
exalted’. This is a very popular citation in medieval Icelandic literature (Kirby
1976–80, I 252–53).
35 Matthew 11: 29. Discite a me, quia mitis sum et humilis corde; et invenietis
requiem animabus vestris ‘learn of me, because I am meek, and humble of heart,and you shall find rest to your souls’. This passage is also frequently used in
Icelandic texts of the Middle Ages (Kirby 1976–80, I 164–65).
36 Ketill fíflski ‘the Foolish’, presumably so called by the heathens because
he was a Christian (cf. Finnur Jónsson 1907, 250), son of Jórunn manvitsbrekka(the meaning of this nickname is unclear), first lived at Kirkjubœr at Síða, as it

Notes37

says in Landnámabók: ‘The papar had lived there before and no heathen could
live there’ (Landnámabók, 324–25). Ketill is mentioned as both one of the noble­settlers and a Christian in Landnámabók. His son was Ásbj†rn, father of Þorsteinn,father of Surtr, who lived in Kirkjubœr around 1000 and is mentioned in Óláfs
saga Tryggva­sonar en mesta (‘these men were all Christians’, Óláfs saga Tryggva­
sonar en mesta 1958–2000, II 156). Later there was a nunnery at Kirkjubœr,founded in 1186. Bjarnheðinn was a descendant of Þorgeirr h†ggvinkinni, a­settler who lived at H†fn; he is named in the Prestatal of 1143 and is likely to be
the Bjarnheðinn who founded a church at Keldugnúpr at Síða around 1150 (DI,I 200–01). ­According to the annals he died in 1173 or 1174, and Hungrvaka lists
him and his brother Beinir who died in the reign of Bishop Klœngr (Islandske
Annaler indtil 1578 1888, 21 (Annales reseniani), 61 (Henrik Høyers Annaler),
118 (Annales regii), 323 (Gottskalks Annaler); (Flateyjarbók 1944–45, IV 304;
Oddaverja­annáll, 134; Hungrvaka, 41). Bjarnheðinn is likely to have been about
twenty years older than Þorlákr.
37 In the original there is alliteration within each pair of adjectives.
38 The word used is vistarfar, which suggests that Þorlákr is a servant of Bjarnheðinn; this may be revealing about the status of priests in the twelfth century.
39 Matthew 11: 30. Iugum enim meum suave est et onus meum leve ‘For myyoke is sweet and my burden light’.
40 Matthew 5: 14. Vos estis lux mundi ‘You are the light of the world’.
41 The path of mercy is Líknarbraut, which also serves as the name of a latethirteenth-century poem of the Cross, in the skaldic dróttkvætt metre.
42 Matthew 5: 16. Sic luceat lux vestra coram hominibus, ut videant opera vestra
bona, et glorificent patrem vestrum, qui in caelis est ‘So let your light shine before
men, that they may see your good works, and glorify your Father who is in heaven’.
43 Acts 4: 32. Multitudinis autem credentium erat cor unum et anima una: nec
quisquam eorum quæ possidebat, aliquid suum esse dicebat, sed erant illis omnia
communia ‘And the multitude of believers had but one heart and one soul. Neither
did any one say that aught of the things which he possessed was his own: but all
things were common unto them’.
44 Þorkell son of Geirr, son of Þorkell læknir ‘the Healer’, son of Geirr (d. 1187).
45 frændr could also mean ‘friends’ in this context, rather than (distant) relatives.
46 That is, to become a canon regular and live under the monastic rule.
47 Luke 14: 33. Sic ergo omnis ex vobis, qui non renuntiat omnibus quæ possidet, non potest meus esse discipulus ‘So likewise every one of you that doth notrenounce all that he possesseth cannot be my disciple’.
48 The monastery at Þykkvabœr in Ver was established in 1168, with Þorlákr
as its first abbot in 1170, then Guðmundr Bjálfason. It was thus established two
years before Archbishop Eysteinn founded the first Augustinian monastery in
Norway in 1170.
49 Þorlákr was presumably 37 years old when he was consecrated an abbot in
1170. Þorlákr arrived in Kirkjubœr in 1162 and Ver in 1168, first as prior andthen as abbot, as confirmed by the lists of abbots by Haukr Erlendsson and in
Rímbegla (DI, III 29, 312). As an abbot Þorlákr was independent of the bishop.

38

Notes

The community of canons at Þykkvabœr was the first to be established in Iceland(followed by Helgafell, Viðey and Möðruvellir) and the establishment of such
communities is in line with the Scandinavian fashion of the time.
50 Matthew 18: 20. Ubi enim sunt duo vel tres congregati in nomine meo, ibi
sum in medio eorum ‘For where there are two or three gathered together in myname, there am I in the midst of them’.
51 Restriction of travelling is one of the pillars of the Benedictine order, and of
the Augustinian order that was modelled on it. Þorlákr may have been one of thefirst abbots to enforce this ban.
52 I Thessalonians 5: 17–18. Sine intermissione orate, in omnibus gratias agite‘Pray without ceasing, in all things give thanks’.
53 Matthew 24: 13. Qui autem perseveraverit usque in finem, hic salvus erit ‘But
he that shall persevere to the end, he shall be saved’. This passage is frequently
quoted in medieval Icelandic (Kirby 1976–80, I 186–87).
54 I Corinthians 15: 33. Corrumpunt mores bonos colloquia mala ‘Evil communications corrupt good manners’.
55 Psalm 38: 2–3. Cum consisteret peccator adversum me, obmutui, et humiliatus sum, et silvi a bonis ‘when the sinner stood against me, I was dumb, andwas humbled, and kept silence from good things’. The saga’s translation of thisverse is somewhat loose.
56 The author adheres to the principle that all miracles come from God; even themost powerful saints cannot help except according to God’s will.
57 cf. Ecclesiastes 11: 28.
58 A similar expression is used in Páls saga byskups, 315
59 Literally, orpinn ‘bent’.
60 The archbishop’s permission is published in DI, I 218–23. It was unusual toelect a new bishop while the old one was alive. In Hungrvaka, when in 1118 GizurrÍsleifsson has had Þorlákr Runólfsson elected in his stead, it is apparent that Archbishop Õzurr is unwilling to setja h†fuð á h†fuð ofan ‘put a head above a head’,
finally consecrating Þorlákr not to Skálaholt but to Reykjaholt (Hungrvaka, 23–24).
When Klœngr asks Eysteinn to do the same, it seems to be no longer a problem.
61 That is, to be consecrated in Niðaróss.
62 Õgmundr Kálfsson was abbot in Flateyjarklaustr, later at Helgafell. Nothingis known of his ancestry. He was drowned in 1187 or 1188. The Augustinianmonastery on Flatey was founded in 1172 under the leadership of Õgmundr who
donated his property to it (DI, I 280–82). He most likely bought Helgafell in 1184
and was the only abbot in that monastery. Õgmundr was less senior than Þorlákr andwas probably only a candidate through his wealth and connections. Páll S†lvason
was descended from the notable settler Hrólfr Kjallaksson, his grandfather was
Magnús Þórðarson in Reykjaholt who is mentioned in Kristni saga and his paternalaunt was Bishop Magnús Einarsson’s stepmother. His father was killed in 1128 or
1129. His wife was Þorbj†rg Bjarnadóttir (d. 1181), and both feature prominently
in Sturlu saga. They had four children. Þorbj†rg’s sister was the wife of Bishop
Brandr Sæmundsson. Páll was already a priest in 1143 and was a man of some
importance in 1148, when Bishop Magnús perished in a fire. According to Sturlu

Notes39

saga he was wealthy and, unlike Sturla, well connected with most of the notable
magnates of Iceland. He died in 1185. Páll was in all likelihood in his sixties in1174 and that may be the main reason why his powerful friends did not get him thejob (see Ármann Jakobsson 2000, 180–81). He interprets a dream about Þorlákr’sholiness (ch. 17). See further Kristni saga 42; Sturlunga saga, I 103–14.
63 Conceit (sjálfvirðing) presumably refers to superbia, the most serious of thedeadly sins.
64 This happened in 1174, when he was forty.
65 Þorlákr’s election is hardly surprising considering that he had played a leadingrole in the foundation of the first Augustinian monastery in Iceland and had probably worked closely with Klœngr and was thus in touch with the church reformof the time. It may also have helped him that he was raised in Oddi and was thus
connected to the most powerful families in the diocese during the eleventh andtwelfth centuries, the Oddi and Haukadalr clans.
66 Gizurr lived close to Skálaholt, in Haukadalr. Later he took up residence in
Skálaholt (see ch. 80), as is told even more clearly in the B-version (Þorláks saga
185; Sturlunga saga, I 139–40; Páls saga byskups, 300). In the Latin fragments ofÞorláks saga, Jón Loptsson is referred to as princeps patriae, which may reflect
his role as an unofficial ‘king of Iceland’ in some thirteenth-century saga texts(Latínubrot um Þorlák byskup, 349; Ármann Jakobsson 1997, 295–98).
67 Hungrvaka depicts Klœngr as recklessly extravagant, and insinuates that heinvited so many to the consecration of the new church at Skálaholt that there wereseventy for breakfast the following day and the food ran out (Hungrvaka, 35–38).
68 Presumably the recipients of Klœngr’s excessive hospitality.
69 These hostilities seem to be referred to in the letters of Archbishop ­Eysteinn(DI, I 223). They may include the dispute between Helgi Skaptason and the Norwegian Brennu-Páll in 1175, which is mentioned in passing in the PrestssagaGuðmundar Arasonar (Sturlunga saga, I 124–25).
70 Klœngr died on 28 February 1176.
71 This might be from a reading for either of the two feast days of St Paul (25January and 30 June), or perhaps the subject of a homily preached on one of thosedays. For January the lesson should be Acts 9, for June Gal. 1: 11–20 and Matthew
10: 16–22, but these do not include a passage of that kind. On the other hand, in
Philippians 1: 28 the saint says ‘in nothing be terrified by your adversaries’ (et innullo terreamini ab adversariis). Cf. Hebrews 13: 6.
72 The Latin term electus is used in the original. According to Magnús Már
Lárusson, Þorlákr as an electus had more authority than a mere bishop-elect(postulatus): ‘hann hafi haft jus in re in spiritualibus et temporalibus, sem postulatus, sá tilnefndi, hafði ekki, er Þorlákur tók við staðarforráðum’ (Magnús Már
Lárusson 1956 [1967], 55).
73 Eysteinn Erlendsson was a little older than Þorlákr, probably born around1120. His father, Erlendr hímaldi Jónasson, was related to King Magnús berfœttr
(d. 1103). Erlendr’s grandfather was the Icelander Úlfr Óspaksson, stallari ‘marshal’ to King Haraldr harðráði, who was married to Jórunn, daughter of ÞorbergrÁrnason and granddaughter of the notable magnate Erlingr Skjálgsson. Eysteinn

40

Notes

studied abroad, probably in England and France. He was chancellor to King Ingi,
chaplain and treasurer, before he became archbishop in 1157, selected by the kinghimself. He had also been priest of the church in Konungahella. Eysteinn went
to Rome to be consecrated and stayed in the abbey of St Victor (where Þorlákr
may have been at the time). He was consecrated on 4 February 1161. An able
administrator, Eysteinn managed to make an alliance with King Magnús and Jarl
Erlingr, and to crown King Magnús as the vassal of St Óláfr in 1163 and 1164.
He founded Augustinian monasteries and worked on a new ecclesiastical law in
Norway. When King Sverrir took power, Eysteinn fell into disfavour and was inexile in England 1180–83. Later he made peace with Sverrir and died 26 January
1188. His successor, Eiríkr, was probably more ardent in his pursuit of church
autonomy. Eysteinn was proclaimed a saint by a Norwegian synod in 1229 but
never achieved general recognition.
74 King Magnús Erlingsson ruled Norway from 1161 to 1184, his father Jarl
Erlingr acting as unofficial regent until he was killed in 1179. Magnús had sworn
allegiance to St Óláfr as the ‘rex perpetuus Norvegiae’, and, as the Church was
acting for the saint, he was technically her vassal. However, as this passage indicates, the king and his father were still very much in charge.
75 Psalm 117: 9. Bonum est sperare in Domino, quam sperare in principibus ‘It
is good to trust in the Lord, rather than to trust in princes’.
76 1 Peter 2: 17. Deum timete, regem honorificate ‘Fear God, honour the king’.
See also Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar eptir Odd munk Snorrason 2006, 126.
77 The word vingunarsvipr seems to indicate that there was no genuine friendship between the king and jarl and Þorlákr. The insinuation may stem from theadmiration shown in the saga for King Sverrir. The quotation from Sverrir may
have come from oral tradition (perhaps passed on by his biographer, Abbot Karl
Jónsson of Þingeyrar) or from a letter now lost. It is unclear why King Magnús andJarl Erlingr should object to Þorlákr, but it may be related to the aforementioned
quarrel between Icelanders and Norwegians.
78 Pope Alexander III ruled from 7 September 1159 to his death, 30 August 1181.
He was Orlando Bandinelli from Siena, born c.1100. He was a teacher of law in
Bologna (1139–42) and then canon in Pisa, was created cardinal deacon in 1150 andcardinal priest in 1151. In 1153 he became papal chancellor and the main advisor
to Pope Adrian IV (the English pope), was considered a friend of Normandy andopposed to Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa. In 1159 he was chosen as pope by theenemies of the emperor but the minority chose Ottavian Monticelli (antipope Victor IV) and then three other antipopes (Paschal III, Callistus III and Innocent III),throughout his reign. His papacy marks an intensification of the hostilities between
emperor and pope. He was compelled to leave Rome twice in his reign, dwelling firstin France and then Italy. In 1177 he was finally recognised by Frederick III, in thepeace of Venice. Alexander III was the first great lawyer pope, and was for a longwhile believed to be the author of Summa Rolandi (one of the earliest commentaries
on the Decretum Gratiani) and the Sententiae Rolandi. See further Baldwin 1968.
79 This happened on 2 July, 1178. The feast of Peter and Paul is the 29 June,
but Paul is not mentioned here in spite of the saga’s numerous quotations of theNotes41

Pauline letters. It was probably important to connect events in the vitae of church
leaders to St Peter as the Pope’s predecessor.
80 Eiríkr Ívarsson was archbishop 1188–1205. He died in 1213. Eiríkr was probably slightly older than Þorlákr (born around 1130). His father was an Icelander,Ívarr skrauthanki, who became bishop in Niðaróss. Eiríkr studied in the abbey of
St Victor in the 1150s, where the day of his death (3 May) was observed for a longtime. He was bishop of Stavanger in 1171 and close to Archbishop Eysteinn in
opposition to King Sverrir. When he became archbishop, hostilities between him
and the king soon emerged and he fled the country, staying with Bishop Absalonof Lund from 1191 until after Sverrir had died in 1202, enjoying the support of theDanes. Shortly after going into exile he lost his eyesight, which in Sverris saga isinterpreted as a sign of divine disfavour for his opposition to the king. In 1190 hewrote a letter to the pope which led to King Sverrir’s excommunication in 1194.
Eiríkr had originally supported the Baglar but returned home as a royalist, supported King Ingi against Hákon galinn in 1204 and was present at their settlementin 1212 (Sverris saga 2007).
81 Páll was bishop of Bergen from 1156 to his death in 1194. He had previously
been chaplain to King Eysteinn Haraldsson, who was instrumental in making him
a bishop. Since Páll died the year after St Þorlákr, the statement of their lifelong
friendship is hardly an exaggeration.
82 Eysteinn had consecrated between four and six bishops before Þorlákr: EiríkrÍvarsson (Stavanger 1172), who was presumably the most notable, Helgi (Oslo1169/1170), Brandr Sæmundarson (Hólar 1163), Ormarr or Ragnarr (Hamar
c.1164), Vilhjálmr (Kirkjuvágr, Orkney, 1168) and Hrói or Sveinn (the Faroes,1162). As none of the others became a saint, Þorlákr may indeed be considered theforemost. The archbishop of Niðaróss had ten bishops under him, four in Norway(Viken, Stavanger, Hamar and Bergen), two in Iceland (Skálaholt and Hólar) and
one each in the Faroes, Greenland, Orkney and the Hebrides. For background,see Bagge 2003.
83 These adjectives alliterate in the Icelandic; many thanks to Alison Finlay
for her translation of this sentence. Cf. Titus 1: 7–9. Oportet enim episcopum
sine crimine esse, sicut Dei dispensatorem, non superbum, non iracundum, nonvinolentum, non percussorem, non turpis lucri cupidum; sed hospitalem, benignum, sobrium, iustum, sanctum, continentem, amplectentem eum qui secundum
doctrinam est, fidelem sermonem ut potens sit exhortari, in doctrina sana, et eosqui contradicunt, arguere ‘For a bishop must be without crime, as the steward of
God: not proud, not subject to anger, nor given to wine, no striker, not greedy offilthy lucre, but given to hospitality, gentle, sober, just, holy, continent, embracingthat faithful word which is according to doctrine, that he may be able to exhort insound doctrine and to convince the gainsayers’.
84 This would be 9 August. St Laurence was martyred on 10 August, AD 258.
85 II Timothy 4: 2. Argue, obsecra, increpa in omni patientia et doctrina ‘reprove,entreat, rebuke in all patience and doctrine’.
86 He was probably aided in this by Gizurr Hallsson, who later took up residence
at Skálaholt, or Gizurr’s son, Þorvaldr, who helped him with the finances on his

42

Notes

deathbed. Þorlákr was probably compelled to pursue a stringent financial policy
after the reckless spending of Bishop Klœngr (cf. chs 9 and 10).
87 The saga author is here drawing an implicit contrast with Bishop Klœngr’s
mismanagement.
88 Psalm 118: 103. Quam dulcia faucibus meis eloquia tua, super mel ori meo!
‘How sweet are thy words to my palate! more than honey to my mouth’. The
phrase occurs in Vitus saga and Homiliu-bók (Heilagra manna søgur . . . 1877,
328; Homiliu-bók . . . 1872, 186).
89 Matthew 24: 46. Beatus ille servus, quem cum venerit dominus eius, ­invenerit
sic facientem ‘Blessed is that servant, who when his lord shall come he shall findso doing’; cf. Matt. 12:37. Beati servi illi, quos cum venerit dominus, invenerit
vigilantes.
90 Matthew 24: 42. Vigilate ergo, quia nescitis qua hora Dominus vester venturussit ‘Watch ye therefore, because you know not what hour your Lord will come’.
91 cf. Matthew 24: 47. Amen dico vobis, quoniam super omnia bona sua constituet
eum ‘Amen I say to you: he shall place him over all his goods’.
92 cf. Matthew 17: 21. Hoc genus non eiicitur, nisi in oratione et ieiunio ‘But
this kind is not cast out but by prayer and fasting’.
93 Matthew 5: 5. Beati qui lugent, quoniam ipsi consolabuntur ‘Blessed are theythat mourn: for they shall be comforted’. This phrase is also found in Homiliu-bók. . . 1872, 49.
94 John 16: 20. Tristitia vestra vertetur in gaudium ‘your sorrow shall be turned
into joy’.
95 cf. James 1: 20. Ira enim viri iustitiam Dei non operatur ‘For the anger ofman worketh not the justice of God’.
96 Romans 12: 21. Noli vinci a malo, sed vince in bono malum ‘Be not overcomeby evil but overcome evil by good’.
97 Revelation 1: 3. Beatus qui legit et audit verba prophetiae huius et servat ea
quae in ea scripta sunt ‘Blessed is he that readeth and heareth the words of thisprophecy: and keepeth those things which are written in it’.
98 Psalm 33: 11. Venite, filii, audite me: timorem domini docebo vos ‘Come,children, hearken to me: I will teach you the fear of the Lord’.
99 II Corinthians 1: 13. Non enim alia scribimus vobis quam quae legistis etcognovistis ‘For we write no other things to you than what you have read andknown’. The Icelandic translation is somewhat liberal.
100 cf. James 5: 16. Multum enim valet deprecatio iusti assidua ‘For the continual
prayer of a just man availeth much’.
101 Matthew 5: 4. Beati mites (quoniam ipsi possidebunt terram) ‘Blessed are
the meek, for they shall possess the land’. Here, ‘eternally’ is added.
102 The original reads ‘hve mj†k þat er kallat at á hirti ríði’. This is clearly an
idiom, as in modern Icelandic áríðandi and in the English ‘much rides on this’.
The deer (hj†rtr) is obviously a swift animal.
103 The descending order of the numbers seems strange, but these are holy
numbers, especially seven (the days of the week, the cardinal virtues) and twelve(the months of the year, the number of the apostles). The number nine seems toNotes43

have less relevance to the Christian faith, although it is an old sacred number forGræco-Roman culture and the pagan North (see Laugesen 1959).
104 Although Þorlákr, like many other saints and bishops, follows Christ’s­example in this, Christ in fact dried his disciples’ feet with a towel (John 13:2–5): it was Mary, the sister of Martha, who dried Christ’s feet with her hair after
anointing them with oil (John 12: 3).
105 John 13: 15. Exempli enim dedi vobis, ut que madmodum ego feci vobis,
ita et vos faciatis ‘For I have given you an example, that as I have done to you,so you do also’.
106 Matthew 6: 3. Te autem faciente eleemosynam, nesciat sinistra tua, quid
faciat dextera tua ‘But when thou dost alms, let not thy left hand know what thy
right hand doth’. This is the proper way to give alms, according to Christ himself
and Matthew.
107 The negative follows an emendation by Guðbrandur Vigfússon, which seems
more logical than the manuscript reading (Origines Islandicae . . . 1905, 485).
108 This seems to refer to events described in Oddaverja þáttr.
109 Ezekiel 33: 11. Nolo mortem peccatoris sed ut inpius convertatur et vivat ‘I
desire not the death of the wicked, but that the wicked turn from his way, and live’.
This is a very popular citation in medieval Iceland (Kirby 1976–80, I 109–10).
110 Either the same, or Ezekiel 18:27: Et cum averterit se impius ab impietate
sua, quam operatus est et fecerit iudicium et iustitiam, ipse animam suam vivificabit ‘And when the wicked turneth himself away from his wickedness, which
he hath wrought, and doeth judgment, and justice: he shall save his soul alive’.
111 Matthew 18: 17. Si autem ecclesiam non audierit, sit tibi sicut ethnicus etpublicanus ‘And if he will not hear the church, let him be to thee as the heathen
and publican’.
112 Matthew 5: 9. Beati pacifici, quoniam filii Dei vocabuntur ‘Blessed are thepeacemakers: for they shall be called the children of God’. Another quotation fromthe Sermon on the Mount, cf. notes 40 and 42.
113 This could be a reference to 1 Cor. 9: 22 (‘To the weak I became weak, that
I might gain the weak. I became all things to all men, that I might save all’) or to
2 Cor. 11, where Paul describes his sufferings.
114 The ‘unions of men’ (ráð manna) seems to refer principally to marriages
between men and women, although it might also refer to the other ties createdby these marriages.
115 This sentence is extremely convoluted in the original.
116 cf. Psalm 83: 12. Misericordiam et veritatem diligit Deus, gratiam et gloriam
dabit Dominus ‘For God loveth mercy and truth: the Lord will give grace and glory’.
117 Guðmundr Bjálfason was abbot in Þykkvabœr (Ver) from 1178 to his deathin 1197. He is mentioned also in Páls saga byskups (331), but little is known about
his family or background.
118 See ch. 9.
119 St Ambrose’s Day is 7 December. His legend was translated into Icelandic
and he was co-patron of the Church at H†fði in H†fðahverfi. St Cecilia’s Day is
22 November. She was patron saint of churches in Húsafell, Nes in Aðaldalr and

44

Notes

Saurbœr in Eyjafj†rðr, but a second patron in Otradalr. Her legend also existedin Icelandic. St. Agnes’ Day is 21 January. Her legend exists in three Icelandic
versions and she was a joint patron of Þerney and Bœr in Borgarfj†rðr. The Feastsof the Apostles were: Peter (and Paul) 29 June, Andrew 30 November, James 25
July, John 6 May and 27 December, Thomas 3 July and 21 December, ­Matthew
21 September,,Matthias 24 or 25 February, Bartholomew (or Nathaniel) 24 ­August,Philip and James the Lesser shared 1 May, St Jude (Thaddeus) and Simon shared 28
October. All the apostles had legends in Icelandic but their popularity as patron saintsof Icelandic churches varied. The Mass of St Nicholas was 6 December. More thanforty churches were consecrated to him (alone or with others) and several versionsof his legend existed (Cormack 1994, 74–165; Heilagra manna søgur . . . 1877, I
15–22 (Agnesar Saga Meyjar), 28–51 (Ambrosius Saga Byskups), 276–97 (Ceciliu
Saga Meyjar)). The sagas of the apostles are edited in Postola sögur . . . 1874.
120 Fridays which were not feast days were called rúmhelgr and one meal
­apparently sufficed.
121 white food: dairy products.
122 If Christmas fell on a Friday the feast would take precedence over the discipline of fasting, so Þorlákr should have been eating meat that day whether hewas ill or not, and yet the author insists on his illness as an explanation. Christmas
Day would have fallen on a Friday in 1181, 1187 and 1192.
123 Þorlákr’s own parents had separated on account of their poverty, so there isa personal angle to this innovation.
124 Among these unnamed men is obviously Jón Loptsson, who kept Þorlákr’s
sister as his concubine with his wife still living, as everyone in the original audiencewould have realised. The saga often chooses not to mention names. It is unlikelythat this is done to spare Jón Loptsson or Páll Jónsson, his son and Þorlákr’s
successor (conceived in such an unlawful marriage), since everyone would have
known of this in any case and the reference is clear enough. It is more likely thatthe author believes that the general is more important than the individual and thus
decides never to mention names of sinners.
125 Clearly, worldly longings are not suitable for a saint.
126 The Ember Days are four separate sets of three days within the same week(the Wednesday, Friday and Saturday) set aside for fasting and prayer. The ­Emberweeks are between the first and second Sundays of Lent, between Pentecost andTrinity Sunday, the week beginning on the Sunday after Holy Cross Day (14September), and the week between the third and fourth Sundays of Advent. The
rule that fixes the ordination of clergy in the Ember weeks is traditionally associated with Pope Gelasius I (d. 496). The Icelandic name imbrudagar seems to be
derived from Old English.
127 These tokens functioned much as written references in support of job­applications do now.
128 The word used is bóks†gur which presumably means written legends.
129 Compare the numbers of the men whose feet Þorlákr washed, n. 103 above.
130 II Corinthians 12: 9. Et dixit mihi: sufficit tibi gratia mea, nam virtus in infirmitate perficitur ‘And he said to me: My grace is sufficient for thee, for powerNotes45

is made perfect in infirmity’. The term used in Icelandic is sjúkleikr ‘illness’ (seeKirby 1976–80, II 379).
131 The Apostles’ Creed and the Lord’s Prayer (‘Our Father. . .’).
132 Iesu nostra redemptio: This hymn dates to the seventh or eighth century.
The second line is usually amor et desiderium but other versions exist: the secondline can be amor er vita pauperum etc.
133 Eight hymns are attributed to Pope Gregory the Great (d. 604) by Benedictine
monks. Of those, Nocte surgentes vigilemus and Ecce jam noctis tenuatur umbra areas a rule sung every morning but Primo dierum omnium is also a morning hymn.
134 Psalm 1: 1–2. Beatus vir qui non abiit in consilio impiorum et in via peccatorum non stetit et in cathedra pestilentiae non sedit, sed in lege Domini voluntas
eius ‘Blessed is the man who hath not walked in the counsel of the ungodly, norstood in the way of sinners, nor sat in the chair of pestilence, but his will is in thelaw of the Lord’.
135 This is the Little Office of the Blessed Virgin Mary, a monastic devotion
which may have originated in the eighth century but came into general use in thetenth century. In the twelfth century, some Augustinian Canons prescribed the
Little Office in addition to the eight hours of the Divine Office and later it became
obligatory for all clergy.
136 His usual singing would be what Þorlákr sings every day, which seems toindicate that he habitually finished the psalter in three days, fifty psalms eachday, in addition to the psalms which are part of the offices he recites each day.
137 Gloria patri: An ancient hymn, used both in the East and in the West fromthe early Middle Ages and existing in various versions. The
�����������������������
standard Latin version is: Gloria patri et Filio et Spiritui Sancto: Sicut erat in principio, et nunc,
et semper, et in saecula saeculorum. It was customary to sing Gloria patri after
each psalm.
138 Psalm 56: 2. Miserere mei Deus, miserere mei, quoniam in te confidit animamea ‘Have mercy on me, O God, have mercy on me; while my soul puts its trustin thee’. This psalm is quoted by King Sverrir after the death of King Magnús
Erlingsson in 1184 (Sverris saga 2007, 152).
139 Salvum fac pater et Domine: Psalm 27: 9: Salvum fac populum tuum, Domine,et benedic haereditati tuae. Et rege eos et extolle illos usque in aeternum ‘Save,
O Lord, thy people, and bless thy inheritance, and rule them and exalt them for
ever’. This verse is used in the Te Deum and in the Hours, which may be the casein this instance.
140 Psalm 19: 3. Mittat tibi auxilium de sancto et de Sion roboret te ‘May he send
thee help from the sanctuary: and defend thee out of Sion’. This is much used inprayers. There is no similar prayer of Solomon in the Vulgate.
141 Psalm 33: 1. Benedicam dominum in omni tempore semper laus eius in ore
meo ‘I will bless the Lord at all times, his praise shall be always in my mouth’.
142 Psalm 14: 1–2. Domine quis habitabit in tabernaculo tuo? aut quis requiescet
in monte sancto tuo? Qui ingreditur sine macula et operatur iustitiam ‘Lord, whoshall dwell in thy tabernacle? or who shall rest in thy holy hill? He that walketh
without blemish, and worketh justice’.

46

Notes

143 It is unclear what those games were and why they were more antipatheticalto the saint than stories or music.
144 Bishop St Martin of Tours (c.315–97), one of the most notable Western
European saints of the early Middle Ages and one of the first who was neither amartyr nor a hermit, i.e. one of the foremost representatives of the vita activa. He
enjoyed respect in twelfth- and thirteenth-century Iceland, more among the learned
than the general public, and is mentioned in both Jóns saga helga and Guðmundarsaga. He is often regarded as the father of monastic life in France. His popularity
in the North may be connected to the links various Norse church leaders had withFrance and England (Jóns saga ins helga, 222–23, 297, 301; Guðmundar saga A,
120; Brot úr miðsögu Guðmundar, 594). On St Martin see, e.g., Stancliffe 1983.
145 This is the same Páll who contended with Þorlákr for the office of bishop.
146 Although Þorlákr led the life of an active saint (vita activa), given his role
as a church official, his life is nevertheless presented as essentially one of solitude
and abstinence (vita contemplativa). This is not unusual; most biographers of ­active
saints stress their self-denial and ascetic habits.
147 Gizurr Hallsson, along with Jón Loptsson, had been admonished by thearchbishop of Niðaróss for having ‘two wives’ (see Introduction, pp. xv and xvii,
and notes to the text 31, 32 and 124). One can assume that when he moved to
Skálaholt, he had repented and given up one or both wives.
148 Bishop Brandr Sæmundarson was of the Oddi family and was also related
to Þorlákr Runólfsson, bishop at Skálaholt. He and Páll S†lvason, who competedagainst Þorlákr in 1174, were married to sisters. Brandr was probably bornaround 1110. He was consecrated to the see of Hólar in 1163 and died in 1201,
and figures prominently in Sturlunga saga, Jóns saga helga and Guðmundarsaga. Two of his greatest accomplishments were achieved in his extreme oldage, the translation of St Þorlákr in 1198 and the translation of St Jón of Hólar
in 1200 (Sturlunga saga, I 53, 55, 86, 105–211, 238, 240; II 87; Jóns saga ins
helga, 242, 254–56, 269–79, 288, 302–04, 308–09; Guðmundar saga A; Brotúr miðsögu Guðmundar, 561).
149 Páll was bishop of Skálaholt from 1195 to 1211, he was the son of Jón
Loptsson and Þorlákr’s sister Ragnheiðr. Páls saga relates that he was buried at
Skálaholt in a stone coffin (Páls saga byskups, 306). This coffin was dug up in
1954 (Sveinbjörn Rafnsson 1993, 123–27; Eldjárn 1988).
150 Ormr Eyjólfsson also figures in the B-version of the saga where it is related
that after Þorlákr’s death he dwelt with Bishop Brandr of Hólar (Þorláks saga,
178–79, 194–95).
151 Psalm 116: 15. Pretiosa in conspectu Domini mora Sanctorum eius ‘Precious
in the sight of the Lord is the death of his saints’.
152 Þorlákr actually died in 1193, but the author makes the ‘correction’ on
grounds of computatio Gerlandi (cf. Introduction).
153 Hungrvaka states that Gizurr was a great authority on the history of the seeof Skálaholt (Hungrvaka, 3).
154 Bishop Brandr Sæmundarson was probably around 80 when Þorlákr died(see note 148 above).

Notes47

155 Karl Jónsson was abbot of Þingeyrar from 1169–1207 (except for a breakin the years 1181–87). He died in 1212 or 1213. Karl is the author of some or all
of Sverris saga (see Þorleifur Hauksson 2007, xxii–xxiv, lv–lx).
156 Þorvaldr the priest is called Þorvaldr lundi ‘puffin’ in the oldest Guð­mundar saga but is otherwise unknown. According to Sturlunga saga a Þorvarðr
Klyppsson lived in Lundr in Reykjardalr, but this is not in the North (and thename, though similar, is not the same) (Guðmundar saga A, 91; Sturlunga saga
I 105, 232–33).
157 ‘Years’ follows the B/C-version of the saga, a correction of the A-version’s‘nights’.
158 From this point until the saga’s penultimate chapter, the chapters are often
more like paragraphs, each describing a new miracle. The numbering is continued
for ease of reference.
159 The original word is fanntóm which could be the otherwise unknown word
fanntó ‘speck of snow’, cf. grastó ‘turf of grass’.
160 It is possible that Bishop Páll’s lack of initiative in this matter is stressed
because he was closely related to Þorlákr.
161 That is, L†grétta at Þingvellir.
162 The Mass of St Peter falls on 29 June.
163 Tj†rvi the Leprous is only known from this miracle and presumably was nota magnate. The name has a long history in Iceland but has never been popular.
164 The Te Deum or the Ambrosian hymn is an early Christian hymn of praise,traditionally said to have been sung by Sts Ambrose and Augustine when theformer baptised the latter in 387, and was used regularly in thanksgiving on
special occasions.
165 Abbot Jón Loptsson or Ljótsson was abbot of Þykkvabœr in Ver from 1197
(after Guðmundr Bjálfason). This is the cloister that Þorlákr himself founded.
166 Guðmundr gríss ‘piglet’ Ámundason was a magnate (goði) at Þingvellir andallsherjargoði (goði of the lineage of Ingólfr the first settler), but ended his life asa monk at Þingeyrar/Þverá. He died on 22 February 1210. Guðmundr was Bishop
Páll’s brother-in-law, the father-in-law of Þorvaldr Gizurarson, the grandfatherof Bishop Árni Þorláksson and the great-grandfather of Bishop Árni Helgason.
His son, Magnús, was elected bishop of Skálaholt in 1238 but never consecrated(Sturlunga saga, I 51, 53, 60, 140, 237, 239, 267, 396; II 8. ættskrá).
167 In spite of his noble lineage, this Sighvatr cannot be identified.
168 Unas is a rare name, otherwise only known as that of King Sverrir’s fosterfather (Unás kambari) in the Faroes (Sverris saga, 4–5). Nothing else is known
about this man.
169 The boy saint Vitus is also mentioned in Hungrvaka. He is an early saint from
Italy, a child when he died. It is not clear why he appears here since the disease
described does not seem to be one of those for which he was usually invoked(fits, nerve diseases and the bites of dogs and snakes). He is one of only a few
foreign saints that perform miracles in Iceland, perhaps because his mass (15June) was the day of the consecration of Skálaholt cathedral (on Trinity Sunday
1158) (Melsted 1903–30, III 233).

48

Notes

170 This priest is also mentioned in the miracles of the C-version, but little is
known about him (Jarteinabók Þorláks byskups önnur 2002, 245).
171 Although Árni óreiða, Snorri Sturluson’s son-in-law, is by far the foremostÁrni on contemporary record, the reference is probably to a now unknown manof fair standing.
172 Ormr lived at Breiðabólstaðr and died in 1218. His daughter Hallveig­married Bj†rn Þorvaldsson, son of Þorvaldr Gizurarson, and later lived with
Snorri Sturluson.
173 A Torfi Guðmundarson, a priest at Sauðafell and later in Hjarðarholt who
appears widely in Sturlunga saga, seems to have been in the service of Sturla
Sighvatsson, but it is not known whether he came from a noble family. A TorfiÞorvarðarson, son of Þorvarðr the priest of Lundr, was of noble extraction, being
related to Þórir the rich priest from Deildartunga; the name of his wife is not known,
but he came from a family of priests (Sturlunga saga, I 300, 313–14, 318, 320,
323, 340–41, 348). Torfi’s wife is called Halldóra in a miracle in the B-version(Þorláks saga, 213).
174 Magnús Gizurarson (c.1165–1237) was the son of Gizurr Hallsson, andbrother of Þorvaldr and Hallr. He was bishop in Skálaholt from 1216. In PrestssagaGuðmundar Arasonar it is said that Þorlákr had much respect for all the sons ofGizurr and fostered Magnús in his youth (before consecrating him as priest), withsuch success that he became very learned, eloquent and prophetic (Sturlunga
saga, I 140).
175 That is, either he could not see further than the reach of his fingers, or hecould only make things out by feeling with his hands.
176 In the B-versions, this happens at Hvítá (presumably Hvítá in Árnesþing)(Þorláks saga, 200).
177 This miracle and many of the ensuing ones are more extensively told in
Jarteinabók Þorláks byskups in forna (2002, 103–25). Holt undir Eyjafj†llum
was settled by Þorgeirr h†rzki, son of Bárðr bl†nduhorn from Viggja, whosettled the land between Írá and Lambafellsá. His wife was Ásgerðr Asksdóttir
who had previously been married to Ófeigr, and their son was Þorgeirr gollnir.
The sons of Ásgerðr and Þorgeirr from H†rðaland were Þorgrímr the Great andHolta-Þórir, whose sons were Þorleifr the Crow and Skorar-Geirr. This family
plays an important part in Brennu-Njáls saga where the genealogy is different.
In Jarteinabók Þorláks byskups in forna the farmer of Holt is called Grímr Jónsson, son of Jón Þorgeirsson, priest of Holt. This Grímr died in 1219 and his son
lived at Holt after him until 1283. Grímr’s son married the daughter of Ormr ofBreiðabólstaðr, brother of Bishop Páll himself (Jarteinabók Þorláks byskups inforna 2002, 103–04; Brennu-Njáls saga 1954, ættskrá 1. a and b).
178 A longer and more interesting version of this miracle is in the B-version andin Jarteinabók Þorláks byskups in forna, where another woman in the vicinity
laughs at this miracle as the wife uses the same treatment that is used for pregnant
women; this woman is punished by a severe pain in the eyes, although St Þorlákr
also heals that when asked (Þorláks saga, 210; Jarteinabók Þorláks byskups inforna 2002, 114–59).

Notes

49

179 This may mean that the child’s healed eye was a different colour from theother.
180 Guðmundr Arason was bishop at Hólar from 1203 to 1237. He was later
regarded as a saint himself and is the subject of four sagas (or four versions of one
saga, depending on definition), commonly designated A, B, C, D.
181 Þorleifr Þorleiksson from Hítardalr was extremely old at that time; he wasalready master of the place in 1148, when Bishop Magnús Einarsson perishedin a great fire, cf. Hungrvaka, 31–32 (esp. note 7). He died in 1200. Þorleifr’s
grand-daughter Herdís was the wife of Bishop Páll (Páls saga, 297).
182 This could have been either a gallstone or a kidney-stone. This Þorsteinn
may have been Þorsteinn Jónsson of Hvammr, father of Eyjólfur ofsi (d. 1255)
and of Ásgrímr who became riddari (d. 1285). This Þorsteinn is likely to havebeen in his teens or twenties in the 1190s.
183 Uni is a rare name in Iceland after the settlement period although examples
can be found in Landnámabók 220, 242, 296, 299–301.
184 Þorsteinn Skeggjason is also mentioned in the C-miracles and Páls saga,
and is said to be the best smith in Iceland. His line is traced in Landnámabók,
an indication of the respect he must have enjoyed in the late thirteenth century(Þorláks saga, 292; Páls saga byskups, 310; Landnámabók, 256).
185 There is a miracle in C in which Þorlákr frees captives (who call on him
during a siege of the heathens) in a distant land (Jarteinabók Þorláks byskups
önnur 2002, 236–37).

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62Þorláks sagaIndex of Personal Names
INDEX OF PERSONAL NAMES
Agnes, saint 16
Alexander III (d. 1181), pope 11
Ambrose, saint 16
Anacletus (d. 1138), pope 1
Árni, worthy man 25
Bjarnheðinn (d. 1173), monk 5, 7
Bj†rn Gilsson (d. 1162), bishop of Hólar 3
Brandr Sæmundarson (d. 1201), bishop of Hólar 20, 23, 31
Cecilia, saint 16
Christ 2, 6, 13, 21
David, prophet 1, 2, 3, 8, 11, 13, 14, 16, 21
Eiríkr Ívarsson (d. 1213), bishop and later archbishop of Norway 11, 23
Erlingr the crooked (d. 1179), Norwegian earl 11
Eyjólfr Sæmundarson (d. 1158), priest and magnate 2
Eysteinn Erlendsson (d. 1188), archbishop of Norway 9, 11
Eyv†r, Þorlákr’s sister 4
Gizurr Hallsson (d. 1206), Icelandic magnate and lawspeaker 10, 19–23
God 1, 4–9, 11, 13–26, 31, 32
Gregory the Great (d. 604), pope and saint 18
Guðmundr Arason (d. 1237), bishop of Hólar 31
Guðmundr gríss Ámundason (d. 1210), chieftain 24Guðmundr Bjálfason (d. 1197), abbot in Þykkvabœr 16
Halla, Þorlákr’s mother 1, 7
Hallr Gizurarson (d. 1230), Icelandic magnate and lawspeaker 31
Haraldr Gilchrist (d. 1136), king of Norway 1
Isidore (d. 636), saint 2
James, apostle 14
John, apostle 14
Jón Ljótsson (Loptsson), abbot in Þykkvabœr 24
Jón Loptsson (d. 1197), Icelandic magnate 10
Karl Jónsson (d. 1212), abbot at Þingeyrar 22Klœngr Þorsteinsson (d. 1176), bishop of Skálaholt 7, 9–10
Laurence, saint 12
Luke, evangelist 6
Magnús Einarsson (d. 1148), bishop of Skálaholt 2–3
Magnús Erlingsson (d. 1184), king of Norway 11
Magnús Gizurarson (d. 1237), bishop of Skálaholt 26, 31
Magnús Sigurðarson (d. 1139), king of Norway 1
Martin, saint 19
Mary, virgin and saint 18
Nicholas, saint 16
Ormr Eyjólfsson, chaplain 21, 23
Ormr Jónsson (d. 1218), Icelandic magnate 25, 31

63

64

Þorláks saga

Paul, apostle 2, 8, 10–12, 14–15, 18
Páll (d. 1194), bishop of Bergen 11
Páll Jónsson (d. 1211), bishop of Skálaholt 4, 19–21, 23–25, 28, 31–32
Páll Solvason (d. 1185), priest at Reykjaholt 9, 19
Peter, apostle 11, 24
Ragnheiðr Þórhallsdóttir, Þorlákr’s sister 4
Sighvatr, noble man 24
Solomon the Wise, Biblical king 1, 18
Sveinn, farmer 23
Sverrir Sigurðarson (d. 1202), king of Norway 11Sæmundr Jónsson (d. 1222), Icelandic magnate31
Timothy, saint 12
Titus, saint 11
Tjörvi, leper 24
Torfi, priest 25
Unas, sick man 24
Uni, cripple 31
Vitus, saint 25Þorkell Geirason (d. 1187), patron of Þorlákr 6, 9–10, 16, 21
Þorlákr Þórhallsson (d. 1193), saint and bishop of Skálaholt 1–32
Þorlákr Runólfsson (d. 1133), bishop of Skálaholt 1Þorleifr Þorleiksson (d. 1200), from Hítardalr 31Þorsteinn (Jónsson), young nobleman 31Þorsteinn Skeggjason, goldsmith 32Þorvaldr lundi, priest 23Þorvaldr Gizurarson (d. 1235) 19, 31
Þórðr, noble priest 25Þórhallr, Þorlákr’s father 1Õgmundr Kálfsson (d. 1187), abbot at Helgafell 9

66
INDEX OF PLACE NAMES
Austfirðir 24
Bergen 11
Caithness 32
Denmark 32
England 3, 32
English Channel 28
Faroe Islands 28, 32
Fljótshlíð, region 1
Gautland (Götland) 32
Gotland 32
Greenland 32
Háfr, farm 5
Hítardalr, farm 31
Hlíðarendi, farm in Fljótshlíð 1
Hólar, see 31
Holtavatn, lake 27
Iceland 1, 3, 4, 6, 8, 10, 11, 22, 23, 27
Kirkjubœr, at Síða, farm 5–7
Lincoln, cathedral town in England 3
Norway 1, 10, 11, 32
Oddi, farm 2
Orkney 28, 32
Paris 3
Reykjaholt, farm 19, 28
Scotland 32
Shetland 32
Síða, region 5
Skálaholt, see 3, 10, 12, 13, 16, 19, 22–25, 31, 32
Stafangr (Stavanger), town in Norway 11
Sweden 32
Vatnsdalr, valley 22
Ver, region, see Þykkvabœr
Vestfirðir 30
Vestmannaeyjar 27Þrándheimr (Trondheim), town in Norway 11Þykkvabœr, at Ver, farm 6, 7, 16