My Vision No.72
2024.6

50 Years Later: Continuing Significance,
Ongoing Challenges
The Nippon Institute for Research Advancement celebrates its 50th anniversary this year.
In this issue of My Vision, we will look back at the major events that took place at the time of NIRA’s
establishment, and consider the significance of these events for those of us living now.

About This Issue
50 Years Later: Continuing Significance, Ongoing Challenges- Japan and the World at a New Turning Point
Masaki Taniguchi
President, NIRA / Professor, Graduate School of Public Policy, The University of Tokyo

This year, we celebrate NIRA’s 50th anniversary, including the years of existence of our predecessor
organization. During this period, the society and economy around us have undergone significant
transformations. We therefore wish to take this opportunity to look back at the major events that took
place when NIRA was established in 1974 and consider what impact they had on Japan and the world,
how this has been bequeathed to those of us living today, and what challenges remain.
Keywords…4th postwar period, turning point for Japan and the world, the next 50 years

Expert Opinions

50 Years Later: Continuing Significance, Ongoing Challenges
Fifty years later, we consider the events that took place in 1974.
What meaning do they hold for us today?

The Tanaka Era Is the “Origin Scene” ofCurrent Japanese Politics

Responding to Stagflation Through Japanese-style
Labor-Management Relations and theTransformation of the Nation’s Industrial Structure

Shinichi Yoshida

Tetsuji Okazaki

Director and Advisor, TV Asahi Corporation

Professor, Faculty of Economics, Meiji Gakuin
University
Keywords…Runaway inflation, negative growth,transformation of industrial structure and monetaryand fiscal policy

Keywords…Resignation of Prime Minister Kakuei
Tanaka, difficulties of postwar democracy, accessjournalism

We Must Further Discussion Regarding Japan’s
The Nixon Resignation: The Climax of a
Security Policy and the Three Non-nuclear Principles Collapse of Public Trust in the Government
Established by the Sato Administration
Ryota Murai

Fumiko Nishizaki

Professor Emeritus, The University of Tokyo
Professor, Faculty of Law, Komazawa University
Keywords…Eisaku Sato Nobel Peace Prize, La Rocque Keywords…Resignation of U.S. President Richard
testimony, Three Non-nuclear Principles
Nixon, collapse of trust, bold policy changes

Shigeo Nagashima Retires: The Showa Era, a Time
When People Identified With a Hero, Inspiring
Happiness and Sadness

Interview period：April-May, 2024

Terry Ito

Interviewer: Yuki Takenaka (Research Coordinator &Television director
Keywords…Retirement of Shigeo Nagashima, a placein the public’s heart, diversification of values

Research Fellow, NIRA)

Editor: Reiko Kanda, Maiko Sakaki and Tatsuya Yamaji. This is a translation of a paper originally published in Japanese.
NIRA bears full responsibility for the translation presented here.
Copyright Ⓒ 2024 by Nippon Institute for Research Advancement

1My Vision No.72
2024.6
About This Issue

50 Years Later: Continuing Significance, Ongoing Challenges- Japan and the World at a New Turning Point

Masaki Taniguchi
President, NIRA / Professor,
Graduate School of Public Policy,
The University of Tokyo

The predecessor of the Nippon Institute for Research
Advancement (NIRA), the National Institute for Research
Advancement, was established on March 25, 1974. NIRA has
therefore recently celebrated its 50th anniversary, after
reorganizing from a government-authorized corporation to anincorporated foundation and later still to a public interest
incorporated foundation. In this issue of NIRA's “My Vision,”under the theme of “50 Years Later,” five interviewees look backon the domestic and international political, economic, and social
events that took place at the time of NIRA's establishment, andconsider the significance of these events for us today.

The Events of 50 years Ago - And What They Mean for Us Today
Kakuei Tanaka was the Prime Minister of Japan when the National Institute for Research
Advancement was established. After graduating from what is now known as a vocational school,
Tanaka started his career as the president of a construction company, with his outstanding ability to
get things done and financial resources eventually seeing him rise to the office of Prime Minister; it
may be said, however, that the true character of the man was only revealed following his resignationfrom that position. The journalist Shinichi Yoshida covered the Tanaka faction as a reporter in the
Asahi Shimbun's Political Affairs Department and later served as Chief Editor of the Tokyo head
office, President of the Japan National Press Club, and President of TV Asahi Holdings; he believes
that the “origin scene” of the postwar Japanese political landscape, marked by the practice of porkbarrelling for votes and the rule of numbers, was crystallized and further intensified in the Tanaka
era and, together with political journalism being in a too-close relationship to political power, this is aproblem that has continued to this day.
Last year, the consumer price index rose by its greatest amount in 41 years. 50 years ago,
however, the index rose by 23% in a situation of runway inflation. At the same time, the economic
growth rate became negative for the first time in the postwar period, signaling the end of the era of
rapid economic growth. Nevertheless, according to Professor Tetsuji Okazaki of Meiji Gakuin
University, the Japanese economy performed relatively well thanks to the functioning of Japanesestyle labor-management relations and a change in the industrial structure, and this marked the
beginning of the country's rise to the status of an economic superpower. It was also a turning point formonetary policy, which saw the quantity of money supply being monitored in addition to prices, andfor fiscal policy, with the issuance of deficit-covering government bonds becoming a permanent featureof the economy.
Turning to diplomacy and the world outside Japan, in 1974 former Prime Minister Eisaku Sato
was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for the Three Non-nuclear Principles he declared during his termas Prime Minister. However, doubts have been cast on the “non-introduction of nuclear weapons,” oneof the three principles, since that time, with former U.S. Navy Rear Admiral Gene La Rocque
testifying to the U.S. Congress in September 1974 that U.S. vessels called at Japanese ports without
first unloading their nuclear weapons; recently, moreover, the existence of official U.S. documents
Editor: Reiko Kanda, Maiko Sakaki and Tatsuya Yamaji. This is a translation of a paper originally published in Japanese.
NIRA bears full responsibility for the translation presented here.
Copyright Ⓒ 2024 by Nippon Institute for Research Advancement

2My Vision No.72
2024.6indicating that a secret pact had been concluded between the Japanese and U.S. governments thatexempts nuclear-armed vessels from prior consultation when calling at Japanese ports has beenreported. Now, half a century later, Professor Ryota Murai of Komazawa University argues that weshould be having more honest and in-depth discussions regarding the history of, and the direction for,future management of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty.
The news of U.S. President Richard Nixon's resignation on August 9 shook world politics in1974. Although other presidents have been impeached, (for example Donald Trump), Nixon is the only
example of a president forced to resign. The exposure of the Pentagon Papers, America’s effective
defeat in the Vietnam War, and the Watergate scandal all contributed to the American people's
distrust of politics, but Professor Emeritus Fumiko Nishizaki of The University of Tokyo also tells usthat we must not forget that the dollar shock and bold policy changes, such as the U.S.-Soviet and
U.S.-China detente, also occurred at this time.
In the world of sports, on October 14, 1974, Shigeo Nagashima, a key player for the Yomiuri
Giants and a central figure in the golden era of both the Giants and Japanese professional baseball,retired from playing with the words, “Our Giants will live forever.” The success of Shohei Ohtani of
the Los Angeles Dodgers, who is now being compared to Babe Ruth, is a constant subject of attention
on TV and in the newspapers, but according to television director Terry Ito, people do not believe thatthey can be like Ohtani. Nagashima's retirement marked the end of the “feeling of the Showa era,” atime in which people admired a free-spirited figure who was like the sun, and tried their best to makethemselves into heroes.

Japan and the World at a New Turning Point
Postwar Japan can be divided into three periods: the first period of the war's end andreconstruction, the second period of rapid economic growth, and the third period when the country
became one of the world’s advanced nations. NIRA was established to elucidate various issues incontemporary society and people's lives at the turning point of the third period. Today, Japan is at thethreshold of a fourth period, when the nation’s declining birthrate, its aging and shrinking population,and the sustainability of social security, public finances, and local communities are national concerns.
In the international community, the hegemony of the U.S. has been further shaken, and theconfrontation between the U.S. and China has intensified. The rise of populist movements in theadvanced nations (in Europe and the U.S.) also casts a shadow as a destabilizing factor for democracy.
Faced with these challenges, Japanese politics continues to be unsettled by issues including questionsof political finance, and it is difficult to say that we have established a system of deliberation anddecision-making capable of resolving such issues. The fact that the number of Japanese people invarious fields who are active on the world stage, led by Ichiro Suzuki and Shohei Ohtani, is increasing
can perhaps be of some solace to us.
At this new turning point for Japan and the world, we at NIRA seek to utilize our network ofleading researchers and business people in order to contribute to policy formation by providing aforum for policy discussion based on objective data, realized through collaboration among industry,
government, and academia. We would like to express our sincere gratitude for the support we havereceived over the past 50 years, and we look forward to your further support in our next 50 years.

Professor Taniguchi is NIRA's President and a Professor in The University of Tokyo's Graduate School of Public Policy. He
holds a Ph.D. in Law from The University of Tokyo. Professor Taniguchi specializes in political science and contemporary
Japanese politics.

Editor: Reiko Kanda, Maiko Sakaki and Tatsuya Yamaji. This is a translation of a paper originally published in Japanese.
NIRA bears full responsibility for the translation presented here.
Copyright Ⓒ 2024 by Nippon Institute for Research Advancement

3My Vision No.72
2024.6
Expert Opinions

The Tanaka Era Is the “Origin Scene” of Current Japanese Politics
Since the resignation of Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka in 1974 amid
allegations of financial misdealings, Japan has continued to suffer from“Tanaka politics.” This has represented a thorny issue for Japan’s postwar
democracy, and even now, 50 years later, no solution has emerged. In thissense, the Tanaka era represents the “origin scene” of Japan’s postwar
political landscape.
One aspect of this is the practice of pork-barrelling for votes. Against
the backdrop of economic growth, politicians provided direct benefits to theirvoters and in return secured support from those voters. The exchange of the
distribution of government funds for voter support can be said to have
Shinichi Yoshida
crystallized during the Tanaka era. Even after the transition to low growth,
Director and Advisor,
this tacit understanding continued to exist; voters put aside their awarenessTV Asahi Corporationof the “cost of democracy” and the burden it entails, and instead demandedfrom politics only short-term gains as constituent beneficiaries. This is where the issue of “money politics”
derives from. Another aspect is the “rule of numbers.” Behind majority rule we should see a foundation oftolerance and a process of adjustment, i.e., “politics” as such. However, brute force politics by numbers has
gradually increased in intensity. In recent years, we have seen a situation in the Diet in which the rulingparty overcomes opposition without appropriate debate, exerting naked strength through force of numbers.
The origin of this can be traced to “Tanaka politics.”
These problems have continued unabated. The recent slush fund scandal involving factions of the
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) is simply the latest version of the “money politics” problem. In the 1990s,
a system of single-seat constituencies was introduced in the House of Representatives and party subsidies
were also established in order to provide a corrective to expensive politics. The resulting subsidies forelections were huge, enabling political parties, which have the ability to endorse candidates, to increase
their influence dramatically. There are no laws that specifically govern the expenditure of these subsidies,and lax accounting regarding their use is tolerated. Furthermore, in recent years, a new dimension of the“rule of numbers” has come to the forefront as a manifestation of the “post-truth” era. Political parties
repeatedly and loudly justify themselves unilaterally, providing no explanations and hiding the truth. We
are moving into an era in which anything goes, provided that the “numbers” are there to justify theirversion of democracy.
“Tanaka Politics” also exposed the problem of the lack of distance between power and journalism. It
was not the newspapers, the constant observers of the political scene, that uncovered Tanaka’s financial
misdealings, but rather the freelance journalist Takashi Tachibana and his magazine team. At the time,in the U.S., newspapers were working to expose the Pentagon Papers and report on the Watergate scandal.
By contrast, Japanese political reporting was focusing on the day-to-day political scene, acquiring
information by developing relationships with politicians. Is this not simply a form of “access journalism”?
Who will monitor the “quality” of Japan's political culture? What is the essential nature of Japanesejournalism? The same questions that confronted us immediately after the end of the war have surfaced
repeatedly in different guises since then. Despite numerous attempts at reform, there is still no solution to
the “origin scene” of contemporary Japanese politics.
Mr. Yoshida is a journalist. He joined the Asahi Shimbun in 1974 when Kakuei Tanaka stepped down from office, and was
assigned to the Fukushima Bureau. His serialized article “Kimura oukoku no houkai (“The Collapse of Kimura's Kingdom”),”
which covered the corruption case known as the “Fukushima version of the Lockheed scandal,” won the Japan Newspaper
Publishers and Editors Association Prize. The article was published in the book Dokyumento: Jichitai oshoku - Fukushima /Kimura oukoku no houkai (“Document: Municipal Corruption - The Collapse of Kimura's Kingdom in Fukushima”). Following
this, he was transferred to the Political Affairs Department, where he oversaw reportage on the Tanaka faction of the Liberal
Democratic Party for about two years from 1982. As a result, he published Tanaka shihai to sono houkai (“Tanaka’s Rule and
Its Collapse”) (Asahi Shimbun, 1987). He served as a member of the Asahi Shimbun Editorial Board, Chief Editor of theTokyo head office, Managing Director in charge of Editing, and President of TV Asahi HD before assuming his current
position. He is a graduate of The University of Tokyo’s Faculty of Law.
Editor: Reiko Kanda, Maiko Sakaki and Tatsuya Yamaji. This is a translation of a paper originally published in Japanese.
NIRA bears full responsibility for the translation presented here.
Copyright Ⓒ 2024 by Nippon Institute for Research Advancement

4My Vision No.72
2024.6
Expert Opinions

Responding to Stagflation Through Japanese-style LaborManagement Relations and the Transformation of the Nation’s
Industrial Structure
The year 1974 was a turning point for Japan's economy, withmassive changes occurring against the backdrop of the oil crisis. The
year was marked by negative growth for the first time since 1946,
and what could only be termed runaway inflation. The growth rate
had previously been 5% even in the midst of recession, but suddenly
became negative, and the rate of increase in wholesale prices
exceeded 20%. In other words, the Japanese economy was facing thesevere condition termed “stagflation,” in which recession andinflation coexist.
Tetsuji Okazaki
The Kakuei Tanaka Cabinet, which was formed in 1972, issued
Professor, Faculty ofdeficit-covering government bonds and implemented a large-scale
Economics, Meiji Gakuin
fiscal stimulus package to counter the strong yen and recession andUniversity
to promote the “remodeling of the Japanese archipelago,” while at thesame time putting pressure on the Bank of Japan (BOJ) to continue its program of massive monetaryeasing. At the time, economist Ryutaro Komiya pointed out that the severe inflation was not solely
caused by the rapid rise in oil prices, but that monetary easing was also a factor.
Nevertheless, Japan was able to adapt to these shocks more successfully than other countries.
Two major factors contributed to this success: first, the functioning of so-called Japanese-style labormanagement relations saw workers accepting reductions in real wages to protect their jobs,
preventing inflation from spilling over into wages. While today the goal is the achievement of avirtuous cycle between prices and wages, at that time the challenge was how to break the vicious
circle between rising prices and rising wages.
Another factor was the transformation of Japan’s industrial structure. The shift from the oilusing heavy industries that had driven Japan's growth up to that point, such as steel and nonferrous
metals, to industries that process materials, was more rapid than in other countries. The success ofthese measures, combined with the subsequent development of energy-saving technologies that
improved energy efficiency, helped to establish Japan's position as an economic powerhouse.
This period also marked a major turning point in terms of monetary and fiscal policy. The BOJ
reexamined its orientation regarding monetary policy, reflecting on the fact that the monetary easingof the time had contributed to runaway inflation. The central bank transitioned from its previous
emphasis on price indexes to a form of policy management that also closely monitored the quantity ofmoney supply. In addition, 1973 saw a reform of Japan’s social security system, coming to be known
as the “first year of welfare”; this was when social security spending began to represent a significant
proportion of public expenditure. From this point on, deficit-covering government bonds began to beissued almost every year. It should also be noted that the subsequent development of a secondary
bond market to absorb government bonds led to the liberalization of the financial system.
A widely-published scholar, Professor Okazaki specializes in Japanese economic history and comparative economic history.
He has conducted extensive research on the relationship between Japan's economic development and its markets, institutions,and organizations. He is known for innovative analyses that combine a framework of economic scholarship with historical
data. Professor Okazaki took his current position in 2024, having taught for many years in The University of Tokyo’s Facultyof Economics and Graduate School of Economics. He served as President and Honorary President of the International
Economic History Association (IEHA). Professor Okazaki is also a Research Fellow at the Canon Institute for Global Studies
and a Faculty Fellow at the Research Institute of Economy, Trade and Industry (RIETI). He holds a Ph.D. in Economics fromThe University of Tokyo.

Editor: Reiko Kanda, Maiko Sakaki and Tatsuya Yamaji. This is a translation of a paper originally published in Japanese.
NIRA bears full responsibility for the translation presented here.
Copyright Ⓒ 2024 by Nippon Institute for Research Advancement

5My Vision No.72
2024.6
Expert Opinions

We Must Further Discussion Regarding Japan’s Security Policy and theThree Non-nuclear Principles Established by the Sato Administration
In 1974, Eisaku Sato, the former Prime Minister of Japan, wasawarded the Nobel Peace Prize. The award was granted based on theThree Non-nuclear Principles (“not possessing, not producing, and not
permitting the introduction of nuclear weapons”) declared during the Satoadministration, Japan’s signing of the Non-Proliferation Treaty, and Sato’s
contribution to stability in East Asia via peacetime diplomaticnegotiations to realize the return of Okinawa to Japanese control. At thetime, there were still domestic and international observers who wereconcerned about a resurgence of militarism in Japan, but Japan's
consistent postwar efforts to avoid the use of force and to contribute to the
Ryota Murai
world through peaceful means such as economic cooperation were highly
Professor, Faculty of Law,regarded. The award represented not only recognition for Sato the
Komazawa University
politician, but also a “collective award” for post-war Japan.
The Three Non-nuclear Principles were established during discussions concerning the Japan-U.S
Security Treaty, which would reach its fixed expiration date in 1970, and discussions leading up to thereversion of Okinawa. Anti-nuclear sentiment in Japan was strong. There was also anti-U.S. sentiment.
However, there was a contradiction for Japan in the choice of seeking safety under the U.S. nuclear
umbrella without arming itself with such weapons while also “not permitting the introduction of nuclear
weapons.” In the 1960 negotiations towards the revision of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, priorconsultation was required with regard to the landing of nuclear weapons in Japan, but commitments
regarding their passage over the sea were not clear. This caused some turmoil when former Navy Rear
Admiral Gene La Rocque testified before a congressional hearing that U.S. naval vessels carrying nuclear
weapons did not unload those weapons before reaching port in Japan. The Japanese government was eager
to mitigate the effect of La Rocque’s statement because it differed from the government's own explanation
to the public. This was a symbolic event that exposed the gaps in Japan's postwar nuclear and security
policies.
Following this, the Japanese government avoided making a clear statement on this issue, and did
not admit the truth for an extended period due to political circumstances. With a change of government,
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs conducted an investigation into this “secret pact” in 2009, and disclosed
relevant documents. This represented a desirable step toward a better understanding of the details of thesituation. When the Three Non-nuclear Principles were discussed, the international community believedthat Japan would eventually become a nuclear power, but the nation has instead contributed to world
peace by setting an example of how to exist while choosing not to become a military power. Do we now
regret this choice?
The Three Non-nuclear Principles are an issue of management in relation to Japan's security policy
and its friendly relations with the U.S. 50 years later, the time has come to deepen public understandingof the background to this management and its future direction. As China and North Korea increase theirmilitary presence, Japan must continue to be prudent in its approach. In doing so, the nation cannot neglect
the issue of what precisely it seeks to protect while it maintains the security of its people. This matter is
one that involves democracy, trust in the Diet, and the nationwide distribution of burden.
Professor Murai specializes in Japanese political and diplomatic history. In his critical biography of Eisaku Sato, Satou
Eisaku: sengo nihon no seiji shidousha (“Eisaku Sato: Post-war Japan’s Political Leader”) (Chuko Shinsho, 2019), while
following Sato's political trajectory, he drew a picture of postwar Japan as a nation which achieved the status of a global
power without possessing nuclear weapons. His work Seitou naikakusei no seiritsu: 1918-27-nen (“The Establishment of theParty Cabinet System: 1918-27”) (Yuhikaku, 2005) received the Suntory Prize for Social Sciences and Humanities. Before
assuming his current position in 2013, he held positions including Research Fellow of the Japan Society for the Promotion of
Science (PD) and Associate Professor in Komazawa University’s Faculty of Law. During that time, he was a visiting scholar
at Harvard University’s Reischauer Institute of Japanese Studies and the University of Pennsylvania’s Department ofHistory. Professor Murai completed the doctoral program of Kobe University’s Graduate School of Law, and holds a Ph. D. in
Political Science.
Editor: Reiko Kanda, Maiko Sakaki and Tatsuya Yamaji. This is a translation of a paper originally published in Japanese.
NIRA bears full responsibility for the translation presented here.
Copyright Ⓒ 2024 by Nippon Institute for Research Advancement

6My Vision No.72
2024.6
Expert Opinions

The Nixon Resignation: The Climax of a Collapse of Public
Trust in the Government
In 1974, U.S. President Richard Nixon was forced to resign in the
middle of his term. Nixon's resignation can be regarded as the climax of
a gradual buildup of distrust in the administration, representing theultimate collapse of public trust. There were three major events that led
to the public's growing distrust. First, in 1971, the Pentagon Papers,
secret Pentagon documents resulting from investigation of successive
administrations' intervention in Vietnam, were leaked, and the Nixon
administration attempted to suppress reporting of this scoop. Next, two
Fumiko Nishizaki
years later, the U.S. essentially lost the Vietnam War. Then came theProfessor Emeritus,
cover-up of the Watergate scandal in 1972. It is important to point out
The University of Tokyo
that what characterizes this sequence of events is the political stanceshared by the two leaders, Nixon and his close associate, Henry Kissinger, who was responsible foroverseeing foreign diplomacy and national security, and the fact that their secretiveness, adopting
any means necessary, was the backdrop to the events.
Although the Nixon administration tends to attract attention due to its scandal-ridden history,
we should not forget that at the same time, the administration also made bold policy changes with aneye toward the next generation. The position of the U.S., once the reigning leader of the liberal
democracies, had been decisively diminished as a result of the Vietnam War. Nixon and Kissinger
were quick to take measures to prepare for the next step in response to this diminishment of thenation’s status. On the economic front, there was the so-called “dollar shock.” Against the backgroundof pressure on the economy as a result of the huge military expenditures of the Vietnam War, Nixon
and Kissinger succeeded in devaluing the dollar by suspending the convertibility of the dollar into
gold. On the diplomatic front, there was détente, i.e., the drawing closer of the U.S. and the Soviet
Union and the U.S. and China. However, Nixon and Kissinger’s vision was of an international ordercentered on the great powers, with a five-pole framework consisting of the U.S., Europe, Japan, theSoviet Union, and China. As a result, problems in the Middle East and Latin America became
subordinate to great power-centered diplomacy, and it cannot be denied that the U.S.-Soviet
confrontation further aggravated regional conflicts.
While détente had an impact on the Cold War framework, it also provoked a profound backlashfrom the right in the U.S. The Nixon administration exacerbated the growing conflict between liberaland conservative values that had intensified in the 1960s, and the negative legacy of social divisioncontinues to this day. On the other hand, it is striking when we look back on Nixon's resignation, thatvery few, even in the ruling Republican camp, defended him. The fact that conspiracy theories did not
gain ascendancy represents a significant difference with today's post-Trump American society.
Professor Emeritus Nishizaki specializes in American political and diplomatic history and American studies. She is wellknown for research that focuses on the interplay between American ideals and reality, and explores the ideologicalfoundations that have supported American diplomacy over the course of history. She is the author of numerous books on thehistory of American diplomacy, including Amerika gaikou no rekishiteki bunmyaku (“American Diplomacy in HistoricalContext”) (Iwanami Shoten, 2024). After serving as an Assistant Professor and as a Professor in Seikei University’s Facultyof Law, she is now a Professor Emeritus of the same university. In 2012, she was appointed Professor of Area Studies in The
University of Tokyo’s Graduate School of Arts and Sciences, and has held the position of Professor Emeritus since 2020. She
holds a Ph.D. from Yale University.

Editor: Reiko Kanda, Maiko Sakaki and Tatsuya Yamaji. This is a translation of a paper originally published in Japanese.
NIRA bears full responsibility for the translation presented here.
Copyright Ⓒ 2024 by Nippon Institute for Research Advancement

7

My Vision No.72
2024.6
Expert Opinions

Shigeo Nagashima Retires: The Showa Era, a Time When People
Identified With a Hero, Inspiring Happiness and Sadness
The retirement of superstar baseball player Shigeo Nagashima in
1974 marked the end of an era not only for fans of his team, the Yomiuri
Giants, but for all Japanese. As a boy, Nagashima played baseball at a time
when postwar Japan was still a burnt-out wasteland, when there were notenough balls, and players had to make their own gloves. At that time,
baseball was played as if in the military, a matter of gritted teeth and hard
work; Nagashima, though, with his prodigious skill, showed Japan how
baseball could be played, and even brought entertainment to the game,
Terry Ito
generating enthusiasm throughout the nation. Unlike today, “sports”
Television director
meant “baseball” in the Japan of that era. All the Japanese were obsessedwith baseball, and every time Nagashima hit a ball it meant joy or sorrow.
This era has come to an end.
The year Nagashima retired, Japan was shaken by skyrocketing inflation and the resignationof Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka. The fact that sad songs were popular at the time was also indicativeof the social climate of the era. Many people must have felt anxious about what kind of Japan awaitedthem after the departure of their hero, someone who had shone like the sun. But at the same time,
it was surely also a moment in which people felt that their own era, when they could be their true
selves, was arriving. Young people who came to Tokyo from the countryside sought their own
happiness while living in cheap four-and-a-half tatami-mat rooms. Women had more opportunities towork and were beginning to have more options in life than marriage. It was also around this time thatfolk songs in which young people sang about their own lives began to be heard.
Certainly, Japan is wealthier now than it was when Shigeo Nagashima was active. Everyhouse has a bath and so there is no need to go to the public bathhouse; good-quality clothes and foodare available at low prices, and people can afford the lifestyle that they desire. On the other hand, asense of danger has been lost, and we can no longer venture outside the bounds. We live in an age inwhich anything we say or do is immediately slammed or judged on the Internet. Perhaps it was
precisely because of the poverty of the era that people admired the free-spiritedness of a man like
Shigeo Nagashima.
We hear that most baseball players these days are models of propriety. Shohei Ohtani, a Major
League baseball player with the Los Angeles Dodgers, is a superman; no-one thinks that they can belike Ohtani. But in the past, there was a time when people identified with Nagashima: “I can work
hard tomorrow because Nagashima hit a ball,”; “Nagashima is struggling to hit a ball; I can try harderand I’ll make it.” An unconventional but lovable hero with the number 3 on his back, Nagashima is asymbol of a Showa era that will never return. This nostalgia is the reason that Shigeo Nagashima
still has a place in the hearts of many Japanese people.
Mr. Ito has directed numerous TV programs and commercials, including commercials for Sapporo beer and Uniqlo, and was
the lead director of “Tensai Takeshi no Genki ga Deru Terebi!.” He is also active as a producer, TV personality, andcommentator. He has written many baseball-related books, including Nagashima Shigeo o omou to, namida ga detekuru no
wa naze darou (“Why do I cry when I think of Shigeo Nagashima”) (Poplar Publishing Co., Ltd., 2015), which describes his
long-lasting passionate interest in the baseball player Shigeo Nagashima from his own unique perspective. Mr. Ito is a
graduate of Nihon University’s College of Economics, and holds a master’s degree from Keio University’s Graduate School ofMedia and Governance. He also has an official YouTube channel, “Terry Ito no owarai bakkudoroppu.”

Editor: Reiko Kanda, Maiko Sakaki and Tatsuya Yamaji. This is a translation of a paper originally published in Japanese.
NIRA bears full responsibility for the translation presented here.
Copyright Ⓒ 2024 by Nippon Institute for Research Advancement8