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Crossing Bio-political Borders throughAesthetic Works
1

TOSA Hiroyuki*
Introduction
This study intends to examine the implications of aesthetic works on migrants’issues that contradict the erected walls against them. Despite the acceleration of
economic globalization, we are presently facing the emergence of ubiquitous bio-politicalborders and the enforcement of stricter border controls. Following the so-called “war on
terror” and the emerging new racism, the securitization of migration with preventive
racial profiling has aggravated the exclusionary politics of citizenship in the advanced
capitalist countries. However, thousands of people are ever ready to risk their own
lives to cross borders from the Global South to the Global North. In this context, themass media plays a crucial role in constructing the image of the “other.” Some media
attempt to reinforce their stereotypes by depicting illegal migrants as dangerous andcriminal while some movements try to resist such securitization by protecting refugees’
or migrants’ human rights and accusing the exclusionary regime of discrimination.
Among these movements, some aesthetic works（films and web art）on migrantissues have contributed to transforming “the distribution of the sensible”（Rancière）
against territorial orders based upon the Westphalian system. This analysis probes thepossibilities of the emancipatory politics of these aesthetic works by “those who have nopart” in the global governance on migration.
This study’s argument is developed over four sections. The first section reviews
the recent arguments on the ubiquitous borders in neoliberal global governance. The
second section critically examines implications of ubiquitous borders and confirms thefact that certain segments of the population are rendered nonexistent, non-citizens＊ Professor, Graduate School of International Cooperation Studies, Kobe University.

Journal of International Cooperation Studies, Vol.21, No.2 & 3（2014.1）

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in the name of the “life” and “freedom” of the sovereign citizens through the dispositif（apparatus）or deployment of security. The third section examines the relationshipbetween the securitization of migrations and more insecure situations for migrants
crossing borders. The last section demonstrates the emancipatory potentialities
of aesthetic works against border controls by the dispositif of security. This study
illustrates that some critical aesthetic works could transform the “distribution of thesensible” by the excluded or unaccounted-for elements in a political society.
1. The Prevalence of Borders and the New Racism（Racial Profiling）
According to Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights（1948）,（1）Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders ofeach state and（2）Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, andto return to his country. As Article 13 indicates, freedom of movement is restrictedwithin the territorial borders of each state and there is no guarantee to freedom of
movement across borders in the Westphalian world order. The Universal Declarationof Human Rights does not state that everyone has the right to freedom of movement
across borders. In other words, each sovereign state still holds the right to decide
who can enter the country by crossing its borders. It is natural that the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights permits the sovereign state to restrict people’s movement
across borders because it was adopted at the UN, the inter-national organization based
upon the principle of state sovereignty. Although some predict that states may be“losing control” of their borders, “the monopolization by states of the legitimate meansof movement has hardly disintegrated”（Torpey 1998: 257）.
It is often pointed out that state boundaries have come to be redrawn and to bestrengthened rather than become indistinct and blurred with the rapid progress ofglobalization（Andreas 2000; Bigo 2007; Vaughan-William 2009）. This proposition iscontrary to the predictions by individuals who advocated the vision of the “borderlessworld.” For example, Kenichi Omae’s book entitled “Borderless World” was publishedin 1990 and this title became a buzzword following the fall of the Berlin Wall and at theend of the Cold War（Omae 1990）. However, some intellectuals held opposing views.
From his communitarian viewpoint, Michael Waltzer has noted that “to tear down

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the walls of the state is not ... to create a world without walls, but rather to create athousand petty fortresses”（Waltzer 1983: 39）. Etienne Balibar also described the newsituation as a ubiquity of borders from his own cosmopolitan standpoint, as follows:— some borders are no longer situated at the borders at all, in the geographicopolitico-administrative sense of the term. — For quite some time now, it has been giving
way, before our very eyes, to a new ubiquity of borders.（Balibar 2002: 84）
It is certain that the prevalence of border control increased alongside thesecuritization of migrants after 9/11. With the introduction of new surveillancetechnologies and biometric technologies such as DNA fingerprinting and identification,
electronic tagging, and biometric ID cards, the so-called biometric borders began to playa major role（Amoore 2006; Lyon 2007; Vaughan-William 2009: 118–36）.
Furthermore, border control activities had begun to be strengthened becauseof policy attention devoted to security rather than freedom after September 11, 2001
（Torpey 2005）. By emphasizing the importance of preventive security policy and by
establishing checkpoints outside of the homeland, the Northern countries have extended
their border control beyond geographical borders and promoted the prevalence ofborders to hinder the inflow of “dangerous” foreigners from the South. Responding to
the globalization of risks and the securitization of migration, unilateral border control
by individual states is now being transformed into more multilateral activities（Andreas
2009: 171–72; Huysmans 2006: 67–77）. We note a typical case in the practices of theEuropean external borders agency FRONTEX（Neal 2009）. For example, during 2008,
FRONTEX coordinated joint operations entitled HERA 2008 in the Canary Islands totackle illegal migration flows coming from West African countries as well as NAUTILIS
2008 around Malta and the Italian islands of Lampedusa and Sicily to reinforce bordercontrol activities in the Central Mediterranean Sea and to intercept illegal migration
flows coming from North African countries（Guild and Bigo 2010）. This type oftransnationalization and externalization of border control also promotes the prevalenceof borders.
With the prevalence of borders, we also note the ubiquity of the biometric “smart”

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ID system（Lyon 2005）. A paper-based identification system is not reliable for bordercontrol because documents are easily faked, while it is difficult to fake biometric ID
information. Hence, a biometric ID system is presently replacing or complementing the
traditional documents-based ID system. The police and immigration offices are sharing
and utilizing the personal biometric and document-based data stored in a networked
searchable database to target at-risk populations. As David Lyon pointed out, “Today’smodes of citizenship, as represented by ID card regimes, are aimed at the exclusion ofcertain proscribed groups. These are the ‘usual suspects’ of illegal immigrants, welfare
cheats, criminals, and would-be terrorists”（Lyon 2009: 17）. The new ID system plays
a crucial role in deciding who these “other” individuals are and how to limit their
movements. In addition, with the adoption of new technologies, “surveillant assemblage”
operates by abstracting human bodies from territorial settings and separating them into
a series of discrete flows re-assembled in different locations as virtual “data doubles”（Haggerty and Ericson 2000）.
Although the subject of border security has been high on public policy agendas,
each government also has to maintain considerable cross-border flows of people andgoods due to increased free trade. As the metaphor of Zygmunt Bauman indicates, thecurrent liquid modernity requires us to invent a liquid security dispositif（Bigo 2011）tofilter continual flows of people. Instead of stopping the flow, the liquid security dispositif
is modeling and channeling the travel of individuals by imposing on them a form oftravel in which speed and comfort are understood as forms of freedom while minimizing
risks related to flows. To achieve this kind of double-bind imperative, racial profiling is
one of the most utilizable filtering techniques. However, as Kevin R. Johnson pointed
out, “racial profiling in both criminal and immigration law enforcement adversely affects
African Americans, Latinas/os, and other racial groups. Unfortunately, misconceptions
and stereotypes result in law enforcement’s excessive reliance on physical appearances
as a proxy for legal wrongdoing”（Johnson 2003: 343）. In other words, racial profilingpractices in immigration law enforcement have discriminatory functions such as “a petit
apartheid” on citizen participation and the rights of a minority（Romero 2006: 451–52）.
It seems that racial profiling activities resonate with the “new racism” emerging in the
globalized world（Balibar 1991; Barker 1981）.

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The new racism represents one sort of political hysteria against the unpleasant“others.” However, it is difficult to keep the new racism active against the hybridist
movement promoted by rapid globalization. As Bigo pointed out, since both the inside（internal security）and the outside（external security）are beginning to merge likethe Möbius ribbon（Bigo 2001）, it becomes difficult to distinguish between the inside
and the outside. In this situation, it is the new racism that plays an important role in
keeping the inside of the political community free of contamination by aliens. Following
Esposito’s arguments on immunity, this can be interpreted as an excessive operationof immunization（Esposito 2008: 45−77）. “Immunity progressively transfers its own
semantic center of gravity from the sense of ‘privilege’ to that of ‘security’”（Esposito
2008: 72）. However, such an attempt to immunize the “homeland” from external
threats might lead to “a kind of auto-immunity crisis with symptoms” as diagnosedby the late Derrida（Derrida 2003: 94）. The auto-immunitary process is that strange
behavior where a living being, in quasi-suicidal fashion, itself works to destroy its own
protection, to immunize itself against its own community. In short, a move of excessive
securitization leads to the auto-immunity crisis.
2. What to Protect by a Border: Liberty or Security?
It is commonly said that the function of a border is to keep its inside secure
and protect it against external threat. However, it should be noted that the politicalcommunity is not clarified in this definition and that security is constituted by the actof defining the external threat and distinguishing between the inside and outside. In
other words, the political community defines its own identity by demarcating bordersof protection. This means that both the border and the bordered political community
are contingent. As long as bordered identities and the resulting borders are contingent,
their contents will continue to be negotiated through political struggles. However, thestruggle over the identity of a political community may lead to absolute antagonism
such as a civil war. To avoid such a crisis, it is necessary to stabilize the politicalorder by a legitimate monopoly of violence while maintaining its homogeneity throughexcluding constructed internal and/or external enemies.
Here, we note the triad relationship among borders, orders, and identities（Lapid

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2001: 9–12）. This triad of identities, borders, and orders is always in the process oftransformation since each of them affects the other. As the identification process affects
the boundary demarcation process, the social construction process of borders influences
the characteristics of political orders. In short, as identities are always in the processof fluctuation, both social borders and political orders are also continually on the move,reflecting such changing identities.
The balance between security and freedom is currently shifting toward the former
direction, which is one example of the fluctuating relations among identities, borders, andorders. The emergence of the ubiquitous “smart” borders can be discussed within theframework of Foucault’s dispositif of security in which “freedom is nothing else but thecorrelative of the deployment of apparatuses of security”（Foucault 2007: 71）. Throughthe dispositif of security, certain segments of the population are rendered nonexistent,
non-citizens in the name of the “life” and “freedom” of the sovereign citizens. Whileboth the EU and US have regarded themselves as missionaries of the liberal project, it
becomes conspicuous that both have begun to prioritize security over freedom after the
events of 9/11 and 7/7. While repeated references to these spectacular events produced
a false consciousness of impending danger, they began to view the Muslim community
through the lens of Islamophobia and to mobilize racial and/or religious profiling totarget it. There is then no distinction between Muslims and ordinary citizens; hence,
every Muslim’s freedom tends to be restricted and cultural pluralism may be suspended
due to security concerns mixed with Islamophobia. Furthermore, as Fekete pointed out,
“Muslim youth are locked into a cycle of discrimination and criminalization which is
not only a major injustice in itself, but also（a）serves to promote, rather than dissipate,
any threat and（b）heightens already widespread perceptions of insecurity among the
population at large”（Fekete 2004: 12）.
The trade-off between liberty and security is a well-debated point. The greater the
threat, the more easily we are forced to accept restrictions on our liberty. According toBigo, there are at least six ways to contextualize the relationship between liberty andsecurity, as follows.
1. Freedom is the only principle with no limits（the anarchist approach）.
2. Freedom may be considered as the principle, and security as the exception（thelibertarian view）.

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3. Security could be analyzed as the freedom of the individual under the name ofsafety. Freedom encompasses security（the constitutional view）.
4. Security may be considered as the first freedom as it is linked with survival
and death. Security encompasses freedom at the beginning, but not after（“theexceptional view”）.
5. Security is considered as a collective common good and as the first freedom
because life exists only if survival exists. Freedoms as practices are residual（thepermanent emergency view）.
6. Security is the only principle with no limits. Order and obedience are better values
than freedom（the fascist view）.（Bigo 2006: 38–39）.
The balance between liberty and security tends to shift toward the latter during
a period in which fear against the “other” is incited due to reasons such as economic
downturn and political incidents. For example, we note this phenomenon in the Hague
Programme adopted by the European Council in 1995. Despite the purported European“new vision”（“creating an area of freedom, security, and justice”）, security concerns have
infiltrated and contaminated the other two: freedom and justice（Bigo 2006: 35）. This
shift is now leading to the banopticon form of governmentality, which is represented
by the detention camps for foreigners（Bigo 2007）. It goes without saying that thepriority in these camps is not to detain people, but to send them back to their points oforigin and keep them at a distance from a certain territory. However, we should pay
attention to the banal fact that the practice of deportation has emerged as a definite
and increasingly pervasive convention of routine statecraft of OECD countries against
incessant inflows of asylum seekers and “illegal” migrants from the Global South. In
short, deportation now seems to have become a virtually global regime（De Genova 2010:34）.
3. Border Crossing Attempts against Securitization of Migration
Some counter-hegemonic moves attempt to challenge the hegemonic tide of morestrict migration control. For example, some NGOs advocating human rights attempt toorganize anti-deportation movements to protect asylum seekers and sans-papiers who are

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to be deported by host countries（Nyers 2003）. These movements can be said to sway
the exclusionary citizenship regime based upon the sovereign states’ system from thecosmopolitan standpoint.
In addition, many people challenge the border control by taking huge risks tocross borders from the South to the North. These attempts often lead to failures andcasualties, including accidental deaths. According to the anti-racism NGO network
UNITED, more than 13,000 deaths of migrants and refugees related to border crossings
have been documented in Europe since 1993（UNITED 2009）. Many of them drownedin the sea before arriving on European shores. Related to this, the Strait of Gibraltar
constitutes the largest mass grave for “illegal” workers coming to Europe（Doty 2003:
76）. A similar situation exists at the US–Mexico border. It is estimated that harshborder control activities such as Operation Gatekeeper have led to more than 2,000
deaths at the US–Mexico border during the mid-1990s（Castles and Miller 2003: 151−2）.
It is notable that approximately 10% of these deaths were caused, directly or indirectly,
by policing activities. One recent tragic case occurred on Christmas Island, a remote
Australian territory in the Indian Ocean: In December 2010, a small wooden boat
carrying approximately 90 Iraqi, Iranian, and Kurdish asylum-seekers smashed to pieces
on the island’s rocky shore and at least 48 people, including children, were confirmed
dead（AP 2010）.
Despite the very high risks, border crossing attempts continue. Indeed, even in theface of the massive border buildup, the number of unauthorized immigrants in the US
has increased by an estimated 275,000 per year（Andreas 2009: 108）
. Approximately six
million illegal immigrants are currently estimated to be living there. However, it is very
difficult to estimate the exact number of “illegal” immigrants due to their invisibility.
The only methodology explicitly used for estimating flows of illegal immigrants to thedeveloped countries is a projection based on border apprehensions. For example, using
an assumed ratio of 1:2 border apprehensions to illegal entries to the EU, it is estimatedthat the annual illegal immigration number of people reaches over 400,000 on the basisof some 260,000 border apprehensions（Jandl 2004: 9–10）. However, there are serious
technical problems in estimating the “correct” multiplier with this simple methodology
and hence, it is difficult for policymakers to determine reliable estimations. In otherwords, unreliable information tends to cause misguided xenophobic responses.

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In addition to the immigration agency, the mass media also play an importantrole in constructing images of “illegal” migrants. Through the effect of the mass media
on society, immigration as a threat and security concern has become the hegemonic
discourse in government policy（Buonfino 2004）. Furthermore, as immigration control
becomes more restrictive, some potential “illegal” migrants seek help from an organizedcrime network to cross borders. This indicates that the securitization of migration
leads to the more insecure situations for migrants including trafficking. In this type of
vicious cycle, migration from the Global South tends to be more securitized as a threat
to the Global North. This type of securitization related to movement in this direction isstrengthened through the construction of mass media images of migrants or aliens as
threats.
The increased securitization of migration can be observed not only in nonfiction films and TV programs but also in fictional ones. As news media promote suchsecuritization through the reporting of crimes committed by “illegal” immigrants,
fictions including similar stories also push forward criminalization of immigration. It
goes without saying that negative topics have negative consequences on the minds ofthe recipients. Although the new racism in the media explicitly avoids racist labels,
it tends to strengthen racist stereotypes by using negative images to describe thecharacteristics or actions of immigrants or minorities（for instance, “illegal”）（van Dijk
2000: 39）.
Note that the new racism has connections to the “post-imperial melancholia,”
as described by Paul Gilroy（Gilroy 2005: 89–90, 140–41）. Post-imperial melancholia
represents an inability to face the current profound change in a state’s circumstancesand moods, including multicultural situations that resulted at the end of the empire andthe consequent loss of imperial prestige. While melancholic reactions are prompted by
the loss of a fantasy of omnipotence, the racial fantasies required by imperial power still
linger on in new forms such as wars against asylum seekers, refugees, and economic
migrants. This new racism seems to derive from hysterical reactions against the loss of
self-confidence and fears about uncomfortable and heterogeneous others.
This kind of reactionary new racism advances the securitization of migration,
which may lead to insecure conditions for potential “illegal” migrants. Some of them
may resort to requesting criminal organizations, including traffickers, for help in

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obtaining fake passports or arranging small wooden boats to reach the land of hope.
As this vicious cycle continues, it is difficult for them to escape from the stereotyped
images such as “dangerous illegal migrants” that are imposed upon them.
4. Aesthetic Works Resisting Border Controls
Some challenges have emerged that counter the securitization of migration as
well as the logic of the new racism. British artist Heath Bunting’s artwork “BorderXing
Guide” on the Internet is one of them2. Bunting’s work, commissioned by the Tate
Modern and the New Museum of Contemporary Art, is a guide to crossing borders
illegally both for activists and those lacking appropriate documents in Europe. It
suggests approximately 30 routes across borders that activists actually attempted on
foot. As this web art proclaims, borders are there to be crossed and their significancebecomes obvious only when they are violated. This artwork attempts to unsettle thesecure border control regimes along the anarchist and de-territorial line by identifying
loopholes in the social grid（Amoore 2006: 341; Sanvoval 2010）.
We also note this type of challenge in some popular films and web art. Michael
Winterbottom’s film “In This World（2002）” and Philippe Lioret’s film “Welcom（2009）” arerepresentative of this. While Winterbottom’s film describes Afghan refugees passing
through Iran, Turkey, Italy, and France toward the UK, Lioret’s film describes a
17-year-old Kurdish refugee trying to swim across the Strait of Dover. It seems thatthese films affirm the people’s right to freedom of crossing borders. Since these people
obtain some hope and unrealized freedom beyond their original borders, it portrays theoutcome as very inhuman if these are denied to them.
Films against securitization of migration have also been made. These kinds of films
attempt to transform the “distribution of the sensible”（Rancière’s partage du sensible）
by the excluded or unaccounted-for elements in a political society（Panagia 2010;
Rancière 2004: 12–19）. Rancière’s partage du sensible refers to the implicit law governing
the sensible order that parcels out places and forms of participation in a common world
by first establishing themodes of perception within which these are inscribed. The
distribution of the sensible thus produces a sense of self-evident facts of perception
based on the set horizons and modalities of what is visible and audible as well as

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what can be said, thought, made, or done. Strictly speaking, “distribution” therefore
refers both to forms of inclusion and exclusion（Rancière 2004: 85）. In short, aesthetic
resistance attempts to challenge the exclusiveness of a partition that divides legitimate
and illegitimate modes of being by opening up the possibility of dissensual modalities ofwhat is visible and audible as well as what can be thought.
Both types of films suggest that very high risks, even death, are involved in theact of crossing borders. Jamal, the hero of “In This World,” and his friend Enayat are
refugees from Afghanistan who tried to enter Italy by hiding in a truck container; thelatter died of suffocation during the trip. In “Welcome（2009）,” Bilal, a 17-year-old Kurdish
refugee, tried to swim across the Strait of Dover to meet his sweetheart in Englandwith the help of a French swim coach, but he finally drowned in the sea near the coastof England. Despite such expected tragic ends, all the characters would dare to crossborders as a form resistance against the territorial order. By describing these figuresand suggesting that people have a right to pursue happiness across borders, these films
try to jolt an audience’s “distribution of the sensible” based upon the Westphalian order.
These jolts encourage a shift toward the post-Westphalian world by attempting torewrite Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in accordance with thespirit of absolute hospitality（accepting freedom of movement across borders as a basic
human right）.
While the cultural governance of representations organizes, regulates, and provides
meaning to social practices, including migrations, through the distribution of symbolicand material resources between different groups, these kinds of aaesthetic works bringabout an egalitarian moment that causes equality to have a real social effect on thesymbolic order of global politics. That is, the democratic move to bring in those who
Rancière calls “the part who have no part” or “the count of the uncounted.” According
to Rancière, politics is “an activity antagonistic to policing（an order of bodies thatdefines the allocation of ways of doing, of being, and of saying）: whatever breaks withthe tangible configuration whereby parties and parts of lacks of them are defined by apresupposition that, by definition, has no place in that configuration — that of the partof those who have no part”（Rancière 1995: 52–53）. Hence, it can be said that aesthetic
works aimed at protecting the free movement of migrants or refugees play a role inbringing the politics back in by questioning an unjust gap between the “counted” and

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“uncounted” or between the place where the demos exists and where it does not.
In some notable cases, the documentary film director’s “self-evident” sense or
perception of facts itself is transformed by his or her experience of watching the absurd
realities being filmed. One example is the documentary film “Backdrop Kurdistan（2007）”
which was directed by the young Japanese director Masaru Nomoto, who has received
Awards of Excellence and Citizens’ Prizes at Yamagata International Documentary
Film Festival3. Initially, the Kazankiran family came to Japan to evade persecution
as Kurds in Turkey and they attempted to gain refugee status from the Japanese
government. Although UNHCR granted them the status of mandate refugee and they
continued to appeal to the Japanese government for the full status of refugee by a sitin protest in front of the United Nations University, it was denied to them. Then, two ofthem, the father and elder brother, were deported to Turkey against the non-refoulement
principle4.
Witnessing the realities faced by them, the director shifted from a passive
observer to one demonstrating outstanding audacity by actively engaging in this issue
and flying to Turkey to meet them and examine their realities there. While covering
this issue, he discovered that their date of deportation coincided with that of when theJapanese government announced an approximately 98.7 billion yen appropriation for theconstruction of the Bosphorus Tunnel. This situation indirectly indicates the probablehypothesis that the Kazankiran family was abandoned due to the important geoeconomic bilateral relationship between Turkey and Japan. Against this kind of realist
politics by power elites, Nomoto attempted to search for the alternative network andconnection beyond borders by tracing the Kazankiran family’s steps.
This kind of aesthetic work is a challenge to “the fortress against refugees” aswell as a trial to protect migrants’ or refugees’ human rights against exclusionary
citizenship regimes, which is represented by the slogan “No human being is illegal”（Ngai 2006）. The anti-deportation movement attempts to revive social solidarity amongthe “uncounted” by attempting to achieve the unachieved human rights or infilling ahuman rights gap. Responding to the de-territorialization of the political responsibility,
this movement also expands its social solidarity（collective identity）beyond nationalboundaries. In such a situation, “critical art” might play a role in building awarenessof the mechanisms of domination in order to turn the spectator into a conscious

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agent of world transformation（Rancière 2009: 45）. By bringing in margins left by thedominant representation system, an aesthetic approach may provoke a realistic way of
thinking（mimetic theories of representation）that tends to overlook the gap between
representations and what they represent（Bleiker 2001）.In short, while aesthetic works
on freedom of movement could shake a realist paradigm to its foundations by indicating
the possibilities of marginalized people’s dreams, they also sway dominant realist
political rationalities by arousing emotions and empathy.
Concluding Remarks
The action of crossing borders does not always result in a move toward thecosmopolitan or post-Westphalian order. Despite continual border crossings by people,
the international order of migration continues to irregularly swing between exclusion
and inclusion, not moving straightforward in a more inclusionary direction. Through reactivation of old identities and reinforcement of border controls by reacting to aliens’
border crossing, the Westphalian territorial order tends to be strengthened toward theubiquity of walls rather than the breakdown of walls. As the population of migrants
shares only two or three percent of the total world population（Faist 2000: 3–6）, it isnatural that the majority tends to protect its own political communities based upon
fixed territoriality against aliens’ border crossing. First, this kind of reaction might
be triggered by underclass resentment based upon their belief that cheaper migrant
workers cause their unemployment. Second, this kind of reaction also derives fromconservative intellectuals’ moral panic or nostalgia for the lost racial order, which isclearly represented by the late Samuel Huntington’s “Who are we?”（Huntington 2004）.
In that book, Huntington sounded the alarm that “we” should protect “our” AngloAmerican identity against threats such as Hispanics crossing our borders.
Acts of defending territorial integrity against aliens’ border violations by using
preventive methods including racial profiling imply challenges to re-define “whoare the demos of the political community” along the exclusionary line and against
the globalization of human mobility. However, that kind of backlash by “dispositif ofsecurity” may lead to highly insecure situations for marginalized people and may make
distributions of risks and insecurities more unjust. Some of the marginalized people,

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such as deported refugees or refugees in detention camps, seem to be “a homo sacer ata zone of in-distinction between human and animal”（Agamben 1998）. If worse comes
to worst, they must endure absurd conditions, such as social death, or accept deathin vain. These painful conditions resulting from securitization of migrations indicate
the hollowing of democracy to protect its current condition and the exclusionary
characteristics of the political communities that eject them.
To prevent the hollowing of democracy, it is necessary to make the politicalcommunity more open. However, as far as it is the state sovereignty that ultimately
protects human rights in the present Westphalian system, it is contradictory to break
down borders upon which that sovereignty is based in order to protect human rights.
As Behahib suggests, the logic of democratic representation requires closure for thesake of maintaining democratic legitimacy so that we can only advocate more porous
borders and not completely open ones（Benhabib 2004: 220–21）. In other words,
although democracy is restricted by its territoriality, it can be transformed to a more
open system by responding to migrants’ claims to political membership. This kind ofchange also brings about transformations in triadic relationships among borders, orders,and identities, leading toward a moral universalism with cosmopolitan federalism.
Related to this transformation, notable aesthetic works play a role in promotingchange in “the distribution of the sensible” from a Westphalian worldview based uponclosed territoriality to the post-Westphalian view based upon more porous borders. To
paraphrase it in Espostio’s locution（Esposito 2010: 1–19）, that is a move toward an
open community［communitas］,the opening of being that is exposed to what interrupts
the closing and turns it inside while a gesture of avoiding hyper-immunization. In
short, it is a test to save a living being from security dispositif in which living beings arecontinually captured.
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Notes
1

An earlier version of this paper was presented at the International Studies Annual
Convention, Montreal（March 16-19, 2011）and at the international seminar at Ritsumeikan
Asia Pacific University（June 23, 2011）. I thank commentators for their useful comments andsuggestions.
2 See the following URL. http://www.tate.org.uk/intermediaart/borderxing.shtm
3 See the following URL. http://www.yidff.jp/2007/2007-e.html
4 Japan is notorious for its strong reluctance to accept refugees. The numbers of asylum seekers
whose applications were admitted by Japanese government are only 46（2005）, 34（2006）,
41（2007）, 57（2008）, and 30（2009）. If compared with numbers of admitted asylums in othercountries such as 16,762（US）, 9,648（France）, 1,785（Italy）in 2008, Japanese government’s
unwillingness to accept refugees and its exclusionary characteristics are highly conspicuous.