1

Nationalism in Question: Japan-Europe comparison of theNewspaper Discourse on the European Refugees’ Crisis 2015
Maiko SAWADA
Josai University

Abstract
How do countries directly and indirectly affected by the European refugees’ crisis address such issues in the media?
This paper attempts to compare how the discourse in newspaper articles about the European refugees’ crisis in2015 differed in two liberal democracies. It chooses the UK and Japan for comparison. Both British and Japanesenewspaper articles showcased a liberal stance in their discourse about the European refugees’ crisis in 2015.
However, there were differing views on the root causes of conflicts and threats to peace and security regarding thecrisis. The Financial Times articles set a tone promoting a humanitarian norm to accept more refugees to address
to the European refugees’ crisis. The incident of the death of refugees moving into Europe marked the call for amore united Europe. However, this cosmopolitan tone was far from the realistic capacity of Europe. Germany was
pushing for this norm setting, but Eastern European borders were too close the frontiers of the refugees. The public
opinion was showing worrying signs of the massive move of refugees into Europe. The Japanese press illustrated
a similar line of conflicts in EU agenda, shifting between the setting of norms and responding to reality. The initial
hypothesis for this paper was that the Japanese press would demonstrate a nationalistic tone regarding its coverageof the crisis. However, the Japanese press, in particular the Asahi Shimbun, called for more humanitarian action
and political action, and to accept more refugees into Japanese territory. While there was no holistic refugee policy
in Japan, and only a small number of refugees were actually accepted, the Japanese press made some influence on
setting the tone toward the European refugee crisis in Japan and globally. While Japanese national identity might
have prevented Japanese positive pacifism, the Japanese press called for more a cosmopolitan and humanitarian
discourse than would have been expected by Japan.

Key Word: nationalism, European refugees crisis, Japan, Europe, newspaper discourse

1. Introduction
This paper attempts to compare how the discourse in newspaper articles about the European refugees’ crisis of2015 differed in Japan and in Europe. Looking at the current state of Europe, one can see that nationalist, antiliberal and anti-European parties are gaining momentum all over in the European Union member states. Liberal
stance is that countries determine greater number of refugee status while conservative stance is that countries

2
determine fewer number of refugee status. Global conflicts caused a sharp rise in the number of refugees entering
Europe. Consequently, it appears that some Europeans now feel unsettled and, in response, have escalated
nationalistic movements. The example for this is the far-right parties that have recently gained more support andinfluence within national legislatures and the European Parliament, such as the case of the 24 seats gained by the
Front National in France in the year 20141 People worry that the entry of refugees might lead to fewer jobs for
current residents. Also, refugees are considered a potential cause of more terrorist attacks.
Japan, on the other hand, is not a popular country when it comes to accepting foreigners. Indeed, Japan accepts
very few refugees. 10,901 people from all around the world sought asylum in Japan in 2016, but only 28 were
accepted.2 These figures are considerable given that the number of asylum seekers is growing in Japan. There aremany elements that should be discussed when accepting refugees. For instance, some asylum seekers abuse therefugee law and those who are genuinely seeking asylum are sometimes not fairly considered. However, one mightargue that Japan should accept more refugees into Japan.
This paper attempts to add insights into the previous studies of national identity in face of mounting
immigration. In particular, it attempts to add comparative insights to the report on the European refugee crisis,
which was conducted by the UNHCR, titled ‘Press Coverage of the Refugee and Migrant Crisis in the EU: A
Content Analysis of Five European Countries’3.
This study was conducted so that the UNHCR and other humanitarian organizations could engage more
European countries in assisting refugees through media and advocacy. Their efforts are considered to be importantin setting the tone of, and to increase attention to, the refugee crisis in the latter half of 2015. However, the media
was not united enough in its response. One reason for this is that each newspaper had different opinions toward therefugee crisis.
This paper attempts to provide a comparative perspective about two countries. It chooses the UK and Japanfor comparison. One reason for this is that the UK was the most negative in the European survey by the UNHCR
and the most polarized towards refugees and migrants. Another reason is that Japan would provide a comparative
perspective on the side of Asia. Also, Japan is a liberal democratic country like the UK. These countries shall value
the principal of humanitarianism. This paper will analyze articles written from May 2015 to November 2015 about
the languages newspaper in both countries employed when discussing the refugees’ crisis. For the Japanese casein particular, it analyses the solution to the crisis that the articles suggested. For the UK, this paper chooses the
Financial Times. For Japan, it looks at the Asahi Shimbun and the Yomiuri Shimbun. These papers provide
important insights into the role of each country’s press culture in setting the agenda for today’s refugees’ andmigrant crisis.
This paper questions how Japan and the UK differ in responding to the European refugees’ crisis of 2015.
There are three parts to this analysis. First, it introduces the background of the European refugees’ crisis of 2015.
Second, it analyses British newspaper articles. Third, it examines Japanese newspaper’s articles. The hypothesis

3of this paper is that Japanese newspapers take a more distant tone to the European refugees’ crisis of 2015 incomparison to the British paper. Japan is geographically far from the European refugee crisis and has accepted so
few refugees until recently. Europe has become more nationalistic because of the refugees’ crisis. Japan’s refusalof refugees might show that Japan has not sufficiently determined those genuinely seeking asylum.

2. The Background of the European Refugees’ Crisis of 2015
The European Union has always been a norm-setting institution. Its origin goes back to the foundation of theEuropean Coal and Steel Community in 1952. The European Union strived to contribute to the advancement ofpeace and reconciliation, democracy and human rights in Europe because of the past world wars that severely
damaged humanity. Terms such as democracy, governance and human rights were popular during the 1990s among
academics for analyzing the state of the European Union.4 That was the time when the European Union wasformally established when the Maastricht Treaty came into force on 1st November 1993. Such an important norm
setting mechanism was often criticized and contrasted when it came to the reality of the member states of theEuropean Union.5 One often asked question is why is a supposedly united Europe struggling to accept morerefugees into its territory?
Looking at the definition, causes and consequences of the European refugees’ crisis of 2015, one can refer toPark’s analysis and writing.6 What is the cause of the European refugee crisis? It is the political upheaval in the
Middle East, Africa and South Asia.7 According to the International Organization for Migration (the IOM), morethan 464,000 migrants crossed into Europe by sea during the first nine months of 2015.8 The majority are Syrians
escaping from their country’s four-and-a-half-year-old civil war.9 They make up 39% of the total migrants arriving
in Europe.10 The second largest group is Afghans. They are attempting to get away from the continuous war with
Taliban rebels. They constitute 11% of the total migrants.11
The problem of the European refugees’ crisis is that not all migrants are refugees. Refugees are entitled
to international protection, but economic migrants are not. An asylum seeker is seeking international protection
under the 1951 Refugee Convention on the Status of Refugees. A refugee is a person fleeing persecution or conflict.
On the other hand, an economic migrant leaves her/his home country for economic gain. Some economic migrants
can pretend to be refugees. Or, refugees become economic migrants because some of them simply seek to moveto richer countries. Another consideration of the European refugees’ crisis is that economically fragile states suchas Greece and Italy became the main entry points for refugees and migrants and these states do not have theresources to deal with the crisis. This is because these countries are close to the Mediterranean Basin, the closest
access route to Europe for many refugees. The EU’s eastern border countries, like Hungary, are also exposed to a
migration influx. The final concern is that there are currently no long-lasting solutions to address the rights ofrefugees and migrants. The actions of the EU are considered ad hoc and their efforts are centralized on securing
the block’s borders. Having listed three major problems of the current European refugee crisis, now is the time to4look at the role of the press in shaping their country’s political action to address to the European refugees’ crisis of2015.

3. The Response of the UK MediaThis paper examines the newspaper articles of the Financial Times for UK.12 The reason why the FT was chosen
is because it is politically central, neither too liberal nor too conservative in its analysis. Due to time and institutional
constraints, it was also the only available source for analysis. The FT is an English-language international daily
newspaper with a special emphasis on business and economic news. The British press coverage of the refugees
portrays different views depending on each paper’s political stance13. It is, therefore, difficult to generalize the toneof British press culture. However, the FT is published and owned by Nikkei Inc. in Tokyo.14 The analysis of the
FT articles therefore highlights its own and unique stance and ties it to Japanese press discourse.
It is argued that the UK is one of the countries where mainstream political actors are unwilling to make thecase for more liberal policies for accepting refugees.15 In such a country, it is often left for NGOs, the UN andjournalists themselves to make the case.16 This can be seen in many FT articles. In essence, one can see a rather
liberal stance regarding the refugee crisis. In the sections below, this paper will prove this by citing several major
instances in chronological order.
First, the FT provided a rather generous consideration to the European response to the EU quota system. In
May 2015, the European Commission suggested a plan of a “distribution key”. It relied on a formula that takes
into account a country’s population, economic output, unemployment rate, and how many refugees and asylum
seekers it had accepted since 2010. The plan, however, gave rise to opposition among EU member states. However,one FT article written by a UN special representative for International Migration17 stated “most Europeans areneither mean-spirited nor racist. They do not want to see families perishing in the sea. They want their governments
to be in control of who enters Europe, and how. European leaders can deliver this while doing right by internationallaw, and without undermining the union’s economy and foreign relation.”18 In my view, this has set the neutral
tone. It is neither too nationalistic nor too humanitarian. It respects the value of human rights while securing theinterests of countries of asylum. As long as it is well regulated, the press discourse encouraged people to support
the EU’s plan to accept the refugees according to the quota system.
Second, another FT article mentioned a critical stance to the closure of EU borders when Hungary closed its
border to Syrian refugees. In June, there was an increase in the number of the Syrian refugees coming through
Hungary. The government of Hungary expressed an intention of building a fence to avoid the further entry of
refugees into the country. The FT expressed a critical stance towards this policy and provided global insight into
addressing the European refugee crisis. A letter to the editor discussed the root causes of the refugee crisis: “These
are the global inequalities that need to be addressed through a comprehensive reassessment of the economic,
political and social models that have brought us to this point, recognizing that we have a responsibility to create

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the conditions for societies to prosper worldwide within the finite resources of the planet.”19 This article’s criticaltone toward those who refused the entry of the refugees into EU was meant to make FT readers upset with Hungary.
Third, in late August, a report described the death of refugees in Austria, who died frozen to a train track. This
resulted in a surge in criticism about the negative European attitude toward the influx of refugees into their territory.
To address this issue, an FT article on the 28th August highlighted Angela Merkel’s discourse on Germany’s asylum
seekers, which leaned in a liberal direction.20 It noted that ‘there is popular support for accepting refugees, apartfrom a vocal far-right minority’.21 It also cited Ms. Merkel’s comment that the human rights of refugees shall be
respected and that ‘there can be no tolerance of those who question the dignity of other people’22. This article set
a humanitarian tone toward the acceptance of refugees into Europe.
Fourth, on September 3rd, the world saw a photograph of a 3 years old Syrian boy on a beach who had drownedin the Aegean Sea. This photograph was posted in newspapers in many countries, including the UK. FT articles
responded to the picture by criticizing the disarray of the EU. It also highlighted UK PM David Cameron’s ‘refusal
to accept a bigger share of refugees fleeing to Europe’ and agreed with the opinion that this restrictive stance posed‘an awkward political challenge ahead of a looming EU referendum’.23 ‘The opposition Labour party too haspointed to “heartbreaking” images of toddlers’ bodies washed up on Turkish beaches and insisted Britain accepts
more Syrian refugees’.24 In the UK, any decision to admit more refugees could compound Mr. Cameron’s politicalproblems. ‘Images of mass migration in Europe would make it harder for Mr. Cameron to make the case for Britain
to remain in the EU25. The FT also contrasted the EU’s heartless struggles to deal with the arrival of thousands ofnon-EU citizens fleeing war and persecution26. The crisis threatened the bloc’s ambition of greater integration andsolidarity27. Angela Merkel, the German chancellor, cast the crisis as a test of the entire European project’s values.
She noted that ‘if Europe fails on the question of refugees – if the close link with universal civil rights is broken –then it won’t be the Europe we wished for’28. This article questioned the state of liberal democracy in the UK and
the EU, and it called on the UK to continuously accept more refugees.
Fifth, another FT article presented the tone of accepting refugees directly from the war torn regions, but notfrom the EU. On 7th September, the FT wrote that ‘the UK would offer to resettle Syrians directly from refugee
camps in Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey, but not those who have already reached the EU. Likewise, Britain was notjoining an EU quota system being drawn up this week by Jean-Claude Juncker, of the European Commission, forcountries who are part of the Schengen passport-free zone.”29 Mr. Cameron’s response was, however, criticized,
offering his British audience something positive. The UK at that time had resettled 216 Syrian through its‘vulnerable persons relocation scheme,’ with a further 5,000 who had traveled by their own means having been
granted asylum by the UK between the start of the crisis in early 2011 and the second quarter of 2015.30 However,the FT articles detailed criticism to Mr. Cameron’s different stance towards the refugee crisis, emphasizing that
Syrians should be resettled directly from camps and that the UK had spent 1bn pounds on aid to Syria, more thanany other EU country, but less than the US.31 ‘Although the prime minister spent much of the day in front of

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refugee children in camps and schools in Lebanon and Jordan, his key audiences were elsewhere: public opinion
in Britain and the leaders of other developed countries.32 This FT article criticized the UK prime minister foring
being less concerned about refugees than his public and colleagues from other developed countries.
Finally, a FT article suggested that ‘solidarity’ is needed to address to the refugee crisis33. ‘The release ofimages of the dead Syrian boy resulted in the EU’s political figures setting humanitarian norms even though thereality to respond to the waves of asylum seekers became very difficult. The FT articles suggested the concern that
the EU was ‘paying a heavy price for its failure to forge a common approach to the migrant crisis’.34 In such asituation, Britain was alone in refusing to accept asylum seekers from the front lines of the EU migration crisis
after Denmark bowed to pressure and joined the “burden sharing” efforts. This was even after responding to agroundswell of public sympathy over the biggest migration across Europe in half a century, Mr. Cameron lastmonth agreed to provide refuge to 20,000 Syrians over the following five years.35 This FT article set a tone thatencouraged the UK to accept more refugees from countries such as Syria on humanitarian grounds.
Such liberal politics, however, did not last long. By15th September, Hungary has closed its border on the
Serbian side. On the September 16th September, it used the tear gas on refugees, and the situation escalated. On the
22nd and 23rd September, the EU opened an ad-hoc commission and a heads of state summit and agreed upon thecompromise of a quota system for accepting refugees. The focus was on the European frontier and how to stop the
refugee influx on the border between Europe and Turkey.36 On the 1st of October, the German public demonstrated
increasing resentment toward refugees. They showed concern to the influx of the refugees into Europe. On the 5th
and 13th of October, the head figures of the EU and Turkey’s President Erdogan, met and conversed. The executive
director of the EU suggested that the EU would assist Turkey financially as well as advance negotiations inaccession if Turkey could stop the entry of refugees into the EU. On 17th October, a candidate for Mayor of Koln
faced aggression because he was campaigning for the protection of refugees. On 18th October, the political figuresof Germany and Turkey, Merkel and Erdogan met for talks. Merkel lowered the firm stance toward the accessionof Turkey into Europe. On 13th November, a terrorist attack occurred in Paris. The right-wing parties of the EU
member states accelerated their negative stance toward the acceptance of the refugees into Europe.
In summary, in the year 2015, the political debate over refugees was greatly influenced by public opinion on
the death of refugees attempting to enter Europe. Until August 2015, one could see a realistic tone among the EU
member states. However, the end of August saw the death of refugees in a refrigerated ttrain car and 3rd September
2015 saw the report of the images of the drowning Syrian boy. These stories contributed to the intense cosmopolitan
and humanitarian norm setting among the EU member states figures and public. However, the move of a massive
amount of refugees into Europe made the EU member states and public have more realistic and nationalistic
opinions. The Paris terrorist attack marked a point of rising negative opinions about the acceptance of refugees into
Europe. In the year 2016, the UK decided via national referendum that the UK would withdrew from European
Union. Recent EU affairs seem to be deeply troubled. The role of the liberal press is now challenged. It is more

7difficult to shape more liberal politics for accepting greater number of refugees in their territory.

4. The Response of the Japanese MediaIn contrast to the section on the UK, this part of the paper focuses on two major Japanese newspapers, the Yomiuri
Shimbun and the Asahi Shimbun, the biggest newspapers in Japan in terms of circulation37. Both the Yomiuri
Shimbun and the Asahi Shimbun are Japanese newspapers published in Japan. While the Yomiuri Shimbun isconservative and sometimes considered to be a center-right newspaper, the Asahi Shimbun is considered to be themost progressive among the five major Japanese newspapers.38
The analysis of this research demonstrates that Japanese newspaper discourse was not much different
from stories published in the FT in general trends. Contrary to the initial hypothesis, Japanese media illustrated asimilar tone to the FT. Of the two papers, one could not see such a one-sided nationalistic discourse in the way theEuropean Union was dealing with the movement of the refugees into Europe. However, it showed Japanese
response to the European refugee crisis, which can be considered rather nationalistic. To compare with the articlesof the FT, this section concentrates its analysis on the discourse that the Japanese press proposed regarding theEuropean refugee crisis.
This section briefly introduces the discourse of Japanese press. The analysis demonstrates that the roleof public opinion is limited when it comes to changing the legal system of Japan and to accepting more refugees.
This is similar to the case of the FT in Europe.
First, the Japanese newspapers stated that both the UK and Japan should accept a greater number ofrefugees. They highlighted that the UN and UNHCR acknowledged that Japan should accept more refugees fromwar-torn countries such as Syria. In early May 2015, the Asahi Shimbun wrote of the decision of the EU to apply
the quota system of accepting the refugees.39 For this, the Yomuri Shimbun portrayed a critical stance toward theUK.40 In June, a representative of UNHCR and the UN called on Japan to accept more refugees.41 In later June,
one could see the difficult decision of the EU to agree on the quota system of accepting refugees.42 In August, theAsahi Shimbun started to discuss why the screening of refugees is so strict in Japan as the Ministry of Justicedecided on a plan to accept foreigners in the following 5 years.43 The discussion of Japanese newspaper set a
generous tone toward the EU quota system and provided a critical tone toward the Japanese government for not
accepting as many refugees.
Second, the Japanese press, like the FT, pushed a humanitarian tone regarding the incident where the
Syrian boy died on a Turkish beach. In early September, the Asahi Shimbun and the Yomiuri Shimbun reported on
the humanitarian response of the UK government to this tragedy44 The British and European public opinion was
moved dramatically by this incident. 45 This cosmopolitan attitude resulted in the EU policy to accept morerefugees. It saw the arrival of trains in Germany, carrying refugees, who were welcomed by the citizens there.46

8Some articles from early September highlighted the mass arrival of refugees to Europe, in particular to Germany.
At around the same time however, the Yomiuri Shimbun reported on France’s control of illegal immigrants while
mentioning the French government decision to accept 24,000 refugees in 2 years term47.The dominant discourse
was, however, to support government intervention favorable to a humanitarian response.
Third, a Japanese newspaper articles suggested European and Japanese financial aid to neighboring countries in
the refugees’ countries of origin as a way to secure peace and security in the Middle East. In late September, theEU decided to aid refugees financially to avoid the further entry of refugees into Europe by supporting theneighboring countries in Middle East and Africa.48 The Asahi Shimbunn and Yomiuri Shimbun noted that the aid
to the neighboring countries of the refugee-producing countries is important.49 The reason for this is because, thepapers suggested, is that these are the countries that accept the largest number of refugees. To address peace andsecurity in the world, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, in New York, mentioned that there are domestic issues
such as women’s rights and advancement that should be addressed before the refugee issue50. Many opinions to
the editors of both papers criticized PM Abe’s stance. That is because Prime Minister Abe relied only on financial
tools and did not demonstrate consideration to those asylum seekers seeking genuinely international protection. In
the UN General Assembly, PM Abe promised financial help to the refugees, but did not mention anything about
accepting refugees in Japan. Unlike PM Cameron, PM Abe did not consider accepting more refugees, even after
the humanitarian incidents. In Japanese mainstream political discourse, one could not see any positive sign ofaccepting more refugees in Japan from the war-torn countries in Middle East and Africa. Such Japanese newspaper
coverage represented Japanese refugee politics. It does not sufficiently determine those genuinely seeking asylum.
Such nationalistic tone might have been influenced by European experiences. Humanitarian responses caused
the rise of anti-immigrant politics in many European countries, such as Greece.51 This was also true in Germany.
There was growing concern about accepting many refugees and about the seemingly endless movement of the
refugees.52 Some feared that refugees would take the jobs of German people.53
Fourth, the firm stance of the Japanese government policy and PM Abe’s reaction to the European
refugees’ crisis did not follow Japanese public opinion. Japanese public opinion as expressed in both newspapers,
showed that many citizens believed that Japan should start affirmative action policies to accept more refugees ingeneral.54 People in Japan overall accept diversity and want a holistic refugee policy in Japan.55 To align withthe tone of Japanese public opinion, the head of the UNHCR argued that Japan should not care if a crisis producing
refugees is far from Japan or not, but about how vulnerable they are when deciding the acceptance of the refugees.56
Given the geopolitical distance between Japan and Syria, however, it appears difficult to influence the legal system
of Japan even though the public opinion in Japanese newspaper discourse is rather favorable toward accepting
refugees who are genuinely seeking asylum. Overall, the role of the Japanese liberal press and public opinion israther limited in shaping the political momentum and the liberal policy of accepting the refugees.
Finally, the limited role of the liberal press and public opinion in shaping refugee policy demonstrates

9in Japan and the UK the need to reflect on humanitarian norms. Dr. Sadako Ogata, a former head of the UNHCR,
suggested that Japan should accept more refugees. She is very concerned that there is a great discrepancy between
Japan and the rest of the world. She finally added that Japanese education needs to be sensitive enough abouthumanitarian norms.57 Her argument might not be realistic regarding the present Japanese education and legal
system and challenges refugee politics in Japan. Also, this paper focuses on the European refugee crisis and therefugees coming particularly from Syria. The situation in Asia such as in Afghanistan and Myanmar, territories
closer to Japan, were not considered in this paper. Therefore, in the future, it would be an interesting point ofanalysis to look at cases of how Japanese newspapers discuss refugees coming from Asian countries to Japan.

5. Conclusion
Both British and Japanese newspaper articles demonstrated a liberal stance in their discourse about the European
refugees’ crisis of 2015. However, there was some limitation in discussing the root causes of conflicts and threats
to peace and security. The FT articles tended to set a tone of making humanitarian norms to accept more refugees
to address to the European refugee crisis. The incidents of the death of refugees moving into Europe marked thecall for more a united Europe. However, this cosmopolitan tone was far from the realistic capacity of Europe.
Germany was leading for norm-setting, but Eastern European borders were to closed as frontiers for refugees.
Public opinion was showing worrying signs regarding the massive move of refugees into Europe. The Japanesepress displayed a similar line of conflicts in EU agenda setting between the setting norms and responding toreality. .The initial hypothesis was that Japanese press portrays distant tone to the refugee crisis. However, contrary
to the initial hypothesis of the author, the Japanese press, in particular the Asahi Shimbun, called for morehumanitarian action and political action to accept more refugees into Japanese territory. While there was no holistic
refugee policy in Japan, and only a small number of refugees accepted, the Japanese press was to make a greater
influence on setting the public tone toward the European refugee crisis. This was highlighted by some of theopinions shared in the paper, including those made by Dr. Sadako Ogata. While Japanese national identity might
have prevented Japanese positive pacifism, the Japanese press called for a more cosmopolitan and humanitarian
discourse. However, the Japanese newspaper discourse did not make much influence on changing the Japanese
government’s policy and law regarding the acceptance of refugees into Japanese territory. It was also not clear fromthis survey to what extent the newspaper discourse represented the public opinion of Japanese people vis-à-vis theEuropean refugees’ crisis of 2015. Looking to the future, one could find ways to explore media discourse about
how refugees could bring the benefits to the countries that accept them. While there are some good practices inJapan of accepting refugees into local communities, there were few instances where reporting focused on thebenefits that asylum seekers and migrants could bring to host countries. Finally, a comparative study on the refugee
flow into Japan, such as that of refugees from Asia, and how Japanese newspapers respond to it as to create refugee

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policy would bring an interesting insight to the future of this study.

Acknowledgements
This paper was researched and written by the author and does not represent the opinions and/or research findingsof any institution

Notes
Huffing Post. https://www.huffingtonpost.com/elinadav-heymann/sudden-rise-of-far-right-_b_5512961.html(Last Accessed on the 16th February, 2018)2
For more details about the figure in the Japanese language, see: http://www.moj.go.jp/content/001217009.pdf(Last Accessed on the 6th January 2018).
3 For more details about the report, see: http://www.unhcr.org/56bb369c9.pdf (Last Accessed on the 6th January2018).
4 Ichikawa.
5 Ibid.
6 Park.
7 Ibid.
8 IOM.
9 The figure is for the year 2015.
10 Park.
11 Ibid.
12 I will refer to the Financial Times as the FT from now on.
13 Berry et al, pp.10
14 It was founded in 1888. The Financial Times has an average daily readership of 2.2 million people worldwide.
FT.com has 4.5 million registered users and over 285,000 digital subscribers, as well as 60,000,000 paying users..
15 Berry et al, pp. 11
16 Ibid.
17 The Financial Times. London Edition May 22, 2015, pp.9
18 Ibid.
19 The Financial Times, USA edition June 19, 2015, USA editions, pp.8
20 Ibid, pp.3
21 Ibid.
22 Ibid.
23 Financial Times, London Edition September 3, 2015, pp.2
24 Ibid.
25 Ibid.
26 Financial Times. London Edition September 5 2015, pp.9
27 Ibid.
28 Ibid.
29 Financial Times. London Edition September 7 2015, pp.2.
30 Financial Times. London Edition. September 8, 2015, pp.3
31 Financial Times, London Edition. September 15, 2015, pp.3
32 Ibid.
33 Financial Times, London Edition, September 23, 2015, pp. 11
34 Financial Times, London Edition. September 18, 2015, pp.10
35 Financial Times, London Edition, September 19, 2015, pp.7
36 Ichikawa.
37 In 2010, the Daily was the number one in the list of the world’s biggest selling newspapers with a circulationof 10,021,000. In June 2010, Asahi Shimmbun was selling 7.96 million copies for its morning edition and 3.1
million for its evening edition.
1

11
There are the Yomiuri Shimbun, Sankei Shimbun, Nihon Keizai Shimbun, Mainichi Shimbun and Asahi
Shimbun.
39
The Asahi Shimbun, May 14, 201540
The Yomiuri Shimbun, May 15, 2015, pp.6
41 The Asahi Shimbun, June 19, 2015, pp.3 and June 21, 2015, pp.8.
42 The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 27, 2015, pp.7
43
The Asahi Shimbun, August 23, 2015, pp.10
44
The Asahi Shimbun, September 5, 2015, pp.13 and the Yomiuri Shimbun, September 5, 2015, pp.7th
45
The Asahi Shimbun, September 5, 2015, pp.13.
46
The Asahi Shimbun, September 7, 2015, pp.3
47
The Yomiuri Shimbun, September 6, 2015, pp.7 and September 8, 2015, pp.3
48
The Asahi Shimbun, September 24, 2015, pp13 and September 25, 2015, pp13.
48
Ibid.
49
The Asahi Shimbun, September 27, 2015 and the Yomiuri Shimbun, September 11, pp.7
50 The Asahi Shimbun, October 4, 2015, pp.8
51 The Asahi Shimbun, September 11, 2015,
52 The Asahi Shimbun, September 29, 2015, pp.16
53 The Yomiuri Shimbun, September 8, 2015, pp.7
54 The Asahi Shimbun, October 9, 2015, pp.14
55 The Asahi Shimbun, November 1, 2015, pp.13
56 The Asahi Shimbun, November 27, 2015, pp.1
57 Ibid.
38

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The Rights in Exile Programme. http://www.refugeelegalaidinformation.org (Accessed on the 10th November2017).

Minister of Justice. http://www.moj.go.jp/content/001217009.pdf (Last Accessed on the 6th January 2018)

UNHCR. http://www.unhcr.org/56bb369c9.pdf (Last Accessed on the 6th January 2018).

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Newspaper Articles

The Financial Times
The Financial Times May 22, 2015
The Financial Times June 19, 2015
The Financial Times September 3, 2015
The Financial Times September 5, 2015
The Financial Times September 7, 2015
The Financial Times September 8, 2015

The Asahi Shimmbun
The Asahi Shimbunn May14, 2015
The Asahi Shimbunn May 15, 2015
The Asahi Shimbunn June 19, 2015
The Asahi Shimbunn June 22, 2015
The Asahi Shimbun July 21, 2015
The Asahi Shimbun July 23, 2015
The Asahi Shimbunn August 23, 2015
The Asahi Shimbunn September 5, 2015
The Asahi Shimbunn September 7, 2015
The Asahi Shimbunn September 11, 2015
The Asahi Shimbunn September 24, 2015
The Asahi Shimbunn September 25, 2015
The Asahi Shimbun September 27, 2015
The Asahi Shimbunn September 29, 2015
The Asahi Shimbunn October 4, 2015
The Asahi Shimbunn October 9, 2015
The Asahi Shimbunn November 27, 2015

The Yomiuri Shimbun

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The Yomiuri Shimbun May 15, 2015
The Yomiuri Shimbun June 27, 2015
The Yomiuri Shimbun September 6, 2015
The Yomiuri Shimbun September 8, 2015