Issue Briefing No. 66

Being Connected from Myanmar:“We Are Still Here”
Interviewer and writer: Sulastri(Master’s student, School of International and Public Policy, HitotsubashiUniversity)
April 30, 2024

*This paper was written based on an interview conducted on March 8, 2024.

Hnin Htet Htet Aung arrived in Japan in 2021,
fleeing the aftermath of the coup in Myanmar. The
memories of those turbulent times are embedded
vividly in her mind. The situation during the coup
was dire, with the military imposing strict controls,
including severe limitations on internet access andpower outages. Raids on homes and arbitraryarrests of journalists, activists, and politicians werecommonplace and happened during the black-outperiod. Access to electricity and the internet wasrestricted to a mere four hours each morning, from8:00 to 12:00. This restricted time made it extremely difficult to stay
informed on the country's situation or to reach out to loved ones.
Hnin Htet Htet Aung has experienced three distinct periods ofgovernance during her lifetime. The year 2010 marked the beginning of atransition period, but it was in 2015, with the National League for Democracy(NLD) assuming power and securing seats in the parliament, that significant
changes occurred. This transition not only altered the ruling party but alsoushered in a period of increased civic engagement and openness. “Beforethe coup, I held a deep faith in my country," she reflects. “I was actively

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Being Connected from Myanmar: “We Are Still Here”

Issue Briefing No. 66
involved in Myanmar Extractive Transparency Initiatives (MEITI) activities,
while Myanmar was one of the member countries. However, following thecoup, our membership was suspended by the headquarters in Oslo. After EITI
delisted Myanmar in 2024, the initiative now counts 55 members."
The coup brought large changes to Hnin Htet Htet Aung's own life.
“Fleeing to Japan due to the situation in Myanmar left me feeling frustrated
with guilt as a survivor. My parents had no choice but to let their child go
abroad because in Myanmar you can be arrested and detained any time. It is
not limited to males. They arrested regardless of gender. Even now I feel asurvivor guilt. Still, I am trying to do my best by participating in fundraising
events and protests.”
Reflecting on Mynamar’s history, military control over the government
is not a new thing in the political landscape. “Myanmar people havewitnessed three coups before, and now this is the fourth time.” She sees thecurrent crisis as having a strong connection to the military’s long history ofusing violence against its own people. “The military is oppressing people
regardless of ethnicity, gender, and religion. They oppress anyone who does
not favour and support the military, even people from the same ethnic group.”
Although there is scepticism regarding the possibility of a united front
emerging against the junta, gathering a
multiethnic armed resistance and theNational Unity Government (NUG), Hnin
Htet Htet Aung thinks differently. “Wehave different priorities and objectives.
Gathering these diverse ethnic groups
as one force and fighting for democracy
and for human rights against the military,
they can collaborate with each other.
This was seen in Operation 1027, a joint
offensive conducted by three ethnic
1

armed organizations. This operation shows how different ethnic groups canunify and fight together against the military.”“For Myanmar,” she added, “it is not just about one person stepping up
as leader to promote democracy, to fight for justice and human rights. Surely

1Operation 1027 is a joint offensive against the military conducted by theThree Brotherhood Alliance comprising the Arakan Army, the national
Myanmar Democratic Alliance Army, and the Ta’ang National Liberation
Army, beginning on October 27, 2023.

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Issue Briefing No. 66
this is important, but what really makes a difference is the people’s force,for the well-being of the people, because this revolution is led by people. So,
this coup is different from the coups in the past.”
Currently the military is attempting to present a facade of harmony
with the people by introducing a conscription law, mandating individuals ofa specific age to serve a three-year term in the military, creating the image
that their rule is legitimate and gaining support from the people. But theproblem is, no one wants to go into the military. In response, citizens and theMyanmar diaspora in Japan are mobilizing efforts to petition the Japanese
government, urging them to intervene and pressure the military to revoke theconscription law. The situation is difficult, even for the international
community. “I want to highlight the humanitarian crisis,” she adds. “The
Myanmar people are suffering a lot from this crisis. It has been three years
since the military staged the coup. You can see the increasing number ofdisplaced people, and it accelerates more and more. But how about thefunding?”
While it is logical to expect an increase in humanitarian aid parallel tothe rising numbers of victims, this is not what is happening. Furthermore, theaid provided encounters double challenges – not only does it fall short ofreaching the people of Myanmar, but it also inadvertently contributes tosupporting the military instead of directly engaging with ethnic revolutionaryorganizations and pro-democratic forces. Similar to concerns in Afghanistan
under Taliban rule, people are worried that ODA might be used by the military,
not for the people it is intended to help.
In this situation, it is difficult to rely on other countries. China's “winwin" policy in Cambodia, helping Prime Minister Hun Sen to consolidate
power and stabilize the country, seems to be effective there, but appears
questionable for Myanmar, where economic leverage is likely benefiting themilitary. Western countries have shown limited commitment to resolving thesituation. Even during the governance of the NUG, only a handful ofcountries, such as the US and select European nations, establishedrepresentative offices in Myanmar.

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Issue Briefing No. 66“We have no choice but to rely on ourselves. Placing hope in theinternational community is uncertain," she says.
There are over 50 different Myanmar diaspora
organizations in Japan collaboratively addressing
Myanmar’s

issues.

Theseorganizations

frequently host fundraising events to provide
financial support to the people, lobby parliament
to obtain recognition of the NUG, and demand anend to funding for the military. While some still
hold hope of international assistance, the mainmode of support comes from Myanmar people’s
own grassroots efforts to achieve democracy and freedom through collectiveaction.
In the Milk Tea Alliance Japan, even though the members are fighting
on different fronts, all share one goal: “to fight against dictators.” This
alliance serves as a powerful reflection of youth activism and solidarity. Evenfrom afar, Hnin Htet Htet Aung believes, we can give our people a message:“We are with you, we stand with you.”
It will take time to save people and democracy. “Despite the worsening
situation and increasing humanitarian suffering,” she says, “I still put somehope in my country so we can achieve democracy.”

Hnin Htet Htet Aung’s Profile
Hnin Htet Htet Aung is a Master’s student at the School ofInternational and Public Policy at Hitotsubashi University. Previously, she
was a visiting researcher at the Graduate School of Law, Hitotsubashi
University. Ms. Aung has nine years of experience working in civil society,international

non-governmentalorganizations,

andaSingapore-basedadvisory firm.
Through her work, she has supported civil society organizations andtheir activists. She has published articles about the political situation inMyanmar, women’s rights, transitional justice, collective actions andfreedom of expression, in both Burmese and English. She holds a master’sdegree in public administration from Aldersgate College, Philippines, and abachelor’s degree in law from Dagon University, Myanmar.

4Being Connected from Myanmar: “We Are Still Here”