Taboos Related to the Ancestors of the Himba and Herero Pastoralists
in Northwest Namibia: A Preliminary Report
Kana MIYAMOTO
Graduate School of Intercultural Studies, Kobe University, Kobe, Japan
This preliminary report summarizes first-hand data on taboos shared by the Himbaand Herero pastoralists, living in northwest Namibia. By dealing with taboos
related to their ancestors, I aim to clarify the relationship between the pastoralists
and their ancestors. In previous studies, the relationship between the Himba andHerero and their ancestors often focused on the gravesite and the commemoration
ceremony, which were often drawn from a political context. This paper, on theother hand, will present the relationship with the ancestors and the taboos shared
among people. Taboos related to the ancestors can be roughly classified into two
types, one related to the patrilineal clan and the other to a specific space called the“holy place” (otjirongo tjizera). Certain patrilineal clans associate with specificareas through the “ancestral shrine” (okuruwo) located inside their homestead. The
relationship between the holy place and the patrilineal clan has not been clearlymentioned by people living in the area. Taboos related to the holy place are notlimited to a specific patrilineal clan; anyone who is in that place must obey thetaboos. However, there have been cases where elders, responsible for thepatrilineal clan’s rituals at the ancestral shrine, treated those who broke the taboos
inside the holy place. I have examined the relationship of the ancestors and thespecific places of the semi-nomadic people, the Himba and Herero.
Keywords: taboo, ancestor, cognition of space, Himba, Herero

INTRODUCTION
This preliminary report summarizes first-hand data on taboos shared among
Himba and Herero pastoralists living in northwest Namibia1. Having lived with the people
in the area, I became aware of the numerous taboos obeyed by the people instinctively.

1

The research period is from Aug 2015 to Mar 2016, Aug to Nov 2017, and Jun to Aug 2018.

1

The purpose of this paper is to classify and organize the collected data on the taboos of
Himba and Herero pastoralists living in the southern part of Kaokoland.
Some taboos are strictly adhered to, whereas others may be broken if it cannot be
avoided. In the former’s case, when people broke taboos, they were immediately warnedor reprimanded. In the latter’s case, it was deemed necessary to take specific action after
breaking the taboo. In other words, obeying taboos necessitates different actions. At thetime I commenced the research, I was unaware of this and occasionally broke taboos. I
was checked by people around me each time. That is when I learned that behind eachtaboo lay a fear of the ancestors (ovakuru), and I became interested in the taboos people
have.
Previous studies have pointed out that the Himba and Herero express relationshipto land in a context where pastoral actors are competing for communally-owned resources
through their relation to ancestral graves. However, in the survey area of the author, nocommemoration ceremonies (okujambera) were reported [Bollig 2009; Ohta 2009;
Yoshimura 2014], nor were decorations of cattle horns placed near the tombstones[Estermann 1961; Bollig 1997]. At times, the gravestones were broken by wild animals
and left as is.
I will first examine the outline of the surveyed area from the double descentsystem that are characteristics of the Himba and Herero and elaborate on their ancestors.
Then, I will summarize the taboo cases related to the ancestors in the research site.

OVERVIEW OF THE RESEARCH AREA
Himba and Herero People
The Himba (ovahimba, pl; omuhimba, sing) and Herero (ovaherero, pl;omuherero, sing) both speak the Herero language (otjiherero), which is a part of the Bantu

2languages. They are pastoralists who live with their livestock, such as cattle and goats.
The Himba live mainly in northwest Namibia and some live in southwest Angola. On theother hand, the Herero live mainly in central and eastern Namibia and partly in thenorthwest. Because the public population statistics of Namibia that used ethnic names
were not published at the end of 1989 [Malan 1995: 2], the number of people per ethnic
group is unknown. However, in the 2011 census, there were about 160,000 Herero
language speakers, accounting for about 9% of the total population.
In general, the two are often regarded as different ethnic groups. Their differencesin appearance, especially clothing, is a major factor that distinguishes them. The Himba
men and women wear garments made of cloth or leather. Women smear their entire
bodies with a mixture of butter made from ochre (otjize), butter from cows (omaze), andseveral kinds of fragrant crushed powders (otjizumba). On the other hand, Herero men
wear jackets and trousers, and women wear western-style, long dresses (ohorokova). In
the past, the two were called Herero but had the features of the current Himba. Although
there are differences in their appearance, there are many cultural and social similarities.
Sometimes, they refer to each other as the “same family” (omuhoko).
The Himba and Herero of northwest Namibia move according to the rains. They
spend most of their time at the homestead (onganda, sing; ozonganda, pl), a dwelling forthe patrilineal clan, from January to April, which is the rainy season. There are often
gardens (otjikunino) inside the homesteads. When the rain subsides, the young men
mainly move to the livestock camp (ohambo, sing; ozohambo, pl), which consists of kraal
fences and simple huts for people to rest in. Then, when it starts to rain again, they roundup their livestock and return to the homestead.

Double Descent
The Himba and Herero are known for following the double descent system just as3

the Yokö in Nigeria and the Yap in Micronesia. In double descent system, individuals areassociated both with their matrilineage and with their patrilineage [Keesing 1975]. Malan
and Crandall, who conducted surveys in northwest Namibia, pointed out that thepatrilineal line plays an important role in ceremonies such as funeral services andcommemoration ceremonies, while livestock are inherited mainly in the matrilineal line
[Malan 1973; Crandall 1991]. The sections below cover the details of both groups.

Matrilineal Clan
The matrilineal clan is called Eanda (eanda, sing; omaanda, pl). The Eanda neverchanges in any life event, such as a marriage or adoption. There are seven Omaanda, someof which branch out and are called by the name of the female founder's daughter. The
daughter of the female founder can trace up to three or five generations, corresponding tolineage [Malan 1973: 84; Bollig 2006: 52]. Table 1 shows the names of each Eanda andits lineage.

Table 1. Eanda and its lineage (A compilation of Malan [1973] and the author’s data)
Eanda(1) Omukwejuva

Lineage
1. Hauari
2. Omutati
3. Omuzi / Okatenda
4. Opera(2) OmukwendjandjeNone(3) Omukwendata

1. Ondjuwo Onene / Ozongombe / Omukwaruvara
2. Ondjuwo Okatiti / Omukwatjitupa

4(4) Omukwenambura

1. Omukwambo
2. Omutjavikwa(5) Omukwauti

None(6) Omukwatjivi

1. Omungambu
2. Omuhuka(7) Omukwenatja

None

Points 1-6 are common not only to the Herero language group, such as the Himbaand Herero, but also to the Ovambo, Ngambwe, and Tjimbundu, which are the same
Bantu language groups as the Herero [Malan 1973: 84-85]. According to Bollig [2006]
who investigated near the borders of Angola and Namibia, point 7 is common to
Ngambwe, Zemba, and Hakaona that mainly live in southwest Angola [Bollig 2006: 54].
As described above, points 1-6 are distributed in wide areas such as northwest Namibia,
the mid north of Namibia, and southern Angola, but point 7 is found only in a limited area
[Malan 1973: 85]. In the author’s survey site, located south of northwest Namibia, I could
not find the people who belong to point 7.
In addition, Malan [1973] reports that each Eanda has a genealogy, but I did notcome across this in my research site. For example, in the surveyed area, people stated thatthe female founder of Omukwejuva (1) is called Mbondo and she has four daughters(Hauari, Omutati, Omuji, and Opera). People only mentioned the relationship of the same
Eanda and its lineage. They did not talk in reference to other Eanda like Malan did, whoreported that Omukwejuva (1) is a woman named Mbondo and she is mother of thosementioned in points 4-7.

5

Patrilineal Clan
Patrilineal clans are called Oruzo (oruzo, sing; otuzo, pl), and there are 34 suchclans [Hangara 2017]. An individual has a surname (osano) and belong to Oruzo. The
surname is derived from the name of a paternal ancestor from several generations ago andis from the lineage of a patrilineal clan. People who share the lineage gather together forcommemoration ceremonies once every two to three years and for initiation ceremonies
such as menarche rituals, circumcision, and weddings. Each ceremony is carried out at
the ancestral shrine (okuruwo) located at the center of the homestead, where an elder
represents the lineage. This elder, also called omupueje, is an intermediary between theancestors and the people [Kavari 2001]. When performing a ritual, the omupueje sits on
a stone that constitutes the ancestral shrine and apprises the ancestors of the changes inpeople’s lives. During funerals, the omupueje interacts with the ancestors at the ancestralshrine when the coffin arrives, or before and after the burial ceremony. Similarly, whensomeone in the lineage becomes sick and does not recover, or when someone has badluck, the omupueje tries to help by interacting with the ancestors.
In addition, some lineages use specific areas with priority. For example, membersof the lineage Ohorongo Oruzo with the Kapika family name use the Kuene River basin,
which flows along the border of Namibia and Angola. Many of the lineage elders are
considered the owners of the land (oveni vehi, pl; omuni wehi, sing) [Bollig 2006: 52].

Research Area
This paper covers the Himba and Herero living in the Opuwo rural constituency,
located in the middle and southern part of the Kunene region in northwest Namibia. This
area is located in Kaokoland, one of the homelands in the South African colonial-rule era.
As the term Kaokoland is used in daily life by local people, I will use the same in this6

paper.
The area, including the research area, began to be included in communal
conservancy, which conserves wild animals, from 2003. The base village of the researchcontains two homesteads, with 15 households in total; one homestead comprising 11
households and the other, 4 households. There are several livestock camps located 2 to 7
km away from the village. The majority of the population in homestead are Herero. The
livestock camps comprise of relatives of the Herero from the homesteads and the Himba
from other areas.
Each homestead has one ancestral shrine respectively. The shrine of the 11
households belongs to the Omakoti patrilineal clan and the shrine of the 4 households
belongs to the Ongwatjindu patrilineal clan.
People who do not belong to these two patrilineal clans also live in the village,
but in many cases, they are in some way related to the clans. For example, the Omakoti
area has two herders who came from south Angola in 1992. Both belong to Ngumbi,
which is one of the Bantu language groups. One is single, but the other is married to a
woman of Ongwatjindu and has children. Both speak the Herero language and identify as
Herero. The single man came to look for work in his mid-teens, and was taken care ofever since by a couple from Omakoti as their own. Therefore, there are also relationshipsthat are not direct kinship.
In the matrilineal clans, there were many people who belonged to Omukwejuva(1) and Omukwatjivi (4). Members of both homesteads are often related through thesematrilineal clans.

TABOOS RELATED TO ANCESTORS
Various types of taboos were collected during the research. These can be7

summarized into two types, one related to the patrilineal clan and the other related to theland.

Patrilineal Clan (Oruzo)
There seem to be six shared items in each patrilineal clan (Table 2). Althoughpeople are only aware what they should do, they also realize that the six categories are
related to the patrilineal clan. As a result, I will look at the details of each item, including
the taboos, while regarding the fact that the classification itself is an analytical concept.
The following table displays the shared category of the Omakoti clan, which many people
in the research area belong to.

Table 2. Shared category in the Omakoti patrilineal clan (Edited by the author)2Category
1 Types of gourd (ondjupa) toContents
Tjisekiropreserve sour milk (omaere)
2 Color of the bull (ondwezu)

Ondumbu and Ondorozu

3 Taboo (ovizerika)(1) Do not return to the gravesite after
burying the body(2) Do not eat the abomasum (oruverera)3(3) Do not keep cattle without horns(ovihungu)

2Prof. J. Kavari (University of Namibia), from the village near the researched site of the author,
pointed out categories 1 to 5.

3

Malan translated oruverera into the colon [Malan 1973: 94].

8

(4) Do not touch the red bushwillow(omumbuti) 4(5) Omupueje must not eat the meat ofcattle without horns(6) Women on their period must not drink
sour milk (omaere), milked from a cow(7) A coffin must not be carried to thegraveyard in the car of a person from thesame homestead of the deceased person(8) If a sick person dies in a car while on
the way to the hospital, do not bring the
body to the homestead in the same car
4 Related Oruzo (okuhuhurasana)None (only Omakoti)

5 Praise song (omutandu)

Omakoti woturumbu tojatukende.

6 Related animal（otjipuka）

Lion (ongejama)

It has been reported that Omakoti has 45 surnames5 [Hangara 2017]. Many people
in the homestead of the researched village have the surname of Kozohura andMukuaruuze. Omupueje, who is in charge of the rituals at the ancestral shrine, is an elder

4

Combretum apiculatum is the scientific name.

5

Hangara classified by households (ozonganda) rather than surnames [Hangara 2017]. In mysurvey, though not included in his book, those who have surnames such as Kozohura,
Mukuaruuze, Hinu, Utjavari, and Ndjoze belong to the Omakoti.

9called K with the surname Kozohura. I will elaborate on the contents in the order seen in
the table.

1.

Types of gourd (ondjupa) to preserve sour milk (omaere)
This type of gourd that preserves sour milk, made by milking the sacred cattle(ongombe jamuaha), belongs to the category tjisekiro.

2.

Color of the bull (ondwezu)
The bull is categorized according to the colors ondumbu and ondorozu. The
former represents the color of dry soil and is derived from the drought (ourumbu)[Eckl 2000: 421]. The latter means the color of black.

3.

Taboo (ovizerika)
There are eight taboos, the details of which will be covered later.

4.

Related Oruzo (okuhuhurasana)
The related Oruzo participate in rituals with other Oruzo at the “ancestral shrine”.
This especially refers to the ritual of purifying those who were subjected to curses(okuhuha). The Omakoti are not related to other Oruzo, only to themselves.

5.

Praise song (omitandu)
Each Oruzo has a praise song. In the case of the Omakoti, the song is Omakoti
woturumbu tojatukende.

6.

Related animal（otjipuka）
There is an affinity with specific wildlife, and the Omakoti are related to the lion
(ongejama). People describe themselves as lions and are associated with taboo 2.

I will now examine the contents of the taboos. The order of Table 2’s contents isthe order of answers given by the elder K. It is not known at this stage if the order has

10any meaning, but it is arranged as it is. (1) ~ (4) were recognized by people belonging to
the Omakoti, but only (5) ~ (8) were mentioned by K.

(1) Do not return to the gravesite after burying the body.
When a person dies and the body is buried, Omakoti people must not return to thegraveyard again after the funeral. This applies to not only the gravesites of theOmakoti people but any kind of gravesite.
When K was asked the reason for this and its origin, he did not know it but narrated
the following story: When an ancestral father (tate munene6), who was an omupueje,
passed away due to a taboo (2), the rest of the people moved to other places,
including the ancestral shrine in the homestead.
When I asked a similar question to an elder belonging to the Omakoti, who wasstaying at another homestead, he related the next story: In the past, when a young
child passed away, the body was buried in the cattle kraal inside the homestead,following which some of the people moved to other places to create a newhomestead.
(2) Do not eat the abomasum (oruverera).
Do not eat the abomasum of ruminants. Some cloven-hoofed mammals such as
cattle, goat, sheep, and deer have four stomachs and regurgitate their cud. Suchruminants are often eaten by people and their stomachs, other than the abomasum,

6

Paternal grandfather's father.

11

are consumed.
The origin of the taboo goes back to an ancestral father who was eating cattle meatwith people and died because only he ate the abomasum. All the people who wereinterviewed, including K, gave similar answers. Here are some stories related to thetaboo (1). People buried a man who ate the abomasum and died. Later, people
feared the power of the abomasum, which killed the man, and did not care to returnto the gravesite where they believed the power to remain.
In addition, this taboo is also associated with the lion, a wild animal with a highaffinity for the Omakoti. During the interviews, many people pointed out thesimilarities between the actions of a lion and the taboo. A lion does not eat theabomasum of a prey but instead takes it out and carries it to a distant place to throw
it away.
(3) Do not keep cattle without horns (ovihungu).
The Ohorongo and Ongwatjija, which are other patrilineal clans, also believe thesame taboo.
(4) Do not touch the red bushwillow (omumbuti).
This tree is found around the researched area and the Omakoti people avoid thistree when they move.
(5) Omupueje must not eat the meat of cattle without horns.
The Omakoti, except for the omupueje, can eat this.
(6) Women on their period must not drink sour milk (omaere), milked from a cow.

12

The reason for this is unknown as is its origin.
(7) A coffin must not be carried to the graveyard in the car of a person from thesame homestead as the deceased person.
During the funeral, the coffin is placed in a special hut called an Onene, which islocated inside the homestead. At the time of the burial, the coffin is moved fromthe Onene to a car and then carried to a nearby gravesite. In this case, the car of aperson living in the same homestead as the dead is not used. On the other, it isacceptable for a person from the same homestead to carry the coffin from the Oneneto the car.
(8) If a sick person dies in a car while on the way to a hospital, do not bring the
body to the homestead in the same car.
If a sick person dies on the way from the homestead to the hospital, everything in
the car must be left in the place of the person who passed away, and the body should
be carried to the hospital. The same car is not used to bring the coffin to thehomestead.

These are the taboos shared by the Omakoti of the patrilineal clan. Theinterviewees consisted of those with the surnames Kozohura and Mukuruaruuze.
Therefore, it is not known at this stage whether there is a difference between the taboos
mentioned above and the taboos of those with other surnames. The contents of taboos areoften different in each Oruzo, but some of the taboos (3) may be shared by several Oruzo.
However, sharing taboos does not necessarily indicate a relationship with “Related Oruzo”
(4).

13

Land and Ancestors
The research area includes a place called the holy place (otjirongo tjizera). Suchplaces include the okuzera, which literally means taboo or prohibition or holy itself. Table
3 shows three okuzera that can be classified according to the situation. As a result of theobservation, everyone in this place follows the okuzera regardless of the patrilineal or
matrilineal group.

Table 3. Contents of the okuzera (Edited by the author)

1

Situation

Contents

From dusk to dawn

(1) Do not collect firewood

What happens
after breaking thetaboo?
A big snake appears

How to treat it?

Say, “I forgot”(2) Do not hurt plants(3) Do not scratch thegroundDrop charcoal on
the ground(4) Do not drop water on
the ground2

Before going to the Say the opposite of what
holy place and when one is thinking
stepping inside

3

When killing wild Cut small pieces of meat
animals
and distribute it to theancestors first-Never reach-Go another day-Never return again - Say it again-Mysterious things
happenThe killed wild Say, “I forgot”
animals disappear

1. From dusk to dawn
There are four things that must be avoided in the holy place from dusk to dawn.

(1) Do not collect firewood
Firewood is indispensable for living in the area. It is used for making a meal, tokeep warm in the mornings and evenings, and to light up the dark. The dead trees

14

in the area that fall to the ground in both the dry and rainy seasons are picked up
regularly, but not after the sun has set.
(2) Do not hurt plants
Do not hurt or collect plants in the area. According to Crandall [2004], Kaokoland
has various kinds of plants, which are used as medicinal herbs, for rituals, andcollected for various other purposes. The researched area of the author is not an
exception. Plants like mopane (omutati) and nettle (ondomo) are used for rituals,
and ohandukaze as an herbal tea. However, plants are not collected after sunset.
When I broke the branch of a plant, used for brushing teeth, (omuzema) at the startof sunset, I was warned by a herder in his early twenties, who said, “Don’t everdo this again as the ancestors are watching.” He then asked me to say, “I forgot”(tuu ovizembirira).
(3) Do not scratch the groundDo not scratch the ground with pointed objects. Children, especially, often scratch
the ground using elongated objects, such as a branch or the leg of a broken chairetc., and are often cautioned. Therefore, they are given pieces of charcoal by thepeople in the area so that they can throw them on the same spot on the ground.
Also, people usually use branches to draw letters and pictures on the ground, but
not after sunset.
(4) Do not drop water on the groundDo not drop any liquid on the ground, such as water used for cooking, liquids likesour milk, tea, soup, etc.. If it drops, one should drop a piece of charcoal on it.
After eating, water is used to wash pots and pans, so it often falls to the ground.
Thus, in order to reduce the number of times water flows to the ground, it is15

collected in one place and disposed of into the ground in one go, following whichcharcoal pieces are dropped in that place.
In addition, do not bathe after sunset. Men often bathe at the water point, but it isadvisable to never go bathing after sunset. Women bathe in the house or tent, but
if they do so after sunset, they would need to drop a piece of charcoal after they
throw away the used water into the ground.

What would happen if the taboos were broken?
Case 1: Bathing after sunset
This is a story of a man in his mid-40s who was born and grew up in this area andherded for many years. When he was about 20 years old (around 1993), he took a bathat the water point after sunset. He knew that he should not do so, but did not know thereason behind it. After that, when he came back to his hut in the camp to unwind, asnake appeared at the entrance of the hut and stared at him. As there was no door at theentrance, the man fell asleep with his legs facing the entrance. When he woke up thenext morning, the snake was gone. On that day, he did not break any taboos but at night,
the same snake appeared and curled up at the entrance in the same fashion as the night
before. The next day, the elder in charge of the ritual of the ancestral shrine in thehomestead came to the livestock camp and got to know of what happened. The elder
put a nettle (ondomo)7 on the path that the snake took, and then the snake ceased to
come.

7

The scientific name for this is pouzolzia hypoleuca. It is used to attract the spirit of the ancestors
when conducting rituals at the ancestral shrine in the homestead [Malan and Owen-Smith
1974].

16

Case 2: Collecting firewood after sunset
This is a story of a man in his mid-20s who was born and brought up in this area.
When he was five years old (around 1997), he collected firewood after sunset. He cameback to the camp, lay a blanket in front of his hut and slept on it. He woke up to go to
the toilet in the middle of the night and saw a big snake in the space between the hut
and the blanket. When he saw the snake, he recalled that he had picked up firewood
after sunset. Then, he said, “I forgot” and slept. The next morning, when he woke up,
the snake was gone.
This man realized that he had done something wrong. It is said that whenwrongdoings occur, a mysterious event (in this case, a snake) takes place in order toremind that person of his wrongdoing.

2. Before going to the holy place and when stepping inside
When stepping inside the holy place or on your way there, you have to say the
opposite of what you are thinking. Time is of no relevance in this taboo.
When you are on your way to the holy place, do not say anything related to what
you are doing or planning. If you say it, you will not be able to do what you had planned,
and it will not go according to schedule. Or, you will get lost in the holy place and will
not be able to return again.
Also, inside of the holy place, when you talk with someone, you have to tell the
opposite of what you are thinking. For example, say “it is cold” when it is actually hot,or say “I can still walk” when you are feeling tired. If you say what you were actually
thinking and your partner responds, it is necessary that you rephrase.

17

3. When killing wild animals
There are many wild animals living in the area, including elephants. When hunting
wild animals, such as kudu and zebra, or obtaining the meat of wild animals attacked
by predators, it is necessary to distribute it to the ancestors first. The ancestors refer tothe ovakuru vetu or the deceased people ovati vetu. These ancestors do not refer to a
specific person, more like someone with a blood connection.
First, peel the animal's skin, cut small pieces of the meat (5-6 cm squares) andthrow them in the air. Then, say to the ancestors, “Forefathers, take them!” (Tatekamburee!). In addition, when hunting, the hunter wraps a small amount of cigaretteleaves (omakaja) in a plastic bag and places it between stones and trees, covering itwith the leaves of the surrounding trees (mostly mopane8). Then, he tells the ancestors,“Please smoke this cigarette. We are hungry, we want to eat meat, please help.” By
doing so, he is wishing for an encounter with wild animals. Tobacco is important forherdsmen. They usually share tobacco leaves and lit cigarettes. Therefore, they ask theancestors to give them the opportunity to encounter wild animals in exchange forwrapped leaves.
In these cases, the word tate, an honorific title for the elder men, was used. Also,
tobacco consumed mainly by men was used. Therefore, it is highly possible that theassumed ancestors during hunting refer to the ancestors of deceased men.

8

The scientific name for this is Colophospermum mopane. It is not only used for firewood andbuilding materials on a daily basis, but is frequently used for various rituals [Malan and OwenSmith 1974].

18

CONCLUSION
In this paper, I have covered cases on the taboos among the Himba and Herero in
the southern part of Kaokoland in northwest Namibia. One of the patrilineal clans hastaboos related to the gravesite and the deceased, and the relationship with the ancestors
was strongly shown in those taboos. There are also taboos in certain areas called theholy place, where one could observe fear for the ancestors.
The omupueje, a representative of a patrilineal clan in each homestead, not only
performs rituals at the ancestral shrine but also when the taboos are broken in the holy
place. The relationship between the holy place in the researched area and the patrilineal
clan is neither referred to nor specified directly by people living in the area. However,when we look at the omupueje, who is also a mediator between the people and theancestors, it is highly suggestible that there is some sort of a relationship between them.
Therefore, I would like to examine this point in the future.
In addition, taboos related to the ancestors of the Himba and Herero pastoralists,
as detailed in this paper, are also related to the following discussion. It is necessary to
pay attention to the emotional aspects of people when understanding the motives ofpeople who move to another place [Nyamunjoh 2013], especially discussions including
how living people treat the dead [Umeya 2018]. I would like to consider this point in
the future as well.

Acknowledgements
This work was financially supported by JSPS Core to Core Program (A Advanced Research
Networks) “Research on Public Policies on Migration, Multiculturalization and Welfare for the
Regeneration of Communities in European, Asian and Japanese Societies” (“Regional andTheoretical Development of the Concept of ‘Citizenship’”, research project in FY2018), JSPS
KAKENHI Grant Number JP23242055, the Sasakawa Scientific Research Grant from The Japan
Science Society (29-133), JSPS-NRF joint research project “Citizenship in the 21st Century South19

Africa and Japan” (FY2017-2018), and scholarship of Japanese Association of University
Women (JAUW) Kobe Branch in FY2018. I would like to express my gratitude to my academic
supervisor Prof. Kiyoshi Umeya (Kobe University) for giving me the opportunity to join the JSPS
Core to Core Program and giving helpful comments to the draft (in Japanese ver.). I am also
grateful to Prof. Jekura Kaveri (University of Namibia) for providing me helpful suggestions bygiving his first-hand data. My sincere appreciation goes to the people in Kaokoland who
welcomed me as their friend, especially my research assistants, Mr. Dona Kozohura, Mr. James
Herunga, and Mr. Eliot Tjiuma.

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