Refereed Research Note
Revisiting the Hypothesis of the Political Knowledge
Gap in the Asian Context
Keywords:
Knowledge gap hypothesis, socioeconomic status, digital divide, inequality, political information, East
Asia

Sang-Mi KIM, Nagoya University
Tetsuro KOBAYASHI, City University of Hong Kong

Abstract
Knowledge and information translate into social power. Lack of knowledge can result in
exclusion from social resources, thus leading to a lack of social power and eventually undermining
democracy. Previous findings demonstrate that the gap in political knowledge based on
socioeconomic status (SES) is produced by the difference in newspaper reading between classes.
Some findings have indicated that the Internet is reproducing the existing patterns of politicalcommunication, further increasing the gap between social classes. Although these results havebeen extensively confirmed outside Asia, the cultural context of Asian countries can often be
sufficiently distinctive to differ from tendencies in other parts of the world concerning the social
context of media use. This study examines whether different forms of news media function toincrease the gap in political knowledge between socioeconomic classes in East Asia. In particular,
given the significant rise in the number of Asians who rely on the Internet for political information,
we focus on the effect of the use of Internet on the knowledge gap between socioeconomic levels.
We find that Internet use appears to significantly increase SES-based gaps in political knowledge
in Japan, but not Korea.

1Revisiting the Hypothesis of the Political Knowledge Gap in the Asian Context

KIM et alincrease or decrease knowledge gaps, depending

1. Introduction

upon the medium involved (e.g., newspapers
The Internet continues to engender new forms

versus TV news).

of communication that are significantly altering

Here, we need to recognize that digitalthe contours of the social landscape for individuals

inequality does not entail simply a dichotomy ofwith ample access to information resources

access versus no access (Robinson, 2008), but(Castells, 2000). In the context of politicalrather involves the degree to which people can

education,

offer

access various and complex levels and forms ofopportunities to learn information beyond what

information created by information technology.

is already available in other media (Tewksbury,

Does the Internet reduce the gap by making2003). Political information from the Internet

political information more available, accessible,

gives citizens a platform to explore the views ofand easier to follow, particularly among the less-organizations whose opinions and goals do noteducated lower classes (Anderson, Bikson, Law,

conform to those expressed by the mainstream& Mitchell, 1995)? Or, on the other hand, do

media

these

people in the upper classes surf the Internet

organizations’ perspectives can be published andmore often and use it more effectively, furthertransmitted without requiring support from thewidening the gap between the information-richgovernment or a commercial entity. However,and information-poor (DiMaggio & Hargittai,

although much scholarship on the Internet touts

2001)? The present study addresses this issue inthis somewhat utopian view of the Internet’s

detail, looking at whether each form of news

benefits, many economically underprivileged

media functions to widen or narrow the SES-

people remain excluded from these new media

based gap in political knowledge. In addition, thisresources, because they do not enjoy consistent,

study analyzes the effect of Internet use as a

let alone equal, access to information technologies

source of political information, looking at whether(Van Dijk, 2005; DiMaggio et al., 2004; Hargittai,

the Internet may contribute to political learning

2008; Hargittai & Walejko, 2008). Thus, attention

beyond the function of traditional news media.

theInternetindustry.

is

seen

Furthermore,tomust be paid to the ways in which the Internet

Although the knowledge gap phenomenon

can produce and reinforce knowledge gaps.

most likely exists around the world, most

Research on knowledge gaps suggests thatsegments

ofthepopulation

withresearch on it has taken place in the United

higherStates. Japan and South Korea offer suitablesocioeconomic status (SES) acquire media-

settings to examine whether the knowledge gap

transmitted information at a faster rate thanhypothesis can be applied to other cultural areas

lower-SES segments (Tichenor, Donohue, &with different political and cultural traditions.

Olien, 1970). The media, therefore, may function

These two countries are also among the mostto increase societal gaps in various forms of

wired nations in the world, thus providing a greatknowledge, including knowledge about politics.

opportunity to test the effects of Internet use.

On the other hand, some researchers (Kwak,
1999; Eveland & Scheufele, 2000; Jerit, Barabas,& Bolsen, 2006) argue that news media can either
2Journal of Socio-Informatics Vol. 11 No. 1 Sep. 2018

gap in knowledge. News media, therefore, may

2. Literature review

mediate the well-supported link between SES(1) The Knowledge Gap Hypothesis and theand knowledge of politics (Scheufele, Shanahan,

exposure of News media& Kim, 2002). In other words, the upper classes

According to the knowledge gap hypothesis

are more politically knowledgeable largely(Tichenor et al., 1970), mass media function to

because they use the news media more often andexpand, rather than narrow, the gap in knowledge

in different ways, thus acquiring more information

between social classes. As the infusion of mass

about public affairs.

media information into a social system increases,(2) SES and the Knowledge Gap

the segments of the population with higher SES
tend to acquire this information at a faster rate

The knowledge gap hypothesis might bethan lower-SES segments, so that the gap inexpressed operationally in at least two different

knowledge between these segments tends toforms. One would expect the knowledge gap toincrease (Tichenor et al., 1970, pp. 159-160). Thisbe especially prominent when one or more ofmeans that people with higher SES tend to be

the factors theorized as contributing to it are

more able to acquire information, leading to an

operative. Tichenor et al. (1970) discussed fiveincreasing division of society into two groups:

potential factors that could account for the

better-educated people who know more about

increase in the size of knowledge gaps due to themost things, and those with low levels of

input of media information. Four of these factors

education who know less.

are the differences between high- and low-SES

There are several reasons why the predictedgroups in (a) relevant interpersonal contacts, (b)knowledge gap should appear and widen with

communication skills, (c) prior knowledge, andincreasing levels of media input. One factor is the(d) selective exposure, acceptance, and retention.

difference between social classes with regard to

To the extent that these four factors are engaged;

their use of media. In general, the upper classes

the gap should widen as the flow of mass media

use the media more often for information,

information continues (Tichenor et al., 1970).

therefore gaining greater knowledge (Tichenor

Tichenor et al. also discussed the nature of the

et al., 1970). People in the upper classes have amedia system itself as a fifth factor potentiallygreater stake in what happens in the economy

contributing to increasing the knowledge gaps

and politics, and they are thus more motivated to

between high- and low-SES segments of society.

become well informed in the first place (Eveland

The role of relevant interpersonal contacts in& Scheufele, 2000; Moore, 1987). Most printincreasing gaps would be to allow people ofmedia sources, where much of the available

higher SES to engage in conversations withinformation about public affairs and scienceothers who are knowledgeable about important

appears, are geared toward the tastes of the

topics in the news. Higher levels of education are

upper and middle classes, because these are thegenerally associated with a broader sphere of

key(Donohue,everyday activity, a greater number of reference

Tichenor, & Olien, 1986). Over time, thisgroups, and more interpersonal contacts, all ofdifference in media use results in an increasing

which increase the likelihood of discussing publiccustomersofadvertisers

3

Revisiting the Hypothesis of the Political Knowledge Gap in the Asian Context

KIM et alaffairs topics with others. These conversations

pay attention to different types of information

could provide additional opportunities for learning

than those of high SES. Therefore, for instance,

beyond direct media exposure. Also, high-SES

those of low SES are more likely to focus on theindividuals could be more motivated to seek out

sports section of a newspaper, whereas those of

information if they believed that it would be ahigh SES are more likely to pay attention to the

topic of conversation among their friends andnews and analysis pages (Newspaper Associationneighbors (Eveland & Scheufele, 2000).

of America, 1998). It might make sense to assume

Differences in communication skills, and inthat those with greater existing knowledge would

information processing ability more generally,

gain more information from any given media

between high- and low-education groups represent

source, thereby further widening the knowledge

a key cognitive explanation for increasinggap.

knowledge gaps. People with a higher level of(3) T elevision Viewing, Political Learning, andformal education have had more exposure to thecomprehension abilities necessary to acquire

Gaps in Political Knowledge

public affairs or science knowledge and integrate

Acquisition of political knowledge from thethat information. They are thus likely to havemass media is moderated by social status,

better reading ability and to be more capable ofparticularly by education level. When exposed

selecting and storing key points of information

to the same information in the media, persons

from a given news story. They are also morewith higher education gain knowledge more

likely to engage in elaborative processing ofeffectively, so that the initial gap between classes

mediated information, which is a key determinant

increases even further. The knowledge gapof learning identified by psychologists andhypothesis thus appears to be a fundamental

educational researchers (Eveland & Scheufele,

explanation for the mass media’s apparent failure2000).

to inform all of the public (Tichenor et al. 1970).

A third factor contributing to knowledge gaps

Researchers have argued that viewers of TV

is the impact of prior knowledge resulting fromnews are often passive and unmotivated and thus

previous exposure to the topic through mass

may not learn as much from the programs as do

media or from formal education itself. Persons

self-selected and motivated newspaper readers

who are already better informed are more likely(Robinson & Levy, 1986). Moreover, as Blumber

to be aware of a topic when it appears in the masssuggests that although television is not expected

media and are better prepared to understand it.

to influence the uninterested more strongly thanPrior knowledge has been shown to facilitate thethe interested, the political coverage of television

processing and recall of new information (e.g.,

may be absorbed more readily by more interested

Rhee & Cappella, 1997).

viewers. However, they may also be harder toDifferences in selective exposure, acceptance,

persuade (Blumber, 1970). In contrast, otherand retention depending on education level also

researchers have in fact reported significant

suggest a gap in the use of news media

learning from TV news (Garramone, 1983; Zhao

information by people of low SES. When lower-& Chaffee, 1995; Eveland & Scheufele, 2000). As

status individuals do use news media, they often

research on passive learning suggests (Krugman
4

Journal of Socio-Informatics Vol. 11 No. 1 Sep. 2018

& Hartley, 1970) that even unmotivated exposure

Some researchers found that television could

to TV news seems to produce meaningful

function as a “knowledge leveler” (Neuman,learning (Graber, 1990).

1976). Because television presents information in

As for Internet use, results are varied as tocognitively less demanding ways, even thosewhether its learning effects can be equivalent towith weaker cognitive skills and less priorthose derived from using traditional news media.

knowledge may gain significant information

Certainly, Internet users can obtain essentially(Neuman, Just, & Crigler, 1992; Prior, 2005).

unlimitedwithSophisticated and educated viewers, on the otherrelatively little effort, enabling them to investigate

hand, may find little to learn beyond what they

important issues in much greater depth (Bimber,already know because the hard news content of2001). As Nisbet and Scheufele (2004) point out,

television is so limited and superficial (Eveland &however, availability of information does not

Scheufele, 2000; Jerit et al., 2006). Consequently,

always lead to greater use or understanding.

television may actually decrease the knowledge

DiMaggio and Hargittai (2001) also note that the

gap between classes. Studies have provided

Internet is a supplementary medium throughsupport for this knowledge-leveling function,

which traditional news organizations redistributeshowing that the gap between high- and low-their information. Therefore, given that mosteducation groups is smaller among heavy viewers

users of online political information are alsoof TV news than among light viewers (Kwak,

heavy users of traditional news media (Althaus &1999; Eveland & Scheufele, 2000).

information

about

politics

Tewksbury, 2000), it is somewhat questionable

Since the Internet incorporates video, audio,

how much learning may occur beyond what isgraphic, and text features in a mixed arrangement,already obtained from newspapers and television

the format of its journalistic and partisan

news. Nonetheless, a few studies have reported

information sources is in general closer to that ofsignificant learning from the Internet, even after

text-based newspapers than to visual media like

controlling for newspaper reading and television

television (Kim, 2008, Norris & Sanders, 2003).

viewing (Norris, 2002; Norris & Sanders, 2003).

Effective online information seeking requires

Newspapers are known as a major source ofsuch skills as purposeful searching, evaluation of

information about current issues (Stamm,source credibility, construction of interpretative

Johnson, & Martin, 1997; Berkowitz & Pritchard,frames, and a certain level of literacy, all of which1989), election candidates (Kim et al., 2005), andare also prerequisites for reading a newspaper

political parties (Chaffee, Zhao, & Leshner,(Bonfadelli, 2002). It is therefore reasonable to1994). Not surprisingly, research has firmly

expect that people with higher education will

established that one’s education level moderates

gain greater knowledge from the Internet,

how much one can learn from reading a

resulting in a larger knowledge gap between

newspaper. In general, highly educated readersclasses. That is, the gap between high- and low-tend to gain more knowledge from news articles,

education groups should be larger among heavy

thus increasing the gap between socioeconomic

users of political websites than among light users.

classes (Tichenor et al., 1970; Gaziano, 1984; Jerit

However, most Internet users nowadays get

et al., 2006).

their news mainly via portal sites that integrate
5Revisiting the Hypothesis of the Political Knowledge Gap in the Asian Context

and transmit various categories and aspects of

KIM et al

websites) more often than those of low SES.

social affairs, including but not limited to political

H3: Heavy users of news media will be more

aspects. Thus, we might assume that in fact theknowledgeable about politics than light users.

politically uninvolved may indeed happen to

Finally, the next three hypotheses examine

encounter political information while using thewhether the degree of political learning fromInternet. That is, due to the mixed-content naturenews media is moderated by education level.

of portal sites, users cannot avoid exposure toHere, it is suggested that newspapers increase

persuasive messages. This fact could suggest

the knowledge gap whereas television and thethat people of low SES could learn new

Internet function as knowledge levelers in theinformation while on the Internet that would help

two countries examined in this paper.

them catch up with high-SES people in terms of

H4: The knowledge gap between high- andpolitical knowledge.

low-education groups will be smaller among
heavy viewers of television news than among

3. Research Hypotheses

light viewers.
H5: The knowledge gap between high- and

The first step in testing the knowledge gap is to

low-education groups will be smaller among

examine whether there is indeed a gap inheavy users of political websites than among

knowledge between social classes at all. The firstlight users.

hypothesis holds that people of higher SES―

H6: The knowledge gap between high- andtypically operationalized by education level―are

low-education groups will be larger among

more politically knowledgeable than their less-heavy users of a newspaper than among lighteducated counterparts.

users.

H1: People with higher education will be more

4. Methods

knowledgeable about politics than the lesseducated.
The next two hypotheses examine the extent

Immediately following the 2009 lower houseto which news media can contribute to producing

election in Japan, we conducted a random-sample

knowledge gaps. It is hypothesized that people

survey in two East Asian capital cities. Data werewith higher levels of education will be more likely

collected from respondents in Seoul (N=700) andto use news media, in turn allowing them toTokyo (N=838). Sampling was conducted inacquire greater knowledge and creating a

different ways in each country. In Japan,

widening gap between social classes. If we arerespondents

wererandomly

sure that a knowledge gap exists, then we shouldsystematic

sampling

frominspect first whether there is a significant

registration lists in 23 wards provided by thedifference between classes in their news media

Tokyo Election Administration Commission. A

use and whether there is a relationship between

questionnaire was sent to respondents aged 20 tonews media use and political knowledge.

69 who were eligible to vote. It asked them toselected
official

byvoter

H2: Highly educated citizens will use news

answer the questions and return the questionnaire

media (newspapers, television news, and politicalby mail. The response rate in Japan was 27.9％.
6

Journal of Socio-Informatics Vol. 11 No. 1 Sep. 2018

The survey in Japan was conducted between

These three items were also combined into a single

October 16 and November 1, 2009.

measure of civic knowledge (α=0.23, N=800,

As for the survey in Korea, also using

M=1.33, SD=0.93 in Japan; α=0.33, N=700,

systematic sampling, trained surveyors visited

M=1.15, SD=0.88 in Korea). The actual wording

several households (addresses) in each allocatedof the questions is provided in the appendix.

ward and obtained responses via face-to-faceSocioeconomic factors. In this paper, we useinterviews. The response rate in Korea waslevel of education as our socioeconomic yardstick.

19.6％. These respondents were also interviewed

Education was measured by asking respondents

between 1October 16 and November 1, 2009.

to indicate the highest level of schooling that

Even though the capital cities of Japan andthey had completed or in which they were

Korea may represent a typical urban lifestyle, thecurrently enrolled. The question was asked

highly developed nature of these Asian cities

differently according to the official institutional

makes it hard to generalize the survey findings

education system of each respective country.

beyond the specific locations. For example,

Japanese respondents could choose from themedia use may be higher in these cities than infollowing options: 1 for completing education

other parts of the two countries.

through junior high school; 2 for high school; 3

The main items contained in the surveys arefor junior college, professional school, or old-

described below.

education-system high school; 4 for college,

Political Knowledge. Traditionally, researchers

university or graduate school (N=829, M=3.23,

have categorized political knowledge as either

SD=0.88). Korean respondents were asked togeneral or domain-specific (Delli Carpini &choose either 1 for junior high school or less, 2

Keeter, 1992). In this study, nine country-specificfor a high school degree, 3 if attending college orquestions were used to assess respondents’university, 4 for a college or university degree, 5knowledge of politics in Japan or Korea. Theseif currently in graduate school, or 6 if they had

questions can be divided into two categories ofcompleted graduate school (N=700, M=3.69,

political knowledge: issue knowledge and civic

SD=1.13 in Korea).

knowledge.

Newspaper reading. Newspaper reading was

The first six questions covered current issues

measured by asking respondents, on a five-pointthat have been controversial in recent elections.

scale, how often (0=never; 4=almost every day)

These six items were then combined into a single

they read nationwide newspapers, both in Japanmeasure representing knowledge pertaining toand in Korea (N=827, M=2.71, SD=1.62 in Japan;

current issues (α=0.57, N=805, M=4.30, SD=1.19

N=700, M=2.91, SD=1.28 in Korea).

in Japan;α=.59, N=700, M=2.62, SD=1.54 in

Television news viewing. The styles of

Korea).

television news differ between the two countries.

The other three questions measured traditional

In Japan, TV news shows are formatted so that

civic knowledge (Delli Carpini & Keeter, 1992), i.e.,

issues and concepts can be easily understood,

respondents’ awareness of political institutions andusing visual aids and extensive explanations ofprocesses, rather than domain-specific knowledge

key points. In contrast, Korea adheres to a moreof particular issues and policies (Jerit et al., 2006).

traditional news broadcasting format in which
7

Revisiting the Hypothesis of the Political Knowledge Gap in the Asian Context

news is reported matter-of-factly. Television news

KIM et al

5. Results

viewing was measured by asking respondents, on(1) Political knowledge, Media usage anda five-point scale, how often (0=never; 4=almost

SES

every day) they watch the news on TV. Japanese
TV news viewing was measured using two items

First, the results in both countries indicated(α=0.53), on NHK (N=832, M=2.90, SD=1.34)

that people with higher SES (as operationalized

and commercial TV news (N=835, M=3.33, SD =by higher levels of education) scored higher in1.01), respectively. The Korean survey contained(1) issue knowledge and (2) civic knowledge

three separate questions (α=0.75), asking about

than their less-educated counterparts. Thus, H1viewing newscasts on KBS (N=700, M=3.09, SD=

was clearly supported by this study (Table 2).

0.95), MBC (N=700, M=3.03, SD=1.04), and SBS

As for H2, the study found that lower-educated(N=700, M=2.80, SD=1.05).

people in the Japanese survey are heavier viewers

Internet use for political information. Internetof television, but this pattern was not evident in

use for acquiring political information was

the Korean sample (Table 3). Conversely, withmeasured by asking respondents in bothregard to newspaper reading, there was acountries, on the same five-point scale, howstatistically meaningful association with SES

often(0=never; 4=almost every day) they usedin Korea, but not Japan. Lastly, there was aonline news sites about politics, politicians or

significant difference in Internet use for politicalelections (N=821, M=1.91, SD=1.61 in Japan;

information between classes in Korea, with the

N=700, M=2.30, SD=1.38 in Korea).

highlyeducatedusing

political

websites

As shown in Table 1, the Korean respondents

considerably more often than the less educated.

read the newspaper and used the Internet

Similarly, lower-educated people in Japan werefor political information more frequently thansignificantly less active in terms of seeking

the Japanese respondents. On the other hand,political information through the Internet.

the Japanese participants watched television

Our

significantly more frequently than the Koreans.

international

surveythus

providesempirical evidence of a relationship betweensocial status and the amount of exposure topolitical information transmitted by various news
media.

Table 1. Media Exposure of Japanese and Korean
Respondents

8Journal of Socio-Informatics Vol. 11 No. 1 Sep. 2018

Table 2. Differences between High & Low SES in Political Knowledge

Table 3. Differences between High & Low SES in Media Use

difference between heavy and light users of the(2) Interaction effects of News Media use and
SES

Internet, with heavy users demonstrating greater

We also hypothesized that exposure to media

issue and civic knowledge in both countries.

would be positively related to higher levels of

Television news viewing had reverse impacts

knowledge. We ran a regression model thatin the two countries. It was positively associatedaddedwith the acquisition of civic knowledge in Japan,

threedemographic

variables(age,​

gender, and socioeconomic level) and three

but was a negative factor in Korea. We did not

media exposure variables (newspaper reading,conduct further analysis into this difference, but

television news viewing, and Internet use for

it is notable that television can be a two-edged

political information) as predictors. We found a

media source with regard to helping viewers tosignificant relationship between exposure to all

understand civic matters.

three types of media-newspaper reading, TV

To examine how media consumption wasnews viewing and Internet news-and issue

affected by education level, we added threeknowledge in Japan (Table 4 & Fig 1). In Korea,

interactional variables (newspaper reading x

only TV viewing did not show a significant

SES, TV news viewing x SES, and Internet use forrelationship with issue knowledge (Table 5 &political information x SES) and ran a regression

Fig 2).

model (Model 2 in Tables 4 and 5). To avoid

The Internet has contributed significantly

multicollinearity, standardization was conducted

toward the acquisition of civic knowledge in bothjust before we crossed each interactional variable.

Japan and Korea. Overall, there was a significant

The results of the regression model show the9Revisiting the Hypothesis of the Political Knowledge Gap in the Asian Context

KIM et al

Table 4. Predictors of Political Knowledge in Linear Regression (Japan)

Table 5. Predictors of Political Knowledge in Linear Regression (Korea)

interaction effects of news media use and SES on

findings indicated that the knowledge gap is

two forms of political knowledge.

greater among heavy Internet users. No

As shown in Figure 1, when exposed to issue-

significant interaction effect was found for TV

related political information on the Internet,

news and newspaper reading. As shown in Table

people with higher education tend to learn a lot

4, people with higher education were notmore, conspicuously widening the gap between

significantly different from the less educated asclasses in Japan. However, Table 4 shows that theto how much they learned from TV news. Theinteraction was statistically significant only forinteraction was not statistically significant for

issue knowledge in Japan. For civic knowledge ineither issue or civic knowledge. H4 and H6,

the two countries, it was not significant. Thus, H5

therefore, were not supported in either country.

was partially supported only in Japan, where the10

Journal of Socio-Informatics Vol. 11 No. 1 Sep. 2018

Fig 1. Interaction effects of SES & Internet use (Japan)

Fig 2. Interaction effects of SES & Internet use (Korea)
increase or decrease the gap in political

6. Conclusion

knowledge between socioeconomic classes. In
We found that people with high SES are indeed

particular, differences in Internet use and SES

more knowledgeable about politics than the lesswere indeed correlated with differences in

educated. This difference can be explained bypolitical knowledge in this study, but the degree

their greater tendency to read newspapers andto which Internet use widened the knowledge

access the Internet. This result supports thegap varied between the two countries, being

contention of Chaffee and Frank (1996) thatstatistically significant in Japan but not in Korea.

newspapers function as the primary source ofNotably, this distinction remained even whenpolitical information. In Japan, highly educateddemographics and individual forms of media

people tend to watch less TV news than lower-

were included in the model.

educated people do. However, television viewing

Summarizing the main results of our survey,

also has a positive association with education.

first, we found that Japanese people with higher

The more people consume television media, theeducation access the Internet to get politicalmore knowledgeable they are about politics.

news more often than the less educated and thus

In addition, this study examined whether

learn more about political issues. Even whendifferent forms of news media functioned to

exposed to the same information, the highly
11Revisiting the Hypothesis of the Political Knowledge Gap in the Asian Context

KIM et aleducated upper classes learn more effectively

that the Internet has a “trapping” effectthan the less educated, further increasing the(Shoenbach & Lauf, 2004), which earlier

gap between classes. A similar tendency was

researchers have proposed mainly with regard toindicated in Korea, as shown in Table 3.

the effect of television. The trapping effect refers

Second, our findings show that Internet use isto the presumed impact of a medium on people

a more powerful contributor than newspaper

who are not very interested in politics. We canreadership to the widening knowledge gap

also presume that the theoretical frameworks of

between the upper and lower classes in Japan.

“incident learning” (Culbertson & Stempel,

The results suggest that the upper classes in1986), “passive learning” (Krugman & Hartley,

Japan are more knowledgeable largely because

1970), and “peripheral routes” to persuasion

they get more political information via the(Petty & Cacioppo, 1981) may apply to Internet

Internet. This finding supports the idea thatusers. That is, all these frameworks assume that

Internet news reading might mediate a link

only if it is sufficiently abundant. uninterested or

between SES and knowledge of public affairs. As

relatively uninvolved people can learn from theprevious researches have pointed out, the effectInternet, even if they were not initially looking forof SES on political knowledge seems to depend

that information.

on a host of communication variables, such as

One limitation of our research lies in the lackuse of the Internet or of news media in generalof clarity regarding the differing ways in which(Verba et al., 1995; Scheufele et al., 2002).

different cultures interact with online news

We found that Koreans in general tend to

media. There are many ways in which a consumer

access political information on the Internet more

can interact with specific content on the Internet,

often than the Japanese, as shown in Table 1. In

ranging from standard news articles to political

addition, we noted that use of the Internet to

discussion bulletin boards. It has been shown, forobtain political information neither widened nor

example, that with regard to their Internet

narrowed the gap between educational levels in

behavior, Korean media consumers are more

the Korean sample. However, we should also

active and more willing to participate in politicalconsider the fact that the turnover of information

discussions or produce political content online

in online news media is such that before a low-than Japanese consumers (Kim, 2009). The

SES viewer can learn and understand existing

resultingissues, new issues have already begun to takeinformation could cause Koreans of lower SES totheir place (Tichenor et al., 1970), thus in fact

be more captivated by political information and tonegating any positive learning opportunities.

understand political matters more readily than

The inconsistencies between the two countries

abundanceofonlinepolitical

their Japanese counterparts.

are of particular being focused on. The Korean

In future research, we hope to verify thedata in this study indicated that it is possible for

specific conditions required to reinforce political

low and high SES groups to learn approximately

learning,

the same amount of knowledge about politics via

persons, so that we can further explore thethe Internet. But this internet effect was notaffirmative function of the Internet as a politicalindexed in Japanese situation. We could suggest

knowledge leveler.
12especiallyamong

less-educatedJournal of Socio-Informatics Vol. 11 No. 1 Sep. 2018

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