TranslationRole of Bhutanese Media in Democracy: Case Study ofthe 2013 General Election
Keywords:
Bhutan, Monarchy, Democracy, Information Society, Media

Hitoshi FUJIWARA, Waseda University.

Abstract
The Kingdom of Bhutan, located in the Himalayas, closed its doors to foreign countries until
the 1960s. After it reopened, Bhutan was a modern state for half a century. In 2008, the King of
Bhutan decided to relinquish his power and democratize the country. It was an unprecedented
event in history.
On the other hand, there was no mass media in this tiny country until the 1990s. In 1999, theKing lifted the ban on information technology such as television and the Internet. It was a rarecase where television broadcasting and Internet services commenced at the same time.
This study illustrates the history of democracy and the media in Bhutan and examines thecorrelation between them. Before commencing with such an examination, the theoretical streamof the relationship between democracy and the media in modern history should be reviewed.
The primary section of this paper comprises field research and analysis regarding the National
Assembly election of Bhutan in 2013, as a case study of the practice of democracy. The researchquestions are as follows: ‘What was the role of Bhutanese media in this election?’; ‘What kind of
information led Bhutanese voters to decision making?’
In conclusion, the theoretical model and the Bhutanese practical model of the relationshipbetween the government, media, and citizens are compared. This comparison shows the progressof democracy and the role of the media in modern-day Bhutan.

16

Journal of Socio-Informatics Vol. 11 No. 1 Sep. 2018

determine the present situation of media and1. Introduction

democracy in Bhutan through a case study of a
The Kingdom of Bhutan underwent the change

general election, the most practical scene of thefrom a monarchy to a parliamentary democracy

dynamics between media and politics.

in 2008. Surprisingly, it was led by the King

The methodologies are as follows. First,

himself, the ruler. The first parliament finishedprevious research on the relation between

its term in 2013. The second general election,

democracy and the media in modern andheld in the same year, was ‘the first election by

postmodern politics is reviewed. Second, theevaluating the democratic government’.

modern history of democracy and the media in

Generally, the mass media plays an important

Bhutan is examined via primary and secondaryrole in elections. However, there was no such

sources. The history could describe that theexperienced media in Bhutan when the first anddemocratisation process was signposted by thesecond general elections were held. Television

penetration and privatization of the media andbroadcasting services only started in 1999, andICT by the Bhutanese government. Third,

radio broadcasting services and newspapers

through a case study of the general election in

were privatized in 1992. Internet services also

2013, the ‘role of the mass media in the election’started in 1999. This means that internet media

and the ‘information gathering and decision

was present in the country before democracy.

making of voters’ are revealed with consideration

Thus, Bhutan does not need to care about theof the effect that the election period and therestriction of online election campaigns.

transition issue had on the media.

In 1999, the fourth King declared the

Finally, the present situation of democracy andintroduction of television and Internet during an

the media in Bhutan is determined as a correlation

address to the nation at the silver jubilee

between the government, media, and citizens

celebration of his enthronement. His Majesty

through a comparison between the theoreticalsaid, ‘I trust that you will exercise your goodmodel of modern democracy and the practicalsense and judgment in using the Internet andmodel of Bhutanese democracy.

television’ in considering both the positive and

2. Relation between Democracy and Media

negative impact they would have on Bhutanesesociety . This address shows that the introduction
1

2.1. Modern Democracy and Mass Mediaof media and ICT in Bhutan was part of the
preparation process for democratisation in the

What are the required conditions for modern

near future. Media and ICT literacy is considered

representative

democracy?

Dahl(1998)

to be a fundamental skill of citizens of a democratic

suggested six political institutions as follows:country.

‘elected officials’, ‘free, fair, frequent elections’,

This study does not aim to discuss whether the‘freedom of expression’, ‘access to alternative

process of social reform in Bhutan was right orsources of information’, ‘associational autonomy’,wrong, nor to evaluate whether the electionand ‘inclusive citizenship’. In terms of the media

system or information and communication policy

and information, ‘freedom of expression’ andwas good or bad. The purpose of this study is to‘access to alternative sources of information’ are17

Role of Bhutanese Media in Democracy: Case Study of the 2013 General Election

important, and the former was defined as ‘a right

FUJIWARA

should not be considered as a necessity.

to express themselves without the danger ofMeanwhile, Cardon (2010) valued the role ofsevere punishment’, and the latter as ‘a right tothe Internet as an institution of ‘access toseek out alternative sources of information’ byalternative sources of information’. He mentioned

Dahl.

that the Internet contributed to the widespread

A strong relationship between democracy anddistribution of valuable information defended by

the media, especially between modern democracy

technical, legal, institutional, and commercial

and mass media, is considered to be a known

breakwaters, and that this alternative source offact. The ‘Democracy Index ’ measures the state

information enabled the widening of the space forof democracy in each country, and the ‘Press

political criticism. However, he also suspected

Freedom Index ’ measures the degree of freedom

the unfairness of the Internet. Active citizens canin each country; the two show a high correlation

enjoy democracy, while silent and isolated

coefficient . It is no wonder there is a strong

citizens are in danger of losing their rights andrelation between the ‘Democracy Index’ and thepower.

2

3

4‘Press Freedom Index’, because both surveys

2.2. Postmodern Media and Democracy 2.0

include common questions related to ‘freedom of
expression’ and ‘access to alternative sources ofIn the early 2010s, the ‘Arab Spring’ and theinformation’.

‘online election campaign’ were key topics

However, Herman and Chomsky (1988)

relating to new movements of democracy in thewarned about the deep ties between the media

postmodern era.

and democracy. Their ‘propaganda model’

The democratisation movement in Arab

explains that private media has not played thecountries, the so-called ‘Arab Spring’ whichrole of a watchdog of political power, due to their

attracted the world’s attention, started from thetendency to sell their products (readers and‘Jasmine Revolution’ in Tunisia. Since 1987,

audiences) to consumers (advertisers) rather

Tunisia had realised miraculous economic

than pursuing and delivering quality news to thegrowth by achieving an average economic growth

public. Especially in the United States, theyrate of 5 to 6% over 20 years under the Ben Ali

classified five types of news filters into

regime. However, there were shadows of‘ownership’, ‘advertising’, ‘sourcing’, ‘flak’, anddictatorship, including high unemployment rates,‘anti-communism and fear’.

political corruption, and information censorship.

Incidentally, with the progress of new sources

Tunisia was ranked 164th among 178 countries inof information technology, the movement to seek

the ‘Press Freedom Index’ before the revolution

out alternative forms of modern democracy isand criticized as ‘Enemies of the Internet’.

spreading all over the world. Sunstein (2001)

The Ben Ali regime, which had controlled

noted that an institution of ‘freedom of expression’‘freedom

was no longer monopolized by mass media after

censorship, could not stop the wave of thethe penetration of the Internet. From therevolution that dominated public opinion not only

perspective of human history, mass media is stillin Tunisia but also in foreign countries througha new player in our industrial society, and itsocial media such as Facebook, triggered by a18

ofexpression’

throughstrongJournal of Socio-Informatics Vol. 11 No. 1 Sep. 2018

young Tunisian’s suicide in December 2010. The

election act, and ‘progressive improvement’, thepresident, Ben Ali, escaped the country and thetechnological nature of the Internet. He also

government was overwhelmed in one month.

explained that the ideology of modern democracy

While some media theorists have called thishad to be reconsidered in the era of the Internet.

revolution a ‘social media revolution’, others

Of course, in terms of today’s media ecosystem,

persisted in scepticism and argued that we should

the Internet era does not mean the occupation of

not simplify it and view it as a technology-driven

media space by the Internet after the end of mass

revolution . Regardless, it should be noted that a

media domination. Endo (2011) noted that the

dictator cannot stop democratisation movements

emergence of new media formed simultaneous,by dominating mass media as an institution ofparallel, or multi-layered communication spaces.

political propaganda in the 21st century.

Old media has never been expelled, and the5Another case on lifting the ban on ‘online

interaction between various forms of media

election campaigns’ was brought forward inconstitute a so-called ‘intermedia society’. She

Japan in 2013. In the previous Japanese election

also argues that the interaction between press

act, only offline documents and drawings such as

coverage, public opinion, and politics wasposters and flyers were available for election

actualized especially during election periods.

campaigns, and the use of the Internet had been

The concept of an ‘intermedia society’ is linked

severely restricted. Compared to the Japaneseto the argument by Cardon (2010) about thesituation, cyberspace has become one of the main

effect of the anonymity brought about by thebattlefields of election campaigns in the United

early stages of the Internet and the effect of theStates since the 1990s, and in South Korea since

return to real name brought about by social

the early 2000s. Even in Japan, the possibility of

media. He stated that the early Internetan ‘online election campaign’ had been discussed

recommended anonymity which had beenintermittently since the late 1990s, and finally, ineliminated in traditional public spaces, andApril 2013, the election act was revised. In Julycyberspace

2013, the election of the House of Councillors,

dogmatic points of view, freewheeling remarks,

the first national election after the lifting of the

obscure remarks, poetic messages, and emotionalban, was carried out.

opinions. Social media, regarded as the driver ofJapanese media theorists considered thisaccepted

first

persontalking,

the dual revolution, broadened the rights of open

political situation as not only adjusting thedebateinpublicandabsorbed

institution to the latest technology, but also

conversation into the public sphere.

privatereforming democracy itself. According to Azuma

3. Modern History of Democracy and Media in(2011), the penetration of ubiquitous computing

Bhutanand social media has created a completely new
governance system called ‘democracy 2.0’; Tsuda

3.1. History of Democracy(2012) sympathised with his idea. Nishida (2013)stated that the series of struggles until the lifting

In this section, the history of democracy andof the ban was a conflict between ‘homogeneous

media in Bhutan will be outlined. It is noted thatfairness’, required in the previous Japanesethe King himself politically promoted the transfer
19Role of Bhutanese Media in Democracy: Case Study of the 2013 General Election

FUJIWARA

of power to the people and the creation of the

The fourth King, Jigme Singye Wangchuckinstitutes of ‘freedom of expression’ and ‘access(Reign 1972–2006), was crowned at the age ofto alternative sources of information’.

only 17 in 1972 due to the sudden death of his

The Kingdom of Bhutan, with a population offather, the third King. He followed his father’saround 0.7 million, is located on the southern

way of governance, both in terms of diplomacy

slope of the Himalayas, surrounded by steep

and domestic affairs. Contrary to his father, hemountains. After the establishment of the modern

decided to take an extremely cautious attitude

dynasty in 1907, Bhutan had been considered totowards democratisation. For a young and

be a substantially isolated country for half ainexperienced King, to let go of his own

century. This tiny country is placed in a difficult

sovereignty at an early age meant that he risked

geopolitical position due to being sandwichedlosing control of the Kingdom.

between two giants, China in the north and India

In 1998, when the King was confident that hein the south.

had a firm foothold, he gave the National

A step toward democratisation began with theAssembly

(old)

the

allowance

for

the

reign of the third King, Jigme Dorji Wangchuck

impeachment of the King, and he decided to(Reign 1952–1972). In 1953, the ruler establishedappoint ministers as a result of a confidence

the National Assembly (old) and delegated avoting system by the parliament. The authority ofpart of his own legislative authority. However,

the National Assembly (old) was strengthened,according to Rose (1977), the King still had an

and the nation steadily progressed towards

absolute veto and had the right to make the final

democratisation. In 2005, the fourth Kingdecision in all legislative enactments. In 1968, thedeclared that the constitution would be enacted

King abandoned this veto and final decision right.

within three years, and that the Kingdom would

Members of the National Assembly (old)shift from a constitutional monarchy to aconsisted of bureaucrats, monks, and national

parliamentary democracy. In the following year,

representatives.

the

6

In

terms

of

national

fifth

King,

Jigme

KhesarNamgyelrepresentatives, the way elections worked was

Wangchuck, succeeded to his father’s throne

quite different from today’s democratic election

after the fourth King believed in the birth of asystem. Rose (1977) revealed that they were

democratic nation. The fifth and present King

elected by a consensus based on tradition. Whencalled himself ‘the King to serve the people’, anda consensus could not be reached, anotherhe has worked toward achieving a true

method, such as throwing dice, was adopted.

democratic state.

In addition, in 1968, the Royal Advisory Council

In 2008, under the constitution which was

was established and the ruler’s administrative

promulgated for the first time in history, a generalauthority was delegated. As the King still had theelection of the new National Assembly took place.

right to appoint ministers, his power was not

Political parties, Druk Phuensum Tshogpa

reducedappointed(DPT) and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP),

ministers certainly played an important role inwere organized, and they contested the firstthe administration as the heads of each ministryelection. DPT won 45 seats out of 47.

substantially.

However,(Rose, 1977).

Democratisation in Bhutan led by the King was20

Journal of Socio-Informatics Vol. 11 No. 1 Sep. 2018

realized through a very different process from

3.2. History of the Media and ICT

the civil revolutions that are part of modern

First, the Royal Government of Bhutan had

Western history, or the ‘Arab Spring’ mentioned

been cautious about the negative impact that theearlier. A very strange sentence, ‘democratization

media and ICT may have on Bhutanese society.

refused by the people’, shows its specificity. The

Currently, a national development project infourth King travelled all over the country, as the

Bhutan relies on the development philosophy

finishing touch of democratisation, to preach to‘GNH (Gross National Happiness)’, advocated by

the people about the benefits of democracy andthe fourth King in the 1970s. Bhutan noticed thatthe dangers of a dictatorial monarchy. There are

economic

anecdotes that some villagers begged the King tomodernisation

rule by his intelligence, while others cried andenvironment and traditional culture in many

appealed for him to stop the process and finish

developed countries. Thus, ‘GNH’ emphasized

his reign.

psychological well-being as the most important

benefits
hadthroughtechnologicalharmedthenaturalThe fourth King made many excellent politicalfactor. However, as ‘GNH’ received high praise

decisions over a long period of time and had

and Bhutan increased its presence internationally,

garnered tremendous trust and respect from theironically, the country was urged to open its

people. However, ironically, it is undeniable thatnation to the media and ICT.

such great works had prevented the people fromIn 1967, Kuensel newspaper, Bhutan’s first

fostering an awareness of political participation.

newspaper, began as a government gazettepublishing articles on national development
projects (Five Year Plan). Kuensel became
independentandbecameBhutan’s

firstnewspaper corporation in 1986. Radio services

Table 1. Modern History

were launched in 1973 by a private volunteer
organization

calledthe

National

Youth

Association of Bhutan. In 1979, it was decided
that it should be under the jurisdiction of the
Ministry of Communication as a public service.
Next, the Bhutan Broadcasting Service (BBS)
wasestablishedasapubliccorporation

responsible for the radio broadcasting businessin 1986.
In 1992, by edict of the fourth King, both
Kuensel and BBS were privatized. Since then, thebusinesses of both companies have gradually
expanded, such as weekly newspaper publications
and the expansion of radio broadcasting times.
They steadily grew from small media into national
media. Even after privatization, a large subsidy by21

Role of Bhutanese Media in Democracy: Case Study of the 2013 General Election

FUJIWARA

the government was (and still is) provided torate of mobile phones reached 86.3% and theboth companies .

Internet penetration rate reached 46.9% (Figure

7

Until the 1990s, the Bhutanese media, a tiny1).

newspaper editorial office and radio station, did

Regarding mobile phones, the penetration

not have the function of mass communication andrates are not directly proportional to the number

public opinion. According to Wangchuk (2007),of users, considering the unique situation of‘It can, therefore, be concluded that the growth of

Bhutan. For example, mobile phones became

media has been in consonance with the socio-

popular as a household telephone instead of fixedeconomic development of the country.’ The initiallines at the beginning of the service. Similarly,role of the media in Bhutan was to help theInternet penetration rates do not include users

government spread statements of development.

who access the internet from workplaces or

Its nature was also quite different from the massschools.

media found in other countries.
In 1999, the ban on television and the Internet
was lifted, and Bhutan stepped into theinformation

age.

In

terms

of

television

broadcasting, the BBS played the same role asradio services. Since television was introduced, it
became possible to watch foreign channels
including those from India via the cable television

Figure 1. Transition of ICT Penetration Ratio8

system. This means that Bhutan opened its doors
to the world. Meanwhile, with regard to the

Incidentally, until the early 2000s, BhutaneseInternet, in the early 2000s, expensive usage fees

media had been monopolized by Kuensel paper

delayed the spread of this service, especially inand BBS broadcasting. In 2006, in order tothe private sector. The use of the Internet

improve this situation, the government started toremained only for public use such as government

accept the entry of media services by the private

agencies and educational institutions.

sector. As of March 2014, 12 newspapers andFrom the end of 2003 to 2004, mobile phone

seven radio stations were in service. Thus far, noservice by Bhutan Telecom Ltd. began, and theprivate television station has been established. In

spread of mobile phones started. Mobile phones

terms of social media, there is no service solely

were introduced to each household as a substitutetargeting Bhutan. Many people use global media,

for the fixed lines that had not made muchespecially Facebook. As of December 2011, theprogress. As mentioned, Bhutan is a mountainous

number of users reached 80,220, reaching 11.46%

country; thus, the cost of installing andof the population and 81.25% of Internet users at

maintaining mobile phones was cheaper thanthat time9.

fixed line services. Since around 2010, when

The biggest characteristic of Bhutan’s media

mobile Internet access became possible, theand ICT is that every service has been promoted

Internet penetration rate to the private sector has

as a national policy. In Bhutan, 60% of people stillrisen rapidly. As of the end of 2014, the penetration

engage in agriculture even in the 21st century.
22

Journal of Socio-Informatics Vol. 11 No. 1 Sep. 2018

Thus, the industry is weak and the market isreligious officials are not given the right to vote.

extremely small. Therefore, it is extremely

Candidates for parliament must be between the

difficult for the domestic media and ICT-related

ages of 25 and 65, and are required to hold acompanies to earn a profit through advertising

university degree. Spouses of non-Bhutanese

and

the

people, civil servants, and corporate officials aregovernment had to lead such services as national

subscription

not eligible for election. Regarding the constraint

projects. Since 2006, private enterprises havethat candidates must hold a degree, it was

been struggling to secure revenue sources, andcriticized as unacceptable and as a violation ofsome companies have already abandoned their

human rights in a report by the election

services.

observation team dispatched during the 2008

Currently,

income.

theInevitably,

communication

media

election10.

environment of Bhutan is forming an ‘intermedia

In the parliament, the National Council issociety’ (Endo, 2014) centred on newspapers,

equivalent to the Upper House, and the National

television (radio), and the Internet (Figure 2).

Assembly is equivalent to the Lower House. The

The following case study analysis is based on thisterm of office is five years. Twenty of the 25

figure.

members of the National Council are elected asregional representatives selected from all 20
Dzongkhags (prefectures), and the remaining
five are directly nominated by the King. It is
unique that the King maintains a portion of thelegislative

power.

While

National

Councilmembers are prohibited from belonging topolitical parties, National Assembly members are
obliged to do so. In the National Assembly

Figure 2. Structure of Media and ICTelections, if more than three parties run, twoparties are elected in the preliminary round.

4. Case Study: General Election in 2013

After that, during the final round, 47 members intotal are elected from each of the 47 small

4.1. Election Systemconstituency districts nationwide. Next, theThis section includes a case study of the 2013

Prime Minister is appointed from the National

general election. First, the characteristics of theAssembly members and the cabinet is organized.

election system of Bhutan as stipulated by the

In terms of adopting a parliamentary cabinet

constitution promulgated in 2008 are describedsystem and small constituency system together,

below.

it can be said that it is an orthodox modern

Voting rights are granted to those who are 18

democracy system following the example of theyears of age or older, possess Bhutanese

UK. However, it is a significant feature that thenationality, and have lived in the electoral district

constitution stipulates that the two major politicalfor at least one year. Moreover, it is clearly statedparties are elected intentionally. Morohashi

in the constitution that the royal family and(2013) points out that ‘there is no similar case in23

Role of Bhutanese Media in Democracy: Case Study of the 2013 General Election

FUJIWARA

other countries that the number of parties in thedate for the preliminary round was 31 May 2013,

parliament is specified preliminarily’.

and the final round took place on 13 July.

Dahl (1998) noted that there is no such system

The main election campaigns of each party andthat completely satisfies the criteria for aneach candidate were composed of open debates

electoral system. Thus, Bhutan’s election systemamong candidates on the BBS television channel

also has several problems. The most severe point

or BBS’s official YouTube channel, rallies byis the inconsistency problem between thepolitical parties, and door-to-door visit bypercentage of votes and the number of seats. Mr.

candidates. There were no street speeches or

Kunzang Wangdi, Secretary of the Election

electoral cars, which was a major battlefield in

Commission of Bhutan (ECB), emphasised thatJapan. It means there were few opportunities toall Dzongkhags had to be equal to dispatch at

touch on information on the election in the street,leastother than by posting election posters.

two

representative

each

under

the

constitution. He added that ‘As the first step in

In addition, election campaigns using thepracticing democracy, the Royal Government ofInternet which were rarely seen in the previous

Bhutan adopted the electoral system including

election were actively carried out (Table 2). All

two major political parties and the small

political parties had a website where they posted

constituency’, and pointed out the possibility ofmanifestos and other issues, and also placedchanging the system in the future.

official pages on Facebook to exchange opinions

11

with voters. Three parties excluding DCT sent

4.2. Story of the Election Period

messages through twitter, and three parties apart

On 28 April 2013, the National Assembly
dissolved, and the election campaign began. In

Table 2. Online Campaign Sites by Party

this election, three new political parties, Bhutan
Kuen-ngyam Party (BKP), Druk Chirwang
Tshogpa (DCT), and Druk Nyamrup Tshogpa(DNT), offered candidates in addition to the twoformer parties, DPT and PDP. The first conflict inthe election campaign of each party started in thecandidate selection stage. There was a blatantbattle about matters such as offering a candidate
for election who had been defeated in the National
Council election on 23 April. Nonetheless, BKP
was disqualified as it failed to meet therequirement

to

offer

candidates

in

all

constituencies before the deadline of thepreliminary deputy application. The remaining
four parties started their election campaigns forthepreliminary

round

which

was

not

implemented in the 2008 election. The voting24

Journal of Socio-Informatics Vol. 11 No. 1 Sep. 2018from PDP acquired Google+ user accounts.

Bhutan Times) related to the election from 1

Moreover, DCT and DNT had official YouTube

June (the day after the preliminary round) to 13

channels. However, many of these online

July (the day of the final round) are examined.

campaign sites were not being used. The

These articles show how the issue of elections

utilization of social media for elections was still inhas changed in mass media.

a trial stage. As of 2013, Facebook was the mainFirst, the issue of the first half of the election

venue for online election campaigns in Bhutan.

was about the problem of candidate replacement

Of course, most Facebook users formed part ofby PDP. PDP who came second after DPT in thethe younger generation, and the battle on

preliminary round, took an unexpected measure

Facebook was only one of the local battles being

towards achieving victory in the final round;fought over the course of the entire campaign.

namely, the replacement of candidates from each

The results of the preliminary round (voter

party who had lost in the preliminary round. In

turnout: 55.3%) were as follows, and the top twoparticular, DNT lost seven candidates including

parties advanced to the final round.

the party leader, and five of them won in the final①

DPT 93,949 votes (44.5%)

round. Since many candidates who belonged to②

PDP 68,650 votes (32.5%)

the losing party in the preliminary round③

DNT 35,962 votes (17.0%)

accepted transfers to the other party, there was④

DCT 12,457 votes (5.9%)

no sense of party loyalty. DPT accused PDP of

In the final round (voter turnout: 66.1%), PDP

injustice on this issue. However, when DPT was

gained victory in 32 of the 47 small constituencies,

obliged to replace a candidate due to illegalities,

securing more than two-thirds of the seats,

they ceased their criticism.

although the voting rate was as follows.

In

mid-June,thewebsite‘Bhutanomics’①

PDP 138,558 votes (54.9%)<http://bhutanomics.com/>②

DPT 113,927 votes (45.1%)

acute criticism of the DPT regime, became thewhich

included

It must be noted that the results of thesubject of conversation. Many Bhutanese sharedpreliminary and final elections are reversed. In

this site on Facebook. DPT argued that the posts

the preliminary round, PDP only won in 12

on the site had to be considered not only as

constituencies. Surprisingly, they expanded theircriticism but also as being against the national

support in only one and a half months andinterests, and DPT wanted to know the identity ofachieved victories in 20 more constituencies.

the owner. However, The Bhutanese and otherIn the next section, the reason why such anewspapers violently protested against thissignificant reversal had occurred will be explored

request for infringing on ‘freedom of expression’.

by examining issues relating to the media during

As a result, DPT had compromised its reputation

the election period.

in the campaign.

4.3. Transition of Electoral Issues in the Mediaa tremendous disturbance happened in relation

In this section, articles from the six main

to India. Bhutan had been strongly dependent on

newspapers (Kuensel, Bhutan Observer, The

India, especially economically, as most of its fuelBhutanese, Bhutan Today, Business Bhutan, andincluding gas and kerosene had been imported

From the end of June to the beginning of July,25

Role of Bhutanese Media in Democracy: Case Study of the 2013 General Election

from India. The fuel had also been supplied at low

FUJIWARA

interviews.

prices due to subsidies by the Indian government.

First, I asked each company about the media’s

When Indian newspapers reported that theattitude toward the election. Mr. Ashok Moktan,

Indian government decided to abolish thisgeneral manager of BBS, said, ‘Simply, we aresubsidy, Bhutanese papers immediately picked

reporting facts and live voices only. The influence

up on it. Fuel prices in Bhutan soared. Althoughof television media is significant, and we are also

DPT announced that the relationship between

responsible for educating the audience.12’ This

India and Bhutan was irrelevant in the election, it

shows that BBS still takes pride in their role as a

was a common view that the DPT regime’s

form of national public media. Mr. Chencho

diplomatic failures caused the situation.

Tshering, editor-in-chief of Kuensel newspaper,

It can be said that all of these articles acted as

answered, ‘Kuensel always maintain a neutrala counterbalance against DPT. These issues inposition and never reports anything biased.

the mass media may have contributed to the

Bhutan is based on a small community, so we pay

voting reversal in the final round.

attention to balance.13’ His statements emphasised

Mass media in the modern democratic state is

the media’s position as a coordinator of therequired to play the role of widely notifying eachelection. On the other hand, Mr. Needrup

citizen of the manifestos that are publicised by

Zangpo, editor-in-chief of the Bhutan Observer

each party, and to present electoral issues to thenewspaper, stated, ‘We ask politicians about their

However, in this election, even if there was apolitical ideology and leadership. Since the

manifest introduced in the newspaper, it was

Bhutan Observer is not a tabloid (gossip) paper,

never the primary issue. This is because

our articles only have reliable and serious

Bhutanese mass media had no experience as a

topics.14’ Despite his insistence, a bitter caricaturewatchdog of power because of its short history. It

was posted as the main visual in almost every

could also be because the manifests presented byissue. It seems private media is pursuing

the parties were very similar, and they neverpopularity and topicality.

clarified why their policies were better than those

Next, I asked about the characteristics of thisof their rivals.

election campaign. Mr. Moktan of BBS mentioned
the negative campaign between the candidates,

4.4. The Role of Mass Media in the Election
This

section

is

based

on

and said, ‘What candidates talk about in the

unstructured

media is up to them, and how to judge theinterviews conducted with members of thecontents is up to voters. The media cannot have

Bhutanese media. The roles that mass media

the responsibility.’ Similarly, Mr. Tshering ofplayed in this campaign are expressed in thisKuensel responded, ‘The media is quietlysection. The interviewees were BBS and Kuensel,

observing negative campaigns.’ In either case,the major media players in Bhutan, and thethe Bhutanese media did not think that controlling

Bhutan Observer as a representative of private

negative

media. In these interviews, the author maderesponsibilities.

campaigns

was

part

of

their

appointments in advance, visited the media

Finally, we talked about the relationshipcompanies in person, and conducted face-to-facebetween the media and the ECB. Mr. Moktan of26

Journal of Socio-Informatics Vol. 11 No. 1 Sep. 2018

BBS denied information control and said,

said, ‘The candidates are not favourable because‘Basically, election coverage acts in accordance

they use bad words’ (by a 62-year-old man/with the ECB guidelines, but it does not mean the

security guard). Some voters were unhappy withmedia is controlled by ECB.’ According to Mr.

the negative campaigns.

Moktan, ‘ECB, the media, and the political parties

Next, I asked about voting behaviour andare monitoring each other.’ In the opinion of Mr.

decision making. To the question of why they go

Zangpo of the Bhutan Observer, ‘The ECB

to vote, the majority answered, ‘to choose a better

guidelines include merely proclaiming theleader’ or ‘to organize a good government’. On

freedom, fairness, and transparency that every

the other hand, there were also some who said,

journalist should originally have.’‘Because it is the second chance in my life’ (by a54-year-old man/unemployed), and ‘Democracy

4.5. Information Gathering and the Decision

is a gift from the former King’ (by a 63-year-old

Making of Votersman/construction industry). These messages

In this section, information sources and theshow the feeling of joy that is obtained fromvoting behaviour of voters are described. Fromvoting, and not one person was indifferent to

11 to 14 July, excluding 13 July, the day of thepolitics as in Japan. However, responses such as

final round of voting, semi-structured street‘I do not vote, because the monarchy before 2008

interviews were conducted at five locations in thewas good’ (by a 27-year-old woman/sales

capital city Thimphu. Data on a total of 42 peoplebusiness) were also recorded. These messages

with voting rights (62% male, 38% female,show that some Bhutanese still doubt the value of

response rate 100%) was collected.

democracy.

First, I asked about the news sources that

5. 
Present Situation of Democracy and the

respondents judged to be significant sources ofMedia

information relating to the election. The details of
the 39 active respondents were as follows:

5.1. Analysis

television = 27, newspapers = 15, and social media= 14 (including 0 respondent over the age of 30).

In this section, the analysis of the case study‘I was able to know the pledges of political parties

illustrates the relationship between democracy

from television and newspapers, but I think weand the media in Bhutan.

could debate constructively on social media’ (byFirst, according to the press coverage during

a 21-year-old man/student). Some voters usedthe election campaign and the role of the mass

the right media at the right time.

media gleaned through interviews, the function

Particularly effective sources of informationof Bhutanese mass media swayed between

were public debates on television or in person.

neutral and critical. As a result, the mass media

Surprisingly, 38 out of the 40 active respondents

becamewatched or participated in public debates onparticipant when a negative campaign began.

more than one occasion. Many of them stated a

Therefore, it can hardly be said that the massfavourable impression and said that they weremedia had any constructive abilities. This issatisfied with the public debates. One respondent

expected to improve in the future.
27

a

mere

bystanderoraggressiveRole of Bhutanese Media in Democracy: Case Study of the 2013 General Election

FUJIWARA

Meanwhile, the mass media was strongly

government, the media, and citizens should beconscious of the ideal role for ‘freedom of

considered as the stable model of modern

expression’ during the 2013 election campaign.

democracy. The government and citizens are

Wangchuk (2007) noted that ‘freedom ofconnected by four institutions of ‘elected officials’,expression’ had been rather severely restricted‘free, fair, frequent elections’, ‘associationalin the past, and he also stated as follows: ‘Not so

autonomy’, and ‘inclusive citizenship’. In short,much as state policies, but rather as personal‘citizenship’ directly links the government and its

considerations or individual decisions. Perhaps it

citizens. Meanwhile, the media becomes ‘accessis owing to the feudal past, or maybe it is because

to alternative sources of information’ for citizens,of the Bhutanese modesty and humility at work.’

and the media can be granted ‘freedom of

After 2008, democracy changed such a situation,

expression’ from the government. Both theand the media had to try to adjust to its role ingovernment and citizens are indirectly linked

this new age.

through the media as a mediator. The cyclic

Second, the political participation by voters isfeedback structure by these three agents can beanalysed. In this election, from the preliminary

defined as the Theoretical Model of Modern

round to the final round, many voters vacillated

Democracy (Figure 3).

between one party and another due to articles in
the media. It is difficult to say that the political
literacy of every citizen was established. This is
attributable to the fact that the history of themedia and ICT is still short, and it seems that
only time will solve this problem.
On the other hand, the lack of understandingof democracy itself is more serious. Due to thecountry’s peaceful democratization, Bhutanesepeople were less aware of the transfer ofsovereignty. They are indifferent to the idea of

Figure 3. Theoretical Model of Modern

ideal citizens and citizenship (democratic rights

Democracyof citizens) in modern democratic countries.
Initially, there was no premise that democracy

In Bhutan, both the media and democracy

was good. It is quite natural for the sense of

have rapidly developed, and were ‘given by thenostalgia for the monarchy to become stronger

King’. As the analysis in the previous section

when the democratized government loses control

shows, the newborn democratic government,of governance.

media, and citizens are engaged in an extremely
unstable balance. The current structure is drawn

5.2. The Government, Media, and Citizens

based on binomial relations as follows.

We are once again reminded of the six

First, both the government and media were

institutions of modern democracy mentioned bytrying to remain faithful to the law. The

Dahl (1998). The balanced structure of thegovernment regulated the media through the28

Journal of Socio-Informatics Vol. 11 No. 1 Sep. 2018

ECB and demanded that they remain neutral

Supreme Court chief, and the ECB chairperson.

towards each party. The mass media maintained

However, the right to impeach the King, which

the principle of ‘freedom of expression’ and was

was granted to the National Assembly (old) instrongly aware of fact-based reporting. However,

1998, has been transferred to the present National

the mass media was too conscious of neutrality.

Assembly. This means that the government canThus, there was also a risk of becoming a passive

exert a certain amount of influence on the

bystander. In addition, among the mass media,

invincible royal power of the King. The Bhutanese

BBS and Kuensel had been subsidised by theroyal family is completely different from the royalgovernment, so they still maintained all thefamily in the UK or the imperial family in Japan,

characteristics of state-run media.

which are ‘symbolised’ and clearly excluded fromIn Bhutan, by law, there is little distinction

the power games of politics.

between mass media and social media. In fact,

Finally, in terms of the relationship between

surveillance of social media is almost impossible.

the media and citizens, the media was unable toIn the future, if the mass media gains more

provide useful information to help citizens makeneutrality, there is also the possibility that social

decisions, and citizens could hardly distinguishmedia will replace government monitoring

helpful information from tremendous news in thefunctions.

themedia. As Fujiwara (2012) pointed out, because

government was noticeable in past postings, bothof the lack of an industrial market in Bhutan,in the mass media and on social media. Many

‘productive information’ had never been thought

critical caricatures appeared as the top article into be useful. For citizens, the media is a source ofnewspapers.

few‘consuming information’ such as entertainment

constructive commentaries to evaluate theprograms. In addition, since the mass media andperformance of the current government.

social media started simultaneously, many

However,criticism

Conversely,

there

againstwere

Second, let us examine the relationshipcitizens had not considered the mass media as a

between citizens and the government. Among

reliable source of information.

citizens, there is scepticism towards democracy,
and a dependence on the King. Many citizens still
believe that the King will save the country in theevent of a governmental crisis. Voting behaviour
was based on the idea that the opposition party
who had not yet taken control could be given the
chance. Thus, it is difficult to say that voters’
choices were the results of deep reflection andexamination.
Third, the King, the father of media anddemocracy in Bhutan, is still attractive to citizens.
Constitutionally, the King still has legislative andjudiciary power, such as the right to nominate

Figure 4. P ractical Model of Bhutanese

five members of the National Council, theDemocracy
29

Role of Bhutanese Media in Democracy: Case Study of the 2013 General Election

FUJIWARA

The Practical Model of Bhutanese Democracy

relations, especially its relationship with India.

is shown in Figure 4. The government has

Bhutan’s economic dependence on India allows

problems with the unique democratic system,

for political influence by India. This is an

including the King. The media also has difficulties

extremely serious situation for any sovereign

with economic vulnerability, and citizens arestate. From now on, Bhutan must seriously aim

troubled by information literacy.

for economic independence.
In modern democracies, religion and politics

6. Conclusion

are separate. Even in the constitution of Bhutan,
religious officials are restricted from having

In the 21st century, Bhutan adopted thepolitical power. However, in the past, Buddhistclassical modern democratic system consisting

priests retained a certain amount of authority,of two major political parties. By mimicking thesuch as being given seats in the National

way that many modern democratic states had

Assembly (old). Even today, after Bhutan became

traversed democracy, the political system wasa democratic state, the relationship between

carefully evaluated regarding whether it could be

religion and politics should be taken into account.

adapted to modern society in Bhutan. Democracy

According to Dorji (2007), ‘Our scholars now

in Bhutan is currently in a magnificent andremind us of the centuries-old media that we hadpractical learning phase.

in Bhutan; the mani walls, prayer flags, theOn the other hand, as mentioned above, thefestivals and dances. This concept gives us a newbinary relationship between modern democracy

depth of values to draw on as we develop theand mass media is considered to be a relic of the

Bhutanese media today.’ His statement suggests

20th century, and the social systems in many

that Buddhist media is still part of Bhutanesecountries will be drastically reformed. In Bhutan,‘intermedia society’.

modern democracy and the mass media were

The Buddhist faith and respect for the royal

introduced at the same time as cable televisionfamily is a social norm for Bhutanese people. If

and social media in the early 21st century. Thisreligious and royal power are removed fromstudy describes in detail a kind of chaos that no ofpolitics too rapidly through the introduction ofother country has experienced. However, themodern democracy, the government will lose

future prediction of Bhutanese democracy andcontrol. In Bhutan, another democratic system

the media is never deliberated.

should be built, one that accepts traditional

In addition, two important factors that were notinfluences. When tradition, democracy, and thementioned enough in this paper should be

media are merged, Bhutan can jump from one ofpointed out. The first is Bhutan’s relationshipthe last countries to have adopted modern

with neighbouring India, and the second is thedemocracy, to one of the latest countries to havepolitical aspect of Buddhism.

reached another iteration of democracy.

First, India’s halt of the subsidy for fuel exports

Footnotes

was one of the major issues at the end of theelection campaign. This showed that politics in1.

Bhutan could not stand alone without diplomaticS ource: Bhutan Times, ed. (2007) “Immortal
Lines: Speeches of the fourth Druk Gyalpo

30Journal of Socio-Informatics Vol. 11 No. 1 Sep. 2018

14. S
 ource: interview by the author at the office of

Jigme Singye Wangchuck”, p. 162.

2.

Biannual ranking published by the Economist

Bhutan Observer in 12 July 2013.

Intelligence Unit.

3.

Annual ranking published by Reporters Without

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