Proceedings of the International Symposium“Performing the Self and Playing with the Otherness:
Clothing and Costuming under Transcultural Conditions”
held on October 26th, 2020

Proceedings of the International Symposium
Editors:
Yukako YOSHIDA, Ranny RASTATI, Manami GOTO
Design:Andrian WIKAYANTOISBN 978-4-86337-366-2
Published on February 28, 2022
Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies.
3-11-1, Asahi-cho, Fuchu-shi
Tokyo, 183-8534
JAPAN
Printed by Nihon Root Printing & Publishing Co., Ltd.
Nagatani Bldg., 1-5-4 Shin-Ohashi, Koto-ku
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JAPAN“Performing the Self and Playing with the Otherness:
Clothing and Costuming under Transcultural Conditions”

TABLE of CONTENTS

Theme ....................................................................................................................................................................................................................................... 2
Presenter’s profile..............................................................................................................................................................................................................4
Information of co-host and co-sponsor............................................................................................................................................................. 8
Greetings (Masami K Yamaguchi)........................................................................................................................................................................ 14
Clothing as an Extension of the Body:
A Phenomenology of clothing under transcultural conditions (Tetsuya Kono)................................................................... 16
Clothing and Identity in Indonesia and Japan (Momo Shioya)........................................................................................................ 23
Selasa Berkebaya: Women Recode Fashion within the Nation and Everyday Life (Widjajanti M Santoso)........ 27
Religious Democratization in Wearing the Hijab:
A Study on the Theater Performance Titled Islam Yang Mana? (Yustina Devi Ardhiani)................................31
Performing Self, Otherness, or “Ourness?” :Balinese Dance and its Costumes in Jakarta (Yukako Yoshida) .......................................................................................36
Hijab Cosplay: When Muslim Women Embrace Fan Culture (Ranny Rastati) …....................................................................40
Masking Culture and Associated Identities: The Case of Southern Iran (Manami Goto) …............................................44

ABOUT THE SYMPOSIUM
Date: October 26th, 2020
Venue: Online
Moderators:
Ikuya Tokoro (ILCAA, the director of KKLO)
Ibnu Nadzir D. M. SC (PMB- BRIN)
Co-hosted by:
Research Center for Society and Culture – National Research and Innovation Agency (PMBBRIN), Republic of Indonesia (formerly Research Center for Society and Culture – Indonesian
Institute of Sciences (PMB-LIPI)).
MEXT Grant-in Aid for Scientific Research on Innovative Areas “Construction of the Face-Body
studies in transcultural conditions” (Project leader: Prof. Masami Yamaguchi).
Kota Kinabalu Liaison Office, Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa(ILCAA)-Tokyo University of Foreign Studies (TUFS).
Core Project (Anthropology)-The Potential Value of Indigenous Knowledge in Managing
Hazards in Asia and Africa: The Anthropological Explorations into the Linkage of Micro-Macro
Perspectives 2, ILCAA, TUFS.

“Performing the Self and Playing with the Otherness:
Clothing and Costuming under Transcultural conditions”

1Theme2

International SymposiumInternational Symposium“Performing the Self and Playing with the Otherness:
Clothing and Costuming under Transcultural Conditions”

At present, we are living in a transcultural world, where people, goods, cultures, and information easily crossthe boundaries of regions and nations. Given this situation, we have come to understand the facial andbodily expressions in new ways. For instance, innumerable images of the face and body appear on the social
media, magazines, in movies, and other platforms. What these images seem to indicate is that, on the one
hand, there is an emerging universal definition of “beauty,” and a beautiful face or body. On the other hand,
there is an increasing interest in the locally or culturally specific facial or bodily practices, such as veiling theface in Islamic regions, or the phenomenon of “cosplay” to allow individuals to experience the “otherness.”
The changing attitudes that have given rise to new preferences and fascinations suggest pertinent questions.
How do people represent, perform, or transform themselves, in transcultural settings? How does theirchoice of clothing, costuming, or acts of self-projecting, such as taking selfies reflect such conditions? How
do people construct, invent, or negotiate their cultural identities through such acts? In this international
symposium, the scholars from Indonesia and Japan will explore these questions.

“Performing the Self and Playing with the Otherness:
Clothing and Costuming under Transcultural conditions”

3Presenter’s
profIleMasami K YAMAGUCHI
Chuo University
Masami K Yamaguchi is a professor from the Department of Psychology in Chuo
University, Tokyo, Japan. Since 2017, she has been leading an interdisciplinary research
project titled “Construction of the Face-Body studies in transcultural conditions,”
sponsored by the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (MEXT Grant-in Aid
for Scientific Research on Innovative Areas). She holds a PhD in Psychology from
Ochanomizu University, Tokyo, Japan. Her teaching and researching career include
being a Research fellow at the ATR Human Information Processing ResearchLaboratories in Kyoto; an Associate professor at the Department of Psychology inFukushima University, Fukushima, Japan; and a Research fellow at PRESTO, Japan
Science and Technology Agency.

Tetsuya KONO
Rikkyo University
Kono, Tetsuya is a professor at the Rikkyo University, Department of Education, Tokyo,
Japan. He holds a PhD (philosophy) from the Keio University, Tokyo, Japan. His main
research interests are phenomenology, philosophy of the mind, and philosophicalpsychology. Recently, he has also taken interest in environmental philosophy. He
teaches the philosophy of education, moral education, and special need educationin the Department of Education of Rikkyo University. Major publications (books, allin Japanese):
Everything Will Revert to Wild Someday (2016), Phenomenology of the Environment(2016), Phenomenology of Body and Special Needs Education (2015), Phenomenology
of Boundaries (2014), Introduction to Philosophy for Children (2014), Consciousness
doesn’t Exist (2011), The Ecological Self (2011), Re-questioning the Concept of Morality(2011), etc.

Momo SHIOYAThe University of Shimane
Momo SHIOYA is an associate professor of anthropology and Asian studies at the
Department of Area Studies, Faculty of Humanities and Education, The Universityof Shimane. She obtained her Ph.D. from the Tokyo University of Foreign Studies.
Her current research topic is Clothing and Identity in Indonesia, with Central Java as
the primary field of research. She is also investigating artists and studios in Japan.
Her publications include “Increasing Interest in Islamic Clothes and ‘Correctness’ inIndonesia” (2018) and “The Wedding Ceremony as an Expression of Modern Muslim
Identity: A Case of Central Java.” (2015).

“Performing the Self and Playing with the Otherness:
Clothing and Costuming under Transcultural conditions”

5

Widjajanti M SANTOSO
Research Center for Society and Culture
National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN)
Widjajanti M Santoso is a researcher from P2MB-LIPI. She received her B.A. and
Ph.D. from the University of Indonesia and her M.A. from the Australian National
University. Her focus was on gender and the media. Her interest in fashion started
early, by discussing the meaning that whiteness has to the Indonesians. Recently, sheand her colleagues have published “Fesyen Muslimah dan Transformasi Kultural,”discussing the veil and its impact on the Indonesian society. Her other works include
conference papers such as ‘Muslim(ah) Fashion, a Contested Commodification andMiddle Class in Indonesia’ (2016), ‘Upin and Ipin and the Discourse of Diversity inIndonesia’s Case’ (2017), ‘Women in Nationalism Movement, Forgotten Subject
in Post Secularism’ (2018), as well as a book chapter ‘Gender Politics in Higher
Education’ (2020).

Yustina Devi ARDHIANI
Sanata Dharma University
Yustina Devi Ardhiani is a lecturer at Sanata Dharma University in the Cultural
Studies Graduate Program. Her dissertation entitled, "Satire of the Women's Bodyof the Sahita Art Group on the Performing Arts Stage", is aligned with her interestin performance art, her field of study. Her interest in this field is also demonstrated
through her work as an editor of a book entitled Seni Pertunjukan Indonesia
Pasca Orde Baru (2014). The book contains a collection of researches related tothe performing arts by various researchers from Indonesia, the Netherlands, andAustralia, which was previously (in 2010) presented at an international conference
titled, Cultural Performance in Post New Order at Sanata Dharma University, where
Ardhiani served as the event’s coordinator.
Email: devilitto@yahoo.com

Yukako YOSHIDATokyo University of Foreign Studies
Yukako Yoshida is an assistant professor at Tokyo University of Foreign Studies,
Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa (ILCAA). She holds a
PhD from the University of Tsukuba, Ibaraki, Japan. Her main interest lies in cultural
anthropology and anthropology of performing arts. Her work includes researchon dance, drama, music, mask culture, and Hindu rituals in Bali. Recently, she has
been investigating the transmission and development of Balinese performing arts
in Jakarta. Her English publications include the ‘Masks as Performers: Topeng, aBalinese Masked Dance Drama’ (2018, in An Anthropology of Things) and ‘BalineseDances in Multi-religious Jakarta: A Preliminary Study of Muslim Learners and Hindu
Instructors’ (2018, in Islam and Cultural Diversity in Southeast Asia (Vol.2)). She is also
an amateur gamelan player and a performer of Balinese mask dance.

6

International SymposiumRanny RASTATI
Research Center for Society and Culture
National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN)
Ranny Rastati, often called Chibi, is a Researcher at the Research Center for Society
and Culture- National Research and Innovation Agency, Republic of Indonesia(PMB-BRIN). She received her bachelor’s in Japanese Studies at the University ofIndonesia and master’s in Communication Studies at the University of Indonesia.
Her publications include popular books, such Ohayou Gozaimasu (2014) andKorean celebrity: Daehan Minguk Manse (2015). The articles published in journals
include those on hijab cosplay (2015), cyberbullying (2016), Islamic manga (2017),
media literacy (2018), halal tourism (2018), cosplay as creative da’wah (2019), andcosplay tourism (2020). Her research interests include cosplay, Japan, and Korean
pop culture, and media studies. Her current research topics are hijab cosplay as amethod of preaching Islam, cosplay as contents tourism, and halal tourism, andthese have been presented in the USA, Japan, and Southeast Asia. Since 2013, shealso manages a charitable nonprofit organization, namely, the Chibi Ranran Help
Center (www.chibiranranhelpcenter.com). Her works can be viewed via her personal
blog rannyrastati.wordpress.com. She can be contacted at ranny.rastati@gmail.com.

Manami GOTO
JSPS/ TUFS/ the University of Exeter
Manami Goto is a postdoctoral research fellow of the Japan Society for the Promotionof Science (JSPS) at the Tokyo University of Foreign Studies and an honorary
research fellow at the Institute of Arab and Islamic Studies, University of Exeter.
Her main areas of interest are dress, material culture, oral history, and the ritualsof women in the Persian Gulf. Manami holds a PhD in Arab and Islamic Studies
from the University of Exeter, and her thesis is focused on the female face mask
and its relation to socio-cultural identities in the coastal cities of southern Iran andthe eastern Arabian Peninsula. She is currently researching the dress politics of the
Gulf Arab states, analyzing how migrant Iranian women have utilized different typesof dress to express their sense of belonging, integrate into the society, and rejectcertain social norms imposed on them.

“Performing the Self and Playing with the Otherness:
Clothing and Costuming under Transcultural conditions”

7

Information of co-hostand co-sponsor

MEXT Grant in aid for Scientific Research on Innovative
Areas “Construction of the Face-Body studies inTranscultural Conditions”
URL : kao-shintai.jp/index-en.html
Principal Investigator : Masami K Yamaguchi (Chuo University)

Purpose of the Research Project

people. Considering the cultural and individualFacial and bodily expressions are mediums throughvariations, our Japanese research group in the East

which nothing can be hidden; they conspicuously

Asian try to clarify the cultural commonalities andreveal individual histories and allow a person todifferences in Face and Body.

be read by others. In the current atmosphere ofContent of the Research Projectgrowing globalization, this project aims to bringThis study aims to use an anthropological (A01)

awareness regarding the unconscious facial andbodily expressions and cultural differences in such
expressions. Using psychological, anthropological,
and philosophical perspectives, this research aims
to reveal differences in facial and bodily expressions
across diverse cultures, and to explore the possibilities
for developing a cultural understanding throughfaces and bodies of members.

and experimental psychological approach (B01).
Studies on implicit and explicit learning process of
faces and their development process in cognitive
science (behavioral experiments, eye tracking dataand physiological responses), and functional brain
imaging will be used to investigate the neural basesof these processes. Large-scale data collection will
also be conducted to investigate the diversification

This study aims to promote the understanding ofof facial recognition and bodily expression capacities

other people and cultures by bringing unconsciousand strategies (A01 and B01). For A01, researchfacial and bodily expressions to conscious awareness.

will be conducted using a portable experimental

Various cultural differences have been explained

system for cultural anthropological fieldwork. For

through such as eye tracking data. By bringing

the comparative phenomenological research on

primitive, unconscious facial and bodily expressions

facial and bodily expression (C01), historical andto conscious awareness, this study aims to promotecultural analyses will be used to interpret the use of

the understanding of the communication of various

cosmetics and other behaviors related to facial andcultures, and the acceptance of heterogeneous

bodily expressions.

Culture and Cognition (University of Michigan)
Analyzing eye movements (University of Fribourg)

A01• Cultural anthropological fieldwork• Experimental study of cultural diversity

B01• Developmental process for cultural differences in faceand body recognition• Explicit and implicit processes for facial and bodily
expressions• Multisensory integration and cultural diversity of facial
and bodily expressions

C01• Phenomenological theorizing“Performing the Self and Playing with the Otherness:
Clothing and Costuming under Transcultural conditions”

9Research Center for Society and Culture
National Research and Innovation Agency.
Director: Lilis Mulyani, Ph.D.

Research Center for Society and Culture – National Research and Innovation Agency (PMBBRIN), Republic of Indonesia (previously known as Research Center for Society and Culture –Indonesian Institute of Sciences (PMB-LIPI) is a research center under the Institute of of Social
Sciences and Humanities – National Research and Innovation Agency, Republic of Indonesia(ISSH-BRIN). PMB-BRIN’s research and academic activities focus on social and cultural issues
in Indonesia. The PMB-BRIN staff is a team of passionate researcher whose backgrounds span
multiple disciplines, and consists of researchers who holding Ph.D. Degree, master’s degreeand bachelor’s degree.
The grand design of our research is divided into four research clusters: 1). Multiculturalism
and Culture; 2). Religion and Philosophy; 3). Social Ecology and Society Welfare; 4). Law andSociety.
PMB-BRIN has a vision to become a center for research reference on society and culture innational and international level. The mission as follows: Discovering and developing social
sciences in the field of society and culture, building a scientific community, and disseminating
research result to the public at large.
PMB-BRIN has functions to carry out several duties including:1.

Preparing policy formulation, guidelines and provision of technical guidance of researchin the field of society and culture.

2.

Designing research programs and planning in the field of society and culture.

3.

Monitoring, evaluating, and reporting research results in the field of society and culture.

Research topics that have been conducted include: 1). Plurality and Minority; 2). New Mediaand Social Change; 3). State and Sharia in Indonesia; 4). Economic, social, and cultural rights;5).
Science, Technology and Society; 6). Forestry, Maritime and Urban studies. In 2020-2024, PMBBRIN has focused on the research of social change in the era of technological revolution.

Address: Widya Graha 6F, Jalan Gatot Subroto No 10 Jakarta Selatan 12710, Indonesia
Phone: +6221 5701232
Website: pmb.brin.go.id
Facebook Fanpage/ Instagram/ Twitter/ YouTube: @PMBBRINEmail: pmb@mail.lipi.go.id

10International Symposium

Kota Kinabalu Liaison Office (KKLO) of Research Institute for Languages
and Cultures of Asia and Africa, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies
Director: Ikuya Tokoro (professor of ILCAA)KKLO is in the Institute for Development Studies (IDS) which was established by the Sabah Provincial
Government in 1985. It serves as an integrated base for social, economical and cultural studies and academic
exchange activities in Sabah with the generous cooperation and assistance from IDS.
KKLO aims to promote international academic exchanges, forming international networks, strengthening
joint research activities in order to advance the studies on Southeast Asian Countries.
Address:
Kota Kinabalu Liaison Office, ILCAA-TUFS
Institute for Development Studies(IDS), c/o, IDS lot2-5, Wisma Sedia, Off Jalan Pintas, Penampang,
Kota Kinabalu, Sabah, Malaysia
Phone: +60-88-450500
URL: http://meis2.aacore.jp/base_kotakinabalu-lang=en.html
Inquiry About Overseas Satellite Offices:
Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa
Tokyo University of Foreign Studies
Phone: +81-42-330-5600, 5603
Fax: +81-42-330-5610“Performing the Self and Playing with the Otherness:
Clothing and Costuming under Transcultural conditions”

11Core Project (Anthropology) at Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia
and Africa, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies
The Potential Value of Indigenous Knowledge in Managing Hazards in Asia and Africa: The Anthropological Explorations into the Linkage of Micro-Macro Perspectives 2
Website: http://www.aa.tufs.ac.jp/en/projects/anthropology-core

Term		
Leader		Members: 2016.4 –2022.3: Ryoko NISHII: Aya KAWAI, Kaori KAWAI, Hirohide KURIHARA,
Masahiko TOGAWA, Ikuya TOKORO, Yukako YOSHIDA

Globalization and modernization have generated hazards and risks
across the globe that cannot be fully understood from a Western-centric
viewpoint. Virtually all aspects of human lives are being endangeredby various conflicts, environmental changes, population changes (e.g.,
the issue of marginal villages), economic crises, and natural disasters,
which are uncontrollable by humans. As this situation escalates, people
have started to believe that they have the power to control political,
economic, social, as well as natural phenomena with reason-based
modern technology in the interest of humans. Though this fallacy has
been met with widespread opposition, effective solutions are yet to befound.
The main objectives of this research project are to investigate‘indigenous knowledge’ or the way of doing things unique to individual
regions in Asia and Africa by using the theories and methods that havebeen established through our ‘explorations into the linkage of micromacro perspectives’, the main theme of the Core Research Programof Anthropology, and by integrating the isolated knowledge of copingwith hazards and risks into unified human knowledge. This knowledge
can be verified in and adapted not only to Japan, but to anywhere in
the world. The mission of the anthropologists committed to the Core
Research Program is to pave the way to move indigenous knowledge
from Asia and Africa beyond individual experiences and apply it in a
wider range of contexts, by sharing the achievements of this researchwith people inside and outside of Japan, thereby contributing toresolving several issues in Asia and Africa.

12International Symposium

“Performing the Self and Playing with the Otherness:
Clothing and Costuming under Transcultural conditions”

13

Greetings
Masami K. Yamaguchi
Chuo University
Project reader of MEXT Grant in aid for Scientific Research on Innovative Areas“Construction of the Face-Body studies in transcultural conditions”

I would like to thank LIPI andThis is a unique phenomenon todifferences in perceiving facialTokyo

think of one’ s own body and body

expressions.

Studies for taking the opportunity

ownership.

were considered to be universal, as

to hold an international workshop

As a Japanese face researcher, I

seen in famous studies by Charles

University

online.

I

am

of

sorry

Foreignthattheworkshop scheduled for March
was postponed. I hope that after
the Coronavirus pandemic is over,
we will be able to hold an ‘offline
meeting’ as soon as possible.

Western and Japanese cultures
regarding the wearing of sanitarymasks. In Japan, even before theCoronavirus pandemic, wearing asanitary mask is common practice.

This workshop is funded by aOn the contrary, Western people

FACE&BODY

do not seem to like wearing them.

grant

supported

by JSPS. I will briefly discuss our
grant project.

14

notice a stark difference between

At

the

last

winterOlympic

game, I was surprised to see theWe want to clarify the ‘implicit’

Czech Republic gold medallist

cultural differences. There are

wearing goggles at the press

many culturally specific facialconference. She won the gold

expressions and body language

medal unexpectedly and did not

movements that we usually do nothave any makeup, so she covered

notice. We usually see a difference

her face by wearing her goggles.

in greetings between Western andYoung Japanese women wear

Eastern cultures, namely shaking

sanitary masks to cover their faces

hands versus bowing. Nowadays,

when they do not wear makeup.

Japanese bowing has become

Meaning, Young Japanese women

popular. Especially during thecover the lower half of their faces,

Coronavirus pandemic, bowing iswhereas young Western womena very appropriate greeting stylecover the upper half of their faces.

for maintaining social distancing.

The

We are also studying JapaneseWesterners and East Asians is that

pop culture based on Japanese

they perceive the mouth and eyes

technology. This is a powerful tool

differently. Emojis also suggest

to change the ownership of ourthis cultural difference. That is,own faces and bodies. By using

Western emojis show expression

this useful tool, we can go beyond

through the mouth, and eastern

our own body. For instance, Iemojis showed expressions in the

spoke in a virtual reality chat,eyes.

where chat users use avatars.

The key point is the cultural

International Symposium

difference

betweenFacial expressions

Darwin and Paul Ekman. However,recent psychological data haveshown that facial expressions areculturally based. A significant
difference was observed between
Western and East Asian cultures.
Ourcollaborator,

RobertoProfessor

Caldara’s

studies

showed that East Asians detectfacial expressions from the eyesandWesterners

expressions

detectfacialthemouth.

fromWe can see this difference in the
average East Asian and Western
person’s facial expressions.
My

lab

and

collaboratorsin

Switzerland, Italy, and England
have

tried

developmental

to

study

aspect

the

of

this

cultural difference in perceiving
facial expressions. We measured
infants’ eye movements whileobserving the facial expressionsofBritishandJapanesefemales, and investigated theorigininofeyefacialculturalmovement

expressions.

differences
based
Our

on

resultssuggested that even 7-monthold

infants

showedculturaldifferences. Meaning, Japanese
infants see the eyes while British
infants see the mouth when

perceiving facial expressions. Thisdevelop further, at 10 months of

implies that the cultural influenceage, infants lose this ability and it isof facial expression perception isnarrowed down to only their own

established before the first year

group’s faces. This phenomenonof life.

is not just restricted to faces but

In

the

development

of

face

recognition, perceptual narrowing
is a well-known phenomenon that

also applies for languages. Infantsof the same age narrow their
hearing ability only to recogniseshows the adaptation of one’ s own

their own group’s speech.

group (culture). As adults, we canHowever,

identify the faces of individuals

studies

have

shown

differentin our own group easily, but it isresults.

Data

from

Malaysia

more difficult to identify faces ofindicates different development

individuals from different groups’

forms. We have to understand this(country, culture). This is called

further and therefore, we mustthe ‘Other-Race Effect’. However,discuss this cultural effect in Asian

before 6 months of age, infants

countries.

recentmulticultural

can identify all faces, even fromdifferent species, equally. As they

“Performing the Self and Playing with the Otherness:
Clothing and Costuming under Transcultural conditions”

15

KEYNOTE SPEECH

CLOTHING AS AN EXTENSION OF THE BODY:
A PHENOMENOLOGY OF CLOTHING UNDER
TRANSCULTURAL CONDITIONS
Tetsuya Kono
Rikkyo University

1. Introduction: phenomenology of the clothing

Why do human beings wear clothes while otherexperience

animals do not? In other words, what are theIn this paper, I discuss the implication of clothing

functions of clothing? There appear to be three

for

human

beingsfromtheviewpointofprimary functions.

phenomenology. Phenomenology, a philosophicalThe first is the utility to protect the body frommovement initiated by Edmund Husserl (1859–

damage, such as from low/high temperature, heat,1938), is the philosophical study of structures of

poison, acids, shock, and slashing. Homo sapiens

consciousness as experienced from the first-person

lost their fur during evolution. Thus, clothing has apoint of view. It describes meaningful experiencescompensative role to overcome the human body’s

and analyzes the structures of the experienced

weakness or rather as an enhancement to reinforce

world. The central structure of consciousness isthe functions of the human body.

intentionality, its interpreting ability. Intentionality

The structure of an organism’s body expresses theworks to “see X as A.” We see one object as a “tree,”another as a “person,” and another as a “dog.”
The task of phenomenology is to describe such
experiences from the viewpoint of the experiencing
subject and analyze how the subject interacts withthe surrounding world with their own interpretative
activities.

performance that can be expected from it. For
example, the fixity of an insect’s structure tells usthat its intelligence is significantly constrained. In
contrast, the human body is flexible and plastic, andeven its fragility implies that human intelligencecan be greatly expanded through various forms oflearning. Just as so-called instinctive behavioral

From this theoretical background, phenomenology

patterns in humans do not dominate behavior as

has studied various types of experiences. For

much as in other animals and are largely open to

example, there are bodily experiences such aslearning through experience, the human body is fullperception, bodily awareness, embodied action,of “opening” or “room,” so to speak. It is fundamentallyor desire; cognitive experiences such as thinking,incomplete and in constant need of tools to assist,

memory, imagination, or volition; intersubjective

replace, and compensate for its own fragility andexperiences such as sympathy, imitation, or emotion;

incompleteness. Clothes are one such tool.

and institutionalized (or social) experiences such as

However, we do not wear clothes only for its

linguistic communication, social role taking, gender,or disabilities.

physiological practicality. The second function ofclothes is that they symbolize social roles or positions.

Wearing clothing is a kind of bodily experience. It is

For example, clothing represents social positions

also an intersubjective and institutionalized (or social)

such as status, affiliation, role, age, region, andexperience since clothes not only physically protect

gender. Typically, the uniforms of military personnel,

the human body but also show certain meanings

policemen, religious people, and postmen, forto other people. I aim to analyze the experience of

example, represent their roles and status. In addition

wearing clothes in the intersubjective and social

to social status, clothing also represents religion,

context from a phenomenological perspective.

politics, and ideology. For example, in Thailand, ayellow shirt symbolizes a group opposed to the

2. Functions of Clothes: Utility and Social Signs
16International Symposium

political power of the Thaksin group, while a red shirt

symbolizes being pro-Thaksin. In Cambodia, blackthat we might be tempted to call it “contagious.”

shirts and trousers and red scarves are symbols of theTradition, however, is the diachronic imitation of a

Khmer Rouge. Humans have thus used the language

style, the acceptance of a past style.

of clothing to communicate with each other. Similar

Accordingto language, there are different vocabularies andrules in expression through clothing.

toWashida(2012),aJapanesephenomenologist, clothes depict metamorphosis,
which is considered the third function here. People

Accordingly, clothing as a display of social roles isimitate others to become like them. Some people

also an extension of the body, because in various

imitate the clothing styles of their seniors or ancestors,societies, social roles are expressed in the bodyfollowing traditions. Others imitate their remarkablewith certain modifications. Body modification iscontemporaries and, by doing so, follow fashion

the practice of intentionally adding long-term or

trends. In both cases, people want to be others, butirreversible deformations, wounds, or alterations toit means that they want to be possessed by others.

certain parts of the body. Examples include breast

In traditional ceremonies or rites, some people wear

deformities, tattoos, circumcision, castration, skull

clothes that symbolize animals, gods, spirits, demons,deformities, skull perforations, tooth extractions,and other imaginary beings. Wearing clothes is, inand foot dressings. Body modification is done toa sense, a kind of possession by what those clothes

permanently imbue oneself with social roles andrepresent. In the second function, symbolizing

statuses such as gender, class, adulthood, mourning,social roles or positions, wearing a uniform is to be

marriage, punishment, and termination of rites ofpossessed by an anonymous person who plays apassage.

certain social role. Wearing the policeman’s uniform

An individual’s face is highly personal and strongly

is to be an anonymous officer, discarding one’s namedisplays their characteristics. The same is trueand hiding one’s own personality.

of the naked body, which vividly expresses one’s

According to Simmel (1904), fashion is “ambivalent.”

history, characteristics, and abilities as an individual.

It is an imitation of the peers of the group to which we

Clothing suppresses the overt individuality of suchbelong, but it is also what differentiates people from

nudity, neutralizes the directness of the body’s flesh

other groups. Fashion is the assimilation of oneselfand blood expression, and cloaks it with symbols

into a differentiated group. It is the simultaneousof social roles. Body modification and clothing

pursuit of individuality and conformity. Fashion tries

equally represent such roles on the body. Clothing

to differentiate from the traditional styles of dressing

and makeup complement the body in this function.

of the past and of the recent past. It has the function

However, it may be that body modification is theof distinguishing its own group from others. Fashion

embodiment of the roles of clothing and makeup.

accentuates differences in age, social class, gender,

The boundary between the body and clothing isand region. However, the most important function of

ambiguous.

fashion is to show differences in lifestyles and values.
For example, at a music concert, the audience is

3. Fashion
Physical protection and social roles are not the only
functions of clothing. Ordinary people wear clothes
because of their practicality, but it is rather rarethat clothes are made and worn solely for practical
purposes. We also never display our social role in ourclothes when not at work. Military personnel do notwear uniforms on holidays.
People wear clothes for the pleasure of dressing
up. Although many wear clothes to express theirpersonality, it is hard to ignore the fashions of thetime. While it is difficult to define the complex andlong history of fashion, for the moment, we candefine fashion as a contemporaneous or synchronic
imitation of a style of appearance such as clothing
and makeup. This imitation can spread so rapidly

typically dressed similar to the performers, imitating
the latter’s lifestyles and values and making
themselves stand out from the lifestyles and valuesof other social groups.
Fashion is not only about assimilation into agroup but also an attempt to differentiate oneself
personally within the group to which one belongs.
By wearing similar but subtly different clothing, one
shows one’s individuality within the group. Whilethe uniform is an imitation of tradition, it becomesan assertion of a person’s individuality to wear it intheir own way. Similarly, one can carve out one’s own
individuality and identity within a certain category offashion. When this difference is imitated by others, it
is regarded as the creation of a new style.
Fashion intermingles with the social role of clothing.

“Performing the Self and Playing with the Otherness:
Clothing and Costuming under Transcultural conditions”

17What is distinctive in fashion is the creation ofstill have self-recognition and point to your chest

difference just for the sake of it. For example, somewith words such as “This is me,” “I am here,” or “Ifashions are created simply to make a difference

exist here.” Where does the strong feeling that “I amfrom that of the last year. Fashion is good simply

here” come from? Where does this sense of selfhood

because it is “new” and “in vogue.” As a difference

come from?

for the sake of making a difference, fashion is pure

In philosophy and psychology, it has been said that

play, an activity that is enjoyed for its own sake,without necessity, any further reason behind it, or
any purpose. Fashion is change, but it is not changewith a purpose, a value, or meaning like progressand development. It is change for the sake of change
and change for the sake of enjoying change. The
immutable purpose, and even the meaning of theworld that some people want to believe in, is ruinedby the notion of pure change.

this sense of self is based on the sense of agency(Gallagher 2017; Gallagher and Zahavi 2013; Haggard
and Eitam 2015). The sense of agency is the ability
to self-attribute one’s corporeal movements as one’s
own. In other words, we can feel that we have moved
a finger now by our own intention (will, spontaneity).
From a phenomenological point of view, Descartes’s
concept “Cogito,” the thinking self, should beinterpreted as the fact that “I am hearing my innerFashion is a thoroughgoing absence of depth; it is(i.e. mute) voice.” If the Cartesian cogito is reflective

the surface as a refusal of depth. A sincere and pious

awareness of the mutely speaking self, it resides inperson fears it without being aware of it. Fashion

the circuit of my hearing, of one’s inner speaking.

implies the groundlessness of the world. As Washida

Accordingly, it is also an expression of the sense of(2012) says, authorities such as the state and schools

agency.

abhor fashion the most. This is because fashion

I agree to some degree with the view that the sense

implicitly ridicules any kind of grounding. Fashion
casts doubt on its immutable value and purpose by
being oriented to change for the sake of change.

of selfhood is based on the sense of agency. However,I think that the sense of selfhood does not comeonly from the sense of agency; it can be ensured by

Fashion makes the present the past, that is, it brings

using other circuits as well. I would like to maintainan end to something by creating newness. Fashionthat the passive experience of being seen or being

gives us a vivid and intense sense of the present,

stared at contributes to the sense of selfhood.

distinguishing it from the past. However, what isHence, wearing different clothes changes one’s own

fashionable now can be quickly relegated to the pastselfhood and explains why clothing is considered as

and thus lose its luster. As people witness this change

metamorphoses or transformation. However, why

between the old and the new, they feel a quick shift

and how does the experience of being seen or being

between life and death. Fashion foreshadows deathstared at contribute to the sense of selfhood?

and apocalypse and is frivolously profound. It is as if

I would like to offer my personal experience as an

fashion were time itself, like Saturn eating his own
children (in the famous, early 19th century painting by
Francisco Goya). Fashion is metamorphosing as any
clothing is. It highlights and makes us understandtransformation, the most fundamental function ofclothing.

example, which tells us that the sense of agency is
not a unique origin of the sense of selfhood. This
event occurred when I visited the Museo del Prado
in Madrid and stood in front of Velázquez’s famous
masterpiece, Las Meninas (The Maids of Honor).
Spanishcourtiers

are

cut

out

and

depicted

momentarily like snapshots in this painting. Some
4. Passive experience of being seen in front ofof the figures are shown looking at the viewer,“Las Meninas”

while the rest interact with each other. The young

If clothing is metamorphosing and transforming,

Princess Margarita is surrounded by her attendants,

how does it relate to one’s identity? Who are you?
When you are asked this question, you usually giveinformation that identifies you, such as your first andlast name, occupation, address, and nationality. In
some cases, you might show an ID card or passport.

two maids of honor, two dwarfs, and a dog. Behind
them, Velázquez himself is depicted as on his way
to the great canvas. This picture has been widely
analyzed because of its complex composition, raisingquestions on the uncertain relationship between the

However, even if you totally lost your memory, losing

viewer and the figures depicted.

all knowledge about your social identity, you would

When I was occupied with the standpoint wherestill experience yourself as being yourself. You would

the glances of the figures including the painter, the18International Symposiumprincess, and some maids in the picture converge

right one. The roles of the right and left hands areon, I felt as if the pictorial space expanded to myreversed, but these reversals can only occur when I

standpoint and included me. The standpoint fromtouch my body. When I stroke the glass in front of

where I view was the same position as the subjects

me, I can feel its smoothness. However, I do not feelof the painting, namely King Philip IV and Queen

the state of my fingers as felt by the glass. Therefore,

Mariana. The mirror hung on the back wall showed

the difference between my body and a non-object isthe reflected images.

whether this tactile recurrence (reversibility) occurs.

The spatial structure and positioning of the mirror’sMy right hand touching my left hand can be touchedreflection are such that the King and Queen appear

by my left-hand touching my right hand. Touching

to be standing on the viewer’s side, out of theand touched are not simply separate orders of being

painting. It is the glances of the figures that madein the world, since they are reversible. As Maurice

me feel as if I was in the painting. There are many

Merleau-Ponty,

paintings that successfully depict the depth fromexplained:

within. Velazquez’s contemporaries were no lessI can identify the hand touched in the same one

skilled at depicting such depth within a painting.
However, these paintings are completely separated
from reality at the point of their frames. The depth is
only within the painting, and it is just a small planethat occupies a corner of the real world. In contrast,
Velazquez created a depth that juts forward throughthe gaze of the figures in the painting, which
expands his space and invades the real world.
My question here is phenomenological: “why cana human gaze construct space?” It is better to ask:
“why can a human gaze introduce us into space?”or “why can a human gaze make spatial existence?”
How can a mere black spot in the eyeball do suchmagic? My question concerns the relationshipbetween the sense of selfhood and the experienceof being seen or being stared at. My hypothesis hereis that the sense of selfhood comes not come fromthe sense of agency but also from the experienceof being seen. This means that our existence isfundamentally, at least partially, passive, or the senseof selfhood is given by a passive experience.
In the following sections, I would like to show thispassivity of the self, which is easily influenced by thegaze of others.

theFrenchphenomenologist,

which will in a moment be touching…In this bundle ofbones and muscles which my right hand presents tomy left, I can anticipate for an instant the incarnationof that other right hand, alive and mobile, which I
thrust towards things in order to explore them. The
body tries…to touch itself while being touched andinitiates a kind of reversible reflection (MerleauPonty 1962: 93).
Phenomenologists like Husserl and Merleau-Ponty
claim that the hand touched is hence not merely
another such ‘object’ among other objects but
another “flesh,” which is capable of reversing thepresent situation and being perceiving. Touching
and being touched are two reversible aspects of a
lived body.
With respect to vision, if the reversibility of touching
and being touched is the condition of being my lived
body, that of seeing and being seen must also be thecondition of being my lived body. Being seen is thenecessary aspect of my corporeal existence as being
touched is another aspect.
However, reversibility is not established in the seeingseen cycle. In the case of the right hand touching theleft one, the dual sensation of touching while being
touched is established. In vision, the experience of

5. Reversibility in vision

seeing while being seen does not occur. We cannot

A famous phenomenological definition of one’s own

see our eye seeing. My eyes are unilaterally directedbody is reversibility. Husserl pointed out that theboundary between the self and what is not the selflies in whether the cycle of “touching-touched” isestablished. Our body, similar to other objects, canbe seen and touched. In this sense, the body also

to an object in the environment. I can see some partsof my body, such as arms, legs, and torso. However,there are many parts of my body that I cannot see
without using a mirror or a special camera, such as
my back, the top of my head, and my face, including

appears like an object. However, unlike touchingeyes.

other objects, touching my left hand with my right

The face is an important part of the body. Since we

one produces a sensation in a particular position

cannot see our own face directly, in order for us toon both hands. When you touch your left hand

have a complete visual picture of our body, we havewith your right hand, the left one also touches theto integrate the face in the mirror as part of our“Performing the Self and Playing with the Otherness:
Clothing and Costuming under Transcultural conditions”

19own body here. To recognize the face in the mirror

Thus, it is by subtracting one’s face from the faces ofas one’s own face is a complex process. Except for

many others and getting it back to one’s own that ansome types of apes, animals cannot recognize theirintegrated image of the self is constructed. For me

reflection in the mirror as themselves. How do weto have a unified image of myself, first there must

perceive our own image in the mirror?

be the ability to capture a face among many others

As Merleau-Ponty (1962) pointed out, the first faceas part of myself. In other words, only those who

a child encounters is never his/her own but that of

can sympathize or identify with others can have ananother person such as a parent. The fetus moves

integrated self.

in the womb in various ways and touches different

For Descartes, the body is not the essence of the self.

parts of its body. This is a type of primordial self-

Such a Cartesian cogito could not have an integrated

recognition. Self-recognition by touching starts inself since it does not have a body for being seen,

the early period of our life, but visual self-recognition

and it is never reflected in the mirror. None of thedoes not occur until the child is able to look in theothers see it. The Cartesian cogito never sees others

mirror, let alone in the fetus. Without a reflector likeas potential selves. Modern Western subjectivist

a mirror, humans cannot see their faces because ofphilosophy, taking its basic ideas from Descartes,

their body structure.

posits the human mind as a pure subjectivity that

For humans, the face is first and foremost the facecan see but cannot be seen. Such a mind is calledof another person. It is when we integrate our own
face in the mirror with our body that we can get thewhole picture of ourselves. Your face in the mirror“transcendental subjectivity,” which observes theworld in a one-sided way. The modern conceptionof the subject, which has taken on Descartes’ ideas,

is of the same kind as the faces of many others. To

lacks the passivity of being seen.

recognize the face in the mirror as your own, your

The Cartesian cogito is detached from the body andface looking at you from the mirror must be regarded

separated from the material world. It is like a viewer

as belonging to yourself. Being able to integrate one

who is outside of the picture and only watches theof those faces as one’s own means that the face ofworld, which the picture depicts from the outside.

another is also a potential self-face and a potential

Cartesian cogito is not influenced by the world ofpart of one’s own body.

paintings. However, standing in front of the eyes

In order to integrate the face in the mirror into myself,of the figures in “Las Meninas” and being watched

I must feel that the movements and expressions I am
observing, such as the face and neck movementsof the “other” in the mirror, and my own internalsensations, such as the kinetic sensations I feel
when I move them, are two aspects of a single thing.
This is the same way we empathize with others. It

by their gazes, the viewer feels as if he or she hasentered the space of the paintings though they arenone other than the artificial figures in the paintings.
I am able to enter a place through the gaze of others.
We establish our own existence in the world by being
seen. Velasquez painted the truth that Descartes

is the same as sympathizing with others because to

and his successors never conceived of.

sympathize with others is to simultaneously connect

The self in the mirror is the other, which will become

the vision of the movements of others’ bodies withmyself. We should read the following quotation of

one’s own internal, kinesthetic sensations. When we

Merleau-Ponty in replacing the word “mirror” bysee others in pain, we also frown and feel a tingle in“others”:

the same part of our body as others in pain. Therefore,

The mirror appears because I am seeing-visible

to ascribe a face in the mirror to ourselves and tocomplete our own visual self, we must first have theability to empathize with others. At the same time,
we must understand that the face of the self is thesame kind of thing as the face of the other, that is,ourselves is one of the others. Visual self-integration
requires empathy for the other and objectification of
the self. Therefore, only those who sympathize withothers can objectify one’s own self and accept theself, which is seen from the point of view of others as
belonging to the self. I am another potential person.

20

International Symposium[voyant-visible] because there is a reflexivity of thesensible; the mirror translates and reproduces thatreflexivity. My outside completes itself in and throughthe sensible (Merleau-Ponty 1962:168).
In this sense, we are fundamentally vulnerable since
our existence is always exposed to the other; oursense of self consists in the circuit between me andthe others, which we cannot put completely undercontrol.

6. Poly-voiced-nessof speech, and with what subject matter; with what

The capacity of sympathizing with others is necessary

pronunciation, accent, tone of voice, and breathing;to obtain an integrated self-image. My visional selfimage is incomplete because I cannot see my face
directly. I must take a mirror image of the face in
my body image. The mirror image compensates forthe lack of self-image. Seen from the other side, thismeans that I should be possessed by the face in thewith what facial expressions; and with what gestures.
Thus, babies learn the totality of the speeches. The
non-linguistic context, subtle nuances, rhythm ofexchange, and the use of typical expressions are also
implicitly incorporated in the caregiver’s speech,
which, in other words, is a whole-situational text.

mirror to have a complete self-mage. My self-image,

What we learn is this whole conversation situation.

my body image, needs to be made up by the seen

As we acquire language, we also take in the texts

image of my face.

surrounding these speeches. We learn language

I believe clothing (or body modification) plays

through total communication with others; it starts

the same role as the face image in the mirror. At
first glance, seeing seems to be active. However, it
requires us to adjust our gaze to the object we arelooking at, to follow it with our eyes, to scrutinize it,
and to accept it the way it is. In this sense, seeing
is passive. In contrast, it seems at first glance to bepassive. However, it is active because it draws theperceiver’s gaze to itself, keeps its attention, andsubmits the perceiver to its own way of being. The
passivity of being seen captures the other in thefrom borrowing another’s voice. Even when welearn a language and produce it of our own volition,
we have no choice but to begin by imitating andborrowing the voices of others, dragging with us theway they were speaking at the time we learned thelanguage. There is no other way to acquire language
than to say the words as they are borrowed andthen gradually make the expressions their own. It
is, so to speak, to intend something through others’
intentions. Then, we gradually appropriate another’svisibility that one emits and, by radiating visibility,

voice into our own speech.

transforms the attitudes of others surrounding

Language acquisition is also the incorporation ofthem. To be seen is to tempt the viewer.

others’ behavior into one’s own system of behaviors.

Clothing is a temptation in this sense. I enter the

However, according to Bakhtin, this appropriation ofworld of others by being seen, and by being seen, I

language is not complete (Bakhtin 1986). Half of ourtake a place in the world. Clothing works on others

speech is that of others.

and changes me by changing the gaze of others,

Our speech, that is, all our utterances (including

namely the relationship with others. Clothing is acreative works), is filled with others’ words, varying

tool to change oneself. However, wearing clothes fordegree of otherness or varying degree of ‘our-own-

metamorphosis is not simply or totally “possession

ness,’ varying degree of awareness and detachment.

by others”; rather, it is an experience of “double-

These words of others carry with them their own

voiced-ness,” or “poly-voiced-ness” in the words ofexpression, their own evaluative tone, which we

Mikhail Bakhtin.

assimilate, rework, and re-accentuate (Bakhtin 1986:

Let us consider the case of language. We learn

89).

language from others. Learning language is not an

Both whole utterances and individual words canabstract transmission of grammar and vocabulary,retain their alien expression, even though they cansuch as installing an application to a computer,also be reaccentuated. There are the utterances that

but a kind of corporeal imitation of others. A baby

we can use but are difficult to assimilate in one’s

laughs and smiles, simply imitating others’ smiles

own context. They remain borrowed even though

without any intention or meaning. Language

we use them frequently. Accordingly, once another’sacquisition is an extension of this co-action or

speech in another’s language is incorporated into

resonant movement. The child is attracted andmy speech, it serves to express my intentions in aenthralled by the movements of dialogue aroundrefracted way. It serves two speakers at the same

him/her and tries it. Language acquisition alreadytime and expresses simultaneously two different

presumes a relationship with others, which precedes

intentions: direct intention of the speaker and thethe language that will appear in this context. Then,

refracted one of others. Speech always constitutes athey learn how to use language by imitating the

double-voiced utterance.

natural voice of the caregiver. They also learn how to

Others’ utterances and others’ individual words –use it on what occasions in response to what kindrecognized and singled out as such and inserted into
“Performing the Self and Playing with the Otherness:
Clothing and Costuming under Transcultural conditions”

21the utterance – introduced an element that is, so toa play. We are actors playing a certain role, but wespeak, irrational from the standpoint of language as

also remain an individual while playing someone. Bysystem, particularly from the standpoint of syntax.

changing our clothes, we make ourselves different.

The interrelations between inserted other’s speech

The essence of clothes is the difference between

and the rest of the speech (one’s own) are analogous

the clothes and other clothes and the difference

neither to any syntactical relations within a simple

between the clothes and the naked body. However,or complex syntactic whole or to the referentiallyclothes are not entirely separate from one another.

semantic relations among grammatically unrelated

We imbue our bodies with masculine behavior byindividual syntactic wholes found within a single

wearing masculine clothing. By putting the monk’s

utterance. These relations, however, are analogous

clothes on, we gradually become a monk while(but, of course, not identical) to relations among

accumulating in ourselves what are not monks atrejoinders in dialogue (Bakhtin 1986: 92).

the same time. However, we seem to be able to unite

Our speech is speaking through the voices ofand stabilize this multiple self into one by being able

others and is almost like ventriloquism. According
to Bakhtin, all our utterances are filled with others’
words, varying in degrees of otherness or “ourownness” and that of awareness and detachment.
We learn other people’s expressions and use themin our own speech. However, it is not always easy to
use all expressions in the same way. There are some
expressions that do not fit our intentions but which
we continue to use because we cannot find any
more, and yet they are still foreign to us as if they

to see ourselves clothed by others. To keep wearing
the same clothes is to lose sight of the multiplicityof the self, which can be to lose sight of oneself. The
reason we try to change our clothes is to avoid suchself-fixation. It is an affirmation of one’s plurality
and potential. The use of metamorphosis is to be
conscious of our double or multi-voiced existence.
Clothes are an expression of the fact that humanbeings are capable of leading a life of repeated birthand nurturing oneself.

were someone else’s words. Alternatively, there arewords that, when used, do not assimilate well into
their own context but are borrowed and trivialized
as if they were someone else’s voice coming out ofReferences
1.

Others Late Essays. (V. W. McGee, Trans.) Austin:

their own mouth.
Ventriloquism is the process of making someone
else’s words one’s own but not necessarily in theprocess of fully absorbing another’s speech; it often
remains borrowed, dragging with it a foreignness

University of Texas Press.
2.
3.

Philosophy of Mind and Cognitive Science. 2nd
ed. London: Routledge.
4.

Haggard, P. and Eitam, B. (Eds.). (2015). The
Sense of Agency. New York: Oxford Universityof various other people’s voices remain foreign

Press.

and clash with the various voices within us, while
retaining their original object of instruction.

Gallagher, S. and Zahavi, D. (2013).
Phenomenological Mind: An Introduction toan event in which several voices come out of ourpolyphonism, a state in which the reverberations

Gallagher, S. (2017). Enactivist Interventions:
Rethinking the Mind. Oxford: OUP Oxford.

that we cannot understand. When we speak, it isown mouths at once. This is what Bakhtin calls

Bakhtin, M. M. (1986). Speech Genres and5.

Merleau-Ponty, M. (1962). Phenomenology ofPerception. (C. Smith, Trans.) London: Routledge

7. Concluding remarks
Wearing clothes is a kind of ventriloquism rather thanpossession. We try to define ourselves by the way
we wear our clothes: one’s social role, acceptance oftradition, and following trends. However, we do notcompletely lose ourselves in our social roles. We do
not completely assimilate the fashion models. We
do not think of ourselves as being identical to rockstars. I do not completely wear traditional behavior.
Something in me is preventing me from fully
identifying with them. To wear clothes is to put on
22

International Symposium& Kagan Paul.
6.

Simmel, G. (1957). Fashion. American Journal of
Sociology, 62(6), pp. 541-558.

7.

Washida, K. (2012). Naze Hito wa Fuku oKirunoka [Why Do People Wear Clothes?].
Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo.

CLOTHING AND IDENTITY IN INDONESIA AND JAPANMomo Shioya
The University of Shimane

1. Introduction

uniforms, and this trend spread among ordinary

Clothing has diverse purposes, one of which is tocitizens as well. In 1872, the formal clothing of

express someone’s identity as a member of a group(Yamada 2019:45-48). For example, schools andthe Meiji Emperor changed to Western militaryuniforms (Osakabe 2010:6-9, 64–67). At that time,some offices in Indonesia and Japan have uniforms

modernization was conceived as Westernization.

to demonstrate their members’ identity.

However, only a few women at that time, such as

Traditional clothing indicates one’s identity within awives of diplomats, wore Western clothing. In thegroup to other members (Inoue 2019:67). Membersof the group could infer one’s social class, profession,age, and marital status based on the kind of
traditional clothing they wear.
Nowadays, in daily life, Indonesians and the Japanese
mainly wear Western clothing. However, comparedto Japan, traditional clothing or clothing that
represents traditional characteristics is more visible
in Indonesia. For example, clothing that uses batik
cloth and adat clothing (regional or ethnic clothing)is sometimes worn. In addition to this, Muslim
clothing has been widely worn in recent years(Shioya 2018). These types of clothing are symbols ofnational, regional, and religious identity.
In Japan, traditional clothing is rarely worn. Using
field data from Solo city in Central Java, this study
explores the meaning of clothing and identity
by comparing the differences in the situations ofofficial portrait in 1873, the Emperor wore Western
clothing while the Empress wore a kimono. In 1887,
the Empress also started to wear Western clothing
on formal occasions. However, women who had
no connection with Western uniforms continued
to wear the traditional garment (Fukai 2017:183;
Numata 2017:177; Osakabe 2010:167-170).
In the Meiji period, a new clothing called kairyo fuku
or “improved clothing” was designed. This style wasa combination of kimono and Western clothing
and was easy to wear. However, it did not become
popular (Namba 2016:103-109). Western clothing firstbecame widespread among women in the 1920s
when the number of working women increased.
Japanese women preferred the efficiency of Western
clothing and started to wear it (Fukai 2017:185). The
Westernization of clothing in Japan was ruled by thegovernment and reflected the change in values.

traditional clothing in Indonesia and Japan.
3. Changes in clothing in Indonesia before and
2. National Policy and Westernization of clothingin Japan
Before the Japanese started to wear Western
clothing, the choice of attire was based on strictsocial rules and automatically revealed one’s identity(Daimaru and Takahashi 2016:21-23). For example,
peasants were only allowed to wear kimonos madefrom cotton cloth dyed in indigo (Fukui 2000:57).
Hairstyles too revealed one’s social class, profession,
marital status, and age (Tanaka 2016). This social classsystem was finally abolished by the government in
the Meiji period (1868–1912).
Since the Meiji period, the Japanese government
has promoted modernization and Westernizationof thought, education, daily life, including clothing(Numata

2017:177).

Male

government

officials,

soldiers, and students started to wear Westernafter independence
As was the case of Japan in the past, clothing also
displayed one’s identity in Indonesia. In the colonialera, Western clothing revealed one’s social class. At
that time, among local residents, Western clothing
was worn only by those people who were connectedwith the colonial ruler (Pramoedya 1986). At the endof the 19th century, the European style had spreadamong the elites in Indonesia. Western clothing
became popular among men and Western methodsof education and science were considered key toachieve progress (Van Dijk 1997:58-59). This is similar
to the Meiji period in Japan.
The peci cap was used as a symbol of independence
during the independence period, as can be seenin the picture of Soekarno, the first president ofIndonesia. The peci was the only special clothing“Performing the Self and Playing with the Otherness:
Clothing and Costuming under Transcultural conditions”

23that was symbolic of the period. After gaining

to interactions with foreign people; for example,

independence, Western clothing spread due toin international events and sports competitions

economic reasons and because it made social class(Namba 2018:52-53).

invisible, compared to traditional clothing (Van Dijk

In Java, traditional clothing used for formal occasions

1997:69, 73).

is considered very formal. During formal events, forSince the Declaration of Independence in 1945,

example, expensive handmade batik cloth is used

Indonesian national clothing has existed as a symbol

and worn as a wrapped skirt with straight pleats.

of national identity. Men’s national clothing is the

A Javanese woman in Solo city commented that she

combination of a batik long-sleeve shirt and longpants or a combination of a suit and the peci cap.
For women, a combination of the kebaya blouse andwrapped skirt was used (Agari 2009:16-17; Matsumoto
2015:43; Tozu 1989:78). In addition, adat clothing,which expresses regional identity and ethnicity, hasbeen valued as a symbol of regional culture.
Since 2017, adat clothing has been used for thecelebration of Independence Day and official
participants have been required to wear the adat
clothing of each region of Indonesia (Ihsanuddin
2017). Clothing that is symbolic of nation, region,and religion are not separated but the elements
are sometimes mixed. Thus, a person can express
multiple identities by using clothing.

can wear an inexpensive sewn-wrapped skirt for thewedding of relatives who live far from her local city.
However, for local weddings, she feels ashamed towear this kind of attire because local people know
about and value the quality of the batik cloth. She
also wears a long kebaya blouse that covers her
knees.
Another woman in the city also commented thatsome Muslim women wear a kebaya blouse thatcovers their knees and a large veil that covers theirchest to show that they are more pious. In thepast, the length of the kebaya changed according
to the fashion (Figure1). It showed the trend of thetime or one’s preference. However, in this case, we
can see that new meanings have been added to

For example, Muslim women who wear Javanesetraditional clothing to demonstrate more specificclothing can use a veil. The bride in this photo looks

representations of one’s identity.

like she is wearing traditional Javanese clothing, but
she has covered her hair with a black cloth. The frontof her neck is also covered with a skin-colored clothto less noticeable. By using this style, she maintains
her identity as both a Javanese and a Muslim.
4. Traditional clothing in present day
In Japan, a formal type of kimono is used on certain
occasions, such as rites of passage. The rules forkimonos became strict because they came to beworn only on formal occasions and not for daily use.
For formal occasions, kimonos made from silk aremainly used, and the way of wearing the garment
has become more difficult. The “manner books” inJapan explain what kind of clothing is suitable towear for the occasion (Ito and Yajima 2016; Iwashita
2001). When kimonos were used daily, the rules were
not as strict, and women sometimes combined thekimono and Western clothing. For example, theymight wear a Western shirt under their kimono andwear shoes rather than traditional Japanese sandals,
such as geta or zori (Daimaru and Takahashi 2016:176178; Inui 2016).
The Japanese also use kimonos to express theirnational identity. However, it is mainly limited

24

International Symposium

5. Spread of semi-traditional clothing in Indonesia
In schools or offices, Japanese people do notchoose to wear traditional clothing, although somestudents choose to wear traditional clothing for theirgraduation ceremonies.
The “improved kimono”’ appeared in the Meiji period,
but it has not become popular in Japan. Separate
two-piece kimonos were also made in the past to
be easier to wear; however, they have not been
widely accepted. Nowadays, two-piece kimonos,
semi-traditional clothing, are only worn in traditional
Japanese-style hotels or Japanese restaurants.
On the other hand, semi-traditional clothing that
expresses regional identity has spread in Indonesia
in recent years. It is sometimes required to be wornin schools or offices (Tempo.co. 2019). Starting in
2012, public offices in Solo city started to wear adat,
or Javanese clothing on Thursdays (Suharsih 2012;Sri 2012). For the wrapped skirt, they used a sewn
one that resembles a wrapped one. It is easy to wear
for regular use and shows the characteristics of
traditional clothing.

6. Conclusions

3.

the west to Japan in fashion. In Yokohama

As we have seen, the Japanese do not express theirMuseum of Art and The Kyoto Costumeidentity using semi-traditional clothing because

Institute (eds.) The Elegant Other Cross-Cultural

they feel that the kimono should be worn correctly

Encounters in Fashion and Art (pp.181-186)(Kim 1998). They are less concerned about expressing

Tokyo: Rikuyo-sha.

their identity through traditional clothing.
However, in some cases, people use traditional

4.

Fukui, S. (2000). Momen kuden [The History of
Cotton]. Tokyo: Hosei Daigaku Shuppan-kyoku.

garments to express their identity. For example, theAinu people, who are indigenous to the Hokkaido

Fukai, A. (2017). From Japan to the west, from5.

Ihsanuddin. (2017, August 17). Warna-warni

Islands, sometimes wear their traditional clothing

Baju Adat Ramaikan HUT ke-72 RI di Istana

when they claim their indigenous rights. Korean[Many people wore various adat clothing toresidents of Japan express their identity by usingcelebrate 72th Independence day of Indonesia]

traditional clothing as their school uniforms; a semi-

Kompas. https://nasional.kompas.com/

traditional clothing designer has also appeared inread/2017/08/17/08101601/warna-warni-baju-

recent years (Sung-I 2016).

adat-ramaikan-hut-ke-72-ri-di-istanaOn the other hand, in Indonesia, clothing is often

6.

identities. Diverse adat clothing has been used toexpress people’s identity, and it is currently used as

7.

work on Beautiful women in Meiji period: How

clothing has the same characteristics as traditional

did he paint daily life and clothing?], Tokai

clothing, but it is easier to wear. As we have seen

Daigaku Kokusai Bunka Gakubu Kiyo, 9, pp.47-

in the case of differences in kebaya blouses, newtraditional clothing is used to create more specificInui, Y. (2016). Yoshu Chikanobu no Bijinga:
Fuzoku o Do Kakuka [Yoshu Chikanobu’s Ukiyoea regional uniform (Shioya 2016). Semi-traditional

expressions of identity have been added, andInoue, M. (2019). Fashion no Tetsugaku [ThePhilosophy of Fashion]. Kyoto: Minerva-shobo.

used to express national, regional, and religious

62.
8.

Ito, M. and Yajima, T. (2016). Kimono bunka to
Nihon [The Tradition of Kimono and Japan].

representations of one’s identity.

Tokyo: Nihon Keizai Shimbun-sha.
9.

Iwashita, N. (2001). Otsukiai no Manner, Fukuso,
Okane no Hon [Manner for Ceremonies andDress Code in Japan]. Tokyo: Seibido-shuppan.

10. Kim, Y. (1998). Ethnicity to Minzoku fuku kan:
Sono Nikkann Hikaku eno Shiron [Ethnicity andEthnic Clothing: Comparative study of Japanand Korea], Narajoshidaigaku Syakaigaku
Ronsyu, 5, pp.151-163.
11.

Matsumoto, Y. (2015). Indonesia no Fashion
Designer Tachi [Fashion Designers inIndonesia]. Kyoto: Nakanishiya-shuppan.

Figure 1: Kebaya styles.
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Agari, H. (2009). Indonesia no Batik ni Miru
Teshigoto no Hensen to Gendai [The Change ofHandcraft in Modern age from the case of Batik
clothing in Indonesia), Asia Kenkyu, 4, pp.1-19.

2.

Daimaru, H. and Takahashi, H. (2016). Nihonjinno Sugata to Kurashi: Meiji, Taisho, Showa
Zenki no Shinso [Japanese Clothing and life:
Meiji period, Taisho period and early Showa
period]. Tokyo: Sangen-sha.

12. Nakatani, A. (ed.) (2020). Fashionable Traditions:
Asian Handmade Textiles in Motion. London:
Lexington Books.
13. Namba, T. (2016). Kindai Nihon Gakko Seifuku
Zuroku [School Uniforms in Modern Japan].
Osaka: Sogen-sha.
14. Namba, T. (2018). Nihon no Fukuso no Rekishi:
Meiji-Gendai [Clothing History in Japan: From
Meiji period to Present day]. Tokyo: Yumanishobo.
15. Numata, E. (2017). The meeting of different
culture. In Yokohama Museum of Art and The“Performing the Self and Playing with the Otherness:
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Kyoto Costume Institute (eds.) The Elegant
Other Cross-Cultural Encounters in Fashion
and Art (pp. 176-180). Tokyo: Rikuyo-sha.
16. Osakabe, Y. (2010). Yofuku, Sanpatsu, Datto:

28, pp. 51-83.
26. Van Dijk, K. (1997). Sarong, Jubbah, and trousers:
Appearance as a means of distinction anddiscrimination. In H. S. Nordholdt (Ed.), Outward

Fukusei no Meiji Ishin [The Westernization of

Appearance: Dressing State and Society in

Clothing in Meiji Restoration]. Tokyo: Kodan-sha.

Indonesia (pp.39-83). Leiden: KITLV Press.

17. Pramoedya, A.T. (1986). Ningen no daichi Bumi

27. Yamada, T. (2019). Hito wa Naze Yosoounoka?:manusia [This Earth of Mankind]. (N. Oshikawa,‘Yosooi’ no Kigen to Tayona Tenkai kara miru

Trans.). Tokyo: Mekon. (first published 1980).

[Why People Dress?: The origin of Dress and

18. Shioya, M. (2016). Indonesia ni okeru Batik no
Genjo to Identity [Study on Batik clothing and
Identity in Contemporary Indonesia], Shimane
Kenitsu Daigaku Kiyo, 54, pp. 51-61.
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servants of Solo City ruled to wear Kebaya andBeskap Clothing]. https://regional.kompas.com/
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Solo.Wajib.Pakai.Kebaya.dan.Beskap
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started to wear Kebaya and Beskap clothing].
Solopos. https://www.solopos.com/bajutradisional-pns-pemkot-mulai-pakai-kenakankebaya-162583
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Istimewanya? [Traditional Adat Clothing of
Pahing day Thursday in Yogyakarta]. Tempo
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Bunka to Kokumin Togo: Batik no Henyo
Katei o Chushin toshite [Ethnic Culture andNation-state: Focusing on the change of Batik
clothing]. Kokushikan Daigaku Kyoyo Ronshū,26International Symposium

variation]. In T. Yamada, & C. Koiso (eds.), Bunka
ga Orinasu Sekaino yosooi [Ethnic Clothingaround the World]. (pp.27-50). Kyoto: Eimeikikaku.

SELASA BERKEBAYA: WOMEN RECODE FASHION WITHIN THE
NATION AND EVERYDAY LIFE
Widjajanti M Santoso
National Research and Innovation Agency, Republic of Indonesia

1. Introduction
This

paper

discusses

2. The Herstory of the Kebaya
theSelasaBerkebaya

I use women’s standpoint because fashion is almost(henceforth, “Thursday Kebaya Day”) movement

entirely about women; indeed, it is the reproductivethat popularizes the kebaya not only as an easily

mechanism of femininity. Fashion is a force that has

wearable, formal and informal fashion apparel, forthe power to make people behave as the fashion

modern urban active women, but also points out

intends. Gilman described five functions of fashion,

its role in identity building. First, women have their

two of which are general and, and the other three are

own understanding of nationalism; unfortunately,

for women. Gilman viewed fashion from women’s

Taylor’s Women Creating Indonesia shows thatperspective; therefore, she was able to depict its

such contributions are invisible (Taylor 1997). Second,

meaning and function for both men and women.

women provide the greatest support for fashion inWestern women’s femininity was represented by

the construction of femininity as presenting ideals

the corset, skirt, and shoes, preventing women fromof beauty, manner, and attitude in accordance

moving freely.

with men’s values (Gilman 2002). We examine such

The kebaya itself has some traditional norms orconstructions in the public sphere, through images
shared in social media, as a method to understandand appreciate the role of the kebaya. The meaningof kebaya in herstory displays a love-hate relationshipwith colonialism, nationalism, and globalization. In
terms of the relationship to colonialism, traditional
dress shows some resistance to the West. This reflects
the consciousness that western tastes still influence
taste and preferences throughout the world (Adichie2017). In this instance, fashion is a scape (Appadurai
2006; Urry 2000) of globalization, the center of the
fashion is London, Italy, Paris, and New York. Fashionis also a scape of culture in Southeast Asia, where
the kebaya has become part of a contested identity.
This article begins with herstory from a women’s
standpoint, to construct a framework to capture
women’s agency, herstory, and social changewith respect to the kebaya, and then proceeds
to a description of the Thursday Kebaya Day as amovement, a way to express nationalism in everyday
life. It also exposes the change and continuity of
kebaya, as well as women’s attachment to femininity
and nationalism. In conclusion, regardless of why
women choose a particular fashion, whether for
comfort or to support social and political activities,
it is a valid choice whereby women express theirautonomy to some degree.

standards, or pakems (Puspitasari 2014). Originally,
the kain, which must be worn with a stagen or
corset function to secure the kain from falling, as
well as slimming the curves of the body. The kebaya
is usually worn with sandals or keloms rather thanwith shoes. The kebaya shows a lot of resemblance
to these fashions in reducing women’s mobility.
There is a long history of the kebaya, as an item ofdaily fashion, as

the specific fashions that camewith the introduction of Islam adopting habaya
taken from Arabic (Femina 2017). The Dutch colonial
government stipulated the kebaya as an itemof clothing in its social policy for native women,colonial women, and Chinese descendants (Claudia
et al. 2013). These kebaya have specific features,
whereby native women used flowery motifs, colonial
women used white ones with lace, and the Chinese
Peranakan used embroidery and bright solid colors.
In social terms (Simmel 1957), the kebaya is identified
with the upper class, and keraton, in fact it shows
empathy for women from other social classes.
Kebaya was represented as the image of the newcountry, as when Life magazine captured the imageof a young woman with a flower-type kebaya andan embroidered selendang covering her head
(Picture Life Magazine n.d.). The kebaya is a type of
blouse that is also used by several ethnic groups;
therefore, it expresses a multi-ethnic society and“Performing the Self and Playing with the Otherness:
Clothing and Costuming under Transcultural conditions”

27

diversity in Indonesia; it is also a part of traditional

as multiculturalism. This was the Thursday Kebaya

dress. As a consequence, we can view social change

Day, a movement initiated by some women who

through the kebaya, especially from the women’sview Indonesia as needing to celebrate the kebaya

perspective. It encapsulates a history that people

as part of its identity. They devoted great efforts toseldom see in which women are always in theraise interest in the movement, using social media

front line of nationalism. Through fashion, as trivial

and other digital platforms, as well as contacting

as people might consider it; it is at the core of theand inviting many institutions to take part andnation’s imagery.

offer support, such as the Direktorat Kebudayaan orDuring the colonial period, men’s clothes changed

Directorate General of Culture, Republic of Indonesia

from traditional to western styles faster than
women (Trismaya 2018). Taylor portrays the kebaya

Ministry of Education and Culture; some men wore
the udeng or traditional headband and otheras a symbol of national identity with which womentraditional items to support this movement.

represented Indonesia in the time of revolution and

To great surprise, there was some reaction against

the Old Order. Indeed, the kebaya was declared

this movement, by using meme diseminate throughas the national dress by Sukarno (Tan 2020); his

social media the phrased using religious words such

Japanese bride changed her dress from the kimono

as murtad, labeling the kebaya as contrary to Islamic

to kebaya. This, however, continued into the New

norms and values. At that time, this was something

Order when the first-lady Tien Soeharto used thethat would never have occurred to the participants

kebaya with the konde and slendang. The kebaya

as something that would provoke controversy, as thehas been used since by the other first ladies and has

women who participated in the Thursday Kebaya

become the most commonly used item of women’s

Day also covered their heads with hijab. Therefore, wewear on formal occasions, political inaugurations,need to ask what the controversy was really about,or special events until the present (Yuastanti andbe it resisting women’s activities, seeing the kebaya

Pamungkas 2016; Suciati 2016; Suciati et al. 2015).

as against Muslim fashion as marking a backlash

Obviously, when Joko Widodo endorses ethnic dress,

against gender equality or feminism in general.

the first lady follows suit; however, the kebaya isalways represented in formal photos or events, suchas political discussions or debates.
In everyday life, the kebaya lost in competition with
Western or modern fashion (Agus and Kahfiati 2013).
Such changes were shown in this advertisement for
the film “Tiga Dara” (1956), in which two women wear
western dresses and the third in a kebaya. In the
New Orders, kebaya was still used in advertisements;
however, it changed into jeans and modern fashion(Suwardikun et al. 2008). West influenced fashion
scapes, to adopt the phrasing of Appadurai (2006)
and Urry (2000).

4. Change and Continuity
The meaning of the kebaya has come to mean asocial change and is attached to the change of theregime. In fact, 1998 was a turning point for changes
ranging from the issue of democracy to participationin civil society. The Reformasi has been a movement
for the freedom of which kebaya fashion is a part.
The designers give kebaya and traditional cloth a
new meaning. Gea Panggabean, for example, brings
simplicity and beauty to the kebaya, Anne Avantie
exhibits kebaya that passes even further toward theavant garde fashion as a costume. The meaning of
the kebaya has expanded to fashion, widening its

3. Thursday Kebaya Day, the Movement

span from everyday life into costumes, grandeur, and

On June 25, 2019, the Jakarta new public space,luxury. The kebaya reflects Indonesia’s interpretation,

the MRT-Mass Rapid Transport, the monorail, andits beautiful and modern station were packed
with women wearing colorful kebaya. The call forparticipation uses the social media. The kebaya aremodern, and women used a variety of shoes, sandals,

such as by naming kebaya, even while transforming
the previous version of the pakem into a classy
costume. The kebaya also refers to formal andfashion apparel for events. At weddings, people use
the kebaya with modern touches, such as reframing

large hand bags, and backpacks. In this loosely

Muslim fashion.

defined rally or parade, the women wore sneakers,

In the market, the kebaya has been commoditizedsome rode bikes, or took photos and posted them onand examples are easily found with diverse fashionssocial media platforms. They also brought banners tothat still have some connection to the sources ofshow the kebaya was an expression of identity as well

the garment, such as kebaya kutu baru, kartini,

28

International SymposiumSunda, Bali, encim, or Betawi. The kebaya has alsoa contested identity to attract tourism and show the

been transformed into a type of Muslim fashion.

“true” identity.

Although it is interesting to view it in terms of theIn everyday life, the Thursday Kebaya Day makes aphilosophical background, market influence more.
At present, the pakem of kebaya has transformed
into “kebaya modern,” (modern kebaya), adapting
to special events. The kebaya uses many types offabrics and has moved away from the pakem, suchas the kain at present, could serve as a princess dress
or A line skirt. The kebaya top is now a type of blouse.

statement through the type of dress that actually
has been a special marker of identity for women; formen, this is more the role of the batik. It elevates the
everyday use of the kebaya as a formal dress, but stillallows some comfort in shoes, skirts, pants, or evenjeans. Women activists usually have slendang andother traditional clothes or accessories to indicate
their support for the women who produce the cloth.

5. Femininity and Nationalism as a Reflection
As has been shown, from one perspective, fashion isa force for femininity; fashion makes women accept
the norms and value of their society. The Reformasi
has been conducive to fashion, especially among

However, this had been scattered, and Thursday
Kebaya Day has made it public. This is once again
a mark of women supporting nationalism, as Taylor
explained.

the middle and upper classes, as shown by the avant

6. Concluding Remark

garde and luxurious kebaya fashion. To some extent,

The movement has shown that many women use

the fusion of the traditional and modern Western

the jilbab as a way to adapt the kebaya; therefore,

fashions in kebaya is widespread, as fashion is fluid,

women choose their fashion without turning theireasier to copy, and found in the market. At present,

backs on their beliefs and femininity. This reaction

kebaya is for everybody in a similar basic fashion,

not only shows the conservative turn that has beenthough differing in the accessories and fabric.

one indication of the increased influence of religion,

The Thursday Kebaya Day transformed fashion to

but also the backlash on women’s movement ininclude the associated meanings of modernity andthe contemporary social situation. Globalization
has challenged countries with blurred borders, andscapes have changed the meaning of nationalism.

general. The expressions of fashion, femininity,
and nationalism have been seen as engendering
religious meaning, which is not the case. Women
still accept their religion and their norms and values

The identity of nations that once could easily be

without abandoning it.

distinguished at present have come to have shared

Women who accept the general construction of

meanings, especially for countries in regions suchfemininity actually accept male perspectives that are

as Southeast Asia (Agista et al. 2019). We sharefar from comfortable. Therefore, the memes against

an identity in language, fashion, religion, norms,

the Thursday Kebaya Day reflect male perspectives

and values. Once it came to reflect the nation asof religiosity that once again see women captive toat present, it became a brand identity for the saketheir own norms and values. This movement exhibitsof tourism, for example. From the perspectives ofwomen’s agency in seeing that fashion is in keeping

scapes and globalization, traditional identity becomewith their own choices and again nationalism, ineveryday perspective.

“Performing the Self and Playing with the Otherness:
Clothing and Costuming under Transcultural conditions”

29

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RELIGIOUS DEMOCRATIZATION IN WEARING THE HIJAB:
A STUDY ON THE THEATER PERFORMANCE TITLED
ISLAM YANG MANA?1
Yustina Devi Ardhiani
Sanata Dharma University
1. Introduction

Mana? 3) Why did Fatayat Nahdlatul Ulama choose

This paper discusses a theatrical performance titledtheatrical performance as a medium to express theirIslam yang Mana?, translated as “Which Islam?”concerns?

The performance represents a phenomenon that

A book edited by Daniels (2013) tries to understandexamines how Muslim women are intimidated

howinto accepting hijab styles that are considered the

mediates piety in various ways and means. Its

most appropriate. This performance was enacted

writings try to explore the practices of esthetic forms

by the women’s theater group “Fatayat Nahdlatul

and how they construct, connect, and negotiate

Ulama” (Fatayat NU) of the Yogyakarta Special

with social relations and religious piety. In contrast

Region with the support of the Yogyakarta Actors

to the book, this paper explores how a religious

Forum. The performance was staged on July 3rd,organization, namely Fatayat NU, makes use of the2019 at the Taman Budaya Yogyakarta (Yogyakarta

theater performance stage as a medium to voice

Cultural Park) in celebration of the 69th anniversary

issues concerning religious life.

of Fatayat NU. The theatrical script for Islam yang

According to Khoiri (2019), when responding to

Mana? emerged from the discussions that took
place among the actors. There are three polemics
presented in this staged performance: 1) varietyof hijab styles, 2) polygamy, and 3) terrorism. This
research discusses only the first polemic, namely thevarious styles of headscarves and the accompanying
problems.

performanceinIndonesia

andMalaysia

a religious extremity, moderation appears to be
the only final solution to every problem. Khoiri
noted that, in the last two decades, the aspects ofIslamic violence in Indonesia have become more
massive and have gained great public attention.
The strengthening of Islamic fundamentalism inIndonesia further emphasizes the main challenges

Contextually, one of the principles followed by most

faced by this plural country. Thus, efforts should be

Muslims requires Muslim women to wear veils. There

made towards the preservation of unity in diversity.

are disagreements among fellow Muslims in relation

The moderation of Islam as an urgent need and theto the above, especially regarding the kind of hijabprevalence of extremism presents the emergence ofstyle considered the most correct in accordance toa paradoxical phenomenon in Indonesia.

their respective beliefs. This study mainly examines

The theater performance titled Islam yang Mana?

the intimidation experienced by Muslim women
who adhere to hijab styles that are different fromthat of their peers.

explicitly brings to focus the strengthening ofIslamic fundamentalism in Indonesia. The choice of
hijab style and how to wear it, which is considered

The study does not address as to which beliefs are

the most correct, is one of the manifestations of thisright or wrong; rather, it focuses on exploring thephenomenon. If Khoiri presents the idea of Islamic

following three questions: 1) How does the women’s

moderation as an answer to the problem of Islamicorganization, Fatayat Nahdlatul Ulama, represent

fundamentalism, the analysis in this paper borrows

the phenomenon that examines the intimidation

the idea of democracy from Jacques Rancière, whichof Muslim women to accept hijab styles that areis placed in the context of religious democracy.

considered the most appropriate through theatrical

Nurul Afifah (2018) wrote an article titled Pakaian

media? 2) What kind of social reality lies behind thepolemic concerning the various ways of wearing the
hijab in the theater performance titled Islam yang
1.

Syar’i, media, dan konstruksi kesalehan perempuan.
In this article, Afifah observes how media discourse

Many thanks to my friends at Fatayat Nahdlatul Ulama Yogyakarta Special Region who have beenvery helpful in this research process. All informants' names in this paper are pseudonyms.
“Performing the Self and Playing with the Otherness:
Clothing and Costuming under Transcultural conditions”

31

attracts

attention

andconstructs

women’s

by demos to verify or find equality in the dominant

understanding of syar’i clothing by using thesocial order. Democracy prioritizes dialog, rather

discourse analysis approach of Ernesto Laclau andthan violence. Rancière opposes intolerant groups

Chantal Mouffe. The results of her study reveal thewho demand leadership and social order based onfollowing: 1) the discourse on syar’i clothing on sociala particular religion or ethnicity, for they are notmedia is a form of social phenomenon in society,political, and they are not demos. In this research,

namely the emergence of a movement from certain

the concept of democracy is placed in the context

groups in the State of Indonesia 2) basically theseof religious democracy to observe the phenomenon

discourses are a form of hegemony towards clothesof living with intolerant groups that impose certainthat are considered not syar’i; and 3) these discourses

beliefs on others.

also indicate the existence of certain motives from

Data collection was carried out in several ways. I

the pro-syar’i group, namely demanding equality andrecognition as part of the cultures of Indonesians.

documented a staging poster Islam yang Mana?
made by the organizers as preliminary data about

The second inference from the results of Afifah’s

theatrical performances that I studied (Figure 1).

study, which indicates that the discourse on syar’i

I conducted field observations by watching theclothing is a form of hegemony towards clothes thattheatrical shows of Islam yang Mana? live. I madeare considered not syar’i is one of the footholds of thisvideo recordings, took some staging photos, andpaper. However, this study did not use hegemony

carried out literature and media searches. Following

theory in its analysis. The phenomenon presented

this, the screenwriters, directors, and performers

in the performance of Islam yang Mana? brings out

were invited to discuss about things related to their

the symbolic and verbal violence inflicted by certain

theatrical performances.

circles on others. This research is analyzed using
Michel Foucault’s “regimes of truth” (via Barker
2004) concept and Jacques Rancière’s concept of
democracy (via Indiyastutik 2016). Truth in cultural
studies is perceived as a matter of interpreting reality,
which can be considered true. Foucault does nottalk about truth, he speaks about certain regimes oftruth that regulate and combine various statements
concerning the world or reality, and in turn define
the knowledge that is supposed to be true. This is to
say that truth and knowledge are limited to a certain
time and space (Barker 2004).
The idea of a truth regime is supported by Richard
Rorty’s opinion (via Barker 2004), who says that
we cannot insist on maintaining a description oftruth, for truth is not final. What is believed to be

Figure 1: This picture is a staging poster Islam yang

the truth is very likely to change when faced with amana? used as a publication of Fatayat Nahdlatul

significant challenge, say in the form of ideas along

Ulama theater performance (PW Fatayat NU DIY

with arguments that can be accepted by several

2019).

circles. In this paper, the concept of truth regime isused for analyzing the phenomenon of forcing thetruth in the practice of religious life, which has been
represented in the performance.
Referring to Rancière (via Indiyastutik 2016), theessence of democracy is equality. Equality is thestarting point for examining the reality of democracy
in people’s lives. According to Rancière, democracy
is a power that has continuously fought against all
forms of domination by minority over the majority.
Democracy refers to a political action carried out

32

International Symposium

2. Results and Discussion
This section begins by narrating the story performedon stage to answer the formulation of the firstproblem. The second part answers the formulationof the second problem by describing the social
reality that lies behind the polemic of wearing the
hijab in various ways. The last section answers theformulation of the third problem by mapping thereasons Fatayat NU uses theater as a medium tovoice their anxieties.

2.1. The Paradox of Piety Coercion

introduce themselves by stating that the hijab style

This section is titled the paradox of imposing piety,they wear is the most appropriate as per the Islamic

for coercion and piety are the two opposites that arepresent together. The following is a scene narrative
related to the polemic of various hijab styles and theirvarious problems as an answer to the formulation of
the first problem.
The main character in the theater performance is
Melati, described as a young Muslim woman who
is active, cheerful, and loves art, especially music
and dance. She is also described as someone whoteachings. Initially, their greeting were friendly;
however, in the next scene, Melati, who was wearing
trousers, was constantly bullied, for her clothes wereconsidered to be incompatible with their Islamic
beliefs. Each of them tried to influence her to change
the way she dressed and to be like them. She wasvery annoyed by their attempts to persuade her,
which led to she eventually shouting at them to shut
up! This resulted in them not talking to her.

thinks and is critical of the problems that exist in
religious life. In the dialog presented on stage, Melati
expresses her concern about the term Syar’i, an
Arabic word, which means, according to the rules(sharia or religious law). On the one hand, Melati
is quite aware that the rules of human life include
human relations with God, humans, and the naturalenvironment. Melati also agrees that in Islam, hijab isseen as a syar’i garment, hence, as a Muslim woman,
Melati wants to dress in accordance to the Islamic

Figure 3: This image shows a scene when four

teachings. This desire indicates that the construction

friends of Melati came wearing different hijabof piety is in progress in Melati’s self, which she hasmodels (photo by Yustina Devi Ardhiani, 3 July 2021).

come to accept.
On the other hand, since there are various stylesof hijab, Melati is confused about making a choice(Figure 2). Melati worries that, if she chose the wrong
hijab style, her friends might bully her. She displayed
this concern by referring to data that proved thebullying of her friends by other friends, who weremembers of certain Islamic groups. Even though
Melati was unsure, she eventually chose a hijab stylethat she considered comfortable and appropriate forher religious beliefs.

The scene depicts how the regimes of truth
represented by the presence of four women wearing
four different hijab styles worked toward imposing
a believed interpretation on Melati. While Barker(2004) emphasized that truth and knowledge arelimited to a certain time and space, Rorty (via Barker
2004) emphasized on a description of truth, which
could not be forced on others. Fatayat NU shows the
opposite situation through the theater performance.
Just because she wore the hijab differently, Melati
became the target of bullies. Melati is shown to beunder siege and fighting against it simultaneously(Figure 4).

Figure 2: This image shows a scene in theperformance of Islam yang Mana? when Melati wasconfused about choosing the correct hijab model(photo by Yustina Devi Ardhiani, 3 July 2021).

Figure 4: This image shows a scene when four

The next scene depicts the four friends wearing

her hijab models (photo by Yustina Devi Ardhiani, 3

women were trying to influence Melati to change
different hijab styles visiting Melati (Figure 3). They

July 2021).

“Performing the Self and Playing with the Otherness:
Clothing and Costuming under Transcultural conditions”

33While the scene was hyperbolic, for it brought

Islamic teachings properly, her younger brothertogether four people from different groups trying

prayed for Lilin receiving immediate guidance fromto influence Melati, the scene was able to describe

Allah.

a phenomenon that transpired to real life. Several

Ninik narrates another incident that occurred

Islamic

groupswithdifferent

backgrounds

and ideologies try to increase their followers byinfluencing anyone who is considered as a potential
member of their group.

immediately after her marriage. She was misjudged
by her new family because the hijab style she wore
was different from that of theirs. Ninik was worried
that she would not fit into the family. This situation

One of the ways in which the groups represent theled her to rethink her religious teachings. She felt

truth regimes is by influencing the choice of hijabthat there was nothing wrong with her clothes, evenstyle worn by those who are their target. Melati isthough her hijab was not the same as that of others.

presented as a target, thus, it is up for grabs. She

The above phenomenon, which also occurs in many

expressed her anger through the loud screams andemotions seen on her face. Her anger expressed her
criticism of the Truth being forced on her.

places in Indonesia, proves that the truth regimes
tend to impose their point of view on how to dress,
which is considered to be more correct and inaccordance to the Islamic teachings. When a truth2.2. The Power of the Regime of Truth
The second research question, namely “What kindof social reality lies behind the polemic concerning
the different ways of wearing a hijab in the theater
performance titled Islam yang Mana?,” directs our
response to the following two phenomena:First, the issue of friendship is presented in theshow. In reality, the different choices of hijab styles
can potentially break friendships. In the focus groupregime acts to impose its will, conflict situations
are difficult to avoid. That was what Ninik and Rita
experienced among their friends, and what Lilin
experienced with her family.
2.3.

Voicing

Religious

Democracy

on

Stage

Performance
The answer to the third question, namely “Whydid Fatayat Nahdlatul Ulama choose theater as a

discussion, Ninik, who played Melati in theatricalmedium to express their anxiety?,” is as follows.

performance, said that she had an experience similar

Around 700 people attended the anniversary

to what she presented in the play. Rita, another actor

celebration of Fatayat Nahdlatul Ulama and watchedin the theatrical show, reported a similar experience.

the theater performance. Those who were present

There is another real story from Rita and Ninik. They

were mostly members of Fatayat NU in Yogyakarta,

had a close friend who suggested that Rita andstudents from several boarding schools, and a few

Ninik improve their dressing. She further advised

guests from various circles. They are the main target

them to break up with their boyfriends. They feltof the message that Fatayat Nahdlatul Ulama

uncomfortable with how she treated them andwanted to convey through the play Islam yangchose to break up their relationship with her. Rita

Mana?.

and Ninik mentioned that there were other friends

The audience looked enthusiastic about enjoying

who also experienced such a thing.

the theatrical performances of Islam yang Mana?.

Second, the issue of family relationships has been

The audience resonated the speech or actions ofpresented in the performance. In practice, thethe players in the show by shouting “Go on! Great!

differences in religious beliefs have the potential to

and Jangan Kasih Kendor!,” an Indonesian slang

disturb family harmony. There is a real story available

used for reverberating the spirit of not giving up. On

from Lilin. Her younger brother no longer wanted

the other hand, the audience would give a rumbling

to greet her owing to their differing opinions onsound like Huuu when disagreeing with the speech

Islamic teaching. When she told him about her

or actions of the performers. The spontaneousplan to continue her studies, he replied, “May God

remarks indicate how the audience participatedguide you on the right path, semoga segera dapat

in the play. While the extent of the audience’s

hidayah dari Allah.” This response further confirms

participation is limited to celetukan, an Indonesian

their views on how one can be religious. Lilin’s plan

word referring to interruption, there is chance thatto continue studying was not responded to, for it

the presented material might induce the audience

was not considered important. However, since Lilinto rethink on the issue of religious life presented in

was deemed as a person who did not carry out thethe play.

34

International Symposium

Does the phenomenon presented in the Fatayat

styles, with the implied messages and explicitly

NU performance represents a democratic life? The

voiced performances found in Islam yang Mana?,

answer is undemocratic because, when referring

is expected to be the beginning of the realization of

to Rancière’s ideas, the essence of democracy

democratization in religious life.

is equality. There was no equivalence in thephenomena presented. The power relationship isvery visible in the performance. On one hand, there
are four women who represent the presence of truth

References
1.

konstruksi kesalehan perempuan [Islamic

regimes in the name of Islamic law; on the otherclothing, media and constructions of female

hand, Melati represents those who are under siege
and are fighting oppression.
Having watched the theatrical performance ofpiety], Jurnal Sosiologi Reflektif, 13(1), pp. 51-63.
2.

other hand, those who participated in the play were

Sage Publications.
3.

Daniels, T. (Ed.). (2013). Performance, popular
culture, and piety in Muslim Southeast Asia.

aware of the problem. If democracy is understood

New York: Palgrave Macmillan.

as a force that is constantly fighting against all
forms of minority domination over the majority,

Barker, C. (2004). The sage dictionary of cultural
studies. London: Thousand Oaks, New Delhi:

Islam yang Mana?, the story disturbs me because itshows a lack of tolerance toward religious life. On the

Afifah, N. (2019). Pakaian syar’i, media dan

4.

Indiyastutik, S. (2016). Demokrasi radikalthen whoever taking part in the performance ismenurut Jacques Rancière [Radical democracy

struggling to achieve equality, which is the essenceaccording to Jacques Rancière], Diskursus-of democracy. Furthermore, if dialog is the priority of

Jurnal Filsafat dan Teologi STF Driyarkara, 15(2),democracy, Fatayat NU is striving for the realization

pp. 130-166. https://journal.driyarkara.ac.id/index.

of democratic religious life through non-violent

php/diskursus/article/view/31

theater performances.

5.

Khoiri, A. (2019). Moderasi Islam dan akulturasi

What I see, experience, and feel shows how

budaya: Revitalisasi kemajuan peradaban Islam

extraordinary a play is. Thus, I agree with Fatayat

nusantara [Islamic moderation and cultural

Nahdlatul Ulama Yogyakarta, who used theater asacculturation: Revitalizing the progress ofa medium to communicate the various problems

the Islamic civilization of the archipelago],that are faced in religious life. Theater proved to be a

Islamadina: Jurnal Pemikiran Islam, 20(1), pp.

medium for voicing humanitarian issues. Theatrical

1-17.

performance has the potential to invite the audience
to rethink on an issue without teaching, rebuking,

6.

PW Fatayat NU DIY [@pwfatayatnudiy]. (2021[2019], June 1). Pementasan Teater “Islam yang

and hurting others. Performers, thus, deserve

Mana?” [The theater performance “Which

the right to place theater as a medium to reflect

Islam?”]. https://fatayatdiy.com/kajian/budaya/

humanity.

pementasan-teater-islam-yang-mana/
7.

Rancière, J. (2011). The thinking of dissensus:

3. Concluding Remarks

Politics and aesthetics, In P. Bowman, & R.

This research demonstrates that an act of imposing

Stamp (Eds.), Reading Rancière (pp. 1-17).

religious truths on others runs the risk of ruining
friendships,

familyharmony,

andpeacefulLondon, New York: Continuum International
Publishing Group.

community life. This situation gradually paralyzes
democracy in the life of religion. The principle
adhered by Fatayat NU organization, which is thesame principle adhered by Nahdlatul Ulama, is to
uphold tolerance, respect differences, and upholdthe tradition of observing and understanding Islamicteachings in the context of Indonesian culture. Thus,
Fatayat NU accepts the different ways in which
Muslim women wear the hijab and try to fight for a
democratic religious life through theater media. The
openness to appreciate the various kinds of hijab“Performing the Self and Playing with the Otherness:
Clothing and Costuming under Transcultural conditions”

35

PERFORMING SELF, OTHERNESS, OR “OURNESS?”: BALINESEDANCE AND ITS COSTUMES IN JAKARTA
Yukako Yoshida
Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa
Tokyo University of Foreign Studies
1. Introduction: The bilateral characteristics ofFurthermore, a costume communicates something

costumeabout its wearer, defining who you are and impactingThis study focuses on Balinese dance and its

your social relations. For instance, by wearing a hijab,

costumes. The dictionary defines the term “costume”
in two ways: (1) “A set of clothes in a style typical ofa particular country or historical period,” (2) “A setof clothes worn by an actor or performer for a role”(Pearsall 1999: 323).
The presentations in this symposium deal withkimonos,

kebaya,hijab,

Muslimmasks,

stage

costumes, and cosplay. Some of these clothes fit into
the first definition, while others do not. However, it
seems all of them fit in the second definition if we
consider the terms “performer” or “performance” in a
broader sense to include ideas, such as performative
behaviors that act out certain social roles. As many
examples introduced in our symposium indicate,daily costumes can function as the medium throughwhich people “perform” their social, religious, oryou may be perceived as representing a modern
Indonesian Muslim, while by wearing a fancy kimono
and walking clumsily, you could be perceived as
someone who loves the Japanese tradition. Costumes
also physically restrict or support movements
thereby controlling the wearer’s activities.
Let us imagine what happens when you wear aminiskirt; you cannot sit on the ground and would
need to be careful where and how you sit. Costumes
also define where one can and cannot be. In Jakarta
and Bali, foreigners are welcome to enter a Hindu
temple as long as they wear traditional clothing(pakaian adat) and tie a sash (selendang) aroundtheir waists, which is especially important. You
cannot enter the temple without wearing a sash,
even if you are a Hindu worshiper. In short, costumes

national identities. Such performance throughdefine the identity of the wearers.

clothing seems to be important in Indonesia, where

With these capacities of costumes in mind, thisthe use of both Western and traditional clothing is

study focuses on the traditional Balinese dance ofcommon, and detailed clothing rules or etiquette

Indonesia and its costumes, particularly, for the caserelated to religions exist. Therefore, people carefullyof Jakarta, where the majority of learners are non-choose what they wear according to their social

Balinese, given that Balinese dances and costumes

settings (e.g., see Kagami 2000: 8; Keane 2005: 195).

were originally steeped in Balinese culture andOn the other hand, one can also wear a costume that

Hindu practices. This study discusses how thecan make one look entirely different from who theyare. Cosplay is an extreme example of changing one’s
appearance using a costume through which people
can transform themselves into fictitious characterssocial, cultural, and religious identities of nonBalinese dancers conflict with, or are compromised
or influenced by the “otherness” of Balinese dancesand costumes.

from movies, manga to anime. Kimonos worn byforeigners may be perceived as a kind of cosplay.
Before the COVID-19 pandemic hit, many foreign
tourists wore kimonos while walking around Kyoto.
By wearing traditional clothes from other cultures,
foreign tourists can enjoy an exotic appearance thatsuits the atmosphere of historical sites in the oldcapital. Therefore, wearing costumes has bilateralcharacteristics in that, while costumes are closely
related to self-identity, they also enable people todistance themselves from their own identity andexperience “otherness.”

36

International Symposium

2. The “Otherness” in Balinese dance costumes
Each Balinese dance has a particular costume thatreflects the story’s setting and the attributes of
the characters described in the dance. In a sense,
for every performer, a costume is a tool to become
the “other” since by wearing these costumes, aperformer can transform into a prince, a warrior, ora bird in paradise.
My research reveals that costumes for Balinese
dance carry three levels of “otherness” for children
in Jakarta:

(1) Physical restriction or constraint: A costume

Balinese people say that a sacred headdress brings

not only signifies or describes the character beinga supernatural aura or charisma called “taksu” to its

played but also works on the wearer’s physical body.1

wearer. A dancer holds a consecration ritual when

When wearing a dance costume, their movements

they get a headdress, gives offerings to it before

are physically restricted. For example, a tightly

every performance, and prays to earn support fromwrapped skirt (kamen) restricts step length. Whenan unseen spirit that resides in the headdress.

you first wear an unfamiliar costume, you feel like

Usually, non-Balinese performers see this practice as

you are deprived of freedom and manipulated bysomething beyond their customs or beliefs, so they

the costume. However, this restriction also serves as

tend to avoid consecration.

a guide. For example, a basic posture called “agem,”(3) Revealing costumes: In addition, non-Balinese,shown in Figure 1, is much easier to achieve when
one is wearing a wrapped skirt as it determines how
far apart the wearer can place their legs.

especially Muslim female dancers, encounter aparticular “otherness” within revealing costumes. I
will elaborate on this point in the next section.

It should be noted that for such wrapped skirts, thesefirst appear as unfamiliar garments, especially forchildren in Jakarta. Balinese traditional cloth includes
a wrapped skirt. Therefore, in Bali, where religious
and communal activities are so commonplace,people are accustomed to wearing such skirts, as
they need to dress appropriately for every ritual aswell as for other secular formal occasions. On theother hand, children in Jakarta have fewer suchopportunities. Most beginners, especially those whoare non-Balinese, cannot even wear it without theirinstructors’ help.

3. Balinese aesthetics and Muslim ethics
Muslims often consider Balinese costumes too“skimpy” or too revealing. Faced with this conflict
between Balinese esthetics and Islamic gendernorms, Muslim female dancers have created several
solutions, one of which is modification of costumes.
Nowadays, an increasing number of dancers wear ahijab and long-sleeved shirts on stage to cover theirbodies. They tend to choose items with a color thatmatches their hair or skin so that those additional
garments become less visible. They sometimes use
stockings, instead of a long-sleeved shirt, to cover
their arms. Balinese dances, in which these typesof clothes are worn, are sometimes called “tariBali syariah,” meaning Balinese dance compliant
with Islamic teachings (Djelantik 2016). While thismodification is generally considered acceptable
in Jakarta, some people, both Balinese and nonBalinese, insist this reduces the aesthetic value of
performances. Compared to Jakarta, such critics
seem to be more common in Bali, where Muslims
are a small minority.
Second, there are also those who avoid revealing
costumes. Some Balinese dance genres havecostumes that are less revealing than others, which iswhy some Muslim girls may limit their performances

Figure 1: A girl adopting agem, a basic posture ofBalinese dance.
(2) Sacredness associated with headdresses: In
Bali, dancers often consecrate their headdresses.

1.

to genres such as legong in Figure 1. Miss. M, who had
a Javanese mother and Sundanese father, was oneof the most popular dancers in Jakarta at the time of
my research. This Muslim woman (aged 23) explainedthat although she does not wear a hijab daily, she will

Examining Western theater, Margolies (2016: 12) argues a material object used in a performance

functions both as “text and constraint.” These objects, including costumes and shoes, are attached withmeanings to be “read” by both performer and audience, while limiting and regulating wearer’s movement
and posture (Margolies 2016: 14). “They encourage certain movement while discouraging others” (Margolies
2016: 14).
“Performing the Self and Playing with the Otherness:
Clothing and Costuming under Transcultural conditions”

37

start doing so when she gets married. She said she

characters they often portray on stage become a partplans to quit performing dances in skimpy costumesof themselves. Mrs. Lia (alias) is a professional dancer

at that time and will continue dancing legong andand instructor whose parents were originally fromother dances with costumes that cover her body

Sumatra. She explained that her friends sometimes(Interview with Miss M., September 7, 2019).

call her “Lia Bali,” which means “Balinese Lia” or “LiaAnother solution is to be less strict about Islamicof Bali” (Interview with Mrs. Lia, September 11, 2019).

teaching regarding dress. Several Muslim dancers,
especially those who pursue their careers in Balinese
dance at professional level, told me that theydecided not to wear a hijab in daily life since wearing
the hijab daily and removing it when they perform
would be unethical. To maintain consistency, they do
not wear a hijab both on and off the stage. This third

This case demonstrates that identity is perceived
in a relative manner. Lia is not of Balinese descent,but to her non-Balinese friends, she is surely more
“Balinese” because she has devoted herself toBalinese dance and is surrounded by other Balinese
dancers. What we need to discuss is not so muchwhether a dancer is Balinese, but rather how muchsolution shows that costumes not only transformand in what way one becomes Balinese.

the wearer on stage but can also affect her daily

In addition to such ethnic identity, we should

religious practices.

consider the state of Balinese dance as a part of theIndonesian cultural heritage. Many non-Balinese

4. “Self” as affected and constructed by costumeand dance
Over

the

courseoftraining

andrepeated

performances, costumes can affect or even construct“who you are” at both the physical and social levels.
Years of training can transform the shape, posture,and movement of a dancer’s body. In addition, to fit
better in a costume, dancers may actively change
their body by dieting, using make-up, growing theirhair, and so on.
Moreover, one also experiences changes in social
relations. Balinese instructors often invite non-Hindu
learners to dance in Hindu temple festivals in andaround Jakarta. By repeatedly performing at suchrituals, these learners are gradually introduced to thespaces and communities of Balinese Hindus.

dancers in Jakarta stated that they see Balinese
dance as a part of their national heritage, and thus,“our culture.” Some learn to perform Balinese dance
abroad because, according to them, the danceis internationally famous so it is a useful means torepresent their nation when they get a chance
to study or live abroad. Here, we again find that
identity is relative. A Balinese costume that signifies“otherness” can also be a part of a dancer’s identity ifthey are performing in front of a foreign audience. Inthat context, Balinese dance and its costume makes
the performer more Indonesian.
5. Conclusion
For non-Balinese dancers and learners, the sense ofself, “otherness,” and “ourness” co-exist in a costume.
A costume that transforms one into a completely
different character can eventually become an
indispensable part of oneself. This multiplicity of
costumes is seemingly related to the multiplicity
or plurality of the self, as mentioned by Dr. Kono
in his keynote speech (Kono 2022). By wearing
various costumes, reshaping their bodies, modifying
their costumes, and adjusting their daily clothingpractices, dancers repeatedly measure the distance
between themselves and others. This process can be

Figure 2: A dance performance at a Hindu temple
festival in Bekasi, west of Jakarta city.

seen as an example of what Dr. Kono referred to as“affirmation of one’s plurality and potential” (Kono
2022: 22). This research demonstrated that a costume
actively affects the wearer’s physical body, social

Regardless of whether the dancer is of Balinese

relations, and identities. By surrendering oneself todescent, they gradually get familiarized with theirsuch agency of costumes, dancers playfully explore

costumes. Advanced performers feel that dancing

their plurality and potential.

is an indispensable part of their lives and that the

38

International SymposiumReferences
1.

Djelantik, B. (2016, December 18). Membahas
Kontroversi Tari Bali Syariah. BaleBengong:
media warga berbagai cerita.
https://balebengong.id/membahas-kontroversitari-bali-syariah/

2.

Kagami, H. (2000). Seisaku Bunkano Jinruigaku[anthropology of political culture]. Kyoto: Sekai
Shisosha.

3.

Keane, W. (2005). Signs are not the garb of
meaning: On the social analysis of material
things. In D. Miller (Ed.), Materiality (pp. 182–
205). Durham and London: Duke University
Press.

4.

Kono, T. (2022). Clothing as an extension of
the body: A Phenomenology of clothing
under transcultural conditions. In Y. Yoshida,
R. Rastati, & M. Goto (Eds.), Proceedings of theInternational Symposium “Performing the Self
and Playing with the Otherness: Clothing and
Costuming under Transcultural Conditions”(16-22). Tokyo: ILCAA Tokyo University of Foreign
Studies.

5.

Margolies, E. (2016). Props. London: Palrave.

6.

Pearsall, J. (Ed.). (1999). The Concise Oxford
Dictionary. 10th ed. New York: Oxford University
Press.

“Performing the Self and Playing with the Otherness:
Clothing and Costuming under Transcultural conditions”

39

HIJAB COSPLAY: WHEN MUSLIM WOMENEMBRACE FAN CULTURE
Ranny Rastati
National Research and Innovation Agency, Republic of Indonesia

Introduction: The Practice of Cosplay in Indonesia

Even so, there are also cosplayers who share their daily

In this paper, I will discuss the hijab cosplay

activities on social media. However, this occurred1

phenomenon in Indonesia based on ethnography
research in Jakarta, Depok, and Bandung.
Cosplay was introduced in Indonesia in the late90s, albeit in a limited scope. It was only in theearly 2000s that cosplay began to attract a wider
audience through Japanese cultural events held at
schools, colleges, and universities. Some of the firstgeneration Indonesian cosplayers, such as Pinky
Lu Xun and Orochi X, helped popularize cosplay,
particularly among young people.
At the beginning, Indonesian cosplayers mostly
cosplayed characters from Japanese anime andvideo games. This is because Japanese pop culture
products such as anime and drama have been widely
broadcast on Indonesian national television fromthe late 70s to the 90s. Later, in the 2010s, charactersfrom Western pop culture, such as Harry Potter andthe Avengers, were heavily cosplayed. For cosplayers,
there are at least three things that are at the coreof cosplay: costume quality, the cosplayer’s ability toimpersonate the character, and performance skill.
In Indonesia, if someone decides to become acosplayer, it does not mean that they will reveal theiridentity as a cosplayer to their family and friends.
During my research, the majority of the informants
admitted that they first kept their identity as
cosplayers a secret. They worry that their parents willafter a long period of time, when cosplay became
more familiar to Indonesians. The high penetrationof social media has made some cosplayers famous.
They are known as celebrity cosplayers, who serve as
brand ambassadors and guest judges at the mostanticipated cosplay events (Rastati 2020: 146-147). Of
course, the social identity of celebrity cosplayers hasturned them into influential cosplayers.
There are several variants of cosplay that arepracticed in Indonesia, including cross-dressing,indocosu, and hijab cosplay (Rastati 2020: 147-149).
Cross-dressing (also known as crossplay) is a cosplay
practice performed by cosplaying characters thatare opposite to one’s own gender. Cross-dressing
began in 2004 and became popular in 2009.
However, cross-dressing is currently less common
because it is less accepted by the public. Meanwhile,
indocosu, in which cosplay is practiced based on thecharacteristics of Indonesian pop culture, became
popular in the period 2009–2010. At that time, there
was an emerging effort in Indonesia to introduce
characters from animations and television shows.
Afterward, hijab cosplay began to be practiced by
Muslim women who wished to cosplay without
removing their hijab. This phenomenon appeared in
the period 2012–2014. Since then, hijab cosplay has
been found in many cosplay events.

not allow them to cosplay and are afraid of being
teased by their friends, since cosplay is considered
an immature, cringe-worthy hobby.
Indonesian cosplayers generally have a stage nameto conceal their real names. The pseudonym tends to
be Japanese or an alias that has some philosophicalsignificance. Apart from that, on various occasions, I
met cosplayers that appeared in very different styles
during events versus in daily life. Since cosplayers
rarely disclose their personal information to the
public, many have dedicated social media accounts
that are used to display cosplay photos only.
1
40

Figure 1: Cosplay & Hijab Cosplay Event in Malaysia

Hijab means a veil or head scarf used by a Muslim woman to cover her hair and chest.
International Symposium

(Location: Subang, Malaysia)

costume and personality. For this reason, hijabcosplay is more suitable as a fashion than as aPros and Cons of Hijab Cosplay

cosplay variety.

The emergence of hijab cosplay in Indonesia isbelieved to have been influenced by the Hijabers
Community, which was formed in 2010. The Hijabers
Community is a community of Muslim women who
promote fashionable and modern hijab styles. The
image of the hijab, which, in its traditional form,
is considered conservative and far from trendy,
slowly changed into something chic and stylish.
As a result, awareness of wearing the hijab among
young Muslim women has also increased. The hijabcosplay phenomenon appeared as a response to thereligious awareness of young people who wanted tochannel their hobbies without neglecting Islamicteachings.
The emergence of new styles of hijab raises pros
and cons. Stylish hijabs are considered inappropriate
because they are not in accordance with Islamic
sharia2 or Islamic law. Unlike the stylish hijab, theshar’i3 hijab style is loose and modest; it covers
the entire body and is perceived as unattractive.
Meanwhile, the stylish hijab comes in a variety ofcolors, is attractive, and does not cover the wholebody. As a result, Muslim women who wear thestylish hijab are considered less Islamic than those
who wear the shar’i hijab.
Ironically, women who are not wearing a hijab are
considered inferior to or less Islamic than women
who wear it. However, hijabi, who wear flower
ornaments and makeup, are also considered less
Islamic by other groups who use different styles ofhijab. Sometimes, people judge the other negatively.4(Wahid 2016).
Hijab cosplayers have also experienced a similar
polemic. Since its introduction, hijab cosplay has
generated debate regarding its pros and cons
within the cosplay community and with respect tothe general public. Regarding cons, on the premisethat adding a religious symbol (hijab) to a characteris a careless act, hijab cosplay is considered to failto present the character according to the original

Figure 2: Hijab cosplay as Kanna Kamui from anime
Miss Kobayashi’s Dragon Maid (Location: Bandung,Indonesia)
On the other hand, regarding pros, it is argued thathijab cosplay is a solution for Muslim women whowant to participate in cosplay without neglecting
their identity as Muslims. Hijab cosplay shows thatthe hijab does not limit creativity. Moreover, cosplay
is a hobby that can be taken up by anyone, regardlessof nationality and religion. Hijab cosplayers display
limitless creativity because of their ability to modify
their costumes and make them appropriate forMuslim women.
When I did hijab cosplay for the first time, around 2011,
other cosplayers saw me as strange. I was ignored
and isolated. Of course, I felt a lack of confidence andinsecurity. Then, I saw hijab cosplayers cosplaying as
Hatsune Miku at Hobbyfest in 2012. When I saw her,
I was motivated to continue cosplaying. I want toshow others that we do not have to remove our hijabwhen cosplaying. (Rastati 2015: 381)
There are many questions about whether cosplay

2.

Sharia law is a code for living that includes prayer, fasting, zakat (a donation to the poor), hijab, etc.

3.

Shar’i means being in accordance with the Islamic teaching

4.

Original version in Indonesian language: “Ironis yah, ketika perempuan yang tidak berkerudung

dianggap lebih rendah, atau tidak cukup Islam, dibanding dengan perempuan yang menggunakan jilbab.
Tapi kemudian, perempuan yang menggunakan jilbab, lalu memakai riasan bunga-bunga, memakai makeup, tetap dianggap kurang Islam, oleh kelompok lain yang misalnya menggunakan jilbab dengan gayayang berbeda. Kadang-kadang semua orang seperti saling memandang orang lain itu buruk.”“Performing the Self and Playing with the Otherness:
Clothing and Costuming under Transcultural conditions”

41and hijab cosplay contradict Islamic teachings.

is therefore unnecessary to cover the chest. On

Some argue that it is indeed contradictory because

the other hand, shar’i hijab cosplay only matchessome manga and anime have haram elements,

the hijab’s color with the character’s hair color.

such as sexiness, alcohol consumption, and LGBT.

Furthermore, in shar’i hijab cosplay, the costumes

In Indonesia, there is no fatwa,5 except from theare looser, pants are often replaced with long skirts,

Indonesian Ulema Council (Majelis Ulama Indonesia

and the cosplayers wear socks.

or MUI), which specifically prohibits cosplay. This isdifferent from cosplay in Malaysia, which is prohibitedby the Wilayah Persekutuan Mufti, Datuk Dr. Zulkifli
Mohamad al-Bakri (Bossgeek, 2018), who argue that
cosplay is haram,6 especially if it shows off the awrah
and resembles another religion’s deity.
Although there is no fatwa yet, Muslim cosplayers
should pay attention to other fatwas that might
be related to cosplay activities. For example, there
are fatwas related to the prohibition of using
other religious attributes7 and those prohibiting
pornography and porno-action8 as well as LGBTbehavior.9 These fatwas can serve as a guideline forMuslim cosplayers in choosing characters to cosplay,according to Islamic teachings.
Over time, hijab cosplayers emerged, promoting
cosplay costumes in accordance with Islamic
sharia. One of the groups actively promoting sharia
cosplay costumes is the Islamic Otaku Community(IOC). The IOC has a special team to design cosplay

Hijab Cosplay as Islamic Dawah (Preaching Islam)
Regardless of the arguments against hijab cosplay,some uztads or Islamic preachers use cosplay as a
medium for preaching Islam. For instance, Ustad
Marzuki Imron is known as Ustadz Naruto. On
various occasions, he has cosplayed Naruto whenpreaching at the mosque. His actions have attracted
attention, which has encouraged many people toattend Islamic lectures.
At present, the old-fashioned style of dawah, which
is traditionally delivered at mosques and formal
institutions, does not have sufficient appeal to attract
youth. To adapt to the modern era, dawah’s style has
undergone several adjustments. Consequently, it has
begun to penetrate informal communication media,
including social media and pop culture products
such as animation and cosplay.

costumes to suit Islamic law, such as costumes with

Concluding Remarks

hijabs that cover the chest and loose costumes. This

Almostdemonstrates that hijab cosplay can be classified into

introduction of hijab cosplay. Hijab cosplay is now

two types: stylish and shar’i. The difference between

not only performed in Muslim majority countries likethe two can be seen in the style of costumes. The

Indonesia and Malaysia, but also in Muslim minority

costume worn in stylish hijab cosplay is quite similarcountries like the United Kingdom. The hijab cosplay

to the original character’s appearance. For example,

phenomenon shows that dawah can be performed

the shape of the hijab is made so that it resembles

through cosplay. Hijab cosplay can also be a solution

the character’s hairstyle as closely as possible; itfor Muslim women who want to channel their cosplay

5.

one

decadehas

passedsince

theFatwa means interpretation or legal opinion on a point of Islamic law given by a qualified mufti or

jurist in response to a question posed by an individual, judge, or government. In Indonesia, fatwas are issued
by the Indonesian Ulema Council or Majelis Ulama Indonesia.
6.

Haram means forbidden or proscribed by Islamic law.

7.

Fatwa Majelis Ulama Indonesia 56 Year 2016 regarding the Law on Using Non-Muslim Religious

Attributes, https://mui.or.id/wp-content/uploads/files/fatwa/Fatwa-MENGGUNAKAN-ATRIBUT-AGAMA-LAIN.
pdf (Accessed 29 Dec 2020)
8.

Fatwa Majelis Ulama Indonesia 287 Year 2001 regarding the prohibition of drawing/making

something erotic, showing awrah, and depicting sexual scenes, https://mui.or.id/wp-content/uploads/files/
fatwa/28.-Pornografi-dan-Pornoaksi.pdf (Accessed 29 Dec 2020).
9.

Fatwa Majelis Ulama Indonesia 57 Year 2014 regarding Lesbians, Gays, Sodomy, and Fornication,

https://mui.or.id/wp-content/uploads/files/fatwa/Lesbian-Gay-Sodomi-dan-Pencabulan.pdf
Dec 2020)

42International Symposium(Accessed29

hobbies while fulfilling their religious obligation towear the hijab.
The wave of Islamization and the growing Muslim
middle class have inspired Muslims to take control
of popular cultural production (Hariyadi 2010). It isessential that dawah’s style adapts to the current
generation. Dawah is not limited to a fixed set of
preaching actions, such as Islamic lectures andQuran recitations; it also includes activities thathighlight sartorial symbols of Islam, such as the hijab
for women and the takiyah (cap) for men.
References
1.

Bossgeek. (2018 January 6). Cosplay is haramaccording to this Mufti. The Hyped Geek.
Retrieved from https://thehypedgeek.com/
looks-like-cosplay-is-haram-according-to-thismufti-everything-is-haram-lah/2.

Hariyadi. (2010). Islamic Popular Culture andthe New Identity of Indonesian Muslim Youths.
In Morrell, E. and Barr, M.D. (Eds.), Crises andOpportunities: Proceedings of the the 18th
Biennial Conference of the Asian Studies
Association of Australia (pp. 1-13). Canberra:
Asian Studies Association of Australia (ASAA) Inc
and the University of Adelaide.

3.

Rastati, R. (2015). Dari soft power Jepang hingga
hijab cosplay [From Soft Power Japan to Hijab
Cosplay. Jurnal masyarakat dan budaya LIPI,
17 (3), pp. 371-388, Retrieved from http://jmb.lipi.
go.id/index.php/jmb/article/view/326.

4.

Rastati, R. (2020). Indonesian Cosplay
Tourism. In T. Yamamura, & P. Seaton (Eds.),
Contents Tourism and Pop Culture Fandom(Transnational Tourist Experiences) (pp. 144158). Bristol: Channel View Publications.

5.

Wahid, I. (2016 December 5). Tren jilbab
yang berkembang saat ini mempengaruhi
perempuan Muslim untuk berkudung, menurut
pengusaha busana [The Current Hijab Trend is
Influencing Muslim Women to Wear the Veil,
According to Fashion Entrepreneurs]. BBC
NEWS. Retrieved from https://www.bbc.com/
indonesia/indonesia-38074594“Performing the Self and Playing with the Otherness:
Clothing and Costuming under Transcultural conditions”

43

MASKING CULTURE AND ASSOCIATED IDENTITIES:THE CASE OF SOUTHERN IRAN
Manami Goto
Japan Society for the Promotion of Science/ Tokyo University of Foreign Studies

1. Masking Culture in the Persian Gulf

2. The Face Mask: A Legacy of the Portuguese

As a result of the current worldwide Covid-19

Occupation?

pandemic, “masking” one’s face became the norm,

While some researchers believe the face mask’seven in countries where surgical masks were notorigin lies in the Arabian Peninsula or India, local

previously commonly used in daily life. In the Gulf,

literature and folklore both suggest that it originates

however, the use of face masks has long been afrom southern Iran, namely, the Qeshm Island (Aldiverse and unique practice. This article introduces aAzzi, 1990:19; Anjamrūz 1992; Yassavoli 1993: 130;

discussion of the little-known aspects of the maskingKhaṭībīzādh 2010: 73). Local anecdotal evidence

tradition in southern Iran.

claims that Portuguese soldiers harassed local girls

The female face mask, locally known as the burquʿ

and women when they captured the coastal area andor batūle, has played an important role in the coastalsocieties of the Persian Gulf for more than 500 years.
For most of this period, women were expected tostart wearing this face mask at the onset of puberty
or on their wedding day and continue to wear it
throughout their lifetimes. This unique regional
material culture has not been studied in depth, andthe significance of face masks for women and thesocieties they belong to has been underestimated.
The female face mask is sometimes conceived in
the Iranian context as part of the provincial dressof a minority group and is occasionally portrayed as
an object signifying backwardness and inhibiting
the modernization of society. However, it has aislands of southern Iran in the early sixteenth century.
In response, to deceive the Portuguese, the women
replaced the previously worn simple cloth veil witha face mask imitating a male moustache (Figure 1).
Since then, the face mask has evolved with different
shapes. Each is made by hand to fit the wearer’s face,
and the mask’s shape, color, material, and design
signify the wearer’s age, residence, marital status,
ethnic group, religious or tribal affiliation, numberof children, and socio-economic status (Maḥbtī,2010: 73). The distinctive features of the face mask
are named after places or ethnic groups, such asmuqāmī (‫) ُمقامى‬, ḥumīrānī (‫حمرياىن‬ُ ), ‘arabī (‫) َع َرىب‬, qaṭarī
(‫)قَطَرى‬, and sikānī (‫( ) ِسکاىن‬Maḥbtī 2010: 73).

fascinating design, history, and purpose.

The fieldwork data collected by the author between

Many different types of face coverings have been

2014 and 2016 indicate that the spread of the face

adopted and used by women in the Middle East;
however, what distinguishes the burquʿ or batūlefrom other face coverings is its unique shape andmaterial. Their most significant characteristic is awooden or plastic piece inserted in the middle of themask, lifting the nose part, retaining its design andshape, and facilitating breathing (Abu Saud 1984: 54;
Al Azzi 1990: 19). When going out, women generally
wear a multi-colored, patterned over-garment calleda chādur that covers the entire body. Women usually
first cover their hair with a black fabric, jilbīl, wrappedaround the head, and then attach a face mask withmask in Iran is concentrated in the Hormozgan
Province, reaching almost to its boundaries, with alarger concentration along the coastal areas. Within
this boundary, the face masks can be roughly divided
into two categories: the golden/indigo face mask
(Figure 1) and the colorfully embroidered Balochiface mask (Figure 2). The former is commonly usedin the upper Hormozgan, whereas the latter is seenin the lower part amongst Balochis. Both types are
believed to have been introduced later in eastern
Arabia as well as in East Africa, through the exchangeof people and goods.

strings on each side, tied at the back of the head.
Wearing the face mask is also strongly associatedwith honor, piety, and pride. Hence, the face mask
is not simply a means of concealment; it is a visual
symbol of a woman’s identity.

44

International Symposium

3. Concealment or Beautification?
The materials and shapes of the face masks differ
by place as well as their functions. These functions
can be categorized into four broad aspects: social,physical, religious, and cultural. The social function

explanation:is to distinguish marriageable women from thoseIt [the burquʿ] has gradually become more beautiful

who are already married. Women are traditionally
expected to adopt the face mask upon their first
menstruation. However, single women mainly wear
a simple dark-colored version. When women marry,
they are allowed to adopt brightly colored and richly
decorated versions of the face mask and sometimes
attach gold ornaments to the strings on the sidesof their masks. Therefore, wearing the female facemask not only preserves feminine modesty whileproviding women with freedom of movement inpublic, but it also signals the wearer’s availability for
marriage without the question being asked.
The face mask is also used to protect the face fromthe strong sunlight and heat in the Persian Gulf,
where summer temperatures can exceed 50°C.
Simultaneously, it can disguise unattractive facial
features such as wrinkles, blotches, and occasionallyeven the lack of teeth, while emphasizing otherfeatures, such as eyes circled with black eyeliner, for
the wearer to appear younger and more beautiful.
Therefore, the older a wearer gets, the larger the facemask becomes.
Another important function of the face mask is tofulfill women’s religious obligations. Although it is
not explicitly stated in the Qurān, many women in
the region consider eyebrows as hair that need to becovered in front of non-maḥram (unmarriageablekin). Thus, women often ensure that their face masks
are adjusted to cover their eyebrows. In one case thatthe author observed, some masked women criticizeda photograph of a young woman whose eyebrowswere not properly covered by her mask. One of themstated, “She does not know how to wear [it]! She is
not from here!” For women who have experience
wearing the face mask, covering the eyebrows is an
important indication as to whether the wearer reallyappreciates the proper way of putting it on.
More importantly, the face mask serves a significant
function as an embodiment of the wearer’s identity.
For example, when women marry men from different
villages, they sometimes keep their face masks fromtheir birthplaces, as they represent their origins. On
the other hand, some women choose to adopt theface masks from their husbands’ villages to show
an accommodating attitude towards their new
family, which helps them integrate into their new
community. Women also change their face masksin accordance with special occasions, fashion, andcircumstances. One woman offered the following

and more decorative. They [women] often cut thematerial [for the burquʿ] differently, attaching gold
adornments or trimming some parts to make itnarrower. They often look at themselves in the mirror
and might think, “This way is prettier, so let’s makethis part narrower,” or “I want to emphasize thispart, so I will make this part bigger.” Women create
different styles and designs.
The face mask acts as a biographical object marking
the wearer’s background and achievements, rather
than, as is sometimes believed, passively eliminating
a woman’s individuality.
4. Modernization and Preservation
Although the face mask has become one of the most
iconic representations of the local female identity
in southern Iran, the number of women using themask on a daily basis is diminishing. One of themost frequently provided reasons for this is Iran’s
modern education system and the prohibition on
face veils in schools, despite the absence of any legal
restrictions on a national level against face coveringsin educational institutions.
Young women further insist that wearing theface mask has gone out of fashion, and those who
prefer to conceal their face often adopt a full-facecovering—the niqāb—instead of the traditional facemask. However, these women often wear the facemask on special occasions, such as weddings andfamily gatherings, and tend to be strongly critical ofolder generations who also discard the custom of
the face mask. This contradictory attitude illustrates
their hesitation to abandon this long-establishedand worthy custom, while wanting to accept amodern way of life. One possible solution may beto elevate the face mask to an artistic endeavor. In
recent years, it has been common for local women
to start their own businesses as entrepreneurs,
crafting and decorating products with face-mask
motifs. These products, including wallets, handbags,
and jewelry, are often purchased by locals for daily
use and by tourists as souvenirs. In this way, these
women contribute to family income and preserve
their local traditions.
Some men also wear the face mask at theatricalperformances—taʿazīh—during
religious festivals for Shiites,

theimportantsuch as ʿĀshūrā,at which tradition dictates that they act all the“Performing the Self and Playing with the Otherness:
Clothing and Costuming under Transcultural conditions”

45women’s parts. According to one of the performanceorganizers in a small village close to Minab, the female
dress was modified to include the local face mask, toencourage local women to emotionally engage withthe tragic events represented in the performances.
Furthermore, in Minab and Bandar Abbas, paintings,
statues, and monuments of masked women are
increasingly seen in well-frequented public places
as open acknowledgement of local heritage.
Today, the population of masked women is declining,
and it is difficult to obtain detailed knowledge on
the face-mask rituals and the traditional techniquesof making the face mask. However, although theuse of the face mask has changed over time, it still
plays a significant role in representing local women’s
identity. Moreover, the Covid-19 pandemic hasreached southern Iran, and while some women wear
a surgical mask under the traditional face mask,
many women who do not wear the traditional facemask in their daily lives wear a surgical face mask
to protect themselves from the virus. This socialchange in the way of covering one’s face may leadto a new trend and use of the traditional face mask.
Thus, it is important to observe the changes of thismasking tradition during and after the pandemic,
which can provide new findings to the face-bodystudies in transcultural conditions.

Figure 2: A woman wearing the Balochi face mask
at the Thursday bazar in Minab. Photo taken by theauthor in July 2016.
References
1.

Abu Saud, A. (1984). Qatari Women, Past andPresent. London: Longman.

2.

Al Azzi, N. (1990). The Batulah-Its Origins andDevelopments. (N. al-Malki, Trans.). Al Ma’thurat
Al Sha’biyyah, 20, pp.17-26.

3.

Anjamrūz, ʿA. (1992). Siyr Tārīkhī Burquʿa az
Bāstān tā bih Imrūz Burquʿa Pūshān Khalīj
Fārs va Daryāī ʿOmān [The Historical Course of
the Burquʿ from the Antient to Present BurquʿCovering of the Persian Gulf and the Sea ofOman]. Tehran: Humā.

4.

Khaṭībīzādh,M.

(2010).

PūshishMardumHurmuzgān:

jildi

avval

‘PūshishZanān’[Costume of the Hormozgan People: Volume
1-Women’s Costume]. Shiraz: Īlāf.
5.

Maḥbtī, M. (2010). Pūshish va Hijābi Zan dar
Adabiyāt Fārsī: Az Īrān Bāstān tā Inqilābi
Mashrūṭih [Women’s Costume and Hijab in
the Persian Literature: From The Ancient Irantill

Figure 1: A face mask seamstress wearing the burquʿ
in the Salakh village of the Qeshm Island. Phototaken by the author in December 2016.

theConstitutional

International Symposium

Tehran:Pazhūhishkadih Muṭāliʿāti Farhangī va Ijtimāʿī.
6.

Yassavoli, J. (1993). The Fabulous Land of
Iran: Colourful and Vigorous Folklore. Tehran:
Farhang-Sara (Yassavoli).

46

Revolution].

Memo

Memo

Proceedings of the International Symposium“Performing the Self and Playing with the Otherness:
Clothing and Costuming under Transcultural Conditions”
held on October 26th, 2020

Proceedings of the International Symposium
Editors:
Yukako YOSHIDA, Ranny RASTATI, Manami GOTO
Design:Andrian WIKAYANTOISBN 978-4-86337-366-2
Published on February 28, 2022
Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies.
3-11-1, Asahi-cho, Fuchu-shi
Tokyo, 183-8534
JAPAN
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