Collective Imaginings in the Interactionsof a Lifestyle Migrant Community:
Japanese Retirees in Chiang Mai, Thailand

SHIBUYA Miwa
Department of Regional Studies,
School of Cultural and Social Studies,
The Graduate University for Advanced Studies, SOKENDAI

Summary
It is increasingly common for elderly persons from relatively wealthy nations to cross borders to seek
an enjoyable retirement overseas. This migratory ﬂow can be categorized as a lifestyle migration in which
the primary agenda of the migration is to pursue a better quality of life. In migration studies, the newlyarising phenomenon of lifestyle migration has been examined extensively from various perspectives.
However, extant studies have not sufﬁciently delved into relationships within ethnic migrant communities
at destinations and what factors are involved in constructing social contacts between migrants from thesame country in transnational settings, even though many lifestyle migrants often congregate withpersons from the same country and have little interaction with locals in the host society. Drawing upon
the data from one year of ﬁeldwork and follow-up interviews with a focus on Japanese lifestyle migrants
living in Chiang Mai, Thailand, this article highlights what the author refers to as “collective imaginingsof ethnic members,” which is a key to understanding the dynamics among those members. The term“collective imaginings of ethnic members” refers to the stereotyped representation of a migrating
agency, i.e., who are the typical migrants, which is widely acknowledged within an ethnic community.
Interacting with postmigration experiences, stereotyped imaginings arise from an assemblage of the
global and bilateral histories of sending and receiving societies and structural conditions that enabledmigration for self-fulﬁlment. The author argues that the imaginings powerfully operate to shape communal
interactive practices in lifestyle migrant communities. This article suggests that the collective imaginingsof ethnic members, rooted in cultural meanings of destinations, are a signiﬁcant factor in establishingsocial practices in an ethnic community. The ﬁndings encourage scholars to pay close attention to migration
tales widely believed within an ethnic community. By doing so, researchers have become able to better
understand how dynamics are conﬁgured and ordered inside speciﬁc ethnic boundaries in relation to agiven destination context.
Key words: Japanese retirees in Thailand, retirement migration, lifestyle migrant community, imaginings,
interactive practice

SOKENDAI Review of Cultural and Social Studies Vol. 19 (2023)（ 1 ）260

Introduction

Anonymous, distrustful relationships in the retiree

Lifestyle migrant community and Imaginings

Japanese community

Methodology

Causes of anonymity and distrust

Japanese Retirement Flows to Thailand

Conclusion

Introduction
Transnational(Benson and O’Reilly 2015). This study illustrates
mobility

that

falls

into

the

that imaginings of place are also involved in

category of “lifestyle migration” is ﬂourishing morecreating stereotyped images of lifestyle migrants

than ever. Lifestyle migration is conceptualized aswithina temporary or permanent move to a place for astereotypes shape a basic landscape of social

better quality of life for migrants (Benson andpractices among the same ethnic lifestyle migrants.

O’ Reilly 2009: 609). This conceptual framework

It has been pointed out that lifestyle migration

covers many forms of mobility, including inter-experiences usually contain two contradictory

national retirement migration. This article uses a

aspirations, namely, for novelty and for the comfort

case study of senior Japanese lifestyle migration1)of relatively familiar companionship (Amit 2007).

in Chiang Mai, Thailand, to explore how the social

For instance, despite their initial hopes for a new

lives of migrants are shaped. The ﬁndings show

life in migration (Toyota and Thang 2017), migrantsthat intraethnic dynamism arises from collective

often linger within an ethnic enclave (Hayes andperceptions of community members. I argue that

Carlsonthe interactive practices among migrants from themaintenance is a coping strategy for migrants tosame homeland are built around what I call theaccommodate newness in their transnational“collective imaginings of ethnic members”. Thisdomain (Cohen 1977). Therefore, ethnic cohesion

phrase refers to stereotyped ethnic community

is natural and helpful for lifestyle migrants,

members who lifestyle migrants widely imagine

especially new migrants, to go through cross-in their destination. In this study, the phrase,

cultural experiences (Casado-Diaz 2009).

ethnic2018;

boundaries.

Ono2008).

Accordingly,

Such

the

boundary

therefore, refers to the stereotyped retiree

The importance of their migrant community may

Japanese migrants who many Japanese migrants inincrease for senior lifestyle migrants due to the

Chiang Mai imagined were living there.

increasing likelihood of physical deterioration as

Place as a destination often (if not always)

they age. Older migrants sometimes ﬁnd social

contains cultural meanings for travelers via mass

bonds with their ethnic migrants in destinations

media images (Appadurai 1996; Salazar 2011),

vital to tackling their own health issues, because

sociopolitical discourses and ideologies (Johnsonolder ones often form their informal networks of2019), and stories and material products (McKay

mutual help (Green 2016; Oliver 2017). In this2006). Value-ladened imaginings of place motivate

respect, for senior lifestyle migrants, interactions

people to cross borders at an intersection of theirwith migrants of the same homeland are crucial not

personal aspirations and structural conditions.

only for day-to-day living but also for their life-and-Imaginings also shape postmigration realities

death matters in new locations. Nevertheless, as259（ 2 ）SOKENDAI Review of Cultural and Social Studies Vol. 19 (2023)

SHIBUYA Miwa

Collective Imaginings in the Interactions of a Lifestyle Migrant Community

Benson and Osbaldiston who comprehensively

dominant belief within an ethnic community about

reviewed papers mainly on Westerners’ lifestyle“who migrated to a particular destination”. In the

migration say, “There has been surprising little

following section, I will focus ﬁrst on how collective

focus” (2016: 413), apart from a few studies (Hayes

imaginings are involved in a lifestyle migration

2015; Hayes and Carlson 2018; O’Reilly 2002;

phenomenon

Oliver and O’Reilly 2010), lifestyle migration

dynamism among senior Japanese migrants living

studies have paid relatively scant attention to

in Chiang Mai.

beforediscussing

intraethnic

ethnic/cultural communities in destination andwhat dynamism is produced with respect toLifestyle migrant community andinterpersonal

Imaginings

relationships

through

migration(Green 2015; Shakuto 2019).

Lifestyle migrants are different from other types

On the other hand, research on Japaneseof migrants in the respect of their prerogative.

lifestyle migration has been accumulating insightLifestyle migrants possess a notable degree of

into the intraethnic community (Kawahara 2010;privilege relative to locals of their chosen host

Nagatomo 2007; Shakuto 2017). The studies ofsocieties (Benson 2013, 2015; Croucher 2018;

Nagatomo (2007) and Shakuto (2017) whose

Hayes 2014, 2015; O’Reilly 2014; Toyota and Thang

research ﬁelds were in Australia and Malaysia2017). Structurally located within a global elite

respectively suggest that Japan’s corporative work

(O’Reilly and Benson 2009), migrants’ privileged

ethic and productivity are key to understanding

status functions as a barrier against most locals.

intraethnic

Japanese

Exclusivity may inevitably emerge from the ethnic

migrants in these countries are known to be thosesolidarity of prerogative migrants in host societies

who belong to relatively high social status in(Fechter 2007). However, lifestyle migrants are

homeland. Compared to that, Thailand which lures

not always privileged in their homelands. They

many Japanese migrants to its far lower living costs

are sometimes driven to migrate for ﬁnancial(Ono 2015), a different intraethnic dynamism may

security (Hayes 2014). Thus, when analyzing theroll out. Kawahara’s study (2010) is helpful to see

characteristics of a lifestyle migrant community in

how retiree Japanese migrants relate to one

a given place, at least two perspectives need

another in Thailand. Yet, the study primarily

bearing in mind: migrants’ prerogative in global

focuses on one expatriate club. During a vastmobile structures and their social milieu in theiramount of time that many Japanese migrants are

homeland.

relationships.

However,

expected to spend outside the club, how social
interactions operate is not fully investigated.

The two factors, a lifestyle migrant’s prerogativein destination and home-country status, inﬂuence

Consequently, knowledge remains limited about

the social landscape inside the migrant community.

the dynamism between migrant retirees of the

For example, Hayes’ (2015) ethnography on Northsame homeland. This article aims to provide

American lifestyle migrants in Ecuador shows

insight into this somewhat neglected domain bythat some migrants relate to locals through a

exploring how retiree lifestyle migrants practice

racialized

intraethnic communication.

hegemonic attitude towards Ecuadorians generates

The ﬁndings encourage scholars to focus on theidentityof“whiteness”.

Such

a

deep antipathy among other migrants of the same

SOKENDAI Review of Cultural and Social Studies Vol. 19 (2023)（ 3 ）258

cultural community. It is because embracing

Salazar 2011) or virtual mobility (Alexander 2018;privilege of being white, which contributes to

Hammons 2016) for travelers to enact their own

reproduction of racial hierarchies, makes migrants

lives. Imaginings are also powerful in that theymorally uncomfortable (Green 2017). Consequently,

are meaning-making and world-shaping devices

relationships inside this cultural enclave seem

(Salazar 2011) that guide cultural members’

fractured (Hayes 2015). Further, a study of Britons

perceptions of reality. For example, imaginings

in Spain highlights the importance of the migrants’

help cultural members classify people outside ofhome-country status. Their status-related lifestyle

their homeland as tourists, migrants, refugees

tastes enact the power of forming the interactions

and so forth (Frello 2008). Also, it is through a lensamong migrants, even in their postmigration livesof imaginings that people’s boundary-crossing(Oliver and O’Reilly 2010). These two studies

movements make sense such as: who moves orindicate that a focus on “who migrates to whichstays (Vivaldi 2011) or what material and spiritualdestination” is necessary for exploring intraethnic

gains travelers receive from migration (Lim 2013).

dynamism. Regarding “who migrates”, research

The power of imaginings further extends into

has thus far concentrated on white Westerners

postmigration experiences. Within the ethnic(Benson 2015: 22). There is a need to examine

communities of destinations, lifestyle migrants

how non-Caucasian lifestyle migrant communities

likely encounter and interact with others whoare conﬁgured where the symbolic capital of

have imaginings-inspired aspirations for a particularwhiteness is not deeply involved in the dynamism.

lifestyle.

The

culturally

colouredaspirations

Regarding “which destination”, many studies

are personal, yet at the same time collective as

point out the importance of collective imaginings

well because the desired lifestyle in a speciﬁc

in decisions of where to move. People must ﬁrst

destination is heavily inﬂuenced by both mediatizedimagine both distant places and the people inrepresentations

them before moving (Salazar and Smart 2011). For

sociocultural environment (Benson 2012, 2013;

lifestyle migrants, destinations are chosen as a

Shakuto 2017). In this respect, ethnic communities

possible place to realize a subjectively good life.

of lifestyle migrants can be seen as products that

This decision-making process is where collective

mediate collective imaginings. Here arises a

imaginings of place come into play: “the material

question:and social construction of particular placesinteractive practices inside ethnic lifestyle migrant

offering an alternative way of living is crucial; thiscommunities and if so, how?

do

and

his

collective

or

her

imaginings

homeland’sinﬂuenceis what explains the exact destinations chosen”(O’Reilly and Benson 2009: 3).

Methodology

However, the power of imaginings surpasses

This article is based on interviews andmerely abstract fantasies about a destination.

participant observations in Chiang Mai gathered

Scholars argue that imaginings are employed as anfrom 2012 to 2013. I conducted semistructured

everyday social practice for people to enact theirconversations with 20 Japanese males and 12

lives (Appadurai 1996). In the context of migration,

females, aged 58 to 79 years, most of whom I

imaginings are employed to bring about a change

conversed with multiple times (see Appendix). All

in the form of physical mobility (Benson 2012;

conversations were done in the Japanese language.

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SHIBUYA Miwa

Collective Imaginings in the Interactions of a Lifestyle Migrant Community

The length of their stay ranged from 1 to 14 years,

using my insider/outsider status, I believe, allowedwith an average of 5 years. The open-ended

me to access them without posing a great threatquestionsmigration(Carling et al. 2014). As discussed later, themotives, their understandings and feelings of being

Japanese community I explored was where retirees

a migrant, and how life in Thailand compared totended to highly guard their privacy. Despite so,that in Japan. Initially, I used an IC recorder whenmost seemed ﬁne telling me their personal

permitted. But in the latter part of the research,history and secrecy. One informant even confessed

I took only notes and transcribed them on mythat he had obtained a retirement visa illegally

computerﬁnished.

before because he could not afford it. I believe

Follow-up interviews were performed with three

their comfort with me was related to my double

informants in 2019. Unless otherwise noted,

positionality. All the names used here are

however, all the data hereinafter are the ones

pseudonyms.

aimed

soon

to

after

exploretheirconversations

collected in 2012–2013.
Added to the interviews, to better understandJapanese Retirement Flows to Thailand

retirees’ daily life, I stayed in a popular JapaneseThailand has consistently been one of theapartment in Chiang Mai for a month in 2013.

most popular destinations for Japanese retirement

During my stay, there were 16 males (including

migration since the early 2000s. One factor

one who was absent) and 6 females occupying thecontributing to the stable popularity is Thailand’s

20 rooms. All the residents were Japanese. Most

visa

were in their 60s, and a few were in their 70s. The

retirement visas: one-year retirement visas called

complex had a cozy lounge, where three to ﬁve“O-A visa” and 10-year retirement visas called

residents normally gathered once or twice a day to“O-X visa”. O-A visa is issued to people aged 50

chat for at least an hour. The rent was 5,000 baht

years and above who fulﬁll certain ﬁnancial criteria

a month, which was more affordable than otherwhereas O-X visa whose ﬁnancial requirements

popular Japanese accommodations.

are severer is issued to aged 50 years and above

system.

The

countryhas

established

What is (not) told in interpersonal communica-

from only certain countries including Japan. Thetion is greatly inﬂuenced by the relationshipvisa system was strategically introduced as part ofbetween interlocutors. Thus, it is important to

the national development policy (Toyota and Xiang

note my positionality in relation to senior Japanese2012). The Thai government hoped that thesemigrants. As of the ﬁeldwork, I was a Japanese

retirement visa holders who were considered as

woman in her mid-20s and a graduate student.

sufﬁciently afﬂuent retirees would boost the Thai

My ethnic origin gave me insider quality which

economy by enjoying a spending spree.

facilitated interaction with Japanese retirees,

However,againstthegovernment’s

initial

whereas my age trait and a researcher position

expectation, fewer Japanese retirees have engaged

affected a sense of the sameness with them.

in extravagant spending practices. Luxurious

I tactically emphasized my student identity toretirement services catering to Japanese seniors

present my humility and ignorance about theare oversupplied (Toyota and Thang 2017). One

intraethnic matters in the encounter with mymajor reason is that many Japanese retirees

interlocutors (Mullings 1999). The communication

simply cannot afford high-end products; some are

SOKENDAI Review of Cultural and Social Studies Vol. 19 (2023)（ 5 ）256

economically so marginalized that they choose

affordable

Thailand to stretch their limited incomes (Toyota

imagine the displaced retirees in Thailand.

destination”

help

retireemigrants

2006; Toyota and Thang 2017). Nine of my 32

Added to the economic evacuation phenomenon,

informants told me their primary migration

another characteristic of Japanese retirement

motive was ﬁnancial security. Moving to Thailand

migration to Thailand is a gender gap. Despite nohas become a more and more strategic option forofﬁcial statistics available, Toyota’s research (2006)

these marginalized retirees to save their expenses.

implies that most elderly Japanese migrants inJapanese mass media takes part in forming thisThailand are male, similar to situations of Western

ﬂow of economic refugees. Mass-mediated images

ones (Jaisuekun and Sunanta 2016). This genderedspread Thailand as a place where its lower living

phenomenon is highly relevant to images ofcost allows even Japanese people with economic

Thailand,

hardship to enjoy a materially satisfying lifestyle.

that are the driving force to lure inbound tourists

namelysex-related

representations

In this context, the choice of Thailand as aand migrants (Jaisuekun and Sunanta 2016;

destination informs each Japanese migrant about

Nuttavuthisit 2007). For instance, Mr. Yamaguchi

the socioeconomic status of Japanese migrants indecided to look for a partner abroad to fulﬁll his

Thailand. The decision of where to migrate forlong-held dream of having a child when his wife

retirement life is, needless to say, associated withpassed away in Japan. Upon thinking of a place tostructural constraints such as visa conditions andmove to, he chose Thailand which he thoughtliving costs in any given destination. Because

would offer a higher likelihood of encountering aretirees’ livelihoods greatly lie in their pension

young partner. Similarly, other retiree migrants

and available ﬁnancial assets, their destination

often refer to sex-related comments such as

choice is inseparable from the matter of how

prostitution and intimacy with Thai women when

afﬂuent they are prior to migration. In this sense,

describing Thailand.

a retirement destination is a good reference for

The erotic images of Thailand among JapaneseJapanese retirees to judge the premigration income

retirees are rooted in history. Sexual services

levels of other retiree Japanese migrants (seewere provided for US servicemembers in Thailand

also Shakuto 2019). My informants often compared

during Vietnam War, and later consumed by theThailand with other popular retirement destina-

public including tourists (Brodeur et al. 2018).

tions in the West such as Hawaii where the living

During the 1960s and 1970s, Japan became deeply

costs are considerably higher. Migrants in Chiang

involved in Thai prostitution. Although the sex

Mai usually think that counterparts in those

trade has been illegal in Thailand since 1960,

destinations are super-rich, whereas they calltour packages to the country involving commercial

themselves less well-off, some of whom are driven

sex services were openly operated for Japaneseout of Japan for ﬁnancial struggles. In sum,

tourists until the 1980s (Yokota 2006). Subsequently,

Thailand’s relative leniency of economic migrationin the 1990s, Japanese tourists were the largest

hurdles orients Japanese retirees to regard seniorspenders in the Thai sex tourism market (Leheny

Japanese migrants in the country as either a middle

1995). Even today, Thailand’s deeply rooted,

or a lower socioeconomic class in the homeland.

decades-old sex appeal seems to lure some male

Subsequently, Japanese-shared meanings of “theJapanese retirees to the country.

255（ 6 ）SOKENDAI Review of Cultural and Social Studies Vol. 19 (2023)

SHIBUYA Miwa

Collective Imaginings in the Interactions of a Lifestyle Migrant Community

Migration in search of a romance with a Thai
woman is, however, generally seen as rather

enjoy everyday life with less concern over theirbudget in its climatic comfort.

negative. The critical eyes are often cast based

As of 2013, roughly about 2,000 sedentaryon the belief that Japanese males attract Thai

Japanese retirees resided in the city throughout awomen by using the gained value of Japaneseyear, according to the estimation of Chiang Mai

yen from migration. A liaison with a local partner

Japanese Association, a major expatriate organi-tends to be stigmatized as questionable practices,

zation (personal interview in 2013). However,namely sexual exploitation. One widowed man

the population appears to have declined sincereceived a ﬁerce objection from his family

then. Another large expatriate club whose mostmembers to his migration to Thailand, since theymembers are retirees dropped its membership toincorrectly assumed that he would intend to ﬁnd

128 people in 2019 from 165 in 2011. Yamagishi’sa Thai woman by a ﬁnancial means. As what this2019 study (cited in Nishikito 2020) estimateswidowed man went through, the context of Thaithat the population of Japanese over 60 years old

destinations is likely to put male Japanese migrants

residing in Chiang Mai is 1,440. One cause of thein the questionable position of moral violators. The

seemingly shrinking population may be the rapid

country’s erotic image helps to orient Japanese

aging of the retiree Japanese community in Chiang

retirees to stereotypically depict male JapaneseMai (Miyashita et al. 2017).

migrants, especially single ones, as amoral men.
To satisfy such diverse and multiple desires as
economic and romantic needs, many JapaneseAnonymous, distrustful relationships in
the retiree Japanese community

retirees have chosen Thailand for resettlement

Most Japanese retirees linger in the relatively

today, and Chiang Mai is especially a favoredclosed society of “Japaneseness” in Chiang Mai. A

destination. The city’s popularity is probably

language barrier is relevant to the phenomenon.

because the multifaceted needs of retirees are

Almost all my respondents had little language

well balancedly met. Three major reasons did

proﬁciency in Thai or other languages. On one

my informants commonly pick out why they

hand, the language barrier kept Japanese retirees

chose Thailand for migration: good amenities forfrom forming friendship ties with non-Japanese

everyday life, its lower living cost, and the warm

speakers in the destination. On the other hand,climate. Chiang Mai lies in the combination ofintersecting with their privileged position, thethese charms. Japanese language services arebarrier functioned to facilitate contact withavailable in various commercial sectors such as

some Thai locals via capital in the market. Asbanks and apartments in the city. There is noaforementioned, in various commercial sectors

difﬁculty ﬁnding Japanese foods at a supermarket.

from banks to hospitals where detailed communi-

With such well-developed service infrastructure

cation with Thais was necessary to have afor foreigners, the city offers less expensive

comfortable transnational life for retirees, theamenities than Bangkok (Isaacs 2009). Besides, asJapanese language was commodiﬁed as an added-

located in the northern part of Thailand, Chiang

value service and a Japanese-speaking local was

Mai has relatively mild weather with lower

stationed as their communicator. By use of thehumidity. In short, Japanese retirees in the city can

migration-given value of the Japanese yen which

SOKENDAI Review of Cultural and Social Studies Vol. 19 (2023)（ 7 ）254

allowed Japanese retirees a prerogative, theycountries’ expatriate clubs to cultivate a new self

incorporated Japanese-speaking locals into their(Benson 2010). Despite such initial efforts, many

everyday lives as subjects who helped maintain the

migrants eventually end their nameless status“Japaneseness”. Such a structural superiority on

due to their failure to transform into somebody

the global level made retirees less likely to learn

new (Amit 2007).

the Thai language out of necessity. It also

However, this is not easily applicable to thecontributed to minimizing interactions with non-retiree Japanese community in Chiang Mai. It is

Japanese speakers, which led migrants to spend

not very rare that the community members remain

their vast time mingling with the same nationals.

unidentiﬁed for abnormally long durations, as is the

When I asked a retiree about his/her everyday

case of Mr. Taki and Mr. Okada. Both were

postmigration life, an answer usually came withresidents in the researched condominium andexperiences involving other Japanese or narratives

regular chatting members. They had known eachpassed from them. As far as social interactions ofother for over a decade, conversing in person

Japanese retirees in Chiang Mai are concerned,

daily. One night when I happened to be alone

most of them ﬁnd themselves in an environment

with Mr. Taki, he started talking about Mr. Okada,similar to that in Japan, even in the transnational

who normally wore a shabby T-shirt and halfsetting.

pants and spent his daytime staying laid back in

Within the vibrant interactions between retiree

the lobby. As rather hard it was to judge Mr. Okada

Japanese migrants, I observed two pervasivefrom his appearance and everyday life, he wasnatures underneath their relationship: anonymity

actually from a wealthy family in Northeastand distrust. Here, anonymity means that anJapan, according to Mr. Taki. Mr. Okada had

individual retiree’s past/present life in Japan isto return to his hometown to address his vast

purposely concealed from other Japanese migrants.

familial inheritance when the Great East Japan

Retirees usually do not ask others about their

Earthquake hit. Mr. Taki told me of Mr. Okada’s

biographical details. Relatedly, it is also undesirable

respectable familial origin, but actually, Mr. Takito inquire into one’s motivation for moving to

was uncertain if it was true. He had simply heard

Chiang Mai because an individual’s life can be

the story from a third party without a reliable

inferred from his/her migration motive.

source. He knew almost nothing about Mr.

Anonymous practices per se may not be very

Okada’ s basic biography such as: why Mr. Okada

surprising in the case of lifestyle migration if we

had moved to Chiang Mai or how he had made atake into account the migration objective cliché;

living before. Given their long-year mingling

the desire of “starting one’s life over” is often

through everyday chat, it sounded strange. Yet, theweaved in the migration motive (Benson andcase of the two men was neither exceptional nor

O’ Reilly 2009). Many lifestyle migrants initiallyextremely rare in Chiang Mai. Robust anonymity

endeavor to keep their premigration lives hidden,

underneath lively communication was pervasively

so that they can rewrite their biography in aseen here and there throughout the Japanesedestined location. Some migrants are extreme incommunity.

that they stay away from anything domestic,
including

distancing

themselves

from

their

253（ 8 ）SOKENDAI Review of Cultural and Social Studies Vol. 19 (2023)

Distrust is another common nature in interactions between retiree Japanese migrants. The

SHIBUYA Miwa

Collective Imaginings in the Interactions of a Lifestyle Migrant Community

phrase is frequently heard that Japanese people in

Mr. Hori: A Japanese person introduced?

Chiang Mai are rather weird or dubious andThat’s ﬁshy.

everyone should be on guard against their

Mr. Sada: That’s right! Nihonjin wo shinjiru

neighbours (see also Toyota and Thang 2017).

nante bakadana (It was stupid of him to believe

Dubiousness is usually associated with monetary

Japanese people).

affairs.

C.L.L.

club,

one

major

expatriateorganization, published a guidebook for Japanese

Mr Hori’s remark, “A Japanese person introduced?

retirees living in the city. In the book, anThat’s ﬁshy”, corresponds to the common belief

unidentiﬁed writer warns readers that they shouldthat Japanese people are involved in dubious

distrust the kindness concerning business deals

transactions. Notably, the use of “Nihonjin” by Mr.

which is offered by a local and/or a Japanese

Sada refers to Japanese people in general rather

migrant. Their kindness is a strategy to scamthanJapanese retirees. The writer is saying, “If theintroduced the Thai woman. Mr. Sada implicitly

person is Japanese, you are more prone to trust

suggested that people should not believe otherhim or her. That’s what is more dangerous” (C.L.L.

Japanese individuals as a rule. His remark could

club 2012: 24, author’s translation).

appear offensive to Mr. Koike and Mr. Hori, who

to

the

speciﬁcJapanese

personwho

One scene in casual conversation among threewere both Japanese nationals. Laughing andmen captures how pervasively suspicion is a

nodding, however, they seemed to agree with Mr.

common mindset within the Japanese community.

Sada. Apparently, they had no problem mentioning

The three were residents in the researchedthat each must be wary of Japanese migrants incondominium. They were talking about their

Chiang Mai. Similar to them, the practice was alsofriend, a Japanese retiree in his mid-60s. He met acommonly seen in the Japanese community that

Thai woman in her mid-30s, and they decided toretirees advised each other not to easily trust othermarry after a few encounters. The friend paid aJapanese migrants who could be scammers.

large sum of dowry to the bride’s family. However,Interestingly, such scam discourse often describedthey divorced in less than a month. The three

the complicity of a Japanese man and a Thai

residents agreed that their friend had been cheatedwoman. There is no judging whether this discourse

out of his money through this marriage. The

reﬂected reality, but it implicated that the Japanese

following conversation then took place:community shared the idea that a person to watch
out for was not a woman but a man.

Mr. Koike: When I looked at the partner, theIt should be clariﬁed, though, that not every

woman in the photo, she was pretty beautiful.

relationship between senior Japanese migrants

Then, it turned out to be a calculating motive.

involved anonymity and distrust. Without a doubt,

No wonder. A woman in her 30s cannot marry

there are other kinds of relationships observed.

a man in his 60s.

My argument here is the Japanese community is

Mr. Sada: He met her through an introduction

far from a harmonious cultural organization but

by a Japanese person.

multilaterally divided internally via distrust, asI heard that the Japanese who introduced themwell as externally via foreign language proﬁciency

keeps company with bad Japanese.

(Fechter 2007; Hayes 2015) The ethnic boundaries

SOKENDAI Review of Cultural and Social Studies Vol. 19 (2023)（ 9 ）252

are not naturally maintained as given cultural

imaginings of the destination and retiree migrants.

products (Barth 1969). Rather, it is realized

For example, when my informants threw criticalthrough migrants’ privileged positions whicheyes at male Japanese migrants as sex exploiters,

allow them to enjoy a comfortable transnational

the reason they thought males actually committed

life even by speaking only Japanese as well as

sexual amorality was, all too often, based on what

their continuous intraethnic practices. I intend tothey experienced in Chiang Mai. My informants

highlight the pervasive and somewhat peculiar

usually exempliﬁed age-gaped couples of younginteractive

that

Thai women and senior Japanese men who they

contribute to the social stability of the Japanese

saw or gossiped about in order to rationalize thecommunity in Chiang Mai.

stereotyped amoral men. Torkington (2012) argues

practices

betweenmigrants

that place images are socially and discursively

Causes of anonymity and distrust

constructed, and thus shared by members of aThis section will explain that anonymous andsocial group. The shared images are stereotypical

distrustful interactive natures arose greatly fromones that are subjected to extreme simpliﬁcation.

two stereotyped images of Japanese retirees; one is

In Chiang Mai, verbal practices and symbolican economically displaced migrant and the otherrepresentation

one is, when male, a sexual exploiter. Japanesesustaining simplistic images of Thailand where

retirees in Chiang Mai share the belief that quite

Japanese men exploit locals.

play

in

(re)constructing

anda few Japanese retirees migrate to Chiang Mai

Importantly, people act on collective imaginings

for ﬁnancial security and/or sexual exploitation.

(O’Reilly 2014). Mr. and Mrs. Ohe illustrate it

The face-to-face communication principles are

well. They migrated four years before to realize thesubjected to the culturally-shared belief. As

husband’s hope to play golf a lot. Mrs. Ohe herself

aforementioned, the two stereotyped migrants

enjoyed the transnational life by joining many

shape up via migratory structural constraints

cultural activities, but she still minded staying

and the historical traces. Simultaneously, post-

away from Japan for long to keep her social ties

migration experiences are also involved in having

there. To compromise their conﬂicting desires, thethe stereotypical views circulated and entrenchedcouple traveled back and forth together between

well. I will ﬁrst illustrate this point, and then

the two countries in a year. In front of her husband,show the connection between the stereotypes

Mrs. Ohe explained to me, half-jokingly and half-

and the interactive practices.

seriously, why she accompanied him despite her

O’Reilly (2014) states that collective imaginings

option to stay alone in Japan. In her opinion,

are shaped by constant interactive processes

Thailand was such a country that many Japanese

between structure and agency. It means thatmales had affairs with local women. Thus, she hadcollective imaginings are always open to theto watch out for her husband’s deeds. She had evenpossibility of modiﬁcation or otherwise conﬁrma-

warned Mr. Ohe before that if he dares to go totion through a migrant’s actual encounter with

Chiang Mai alone in the future, she will assume it

signiﬁcations throughout migration experiences.

as his inﬁdel attempt to make a young girlfriend,

In the case of Chiang Mai, post-migrationand he will no longer have a home to return toexperiences are contributors to the stereotyped

in Japan. Responding to the wife’s jocular but

251（ 10 ）SOKENDAI Review of Cultural and Social Studies Vol. 19 (2023)

SHIBUYA Miwa

Collective Imaginings in the Interactions of a Lifestyle Migrant Community

assertive words, Mr. Ohe denied the possibility

visas, some of whom may be economic refugeesof going alone. The couple respectively acted(Toyota and Thang 2017), actively share informa-on imaginings of Thailand infused with sexualtion on tourist visas for a 60-day stay. The staymeanings by staying physically close to each

duration may be extended by leaving Thailand

other. This case exhibits that individual migrants

every 30 days. Taking a day trip across the Thai

shape their interactive practices in relation toborder for a 30-day extension is a quite common

collective imaginings.

practice in the Japanese community. Residents inAnonymous communication can be regarded as

the researched site taught each other about thethe intraethnic pervasive act on imaginings. In

practice. Simultaneously, they also put warning ofgeneral, we meticulously operate face-to-face

the risk that the extension may be denied at someinteractions that avoid embarrassing our inter-

point after repeated pendulum movements. As

actant, simply because we consider it a moral

if the risk was responded to, Japanese-written

obligation

thisadvertisements for visa agency services were seeninteractive rule, Japanese retirees commonly avoid

everywhere in the city or on printed media. The

asking a male retiree about his personal life. The

service sales point was to help clients with noreason is that a detailed biography might makeﬁnancial means to obtain a retirement visa. The

some men expose their embarrassing sex-related

service implicated the illegality of visa acquisition.

amorality. Ms. Kojima illustrated this:Displaced Japanese retirees ﬂexibly employ their(Goffman1967).

Followingtactics to stay in Thailand by defying legal
I don’t talk about a personal story with otherdeﬁnitions and formal arrangements (Toyota andmigrants, like the person’s life in Japan,

Xiang 2012). These discursive and actual practices

family or whether being rich or not... (Thein the destination possibly engaged in (re)producing

reason is) there would be something theand supporting the imaginings of Chiang Mai andperson does not want to tell me. For example,

displaced retirees.

for those who live with a woman in Chiang

In fact, the imaginings of displaced JapaneseMai, I had better not ask about their life inmigrants

Japan, right? For these people, personalthroughout the community. During the ﬁeldwork,

questions could expose a secret that they want

one rumor circulated: a homeless Japanese retiree

to cover up. (interviewed in 2019)

wandered into a city bus terminal in Chiang Mai.

in

ChiangMai

werewidespread

This retiree had migrated with little ﬁnancial
Similarly, the other stereotyped imagining, theresources from Japan. Eventually, his remaining

economicallywasmoney ran out, and then he ended up becoming abeing (re)constructed and sustained socially andhomeless wanderer who slept in the bus terminal.

discursively in Chiang Mai. For instance, theThis rumor originated from a report written andJapanese free paper “Chao”, widely circulated inprinted in Japan (Shimokawa 2012). Though no

the city, posted an article called “Konkyu hojin ga

respondents had ever encountered the homelessfuetekisona chenmai?” (Will the destitute Japanesemigrant, the gossip circulated with a certain

increase in Chiang Mai?”) (issued on 10 Feb 2013).

credibility. Elias and Scotson (1994) argue that

Besides, Japanese migrants without retirement

gossip is not an independent phenomenon; todisplaced

Japaneseretiree

SOKENDAI Review of Cultural and Social Studies Vol. 19 (2023)（ 11 ）250

produce a story and have it shared as gossip,

own or interlocutor’s possible ﬁnancial hardship.

a common norm or belief is necessary within

In other words, anonymity primarily results froma grouped population. What the story of thea moral obligation not to embarrass displaced

homeless retiree passed around suggests that theseniors by keeping their lower socioeconomic

Japanese community shared a common belief,

status hidden (Goffman 1967). But there is morei.e., that the city accommodated migrants whoof that. Anonymous contact has a self-protection

ﬁnancially struggled in both their pre- andmeaning for some retirees. When my informants

postmigration lives.

expressed their concern about Japanese scammers,

Similar to imaginings of amoral males, individuals

they tended to think that scammers were displaced

act on the imagined displaced retirees. For

Japanese retirees; they cheated other Japanese

instance, Mr. Taki worked on self-representation.

migrants

He himself was not economically marginalized.

deﬁciency. The logic is perhaps relevant to their

Unlike most Japanese males, he often wore astatusbusiness shirt and drove in his luxurious brand-

impossible that most Japanese retirees gain

name automobile. For him, the attire and a

regular income from work in Thailand, due tohigh-class vehicle were necessary symbols tovisa conditions of employment prohibition. Theirdistinguish himself from other displaced Japanese

retiree positions could make rather convincing

retirees. According to him, those displaced

the belief that economically displaced Japanesemigrants wore such casual clothes as a T-shirt

gain money by cheating. Certainly, the extent toand traveled in a local share cab or by bicycle.

which they were actually concerned varies from

Mr. Taki showed off the materialistic symbols so

retiree to retiree. Some may just say so. But one

that people could recognize him as a retiree

informant was so apprehensive that he told hiswith sufﬁcient disposable income. The features ofapartment owner not to rent a room to a poor-

the displaced Japanese Mr. Taki depicted may belooking Japanese retiree. For these retirees,

illegitimate since many Japanese retirees I saw

keeping one’s socioeconomic background hidden

were in a casual style and did not own vehicles.

gains meaning to avoid a scam target. Ms.

Besides,

displaced

Kawamoto articulated this point. She returned

informants and the other ones, it seemed no

to Japan after a 16-year stay in Chiang Mai. When

clear-cut differences in symbolic representations

I talked in 2019, she recollected a feature of heror lifestyles, in contrast to typical European casesinteractions with other Japanese as follows:

judgingbyeconomicallyoftocompensate

being

retirees.

for

their

ﬁnancial

Technically,itis(Oliver and O’Reilly 2010). But the point hereis that Mr. Taki acted on his imaginings of

There was something that we had better not

impoverished Japanese; his self-representation was

ask the Japanese over there (about theircrafted in relation to his internalized image of

personal history)…There were many kinds ofthe displaced migrants.

people (in Chiang Mai). Some were dangerous.

Anonymous and distrustful communication are

What I mean by dangerous is people who had

understandable as the intraethnic pervasive act on

to leave Japan for some reason, like ﬁnancial

imaginings of displaced retirees. Retirees remain

difﬁculty. I did not meet these people

anonymous so as not to touch on the topic of theirpersonally, but everyone advised me to be249（ 12 ）SOKENDAI Review of Cultural and Social Studies Vol. 19 (2023)

SHIBUYA Miwa

Collective Imaginings in the Interactions of a Lifestyle Migrant Community

careful. So, I didn’t tell my personal history,

studies have delineated important factors thatnor did I ask.

cause relational complexity within the ethnic
boundaries of lifestyle migrants. Divisions within

Salazar (2011) explains that collective imaginings

migrant enclaves are established through cultural

are historically laden and spatially transmitted totastes (Oliver and O’Reilly 2010) or, in the case ofdifferent cultural arenas. These imaginings andCaucasian migration to non-Western societies,

meanings have the power to shape reality eventhrough race (Hayes 2015). This study proposes

after migration because migrants act on them

imagining as another research perspective forthrough how they live in a destination (Benson andanalyzing intraethnic social lives.

O’Reilly 2015: 30). For instance, by use of their

To understand the mechanism of communication

imaginings, migrants shape their own and others’

practices in the retiree Japanese community,

subjectivity in their postmigration lives (Salazar

Charles Taylor’s theory (2002) is helpful. Taylor2011). In Chiang Mai, Japanese retirees shaped

argues that a social life operates according tothemselves and other Japanese seniors within theirunderlying practices, through which a mass ofimaginings and meanings of both destination andpeople in a society commonly understand theirretiree migrants. Thus, Ms. Kawamoto couldsocial surroundings and positions within it. He

tangibly recognize “dangerous” Japanese retirees

terms this shared understanding “the social

who emerged from collective imaginings, evenimaginary”, which is transmitted through images,

thoughthem.

stories, and legends, whereby the social imaginary

herenables us to exercise mutual practices. Social

surrounding reality in the destination. Her act

life is sustained by people’s notion of how theiron collective imaginings led her to anonymous

society runs, who constitutes it, how they ﬁt in itpractices for communication. In sum, the culturaland what legitimate actions towards others aremeanings of Thailand among retiree Japanese

acceptable (Taylor 2002).

Imagined

she

had

never

dangerous

encounteredretirees

shapedmigrants powerfully oriented migrants to imagine a

Regarding the notion of “who constitutes” theparticular retiree in their destination. Accordingly,

community in Chiang Mai, retirees shared thetheir interaction was built on the pillars ofstereotypes of their ethnic members. The stereo-

anonymity and distrust.

typed Japanese migrant arose from collective
imaginings and meanings of Thailand as a place

Conclusion

offering economic security and sexual availability.

Based on ethnographic ﬁeldwork in Chiang Mai,

Of course, many Japanese migrants choose

this article explored the nature of the relationships

Thailand for various motives that are neither

among Japanese retiree migrants and the factors

ﬁnancial nor sexual. Nevertheless, to get by withinvolved. The ﬁndings show that the collective

stereotyped retirees who many migrants supposed

imaginings of ethnic members inﬂuence interactive

were living anywhere in Chiang Mai, migrants

practices within a lifestyle migrant community.

pervasively practiced anonymous communication.

The community’s imaginings emerge from migratory

Since my focus was on how retirees described

structural conditions and particular histories intheir general intraethnic community rules, thistandem with empirical postmigration data. Somestudy did not explore individual cases. But I

SOKENDAI Review of Cultural and Social Studies Vol. 19 (2023)（ 13 ）248

argue that the interactive rules are generally

to reality even though they are not necessarily aless applicable to female retirees because females

reﬂection of reality (O’Reilly 2014). Therefore,

are not considered sexual exploiters. Also, theimaginings of place are open to the possibility of

scammers who cause distrust2)

are normallytransformation that may invite a change in how

considered male. Nevertheless, women are still

migrants identify themselves and others (Salazar

subject to anonymous practices because the2010: 56). Imaginings of “who are retiree Japanesedisplaced Japanese include females. By closely

migrants” possibly change in accordance with theexamining individual cases of interactions between

shift in imaginings of Chiang Mai from lifestyle

retiree migrants, as well as between retiree

matters to life-and-death matters. Consequently,

migrants and younger Japanese ones such as

another basic intraethnic landscape may beworking migrants, knowledge will be enrichedemerging. The research update is necessary.

about imaginings and intraethnic dynamism. Thisis the next domain to explore.
Besides, the retiree Japanese community in

Finally, the interactions developed throughimaginings in the Japanese community in Chiang
Mai

are

distinctive

but

not

exceptional.

Chiang Mai itself seems to have undergone aOsbaldiston’s research (2015) shows that lifestylechange since the ﬁrst research of the year 2012–migrants from other nations also speculate about2013. In the follow-up interview in 2019, Ms.

who are attracted to a particular lifestyle in a

Kojima, who identiﬁed herself as an economic

certain destination, and occupy the majority of a

refugee and migrated in 2011, described how the

migrant community. The speculation is directly

community has transformed over time. In her

reﬂected in how migrants relate to other ethniceyes, many oldcomer retirees in the middle classmigrants

returned to Japan due to their physical decline.

perspective discussed in this study, i.e., theAccordingly, she said that the retiree community

collective imaginings of ethnic members, helps

constitutes more and more migrants on the margin

us better understand the reality within other

who lack enough resources to return to Japan.

lifestyle migrant communities.

Her view is on the ground that Chiang Mai faces
an increasingly problematic situation where frail
Japanese migrants without sufﬁcient economic
and social capital die alone there. The Japan
Times covers the solitary death phenomenon in
Chiang Mai. The seriousness pushed the Japanese
Consulate General in the city to take action to
make house calls to support retirees living
alone who might need some help (Masui 2017).
In this context, Ms. Kojima and an ailing female
retiree who was widowed and had no home in Japanbegan everyday communication via a smartphone
application to ensure if the widow was alive.
Culturally-shared imaginings of place are interlinked

247（ 14 ）SOKENDAI Review of Cultural and Social Studies Vol. 19 (2023)

in

the

destination.

Hopefully,

the

Notes
1) Japanese lifestyle migration in this study is an
inclusive concept of retirement migration. As will
be discussed later, although my informants’
primary motives for retirement migration differedfrom person to person, they shared a premigration expectation that migration would
provide them with a more desirable lifestyle thanin Japan. Given the core of the conceptual
deﬁnition of lifestyle migration, the mobility ofJapanese retirees to Chiang Mai can be placed
within the form of lifestyle migration.
2) As Taylor (2002) connotes that trust contributes
to expanding and reinforcing intra-community
ties, distrust-based communication itself would notstrengthen the ties within Japanese community.

SHIBUYA Miwa

Collective Imaginings in the Interactions of a Lifestyle Migrant Community

Nevertheless, I expect vibrant interactions willcontinue in the future, mainly due to the language
barrier against other nationals.

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243（ 18 ）SOKENDAI Review of Cultural and Social Studies Vol. 19 (2023)

SHIBUYA Miwa

Collective Imaginings in the Interactions of a Lifestyle Migrant Community

Appendix
Marital status

Occupation

Primary motive for
migration

3

Married with Japanese(migrate alone)

Middle school teacher

Volunteer work

68

1.5

Married with Japanese

Civil servant

Volunteer work

70

5

Married with Thai

Cafe manager

Financial security

Mr. Higashi

65

6

Married with Ms. Higashi

Employee at electronics
company

Amenity seeking

5

Mr. Ikeda

65

6SingleUnclearAmenity seeking

6

Mr. Iwasa

71

10

Married with Ms. Iwasa

Employee at pharmacy store

Financial security

7

Mr. Miura

72

2

Widow

Owner of a family-run
constrcution company

Financial security

8

Mr. Nakamura

70

1

Widow

Employee at phrmaceuticalcompany

Amenity seeking

9

Mr. Ohe63

4

Married with Ms. Ohe

Employee at construction
company

Amenity seeking

10

Mr. Ohta

65

4

Widow

Civil servant

Amenity seeking

11

Mr. Sakamoto

63

1

Married with Ms. Sakamoto

Self-employed vendor

Financial security

12

Mr. Sato67

6

SingleUnclearTropical climate

13

Mr. Shimoda

63

3SingleConstruction worker

Financial security

14

Mr. Takahashi

74

10SingleFisherman

No attachment to Japan15

Mr. Takeda

72

5

Married with Japanese(migrate alone)

Manager at supermarket

Amenity seeking

16

Mr. Taki

63

14

Married with Japanese(migrate alone)

Owner of a food delivery
company

Amenity seeking

17

Mr. Tsukada

69

8

Married with Thai

Cleaner

Financial security

18

Mr. Yamada

58

3SingleSelf-employed photographer

Financial security

19

Mr. Yamaguchi

77

8

Married with Thai

Employee at pharmaceuticalcompany

Seek a Thai partner

20

Mr. Yazawa

64

8Married with Thai

Employee attelecommunication company

Seek a Thai partner

21

Ms. Higashi

66

6

Married with Mr. Higashi

Housewife

Amenity seeking

22

Ms. Imai

71

4

Widow

Housewife

Amenity seeking

23

Ms. Iwasa

70

10

Married with Mr. Iwasa

Employee at pharmacy store

Financial security

24

Ms. Kawamoto

77

9

Widow

High school teacher

Amenity seeking

25

Ms. Kojima

61

1SingleSelf-employed decorator

Financial security

26

Ms. Nakano

72

7

Married with Japanese

Civil servant

Volunteer work

27

Ms. Nakase

624SingleEmployee at publisher

Amenity seeking

28

Ms. Ohe61

4

Married with Mr. Ohe

Housewife

Amenity seeking

29

Ms. Sakamoto

62

1

Married with Mr. Sakamoto

Self-employed fortuneteller

Amenity seeking

30

Ms. Sasaki

79

5

Widow

Housewife

Tropical climate

31

Ms. Tamaki

73

1

Widow

Housewife

Amenity seeking

32

Ms. Ueda

Unclear (looks
in her late 60s)

7Married with JapaneseHousewife

Tropical climate

Name(pseudonym)

Age

Years
of stay1

Mr. Aoi

63

2

Mr. Ayabe

3

Mr. Harada

4*Follow-up interview in 2019 are with informant 9, 24, 25*Residents of researched apartment are informant 11, 16, 24, 29

SOKENDAI Review of Cultural and Social Studies Vol. 19 (2023)（ 19 ）242