The Imposter Phenomenon in High Achieving Women:
Dynamics and Therapeutic Intervention
Pauline Rose Clance & Suzanne Imes
Georgia State University
University Plaza
Atlanta, Georgia 30303
Abstract: The term impostor phenomenon is used to designate an internal experience ofintellectual phonies, which appears to be particularly prevalent and intense among a selectsample of high achieving women. Certain early family dynamics and later introjection of societal
sex-role stereotyping appear to contribute significantly to the development of the impostor
phenomenon. Despite outstanding academic and professional accomplishments, women who
experience the imposter phenomenon persists in believing that they are really not bright andhave fooled anyone who thinks otherwise. Numerous achievements, which one might expect toprovide ample object evidence of superior intellectual functioning, do not appear to affect theimpostor belief. Four factors, which contribute to the maintenance of impostor feelings overtime, are explored. Therapeutic approaches found to be effective in helping women change theimpostor self-concept are described.
In the past five years we have worked in individual psychotherapy, theme-centeredinternational groups, and college classes with over 150 highly successful women -- women who
have earned PhDs in various specialties, who are respected professionals in their fields, or who
are students recognized for their academic excellence. However, despite their earned degrees,
scholastic honors, high achievement on standardized tests, praise and professional recognition
from colleagues and respected authorities, these women do not experience an internal sense of
success. They consider themselves to be “impostors.” Women who experience the impostor
phenomenon maintain a strong belief that they are not intelligent; in fact they are convinced thatthey have fooled anyone who thinks otherwise. For example, students often fantasize that they
were mistakenly admitted to graduate school because of an error by the admissions committee.
Numerous women graduate students state the their high examination scores are due to luck, tomisgrading, or to the faulty judgment of professors. Women professionals in our sample feelover evaluated by colleagues and administrators. One women professor said, “I’m not goodenough to be on the faculty here. Some mistake was made in the selection process.” Another,
the chairperson of her department, said, “Obviously I’m in this position because my abilities
have been overestimated.” Another women with two master’s degrees, a PhD., and numerous
publications to her credit considered herself unqualified to teach remedial college classes in her
field. In other words, these women find innumerable means of negating any external evidence
that contradicts their belief that they are, in reality, unintelligent.∗∗The question has been raised as to whether or not men experience this phenomenon. In our clinicalexperience, we have found that the phenomenon occurs with much less frequency in men and thatwhen it does occur, it is with much less intensity. We have received mixed opinions from malecolleagues with whom we have consulted. The attribution research findings, summarized later, imply
that the impostor phenomenon would be found less frequently in men than in women. We havenoticed the phenomenon in men who appear to be more in touch with their “feminine” qualities. Thisclinical observation needs to be researched.
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Self-declared impostors fear that eventually some significant person will discover thatthey are indeed intellectual impostors. One women stated, “I was convinced that I would be
discovered as a phony when I took my comprehensive doctoral examination. I thought the final
test had come. In one way, I was somewhat relieved at this prospect because the pretense
would finally be over. I was shocked when my chairman told me that my answers wereexcellent and that my paper was one of the best he had seen in his entire career.”
Women who exhibit the impostor phenomenon do not fall into any one diagnostic
category. The clinical symptoms most frequently reported are generalized anxiety, lack of selfconfidence, depression, and frustration related to inability to meet self-imposed standards ofachievement.
Included in our sample have been 95 undergraduate women and 10 Ph D faculty womenat a small academically acclaimed private Midwestern co-educational college; 15
undergraduates, 20 graduate students, and 10 faculty members at a large southern urban
university; six medical students from northern and southern universities; and 22 professional
women in such fields as law, anthropology, nursing, counseling, religious education, social
work, occupational therapy, and teaching. They were primarily white middle- to upper-classwomen between the ages of 20 and 45. Approximately one-third were therapy clients withspecific presenting problems (other than the impostor problem); the other two-thirds were in
growth-oriented interaction groups or classes taught by the authors.
While our focus has been on understanding the more personal, experiential effects of
the impostor feelings, we find confirmation of our observations in the experimental findings ofattribution theorists, who in recent years have begun to study differential attribution of successby men and women. In her review of the research on sex differences in the attribution process,Deaux (1976) points to considerable evidence that women consistently have lower expectancies
than men of their ability to perform successfully on a wide variety of tasks. The findings of theresearch citied by Deaux are consistent with the following principals: 1) An unexpected
performance outcome will be attributed to a temporary cause. 2) An expected performanceoutcome will be attributed to a stable cause. In line with their lower expectancies, women tend
to attribute their successes to temporary causes, such as luck or effort, in contrast to men who
are much more likely to attribute their successes to the internal, stable factor of ability.
Conversely, women tend to explain failure with lack of ability, whereas men more often attribute
failure to luck or task difficulty. Given the lower expectancies women have for their own (andother women’s) performances, they have apparently internalized into a self-stereotype thesocietal sex-role stereotype that they are not considered competent (see Broverman, et al.,
1972; Rosenkrantz, et al., 1968). Since success for women is contraindicated by societal
expectations and their own internalized self-evaluations, it is not surprising that women in our
sample need to find explanation for their accomplishments other than their own intelligence -such as fooling other people.
Thus, unlike men, who tend to own success as attributable to a quality inherent inthemselves, women are more likely either to project the cause of success outward to an
external cause (luck) or to a temporary internal quality (effort) that they do not equate with
inherent ability. Deaux suggests that "If … an unexpected event is attributed to some temporary
factor, then future expectancies may remain unchanged, producing a self-perpetuating cycle."
She further proposes, however, that repeated success experiences over a period of time should
begin to change one's expectancies. We have been amazed at the self-perpetuating nature of
the impostor phenomenon -- with the pervasiveness and longevity of the impostor feelings ofour high achieving women, with their continual discounting of their own abilities and persistent
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fear of failure. We have not found repeated successes alone sufficient to break the cycle.
Additional factors that appear to strengthen the maintenance of the impostor phenomenon are
discussed in the following section.

Origin, Dynamics and MaintenanceWhy do so many bright women, despite consistent and impressive evidence to thecontrary, continue to see themselves as impostors who pretend to be bright but who really arenot? What are the origins and dynamics of such a belief and what functions could be served byholding on to such a belief?
We have observed that our "impostors" typically fall into one of two groups, with respect
to early family history. In one group are women who have a sibling or close relative who havebeen designated as the "intelligent" member of the family. Each of the women, on the other
hand, has been told directly or indirectly that she is the "sensitive" or socially adept one in thefamily. The implication from immediate and/or extended family members is that she can neverprove that she is as bright as her siblings regardless of what she actually accomplishes
intellectually. One part of her believes the family myth; another part wants to disprove it.
School gives her an opportunity to try to prove it to her family and herself that she is bright. She
succeeds in obtaining outstanding grades, academic honors, and acclaim from teachers. She
feels good about her performance and hopes her family will acknowledge that she is more thanjust sensitive or charming.
However, the family seems unimpressed, still attributing greater intelligence to the"bright" sibling whose academic performance is often poorer by comparison. On the one hand,
the woman who feels she is an impostor continues to be driven to find ways of getting validation
for her intellectual competence; on the other hand, she thinks her family may be correct,
secretly doubts her intellect, and begins to wonder if she has gained her high marks throughsensitivity to teachers' expectations, social skills, and feminine charms. Thus, the impostor
phenomenon emerges.
A different family dynamic operates for the second group of women experiencing theimpostor phenomenon. The family conveys to the girl that she is superior in every way -intellect, personality, appearance, and talents. There is nothing that she cannot do if she wants
to, and she can do it with ease. She is told numerous examples of how she demonstrated her
precocity as an infant and toddler, such as learning to talk and read very early or reciting
nursery rhymes. In the family members' eyes she is perfect.
The child, however, begins to have experiences in which she cannot do any andeverything she wants to. She does have difficulty in achieving certain things. Yet she feels
obligated to fulfill expectations of her family, even though she knows she cannot keep up the act
forever. Because she is so indiscriminately praised for everything, she begins to distrust her
parents' perceptions of her. Moreover, she begins to doubt herself.
When she goes to school her doubts about her abilities are intensified. Although she
does outstanding work, she does have to study to do well. Having internalized her parents'
definition of brightness as "perfection with ease," and realizing that she cannot live up to thisstandard; she jumps to the conclusion that she must be dumb. She is not a genius; therefore,
she must be an intellectual impostor.

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One of our clients who had trouble with spelling remembers that she pretended to be"sick" for three consecutive Fridays when spelling bees were held. She could not bear thethought of her parents finding out she could not win the spelling contest. Another client recalledthat when she was studying she would pretend to be playing with her art material whenever her
mother walked in the room. Her mother had made it very clear to her that smart people do nothave to study. By using such cover-up strategies our clients believe they have managed to fool
their parents, but internally they are painfully convinced they are phonies.
As we have indicated, our observations have led us to believe that the impostor
phenomenon begins to develop originally in both groups of girls in relation to the family. It has
been suggested to us that the real root of the problem lies in social expectations mentioned
earlier. This is a chicken or egg problem that definitely needs to be researched. However, ourcurrent hypothesis is that the high achieving women in our sample escaped, at least to somedegree, the societal sex-role stereotyping in the preschool years that can be transmitted throughthe parents. Even the women in our sample who were not considered the brighter child were
expected by their parents to do well in school. The fact that these women continued to succeedin spite of antithetical societal expectations implies strong early instilment of achievement
motivation. We do believe that the societal stereotype of women being less able intellectuallythan men begins to exacerbate and confirm at an early age the self-doubts that have alreadybegun to develop in the context of the family dynamics. One study (Nicholls, 1975) indicatesthat differential attribution of success and failure by girls and boys is already operative by theage of ten. The girls in the "sensitive" group appear to develop their original self-doubts about
their intellect from the differential between their perception that they are not considered brightand their actual high achievements. The girls in the "bright " group first develop self-doubts
from the small differential between what they are expected to achieve and what they canachieve. Feelings of phoniness for both groups are further affirmed by the differential between
high achievement and low societal expectations. The women's own self-image of being aphony is consonant with the societal view that women are not defined as being competent. If awoman does well, it cannot be because of her ability but must be because of some fluke. If shewere to acknowledge her intelligence, she would have to go against the views perpetuated by awhole society - an ominous venture indeed! And yet the women we have encountered, by theirvery perseverance in continuing to succeed against tremendous odds, appear to want also toprove themselves and society wrong. At the same time there are intense and deep-seatedbeliefs in the impostor position, there are also strong (though frequently unsuccessful) attempts
to overcome it.
Why is the impostor phenomenon so difficult to overcome? We have observed at least
four different types of behaviors, which tend to maintain the impostor phenomenon once theposture of being an intellectual phony has been assumed. A woman may participate in one ormore of these behaviors, but seldom all of them.
The first type of behavior involves diligence and hard work. The fear that "my stupidity
will be discovered" is constantly present; consequently the woman studies or works very hard toprevent the discovery. Hard work and study pay off in excellent performance and approval from
authorities. The cycle, worry about intelligence -- hard work and cover-up strategies -- good
grades or performance -- approval and temporary good feelings, is reinforcing. The woman
feels elated temporarily and such feelings of success make the cycle very hard to give up. She
develops an unstated but vaguely aware belief that if she were to think she could succeed shewould actually fail. Her belief takes on the quality of a magical ritual, which will guarantee atleast an overt success. However, the success is an empty one, and the good feelings are short
lived because the underlying sense of phoniness remains untouched.
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A second mode of behavior centers on a sense of phoniness, which is based in part inreality. Many of our clients engage in intellectual inauthenticity in one way or another. They
have chosen at times not to reveal their real ideas or opinions. Instead they have accurately"psyched out" their professors, supervisors, and colleagues and given them what they mostwanted to hear. They have participated in "intellectual flattery." For example, a student mightnote a professor's biases and be sure to cite numerous studies, which would support thosebiases on an exam question or in a paper, even though she might personally hold different
views.
In writing a grant proposal for an educational program one client included hersupervisor's ideas and downplayed her own. A subtler example is the woman who remains
silent in the face of an opposing viewpoint. Consequently she is left with the impression, "If I
had revealed what I really think and believe, I might not have done well. I might have been
considered unintelligent." This type of avoidance prevents our clients from discovering whether
or not authentic views would have been evaluated as sensible, and it thus contributes to themaintenance of the impostor phenomenon.
Another kind of behavior has to do with using charm and perceptiveness to win theapproval of superiors. For a woman who uses charm in this way, the aim is to be liked as wellas to be recognized as intellectually special. Typically, she believes, "I am stupid," but at antherlevel she believes she is brilliant, creative, and special if only the right person would discoverher genius and thereby help her believe in her intellect. She first finds a candidate she respects
and then proceeds to impress that person. She studies the person carefully and perceives very
accurately what that person will be responsive to. She uses her friendliness, charm, looks,
humor, sexuality, and perceptiveness to win the person over. For example, if the potential
mentor grows mushrooms, the woman will make it her business to be able to converse
enthusiastically and knowledgably about mushroom growing. If the candidate is in a difficult
situation, the woman listens with understanding and concern. She may volunteer to assist a
professor with his/her pet research project. She may even become sexually involved with her
mentor. This process of seeking (and usually gaining) approval from an admired authority figure
is unsuccessful in changing the impostor system for two reasons. First, even when the mentor
does acclaim her as intellectually superior, creative, and special, she does not believe him/her
because she believes the mentor has based his/her opinion primarily on her other attributes.
The current candidate is discounted as unable to judge her accurately. She begins a search foranother mentor and will repeat the same self-defeating process. Second, the woman continues
to believe that if she were really bright she would not need outside approval. She should haveinternally-based confidence in her own ability. Thus, efforts to gain approval give proof that she
is intellectually phony. After all, people who are geniuses or innovators in their fields manage tobe productive and creative despite lack of support from others; they certainly would not resort toadaptive or placating behaviors to gain validation. To engage in such phoniness is to lack
integrity in the eyes of our clients.
The phenomenon may be further maintained in response to the negative
consequences that are likely to befall the woman in our society who displays confidence in her
ability. Margaret Mead (1949) has noted that the successful or independent woman "is viewed
as a hostile and destructive force within society." According to Mead, a woman's femininity iscalled into question by her success. Martina Horner's (1972) studies support Mead's
observation that for a woman to succeed in our culture is indeed a fearsome venture. Hornerindicates that many women have motive to avoid success out of a fear that they will be rejected
or considered less feminine if they do succeed. Maccoby (1963) has asserted that "the girl who
maintains qualities of independence and active striving (achievement-orientation) necessary for
intellectual mastery defies the convention of sex-appropriate behavior and must pay a price, aprice in anxiety." To maintain a sense of herself as being an intellectual phony may allow a highPsychotherapy Theory, Research and PracticeVolume 15, #3, Fall 1978

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achieving woman to live out her achievement orientation to a large degree and at the same timeallay some of her fears about the negative consequences of being a successful woman in oursociety. As long as she maintains the notion that she is not bright, she imagines that she can
avoid societal rejection.
Therapy
Evidence of the impostor phenomenon has typically emerged after an individual has
been in a group or individual psychotherapy for several sessions. It is rarely stated as thepresenting problem since it is a well-guarded secret, which is not shared immediately. The"imposter" is so convinced her belief is correct that nothing could be done to change it anyway.
She also believes that if she revealed her assumed unique feelings of phoniness she would
meet with criticism or at least very little understanding on the part of others. It is generally her
anxiety about achieving a particular goal, which leads her to disclosed feelings of intellectual
phoniness.
A multi-modal therapy in which several therapeutic approaches are used concurrently
seems most effective in altering the impostor belief in a client. A group therapy setting or aninter-actional group in which there are some other high achieving women experiencing theimpostor phenomenon is highly recommended. If one woman is willing to share her secret,others are able to share theirs. They are not astonished and relieved to find they are not alone.
A group setting is also valuable because one woman can see the dynamics in another
woman and recognize the lack of reality involved. Mary cannot believe that Jane thinks she isstupid. After all, Jane has a PhD from an outstanding university, is a respected professor, andis obviously bright. In a group setting, the ways in which an individual negates positive
feedback and maintains her belief system emerge in clear relief and can be brought to theattention of the client.
The client needs to become aware of the superstitious, magical aspects of her impostor
belief and must consciously experiment with changing her ritualistic behaviors. For example,
she is encouraged to study for an exam with the expectation, "I will do well on this exam" rather
than, "I may fail." When she is able to succeed without the self-doubting beforehand, she has
made a major breakthrough in undoing her ritual of predicting failure. Weekly homeworkassignments to practice new ideas about the self as well as to decrease compulsive work habits(which perpetuate "effort" attributions) can also be very useful. However, we have found thatsuch assignments must be suggested in small, incremental steps. Since the old phoninessfeelings and hard-work habits are so powerfully associated with at least overt success, trying togive them up too quickly, before other attitudes and habits have been experienced as personallymore satisfying, can result in acute anxiety and/or reversion to the relative security of old ways.
One effective Gestalt experiment is to have the client recall all the people she thinks she
has fooled, to tell them in fantasy how she conned or tricked them, and to have her imagine out
loud how each person would respond to her. "I did not give you an award in English because
you charmed me. I did like you as a person but I honored you for your outstanding work," or"I'm angry that you think I'm so stupid that I can't judge competence when I see it," or "I don't
like your negating me and my opinions."
A helpful homework assignment is to have the client keep a record of positive feedback
she receives about her competence and how she keeps herself from accepting this feedback.
After she becomes aware of how she denies compliments, she is instructed to experiment with
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doing the opposite -- to listen, to take in the positive response, and to get as much nourishment
as possible out of it.
Another producuive Gestalt technique is to have the client role-play the opposite of "I'm
not bright," i.e., to have her act out being bright, feeling it and expressing it in the presence ofthe group or therapist. Reactions to this role play are varied. Frequently a woman gets in touchwith and is able to reveal a heretofore hidden fantasy that she is special and outstanding -- afacet of the self-image that lurks beneath the overriding feeling of self-doubt. She can then workthrough the fears and guilt that accompany the fantasy of specialness and can move toward a
realistic and self-affirming view of her own abilities, neither overestimating nor underestimatingthem. This role play helps some women confront their fears of success. This usually happens
when a client is particularly resistive to the exercise, having difficulty acting out such an"arrogant" position. Through confronting her resistances to the exercise, the client confronts hercatastrophic fantasies about the consequences of being successful. She may discover she isfrightened that others would consider her exhibitionistic, snobbish, or unfeminine. Such fears
are often accompanied by memories of concrete experiences, such as being kidded by otherchildren when teachers singled her out for outstanding work or being shunned by boys who felt
intellectually inferior. In taking the stance of being bright and capable, many women experiencea rewarding sense of their personal power. If, as is often the case, they receive applause fromother group members for such self-affirmation, their fears about acknowledging their brightness
begin to subside.
For a woman who has used charm and/or intellectual flattery to gain approval from
authority figures, much time is spent on increasing awareness of those times when she is being
phony -- when she does or says something she does not want to in the hope of gaining
approval. She is encouraged to risk "being herself" and seeing what happens. Usually thecatastrophic expectations do not occur. Also, by eliminating approval-getting behaviors, thewoman can begin to accept compliments from others regarding her intelligence as being "real"and can internalize the external reinforcement she does receive. In the course of therapy, theseclients are also encouraged to seek out people who will support them in their struggle to beauthentic and not to depend on those who would be threatened by their abilities andachievements.
As a result of a combination of such therapeutic interventions in conjunction with acommitment to change, a high achieving woman who has previously considered herself an
impostor begins to allow herself to state and feel, "I am intelligent. I have learned and achieved
a tremendous amount. It is all right for me to believe in my own intellectual abilities andstrengths." She begins to be free of the burden of believing she is a phony and can more fully
participate in the joys, zest, and power of her accomplishments.

References
Broverman, I.K.; Vogel, S.R.; Broverman, D.M.; Clarkson, F.E. & Rosenkrantz, P.S. Sex
role stereotypes: A current appraisal. Journal of Social Issues. 1972. 28, 59-78.
Deaux, D. Sex and the attribution process. In J.H. Harvey, W.J. Ickes & R.F. Kidd
(Eds.). New directions in attribution research. Vol. 1. New York: Halsted Press Division, Wiley.
1976. pp. 335-352.
Horner, M.S. Toward an understanding of achievement -- related conflicts in women.
Journal of Social Issues. 1972. 28, 157-175.
Maccoby, E.E. Woman's intellect. In S. M. Farber and R. H. L. Wilson (Eds.). The
Potential of Woman. New York: McGraw-Hill. 1963. 24-39.
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Mead, M. Male and Female. New York: Morrow, 1949. Also, New York: Dell, (LaurelEd.), 1958.
Nicholls, J.G. Casual attributions and other achievement-related cognitions: Effects oftask outcome, attainment value and sex. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 1975.
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Rosenkrantz, P.S.; Vogel, S.R.; Bee, H.; Broverman, I.K. & Broverman, D.M. Sex-role
stereotypes and self-concepts in college students. Journal of Consulting and ClinicalPsychology. 1968. 32, 287-195.

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