MIGRANTS AND
THEIR VULNERABILITYTO HUMAN TRAFFICKING, MODERN SLAVERY AND FORCED LABOUR

Publication authors:
Fiona David, Katharine Bryant
and Jacqueline Joudo Larsen

Contributors:
The authors would like to acknowledge the contributions of John Latham, Gareth Larsen andAsha McNeill, who conducted: the initial literature searches and prepared document reviews
including an annotated bibliography, provided writing assistance and technical editing. The
authors would also like to thank Andria Kenney and Mathieu Luciano from IOM who enabledexpert discussions on a draft of the report and also provided input as the research developed.
The opinions expressed in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect
the views of the International Organization for Migration (IOM). The designations employed andthe presentation of material throughout the report do not imply the expression of any opinion
whatsoever on the part of IOM concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area,
or of its authorities, or concerning its frontiers or boundaries.
IOM is committed to the principle that humane and orderly migration benefits migrants
and society. As an intergovernmental organization, IOM acts with its partners in theinternational community to: assist in meeting the operational challenges of migration; advanceunderstanding of migration issues; encourage social and economic development throughmigration; and uphold the human dignity and well-being of migrants.
This publication was made possible through the funding provided by UK aid from the UK
government, under the terms of HQS/FGBR/ME0034.2018 DFID. The views expressed herein
do not necessarily reflect the views of the UK government or its official policies.
Publisher: International Organization for Migration
17 route des Morillons
1211 Geneva 19
Switzerland
Tel: +41.22.717 91 11
Fax: +41.22.798 61 50
E-mail: hq@iom.int
Internet: www.iom.int
This report has been issued without formal editing by IOM.
© 2019 International Organization for Migration (IOM)
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system,or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, orotherwise without the prior written permission of the publisher.
Front cover image:
Venezuelans load cars with goods and food on the irregular migration routes connecting Bolivarian Republic ofVenezuela and Pacaraima, Brazil. Migrants who use irregular migration routes are vulnerable to exploitation due tohigh-risk situations including the profit motives of smuggling networks and the presence of organized crime.
Credit: Victor Moriyama/Getty Images

Contents

CONTENTSFAST FACTS.............................................................................................................................................................................. 4
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY......................................................................................................................................................... 8
Where are migrants most vulnerable?............................................................................................................... 10
Which migrants are most vulnerable?............................................................................................................... 10
What enables migrants to be abused and exploited?................................................................................ 10
What about existing government protections for migrants?.................................................................... 11
Recommendations.......................................................................................................................................................12
Recommendation 1: Increase protections for victims and vulnerable migrants.....................12
Recommendation 2: Reduce capacity and opportunity for potential offenders....................13
Recommendation 3: Increase capacity and focus of guardians and first responders........13
Recommendation 4: Focus research efforts on filling critical gaps in knowledge.................14

INTRODUCTION......................................................................................................................................................................16
METHODOLOGY.................................................................................................................................................................... 20
KEY FEATURES OF THE KNOWLEDGE BASE................................................................................................................21
Methods of studies.......................................................................................................................................................21
Thematic coverage......................................................................................................................................................21
Geographic focus........................................................................................................................................................22
Economic sector or purpose of exploitation..................................................................................................24
Sites of vulnerability...................................................................................................................................................25

SITES OF VULNERABILITY IN THE MIGRATION PROCESS...................................................................................26
Areas beyond the reach of state protection...................................................................................................27
Private dwellings...........................................................................................................................................................28
Private businesses......................................................................................................................................................28
Border crossings..........................................................................................................................................................29
Irregular migration routes....................................................................................................................................... 30
Displacement sites and refugee camps.......................................................................................................... 30
Conflict zones.................................................................................................................................................................31
Natural disasters...........................................................................................................................................................31
Ships...................................................................................................................................................................................31
Rural areas......................................................................................................................................................................32
Commercial sex establishments..........................................................................................................................32

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour1

Contents

VICTIM CHARACTERISTICS............................................................................................................................................ 34
Children and youth......................................................................................................................................................35
Gender..............................................................................................................................................................................37
Visa status.......................................................................................................................................................................38
Knowledge and attitude toward migration.......................................................................................................38
Secondary displacement........................................................................................................................................ 39
Repeat exploitation.................................................................................................................................................... 39
Length of travel............................................................................................................................................................ 39
Sexual orientation and identity............................................................................................................................ 39
Language ability.......................................................................................................................................................... 40
Drug or alcohol addiction........................................................................................................................................ 40
Health............................................................................................................................................................................... 40
Poverty...............................................................................................................................................................................41
Education.........................................................................................................................................................................42
Necessity to support dependents...................................................................................................................... 43
Abusive or unstable family background.......................................................................................................... 43
Homelessness or lack of family support......................................................................................................... 43
Cultural norms.............................................................................................................................................................. 43
Lack of a local support network.......................................................................................................................... 44
Caste status.................................................................................................................................................................. 44
Globalization and inequality.................................................................................................................................. 44
Discrimination against migrants.......................................................................................................................... 45

OFFENDER CHARACTERISTICS...................................................................................................................................... 46
Typologies.......................................................................................................................................................................47
Offender motivations................................................................................................................................................ 48
Perception...................................................................................................................................................................... 49
Resources relevant to offending......................................................................................................................... 49

2

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

Contents

GUARDIAN CHARACTERISTICS..................................................................................................................................... 54
Gaps in responses.......................................................................................................................................................55
Gaps in legislation.......................................................................................................................................................55
Gaps in social protections and labour rights................................................................................................. 56
Non-recognition of foreign qualifications........................................................................................................57
Restrictive immigration policies and weak migration governance structures...............................57
Barriers to collective bargaining...........................................................................................................................58
State-imposed forced labour................................................................................................................................ 59
Lack of political will or capacity to respond................................................................................................... 60
Conflict and natural disasters.............................................................................................................................. 60
Corruption...................................................................................................................................................................... 60
Complexity of the crime types...............................................................................................................................61
Stereotypes and gaps in understanding............................................................................................................61
Discrimination and prejudice.................................................................................................................................62

ANALYSIS AND RECOMMENDATIONS......................................................................................................................... 64
Which migrants are vulnerable, when and in what circumstances?................................................... 64
Pre-migration................................................................................................................................................................ 65
In transit........................................................................................................................................................................... 65
At destination............................................................................................................................................................... 66
On return......................................................................................................................................................................... 66
Addressing the intersections of risk...................................................................................................................67
Recommendation 1: Increase protections for victims and vulnerable migrants...........................67
Recommendation 2: Reduce capacity and opportunity for potential offenders..........................67
Recommendation 3: Increase capacity and focus of guardians and first responders............. 68
Recommendation 4: Focus research efforts on filling critical gaps in knowledge...................... 68

ATTACHMENT A: RESEARCH PROTOCOL...................................................................................................................70
ATTACHMENT B: LIST OF COUNTRIES OR PLACES AND NUMBER OF STUDIES FOUND...........................78
ATTACHMENT C: LIST OF COUNTRIES OR PLACES WITH NO STUDIES LOCATED......................................82
BIBLIOGRAPHY.................................................................................................................................................................... 84
ENDNOTES.............................................................................................................................................................................. 94

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

3

Fast Facts

FAST
FACTS

258m
MIGRANTS*

THERE ARE 258 MILLIONMIGRANTS.*WITHIN THIS, AN UNKNOWNNUMBER ARE ALSO PARTOF THE ESTIMATED 40
MILLION PEOPLE LIVING IN
MODERN SLAVERY.
HOW DO WE IMPROVE OUR
UNDERSTANDING OF THISOVERLAP SO THAT WE
CAN PREVENT MODERNSLAVERY?

40m

IN MODERN SLAVERY* Migrants refers to international migrants.

4

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

Fast Facts

THIS REPORT EXAMINES:
WHERE AND WHENMIGRANTS ARE PARTICULARLY VULNERABLE TO HUMAN
TRAFFICKING, FORCED LABOUR, AND MODERN SLAVERY.
Any situation or place where the authority of the State and society is unable
to protect them, either through lack of capacity, absence of applicable laws
or simple neglect. This includes when migrants are:• Fleeing situations of violence and conflict;• Dislocated from community and family support structures, without accessto legitimate forms of employment, legal status and social protection;• Moving or working through irregular channels;• Working in sectors that are either literally out of sight, such as work at
sea or in private homes as domestic workers, or in informal sectors thatare either not covered or may even be excluded from existing systems oflabour protections.

WHICH

MIGRANTS ARE MOST VULNERABLE TO HUMAN TRAFFICKING,FORCED LABOUR AND MODERN SLAVERY.
• Children and adolescents.
• Women and men are vulnerable but in different ways – with womenexperiencing higher rates of modern slavery in domestic work, the sex
industry and forced marriage, while men are more likely to be exploited inforced labour in construction and manufacturing sectors;• Undocumented migrants;• Tied visas and other mechanisms that give undue control to employers

or recruiters;• Restrictive migration systems that fail to take account of labour market
realities or to effectively balance competing policy priorities;• Corruption of officials involved in the recruitment, migration andcriminal justice processes, including recruitment agents, employers andgovernment border control, police and military officials;• Reliance on third party recruiters and agents;• Gaps in the protective mechanisms provided by government, reflecting
either lack of priority or lack of coverage.

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

5Fast Facts

WHAT

DO WE NEED TO DO TO ADDRESS THIS?
Increase protections for vulnerable migrants
and victims through measures aimed at:• Providing protection for those fleeing repressive regimes;• Ensuring access to decent work and finances;• Addressing the threat of deportation and detention for migrants seeking
redress from employment abuses;• Filling gaps in national laws and labour protections;• Expanding child protection systems to include migrant children;• Creating ethical and safe, fee-free recruitment across borders;• Reducing discrimination.

Reduce capacity and opportunity for potential
offenders through measures aimed at:• Prohibiting recruitment fees, restrictions on mobility and withholdingof identify documents;• Promoting labour rights, inspections and protections;• Reducing discrimination.

Increase capacity and focus of guardians throughmeasures aimed at:• Closing gaps in laws, including criminal and labour laws and protective
responses;• Creating safe migration pathways that better reflect the realities of
migration and labour markets, as well as the need to balance rights
and security;• Bolstering capacity of all first responders in crisis situations;• Ensuring that corruption is investigated, exposed and prosecuted;• Funding rapid response task-forces as new issues arise. Train first
responders to identify crimes relating to modern slavery;• Supporting transparency through research and reporting;• Ensuring rehabilitation of victims includes a financial or livelihoods
components.

Focus research efforts on filling critical gaps
in knowledge, particularly with regard to:• Offenders.
• Age and gender and their impacts on vulnerability to modern slavery;• Understudied topics including forced marriage and its connections

to migration, and the recruitment of child soldiers from migrant anddisplaced populations;• Understudied regions and countries, where high prevalence is indicatedbut there is limited research on the connection to migration andvulnerability to modern slavery.

6

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

Fast Facts

A woman carries a child after
disembarking from an aircraft
carrying refugees evacuatedfrom the Libyan city of Misrata
to Rome, Italy. According to
UNICEF, the absolute numberof child migrants has increased
significantly in the last 25
years and migrant children
may fall outside the scope orfocus of local child protection
authorities, thereby creatingheightened risk of modern
slavery for these children.
Credit: Alberto Pizzoli/AFP/
Getty Images

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

7

EXECUTIVE
SUMMARY
Research suggests connections exist between migrationand criminal forms of exploitation such as human trafficking,forced labour and modern slavery. Certainly, constellationsof risk are seen in certain migrant communities andmigration corridors. However, it is not known how many of theworld’s estimated 40 million victims of modern slavery arealso migrants.
Modern slavery, while not defined in law, serves as an umbrella term thatemphasizes the commonalities between human trafficking, forced labourand slavery. Essentially, these are all situations of exploitation in which
a person cannot refuse or leave an exploitative situation due to threats,
violence, coercion, deception or abuse of power.1 If we are to understand therelationship between migration and modern slavery, it is important that weknow more about which migrants are vulnerable to modern slavery, as well as
when and in what enabling circumstances.

8

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

Executive Summary

About 200 migrants, mostly
from Ethiopia and Eritrea, havebeen detained in the coastal
town of Zawiya, west of Tripoli,
Libya as they tried to cross to
Europe in a truck in June, 2014.
Crackdowns on undocumented
migrants and asylum-seekers
push them into migrating
through more unsafe methods,
thereby creating the conditions
that enable smuggling to thrive.
Credit: Hazem Turkia/Anadolu
Agency/Getty Images

The global community has pledged, throughthe Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs),
to address global challenges to achieve a
better and more sustainable future for all.
SDG 8.7 aims to eradicate modern slavery,
trafficking, forced labour and the worst formsof child labour by 2030, and to end child labour
by 2025. Alliance 8.7 is a multi-stakeholder
partnership committed to achieving Target 8.7
through coordination, strengthening research,data, and knowledge management and sharing.
Also covered by the SDGs is migration,
most notably under SDG 10.7, which aims
to facilitate orderly, safe, and responsible
migration and mobility of people, including
through implementation of planned andwell-managed migration policies. In addition,
the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly andRegular Migration seeks to embody the
first intergovernmental agreement oninternational migration under the auspicesof the United Nations.

The Global Compact emphasizes the needto address and reduce the vulnerabilities inmigration and, through its Objective 10, calls on
the international community to “prevent andcombat trafficking in persons in the context ofinternational migration.” 2
Recognizing the importance of addressing
modern slavery and specific vulnerabilities
of migrants to modern slavery, this reporthas been prepared for the Alliance 8.7 Action
Group on Migration to help to inform theactivities of the group aimed at achieving
SDG 8.7. The report examines the recent
research literature on migration and modern
slavery (published between 2014-2018)
through a crime prevention lens, to identify aset of salient features that will help us better
understand the relevant connections between
migration and vulnerability to trafficking,forced labour, child labour, and modern slavery.

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

9Executive Summary

WHERE ARE MIGRANTS MOST
VULNERABLE?
Migrants are most vulnerable to abuse andexploitation in situations and places where
the authority of the State and society is
unable to protect them, either throughlack of capacity, applicable laws or simple
neglect. For example, migrants are highly
vulnerable when fleeing situations ofviolence and conflict, where the State has
effectively broken down and society itself
is in crisis. Even once migrants have fled
the immediate fighting, when people are on
the move, this vulnerability persists while
migrants are dislocated from community andfamily support structures, and are thereby
typically without access to legitimate formsof employment, legal status and social
protection. The risk is further increased when
migrants move or work through irregularchannels, where their irregular status puts
them entirely at the mercy of opportunists
who may seek to take advantage of theirdesperate circumstances.
Migrant workers are also vulnerable in certain
labour situations that are either unseen, hardto access or simply not covered by existing
legal protections. This includes situations
that are “out of sight” such as migrant
workers engaged in work at sea or even in
private homes as domestic workers, but it
can also include migrants who are effectively
confined to worksites by private employers or
agents who have a high degree of control overtheir ability to retain a visa, their working andliving conditions, and their mobility.

WHICH MIGRANTS ARE MOST
VULNERABLE?
Child and adolescent migrants are highly
vulnerable to modern slavery. While anestimated 31 million children are migrants
globally, legal routes of migration are typicallyclosed to children. Children and adolescentsare particularly vulnerable when travellingalone or having been separated from theirfamilies. Discrimination and racism can resultin some child migrants of certain national or
ethnic origins being targeted more than otherchildren and experiencing higher rates ofvictimization. Crimes against children tend
to be underreported and research confirms
child migrants face additional barriers toreporting, including fear of detention anddeportation.

10

The issue of gender is relevant tovulnerability, with women experiencing higher
rates of modern slavery in domestic work,
the sex industry and forced marriage, while
men are more likely to be exploited in statesponsored forced labour and forced labour inthe construction and manufacturing sectors.
All relevant studies agree that undocumented
migrants are at a higher risk of modern
slavery than those who are documented.
Additionally, migrants whose visas are tied toa specific employer are also at higher risk of
exploitation.
The impact of migrants’ knowledge of
migration processes is disputed. Some
research suggests that poorly informed
migrants are at higher risk of exploitation.
However, other researchers argue that mostmigrants are already aware of the dangers of
migrant exploitation but are compelled into
risky situations by circumstances beyond
their control.
Restrictive immigration policies (such as
restrictions applied to certain visas or
arbitrary changes to asylum procedures
for nationals from certain countries) andweak migration governance structures
are frequently noted as major causes ofvulnerability to modern slavery, especiallywhen combined with low-wage migration.
In many contexts, migrant workers are
excluded from or fall outside the protectionof organized labour, where it exists.
A climate of discrimination against
migrants can be a major cause of theirvulnerability to modern slavery. Whilesometimes discrimination may play out
through tolerance of abuse, it can also mean
migrants have limited access to legal and law
enforcement systems that otherwise mightprotect them.

WHAT ENABLES MIGRANTS TO BE
ABUSED AND EXPLOITED?
With limited access to networks, information
or resources, migrants frequently need tolook to third party sources of help. If verified
information is not readily available throughobvious, official channels, then local agents,
intermediaries and employers will be able toleverage their superior control of resources
to exploit migrant workers with relatively low
cost and risk.

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

Executive Summary

A former migrant worker,
Haryatin, who is blind
because employers
abused her while working
in Saudi Arabia, with herdaughter Wulan at theirhome in Blitar, East Java,
September 2013. Many
Indonesian domestic
workers come homefrom abroad having
experienced a variety of
exploitation and abuse
throughout the migration
process including tortureand sexual abuse by theiremployers. Credit: Arief
Priyono/LightRocket via
Getty Images

These include having superior access to
information about migration processes
and employment systems, local networks(particularly for potential employment),
financial resources and control of space,including workplaces.
The role of third-party intermediaries in the
migration process is significant. Complex orpiecemeal information on official migration
processes, employment and relocation
options, including job vacancies, skills andeducational recognition, make it difficult forprospective migrant workers to migrate without
third party assistance. As a result, migrants
frequently use recruitment agencies, brokers,
smugglers and other intermediaries, including
extended networks through family and friends,
to find overseas employment and facilitate
their migration.
Transactions with recruiters or recruitment
agencies are one of the most common
situations in which migrants are confronted
with choices that lead to their exploitation. In
many jurisdictions, these agencies are subject
to minimal or inefficient regulation. Complex
networks of subcontracting and crossjurisdictional challenges can obscure legal andfinancial responsibilities.

Research suggests that those involved in
abusing migrants can be both opportunistic
and predatory, seeking profit but also personalgratification. Perpetrators may not always
view their behaviour as exploitative, as they
may hold ideological beliefs that allow themto rationalize their exploitation of others.
Examples include reference to conceptsof free choice (“it’s their choice”) or a belief
that perpetrators are providing a social good(“they are better off here”). Xenophobia anddiscrimination are also highly relevant to the
mistreatment of migrants.

WHAT ABOUT EXISTING GOVERNMENTPROTECTIONS FOR MIGRANTS?
While there are laws, policies and practices
that are intended to protect migrants fromabuse and exploitation, there are many gaps
in these mechanisms that leave large areas
where people are entirely without protection.
These gaps in protection are actively leveraged
by unscrupulous recruiters, agents, employers
and others to extract profit or other personal
reward from vulnerable migrants. Even whereformal systems exist, corruption, lack ofoversight and the existence of well-entrenched“shadow systems” undermines protections.

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

11

Executive Summary

Even when protective systems do exist,
research confirms that modern slavery
is a low priority for some legal andlaw enforcement systems, with higher
priority (and consequently funding) given
to immigration control. There are also
considerable challenges with oversight andenforcement when the affected populations
are essentially hidden, particularly when
there are disincentives for victims to selfidentify such as the threat of criminalizationfor offences committed while exploited.
Any lack of capacity to protect will beworsened in crisis situations, whereformal controls break down, systems andinfrastructure are stretched to the limit(including at borders and in countries ofdestination), and those who hold power maythemselves be complicit in the abuse.

RECOMMENDATIONS
While there are myriad factors that contributeto vulnerability of certain migrants to humantrafficking, forced labour and modern slavery,
it is possible to identify salient patternsof risk. These are the areas where our
prevention efforts should focus:

1. Increasing protections for victims andvulnerable migrants.

2. Reducing the capacity and opportunity
for potential offenders.

3. Increasing capacity and focus ofguardians and first responders.

4. Focusing research efforts on filling criticalgaps in knowledge.

RECOMMENDATION 1:
INCREASE PROTECTIONS FOR VICTIMSAND VULNERABLE MIGRANTS
Prevention efforts should focus on strategies
to increase the safety of migrants inthe locations and situations where highvulnerability coincides with opportunity foroffending:a. Ensure protection is provided universallyfor migrants escaping repressive Statesthat subject their own citizens to forced
labour.

b. Increase migrants’ access to information
about the migration and recruitment
processes.

c. Increase migrants’ access to legitimate
sources of work and/or finance along
migration pathways and in destination
countries.

d. Ensure that access to safe financial

services, such as short term loans, andsafe work or livelihoods programmes arepart of responses to displacement.

e. Address the threat of detention and/or deportation that hangs over many
migrant workers by creating systems andstructures that enable temporary andeven irregular migrants to access basic
labour rights and justice, particularlyaround wage theft in both formal andinformal sectors.

f. Eliminate gaps in labour protections forworkers in informal sectors.

g. In destination and transit countries

where children are on the move, ensurethat local child protection systems arestrengthened and supported to provide
protection to migrant children.

h. Provide access to reasonable livelihoods
for migrant parents and inclusive
education support for all children
regardless of migrant parents’ status.

i. Recognize and address the inherent

potential for exploitation of children incrisis situations and take steps to ensurethat children are safe even while fosteredor being cared for through other informalchildcare practices.

12

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

Executive Summary

RECOMMENDATION 2:
REDUCE CAPACITY AND OPPORTUNITY
FOR POTENTIAL OFFENDERSPrevention efforts should focus on strategies toreduce capacity and opportunity for offending:a. Redress the power imbalance between

employers and employees by prohibiting
recruitment fees, prohibiting restrictions
on mobility and withholding of identity
documents, and promoting labour rights,
inspections and protections. This isparticularly urgent in high-risk sectors
such as the manufacturing, domestic work,
construction and fishery sectors.

b. Reduce perpetrators’ control ofrecruitment processes through moretransparent regulation and system design
while fostering innovative use of information
technology and increased availability offree or low-cost information.

c. Focus on the structures, policies andsocietal norms that enable discrimination tobe perpetuated against migrants and othermarginal populations.

RECOMMENDATION 3:
INCREASE CAPACITY AND FOCUS OF
GUARDIANS AND FIRST RESPONDERSPrevention efforts should focus on strategies
to increase the capacity and focus of guardianssuch as law enforcement, labour inspectors
and other potential first responders:a. Close gaps in criminal laws by criminalizing
forced marriage, all forms of humantrafficking and forced labour, the use ofchild soldiers, and the buying and selling ofchildren for sex.

b. Close gaps in protective responses andensure all victims of these crimes, including
migrants, men, women and children, areincluded in services and are able to accessthem.

c. Ensure that all migrant workers areprotected by labour laws, including the rightto collective bargaining.

d. Review immigration laws and policies toensure they reflect the realities of labour
market and migration pressures, but also toensure a humane balance is struck between
competing policy priorities, such as security
and human rights of migrants.

e. Strengthen migration governance systems.
f. Ensure that corruption is investigated,
exposed and prosecuted.

g. In crisis situations, anticipate the riskof human trafficking, forced labour andmodern slavery. Bolster the capacity of
governments, humanitarian workers andpartners in these situations. Actively
develop protective systems to identify andassist at-risk populations both during crisis
and in protracted or post-crisis settings,
including in neighbouring countries andareas of return.

h. Fund rapid response task-forces andprovide them with the flexibility to respondto emerging threats.

i. Provide training and support to first

responders, including creating specialized
law enforcement capabilities, and pursue
labour inspections in the informal sector todetect instances of modern slavery.

A workman sits on the ground,taking a break from filling brickmoulds with damp clay in abrick factory, March 2014 in
Udaipur, India. The brick-making
industry in North-Western India
is a particularly risky sector for
migrants’ exploitation due to theingrained system of employers
advancing workers wages and thenormalization of debt bondage.
Credit: urbancow

j. Encourage transparency of efforts throughsupport for research and reporting on theoperation and effectiveness of existing
responses.

k. Focus on rehabilitation that includes afinancial or livelihoods components toprevent re-victimization of people who haveexited exploitative situations.

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

13

Executive Summary

d. Understudied regions and countries,

RECOMMENDATION 4:
FOCUS RESEARCH EFFORTS ON FILLINGCRITICAL GAPS IN KNOWLEDGE
Effective responses to modern slavery
depend on the availability of relevant, reliabledata to help understand the problem and its
solutions. Research is needed to fill gaps inknowledge, particularly on:a. Offenders, most notably the methods,

backgrounds and motivations ofmodern slavery’s perpetrators and thedevelopment of a better typology of
perpetrators in various types of modern
slavery.

b. Age and gender and their impacts on

where high prevalence is indicatedbut there is limited research on theconnection to migration and vulnerability
to modern slavery specifically, such as
the Caribbean, Oceania (notably the
Pacific Island Nations), Southern Africa,
Middle Africa, Eastern Asia, the RussianFederation, Central Asian Republics, theIslamic Republic of Iran, Somalia, Burundi
and Mauritania.

e. Protective factors, such as how cultural

norms and diasporas can be better
leveraged to provide protection for
migrants and counter the misinformationand exploitative networks that benefit
offenders.

vulnerability to modern slavery.

c. Understudied topics, such as forced

marriage and its connections to migration,
as well as recruitment of child soldiersfrom migrant and displaced populations.

INCREASE
PROTECTION
FOR VULNERABLEMIGRANTS
14

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

Executive Summary

A Yemeni refugee showsa picture of young boys
conscripted by rebels in Yemen
at their accommodation in
Jeju island, South Korea in
July, 2018. Boys aged 10 orolder in Yemen are subject toconscription as government
forces battle Houthi rebels
amid the widespread
humanitarian crisis.
Credit: Chris Jung/NurPhoto
via Getty Images

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

15

01

INTRODUCTION
There are an estimated 258 million international migrants
globally. 3 While it is true that all international migrants havesomething in common, as they are all people currently
living outside of their country of birth, in reality the migrantexperience is highly diverse. The term migrant refers toany person who has moved – voluntarily or involuntarily –across an international border (international migrants) ordomestically within a country away from their usual place ofresidence (internal migrants). 4 This can include highly paidbankers from London working for global financial institutions
in New York, university students from China studying in
Singapore, parents who relocate from Italy to be closer totheir family members who have moved to the United Statesand families fleeing extreme violence in the Syrian Arab
Republic seeking the relative protection of neighbouring
countries like Lebanon. While the experience of internalmigrants is important, this report focuses primarily on theexperience of international migrants, that is, migrants who
have moved across international borders.

16

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

01 Introduction

Syrian refugees working in the
agricultural camps in Adana,
Turkey, July 2017. Syrian
refugees lacking work permits
and Turkish language skills often
take low-wage job in Turkey’s
agricultural sector and faceextreme poverty, exploitationand sub-standard living
conditions in rural farm camps.
Credit: Diego Cupolo/NurPhoto
via Getty Images

Research suggests there are connections
between migration and modern slavery.
Certainly, constellations of risk are seenin migrant communities and migration
corridors. However, it is not known how manyof the world’s estimated 40 million victims
of modern slavery, as identified by the 2017
Global Estimates, can also be classified as
migrants. Modern slavery, while not definedin international law, serves as an umbrellaterm that emphasizes the commonalities
between human trafficking, forced labour andslavery. Essentially, these are all situations of
exploitation in which a person cannot refuseor leave due to threats, violence, coercion,
deception or abuse of power. 5 If we are tounderstand the relationship between migrationand modern slavery, it is important to examine
more precisely which migrants are vulnerable
to modern slavery, when and in what enabling
circumstances.

The global community has pledged to address
global challenges to achieve a better andmore sustainable future for all through the
Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). SDG
Target 8.7 aims to:
Take immediate and effective measuresto eradicate forced labour, end modern
slavery and human trafficking and secure
the prohibition and elimination of the worst
forms of child labour, including recruitment
and use of child soldiers, and by 2025 end
child labour in all its forms.
Alliance 8.7 is an inclusive global partnershipcommitted to achieving Target 8.7. It is amulti-stakeholder partnership that brings
together actors at all levels to collaborate,
strategize, share knowledge and ultimately
accelerate progress so we can deliver on thiscommitment.

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

17

01 Introduction

Migration is covered under the SDGs,
most notably, SDG 10.7, which aims tofacilitate orderly, safe and responsible
migration and mobility of people, including
through implementation of planned
and well-managed migration policies.
Pursuant to this, the Global Compact for
Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration is
the first intergovernmental agreement oninternational migration under the auspicesof the United Nations. The Global Compactemphasizes the need to address and reducethe vulnerabilities in migration and, throughits Objective 10, calls on the international
community to “prevent and combat
trafficking in persons in the context ofinternational migration.”6
Prepared for the Alliance 8.7 Action Groupon Migration, this report examines the recent
research literature on migration and modern
slavery (published between 2014-2018)
through a crime prevention lens in order to
identify a set of salient features that canhelp us understand the relevant connections
between migration and vulnerability to forced
labour, human trafficking and modern slavery.
This crime prevention lens, applying
situational crime prevention theory, isbased on the understanding that for modern
slavery-related crimes to occur, there
needs to be a vulnerable victim, a motivatedoffender and the absence of a capableguardian. Guardians include duty bearers
with formal roles in enforcing laws andstandards (such as law enforcement) alongwith Good Samaritans, people who may see
something and offer assistance (such as local
residents and community members).

18

A crime prevention lens also recognizes thatcrime does not happen in a vacuum and thatbroad contextual factors like State instability,
discrimination and disregard of human rights
are critical to any understanding of modern
slavery offences.
It looks at migration and modern slavery fromthe perspective of what is known about:

1. Where this crime occurs in the migration
process (sites of vulnerability).

2. Victim characteristics (or what makessome migrants more vulnerable tomodern slavery than others?)

3. Offender characteristics (or what makessome people both willing and able tooffend?)4. Guardian or first responder perspective(or what hinders first responders
and other guardians from providing
protection?)
The concept of vulnerability is not purely
technical. However, it is defined by theInternational Organization for Migration (IOM)
as the susceptibility to harm of certain people
relative to others as the result of exposure
to a certain type of risk. IOM notes there areat least four dimensions in which migrantvulnerability might manifest: individual
factors (such as age, gender, ethnicity),
family and household factors (such as
internal family dynamics), community factors(such as cultural attitudes and the naturalenvironment) and structural factors (such aslegal structures and broader social stability).7

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

01 Introduction

Members of the
Venezuelan indigenous
group Warao fleeing
the humanitariancrisis take refuge at a
shelter over the borderin Pacaraima, Brazil,
April 2019. Refugee
camps and otherdisplacement sites areenvironments wheredisplaced populations
are highly vulnerable
to exploitation. Credit:
Victor Moriyama/Getty
Images

The term vulnerability is also used in certain
legal texts, most notably in Article 3 of theUnited Nations Protocol to Prevent, Suppress
and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially
Women and Children, supplementing
the United Nations Convention against
Transnational Organized Crime (the“Trafficking in Persons Protocol”), which
provides that one of the “means” throughwhich exploitation takes place is “abuseof a position of vulnerability.” 8 If we are toeffectively combat human trafficking, forced
labour and other forms of modern slavery, wemust understand what is known about these“positions of vulnerability,” in this sense but
also more broadly.

This report is divided into six sections. The firstdescribes the methodology and examines theoverall scope and coverage of the literature.
The second summarizes what the literaturetells us about sites of vulnerability or where
migrants are being exploited. Section three
examines the literature from the perspectiveof what it tells us about how individual,
household, community and structural
factors impact on vulnerability. Section foursummarizes the literature related to offendermotivations and what enables offending. The
fifth section examines what is known about
the characteristics that limit the ability or
willingness of potential guardians, such as law
enforcement, to provide effective oversight.
The sixth section considers what all of this tells
us in terms of where to focus next steps andconcludes with recommendations.

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

19

01 Introduction

METHODOLOGY
In order to understand the current stateof knowledge regarding these issues, asystematic literature review was conducted(for a full research protocol, see Appendix A).
Data was located through searches of four
academic library databases (University of
Chicago, Northwestern University, University
of Illinois at Chicago and the School ofOriental and African Studies, Universityof London). In these cases, due to the low
number of relevant results found throughdatabase searches, relevant literature was
located by systematically reviewing all
relevant books within shelf marks related
to human trafficking, forced labour, andmodern slavery.

A migrant worker
awaits registration
at a centre operated
by the Ministry ofLabour, March 2018
in Bangkok, Thailand,
aimed at addressing
the large numbersof irregular migrants
from Myanmar, Laosand Cambodia.
Undocumented
migrants are ata higher risk ofmodern slavery due
to their engagementwith smugglers andfacilitators in the
migration process,and the need toaccept unstable and/or precarious work.
Credit: Thomas De
Cian/NurPhoto via
Getty Images

20

Systematic searches of an academic journal
database (EBSCOHost) were also conducted.
These produced a raw total of 518 results
published between 2013 and 2018. A title
and abstract scan narrowed this total to 138,
and removing duplicate results gave a final
total of 28 relevant peer-reviewed articles.
Finally, the publications of nine internationalorganizations, 10 international humanitarian
NGOs and 20 regional organizations andNGOs were reviewed systematically. The
following documents were summarized in the
annotated bibliography:• 11 peer-reviewed monographs• 52 chapters in edited collections of peerreviewed articles• 28 peer-reviewed journal articles• 44 reports of international organizations• 27 reports of international NGOs
• three reports of regional organizations• three reports of national anti-trafficking
organizations• five reports of regional or national antitrafficking NGOs

Further, a draft version of the literature review
was shared at a consultative workshop. This
resulted in the identification of 18 additionalsources that had not been uncovered by thesearches but that all fell within the criteria
for inclusion. These were reviewed forcompleteness.
After duplicates and irrelevant sources were
removed according to the research protocol,
a resulting 191 sources remained and they
are summarized in a separate annotatedbibliography.
The literature review concentrated on
English-language literature. While theresearchers are conversant in a number offoreign languages (French, German, Russianand Japanese) and a handful of non-English
sources were reviewed, the searches were all
performed in English and on English-language
databases.
Content of the literature was identified
and reviewed through a theoreticalframework to group relevant information
around key themes and indicate gaps inexisting knowledge. First, the literature was
examined to identify key features of theknowledge base, including the scale of theresearch undertaken, methodology used,and geographic and thematic coverage(summarized in Appendix B). Second,
the research was examined to identify
what is known about features that are
relevant to crime prevention. Theories ofcrime prevention suggest crime, includingorganized crime, is most likely to occur at the“convergence of criminal opportunity.”This occurs when there is both a suitabletarget (the vulnerable victim) along witha person or group of people who are bothwilling and able to offend (the offender), andthere is either an inability or unwillingness
among those who are supposed to provide
protection (for example, law enforcement)
to do so. Situational crime prevention theory
contends that it is relevant to examine thesites where crimes happen along with thevictims, offenders and the role of crime
preventers or guardians in the process.
The results indicate critical gaps in current
knowledge and provide broad guidance
for focusing efforts to respond to modern
slavery in the migration process.

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

01 Introduction

KEY FEATURES OF THE
KNOWLEDGE BASE
The review identified 191 sources, which werethen categorized into an EndNote database.
Key features of the literature were catalogued
to provide some insight into the overall natureand characteristics of the literature, including
the scale of the research undertaken, themethodology used, thematic and geographic
coverage, and economic sectors covered
along with specific sites. The findings on thesefeatures are summarized in this section. An
additional source of data used in this report tocomplete and support the findings presented
is the Counter Trafficking Data Collaborative(CTDC). CTDC is the first global data hub on
human trafficking, with data contributed byorganizations from around the world. 9

METHODS OF STUDIESThe scale and methodologies of reviewed
literature varied considerably. A large
number of studies did not clearly state their
methodology, data sources or the sample sizeand sampling strategy that was utilized. While
the majority of studies did record their research
process, relatively few provided a sample
interview questionnaire or dataset. Details
about the further processing of data (e.g. theprocess of drawing conclusions from raw
interview data) were also relatively rarely given.

Of those studies that recorded their sources,
the vast majority relied on semi-structured,qualitative interviews of victims of modern
slavery (87 studies) or stakeholders involved inanti-modern slavery work (e.g. NGO personnel,
police personnel) (49 studies). Other
data sources used included qualitative or
quantitative surveys of populations affected bymodern slavery (15 and 9 studies respectively),
reviews of legal cases involving modern slavery(18 studies), statistical analyses of databasesof victims of modern slavery held by criminal
justice organizations and NGOs (11 studies),
and unstructured interviews or focus groupsof victims or stakeholders (17 and 6 studies
respectively).
It is significant that only a few studies (9)used qualitative interviews to speak directly
to perpetrators of modern slavery-related
crimes. This indicates a more general lack ofknowledge of the backgrounds, methods andmotivations of perpetrators of modern slavery.

THEMATIC COVERAGE
The majority of the studies that were reviewed
addressed human trafficking and/or forced
labour (132 and 128 studies respectively).
Fewer studies were found on the topics ofchild commercial sexual exploitation (35studies), slavery-like practices (24 studies) andslavery (i.e. the ownership and sale of people)(18 studies). Relatively few studies focusedon forced marriage (14 studies). While noting
possible overlap with the categories above,
literature on the worst forms of child labour(9 studies) and the recruitment of child soldiers(5 studies) was very limited (Figure 1.1).

Studies by Type of Exploitation
132

Human Trafficking

128

Forced Labour

35

Child Prostitution

24

Slavery-like Practices

18

Slavery

14

Forced Marriage

9

Worst Forms of Child Labour
Recruitment of Child Soldiers

5
0

30

60

90

120

150

Figure 1.1: Thematic
coverage of literature.

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour21

01 Introduction

GEOGRAPHIC FOCUS
The most-studied countries and places
were Thailand (28 studies), the United
Kingdom (25 studies), India (24 studies), theUnited States (20 studies), Cambodia (19studies), Indonesia (18 studies), Myanmar(17 studies), Bangladesh, Viet Nam, China
and the Philippines (16 studies each). Thirtyone studies drew on global data sources or
included migrants from all origins. When these
global studies are discounted, 28 countries
were each referred to only in a single study.
For a list of the number of studies found foreach country and all countries and territories
for which no studies were found, see
Attachments B and C of this report.
The geographic coverage of countries is set
out in Figure 1.2. The most-studied regions
were South-Eastern Asia (132 studies),
Western Asia (including the Arab States)(77 studies), Southern Asia (70 studies),
Southern Europe (43 studies) and Eastern
Europe (41 studies). The large number ofstudies of Eastern Europe is likely due to anumber of factors. First, several countries
are normally mentioned in each studyof this region, either as origin, transit or
destination points for migrants. This may
give a misleading impression of the overall
number of studies of modern slavery in thisregion. Secondly, interest in labour migrationfrom new EU states and increased migration
through the Balkans have led to a large
number of studies of these phenomena.
The least-studied regions were the Caribbean(1 study), Oceania [including Micronesia(1 study), Polynesia (1 study), Melanesia(2 studies) and Australia/New Zealand(6 studies)], Middle and Southern Africa(7 studies each) and South America (16studies). The relatively small number ofstudies of both Middle and Southern Africa
appears to be a major gap in the research.
It is unclear if the lack of studies of SouthAmerica identified is a major gap in the
research or simply reflects the limits of theresearch process, which did not include
reviewing publications written only in
Spanish or Portuguese.

22

Other countries and regions that are
relatively understudied include:• Eastern Asia, particularly China. Whilea large number of studies (12) refer toChinese migrants abroad, only four studies
examine the experience of internationalmigrants to China. While this review
focused on international migrants, it isnotable that no studies focused on theexperience of internal migrants within
China, a practice that affects millions
of people in that country.10 This may be
due to the lack of review of Mandarin or
Cantonese sources, although given thescale of internal migration in China, thisseems to be a major gap in the literature.
Furthermore, there is relatively little
literature related to modern slavery inJapan (only one source reviewed).
• The Russian Federation, Central Asiaand the Caucasus. Similar to the Chinese
case, the majority of studies related to
exploitation of international migrants
who originate from these countries, as
opposed to the exploitation of migrants
residing within them. There also appears
to be little Russian-language informationon this issue, although further research isnecessary.
• The Islamic Republic of Iran, Burundi,
Mauritania and Somalia. Despite having
high-risk factors for modern slavery,11
only a single study each of forced labour
in Burundi, Mauritania and Somalia were
found, and there were no studies for Iran.

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

01 Introduction

Studies by Region

132

South-Eastern Asia

77

Western Asia

70

Southern Asia
Southern Europe

43

Eastern Europe

41
38

Northern Europe
Eastern Asia

34

Eastern Africa

32

Global31

Western Africa

27

Northern America

26

Northern Africa

26

Central Asia

21

Central America

21

Western Europe

20
16South America
Southern Africa

7

Middle Africa

7

Australia/New Zealand

6

Melanesia

2

Polynesia

1

Caribbean

1

Micronesia

1
0

30

60

90

120

150

Figure 1.2: Literature identified by region of focus
according to UN Department of Economic andSocial Affairs classifications.12

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour23

01 Introduction

ECONOMIC SECTOR OR PURPOSE OF EXPLOITATION
The most frequently studied economic sectors were domestic work (69 studies), sex work
(59 studies), agriculture (38 studies), manufacturing (36 studies) and construction (32 studies).
See further information in Figure 1.3 below.

Studies by Economic Sector or Purpose of Exploitation

69

Domestic Work59

Sex Work

38

Agriculture

36

Manufacturing32

Construction

21

Fishing16

Hospitality
Begging10

Ransom9

Brick-making

7

Sales & Retail7
7

Military Service
Smuggling & Transport

7

Forestry

3

Quarrying & Mining

3

Drug Trafficking

2Entertainment

2

Food Processing

2

Market Trading

2

Organ Trafficking

2

Janitorial & Maintenance1

Petty Crime

1
0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

Figure 1.3: Literature identified by economic
sector or activity.

24

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour80

01 Introduction

SITES OF VULNERABILITY
The sites of vulnerability (places where migrants are particularly vulnerable to exploitation) thatwere studied most intensively were recruitment agencies (55), private businesses (47 studies),
private dwellings (44 studies), irregular migration routes (43 studies) and border crossings(39 studies). Relatively little-studied sites of vulnerability were safe houses (2 studies), prisonsand detention centres (3 studies), repressive States (6 studies), short-term work placements(9 studies), tied accommodation (10 studies) and areas of state breakdown (11 studies). See
further detail in Figure 1.4 below.

Studies by Sites of Vulnerability

55

Recruitment Agencies

47

Private Businesses

44

Private Dwellings

43

Underground Migration Routes

39

Border Crossings

33

Rural Areas
Brothels

27Entertainment Establishments

21

Refugee Camps & Other
Displacement Sites
Ships

21
17

Conflict Zones

12

Stateless Areas

11
10

Tied Accommodation

9

Short-Term Work Placements

6

Repressive States
Prisons, Detention Centres& Labour Camps
Safe Houses

3
2
0

10

20

30

40

50

60

Figure 1.4: Literature on different sitesof vulnerability.

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

25

02

SITES OFVULNERABILITY
IN THE MIGRATIONPROCESS
Migration is a process that occurs across time and space.
What begins, as an example, as an interaction between aprospective migrant and a recruiter in a village in Africa
may involve transit on land through multiple countries,
and through a combination of regular and irregularchannels, before ultimately reaching the destination where
opportunities for work may or may not exist.
26

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

02 Sites of vulnerability in the migration process

Migrants tried to march to theNorthern Greek border after afalse rumour of open borders
spread via social media, near
Thessaloniki, Greece in April
2019. Greek police blocked
them using riot police forces
and tear gas as angry migrants
threw stones, bottles and sticks
towards them in their effort toreach the borders. Guardians’
prioritization of immigration
control measures over antimodern slavery initiatives may
reduce their ability to disrupt
exploitation and increase
migrants’ vulnerability totrafficking. Credit: Nicolas
Economou/NurPhoto via
Getty Images

As such, the migration process potentiallyinvolves a variety of places, actors andsituations that provide opportunities forprotection but also an abuse of vulnerability.
As the opportunities for individual actors
to intervene will vary along the migration
process, it is important to be precise about
where, when and how vulnerability arises atdifferent points in the migration process. In
this section, we examine the situations in which
migrants appear to be most vulnerable, bothfrom a spatial perspective (so-called sites ofvulnerability or places) and an environmental
perspective (what constitutes a favourable
environment for crime to occur).13

AREAS BEYOND THE REACH OF
STATE PROTECTION
The literature suggests that migrants are mostvulnerable in places where the authority of theState and society does not protect them, either
through lack of capacity or through intentional
neglect.14 There are exceptions to this rule,most notably in cases of state-imposed forced
labour. However, most frequently, it is theisolation of migrants in places where they are
not noticed, monitored or cared about by theState or wider society that provides a space inwhich they can be exploited. Examples include
ships (where migrants are physically isolated
from the rest of society), private houses andembassies (which are considered “private” and“domestic,” leading to their physical isolationand exclusion from labour protections), andconflict zones (where the state has effectively
broken down and society is itself in crisis).

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

27

02 Sites of vulnerability in the migration process

The following are specific types of locations
in which migrants find themselves atparticular risk of exploitation. These places
may be the locations in which exploitation
actually takes place or where migrants areconfronted with difficult choices that may
lead to their exploitation.

PRIVATE DWELLINGS
The physical isolation of migrant domestic
workers and spouses in private dwellings canplace them in dangerous situations.15 The
structural background to this vulnerability
is the ongoing feminization and historic
low status of domestic work in manysocieties.16 Research shows that while both
men and women participate in domestic
work, domestic workers are more likely
to be female. Of the estimated 11.5 million
international migrant domestic workers,
73.4 per cent (or 8.5 million) were female and26.6 per cent (or approximately 3 million)
were male.17 When combined with the ideathat private dwellings are part of the “private”
sphere, this leads to governments exempting
domestic workers from labour protections,18
which in turn can provide fertile ground for
exploitation. For example, an analysis ofcoverage of labour laws of G20 countries
noted that labour laws do not cover domestic
workers in parts of Australia, Germany,
India, Italy, Japan, the Russian Federation,
the Republic of Korea, Turkey, Saudi Arabia
and the United States.19 These factors also
contribute to the vulnerability of migrant
spouses to domestic servitude andforced marriage. 20

PRIVATE BUSINESSES
This is a catch-all category for factories,
shops and other premises under the control
of an employer where owners and managers
can abuse the workers they employ. In mostcases where this occurs, exploitative owners’
and managers’ control of financial resourcesand ownership of workspaces is the mostpotent weapon they possess.
Examples of particularly risky forms ofprivate businesses include:• Small manufacturing firms in suburban
areas which can escape the notice oflabour inspectors. 21• Work locations where workers’
accommodations are tied to theiremployment, placing more power in thehands of employers. 22• Factories that primarily employ migrants
in coordination with recruiters in order tohold workers in de facto debt bondage,such as in the garment sector. 23• Factories and mines in areas with relatively
limited government control. 24• Work locations in which legal immigration
status is tied to a particular job. 25• Types of business where exploitation isnormalized (for example, brick kilns inNorth-Western India, where debt bondage
is deeply entwined with systems of
employers lending money to workers). 26

11.5M INTERNATIONALMIGRANT DOMESTIC
WORKERS28

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

02 Sites of vulnerability in the migration process

Women sit by a shelterin the Nakivale refugeesettlement, September
2015 in south west
Uganda, a site which was
first established in 1958.
Long-term residence indisplacement sites or
refugee camps can leadto disruptive changes insocial norms such as theprocesses and traditionsof marriage or traditional
gender roles. Credit:
Sally Hayden/SOPA
Images/LightRocket via
Getty Images

BORDER CROSSINGS
Border crossings are frequently noted
as places where migrants are especiallyvulnerable to falling into exploitative situations.
There are three major reasons for this:• When migrants cross borders irregularly
using people smugglers, they may findthemselves in situations of relative
disempowerment due to their lack ofresources (such as vehicles, mobile phones
or access to food, water and shelter), lackof knowledge (such as about which officials
are amenable to bribery or gaps in thesurveillance system), and their desire toremain hidden from the authorities. This
increases their vulnerability to exploitation
by smugglers and by unrelated criminalgroups who prey on migrants when they are
unprotected by State authorities. 27 Data
from cases whom IOM assisted over the last
10 years shows that more than 20 per centof international human trafficking journeys
cross through non-official border points. 28• Migrants are often vulnerable when they

have just arrived in a new country. At thispoint, migrants are less likely to have a
support network that can mitigate the riskof exploitation. They can also be stranded
in border areas, either due to plans fallingthrough, lack of funds or lack of access tofunds or possibility of deportation, whichplaces them in a vulnerable position. 29• Finally, other illegal trade (e.g. drug or arms
trafficking) can be more common in certain
border areas (e.g. North-Eastern India).
The fact that illegal activity can be embeddedin the local economy and is beneficial to a
relatively large number of people can lead tode-sensitization towards criminal activity ora lack of respect for the law. In this situation,
there may be a greater risk of criminal groups
engaging in human trafficking and otherforms of modern slavery.30

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

29

02 Sites of vulnerability in the migration process

IRREGULAR MIGRATION ROUTES
Migration can entail a lengthy process
of movement, often spanning several
countries rather than being limited to a single
frontier zone. Over time, irregular migrationroutes become well-trodden, as informal
infrastructure springs up to support migrants
along the journey. For example, in recent
years, large flows of people have sought tomigrate via Libya to Europe through irregularchannels, whether to improve their economic
prospects or seek asylum. Caught between
detention centres, which can prove to be
little more than staging pens for humantrafficking, and increasingly restrictive
migration controls at the borders of Europe,
these would-be migrants have fallen victim
to unthinkable extremes of abuse, including
having been sold in slave markets andsubjected to extortion, violence and sexual
abuse in detention centres. 31
From the literature reviewed, migrants who
use irregular migration routes are at higher
risk of exploitation in the following situations:• When migrants use smuggling networks
that seek to profit not only from thefacilitation of movement but also theabuse and extortion of the migrants
themselves. 32 Recent high-profile
examples include movements throughLibya into Europe and the movements of
Rohingya populations fleeing Myanmar. 33• When migrants use networks under
the control of organized crime groups.
Generally, these networks are older
and more established than the ad
hoc networks used by recent migrant
influxes. 34 An example would be the
network of Eastern European gangs
involved in sex trafficking, which dates tobefore the fall of the Iron Curtain. 35• When migration routes pass throughconflict zones or areas with minimal State
control, such as Eastern Sudan and ISIScontrolled areas of Libya. 36• When migrants run out of money, including
because they were robbed or have fallen
victim to extortion, 37 and have limited
options to earn money, such that they may
be willing to accept exploitative situations
in order to pay debts. 38

30

Repressive States can act as major driversof irregular migration, particularly when
migrants are forced to leave the country
illegally. These migrants consequently haveto use dangerous irregular migration routes,
which may result in their exploitation or
enslavement in neighbouring or destination
countries. 39
While noting that high risk irregular migration
corridors do exist, several studies assertthat irregular migration networks and people
smuggling are not always or inherently
exploitative. These studies suggest that
migrant smuggling networks are organized as
networks of trust in which migrants frequently
are grateful to smugglers.40 Notably, Zhang
et al. found in an extensive study of migration
to San Diego that while abuses did occur
on irregular migration routes, they were farless common than abuses at the hands of
employers within the United States.41

DISPLACEMENT SITES ANDREFUGEE CAMPS
Displaced international or internal
populations in displacement sites can behighly vulnerable to exploitation. There are
a number of reasons for this:• Since displaced populations tend tohave lost their usual financial and social
networks, their resilience is reduced.42
With fewer people to look out for them,migrants can be forced into exploitative
situations as a matter of survival and canbe harder to extract from these situations.
• Unaccompanied child migrants can bein particular danger due to being housed
near or with unrelated adults without theusual protection provided by parents
or guardians.43• Displacements sites or camps canconcentrate vulnerable individuals in asingle location. In areas with poor security
such as Eastern Sudan and certain urban
districts in South Africa, this can makethem targets for raids by traffickers.44• Displacement sites are often in a legallyirregular position, for example, thoseestablished on private land. As a result,landowners gain greater power to exploit
the occupants of the camps, as happens inNorthern Lebanon.45

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

02 Sites of vulnerability in the migration process• Long-term residence in displacement sites

or refugee camps can lead to disruptivechanges in social norms. For example,
female Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh
have been compelled to seek employment,
despite a traditional culture which confines
them to the home.46 As a result, they can beeffectively compelled to accept risky formsof employment or even child marriage orforced marriage, with little access to redressfor abuse.

CONFLICT ZONES
Migrants are particularly vulnerable toexploitation in areas where there is an ongoing
conflict. Notably, these areas have the highest
score on the Vulnerability Model in the Global
Slavery Index.47
This risk of exploitation takes several forms:• Existing vulnerabilities may be exacerbatedby the breakdown of existing societal andeconomic structures. For example, asof 2015, the abuse of migrant domestic
workers in the Syrian Arab Republicappeared to be much more severe than in
the surrounding countries.48 Similarly, therisk of trafficking for sexual exploitation
appears to be much higher among conflictdisplaced persons in Central America.49• Reduced ability of existing law enforcement
and other “guardians” of the social andlegal order to intervene in highly abusive
situations. Conflict may also reduce theability of parents and guardians to prevent
modern slavery abuses of their own children.
For example, in the case of child labour
exploitation of West African migrants,
parents and family members may lack theresources to intervene due to their own
desperate situations. 50• Armed forces may set up networks of sexual
exploitation. These armed forces include
not only insurgent groups, but also regularforeign military forces and peacekeeping
forces. 51• Child soldiers and forced labourers may
be recruited by armed groups. This may
be for fighters, cooks, porters or runners
within armed groups, or for forced labour in
begging or construction. 52

Apart from regions in which conflict is ongoing,
regions in which the state has little or noeffective control can be particularly dangerous
for migrants as criminals and opportunists
can operate there with near-impunity. This
may result from poor infrastructure and lackof state resources, as in Eastern Sudan, 53 or
a complete collapse of the state, as in theCentral African Republic. 54

NATURAL DISASTERS
Several studies suggest that natural disasters
can magnify pre-existing vulnerabilities tomodern slavery. This includes both rapid
onset natural disasters, such as earthquakes,
that have immediate impacts on individuals,
as well as slow onset natural disasters, suchas drought, which can lead to incremental
large-scale displacement. While there does
not seem to be significant evidence for natural
disasters causing vulnerabilities, the economic
and social disruption they cause can increase
the risks that affected individuals already face.
Examples for rapid onset natural disasters
include an increase in dangerous, irregularmigration after the 2015 Nepal earthquake, 55
and floods in Bangladesh leading to a greater
vulnerability to trafficking. 56

SHIPS
The physical isolation of workers aboard ships
puts them in a particularly precarious situation.
Without intervention from police or otherauthorities, and away from the rest of society,abuse of ships’ crews can be particularly
severe and easily achieved.
In general, the less the ship docks in port, themore dangerous it is for its crew, with long-haulfishing vessels identified as being particularly
risky. 57 Fishing vessels operating in markets
with low margins, such as low-value or “trash”
fish and small coastal fisheries, are also more
likely to be places where migrant workers
are abused. 58

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

31

02 Sites of vulnerability in the migration process

32

RURAL AREAS

COMMERCIAL SEX ESTABLISHMENTS

In some settings, the relative isolation anddistinctive social structures of certain
rural areas seems to be associated withvulnerability of migrants from these areas.
This includes situations, such as in parts ofIndia, where internal migrant workers are
frequently recruited from poorer, rural areas
where the state’s reach is diminished.59 This
also occurs in the recruitment of migrant
workers from impoverished, rural areas towork in the sugar cane industry in Guatemala60
and the palm oil industry in Ecuador.61
Other vulnerability factors include:• Social relations may be governed by apaternalistic social order that legitimizes
more traditional forms of modern slavery
such as bonded labour. This type of social
relation is noted in several countries inSouthern Asia.62• Migrant workers in agricultural industries
can be in remote locations that are largely
hidden from authorities and from widersocial view. This leads to an isolated
space in which they can be exploited; 63
for example, migrant workers in the
United States’ agricultural sector
who have been the victims of humantrafficking operations.64

Commercial sex establishments can be
dangerous locations for sex workers incertain circumstances. Notable examples
include:• Areas where sex work is illegal or
stigmatized and the trade is driven
underground.65• Commercial sex establishments under the
direct control of organized crime.66• Establishments where the sexual natureof work performed is hidden to avoid
oversight. Examples include hostessbars, massage parlours, cantinas andstrip clubs. These can act as a front for
more covert sexual transactions.67 Theseestablishments may be located outside of
traditional red-light districts.68
The reviewed literature emphasizes thatcommercial sex establishments are notalways dangerous to the women working
within them. Indeed, at least three reviewed
sources suggest that the equation of sex
work and human trafficking can actually
increase the vulnerability of sex workers
to exploitation.69

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

02 Sites of vulnerability in the migration process

Syrians who flee the attacks of
Syrian and Russian air forces,
shelter at vehicles and try tolive their lives with humanitarianaid, close to the Bab alSalameh border crossing on
Turkish-Syrian border near
Aleppo, Syria in February, 2016.
Migrants are highly vulnerable
to modern slavery when fleeing
situations of violence andconflict, where the state has
effectively broken down andsociety itself is in crisis. Credit:
Fatih Aktas/Anadolu Agency/
Getty Images

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

33

03

VICTIM
CHARACTERISTICS
The following section discusses factors related to thepersonal and socio-economic characteristics, motivations
and actions of migrants that are thought to increase
vulnerability to modern slavery. Many of these are factorsthat individuals have little or no control over, such asindividual characteristics or structural factors.70
While a focus on specific risk factors is important in understanding thevulnerability of migrants, often an individual’s vulnerability is significantly
increased when multiple factors interact. There are only a small numberof quantitative studies that examine how a combination of these different
factors might interact in ways that amplify risk. For example, a 2017 IOM study
that surveyed migrants along the Central and Eastern Mediterranean routes
identified a set of statistically significant predictors of vulnerability to humantrafficking and other exploitation.71 Such studies are useful for identifying
which migrants are most likely to need help and support.

34

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

03 Victim characteristics

Migrants on a journey toWestern Europe, mostly fromwar-torn Afghanistan andPakistan, take shelter in an
abandoned vehicle in February,2017 in Belgrade, Serbia. Many
were returned to Serbia after
being arrested in Hungary,complaining about alleged
violence from Hungarian police
officers. Research suggeststhat migrants who have been
travelling for longer distances
are at greater risk of suffering
abuse and exploitation during
their journey. Credit: Pierre
Crom/Getty Images

CHILDREN AND YOUTH
It is already known that children (that is,
those under 18 years of age) have particularvulnerabilities to human trafficking, forced
labour and modern slavery. The Global
Estimates of Modern Slavery found that one infour victims of modern slavery were children
under 18 years of age.72 Of the sub-category ofpeople in forced labour, this included about
4.3 million children aged below 18 years inforced labour, representing 18 per cent of
the 24.8 million total forced labour victims
worldwide. This estimate includes 1.0 million
children in commercial sexual exploitation,
3.0 million children in forced labour for otherforms of labour exploitation, and 300,000
children in forced labour imposed by stateauthorities.73

The vulnerabilities of children to these crime
types are reflected in official statistics andvictim support data. One third of detectedvictims of trafficking, recorded in national data
provided to UNODC, are children.74 According
to data reported on the Counter Trafficking Data
Collaborative website, 21 per cent of the victimsof trafficking assisted by IOM, Polaris andLiberty Shared were under 18 years of age.75
In order to understand the risk factors forchild migrants to human trafficking, forced
labour and modern slavery, it is necessary tounderstand the populations in question. Whiledata on migrant children is poor, a 2016 reportfrom UNICEF brought the best of the key
available data together in one place.76 Key data
points are summarised on the following page.

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour35

03 Victim characteristics

On migrant children, it was noted that of the
244 million migrants in the world in 2015,
around 31 million were children. Since 1990,
the proportion of international child migrants
within the global population of children
has remained stable at just over 1 per cent.
However, given increasing population sizes,
the absolute number of child migrants has
increased significantly in the last 25 years.
Most children who migrate do so within theirown geographical region, with boys and girls
in almost equal numbers. Half of the world’s
child migrants live in 15 countries, led by theUnited States, which is home to 3.7 million
child migrants.77
With regard to refugee children, of the
31 million migrants who are children, some
11 million are refugees or asylum seekers.
Refugee children are heavily concentrated
in certain countries. Around 50 per cent of
the overall refugee children population under
UNCHR’s mandate is in just two countries,
the Syrian Arab Republic and Afghanistan,
and around three quarters of them are
distributed across just 10 countries.78
If internally displaced children are included
as migrants, then of the 41 million people
who were displaced by violence and conflictwithin their own countries by the end of 2015,
an estimated 17 million were children.79
Existing research confirms that childmigrants, particularly those who travelalone or have been separated from theirfamilies, are at risk of human trafficking,forced labour and modern slavery. Given thisspecific risk profile, it is worth noting thatin 2015, nearly 100,000 unaccompanied or
separated children filed claims for asylum in
78 countries.
While precise statistics on the scale of the
problem for migrant children do not yet
exist, the indications are that the problem is“pervasive”. 80 Crimes perpetrated againstchildren are underreported in any event but
research also points to the additional barriers
that affect reporting of these crimes forchild migrants, including fear of detention,
deportation and other state actions againstchildren with uncertain legal status. 81
UNICEF research notes that for many children
who are on the move, legal routes to migrate
are simply not available. Family reunification,
humanitarian visas, refugee resettlement
places and work or study visas are out ofreach for most children on the move.

36

But barriers to legal migration rarely
stop people from moving, they only pushthem underground – thereby creating
the conditions that enable smuggling tothrive. Reliance on smugglers can cause
dependency and vulnerability, and can result
in appalling abuse and exploitation if children
fall into the hands of traffickers, armed
groups or other predators. 82 Abuses can also
be perpetrated in the detention system. 83
In addition to the direct dangers that childmigrants may face along the migration
journey or even at their destination, they
are also at increased risk of dangerous
coping mechanisms such as child marriage(particularly for female children) and childlabour. 84 UNICEF has noted that families incrisis may turn to these measures because
they feel it is the only option for safeguarding
a child’s future or supporting a family’s
immediate needs. These practices put
children at risk of emotional and physicalabuse and have cascaded longer term
consequences as these children are less likely
to finish school and accordingly more likely tohave children themselves at an early age. 85
While gender and age can combine to playchildren at risk, research from the analysis
of some 11,000 migrant and refugee children(adolescents aged 14–17) and youth (18–24),
conducted by by IOM and UNICEF along theCentral and Eastern Mediterranean routes toEurope in 2016 and 2017 suggests that racial
discrimination may also play a role in somechildren being more at risk of victimization
than others. On both routes, factors such asadditional years of education and travellingin a group, whether with family or not, afford
young migrants and refugees a measureof protection. However, where they comefrom outweighs either of these factors. An
adolescent boy from sub-Saharan Africa,
who has secondary education and travels in agroup along the Central Mediterranean route,faces a 73 per cent risk of being exploited. If
he came from another region, the risk would
drop to 38 per cent. The research noted that
anecdotal reports and qualitative researchfrom the Mediterranean region and elsewheresuggest that racism underlies this difference,with testimonies from young migrants andrefugees from sub-Saharan Africa showingthat they are treated more harshly andtargeted for exploitation because of thecolour of their skin. 86

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

03 Victim characteristics

A migrant worker
sorts cantaloupe withmachinery in the fieldof a farm. Workers inagricultural industries
can be in remotelocations that are largely
hidden from authorities
and from wider social
view, leading to an
isolated space in which
they can be exploited.
Credit: Edwin Remsburg/
VW Pics via Getty
ImagesGENDER
Studies with a global focus note the relevanceof gender on patterns of victimization. 87 The
Global Estimates of Modern Slavery confirm
women and girls are disproportionately
affected by modern slavery, accounting for28.7 million, or 71 per cent of the overall total.
More precisely, women and girls represent
99 per cent of victims of forced labour in thecommercial sex industry and 58 per cent inother sectors, 40 per cent of victims of forced
labour imposed by state authorities, and 84 percent of victims of forced marriages.
The Global Estimates indicate profounddifferences between women and men in termsof how they are affected by modern slavery.
Whereas women are disproportionately
victims of forced labour in the private economy(including in domestic work and in commercial
sexual exploitation) and forced marriage,
men are disproportionately subject to stateimposed forms of forced labour, reflecting
the impact of abusive conscription andimprisonment on men, as well as to forced
labour in the construction, manufacturing andagriculture sectors. While the specific variableof immigration status was not covered by the
Global Estimates of Modern Slavery, it seems
likely that these highly gendered patterns are
relevant to the vulnerability of male and femalemigrants to modern slavery.

Research also points to differences in accessto services and outcomes for victims basedon their gender. High numbers of complaint
resolution rates for female migrants in Thailand
compared to its regional neighbours iscredited to partnerships between NGOs andmigrant worker resource centres to provide
gender-responsive services, 88 indicating theimportance of tailoring responses to victim
characteristics.
While modern slavery operates in highly
gendered ways, this should not obscure thevulnerability of men and boys to modern
slavery. In some situations, research has shown
male migrants travelling alone may be at higher
risk of exploitation than female migrants,
although for this study it is notable that sexual
exploitation was not considered. Notable
examples include mixed migration flows using
the Western Balkans route and the Central
Mediterranean route to Europe, although thisstudy did not collect information on trafficking
for sexual exploitation or other forms ofgender-based violence. 89 CTDC data reflects
this phenomenon: while about 70 per cent of
the victims in the dataset are women, over theyears a growing number of men and boys havebeen assisted. Concretely, in 2002, all victims
assisted by IOM were women, but in recent
years women account for slightly less than halfof the caseload of the CTDC partners. 90

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour37

03 Victim characteristics

VISA STATUS
All relevant studies agree that undocumented
migrants are at a higher risk of modern
slavery due to their engagement withsmugglers and facilitators in the migration
process, and the need to accept unstable
and/or precarious work that may require
bribes to corrupt officials to avoid detention,
deportation or arrest. Examples include the“constant extortion” of irregular migrant
workers from Myanmar in Thailand to avoid
arrest, 91 former migrant domestic workers
who have fled their abusive employers andare forced into the sex trade in the Gulf
Cooperation Council countries, 92 agricultural
workers in Sicily, 93 sex workers in Tijuana
who are unable to cross the border due toa lack of official documentation, 94 irregularmigrants working on Thai fishing vessels, 95
and undocumented immigrants in the
United States construction and food service
industries. 96
Migrants whose visas are tied to a single
employer are also at risk of exploitation.
Systems such as the Middle Eastern kafalasystems, the United Kingdom’s Overseas
Domestic Worker (ODW) visa and the H2-B
visa in the United States create dependency
beyond the usual employer-employee
relationship, which in turn creates anopportunity for exploitation. 97

KNOWLEDGE AND ATTITUDETOWARD MIGRATION
The impact that migrants’ knowledgeof migration processes has on risk of
exploitation is disputed. For example, someauthors focusing on the Greater Mekong
sub-region argue that migrants who arepoorly informed of the potential dangers
associated with migration are at higher riskof exploitation. 98 However, other researchers
argue most migrants are already awareof the dangers of migrant exploitation
but are compelled into risky situations by
circumstances beyond their control. 99
This has been noted among bonded
labourers in Southern Asia, Ethiopian andIndonesian migrant domestic workers in
the Gulf Cooperation Council countries andHong Kong SAR, China, and Chinese garment
workers in Italy, among others. In this latterset of circumstances, World Vision argues
that a focus on “protective behaviours,” asopposed to simple warnings, may be more
effective.100
Another study shows that finding trustworthysources of information is a real challenge
for migrants and that information aboutborder crossings and the risks involved on
the journey is obtained primarily throughword of mouth. Phones are used primarily
for communication with friends or family, as
the use of mobile phones may increase themigrant’s exposure to crime and abuse.
For example, there have been reported caseson the United States and Mexico borderwhere criminals have robbed migrants of
their belongings in order to access phone
numbers of friends and family, whom they
then blackmail or coerce into paying large
sums of money.101

The physical isolation of
migrant domestic workers
in private homes leads tothem being “out of sight”
of state and societal
authorities, contributing toa high-risk environment forabusive and exploitative
working conditions. Credit:
Heshphoto38

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

03 Victim characteristics

Similarly, a 2015 study by Zimmerman et al.
has found that it is unclear which advice andinformation to offer prospective migrants
will help prevent exploitation.102 Advice for
migrants to obtain written contracts or tokeep hold of identity documents may be
impractical where written contracts are rareor where passports need to be handed over toagents for registration purposes. Zimmermanstates that “the absence of job information
is problematic, particularly in highly informal
sectors. Further research, including migrantled and employer-informed insights, is needed
to identify messages that might reduce the riskof exploitation.” 103
Further, some studies highlight that theunderpinning logic that more information andmore awareness will lead to safer migrationand lower the risk of exploitation is untested,104
with few evaluations conducted.105 Central
to many awareness-raising campaigns is theconcept that migration is inherently risky,which is not necessarily the case – mostpeople who migrate do not become traffickedor exploited.106 Awareness-raising campaigns
that target sometimes thousands of people
will often affect only a handful of people andtheir behaviours. More effective campaigns
are those that go beyond raising awarenessto target specific behaviours, drawing on
local migration perceptions and those thatare conducted in conjunction with otherinterventions.107

SECONDARY DISPLACEMENT
Studies of Palestinians fleeing the Syrian Arab
Republic and stateless people in the Greater
Mekong sub-region, among others, suggestthat people who experience secondary
displacement are at higher risk of exploitation.
This is because these populations may alreadylack connections, financial resources ordocumentation, having lost these in their initialprocess of seeking asylum.108

REPEAT EXPLOITATION
Studies of former victims of forced marriage
and domestic servitude who migrate to Europe
suggest that individuals who have previously
been victims of one form of modern slavery
will frequently become victims again.109 Thisvulnerability may be due to the loss of financial
and interpersonal resources during theirprevious experience of exploitation or a lack ofsupport reintegrating back into their countriesof origin. For example, a study of Nigerian
irregular migrants returned from Europe,
including victims of human trafficking, revealed
that the majority would consider leaving Nigeria
for work overseas again in the future.110

LENGTH OF TRAVEL
Studies of post-crisis migration in Nepal andthe Western Balkans suggest that migrants
who have been travelling for longer distances
are at greater risk.111 However, it is unclear
whether long-distance travel is inherently
dangerous or whether this is due to greater
exposure to a constant level of risk or anerosion of capacity and resources the longera journey continues. A survey of migrants
along the Central Eastern Mediterranean
Routes finds that a longer journey increases
the probability that a migrant will experience
exploitation or human trafficking.112

SEXUAL ORIENTATION AND IDENTITY
Studies of Syrian refugees in Turkey and Latin
American sex workers in New York suggestthat LGBTQ* individuals are generally at higher
risk of modern slavery, particularly trafficking
for sexual exploitation.113 However, this remains
an under-researched topic. In particular, thereis scant data on the trafficking of transgenderpeople.114 CTDC partners do assist transgenderand non-conforming victims. While the current
dataset reflects very few instances, available
figures support the hypothesis that thisdemographic, broadly speaking, is trafficked
mainly for the purpose of sexual exploitation(85 per cent of cases).115•

Known customarily as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender,
questioning/queer.

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour39

03 Victim characteristics

LANGUAGE ABILITY
Studies of South Asian and Ukrainian
migrants in Slovakia, Cambodian migrants in
Thailand and migrant domestic workers in the
United Kingdom argue that migrants unable
to speak the language of their destination
country are at higher risk.116 These authors
argue since they cannot understandcontracts and documents written in a foreign
language, these migrants may be at a higher
risk of exploitation. However, this finding is
not universal. Zhang et al.’s extensive studyof Mexican migrants in San Diego foundthat language ability was not significantly
correlated with exploitation in that context.117

DRUG OR ALCOHOL ADDICTION
Studies of trafficked Russian sex workers inWestern Europe and the Russian Federationand Mexican sex workers in the United Statessuggest that migrants addicted to drugs or
alcohol are at higher risk of exploitation.118
This also applies to migrants who arerecovering or former addicts.

HEALTH
Potential health risks and health protective
factors that affect short- and long-termwell-being occur throughout each phaseof a migrant’s journey. While in transit, forexample, health can be affected by transport
used and pathogenic or environmental
exposures.119 Abubakar et al. (2018) also
highlights the highly gendered experienceof migrants, with women, men, and sexual
minorities experiencing different health risk
and protection opportunities at each phaseof a migration journey.

For example, women and children are at
risk of sexual violence, coercion and sexual
exploitation as well as forced or childmarriage throughout their migration journey.
The same study suggests that any policy
response to protect migrants and migrants’
health must factor in the multiple phases ofthe migration process.
Certain health conditions may increase
victims’ risk of exploitation. Two studies link
HIV-positive individuals with a higher riskof exploitation, however, further researchis required to investigate the nature ofan association between HIV status andvulnerability.120
Previous trauma and experience of violence
and abuse prior to trafficking, and particularly
during childhood, can increase vulnerability to
being trafficked and or re-trafficked.121
There is evidence that victims of trafficking
have encountered multiple traumatic eventsprior to, during and after their trafficking
experience. There can be an element of
betrayal in trafficking experiences, withperiods of captivity and loss of autonomy
meaning that victims of trafficking canhave difficulties trusting others, as wellas problems with agency, assertivenessand decision-making. A trauma-informed
approach is essential for any service
providers engaging with trafficking victims.122
Studies on the links between health,migration and exploitation have tended tofocus on migrants being exploited for sexual
exploitation or migrants who experiencesexual violence or child or forced marriage.123
A 2015 study looked at the health risks of
migrants and trafficked workers in Argentina,
Peru and Kazakhstan.

UNDOCUMENTEDMIGRANTS ARE
AT RISK40

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

03 Victim characteristics

Workers in each country experienced common
risk exposures, such as working long hours
without breaks as a significant risk factor
for workplace accidents. Migrants in each of
the three countries experienced equipmentrelated injuries, dust-related lung diseases,
musculoskeletal problems and tuberculosis.
Psychological and verbal abuse was morecommon among interviewees than physicalabuse, including threats of reporting workers to
immigration authorities and police. Stress was
a common complaint, caused by long hours,
financial worries, poor living conditions andpressure from colleagues. Those who weretrafficked had more restricted movement, weremore likely to be physically abused and lived inworse conditions, worked more hours per day
and were paid less. What was striking is thatthe research found that many of the abuses
reported by victims of trafficking were also
reported by numerous migrant workers who
were not identified as victims of trafficking.124
The health sector can also act as a protective
factor by identifying and providing to support
to trafficked persons. The Buller et al. 2015
study found that access to and use of medical
services was limited across each country
because of cost, legal status and lost wages
from missing work. There is therefore a largerrole for labour inspections in protecting thehealth of migrant workers, while mobile health
units and wider-reaching occupational healthpromotion are needed in locations with highnumbers of migrant workers.125 A further study
conducted in 2015 found that in a sample
of 782 health professionals working for the
National Health Service in the United Kingdom,
13 per cent had been in contact with a patient
who had been trafficked or they suspected
had been trafficked. Sixty per cent of these
professionals also stated that they did notknow their role in responding to trafficking
cases or how to interact with those that had
been trafficked. Training health professionals
would therefore be a concrete step toincreasing protection of trafficked persons,
including migrants.126

POVERTY
A number of studies note that poverty is highly
relevant to vulnerability to modern slavery.127
For example, Siddarth Kara’s study, based oninterviews in Nigeria, Southern and SouthEastern Asia, Europe and North America,
argues that poverty is the most important factor
in creating vulnerability to modern slavery.

Other studies reach similar conclusions,notably the Women and Law in Southern Africa
Research and Education Trust’s study oflabour trafficking in Lesotho, Abebaw’s studyof Ethiopian migrant domestic workers, andMaternick and Ditmore’s study of trafficked
workers in the United States. The latter ofthese studies specifies that poverty duringchildhood is a particular vulnerability factor.128
However, there are caveats to this conclusion.
First, while a link between poverty andvulnerability to modern slavery is apparent, it
is less clear whether this link is correlative or
causative. Of those authors who do state an
opinion on this issue, the majority argue poverty
is directly or indirectly causative of vulnerability
to modern slavery. Kara’s global study, AntiSlavery International’s study of trafficked Romachildren and UNICEF’s study of West African
labour migration argue that poorer migrants arestrongly encouraged into dangerous situations
due to lack of economic opportunity in theirhome situations. They have “nothing to lose,” asthe UNICEF report puts it.129
Secondly, poverty is not necessarily a directindication of increased vulnerability to modern
slavery. Studies of Nigerian migrant workers
in Austria, Indonesian migrant fishermen on
South Korean vessels, trafficked Cambodian
workers in Thailand and Chinese restaurant
workers in the United Kingdom note that thegroup most at risk are not those in absolute
poverty, as they lack the resources to migrate,
but rather those who are able to leveragesome financial resources to fund the migration
process but still incur major debt or a positionof social dependency in doing so.130
Further, studies of sex and labour trafficking
in Ghana, South-Eastern Asia and the RussianFederation note that not all of those who
fall victim to modern slavery come frompoor backgrounds and that the majority ofrelatively poor people in a given society are nottrafficked.131 As noted in the Global Estimatesof Modern Slavery, while poverty can drive adecision to migrate for labour, it can also act
as a barrier to migration, as members of thepoorest groups are often unable to raise themoney required to reach their destination,
whether through accessing loans in their local
communities or from others in the migrationindustry. With limited empirical data providing
insight into the connection between income
levels and forced labour movements, theestimates of victims of forced labour were
examined according to the income levels of
the victims’ country of residence and of thecountry where the exploitation took place.

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour41

03 Victim characteristics

Nur, who doesn’tknow her age
but thinks she isbetween 14 and16 years old, sits
segregated frommen on the dayof her wedding
to Rayeed, 20,
in a camp for
Rohingya refugees
in November, 2017
in Cox’s Bazar,
Bangladesh. Nursaid that her parents
arranged themarriage for her andshe had no choice inthe matter. Credit:
Allison Joyce/Getty
Images42

The results suggest very little movement
across income groupings. Ninety-four per
cent of victims of forced labour were exploited
in a country that was in the same incomebased regional grouping as their country ofresidence. People who were exploited in the
low and lower-middle-income groupings were
almost exclusively residents of countries thatwere in the same income grouping.132

EDUCATION
Some studies, such as Kara’s global
study and Williams’ and Pande’s studies
of sex trafficking in India, concluded that
low education levels are correlated withvulnerability to modern slavery.133 The
reasons for this, however, have not been
extensively studied. Austin Choi-Fitzpatrickargues that education can be closely
correlated with attitudes that provide
resilience to modern slavery, for example, arejection of caste-based paternalism in rural
India.134 However, beyond this it is unclear
whether low education levels are correlatedwith ignorance of the dangers involved with
migration, lack of economic opportunity orother factors.

The correlation between low education andvulnerability to modern slavery also has
caveats. For example, studies of exploited
migrants from post-Soviet countries indicatethat victims in these cases do not typicallyhave poor educational levels.135 Moreover,there appears to be no direct negative
correlation between regional or national
education levels and rates of modern
slavery. For example, Vijeyarasa and the
UNODC note that Ukraine and the Indianstate of Kerala have relatively well-educatedpopulations but also high levels of humantrafficking.136 In CTDC data, nearly a quarterof the victims assisted have some technicaltraining, and nearly half of them havesecondary education (including 21 per centmiddle school, 20 per cent high school and6 per cent secondary school).137

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

03 Victim characteristics

NECESSITY TO SUPPORT DEPENDENTS
Studies of Ethiopian migrants in the Gulf
Cooperation Council countries, South Asian
migrants in Slovakia and Vietnamese domestic
workers in the United States, among others,
conclude that migrants are often forced toremain in exploitative situations due to thenecessity to support dependents. These
dependents may be in the country where themigrants are working or (more frequently) intheir home country.138
Migrants supporting families in their homecountries may also be rendered vulnerable bydirect threats of violence to victims’ families.
This has been noted in certain cases oftrafficking by organized criminal groups, suchas the trafficking of Moldovan sex workers toWestern Europe and of Central American sex
workers to the United States.139

ABUSIVE OR UNSTABLE FAMILYBACKGROUND
Some studies suggest that a past history of
sexual or physical abuse within the household
is a major vulnerability factor, particularly incases of trafficking for sexual exploitation. In
some cases, this may lead to trafficking by thevictim’s family themselves.140 For example, thisprocess has been observed among trafficked
Indian sex workers and children trafficked forsex in the Russian Federation. Alternatively, thedesire to escape an abusive situation may leadto a greater willingness by the victim to accept
exploitation perpetrated by others.141 This
process has been observed among migrantsex workers in India, Viet Nam, Cambodia,
Thailand, Argentina, Nigeria, Brazil and Spain,
among others.
In the United States, criminal networks or
independent traffickers are known to target
vulnerable women and girls from Mexico andCentral America who have been victims toan abusive past into sex trafficking.142 A large
proportion of child sex exploitation victims in the
United Kingdom report an unstable home life.143

HOMELESSNESS OR LACK OF FAMILYSUPPORT
Studies of trafficked workers in the United
Kingdom and the Russian Federationsuggest that those who lack a family support
network are at higher risk of exploitation.
This particularly affects individuals who arehomeless.144 Foreign children separated fromtheir family support structures or withoutstable homes are targeted for recruitment by
non-state armed groups in the Syrian Arab
Republic and Iraq.145

CULTURAL NORMS
Studies have noted a number of culturalconcepts within local communities that may
increase the vulnerability of certain community
members to exploitation.
First, a cultural norm whereby certain forms ofsexual exploitation are considered shamefulto their victims and are not discussed may
increase the isolation of victims and theirvulnerability to modern slavery. Notable
examples of this phenomenon include malechild trafficking in Afghanistan,146 rape andsexual violence among Eritrean refugees,147
and sexual violence against domestic workers
in Sudan.148
A second, related concept that may increase
vulnerability is honour, in which an individual’ssexual purity is a major element in social status.
This may increase the risk of exploitation since
underlying causes are not discussed or tackled.
Examples include the culture of ijaat (honour)in Nepal,149 patriarchal social norms in the
United States and Latin America that stigmatize
women who violate them (notably, throughbeing raped),150 and comparable patriarchal
norms in Indonesia and Timor-Leste.151 This kindof culture can lead to a particularly high risk offorced marriage, as women are forced to marryrapists or sexual abusers to “expunge” theshame of their assault.152
Thirdly, a deferential culture that sees
inequality as natural, proper or divinely ordered
can be a major resource for exploiters.153
For example, this culture has been linked
to the persistence of bonded labour among
rural communities in the Indian states of
Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Karnataka, and theperpetuation of debt bondage by recruitment
agencies in the Philippines. Furthermore, thiskind of culture can stop exploited migrants
from showing the “proper” reaction authorities
expect from trafficking victims.154

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour43

03 Victim characteristics

Finally, cultural norms where migration isseen as the best route to achieving fortune
and prestige may encourage risk-taking or
disregarding warnings. This process has
been documented, for example, in Ethiopia,
the Plurinational State of Bolivia, Nigeria and
Nepal.155 In particular, media depictions oflife abroad or in major cities – for example
in Brazilian soap operas shown on Ukrainian
TV and in Indian TV dramas – can present
the outside world as unrealistically full of
rewarding opportunities.156
Interestingly, this norm can be perpetuated byreturned migrants, even those who have notbeen successful. For example, in her study
conducted in Viet Nam, Daniele Belanger
noted that returned migrants may take out
loans to buy consumer goods to keep up an
appearance of successful migration.157

LACK OF A LOCAL SUPPORT NETWORK
Studies of Ethiopian domestic workers
in Khartoum and Romanian agricultural
workers in Sicily suggest that for migrants
who have recently arrived in a foreigncountry, the lack of a supportive community
is a major vulnerability factor.158 One of themost common means of migrants escaping
exploitative situations is through friends orother supportive members of an expatriate
community; as such, the lack of this kindof network can increase the risk of their
exploitation. Conversely, where this kind of
network is present, resilience to exploitation
is much higher. For example, among Mexican
migrant workers in Southern California, rates
of exploitation among agricultural workers
tend to be lower due to more established andlong-term migrant community networks.159

CASTE STATUS
In Southern Asia, members of historically
oppressed castes and tribes are at particularrisk of modern slavery. This applies
particularly to members of Scheduled
Tribes, Scheduled Castes and Other
Backward Classes.160 While efforts to combat
discrimination against these groups havebeen put in place, social stigmatization andeconomic marginalization are nonethelessreported to still be a characteristic ofmodern and globalizing Indian society.

44This is reported to be reinforced by otherfactors such as inadequate access tohealthcare and social benefits, poor working
and living conditions and low literacy, all ofwhich increased vulnerability of these alreadymarginalized groups.161 For example, certain
studies suggest Dalits are more commonly
bonded labourers,162 and 90 per cent of
all modern slaves interviewed by SiddarthKara were members of a minority caste
group.163 Furthermore, domination of official
institutions by higher-caste individuals
may mean lower-caste individuals avoid
them due to the perceived shame resulting
from this power imbalance.164 When these
institutions control legal migration processes,
as in Nepal, this may lead to a rise in unsafe,
irregular migration.
Further related vulnerability factors occur at
the intersection between caste and gender.
Khan notes that prohibitions on intercaste
marriage can create a shortage of eligible
brides and create an incentive for trafficking
for forced marriage, for example between
Hisar district and other regions in India’s
Haryana state.165
Moreover, certain caste traditions ofdevadasi (marriage to a god or goddess forservice in a temple) can easily lead to female
sex trafficking.166 This process has been
noted in the trafficking of girls from rural India
to Mumbai, Kolkata and Delhi.

GLOBALIZATION AND INEQUALITY
Several studies suggest a link between
globalization and vulnerability to modern
slavery. On the one hand, Austin ChoiFitzpatrick’s study of bonded labour inrural India suggests that caste-based
paternalism in Southern Asia has beenradically undermined by the extension of
the market economy, which increases theresilience of workers to exploitation.167
However, other studies, for example SiddarthKara’s study of victims of modern slavery,
Rekha Pande’s study of sex trafficking
victims in India, Chenda Keo’s study ofsex traffickers in Cambodia and Chigozie
Nnebedum’s study of Nigerian sex trafficking
victims, suggest that economic disparities,
reflected in the different income levels ofhigh and low income countries, increase thevulnerability of those who are not yet liftedout of poverty.168 At the same time, global
interconnectivity has also led to growing
opportunities for migration.169

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

03 Victim characteristics

In some cases, market pressures create
incentives for employers to subject theirworkers to conditions of modern slavery.
Examples include the Thai fishing industry,where low-profit margins and opaque
subcontracting structures allow widespread
forced labour,170 and the internationalization ofgarment manufacturing, where intermittencyof demand creates low-profit margins andencourages the exploitation of workers inArgentina, Cambodia and Italy.171
A handful of authors argue that forms ofmodern slavery are not an unintended productof global economic structures but rather are
an integral feature of it. Notably, Genevieve
LeBaron argues that the United States
government’s inaction against de facto debt
bondage in the agricultural sector constitutes
tacit official endorsement of the practice, andTom Vickers argues that policies and practices
that bar refugees and asylum seekers fromwork in the United Kingdom effectively punish
them for “not following the rules,” push theminto dangerous work, and put them at higher
risk of exploitation.172

DISCRIMINATION AGAINST MIGRANTS
Studies of trafficking in Viet Nam, Taiwan
Province of the People’s Republic of China, theRepublic of Korea, and the Philippines, among
others, suggest a climate of discrimination
against migrants can be a major cause of
their vulnerability to modern slavery.173 This isparticularly true when discriminatory attitudes
influence law enforcement. For example, Shinsuggests that a belief that Filipina womenare manipulative pervades the South Koreanjustice system, impacting on law enforcement
and prosecutions.174
In certain extreme cases, discrimination
can effectively mean that migrants have noaccess to justice and the country becomes a
repressive state from their point of view.
As one example, Round and Kuznetsova’s studyof more than 300 Central Asian migrants’experiences in the Russian Federation found a
climate of impunity in which business owners
frequently denied access to medical careand physically abused their employees, while
migrants actively avoided any contact with thepolice.175 Other research studies have pointed
to discriminatory practices that are both
structurally built into local laws and policies
but also reflected in how these laws
are implemented.176

DISCRIMINATIONENABLESEXPLOITATIONOF MIGRANTS
Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

45

04

OFFENDER
CHARACTERISTICS
Understanding the modus operandi, motivation and abilityof offenders to commit criminal acts is fundamental todeveloping crime prevention strategies. At its most basic
level, potential offenders can take advantage of a criminal
opportunity only if they are both willing and able to do so.
In order to understand the determinants of offending, itis therefore critical to understand the factors that impact
motivation but also those that impact ability and resourcing
for offending. This section examines what the literature tells
us about the motivations and resources of perpetrators ofmodern slavery.

46

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

04 Offender characteristics

Migrant workers pickstrawberries in a field in
Virginia, United States. Polaris
analysed more than 32,000
cases of human trafficking
and found in some cases,
traffickers used agricultural
worker’s lack of visa
portability to instill fears about
deportation to prevent workers
leaving an abusive situation.
Credit: Ariel Skelley

TYPOLOGIESThe review identified three studies that drew
on data from reported cases to constructtypologies of human trafficking, forced labourand modern slavery. This research studies
the way that these crimes are perpetrated, toprovide insight into factors like offender profile,recruitment practices, methods of control andmotivations. This type of research can greatly
assist in moving beyond simplistic descriptionsof cases as “sex” or “labour” trafficking andcreate more nuanced categories that betterreflect the complexities of these cases.
In the United States, Polaris analysed morethan 32,000 cases of human trafficking
documented through the National Human
Trafficking hotline and associated text line. This
produced 25 typologies of human trafficking in
the United States. Of these, more than half ofthe typologies involved active recruitment of
migrants, either on route to the United States or
who were already in the United States.

Foreign nationals make up the vast majorityof victims within some typologies. Industries
where migrants make up approximately
80 per cent of victims or more include:
outdoor manual labour including agriculture,
forestry, construction, animal husbandry
and landscaping; domestic work; hospitality,
including restaurants, hotels and food service;and health and beauty services. Acrossmultiple typology categories, traffickers
commonly use document confiscation,
threats of blacklisting or reporting migrants
to immigration officials, and the migrants’
own lack of English to control victims. In somecases, traffickers used agricultural worker’s
lack of visa portability to threaten deportation
while domestic victims’ visas were intentionallyallowed to expire to use their newly
undocumented status to create fear, distrustand submission.177

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour47

04 Offender characteristics

Research in the United Kingdom lookedat the four dimensions of recruitment,
profit, organization, and control. Again, thisresearch provided insight into the myriad
ways that migration intersects with thehuman trafficking process. With regard
to recruitment, for example, many cases
involved recruitment of victims outside of
the United Kingdom. Each typology wasclassified on a spectrum of profit motivationfrom high profit, described as “run-likea-business,” to limited financial gain, tono financial gain. While many instances ofoffending were for a profit motive, somewere related to personal gratification suchas some forms of sexual exploitation or
immigration outcomes such as visas fromforced sham marriages.178
Earlier research on offender characteristics
in Australia drew on a reasonably small setof prosecuted cases (15 in total) to identify
offender characteristics, level of organization,
relationship between the victim and offender,
how control was exercised, intersections withother criminality such as immigration fraud,and motivations. The analysis highlights thatin this context, offenders and victims were
often the same gender and shared similar
backgrounds and experiences (including
prior victimization). All the offenders were
motivated by profit, and at least in thiscontext the trafficking process often involved
other criminal activity such as immigration
fraud and money laundering. The precarious
immigration status of most of the victims
meant that the threat (actual or implied) of
deportation created an environment in which
victims were often afraid to seek help from
Australian authorities, including police.179

48

OFFENDER MOTIVATIONSThere has been relatively little researchundertaken on the perpetrators of modern
slavery.180 The overall lack of research inthis area may result in statements about
perpetrators being uncritically repeatedor insights being used out of context.181 As
a result, our overall knowledge of modern
slavery, and particularly of the isolatedsites of vulnerability where many offences
occur, is diminished. There is a need for an
increase in research on the backgrounds andmotivations of perpetrators.
Only six studies used interviews to
speak directly to perpetrators of modern
slavery-related crimes. This contributes
to a more general lack of knowledge of the
backgrounds, methods and motivations of
perpetrators of modern slavery.
Studies indicate that exploiters have accessto ideological beliefs that allow them torationalize their exploitation of others.
Examples include:• A belief that contracts made in an
unequal power situation are nonethelessvalid and legitimate.182• A belief that perpetrators are doing theworkers a favour in a paternal manner by
providing them with food and shelter.183• Belief in a patriarchal form of social
authority which gives male perpetratorsrights over women.184• Beliefs that sex workers are undeservingof sympathy, which allows perpetrators toview their exploitation of sex workers as
legitimate.185

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

04 Offender characteristics

Muslim maids from thePhilippines wait to breaktheir Ramadan fast ata shelter managed by
Labour and Welfare
officers in Dubai,
August, 2010. The
house maids live at the
refuge after fleeing theiremployers’ homes due
to unpaid salaries, long
working hours, physicaland sexual abuse andvarious other forms of
mistreatment. Credit:
AFP/Getty Images

PERCEPTIONRESOURCES RELEVANT TO OFFENDING

Several studies note that a lack of effective
implementation of criminal laws can undermine
the deterrent effect of such laws.186 Similarly,
several studies draw attention to gaps inregulation and light penalties for exploiters incertain jurisdictions. For example, although
there has been progress in Qatar, it was
only in 2018 that the government there set a
temporary monthly minimum wage for migrant
workers of 750 riyals (USD200) and created
a committee to resolve disputes. There is still
no licensing system for businesses employing
migrant workers in Qatar or the United ArabEmirates (UAE).187 Similarly, in India, Rekha
Pande argues human traffickers face relatively
lenient prison sentences, which make therewards of exploitation far greater than therisks.188 Siddarth Kara argues penalties forlabour exploitation in Southern and SouthEastern Asia are particularly light whenultimate responsibility for this is obscured
by a supply chain.189

This section lists a number of resources thatperpetrators have been able to leverage totake advantage of migrants’ vulnerabilities.
These resources can be physical, economic
and psychological, and can give perpetrators a
position of power relative to their victims thatcan be abused.190

Control of recruitment
To maximize the potential for successful
migration, migrants seek out advice andenablers spanning the entire journey. Absent,
complex or piecemeal official information
on migration processes, employment, andsettlement – including job vacancies, skills andeducational recognition and familial needs –increases reliance on agents and recruiters.
These agents or recruiters have existing
contracts or relationships in a labour supply
chain country to facilitate the complicatedrecruitment process. For example, migrant
workers in the Malaysian electronics industry
are recruited via sub-agents located in small
towns and difficult-to-reach rural areas of thesending country. The sub-agents refer theworkers to larger recruitment agencies in major
cities that have contracts to source workers to
employment agents or factories in Malaysia.191

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour49

04 Offender characteristics

Tailored advice and the solution-focused
approach of recruitment agencies andbrokers across the migration cycle cansimplify the migration process but also
project a false sense of security to themigrants through the exchange of payment fora service. In the Philippines, the expectationof payments in return for labour migration isso pervasive that when fees were removed,
workers were suspicious it was a sham.192

Somali and Nepaleseimmigrants travel
on a canoe whilecrossing the jungleof Darién gap inJanuary, 2015 inPanama, on their way
to the United States.
Credit Jan Sochor/
Latincontent/Getty
Images50

Accordingly, this “outsourcing” of migrantsupport can also put tremendous power overrecruitment into the hands of potentiallyunscrupulous recruiters. Indeed, recruitment
agencies are one of the most common
places in which migrants are confronted withchoices that can lead to their exploitation– for example, being presented with an
exploitative contract as the only alternative toabandoning their plans to migrate. Potential
migrants may not understand employment
contracts when they are presented to them
due to language or literacy difficulties. For
example, Nepalese and Indonesian workers
in the Malaysian electronics industry
commonly report signing contracts they did
not understand.193 Similarly, three quarters of
foreign domestic workers in Hong Kong SAR,
China, reported their recruitment agency
did not provide them with or explain theirstandard employment contracts, despite
being legally obliged to do so.194 As such, thecontrol of recruitment processes provides
perpetrators with a major power advantage
over migrants, which can be abused to allow
exploitation. This form of abuse has been
particularly widely noted in South-Easternand Southern Asia.195

While international migration is greatly
assisted by a network of recruitment
agencies and brokers, in many jurisdictions
these agencies are subject to little orinefficient regulation.196 This frequently
results from the patchwork nature of sectors
for which governments allow temporary
labour migration, resulting, in effect, in theoutsourcing of government responsibilities torecruitment agencies.197 Complex networksof sub-contracting, which often obscurelegal and financial responsibilities, are also
a common problem, as this may result inworkers not being paid or not being able toobtain their legal rights.198 A final issue isstructural: recruitment agencies can comeunder great pressure from their clients tokeep wages low and to circumvent more
expensive legal recruitment procedures.199
Some governmental practices canexacerbate situations of de facto debt
bondage imposed on migrant workers
through the levying of fees by recruitment
agencies. These practices include requiring
a bond to be paid by the migrant to theagency as a barrier to “absconding,” which
can increase the indebtedness of migrant
workers. 200 In all these cases, the essential
precondition for this exploitative practiceis the high level of control of recruitment
processes by recruitment agencies, whichaccording to Daniele Belanger’s researchwere used by every one of the Vietnamese
migrant workers she interviewed, and in allcases demanded high recruitment fees.
UNODC suggests that a better approach toregulation of recruitment agencies may bethat of the government of the Philippines,
which instead requires the recruitment agency
to pay a deposit to the government in returnfor its operating license. 201 This deposit isforfeited if the agency is found to be complicitin the abuse of workers. This approach may
avoid complicated legal wrangling and puts
the burden on the recruitment agency todemonstrate its own good behaviour.
Rather than concentrating only on
abuses, some authors suggest providing
potential migrants with “whitelists” ofreputable employers who adhere to labour
standards. 202 This may increase migrants’knowledge of safe migration processes anddecrease the power imbalance between
themselves and perpetrators. Ideally,
this should be done in conjunction with asystem where migrant workers are able tofreely switch employers, including to others
operating in the same sector.

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

04 Offender characteristics

Financial resources
Studies of agricultural labourers in rural India,
trafficked sex workers in Timor-Leste, Nigeria,
Argentina, Brazil and the Republic of Korea,
and migrant construction workers in the Gulf
Cooperation Council countries, indicate thatsuperior access to financial resources canprovide perpetrators with leverage enablingthem to exploit migrants. In particular, accessto the following types of financial resources
give perpetrators an advantage over many
migrant workers:• Access to credit. It is particularlycommon for perpetrators to have accessto credit unavailable to victims. This
allows perpetrators, whether employers
directly or intermediaries such as brokers
or recruitment agents, to become soleproviders of credit to migrants. This debt
can then be leveraged to force migrants towork in exploitative conditions – a situationof de facto debt bondage. 203 This process
has been observed, for example, among
bonded agricultural labourers in rural India,
sex workers in Timor-Leste, and female sex
trafficking victims in Argentina, Brazil andNigeria. Fishing boat workers in Thailand
also commonly have their wages withheld byboat owners for long periods, during whichtime workers are provided cash “advances”
to cover their basic needs. 204• Effective control of the distribution offinancial resources. Apart from controlling
the payment of wages, perpetrators
frequently have the legal right to set contract
conditions. As such, it is possible for themto manipulate the framework throughwhich workers are paid in order to createa situation of exploitation. For example,
contracts can be kept secret or alteredwithout the permission of employees, as has
been done to Indian construction labourers
in Qatar. 205 Fishing boat workers in Thailand
are given no way of verifying the money
they are owed, while being subjected tofinancial penalties for misdemeanors andunexplained deductions. 206 Perpetrators canalso institute a system of fines that workers
are only able to pay by doing the biddingof exploiters. For example, in hostess bars
in the Republic of Korea, victims are able
to make only enough money to pay finesand meet “sales quotas” through engaging
in involuntary sexual encounters withpatrons. 207 Perpetrators can also force
workers to stay in positions of exploitation
through the withholding of wages until
after harvesting or jobs are complete.

For example, on palm oil plantations in
Guatemala, workers on one to three shortterm contracts had their wages withheld andwere not paid if they did not complete theentire term. 208

Control of space
A number of studies emphasize thatperpetrators’ legal, physical or psychologicalcontrol of a space in which migrants areworking or residing is a particularly importantsource of power. Examples include:• Control of accommodation that is tied
to a particular job or is on the same site.
This is a particularly important source of
perpetrators’ power, as victims risk losing
shelter as well as financial resources ifthey leave a job or attempt to seek redress.
Examples include domestic workers who livewith their employers in Denmark, 209 workers
in suburban sweatshops in Buenos Aires, 210
and Romanian migrant agricultural workers
in Sicily. 211• Control of a workspace or ship.
Perpetrators’ ability to prevent workers
from leaving a workspace can be a major
source of power over migrants. This might
be achieved by violence, as in the casesof brothels in Indian urban areas, 212 or bycontrol of a ship’s movements. 213
One of the reasons why domestic workers
are particularly vulnerable to exploitation isthat since they work in the private, domestic
sphere, they are consequently denied labour
rights. The invisibility of their workplaces leads
to their labour often not being recognized as“work,” a situation that is compounded by
the boundary between the workspace andtied accommodation and leisure time being
intentionally blurred by employers. 214 It istherefore suggested domestic workers should
be recognized as workers with concomitantlabour rights. 215 Mullally and Murphy
suggest that these rights can be promoted
internationally through wider ratification of
the 2011 ILO Convention on Domestic
Work and by strengthening it to make its
recommendations binding. 216

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour51

04 Offender characteristics

Migrant domestic workers can be particularly
vulnerable when their visas are tied toa specific employer. Examples of thesesystems vary in their level of restrictivenessand include the Middle Eastern kafalasystem and the United Kingdom’s Overseas
Domestic Worker (ODW) system. 217 Whenmigrants’ visa status and residence in the
country effectively depend on the goodwill of
their employer, there is a heightened risk of
exploitation. This situation of dependency isfurther heightened when it is a requirement of
the visa system that the worker live with theemployer, which gives the employer controlof the worker’s accommodations. 218 Other
regulations may create barriers to domestic
workers changing employers, for example the“Two-week Rule” in Hong Kong SAR, China,
which stipulates migrant domestic workers
must find new employment within two weeksof leaving their jobs or leave the jurisdiction.
This is extremely difficult for workers to do
as it takes four to six weeks to process anemployment application, leaving migrant
domestic workers very reluctant to leave
their current jobs as they are likely to lose
their right to work. 219
Parrenas and Silvey, Shamir and Amnesty
International therefore suggest that a system
similar to that for temporary domestic
workers in Italy should be more widelyadopted. 220 In the Italian system (as of 2017),
workers are allowed to “vote with their feet”
and move to a different employer within
the same sector. This system also includes
greater domestic worker protections, notably
the legal right to a day off, which may reduce
exploitative employers’ control of the spacein which migrants may operate.
Increased levels of consular assistance for
migrant workers in the Gulf Cooperation
Council countries have been correlated witha decrease in exploitation. Good practices
include regular site and accommodation
inspection visits by Indian and Filipino
labour attachés, and the operating andstaffing of confidential phone lines forreporting abuses. 221

52

Familial relationship, friendshipor acquaintanceA familial relationship, friendship or
acquaintance is frequently an importantresource for perpetrators. Studies of Syrian
refugees and of Mexican sex trafficking
victims in the United States indicate thatvictims are often trafficked by relatives orfriends rather than by strangers, since they
are able to use a pre-existing social bondas a resource for exploitation. 222 This may
be particularly true for children: among thevictims assisted by CTDC partners, 36 percent of the children were recruited by afamily member or a relative, compared with
11 per cent for adults. 223 In cases including
employers of bonded labourers in India, sex
traffickers in Cambodia and labour and sex
traffickers on the India-Bangladesh border,
exploiters have similar backgrounds andeconomic statuses to their victims. 224 Thismay be a resource perpetrators can use,since similar status or life experiences may
aid them in winning victims’ trust.

Knowledge of migration processes
Superior knowledge of migration processes
may give perpetrators a position of powerover their victims. Particularly in cases oftrafficking, exploiters may have superior
knowledge of the customs and proceduresof the destination country, along with themethods migrants can use to get there.
Examples of the abuse of this resource
include perpetrators who have lived abroad
utilizing their knowledge to gain the trust ofprospective migrants in Ethiopia, 225 Nigerian
sex traffickers using their superior knowledgeof exchange rates to manipulate migrantsex workers’ pay, 226 and spouses of recently
arrived foreign brides in Norway controlling
access to Norwegian-language legal
resources. 227

Criminal associations
In certain cases, perpetrators have access toorganized criminal groups or are themselves
members of one. These associations provide
the actuality or potential of violence, which
can be used to exploit migrant workers.
Examples of this process include the useof violence by gangs or mafia-like groups incases of sex trafficking in Western Europe
and Central America 228 and the ability of
wealthier business owners in rural India tohire gangs of goondas (thugs) to intimidate or
murder labour activists. 229

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

04 Offender characteristics

Political influence

Access to technology

Studies indicate that in some cases exploiters
have access to political influence. This
resource may allow them to directly alter thecourse of investigations into their activities
and thereby perpetuate the exploitation of
migrant workers. Alternatively, more indirect
political influence may be exerted to influencelawmakers to turn a blind eye to exploitation.
Examples include wealthier business owners
in rural India, notably quarry and kiln owners,
who have major influence through political
campaign contributions, 230 the politicalinfluence of fisheries magnates in Thailand,
which compelled the Thai police’s head of antitrafficking in fisheries to flee the country, 231
and the political influence of wealthy foreign
nationals in the United Kingdom leading toa blind eye being turned to exploitation ofdomestic workers. 232

In some cases, exploiters may have better
access to communications technology, which
can enable them to coordinate their efforts.
For example, Pande reports that access tomobile phones allows sex traffickers in urban
India to keep tabs on their victims. 233 Similarly,
Newell, Gomez and Guajardo report thatcriminal gangs preying on migrants crossing
the United States-Mexico border seek out
migrants with mobile phones in order to accessdata on family members who can then be
blackmailed. 234

TIED VISAS
CREATE
VULNERABILITY

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

53

05

GUARDIAN
CHARACTERISTICS
Guardians are any group or individual in a position of
authority with the ability or mandate to prevent acts ofmodern slavery. Sometimes this role is formally mandated,
as is the case for national, state or local governments
including police, judicial or legal authorities. However, thisrole can also be more informal, with village or tribal elders,faith leaders and service providers from health and civilsociety organizations also having a potential protectiverole. The vulnerability of migrants to modern slavery may
be increased by gaps in guardian responses, such as theinability or unwillingness of these guardians to prevent
exploitation, which is in turn can be exacerbated by abreakdown in law and order due to ongoing conflict or natural
disasters, endemic corruption, the inherent complexity intackling modern slavery, or competing government priorities.

54

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

05 Guardian characteristics

Migrant garment workers in
the manufacturing industry
are vulnerable to exploitationby their employers. Theintermittency of demand for
clothing creates low-profit
margins which increases
the incentives for employers
to subject their workers toconditions of modern slavery.
Credit: Monty Rakusen

GAPS IN RESPONSESGAPS IN LEGISLATION

Globally, there is large variability in the
responses of governments to modern slavery.
Data from the Government Response Index,
in the Global Slavery Index, suggests national
responses to modern slavery are improving
overall. 235 However, there are some countries
where the response is becoming weaker.

While the existence of national criminal laws is
not enough on its own to ensure guardians are
empowered to take action, laws do provide a
critical basis for exercise of coercive powers(such as powers of arrest) and also underscorethe priority of specific issues for affectedagencies. On this point, there is considerable
variation across countries. For example, in
2018, 122 countries had laws that criminalized
human trafficking in line with the United
Nations Trafficking Protocol, while only 38 had
criminalized forced marriage. Only 56 countries
have criminalized the buying and selling ofchildren for sex and only 27 have criminalized
the use of children in armed conflict. 236

These gaps in responses increase vulnerabilityof migrants in different ways – gaps inlegislation fail to deter perpetrators, whilegaps in protections either fail to prevent the
exploitation of migrants or exacerbate thesituations of those already in modern slavery.
The following sections identify some of thegaps of guardian responses.

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour55

05 Guardian characteristics

GAPS IN SOCIAL PROTECTIONS
AND LABOUR RIGHTS
Comparative analysis of government
responses country by country also
confirms critical gaps exist in many forms
of protection. For example, the Government
Response Index confirms that 50 per cent ofcountries globally exclude either migrants,
men or children from accessing services. Not
only are certain groups of victims not being
identified, even when they are detected they
are unable to access services. 237 The ILO 2018
report Ending Forced Labour by 2030 foundout of 107 countries which provide protection
services to victims, within 57 of these access
was conditional on cooperation in legal
proceedings. More specifically, comparative
analysis of responses at the regional level
suggests very low levels of protection being
made available in the Gulf Cooperation
Council countries to some of the highest
risk groups, namely migrant workers. 238 Thisis reflected in research that documents
high levels of exploitation of workers
travelling from Africa and Asia into the Gulf
Cooperation Council countries for work. 239
Studies of construction workers in the United
Kingdom, United Arab Emirates, Thailand,
Canada and South Africa, and of au pairs
in Norway and Ireland, suggest migrants
are overrepresented in these occupations,which have been described as “precarious”
because of their lack of job security or otherprotections. 240 This precarity is exacerbatedby the practice of classifying migrants as
non-workers or non-residents who cannot
access labour protections.
A broader context is provided by studiesof the political economies of Cambodia,
India, the United Kingdom and Japan.
These suggest a connection between risk
for migrants and cutting of certain social
welfare programmes that provide resilience
to exploitation. Examples include thecutting of social protection programmes in
Cambodia under an International Monetary
Fund-administered structural adjustment,
which resulted in an explosion of low-paid
work, 241 a similar withdrawal of social andlabour protections in India, with a similar
result, 242 and the imposition of welfare-towork programmes in the United Kingdom andother Western democracies, which can force
excluded migrant groups such as asylum
seekers into exploitative work. 243

56

Hila Shamir further suggests the specificexclusion of migrant workers from social
protections places them at a higher riskof exploitation and undercuts indigenous
workers, creating resentment and further
increasing migrants’ vulnerability. 244
Migrant children may fall outside the scopeor focus of local child protection authorities,
thereby creating heightened risk for thesechildren. Due to the scale and severity of
the crisis involving vulnerable children on
the move, UNICEF has developed a six-point
action plan to help protect this group. 245

1. Protect uprooted children from
exploitation and violence.

2. End the detention of refugee and migrantchildren by creating practical alternatives.

3. Keep families together and give children
legal status.

4. Help uprooted children to stay in schooland stay healthy.

5. Press for action on the causes that uproot
children from their homes.

6. Combat xenophobia and discrimination.
Rather than create new protection authorities
specific for migrant children, UNICEF
recommends the expansion and integrationof national services to cover migrantchildren on the move. As one example of agovernment taking steps to protect uprooted
children from exploitation and violence, theGovernment of Germany responded to the
influx of migrant children not by creating a
new system to protect migrant children but
by strengthening its existing child protection
system. They also developed standards forprotecting children in refugee centres andfocused on strengthening the capacities ofservice providers to implement and monitor
these standards. 246
UNICEF has also noted that while few
countries have eliminated the practiceof detaining children because of theirimmigration status, there are examplesof systems being established to improvemonitoring of the operation of these systems.
In Greece, in the absence of a national
system to track and monitor unaccompanied
children, the National Centre for Social
Solidarity (EKKA), a government agency thatmanages the national referral and placement
system for unaccompanied children in
Greece, has emerged as an important monitor
of unaccompanied children in detention.

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

05 Guardian characteristics

The office has increased the number of childrights monitoring visits to dozens of locations
across the country, including detention
facilities and reception, identification centres
and hotspots. It has also established a networkof NGOs, bringing together more than 20 childprotection actors that monitor rights violations
and advocate for children. Building on these
efforts and with thorough data analysis, theGreek Ombudsman’s office has been a criticaladvocate on behalf of uprooted children andhas effectively worked to remove children fromprotective custody. 247

NON-RECOGNITION OF FOREIGNQUALIFICATIONS
In certain cases, migrants’ qualifications fromforeign educational institutions may not berecognized by employers and/or government
bodies in their destination countries. This
lack of recognition may push more highly
skilled migrants into underpaid or otherwise
exploitative labour. 248

RESTRICTIVE IMMIGRATION POLICIESAND WEAK MIGRATION GOVERNANCESTRUCTURES
Restrictive immigration policies are noted asa cause of vulnerability to modern slavery,
especially when they are combined with strong
economic incentives for low-wage migration.
This process occurs in irregular migration fromCentral America to the United States and from
sub-Saharan Africa to Europe. 249 This also
increases vulnerability of migrants in the Gulf
Cooperation Council countries, which hostnearly one tenth of the migrant workers globallyin a context of very restrictive migration
policies and widespread discrimination against
migrant workers and women. 250

The effect of strong “pull factors” for migration
and a restrictive immigration policy results ina demand to migrate in situations where there
are few if any legal, safe migration routes.
Examples include Thailand having strong pull
factors for migrants but high border crossing
fees, 251 crackdowns on undocumented
migrants and asylum-seekers that push theminto migrating through more unsafe methods,
for example moving into Libya from Egypt andSudan, 252 and the inadequate official European
response to the so-called “migration crisis,”which pushed many migrants into more unsafe
migration practices. 253 In another similar
example, in 2012 Ecuador included additional
restrictions in its asylum system and reduced
the maximum window of time for filing asylum
claims from 180 to 15 days after arrival in the
country. Although since reversed and thewindow extended to 90 days, these decisions
resulted in a 25 per cent drop in application
approval rates and forced higher numbersof Colombian refugees into undocumented
status, exposing them to exploitative
conditions at palm oil plantations due to theirlack of employment alternatives. 254
Weak migration governance, in the face of
influxes of migrants as shown by the example
of inadequate European responses to migrants
along the Central Eastern Mediterranean
Routes, as well as limited capacity to respondto emigration, can increase vulnerability.
In Ethiopia, the 2013 ban on migration to
the Middle East saw an increase in thenumber of migrants using irregular means
to cross borders. A similar effect occurredin Nepal, where the ban on young female
labour migration from Nepal drove migration
underground via more dangerous routes. 255

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour57

05 Guardian characteristics

One form of immigration restriction is atemporary worker system. However, when
temporary worker systems tie workers to asingle, specified employer, exploitation more
readily results. An example is Thailand’s tiedvisa systems for manufacturing and fishery
workers, 256 agricultural workers in the UnitedStates257 and domestic workers in the United
Kingdom. 258 In these cases, the dependenceof migrants on employers for their legal visa
status places tremendous power in the handsof employers. As noted above, rules in Hong
Kong SAR, China requiring that domestic
workers must find a new employer within two
weeks of leaving their existing employer canmake workers very reluctant to leave evenvery abusive situations. 259 Moreover, the factthat these programmes are often fragmented
and targeted at specific sectors means
their operation is frequently outsourced andhard to effectively monitor. 260 Finally, this
temporary status itself is problematic as itstops workers from creating social networks
that can protect them from exploitation. 261
Guardians’ prioritization of immigration
control measures over anti-modern slavery
initiatives may also reduce their ability to
disrupt exploitation. This may occur due togovernmental or institutional priorities, orto immigration violations being much easier
to investigate and prosecute. 262 Examples
include the introduction of “pink cards” toidentify migrant workers in Thailand, which
are frequently kept by employers or ship
captains and give them power over theircrews, 263 the revocation of labour protections
for overseas domestic workers in the United
Kingdom due to fears of increased lowskilled migration, 264 Israel’s denial of Eritrean
refugees, which left them exposed to serious
abuses in the Sinai, 265 and the “securitization”
of the EU’s migration policy, which has denied
safe migration routes to Syrians and has
increased their vulnerability to trafficking. 266
In this context of restrictive immigration
policies, Anti-Slavery International suggests
anti-trafficking measures may be helpedby the prioritization of human trafficking
screening over criminal prosecution of
low-level criminal offences such as
small-scale drug dealing and petty theft. 267
This may reduce the power of exploiters to
draw exploited migrants into larger-scalecriminal enterprises.

58

BARRIERS TO COLLECTIVE BARGAINING
Barriers to worker-led organizing, collective
bargaining and worker ownership arenoted as a cause of migrants’ vulnerability
to modern slavery. 268 Notably, studies ofsex worker collectives in Canada and New
Zealand, garment workers’ co-operatives inArgentina and labour unions in Thailand andWestern Europe, among others, suggest that
unionization and forms of worker ownershipare among the strongest resilience factors
against exploitation. 269 As such, barriers to theformation of unions or to worker ownershipare a major structural vulnerability factor.
However, in numerous jurisdictions, migrant
workers are either blocked from union
membership or major barriers are put in theirway. These prohibitions include those against
undocumented workers joining unions in
Spain, Cyprus, Latvia and Lithuania, the Thaigovernment’s resistance to the unionizationof domestic workers, and the legal abilityof employers in the United States to fire
undocumented workers for unionizing. 270
Furthermore, unions may themselves choose
to exclude migrant workers. Migrants may
be entirely prevented from membership, or
disqualified from leadership positions, as incertain Thai unions. 271 In some cases, migrant
workers are outsourced and the workers’
wages, benefits and other entitlements
are provided by the labour intermediary.
Outsourced electronics workers in Malaysia
are subject to different work conditions,
may not be covered by existing collective
bargaining agreements and cannot joinlabour unions. 272
Numerous sources argue one of the mostimportant actions that can be taken to
alleviate exploitation of migrant workers
is an expansion of their right and ability tocollectively bargain. 273 This approach is likely
to be more applicable in certain sectors thanin others, particularly in situations where
an exploitative employer controls a defined
workspace and the inflow and distribution of
benefits within it, as in manufacturing, fishingand domestic work. The existence of unions
may challenge such employers’ exclusive
control of financial and spatial resources by
providing a conduit for collective action.

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

05 Guardian characteristics

Migrants are pictured
sleeping in an open
air camp in June, 2015
in Paris, as European
nations grapple withhow to handle a wave
of people crossing theMediterranean. The
Global Slavery Index
2018 noted in recent
years a tighteningof migration policyin Europe has beenaccompanied by areduction in protection
for migrants. Credit:
Joel Saget/AFP/Getty
ImagesAs such, Pradella and Cillo, Marks and Olsen,
Shamir, Buckley, Mantouvalou and Farsightsuggest the removal of restrictions on migrantunionization, and that a positive right to joina union be provided to them. However, thisapproach is likely to be most effective indemocratic or semi-democratic politicalsystems where some existing labour rights ortolerance for their ideals already exists.
In a number of sectors (including garment
manufacturing and sex work), some studies
suggest worker self-management, particularly
through worker-owned co-operatives, canimprove working conditions. 274 This is because
worker self-management removes two powerfultools exploiters can hold over their workers:
control of finance and control of the workspace.

STATE-IMPOSED FORCED LABOUR
The role of the state in forced labour can belinked to high-risk migration practices and torisk for migrants from these countries bothat exit and in transit. 275 The Eritrean case isparticularly significant for migration. Many
young men and women also flee Eritrea
to escape the mandatory and indefinite
national service which is imposed by thegovernment.277 In addition, Hepner andTecle have suggested that the government
aims to drive out younger, better-educatedEritreans in order to gain a source of financevia remittances from the diaspora. 276 This
leads to highly dangerous migration by Eritrean
refugees, who are vulnerable to kidnapping,ransom and outright enslavement. A study
based on 134 qualitative interviews with
Eritreans who had migrated to Israel andEthiopia found that 31 per cent of interviewees
were abducted or had been forcibly moved for
extortion during their migration experience. 277
Despite the signing of a peace treaty between
Ethiopia and Eritrea in July 2018, it is yet to be
seen how this will affect forced migration in theHorn of Africa. So far, the Eritrean government
has announced it will relax its national service
policy, which may reduce the flow of refugees
from the country. 278

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour59

05 Guardian characteristics

Interviews with defectors from the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea also
illustrate the very real risks that migrants
fleeing the North will face, including
deportation and forced repatriation, where
they may experience forced labour as
punishment, forced marriage and abuses
related to reliance on smugglers andborder officials. 279

LACK OF POLITICAL WILL OR CAPACITY
TO RESPOND
Driving these gaps in responses can be alack of political will or limited capacity torespond. Studies indicate that modern slavery
is a low priority for some governments. As aconsequence of this, or as a result of a generallack of funding, resources are unavailable
to disrupt systems of modern slavery. For
example, Montero Bressan and Abalo notethat there are too few labour inspectors
in Argentina to properly suppress labour
trafficking to garment workshops where
there are a large number of internationalmigrants, 280 and Priyanka Mishra notes thatanti-trafficking operations are a low priority
for the authorities in Timor-Leste, with nospecialized support services available. 281

CONFLICT AND NATURAL DISASTERS
In crisis situations, capacity to provide awhole range of core community services,from law enforcement to education, may belimited, which contributes to increased riskof exploitation. For example, since the 2012
start of the conflict in Mali, the governmenthas been unable to provide education
for children, a situation which has seen
increased risks of children being recruited tofight for armed groups. 282 In another example,
violence perpetrated by drug traffickers
and organized criminal groups plaguing
Guatemala since that country’s civil war limits
the ability of labour inspectors to carry out
their duties at palm oil plantations known for
exploitative practices because of threats
to inspectors’ personal safety. 283 In crisis
situations, it may also be necessary to set up
anti-slavery initiatives where none previously
existed. Klaffenboeck, Todorova andMacchiavello concluded that police and NGO
anti-trafficking responses to the 2015 Nepal
earthquake were more successful than thosealong the Western Balkan migration routedue to the prior existence of anti-trafficking
support frameworks in Nepal. 284

60

CORRUPTION
Corruption takes many forms that impact
vulnerability of migrants, whether this isthrough the excessive fees that result frompayment of bribes or facilitation paymentsin the recruitment and migration process,or lack of access to justice that results from
corruption in the criminal justice process.
As one example, in an “exploratory” study
looking only at three illustrative migration
corridors – Nepal to Qatar, Myanmar to
Malaysia, and Myanmar to Thailand, Verité
has documented extensive corruption, bothof private sector actors and government
officials, involved in the movement andrecruitment of migrant workers. This
included payment of kickbacks to agents andemployers along the corridor for a demand
letter or job order; bribes or un-receipted
fees paid to government officials to facilitate
discretionary decisions relating to issues
such as foreign worker quotas, demand forworkers, visas, medical certificates and work
permits; and bribes paid to border control,
police and military officials who facilitate
irregular migration. 285 Corruption such as
this contributes to the fee burden carriedby many migrant workers, demonstrated byunscrupulous recruiters in the Philippines, 286
which in turn contributes to their vulnerability
to abuse and exploitation. In anotherexample, low wages for labour inspectors in
Guatemala has also been identified as a key
corruption risk by labour experts. 287
Many countries fail to respond to corruption
even when it appears directly implicated in
facilitating modern slavery. The Government
Response Index found that 68 countries
had experienced either endemic complicity
in modern slavery cases or instances ofgovernment official corruption or complicity
that were routinely not investigated.
Examples include widespread bribery of law
enforcement officials in Ethiopia, the Republicof Moldova, Sudan, Egypt and the RussianFederation to overlook trafficking rings, andwidespread corruption in Belgian embassies
that allowed the issuing of fraudulent
passports for sex trafficking purposes. 288

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

05 Guardian characteristics

COMPLEXITY OF THE CRIME TYPES
Human trafficking, modern slavery and forced
labour are complex crime types, often involving
several actors or organized crime groups whoseek to actively leverage holes in protection
regimes while operating across multiple
jurisdictions. Addressing them requires intra– and inter-governmental coordination andresources to tackle the crime effectively.
Modern slavery is also a hidden crime, withthe added difficulty of locating affected
populations. Modern slavery frequently occurs
among migrant populations that are either
little-known to the state or who actively seek
to stay out of sight of the authorities, such aswith undocumented migrant workers. 289 As aresult, its victims can be difficult to locate andprotect. Many governments are proactive intheir attempts to identify and uncover casesof modern slavery, either through training offirst responders (152 out of 162 governmentsin the Government Response Index) or
establishing specialized police units (121) orlabour inspections in the informal sector (54) todetect instances of modern slavery.
A further consequence is that the scale andextent of modern slavery are extremely
difficult to determine. However, gathering
reliable and comparable data can itself bedifficult due to varying evidence-collecting
practices between or across different
jurisdictions, 290 or the lack of any systems
for collecting statistics on modern slavery
offences, as for example in Nigeria. 291

STEREOTYPES AND GAPSIN UNDERSTANDING
The complexity of modern slavery can leadto stereotypes and limited understanding,which can in turn drive harmful responses andmisallocation of resources to combat modern
slavery. These issues may be divided into
four categories:• A conflation of sex trafficking and sex work
can mean that anti-trafficking resources
are diverted into sting operations andraids on non-trafficked sex workers. 292
This tendency has been observed in Spain,
Thailand, India, Cambodia, the United Statesand Argentina. 293 The United States’ “AntiProstitution Loyalty Oath,” which prevents
entities that distinguish between sex workand trafficking from receiving American
development aid, prompts particularly
heavy criticism. 294• A widespread perception that humantrafficking affects only women and girls canlead to trafficking of men and boys being
underreported. As a consequence, thetrafficking of men and boys is not addressedby anti-modern slavery programmes. 295• Simplistic responses that fail to address
the systematic drivers of vulnerability. For
example, the literature gives examplesof domestic workers in the UAE whose
only choices are being able to choose
between staying in the abusive situation or
becoming irregular and risking deportation,or seeking help from their Embassy
for assistance to return home. While
getting workers to safety and providing
opportunities for workers to go homevoluntarily undoubtedly has a place in thepossible suite of responses, this should
not be seen as a substitute for responding
to systemic drivers of vulnerability suchas tied visas, requirements that workers
live in the homes of their employers, anda lack of labour protections for somegroups of workers. The literature also notesthat removing the worker without holding
employers to account for abuses, including
through criminal justice processes if theworker wishes to participate, means thecycle continues. Equally, the literaturenotes that responses to abuse should
begin by considering the outcomes that areimportant to the migrants themselves, which
may include wanting to find an alternative
decent job in the destination country
and stay to pay off existing debt or makemoney. 296 This is important to breaking thecycle of abuse.

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour61

05 Guardian characteristics• A focus on extreme instances of crime

may be used to justify minimal focus on
more prevalent labour abuses and genderbased violence. Jaleel, Lewis and Waite,
and Marschke and Vandergeest argue that“modern slavery” exceptionalizes certain
forms of exploitation, which they argue
may be better considered not as modern
slavery but as extreme forms of labour
exploitation and gender-based violence. 297
They argue that the framing of modern
slavery as an exceptional abuse diminishes
our ability to draw links with other forms oflabour exploitation and thereby may allow
exploiters a way of rationalizing behaviour
that they themselves might not consider
modern slavery. 298 Ramona Vijeyarasa
suggests an approach more similar tocontract law may be more effective, inwhich modern slavery is seen as an abuseor breach of trust; this may better capture
migrants’ agency than seeing them as
helpless victims. 299

It is important that victim support systems
respond to the actual needs of their clients
rather than to assumed priorities. Bayeand Heumann and Urzi suggest that thesystem in force in Italy (as of 2015) should be
more widely implemented. 300 This systememphasizes a robust focus on rehabilitationthat includes a financial component. While
there are problems in accessing this system,
this provision of financial resources canhelp prevent the re-trafficking of previous
victims of modern slavery, who appear to bea more at-risk group (see “individual factors”).
Moreover, once this system is accessed,
victims are allowed to work and are provided
with accommodation while they are enrolled
in a work programme.

DISCRIMINATION AND PREJUDICE
Existing prejudices in society will very likely
play out through the delivery of functions
like law enforcement and other services.
While these may take the form of active
and overt discrimination, they can also bereflected in gaps in protection. As noted in
the Global Slavery Index 2018, the higher
than expected rates of prevalence of modern
slavery in highly developed, high income
countries underscore that even in countries
with seemingly strong responses to modern
slavery, certain vulnerable groups, including
migrants, can be excluded from existing
protections. It was noted that in Europe inrecent years a tightening of migration policy
has been accompanied by a reduction inprotection for migrants. Similar approaches
have been adopted in the United States andAustralia. 303
Studies note that when members of law
enforcement or law-making bodies areprejudiced against migrants or against
workers in general, they are less likely toprotect them. Examples include racialized
ideas of “victimhood” which may preventlaw enforcement officials from recognizingor assisting trafficking victims who do notconform to stereotypes. 304 Widespread
xenophobia against migrants in general
may lead to the passage of discriminatory
laws and inaction on modern slavery. For
example, Marschke and Vandergeest notedthat xenophobic attitudes towards Burmese
migrants in Thailand reduced low-ranking
police officers’ willingness to address their
exploitation. 305 Research on migrants in the
Middle East and Northern Africa suggests
other instances of discrimination. 306

Similar suggestions are made by Meshkovska
and the UNODC, based on research inArgentina, and Andhra Pradesh. 301 In thesecases, a rehabilitation system that provides
access to microcredit finance is likely to be
more effective than one that seeks to “reform”
victims. IOM argues that a similar financial
component to rehabilitation, in the form of job
creation and training programmes, has proved
effective in crisis situations, notably following
Typhoon Haiyan. 302

62

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

05 Guardian characteristics

Sanora holds a photograph ofher nephew, Asmot, July, 2015
in Shamlapur, Bangladesh.
Ula and his father fled to
Bangladesh from Myanmar in
2005, and they both left for
Malaysia at the end of 2012 tofind steady work. “They thought
they would find peace there”
says Ula’s Aunt, Sanora. She
has not heard any word fromthem since. Credit: Shazia
Rahman/Getty Images

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

63

06

ANALYSIS AND
RECOMMENDATIONS
San, a 17-year-old victim ofmodern slavery in Myanmar
shows her scarred arms
and twisted fingers whilst
recovering in her family’svillage in the Kawmu townshiplocated outside Yangon, in
September, 2016. She stares
at her burnt, scarred hands
and twisted fingers, a reminderof her years of abuse, one ofthousands of young domestic
workers feared to be at risk of
exploitation. Credit: Ye Aung
Thu/AFP/Getty Images

64

WHICH MIGRANTS ARE VULNERABLE,
WHEN AND IN WHAT CIRCUMSTANCES?
The literature confirms that the vulnerability of migrants tohuman trafficking, forced labour and modern slavery is notevenly distributed. Some individuals, demographics or
sub-groups are more vulnerable to abuse than others.
The literature also helps to shed light on the reality thatdifferent risks occur along the course of the migration
process, depending on the combination of enabling factors
in place in each location. Figures 6.1 to 6.4 capture in verybroad terms how, where and for whom risk converges atdifferent points in the migration process.

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

06 Recommendations

PRE-MIGRATION
Prospective migrants are vulnerable when:••
Migrants•

They are fleeing conflict, crisis situations.
They are under economic or other pressure to migrate,with limited ability to access information about jobs
overseas or migration process.
Fall into a category of migrants with few or no legal
migration options.

In circumstances where governments:

Labour brokers,
third party agents,
recruiters

Governments

•
•
•
•

May be focused on detering migration.
Have not prioritized labour migration.
Are unable to act due to limited or unclear legal powers
or capacity.
Are busy delivering existing bureaucratic process thatare not fit for scale/nature of labour migration needs.

And labour brokers, third party agents or recruiters:

•
•
•
•
•

Have superior knowledge of navigating legal/irregularmigration process, or access to jobs, employers.
Have unclear legal responsibility for what happens
upstream/overseas.
Know they can act with impunity.
Control resources, such as financial or logistical.
Rationalize as “helping”.

Figure 6.1: Which migrants are vulnerable in the pre-migration stage?

Migrants are vulnerable when they:IN TRANSIT

•
•
•
•
•
•

Migrants•••

Agents, recruiters,
third party service
providers

Governments
and local
organizations

In circumstances where governments and localorganizations are:•And agents, recruiters, third party service
providers have:•••

A captive audience for recruiting.
Low risk of redress in legal limbo.
Access to opportunities to exploit, coined with an
absence of law enforcement.

Are disconnected from support networks.
May be stuck/stranded without funds.
Have limited options to earn funds.
May be excluded from legal labour market.
Experience longer stays, which permit more risk/
desperation.
Have limited/no ability to obtain visas legally, pay
debts.
Lack documentation.
May have incentives to remain isolated or hidden.
Have limited/restricted mobility, or are dependent onothers for mobility.

••

Overwhelmed and capacity is pushed to breaking
point.
Are mandated to prioritize border control overindividual safety.
Have low incentive or mandate or funds to protect/prioritize foreigners.

Figure 6.2: Which migrants are vulnerable while en route, at transit points
such as border crossings, or in displacement sites or other settlements?

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour65

06 Recommendations

AT DESTINATION
Migrants are vulnerable when they:•••

Migrants••••
Governments

Employers andrecruiters••

Perceive bad conditions or poor treatment as
inevitable.
Fear deportation.
Have limited or no independent finances or ability toprovide for basic needs.
Are not covered by local labour/other protections
Are excluded from or have limited options to accesslegal employment.
Have no recourse for wage theft.
Have limited networks, as diaspora/other migrants
are critical.
Limited trust of authorities.
Have limited understanding of local norms/legal
system.

In circumstances where governments:•
And employers and recruiters:

•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•

Operate outside of the law, such as in the informal
economy, beyond sight.
Know there is low risk of recourse from law
enforcement.
Are able to leverage family relationships, friendships
or diaspora connections.
Have financial power through owning jobs, networks,
accommodation.
Are given control through visa conditions.
Have political connections/corruption.
Can leverage local resentment or discrimination
against minority groups.
Rationalize behavior as “helping” and that workers
are “better off” than at home.

•
•
•
•
•
•

Have not prioritized or funded oversight in high risk
industries.
Have given migration control higher priority thanhuman rights protections.
Have provided limited or no funding for migrantsupport or outreach services.
Have not made it safe or timely for migrants toaccess recourse for wage theft.
Make it illegal for migrant workers to organize or joinunions.
And state services...
Are simply overwhelmed and cannot support thedemand for registration, case management, benefits
and/or protective care.

Figure 6.3: Which migrants are vulnerable once at theirdestination or during prolonged stays in transit countries?

ON RETURN

Migrants remain vulnerable if their experience
resulted in:

•
•
•
•

Migrants•

Trauma/shame/humiliation/feeling of failure.
Deepened financial crisis as debt not paid.
No recourse for wage theft.
Skills and education developed overseas not being
acknowledged.
A desire to give impression of wealth acquisition
during migration journey that is addressed by taking
out loans.

In circumstances where the government backhome:
Recruiters orAgentsGovernments•••

And recruiters or agents are:••Able to benefit from removal of another witness totheir crimes or potential claimant for unpaid wages.
Subject to no or low risk of recourse.

••

Is covering the cost of repatriation with limited funds.
Has limited or no services to assist with recovery ofwage theft overseas.
Faces genuine jurisdictional limitations in helping
with overseas abuse.
Is relying on remittances as key to local economy.
Is ambivalent about returnees or quietly approves ofout-migration as a means to relieve population andfinancial pressures.

Figure 6.4: Which migrants are vulnerable even after
they return to their country of origin?

66

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

06 Recommendations

ADDRESSING THE INTERSECTIONSOF RISK
While there are myriad factors that contributeto vulnerability of certain migrants to humantrafficking, forced labour and modern slavery, as
Figures 6.1 to 6.4 show, it is possible to identify
salient patterns of risk. These are the areas
where our prevention efforts should focus:

1. Increasing protections for victims andvulnerable migrants.

2. Reducing the capacity and opportunity forpotential offenders.

3. Increasing capacity and focus of guardiansand first responders.

4. Focusing research efforts on filling criticalgaps in knowledge.

RECOMMENDATION 1:
INCREASE PROTECTIONS FOR VICTIMSAND VULNERABLE MIGRANTS
Prevention efforts should focus on strategies toincrease the safety of migrants in the locations
and situations where high vulnerability
coincides with opportunity for offending:a. Ensure protection is provided universallyfor migrants escaping repressive statesthat subject their own citizens to forced
labour.

b. Increase migrants’ access to information
about the migration and recruitment
processes.

c. Increase migrants’ access to legitimate
sources of work and/or finance along
migration pathways and in destination
countries.

d. Reduce the financial power imbalance

between particularly vulnerable migrants
and their exploiters by ensuring that
financial interventions and access to work
are part of responses to displacement.

e. Address the threat of detention and/or

f. Eliminate gaps in labour protections forworkers in informal sectors.

g. In destination and transit countries wherechildren are on the move, ensure that local
child protection systems are strengthened
and supported to provide protection to
migrant children.

h. Provide access to reasonable livelihoods

for migrant parents and inclusive education
support for all children regardless of
migrant parents’ status.

i. Recognize and address the inherent

potential for exploitation of children incrisis situations and take steps to ensurethat children are safe even while fosteredor being cared for through other informal
societal childcare practices.

RECOMMENDATION 2:
REDUCE CAPACITY AND OPPORTUNITY
FOR POTENTIAL OFFENDERSPrevention efforts should focus on strategies toreduce capacity and opportunity for offending:a. Redress the power imbalance between

employers and employees by prohibiting
recruitment fees, prohibiting restrictions
on mobility and withholding of identify
documents, and promoting labour rights,
inspections and protections. This isparticularly urgent in high-risk sectors
such as the manufacturing, domestic work,
construction and fishery sectors.

b. Reduce perpetrators’ control ofrecruitment processes through moretransparent regulation and system design
while fostering innovative use of information
technology and increased availability offree or low-cost information.

c. Focus on the structures, policies andsocietal norms that enable discrimination tobe perpetuated against migrants and othermarginal populations.

deportation that hangs over many migrant
workers by creating systems and structuresthat enable temporary and even irregularmigrants to access basic labour rights andjustice, particularly around wage theft in
both formal and informal sectors.

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour67

06 Recommendations

RECOMMENDATION 3:
INCREASE CAPACITY AND FOCUS OF
GUARDIANS AND FIRST RESPONDERSPrevention efforts should focus on
strategies to increase the capacity andfocus of guardians such as law enforcement,labour inspectors and other potential first
responders:j. Encourage transparency of efforts

through support for research andreporting on the operation andeffectiveness of existing responses.

k. Focus on rehabilitation that includes afinancial or livelihoods components toprevent re-victimization of people whohave exited exploitative situations.

a. Close gaps in criminal laws bycriminalizing forced marriage, all forms ofhuman trafficking and forced labour, theuse of child soldiers, and the buying andselling of children for sex.

b. Close gaps in protective responses

and ensure all victims of these crimes,
including migrants, men, women andchildren, are included in services and areable to access them.

c. Ensure that all migrant workers areprotected by labour laws, including theright to collective bargaining.

d. Review immigration laws and policies toensure they reflect the realities of labour
market and migration pressures, but also
to ensure a humane balance is struck
between competing policy priorities, suchas security and human rights of migrants.

e. Strengthen migration governancesystems.

f. Ensure that corruption is investigated,
exposed and prosecuted.

g. In crisis situations, anticipate the riskof human trafficking, forced labour andmodern slavery. Bolster the capacity of
governments, humanitarian workers andpartners in these situations. Actively
develop protective systems to identify
and assist at-risk populations both duringconflict and in protracted or post-conflictsettings, including in neighbouring
countries and areas of return.

h. Fund rapid response task-forces andproviding them with the flexibility torespond to emerging threats.

i. Provide training and support to first

responders, including creating specialized
law enforcement capabilities, and pursue
labour inspections in the informal sector
to detect instances of modern slavery.

68

RECOMMENDATION 4:
FOCUS RESEARCH EFFORTS ON FILLINGCRITICAL GAPS IN KNOWLEDGE
Effective responses to modern slavery
depend on the availability of relevant, reliabledata to help understand the problem and its
solutions. Research is needed to fill gaps inknowledge, particularly on:a. Offenders, most notably the methods,

backgrounds and motivations ofmodern slavery’s perpetrators and thedevelopment of a better typology of
perpetrators in various types of modern
slavery.

b. Age and gender and their impacts onvulnerability to modern slavery.

c. Understudied topics, such as forced

marriage and its connections to migration,
as well as recruitment of child soldiersfrom migrant and displaced populations.

d. Understudied regions and countries,

where high prevalence is indicatedbut there is limited research on theconnection to migration and vulnerability
to modern slavery specifically, such as the
Caribbean, Oceania (notably the PacificIsland Nations), Southern Africa, Middle
Africa, Eastern Asia, Russian Federation,
Central Asian Republics, Islamic Republicof Iran, Somalia, Burundi and Mauritania.

e. Protective factors, such as how cultural

norms and diasporas can be better
leveraged to provide protection for
migrants and counter the misinformationand exploitative networks that benefit
offenders.

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

06 Recommendations

A migrant Indian labourer
stacks bricks by balancing
them onto his head at a brickfactory in Lalitpur, Nepal
January, 2018. Credit: Narayan
Maharjan/NurPhoto via Getty
ImagesMigrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

69

ATTACHMENT A:RESEARCH
PROTOCOL
LITERATURE REVIEW – RESEARCH PROTOCOL
Rationale and objective:
This protocol details the process that the research team will take to systematically identify andcollate quality secondary sources on the vulnerability of migrants to modern-day slavery.
The purpose of this literature review is to inform future actions by the Alliance 8.7 Migration
Action Group and thereby mitigate the vulnerability of migrant populations and enhance theirresilience to exploitation.
Guiding principles:• All “searches” for relevant literature will be undertaken systematically, using an agreed datacollection protocol;• The literature review will prioritize research-based publications;• Sources that do not meet these criteria will be included only where necessary;• All sources reviewed will be stored in a single database; and• These sources will be categorized as those relating to victims of modern slavery; to those
perpetrating and benefitting from modern slavery; and to guardians’ (in)capability and (un)willingness to interfere with modern slavery.
This review will exclude child labour, as this topic is being studied by a separate research group.

70

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

Attachment A: Research Protocol

Framework:
Modern slavery is an umbrella term, which encompasses the following:
Form ofmodern slavery

Definition

International
Convention

Human
Trafficking

Defined in the United Nations Trafficking in Persons Protocol(Palermo Protocol 2000) as involving three steps:
1. Recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or
receipt of persons;
2. By means of threat or use of force or other forms of
coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of theabuse of power or of a position of vulnerability, or of thegiving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve theconsent of a person having control over another person;
3. With the intent of exploiting that person through:prostitution of others, sexual exploitation, forced labour,
slavery (or similar practices), servitude and removalof organs. The recruitment, transportation, transfer,harbouring or receipt of a child for the purpose of
exploitation shall be considered “trafficking in persons”
even if this does not involve threat, use of force or
coercion.

Palermo Protocol
2000, European
Trafficking
Convention

Slavery andSlavery-like
Practices

Defined in The Slavery Convention (1926) as the status orcondition of a person over whom any or all of the powers
attaching to the right of ownership are exercised. In a later
treaty, States agreed that there are also certain “slavery-likepractices”: debt bondage, forced or servile marriage, saleor exploitation of children (including in armed conflict), anddescent-based slavery.

The Slavery
Convention(1926) and
Supplementary
Slavery Convention(1956)

Forced Labour

Defined in the International Labour Organization (ILO)
Forced Labour Convention as “all work or service which isexacted from any person under the menace of any penalty
and for which the said person has not offered himself
voluntarily.” This excludes compulsory military service,
normal civil obligations, penalties imposed by a court, action
taken in an emergency, and minor communal services.

ILO Forced Labour
Convention,
1930 (No. 29)
and Convention
Concerning theAbolition of Forced
Labour, 1957 (No.
105)

ForcedMarriage

Defined as practices “similar to slavery” in the 1956 Slavery
Convention. Any institution or practice whereby:• A woman, without the right to refuse, is promised or given
in marriage on payment of a consideration in money or inkind to her parents, guardian, family or any other person orgroup; or• The husband of a woman, his family or his clan, has theright to transfer her to another person for value received
or otherwise; or• A woman on the death of her husband is liable to be
inherited by another person. This term may also cover
more recent definitions: notably, the 2006 statementof the United-Nations Secretary-General that “a forced
marriage is one lacking the free and valid consent ofat least one of the parties.” Walk Free defines forced
marriage as “any situations in which persons, regardlessof their age, have been forced to marry without theirconsent.”

United Nations
Supplementary
Convention on
the Abolitionof Slavery, theSlave Trade andInstitutions andPractices Similar to
Slavery, 1956

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour71

Attachment A: Research Protocol

Form ofmodern slavery

Definition

International
Convention

Recruitment ofChildren during
Armed Conflict

Drawing on the International Labour Organization Worst
Forms of Child Labour Convention, 1999 (No. 182), the term“worst forms of child labour” includes forced or compulsory
recruitment of children for use in armed conflict.

International
LabourOrganization
Worst Forms ofChild Labour
Convention, 1999
(No. 182) Optional
Protocol to theConvention on the
Rights of the Childon the Involvementof Children in
Armed Conflict

Child
Prostitution

Drawing on the International Labour Organization Worst
Forms of Child Labour Convention, 1999 (No. 182), the term“worst forms of child labour” includes the use, procuring
or offering of a child for prostitution, for the production of
pornography, or for pornographic performances.

International
LabourOrganization
Worst Forms ofChild Labour
Convention, 1999
(No. 182) Optional
Protocol to theConvention on the
Rights of the Childon the Involvementof Children in
Armed Conflict

Migration is defined as:
The International Organization for Migration(IOM) defines a migrant as: “any person
who is moving or has moved across aninternational border or within a State awayfrom his/her habitual place of residence,
regardless of (1) the person’s legal status;(2) whether the movement is voluntary or
involuntary; (3) what the causes for the
movement are; or (4) what the length of thestay is”(derived from http://www.iom.int/whois-a-migrant [accessed 06/08/2018]).
Vulnerability is defined as:
IOM defines vulnerability as the susceptibility
to harm of certain people, relative to others,
as the result of exposure to a certain typeof risk.

Workflow
To review the literature on migrantvulnerability to modern slavery, it isnecessary to first compile a database of
relevant secondary sources. To achieve this,the following workflow will be established:
1. Researchers will conduct searches ofsuccessive information sources in theorder set out below (see “Identifying andCollecting Sources”).

72

2. Researchers will save the reference
information of the source and a copy of the
publication (e.g. ILO report) to the EndNotereference library.
3. In the database, the following information
will be recorded:– Year of publication– Type of publication– Author/organization– Type(s) of modern slavery (as definedby the definitions above)– URL (in the case of online sources)– Country(ies) or area addressed– Economic sector addressed– Site of vulnerability addressed (i.e.
location/ space in which abuse isinitiated or perpetrated)– Criminological focus area addressed(i.e. victims/ perpetrators/ guardians)– Stage of migration addressed(recruitment/ pre-departure issues/
grievance mechanisms/ redress, etc.)

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

Attachment A: Research Protocol

Homeless and hungry
men, many of them
deportees from theUnited States, gather
outside of a church thatserves meals to thosein need, January, 2019in Tijuana, Mexico.
Restrictive immigration
policies are noted as acause of vulnerability
to modern slavery,
especially when they are
combined with strong
economic incentives
for low-wage migration.
Credit: Spencer Platt/Getty Images

Notes will be added to annotate issues with themethodology and any obvious biases. When
allocating literature to country or area of focus,
researchers judged a country was addressed
where data was collected, or from which
migrants originated, relying on researcher
discretion in cases where insufficient data
was presented or collection methods were
unclear. For literature which drew from multiple
countries or a designated region, such as theEU, or global works, these were recorded.
4. In the “Research Notes” section,
researchers will summarize the research
process, data sources and key findings ofthe relevant work regarding factors leading
to migrant vulnerability. The researchers will
make a judgment as to the work’s reliability
and record conclusions in EndNote.
5. Conclusions recorded in EndNote will becollated and analysed in the draft of theliterature review.
This workflow is intended to be fluid and be
adjusted as and when necessary.

Identifying and collecting sources
Sources will be identified and analysed in thefollowing order:
1. Peer-reviewed publications, i.e. monographs,
articles within published collections andarticles from journals identified throughdatabase searches;
2. Reports of international organizations,e.g. the ILO, IOM, ICMPD;
3. Reports of international NGOs, e.g. Human
Rights Watch;
4. Reports of regional/local/national NGOs.
In all cases, works published between 2013 and2018 (i.e. since the start of the major increasein migration due to conflicts in the Syrian
Arab Republic and sub-Saharan Africa) will beprioritized. However, exceptions may be madefor general or theoretical works, with priority
given to more recent works in these cases.
The following sources will be searched to
identify all sources that are relevant to a studyof migrants’ vulnerability to modern slavery.
These sources will be examined sequentially
due to the relatively short examination period.
In the case of unforeseen circumstances, thiswill prioritize the review of the most reliable
information.

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour73

Attachment A: Research Protocol

1) PEER-REVIEWED LITERATURE
A review of peer-reviewed literature will be conducted using the following sources anddatabases:
1. University of Chicago (UoC), University of Illinois at Chicago (UIC), Northwestern University
and School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) library catalogues. While not copyright
libraries, these four libraries have extensive collections, comparable in scale and scope to a
copyright library.
2. EBSCO Discovery database cross-search (includes ISI Web of Science, JSTOR, HeinOnline,
ScienceDirect, DOAJ, etc.)
The search terms to be used are as follows:
Migration

Vulnerability

Migration AND

Vulnerability AND

Form of modern slavery

Refugee AND

Slavery

Internally displaced person AND“modern slavery”

Conflict displacement AND“forced lab*r”

Natural disaster displacement
AND“domestic servitude”

People smuggling AND“debt bondage”

Human smuggling AND“forced marriage”“servile marriage”“human trafficking”“trafficking in persons”“worst forms of child lab*r”
Abuse
Exploitation“child soldiers”“public perception”“decision making”“behavi*ral change”

In all cases, these search terms are to include their semantic variations (e.g. migration/ migrant).
Results not in English will be selectively evaluated according to the skills of the researchers.
Conclusions of results in Russian, French and German will be examined. If particularly
important works in Italian or Japanese are cited, these may also be reviewed.
2) INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONSILO, Walk Free, IOM Global Estimates of Modern Slavery(https://www.ilo.org/global/publications/books/WCMS_575479/lang--en/index.htm).
United Nations Special Rapporteur on Contemporary Forms of Modern Slavery, including its
causes and consequences(https://www.ohchr.org/en/issues/slavery/srslavery/pages/srslaveryindex.aspx).
Areas of particular utility include country reports and the 2017 report to the 72nd United
Nations General Assembly.

74

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

Attachment A: Research Protocol

The International Organization for Migration (IOM) publications (http://publications.iom.int):
Migrant Smuggling Data and Research (2018)
World Migration Report (2018)
Migration in the 2030 Agenda (2017)
Migration Research Leaders’ Syndicate (2017)
Fatal Journeys Vol. 3 (2017)
Migrant Vulnerability to Human Trafficking and Exploitation (2017)
Harrowing Journeys (2017)
Migrant Smuggling to Canada (2018)
Impact of Livelihood Recovery Initiatives on Reducing Vulnerability to Human Trafficking andIllegal Recruitment (2015)
The Other Migrant Crisis: Protecting Migrant Workers against Exploitation in the Middle Eastand North Africa (2015)
Egyptian Unaccompanied Migrant Children (2016)
Migrants from Myanmar and Risks Faced Abroad (2016)
UNODC publications (https://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/human-trafficking/publications.html):
Preventing Trafficking in Persons by Addressing Demand (2014)
Global Report on Trafficking in Persons (2016)
International Centre for Migration Policy Development (http://www.icmpd.org/publications/publications/):
Trafficking along Migration Routes to Europe (2018)
Resilience in the Face of Adversity (2018)
Demand-Side Interventions against Trafficking in Human Beings (2017)
Targeting Vulnerabilities (2015)
Lost in Categorisation (2018)
Lists of publications cited here are non-exclusive; other publications may be found through use of
the search terms listed above.
3) INTERNATIONAL NGOs
Human Rights Watch https://www.hrw.org
Reports on migrants and labour exploitation: https://www.hrw.org/topic/trudovye-migranty/
exploitation-forced-labor-trafficking
Especially:‘Claiming Rights. Domestic Workers’ Movements and Global Advances for Labour Reform’ (2013)‘I Already Bought You’ (2014)
International Justice Mission https://www.ijm.org/studies
Anti-Slavery International https://www.antislavery.org/
Global Alliance against Traffic in Women http://www.gaatw.org/resources/publications
Protection Project http://www.protectionproject.org
RAND Corporation https://www.rand.org/topics/migration.html
Walk Free https://www.minderoo.com.au/walk-freeIncluding:Global Slavery Index (2018)
What Works: Promising Practices (2017)
Global Estimates of Modern Slavery (2017)The Other Migrant Crisis: Protecting Migrant Workers Against Abuse in the Middle East andNorth Africa
Modern Slavery in Nepal (2014)

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour75

Attachment A: Research Protocol4) R EGIONAL INTERGOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS, NGOs
AND MAJOR INITIATIVESEUROPECouncil of Europe (COE) and GRETA http://www.coe.int/en/web/anti-human-trafficking/home
OSCE http://www.osce.org/combating-human-trafficking
European Commission http://ec.europa.eu/anti-trafficking/
La Strada International http://lastradainternational.org/
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) http://www.osce.org/
Council of the Baltic Sea States (CBSS) http://www.cbss.org/safe-secure-region/tfthb/
ASIA-PACIFICHAGAR https://www.hagarinternational.org/australia/
Asian Research Centre for Migration http://www.arcmthailand.com/index.php
UN-ACT www.un-act.org
RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND EURASIACBSS http://www.cbss.org/safe-secure-region/tfthb/
Al’ternativa https://protivrabstva.ru/
MENA
Gulf Cooperation Council
SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA
African Union https://www.au.int/en/search/node/trafficking
Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) https://www.ecowas.
int/?s=trafficking
East African Community (EAC) http://www.eac.int/
Economic Community of Central African
States (ECCAS)
South African Development Community(SADC)AMERICAS
Polaris Project https://polarisproject.org/
Puebla process http://www.iom.int/puebla-process
Organization of American States (OAS)
Regional Conference on Migration (RCM)
This is a non-exclusive list of sources; in particular, non-English language sources that may
emerge from the reading are not listed here.

Inclusion Criteria for Literature Review
1. Does the report, monograph or article address the vulnerability of migrants to forms ofmodern slavery, including public perceptions of migration and decision-making processes
among migrants or exploiters?
For definitions of vulnerability, migrant and modern slavery, see above.
In all these cases, the definitions of these terms will be non-exclusive: related terms include
refugees, exploitation, etc.
YES – Go to Q2
NO – Exclude from EndNote
2. Does the report solely reference child labour, with no mention of other forms of modern
slavery, e.g. human trafficking?
YES – Exclude from EndNote
NO – Go to Q3

76

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

Attachment A: Research Protocol

3. Is the report supported by primary source data?
A report may be considered to be supported by primary source data when it contains an explicit or
implicit research question, a method, a dataset and a conclusion based on analysis of the above.
YES – Include in EndNote
NO – Go to Q4
4. Is a research-based report available for this area, corridor, sector or issue?
YES – Exclude from EndNote.
NO – Consider inclusion in EndNote.

Literature Review category rationale
The following is the rationale for the categories used in the “research notes” section of theannotated bibliography entries.
The annotated bibliography entries are divided into six sections. The purpose of this division is
to capture the spatial dimension of migration and the fact that exploitation is not a certainty or a
black-and-white situation. Rather, exploitation is a risk that migrants take, which may become moreor less likely depending on their location, background and their own and others’ actions.
Firstly, the methodology of the source in question is set out.
Secondly, the sites of vulnerability mentioned in the source are analysed. “Sites of vulnerability”
are places where migrants are in particular danger of falling into a situation of exploitation. These
are defined as places where migrants’ ability to escape exploitative situations is constrained.
They may be physical locations in which the migrants are living or working – for example, refugee
camps – or places where they are confronted with choices which, once made, place them in an
exploitative situation – for example, signing a fraudulent contract in a recruitment agency. The
purpose of recording these sites of vulnerability is to identify physical locations at which antimodern slavery interventions can be targeted.
Thirdly, the notes list structural vulnerabilities related to the migrants themselves. These arefactors related to the lives and actions of migrants themselves that make them more vulnerable
to exploitation. These vulnerabilities are further subdivided, as per IOM’s draft methodology,
into individual factors (e.g. ethnicity, gender, attitudes and visa status), household and family
factors (e.g. family situation, socio-economic status and education), community factors (e.g. local
community attitudes and customs and the natural environment), and structural factors (e.g. longstanding historical contexts and national and regional policy and legal frameworks).
Fourthly, the notes list structural vulnerabilities related to the actions of exploiters. This section
summarizes the ways that exploiters gain leverage over migrants and make them more likely to fallvictim to modern slavery.
Fifthly, the notes detail structural vulnerabilities related to the actions of guardians. This section
details how guardians – those who should rightfully prevent modern slavery, such as police,
legal officials and researchers – fail to do so. It is differentiated from structural vulnerabilities of
migrants themselves in that it describes specific (in)actions of guardians. For example, the act of apoliceman taking a bribe would be categorized in this section, whereas a law or legal climate which
made it easier for him or her to do so would be categorized as a structural vulnerability of migrants.
Finally, the notes section details the researchers’ comments on the reliability of the source.

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

77

ATTACHMENT B:
LIST OF COUNTRIESOR PLACES AND
NUMBER OF
STUDIES FOUND
78

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

Attachment B: List of countries or places and number of studies found

List of the number of studies found for each country or place using the above research protocol,
or suggested as supplementary references by workshop participants. Researcher discretion
was used to allocate countries of focus from presented data, which in some cases were unclear,
therefore numbers are indicative of the general level of research focus applied to any given nation.
List of countries or places and number of studies foundCountry or Place

Numberof studies

Country or Place

Numberof studies

Afghanistan

9

Eritrea8

Albania3

Ethiopia

8

Algeria1

European Union (all)11

Argentina

5

Fiji

2

Armenia1

Finland2

Australia

3

France3Austria3

The Gambia

1

Bahrain3

Georgia

1

Bangladesh

16

Germany5

Belgium

4

Ghana

2

Belize1

Global31

Bhutan1

Greece9

Bolivia (the Plurinational State of)3

Guatemala4

Brazil4

Guinea1

Bulgaria

6

Haiti

1

Burkina Faso

2

Honduras

3

Burundi1

Hungary3

Cambodia

19

India

24

Cameroon

2

Indonesia

18

Canada6

Iraq (the Republic of)

5

Central African Republic

1

Ireland

2

Chad

2

Israel

6

China

16

Italy

8

China, Hong Kong SAR

5

Japan

1

China, Taiwan Province of thePeople’s Republic of China

3

Jordan4

Kazakhstan

3

Colombia

1

Kenya

5

Congo (Democratic Republic of)2

Croatia2

Korea (Democratic People’s
Republic of)2

Cyprus2

Korea (Republic of)

7

Czechia3

Kuwait4

Denmark2

Kyrgyzstan

5

Ecuador

1

7

Egypt

7

Lao People’s Democratic
Republic

El Salvador

2

Latvia1

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour79

Attachment B: List of countries or places and number of studies foundCountry or Place

Numberof studies

Country or Place

Lebanon4

Singapore1

Lesotho1

Slovakia

3

Liberia

4

Slovenia

3

Libya

4

Somalia1

Lithuania

1South Africa

6

Malaysia

9South Sudan

1

Mali

2

Spain

6

Mauritania

1

Sri Lanka

2

Mexico

10

Sudan

9

Moldova (Republic of)3

Sweden2Morocco2

Switzerland

2

Myanmar17

Syrian Arab Republic

7

Nepal

13

Tajikistan

6

Netherlands

3

Tanzania (United Republic of)3

New Zealand3

Thailand28

Nicaragua

1

Timor-Leste

1

Niger

2

Tonga

1

Nigeria

8

Tunisia3

North Macedonia

3

Turkey10

Norway3

Turkmenistan

2

Oman

3

Uganda3

Pakistan

5

Ukraine

5

Palau

1

United Arab Emirates

10

Palestinian Territories

2

25

Peru

2

United Kingdom of Great Britain
and Northern Ireland

Philippines

16

United States

20

Portugal2

Uzbekistan

5

Qatar

9

Viet Nam

16

Romania5West Africa (ECOWAS)

3

Russian Federation

13

Yemen

2

Saudi Arabia

4

Zambia1

Serbia6

Zimbabwe

1

Sierra Leone

1

Kosovo 111

80

Numberof studies

References to Kosovo are to be understood to bein the context of United Nations Security Council
resolution 1244 (1999).

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

Attachment B: List of countries or places and number of studies foundMany workers in Thailand’s
fishing industry are
undocumented migrants from
Myanmar, Laos and Cambodia.
The industry is at a high-riskof exploitation due to thephysical isolation of workers
aboard ships and in general,the less the ship docks in port,
the more dangerous it is for its
crew. Credit: Thomas De Cian/
NurPhoto via Getty Images

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

81

ATTACHMENT C:
LIST OF COUNTRIESOR PLACES WITHNO STUDIESLOCATED82

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

Attachment C: List of countries or places with no studies located

List of countries or places for which no studies were returned from the search using the above
research protocol or suggested as supplementary references by workshop participants.
Researcher discretion was used to allocate countries of focus from presented data, which insome cases were unclear, therefore this list is indicative of countries or places that are relatively
understudied or published in languages other than English.
List of countries or places with no studies locatedAmerican Samoa

French Guiana

New Caledonia

AndorraFrench Polynesia

Niue

AngolaGabon

Northern Mariana Islands

Anguilla

Gibraltar

PanamaAntigua and Barbuda

Greenland

Papua New Guinea

Aruba

GrenadaParaguay

Azerbaijan

Guadeloupe

PolandBahamasGuam

Puerto RicoBarbados

Guinea-Bissau

RéunionBelarus

GuyanaRwandaBenin

IcelandSaint Helena

BermudaIraq

Saint Kitts and Nevis

Bosnia and Herzegovina

Isle of Man

Saint Lucia

Botswana

JamaicaSaint Martin (French)

British Virgin Islands

Kiribati

Saint Pierre and Miquelon

Brunei Darussalam

LiechtensteinSaint Vincent and the
Grenadines

Cabo Verde

Luxembourg

Samoa

Cayman Islands

Macau, China

San Marino

Channel Islands

Madagascar

Sao Tome and Principe

Chile

MalawiSenegalComoros

Maldives

Seychelles

Congo

Malta

Sint Maarten (Dutch)

Cook Islands

Marshall Islands

Solomon Islands

Costa Rica

Martinique

Suriname

Côte d’Ivoire

Mauritius

Togo

Cuba

MayotteTrinidad and Tobago

Curaçao

Micronesia, Federated States ofTurks and Caicos Island

Djibouti

MonacoTuvaluDominica

Mongolia

United States Virgin Islands

Dominican Republic

Montenegro

UruguayEquatorial GuineaMontserrat

Vanuatu

Estonia

Mozambique

Venezuela, Bolivarian RepublicofEswatini

Namibia

Faeroe Islands

Nauru

Falkland Islands (Malvinas)

Netherlands Antilles

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

83

BIBLIOGRAPHY

84

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

Bibliography

Minaye Abebaw, ‘Re-Conceptualizating the Operations of Trafficking in Persons in Ethiopia to
Inform Policy and Practice’, in Human Trafficking and Exploitation : Lessons from Europe, ed.
by Belachew Gebrewold-Tochalo, Andreas Th Müller and Johanna Kostenzer (Abingdon, Oxon ;New York, NY: Routledge, an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, 2018).
Luigi Achilli, ‘Smuggling and Trafficking in Human Beings at the Time of the Syrian Conflict’, in
Human Trafficking and Exploitation : Lessons from Europe, ed. by Belachew GebrewoldTochalo, Andreas Th Müller and Johanna Kostenzer (Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY:
Routledge, an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, 2018).
Shamima Akhter, and Kyoko Kusakabe, ‘Gender-Based Violence among Documented Rohingya
Refugees in Bangladesh’, Indian Journal of Gender Studies, 21 (2014), 225-46.
Amnesty International, ‘The Ugly Side of the Beautiful Game: Exploitation of Migrant Workers on a
Qatar 2022 World Cup Site’, (2016).
Kirsten Anderson, Kara Apland, and Elizabeth Yarrow, ‘Unaccompanied and Unprotected: The
Systemic Vulnerability of Unaccompanied Migrant Children in South Africa’, in The United
Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child : Taking Stock after 25 Years and Looking Ahead,ed. by Ton Liefaard and Julia Sloth-Nielsen (Leiden ; Boston: Brill/Nijhoff, 2016).
Anti-Slavery International, ‘Into the Unknown: Exploitation of Nepalese Migrant Domestic Workers
in Lebanon’, (2014).
———, ‘Slavery in India’s Brick Kilns and the Payment System: Way Forward in the Fight for Fair
Wages, Decent Work and Eradication of Slavery’, (2017).
———, ‘Trafficking for Forced Criminal Activities and Begging in Europe: Exploratory Study andGood Practice Examples’ (2014).
Eneze Modupe-Oluwa Baye, and Silke Heumann, ‘Migration, Sex Work and Exploitative Labor
Conditions: Experiences of Nigerian Women in the Sex Industry in Turin, Italy, and CounterTrafficking Measures’, Gender, Technology & Development, 18 (2014), 77-105.
Daniele Belanger, ‘Labor Migration and Trafficking among Vietnamese Migrants in Asia’, The
Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 653 (2014), 87-106.
Matej Blazek, ‘Labour Exploitation of Non-EU Migrants in Slovakia: Patterns, Implications andStructural Violence’, in Vulnerability, Exploitation and Migrants : Insecure Work in a Globalised
Economy, ed. by Louise Waite, Gary Craig, Hannah Lewis and Klara Skrivankova (Houndmills,
Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015).
Denise Brennan, ‘Subjectivity of Coercion: Workers’ Experiences with Trafficking in the UnitedStates’, in Revisiting the Law and Governance of Trafficking, Forced Labor and Modern Slavery,ed. by Prabha Kotiswaran (Cambridge, United Kingdom; New York, NY, USA: Cambridge
University Press, 2017).
Remco E Breuker and Imke V Gardingen, ‘Pervasive, Punitive, and Predetermined: Understanding
Modern Slavery in North Korea’, (Walk Free 2017).
Michelle Buckley, Adam Zendel, Jeff Biggar, Lia Frederiksen, and Jill Wells, ‘Migrant Work &Employment in the Construction Sector’, (International Labour Organization, 2016).
Ana Maria Buller, Hanni Stoklosa, and Cathy Zimmerman, ‘Labour Exploitation, Trafficking and
Migrant Health: Multi-Country Findings on the Health Risks and Consequences of Migrant andTrafficked Workers’, (International Organization for Migration and London School of Hygieneand & Tropical Medicine, 2015).
Phalla Chea, ‘Migration and Human Security of Cambodian Workers in Thailand’, in Irregular
Migration and Human Security in East Asia, ed. by Jiyoung Song and Alistair D. B. Cook
(Abingdon, Oxon ; New York: Routledge, 2014).
Austin Choi-Fitzpatrick, ‘Letting Go: How Elites Manage Challenges to Contemporary Slavery’, inContemporary Slavery : Popular Rhetoric and Political Practice, ed. by Annie Bunting and Joel
Quirk (Vancouver: UBCPress, 2017).
———, What Slaveholders Think: How Contemporary Perpetrators Rationalize What They Do(New York: Columbia University Press, 2017).

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour85Bibliography

Janie A. Chuang, ‘Contemporary Debt Bondage, ‘Self-Exploitation’, and the Limits of the
Trafficking Definition’, in Revisiting the Law and Governance of Trafficking, Forced Laborand Modern Slavery, ed. by Prabha Kotiswaran (Cambridge, United Kingdom ; New York, NY,
USA: Cambridge University Press, 2017).
Christine Cooper, Olivia Hesketh, Nicola Ellis, and Adam Fair, ‘A Typology of Modern Slavery
Offences in the UK: Research Report 93’, (Home Office, 2017).
Joana Daniel-Wrabetz and Rita Penedo, ‘Trafficking in Human Beings in Time and Space. A
Socioecological Perspective’, in The Illegal Business of Human Trafficking, ed. by MariaJoão Guia (Cham: Springer, 2015).
Vasileia Digidiki and Jacqueline Bhabha, ‘Sexual Abuse and Exploitation of Unaccompanied
Migrant Children in Greece: Identifying Risk Factors and Gaps in Services During theEuropean Migration Crisis’, Children and Youth Services Review, 92 (2018), 114-21.
Niveen Elmagboul, Shadia Dauod, and Samhal Tawaldi, ‘Exploitation and Violence against
Ethiopian Female Irregular Migrant Domestic Workers in Khartoum State’, Ahfad Journal, 34(2017), 19-29.
Farsight, ‘Modern Slavery in East Asia: Protecting the Rights and Promoting the Autonomy ofDomestic Workers from Indonesia and the Philippines’, (2016).
Judy Fudge and Kendra Strauss, ‘Migrants, Unfree Labour, and the Legal Construction ofDomestic Servitude: Migrant Domestic Workers in the UK’, in Migrants at Work : Immigration
and Vulnerability in Labour Law, ed. by Cathryn Costello and M. R. Freedland (Oxford, United
Kingdom: Oxford University Press, 2014).
Eliza Galos, Laura Bartolini, Harry Cook, and Naomi Grant, ‘Migrant Vulnerability to Human
Trafficking and Exploitation: Evidence from the Central and Eastern Mediterranean
Migration Routes’, (IOM, 2017).
Global Alliance Against Trafficking in Women, ‘Sex Workers Organizing for Change: SelfRepresentation, Community Organization and Working Conditions’, (2018).
Alejandro Goldberg, ‘Trayectorias Migratorias, Itinerarios De Salud Y Experiencias De
Participación Política De Mujeres Migrantes Bolivianas Que Trabajaron Y Vivieron En
Talleres Textiles Clandestinos Del Área Metropolitana De Buenos Aires, Argentina’, Anuario
Americanista Europeo, 11 (2013), 199-216.
S. M. Goldenberg, J. G. Silverman, D. Engstrom, I. Bojorquez-Chapela, and S. A. Strathdee,‘”Right Here Is the Gateway”: Mobility, Sex Work Entry and HIV Risk Along the Mexico-US
Border’, International Migration, 52 (2014), 26-40.
Barbara Grossman-Thompson, ‘Protection and Paternalism: Narratives of Nepali Women
Migrants and the Gender Politics of Discriminatory Labour Migration Policy’, Refuge, 32(2016), 40-48.
Maria João Guia, and Jorge Malheiros, ‘Forced Sex, Chosen Sex: Risk, Trafficking and
Prostitution in Portugal’, in The Illegal Business of Human Trafficking, (Cham: Springer,2015).
Hagar International, ‘Forgotten No More: Male Child Trafficking in Afghanistan’, (2013).
———, ‘(Re)Integration of Trafficked Cambodian Men: Trends in Trafficking and Available
Aftercare Services’, (2015).
Benjamin Harkins and Meri Åhlberg, ‘Access to Justice for Migrant Workers in South-East Asia’,(Bangkok: International Labour Organization, 2017).
Tricia R. Hepner, and Samia Tecle, ‘New Refugees, Development-Forced Displacement, andTransnational Governance in Eritrea and Exile’, Urban Anthropology and Studies of Cultural
Systems and World Economic Development (2013), 377.
Hong Kong Federation of Asian Domestic Workers Unions, ‘Agents of Change’, (Hong Kong:
Hong Kong Federation of Asian Domestic Workers Unions, 2018).
Human Rights Watch, ‘Hidden Chains: Rights Abuses and Forced Labour in Thailand’s Fishing
Industry ‘, (2018).

86

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

Bibliography———, ‘I Already Bought You: Abuse and Exploitation of Female Migrant Domestic Workers in the
United Arab Emirates’, (United States of America: 2014).
———, ‘Race to the Bottom: Exploitation of Migrant Workers Ahead of Russia’s 2014 WinterOlympic Games in Sochi’, (United States of America 2013).
———, ‘The Power These Men Have over Us: Sexual Exploitation and Abuse by African Union
Forces in Somalia’, (2014).
———, ‘’They Said We Are Their Slaves’: Sexual Violence by Armed Groups in the Central African
Republic’, (2017).
The Inter-Agency Coordination Group against Trafficking in Persons, ‘Trafficking in Persons andRefugee Status’, (2017).
International Centre for Migration Policy Development, ‘Targeting Vulnerabilities: The Impact of the
Syrian War and Refugee Situation on Trafficking in Persons. A Study of Syria, Turkey, Lebanon,
Jordan and Iraq’, (2015).
———, ‘Trafficking Along Migration Routes to Europe: Bridging the Gap between Migration,
Asylum and Anti-Trafficking’, (2018).
International Justice Mission, ‘Labour Trafficking in the Thai Fishing Industry: Prevalence andCriminal Justice Response’, in International Justice Mission Review, 2nd Edition (2018).
International Labour Organization and Walk Free, ‘Global Estimates of Modern Slavery: Forced
Labour and Forced Marriage’, (2017).
International Organization for Migration, ‘Data and Research on Human Trafficking: A Global
Survey Offprint of the Special Issue of International Migration Vol. 43 (1/2) 2005’, (2005).
———, ‘Impact of Livelihood Recovery Initiatives on Reducing Vulnerability to Human Trafficking
and Illegal Recruitment: Lessons from Typhoon Haiyan’, (2015)———, ‘IOM Handbook on Protection and Assistance for Migrants Vulnerable to Violence,
Exploitation and Abuse’, (2018).
——— , ‘Migrants from Myanmar and Risks Faced Abroad: A desk study’, (2016).
———, ‘Migration Research Leaders’ Syndicate: Ideas to Inform International Cooperation on
Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration’, (2017).
Rana M. Jaleel, ‘The Wages of Human Trafficking’, in Vulnerability and the Legal Organization ofWork, ed. by Martha Fineman and Jonathan W. Fineman (London ; New York: Routledge, 2018).
Kalayaan, ‘Britain’s Forgotten Slaves; Migrant Domestic Workers in the UK Three Years after the
Introduction of the Tied Overseas Domestic Worker Visa’, (2015).
Radhika Kanchana, ‘Are India’s Policies Increasing the Vulnerability of Its Female Migrants in the
Arab Gulf Countries?’, in India Migration Report 2016 : Gulf Migration, ed. by S. Irudaya Rajan(Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2017).
Siddharth Kara, Modern Slavery : A Global Perspective (New York: Columbia University Press,
2017).
Chenda Keo, Human Trafficking in Cambodia (Abingdon: Routledge, 2014).
M. Shafiqur Rahman Khan, ‘Bride Trafficking within India’, in Human Trafficking: The Stakeholders’
Perspective, ed. by Veerendra Mishra (New Delhi: SAGE Publications, 2013).
Hasina Kharbhih, ‘Human Trafficking Scenario in Northeast India’, in Human Trafficking : The
Stakeholders’ Perspective, ed. by Veerendra Mishra (New Delhi: SAGE Publications, 2013).
Katie Klaffenboeck, Irina Todorova, and Michela Macchiavello, ‘Protecting Populations at Risk
of Human Trafficking and Exploitation in Crisis Situations. Case Studies of Post-Earthquake
Nepal and the Western Balkans in Light of the EU/ Mediterranean Migration Crisis’, in Human
Trafficking and Exploitation : Lessons from Europe, ed. by Belachew Gebrewold-Tochalo,
Andreas Th Müller and Johanna Kostenzer (Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY: Routledge, an
imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, 2018).

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour87Bibliography

Rebecca Lawthom, Carolyn Kagan, Sue Baines, Sandy Lo, Sylvia Sham, Lisa Mok, MarkGreenwood, and Scott Gaule, ‘Experiences of Forced Labour among UK-Based Chinese
Migrant Workers: Exploring Vulnerability and Protection in Times of Empire’, in Vulnerability,
Exploitation and Migrants : Insecure Work in a Globalised Economy, ed. by Louise Waite,
Gary Craig, Hannah Lewis, and Klara Skrivankova (Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave
Macmillan, 2015).
Genevieve LeBaron, ‘Reconceptualizing Debt Bondage: Debt as a Class-Based Form of Labour
Discipline’, Critical Sociology, 40 (2014), 763-80.
J. Leman and S. Janssens, Human Trafficking and Migrant Smuggling in Southeast Europe
and Russia : Learning Criminal Entrepreneurship and Traditional Culture (Houndmills,
Basingstoke Hampshire ; New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015).
Hannah Lewis and Louise Waite, ‘Asylum, Immigration Restrictions and Exploitation: HyperPrecarity as a Lens for Understanding and Tackling Forced Labour’, Anti-Trafficking Review,
5 (2015).
Laurie Lijnders and Sara Robinson, ‘From the Horn of Africa to the Middle East: Human
Trafficking of Eritreans across Borders’, Anti-Trafficking Review, 2 (2013).
Lene Lovdal, ‘Au Pairs in Norway: Experiences from an Outreach Project’, in Au Pairs’ Lives
in Global Context : Sisters or Servants?, ed. by Rosie Cox (Houndmills, Basingstoke,
Hampshire ; New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015).
Virginia Mantouvalou, ‘Organizing against Abuse and Exclusion: The Associational Rights of
Undocumented Workers’, in Migrants at Work : Immigration and Vulnerability in Labour Law,
ed. by Cathryn Costello and M. R. Freedland (Oxford, United Kingdom: Oxford University
Press, 2014).
Eliza Marks and Anna Olsen, ‘The Role of Trade Unions in Reducing Migrant Workers’
Vulnerability to Forced Labour and Human Trafficking in the Greater Mekong Subregion’,
Anti-Trafficking Review, 5 (2015).
Melissa Marschke and Peter Vandergeest, ‘Slavery Scandals: Unpacking Labour Challenges
and Policy Responses within the Off-Shore Fisheries Sector’, Marine Policy, 68 (2016), 3946.
Anna Maternick and Melissa Hope Ditmore, ‘Sex, Violence and the Border: Trafficking for Sex
Work from Mexico to the Us’, in Global Human Trafficking : Critical Issues and Contexts, ed.
by Molly Dragiewicz (Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group,2015).
Lauren A McCarthy, ‘Transaction Costs: Prosecuting Child Trafficking for Illegal Adoption in
Russia’, Anti-Trafficking Review, 6 (2016).
Kimberly Mehlman-Orozco, Hidden in Plain Sight : America’s Slaves of the New Millennium(Santa Barbara: Praeger, 2017).
Biljana Meshkovska, Melissa Siegel, Sarah E. Stutterheim, and Arjan E. R. Bos, ‘Female Sex
Trafficking: Conceptual Issues, Current Debates, and Future Directions’, Journal of Sex
Research, 52 (2015), 380-95.
Priyanka Mishra, ‘Trafficking of Women in the Land of the Sleeping Crocodile’, in Human
Trafficking : The Stakeholders’ Perspective, ed. by Veerendra Mishra (New Delhi: SAGE
Publications, 2013).
Veerendra Mishra, ‘Combating Human Trafficking: Gaps in Law Enforcement’, in Human
Trafficking : The Stakeholders’ Perspective, ed. by Veerendra Mishra (New Delhi: SAGE
Publications, 2013).
Jeronimo Montero Bressan and Eliana Ferradas Abalo, ‘Sweatshop Workers in Buenos Aires:
The Political Economy of Human Trafficking in a Peripheral Country’, in Vulnerability,
Exploitation and Migrants : Insecure Work in a Globalised Economy, ed. by Louise Waite,
Gary Craig, Hannah Lewis and Klara Skrivankova (Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave
Macmillan, 2015).

88

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

Bibliography

Jenny Moss, ‘Migrant Domestic Workers, the National Minimum Wage, and the ‘Family Worker’
Concept’, in Au Pairs’ Lives in Global Context : Sisters or Servants?, ed. by Rosie Cox(Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire ; New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015).
Siobhan Mullally and Cliodhna Murphy, ‘Migrant Domestic Workers in the Uk: Enacting Exclusions,
Exemptions and Rights’, in Vulnerability and the Legal Organization of Work, ed. by Martha
Fineman and Jonathan W. Fineman (London ; New York: Routledge, 2018).
MYRIA (Federal Migration Centre of Belgium), ‘Rapport Annuel Traite Et Trafic Des Etres Humains
2016: Des Mendiants Aux Mains De Trafiquants’, (2016).
Bryce Clayton Newell, Ricardo Gomez, and Verónica E. Guajardo, ‘Information Seeking,Technology Use, and Vulnerability among Migrants at the United States–Mexico Border’,Information Society, 32 (2016), 176-91.
Chigozie Nnebedum, Human Trafficking as a Quintessence of 21st Century Slavery: The
Vulnerability of Nigerians in Austria (New York: Peter Lang, 2017).
Letizia Palumbo and Alessandria Sciurba, ‘Vulnerability to Forced Labour and Trafficking: The
Case of Romanian Women in the Agricultural Sector in Sicily’, Anti-Trafficking Review, 5 (2015).
Rekha Pande, Sex Trafficking in South Asia with a Special Focus on India (Delhi: Kalpaz, 2016).
Rhacel Salazar Parrenas and Rachel Silvey, ‘The Indentured Mobility of Migrant Domestic Workers:
The Case of Dubai’, in Revisiting the Law and Governance of Trafficking, Forced Labor andModern Slavery, ed. by Prabha Kotiswaran (Cambridge, United Kingdom; New York, NY, USA:
Cambridge University Press, 2017).
Vera Pavlou, ‘Where to Look for Change? A Critique of the Use of Modern Slavery and Trafficking
Frameworks in the Fight against Migrant Domestic Workers’ Vulnerability’, European Journal of
Law and Migration, 20 (2018), 83-107.
Jenny Pennington, and Brhmie Balaram, ‘Homecoming: Return and Reintegration of Irregular
Migrants from Nigeria’, (London: Institute for Public Policy Research, 2013).
Kelsey McGregor Perry and Lindsay McEwing, ‘How Do Social Determinants Affect Human
Trafficking in Southeast Asia, and What Can We Do About It? A Systematic Review’, Health andHuman Rights, 15 (2013), 138-59.
Polaris Project, ‘The Typology of Modern Slavery: Defining Sex and Labour Trafficking in the UnitedStates’, (2017).
Lucia Pradella and Rossana Cillo, ‘Labour, Exploitation and Migration in Western Europe: An
International Political Economy Perspective’, in Vulnerability, Exploitation and Migrants, ed. by
G. Craig, L. Waite, H. Lewis, and K. Skrivankova K. (Palgrave Macmillan, London: Springer, 2015).
S. Irudaya Rajan and Arya Suresh, ‘Institutional Strengthening of the Offices of Labour Attaches
of India in Gulf [Sic]: Field Experiences from the United Arab Emirates and Qatar’, in India
Migration Report 2016 : Gulf Migration, ed. by S. Irudaya Rajan (Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge,2017).
Mirjam van Reisen, and Meron Estefanos, ‘The Exodus from Eritrea and Who Is Benefiting ‘,in Human Trafficking and Trauma in the Digital Era : The Ongoing Tragedy of the Trade in
Refugees from Eritrea, ed. by Mirjam van Reisen and Munyaradzi Mawere (Bamenda, NorthWest Region, Cameroon: Langaa Research & Publishing Common Initiative Group, 2017).
———, ‘Human Trafficking Connecting to Terrorism and Organ Trafficking: Libya and Egypt’,in Human Trafficking and Trauma in the Digital Era : The Ongoing Tragedy of the Trade in
Refugees from Eritrea, ed. by Mirjam van Reisen and Munyaradzi Mawere (Bamenda, NorthWest Region, Cameroon: Langaa Research & Publishing Common Initiative Group, 2017).
Mirjam van Reisen, Meron Estefanos, and Lena Reim, ‘Human Trafficking in the Sinai: Mapping
the Routes and Facilitators’, in Human Trafficking and Trauma in the Digital Era : The Ongoing
Tragedy of the Trade in Refugees from Eritrea, ed. by Mirjam van Reisen and Munyaradzi
Mawere (Bamenda, North West Region, Cameroon: Langaa Research & Publishing Common
Initiative Group, 2017).

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

89Bibliography

John Round and Irina Kuznetsova, ‘Necropolitics and the Migrant as a Political Subject of
Disgust: The Precarious Everyday of Russia’s Labour Migrants’, Critical Sociology, 42 (2016),
1017-34.
Gabriella E. Sanchez, Human Smuggling and Border Crossings. First issued in paperback. edn(New York, NY: Routledge, 2014).
Salima Sarwar and Uzzal Kumar Karmaker, ‘Challenges Faced by Trafficked Survivors in
Bangladesh’, in Human Trafficking : The Stakeholders’ Perspective, ed. by Veerendra Mishra(New Delhi: SAGE Publications, 2013).
Jennifer Schlecht, Elizabeth Rowley, and Juliet Babirye, ‘Feature: Early Relationships
and Marriage in Conflict and Post-Conflict Settings: Vulnerability of Youth in Uganda’,
Reproductive Health Matters, 21 (2013), 234-42.
Marie Segrave, Sanja Milivojevic, and Sharon Pickering, Sex Trafficking and Modern Slavery :The Absence of Evidence. Second edition. edn (London: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group,2018).
Hila Shamir, ‘The Paradox of ‘Legality’: Temporary Migrant Worker Programs and Vulnerability
to Trafficking’, in Revisiting the Law and Governance of Trafficking, Forced Labor andModern Slavery, ed. by Prabha Kotiswaran (Cambridge, United Kingdom ; New York, NY,
USA: Cambridge University Press, 2017).
Elena Shih, ‘Health and Rights at the Margins: Human Trafficking and HIV/AIDS among Jingpo
Ethnic Communities in Ruili City, China’, Anti-Trafficking Review, 2 (2013).
Yoon Jin Shin, A Transnational Human Rights Approach to Human Trafficking : Empowering thePowerless (Leiden ; Boston: Brill/Nijhoff, 2018).
Frances Simmons, Brynn O’Brien, Fiona David, and Laura Beacroft, ‘Human Trafficking andSlavery Offenders in Australia’, Trends and issues in crime and criminal justice, 464 (2013).
Awadhesh Kumar Singh, and S.P. Pandey, ‘Women Trafficking in India: A Case Study of Women
Sex Workers of Uttar Pradhesh’, in Human Trafficking : The Stakeholders’ Perspective, ed.
by Veerendra Mishra (New Delhi: SAGE Publications, 2013).
Aoife Smith, ‘Part of the Family? Experiences of Au Pairs in Ireland’, in Au Pairs’ Lives in Global
Context : Sisters or Servants?, ed. by Rosie Cox (Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire ; New
York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015).
Jiyoung Song, ‘Complex Human Security in North Korean Irregular Migration’, in Irregular
Migration and Human Security in East Asia, ed. by Jiyoung Song and Alistair D. B. Cook
(Abingdon, Oxon; New York: Routledge, 2014).
Rebecca Surtees, ‘At Sea: The Trafficking of Seafarers and Fishers from Ukraine’, in Global
Human Trafficking : Critical Issues and Contexts, ed. by Molly Dragiewicz (Abingdon, Oxon ;New York, NY: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2015).
Guri Tyldum, ‘Dependence and Human Trafficking in the Context of Transnational Marriage’,
International Migration, 51 (2013), 103-15.
UN-ACT, ‘Human Trafficking Vulnerabilities in Asia: A Study on Forced Marriage between
Cambodia and China’, (2016).
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, ‘Current Status of Victim Service Providers andCriminal Justice Actors in India on Anti-Human Trafficking: Country Assessment 2013’,(2013).
———, ‘Evidential Issues in Trafficking in Persons Cases’, (2017).
———, ‘Global Report on Trafficking in Persons 2016’, (2016).
———, ‘The Role of Recruitment Fees and Abusive and Fraudulent Recruitment Practices of
Recruitment Agencies in Trafficking in Persons’, (2017).
UNHCR, ‘Children on the Run’, (2014).
UNIAP, ‘Report on an Exploratory Research [Sic] About Migration and Human Trafficking to
China in Luang Namtha and Phongsaly, Lao PDR’, (2013).

90

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

Bibliography

UNICEF, ‘A Child Is a Child: Protecting Children on the Move from Violence, Abuse andExploitation’, (2017).
———, ‘A Deadly Journey for Children: The Central Mediterranean Migration Route’, (2017).
———, ‘In Search of Opportunities: Voices of Children on the Move in West and Central Africa’(2017).
UNICEF and the International Organization for Migration, ‘Harrowing Journeys: Children and Youthon the Move across the Mediterranean Sea, at Risk of Trafficking and Exploitation’, (2017).
United Nations University, ‘Cradled by Conflict: Child Involvement with Armed Groups inContemporary Conflict’, ed. by Siobhan O’Neil and Kato van Broeckhoven (New York: United
Nations University, 2018).
Domenica Urzi, ‘Global Citizenship: The Need for Dignity and Respect for Migrants’, in Vulnerability,
Exploitation and Migrants : Insecure Work in a Globalised Economy, ed. by Louise Waite, Gary
Craig, Hannah Lewis, and Klara Skrivankova (Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan,2015).
Verité, ‘Forced Labor in the Production of Electronic Goods in Malaysia: A Comprehensive Study of
Scope and Characteristics’, (2014).
———, ‘Labor and Human Rights Risk Analysis of Ecuador’s Palm Oil Sector’, (2016).
———, ‘Labor and Human Rights Risk Analysis of the Guatemalan Palm Oil Sector’, (2014).
———, ‘Recruitment Practices and Migrant Labor Conditions in Nestlé’s Thai Shrimp Supply
Chain: An Examination of Forced Labor and Other Human Rights Risks Endemic to the Thai
Seafood Sector’, (2015).
———, ‘Risk Analysis of Labor Violations among Farmworkers in the Guatemalan Sugar Sector:
A Report on Findings from Rapid Appraisal Research’, (2017).
Verité and The Freedom Fund, ‘An Exploratory Study on the Role of Corruption in International
Labor Migration’, (2016).
Tom Vickers, ‘The Contribution of UK Asylum Policy 1997-2010 to Conditions for the Exploitationof Migrant Labour’, in Vulnerability, Exploitation and Migrants : Insecure Work in a Globalised
Economy, ed. by Louise Waite, Gary Craig, Hannah Lewis, and Klara Skrivankova (Houndmills,
Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015).
Ramona Vijeyarasa, Sex, Slavery and the Trafficked Woman : Myths and Misconceptions About
Trafficking and Its Victims, (Farnham, Surrey, England; Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2015).
Walk Free, ‘Global Slavery Index (4th Edition)’, (Walk Free, 2018).
Timothy P. Williams, Elaine Alpert, Roy Ahn, Elizabeth Cafferty, Anita McGahan, Wendy Macias
Konstantopoulos, Judith Castor Palmer, Nadya Wolferstan, Genevieve Purcell, and Thomas
F. Burke, ‘Sex Trafficking, Health Care, and the Health System in Mumbai and Kolkata’, in
Human Trafficking: The Stakeholders’ Perspective, ed. by Veerendra Mishra (New Delhi: SAGE
Publications, 2013).
Women and Law in Southern Africa Research and Education Trust, ‘”Seeing the Gold Not the Trap”:
Trafficking of Persons in Lesotho’, (2014)
World Health Organization, ‘Sexual Health, Human Rights, and the Law’, (2015).
World Vision, ‘The Vulnerability Report: Human Trafficking in the Greater Mekong Sub-Region’,(2014).
Sheldon X. Zhang, Michael W. Spiller, Brian Karl Finch, and Q. I. N. Yang, ‘Estimating Labor
Trafficking among Unauthorized Migrant Workers in San Diego’, The Annals of the American
Academy of Political and Social Science, 653 (2014), 65-86.
Mi Zhou, ‘Fair Share? International Recruitment in the Philippines / International Labour
Organization’, (Geneva: International Labour Organization, 2017).
Cathy Zimmerman, Alys McAlpine, and Ligia Kiss, ‘Safer Labour Migration and Community-Based
Prevention of Exploitation: The State of the Evidence for Programming’, (Freedom Fund/London
School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine 2016).
Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour91Bibliography

Other Works
Ibrahim Abubakar, Robert W Aldridge, Delan Devakumar, Miriam Orcutt, Rachel Burns, Mauricio
L Barreto, Poonam Dhavan, Fouad M Fouad, Nora Groce, Yan Guo, Sally Hargreaves,
Michael Knipper, J Jaime Miranda, Nyovani Madise, Bernadette Kumar, Davide Mosca, Terry
McGovern, Leonard Rubenstein, Peter Sammonds, Susan M Sawyer, Kabir Sheikh, Stephen
Tollman, Paul Spiegel, Cathy Zimmerman, ‘The UCL–Lancet Commission on Migration and
Health: the health of a world on the move’, The Lancet Commissions, (2018)
Giorgio Agamben, Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, (Stanford, CA: Stanford
University Press, 1998).
Care International UK, ‘To Protect Her Honour’ Child marriage in emergencies – the fatal
confusion between protecting girls and sexual violence, (Care International, 2015) Available
from: http://insights.careinternational.org.uk/media/k2/attachments/CARE_Childmarriage-in-emergencies_2015.pdf. [26 February 2018].
Paul Eckblom and Nick Tilley, ‘Going Equipped: Criminology, Situational Crime Prevention andthe Resourceful Offender’, British Journal of Criminology 40/3 (2000), 376-398.
International Labour Organization, ‘ILO Global Estimates on Migrant Workers: Resultsand Methodology’, (Geneva: International Training Centre of the International Labour
Organization, 2015).
International Labour Organization, ‘Ending Forced Labour by 2030: A Review of Policies andProgrammes’, (Geneva: International Labour Organization, 2018).
Laura Lungarotti, Sarah Craggs, and Agnes Tillinac, ‘Trafficking in persons in times of crises ‒ aneglected protection concern: the case of Iraq,’ (Humanitarian Policy Group of the Overseas
Development Institute, 2015). Available from: https://odihpn.org/magazine/humantrafficking-in-crises-a-neglected-protection-concern/. [3 April 2018].
Phil Marshall and Susu Thaton, ‘Miles away: The trouble with prevention in the Greater Mekong
Sub-Region’, in Trafficking and Prostitution Reconsidered: New perspectives on migration,
sex work and Human Rights, ed. by Kamala Kempadoo with Jyoti Sanghera and Bandana
Pattanaik (Abingdon: Routledge, 2016)
Alys McAlpine, Mazeda Hossain and Cathy Zimmerman, ‘Sex trafficking and sexual exploitationin settings affected by armed conflicts in Africa, Asia and the Middle East: systematic
review’, BMC international health and human rights, 16 (2016).
The Passage, ‘Understanding and Responding to Modern Slavery within the Homeless Sector’(2017).
Katy Robjant and Cornelius Katona, ‘Global Perspectives Trauma Informed Practice with
Survivors of Human Trafficking’ (2016).
Claire Ross, Stoyanka Dimitrova, Louise M Howard, Michael Dewey, Cathy Zimmerman, Siân
Oram, Human trafficking and health: a cross-sectional survey of NHS professionals’ contact
with victims of human trafficking, BMJ Open, 5 8 (2015).
UNICEF, ‘A study on early marriage in Jordan’, (UNICEF, 2014). Available from: https://www.
unicef.org/mena/UNICEFJordan_EarlyMarriageStudy2014.pdf. [26 February 2018].
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, ‘Abuse of a Position of Vulnerability and Other‘Means’ within the Definition of Trafficking in Persons’ (2013).
United Nations Department of Social and Economic Affairs, ‘International Migration Report2017’, (2017).
Dita Vogel and Norbert Cyrus, European Policy Brief: How successful are campaigns
addressing the demand-side of human trafficking? (Demand-Side Measures Against
Trafficking (Demand AT): European Commission, 2017)
Cathy Zimmerman, Katherine Yun, Charlotte Watts, Inna Shvab, Luca Trappolin, Mariangela
Treppete, Franca Bimbi, Sae-tang Jiraporn, Ledia Beci, Marcia Albrecht, Julie Bindel,and Linda Regan, ‘The Health Risks and Consequences of Trafficking in Women andAdolescents: Findings from a European Study’ (2003).

92

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

Bibliography

The issue of gender isrelevant to vulnerability tomodern slavery, with malevictims disproportionately
subject to forced labour andexploitation in the construction,
manufacturing and agriculture
sectors. Credit: tdub303

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

93

ENDNOTES

94

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

Endnotes

1

Walk Free, ‘Global Slavery Index (4th Edition)’, (Walk Free, 2018).

2

United Nations, ‘Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration’ (2018). Available from: https://
refugeesmigrants.un.org/sites/default/files/180711_final_draft_0.pdf [22 November 2018].

3

UN Department of Social and Economic Affairs, ‘International Migration Report 2017’, (2017).

4International Organization of Migration (n.d.), ‘Key Migration Terms’, Available from: https://www.iom.int/keymigration-terms [20 November 2018].

5

Walk Free Foundation, ‘Global Slavery Index (4th Edition)’, (Walk Free Foundation, 2018).

6

United Nations, ‘Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration’ (2018). Available from: https://
refugeesmigrants.un.org/sites/default/files/180711_final_draft_0.pdf [22 November 2018].

7

International Organization for Migration, ‘IOM Handbook on Protection and Assistance for Migrants Vulnerable toViolence, Exploitation and Abuse [Content under Embargo]’, (2018).

8

UNODC, ‘Abuse of a Position of Vulnerability and Other ‘Means’ within the Definition of Trafficking in Persons’,(UNODC, 2013).

9

The Counter-Trafficking Data Collaborative publishes de-identified and harmonised data from counter-trafficking
organizations around the world. IOM and Polaris are the founding partners and first contributors to the CTDC,
and Liberty Asia is among the first contributors. Launched in November 2017, the goal of CTDC is to break down
information-sharing barriers and equip the counter-trafficking community with up to date, reliable data on humantrafficking. The website can be accessed at https://www.ctdatacollaborative.org/. Please note that the figures cited inthis report and the figures shown on the website may differ, as the website’s visualizations are regularly updated withnew data.

10

The relevant studies are: Jiyoung Song, ‘Complex Human Security in North Korean Irregular Migration’, in Irregular
Migration and Human Security in East Asia, ed. by Jiyoung Song and Alistair D. B. Cook, (Abingdon, Oxon ; New York:
Routledge, 2014); Elena Shih, ‘Health and Rights at the Margins: Human Trafficking and HIV/AIDS among Jingpo EthnicCommunities in Ruili City, China’, Anti-Trafficking Review, 2, (2013); UNIAP, ‘Report on an Exploratory Research [Sic]
About Migration and Human Trafficking to China in Luang Namtha and Phongsaly, Lao PRR’, (2013); UN-ACT, ‘Human
Trafficking Vulnerabilities in Asia: A Study on Forced Marriage between Cambodia and China’, (2016).

11

Walk Free Foundation, ‘Global Slavery Index (4th Edition)’, (2018).

12

Classifications to regions were made according to the United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs.
Population Division (2017). Trends in International Migrant Stock: The 2017 revision (United Nations database, POP/
DB/MIG/Stock/Rev.2017).

13

Ronald Clarke, “Protecting Immigrants from Victimization: The Scope for Situational Crime Prevention”, in Migration,
Culture Conflict and Crime, 103-119.

14

John Round and Irina Kuznetsova, ‘Necropolitics and the Migrant as a Political Subject of Disgust: The Precarious
Everyday of Russia’s Labour Migrants’, Critical Sociology, 42, (2016); Walk Free Foundation, ‘Global Slavery Index (4thEdition)’, (2018); see also Giorgio Agamben, Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, (Stanford, CA: Stanford
University Press, 1998).

15

Denise Brennan, ‘Subjectivity of Coercion: Workers’ Experiences with Trafficking in the United States’, in Revisiting
the Law and Governance of Trafficking, Forced Labor and Modern Slavery, ed. by Prabha Kotiswaran, (Cambridge,
United Kingdom ; New York, NY, USA: Cambridge University Press, 2017).

16

Jenny Moss, ‘Migrant Domestic Workers, the National Minimum Wage, and the ‘Family Worker’ Concept’, in Au Pairs’
Lives in Global Context : Sisters or Servants?, ed. by Rosie Cox, (Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire ; New York:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2015).

17

International Labour Organization, ‘ILO global estimates on migrant workers; Results and methodology’, (International
Labour Office, 2015).

18

Radhika Kanchana, ‘Are India’s Policies Increasing the Vulnerability of Its Female Migrants in the Arab Gulf
Countries?’, in India Migration Report 2016 : Gulf Migration, ed. by S. Irudaya Rajan, (Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2017).

19

Walk Free Foundation, ‘Global Slavery Index (4th Edition)’, (Walk Free Foundation, 2018).

20

Guri Tyldum, ‘Dependence and Human Trafficking in the Context of Transnational Marriage’, International Migration,
51 4, (2013).

21

Jeronimo Montero Bressan and Eliana Ferradas Abalo, ‘Sweatshop Workers in Buenos Aires: The Political Economy of
Human Trafficking in a Peripheral Country’, in Vulnerability, Exploitation and Migrants : Insecure Work in a Globalised
Economy, ed. by Louise Waite, et al., (Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015).

22

Montero Bressan and Abalo, ‘Sweatshop Workers in Buenos Aires: The Political Economy of Human Trafficking in a
Peripheral Country’, in Vulnerability, Exploitation and Migrants : Insecure Work in a Globalised Economy, ed. By Waite,
et al., (2015).

23

Janie A. Chuang, ‘Contemporary Debt Bondage, ‘Self-Exploitation’, and the Limits of the Trafficking Definition’, inRevisiting the Law and Governance of Trafficking, Forced Labor and Modern Slavery ed. By Prabha Kotiswaran,(Cambridge, United Kingdom ; New York, NY, USA: Cambridge University Press, 2017).

24

Hasina Kharbhih, ‘Human Trafficking Scenario in Northeast India’, in Human Trafficking : The Stakeholders’
Perspective, ed. By Veerendra Mishra (New Delhi: SAGE Publications, 2013).

25

Hannah Lewis and Louise Waite, ‘Asylum, Immigration Restrictions and Exploitation: Hyper-Precarity as a Lens for
Understanding and Tackling Forced Labour’, Anti-Trafficking Review, 5 (2015).

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour95

Endnotes

96

26

Anti-Slavery International, ‘Slavery in India’s Brick Kilns and the Payment System: Way Forward in the Fight for
Fair Wages, Decent Work and Eradication of Slavery’, (2017).

27

Kirsten Anderson, Kara Apland, and Elizabeth Yarrow, ‘Unaccompanied and Unprotected: The Systemic
Vulnerability of Unaccompanied Migrant Children in South Africa’, in The United Nations Convention on the Rightsof the Child : Taking Stock after 25 Years and Looking Ahead, ed. By Ton Liefaard and Julia Sloth-Nielsen, (Leiden;
Boston: Brill/Nijhoff, 2016); Mirjam van Reisen, Meron Estefanos, and Lena Reim, ‘Human Trafficking in the Sinai:
Mapping the Routes and Facilitators’, in Human Trafficking and Trauma in the Digital Era : The Ongoing Tragedyof the Trade in Refugees from Eritrea, ed. By Mirjam van Reisen and Munyaradzi Mawere, (Bamenda, North West
Region, Cameroon: Langaa Research & Publishing Common Initiative Group, 2017); Gabriella E. Sanchez, Human
Smuggling and Border Crossings, First issued in paperback. Edn, (New York, NY: Routledge, 2014).

28

Counter-Trafficking Data Collaborative, ‘Type of Border Crossings Victims of trafficking Make’ (n.d.). Available
from: https://www.ctdatacollaborative.org/story/victims-trafficking-road [20 November 2018].

29

S. M. Goldenberg and others, ‘”Right Here Is the Gateway”: Mobility, Sex Work Entry and HIV Risk Along the
Mexico-US Border’, International Migration, 52, (2014).

30

Kharbhih, ‘Human Trafficking Scenario in Northeast India’, in Human Trafficking : The Stakeholders’ Perspective,
ed. By Mishra, (2013); Veerendra Mishra, ‘Combating Human Trafficking: Gaps in Law Enforcement’, in Human
Trafficking : The Stakeholders’ Perspective, ed. By Veerendra Mishra, (New Delhi: SAGE Publications, 2013).

31

Walk Free, ‘Global Slavery Index (4th Edition)’, (Walk Free, 2018).

32

Abebaw, ‘Re-Conceptualizating the Operations of Trafficking in Persons in Ethiopia to Inform Policy and Practice’,in Human Trafficking and Exploitation : Lessons from Europe, ed. By Gebrewold-Tochalo, Müller, and Kostenzer,(2018).

33

Walk Free, ‘Global Slavery Index (4th Edition)’, (Walk Free, 2018).

34

International Centre for Migration Policy Development, ‘Targeting Vulnerabilities: The Impact of the Syrian War
and Refugee Situation on Trafficking in Persons. A Study of Syria, Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan and Iraq’, (2015).

35

J. Leman and S. Janssens, Human Trafficking and Migrant Smuggling in Southeast Europe and Russia : Learning
Criminal Entrepreneurship and Traditional Culture, (Houndmills, Basingstoke Hampshire ; New York, NY: Palgrave
Macmillan, 2015).

36

Reisen, Estefanos, and Reim, ‘Human Trafficking in the Sinai: Mapping the Routes and Facilitators’, in Human
Trafficking and Trauma in the Digital Era : The Ongoing Tragedy of the Trade in Refugees from Eritrea, ed. By
Reisen and Mawere, (2017).

37

Laurie Lijnders and Sara Robinson, ‘From the Horn of Africa to the Middle East: Human Trafficking of Eritreans
across Borders’, Anti-Trafficking Review, 2, (2013).

38

International Centre for Migration Policy Development, ‘Trafficking Along Migration Routes to Europe: Bridging
the Gap between Migration, Asylum and Anti-Trafficking’, (2018).

39

Mirjam van Reisen and Meron Estefanos, ‘The Exodus from Eritrea and Who Is Benefiting ‘, in Human Trafficking
and Trauma in the Digital Era : The Ongoing Tragedy of the Trade in Refugees from Eritrea, ed. By Mirjam vanReisen and Munyaradzi Mawere (Bamenda, North West Region, Cameroon: Langaa Research & Publishing
Common Initiative Group, 2017); Song, ‘Complex Human Security in North Korean Irregular Migration’, in Irregular
Migration and Human Security in East Asia ed. By Song and Cook, (2014).

40

Luigi Achilli, ‘Smuggling and Trafficking in Human Beings at the Time of the Syrian Conflict’, in Human Trafficking
and Exploitation : Lessons from Europe, ed. By Belachew Gebrewold-Tochalo, Andreas Th Müller, and Johanna
Kostenzer, (Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY: Routledge, an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, 2018); Sanchez,
Human Smuggling and Border Crossings, (2014); Bryce Clayton Newell, Ricardo Gomez, and Verónica E.
Guajardo, ‘Information Seeking, Technology Use, and Vulnerability among Migrants at the United States–Mexico
Border’, Information Society, 32/3, (2016).

41

Zhang and others ‘Estimating Labor Trafficking among Unauthorized Migrant Workers in San Diego’, The Annalsof the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 653, (2014).

42

Human Rights Watch, ‘The Power These Men Have over Us: Sexual Exploitation and Abuse by African Union
Forces in Somalia’, (2014); Siddharth Kara, Modern Slavery : A Global Perspective, (New York: Columbia University
Press, 2017); Jennifer Schlecht, Elizabeth Rowley, and Juliet Babirye, ‘Feature: Early Relationships and Marriage inConflict and Post-Conflict Settings: Vulnerability of Youth in Uganda’, Reproductive Health Matters, 21, (2013).

43

International Centre for Migration Policy Development, ‘Trafficking Along Migration Routes to Europe: Bridging
the Gap between Migration, Asylum and Anti-Trafficking’, (2018).

44

Anderson, Apland, and Yarrow, ‘Unaccompanied and Unprotected: The Systemic Vulnerability of Unaccompanied
Migrant Children in South Africa’, in The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child : Taking Stock after
25 Years and Looking Ahead, ed. By Liefaard and Sloth-Nielsen, (2016); Reisen, Estefanos, and Reim, ‘Human
Trafficking in the Sinai: Mapping the Routes and Facilitators’, in Human Trafficking and Trauma in the Digital Era :The Ongoing Tragedy of the Trade in Refugees from Eritrea, ed. By Reisen and Mawere, (2017).

45

International Centre for Migration Policy Development, ‘Targeting Vulnerabilities: The Impact of the Syrian War
and Refugee Situation on Trafficking in Persons. A Study of Syria, Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan and Iraq’, (2015).

46

Shamima Akhter and Kyoko Kusakabe, ‘Gender-Based Violence among Documented Rohingya Refugees in
Bangladesh’, Indian Journal of Gender Studies, 21 2, (2014).

47

Walk Free, ‘Global Slavery Index (4th Edition)’, (2018).

48

International Centre for Migration Policy Development, ‘Targeting Vulnerabilities: The Impact of the Syrian War
and Refugee Situation on Trafficking in Persons. A Study of Syria, Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan and Iraq’, (2015).

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

Endnotes

49

Goldenberg and others ‘’Right Here Is the Gateway’: Mobility, Sex Work Entry and HIV Risk Along the Mexico-Us
Border’, International Migration, 52, (2014).

50

Eliza Galos and others, ‘Migrant Vulnerability to Human Trafficking and Exploitation: Evidence from the Central andEastern Mediterranean Migration Routes’, (IOM 2017).

51

Kimberly Mehlman-Orozco, Hidden in Plain Sight : America’s Slaves of the New Millennium, (Santa Barbara: Praeger,2017); Human Rights Watch, ‘The Power These Men Have over Us: Sexual Exploitation and Abuse by African Union
Forces in Somalia’, (2014); Human Rights Watch, ‘’They Said We Are Their Slaves’: Sexual Violence by Armed Groups
in the Central African Republic’, (2017); UNHCR, ‘Children on the Run’, (2014).

52

International Centre for Migration Policy Development, ‘Targeting Vulnerabilities: The Impact of the Syrian War
and Refugee Situation on Trafficking in Persons. A Study of Syria, Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan and Iraq’, (2015); Hagar
International, ‘Forgotten No More: Male Child Trafficking in Afghanistan’, (2013); UN Office on Drugs and Crime,‘Global Report on Trafficking in Persons 2016’, (2016).

53

Laurie Lijnders and Sara Robinson, ‘From the Horn of Africa to the Middle East: Human Trafficking of Eritreans acrossBorders’, Anti-Trafficking Review, 2, (2013).

54

Human Rights Watch, ‘’They Said We Are Their Slaves’: Sexual Violence by Armed Groups in the Central African
Republic’, (2017).

55

Klaffenboeck, Todorova, and Macchiavello, ‘Protecting Populations at Risk of Human Trafficking and Exploitation in
Crisis Situations. Case Studies of Post-Earthquake Nepal and the Western Balkans in Light of the EU/ Mediterranean
Migration Crisis’, in Human Trafficking and Exploitation : Lessons from Europe, ed. By Gebrewold-Tochalo, Müller, andKostenzer, (2018); Grossman-Thompson, ‘Protection and Paternalism: Narratives of Nepali Women Migrants and theGender Politics of Discriminatory Labour Migration Policy’, Refuge, 32/3, (2016).

56

Salima Sarwar and Uzzal Kumar Karmaker, ‘Challenges Faced by Trafficked Survivors in Bangladesh’, in Human
Trafficking : The Stakeholders’ Perspective, ed. By Veerendra Mishra, (New Delhi: SAGE Publications, 2013).

57

Melissa Marschke and Peter Vandergeest, ‘Slavery Scandals: Unpacking Labour Challenges and Policy Responses
within the Off-Shore Fisheries Sector’, Marine Policy, 68 (2016), Walk Free, “Spotlight on Fisheries”, Global Slavery
Index 2018.

58

International Justice Mission, ‘Labour Trafficking in the Thai Fishing Industry: Prevalence and Criminal Justice
Response’, (2018); Walk Free, ‘Global Slavery Index (4th Edition)’, (2018).

59

Rekha Pande, Sex Trafficking in South Asia with a Special Focus on India, (Delhi: Kalpaz, 2016).

60

Verité, ‘Risk Analysis of Labor Violations among Farmworkers in the Guatemalan Sugar Sector: A Report on Findings
from Rapid Appraisal Research’, (2017). Available from: https://www.verite.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/Verite_
Guatemala_Sugar_Report_July_2017.pdf [27 April 2019].

61

Verité, ‘Labor and Human Rights Risk Analysis of Ecuador’s Palm Oil Sector’, (2016). Available from: https://www.
verite.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/Risk-Analysis-of-Ecuador-Palm-Oil-Sector-Final.pdf [27 April 2019].

62

Austin Choi-Fitzpatrick, What Slaveholders Think: How Contemporary Perpetrators Rationalize What They Do, (NewYork: Columbia University Press, 2017).

63

Letizia Palumbo and Alessandria Sciurba, ‘Vulnerability to Forced Labour and Trafficking: The Case of Romanian
Women in the Agricultural Sector in Sicily’, Anti-Trafficking Review, 5 (2015); Verité, ‘Risk Analysis of Labor Violations
among Farmworkers in the Guatemalan Sugar Sector: A Report on Findings from Rapid Appraisal Research’, (2017)
Available from: https://www.verite.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/Verite_Guatemala_Sugar_Report_July_2017.pdf[27 April 2019]; Verité, ‘Labor and Human Rights Risk Analysis of Ecuador’s Palm Oil Sector’, (2016) Available from:https://www.verite.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/Risk-Analysis-of-Ecuador-Palm-Oil-Sector-Final.pdf [27 April2019].

64

The Polaris Project, ‘The Typology of Modern Slavery: Defining Sex and Labor Trafficking in the United States’,(Polaris, 2017).

65

Kanchana, ‘Are India’s Policies Increasing the Vulnerability of Its Female Migrants in the Arab Gulf Countries?’, in India
Migration Report 2016 : Gulf Migration, ed. By Rajan, (2017); Biljana Meshkovska and others, ‘Female Sex Trafficking:Conceptual Issues, Current Debates, and Future Directions’, Journal of Sex Research, 52 4, (2015).

66

Leman and Janssens, Human Trafficking and Migrant Smuggling in Southeast Europe and Russia : Learning Criminal
Entrepreneurship and Traditional Culture, (2015).

67

Polaris Project, ‘The Typology of Modern Slavery: Defining Sex and Labour Trafficking in the United States’, (2017).

68

UN Office on Drugs and Crime, ‘Current Status of Victim Service Providers and Criminal Justice Actors in India on
Anti-Human Trafficking: Country Assessment 2013’, (2013).

69

Global Alliance Against Trafficking in Women, ‘Sex Workers Organizing for Change: Self-Representation, Community
Organization and Working Conditions’, (2018); Chenda Keo, Human Trafficking in Cambodia, (Abingdon: Routledge,2014); Meshkovska and others ‘Female Sex Trafficking: Conceptual Issues, Current Debates, and Future Directions’,
Journal of Sex Research, 52 4, (2015).

70

Cathy Zimmerman, Alys McAlpine, and Ligia Kiss, ‘Safer Labour Migration and Community-Based Prevention of
Exploitation: The State of the Evidence for Programming’, (Freedom Fund/London School of Hygiene and Tropical
Medicine 2016).

71

Eliza Galos and others, ‘Migrant Vulnerability to Human Trafficking and Exploitation: Evidence from the Central andEastern Mediterranean Migration Routes’, (IOM 2017).

72

International Labour Organization and Walk Free, ‘Global Estimates of Modern Slavery: Forced Labour and Forced
Marriage’, (2017).

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour97Endnotes

9873

International Labour Organization and Walk Free, ‘Global Estimates of Modern Slavery: Forced Labour and Forced
Marriage’, (2017).

74

United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, ‘Global Report on Trafficking in Persons’ (2018) Available from: https://www.unodc.org/documents/data-and-analysis/glotip/2018/GLOTiP_2018_BOOK_web_small.pdf [15 April 2019].

75

Counter-Trafficking Data Collaborative, ‘Age of Victims: Children and Adults’ (n.d.). Available from: https://www.
ctdatacollaborative.org/story/age-victims-children-and-adults [21 November 2018].

76

UNICEF, ‘Uprooted: The growing crisis for refugee and migrant children’, (2016). Available from: https://www.
unicef.org/publications/files/Uprooted_growing_crisis_for_refugee_and_migrant_children.pdf [21 November
2018].

77

UNICEF, ‘Uprooted: The growing crisis for refugee and migrant children’, (2016). Available from: https://www.
unicef.org/publications/files/Uprooted_growing_crisis_for_refugee_and_migrant_children.pdf [21 November
2018].

78

UNICEF, ‘Uprooted: The growing crisis for refugee and migrant children’, (2016). Available from: https://www.
unicef.org/publications/files/Uprooted_growing_crisis_for_refugee_and_migrant_children.pdf [21 November
2018].

79

UNICEF, ‘Uprooted: The growing crisis for refugee and migrant children’, (2016). Available from: https://www.
unicef.org/publications/files/Uprooted_growing_crisis_for_refugee_and_migrant_children.pdf [21 November
2018].

80

UNICEF, ‘Uprooted: The growing crisis for refugee and migrant children’, (2016). Available from: https://www.
unicef.org/publications/files/Uprooted_growing_crisis_for_refugee_and_migrant_children.pdf [21 November
2018].

81

UNICEF, ‘Uprooted: The growing crisis for refugee and migrant children’, (2016). Available from: https://www.
unicef.org/publications/files/Uprooted_growing_crisis_for_refugee_and_migrant_children.pdf [21 November
2018].

82

UNICEF and the International Organization for Migration, ‘Harrowing Journeys: Children and Youth on the Moveacross the Mediterranean Sea, at Risk of Trafficking and Exploitation’, (2017). Available from: https://www.unicef.
org/publications/files/Harrowing_Journeys_Children_and_youth_on_the_move_across_the_Mediterranean.
pdf [27 April 2019]; UNICEF, ‘A Deadly Journey for Children: The Central Mediterranean Migration Route’, (2017).
Available from: https://www.unicef.org/publications/files/EN_UNICEF_Central_Mediterranean_Migration.pdf [27April 2019].

83

UNICEF, ‘A Deadly Journey for Children: The Central Mediterranean Migration Route’, (2017). Available from:https://www.unicef.org/publications/files/EN_UNICEF_Central_Mediterranean_Migration.pdf [27 April 2019].

84

United Nations University, ‘Cradled by Conflict: Child Involvement with Armed Groups in Contemporary Conflict’,ed. By Siobhan O’Neil and Kato van Broeckhoven (New York: United Nations University, 2018); see also Care
International UK, ‘To Protect Her Honour’ Child marriage in emergencies – the fatal confusion between protecting
girls and sexual violence, (Care International, 2015) Available from: http://insights.careinternational.org.uk/
media/k2/attachments/CARE_Child-marriage-in-emergencies_2015.pdf [26 February 2018]; Laura Lungarotti,
Sarah Craggs, and Agnes Tillinac, ‘Trafficking in persons in times of crises – a neglected protection concern: thecase of Iraq,’ (Humanitarian Policy Group of the Overseas Development Institute, 2015). Available from: https://
odihpn.org/magazine/human-trafficking-in-crises-a-neglected-protection-concern/. [3 April 2018]; UNICEF, ‘A
study on early marriage in Jordan’, (UNICEF, 2014). Available from: https://www.unicef.org/mena/UNICEFJordan_
EarlyMarriageStudy2014.pdf [26 February 2018].

85

UNICEF, ‘Uprooted: The growing crisis for refugee and migrant children’, (2016). Available from: https://www.
unicef.org/publications/files/Uprooted_growing_crisis_for_refugee_and_migrant_children.pdf [21 November
2018]; Jennifer Schlecht, Elizabeth Rowley, and Juliet Babirye, ‘Feature: Early Relationships and Marriage inConflict and Post-Conflict Settings: Vulnerability of Youth in Uganda’, Reproductive Health Matters, 21 (2013),
234-42.

86

UNICEF and the International Organization for Migration, ‘Harrowing Journeys: Children and Youth on the Moveacross the Mediterranean Sea, at Risk of Trafficking and Exploitation’, (2017). Available from: https://www.unicef.
org/publications/files/Harrowing_Journeys_Children_and_youth_on_the_move_across_the_Mediterranean.pdf[27 April 2019].

87

UN Office on Drugs and Crime, ‘Global Report on Trafficking in Persons 2016’, (2016); Katie Klaffenboeck, Irina
Todorova, and Michela Macchiavello, ‘Protecting Populations at Risk of Human Trafficking and Exploitationin Crisis Situations. Case Studies of Post-Earthquake Nepal and the Western Balkans in Light of the EU/
Mediterranean Migration Crisis’, in Human Trafficking and Exploitation : Lessons from Europe, ed. By Belachew
Gebrewold-Tochalo, Andreas Th Müller, and Johanna Kostenzer (Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY: Routledge, an
imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, 2018); International Labour Organization and Walk Free, ‘Global Estimatesof Modern Slavery: Forced Labour and Forced Marriage’, (2017).

88

Benjamin Harkins and Meri Åhlberg, ‘Access to Justice for Migrant Workers in South-East Asia’, (Bangkok:
International Labour Organization, 2017).

89

Eliza Galos and others, ‘Migrant Vulnerability to Human Trafficking and Exploitation: Evidence from the Central
and Eastern Mediterranean Migration Routes’, (IOM 2017); Klaffenboeck, Todorova, and Macchiavello, ‘Protecting
Populations at Risk of Human Trafficking and Exploitation in Crisis Situations. Case Studies of Post-Earthquake
Nepal and the Western Balkans in Light of the EU/ Mediterranean Migration Crisis’, in Human Trafficking andExploitation : Lessons from Europe, ed. By Gebrewold-Tochalo, Müller, and Kostenzer, (2018).

90

Counter-Trafficking Data Collaborative, ‘Human Trafficking and Gender: Differences, Similarities and Trends,(n.d.). Available from: https://www.ctdatacollaborative.org/story/human-trafficking-and-gender-differencessimilarities-and-trends [22 November 2018].

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

Endnotes

91

Verité and The Freedom Fund, ‘An Exploratory Study on the Role of Corruption in International Labor Migration’,(2016). Available from: https://www.verite.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/Verite-Report-Intl-Labour-Recruitment.
pdf [27 April 2019].

92

Kanchana, ‘Are India’s Policies Increasing the Vulnerability of Its Female Migrants in the Arab Gulf Countries?’, in India
Migration Report 2016 : Gulf Migration, ed. By Rajan, (2017).

93

Domenica Urzi, ‘Global Citizenship: The Need for Dignity and Respect for Migrants’, in Vulnerability, Exploitation and
Migrants : Insecure Work in a Globalised Economy, ed. By Louise Waite, et al., (Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave
Macmillan, 2015).

94

Goldenberg and others ‘”Right Here Is the Gateway”: Mobility, Sex Work Entry and HIV Risk Along the Mexico-US
Border’, International Migration, 52, (2014).

95

Verité, ‘Recruitment Practices and Migrant Labor Conditions in Nestlé’s Thai Shrimp Supply Chain: An Examinationof Forced Labor and Other Human Rights Risks Endemic to the Thai Seafood Sector’, (2015). Available from: https://www.verite.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/NestleReport-ThaiShrimp_prepared-by-Verite.pdf [27 April 2019].

96

The Polaris Project, ‘The Typology of Modern Slavery: Defining Sex and Labor Trafficking in the United States’,(Polaris, 2017).

97

Fudge and Strauss, ‘Migrants, Unfree Labour, and the Legal Construction of Domestic Servitude: Migrant Domestic
Workers in the UK’, in Migrants at Work : Immigration and Vulnerability in Labour Law, ed. By Costello and Freedland,(2014); S. Irudaya Rajan and Arya Suresh, ‘Institutional Strengthening of the Offices of Labour Attaches of India in Gulf[Sic]: Field Experiences from the United Arab Emirates and Qatar’, in India Migration Report 2016 : Gulf Migration, ed.
By S. Irudaya Rajan (Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2017); Polaris Project, ‘The Typology of Modern Slavery: Defining Sex
and Labour Trafficking in the United States’, (2017); Kalayaan, ‘Britain’s Forgotten Slaves; Migrant Domestic Workers
in the UK Three Years after the Introduction of the Tied Overseas Domestic Worker Visa’, (2015). Available from:http://www.kalayaan.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/Kalayaan-3-year-briefing.pdf [27 April 2019].

98

Daniele Belanger, ‘Labor Migration and Trafficking among Vietnamese Migrants in Asia’, The Annals of the American
Academy of Political and Social Science, 653, (2014); Perry and McEwing, ‘How Do Social Determinants Affect Human
Trafficking in Southeast Asia, and What Can We Do About It? A Systematic Review’, Health and Human Rights, 15 2,(2013).

99

Kara, Modern Slavery : A Global Perspective, (2017); Chuang, ‘Contemporary Debt Bondage, ‘Self-Exploitation’, andthe Limits of the Trafficking Definition’, in Revisiting the Law and Governance of Trafficking, Forced Labor and Modern
Slavery, ed. By Kotiswaran, (2017); Abebaw, ‘Re-Conceptualizating the Operations of Trafficking in Persons in Ethiopia
to Inform Policy and Practice’, in Human Trafficking and Exploitation : Lessons from Europe, ed. By GebrewoldTochalo, Müller, and Kostenzer, (2018).

100

World Vision, ‘The Vulnerability Report: Human Trafficking in the Greater Mekong Sub-Region’, (2014).

101

Newell, Gomez, and Guajardo, ‘Information Seeking, Technology Use, and Vulnerability among Migrants at the UnitedStates–Mexico Border’, Information Society, 32/3, (2016).

102

Ana Maria Buller, Hanni Stoklosa, and Cathy Zimmerman, ‘Labour Exploitation, Trafficking and Migrant Health:Multi-Country Findings on the Health Risks and Consequences of Migrant and Trafficked Workers’, (International
Organization for Migration and London School of Hygiene and & Tropical Medicine, 2015).

103

Buller, Stoklosa and Zimmerman, ‘Labour Exploitation, Trafficking and Migrant Health: Multi-Country Findings on the
Health Risks and Consequences of Migrant and Trafficked Workers’, (2015).

104

Phil Marshall and Susu Thaton, ‘Miles away: The trouble with prevention in the Greater Mekong Sub-Region’, inTrafficking and Prostitution Reconsidered: New perspectives on migration, sex work and Human Rights, ed. By
Kamala Kempadoo with Jyoti Sanghera and Bandana Pattanaik (Abingdon: Routledge, 2016).

105

Dita Vogel and Norbert Cyrus, European Policy Brief: How successful are campaigns addressing the demand-side ofhuman trafficking? (Demand-Side Measures Against Trafficking (Demand AT): European Commission, 2017).

106

Phil Marshall and Susu Thaton, ‘Miles away: The trouble with prevention in the Greater Mekong Sub-Region’, inTrafficking and Prostitution Reconsidered: New perspectives on migration, sex work and Human Rights, ed. By
Kamala Kempadoo with Jyoti Sanghera and Bandana Pattanaik (Abingdon: Routledge, 2016).

107

Dita Vogel and Norbert Cyrus, European Policy Brief: How successful are campaigns addressing the demand-sideof human trafficking? (Demand-Side Measures Against Trafficking (Demand AT): European Commission, 2017);
Phil Marshall and Susu Thaton, ‘Miles away: The trouble with prevention in the Greater Mekong Sub-Region’, inTrafficking and Prostitution Reconsidered: New perspectives on migration, sex work and Human Rights, ed. By
Kamala Kempadoo with Jyoti Sanghera and Bandana Pattanaik (Abingdon: Routledge, 2016); Buller, Stoklosa, andZimmerman, ‘Labour Exploitation, Trafficking and Migrant Health: Multi-Country Findings on the Health Risks andConsequences of Migrant and Trafficked Workers’, (2015).

108

Achilli, ‘Smuggling and Trafficking in Human Beings at the Time of the Syrian Conflict’, in Human Trafficking andExploitation : Lessons from Europe, ed. By Gebrewold-Tochalo, Müller, and Kostenzer, (2018); Perry and McEwing,‘How Do Social Determinants Affect Human Trafficking in Southeast Asia, and What Can We Do About It? A
Systematic Review’, Health and Human Rights, 15 2, (2013).

109

International Centre for Migration Policy Development, ‘Trafficking Along Migration Routes to Europe: Bridging the
Gap between Migration, Asylum and Anti-Trafficking’, (2018).

110

Jenny Pennington, and Brhmie Balaram, ‘Homecoming: Return and Reintegration of Irregular Migrants from Nigeria’,(London: Institute for Public Policy Research, 2013).

111

Klaffenboeck, Todorova, and Macchiavello, ‘Protecting Populations at Risk of Human Trafficking and Exploitation in
Crisis Situations. Case Studies of Post-Earthquake Nepal and the Western Balkans in Light of the EU/Mediterranean
Migration Crisis’, in Human Trafficking and Exploitation : Lessons from Europe, ed. By Gebrewold-Tochalo, Müller, andKostenzer, (2018).

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour99Endnotes

100

112

Eliza Galos and others, ‘Migrant Vulnerability to Human Trafficking and Exploitation: Evidence from the Central
and Eastern Mediterranean Migration Routes’, (IOM 2017).

113

International Centre for Migration Policy Development, ‘Targeting Vulnerabilities: The Impact of the Syrian War
and Refugee Situation on Trafficking in Persons. A Study of Syria, Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan and Iraq’, (2015);
Polaris Project, ‘The Typology of Modern Slavery: Defining Sex and Labour Trafficking in the United States’,(2017).

114

World Health Organization, ‘Sexual Health, Human Rights, and the Law’, (2015).

115

Counter-Trafficking Data Collaborative, ‘Human Trafficking and Gender: Differences, Similarities and Trends,(n.d.). Available from: https://www.ctdatacollaborative.org/story/human-trafficking-and-gender-differencessimilarities-and-trends [22 November 2018].

116

Matej Blazek, ‘Labour Exploitation of Non-EU Migrants in Slovakia: Patterns, Implications and Structural Violence’,in Vulnerability, Exploitation and Migrants : Insecure Work in a Globalised Economy, ed. By Louise Waite, et al.,(Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015); Fudge and Strauss, ‘Migrants, Unfree Labour, and the Legal
Construction of Domestic Servitude: Migrant Domestic Workers in the UK’, in Migrants at Work : Immigration and
Vulnerability in Labour Law, ed. By Costello and Freedland, (2014); Phalla Chea, ‘Migration and Human Security of
Cambodian Workers in Thailand’, in Irregular Migration and Human Security in East Asia, ed. By Jiyoung Song andAlistair D. B. Cook, (Abingdon, Oxon ; New York: Routledge, 2014).

117

Zhang and others ‘Estimating Labor Trafficking among Unauthorized Migrant Workers in San Diego’, The Annalsof the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 653, (2014).

118

Daniel-Wrabetz and Penedo, ‘Trafficking in Human Beings in Time and Space. A Socioecological Perspective’,in The Illegal Business of Human Trafficking, ed. By Guia, (2015); Leman and Janssens, Human Trafficking and
Migrant Smuggling in Southeast Europe and Russia : Learning Criminal Entrepreneurship and Traditional Culture,(2015); Anna Maternick and Melissa Hope Ditmore, ‘Sex, Violence and the Border: Trafficking for Sex Work from
Mexico to the US’, in Global Human Trafficking : Critical Issues and Contexts, ed. By Molly Dragiewicz, (Abingdon,
Oxon ; New York, NY: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2015).

119

Ibrahim Abubakar, Robert W Aldridge, Delan Devakumar, Miriam Orcutt, Rachel Burns, Mauricio L Barreto,
Poonam Dhavan, Fouad M Fouad, Nora Groce, Yan Guo, Sally Hargreaves, Michael Knipper, J Jaime Miranda,
Nyovani Madise, Bernadette Kumar, Davide Mosca, Terry McGovern, Leonard Rubenstein, Peter Sammonds,
Susan M Sawyer, Kabir Sheikh, Stephen Tollman, Paul Spiegel, Cathy Zimmerman, ‘The UCL–Lancet Commission
on Migration and Health: the health of a world on the move’, The Lancet Commissions, (2018).

120

Daniel-Wrabetz and Penedo, ‘Trafficking in Human Beings in Time and Space. A Socioecological Perspective’, in
The Illegal Business of Human Trafficking, ed. By Guia, (2015); Goldenberg and others ‘’Right Here Is the Gateway’:
Mobility, Sex Work Entry and HIV Risk Along the Mexico-US Border’, International Migration, 52, (2014).

121

Katy Robiant and Cornelius Katona, ‘Global Perspectives Trauma Informed Practice with Survivors of Human
Trafficking’ (2016).

122

Katy Robiant and Cornelius Katona, ‘Global Perspectives Trauma Informed Practice with Survivors of Human
Trafficking’ (2016).

123

See for example: Cathy Zimmerman, Katherine Yun, Charlotte Watts, Inna Shvab, Luca Trappolin, Mariangela
Treppete, Franca Bimbi, Sae-tang Jiraporn, Ledia Beci, Marcia Albrecht, Julie Bindel, Linda Regan, ‘The Health
Risks and Consequences of Trafficking in Women and Adolescents: Findings from a European Study’ (2003); Alys
McAlpine, Mazeda Hossain and Cathy Zimmerman, ‘Sex trafficking and sexual exploitation in settings affectedby armed conflicts in Africa, Asia and the Middle East: systematic review’, BMC international health and humanrights, 16 (2016).

124

Buller, Stoklosa and Zimmerman, ‘Labour Exploitation, Trafficking and Migrant Health: Multi-Country Findings on
the Health Risks and Consequences of Migrant and Trafficked Workers’, (2015).

125

Buller, Stoklosa and Zimmerman, ‘Labour Exploitation, Trafficking and Migrant Health: Multi-Country Findings on
the Health Risks and Consequences of Migrant and Trafficked Workers’, (2015).

126

Claire Ross, Stoyanka Dimitrova, Louise M Howard, Michael Dewey, Cathy Zimmerman, Siân Oram, Human
trafficking and health: a cross-sectional survey of NHS professionals’ contact with victims of human trafficking,
BMJ Open, 5 8 (2015).

127

Pande, Sex Trafficking in South Asia with a Special Focus on India, (2016); Kara, Modern Slavery : A Global
Perspective, (2017); Perry and McEwing, ‘How Do Social Determinants Affect Human Trafficking in Southeast
Asia, and What Can We Do About It? A Systematic Review’, Health and Human Rights, 15 2, (2013).

128

Women and Law in Southern Africa Research and Education Trust 2014, ‘‘Seeing the Gold Not The Trap’:
Trafficking of Persons in Lesotho’, (2014); Maternick and Ditmore, ‘Sex, Violence and the Border: Trafficking for
Sex Work from Mexico to the US’, in Global Human Trafficking : Critical Issues and Contexts, ed. By Dragiewicz,(2015); Abebaw, ‘Re-Conceptualizating the Operations of Trafficking in Persons in Ethiopia to Inform Policy andPractice’, in Human Trafficking and Exploitation : Lessons from Europe, ed. By Gebrewold-Tochalo, Müller, andKostenzer, (2018).

129

Kara, Modern Slavery : A Global Perspective, (2017); International Organization for Migration, ‘IOM Handbook
on Protection and Assistance for Migrants Vulnerable to Violence, Exploitation and Abuse’ (2018); UNICEF,‘In Search of Opportunities: Voices of Children on the Move in West and Central Africa’, (2017); Anti-Slavery
International, ‘Trafficking for Forced Criminal Activities and Begging in Europe: Exploratory Study and Good
Practice Examples’, (2014).

130

Keo, Human Trafficking in Cambodia, (2014); Chigozie Nnebedum, Human Trafficking as a Quintessence of
21st Century Slavery: The Vulnerability of Nigerians in Austria, (New York: Peter Lang, 2017); Lawthom andothers ‘Experiences of Forced Labour among UK-Based Chinese Migrant Workers: Exploring Vulnerability
and Protection in Times of Empire’, in Vulnerability, Exploitation and Migrants : Insecure Work in a Globalised

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

Endnotes

Economy, ed. By Waite, et al., (2015); Marschke and Vandergeest, ‘Slavery Scandals: Unpacking Labour Challenges
and Policy Responses within the Off-Shore Fisheries Sector’, Marine Policy, 68, (2016).
131

Vijeyarasa, Sex, Slavery and the Trafficked Woman : Myths and Misconceptions About Trafficking and Its Victims,(2015); Daniel-Wrabetz and Penedo, ‘Trafficking in Human Beings in Time and Space. A Socioecological Perspective’,in The Illegal Business of Human Trafficking, ed. By Guia, (2015); Perry and McEwing, ‘How Do Social Determinants
Affect Human Trafficking in Southeast Asia, and What Can We Do About It? A Systematic Review’, Health and Human
Rights, 15 2, (2013).

132

Global Estimates of Modern Slavery, 2017, 31.

133

For example, Daniel-Wrabetz and Penedo, ‘Trafficking in Human Beings in Time and Space. A Socioecological
Perspective’, in The Illegal Business of Human Trafficking, ed. By Guia, (2015); Timothy Williams and others, ‘Sex
Trafficking, Health Care, and the Health System in Mumbai and Kolkata’, in Human Trafficking: The Stakeholders’
Perspective, ed. By Veerendra Mishra, (New Delhi: SAGE Publications, 2013); Pande, Sex Trafficking in South Asia witha Special Focus on India, (2016).

134

Choi-Fitzpatrick,What Slaveholders Think: How Contemporary Perpetrators Rationalize What They Do, (2017).

135

Rebecca Surtees, ‘At Sea: The Trafficking of Seafarers and Fishers from Ukraine’, in Global Human Trafficking :Critical Issues and Contexts, ed. By Molly Dragiewicz, (Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY: Routledge, Taylor & Francis
Group, 2015); Round and Kuznetsova, ‘Necropolitics and the Migrant as a Political Subject of Disgust: The Precarious
Everyday of Russia’s Labour Migrants’, Critical Sociology, 42, (2016).

136

Vijeyarasa,Sex, Slavery and the Trafficked Woman : Myths and Misconceptions About Trafficking and Its Victims,(2015); UN Office on Drugs and Crime, ‘Current Status of Victim Service Providers and Criminal Justice Actors inIndia on Anti-Human Trafficking: Country Assessment 2013’, (2013).

137

Counter-Trafficking Data Collaborative, ‘The Global Dataset at a Glance’, (n.d.), Available from: https://www.
ctdatacollaborative.org/global-dataset-glance [22 November 2018].

138

Abebaw, ‘Re-Conceptualizating the Operations of Trafficking in Persons in Ethiopia to Inform Policy and Practice’,in Human Trafficking and Exploitation : Lessons from Europe, ed. By Gebrewold-Tochalo, Müller, and Kostenzer,(2018); Blazek, ‘Labour Exploitation of Non-EU Migrants in Slovakia: Patterns, Implications and Structural Violence’, in
Vulnerability, Exploitation and Migrants : Insecure Work in a Globalised Economy, ed. By Waite, et al., (2015); Brennan,‘Subjectivity of Coercion: Workers’ Experiences with Trafficking in the United States’, in Revisiting the Law andGovernance of Trafficking, Forced Labor and Modern Slavery, ed. By Kotiswaran, (2017).

139

Maria João Guia and Jorge Malheiros, ‘Forced Sex, Chosen Sex: Risk, Trafficking and Prostitution in Portugal’, in
The Illegal Business of Human Trafficking, (Cham: Springer, 2015); UN Office on Drugs and Crime, ‘The Role of
Recruitment Fees and Abusive and Fraudulent Recruitment Practices of Recruitment Agencies in Trafficking in
Persons’, (2017); Leman and Janssens,Human Trafficking and Migrant Smuggling in Southeast Europe and Russia :Learning Criminal Entrepreneurship and Traditional Culture, (2015).

140

UN Office on Drugs and Crime, ‘Global Report on Trafficking in Persons 2016’, (2016); Lauren A McCarthy,‘Transaction Costs: Prosecuting Child Trafficking for Illegal Adoption in Russia’, Anti-Trafficking Review, 6, (2016).

141

Meshkovska and others ‘Female Sex Trafficking: Conceptual Issues, Current Debates, and Future Directions’, Journalof Sex Research, 52 4, (2015); Williams and others ‘Sex Trafficking, Health Care, and the Health System in Mumbai andKolkata’, in Human Trafficking: The Stakeholders’ Perspective d. By Mishra, (2013); Perry and McEwing, ‘How Do Social
Determinants Affect Human Trafficking in Southeast Asia, and What Can We Do About It? A Systematic Review’,
Health and Human Rights, 15 2, (2013).

142

The Polaris Project, ‘The Typology of Modern Slavery: Defining Sex and Labor Trafficking in the United States’,(Polaris, 2017).

143

Christine Cooper, Olivia Hesketh, Nicola Ellis, and Adam Fair, ‘A Typology of Modern Slavery Offences in the UK:
Research Report 93’, (Home Office, 2017).

144

Daniel-Wrabetz and Penedo, ‘Trafficking in Human Beings in Time and Space. A Socioecological Perspective’, in The
Illegal Business of Human Trafficking, ed. By Guia, (2015); The Passage, ‘Understanding and Responding to Modern
Slavery within the Homeless Sector’, (2017).

145

United Nations University, ‘Cradled by Conflict: Child Involvement with Armed Groups in Contemporary Conflict’, ed.
By Siobhan O’Neil and Kato van Broeckhoven (New York: United Nations University, 2018).

146

Hagar International, ‘Forgotten No More: Male Child Trafficking in Afghanistan’, (2013).

147

Reisen and Estefanos, ‘Human Trafficking Connecting to Terrorism and Organ Trafficking: Libya and Egypt’, in Human
Trafficking and Trauma in the Digital Era : The Ongoing Tragedy of the Trade in Refugees from Eritrea, ed. By Reisen
and Mawere, (2017).

148

Niveen Elmagboul, Shadia Dauod, and Samhal Tawaldi, ‘Exploitation and Violence against Ethiopian Female Irregular
Migrant Domestic Workers in Khartoum State’, Ahfad Journal, 34/2, (2017).

149

Barbara Grossman-Thompson, ‘Protection and Paternalism: Narratives of Nepali Women Migrants and the Gender
Politics of Discriminatory Labour Migration Policy’, Refuge, 32/3, (2016).

150

Maternick and Ditmore, ‘Sex, Violence and the Border: Trafficking for Sex Work from Mexico to the Us’, in Global
Human Trafficking : Critical Issues and Contexts, ed. By Dragiewicz, (2015).

151

Priyanka Mishra, ‘Trafficking of Women in the Land of the Sleeping Crocodile’, in Human Trafficking: The
Stakeholders’ Perspective, ed. By Veerendra Mishra, (New Delhi: SAGE Publications, 2013).

152

World Health Organization, ‘Sexual Health, Human Rights, and the Law’, (2015).

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour101Endnotes

102

153

Choi-Fitzpatrick,What Slaveholders Think: How Contemporary Perpetrators Rationalize What They Do, (2017); UN
Office on Drugs and Crime, ‘The Role of Recruitment Fees and Abusive and Fraudulent Recruitment Practices of
Recruitment Agencies in Trafficking in Persons’, (2017).

154

Brennan, ‘Subjectivity of Coercion: Workers’ Experiences with Trafficking in the United States’, in Revisiting the
Law and Governance of Trafficking, Forced Labor and Modern Slavery, ed. By Kotiswaran (2017).

155

Abebaw, ‘Re-Conceptualizating the Operations of Trafficking in Persons in Ethiopia to Inform Policy and Practice’,in Human Trafficking and Exploitation : Lessons from Europe, ed. By Gebrewold-Tochalo, Müller, and Kostenzer(2018); Montero Bressan and Abalo, ‘Sweatshop Workers in Buenos Aires: The Political Economy of Human
Trafficking in a Peripheral Country’, in Vulnerability, Exploitation and Migrants : Insecure Work in a Globalised
Economy, ed. By Waite, et al., (2015); Grossman-Thompson, ‘Protection and Paternalism: Narratives of Nepali
Women Migrants and the Gender Politics of Discriminatory Labour Migration Policy’, Refuge, 32/3 (2016);
Nnebedum, Human Trafficking as a Quintessence of 21st Century Slavery: The Vulnerability of Nigerians inAustria, (2017).

156

Williams and others ‘Sex Trafficking, Health Care, and the Health System in Mumbai and Kolkata’, in Human
Trafficking: The Stakeholders’ Perspective, ed. By Mishra, (2013); Vijeyarasa, Sex, Slavery and the Trafficked
Woman : Myths and Misconceptions About Trafficking and Its Victims, (2015).

157

Belanger, ‘Labor Migration and Trafficking among Vietnamese Migrants in Asia’, The Annals of the American
Academy of Political and Social Science, 653, (2014).

158

Elmagboul, Dauod, and Tawaldi, ‘Exploitation and Violence against Ethiopian Female Irregular Migrant Domestic
Workers in Khartoum State’, Ahfad Journal, 34/2, (2017); Palumbo and Sciurba, ‘Vulnerability to Forced Labour
and Trafficking: The Case of Romanian Women in the Agricultural Sector in Sicily’, Anti-Trafficking Review, 5,(2015).

159

Zhang and others ‘Estimating Labor Trafficking among Unauthorized Migrant Workers in San Diego’, The Annalsof the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 653, (2014).

160

Pande, Sex Trafficking in South Asia with a Special Focus on India, (2016); Singh and Pandey, ‘Women Trafficking
in India: A Case Study of Women Sex Workers of Uttar Pradhesh’, in Human Trafficking : The Stakeholders’
Perspective, ed. By Mishra, (2013).

161

Walk Free, ‘India Country Study’, Online annex to ‘Global Slavery Index (4th Edition)’, (Walk Free, 2018).

162

Choi-Fitzpatrick, What Slaveholders Think: How Contemporary Perpetrators Rationalize What They Do, (2017).

163

Kara, Modern Slavery : A Global Perspective, (2017).

164

Grossman-Thompson, ‘Protection and Paternalism: Narratives of Nepali Women Migrants and the Gender Politics
of Discriminatory Labour Migration Policy’, Refuge, 32/3, (2016).

165

M. Shafiqur Rahman Khan, ‘Bride Trafficking within India’, in Human Trafficking: The Stakeholders’ Perspective,
ed. By Veerendra Mishra, (New Delhi: SAGE Publications, 2013).

166

Williams and others ‘Sex Trafficking, Health Care, and the Health System in Mumbai and Kolkata’, in Human
Trafficking: The Stakeholders’ Perspective, ed. By Mishra, (2013); Pande, Sex Trafficking in South Asia with aSpecial Focus on India, (2016); Perry and McEwing, ‘How Do Social Determinants Affect Human Trafficking inSoutheast Asia, and What Can We Do About It? A Systematic Review’, Health and Human Rights, 15/2, (2013).

167

Austin Choi-Fitzpatrick, ‘Letting Go: How Elites Manage Challenges to Contemporary Slavery’, in Contemporary
Slavery : Popular Rhetoric and Political Practice, ed. By Annie Bunting and Joel Quirk, (Vancouver: UBCPress,
2017).

168

Kara, Modern Slavery : A Global Perspective, (2017); Chigozie Nnebedum, Human Trafficking as a Quintessenceof 21st Century Slavery: The Vulnerability of Nigerians in Austria, (New York: Peter Lang, 2017); Pande, Sex
Trafficking in South Asia with a Special Focus on India, (2016); Keo, Human Trafficking in Cambodia, (2014).

169

Nnebedum, Human Trafficking as a Quintessence of 21st Century Slavery: The Vulnerability of Nigerians inAustria, (2017); Perry and McEwing, ‘How Do Social Determinants Affect Human Trafficking in Southeast Asia,
and What Can We Do About It? A Systematic Review’, Health and Human Rights, 15/2, (2013).

170

International Justice Mission, ‘Labour Trafficking in the Thai Fishing Industry: Prevalence and Criminal Justice
Response’, (2018).

171

Keo, Human Trafficking in Cambodia, (2014); Montero Bressan and Abalo, ‘Sweatshop Workers in Buenos Aires:
The Political Economy of Human Trafficking in a Peripheral Country’, in Vulnerability, Exploitation and Migrants :Insecure Work in a Globalised Economy, ed. by Waite, et al., (2015).

172

Genevieve LeBaron, ‘Reconceptualizing Debt Bondage: Debt as a Class-Based Form of Labour Discipline’,
Critical Sociology, 40 (2014); Tom Vickers, ‘The Contribution of UK Asylum Policy 1997-2010 to Conditions for
the Exploitation of Migrant Labour’, in Vulnerability, Exploitation and Migrants : Insecure Work in a Globalised
Economy, ed. by Louise Waite, et al., (Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015).

173

Chea, ‘Migration and Human Security of Cambodian Workers in Thailand’, in Irregular Migration and Human
Security in East Asia, ed. by Song and Cook, (2014); Yoon Jin Shin, A Transnational Human Rights Approach to
Human Trafficking : Empowering the Powerless, (Leiden ; Boston: Brill/Nijhoff, 2018).

174

Shin, A Transnational Human Rights Approach to Human Trafficking : Empowering the Powerless, (2018).

175

Round and Kuznetsova, ‘Necropolitics and the Migrant as a Political Subject of Disgust: The Precarious Everyday
of Russia’s Labour Migrants’, Critical Sociology, 42, (2016).

176

Samantha McCormack, Jacqueline Joudo Larsen, and Hana Abul Husn, The Other Migrant Crisis: Protecting
Migrant Workers against Exploitation in the Middle East and North Africa, Walk Free and International
Organization for Migration, (2015).

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

Endnotes

177

The Polaris Project, ‘The Typology of Modern Slavery: Defining Sex and Labor Trafficking in the United States’,(Polaris, 2017).

178

Christine Cooper, Olivia Hesketh, Nicola Ellis, and Adam Fair, ‘A Typology of Modern Slavery Offences in the UK:
Research Report 93’, (Home Office, 2017).

179

Frances Simmons, Brynn O’Brien, Fiona David, and Laura Beacroft, ‘Human Trafficking and Slavery Offenders inAustralia’, Trends and issues in crime and criminal justice, 464 (2013).

180

Keo, Human Trafficking in Cambodia, (2014); Choi-Fitzpatrick, ‘Letting Go: How Elites Manage Challenges toContemporary Slavery’, in Contemporary Slavery : Popular Rhetoric and Political Practice, ed. by Bunting and Quirk,(2017).

181

For example, Keo argues that judging by his own research, perpetrators are relatively rarely involved with organizedcrime. However, this may itself be a generalization, as it appears that other human trafficking networks, notably inWestern Europe, are deeply entwined with organized crime. See Leman and Janssens, Human Trafficking and Migrant
Smuggling in Southeast Europe and Russia : Learning Criminal Entrepreneurship and Traditional Culture, (2015).

182

Mehlman-Orozco, Hidden in Plain Sight : America’s Slaves of the New Millennium, (Santa Barbara: Praeger, 2017).

183

Choi-Fitzpatrick, What Slaveholders Think: How Contemporary Perpetrators Rationalize What They Do, (2017); Kara,
Modern Slavery : A Global Perspective, (2017).

184

Leman and Janssens, Human Trafficking and Migrant Smuggling in Southeast Europe and Russia : Learning Criminal
Entrepreneurship and Traditional Culture, (2015).

185

Meshkovska and others ‘Female Sex Trafficking: Conceptual Issues, Current Debates, and Future Directions’, Journalof Sex Research, 52/4, (2015).

186

UN Office on Drugs and Crime, ‘Evidential Issues in Trafficking in Persons Cases’, (2017); International Labour
Organization and Walk Free, ‘Global Estimates of Modern Slavery: Forced Labour and Forced Marriage’, (2017).

187

Rajan and Suresh, ‘Institutional Strengthening of the Offices of Labour Attaches of India in Gulf [Sic]: Field Experiencesfrom the United Arab Emirates and Qatar’, in India Migration Report 2016 : Gulf Migration, ed. by Rajan, (2017).

188

Pande, Sex Trafficking in South Asia with a Special Focus on India, (2016).

189

Kara, Modern Slavery : A Global Perspective, (2017).

190

For further information on this approach, see Paul Eckblom and Nick Tilley, ‘Going Equipped: Criminology, Situational
Crime Prevention and the Resourceful Offender’, British Journal of Criminology 40/3, (2000), 376-398. Eckblom& Tilley’s methodology is primarily oriented towards the commission and prevention of low-level crimes that are ofshort duration, particularly theft and burglary, and consequently emphasizes the denial of physical access to crime
locations. As such, their methodology has not been directly adopted, but rather adapted to reflect the different
resources available to perpetrators of modern slavery and the longer-term nature of most modern slavery offences.

191

Verité, ‘Forced Labor in the Production of Electronic Goods in Malaysia: A Comprehensive Study of
Scope and Characteristics’, (2014). Available from: https://verite.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/
VeriteForcedLaborMalaysianElectronics2014.pdf [27 April 2019].

192

Mi Zhou, ‘Fair Share? International Recruitment in the Philippines / International Labour Organization’, (Geneva:
International Labour Organization, 2017).

193

Verité, ‘Forced Labor in the Production of Electronic Goods in Malaysia: A Comprehensive Study of
Scope and Characteristics’, (2014). Available from: https://verite.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/
VeriteForcedLaborMalaysianElectronics2014.pdf [27 April 2019].

194

Hong Kong Federation of Asian Domestic Workers Unions, ‘Agents of Change’, (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Federation of
Asian Domestic Workers Unions, 2018).

195

Chea, ‘Migration and Human Security of Cambodian Workers in Thailand’, in Irregular Migration and Human Security
in East Asia, ed. by Song and Cook, (2014); UN Office on Drugs and Crime, ‘The Role of Recruitment Fees and Abusive
and Fraudulent Recruitment Practices of Recruitment Agencies in Trafficking in Persons’, (2017); UN Office on
Drugs and Crime, ‘Current Status of Victim Service Providers and Criminal Justice Actors in India on Anti-Human
Trafficking: Country Assessment 2013’, (2013); Chuang, ‘Contemporary Debt Bondage, ‘Self-Exploitation’, and theLimits of the Trafficking Definition’, in Revisiting the Law and Governance of Trafficking, Forced Labor and Modern
Slavery ed. by Kotiswaran, (2017); Anti-Slavery International, ‘Slavery in India’s Brick Kilns and the Payment System:
Way Forward in the Fight for Fair Wages, Decent Work and Eradication of Slavery’, (2017).

196

UN Office on Drugs and Crime, ‘The Role of Recruitment Fees and Abusive and Fraudulent Recruitment Practices of
Recruitment Agencies in Trafficking in Persons’, (2017).

197

Hila Shamir, ‘’The Paradox of ‘Legality’: Temporary Migrant Worker Programs and Vulnerability to Trafficking’, inRevisiting the Law and Governance of Trafficking, Forced Labor and Modern Slavery, ed. by Prabha Kotiswaran,(Cambridge, United Kingdom ; New York, NY, USA: Cambridge University Press, 2017).

198

Verité, ‘Forced Labor in the Production of Electronic Goods in Malaysia: A Comprehensive Study of
Scope and Characteristics’, (2014). Available from: https://verite.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/
VeriteForcedLaborMalaysianElectronics2014.pdf [27 April 2019].

199

International Organization for Migration, ‘Migration Research Leaders’ Syndicate: Ideas to Inform International
Cooperation on Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration’, (2017).

200

Belanger, ‘Labor Migration and Trafficking among Vietnamese Migrants in Asia’, The Annals of the American Academyof Political and Social Science, 653, (2014).

201

UN Office on Drugs and Crime, ‘The Role of Recruitment Fees and Abusive and Fraudulent Recruitment Practices of
Recruitment Agencies in Trafficking in Persons’, (2017).

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour103

Endnotes

104

202

Palumbo and Sciurba, ‘Vulnerability to Forced Labour and Trafficking: The Case of Romanian Women in the
Agricultural Sector in Sicily’, Anti-Trafficking Review, 5 (2015); Perry and McEwing, ‘How Do Social Determinants
Affect Human Trafficking in Southeast Asia, and What Can We Do About It? A Systematic Review’, Health andHuman Rights, 15 2, (2013).

203

Choi-Fitzpatrick,What Slaveholders Think: How Contemporary Perpetrators Rationalize What They Do, (2017);
Meshkovska and others ‘Female Sex Trafficking: Conceptual Issues, Current Debates, and Future Directions’,
Journal of Sex Research, 52/4 (2015); Mishra, ‘Trafficking of Women in the Land of the Sleeping Crocodile’, in
Human Trafficking : The Stakeholders’ Perspective, ed. by Mishra, (2013).

204

Verité, ‘Recruitment Practices and Migrant Labor Conditions in Nestlé’s Thai Shrimp Supply Chain: An
Examination of Forced Labor and Other Human Rights Risks Endemic to the Thai Seafood Sector’, (2015).
Available from: https://www.verite.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/NestleReport-ThaiShrimp_prepared-byVerite.pdf [27 April 2019].

205

Rajan and Suresh, ‘Institutional Strengthening of the Offices of Labour Attaches of India in Gulf [Sic]: Field
Experiences from the United Arab Emirates and Qatar’, in India Migration Report 2016 : Gulf Migration, ed. by
Rajan, (2017).

206

Verité, ‘Recruitment Practices and Migrant Labor Conditions in Nestlé’s Thai Shrimp Supply Chain: An
Examination of Forced Labor and Other Human Rights Risks Endemic to the Thai Seafood Sector’, (2015).
Available from: https://www.verite.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/NestleReport-ThaiShrimp_prepared-byVerite.pdf [27 April 2019]

207

Shin, A Transnational Human Rights Approach to Human Trafficking : Empowering the Powerless, (2018).

208

Verité, ‘Labor and Human Rights Risk Analysis of the Guatemalan Palm Oil Sector’, (2014). Available from: https://www.verite.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/RiskAnalysisGuatemalanPalmOilSector_0.pdf [27 April 2019]209

Siobhan Mullally and Cliodhna Murphy, ‘Migrant Domestic Workers in the UK: Enacting Exclusions, Exemptions
and Rights’, in Vulnerability and the Legal Organization of Work, ed. by Martha Fineman and Jonathan W. Fineman,(London ; New York: Routledge, 2018).

210

Montero Bressan and Abalo, ‘Sweatshop Workers in Buenos Aires: The Political Economy of Human Trafficking ina Peripheral Country’, in Vulnerability, Exploitation and Migrants : Insecure Work in a Globalised Economy, ed. byWaite, et al., (2015).

211

Urzi, ‘Global Citizenship: The Need for Dignity and Respect for Migrants’, in Vulnerability, Exploitation and
Migrants : Insecure Work in a Globalised Economy, ed. by Waite, et al., (2015).

212

Pande, Sex Trafficking in South Asia with a Special Focus on India, (2016).

213

Marschke and Vandergeest, ‘Slavery Scandals: Unpacking Labour Challenges and Policy Responses within the
Off-Shore Fisheries Sector’, Marine Policy, 68, (2016).

214

Kalayaan, ‘Britain’s Forgotten Slaves; Migrant Domestic Workers in the UK Three Years after the Introductionof the Tied Overseas Domestic Worker Visa’, (2015). Available from: http://www.kalayaan.org.uk/wp-content/
uploads/2014/09/Kalayaan-3-year-briefing.pdf [27 April 2019].

215

Moss, ‘Migrant Domestic Workers, the National Minimum Wage, and the ‘Family Worker’ Concept’, in Au Pairs’
Lives in Global Context : Sisters or Servants?, ed. by Cox, (2015); Kanchana, ‘Are India’s Policies Increasing theVulnerability of Its Female Migrants in the Arab Gulf Countries?’, in India Migration Report 2016 : Gulf Migration,
ed. by Rajan, (2017); Vera Pavlou, ‘Where to Look for Change? A Critique of the Use of Modern Slavery andTrafficking Frameworks in the Fight against Migrant Domestic Workers’ Vulnerability’, European Journal of Law
and Migration, 20, (2018), 83-107.

216

Siobhan Mullally and Cliodhna Murphy, ‘Migrant Domestic Workers in the UK: Enacting Exclusions, Exemptions
and Rights’, in Vulnerability and the Legal Organization of Work, ed. by Martha Fineman and Jonathan W. Fineman,(London ; New York: Routledge, 2018).

217

Minaye Abebaw, ‘Re-Conceptualizating the Operations of Trafficking in Persons in Ethiopia to Inform Policy andPractice’, in Human Trafficking and Exploitation : Lessons from Europe, ed. by Belachew Gebrewold-Tochalo,
Andreas Th Müller, and Johanna Kostenzer, (Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY: Routledge, an imprint of the Taylor& Francis Group, 2018); Judy Fudge and Kendra Strauss, ‘Migrants, Unfree Labour, and the Legal Construction ofDomestic Servitude: Migrant Domestic Workers in the UK’, in Migrants at Work : Immigration and Vulnerability inLabour Law, ed. by Cathryn Costello and M. R. Freedland (Oxford, United Kingdom: Oxford University Press, 2014);
Kalayaan, ‘Britain’s Forgotten Slaves; Migrant Domestic Workers in the UK Three Years after the Introductionof the Tied Overseas Domestic Worker Visa’, (2015). Available from: http://www.kalayaan.org.uk/wp-content/
uploads/2014/09/Kalayaan-3-year-briefing.pdf [27 April 2019].

218

Judy Fudge and Kendra Strauss, ‘Migrants, Unfree Labour, and the Legal Construction of Domestic Servitude:
Migrant Domestic Workers in the UK’, in Migrants at Work : Immigration and Vulnerability in Labour Law, ed. by
Cathryn Costello and M. R. Freedland, (Oxford, United Kingdom: Oxford University Press, 2014).

219

Hong Kong Federation of Asian Domestic Workers Unions, ‘Agents of Change’, (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Federationof Asian Domestic Workers Unions, 2018).

220

Rhacel Salazar Parrenas and Rachel Silvey, ‘The Indentured Mobility of Migrant Domestic Workers: The Caseof Dubai’, in Revisiting the Law and Governance of Trafficking, Forced Labor and Modern Slavery, ed. by Prabha
Kotiswaran, (Cambridge, United Kingdom; New York, NY, USA: Cambridge University Press, 2017); Shamir, ‘The
Paradox of ‘Legality’: Temporary Migrant Worker Programs and Vulnerability to Trafficking’, in Revisiting the
Law and Governance of Trafficking, Forced Labor and Modern Slavery, ed. by Kotiswaran, (2017); Amnesty
International, ‘The Ugly Side of the Beautiful Game: Exploitation of Migrant Workers on a Qatar 2022 World Cup
Site’, (2016).

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

Endnotes

221

S. Irudaya Rajan and Arya Suresh, ‘Institutional Strengthening of the Offices of Labour Attaches of India in Gulf [Sic]:
Field Experiences from the United Arab Emirates and Qatar’, in India Migration Report 2016 : Gulf Migration, ed. by
S. Irudaya Rajan, (Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2017); Abebaw, ‘Re-Conceptualizating the Operations of Trafficking in
Persons in Ethiopia to Inform Policy and Practice’, in Human Trafficking and Exploitation : Lessons from Europe, ed. byGebrewold-Tochalo, Müller, and Kostenzer, (2018).

222

Achilli, ‘Smuggling and Trafficking in Human Beings at the Time of the Syrian Conflict’, in Human Trafficking andExploitation : Lessons from Europe, ed. by Gebrewold-Tochalo, Müller, and Kostenzer, (2018); Maternick and Ditmore,‘Sex, Violence and the Border: Trafficking for Sex Work from Mexico to the US’, in Global Human Trafficking : Critical
Issues and Contexts, ed. by Dragiewicz, (2015); International Centre for Migration Policy Development, ‘Targeting
Vulnerabilities: The Impact of the Syrian War and Refugee Situation on Trafficking in Persons. A Study of Syria, Turkey,
Lebanon, Jordan and Iraq’, (2015).

223

Counter-Trafficking Data Collaborative, ‘Age of Victims: Children and Adults’ (n.d.). Available from: https://www.
ctdatacollaborative.org/story/age-victims-children-and-adults [21 November 2018].

224

Choi-Fitzpatrick, ‘Letting Go: How Elites Manage Challenges to Contemporary Slavery’, in Contemporary Slavery: Popular Rhetoric and Political Practice, ed. by Bunting and Quirk, (2017); Keo, Human Trafficking in Cambodia,(2014); Mishra, ‘Combating Human Trafficking: Gaps in Law Enforcement’, in Human Trafficking : The Stakeholders’
Perspective, ed. by Mishra, (2013).

225

Abebaw, ‘Re-Conceptualizating the Operations of Trafficking in Persons in Ethiopia to Inform Policy and Practice’, in
Human Trafficking and Exploitation : Lessons from Europe, ed. by Gebrewold-Tochalo, Müller, and Kostenzer, (2018).

226

Eneze Modupe-Oluwa Baye and Silke Heumann, ‘Migration, Sex Work and Exploitative Labor Conditions: Experiencesof Nigerian Women in the Sex Industry in Turin, Italy, and Counter-Trafficking Measures’, Gender, Technology &Development, 18/1, (2014).

227

Tyldum, ‘Dependence and Human Trafficking in the Context of Transnational Marriage’, International Migration, 51/4,(2013).

228

Leman and Janssens, Human Trafficking and Migrant Smuggling in Southeast Europe and Russia : Learning Criminal
Entrepreneurship and Traditional Culture, (2015); UNHCR, ‘Children on the Run’, (2014).

229

Choi-Fitzpatrick, What Slaveholders Think: How Contemporary Perpetrators Rationalize What They Do, (2017).

230

Choi-Fitzpatrick, What Slaveholders Think: How Contemporary Perpetrators Rationalize What They Do, (2017); AntiSlavery International, ‘Slavery in India’s Brick Kilns and the Payment System: Way Forward in the Fight for Fair Wages,
Decent Work and Eradication of Slavery’, (2017).

231

Marschke and Vandergeest, ‘Slavery Scandals: Unpacking Labour Challenges and Policy Responses within the OffShore Fisheries Sector’, Marine Policy, 68, (2016).

232

Fudge and Strauss, ‘Migrants, Unfree Labour, and the Legal Construction of Domestic Servitude: Migrant Domestic
Workers in the UK’, in Migrants at Work : Immigration and Vulnerability in Labour Law, ed. by Costello and Freedland,(2014).

233

Pande, Sex Trafficking in South Asia with a Special Focus on India, (2016).

234

Newell, Gomez, and Guajardo, ‘Information Seeking, Technology Use, and Vulnerability among Migrants at the UnitedStates–Mexico Border’, Information Society, 32/3, (2016).

235

Walk Free, ‘Global Slavery Index (4th Edition)’, (Walk Free, 2018).

236

Walk Free, ‘Global Slavery Index (4th Edition)’, (Walk Free, 2018).

237

Walk Free, ‘Global Slavery Index (4th Edition)’, (Walk Free, 2018).

238

Walk Free, ‘Global Slavery Index (4th Edition)’, (Walk Free, 2018).

239

Samantha McCormack, Jacqueline Joudo Larsen, and Hana Abul Husn, The Other Migrant Crisis: Protecting MigrantWorkers against Exploitation in the Middle East and North Africa, Walk Free and International Organization for
Migration, 2015.

240

Lene Lovdal, ‘Au Pairs in Norway: Experiences from an Outreach Project’, in Au Pairs’ Lives in Global Context :Sisters or Servants?, ed. by Rosie Cox, (Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire ; New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015);
Aoife Smith, ‘Part of the Family? Experiences of Au Pairs in Ireland’, in Au Pairs’ Lives in Global Context : Sisters or
Servants?, ed. by Rosie Cox, (Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire ; New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015); Michelle
Buckley and others, ‘Migrant Work & Employment in the Construction Sector’, (2016).

241

Keo, Human Trafficking in Cambodia, (2014).

242

Pande, Sex Trafficking in South Asia with a Special Focus on India, (2016); Anti-Slavery International, ‘Slavery inIndia’s Brick Kilns and the Payment System: Way Forward in the Fight for Fair Wages, Decent Work and Eradication of
Slavery’, (2017).

243

Lewis and Waite, ‘Asylum, Immigration Restrictions and Exploitation: Hyper-Precarity as a Lens for Understanding andTackling Forced Labour’, Anti-Trafficking Review, 5, (2015).

244

Shamir, ‘The Paradox of ‘Legality’: Temporary Migrant Worker Programs and Vulnerability to Trafficking’, in Revisiting
the Law and Governance of Trafficking, Forced Labor and Modern Slavery, ed. by Kotiswaran, (2017).

245

UNICEF, ‘A child is a child: Protecting children on the move from violence, abuse and exploitation’, (2017). Available
from: https://www.unicef.org/publications/files/UNICEF_A_child_is_a_child_May_2017_EN.pdf [21 November 2018].

246

UNICEF, ‘Beyond Borders: How to Make the Global Compacts on Migration and Refugees Work for Uprooted Children’,(UNICEF, New York: 2017).

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour105

Endnotes

106

247

UNICEF, ‘Beyond Borders: How to Make the Global Compacts on Migration and Refugees Work for Uprooted
Children’, (UNICEF, New York: 2017).

248

Hannah Lewis and Louise Waite, ‘Asylum, Immigration Restrictions and Exploitation: Hyper-Precarity as a Lens for
Understanding and Tackling Forced Labour’, Anti-Trafficking Review, 5, (2015).

249

Nnebedum, Human Trafficking as a Quintessence of 21st Century Slavery: The Vulnerability of Nigerians inAustria, (2017); Sanchez, Human Smuggling and Border Crossings, (2014).

250

Walk Free, ‘Global Slavery Index (4th Edition)’, (Walk Free, 2018).

251

Chea, ‘Migration and Human Security of Cambodian Workers in Thailand’, in Irregular Migration and Human
Security in East Asia, ed. by Song and Cook, (2014).

252

Reisen and Estefanos, ‘Human Trafficking Connecting to Terrorism and Organ Trafficking: Libya and Egypt’, in
Human Trafficking and Trauma in the Digital Era : The Ongoing Tragedy of the Trade in Refugees from Eritrea, ed.
by Reisen and Mawere, (2017).

253

Digidiki and Bhabha, ‘Sexual Abuse and Exploitation of Unaccompanied Migrant Children in Greece: Identifying
Risk Factors and Gaps in Services During the European Migration Crisis’, Children and Youth Services Review, 92,(2018).

254

Verité, ‘Labor and Human Rights Risk Analysis of Ecuador’s Palm Oil Sector’, (2016). Available from: https://www.
verite.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/Risk-Analysis-of-Ecuador-Palm-Oil-Sector-Final.pdf [27 April 2019].

255

Grossman-Thompson, ‘Protection and Paternalism: Narratives of Nepali Women Migrants and the Gender Politics
of Discriminatory Labour Migration Policy’, Refuge, 32/3, (2016).

256

Chea, ‘Migration and Human Security of Cambodian Workers in Thailand’, in Irregular Migration and Human
Security in East Asia, ed. by Song and Cook, (2014).

257

The Polaris Project, ‘The Typology of Modern Slavery: Defining Sex and Labor Trafficking in the United States’,(Polaris, 2017).

258

Kalayaan, ‘Britain’s Forgotten Slaves; Migrant Domestic Workers in the UK Three Years after the Introductionof the Tied Overseas Domestic Worker Visa’, (2015). Available from: http://www.kalayaan.org.uk/wp-content/
uploads/2014/09/Kalayaan-3-year-briefing.pdf [27 April 2019].

259

Hong Kong Federation of Asian Domestic Workers Unions, ‘Agents of Change’, (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Federationof Asian Domestic Workers Unions, 2018).

260

Hila Shamir, ‘The Paradox of ‘Legality’: Temporary Migrant Worker Programs and Vulnerability to Trafficking’, inRevisiting the Law and Governance of Trafficking, Forced Labor and Modern Slavery ed. by Prabha Kotiswaran,(Cambridge, United Kingdom ; New York, NY, USA: Cambridge University Press, 2017).

261

Shamir, ‘The Paradox of ‘Legality’: Temporary Migrant Worker Programs and Vulnerability to Trafficking’, inRevisiting the Law and Governance of Trafficking, Forced Labor and Modern Slavery ed. by Kotiswaran, (2017).

262

Kara, Modern Slavery : A Global Perspective, (2017); Marschke and Vandergeest, ‘Slavery Scandals: Unpacking
Labour Challenges and Policy Responses within the Off-Shore Fisheries Sector’, Marine Policy, 68, (2016).

263

Human Rights Watch, ‘Hidden Chains: Rights Abuses and Forced Labour in Thailand’s Fishing Industry’, (2018).

264

Moss, ‘Migrant Domestic Workers, the National Minimum Wage, and the ‘Family Worker’ Concept’, in Au Pairs’
Lives in Global Context : Sisters or Servants?, ed. by Cox, (2015).

265

Lijnders and Robinson, ‘From the Horn of Africa to the Middle East: Human Trafficking of Eritreans acrossBorders’, Anti-Trafficking Review, 2, (2013).

266

Achilli, ‘Smuggling and Trafficking in Human Beings at the Time of the Syrian Conflict’, in Human Trafficking andExploitation : Lessons from Europe, ed. by Gebrewold-Tochalo, Müller, and Kostenzer, (2018).

267

Anti-Slavery International, ‘Trafficking for Forced Criminal Activities and Begging in Europe: Exploratory Studyand Good Practice Examples’, (2014).

268

Montero Bressan and Abalo, ‘Sweatshop Workers in Buenos Aires: The Political Economy of Human Trafficking ina Peripheral Country’, in Vulnerability, Exploitation and Migrants : Insecure Work in a Globalised Economy, ed. byWaite, et al., (2015).

269

Lucia Pradella and Rossana Cillo, ‘Labour, Exploitation and Migration in Western Europe: An International
Political Economy Perspective’, in Vulnerability, Exploitation and Migrants, ed. by Craig G., Waite L., Lewis H., andSkrivankova K., (Palgrave Macmillan, London: Springer, 2015); Alejandro Goldberg, ‘Trayectorias Migratorias,
Itinerarios De Salud Y Experiencias De Participación Política De Mujeres Migrantes Bolivianas Que Trabajaron
Y Vivieron En Talleres Textiles Clandestinos Del Área Metropolitana De Buenos Aires, Argentina’, Anuario
Americanista Europeo, 11, (2013).; Global Alliance Against Trafficking in Women, ‘Sex Workers Organizing for
Change: Self-Representation, Community Organization and Working Conditions’, (2018); Marks and Olsen, ‘The
Role of Trade Unions in Reducing Migrant Workers’ Vulnerability to Forced Labour and Human Trafficking in the
Greater Mekong Subregion’, Anti-Trafficking Review, 5, (2015).

270

Virginia Mantouvalou, ‘Organizing against Abuse and Exclusion: The Associational Rights of Undocumented
Workers’, in Migrants at Work : Immigration and Vulnerability in Labour Law, ed. by Cathryn Costello and M. R.
Freedland, (Oxford, United Kingdom: Oxford University Press, 2014); Marks and Olsen, ‘The Role of Trade Unions
in Reducing Migrant Workers’ Vulnerability to Forced Labour and Human Trafficking in the Greater Mekong
Subregion’, Anti-Trafficking Review, 5, (2015); Shamir, ‘The Paradox of ‘Legality’: Temporary Migrant Worker
Programs and Vulnerability to Trafficking’, in Revisiting the Law and Governance of Trafficking, Forced Labor andModern Slavery, ed. by Kotiswaran, (2017).

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

Endnotes

271

Marks and Olsen, ‘The Role of Trade Unions in Reducing Migrant Workers’ Vulnerability to Forced Labour and Human
Trafficking in the Greater Mekong Subregion’, Anti-Trafficking Review, 5, (2015); Mantouvalou, ‘Organizing against
Abuse and Exclusion: The Associational Rights of Undocumented Workers’, in Migrants at Work : Immigration and
Vulnerability in Labour Law, ed. by Costello and Freedland, (2014).

272

Verité, ‘Forced Labor in the Production of Electronic Goods in Malaysia: A Comprehensive Study of
Scope and Characteristics’, (2014). Available from: https://verite.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/
VeriteForcedLaborMalaysianElectronics2014.pdf [27 April 2019].

273

Lucia Pradella and Rossana Cillo, ‘Labour, Exploitation and Migration in Western Europe: An International Political
Economy Perspective’, in Vulnerability, Exploitation and Migrants, ed. by Craig G., Waite L., Lewis H., Skrivankova K.,(Palgrave Macmillan, London: Springer, 2015); Marks and Olsen, ‘The Role of Trade Unions in Reducing Migrant Workers’
Vulnerability to Forced Labour and Human Trafficking in the Greater Mekong Subregion’, Anti-Trafficking Review, 5,(2015); Shamir, ‘’The Paradox of ‘Legality’’: Temporary Migrant Worker Programs and Vulnerability to Trafficking’, inRevisiting the Law and Governance of Trafficking, Forced Labor and Modern Slavery, ed. by Kotiswaran, (2017); Michelle
Buckley and others, ‘Migrant Work & Employment in the Construction Sector’, (2016); Mantouvalou, ‘Organizing against
Abuse and Exclusion: The Associational Rights of Undocumented Workers’, in Migrants at Work : Immigration and
Vulnerability in Labour Law, ed. by Costello and Freedland, (2014); Farsight, ‘Modern Slavery in East Asia: Protecting theRights and Promoting the Autonomy of Domestic Workers from Indonesia and the Philippines’, (2016).

274

Alejandro Goldberg, ‘Trayectorias Migratorias, Itinerarios De Salud Y Experiencias De Participación Política De
Mujeres Migrantes Bolivianas Que Trabajaron Y Vivieron En Talleres Textiles Clandestinos Del Área Metropolitana De
Buenos Aires, Argentina’, Anuario Americanista Europeo, 11, 2013); Global Alliance Against Trafficking in Women, ‘Sex
Workers Organizing for Change: Self-Representation, Community Organization and Working Conditions’, (2018).

275

Reisen, Estefanos, and Reim, ‘Human Trafficking in the Sinai: Mapping the Routes and Facilitators’, in Human
Trafficking and Trauma in the Digital Era : The Ongoing Tragedy of the Trade in Refugees from Eritrea, ed. by Reisen
and Mawere, (2017); Remco E Breuker and Imke V Gardingen, ‘Pervasive, Punitive, and Predetermined: Understanding
Modern Slavery in North Korea’, (Walk Free 2017).

276

Tricia R. Hepner and Samia Tecle, ‘New Refugees, Development-Forced Displacement, and Transnational Governancein Eritrea and Exile’, Urban Anthropology and Studies of Cultural Systems and World Economic Development, 3/4, (2013).

277

Lijnders and Robinson, ‘From the Horn of Africa to the Middle East: Human Trafficking of Eritreans across Borders’,
Anti-Trafficking Review, 2, (2013).

278

D’Orsi, c, ‘Eritrea has slashed conscription. Will it stem the flow of refugees?’, The Conversation, (2018). Available
from: https://theconversation.com/eritrea-has-slashed-conscription-will-it-stem-the-flow-of-refugees-100549 [22November 2018].

279

Remco E Breuker and Imke V Gardingen, ‘Pervasive, Punitive, and Predetermined: Understanding Modern Slavery inNorth Korea’, (Walk Free, 2017); Walk Free, ‘Global Slavery Index (4th Edition)’, (Walk Free, 2018).

280

Montero Bressan and Abalo, ‘Sweatshop Workers in Buenos Aires: The Political Economy of Human Trafficking in a
Peripheral Country’, in Vulnerability, Exploitation and Migrants : Insecure Work in a Globalised Economy, ed. by Waite,
et al., (2015).

281

Mishra, ‘Trafficking of Women in the Land of the Sleeping Crocodile’, in Human Trafficking : The Stakeholders’
Perspective, ed. by Mishra, (2013).

282

United Nations University, ‘Cradled by Conflict: Child Involvement with Armed Groups in Contemporary Conflict’, ed.
by Siobhan O’Neil and Kato van Broeckhoven (New York: United Nations University, 2018).

283

Verité, ‘Labor and Human Rights Risk Analysis of the Guatemalan Palm Oil Sector’, (2014). Available from: https://www.verite.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/RiskAnalysisGuatemalanPalmOilSector_0.pdf [27 April 2019].

284

Klaffenboeck, Todorova, and Macchiavello, ‘Protecting Populations at Risk of Human Trafficking and Exploitation in
Crisis Situations. Case Studies of Post-Earthquake Nepal and the Western Balkans in Light of the EU/Mediterranean
Migration Crisis’, in Human Trafficking and Exploitation : Lessons from Europe, ed. by Gebrewold-Tochalo, Müller, andKostenzer, (2018).

285

Verité, and The Freedom Fund, ‘An Exploratory Study on the Role of Corruption in International Labor Migration’,(2016). Available from: https://www.verite.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/Verite-Report-Intl-Labour-Recruitment.
pdf [27 April 2019].

286

Mi Zhou, ‘Fair Share? International Recruitment in the Philippines / International Labour Organization’, (Geneva:
International Labour Organization, 2017).

287

Verité, ‘Labor and Human Rights Risk Analysis of the Guatemalan Palm Oil Sector’, (2014). Available from: https://www.verite.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/RiskAnalysisGuatemalanPalmOilSector_0.pdf [27 April 2019].

288

Abebaw, ‘Re-Conceptualizating the Operations of Trafficking in Persons in Ethiopia to Inform Policy and Practice’,in Human Trafficking and Exploitation : Lessons from Europe, ed. by Gebrewold-Tochalo, Müller, and Kostenzer,(2018); Reisen, Estefanos, and Reim, ‘Human Trafficking in the Sinai: Mapping the Routes and Facilitators’, in Human
Trafficking and Trauma in the Digital Era : The Ongoing Tragedy of the Trade in Refugees from Eritrea, ed. by Reisen
and Mawere, (2017); Leman and Janssens, Human Trafficking and Migrant Smuggling in Southeast Europe and Russia: Learning Criminal Entrepreneurship and Traditional Culture, (2015).

289

UN Office on Drugs and Crime, ‘Evidential Issues in Trafficking in Persons Cases’, (2017); Marie Segrave, Sanja
Milivojevic, and Sharon Pickering, Sex Trafficking and Modern Slavery : The Absence of Evidence, Second edition,(London: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2018).

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour107

Endnotes

108

290

International Organization for Migration, ‘Data and Research on Human Trafficking: A Global Survey Offprintof the Special Issue of International Migration Vol. 43 (1/2), (2005); International Centre for Migration Policy
Development, ‘Trafficking Along Migration Routes to Europe: Bridging the Gap between Migration, Asylum andAnti-Trafficking’, (2018).

291

Nnebedum, Human Trafficking as a Quintessence of 21st Century Slavery: The Vulnerability of Nigerians inAustria, (2017).

292

Global Alliance Against Trafficking in Women, ‘Sex Workers Organizing for Change: Self-Representation,
Community Organization and Working Conditions’, (2018); Brennan, ‘Subjectivity of Coercion: Workers’
Experiences with Trafficking in the United States’, in Revisiting the Law and Governance of Trafficking, Forced
Labor and Modern Slavery, ed. by Kotiswaran, (2017); Keo, Human Trafficking in Cambodia, (2014).

293

Meshkovska and others ‘Female Sex Trafficking: Conceptual Issues, Current Debates, and Future Directions’,
Journal of Sex Research, 52/4, (2015).

294

Global Alliance Against Trafficking in Women, ‘Sex Workers Organizing for Change: Self-Representation,
Community Organization and Working Conditions’, (2018).

295

Vijeyarasa, Sex, Slavery and the Trafficked Woman : Myths and Misconceptions About Trafficking and Its Victims,(2015); Marks and Olsen, ‘The Role of Trade Unions in Reducing Migrant Workers’ Vulnerability to Forced Labourand Human Trafficking in the Greater Mekong Subregion’, Anti-Trafficking Review, 5, 2015); Zhang and others‘Estimating Labor Trafficking among Unauthorized Migrant Workers in San Diego’, The Annals of the American
Academy of Political and Social Science, 653, (2014).

296

Jenny Pennington, and Brhmie Balaram, ‘Homecoming: Return and Reintegration of Irregular Migrants from
Nigeria’, (London: Institute for Public Policy Research, 2013).

297

Rana M. Jaleel, ‘The Wages of Human Trafficking’, in Vulnerability and the Legal Organization of Work, ed. byMartha Fineman and Jonathan W. Fineman, (London ; New York: Routledge, 2018); Lewis and Waite, ‘Asylum,
Immigration Restrictions and Exploitation: Hyper-Precarity as a Lens for Understanding and Tackling Forced
Labour’, Anti-Trafficking Review, 5, (2015); Marschke and Vandergeest, ‘Slavery Scandals: Unpacking Labour
Challenges and Policy Responses within the Off-Shore Fisheries Sector’, Marine Policy, 68, 2016).

298

Rana M. Jaleel, ‘The Wages of Human Trafficking’, in Vulnerability and the Legal Organization of Work, ed. byMartha Fineman and Jonathan W. Fineman, (London ; New York: Routledge, 2018); Lewis and Waite, ‘Asylum,
Immigration Restrictions and Exploitation: Hyper-Precarity as a Lens for Understanding and Tackling Forced
Labour’, Anti-Trafficking Review, 5, (2015); Marschke and Vandergeest, ‘Slavery Scandals: Unpacking Labour
Challenges and Policy Responses within the Off-Shore Fisheries Sector’, Marine Policy, 68, (2016).

299

Vijeyarasa, Sex, Slavery and the Trafficked Woman : Myths and Misconceptions About Trafficking and Its Victims,(2015).

300

Eneze Modupe-Oluwa Baye and Silke Heumann, ‘Migration, Sex Work and Exploitative Labor Conditions:
Experiences of Nigerian Women in the Sex Industry in Turin, Italy, and Counter-Trafficking Measures’, Gender,
Technology & Development, 18/1, (2014); Urzi, ‘Global Citizenship: The Need for Dignity and Respect for Migrants’,in Vulnerability, Exploitation and Migrants : Insecure Work in a Globalised Economy, ed. by Waite, et al., (2015).

301

Meshkovska and others ‘Female Sex Trafficking: Conceptual Issues, Current Debates, and Future Directions’,
Journal of Sex Research, 52/4, (2015); UN Office on Drugs and Crime, ‘Current Status of Victim Service Providers
and Criminal Justice Actors in India on Anti-Human Trafficking: Country Assessment 2013’, (2013).

302

International Organization for Migration, ‘Impact of Livelihood Recovery Initiatives on Reducing Vulnerability to
Human Trafficking and Illegal Recruitment: Lessons from Typhoon Haiyan’, (2015).

303

Walk Free, ‘Global Slavery Index (4th Edition)’, (Walk Free, 2018).

304

Segrave, Milivojevic, and Pickering, Sex Trafficking and Modern Slavery : The Absence of Evidence, (2018).

305

Marschke and Vandergeest, ‘Slavery Scandals: Unpacking Labour Challenges and Policy Responses within the
Off-Shore Fisheries Sector’, Marine Policy, 68, (2016).

306

Samantha McCormack, Jacqueline Joudo Larsen, and Hana Abul Husn, The Other Migrant Crisis: Protecting
Migrant Workers against Exploitation in the Middle East and North Africa, Walk Free and International
Organization for Migration, 2015.

Migrants and their vulnerability to human trafficking, modern slavery and forced labour

Garment factories thatprimarily employ migrants
work in coordination withrecruiters to hold workers in defacto debt bondage, creatinga high-risk site of vulnerability
for migrant workers. Credit:
NoSystem images

MINDEROO.COM.AU/WALK-FREE
IOM.INT