THE POTENTIAL OF ICTs TO COMBATLAND CORRUPTION IN UGANDA:
A GENDERED APPROACH
PREPARED BY:
Priyal Bhatt • Jocelyn Chu • Ximena Mata • Yasuko Nakajima • Alexander Ro • Marleen SchreierACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The SIPA workshop team would like to thank the numerous individuals who contributed to thisconsultancy.
We are indebted to Transparency International for providing the opportunity to contribute to their Women,Land, and Corruption in Africa (WLCA) project. Specifically, we would like to extend our gratitude to Ms.
Annette Jaitner, Transparency International Secretariat, and Mr. Gerald Padde Auku, Transparency
International Uganda. We are extremely grateful for your guidance and encouragement throughout thisproject. We would also like to thank:
Mr. Peter Wandera, Transparency International Uganda, Kampala Office
Ms. Betty Etim, Transparency International Uganda, Lira Office
Ms. Phiona Ongora, Transparency International Uganda, Lira Office
Mr. Moses Ojok, Transparency International Uganda, Lira Office
Professor Eugenia McGill, Columbia University School of International and Public Affairs
Ms. Ilona Vinklerova, Columbia University School of International and Public Affairs
Our report has significantly benefited from the inspiration, direction, and enthusiasm from Professor Kristy
Kelly. We are thankful for the time and energy you dedicated to the success of our work.
We deeply appreciate the many government officials, civil society leaders, and businessmen and women
who graciously shared their knowledge, time, and experiences with us.
Finally, we are beholden to the countless men and women in Uganda who so openly shared with us theirthoughts and stories. This report is our modest contribution to the incredible fight against corruption led byTransparency International.
The findings and opinions expressed in this report are the authors’ and do not necessarily reflect those of
Transparency International. Any errors and omissions should thus be attributed to the consulting team.

iTABLE OF CONTENTSGLOSSARY OF TERMS ................................................................................................................ iii
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ................................................................................................................ iv
INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................. 1
LITERATURE REVIEW ................................................................................................................... 3
Ugandan Context Overview ......................................................................................................... 3
Land in Uganda ........................................................................................................................... 5
Corruption .................................................................................................................................... 7
Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs)................................................................ 10
METHODOLOGY .......................................................................................................................... 15
FINDINGS ..................................................................................................................................... 18
It’s All in the Family .................................................................................................................... 18
Show Me Your Papers ............................................................................................................... 20‘Til Death Do Us Part ................................................................................................................. 23
Objection! I’ll Allow It .................................................................................................................. 27
Can You Hear Me Now? ............................................................................................................ 29
In Summary ............................................................................................................................... 32
RECOMMENDATIONS ................................................................................................................. 34
Category I: Strengthening Advocacy .......................................................................................... 34
Category II: Education and Awareness ...................................................................................... 35
Category III: Building Networks and Capacity at TI .................................................................... 39
Overcoming Challenges............................................................................................................. 40
CONCLUSION .............................................................................................................................. 42
BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................................................................................................... 44
APPENDICES .............................................................................................................................. 55

ii

GLOSSARY OF TERMS
ALC

Area Land Committee

AU Convention

African Union Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption

CCO

Certificate of Customary Ownership

CPI

Corruption Perception Index

EABI

East African Bribery Index

FAO

Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations

FG

Focus Group

FIDA

Uganda Association of Women Lawyers

ICTs

Information and Communication Technologies

IG

Inspectorate of Government

IJM

International Justice Mission

IRB

Institutional Review Board

LC

Local Council

LIS

Land Information System

MZO

Ministerial Zonal Offices

RDC

Resident District Commissioner

SIPA

School of International and Public Affairs

TI

Transparency International

TI-Secretariat

Transparency International Secretariat

TI-Uganda

Transparency International Uganda

UNCAC

United Nations Convention against Corruption

UNDP

United Nations Development Programme

USAID

United States Agency for International Development

WLCA

Women, Land and Corruption in Africaiii

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Ugandans’ past, present, and future are tied to land--thetrees bearing fruit today were planted by their ancestors
and ensure their children’s futures. Land and access toland is thus a priceless resource, without which
Ugandans may lose their family's heritage and way of life.
Owning and having access to and management over landis consequently connected with wealth, power, andsecurity; indeed, the prevalence of corruption in the land
sector reflects this significance. Unfortunately, every
second client of land administration services has been
affected by corruption in Africa (Jaitner, Caldeira, andKoynova 2017); for women, this has disproportionate repercussions. Women do not traditionally inherit or own
land, and as a result, are reliant on husbands and fathers for access. Yet when land is scarce, it becomeseasier to disregard women’s needs, leaving those like widows especially vulnerable to land grabbing andcorruption. Transparency International’s Women, Land, and Corruption in Africa (WLAC) program aims toaddress these issues through combatting land corruption in order to improve livelihoods.
The following report is the final deliverable of a consultancy between Columbia University’s School ofInternational and Public Affairs (SIPA) and Transparency International (TI). It contributes to the current bodyof understanding on the intersectionality of gender, corruption, and land. It further analyzes the gendered
aspects of and potential for information and communication technologies (ICTs) to be used as tools to help
combat land corruption.
For the purpose of this report, the consultants conducted research and literature reviews. The team performedinterviews, focus groups, and participant observations in Central and Northern Uganda over the course of fieldvisits in January and March of 2017. The consultants examined 1) how gender, land, and corruption intersect
and affect men and women’s lived experiences differently and 2) how can ICTs be better mobilized to support
anti-corruption efforts in the land sector and empower women to counter land corruption in Uganda.
Based on this research, the team found the following four overarching conclusions: 1) the land administration
is extremely complicated and opaque, which has led to widespread and entrenched corrupt practices; 2)
institutional deficiencies exacerbate the effects of corruption in the land sector on women, especially those inpoverty; 3) the judicial system, integral to resolving land disputes, is severely impeded; and 4) there is a large
rural/urban, gender, and socioeconomic divide in access to and capabilities of ICTs. It is therefore
recommended that TI strengthen advocacy efforts directed at all levels of government, sensitize communities
on land rights and gender, and build networks and capacities at its Ugandan national chapter.

iv

Columbia University & Transparency International

2016). Currently, TI-Uganda works in collaboration

1

with civil society and other NGOs to improvetransparency and accountability in the Ugandan
government and in the private sector.

INTRODUCTION

TI-Uganda has also joined the efforts of the African

Client Introduction

Department of the TI-Secretariat in their regional

Transparency International (TI) is an international
non-governmental organization working to fightcorruption

andpromoteaccountability aroundtransparency

andthe world. TI defines

corruption as “the abuse of entrusted power for
private gain,” and transparency as “shedding lighton shady deals (...) and other illicit practices” thatthreatengovernanceandaffect(Transparency International 2016c).

society
Since its

creation in 1993, TI has expanded to more than
100 national chapters, headed by an internationalsecretariat (TI-Secretariat) in Berlin. Together,
these national branches pressure governments

programs. Realizing citizens’ potential as a key
stakeholder in fighting corruption, TI-Secretariat
implemented a regional strategy in Africa toengage citizens in TI’s anti-corruption effort in2012. More recently, the TI Africa Department
launched the Land and Corruption program in
Africa, which aims to improve the livelihoods ofmen and women affected by corrupt practices ofland administrations (Transparency International
2017b). This program seeks to ensure equitable
access to land, inform citizens on their land rights,
and provide them with tools to document, report,
and combat land corruption.

and other influential groups to combat corruption.
As it became evident that women tend to be
Famous for its Corruption Perception Index (CPI)
first published in 1995, TI has launched several
other global and regional initiatives to spreadawareness of corruption and mitigate it around theworld. TI receives funding from donors such as
government agencies, multilateral institutions,foundations, private corporations, and individuals(Transparency International 2016b). Additionally,
TI is comprised of a board of directors, an advisorycommittee, individual members, and volunteers tofight towards a world free of corruption.

disproportionately affected by land corruption, TI
initiated the project Women, Land and Corruptionin Africa (WLCA) to understand the effects ofcorruption on women’s land rights (Ghana Integrity
Initiative 2017). In 2014, TI-Secretariat engaged
with its national chapters in Africa to start researchon this matter, supplemented by consultants from
Columbia University's School of International andPublic Affairs (SIPA). SIPA consultant teams inprevious years were involved in the research anddevelopment of case studies in Ghana, Zimbabwe,
and Niger that added to the available body ofTransparency International Uganda (TI-Uganda) is
the national chapter of TI in Uganda. Created in
1993, and officially accredited as a national chapter
in 1996, TI-Uganda has contributed to the goal ofbuilding a society free of corruption by promoting
anti-corruption reform in the country, increasing
public awareness, and empowering citizens toknowledge in academia on the intersection of
women, corruption, and land rights. This year’s
team

continued

these

effortsin

Uganda,performing research on women, corruption, andland rights, and analyzing the potential of
information

andcommunication

technologies(ICTs) to combat land corruption.

combat it (Transparency International Uganda
The Potential of ICTs to Combat Land Corruption in Uganda – A Gendered Approach1

Project Introduction
The objective of this project is to study the link
between corruption and its disproportionate effects
on men and women due to distinct gender normsof access, use, and control of land; to analyze
whether and how ICTs can empower women tocounteract land corruption; to overcome interlinked social challenges and inequalities; toincrease women’s control over the land they use;
and to further TI’s understanding of the intersection
between corruption, gender, land management,
and ICTs.
Specifically, the following questions will serve as a
guide for the consultancy:

1. How do gender, land, and corruption intersect
and affect men and women’s lived experiences
differently in Uganda?
2. How can ICTs be better mobilized to support
anti-corruption efforts in land and to empower
women to counter land corruption in Uganda?

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Columbia University & Transparency International

system. Buganda is the largest kingdom in the2south-central region of the country and home to
Uganda’s capital city, Kampala (Otiso 2016: 124850). Customary norms, laws, and traditions

LITERATURE REVIEW

continue to play an important role in Uganda andare upheld by the kings, chiefs, clan leaders, andIn undertaking this literature review, the teamelders of a community. Furthermore, Uganda isfocused on the intersectionality between the topics

divided into four regions – Central, Northern,

at hand. The following section examines the landWestern, and Eastern – which are in turn divided

sector, corruption, and technology with a gendered

into 111 districts and the city of Kampala (Uganda

lens.

Bureau of Statistics 2014: 1). These districts, also
known as Local Council Five (LC V), are organizedagain in smaller units--the county (LC IV), followed

Ugandan Context Overview
Uganda is a low-income country located in the
Great Lakes region in East Africa (The World Bank
Group 2017). With a population of 39 million, it is
the second most populated landlocked country in
the world, and its particularly young population is
growing rapidly above the regional average at 3.3%
(The World Bank Group 2016b). Ugandans arecomprised of more than 50 ethnic groups, of whichnine have a population of higher than one million.
Ugandans also speak a multitude of local
languages besides the commonly spoken English,
Luganda,andSwahili(Otiso2016:

by the sub-county level (LC III), and then the parish(LC II). The (LC I) sits at the lowest politicaladministrative level, the village. At each of theselevels, there is a Local Council (LC) committee andchairman that represent the interests of theirconstituencies (Kavuma 2009) (see Appendix I).

UgandaLand: 241,038 square kilometers
Geographic division: four regions, 111 districts,
and one capital city1248).

Approximately 73% of the population above theage of 15 can read and write (The World Bank
Group 2015a); the literacy rate for men is around
81%, while the literacy rate for women is a little over
66% (ibid).

Uganda is a unitary republic with a president as the

Population: 34.6 million
Women: 51%
Men: 49%

head of the state and government and a legislaturecomprised of 386 members of parliament. The

Source: Uganda Bureau of Statistics 2014

judicial system is based on English common law
and the Ugandan Constitution from 1995 (The
Economist Intelligence Unit 2017: 17). The country
is also home to six traditional subnational
kingdoms, Buganda, Bunyoro-Kitara, Busoga,
Toro, Ankole, and Acholi, all of which have limited
influence and function within the modern political

The judicial system in Uganda is similarly stratified.
One has to navigate not only the many levels ofjurisprudence in the country, but also the informal
procedures of administering justice by customary
structures. On the local level, Ugandans pursue
litigation at local tribunals or Local Council Courts

The Potential of ICTs to Combat Land Corruption in Uganda – A Gendered Approach3

that implement customary norms and try to resolve

decade with the end of conflict in Northern Uganda

disputes through mediation. As the majority of thethat its GDP has grown steadily and is forecasted

population lives in rural settings, access to theseto grow at an annual average rate of 5.1% (Thecourts at the village (LC I), parish (LC II), and sub-Economist Intelligence Unit 2017: 7). Increased

county (LC III) level is crucial, which is why there

growth has contributed significantly to poverty

are approximately 56,000 of them countrywide.

reduction in the country, yet inequality continues toWithin the formal judicial structures, the courts

remain high (The World Bank Group 2016b). Public

responsible for resolving land disputes are theinfrastructure investments and the expanding oil

Magistrate Courts at the district level. Magistrate's

industry are expected to drive future growth (The

Courts are the lowest subordinate courts in the

Economist Intelligence Unit: 7). Furthermore, land

judicial system whose decisions are subject toplays a significant role in Uganda. Agriculture is thereview by the High Court. Currently, the country ismain driver for reducing poverty—which has been

divided in 38 Chief Magisterial Areas that provide

halved since 1995–and accounts for more thanservice to the 111 districts. The High Court is

70% of the national labor force (Uganda Bureau of

followed by the Court of Appeal and at the very top

Statistics 2014: 5; The World Bank Group 2014a).

sits the Supreme Court, headed by the chief justice

Additionally, about 80% of the country’s GDP is tied

(Adonyo 2012) (see Appendix II).

to agriculture and the land (Okuku 2016: 3). Almost
two-thirds of the working population are involved in

Institutional structures and current issues are

subsistence farming, and about three-quarters ofsignificantly shaped by Uganda’s history. The

households own land in some form (Uganda

country was under British administration until its

Bureau of Statistics 2014: 28, The World Bank

independence in 1962, and in the subsequent two

Group 2016b: 32). Land serves to generate capital,

decades Uganda saw recurring conflict andprovide resources, and represents critical assets

frequent political change, with repeated coupthat can be used for collateral, income generation,d’états and a brutal military regime (Otiso 2016:or1251). In 1986, Yoweri Museveni and his National

development, high population growth, and theResistance Movement took office and have since

return of displaced people to the North haveremained in power and ensured relative politicalpushed demand for land in recent years, creating astability in most of the country. However, thedramatic increase in land issues.

sold

for

a

profit.

Uganda’s

economic

northern region of Uganda fell victim to theoutbreak of a lengthy civil war between government
forces and the Lord’s Resistance Army, an armed
rebel group in the North. In 2008, after two decadesof fighting, a permanent ceasefire ended thehostilities. The war led to tens of thousands ofdeaths and an estimated 1.7 million internallydisplaced people from the North (Dagne andReeves 2008).
Historically, Uganda has been one of the poorest
and least developed countries in the world (Uganda
Bureau of Statistics 2014: 4). It is only in the last

4

Columbia University & Transparency Internationalis responsible for government procurement of land

Land in Uganda
As it stands, there is a deep customary tradition ofland ownership in Uganda, and land is an essential
part of Ugandan culture, tradition, and identity.
Historically, land is passed down patrilineally fromfather to son (Bikaako 2003); this tradition has
survived

colonialism

andconflict

throughout

Uganda’s history. A remnant of colonial rule, landis either freehold, leasehold, mailo, or customary.
These four types of land are recognized by the
Ugandan government and are written into law inthe Land Act of 1998 (The Parliament of Uganda
1998). Freehold land is land that is directly owned
by a citizen and can be easily transferred with
documentation between citizens, companies, andorganizations. Mailo land is land that was takenfrom small tribes by the British government and(Okuku 2006: 19). The national level institutions
also collaborate with government agencies on the
district and local level. The District Land Boards are
responsible for the registration and appointment ofprivate land certificates at the district level (Okuku
2006: 20). They collaborate with Area Land
Committees (ALC) whose work at the sub-county
level consists of verifying information brought
forward by applicants for land leases andcertificates (Ekbäck, Musinguzi and Wabinero2015). The District Land Boards also collaborate
with local government officials, or LC I officials, who
areresponsiblefordemarcating

land

for

certification. The LC I also resolves any disputesthat may occur over land at the local level (Okuku
2006: 20)

given to the Kabaka, or the Bugandan king. This
land is either owned by the Kabaka and attached"Land disputes and conflicts have become partto Bugandan Parliament seats, or given as gifts toof the definition of contemporary Uganda"

the Kabaka’s friends and family. Furthermore,(Ministry

tenants commonly rent mailo land, and mailo land

Development 2013: 3).

of

Land,

Housing

and

Urban

is the only type of land that cannot be owned byforeign nationals. Leasehold land is either freehold

Land and its administration stems from patriarchal

or mailo land that is leased from the owner orpractices regarding women’s land ownership.

Kabaka for a period of either 49 or 99 years. Finally,

Since women are expected to marry into different

customary land is land that is owned by a tribe orclans or families, these practices have created theclan and is given to families in the clan by its elders

norm and expectation that women should not own

to manage and farm (Ellis, Manuel, and Blackden

land. Indeed, there is a huge gender gap in land2006). This feature of customary land makes it very

ownership: women tend to own less land than mendifficult to prove ownership, as customary landas they primarily depend on men to access land

usually carries no documentation. Furthermore,through marriage (Adoko 2014: 2). Women provide

this land can be easily transferred and traded byabout 70% of the labor for household agriculture

word of mouth or through simple handshakes,

and 60% of the labor to produce cash crops inincreasing the possibility of land disputes (The

Uganda, but only 7% of women are registered as

Parliament of Uganda 1998).

land owners (Ellis, Manuel, and Blackden 2006:
50). Although Uganda’s statutory laws provide

All land is managed at the national level by theequal rights for men and women in land access, theMinistry of Land, Housing and Urban Development

gender gap persists because of these customary

which handles all policy level change. Within the

traditions and a long patriarchal history that

ministry lies the Uganda Land Commission, which

The Potential of ICTs to Combat Land Corruption in Uganda – A Gendered Approach5

producesaculturalstigmaagainstwomen

empowerment. Research has shown that a lack ofland titles or land ownership impedes productivity

ownership of land.

growth, and women without official ownership toland are not able to make autonomous decisions“The husband, as the “family head” of family
land, is likely to register his name alone in thetitle” (Adoko 2014: 3).

regarding the land’s production. As a result, womenare less likely to invest in increasing output since
they have limited power regarding income that is
generated from the land (UNDP 2015: 18). Finally,

Even female heads of households--women that areeven when women have joint-ownership of land,

widowed, divorced, or unmarried--often cannot orthey enjoy fewer land rights, such as management

do not feel the need to register land titles in theirover the land and access to the revenue itname due to pressure from their families andgenerates (Doss, Meinzen-Dick, and Bomuhangi

community (Adoko 2014: 3). This perpetuation of2013).

unequal access and control over land may
contribute to women’s ‘adaptive preferences’

Uganda’s Land Act of 1998 was the first piece of(Nussbaum 2000). Through socialization as ‘thelegislation that sought to consolidate and reform

second sex,’ women may not see themselves as “athe land sector, and improving women’s access tobearer of rights … whose dignity and worth areland was a key component. The Land Act set aequal to that of others” (Nussbaum 2000:113). In

legal framework governing land tenure, landfact, while Nussbaum herself believes that property

administration, and the settlement of land disputes

rights are “[intensely important]” (Nussbaum 2000:(Coldham 2000: 65). However, since it was not156), Ugandan women may not feel the same way.

backed by any implementation framework, many of

Nevertheless, preferences can change as a result

the major provisions have never been carried outof education and sensitization, and Nussbaum

while other provisions face many challenges as(2000) demonstrates this, citing a case of womensociety has not accepted them (Kabanda 2013).

in India who gained confidence to try new things

Despite the good intentions of the law being

after watching videos of other women daringly

amended in 2001, 2004 and 2010, these reforms

trying new things as well (Nussbaum 2000: 126).

insteadYet, until whole communities are sensitized,

weaknesses of implementing reform.

highlighted

Uganda’s

institutional

women’s marginalization will continue. Daley anddiscriminatory

The formal rules put forward by the Land Act havepractices of limiting women’s use and control ofseen difficulty in implementation as the government

land resources results in furthering women’s

has not had sufficient resources to monitor andvulnerability; women are “relatively (cash) income

evaluate these regulations’ effectiveness andpoor” versus men, and this is tied to their lower

compliance. In fact, women are unable to attain thesocioeconomic status (Daley and Pallas 2014:

rights that have been afforded them (Ellis, Manuel,183). Women also are more physically vulnerable

and Blackden 2006) . Despite formal succession

and subject to “gender-based violence around land

laws that allow women inheritance rights, thisdeals” (Daley and Pallas 2014: 183).

practice rarely occurs due to the patrilineal custom

Pallas

(2014)

found that the(Ministry of Land, Housing and Urban Development
Women’s unequal property rights bring about

2013: 3). As a result, women’s status, especially indecreased economic opportunities and hamper

rural areas, has not significantly improved.

6

Columbia University & Transparency International

Consequently, the National Land Policy wasestablished in 2013 with the goal of “[ensuring] anefficient, equitable, and optimal utilization andmanagement of Uganda’s land resources forpoverty reduction, wealth creation and overallsocio-economic development.” (Ministry of Land,
Housing and Urban Development 2013: 9). This
was a major step forward for protecting Ugandans’land rights as it acknowledged land as a key aspectof economic development. It sought to minimize
land conflict through a variety of reforms including
the re-institution of Land Tribunals and therecognition of both customary and statutory system
in land rights (Ministry of Land, Housing and Urban
Development 2013). However, the impact of theframework is still uncertain, and the government iscurrently working on the successful implementation

cases of corruption (Inspectorate of Governmentof this policy while enhancing participation of all

2008: 16). The 2014 East African Bribery Index

stakeholders at all levels of policy implementation.

(EABI), which ranked Uganda as the third country
in the region with the highest likelihood of bribery,reported that the police force was the institution

Corruption

most susceptible to bribery, with a score of 84 on a

Uganda, like many African countries, faces highscale of 0 to 100, with 100 being the worst score.

levels of corruption. Per TI’s Global Corruption

The police was followed by land services, with a

Barometer (2015), nearly 75 million people in thescore of 60, and the judiciary, with a score of 30.7.

African continent paid a bribe during the last year,(Transparency International Kenya 2014: 49).

and Uganda is not an exception to this norm. In TI’s

Bribery seems to be self-perpetuating; 46% oflatest Corruption Perceptions Index, Uganda wassurveyed Ugandans in 2014 reported paying aranked 151st out of 176 countries evaluated, withbribe because it was the only way to access aa score of 25 on a scale of 0-100 (Transparency

service (Transparency International Kenya 2015:

International 2017a). Uganda plummeted 1272). Meanwhile, government officials ask for bribes

places compared to the previous year, when theknowing that very few will be likely to fight it (Kaluya

country ranked 139th out of 168, and this latest2015). Indeed, the majority of Ugandans shy awayranking represents a five-year low for the country

from reporting corruption; the EABI found that only

(Transparency International 2016a; Transparency

6% of people reported corruption in Uganda inInternational 2017a).

2015 (Transparency International Kenya 2015: 69).
EABI survey respondents did not report corruption
publicbecause they were either beneficiaries themselves

institutions ranging from the police and judicial

to the bribe (33%) or because they knew that nosystem to the health, education, and land sectors.

action would be taken (26%) (Transparency

Within these institutions, bribery is the main form ofInternational Kenya 2015: 71).

Corruption

affects

a

wide

range

of

corruption that occurs, representing 66% of all

The Potential of ICTs to Combat Land Corruption in Uganda – A Gendered Approach7

Yet despite its prevalence within the country,

complicit due to their needs for services (Kaluya

corruption

differently.

2015). Corruption is particularly widespread within

Entrenched patriarchy has translated into women

health, education, and business; corruption was

becoming unequal victims of corruption. To

cited as the “most problematic factor for doing

illustrate, a study done on gender and Ugandan

business” according to the 2012 Enterprise survey

businesses by the World Bank found that women(Martini 2013: 2). Unfortunately, it does not stopbusiness leaders “are much more likely to be

there;

subject to harassment and to pay bribes thanpolitics, and public financial management. Despitebusinesses headed by men” (Ellis, Manuel, anddemocratic elections, the government, in practice,Blackden 2006: 3). Furthermore, women are moreremains

likely to fall victim to sexual harassment and may

regime” (Martini 2013: 2). As a result, corruption

be asked for sexual favors as a form of bribery. The

has become the norm in Uganda, to the point thatlikelihood of sexual extortion is further aggravatedgovernment officials openly ask for bribes whichby the socioeconomic status of women as they lackcitizens and companies pay without objection

the financial resources to pay requested bribes.

(Martini 2013). It is therefore no surprise that

(Raab 2017: 2-4, 14). However, information on thecorruption also permeates land rights in Uganda.

affects

Ugandans

malfeasance“anpermeates

authoritarian

bureaucracy,

patronage-based

prevalence of sexual extortion to receive services
is limited as it is difficult to obtain and rarely talked

Land Corruption

about in interviews and focus group discussions
due to the sensitivity of the subject (Raab 2017: 16)

Corruption is rampant in Uganda’s land sector andIn addition to women, the uneducated and the poor

has far reaching repercussions that impact

are more vulnerable to demands of favors (e.g.

vulnerable

bribes), owing to their lack of knowledge about theirobserved in the 2014-15 and 2015-16 projects withrights and their lower influence and connections

TI in Ghana, Niger, and Zimbabwe (Mohta et al.

within formal society and politics. Low-income

2015; Day et al. 2016), the high prevalence of

women, thus, remain the most marginalized; thosebribery in the land sector has a disproportionate

traditionally sidelined are seen as soft or easy

impact on the poor, especially on women. In

targets

furtherparticular, women are impeded from accessing

necessitating proactive anti-corruption advocacy.

land administration services, as they are less likely

andcontinually

exploited,

populations.

As

the

SIPA

team

than men to afford unofficial fees and multiple trips
This perpetuation and continuation of corruption

to the necessary offices. Women, as a result, arestems from a variety of different factors including aan easier target for land grabbing. Women’s limitedlack of clear distinction between the public andaccessprivate sectors, which lead to clientelistic behaviors

empowerment and income generation.

to

land

prevents

women’s

self-

and patronage within public services (Martini2013). In addition, perpetrators act with impunity

Corruption pervades the whole land sector; there

due to a weak rule of law, resulting in an excess ofare many groups of people who profit from it

incentives and a dearth of disincentives forincluding brokers, administrators, and surveyors. In

corruption. This is further propagated by the fact

Uganda, land dispute resolution has been plaguedthat both public officials and private citizens areby nepotism and favoritism, mainly perpetrated byparty to corruption. While public officials performgovernment officials who aid dishonest behavior

corrupt practices due to greed, citizens arelike land-grabbing (Mercy Corps 2011). Corruption

8

Columbia University & Transparency Internationaleffective and strong governmental institutions tocounter corruption. These efforts should be
supported by all stakeholders, including multilateralorganizations and civil society. In fact, a joint report
between TI and the United Nations Food andAgriculture Organization (FAO) stated that themost vital anti-corruption practices include therevision of land policies and effective enforcement,with respect to legal and administrative frameworks(Arial, Fagan, and Zimmermann 2011: 6).

Strong and transparent governance in the land
sector fosters the effective and accountableallocation of land, which potentially decreases
gender inequality in land access, use, andcontrol.

Anti-Corruption Efforts
furthermore ranges from “petty” (e.g. small bribes

The Ugandan government has taken several

paid to register land or transfer titles) to “grand”

measures(e.g. gaining control over a vast expanse of land

Constitution of Uganda reflects the commitment toand its resources through abuse of high-level

end

positions).

overlyGovernment (IG) (Martini 2013), an independent

bureaucratic processes fuel petty corruption, while

institution with the mandate of “[eliminating andweak institutions enforce the persistency of grandfostering] the elimination of corruption, abuse ofcorruption (Mohta et al. 2015: 8). Indeed,authority and of public office” (Inspectorate ofcorruption can plague every aspect of land

Government 2016, x). The government also

administration, and its many entrenched forms

launched a five-year National Anti-Corruption

make it difficult to establish long-term local or

Strategy in 2008 with the objective of improving

national land strategies, especially since law

accountability and reducing corruption levels in theenforcement

country (Martini 2013). The following year, the Anti-

Typically,

opaquethemselves

may

and

benefitfrom

corruption as well.

tocorruption

Corruption

Act

combatcorruption.

throughwasthesigned,The

1995

Inspectorate

replacingofthePrevention of Corruption Act of 1970, with the goal
Thus, due to the many parties involved in the landof preventing corruption in the public and private

administration, land-related issues are complex

sectors by amending the Penal Code Act and theand politically sensitive (Mohta et al. 2015: 8).

Leadership Code Act (Martini 2013). The Anti-

There are many stakeholders who benefit from the

Corruption Act also confers special powers to thestatus quo, and consequently, many stakeholders

Inspector General of Government and to themay be resistant to change. In response, it isdirector of public prosecutions to investigate andnecessary for national governments to establish

prosecutecorruption

cases

(Open

SocietyFoundations 2015: 85).
The Potential of ICTs to Combat Land Corruption in Uganda – A Gendered Approach9

Uganda’s

domesticreforms

tocounteract

corruption align with its ascensions to international

Information and Communication
Technologies (ICTs)

treaties in 2003 and 2004, including the United
Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC)

Due to the complex nature of corruption in Uganda

and the African Union Convention on Preventing

as outlined above, it is strategic and sensible to

and Combating Corruption (AU Convention).

research and test new and innovative ways to

Uganda has also collaborated on a regional level

combat corruption. Often seen as the answer towith other East African countries – Kenya,developmental issues

ranging from

Tanzania, Rwanda, and Burundi – to combat

inclusion

services

corruption; the East African Association of Anti-

engagement, ICTs can also be considered for their

Corruption Authorities was created in 2007 topotential to combat land corruption. In theory, ICT“[promote] the spirit of zero tolerance against

platforms reduce the likelihood of corruption bycorruption and [encourage] regional cooperation in

automating

preventing and combating corruption” (East African

discretion, and increasing the ability to openly

Association of Anti-Corruption Authorities 2007: Artaccess and monitor relevant data (Grönlund et al.

5). Nevertheless, almost seven out of ten

2010). In many cases, by removing direct

Ugandans perceived an increase in corruption

interaction and limiting discretion, ICTs can ensure

between 2014 and 2015 (Kewaza 2016: 2) despite

greater

Uganda’s internationally advertised commitment,

Additionally, ICT platforms can be a valuable tool

and an overwhelming majority of Ugandans did not

to report instances of corruption. In fact, there arerate the government’s performance in anti-

various international ICT platforms which arecorruption “fairly well” or “very well” (Kewaza 2016:

successfully increasing citizen engagement in

5).

reporting corruption issues such as I Paid a Bribe 1
intohealthinteractions,transparency

India,

Korupedia 2

andlimiting

andinfinancial
citizenindividual

accountability.

Indonesia,

andPrijaviKorupcija 3 in Macedonia.
Currently, ICTs are becoming a prominent toolutilized in Uganda to address public policy issues.
The Ministry of ICT has developed an eGovernment Policy Framework that aims tostrengthen

therelationshipbetweenthegovernment and its citizens (Ministry of ICT 2016).
E-government has a significant potential forachieving good governance since it is expected toenhance transparency and accountability, reduce
1

The website "I paid a bribe.com" is a platform which collects anonymous reports about bribes that were paid, requested but not paid,

and expected but not requested. It also provides reports on bribe trends and how they occur (I Paid A Bribe 2017).
2

Korupedia.org is an online database of convicted corrupt officials curated by TI's national chapter in Indonesia. Each entry contains thename of the official, the amount of money embezzled, and the final verdict of his/her respective trial. The site also lists cases which havebeen stalled to share progress and inform advocacy (Transparency International 2012).
3

PrijaviKorupcija.org (which is translated to ‘report corruption’) is an Ushahidi-based web platform run by TI Macedonia and the Center

for International Relations (US), which encourages people to report cases of corruption. This data is then placed on a map using geomapping (Transparency International 2013b).

10

Columbia University & Transparency Internationalcosts, and improve service delivery (The WorldBank Group 2015c). Uganda’s e-Government
policywill

increasegovernment’s

transparency

decision-making

of

the

processes

bymaking information accessible to the wider public,
including allowing access to online tracking of land
applications (The World Bank Group 2015c).
Rising disputes and widespread inefficiency in theland sector have also led to the push for increasedtransparency in the land sector. One major success
was the establishment of the Land Information
System (LIS). With a $10 million grant from theWorld Bank, an “IT-based land administration
framework” was put in place, digitizing titles andland transactions (Thomson Reuters 2015: 2) byleveraging

opportunities

providedby

ICTs(Cheremshynskyi and Byamugisha 2014). Now,
instead of traveling to Kampala, Ugandans seeking
to sell, buy, or lease land can travel to six
Ministerial Zonal Offices (MZOs) which utilize the
LIS instead of traditional paper land titles. Officials
have praised this new system, citing its reduction
in costs and time necessary for land transactions
as well as its generation of renewed confidence inthe land system (Thomson Reuters 2015: 3).
Between 2013 and 2015, the LIS has alreadydigitized

landadministration

files

and

approximately 500,000 titles (Thomson Reuters
2015: 4). However, the LIS has not yet expanded
nationally as there are significant implementation
challenges that may undermine it, such as the needtosustainpolitical(Cheremshynskyi

and

and

financial

Byamugisha

support2014).

It

remains to be seen whether further investment into
the system will continue its success.

The Potential of ICTs to Combat Land Corruption in Uganda – A Gendered Approach

11

The Land Management Information System (LMIS) in Mozambique
Since 2004, the Mozambique government has been using the Land Management Information System(LMIS), an electronic land management system launched to facilitate data-sharing between different
stakeholders. Before LMIS, Land Management in Mozambique was usually done by paper, and theinstitutional context of its land management was very complicated “with at least 22 ministries, ordinary
people and local authorities involved” (Waema and Adera 2011: 191). To make the process moretransparent, the LMIS was conceived as “an integrated system that was supposed to offer the capability
to register electronically land plots and tenures, and in the future potentially to provide citizens with thecapacity to access the system via the web to apply for land tenures and follow up applications for land
registration and tenures” (Waema and Adera 2011: 201). The LMIS aims to provide information todecision-makers about land use, to solve land conflicts based on reliable information, and to provide
and negotiate land investment based on this information (OECD 2013: 67). Therefore, the LMIS would
greatly increase the efficiency and transparency of the land administration system.
Unfortunately, the applications submitted via the LMIS delivered limited functionalities and restricted
good governance outcomes (Waema and Adera 2011: 209). For example, many of the land processes
remained based on customary and not electronic channels. Furthermore, the web page, which was
designed to be the instrument for testing the maturity of the LMIS, had not been developed effectively.
Finally, the implementation focused too much on improving internal management processes while
overlooking external process, such as increasing citizens’ ability to attain information, register land
electronically, and monitor the progress of the transaction online.

This case shows that utilizing technology to digitize land information cannot be an effective solution on
its own; it is critical to build the capacity for its implementation. This includes the recruitment of skilledworkers to develop the system and improvements in technological infrastructure, such as increasing
communities’ internet access and capability. A new digital land system would also require ensuring thatthe pre-existing system, including some paper-based procedures, are eliminated in order to ensure
widespread adoption of the new system.

Indeed, investment in ICT infrastructure cansuggests that “while more investment in ICTs canpotentiallydecrease corruption, an over-investment in ICTs isexacerbate

corruption.

While

acknowledging that ICT investment may prevent

associatedwithincreased

corruption”

corruption, Charoensukmongkol and Moqbel point(Charoensukmongkol and Moqbel 2012: 52). Thisout that more investment can provide yet anotherphenomenon is particularly pronounced whenopportunity for public officials to take part in corrupt

countries have inefficient procurement systems; apractices (2012: 51). They used a regression

large amount of investment for ICTs could be aanalysis to study a sample of 42 countries between

source of embezzlement or money laundering.

2003 and 2007, and found “a u-curve relationship

Furthermore, transparency can even facilitate

between investment in ICTs and corruption”

corruption by helping potential bribers identify the(Charoensukmongkol and Moqbel 2012: 52). This

relevant officials to bribe (Charoensukmongkol and

12

Columbia University & Transparency International

Moqbel 2012: 55-56). Therefore, investment in

the rapid development and increasing mobile

ICTs may not solely be sufficient to combat

coverage

corruption when the government does not haveaforementioned

other institutional factors to support efficientdisaggregation by sex, age, or geography, it isresource allocation.

difficult to identify which parts of the population

throughout
data

the

country.

lacks

any

As

the

form

of

have access and which ones remain largely
excluded.
A report compiled by the Pew Research Center
found that significantly more men than women own
a mobile phone in Uganda; only 54% of women
have a mobile phone compared to 77% of men(Poushter 2015: 4). Unfortunately, information on
ICTs’ gendered differences in capabilities and use
remains limited and incomplete. There is also alack of assessment on use within households, e.g.
who controls access to a mobile phone when it isshared. Finally, other forms of ICTs – such asradio, television, smartphones, and computers –also suffer from gender imbalances; this data issimilarly limited. Without adequate data, it isdifficult to assess women’s access to ICTs andAnother potential limitation in using ICTs to combat

consequently the potential to combat corruption

land corruption may rest in proliferation, access,with them.

capabilities, and use. The potential of ICTs tocombat land corruption relies on Ugandans ability

It is important to understand why women haveto access ICTs and use them accordingly. While 44

unequalout of 100 Ugandans have a mobile cellulardifferentials in ICTs. Women’s access to ICTs is

subscription, this number is inflated due toaffected by affordability, reasons and potentials forindividuals owning multiple sim cards (The Worlduse, and technological capabilities. Any potential

Bank Group 2015d: 102). 4 Additionally, Uganda’s

intervention

mobile proliferation rests significantly below theevaluating socioeconomic factors such as poverty,

Sub-Saharan Africa country average of 66 out ofrural/urban environments, and literacy, which

100 (The World Bank Group 2015d: 102). In July ofclearly influence women’s ability to access and2015, only 19.2% of Ugandans (about sevenmake use of different forms of ICTs. Overall, themillion people) were internet users (The World

broader societal and economic structures, culture,Bank

religion, and gendered processes that relate to theGroup2015b).

This

collective

data

accesstotargetingandprobable

women

would

capacityrequiredemonstrates that a significant portion of theusage

population does not access or use ICTs, despite

marginalization of women or effectively advance

4

of

ICTs

can

eitherperpetuatetheThis inflation can be clearly seen in the average mobile cellular subscription for high-income European countries, which boasts 123 outof 100 people having a mobile cellular subscription (The World Bank Group 2015d: 102).

The Potential of ICTs to Combat Land Corruption in Uganda – A Gendered Approach13their participation in social, political, or economic
spheres (Macueve et al. 2009: 21). To illustrate,

ICTs’ Effects on Women’s Empowerment

increasing household access of mobile phones

While multiple studies on ICTs and women’s

might not increase women’s use them if men retain

empowerment have been performed (e.g.

all control.

Bantebya Kyomuhendo and Kabonesa 2006;
Bakesha, Nakafeero, and Okello 2009; Maueve

Buskens and Webb additionally point out that theet al 2009), a direct causal link between the twolevel of empowerment women experience ishave not been established. In fact, the effects

essential for them to “access and use a particularof ICT use vary between individuals even within

ICT or to participate in spaces created with andsimilarthroughofqualitative study in Mozambique found thatempowerment is highly dependent on eachaccess to ICTs does not necessarily empower

individual’s subjective interpretation of freedom,

women; instead focus should be placed on

security, status and participation (Buskens andcapabilities – notably literacy – and socio-

Webb 2009: 163). In order to learn about theeconomic issues (Maueve et al. 2009). Thispotential and effectiveness of ICTs in empowering

was corroborated by a study performed inwomen and offering them a practical tool to

Uganda on the effects of telecentres thatcounteract corruption in their everyday lives, it isoffered CD-ROM entrepreneurial training toimportant to distinguish and analyze the different

women in rural areas. For some women in this

impacts of ICTs on women. While testing out

study, gains made from attending informationdifferent ICT interventions is beyond the scope ofsessions did not result in self-empowerment;

this report, a focus of the field research isthe financial return on improvements in theirunderstanding the culture and autonomy within

businesses went directly to household andwomen’s ICT use in order to gain a nuanced

familial responsibilities (Bakesha, Nakafeero,understanding of potential impacts.

and Okello 2009). Kyomuhendo (2009) similarly

ICTs”(2009:

6).

This

sense

contexts(Kyomuhendo2009).

A

found that running ICT businesses did notincrease women’s status. Despite one woman’s
increased access to the ICT sector, herhusband still “[dominated her]” forbidding her“to own a personal cell phone” (Kyomuhendo
2009: 157).

14

Columbia University & Transparency Internationalinformation

3

about

the

context

fromconversations with TI-Uganda staff and othertopical experts. After the initial field research,
the

METHODOLOGY

team

analyzedtheinitialdatatorestructure, amend, and refocus the researchquestions. These new research questions

Research Questions

were then explored in further desk research inpreparation for a focused field research trip.

In undertaking this research project, the team
examined the intersection of the broad concepts ofgender, corruption, access to land, and ICT usage.

3. Focused Field Research and Analysis ofFindings (March - April 2017)

Specifically, the following questions served as a

The team traveled to Uganda in March for a

guide for this study:

focused field research trip in Kampala,Mukono, and Lira to conduct interviews with

1. How do gender, land, and corruption

stakeholders and focus groups with community

intersect and affect men and women’s

members. The team then coded and analyzed

lived experiences differently in Uganda?

the data gathered to draft key findings.

2. How can ICTs be better mobilized tosupport anti-corruption efforts in land andto empower women to counter land

4. Finalize Findings and Report (April - May 2017)
The team finalized its findings and looked forcorruption in Uganda?

generalpatterns

andtrendswiththeassistance of Professor Kelly and TI-Uganda to

Project Phasespresent a final report with recommendations.

The project consisted of four phases:

Analytical Tools
1. Preliminary

ResearchandPreparation(November 2016 - January 2017)
This phase focused on conducting preliminary
backgroundresearchon

Ugandaanddeveloping research questions to explore in
the initial field research trip.

As part of the project, the team employed thefollowing

Restructuring (January - March 2017)abettertools were developed and refined throughout the●other key stakeholders, conduct backgroundresearch on the country, and identify potential
communities to conduct focus groups andinterviews. It is important to note that January
togathering

Stakeholder

Analysis:

Conductingastakeholder analysis assisted the group inunderstanding the context and identifying thedifferent parties involved, as well as their

Uganda in January to meet TI-Uganda andrestricted

gain

corruption, gender, and ICTs in Uganda. These

conducted an initial field research trip to

was

to

understanding of the intersectionality of land,

Using the preliminary research, the teamtraveltools

different phases:

2. Initial Field Research, Analysis, and Project

field

analyticalinterests and influence.
●

Institutional Analysis: The team prepared an
institutional

analysis

in

order

to

betterunderstand the formal and informal rules thatgovern land administration in Uganda. In

The Potential of ICTs to Combat Land Corruption in Uganda – A Gendered Approach15

addition to informing the team about the key

March

field

laws and regulations related to land, theinterviews to identify the main problems

analysis was also used to identify the laws

associated with land administration in Uganda,

related to gender equality and corruption.

tobettervisits,theteamconceptualizeaconducted

definitionofcorruption in this context, and to learn about
ICT infrastructure and capacity in Uganda.

Data Collection Techniques

Interviewees were selected in consultation with
The team used the following data-collectionthetechniques to develop their recommendations andCollectively, the team conducted 49 interviews

the analyses identified above. The methodology iswithreliant on a social constructivist approach, throughorganizations, and local, regional, and national

which the team is seeking unique and multiple

government agencies. Overall, 21 women andunderstandings of participants’ views. Interview

28 men were interviewed.

clientandrelevant

based

on

NGOs,

convenience.

privatesectorand focus groups are based off first-person
accounts,

following

phenomenologicaltheresearch,

framework

of

which

to

aims

Interviews

determine different human experiences around aphenomenon.
●

Document Review: Consisting of an initial
review of literature on gender, land, corruption,

28
(57%)

21
(43%)

Women
Men

and ICT in Uganda, this technique assisted theteam in getting a better understanding of thelocal context andinformtheir researchquestions and fieldwork.
●

Participant Observation: During the course of

Focus Group Discussions(Total of 15 Groups)

their January and March field visits, the teaminquired

about

and

observed

the

daily

practices and experiences of the people they
met in order to better inform their ideas about
the local culture and to evaluate whether their

68
(53%)

60
(47%)

Women
Men

observations were consistent with the findingsof their desk review, interviews, and focus
groups.
●Interviews:

The

team

structured

interviews

conducted

semi-

with

relevant

stakeholders during their January and March
field visits (or remotely in the interlude) in order
to better understand the nuances of land
administration, gender, corruption, and ICT
usage in Uganda. During the January and16

Columbia University & Transparency International

●Focus Groups: During the March field visit, the“corruption” depending on the person interviewed;

team conducted 15 focus groups in Mukono

if that specific stakeholder’s work related toand Lira districts. These focus groups aimed tocorruption, “corruption” was used. If not, the teamunderstandgathered information about corrupt behavior

theinstitutionalframeworks

surrounding land administration, experiences

through proxy terms and examples.

with land corruption, ICT usage, and how
gender has affected each. Two female-only,

Additionally, it is important to note that interpreters

two male-only, and two mixed focus groups

were used by the team during focus groups in bothwere conducted in Mukono in Central Uganda;

Mukono and Lira districts. Since community

three female-only, three male-only, and threemembers were more comfortable speaking theirmixed focus groups were conducted in Barr,

local language, staff from TI-Uganda and their

Amach, and Oyam in Northern Uganda.

partner organizations served as interpreters. All

Overall, 68 men and 60 women participated ininterviews with officials and stakeholders were

the focus groups. All focus group participants

conducted in English.

were recruited by TI-Uganda and their partner
Lastly, the team created a composite story in orderorganizations.

to best illustrate their findings. Events in the story
When permitted by the participants, interviews andportrayed in the following section are not based on

focus groups were voice recorded and transcribedany one person, but are grounded in theby the research team. All participants were over the

information gathered from the team’s interviews

age of 18.

and focus groups. To protect the identity of theindividuals who shared information with the team,

Given the sensitivities surrounding these topics

all names in the report have been changed, unlessand the team’s interactions with vulnerable

otherwise stated.

populations, the team’s March field trip was subject
to Columbia University’s International Review
Board (IRB) approval. As it posed minimal risk to
the participants, the study was exempt from further
review. Please refer to Appendices III - V to view
the IRB-approved interview and focus groupguides.

Methodology Considerations andLimitationsFirstly,

given

the

sensitivities

surrounding

corruption, a decision was made to not specificallymention “corruption” in the interview and focus
group guides for local community members, but togather information about corrupt behavior throughproxy terms and examples. For the interview guidefor stakeholders, the team used the word

The Potential of ICTs to Combat Land Corruption in Uganda – A Gendered Approach17

farmer. Many subsistence farmers in Central

4

Uganda are tenants or squatters of land owned by
the King, or Kabaka, of the Buganda Kingdom.

FINDINGS

Tenants are those who agree to rent land from thelandowner of freehold or mailo land as a leasehold
or in an unofficial capacity. Squatters are thoseIt’s All in the Family
Deep within Mukono District in Central
Uganda, Cathy lives with her father, mother, andbrother on two small plots of land. Like many of themembers of their community, Cathy’s family are
subsistence farmers and rely solely on their land fortheir livelihood. Cathy’s parents grow a variety ofvegetables, including matooke, potatoes, andyams, and her mother makes some extra money

who live on the land because it is not uncommon
for landowners to live in a different region. Usually,squatters pay a minimal unofficial fee to thelandowner or sometimes do not pay the landownerat all. As recounted by a district official in aninterview, these farmers have lived there forgenerations and are protected by customary law.
Yet today, the majority of people occupying mailo
land are tenants (USAID 2016: 5).

for the family selling tomatoes and eggplants fromher garden at the local market in the evenings.

Central Uganda’s present land tenure system—

Often, Cathy accompanies her mother to thethe mailo tenure system—was first establishedmarket. It was on one of these trips to the market

in the Buganda Kingdom in 1900 during Britishthat Cathy was introduced to Paul, her fiancé.

colonial rule. Today, land inequality is highest in

Although some families in this community

Central Uganda and rooted in the land divisions

have bought the land they now farm on, Cathy’s

made by the British colonialists (USAID 2016:

father inherited the land from his father. However,

3-4).

he does not hold an official title to the land. For
years, Cathy’s father has been saving to be able toafford the title and officially claim the land. In fact,obtaining a land title has been the main topic ofconversation in the community this past week; oneof Cathy’s neighbors who had the title to his land
recently got into a dispute with one of his siblings.
After the death of their father, the neighbor and his
siblings inherited the land. However, rumor has itthat one of the siblings connived with the land
registrar’s office to create a new land title. Now, theland has two titles, and the new title is being usedby the sibling to claim ownership of the land andevict the rest of the family from it. The community
is abuzz with talk of who is at fault and who therightful owner of that land is.
To fully understand Cathy’s story, it is important tounderstand the context of the common subsistence18

Several different land issues have arisen in Central
Uganda as a result of this system. This leads to the
problem of double ownership. Both the landownerand tenants believe in their right to the land. The
landowners do not live on the land, and their lives
are not dependent on the land. However, the livesof the tenants and squatters are completely tied to
the land. If the landowner ever decides to sell theland, the tenants and squatters’ livelihoods are
threatened. In a female-only focus group, aparticipant shared that if they are lucky, tenants
and squatters are given the opportunity to buy theland first, but they usually cannot afford it and mustleave. Several farmers from the study stated thatsquatters suffer after landowners sell land, since
the new owners destroy the tenant’s or squatter’s
property in an effort to get them to leave. Squatters

Columbia University & Transparency International

and tenants have taken evidence of this destruction

official is “selling air,” the common term for whento court, but find that they are rarely helped

people sell a plot of land they do not actually own.

because as one male focus group participant said,

This fraudulent practice is fairly common. As“the courts are too corrupt.” Others have mentioned

explained by a focus group participant, landlords

that “squatters are being humiliated and mistreatedwill suggest to tenants and squatters that theyby the people who own land.” Another tactic to getpurchase a certificate to the land, which ends up

squatters and tenants off the land, as explained inbeing a fake deed. In either case, people are easily

an interview with a district official, is whenevicted due to the lack of official documents tolandowners refuse to receive or collect rent

claim their rights.

payment from the tenants, giving the landowners
license to evict tenants and squatters off the land

Land issues and land conflicts often escalate tofor “not paying” rent after three years.

physical violence. In an interview, law enforcement
officials reported that 60% of their caseload is

Possession is often considered to be ‘ninetenths of the law.’ In Uganda, when a squatteroccupies the land for an uninterrupted period of
twelve years, the squatter can claim title to theland. This process is called adverse selection
and squatters can take over the title if therightful landowner does not claim the land
duringthose

twelveyears,

effectively

abandoning claim to it. Squatters can thenattempt to gain the title through adverse
possession from the land registration office. If
the rightful landowner wants to recover the landor evict any squatters living on the land withinthetwelveyears,

they

must

show

documentation and prove his or her claim to theland to a court before driving away anyone
currently squatting on the land (UN-Habitat2007).

related to land issues that have escalated into
cases of violence and assault. These disputes
include conflict over ownership and boundaries,
land-grabbing,

and

land

fraud.

Furthermore,

numerous government officials have stated that thedriving force behind these land issues is the highpopulation growth rate in Uganda. Land is a finite
resource, and when it is divided into smaller andsmaller plots over generations, it causes more
conflicts and even killings within families.
Furthermore, there is a large knowledge gap on
how the land system works. Many citizens do notknow how to navigate the administrative process or
the fees required at each step. Land demarcations
and boundaries are not clear and are often
arbitrarily set. Moreover, there is a lack of trust in
government; focus group participants believe that“most of the political leaders are corrupt.” Onefocus group member added that “most [political

As suggested by the story of Cathy’s neighbor, theleaders] have land titles. Land owners are very richsecond significant challenge related to land incompared to squatters.” This is a product of not

Central Uganda is the lack of land title ownership.

only officials knowing how to navigate theSince ownership cannot be verified without a land

complicated land registration system, but also theirtitle, land grabbing becomes a common issue.

complicity in and financial gain from corruption.

Women tend to be the main victims of these cases,

However, during some of the focus groupespecially when they are divorced or widowed.

discussions it became clear that not everybody

Another issue described both by focus group

perceived or recognized some of the prevalent

participants and in an interview with a government

practices, such as additional expediting fees or the

The Potential of ICTs to Combat Land Corruption in Uganda – A Gendered Approach19

share of money that goes to the LC chairperson
and clan leaders, as corruption due to theireveryday occurrence. Multiple participants argued
that the clan leaders are entitled to their share andeven thought they were official fees.
Indeed,accessandavailabilityoffinancialresources matters significantly when navigating theland registration process. For example, whenpurchasing land, the plot of land must be firstsurveyed. One of the focus group participants
mentioned that government surveyors are oftenvery slow. To speed up the land administration

digitization remains strong. As suggested by anprocess, people must pay unofficial fees to ensure

example shared by a local agency in the landthat the surveyor comes to the site, measures thesector during an interview, manual records do notland, and gives the necessary form. Focus groupkeep the data intact; a fire in the building that storesparticipants commonly stated that “as long as youthese records could wipe away all the data for thathave money, the process will be shorter.” In fact,

district and open the possibility of more land

one of the female participants who tried to get a

disputes. At the same time, technology can also

land title described her experience as one with “toocreate new spaces for tension. One of themany requirements and too much money--wasting

examples of where technology is utilized is the use

your time without getting anything back.” Everyof GPS devices when surveying land with a mixed

day, the land administrators would tell her to “comesuccess rate. In an interview, a local government

tomorrow, come tomorrow, come tomorrow.’”

official shared how easy it is to steal land with these

Another problem shared by the focus group

GPS machines. For example, an individual can put

participants was that the amount of money requireda GPS device in their pocket, come to a piece ofat each step would grow as one advanced throughland, and ask to use the bathroom; in the process,the process. One focus group participant shared

he can walk around the property and havethat “when you reach the Buganda Land Board,

effectively surveyed the land without informing thethey ask the most. And you have to give in because

resident or owner and use that data to register the

you want the land title.” The lack of transparency inland in his own name.

the process and the amount of money already paid
may mean that at this last step, an individual may

Show Me Your Papers

not even be able to afford the fee; all the prior fees
would have been for nothing.

Just a month before her marriage, Cathy issurprised to learn that her uncle and his family are

The need for increased transparency has resulted

permanently moving from a neighboring village toin technological improvements in the land sector.

live with Cathy’s family on their plot of land. A few

In addition to the Land Information Systemweeks earlier, Cathy’s uncle was approached by adiscussed previously in the Literature Review,company that wanted to buy just three acres of his

technology has been integrated at a few points inseven-acre plot. As part of the sale, the company

the land acquisition process, yet the need foroffered to give her uncle a land title for the20

Columbia University & Transparency International

remaining four acres. However, instead of a land

often enter a region and promise to buy a portion

title, Cathy’s uncle was given a land transferof land from these subsistence farmers in

document. Now, the land has been transferred to

exchange for paying for a land certificate. However,the company and Cathy’s uncle and his family must

many of these farmers are illiterate and end up

find a new place to live. Despite these tensions,signing land transfer documents instead of land

Cathy and her family travel to Lira in Northernownership documents, giving full control of all their

Uganda--where Paul is from--for the wedding.

land to these companies. Focus group participants
shared that upon realization, farmers often go to
the local government leaders to hear their case, butthese leaders have often been bribed to rule in thecompany’s favor. Indeed, there are many of these
civil cases. There have also been instances wherecompanies have bribed their way through thesystem and have bought the land title without
informing those who live there. They then forcefully
evict these “squatters” and claim that they arehindering development of the land, sometimes
resulting in violence and death (Zagema 2011: 15).
Moreover, a focus group participant also shared acase of land-grabbing by the government; anowner of a rice field was suddenly approached bya government official to measure his land for theconstruction of a road. Due to the construction,
however, he and his community lost access to safe
water, which the government did not compensatefor. In fact, the community still does not have safe
drinking water. Another focus group participant
mentioned that even when the government
compensates, they start the work first and pay the

The story of Cathy’s uncle is a story heard many

community later instead of negotiating with thetimes in Uganda. Many Ugandan subsistence

landowners and compensating them in advance.

farmers live and work on land they do not possess

Without timely compensation, it is hard for farmers

documentation for. These farmers “own” the landto support their livelihood.

as it has been passed down from father to son, andmembers of the community know that they have

In interviews, large companies and government

been there for generations. However, this type of

officials denied that these practices are happening.

land

the

However, the accounts of interviewees and focus

recognitiongroup participants overwhelmingly support thatownership

government

and

is

not

recognized

courts;officialbyrequires a land certificate. As stated previously,

theseland certificates are quite expensive, with many

exacerbating the issue for women are theseofficial and unofficial fees. Data collected fromcircumstances in which “pressures on the land fromfocus group participants shows that companies will

population increases and outsiders seeking topractices

still

The Potential of ICTs to Combat Land Corruption in Uganda – A Gendered Approachoccur.

Furthermore,21

acquire land have prompted customary authorities

leaving the land. Focus group participants also

to protect clan land [which ultimately happens] atshared that, customarily, wives must also take overthe expense of women’s land claims” (Doss,her husband’s chores if he has to travel or is unable

Meinzen-Dick, Bomuhangi 2013).

to complete them, adding to her workload.
However, if the woman needs to travel or is unable

After the wedding, Cathy moves to live withto complete her chores, the husband will not

Paul on the land owned by his clan. Slowly, shecomplete them and she must carry her children

settles into her new routine. After waking up in thewith her. Furthermore, when there are young

morning, Paul and Cathy go to their plot of land andchildren in the household, women will usually havedo some farming until around 11am, after whichto do all the housework, farming, and cooking while

they head back home. While Cathy comes backwatching the children as well. In rural areas,

and begins doing the housework and cooks lunchchildrenfor Paul and herself, Paul generally uses the time

responsibility, and many men do not taketo bathe and rest. After lunch, Paul sometimes

responsibility for them other than to help pay forgoes back to their plot of land to farm. Meanwhile,school fees.

are

often

seen

as

the

women’s

Cathy spends the afternoon going to the market
and selling any surplus vegetables. Afterwards,
she returns home and finishes the rest of thehousework, like washing clothes, fetching waterand preparing dinner. After spending time talking
and drinking with his friends, Paul comes home fordinner. After dinner, it is time to rest for the long day
tomorrow. Cathy has been thinking about starting afamily and knows that her day will only get busier

If the wife has any time after completing housewith the responsibility of caring for her children.

chores, she will go and sell any excess goods fromthe plot at the local market, as seen with Cathy.

Paul lives on customary land, the most common

Data collected from focus groups illustrates that theland system in Uganda. About 75% of all land inmoney from goods sold at the market from the land

Uganda is customary land (Arial, Fagan, andfarmed together is handled by the husband; any

Zimmermann 2011). As mentioned in an interview

money from goods sold at the market that the wifewith a local NGO, customary land is historicallyfarmed in her own garden, if she has one, isinherited patrilineally, with wives leaving theirhandled by her. Money handled by women isfamily to enter their husband’s household and clan.

usually used towards purchasing goods for theOnce on the land, both husbands and wives farmhousehold such as clothes, meat, and household

the land together. However, data shows that this issupplies. Money handled by men, however, iswhere the shared responsibility ends. After farming

usually saved to buy land or purchase a land title.

together, a female focus group participant shared

However, because the land title is bought using thethat men will usually tend to any livestock that is“man’s” money, it is often believed to be owned byowned and engage in other income generating

the husband and not to the wife or the family.

activities or in leisure. As told by a male focus group
participant, the women, on the other hand, will dohousework, cook meals, and fetch water after

22

Columbia University & Transparency International

‘Til Death Do Us Part
Fifteen years have passed and Cathy andPaul have stayed in Lira. Their family of two has
now become a family of eight; their eldest child istheir 15-year-old son, while their youngest is their
2-year-old daughter. Cathy continues to farm theirplot of land and tries to sell enough produce to send
her children to school. Many changes have cometo the community in these fifteen years. When
Cathy first moved to Lira, she and Paul had few
possessions in their moderate house. Thoughcommon around the village, they did not own aradio set. But with time, they saved enough money
to eventually buy one. Every evening, she now
listens to interviews and talk shows on the local
radio station about life in Lira and Uganda. Thereis only one television in the village at the home of
the LC chairperson, which her husband only goesto see for special occasions. It wasn’t until after her
son was born that Cathy got her own cell phone.
She mainly uses it to make calls as she is not too
comfortable with messaging. She had used Paul’smobile phone infrequently before but generally
didn’t have much use for the phone.
As suggested by Cathy’s use of technology, ICTs
are becoming a more integral part of people’s lives
in Uganda. At a macro level, radio remains themost prominent technological platform in the
country. In fact, a local radio station interviewed forthe study estimated that 75% of the population has
access to radio. Like Cathy, community members
listen to the radio primarily for information, such as
news programs or informational talk shows hosted
by NGOs and the radio stations. Focus group
participants shared that community members callinto radio programs to express their own opinions,share their experiences, and ask for support andadvocacy. In fact, data collected from focus groups
illustrated that compared to mobile phones andother platforms, radio is more accessible to womenthan men, as women are more likely to workaround the household, where the radio is located.
Additionally, it is not uncommon for there to be only
a few televisions in a rural community. Male focus
group participants mentioned that not only are
television sets expensive, but they also are hard toaccommodate in rural areas because of lack ofelectricity; in many cases, individuals will use solar
energy to access and watch television.
Although Cathy has continuously had access to amobile phone—either through Paul’s phone or her
own—mobile technology is still not accessible to asignificant portion of the population. In fact, a
couple of women in the focus groups commented
on how their husbands do not allow them to use
their phone. Those that do not have their own
device usually buy airtime and borrow a friend’s orneighbor’s device to call. Mobile phones areusually used for phone calls, as some of them are
illiterate or do not know how to use texting. While
government officials interviewed for the study
stated that cellular network is available in evenremote parts of the country and that there areapproximately 22 million registered phone lines in
the country, the cost of airtime or the price of thedevice (i.e. smartphones) were often cited by focus
group participants as the main barriers to access.
Additionally, mobile phones create possibilities forfraud, which may also deter uptake. In one of the
focus groups, a participant narrated an incident inwhich an individual purchased a smartphone andloaded money onto it, only to discover the next day
that it was fake. Due to these challenges,
individuals in rural communities are often unable toaccess the internet. Moreover, even in cases
where access to internet is possible, a lack oftraining can also serve as barrier. One of thewoman in a focus group in Lira who owned asmartphone shared that she had the internet icon
on her phone, but was scared that clicking it would
lock her device and break it. However, some

The Potential of ICTs to Combat Land Corruption in Uganda – A Gendered Approach23

communities, especially the youth, have been able

vulnerability, threatening women’s assets andto use the internet on the mobile phones,

property rights. A baseline study performed by the

specifically WhatsApp, as a method to report

International Justice Mission found that 30.3% ofissues in the community. For example, a law

widows in Mukono County were victims of property

enforcement officer shared that WhatsApp groups

grabbing (International Justice Mission 2014: 50),

with members of the community and local police

and land grabbing from widows was a common

have in some cases been used to learn about andthread during conversations about land issues.

address community disputes. Additionally, a male

One female focus group member stated that unfair

focus group participant shared that he uses aland practices happen commonly to women.

mobile money application to pay land fees in the“Women have no voice,” she explained. “If you are

Buganda Kingdom.

a widow, [men] can grab your land.”One morning, Cathy wakes to find that
Paul passed away during the night. In the days
after Paul’s death, the clan members start sayingthat they had to distribute the land, and Paul’s“When the husband dies, that is the end of
everything for you as a woman” (Lira Female
Focus Group Participant).

brothers are interested in taking over the landthemselves. However, Cathy resists the claims andConsequently,

refuses to leave. She has been farming the land for

responsibility of their dependents without land toyears and her only access to land was throughprovide for them. As told by an NGO staff member

Paul. It is the only source of livelihood that Cathyin an interview, widows, like Cathy, often only have

has to support herself and her family. The situation

two choices: 1) become a second or third wife to aaggravatesstart

brother or relative, or 2) leave the property and her

threatening Cathy and her children since shemeans for survival for her parents land. In fact,

refuses to vacate the land. Then they tell her that

customary law in some clans in Uganda prescribes

she must become a third wife to one of Paul’sthat men “inherit” their deceased brother’s wife

brothers if she wants to stay on the land, but Cathy(Benedetti and Kijo-Bisimba n.d.: 10). Yet inheriting

remains convinced that she has a right to this land

widows as second or third wives creates theafter being married to Paul for so many years.

opportunity for further conflict.

Across Sub-Saharan Africa, a husband’s death is aThis conflict usually occurs between wives whenvery threatening event in a woman’s life, andthey find themselves in competition for limited

widows are often left without any assets (Doss,resources. One female focus group member

Summerfield, and Tsikata 2014: 10). Uganda is norecounted a dispute which arose after her husband

exception; data collected from interviews and focus

got a second wife. She gave up a piece of her landgroups shows that the husband’s brother or close

temporarily to her husband’s new wife under the

relatives often take land from the widow despite

impression that she would get it back after he

Uganda’s Succession Act, which prescribes that

acquired new land. Unfortunately, this has not

widows retain 15% of her husband’s land and theoccurred and she has limited means of recourse tomatrimonial

Reformregain her lost land. Another female focus group

Commission 2013: 5; Nakirunda 2011: 29). As

member spoke of a case in her community whereseen with Paul’s death, widowhood increasesa man brought in a second wife after his first wife

24

Columbia University & Transparency International

quickly.

homePaul’s(UgandasiblingsLawwidows

are

left

with

the

left due to a dispute. After the man passed away,
his two wives and their respective families foundthemselves in a dispute over the rightful owner tothe land. In addition to illustrating the complexity ofland rights in polygamous marriages, these two
examples demonstrate the precariousness thatwomen find themselves in when access to land isdelegated by husbands and men. In short, womenare not guaranteed security when the land systemrelies on men’s preference and will.
Divorce, like widowhood, increases women’svulnerability. Customary law does not offer women
protection in the event of divorce (Benedetti and
Kijo-Bisimba n.d.: 10), and wives are left with nolegal claims to her husband’s property (Nakirunda
2011: 29). Wives additionally may lose her own
belongings. During a focus group in Lira, aparticipant relayed the story of her daughter, whobrought five goats with her when she started living

After divorce, women must become reliant on thewith her new husband. Unfortunately, when they

goodwill of her family members. It was stated indivorced, her husband said the goats were his.

stakeholder interviews that a divorced woman

Unable to find a solution, their case went up to thedepends on her family to take her and her children

sub-county level, but the court ruled in her

back in, living off any land that her family may havehusband’s favor. Under the Marriage, Divorce andto spare. Secondly, whether she has custody of her

Adoption Rules (1998) in Ugandan law, “separated

children depends on her former husband. Althoughand divorced women have no legal rights to land or

the Status of Children Act (1996) prescribes thatproperty that was acquired during their marriage”

both parents retain guardianship of children, men(Nakirunda 2011: 29). This law often leaves women

are given sole charge under customary law (aswith nothing when they are unable to prove that it

cited in Benedetti and Kijo-Bisimba n.d.: 10).

was their property before marriage.

Moreover, this patriarchal system translates to
insecurity of a young boy’s land rights in the event“In the case of a divorce, the man says to theof divorce. As mentioned in interviews with local

woman ‘check anything that’s yours and you

government officials and NGOs, since children

carry

it,’

but

there

Government Official).

isnothing”(Localbelong to the husband’s clan, boys have no right toclaim their mother’s clan land and thus, likewidows, rely on the goodwill of their relatives. If a
young son of divorced parents finds himself under
his mother’s care after his father relinquished his
guardianship, he has no rights to his mother’s land
when he grows up.

The Potential of ICTs to Combat Land Corruption in Uganda – A Gendered Approach

25

The Marriage and Divorce Bill

access protection in the case of divorce or theirhusband’s death (Benedetti and Kijo-Bisimba n.d.:

The Marriage and Divorce Bill, first proposed in10).

the 1960s in the Ugandan Parliament, would
significantly improve the problems women face

Nevertheless, even in cases where men have landin and after marriage. The bill would empower

titles, their wives are often not listed as they are

women, helping secure their property rights

supposed to be on the land certificate. In an(UNDP Gender Assessment: 3), diminishinginterview with a NGO in central Uganda, it was

the vulnerability of divorcees by providing forstated that it is not uncommon for women, eventhe “equitable distribution of property” (FIDH

those married for over thirty years, never owned

n.d.: 4), and allowing for divorce on the grounds

land in their name. Husbands can thus sell theirof cruelty (FIDH n.d.: 11). Additionally, “widow

land without their wives’ consent, leaving wives andinheritance,” where a widow marries her

their children without a means to survive. A female

husband’s brother, would be outlawed (FIDH

focus group member described a court case in Lira

n.d.: 11). Unfortunately, the bill has remained

where a man sold his and his wife’s land evenstalled despite its reintroduction in 2009 (Katothough his wife wanted to stay on the land. The wife2017).

tried to claim her rights to her land and contested
the buyer’s ownership, but she was nonethelessMany of the problems detailed above areexacerbated by a lack of documentation. Men andwomen are supposed to both be on the land
certificate if they are married. Therefore, in order tosell, transfer, or lease land that is jointly owned byhim and his wife, he must obtain approval from his
wife who is on the land title. This is supposed toprotect the wife in case the husband wants to sell
without her consent or if he passes away. However,
women often enter into customary marriages
without formal documentation. In these cases, thewomen will likely be left with nothing in the event ofdeath or divorce. Representatives from a local
NGO recounted a case in which a woman was left
with nothing when her relationship ended after ten
years of cultivating land along with her former
partner. The woman did not have a case in court
since she never obtained a formal marriage license
and therefore had no documentation to prove her
contribution to the land. As previously mentioned,lack of documentation is particularly salient inpolygamous marriages. Since men are able toregister only one wife even if they have multiple,

evicted as her name was not on the documents toprove her co-ownership. Even in cases where thewife’s name is on the land certificate, women aretaken advantage of and left with nothing. Ininterviews with local government officials, stories
were related where the wife was coerced by herhusbandtoconsent.

Other

commonways

husbands circumvent getting their wife’s consent isbybringing

another

woman

along

for

the

transaction and having her pretend to be his wife
for a little bit of money as there are often no pictureson the title. Likewise, in the event of her husband’s
death, without being listed on a title or Certificate ofCustomary Ownership (CCO), a widow has no way
to prove that she has rights to the land. Therefore,
in this example shared by a local government
official, if a man registers his property under his
wife’s name as well, her land would be better
protected in the case of his death. While
documentation does not guarantee security in landownership due to corruption in the land registrationand court system, it remains a powerful tool against
land grabbing.

second and third wives are left without any land
26

Columbia University & Transparency InternationalA key finding while analyzing land issues is how

money or status, are more marginalized and are

gender plays a role in land disputes and the role offurther disadvantaged. It is easy for police and local

socioeconomic status in these disputes. According

governmental bodies to disregard or rule against

to an interview with a district government office, if

poor women and their dependents, since theira woman and man both claim a piece of land, it will

opponents are likely better connected with more

more than likely go to the man as men are often

resources and influence. In a memorandum, an

given preferential treatment due to family or closer

NGO recounted the story of a woman who returned

community ties, and because they usually haveto her father’s land after the war. However,access to more funds to bribe officials. Poor

because of her single status and limited resources,

women living in rural Uganda, like Cathy, withothers took advantage of her and forced her off thelimited resources are even further disadvantaged.

land. The perpetrators assaulted several children

As explained in multiple focus groups, if a woman

and threatened to rape the woman. When thehas money, land issues are easily navigable,

woman contacted the police, they did not respondhighlighting how money hides the gendered nature

to her case due to her socioeconomic statusof the land administration system. There are cases,(International Justice Mission 2017). Through thissuch as the Queen of Toro where women havecase, it is demonstrated that gender intersects with

been able to prevail through socioeconomic means

economic statuses to amplify social statuses.

and status.

Indeed, lack of property and resources increases
women’s vulnerability to land grabbing while

After the death of the King, the Queen in thedecreasing their ability to access justice.

Kingdom of Toro found her land threatened by herlate husband’s family, despite a will that had
bequeathed part of his estate to her. The King’s
family objected to the will, owing to customary Torolaw which prevents women from inheriting land.
The case went to court in 1999 and the Queen
prevailed. Justice Katutsi, who presided over thecase,statedtheQueen’s“[entitlement]toadminister the estate of her late husband” andspoke out against the claim that Ugandans should“cling to customs” (All Africa 1999). While theQueen triumphed, it must be noted that her

Objection! I’ll Allow It

success was at least in part due to herFirst, Cathy approaches the clan leaders,socioeconomic status. Her ability to afford the time

but she quickly discovers that their loyalties lie withand resources needed to travel to court along withPaul’s family and that they will not help her. They

the high media presence around her case ensured

suggest that she returns to her family’s land, but

her case would not be tossed aside.

there is fighting within the clan whether her sonsshould receive some of his father’s land when theyIn the case of the Queen of Toro, socioeconomic
status blurred the gendered nature of land
disputes. However, women who do not possesscome of age. Cathy tries to enter a mediation
process at different levels. Arbitration by the LC in
the village which was again decided in favor of thefamily due to family ties to the chairperson.

The Potential of ICTs to Combat Land Corruption in Uganda – A Gendered Approach27

Afterwards, Cathy goes to the ALC at the subcounty level without success and lastly to the
Resident District Commissioner and District Land
Board at the district level. The process is very
expensive for her since she has to pay lunch,transportation, and other unspecified expenses forthem to come and see the land. All the efforts werein vain and one night the family comes to chase
Cathy from her land by force. When Cathy is about
to lose hope, she hears about a center in aneighboring village that may be of help. At the

When there are disputes over land, as in the casecenter there are paralegals, trained to provide legal

with Cathy and her brothers-in-law, the first step

services, offering Cathy assistance free of charge.

under customary law is to go to the clan leaders

Together with the paralegals, Cathy reports theand try to reach an agreement. However, clan

incident to the police and decides to take her caseleaders will favor men over women the majority ofto the courts. Witnesses and neighbors are

the time due to the cultural belief that women doquestioned many times, but Cathy’s lack of official

not have the right to own land, even though the law

documentation makes it very difficult to prove her

recognizes women’s land rights. It is important toclaim over the land. As court hearings arenote that the Constitution of Uganda recognizes

frequently adjourned and nothing happens for six

that customary values may be incorporated inmonths at a time, the case goes on for years. In the

aspects of Ugandan life, as long as they areend, after three years have passed and Cathy has“consistent with fundamental rights and freedoms,

spent significant money and resources, the court

human dignity, and democracy” (Constitution of

decides in favor of Paul’s brothers. Many neighbors

Uganda 1995).

and villagers who were following the case say thatthe family bribed the judicial officers and the judge
to achieve a decision in their favor.

If Cathy believes the ruling by the clan leader isunfair, she can bring her case to higher
government agencies (see Appendix I) such as the

As illustrated by Cathy’s story, land grabbing is a

LC I, the ALC, the District Land Board, and even to

big issue in rural Uganda that frequently happens

the courts. The judicial system would start a newamong family members. When a man dies, his land

process and overrule any decisions made during

is grabbed from the widow and divided between thethe mediation at the clan level (see Appendix II).

men in his family. For many women, like Cathy,

However, as the issue scales up, the complainant

going back to their familial land was not an option.

needs resources to pay for the unofficial and official

Participants in the focus groups explained thatcosts of the process, including but not limited towhen a woman goes back to her parent’s land,transportation, airtime, fuel, and especially bribes.

either because she divorced or because her

According to the information collected by thehusband died, she is at the mercy of her siblings,

researchers, officials at all levels require thoseand it is up to them to share a portion of land with

unofficial payments in order to fulfil their jobs.

her.

28

Columbia University & Transparency InternationalTo solve a land issue through litigation, the caseadequately manage. Another challenge is that themust be taken to the courts. In general, the first

official and unofficial costs to access justiceencounter with the judicial system is the police. As

services are excessive and unclear; therefore, thementioned in an interview with a local law

poor are discouraged to seek for help. Moreover,

enforcement official, 60% of the cases reported to

the rich often offer large amounts of money tothe police are related to land. Once a case iseither delay the process or to connive with public

reported, an investigation will take place to build aofficials in their favor. Additionally, many womencase for court that includes going to the land,

lack the official documentation to prove their rightquestioning

andover the land in the dispute. Finally, there ischecking titles. This investigation is then given todifficulty in accessing services from lawyers due tothecost and accessibility. As mentioned previously,

witnesses

State’s

Attorney

andforneighbors,
mediationandthe Justice Centers offer free legal services to therepresentation.

person who first reports the case. However, aof the judicial system,

pertinent problem is that the more vulnerable

especially in rural areas, are the Justice Centers.

populations cannot go to Justice Centers due toJustice Centers provide free legal services to poor,lack of time or money. An additional problem which

vulnerable, and marginalized populations. Once a

increases inaction is the common opinion thatland issue is reported at the Justice Center, the“nothing will happen.” All these challenges havemanager assigns a legal officer to work on the

resulted in an increased lack of trust in institutions.

case. This legal officer will first conduct a mediation

In fact, in a survey conducted in 2012 reflected theprocess with both parties; this can take up to threepeople’s perception that the justice sector is themonths. If this mediation succeeds, the officer will

institution with the highest level of corruption (seewrite a Memorandum of Understanding, which

Appendix VI).

Anothermechanismholds up in court and can be used if any future
disputes occur. If the mediation fails, the officer willdraft a common complaint and take the case to

Uganda’s Most Bribery Prone Institutions

court. However, the Justice Center will only

The 2014 EABI reported that the top three

represent the person who first reported the land

institutions most prone to bribery in Uganda

issue. Whether the other party is represented or not

were the police force, land services, and theis not their concern. The court generally advises

judiciary (Transparency International Kenya

the other party to hire a lawyer, who is usually a

2014: 49). Yet these represent the key

private and expensive one. Another way to accessinstitutions that individuals must turn to during

legal services is through NGOs such as theinstances of land corruption and disputes, andUganda Association of Women Lawyers (FIDA-

Ugandans, in consequence, are often left

Uganda), which provide affordable legal services towithout avenues for fair and equitable recourse.

women.
Interviews with people involved in land disputes

Can You Hear Me Now?

revealed several challenges within the justicesystem in Uganda. To begin with, the number ofcases that the police, the justice centers, and thecourts receive are too high for public officials to

Walking back home from court, Cathy feels
dejected and wonders what she should do next.
That night, while preparing dinner, Cathy is

The Potential of ICTs to Combat Land Corruption in Uganda – A Gendered Approach29

listening to the radio and hears a talk show withfemale focus group participant said, “we want toTransparency International Uganda and local

express ourselves, which is not done well via

government officials discussing women’s landphone.” There may also be a fear of punishment

rights and how to report issues about land. At thewhen reporting land issues. A female focus groupend of the program, Cathy hears about the toll-freeparticipant shared that “there is a fear that [your]hotline that TI maintains. Quickly, she gets her

husband and clan leader can punish you, chasephone and calls the TI office and sets up an

you away, because in reporting these issues, you

appointment for the next day.

are spoiling the names of their clan.”Toll-free hotlines, like the one maintained by TI-U,
are a common method used by NGOs andgovernment

officesin

Ugandatofacilitate

reporting. Even though Cathy calls the hotline, notmany people in Uganda are utilizing this service. In
fact, TI-Uganda’s new call center in the Kampalaarea, which started operations in November 2016,
had received 31 calls within the first month of which
only nine dealt with reporting corruption. Almost
half the calls were unsuccessful because of poor
network connectivity or language barriers. In aninterview with a local NGO, a staff member shared
how the network fluctuates on and off. People callthe hotline and nobody answers because of
network problems. Indeed, a male focus group
participant shared that calling a toll-free line is often
a waste of time as “the number you are calling isbusy, busy, busy” and you have to try again later.
Furthermore, only two women were among the 31
callers, highlighting the difficulties for women toreport. The call center in Lira has been established
for a longer period of time, but concentrates on
cases of corruption in health and education. Only
two calls received in the reporting period of October
2016 addressed land issues.
Additionally, not many people are aware of these
services or have the contact information when theyneed it. A number of focus group participants
indicated that a barrier to using technology to report
land issues was knowing where and whom to call.
Furthermore, even in cases where technology isavailable, focus group participants indicated apreference to reporting issues in person. One

30

Columbia University & Transparency International

ACCU’s Community Based Monitoring and Evaluation Model
To address common forms of corruption in the health sector, such as absenteeism, drug theft, unauthorized
charges for medical services, and embezzlement, the Anti Corruption Coalition Uganda (ACCU) introduced
several different projects in Uganda. The Karamoja Anti Corruption Community Empowerment and the
Citizen Action Platform (CAP) are two prominent examples. These projects engage community members,
who monitor the delivery of government services in their local communities and report any forms ofcorruption and misconduct (Anti Corruption Coalition Uganda 2016; Anti Corruption Coalition Uganda n.d.).
Women are generally more affected by corruption in the health sector, since they are more likely to manage
their family members’ health issues. ACCU thus specifically mobilized women, asking them to reportcorruption via a SMS system. However, the lack of human contact through SMS left the monitors
apprehensive with the process, unsure of whether their reports were heard (Kiva 2011). ACCU now
partners with TI-Uganda, allowing for Ugandans to report incidents of corruption via TI-Uganda’s toll-freehotline, and this has proven more successful than the SMS system. After receiving a report of corruption,
ACCU dispatches someone to the field for verification. To deal with cases, public accountability forums areconvened to bring the issues to the attention of public officials and demand a commitment for action.
Unfortunately, the first project with the community-based monitors proved unsustainable; it was expensive
in its implementation because the women community members received phones and airtime from ACCU.
Once the donor funding ran out, the engagement of monitors did not continue. To ensure sustainability of
the initiative, ACCU now seeks volunteers who are willing to monitor government programs withoutcompensation. Another lesson learned from the project was the impracticality of smartphones compared tosimpler mobile phones. Smartphones are more difficult to maintain and require to be charged more
frequently, which becomes challenging in the rural context where electricity is not always readily available.
Yet it is important to note that land and issues of corruption are extremely sensitive, as was emphasizedby an NGO representative as well as a scholar in the land sector, which makes transferring this projectfrom the health to the land sector more difficult. This sensitivity is in part due to a lack of anonymity as land
disputes can always be connected to specific individuals. Therefore, monitors would be put at risk ofretaliation. Introducing such a program in the land sector would require measures to guarantee theprotection of community-based monitors.
Source: interviews with stakeholders

Thus, due to the unequal access and use of ICTs

into consideration, this hotline was made toll-free inin Uganda, any intervention should consider which

order to adequately service Uganda’s target

ICTs are accessible by the target community. As

communities. However, one academic expert has

mentioned

been

pointed out that reporting land issues is much more

implementing a program to improve health service

sensitive than those on health services since many

delivery in Northern Uganda since 2012 by

Ugandans depend on land for their livelihoods. If

providing a toll-free hotline for members of thethe security of those reporting cannot be ensured,community to report irregularities (Ogwang 2012).

they might be reluctant to take up the services of

Taking affordability of access and use of phones

such a toll-free hotline.

above,

TI-Uganda

has

The Potential of ICTs to Combat Land Corruption in Uganda – A Gendered Approach

31

In Summary
Through Cathy’s story and the analysis of theteam’s data, there are several findings directly
related to the study’s research questions:should not own land and that their access to landis through a male partner or family member.
Furthermore, corruption that manifests within theland administration system often leaves women
more vulnerable, particularly those with lower
socioeconomic

The land administration system is extremelycomplicated, which renders it difficult for the
population at large to understand and produces
a lack of transparency and confusion asclaimants need to deal with a variety of service
providers. Coupled with the necessity ofstatus, like widows.

In fact,

women’s land issues are often not even perceived
as a form of corruption due to the lack ofrecognition for women’s land rights. While women
who have a higher socioeconomic status may beable to alleviate some of the disadvantages they
face, that is not always the case.

obtaining land services, this has led towidespread and entrenched corrupt practices.
Thorough knowledge of the land administration
system remains scarce in the general population.
The high demand for land in Uganda has madeland more difficult to obtain. Increased population
growth, coupled with growing allocation of land forinfrastructure development by local and foreign
governments and businesses, has increased theburden for land. The necessity for land has
encouraged the use of corruption in the land
administration system. Particularly, those withgreater political, economic, and social capital canmore easily navigate the system when land issues
arise.

The judicial system possesses an integral role
in resolving land disputes. However, thejudiciary process is severely impeded due to abacklog of cases, a lack of documentation tobuild a case, and reported cases of corruption.
The judicial system is necessary to carry out andimplement the rule of law, especially whencompetingcustomarytraditions

conflictwith

Ugandan law. This conflict creates a gap ofknowledge about the judicial system. That pairedwith a diminished capacity in the judicial system
makes resolution of land issues more difficult,particularly for women. This creates space forconflict and exacerbates the lack of knowledge thatcitizens have, creating a real or perceived space forcorruption. Furthermore, there are more barriers for
women than men to access fair judicial andmediation processes when land issues arise suchas the lack of access to funds to pay for lawyers
and other court related costs.
There is a large rural/urban, gender, andsocioeconomic divide in ICT (i.e. mobile,
computer,andinternet)

accessandInstitutional deficiencies exacerbate the effects

capabilities. Among the different ICT options,of corruption in the land sector on women,

radio remains the most accessible and user-

especially those in poverty. Difficulties infriendly platform for women, followed by mobile

accessing land fairly disproportionately harms

phones. Mobile users primarily use technology towomen. It is a common perception that womenmake and receive calls, rather than performing

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Columbia University & Transparency International

other functions like texting. In rural communities,
access to internet remains particularly low and themost significant barriers to access are lack ofinfrastructure and community members’ inability toafford smartphones and phone credit. While many
programs

and

implemented

policies
to

are
build

currently

being

Uganda’s

telecommunications infrastructure and the future
potential for ICTs remains strong, the sector is still
emerging.

The Potential of ICTs to Combat Land Corruption in Uganda – A Gendered Approach

33

Category I: Strengthening Advocacy

5

TI-Uganda’s advocacy efforts with respect to the
WLAC program would be strengthened by effecting

RECOMMENDATIONS

institutional change within government agencies.

This section offers practical guidance for TI-

Recommendation 1.1: Implement Community

Uganda and TI-Secretariat to continue and build on

Scorecards as an Advocacy Toolits great work fighting against land issues and•corruption within the land administration system.

discrepancy between government policies andBased on the analysis of Uganda’s widespreadcommunities’ assessments and experiences ofcorruption, its complex land sector, and how

these policies. These scorecards function as agender dynamics intersect and shape people’s

toolexperiences, the team has formulated the following
recommendations

below.

Thoughthetheunderdeveloped

would also allow TI-Uganda to engage with

Ugandaninfrastructure,rendersanytechnologicalrecommendations

public officials and base advocacy in service
improvement on stronger evidence.
•

asked on the scorecards reflect the challenges

Nonetheless, access to and infrastructure of ICTs

that communities face regarding land. To

are growing; the Ugandan government andensure that different perspectives are heard--

industry are continuously

especially in regards to women’s needs andworking to expand coverage. Therefore, TI-

the barriers and forms of corruption they face--

Uganda may be better able to leverage thethe scorecards themselves should adopt a

potential of ICTs in its anti-corruption efforts in the
future.

Consequently,

theThe development of this tool should beparticipatory to ensure that the questions

solely focusing on such applications impractical.

telecommunicationsofresponses to cases of malfeasance, but it

population in the rural areas, coupled with
Uganda’seffectivenessof land administration services and on official

advisable at this point in time. The lack of ICTofthefill the lack of official data on public perceptionthat concentrating exclusively on technology is not
capacities

measureaccountable. Not only would these scorecards

support anti-corruption efforts, the findings suggest

and

to

government services and hold these agencies

study

focuses specifically on the potential use of ICTs toresources

Community scorecards shed light onto thegendered lens and as one of the implementing

following

agencies, TI-Uganda should work with relevant

recommendations distinguish between non-ICT

local partners, such as women’s grassroots

and ICT-related actions (highlighted in blue).

organizations.

Furthermore, recommendations are grouped inthree different categories targeting TI-Uganda
activities with respect to their 1) advocacy work, 2)

Recommendation

awareness and sensitization efforts, and 3) internal

Transparency in Land Administration

capacity•

andpartnershipbuilding.

Advocate

that

1.2:
the

Call
land

for

More

administration,

Recommendations offer both strategies aiming at

including ALCs, District Land Boards, and LCs

preventing, as well as reporting corruption in the

publish all information relevant to land rights,

land sector.

including the process of land acquisition andtitling in government offices and public spaces.

34

Columbia University & Transparency International•This would include, for example, the explicit

The IG’s scope should be broadened to include

steps and fees required for attaining and titlingland corruption, instead of simply relaying theland. Due to the lack of online access

responsibility toencountered by many rural Ugandans, thesystem. TI-Uganda should enter a consultative

administration fees associated with land forms

process with the IG on how to best address

should also be posted at the village level (e.g.

land corruption and could also collaborate withat the market, at the town hall).

the IG on improving the SMS corruption

Additionally, information should be sharedreporting service.

clearlyandvisibly

through

all

of

Land,

Housingandoverwhelmed justicepossiblecommunication platforms, including on the
Ministry

an

Urban

Development’s website and through frequentTV, newspaper, and especially radio spots.

Recommendation 1.5: Remunerate Local Land
Authorities•

TI-Uganda should push the government toincrease funding for land sector institutions.

Since women often have less access to the

For instance, paying ALC members for theirinternet and other more sophisticated ICT

engagement reduces the need and incentive toforms than men, information should be

ask

disseminated via local radio programs in theforbribes.

However,

the

team

acknowledges that this is limited by resource

local language.

constraints and would likely receive pushback.

Recommendation

1.3:

Supportthe

Implementation of the LIS•

Active support of the expansion of the Land
Information System, including advocacy formore local land offices for land administration,
will continue the LIS’s progress in improving
transparency of land processes and increasing
access to land services through its MZOs
around the country.

•

While aiding in the implementation of the LIS,
TI-Uganda should specifically advocate for

Recommendation 1.6: Pass the Marriage andDivorce Bill•

In collaboration with relevant partners, TIUganda should continue to actively demand
the adoption of the Marriage and Divorce Bill,
which has been under consideration for
approximately 50 years. The bill would prohibit‘widow inheritance’ and strengthen women’s
claim to property in cases of cohabitation anddivorce.

wives to be included in the registration
process, including images of the wives. This

Category II: Education and Awarenesswould ensure spousal consent for any landtransactions and that widows would be able tobase their claim to the land on official
documentation.

The need for increasing education and awarenesswas a recurring theme throughout the consultants’
field work. This category of recommendations
focuses on expanding current efforts to inform andsensitize communities and public officials on

Recommendation 1.4: Urge for Land Corruption

gender and land rights, as well as issues regarding

to Be Addressed by the IG

land administration, recognizing corruption, and•countering corrupt practices.

Currently, the IG only oversees matters offraud and embezzlement by public officials.

The Potential of ICTs to Combat Land Corruption in Uganda – A Gendered Approach35

Recommendations 2.1: Provide Information on•

Visuals broadcasting the correct official prices

Land Administration to Landowners

for land registration, as well as showing which•

It is necessary to continue the work of raising

services are free should be shared in theawareness within communities about which

community. The following poster can be a

local authorities are responsible for land

reference for such an announcement.

administration.

A

chart

comparable

toAppendix I would help illustrate the different
levelsofgovernment

and

show

which

obligations fall under each body in simple
language and images.
•

Information on how the different administrative
land forms, such as registration or transfer,look should be made available at the village
level to avoid confusion and deception by aseller or buyer.

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Columbia University & Transparency International

Recommendation 2.2: Provide Information on

things work through personal experience,

Means of Reporting and Other Resources

learned explanations, and recited narratives•

Given that many research participants shared(Collier 2016). While TI cannot feasibly changethat they did not know what resources were

all Ugandans’ lived experiences, it canavailable to them for reporting corruption, TI-

disseminate new narratives--like Cathy’s story-

Uganda should engage in a widespread-particularly to Uganda’s youth. As one NGO

campaign to ensure that mechanisms, such as

representative stated, paying a bribe is

the various toll-free hotlines or IG’s SMS

currently not looked down upon in Uganda; aservice for reporting corruption, are more

person can go to their family and say they paid

widely known in rural communities.

a bribe, but if that same person engages inShare information on possible avenues forother crimes, he/she will likely hide it. As it

resolving land issues and where to go if local

becomes common knowledge that complicity

actors are perceived to be compromised byto corruption is believed to be dishonorable

family ties or bribery.

and shameful, norms will gradually change.

••

Additionally, explain the role of the courts in•

TI-Uganda should adopt an approach insolving land disputes, the process of making acommunity mobilization inspired by the SASA!

case, and the challenges in the court process.

Approach (Start, Awareness, Support, Action)in Uganda. The strategy mobilizes everyone:

Recommendation 2.3: Provide Information on
Land Rights•

Even when women are included on the land
titles, research found that tradition and custom
often inhibit the practical recognition of theirland rights. TI-Uganda should continue efforts
to sensitize the whole community on women’sland rights and the benefits of women’s landownership and their inclusion on land titles ofshared plots of the household. TI-Uganda canalso educate men and women on theimportance of possessing documentation tohave their claims to land recognized so they
can be compensated in cases of infrastructuredevelopment or land grabbing.

Recommendation 2.4: Campaign for Change in
Gendered Relations•

In addition to education campaigns, TI-Uganda

individuals,

families,

neighbors

and

the

community, as well as local civil society
groups, media, and public officials to achieve
behavior change. The SASA! methodology
appliesfourphasesofcommunity

mobilization–Start, Awareness, Support, andAction–to help Ugandans understand theunequal power relations between men andwomen and the beneficial outcomes ofchanging them. In applying this approach toland, the first phase would address theknowledge of land rights; the second phasewould aim more specifically at changing
attitudes towards women’s dependency on
men for access; the third phase would build thecapacity of community members to support
women when faced by land disputes andeviction; and lastly, the fourth phase would
encourage behavior that does not challenge awoman’s access to land (Carlson 2013).

needs to work towards long-term behavioral
change of both men and women to achieve thefulfilment of women’s land rights. People
develop understandings of processes or how

The Potential of ICTs to Combat Land Corruption in Uganda – A Gendered Approach37

Means of Implementation Regarding Education and Raising AwarenessScaling Up Radio Programs

Radio is the most widespread ICT platform in rural communities.
Inviting government and NGO representatives as talk show guests is apromising way to sensitize communities about land issues. Also, jingles
to advertise TI-Uganda’s toll-free hotlines are an effective approach.

Design a Social Media

Targeting the young, urban population through the strategic use ofCampaign

hashtags and content that has the potential of going viral (e.g. shortvideos, memes) can be an effective tool to raise awareness regarding
corruption. The urban population often has ties with rural communities
through extended family and friends and would be able to share theinformation they gained through social media to those without accessas well.

Land Clinics for Communities

Establishing workshops would aim to build capacity at the community
level where land issues are more prevalent. These land clinics should
educate communities about Ugandan land law, land rights, and the land
administration process. Specifically, they would explain the different
steps and which fees and forms are required.

Training of Trainers on Use ofTraining community leaders should target more influential womenTechnology and Land Issues

representatives in the community to teach them about 1) the avenues
available for them to claim their land rights and receive redress, and 2)
how to use mobile phones, particularly smartphones, to report landcorruption. The individuals would assume the role of ‘Tech Advocates’
on a voluntary basis and disseminate the information and training theyreceived. Some of the incentives for the Tech Advocates could be theallocation of (smart) phones or, if technology is already accessible,
some airtime.

Targeting the Youth

Partnering with the current youth movement against corruption anddesigning easily understandable, interactive drama theatre would
sensitize the younger generation to be less compliant with corruption.
These efforts should predominantly 1) help to recognize corruption and2) educate about what to do when someone asks for a bribe.

38

Columbia University & Transparency International

Recommendation 2.4.1: Motivate Male Allies for

Category

Women’s Empowerment

Capacity at TI

•

III:

Building

Networks

andWhile it is necessary to engage with women’sorganizations

andrepresentatives

at

women
the

community

grassroots

level,

achieving lasting women’s empowerment andthe recognition of their land rights necessitatesbuy-in from the entire community. Therefore,
TI-Uganda should specifically target men;

TI-Uganda’s continued success relies on thegrowth of its current relationships and programs, aswell as the expansion of its functional capacities.
Not only would this extend TI-Uganda’s reach, but
it would also serve to increase its programmaticeffectiveness.

sensitizing them regarding women’s rights andsecuring them as allies. Engaging men as

Recommendation 3.1: Technology installments

agents of change promotes new ways offor TI-Ugandainteracting with their wives, mothers, and•daughters. To bolster the initiative, TI-Uganda

Uganda call centers to strengthen the hotline

should find local partners to organize “groupmeetings,

testimonies,

streetsystem and enable women and men to report

dramas,consultation and men–to–men activities toconvince other men to change their behavior,incidents of corruption at any time.
•in

women’srights”

Set up a database for organizing anddisaggregating all calls to facilitate efforts toand promote their understanding of andsupportIntroduce answering machines at all TI-

collect data on land corruption. Specifically,(Austrianmapping call information, including who calls

Development Cooperation and Care Nepal

then.d.).

hotline,

would

help

analyzetheeffectiveness of the hotline and for whom the
hotline remains inaccessible.

Recommendation 2.5: Train Land Officers andthe Police in Ethics•

Recommendation

3.2:

Share

In addition to education campaigns for the

between TI National Chapterscommunity at large, TI-Uganda should support•

the design of ethics training for public officers

Knowledge

As the TI-Secretariat undertakes its project topool all the information gathered by the similar

and police to discourage them from requiring

projects in the WLCA program, it should

any forms of bribes. To receive buy-in from theensure that the aggregated knowledge isgovernment and police, TI-Uganda could

passed to all TI national chapters with similar

partner with agencies like the Directorate forcontexts. This effort would not only strengthen

Ethics and Integrity to create a training video

ties between the national chapters, but also

on the consequences of corruption for thebuild a network to facilitate the direct exchange

individual and society as a whole.

of best practices for addressing land corruption
and women’s vulnerabilities.
•

Create regular meetings between the national
chapters’ WLCA Program Coordinators to
discuss findings and strategies within theregion.

The Potential of ICTs to Combat Land Corruption in Uganda – A Gendered Approach39

Recommendation 3.3: Increase partnerships•

Overcoming Challenges

Partnerships with government, other NGOs
and civil society/grassroots movements--suchas the Black Monday Movement--are crucial
for TI-Uganda to reach rural communities andregions where TI-Uganda does not have strong
representation.

Indeed,involvementofgovernment authorities, as well as NGOs, isimportanttoprovidecomprehensive

information services. Specifically, TI-Uganda
should continue building partnerships byinviting government officials to TI-Uganda’s
initiatives in the rural areas, such as theirsuccessful

Openengagement

betweenForums,enabling

communities

andrepresentatives to work towards stronger
accountability.
•

TI-Uganda should especially engage with the
Ministry of ICT to identify possibilities to use
technology in anti-corruption efforts.

The proposed initiatives present many challenges
including, but not limited to 1) the need forincreased resources, particularly financial andhuman resources, 2) the lack of political will
resulting in pushback from those in power
engaging in corrupt practices, and 3) the inability toguarantee anonymity when reporting corruption.
To overcome the challenges posed by limitedmonetary and human resources, data highlighting
TI’s

programmatic

successesofincreasingawareness and decreasing land corruption must becollected and widely disseminated. This data canbe utilized and communicated to aid resource
mobilization and international campaigns for
additional funds and resources, which can then be
used to scale successful programs to the national
level and affect change.
Due to the pervasive nature of corruption within thegovernment institutions, there is a lack of political

Recommendation 3.4: Build Capacity andwill to combat corruption. In order to impact political

Networks with the Judicial Sector

will, strategic relationships must continue to be built•

Since land disputes are often resolved throughand strengthened with civil society, government

either informal means of mediation or formal

agencies, and the private sector

court processes, building a network with justice

Expanding these partnerships into the private

centers and NGOs focusing on legal services,

sector and government will increase buy-in in andlike FIDA, is necessary. These partnerships

help in addressing potential pushback from those

could

both

that benefit from the status quo and existing

community members and TI staff. Trained TI

corruption. By creating private sector partnerships,

community paralegals

TI-Uganda

facilitate

legal

training
can

help

for

affectedcanencouragebusinesses’community members go through mediationaccountability and the strengthening of due

processes with clan leaders or LC I, LC II, or

diligence protocols in combatting corruption. It

LC III representatives, as well as offer advice

would also allow TI to collectively work in improving

on filing a case for court.

Uganda’s enabling business environment, leading
to increased growth in Uganda’s economy.

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Columbia University & Transparency International

When implementing ICT initiatives, it is difficult towhenever they are in the field to ensure they canensure anonymity for those reporting corruption. As

report if needed.

many individuals in rural areas do not have accessto technology, they must borrow a neighbor’s orToother family member’s phone in order to report land

recommendations, it is strongly recommended thatissues. As many of these issues are within the

any initiatives implemented should be scaled up.

community, this can potentially lead to exposure of

By expanding the above programmatic activities

reporters to members of the village and increase

nationally and addressing these challenges totheir vulnerability. TI should be aware of this reality

implementation, TI can take the necessary steps to

and

local

overcome potential barriers and change theadministrators at the LC I and LC II level. TI should

attitudes and behavioral norms found in the report

also specifically seek out vulnerable populations

that encourage land corruption.

move

to

increase

buy-infromensurethesuccess

The Potential of ICTs to Combat Land Corruption in Uganda – A Gendered Approach

of

the

above

41

rooted in a long patriarchal history and customary6

traditions,intersectwithpovertytodisproportionately increase women’s vulnerability
to corruption. The common perception that women

CONCLUSION

should not own land, along with their lower rates of
education and literacy, compounds women’sLand, corruption, and ICTs are complex andinsecure access, management, and ownership ofdynamic issues, playing significant roles inland. As a result, women, especially those without

Ugandans’ lives. On one hand, they promote orsocial or financial capital, are more susceptible toeven generate wealth, but on the other, they create

injustices relating to land and face increased

or increase vulnerability. Gender in Uganda isdifficulties in claiming their legal rights.

nuanced as well, intersecting and influencing land
rights, exposure to corruption, and access toWhile ICTs are often anticipated as the “silver

technology. Yet these interwoven aspects not only

bullet”

affect Ugandan lives today; they also haveinfluence on issues like land rights is nottodevelopment

issues,technologicalenormous effects on the future. Indeed, the futurestraightforward, especially since ICTs – likeand security of Ugandans often rely on theircorruption – are gendered and create differing lived

experiences with land and corruption, and theseexperiences. Indeed, ICTs may cause new

aspects will also have considerable influence in thechallenges in addition to solving them. Analyzing

country’s

the intersection of land, corruption, and ICTs with ageneraleconomic

andpolitical

development.

gendered lens is thus key in generating appropriate
approaches that mitigate current issues while

The analysis in this report has concluded thatpreventing new ones. The cross-sectional analysis

corruption

extremelythat was performed is therefore essential incomplicated and deeply rooted. In fact, theunderstanding how best to potentially use ICTs tosignificant number of corrupt actors involved infurther development, empowerment, and justice.

in

the

land

sectoris

Uganda’s land sector has resulted in the loss of
substantial resources, including money, time, andDespite several successful international practices

political trust. Moreover, since corruption has, into combat corruption with the use of advanced ICTs

many cases, become the norm, Ugandans have(e.g. websites on the internet, mobile phones), thisdeveloped

report underlines the nascent state of technology intheperception

that

briberyis“necessary” to access critical services. With soruralmany complicit to corruption, its propagation

geographical target of any intervention. The

continues more easily.

consultants’ field research observed the wide

Uganda,

which

would

likelybetherural/urban and gendered divide of access to ICTs,
Unfortunately, those lacking funds have been

like mobile technology. In fact, the accessibility oflosing out; they are unable to afford bribes and

ICTs is still very limited, especially in rural andconsequently unable to access their land rights.

more remote areas, due to their affordability and

Yet, these are the Ugandans that most criticallyelectricity requirements. While there are growing

needpolicy initiatives of utilizing more ICTs in the publiclandvulnerability

servicestoascrimespovertylike

land

generates
grabbing.

Additionally, gender norms in Uganda, which are

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Columbia University & Transparency International

sector, for example the creation of the LIS todocument land titles, these type of ICT programs
have proven to not be a panacea, and as
mentioned,

can

even

exacerbate

existing

inequalities and even create new problems.
Indeed, before ICTs like mobile phones can beused to empower women to fight corruption, efforts
must

be

made

to

enableUganda’swider

population, including the rural poor, to have greater
access and capabilities of ICTs. At the same time,even though mobile proliferation and capabilities
continue to increase in Uganda, it is important toreiterate that ICTs are tools; they must be used inconjunction

with

more

comprehensive

andcollaborative initiatives. Only then will ICTs
demonstrate their tremendous potential to drive
inclusive economic development and transparent
governance in Uganda.
Considering this context of ICTs in Uganda, alongwith the cross-cutting nature of gender and poverty,
it is recommended that efforts to strengthen
institutions be implemented alongside educational
dialogues utilizing radio programs to combat
corruption. Additionally, in order to make a larger
impact, it is essential to collaborate with all aligning
stakeholders, such as civil society, which wasobserved to be very influential and active in
Uganda. Indeed, it is through TI’s efforts in leadinga coalition of actors that Uganda will move theneedle towards a corruption-free land sector.

The Potential of ICTs to Combat Land Corruption in Uganda – A Gendered Approach43

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APPENDIX I
Local Government Administration

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APPENDIX II
Justice System

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APPENDIX III
The Potential of ICTs for Women Tackling Land Corruption in Uganda
SIPA Workshop in Development Practice 2016-17
Columbia University
Focus Group Guide: Community Members

Focus Group: Female or Male Members of a Community in Uganda who [own customary land, own mailo
land, own no land]
Facilitators: SIPA Team
Assumptions•

Size: About 10 to 12•

Private setting•

Separate female and male groups, subdivided by age (19-35 and 36+)•

Separate groups based on type of land owned

Preparation
Before starting a focus group discussion, keep in mind your study questions. These questions are for yourorientation only; they may need rephrasing when discussing them with the focus group:•

How do gender, land, and corruption intersect and affect men and women’s lived experiences
differently?

•

How can ICTs be better mobilized to support anti-corruption efforts in land and to empower women tocounter land corruption in Uganda?

Facilitation
The role of the focus group facilitator is to get the participants to talk, in a way that should be as free-flowing
as possible and that allows every participant to fully contribute. The facilitator should:•

Invite all participants – including the quieter ones - to speak. One good way of doing that is if the
facilitator first sums up statements of other participants (without referring to their names, for example
by saying “someone in this discussion just said...”), and then asks a quieter participant how she/ hesees the point.

The Potential of ICTs to Combat Land Corruption in Uganda – A Gendered Approach57

•

If there is a long pause in the discussion, rephrase the different ideas stated in the discussion (again,
without naming names) and ask whether you have understood correctly. If participants don’t add
anything new, move on to the next question.

•

If the discussion strays away from the main subject, sum up the latest statements and link them backto the initial question on the main subject matter.

•

Don’t say anything without referring to statements that have already been made. The facilitator does
not add anything new to the discussion – she/ he only keeps it flowing.

FOCUS GROUP SCRIPT
Introduction
Hello, and thank you for meeting with us today. I’m [name 1] and this is [name 2]. We are both students from
Columbia University. We are working on behalf of Transparency International to learn about your experience
with access to land in Uganda and about how people use technology in your community.
We are here today because we want to hear your opinions and learn from your personal experiences. You
don’t need to participate if you do not want to. You do not have to answer any questions if you do not want to,and you are free to leave the group at any time.
We will be taking notes and would like to tape record this session in order to capture your thoughts as
accurately as possible. We will not share your names with Transparency International or anyone else.
Do we have your permission to record this conversation? [Wait for consent.]
Thank you very much. Before we start, please remember to raise your hand before sharing your ideas. This
will make sure that everyone has the opportunity to participate equally.
We are interested in all your thoughts, comments, and suggestions, so please speak one at a time. Also, feel
free to speak directly to each other. Remember, there are no right or wrong answers, and all comments arewelcome. Please do not be afraid to voice differing opinions. We would like to have as many points of view as
possible.
The discussion will take about two hours. If you need to take a break, please let us know.
Do you have any questions before we begin? [Wait for questions.]
Ice-Breaker
1. We would like to start by going around the room and have everyone introduce themselves. Can you
share your name?

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a. Can you describe the members of your household?
b. Can you talk about your routine on a regular day?
c.

Would your routine be different if you were a [man/women – refer to member of the opposite
gender]?

2. What is something that we should make sure to see while we are in Uganda?
Land[Transition based on responses of routine of members in the household:] It sounds like many of [you/yourfamilies] work with or on land and so we would like to talk about land now.
3. Does anyone in your family own land?
a.

What type of land do they own?

b.

What do they use it for?

c.

How did they obtain it?

4. [If they own land:] Can you describe the role of the local land administration and service [local branchof Ministry of Land, Housing, and Urban Development] in obtaining your land?
a.

What is your opinion of them?

5. [If they do not own land:] Have you ever tried to own land?
a.

Can you speak on your experience of that process?

b.

Is there something in the process that you consider unfair?

6. What are the most common ways for people to acquire land in your community?
a.

Do they inherit? Do they purchase? Is it allocated by the government?

b.

Is it the same for women and men?

7. How important is it to you to own land?
a.

What are other ways to earn money if you have no land?

8. Can you describe any possible issues that landowners that you know or in your family have had todeal with in the last two years?
a.

Can you relate any differences in experience between landowners you know? [Probe if

different experiences were related to gender]
9. Can you describe the biggest potential barriers that you or people you know face in reporting landissues?
10. How are natural resources (like water, for example) distributed within the community?
a.

Do you have to pay for them or know someone?

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59

b.

Why does this system exist?

11. What in your opinion is the most significant issue related to land ownership? Why?
[Scenario, to be adapted in consultation with TI Uganda staff:] We heard about a woman named Frances
who had to walk 30km a day to the District Land Board to have a case on her land heard. Every time shereached the District Land Board, they would postpone her hearing to the next day. This went on for a month
before they heard her case.
12. Have you or anyone you know experienced something similar with any government agency or office?
Technology[Transition:] Thank you for sharing all of your thoughts and perspectives on land and land issues. They will
be very helpful for our study. We would now like to find out more about how people use technology in yourhousehold and community. When we mention “technology,” we’re thinking of [mobile phones, laptops, tablets
or other access to the internet].
13. What kind of technology do you use regularly? [Probe for the types of technology used, such as
mobile phones, laptops, tables or other access to the internet].
a.

Do you have easy access to these technologies? [Probe for information on who in thehousehold controls access to/use of mobile phones, etc.]b.

What do you use them for?

c.

About what percentage of your family’s budget is spent on these technologies? [May needto rephrase and probe]
14. Do different members of your family have different access to [technology – or refer to specific typesof technology based on previous answers]? Who in your family is best at using [technology]?
15. Have you ever used any of these technologies to communicate with an NGO or a government office?
a.

If so, for what and with whom?

b.

What was your opinion of this process?

16. If there was a [system/technology/app] to report the land issues we discussed, would you feel safe
and comfortable using this system? Why or why not?
Conclusion
Thank you very much for speaking with us. We appreciate your time, and your insights have been very helpful.
If there is anything else that you would like to discuss, or if you would like to meet with us individually, pleasetalk with us at the end of this session and we will get in touch with you later.

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APPENDIX IV
The Potential of ICTs for Women Tackling Land Corruption in Uganda
SIPA Workshop in Development Practice 2016-17
Columbia University
Interview Guide: Government Officials, NGO Staff, Academics, Private Sector Professionals
Interviewee: Government officials; NGO staff working in land-, gender-, and/or ICT- related issues; academic
experts on land, gender, corruption and/or ICTs; private sector professionals
Interviewer: SIPA Team
Location: Uganda
Introduction
Good morning/afternoon, and thank you for meeting with us today. I’m [name] and I will be serving as theinterviewer today. This is [name] who will be taking notes. We are both student researchers from Columbia
University in New York. We are working in partnership with Transparency International to study the possible
use of ICTs (information and communications technology) for women in accessing land. The information wegather in our study will be included in a report for Transparency International. We will not share your name or
any other personal information outside of this study.
We hope to take no more than one hour of your time today. You can choose to skip any question you do notwant to answer and you may end this interview at any time. Before we begin we would like to confirm yourconsent to conduct this interview. [Wait for consent]
We will be taking notes and would like to tape record this session in order to capture your thoughts as
accurately as possible. Do we have your permission to record this conversation? [Wait for consent][If consent is not given] No problem, we fully understand and will proceed with the interview without
recording.
Thank you very much. Do you have any questions before we begin? [Wait for questions]Interview Questions
A. Ice-Breaker
1. Could you please tell us about the work you do at your organization?
a.

[If not mentioned before, ask:] How long have you worked for this organization?

b.

[If not mentioned before, ask:] Have you held other positions within this organization?

The Potential of ICTs to Combat Land Corruption in Uganda – A Gendered Approach61

B. Definition [only for interviews with officials or experts working on corruption]
2. In your [work/research], how do you define corruption? How do you define land corruption?
3. How does your organization approach corruption, especially related to land?
4. How is corruption thought about in general in Uganda?
C. Land Acquisition[Transition:] We would like to learn as much as we can about formal and informal processes of acquiring landin Uganda, and your insights here would be very useful for us.
5. Could you describe the formal process of transferring and registering land?
a.

What is the first step?

b.

Is it a long process?

c.

What kind of official and/or unofficial fee do people need to pay?

d.

[For government/NGOs]: Where does your [organization/office] get involved in the processof transferring or registering land?
e.

What other government agencies/NGOs are involved in the process - at the national and the

local level?
6. Does the formal process of transferring land differ across regions or is it centrally directed?
7. What are some of the schemes or programs for government allocation or distribution of land, and how
do they work?
8. What happens when this system doesn’t work for certain people? What are the informal mechanismsthat people use?
a.

[Probe:] When does it become a problem?

b.

[Probe:] Does the government view it as a problem?

9. In your opinion, what are some of the main issues and problems in land administration in Uganda?
10. Based on your experiences at your organization, have you ever heard of and/or experienced any cases[in which the land buyer was required to pay an extra fee or benefits other than official fees] [of corruption]?
a.

[If answered yes:] For what reason does it happen?

b.

[If answered yes:] Do you think how often that happens?

c.

[If answered yes:] Who are the victims of that?

D. Customary Laws in Land Acquisition[Transition:] We understand that the acquisition and management of land is often governed by customarylaw, and would like to discuss the role of these laws in land transfers.
11. Are you familiar with the customary laws or practices with respect to land?
a.

62

Are you familiar with the customary laws or practices of any particular regional or ethnic group?

Columbia University & Transparency International

b.

Could you tell us more about what it would be like to go through the customary process ofacquiring or transferring land as a landowner?
12. Do you see any problems associated with the use of customary law to acquire and manage land?
a.

[If answered yes:] Why is that?

b.

[If answered yes:] Does the government have any initiatives to transition from the customary

law to the formal law system?
13. Have you ever heard of any particular groups of the population [having advantages or disadvantages][experiencing corruption] in acquiring land through the customary law system?
14. Is there any difference between regions, or between urban and rural areas, in terms of the use ofcustomary law?
E. Women and Land Ownership[Transition:] This is very helpful to know. Now we would like to dive deeper into how [you/your organization]
perceive these issues with respect to women.
15. Based on your experiences [at your organization], what are some of the differences you have observed
between men and women and their land rights?
a.

How do these differences relate to other issues that influence women’s rights andopportunities?
16. Do more men or more women attempt to acquire and register land?
a.

[Either answer:] Why do you think that is the reason?

b.

[If answered “men”:] Do you think there are barriers that prevent women from owning land?

c.

[If answered “men”] What do you think are some of the social, economic or cultural factorsthat prevent women from owning land?
17. Are women more [likely to be required to pay unofficial fee or other benefits] [vulnerable to corruption]
when acquiring, owning and/or managing land?
a.

How is it different for men?

18. Based on your experiences [at your organization], how do women report [those kinds of unofficial
requirements] [this type of corruption] in Uganda?
a.

Does this differ from how men report?

b.

Based on your experiences [at your organization], what do you think are the biggest potential

barriers women face in reporting those issues?

The Potential of ICTs to Combat Land Corruption in Uganda – A Gendered Approach63

F. Use of ICTs in Tackling Land Corruption[Transition:] It does seem like women face different [issues/challenges] when acquiring, owning andmanaging land. Now we would like to get your perspective on the role that technology, especially informationand communication technology or “ICTs”, could play in addressing these issues.
19. [For government/NGOs]: Does your [organization/office] make use of any technology (for example,
mobile phones or the internet) to engage with [your constituents/ local community members]?
a.

[If answered yes:] How do you use them?

b.

[If answered yes:] Have you received any feedback from [your constituents/local community

members] on this?
i.

[If answered yes:] What has the response been like?

20. Do you know of any use of ICTs to report when people face [some kind of unofficial fees or benefits][corruption] in Uganda?
a.

[If answered yes:] Who has been supporting these uses of ICTs?

b.

[If answered yes:] In your experience, who makes use of these applications?

c.

[If answered yes:] Why would people be willing to use these applications?

d.

[If answered yes:] Why might people be reluctant to use these applications?

e.

[If answered no:] If there were an initiative to use ICTs for this type of reporting, do you thinkpeople would be willing to use it? Why or why not?
21. What kind of information would [you/your organization] like to receive through the potential use of
ICTs?
a.

How would this help your work on [land/gender equality issues]?

22. Based on your experiences [at your organization], what do you think are possible advantages in using
ICTs?
a.

What do you think are possible disadvantages in using ICTs?

Closing Remarks●

Is there anything else you would like to share that we haven’t already discussed?

●

Do you have any questions for us?

●

Do you have any suggestions of other experts we should speak to?

●

Do you mind if we contact you again in case we have a question or need clarification at a laterstage? [Provide information sheet and business card.]Thank you very much for speaking with us. We really appreciate that you have taken this time for us. Your
insights will be very helpful for our study.

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APPENDIX V
The Potential of ICTs for Women Tackling Land Corruption in Uganda
SIPA Workshop in Development Practice 2016-17
Columbia University
Interview Guide: Community Member
Interviewee: A community member in Uganda
Interviewer: SIPA Team
Location: Uganda

Introduction
Good morning. Thank you for speaking with us today. My name is ___________ and this is ________. [Thanks
for participating in the focus group/previous meeting. We would like to know more about your personal
experience in land issues. As we mentioned earlier,...] We are students from Columbia University and are
conducting a study with Transparency International. We would like to better understand land ownership in yourcommunity and your interactions with the government related to land. We are interested in hearing your stories
and experiences.
Please note that [as we mentioned earlier,] we are not employed by Transparency International, and we will
not receive any payment for this study.
The interview will take about one hour. Please feel free to skip any questions you do not want to answer, andto stop the interview at any time. With your permission, we will be taking notes and recording theconversation. We won’t record your name in our notes, and we will destroy the recording once we haveupdated our notes.
Will you allow us to record today's interview? [Wait for consent.][If no:] Thank you for letting us know, we understand and will just take written notes.
And finally, before we begin, do you have any questions for us? [Wait for questions.]
Icebreaker•

To start, can you tell us a little about yourself?

[Make dynamic comments/conversation here about her/his community and family, to further the ice breakerand make her/him feel at ease.]

The Potential of ICTs to Combat Land Corruption in Uganda – A Gendered Approach

65

Core Interview Questions
1. What type of work do women in your community do?
2. How common is it for women to own land in Uganda? Why do you think that is the case?
3. How important is owning land to you and why?
4. What has your experience been with the process of acquiring/registering land?
5. What are the most common ways for people to acquire land in your community? (Is it inherited? Is it
purchased? Is it allocated by the government?) Is each process the same for men and women?
6. What are some of the challenges women face when trying to access/register land compared to men?
Can you give us an example?
7. What are some of the ways to report unfair issues related to owning/registering land? Have you usedthem?
8. How familiar are you with your land rights? Have you ever felt those rights violated? Can you give an
example or think of a time that has happened to someone you know?
9. Have you or someone you know ever reported any violation of your rights? Through what means? Can
you give an example?
10. What has your experience been with government services and programs for people who own or want
to own land? (for example, titling, microfinance, agricultural extension services, etc.)
11. Does your family have a mobile phone? Access to the internet? Do most families in your community
have mobile phones? Access to the internet? How does your family use these technologies? How
important is technology in your everyday life?
12. Have you ever used your phone/the internet to report any issues related to owning/registering land?
a.

[If yes:] Has did it work? What was the result of your report?

b.

[If no:] Do you think that a phone could help you to report land issues? Why or why not?

13. If you could change anything about the land system in Uganda, what would that be?
Closing•

Is there anything else that you would like to share with us?

•

Are there any other people in your community whom we should contact regarding land issues?

•

Do you have suggestions of places we should visit before we leave the country?

Thank you again for your help with our study. Your answers will provide valuable insight for our final report. If
you would like more information about our work or have any questions for us, here is our contact
information. [Share information sheet and/or business card].

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APPENDIX VI

The Potential of ICTs to Combat Land Corruption in Uganda – A Gendered Approach67