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Performance: Lobi Lobi - Conceptual Background:In fact, this performanceresemblesthe traditionalwayang kulit, exceptthat the techniqueemployedresemblesthat ofan animatedcartoonor film.
The screen,where all imagesand picturesappear, is a vital componentof the medium.In simple terms, from the firstwayang performanceuntil now, an audience needs a screen in order to witness images, whether membersof thataudiencewatch television,cinema,computerimages,slidesor "games."
In this performance, the wayang puppets employed are referred to as "wayang REGEN."The latter word is an acronym
for RekayasaGenetika,or GeneticEngineering.This refersto the fact that the ideal humanfigure ls distortedor translated into a visual languagethat has a profoundsymbolicsignificance.However,the backgroundof the charactersof
this wayang has also been transformed by the add ition of figures from outside the tradition. These REGENfigures aremutants,similarin appearanceand characterto figuresfrom Star Wars.
In simplelanguage,the conceptls similarto the theoryof Evolutionpropoundedby Sir CharlesDarwin,who createda
scandal with his implicationthat humansare descendedfromapes. Accordingto one anecdote,our ancestorsevolved
from monkeysinto humans,who then evolved into wayang puppets. One similarity between monkeysand wayang
puppets is that the length of their arms is longer than the length of their legs.
The LobiLobistoriesare inspiredby an actual situationthat occurredin the generalelectionperiod,when commentators and reportersoften referredto the large numberof emerginglobbies. However, for me the word "lobby" means
something else. In my language, "lobby" is a kind of extremely sour grape that is used in rujok bebeg , a local dish.
The LobiLobiare a form of criticismof the democraticsystemin Indonesia,where hypocriticalpersonalor communal
valuesare hiddenbehindthe rhetoricalexpression"ForOur Nation."The humanlife forceis oppressedby the logicof
forceratherthan the logic of intellect, perhapsbecausethe paradigmfor justice,truth and law is not operating properly.
(Heri Dono)79

Watching the Logicthrough an Upside-down Mind
[Heri Dono]
Heri Dono: BizarreDalang, Javanese Bricoleur, Low-TechWizard[Apinan Poshyananda]
Context[Jim Supangkat]
Dona'sParadox:the Arrow and the Kris
[David Elliott]Watch ing the Logic through an Upside-down Mind
[Heri Dono]
Heri Dono: Bizarre Dalang, Javanese Brica/eur, Low-Tech Wizard[Apinan Poshyananda)
Context[Jim Supangkat)
Dona's Paradox: the Arrow and the Kris
[David Elliott)Watching the Logic through an Upside-down Mind
Heri DonoFirst of all, I have read and seen for myself how a society's system of thinking can beengineered using ideas expressed as their opposite. If we examine the situation inIndonesia at present, the appropriate metaphor might be that of viewing the process ofcreation of a glass painting, in which the artist must create a mirror image of the picture
he wants to portray, because the picture will be viewed from the other side of the glass.
Only by creating a mirror image will the artist present a true picture to the viewers.
This reversal of the truth through a process popularly known as "twisted logic" isan interesting phenomenon, in which the truth as defined by normal logic is reversed orcontrad icted, but the result is nonetheless a version of the "truth."
In the dominant culture of Indonesia, almost all issues are character ized by dualism, paradox and ambiguity. In this culture, humanity lives in an animated cartoon worldin which people are little more than cardboard figures. Basically, the driving spiritualforce in society is animism. The fundamental principle of animism, that every object hasa soul, is reflected in the world of animated fantasy.
In an animated cartoon, each and every object can move and become alive.A chair
can get up and run, a drop of water can smile, a tree can dance or even fly. The mostunl ikely events, events that would be completely impossible in the real world, seem
commonplace in an animated cartoon. Similarly, events that would seem impossible in
the real world are commonplace in Indonesia . Anything is possible. There are many examples. For instance, a president can hold power for 30 years without accumulating asingle cent in personal wealth . A large individual can mysteriously disappear without a
trace from prison, and even from Indonesia. With even less difficulty, enormous sums ofmoney can mysteriously disappear from a bank. Perhaps, in this case, the disappearance is facilitated by the relatively small size of the banknotes compared to the size of ahuman being.
The phenomena that I have described above are commonplace, proving that absurdity represents its own form of the truth. However, it is extremely difficult to distinguish between those events that really happen and those that are created by rumor. It
was particularly difficult to distinguish reality from falsehood through the mass media
or through educational institutions, particularly under the Suharto regime, when thestrength of prohibition and censorship were so strong that the only way to determ ine
the truth was to witness an event as it happened , from close up. During this period,
news reports were routinely edited to accord with the interests of the government. During this period , the favorite expression of the power holders was: "In the interest of
National Stability." In this fashion, life became increasingly convoluted.
I have worked with many other individuals in the creative process, most of whomwere "ordinary people." The installation art and the performances that I have created,
including my version of the wayang, have all involved the input of a wide variety of
individuals, from friends involved in electronics, mechanics, construction, crafts and various arts, and others, including becak drivers and grave diggers.
The process of creat ing these works has been particularly interesting when it has
invol ved intense interaction in the form of a mutual dialog. Artistic paradigm and expression unique to the locality become part of the work. If I create a work of art using
either simple or advanced technology, my purpose is not to display the technology used.
Rather, I am inspired by my conception of animism. The theme or basic concept behindthe creation of a work of art, whether innovative or inventive, is born out of a personal
situation and the need for expression. I don't use voice or movement in painting, but I
do in installation art, performances and videos . The art that I create is not merely an
exploration in creative aesthetics. I also endeavor to awaken a new awareness in myaudience through an interactive process.
Themes involving society, politics, violence, militarism and other similar issues areimportant for me. I recognize that an artist occupies a unique position as a witness ofthe period in which he or she works. This role is particularly important because in82

Indonesia, educat ion serves the purpose of perpetuating ignorance rather than enlightening the nat ion. In the Indonesian educational system, concepts such as intellectual
freedom and personal development have no place. Education is a means for inculcating
ignorance .
Through an interactive relationship, the process of creating a work of art becomesthe medium for viewing the differences between various paradigms of thought and themeans by which a non-academic orientation can provide enrichment in an informal context that nonetheless allows for the spread and socialization of the concept to the ordinary viewer. This can develop a prospect of life in the formation of the structure of the
middle class, a class still weak in Indonesia.
In the process of creating a work of art, I often use traditional elements. My audience is often intimately familiar with these elements. However, these elements are notplaced in the structure defined by traditional patrons of the arts. Rather, these elements
are used because they are more capable of representing a dialectical local expression
and of communicating the individual perceptions of the artist. In this regard, tradition
forms a vital catalyst in an essential, ongoing cultural dialog. In this light, tradition andthe traditional arts are not something to be preserved in a museum. Rather, I believethat trad iti on and the traditional arts are capable of being developed and created.
In the Bringharjo Market in Yogyakarta, traders sell old electronic goods side byside with the sellers of traditional medicines. If I want to purchase the electronic goods,
the seller will ask me how many kilograms I would like to buy. In my book, these electronic goods can be categorized as traditional. In my opinion, the problem of contemporary art can be traced semiot ically through a traditional methodology. For example, inthe traditional Chinese system of treatment, reflexology, if the patient has a headacheor other disorder elsewhere in his or her body, the treatment takes place through thenerve centers located in his foot. It is generally acknowledged that contemporary art,
particularly contemporary art from Asia, is ruled by a different paradigm to that whichgoverns Western culture. For example, in the philosophy of perspective in the West, thedistinction between the Subject and Object is clearly drawn. In the philosophy of perspective in Asia, there is no such distinction. In the Mandala system, the subject is assumed to be all-pervasive.
The significance of the difference in the two approaches is represented in a concrete fashion by the design of the Borobudur temple, or by the layout of the city of
Yogyakarta, which places the kraton both phys ically and spiritually at the center of the
consciousness of the community. The installation art and several of the performances inwhich I have been involved are also inspired by a Mandala-type perspective . As an
artist, I recognize that an artist plays an important role in society as a social and politicalcontrol, representing a viewpoint that may be at odds with that of the government's.
My work, Bidadari (Flying Angels)(1996, cat.no .8) was inspired by the Flash Gordon
stories, created long before Neil Armstrong flew to the moon in the Apollo 11 spacecraft
and took his first step on the moon. This proves that the human imagination and inspiration can be inspired by symbols and events dating to well before the period in which theartist operates. For me, the Bidadari is an extremely personal symbol of freedom of conscience, replacing the Garuda symbol that has been used as a symbol of collective ideology and propaganda to prevent individuals from developing their intellect and personality freely.
Yogyakarta, 5 August 2000
(translated by Tom Kortschak)83

Heri Dono: Bizarre Dalang, JavaneseBricoleur, Low-TechWizard
Apinan Poshyananda

fig.1 (p.15)

Heri Dono, scenesfrom The Drunkennessof Semar,
10 December1995, performanceat Freud'sArts Cafe,
Oxfo rd, U.K.

fig.2 (p.15)
Wayang kulit , Semor

fig.3 (p.15)
Wayang ku/it, Arjuna"Semar is a God from Hindu stories, he is a man, but she is a woman . (S)he smile s but s(he)cries. In the story he eats the moon and then can't get it back out again, so when (s)he speaks,(s)he speaks in symbols, in symbolic meanings. Although a God (s)he lives with common people.
(S)he is a wi se joker who criticize s tho se in power using symbol s and allegories, all phrased in
the language of the peopl e, giving them wi sdom. Unlike the tr aditional story , I show Semar
when (s) he is drunk , without wisdom anymore. In thi s conditi on, Semar can be appropriated by
the author ities and turned into a devil, they can pretend to have Semar's sober wisdom. Thus a
dictator can seem to be a man of the people ."- Heri Dono, The Drunkenness of Semor, at Freud's Arts Cafe, Oxford, U.K., 10 December 1995.'

Playing wit h Shadows
Semar is a symbol of the guardian spirit of all Javanese and perhaps the most important
figure in the shadow-puppet play (wayang kulit). Semar, Petruk, and Gareng are thethree great low clowns who are constant compan ions of the Pendawas (Skt: Pandava),
the five famous hero brothers adapted from the Indian epic Mahabharata and placed ina Javanese setting . Semar is actually a god and the brother of Siva, king of all gods.
Many opposit ions seem to meet in the character of Semar, who is both god and clown,
most refined inwardly but clumsy and falstaffian in appearance. Semar has been compared to Sir John Falstaff, the gross and funny character in Willi am Shakespeare's Merry
Wives of Windsor and Henry IV.' Both figures prov ide the reminde r that no comp lete ly
adequate and comprehens ive wor ld is possible because the sense for the irr at ionalityof human lif e rema ins. In a wayang story, Siva makes an attempt to bring peace between the Pendawas and the Korawas (Skt: Kuru) but is opposed by Semar. Arjuna, oneof the five Pendawa hero brothers, is instructed by Siva to kill Semar, whom he loves.
Although ashamed when Semar finds out, Arjuna persists in the duty assigned to him by
Siva in order to end the eternal struggle . Realizing Arjuna's commitment, Semar burns
himself, but instead of dy ing, transforms into his god ly form and defeats his brother,Siva. Consequently, the war between the two sides of humans begins again.
The wayang kulit is not simply a form of enterta inment by causing flat, painted
leather cutouts, or shadow puppets, to cast large shadows on a wh it e screen. Theseceleb rated shadow puppets of Java have the ir origins in the ancient belief that shadows
are the manifestations of ancestral sp irit s. Their rich cultura l and literary heritage,
together with diversified forms of music, dance, and drama, have created bonds of mutua lappreciat ion among Hindus, Muslims, and Buddhists for centur ies. As a deep ly rooted
and highly soph isticated art form, the wayang expresses the Javanese etiquette, w hichis focused on the depths of the self as pure rasa (rasa is the inward-looking world-view
bo rrowed from the Ind ian concept, with emphas is on "feel i ng" and "meaning"). 3 It isbel ieved that the enlightened person must keep psycho logical equi librium and mainta in placid stab ilit y. As part of Javanese ethics, it is not important to strive for happinessbut to reach the psychological state of inner sti lln ess, to become like a pool of clear
water, a limpid pool to the bottom of wh ich one can easily see . Not surprisingly,
the mystical and ethica l ideology of the wayang is st i ll widely apprec iated among
Indonesians . Stories represent the connect io n between man and the universe, the microand th e macrocosmos, the eterna l strugg le of nature against t ime and never-end ing
battles between good and evi l.4
The wayang has been seen as a historica l and mora l code by which comparisonsand judgments can be made on the present. The stor ies in the wayang, w ith politespeeches and violent wars, have been compared to modern international relations, inthat talks by diplomats prevail and bring peace, but fighting erupts w hen the ta lks break
down . As the wayang is pop ular among the Javanese people, it has been used as means
for indirect and al lusive suggestion, which is so import ant in Javanese commun icati on
and social int ercourse. The adaptation of wayang for educating the peop le has renderedtraditional values and concepts in new form . For examp le, t he wayang pantjasila, basedon the five principles laid down for the foundation of the Republic, has been devised toeducate the masses in the modern concepts of democracy and nationhood. Conversely,d iff erent kinds of wayang have been used as all egorical veh icle to praise or criticize
leading figures in the community. In wayang revolusi, events of the Indonesian struggleof independence (1945-49) are dep icted with Sukarno and his followers as revolut ionary heroes while the Dutch invaders are presented as evi l forces. 5
Social criticism related to contempo rary events, political gossip, and local rumors
is commonly inserted into a wayang performance. As the aud ience views the sophisticated trad iti ona l art forms, they are reminded by the puppeteer (dalang) of common
events incl udi ng party election, economic crisis, natural disaster, and village gossip.
The dalang makes an aston ishing virt uoso performance as he manipulates the wayang,di rects the game/an orchestra, and narrates the story.

fig.4 (p.16)
JalanMalioboro, Yogyakarta,Indonesia,2000

fig.5 (p.16)
Man selling dried crocodilepenis, Yogyakarta,

Indonesia, 1999

Yogya: The Art Mecca of Java
Yogyakarta (Yogya) is situated at the very core of the ancient region where the first
great Javanese Mataram emp ires flourished. The area conta ins a formidab le legacy ofIndonesian cult ural herit age. It embraces several stunn ing Budd hist monuments andHindu temples from the 8th to the 10th cent uries such as Borobudur and Prambanan.
Despite its rapid transformation, Yogyakarta's attractions are the ancient sites, the royalpalace complex (kraton), the court dances, and the wayang and batik workshops. Visitors
app reciate both the serenity and auste rity of the royal courtyards (pendopo) trapped in atimeless era. At t he sasana inggil performance pavil ion, the full eight-hour presentat ionof wayang kulit can st ill be exper ienced. Yet Yogyakarta, with its sprawling village-likeneighbor hoods, is not just about the ancient past. Tourism has increased exploitation of
tradition and indi genous Javanese-ness, but at the same time it has boosted the income
and livelihood of the Yogyakartans. On Jalan Malio boro (Garland-Bearing Street), thebustling avenue is lined wit h houses with Dutch-decor facades displaying advertisements for such products as Lucky Strike and Mar lboro. Shops and vendors sell bat ik,
woven goods, bronzes, T-shirts , and wooden wayang masks. On the busy pavements,
one could find all kinds of goods - ranging from fake Rolexes and cheap cell phones todried crocodile penises as aphrodisiacs and medicinal herbs to cure migraines.
Noticeably, in Yogyakarta, the forces of modernization and globalization are notas inte nse as in Jakarta or Bali. Strong li nks wit h the traditions of pre-modern times arestil l evid ent as sultanate and Islamic ceremonies mingle. As the center of nationalist
movement in the late 1940s, Yogyakarta has remained a symbol ic and traditional
place of act ivism and independence. 6 When president Sukarno came to power, several
important artists, includ ing Soedjojono, Affandi, and Hendra Gunawan, became active as
members of the Young Painters of Indonesia (Seniman Indonesia Muda) in Yogyakarta.
They believed that an art-for-the-peop le approach could serve Sukarno's philosophy tocomb in e the elements of nationa li sm, communism, and Islam. For example , Hendra
Gunawan became a member of LEKRA(Institute of People's Culture), a leftist organization
affiliated with the Communist party.7 The ASRI (Academi Seni Rupa Indonesia) art academy
founded in 1950 (later became known as t he Indones ia Institute of the Arts in Yogyakarta)
produced artists w hose style related to express ive and socia l reali sm, reflecting thestrugg le against oppress io n and socio-economic inequal it y. After Sukarno's fall frompower in 1965, socia lly act ive art ists we re suppressed, imprisoned, or changed theirstyle . Instead of themes of everyday life, art ists preferred depicting tradit ional subjects
insp ired by temp le and epic scenes. It was du ring t he 1970s that the Indonesian New Art
Movement (Gerakan Seni Rupa Baru), formed by artists from Yogyakarta, Jakarta, andBandung, called for an art that reflected the entire spectrum of society. Among many
happenings and performances in Yogyakarta, political sat ire and cynical commentary
were aimed at the government. Authorit ies began to suspect many artists of involve-

85

ment in leftist groups and feared a revival of " Sukarnoism ." Art ists such as Semsar
Siahaan, Hardi, and Munni Ard i overtly expressed themselves against president Suharto
and his policies. • As an inspiring place for art activities Yogyakarta has long been residence for renowned artists including Affand i (deceased), Djoko Pekik, Dadang Christanto(recently moved to Darw i n), Lucia Hartini, Ivan Sagito, and Nindityo Adipurnomo .
During 1997-98, Yogyakarta was among the explosive places where political rallies andstudent demonstrations against Suharto took place. Art students burned the effig ies of
Suharto wh ile banners and posters of the late Sukarno appeared on the Jalan Malioboro .

fig.6 (p.17)
Heri Dono in his studio, RonodigdayanStreet,
Yogyakarta,Indonesia,2000

fip(p.18)
Sight around Heri Dona's studio, Ronodigdayan Street,

Yogyakarta,Indonesia. 2000

Int o Heri Dono's "Savage" Mind and "Ha-Ha" Logic
I have encountered works by Heri Dono at various places from Jakarta, Bangkok, Tokyo,
Fukuoka, Brisbane, Kwangju, and Taipei to Vancouver, New York, Bordeaux, and Vienna .
Dono's works never fail to stimulate, arouse, and provoke the viewers to share his
vision of a world full of humor and irony . Yet, it is in his tiny studio tucked aw ay among
the rows of houses on the Ronodigdayan street behind the cinema and former military
barracks in Yogyakarta that one can fully appreciate Dono's complex and exhilarating
imagination .9The cramped, dimly-lit rooms are in disarray, with objects strewn all overthe place . Cartoon- like paintings depict gods and anima ls in garish colors; mannequins
are scattered, w ith arms missing, breasts exposed, and penises erect; fiberglass heads
with bulg ing glass eyes wear helmets and gas masks; old TV sets lie broken on the floor;
newspaper clips of Sukarno and Megawati Sukarnoputri are stuck on the walls; fromthe ceiling , flying angels hover with electronic circuit hearts; a toy monkey rides avehicle on the ladder w ith his head turned upside down . The atmosphere inside Dono's
home vacillates between junk shop, second-hand toy store, and mechanica l inventor'slaboratory.
Eccentricity and the bizarre seem to be synonymous w ith Dono's character. Hilarity
and absu rdity also come to mind. Conversation wit h Dono is full of wo rd play, mimicry,
parody, and double entendre . These elements appear everywhere in his works. For Dono,laughter is not the means to deflect social embarrassment but a healing agent. Not sur·prisingly, through his works, numerous images of laughter can be experienced . He wrotethat laughter "includes ugliness around and w ith in us, the absurdity of ourselves andothers, and the beasts with w hich we populate our internal and externa l worlds." '° Donoseems to commun icate freely with his objects as if they have spir its and can ta lk back tohim. They become his fr iends, cousins, and compatr iots . By ente rin g Dono's personal
world, commonsense perspectives break down. Instead, logical fallacies, obsessive playfulness, a pluralism of styles and an eclectic mixture of related and unrelated concepts
are freely explored .
Interest in mythical thought by Dono can be seen as an intellectua l form of bricolage .
Claude Levi-Strauss introduced the notion of bricolage in his work, The Savage Mind
(1962), indicating that it has quality of improvisation and a level of contingency. A bricoleur
utilizes residual elements the same way as myths operate . Through bricolage, new signs
are created . But these signs do not relate exclusively to themselves. The te rm bricolage
can be traced back to the French word bricole (mean ing "putting things together in amanner of improv isat ion") and the Italian word bricol/a (meaning "one who breaks"). "Therefore, it is essent ial to apprec iate that the milieu of the bricoleur as the choice of his
brico/age can imply t he creation of new signs and the breaking open of already existing
signs . If Dono is seen as a bricoleurthen his creativity and subvers iveness of Indonesian
tradit ions must be simu ltaneously appreciated .
Heri Dono's work impli es a number of ways of interpretation. Hence, it wou ld be a
mistake to view Dono and his art as only modes of expression and reflections of savage
and primitive tho ught. Caution should be taken not to simplist ically project Dono's work
as functional, ceremonial, and ritua listic in a primit ive/ exotic setting. Having the influ·
ence of wayang, Batak folk tales, and the cultures of Sumatra and lri an Jaya does not

86

fig.8 (p.19)
Heri Don o, Spraying Mosquitoe s and Smoking, 1985

mean that Dona's work simply falls in the category of primitive and tribal art. Assumption that his work is raw, untamed, and threatening, and therefore should be designatedto art inspired by the savage mind, would be a misconception. In context of primitivism,
Dona's art may allude to tribal objects, but it is not "primitivist." His interest in the subaltern, the homeless, and underprivileged children allows his work to be enriching andreciprocal with the public. Conversely, some of Dona's paintings reveal affinities withworks by European masters such as Pablo Picasso, Joan Mir6, and Paul Klee." Donofreely appropriates and mixes them with indigenous and local contents. This does notmean that these inspirations have to be compartmentalized into direct influences, coincidental resemblance, and basic shared characteristics. ' 3 The method of juxtapositionof images by Western scholars like Kirk Varnedoe to determ ine affinities between modern art and primitivism such as Paul Gauguin's We Hail Thee Mary (1891) and reliefs
at Borobudur depicting the meeting of an Ajivaka monk can be lim iting. ' 4 In case ofEuropean masters, the affinities of their work to tribal and primitive art from Papua New
Guinea, Tahiti, the Congo, Zaire, and lrian Jaya are highly praised. The fact that thesescholars perceive the idea that the primitive "looks like" the modern is ironic. In thecase of contemporary artists from non-Western civilizations, like Dono, frequently, thepreconception by critics and art historians of direct influence and derivation of modern
Western masters tends to override the fact that these artists are free to choose andselect from countless sources.' 5
Dona's curious hybrids fall in the zone of intersection, mediation, and cross-pollination between cultures. His Spraying Mosquitoes and Smoking (1985) appears to beinspired by Mir6, with its strange comical monsters, spiky claws, and twisted bodies.
Primitivism of the subconsc iou s in Mir6's paintings has been related to the child cult,free drawing, sign language, and graffiti. ' 6 In discussing Picasso's work, Dono said that
he particularly admires Guernica (1937). Dono could have mixed and combined all theseelements in addition to his interest in wayang and Batak's tribal woodcarvings of mystical patterns and mythical creatures. Open, gnawing mouths and snapping fangs in numerous works such as The Suppressor (1989, cat.no.1) and Where is My Head? (1994,
cat.no.2) indicate something sinister and frightening. Aside from his biting satire aboutsociety's hypocrisy and absurdity, some might relate signs of violence and death to animism and cannibalism of the Bataks. Myths and stories such as the three megalithic
complexes in Ambarita, Sumatra, including a cannibal's breakfast table-for wh ich
prisoners' decapitated heads were chopped up, cooked with buffalo meat, and drunkwith blood by rajas-are sources that are far removed from the "primitive" works of
Picasso, Mir6, and Klee.'7 Dona's syncretism of indigenous contents might result in making
his works to look sinister, but their humor and hilarity evoke drama and tragic comedy
on stage.
Benedict Anderson has observed that in Indonesia political communication throughdirect speech by means of discussion, rumors, gossip, and arguments is essential. '8 Its
fluid and ephemeral nature is contrasted with the symbolic speech expressed throughcartoons, films, and advertisements. For example, Anderson discusses political cartoons
by Sibarani, whose sharply humorous and eerie characters hark back to his Balakancestors with their reputation for being sinister and frightening (serem). The powerful
and rough-hewn style of Sibarani's cartoons is accessible to the mass public. Iconographic density and caricatures of former vice-president Mohammad Hatta and theMasyumi leader Mohammad Natsir could be deciphered among Indonesian readers.
Although Dono is not direct ly inspired by Sibarani's work, he recognizes the potent ial of
cartoons and comic art as methods that can be employed to penetrate the opacity ofsocio-political order. In his statement, "Life is Cartoon," Dono expresses that rationality
and logic are very limited; the need to listen to nonsense has gained much interest. '•Through irony and humor, critical messages are implied under the layering of symbolic
elements. Critiques of political figures and sensitive issues are disguised behind shad-