Project COVID-19: Cremation or Burial

Impacts of COVID-19 on Mali Women's Socio-Economic Activities
Asmao Diallo
Graduate School of Global Studies, Doshisha University

This paper assesses the impacts of COVID-19 on women's socio-economic activities in
Mali. The COVID-19 crisis, which broke out in China in 2019, became the fastest global
pandemic of the century within a year, exceeding public health and socio-economic
challenges. Consequently, sanitary restriction measures were enacted in Mali to containthe spread of the disease. As a result of this confinement, inequalities between the sexes
increased. Using data obtained from women's oral accounts, local and international news,
reports, and journal articles in rural and urban Mali, the analysis found that the COVID19 pandemic severely impacted women and girls. This inequality was primarily reflectedin economic and social spheres. Hence, domestic violence and the financial dependenceof women increased during the pandemic. As resources decrease, women are at anincreased risk of abuse due to their economic dependence on their partners. The adverse
effects have been dramatic for those locked up with violent spouses leading to physical,
mental, and sexual violence. The paper concludes that there is a pressing need to preventand manage domestic violence and post COVID-19 impact on women's socio-economic
activities by establishing a new, more inclusive societal order with gender-sensitive policy
responses.

Introduction
The COVID-19 crisis, which broke out in China in 2019, became the fastest global
pandemic of the century within a year, exceeding public health and socio-economic
challenges. Hence, to combat it, many nations have instigated social distancing methods
and rigorous lockdowns to slow down the disease's spread and lower the number of deaths
and infections. However, in many developing countries, some individuals from both ruraland urban areas still do not believe in the existence of COVID-19 and continue to ignore
their government's preventive measures. Among them is Mali, a landlocked country in35

Project COVID-19: Cremation or BurialWest Africa where 95 per cent of the population is Muslim. Mali is a secular state whereindividual rights are molded by various laws, including legal, customary, and religious
rules. Mali's legal law stands as the most accurate one; however, religious and customarylaws mainly shape relations and interactions between men and women.
After the outbreak of COVID-19, the Ministry of Health and Social Affairs of Mali
has developed an emergency plan to respond to COVID-19. As of February 2021, Mali
has had 8,119 confirmed cases of COVID-19 with 333 deaths (CSSEGISandData/COVID19). Nevertheless, the Government of Mali has been implementing preventive
confinement measures since mid-March 2020. For example, the measures included theclosure of national borders, the postponement of all public gatherings, and the prohibitionof any social, cultural, sports, and political gathering consisting of more than 50
individuals. The government also closed schools, nightclubs, pubs and shortened working
hours in public administration offices (UNFPA, Covid-19 2020). Nonetheless, it should
be noted that mosques and churches were not closed and continue to operate as usual.
Most religious leaders (Iman and pastors), cultural and traditional elites throughout thecountry are involved in the sensitization campaigns and encourage people to respect the
government's preventive measures.
Furthermore, the COVID-19 crisis impacted everyone but more on the vulnerable
groups. Among them are women. Women are reported to suffer from domestic violence inmany developed and developing countries before the pandemic. However, violence against
women at the household level has been reported higher amid the pandemic (UNFPA, 2020).
Additionally, the pandemic also severely impacted women's economic activities,
particularly in the informal sectors (ILO, 2020). Mali is not an exception in these tworealms.
This paper aims to examine the pandemic's effects on women's economic activities
and their social relations with their partners. More importantly, this study aims to assess
the conditions under which women are currently experiencing the new situation.
Subsequently, the paper will examine the pandemic's economic impact on women's
income-generating activities and the expansion of domestic violence against women
during this crisis.

1. Religious and Customary Practices Versus Gender Equality in Mali
Mali is a secular country with a democratic state, showing great interest in encouraging
and advocating policies promoting gender equality among all its citizens. For this reason,36

Asmao Diallo: Impacts of COVID-19 on Mali's Women’s Socio-Economic Activities

Mali's Constitution of 1960 regards all Malian as equal in law irrespective of their origin,race, or religion. The preface of the constitution supports women's rights, asserting Mali's"determination to protect and secure the rights of women and children as well as the ethicaland linguistic diversity of the country" (Constitution of 1960). Additionally, Mali had also
ratified international agreements and treaties on gender equality. Among them are theConvention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women in
September 1985, the Protocol on Women's rights in 1995, as well as national legislationsuch as the National Policy for Gender Equality, National fund for women's economic
empowerment, and the creation of a Ministry of Women and Children.
Although many Malian policies and laws endorse equality between men andwomen, other discriminatory laws and practices embedded in culture and religion
discriminate against women (Jones et al., 2011). As an illustration, la Loi 62 an-rm/ code
du Mariage et de la Tutelle (Law on Marriage and Guardianship of 1962), also identified
as the Family Code, stipulates that a woman must obey her husband and the husband, inturn, must protect his wife. The Family Code further states that the wife ought to live withher husband as he is the head of the family, and he is responsible for the household finances.
Thus, this law grants the husband's sole responsibility for the household property; it also
supports them in inheritance, child custody, and divorce.
In contemporary Mali, religion and culture significantly shape Malians' sociocultural lifestyle. Even though Mali is a secular country, 95% of its population are Muslim
and adhere to Islamic law, which establishes various rights and responsibilities for both
men and women about family and individual issues. On the one hand, Islam acknowledges
that women hold autonomous legislative, financial, religious attributes from men. On theother hand, in practice, men hold supreme power and rights over women (Abukari, 2008).
Though Mali's legal laws guarantee equality between men and women in all socioeconomic spheres of life, women's rights remain unequal. For example, in 2009, theMalian government took the initiative to amend the Family Code. However, theseamendments' attempts faced significant opposition from the public. Attempted
amendments that directly contradict Islamic Law encounter enormous challenges (Joneset al., 2011). Consequently, in response to public demonstrations and pressure fromreligious chiefs, the President of Mali, Amadou Toumani Touré, declined in August 2009
to ratify the parliament's Family Code reforms. The reformed Code aimed to grant more
rights and opportunities to women. President Amadou Toumani Touré stated, "having
widely consulted state institutions, civil society, and legal bodies, I have decided to send37

Project COVID-19: Cremation or Burial[back the Code]." The President continued to say that "the decision meant to ensure [a]calm and peaceful society." Hence, Mali's secular policies generally stayed in hostility
with the country's traditional rituals, mainly Muslim religious values. Some Muslims in
Mali conveyed objections regarding social reforms that they thought evolve from Westerncountries, which endangered and jeopardized their nation's ethical structure (Jones et al.,2011).
Moreover, Mali ranks 139 out of 153 countries in the global gender inequality
index of 2020 (Gender Gap Index 2020). Various reasons contribute to this low ranking.
While Mali shows examples of modernity with laws and policies supporting women's
rights, much of the country is still very much immersed in traditional values and practices
that impact gender equality (Beridogo et al. 2001). The mixture of both legal andconventional practices establishes a context of ambiguity where females and males havecumulative access to international ideals for living conditions, knowledge acquisition, andpublic life involvement. However, women live in a society centered on traditional,
cultural, and religious norms and practices.
These practices included female genital mutilation, early marriage, polygamy,
unequal household labor division, and unbalanced responsibilities in food andcommodities production (PNIP-SA,2011- 2015). Mali's patriarchal system guarantees
men the permanent status of family head and extends legitimacy to unequal access toresources and the exercise of power (Bourdet et al. 2010). Moreover, key genderdisparities in contemporary Mali include unequal access to agricultural resources, credit,
equipment, decision-making, and leadership positions. Disagreements between thenational secular policy, Islamic law, cultural practices, and lack of public support forchanges hampered amendments in laws regulating women's rights. In what follows, thepaper will shed light on how Mali's women experience COVID-19 in such a diverse sociocultural setting regarding their economic activities and interactions with their partners at
the household level.

2. Economic Impacts of COVID-19 on Women
Mali's economy mainly relies on agriculture (farming, livestock breeding, and fishing),
which employs 80% of the country's 20 million people and represents 40% of Mali's GDP(EAC-I 2018). 78% of Malians live in rural areas and practice agriculture, whereas
industrial activities, administrative work, processing, and marketing farm commodities
are prominent in urban areas. Before the pandemic, women made up 38.4% of the active
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Asmao Diallo: Impacts of COVID-19 on Mali's Women’s Socio-Economic Activities

economic population in Mali, and of these, 48% were engaged in the agriculture sector(EAP, 2018). Malian women play a significant role in agricultural production and are
generally in charge of subsistence farming, while men contribute to subsistence andcommercial agriculture. For Malian women, their access to resources and control ismediated through men, either their fathers or husbands, and their agricultural contribution
is mostly obscure. Even when women have access to assets, they rarely control them
(Cisse, 1985).
While in urban areas to earn a living, most Mali women often depend daily on
public spaces and social interactions with customers in markets, roadsides, and stations.
After the spread of COVID-19, a sharp slowdown in economic activity took placethroughout the world. Mali has not been an exception. Official projections assess adecrease in Mali's economic growth rate by 0.9%. It is conceived today that all fields of
economic activities have been disrupted, with a severe decline in output in the secondary
and tertiary sectors. The tertiary sector's growth would fall from 5.5% to 0.8% (UNCDF,
2020). The deficit has significantly affected supplies to some industries. The government's
preventive measures have acutely affected the hotel, transport, restaurant, and tourism
sectors. Women in these realms are more likely to be affected than men.
Furthermore, the informal economy's dominance in Africa, particularly in Mali,cannot be denied. Indeed, informal work represents over two-thirds (82%) of nonagricultural employment in Mali (UNCDF, 2020). In all cities, proportionately more
females than males work in the informal economic sector (Herrera et al. 2012). Similarly,
a survey on the pandemic's impacts in Mali also reveals that the COVID-19 crisis has
made insecure people who work in most informal sectors (farmers, entrepreneurs, foodprocessors, and other types of enterprises that depend on imports) more vulnerable: theseare mainly women. Besides, they are often placed into unemployment with no social
benefits (Dossier de plaidoyer, COVID-19,2020).
Additionally, an increase in prices is projected to occur, leading to an inflation rate
between 0.3% and 4.9% (UNCDF, 2020). As social interactions are now restricted tocontain the virus's spread, Mali women's financial activities will be affected. As mentioned
earlier, many women in Mali's urban areas will suffer. For example, in Bamako, expenses
dropped anticipated by lowered demand from local businesses; thus, shops shut down or
are running at lowered capacity. Customers no longer buy as much food as they usuallywould (ERIG, COVID-19).
Furthermore, a survey on the socio-economic impacts of COVID-19 on Mali's

39Project COVID-19: Cremation or Burial

women suggests that women's economic and productive livelihoods will bedisproportionately and adversely affected compared to men (Dossier de plaidoyer,
COVID-19,2020). Accordingly, in a briefing note published in April 2020, the UN reportsthat women aged 25 to 34 are likely to live in extreme poverty during the pandemic.
The pandemic also disturbed women in rural areas, primarily the significant
players in agricultural production, food processing, and marketing in Mali. Because of the
COVID-19 pandemic's repercussions, their activities have also been affected. Mainly local
market interruptions impact rural women's economic endeavors for their incomegenerating activities (ERIG, Covid-19). Many rural women are the major "forgotten ones"in the fight against COVID-19 (Toure, 2020). Restrictions on mobility and prohibition ofgatherings have severely reduced commercial opportunities for most rural women, whorelied on informal economic activities and market events to sell their products. Their small
shops and activities must close before 4 pm when this is the precise time women selling
doughnuts, beans, or fried potatoes start their businesses. In an interview conducted by
Benbere on the impacts of the pandemic on women's economic activities, Atta, a vegetableseller at the Yobou Tao market in Timbuktu, stated:
They do not give us anything to protect ourselves from the disease, and they tell
us to go home before 4:00 pm. So how do they want us to feed our children? Aslong as a policeman does not come to evacuate me, I will not leave this market
until 6 pm. (Harber, 2020)
Moreover, this pandemic's have had adverse effects on women's income-generating
activities due to the decreased number of customers. As a result, many families cannot
afford the three basic daily meals (Évaluations Rapides Des Impacts Genre Du Covid-19).
The pandemic hinders women's ability to take care of themselves and their families.
According to UN Women Mali, the socio-economic impacts of COVID-19 on women
revealed that women suffered from a 50% income reduction, the interruption of theirincome, the deprivation of income-generating activities, and the downfall of the market
for what women produced (ONU Femmes, 2020).
Women also confront stress related to loss of employment and reduction of theirrevenue. The lack of financial self-sufficiency often leads to psychological dependency,
which leads the dependents to lose their self-confidence. This results in a loss ofconfidence in the face of responsibility, said Diarra, a medical doctor. Women's

40Asmao Diallo: Impacts of COVID-19 on Mali's Women’s Socio-Economic Activities

discrimination in Mali's society is directly linked to unequal pay, low income, poor
education, and stress-related to women's physical and mental health. The Gender Profileof the African Development Bank documents a study in Mali in which 77% of rural women
working in agriculture declared that they have never received remuneration for theirproductive tasks (BAD, 2011). This unpaid and hidden work in various domains of life
could increase exponentially with the COVID-19 pandemic (ONU Femmes, 2020).
Humiliated, sometimes beaten, and economically discriminated against, they have no
option but to become submissive and entrust their plight to fatality (Toure, 2020).
Other challenges in Mali include women's lack of access to necessary commodities
such as soap or hand sanitizer (ONU Femmes, 2020). Remarkably, most women in ruraland urban areas cannot afford to pay for COVID-19 protection kits. The prices of handsanitizers are beyond their financial means. They cannot afford to buy them daily, given
the cost of their household expenses. Thus, regardless of the government's efforts, in mostparts of the country, women say that they are the biggest "forgotten" and the least protectedagainst the pandemic (Toure, 2020). Even though national and international legal
framework protecting citizens' rights is a promised in Mali, the implementation is quite
limited. Moreover, those who are responsible for the framework are primarily men(CNDIFE 2010).
Despite the extent and impact of the informal economy and the promising efforts,
Mali's women ability to play a vital role in the economy has been continuously andseverely diminished by the COVID-19 crisis (Informal Economic in African Cities, 2020).
Thus, Mali cannot achieve gender equality if it does not increase women's low wages inconventional farming and does not provide job security for women in the informal
economy. Therefore, the government must take extraordinary measures to include
women's access to financial resources to meet their economic needs in the COVID-19
response strategy. The government should provide women with non-refundable grants,
enabling them to conform to the government's working hours in response to COVID-19.
These grants will help them support the expenses of their families.

3. Increased Gender-Based Violence
Gender-based violence refers to any hostile acts including rape, sexual harassment,
physical and verbal abuse among individuals, psychological violence, and prohibitions of
economic activities directed to any entities based on their gender. These behaviors are41

Project COVID-19: Cremation or Burial

harmful and stem from cultural norms and values, such as excision, forced or earlymarriage, nutritional taboos, excess feeding of women, widowhood, and religious
sequestration (Beridogo, Brehima, et al., 2002). Before the pandemic, an analysis of theMali Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) showed that among the interviewees ofthat study, many women, 60%, believed that a man has the right to beat his wife (orpartner) when she leaves home without his permission, or if she neglects the children (52%). A relatively high percentage of Malians still believe that physical abuse is acceptable
when wives misbehave, such as burning food, standing up to their husbands, or refusing
to have sex with their husbands (DHS, 2006). These results attest most of Malian's
tolerance of gender-based violence, especially toward women. It also reveals a sense of
normality in the acceptance of domestic violence embedded in social patterns.
Additionally, while the traditional values and practices that impact gender equality persist,the pandemic has created additional gaps and needs for Mali's women.
Gender-based violence increased akin to humanitarian disasters under COVID-19(Harper et al. 2020). The United Nations Population Fund predicted that the pandemic islikely to undermine decades of attempts to end gender-based violence by weakening
protection and social services for victims of such violence and raising the incidences ofviolence worldwide (UNFPA, 2020). Besides, an April 2020 report on pathways toviolence during pandemics by the Center for Global Development presents numerous
rationales that seem to echo irrespective of the context. These reasons are the financial
burden of lockdowns, interruption of human interactions leading to isolation, and exposure
to partners' abuse. Others also involve less access to support services, whether they are
not operational or redirected to settling the victims, or constrained movement.
Nevertheless, these rationales cannot justify violence that was already prevailing in Mali
before the pandemic.
As mobility has been restricted in Mali to reduce the virus from spreading, women
have found themselves confined with their aggressors, with no chance to escape.
Additionally, when resources decrease, women are at an increased risk of abuse becauseof their economic dependence on their partners (ONU Femmes, 2020). Households'
increased constraints due to economic pressures might lead to extra household stress andincreased violence within families (Gupta, 2020). This condition is significantly
exacerbated in Mali due mainly to the events that occurred since 2012 regarding multiple
armed conflicts, terrorism, climate change, and the country's socio-cultural setting. Mostof the civilian population, mainly women and children, are the first victims of multiple

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Asmao Diallo: Impacts of COVID-19 on Mali's Women’s Socio-Economic Activities

armed conflicts, insecurity, and volatility (ONU Femmes, 2020).
Accordingly, the percentage of gender-based violence in Mali rose from 43%
before COVID-19 to 54% during the COVID-19 pandemic, an overall increase of 11%(ONU Femmes, 2020). Moreover, experts in the field, such as medical doctors and healthprofessionals, declared an upsurge in gender-based violence. According to Diarra, the head
doctor at a community health center in Kayes, gender-based violence increased in theregion. He continued by saying that he treated "an average of 4 gender-based violence
survivors per week, most of whom experienced physical and sexual violence." He also
added that "the victims need psychological support, and his team is not qualified to do so"(Plan International Mali, 2020). Ultimately, peri-urban and remote local communities areespecially at risk as they may have lessened protection and healthcare access.
Furthermore, the closure of schools was highlighted as a possible cause of GBV.
Children may be susceptible to rises in child labor and violence as educational institutions
close, conventional economies are limited, and parents feel disempowered (Kundu 2020;
Harvey 2020). The challenges also include the reorientation of girls toward small
businesses, which could expose them to rape and assault. School closures can also resultin children's idleness or encourage child marriage since school can be a reason or a coverfor most mothers to protect their daughters from early marriage (UNICEF, 2020).
Accordingly, during the COVID-19 pandemic, women and young girls in Mali became
increasingly vulnerable as they are at a heightened threat of abuse, child labor, andmarriage (Plan International Mali, 2020).
Child marriage is still an enduring issue in Mali as the country holds the sixth
highest incidence rate of child marriage in the world. Specifically, 52% of Mali girls get
married before 18, and 17% are married before their 15th birthday (Plan International Mali,
2020). A survey performed by Plan International on COVID-19 in the Kayes region foundthat child marriage rates increased since the pandemic outbreak. The spouse of the chiefof the village describes as follows:
With schools' closure, the situation has changed for young people. Most of the boys
are at the gold mining site; some of them have migrated despite everything. The
girls are in the capital city; they work there as domestic helpers. Many of them havealso been married. (Plan International Mali, 2020)
Due to the weight of religion and customary practices, most parents still agree that girls

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should be married at the age of 15 or after their first menstruation, irrespective of their
aspirations and visions. Girls have fewer choices regarding their marriage or choice ofpartner. Accordingly, Socko, a 16-year-old girl, said as follows:
I was forced to marry a man that I do not know. I am only in the 11th year grade;
how can I do it? I want to go to medical school. I do not know if I would beallowed to continue my studies. Men decide, and we execute! It is sad not to be incontrol of one's own life (Plan International Mali, 2020).
Similar cases are happening throughout the country, as shown by UN Women data in Mali.
With the pandemic, gender-based violence went from 43% to 54%. Gender-based violenceis widespread throughout the country, and women often do not have access to justicebecause of social pressures and the denial of their rights (ONU Femmes, 2020). Having
children and parents in the same confined space for hours could increase tensions anddomestic violence against women and children. The fundamental causes of violenceagainst women and girls in Mali are rooted in firmly entrenched gender inequalities, lackof respect for human rights, and male power abuse in communities where the patriarchal
system prevailed. These types of violence and discrimination generally occur from a very
early age, starting from childhood and proceeding through adulthood. Unfortunately, they
are rooted, maintained, and justified by social norms and practices. For example, incontemporary Mali societies, physical violence from a male partner is still tolerated bymany wives, as any spouse's suffering is believed to turn into blessings for her children(Beridogo et al. 2002).
Such occurrences can be attributed to persisting cultural norms and practices
embedded in social disparities that standardize gender violence and are more likely toincrease as the crisis continue. Additionally, these details significantly reveal the socialand structural patterns which neglect various complex aspects that establish why someindividuals' recourse to violence. As the number of GBV increases, violence against
women and girls takes on a new dimension: social distancing, self-isolation, triggered by
the COVID-19, are used to exercise power, threats, and control over partners (National
Domestic Violence Hotline, 2020). Therefore, women's unemployment with thesuspension of certain economic activities, and schools' shutdowns, make the household aplace of fear and abuse for women and girls. They used schools and their outdoor activities
as an alibi to spontaneously escape from their violent partners before the pandemic.

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Asmao Diallo: Impacts of COVID-19 on Mali's Women’s Socio-Economic Activities

Based on the various reports stated above, there is a need to create or have morecounseling centers or phone counseling services for victims of GBV. By providing
psychosocial support, these centers will enable victims of abuse to understand theircondition as they will be better equipped with strategies and alternatives to deal with theirabusers. Additional medical staffs and health professionals should be trained in thepsychological care of gender-based violence survivors. Victims must also be supported
and trained to invigorate the end of this behavior within their households and communities.

4. Conclusion
Women and men have been exposed differently to the dangers exacerbated by COVID-19.
In Mali, women have been affected in two major areas: the deprivation of theiremployment opportunities in the informal sector and gender-based violence's
intensification. More women lost their jobs, and their economic activities were moreconstrained than men. As financial insecurity has increased in society, women have faced
gender-based violence more frequently amid the pandemic than in the pre-pandemic
period. This implies that the previously existing gender inequality gets intensified under
the pandemic situation. In response to the growing inequalities engendered by COVID-19,
it is essential to establish a new, more inclusive societal order with gender-sensitive
policies addressing the socio-economic inequalities, biased laws, cultural patterns, beliefs,
and opinions that nurture and justify gender discriminations. Hence, there is a criticalnecessity to organize strategies and employ efficient short- and long-term measures tomitigate socio-economic inequality and empower women and girls.

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