CRIME PREVENTION FOR YOUTH AT RISK:SOME THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS
By Prof. Sir Anthony E. Bottoms*
In this second paper, I will consider the topic of crime prevention for youth at risk. However, as I havenot myself carried out empirical research on this topic, I will address the topic primarily from a theoreticalpoint of view.
My paper will be in two parts. The first part will consider the question ‘who are “youth at risk”?’ The
second part will introduce a general theory of legally compliant behaviour. This theory is, in my view,
relevant to all attempts to achieve crime prevention, including crime prevention for youth at risk.

I. WHO ARE ‘YOUTH AT RISK’?
I want to begin by raising some questions about what exactly we are trying to prevent. To introduce this
topic, I want to draw your attention to something you all know about, but which is often (in my view) given
insufficient attention by criminologists and those involved in criminal policy. I am talking about what
criminologists describe as the ‘age-crime curve’.

Figure 1 is based on national data for England and Wales. As the title of the Figure indicates, this is anoffender-based age-crime curve (each offender is counted only once, whether he/she has committed one or ahundred crimes). The curve is very steep, especially for males, and the early twenties are the years when
there is the fastest deceleration.
Figure 1: An Offender-based Age-Crime Curve(Recorded Offender Rates per 1,000 Relevant Population by Age-year and Sex, England andWales, 2000)

In a recently-published book, two leading American criminologists, John Laub and Robert Sampson(2003), have examined the criminal careers of a sample of US male persistent delinquents originally studied
by Sheldon and Eleanor Glueck in the 1940s. Laub and Sampson were able to study the offending careers of
this group from age 7 to age 65, using official records, and making appropriate corrections for deaths. The
basic result in shown in Figure 2, this time using an offence rather than an offender base; that is, the graphshows the age-distribution of the nearly 10,000 criminal events known to have been committed by these 480
men during their lifetimes. What, of course, is very striking is the obvious similarity of the shape of the* Wolfson Professor/Director, Institute of Criminology, University of Cambridge, United Kingdom.

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curves in Figure 1 and Figure 2, leading Laub and Sampson to comment that ‘remarkably, the age-crime
curve for the general population appears to be replicated, almost in identical ... fashion, for active, serious
delinquents’ (p. 91). Their comment is important, but we do nevertheless need to recall that the two graphs
have a different basic measurement, the one of offenders and the other of offences.
Figure 2: An Offence-based Age-Crime Curve for Recidivist Offenders
1.6

Mean number of offences

1.4
1.2
1.0
0.8
0.6
0.4
0.2
0
7 10 13 16 19 22 25 28 31 34 37 40 43 46 49 52 55 58 61 64 67

Age
The Gluecks’ delinquent sample: actual mean number of offences for total crime (total events= 9,548): ages 7 to 70
Source: Laub and Sampson (2003), Shared Beginnings, Divergent Lives, Fig 5.21, p. 86.

In recent years, a number of criminologists have attempted to address the nature of and reasons for the
shape of the age-crime curve. One influential book in this respect is Gottfredson and Hirschi’s General
Theory of Crime, but I shall not discuss their work here, because it is now clear that their so-called ‘ageinvariance’ thesis (namely, that all offenders and offences have a similar age-crime curve) cannot besustained in the light of the empirical evidence.
Of substantially more interest, in my opinion, is Professor Terrie Moffitt’s so-called ‘dual taxonomy’:according to Moffitt, we can distinguish two very different groups among adolescent offenders. The firstgroup she calls ‘adolescent-limited offenders’; these are offenders who do not begin their offending until theonset of adolescence, and they then commit only one or a small number of offences before they stop. For
Moffitt, these are basically law-abiding children who for one reason or another get into some situations inadolescence which draw them temporarily into delinquency. There is not much doubt that Moffitt is right topostulate the existence of such a group. For example, English data suggest that as many as a third of all
males are cautioned for or convicted of a non-motoring offence by the age of 40 (many, of course, inadolescence); but about half of these, having been caught once, never again appear in the criminal justicesystem. Such offenders undoubtedly contribute significantly to the sharp ‘peak’, in the adolescent ages, ofthe offender-based age-crime curve (Figure 1).
As a developmental psychologist, however, Terrie Moffitt is more interested in the second of her
postulated two groups, namely what she calls ‘life-course-persistent’ offenders. This group, it is argued,
begin their offending careers early (typically before the adolescent-limited group), and then (as the name of
the group suggests) persist in criminality throughout their lifetimes. Moffitt suggests that this group have anumber of early neuropsychological deficits which result in traits such as poor cognitive functioning,
emotional reactivity, and hyperactivity/impulsivity. It is a plausible hypothesis, not least in the light of the
now large number of studies which show that persistent offenders tend to begin their criminal careers early,
and that they tend to display, at an early age, a number of ‘risk factors’ such as impulsivity, low intelligence,poor school performance and poor parenting.

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Since persistent offenders are also responsible for a large proportion of the total number of offences inany given jurisdiction, it is not surprising that many policy analysts now see important benefits to be gainedin the early treatment of those showing evidence of being ‘at risk’, in the sense of displaying some of thefactors that tend to predict later persistence.
Recent research, however, raises important questions about the validity of Moffitt’s ‘life-coursepersistent’ theorisation. First, this theory does not really allow for the fact that, as Laub and Sampson’s
recent work shows, nearly all offenders eventually stop offending, even if not until quite a late age (Moffitt’ssample had not reached such a late age, so she was unable to test this). Secondly, recent research does notsupport the suggestion of a persistent offender group that offends across the age-span at a relatively
consistent and persistent rate (disregarding, of course, periods in prison); the patterns are more complex,
and sometimes intermittent, than that. Thirdly, and most importantly, identifying prospectively a group of
the kind that Moffitt postulates seems to be exceptionally difficult. In Laub and Sampson’s analysis, forexample, it is reported that ‘we have failed to find convincing evidence that a life-course-persistent groupcan be prospectively or even retrospectively identified on the basis of theoretical risk factors at theindividual level in childhood and adolescence’ (p. 113). This is because some of the juvenile persistentoffenders in the Laub/Sampson study persisted, but some, with a very similar set of early risk factors,
desisted in their twenties. The ‘risk-factor’ approach, it seems, predicts well over a short period (that is, forearly adolescents it can predict fairly well the likelihood of criminality in later adolescence); but thesepredictions tend to break down when one extends them to the question of persistence or desistance inyoung adulthood.
We can, I think, also throw a little more light on this issue as a result of a recent paper by StouthamerLoeber and others (2004). In this analysis of data from the Pittsburgh Youth Study, the authors reported that– similarly to Laub and Sampson’s results - they ‘did not find much evidence that the same factors thatpredict onset also [inversely] predict desistance’. However, the authors did find that some factors measured
at ages 13-16 were significantly related to later desistance as young adults, though these factors were notalways predictive of the presence or otherwise of adolescent delinquency. Stouthamer-Loeber et al. called
these ‘promotive factors’; that is, they are factors present at an early age which seemed to help offenders todesist from crime in their twenties. The full list of such factors (as measured at age 13-16) was as follows:• being accountable (parents expect to be told of adolescent’s whereabouts and actions);• believing one is likely to be caught if one offends;• low physical punishment from parents (or parent substitutes);• having a good relationship with peers;• low peer substance use.
These factors, then, divide neatly into two groups – ‘punishment/accountability factors’ (factors 1-3) and‘peer factors’ (factors 4-5). I shall return to a discussion of these results when I have considered the final
theoretical perspective I want to discuss, namely that of John Laub and Robert Sampson. These authors
describe their approach as ‘a dynamic theoretical model of criminality over the life course’, and theirperspective is important, because in research terms it is the most strongly empirically-supported theory
currently available.

Figure 3 encapsulates Sampson and Laub’s perspective at the time of their 1993 book. It suggests acomplex mixture of factors leading to crime in adolescence (individual differences, structural variables,
family, school and peers). Thereafter, however, the message is that matters are not set in stone. Those withequally poor childhood and adolescent backgrounds may either persist or desist in late adolescence/early
adulthood, according to how events turn out at that later age. It is suggested that two factors are of special
importance in helping offenders to desist at this later age: namely, if they are able to form a strong marital
attachment; or if they are able to form a strong attachment to an employment situation. This is, therefore, atheory of desistance which emphasises the importance of strong informal bonds to conventional society. In
their 2003 book, Laub and Sampson somewhat modify their earlier theorisation, particularly to emphasise
the complex choices that offenders make in their early twenties (that is, their new theory is rather lessdeterministic than was their earlier one, and more concerned to investigate the ‘inner logic of [the] lives’ (p.
8)) of persisters and desisters in their sample). The overall result, from the two books taken together, is atheory that emphasises a significantly greater element of uncertainty of outcome than Moffitt’s analysis, anda strong interest both in informal social bonds and in offenders’ individual choices at key moments in theirlives.

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Figure 3: A Dynamic Theoretical Model of Criminality
Over the Life-Course

It is interesting to think about how Stouthamer-Loeber et al.’s results might relate to the Laub-Sampson
theorisation. Recall that Stouthamer-Loeber found two clusters of factors present at ages 13-16 thatpredicted desistance in early adulthood. Once cluster concerned accountability to parents; parents using
non-physical (i.e. reasoning) punishments; and stronger beliefs that delinquency might result in gettingcaught. It is, at this stage, speculative, but it is surely not unreasonable to suggest that these factors, whenpresent in adolescence, could lead to offenders at a later age, when faced with key decisions at ‘turning
points’ in their lives, being more likely to reach mature decisions, favourable to desistance.
The second cluster of factors found by Stouthamer-Loeber et al. to predict later desistance concerns
peers. This is again extremely interesting, because studies of desistance in early adulthood suggest that oneof the first decisions made by those who successfully desist is to separate themselves from delinquent
peers, since they fear that continued association with such peers will inevitably lead them into criminality.
Perhaps, then, good relations with peers in early adolescence helps offenders to discern at a later age how todiscriminate between potentially valuable and potentially damaging peer relationships.
So far, the discussion in this first section of my paper has focused particularly (though not exclusively) on
individuals. Before concluding the section, I want to complicate matters by introducing more of a social
dimension. I shall do so by reference to two pieces of work in which my Cambridge colleague Professor PerOlof Wikström has conducted.
Research by Wikström and Loeber (2000), using data from the Pittsburgh Youth Study, strikingly
illustrates the potential importance of area of residence. As I have already indicated, criminologists studying
criminal careers have shown that those who subsequently become persistent adolescent offenders tend to
be characterised by a number of individual ‘risk factors’ that can be identified at an early age (about 8-10
years): these factors include impulsivity, low intelligence, poor school performance, poor parenting and soon. In general, a higher number of ‘risk factors’ increases the probability of becoming a delinquent, althoughrisk factors can also be offset by ‘protective factors’ – for example, a good, supportive home may reduce therisks of criminality for an impulsive child with low intelligence. Wikström and Loeber’s research, however,suggests that in certain social contexts the whole concept of ‘individual risk factors’ might be of limited
applicability (see Figure 4 ). For most of the boys they studied in Pittsburgh, the probability of becoming adelinquent did indeed increase sequentially with an increasing number of individual risk factors. But for
those from the most deprived and most stigmatic social areas (lower-class boys from public housing areas),delinquency rates were high, even among those with very few individual risk factors. For boys from these24

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disadvantaged areas, there was also very little increase (and no statistically significant increase) in thedelinquency rate as the number of individual risk factors increased. The obvious inference is that somesocial contexts are so all-encompassing, and so destructive in their normative consequences, that they canwipe out the effects of factors that would, elsewhere, be of considerable significance.
Figure 4: Pittsburgh Youth Study: Percent Having Committed Serious Offence by
Risk/Protective Score and Neighbourhood Context
Neighbourhood context

Middlerange
Advantaged

Disadvantaged

Nonpublic

PublicGamma

NHigh Protective Score

11.1

5.1

16.7

37.5

0.23

155

Balanced Risk andProtective Score

27.3

40.1

38.5

60.7

0.23

651

Hgh Risk Score

77.8

71.3

78.3

70.0

n.s.

222

Gamma

0.70

0.74

0.69

n.s.

N

142

556

188

142

The second piece of research I want to consider is more recent. In a self-reported study of a general
sample of adolescents in Peterborough (a medium-sized town in the east of England), Wikström once again
found the importance of ‘risk’ and ‘protective’ factors, based on parenting, etc. He divided his sample into
three groups: those (relatively few) with a ‘high-risk propensity’, those with a ‘low-risk propensity’, andthose with ‘balanced risk-protective scores’. What was of special interest was that among those with‘balanced’ scores, lifestyle and routines were of crucial importance in determining whether or not offending
took place. For this intermediate group more than any other, alcohol or drug use, knowing delinquent peers,and frequenting ‘high-risk public environments’ (the city centre; shops, pubs; and clubs and discos) were
important in predicting higher delinquency.
So, what have we discovered from this brief review of relevant research? I would suggest that there are anumber of key lessons. I will summarise these briefly below, and also make some comment on the crimepreventive implication that each finding seems to suggest:• There is an identifiable group of ‘adolescent-limited’ offenders, who commit one or two delinquencies
in adolescence, are perhaps caught, and then stop.
[Crime prevention implication (CPI)]: it is probably not sensible to commit many criminal justicesystem resources to this group. The appropriate policy response, except in the case of serious
offenders, might be a relatively non-interventionist penalty -such as a fine or a warning - on the first
offence, so that one does not expend valuable probation service or equivalent staff time on offenders
whose career may be short anyway. Of course, it follows that on a second offence a more interventionist
approach should be considered.]• There is an ‘intermediate’ group, based on risk factors, who are at particular risk of delinquency ifthey make risky lifestyle and routine choices.
[CPI: There could be merit in trying to identify this group and give appropriate advice and help toparents and adolescents. It is, however, on present research evidence, not entirely clear how far thisgroup overlaps with the first group.]• A (smallish) group can be identified at an early age who are likely to become persistent adolescentoffenders if no action is taken.
[CPI: Family and school therapeutic programmes make sense for this group.]• But not all of the previous group will become persisters in adulthood. Also, choices made aboutpeers in adolescence, and the development of reasoning skills in adolescence, seem likely (onSouthamer-Loeber et al’s evidence) to have longer-term benefits for this group when it comes totheir making crucial ‘desistance’ choices in later adolescence or early adulthood.
[ CPI: encourage discrimination in choice of peers and encourage reasoning skills, both in

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adolescence and in early adulthood.]
Some social contexts are so severely disadvantaged that even individually-measured low-riskchildren quite frequently become delinquents.
[CPI: tackle severe disadvantage.]

The discussion so far has been strictly about the prevention of crime. However, as I made clear in myfirst paper, the prevention of disorderly behaviour by youths in public places is also a matter of considerable
importance in many local areas in contemporary societies. For this type of behaviour, it is obvious that wewill need a crime prevention strategy that is less specifically focused on individuals than most of thestrategies mentioned above. To prevent this kind of disorder, we may well need skilled mediators (maybe
trained in youth work) who are respected both by the youths whose behaviour causes anxiety to residents,
and by the residents themselves. Such mediators could then attempt to listen carefully to the concerns ofboth sides, and to suggest constructive solutions.

II. LEGAL COMPLIANCE: AN OVERALL FRAMEWORKIn the second part of this paper, as previously discussed, I want to broaden the focus of analysis and tosuggest a wide-ranging theoretical analysis of compliance, based on the key concept of a ‘mechanism’.
Jon Elster, in his important study of social order, concludes that ‘we will never have any general theory ofcollective action’ because the variety of potentially interacting motivations is ‘simply too large’ to beencompassed in such a theory (Elster 1989a: 205). In other words, the very wide range of ways in whichpeople can interact with one another presents a problem for social scientists, because trying to squeeze thishuge variety of actions into a single general theory is effectively impossible. Elster goes on to suggest,
however, that, in this situation social scientists should instead focus upon ‘small and medium-sizedmechanisms that apply across a wide spectrum of social situations’ (p. 205); or, alternatively stated,‘plausible, frequently observed ways in which things happen’ (p. viii; see also Elster 1989b). In other words,
if we can reliably identify a basic set of social mechanisms that operate in a given context, this should give us
some potentially important keys to improve our understanding of the world.
In my view, there is much good sense in these observations. In what follows, I want to try to follow
Elster’s advice and to try to understand and explain more fully the basic social mechanisms that might beinvolved when an individual complies with the law in a given society. With the important major exceptions ofTravis Hirschi’s (1969) control theory and John Braithwaite’s (1989) theory of reintegrative shaming, mosttheoretical work in criminology has not been much concerned with legal compliance, but has – forunderstandable reasons – focused instead on lawbreaking. Yet compliance is clearly a topic of considerable
importance, not least because so much applied criminology is concerned to try to identify programmes thatwill lead to successful crime reduction. In other words, understanding how legal compliance works is or
should be the theoretical bedrock of crime prevention studies.

A. Legal compliance: An Overall Framework
Figure 5 presents a suggested outline characterisation of the principal mechanisms underpinning legallycompliant behaviour. The framework is explicitly focused on what has been called compliance ‘as viewed
from below’ (Parkin 1982: 79) – that is to say, compliant behaviour from the point of view of the ordinary
person, outlining the principal reasons why he or she might comply with the law.

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Figure 5: An Outline of the Principal Basic Mechanisms
Understanding Legally Compliant Behaviour
A. Instrumental/Prudential Compliance
1. Incentives
2. Disincentives
B. Constraint-Based Compliance
1. Physical Constraints(a) Physical restrictions on individuals leading to compliance:(i) natural; (ii) imposed(b) Physical restrictions on accessibility of target, availability of means tocommit crime, etc
2. Social-Structural Constraints
C. Normative Compliance
1. Acceptance of or belief in social norm
2. Attachment leading to compliance
3. Legitimacy
D. Compliance Based on Habit or Routine
Source: Author.

It will be seen from Figure 5 that four principal mechanisms of compliant behaviour are suggested. The
first type is instrumental/prudential compliance, based on rational calculations of self-interest (that is, what
Elster called (1989a) ‘rational, selfish, outcome-oriented behaviour’). Questions of incentives and disincentives
are, of course, central in considering this kind of compliance, and criminologically speaking this takes us
straight to the large literature on criminal deterrence (see further discussion later).
A second kind of compliance is based on constraint. Some constraints that might induce compliance arephysical. Some of these are based on the corporeality and biological characteristics of human beings, either
natural (if I am asleep, I cannot burgle) or imposed (if I am locked in a prison cell, I cannot attack persons
outside the cell). Physical constraints may also, however, be based on the physical characteristics of theintended target of the crime, and/or the physical availability of appropriate means to commit the offence. For
example, if I try to break into well-defended bank vaults using only crude equipment, my non-commission of
the full crime of burglary owes nothing to my lack of motivation and everything to the physical constraints inthe situation. Hence the development of ‘target-hardening’, weapon-removing strategies and other kinds ofso-called ‘situational crime prevention’ that seek to reduce the effective opportunities to commit particularcrimes.
But some constraints that may induce compliance are not physical, but rather are based on social
relationships and social structures. Such constraints are particularly evident where power is very unequallydistributed within a given social group. Some tricky issues arise in distinguishing compliance based onsocial-structural constraint from compliance based on disincentives, but these issues are not central forpresent purposes.
In addition, it is important to distinguish carefully between compliance based upon social-structural
constraint and the third kind of compliance, namely normative compliance. Social-structural constraint isfocused upon inhibitions arising from the particular social circumstances, whereas normative compliance –although it is also socially based – is a more voluntary form of compliance. Normative compliance is also, by
definition, necessarily related to one or more social norms, which means that it relates to individuals’
responses to ‘a principle or standard... that reflects people’s expectations of behaviour and serves to regulateaction and judgment’. We are therefore here centrally in the realm of morals and social expectations, but I
shall postpone a full discussion of the varieties of normative compliance until later.
Finally, and to complete the main headings of Figure 5, there is compliance based upon habit or routine,
which is the most ‘automatic’ of the four mechanisms of compliance. This kind of compliance, of course, may
depend heavily on prior life experiences such as socialisation.

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Figure 6 shows the suggested principal mechanisms of compliance in diagrammatic form, as an inverted
tetrahedron. My purpose in illustrating the mechanisms in this way is twofold. First, it emphasises that
habitual compliance is more subconscious than the other kinds of compliance, and acts as a kind of base on
which the others rest. Secondly, the arrows at the top of the tetrahedron emphasise the complex
interconnectedness, on an interactive basis, of the three more conscious modes of compliance.
Figure 6: A Representation of the Four Principal
Mechanisms of ComplianceThis interconnectedness is illustrated more fully in Figure 7. One example is from the field of situational
crime prevention, where the existence of an obviously well-defended target (designed to produce constraintbased compliance) can also subsequently act as a rational disincentive to potential offenders. Another very
important example of interactional interconnectedness comes from the field of deterrence, where it is now
well established that deterrence works best for those persons who have strong ties of attachment to individuals,
or to social groups or institutions, in a context where those individuals, groups or institutions clearly
disapprove normatively of the behaviour at which the deterrent sanction is aimed. (In the language of Figure
1 , note that this proposition links together, in part, aspects of mechanisms A2 (disincentives), C2(attachment) and Cl (acceptance of / belief in norm - in this case by the group that is important to thesubject).
Figure 7: Interactive Aspects of Compliance
Mechanisms A, B and C

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Many discussions in the field of crime policy have not taken seriously enough this kind of interactional
interconnectedness between the principal mechanisms of legal compliance; there is instead a tendency,
among both policymakers and scholars, to think in separate ‘boxes’ about different kinds of compliance.
Why do I believe that a theory of this kind is important for those who are engaged in planning anddeveloping crime prevention initiatives? The main reason for believing this goes back to the importance of
mechanisms (see above). In planning any crime prevention initiative, it is always important to ask oneself
the question: ‘Exactly how do I believe this initiative is going to reduce crime?’. If I am right in
hypothesizing that there are only four basic mechanisms of compliance, then all successful crime reduction
measures must be based either on one of these mechanisms acting alone, or on a combined or interactive
effect between the mechanisms. Once this first step has been taken, you are then in a better position to beable to assess whether you think, based on your own professional experience, that the crime prevention
programme in question is actually likely to reduce crime. [The reasoning goes like this: what are theintended crime-preventive mechanisms? How might they actually work in this programme? What things(obstacles or mistakes) might prevent the mechanisms from working as intended? Is there anything we cando to forestall these obstacles or mistakes?]
Having now briefly explained the basics of a general theory of compliance, I want to consider how thismight be applied to the topic of ‘youth at risk’. I will do this by considering each of the three more conscious
modes of compliance, devoting more time to normative compliance than to the others.

B. The Rational-Prudential Approach to Compliance
The rational-prudential approach is based on incentives and disincentives. Of course, in the field of crime
policy we much more often provide disincentives to crime (punishments, etc.) than incentives to obey; so it
is disincentives, or deterrence, on which I will concentrate.
Criminal deterrence can be defined as ‘not committing a criminal act for fear of the consequences’.
Deterrent policies can be either based on what is called special deterrence (that is, giving the offender or
potential offender an unpleasant experience, so that, it is hoped, he or she will not commit crimes in the
future), or on general deterrence (giving an offender or offenders an unpleasant experience so that, it ishoped, other potential offenders will learn from the experience, and will avoid crime in the future).
From time to time, special deterrent policies have been tried with youth at risk, for example in so-called‘scared straight’ programmes or in ‘short sharp shock’ regimes in juvenile institutions. They have proved tobe among the least successful of special programmes for adolescent offenders and youth at risk. I will return
to possible reasons for this shortly.
General deterrent policies are quite often attempted for offenders of all ages. They are of two main kinds:
policies designed to heighten the probability of getting caught (for example, police crackdowns on particular‘hotspots’ or particular offences such as drug dealing) and policies designed to increase criminal
punishments. Figure 8 summarizes very briefly some of the main results of the quite complex research
literature in this field. As you can see, the evidence is very strong that improving the probability of gettingcaught is much more effective as a deterrent than is increasing punishments. A main reason for this is that,when one is committing an offence, getting caught is a possibility never far from one’s mind, whereas apossibly increased penalty is a much more remote matter – and, of course, if one is anyway not caught, thefact that the possible penalty has increased is irrelevant. It is therefore substantially easier for offenders,when in the act of committing an offence, to discount future penalties than it is to discount the immediate
possibilities of apprehension.

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Figure 8: Four Key Results from Deterrence Research
1.

There is fairly consistent evidence of a moderate inverse relationshipbetween the certainty of punishment and crime rates, which canreasonably be attributed to deterrence.

2.

There is some evidence of an inverse relationship between theseverity of punishment and crime rates, but this evidence isconsistently substantially weaker than the evidence for (1); and Dooband Webster (2003), have recently suggested that we should ‘accept
the null hypothesis’ on this issue.

3.

It is quite frequently the case that a new initiative (e.g. intensive
policing of a hot-spot) produces an initial deterrent effect which thenrecedes (‘deterrence decay’).

4.

There is evidence of an interactive relationship between deterrence(instrumental compliance) and normative factors in legal compliance,
but the elements of this interactive relationship have not yet been fully
specified.

Source: Institute of Criminology University of Tuebingen, Germany.

Figure 8 also shows another important result in the field of general deterrence research, namely thatpolice crackdowns, and similar initiatives, are often effective only for a limited period of time, after which theeffect begins to wear off. An important piece of research which helps to explain this phenomenon was
carried out by the Australian criminologist Ross Homel in relation to the introduction of random breath
testing (RBT) for drink driving in New South Wales. He illustrated his results with an interesting diagram
which he called the ‘hole in the bucket’ theory of deterrence (Figure 9 ). Basically, he showed that visible andcontinuous police enforcement of RBT was essential to maintain a deterrent effect. If potential offenders did
not regularly see police officers at the roadside doing breath tests (i.e. ‘lack of exposure’ to RBT
enforcement) they would begin to believe that enforcement was no longer so rigorous. Deterrent impact
could also be weakened by successful drink-driving episodes and/or peer pressure. Given this set of factors,
it is easy to see how police crackdowns often have a deterrent effect only for a limited period.
Figure 9: Homel’s ‘Hole In the Bucket’ Model of Deterrence

We can now briefly return to special deterrence, and the failure of ‘scared straight’ programmes and thelike. These programmes almost always rely, for their intended effects, on a significantly delayed deterrent

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impact, and, by the time of the delayed incident, many other factors might have intervened, which could
easily diminish the deterrent impact. All this was well expressed to me early in my research career by ayoung man with a string of convictions for violent crime who I interviewed just before he left a juvenile
institution. I asked him one of our standard questions, about whether he was likely to re-offend. He had
hated his time at the institution, and said that next time he was about to hit someone, he hoped that a pictureof the institution would float in front of his eyes, and he would drop his fists. Then he added sadly ‘but itprobably won’t happen, because I’ll be drunk’.
In conclusion, rational-prudential policies have some part to play with regard to youth at risk. But theprobability of apprehension is more important than the level or the type of penalty, and even in the field ofgetting caught, there are significant problems of deterrence decay.

C. The Constraint-based Approach to Compliance
The most obvious approaches to constraint-based compliance are first, incapacitation, and second,situational crime prevention. There is a large literature on incapacitation, but, as this policy is usually appliedin relation to adults rather than juveniles, I will not consider it further here. As regards situational crime
prevention, there are now many successful case studies using this type of approach, so it is obvious that it
can work. Usually, it requires some careful analysis of a crime situation, and then the application of astrategy. To take a youth-related example, a problem of knife-based crime in schools could be assisted bysearching policies, and the removal of weapons.
One can however sometimes obtain some unexpected results from situational crime prevention
initiatives. A good recent example of this is to be found in the Campbell Collaboration review of the crime
preventive effect of improved street lighting (Farrington and Welsh 2002), although this is a mixed
constraint-based and deterrent mechanism. The review showed generally successful programme outcomes,
indicating that improved lighting enhanced public confidence in using the better-lit areas, which led toenhanced natural surveillance through the eyes and ears of the public, reducing criminality through aconstraint-based and deterrent approach. Surprisingly, however, areas which showed night-time crime
reductions through enhanced street lighting also showed daytime crime reductions. This indicates - as does
other literature in this field - that if what Innes and Fielding describe as successful ‘control signals’ can beachieved in a geographical area, they can have quite pervasive beneficial consequences.

D. The Normative Contribution to Compliance
It is time, finally, to examine the concept of normative compliance. Figure 5 suggests that there are threesubtypes of normative compliance: first, that based on acceptance of or belief in the norm in question;
second, normative compliance resulting from attachment to an individual, or to a social group or institution;and third, normative compliance resulting from legitimacy. Each of these must be considered in turn.
Acceptance of, or belief in, a social norm (for example, a norm against assaulting others, or taking theirproperty without their consent) is the most obvious way in which normative factors may be linked to legal
compliance. If we truly believe that a given kind of conduct is wrong, there are obvious moral reasons why
we should not engage in it. Of course, those who believe particular actions to be wrong do not always refrainfrom committing them, as history amply illustrates. Nevertheless, for policy purposes it seems reasonable toassume that, statistically, a group of persons who sincerely believe in the morality of a given action will(other things being equal) be less likely to engage in that action than will a group of people who do not holdthat belief; and there is good empirical support for such a proposition. In principle, therefore, persuading
young people about the correctness of certain moral principles makes good sense as a contribution to crime
prevention. For similar reasons, psychological programmes applied to potential offenders and their parents
usually contain a strong normative element.
Of course, as parents, schoolteachers and churches have long recognized, we initially derive most of ournormative beliefs from early socialization experiences. Such socialization may produce a habitual, unthinking
avoidance of given types of conduct, which would come into the fourth category of compliance in Figure 5.
But such habitual compliance may also contain a valuable latent normative content. Suppose, for example,
that a white male child (C) has been socialized into beliefs about respecting other human beings, even when
they seem different from ourselves, and about the consequent wrongness of unprovoked assaults andbullying. C might not think about such things very much, but just accept them. Then suddenly, in his early

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teens, some of C’s friends become disaffected with another youth, who happens to be black, and they decideto subject him to racist taunts and a beating-up, for no reason other than their dislike of him. C is encouraged
to join in, but, having thought about it, declines on the grounds that the action is morally wrong. His habitualcompliance, resulting from his early socialization, then becomes normative compliance based on moral
belief. Hence, good socialization may have valuable long-term effects in producing normative compliance,even though the norms may not, for much of the time, be consciously articulated by those who have been
subject to such socialization.
This first subtype of normative compliance (compliance based on acceptance of or belief in a social norm)
might reasonably be described as ‘normative self-policing’. Although, of course, it takes place within a social
context, in the end it is the individual’s own explicitly formulated acceptance or belief that ensures thecompliance. In this regard, the first subtype of normative compliance differs from the second and third
subtypes, which are based more directly on social interactions.
The second subtype is described in Figure 5 as attachment leading to compliance. ‘Attachment’ is, ofcourse, a concept with an established pedigree in criminological theory through Hirschi’s (1969) control
theory. It can perhaps most easily be explained by a simple example, that of D, a persistent alcohol-related
offender aged 19 who falls in love with a non-criminal woman, E. E, committed to non-criminal values but
also to D, urges him to abandon his criminality and curb his drinking. D says that, for her sake and with her
support, he will try to do so. In this example (which is, of course, closely linked to Sampson and Laub’s
approach to desistance)it is the attachment (or social bond) that is central to D’s intended desistance from
crime; and the desistance is clearly largely of a normative character, stemming from E’s social values andher expectations of behaviour among those close to her. (One should note, however, that for D there is
probably here also an additional prudential element in his intended compliance, namely the fear that E may
withdraw her affection if he does not change. This is a further illustration of the proposition, previously
discussed, that deterrence works best when applied to individuals who are attached to significant ‘stakes inconventionality’.)
As the above example clearly illustrates, if the mechanism of attachment is to promote normatively based
compliance, it is vital that the attachment is to a person or persons holding non-criminal values. For thisreason, attachments to, say, criminal peers or criminal gangs can and do have precisely the reverse effect.
In the example just given, the attachment leading to compliance is to an individual. But attachments(social bonds) to social groups or institutions can also lead to normative compliance. For example, we knowthat different secondary schools have significantly different rates of offending among their pupils. This ispartly because of differences in the kind of pupils on the register (some schools receive many more ‘at risk’children than others); but even when these pupil intake differences are controlled for, differential
delinquency rates between schools remain. It would seem, therefore, that some schools are better thanothers at preventing delinquency (and other undesirable behaviour) and at promoting compliance. What istheir secret? The research on this question is still limited, but Michael Rutter and his colleagues havesuggested that, on the available evidence, one important answer seems to be that the schools with the better
behaved children tend to have an ‘ethos’ comprising some mixture of the following factors:
good models of teacher behaviour (with respect to time keeping, personal interactions, andresponsivity to pupil needs); appropriately high expectation of pupils with helpful feedback;interesting, well-organized teaching; good use of homework and monitoring of progress; good
opportunities for pupils to take responsibility and show autonomy, with a wide range ofopportunities for all to experience success; an orderly atmosphere with skilled, no coerciveclassroom management; and a style of leadership that provides direction but is responsive to theideas of others and fosters high morale in staff and pupils.
(Rutter, Giller and Hagell 1998: 233)
In other words, schools of this type seem to provide both social expectations and social support, whichtends to produce a sense of belonging and engagement in their pupils. And this, one may reasonably infer,engenders compliant behaviour through normative attachment to the school and its values.
The third subtype of normative compliance is that based on legitimacy; or, more fully, compliance32

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VISITING EXPERTS’ PAPERS

resulting from obedience to the wishes of a recognized legal or social authority, that person or body being
recognized as legitimate. Legitimacy is a characteristic that may or may not attach to those in positions of
power. It is important to recognise that compliance based on legitimacy consists of more than mere lack ofresistance to the demands and orders of the authorities: that would constitute compliance as a result ofsocial-structural constraint, or perhaps compliance through disincentives, based on fear of the consequences
should the subject disobey. By contrast, compliance based on legitimacy is properly to be counted as a
subtype of normative compliance, because it is based on a degree of moral assent to the right of the person
in power to hold that power; moreover, as David Beetham (1991) has pointed out, a fully legitimate authority
figure is one who conforms to the formal rules governing his/her office, who is administering a regime thatis justifiable and fair according to the accepted moral standards of the society in question, and who
commands the willing support and consent of his/her subordinates (see Figure 13 ).
Legitimacy is a topic that was for long neglected by criminologists. During the last decade, however, it
has enjoyed an important renaissance, due mainly to the work of Tom Tyler. Tyler’s (1990) first study useddata from a panel study of Chicago citizens’ encounters with the police and courts, and concluded that people
are often as much if not more concerned about the processes by which they are treated as about theoutcomes. Of particular importance in the area of process are questions of procedural fairness (‘has theircase or situation been treated in a fair way? Are like cases treated similarly?’ and so on), and also issues
about the quality of their treatment by authorities (e.g. ‘Are they accorded respect by police in on-street
encounters?’) (See Figure 10.)Figure 10: What is a Fair Procedure?
Suggestions in Paternoster, Brame, Bachman and Sherman (1997),
drawing on earlier literature:

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.

Subjects’ ability to make representations/participate (D)Neutrality/impartiality of decision-maker (D)Competent/high quality/reasoned decision by decision-maker (D)Consistency (not arbitrariness) of decision-making (D)Credible system for correcting unfair initial decisions (D)Decision-maker treats subject with dignity and respect (treats as
human beings) (T)[Later distinction by Tyler (2003) between ‘Quality of decision-making’(D) and ‘Quality of treatment’ (T)]Tyler’s argument is that people view their encounters with authority as ‘information about the group thatthe authority represents’ (Tyler 1990: 175). Hence, every transaction with an authority figure raises
questions that extend ‘far beyond those connected with the issue to be decided’ (p. 175); to the citizen
encountering the police officer (or train conductor, or whoever), that official is not simply dealing with aparticular matter in a routine transaction, he/she is also in a real sense representing, through her demeanourand behaviour, the whole public service to which she belongs. Issues raised in such transactions include‘neutrality, bias, honesty, quality of decision, and consistency’ (p. 175), and these are all issues that can raise
the moral questions of fairness and respect (Figure 10). In short, we can postulate from Tyler’s work that
ordinary everyday encounters between legal authorities and citizens (including youths) can have crucial
implications for the nature of the power relations involved, and to the validity of the officials’ claims tojustified authority – that is, to legitimacy. Where the legal authority is regarded as legitimate by the citizen,
compliance in the immediate encounter is more likely to ensue, though the evidence of longer-term support(right-hand box in Figure 11) is at present rather weak. Tyler’s later work with Huo (Figure 12 ) lends
additional empirical support to his claims.

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Figure 11: Tyler’s Overall Model

Figure 12: The Empirical Influence of Process-Based Judgements

I indicated earlier that the first subtype of normative compliance (based on belief) could be described as
resulting from normative self-policing, or what some might call normative self-control. The second sub-type(based on attachment) has often been noted, in the criminological literature, as a major example of what is
usually called informal social control; while the third (legitimacy) has been shown to vary according to theway in which formal social control is exercised. The three subtypes of normative compliance are therefore
distinct, but potentially complementary. Those who wish to enhance legal compliance through normative
mechanisms therefore have an interesting variety of possibilities to consider. Each of them, of course, ispotentially relevant to youth at risk.

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