Kagoshima University Research Center for the Pacific Islands, Occasional Papers No.34, 15-24, 2001
Part 1, Section 1, Report 2. The Progress Report of the 1999 Survey of the Research Project“Social Homeostasis of Small Islands in an Island-zone”

15

TOURISM, TRADITIONAL CULTURE AND AUTONOMY IN A SMALLISLAND: YAP FACES A NEW MILLENNIUM
Sueo KUWAHARA

Abstract
This article discusses the autonomy of traditional Yap society in relation to its outer islands which
now together constitute the Stat of Yap. It also examines the autonomy of present-day Yap society andthe changes brought about by modernization. Especially, I focus on the influence of tourism on the traditional culture and also the autonomy of Yap society. “Anthropology of tourism” studies suggest that
tourism is a useful means for recreation, revitalization, restoration and preservation of traditional
culture(1). This article examines whether and how much the tourism in Yap is playing such a role as anexternal power, and to what extent tourism in Yap is contributing to the self-sustenance of Yap society
especially in relation to Yap’s outer islands.
Key words: tourism, autonomy, traditional culture, external power, modernization

The Traditional Model of Autonomy
Tabinaw as a model for internal autonomy
The basic unit of life in Yap society is an estate called a tabinaw, a piece of land with a central stone foundation known as a dayif. In Yap, all land has power, and every estate is ranked accordingly. The entitlements and privileges needed to secure high political and religious status are
established according to the rank of each estate and the Yap seniority system. Knowledge oftabinaw is taught and passed down to younger people, and every villager knows the name ofeach tabinaw.
A tabinaw is also an independent unit of food resources. Each dayif has a set of natural resources, such as taro patches, yam gardens, fishing grounds, weirs and fish traps, coconut trees,
forest stands and other plots of land in addition to a housing compound. However, various
changes in village life can be seen compared to that of a few decades ago. First of all, becauseof population decrease in rural areas, not only political and religious privileges, but also lands
have passed into the hands of the small number of remaining people through various paths of inheritance.
According to an informant from Rang village in Fanif municipality, some other changes
should be noted:
1) Every villager is now wearing a clothes.
2) The number of younger people is again increasing in rural areas.
3) Young people prefer to eat rice rather than taro. Instant noodles and canned foods are increasingly popular among them, and food life has here been changing steadily. People are buying
fresh fish more often than before. In the old days, children used to eat together with their mothers
until they grew up, but not with their fathers. However, today, children are eating together with
their father, too. Also, there was a rule in eating a fish. Every individual part of a fish “belonged”

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Sueo KUWAHARA

to grandparents, parents, or children respectively. Today, there is no such rule, and anybody can
eat any part of the fish. Furthermore, the garden plots which were once divided into men’s plots
and women’s plots, now no longer are.
4) People used to walk in a row on the road, and they used to hold some leaves or a small
tree branch in their hands when they went out alone. Also when children walked in front of theelders, they used to bend their bodies forward respectfully, and they had to be quiet in the village. Today, however, none of these customs are kept up anymore.
5) People think that life today has become very convenient, comfortable and easy, muchbetter than before. Especially, road transport is very convenient. However, people also think thatthe old life was really better for some because all could live without money. Today, life is very
hard without money.
6) People used to show respects toward elders and other people’s property. They did notenter onto other people’s land without permission. Today, because of “democracy”, there is lessrespect towards others.
7) Jobs in town, such as for day laborers or hotel boys, have increased, and more people are
becoming employees.
8) Most young people have TVs, and almost all household have a telephone. The numberof those who own a car has also increased greatly.
9) The number of children who study abroad or join the military is increasing. People arehaving more opportunities to use money sent by their children.
Thus, many changes can be seen in Yapese life. However, village life is still basically thesame, mostly self-sufficient, and the main “unit of life” is still the tabinaw. The land system still
plays a key role in village life.
Sawai trade as a model for autonomy in relation to small islands
Mutual autonomous relations between Yap proper and its outer islands can be seen in the
traditional trading relationship called sawai. In the Caroline islands, the islanders in the east ofUlithi atoll have a politically, socially and “religiously” close relationship with two villages of
Yap proper - Gachapar and Wanyan in Gagil municipality: a kind of periodic tributary trading
relationship. Politically, Ulithi atoll is subordinate to Yap. It is the main link in a chain of authority which originates in the Gagil district of Yap and terminates in Pulap, Pulusuk, andNamonuito, about seven hundred miles to the east. Furthermore Yap occupies a special place as
the seat of certain religious activities and locales (U SHIJIMA 1987: 281, LESSA 1950,
LINGENFELTER 1975).
The Central and West Caroline islands are located in the typhoon area of the northwest
Pacific ocean. They periodically suffer damage from typhoons. If one island is hit by a typhoonand seriously damaged, the islanders of other remote islands and atolls may be safe and can givesome help. Thus, the people of the Caroline islands developed an exchange system, and mutual,
reciprocal and cooperative relations are traditionally strong. Since small islands are not a self
complete world, the islanders have long been building a system of reciprocal political and economic relationships. Three types of exchange systems in the Caroline Islands can be seen: thatis, intra-atoll exchange, inter-island exchange, and sawai overseas exchange. The intra-atoll exchange system included strong political, military and economic ties. The inter-islands system involved purely social and economic ties, while the overseas system between Yap proper and theouter islands was a political system of master-servant relationship based on religion and faith inTourism, Traditional Culture and Autonomy in a Small Island: Yap Faces a New Millennium

17

magic. The atolls of the central Carolines from Ulithi to Namonuito were under the umbrella of
Yap island, and the atoll people brought a periodical offering to the two master houses of
Gachapar and Wanyan in Gagil municipality. This was sawai, a kind of tributary trade. Outer islanders are not allowed to wear a colorful loincloth called thuw.
Magical and religious relationships played a very effective role in the integration of the“Yap Empire” traditionally. The deities of Yap are said to be very strong, and if they get angry
the sea will become very rough and the islands will be washed over by tidewater, which could
cause serious damages to islanders and agriculture (U SHIJIMA 1987: 282-83). The magicians of
Yap island were also believed to be very strong, and their white magic could bring bounteous
food and fish, make women fertile and avert disasters. Black magic was believed to bring typhoons, catastrophe and plagues of termites. Even today, Yapese are believed capable of bringing storms and harm to the outer islands by black magic. In order to avoid this disaster, outerislanders had to make religious offerings to the ancestor spirits of the sawai houses as periodical
tribute (ibid.: 288-96).
The political connections between the Yapese and the outer islanders were supplemented bya parallel set of pseudo-kinship ties. Yapese and outer islanders are thus in a parent-child relationship. The sawai parents in Yap treat the outer islanders as children, and provide them a place
to stay and food to eat. They also provide trees for building canoes upon request.
Until early this century, representatives of outer islanders visited Gachapar and Wanyan of
Gagil municipality in canoes almost once a year. When they arrived on Yap island, the paramount chiefs of the outer islands would make offerings to the master houses of Wanyan andGachapar. After that, the representatives of each island would visit each sawai house and givea sawai gift. These offerings included island textiles (bagiy), palm ropes, palm oil, palm honey,
mats made of banana leaves, and various kinds of shell. Outer islanders, while waiting to catch
the winds back home, would stay at their “own” sawai house. For their return home, they would
be given turmeric, earthen pots, firestones, taro, yams, sweet potatoes, other vegetables and soon by the Yapese. Through this political, social and economic system between Yap proper andouter islands, ordinary exchanges were also promoted, and the framework of a mutual help organization was built up, especially during times of scarcity, which permitted an equal distribution of essential supplies among the islands. And the external relationships with the outer islands
built up on it, thus the traditional sawai trade made it possible for Yap and the outer island tomaintain their own economic and political autonomy (ibid.: 301-304).
Sawai trade today
Even today, outer islanders visit their sawai people in Wanyan when they come to Yap island for the Tamol Conference. The relationship between Gagil and the outer islands has thus
lasted until today. Ulithians brought Fais tobacco, lava lavas, palm ropes, palm honey, black
bird’s wings used for dancing decoration, and sail canvas to Yap in those days. Some Yapese
often came to Wanyan to buy these trade goods. Items such as earthen pots, firestones, turmeric,
red clay (for painting canoes) and combs were once traded to the outer islanders by Yapese.
Today, tobacco and lava lavas are given by the outer islanders to the Yapese, and in return, commodities such as rice, instant noodles, canned foods and so on are given to the outer islanders by
the Yapese. Thus, the outer islanders still maintain a sawai relationship with Yapese people.
Their Yapese counterparts also offer taro, banana and so on while the outer islanders are staying
for business or medical treatment in Yap island (ibid.: 305).

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Sueo KUWAHARA

Since the German colonial masters forbade overseas voyage early this century, the sawai
trade has lost much of its power in the political and economic arena today, but, as we saw above,
sawai is still partly functioning even today. However, if we see sawai relations from the viewpoint of the autonomy of Yap island, we must say that it is not very important today.

Tourism as a new model for external power ?
The present tourism situation in Yap
The number of tourists in Yap is not great compared with such tourist resort areas as Saipan
and Guam. According to local statistics, there have been three periods of a sharp increase in thenumber of tourists. First, in 1984-85, when tourist numbers increased rapidly from 868 to 1,316.
Second in 1986-87, when the number rose to 2,000, a 77% increase. And, third in 1989-90, a
66% increase to 3,894. Thus, tourist numbers both in 1996 and 1997 surpassed 5,000. They thenwent down 30% in the next year, but recovered again in 1999.
Between 1996 and 1999, the biggest number of tourists has come from the US. Their numTable 1. Tourist Count and Yap Revenue: 1980-99
Year

Number of Tourists

Percent Changeover previous year

Revenue($000)

Hoteloccupancy rate

1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1996
1997
1998
1999

1,122
757
811
754
868
1,316
1,129
2,000
2,299
2,354
3,894
5,310
5,353
3,731
4,355

N/A
-33％
7％
-7％
15％
52％
-14％
77％
15％
2％
66％
1％
-30％
17％

202
136
146
136
156
237
203
360
414
422
717
-

N/A
N/A
N/A
N/A
27％
42％
35％
63％
73％
74％
74％
-

Source: Immigration Office, Commerce and Industries, Department of Resource and Development of Yap State (1987,
1990) , Yap Visitors Bureau (1999)

Table 2. Individual Countries & Regions Actual Number & Share (%) Fiscal Year 1996-1999
country

1996

1997

1998

1999

United States
Australia
CanadaGermanyJapan
Other Euro Countries
Other Asian Countries
All Other Countries

2,304 (43%)
96 (2%)
90 (2%)
156 (3%)
1,257 (24%)
343 (6%)475 (9%)589 (11%)2,351 (44%)
94 (2%)
94 (2%)
118 (2%)
1,455 (27%)
290 (5%)401 (7%)550 (10%)

1,945 (52%)
59 (2%)
67 (2%)
126 (3%)722 (19%)257 (7%)263 (7%)292 (8%)2,182 (50%)
73 (2%)
77 (2%)
221 (5%)832 (19%)385 (9%)238 (5%)347 (8%)Source: Yap Visitors Bureau (1999)

Tourism, Traditional Culture and Autonomy in a Small Island: Yap Faces a New Millennium

19

ber was between 1,945 and 2,351, that is between 43% and 52% of the total. Next come Japanese
tourists, and their numbers fluctuating between 722 (19%), the lowest, and 1,455 (27%), thehighest.
Marine Tourism
Yap is best known for its stone money, but recently diving has overtaken stone money as
the island’s most popular tourism attraction. Yap is well known for its giant Manta Rays andcrystal clear sea, visibility in which exceeds 30 meters at the outer drop-offs. It is very difficult
to meet with Mantas in most dive sites in the world. However in Yap divers can encounter large
Mantas easily, often more than a dozen at a time. Yap’s Manta Rays are world renowned fortheir abundance. Thus Yap’s sea justifiably attracts many Japanese divers. Currently there areseven hotels and one guest house on Yap. There are also four dive shops, two of which offer
Japanese guided diving. One of them is run by a Japanese owner. There is also a range of tours
arranged for visitors. The major ones are a marine tour and a village tour. Marine tour includes
various types of scuba diving according to the diver’s skill, and snorkeling, boat cruising, fishingand so on. Scuba diving includes drift dives, wall dives, cavern dives, night dives and Manta
dives. Hotels and dive shops also provide a range of village tours. One is a three hour guided tour
by car. Others are a five hour course tour, which combines a village tour with a mangrove tour
using both car and boat, and a two and a half hour village tour. Most Japanese tourists come toYap for diving. There are few Japanese visiting Yap only for the purpose of cultural tourism.
And most of the divers spend almost all their time on diving: the village tour is nothing but an
option for them.
Regarding the village tour, which I attended, the tourists are taken to the wreckage of aJapanese World War II Zero fighter at an old airstrip, and then on to Kaday village in Weloy municipality on the west coast of the island. At Kaday, tourists are guided to see the giant stonemoney, and traditional men’s house called peebay. They also experience a guided stone-pathwalk in the village. Kaday is the only village that tourists are allowed to enter and walk around.
Tourists can pass by other villages and stop by stone money and men’s houses, but they cannot
enter these villages without previous permission. The tour guide usually gives warning beforehand about this touristic taboo. According to the explanation given by my tour guide, most of thevillage lands in Yap, which include estates, roads, seashore and fishing grounds in front of villages, are private property. What impressed me most was that the guide repeatedly emphasized
the warning not to enter villages without permission, not to take pictures in villages without permission, not to gather coconuts and plants, and not to talk loudly or make a fuss while passing
by villages. These warnings are also often repeated in tourist brochures.
Cultural Tourism
Currently, Kaday village of Weloy municipality and Maa village of Tomil are the only twovillages on Yap proper that offer cultural tour packages. Villagers from Makiy of Gagil municipality and a club in Rull municipality called Teens WorBals used to do so as well, but they nolonger do. The villagers of Maa started their tour package in 1998, and, currently, a stick dance
known as Yibung and a ladies’ sitting dance by kids up to twenty-five years of age, are performed upon request from hotels. They charge $25 per person, and the money is said to beevenly distributed among the participants.
Kaday is the only village that has made positive efforts to promote tourism in Yap proper.

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Sueo KUWAHARA

Kaday Community & Cultural Development Organization (KC&CDO) was organized for thispurpose, and started to open the village to tourists around 1996. First, the villagers of Kaday
didn’t think of opening their village to tourists. However, one day, a hotel director from Colonia
came and saw a dance performance, and he then asked the villagers to open the village to tourists. Thus Kaday tourism started. In the first place, the villagers undertook the renovation andrestoration of an old men’s house (peebay), stone money (rai) and stone-paths. Some volunteers
also helped the restoration work, among whom was a member of Japan Overseas Cooperation
Volunteers (JOCV) who was stationed in Yap at that time. A part of the restoration money camefrom donations. Today, all villagers have to work together on restoration and maintenance workin the morning of every Saturday. Buildings which are to be restored in the near future include
a men’s house (faluw) near the seashore and a women’s menstrual house (dapal).
The construction activities of a tourist village include not only the restoration work of the
traditional village, but also the teaching of traditional culture to the younger generations. The
older women of the village have been teaching traditional dances, basket weaving, grass skirt
making, bamboo craft, and the making of fishing nets.
Kaday village established an arrangement with Manta Ray Bay Hotel, E.S.A. Hotel and
Pathways Hotel by which all three hotels combine their guests and join the cultural tour thattakes place every Tuesday and Saturday at around 4: 30 P.M. This tour package includes a
guided stone-path walk, a cultural dance called the Karew performed by teenagers and younger
kids, basket-weaving and a demonstrations of coconut tree climbing and a “cultural glimpse” ina question and answer session. Each tour of Kaday together with costs a total $200. All hotels(2)
contribute to this payment depending on the number of guests they each have . Besides this special package, one can also go on an individual self-guided tour for $3.
A community meeting is held once a month and the balance of revenue and expenditure isreported. A part of the money from tourism is said to be divided evenly among the dancers, andthe rest goes to a scholarship fund for children, since financial aid from the US is supposed to
end in the year 2001 (The Yap Networker Vol.1(6) 1999.7.30 ).

Preservation and Transmission of Traditional Culture
Preservation
As an important part of traditional culture in Yap, there are various types of dances in eachvillage. The number of local dances now practiced on Yap proper is altogether about 16 (four in
Fanif, three in Weloy, one in Gagil, three in Rull, two in Rummung, and three in Kanifay
Municipality). The dances are performed for different purposes. These include performing for
tourists, helping the younger generation look back to the past as their own way of life and keeping the dance movement strong (The Yap Networker Vol.1(7) 1999.8.6). Each municipality presents its own ritual dance on Yap Day, the first of March. There is also an opportunity for somevillages to get together and perform dances on UN Day, October 24th.
Every Sunday the women of Okaw, Weloy municipality, gather together to learn the ancientart of Yapese dancing. For the three dances being learned in Okaw, talelog is said to be uniquein Yap today, based on an old native legend with chants in old Yapese. Talelog mostly consistsof rapid jumping, clapping, chanting and bending of the knees. The theme of this active Yapese
dance is to show non-Yapese the youthful beauty of Yapese girls, to display Yapese dance spirit
and the pride they have in their culture and traditions. The dance is performed at the Okaw community center, the Manta Ray Bay Hotel, and in the village. The other two dances are bamboo

Tourism, Traditional Culture and Autonomy in a Small Island: Yap Faces a New Millennium

21

dances. The two bamboo dances were “bought” from Okaw’s ally village of Gachapar, Gagil, inthe early 1980s. Shell money, shell beads, and stone money and other gifts were given to
Gachapar in exchange for the dances. They were brought over from Gagil to be performed during the grand opening of the Okaw community house in 1983 (ibid.).
According to the rules of the village, every woman must be involved in these dances, or otherwise endure some form of penalty for not participating. The penalty includes repairing broken
stone-paths, cleaning the community house area, surrender of local valuables, or doing whatever
is commanded by the elders of the village. All women, both these born in Okaw and those married into the village, are bound by tradition to join in the dances and indeed all village activities.
The village of Okaw resumed the dance lessons in July 1997 in order to teach the younger village members. Since then, the dances have been practiced every Sunday. They are practicing
these dances because they want teach their children to learn and take pride in their culture.
Learning Yapese dances is one unique cultural way of showing how much Yapese people careabout who they really are (ibid.).
As for the restoration of traditional culture, weirs and also fish traps made of stone formations, have been restored in Leng, Riken and Wanyan in Gagil municipality, and in Keng andOkaw in Weloy municipality over the past year as a part of the cultural preservation program of
the Yap Historical Preservation Office (HPO). The HPO program aims to preserve and promote
the cultures and traditions of Yap through restoration of weirs, stone-paths, local houses andceremonial and sacred sites, and through the documentation of oral history. So far the restorationof six weirs has been completed (The Yap Networker Vol.1(3) 1999.7.9).
The HPO has also been helping many villages in various municipalities to restore theirstone-paths. Each village has been given $800 to reconstruct their path. The average length of thecontract is set on three months. The advantage of stone-path restoration is thought to be in making the inside of every community look more presentable to attract not only tourist attention, but
local attention as well. Village people reconstruct their stone-path because it represent an old
way of life. But the main reason behind the restoration is to make each villager aware of theirownership of the stone-path, as well as to show tourists that Yap has a unique traditional way oflife. After restoration, each individual villager is responsible for cleaning certain parts of thestone-path (The Yap Networker Vol.1(6) 1999.7.30).
Succession
Today, there are two public high schools in Yap state, one in Yap proper, the other in anouter island (Ulithi). The Yap high school has 500 students and offers such courses as commerce, engineering, agriculture, mechanics and computer science. Education in traditional culture is said to be difficult because the students come from different places with different
customary backgrounds. However, students are given time for discussions related to traditional
culture in the homeroom (Miyako Shinpou 1998. 11.15). They also celebrate annual Culture Day
on October fifteenth by dressing up in traditional costumes such as colorful grass skirts, loincloths, lava lavas, and decorative lei. The purpose of Culture Day is for students to show pridein their cultural identity (The Yap Networker Vol.1(18) 1999.10.22). The state Government issaid to be considering a new curriculum, in which primary school kids from first grade up to
fourth will not be taught in English but only Yapese. There are some children who even don’tknow how to count in Yapese.
The State government has put real effort into education in traditional culture. The textbooks

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Sueo KUWAHARA

for school children in the lower grades use folk tales to tell children how to ride in a canoe, how
to find edible nuts and how to do other things related to everyday life (Miyako Shinpou 1998.
11.15).

Conclusion: Autonomy and Tourism
Tourism promotion in Yap is not very positive except in such a village as Kaday. On thecontrary, there are some high-up people who even try to deny the value of tourism and appeal
for control of tourists coming in. These people seem to be very afraid of the disintegration of
Yap culture through tourism. One Yap politician stresses the need for control of tourism in order
to avoid negative influences such as drug problems. Again one villager in Kaday foresees that,in the future, tourists might arrive by the busload every day and people might end up commercializing their culture by hurrying through each dance in order to make time for another $200
performance (The Yap Networker Vol.1(6) 1999.7.30).
Many people seem to be stressing that the traditional way of life must be preserved for the
next generation. Thus it is important to teach self-supply of fish and agricultural products and thevalue of village life. It is becoming a big challenge for Yapese to be self-sufficient economicallywhile at the same time respecting their own traditions.
As we saw above, tourism in Yap has contributed to the restoration, revitalization and preservation of traditional culture. However, it is not replacing the traditional sawai trade which
played such a big role in providing external power for politico-economic autonomy. While aself-sufficient social system based on traditional land ownership seem to have been sustained todate, the present situation of Yap and the Federated States of Micronesia (FSM) is heavily dependent on American economic support, and economic autonomy is still a dream.
Yap State became independent as a member of FSM on the third of November 1985. Yap
State has been financially supported by the US for fifteen years. This support is based on the
Compact of Free Association which extends financial aid to the extent of about 70% of Yap’s
annual budget. For the last decade, Yap has made various efforts to achieve economic autonomy.
However, a private company which was developing diversified business for Yap, such as salesof agricultural products, tourism, construction and so on, failed because of lack of know-how,
technology, and markets. There was also once a plan for setting up a canning factory, but it also
failed because of difficulty in securing a constant supply of raw materials on a commercial basis,and the high cost of importing cans. Currently, there is no industry except an apparel factory
launched by Taiwanese capital, which has been doing well by taking advantage of a preferential
trading agreement with the US. However, most of the workers are Chinese and there is little
spreading effect on local industries.
Looking at the balance of annual expenditure and revenue for Yap State between 1985 and1990, we can see that revenue from 1985 up to 1989 remained on the same level, between $1.5
million and a little over $2 million. On the whole, State revenue shows little fluctuation. On theother hand, expenditure showed a dramatic increase from $7 million in 1985 to $12 million in1990. The balance clearly shows over expenditure: expenditure is three times revenue in 1985
and six times higher in 1990 (Yap State Statistical Bulletin 1990: 59). This over expenditure has
only been balanced by US financial aid, and this statistical fact clearly shows that Yap State is
not achieving economic autonomy. The main reason for the imbalance seems to be the lack of
the competitive agribusiness and local industries, plus insufficient effort to establish invited foreign industries. The Yap economy is suffering over all excess of food product import, andTourism, Traditional Culture and Autonomy in a Small Island: Yap Faces a New Millennium

23

economic development is an urgent issue for increasing food self-sufficiency.
Fisheries are an economic development priority for the Yap State government, but there aresome problems to solve, such as construction of transport infrastructure and market cultivation.
The other priority for government policy is tourism, which is thought to be an easy way to earn
foreign exchange, and Yap islanders are showing growing interests in tourism. The promotion of
tourism is also thought to be possible in combination with development of agriculture. However,
the governor seems to be cautious about the promotion of tourism, saying that he doesn’t want
Yap to become like Guam or Saipan, although their unique cultures have been attracting a lot of
tourists (Miayako Shinpou 1998.11.18). He also says he wants to preserve the traditional way oflife for the next generation, and to gain economic and political autonomy. The former governorof Yap State also told the people in his inauguration speech that the Yapese should not be
washed away by foreign influences, but should hold on to Yapese culture and tradition inheritedfrom their ancestors, and build the nation in the Yapese best way. ’We don’t need to think likethe West that money is everything. If we can achieve our self-sufficiency, we are free from theinfluence of world economy’ (ibid.).
As we have seen above, the traditional Yap way of life and even economic autonomy arestill, to a certain extent, maintained at the village level. However, if we turn to look at Yapese
life at the Yap State level, people more and more depend on the money economy and monthly
salary, especially the younger generation. It is still a big challenge for Yapese to work on economic autonomy while at the same time preserving and transmitting their traditions down to thecoming generations.
Note1) See M CKEAN 1989, P ICARD 1990, 1996, and Y AMASHITA 1992.
2) For example, if there is a total of twelve guests, six from Manta Ray, four from Pathways, andtwo from E.S.A., Manta Ray pays 50% of the $200, Pathways pays 33%, and E.S.A. pays
17%. This $200 is said to be divided up into the following categories: 44.5% for dancers,40.75% for K.C. & C.D. Organization, and 14.75% for other services (4% to the contact person, 3.25% to the coconut provider, 1.25% to the climber, 1.25% to the weaver, 3% to the
Master of Ceremony, and 2% to the tour guide). If the guests decide to give voluntary donations, some of which are as much as $900, they go directly to a small scholarship fund set
aside if ever the children of Kaday should need it in the future (The Yap Networker Vol.1(6)1999.7.30).
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24

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Newspapers and other materials:
Development of Yap State 1987
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Miayako Shinpou 1998.11.18
The Yap Networker 1999.7.9 Vol.1(3)The Yap Networker 1999.7.30 Vol.1(6)The Yap Networker 1999.8.6 Vol.1(7)The Yap Networker 1999.10.22 Vol.1(18)
Yap State Statistical Bulletin 1990
Yap Visitors Bureau 1999