T R A F F I C SETTING SUNS
R

E

P

O

April 2016

RT

The Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan
Tomomi Kitade and Ayako Toko

TRAFFIC REPORTTRAFFIC, the wildlife trade monitoring
network, is the leading non-governmentalorganization working globally on tradein wild animals and plants in the context
of both biodiversity conservation andsustainable development. TRAFFIC is a
strategic alliance of WWF and IUCN.
Reproduction of material appearing in thisreport requires written permission fromthe publisher.
The designations of geographical entities
in this publication, and the presentation of
the material, do not imply the expressionof any opinion whatsoever on the part of
TRAFFIC or its supporting organizations
concerning the legal status of any country,
territory, or area, or of its authorities, orconcerning the delimitation of its frontiers orboundaries.
The views of the authors expressed in thispublication are those of the writers and do
not necessarily reflect those of TRAFFIC,
WWF or IUCN.
Published by TRAFFIC
Japan officec/o WWF Japan
Nihonseimei Akabanebashi Bldg. 6Fl.
3-1-14 Shiba, Minato-ku, 105-0014,
Tokyo, JAPAN.

© TRAFFIC 2016.
Copyright of material publishedin this report is vested in TRAFFIC.
ISBN no: 978-4-915613-30-2
UK Registered Charity No. 1076722
Suggested citation: Tomomi Kitade and Ayako
Toko(2016). Setting Suns: the Historical Declineof Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan.
TRAFFIC. Tokyo, JAPAN.
Front cover photograph and credit:
African Elephant Loxodonta africana in silhouetteagainst sunset.
Credits: Martin Harvey / WWF

SETTING SUNS:The Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan

Credits naturepl.com / John Downer / WWF

Tomomi Kitade and Ayako TokoBlack Rhinoceros and African ElephantTomomi Kitade, Programme Officer,
TRAFFICDr Ayako Toko, Affiliate Researcher,
Natural Environmental Studies, Graduate School of Frontier Sciences,
The University of Tokyo

This report was published with the kind support ofTABLE OF CONTENTS

Abbreviations and Acronyms. ................................................................. iv
Acknowledgements...................................................................................... iv
Executive Summary.......................................................................................v
Recommendations........................................................................................ vi
1. Introduction................................................................................................ 1
1.1. Background.............................................................................................. 1
1.2. Purpose of the study................................................................................ 2
1.3. Structure of the report............................................................................ 3

2. Methods........................................................................................................ 4
2.1. Literature survey and data collection.................................................... 4
2.2. Stakeholder/expert interviews............................................................... 4
2.3. Consumer attitude survey...................................................................... 6

3. Drivers of Socio-political Change around CITES. ...................... 7
3.1. Development of legal framework for CITES....................................... 7
3.1.1. International pressure............................................................................. 7
3.1.2. Domestic awareness. ............................................................................ 10
3.2. Consumer attitude................................................................................. 13
3.3. Conclusion.............................................................................................. 15

4. History and Drivers of Decline in the Market for Rhino Horn.... 174.1. History of rhino horn use in Japanese traditional medicine........... 17
4.1.1. Patterns of change in rhino horn use..................................................... 17
4.1.2. Driver: response to CITES and social pressure. ..................................... 23
4.1.3. Driver: decline of the traditional medicine sector.................................. 25
4.1.4. Domestic market since the trade ban. ................................................... 27ii

4.2. Consumer attitudes towards the use of rhino horn andtraditional medicine.............................................................................. 29
4.2.1. Experience and attitude towards rhino horn-related medicine............... 29
4.2.2. Current attitudes towards traditional medicine. .................................... 33
4.3. Current regulations and issues............................................................. 35
4.4. Conclusion.............................................................................................. 35

5. History and Drivers of Decline in the Market for
Elephant Ivory.......................................................................................... 38
5.1. History of ivory use in Japan................................................................ 38
5.1.1. Patterns of change in ivory use.............................................................. 38
5.1.2. Driver: response to CITES and social pressure. ..................................... 46
5.1.3. Driver: collapse of Japan’s economic bubble and population decline. ..... 52
5.1.4. Domestic market since the trade ban. ................................................... 53
5.2. Consumer attitude towards the use of ivory products..................... 56
5.2.1. Experience and attitude towards ivory products.................................... 56
5.2.2. Current attitudes towards legal ivory market......................................... 59
5.3. Current regulation and issues.............................................................. 62
5.3.1. Overview of LCES regulation................................................................ 62
5.3.2. Current status and issues in the domestic management of ivory............. 64
5.4. Conclusion.............................................................................................. 68

6. Conclusions............................................................................................... 70
7. Recommendations.................................................................................. 73
References....................................................................................................... 75

iii

ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS
CITES	������Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora
CoP	����������meeting of the Conference of the Parties
ETIS	���������Elephant Trade Information System
FPMAJ	����Federation of Pharmaceutical Manufacturers’ Association of Japan
GNP	���������Gross National Product
IUCN	�������International Union for Conservation of Nature
JAPIC	������Japan Pharmaceutical Information Centre
JIA	������������Japan Federation of Ivory Arts and Crafts Associations
JPY	�����������Japanese Yen
JWRC	������Japan Wildlife Research Centre
LCES	��������Law for the Conservation of Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora
MA	�����������Management Authority
METI	�������Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry
MHLW	����Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare
MITI	��������Ministry of Information, Trade and Industry
MOE	��������Ministry of EnvironmentNGO	��������Non-Governmental Organization
USD	���������United States Dollar
WCS	��������Wildlife Conservation SocietyWWF	�������World Wide Fund for Nature (formerly World Wildlife Fund)

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Completion of this study was only possible with the support of many individuals and organizations.
First and foremost, the authors send special thanks to Tom Milliken, Hidenori Kusakari, Hisako
Kiyono, and Akiko Ishihara for valuable historical insights from their long-time experience anddedication at TRAFFIC/WWF Japan. The authors also thank the following members of TRAFFIC:
Yannick Kuehl, Richard Thomas, Julie Gray, Gayle Burgess, Sabri Zain and James Compton, as well as
Tom Milliken for reviewing the draft; and Joyce Wu and Gayle Burgess for providing support in thedesign of the consumer survey. Deepest appreciation goes to the members of TRAFFIC’s Japan office,Keiko Wakao, Ryoko Nishino, Yoko Asakawa, Hiromi Shiraishi, and Kazuha Hirakata, who provided
unending support throughout the course of the research. The authors also send special thanks to Mari
Tamura and Sijia Zhao for kindly volunteering to translate survey results and Chinese language articles,
respectively.
The authors also express their gratitude to the members of relevant industries and the Japanese
government for providing information and insights which were essential to the study. This includes theFederation of Pharmaceutical Manufacturers’ Associations of Japan as well as manufacturers including,but not limited to, Uzukyumeigan and Kyushin Pharmaceutical from the traditional medicine sector.
From the ivory sector, the co-operation of the Tokyo Ivory Arts and Crafts Association and Gendai
Publishing was critical to our understanding of historical contexts. Other organizations the authors
thank include the Japanese Seal Engravers Association, Tokyo Japanese Musical Instrument Commerce
Association and Hogaku Journal. Finally, the authors are grateful for the assistance of the Ministry of
the Environment, Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry, and Japan Wildlife Research Centre inproviding data on Japan’s domestic ivory control system.
This study was made possible with the financial support of WWF Japan.

iv

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Japan was formerly recognized as one of the world’s largest end-use markets for wildlife products,
particularly during the height of the national economic boom which lasted throughout the mid-1970s
and 1980s. Wildlife products traded to Japan at the time were extensive and wide-ranging, and included
everything from animal fur and leather for fashion, exotic animals for pets and zoos, to taxidermy
specimens, raw materials for traditional medicine and other traditional manufacturing industries.
Rhino horn and elephant ivory, arguably the two symbols of the current illegal wildlife trade crisis, werealso traded to Japan in massive quantities until 1980 and 1989, respectively, when international tradebans were introduced pursuant to the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species ofWild Fauna and Flora (CITES). For a time Japan ranked as the world’s largest consumer of both rhino
horn and elephant ivory, but the market for these products declined significantly over the years, to apoint where only a small fraction of the former domestic market remains significant today.
This research sheds light on Japan’s wildlife trade history as a case study on the contributing factors that
helped reduce the market for rhino horn and elephant ivory. By conducting comprehensive research
into these phenomena, this report aims to elucidate the circumstances and drivers for change, in thehope that it may provide useful understanding for the contemporary context in other Asian markets
facing problems with wildlife trade. Additionally, this study critically reviewed the status of the current
domestic market and regulations to amplify where Japan stands today in terms of the historical andglobal context and provides recommendations for addressing current issues in Japan, especially in lightof severe contemporary global levels of illegal wildlife trade.
Because of the holistic approach taken and the historical knowledge required for this study, information
was collected and analysed from a wide range of sources. In terms of literature, sources in the Japanese
language were especially utilized, including the database of National Diet records and national
newspaper archives. Various data relating to trade, production, and socio-economic status, as well as
records associated with regulatory schemes, were obtained from many sources including the Japanese
government, domestic industry associations, and CITES-related databases (i.e. the CITES Trade
Database and the Elephant Trade Information System). Furthermore, critical insights were gathered
through a series of stakeholder/expert interviews, especially with industry members who were directly
part of the process. Finally, an original consumer survey was conducted in 2014 to gain further
understanding of consumer perspectives.

Drivers of socio-political change around CITES
The study firstly characterized the underlying socio-political change vis-a-vis CITES that occurred inJapan in the 1980s. That is: how did Japan, which was the leading destination for unregulated wildlife
products at the time, revise its policy towards CITES and make progressive improvements on a rangeof wildlife trade issues? The primary driver of this change was found to be the formal internationalpressure that emanated from CITES fora and processes, particularly the perceived damage to Japan’sinternational image that was engendered by condemnation of Japan’s non-compliance at the first
CITES regional seminar for countries in Asia and Oceania in 1984. That was followed immediately
by a visit to Japan by HRH Prince Philip, the then President of the World Wildlife Fund (WWF), who
openly requested Japan’s co-operation in wildlife conservation. These back-to-back events became an
important tipping point in terms of CITES implementation and enforcement in Japan.
Other important drivers domestically were awareness-raising and lobbying activities by variousorganizations and figures, salient features of which included the ongoing market monitoring by
TRAFFIC that constantly uncovered a series of problematic wildlife trade issues; and the supportingrole of the mass media in amplifying Japan’s wildlife trade problems and disseminating critical opinions
calling for change. A subsequent rise in domestic awareness was captured by a government public
opinion poll conducted in 1987 that revealed a high level of awareness (73%) of the general issue
TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in japan v

of illegal wildlife trade and the existence of regulations on import and sales of certain ornaments/
fashion accessories and pets of wild origin. A 2014 consumer survey further illuminated a high level ofawareness in older age groups who experienced this critical period of history. Also in the background,advocacy for nature conservation was visible during the 1980s when influential people conveyed
messages in various sectors of Japanese society, although their specific impact on wildlife trade issues
was not examined in this study. Finally, the 2014 consumer survey also revealed a trend towards a
declining awareness of threatened species and illegal wildlife trade among younger age groups incontemporary Japanese society.

History and drivers of decline in the market for rhino horn
Having depicted the underlying socio-political trends, the study then reviewed the history of the rhino
horn market in Japan, including its rise and subsequent decline. Rhino horn was historically part of theJapanese traditional medicine system, which flourished in the Edo period some 300 years ago. Rhino
horn was listed in the national pharmacopoeia between 1962 and 1980, until the legal import ended
after Japan joined CITES. Trade records suggested a substantial demand throughout the 1960s and1970s. Japan imported nearly 1.8 t of rhino horn in the peak year of 1973 and continued purchasinglarge volumes even though the import price grew exponentially in subsequent years, suggesting
stockpiling prior to the imposition of the 1980 trade ban.
Examination of the major usage of rhino horn in traditional medicine during this time revealed distinct
types of rhino horn-containing medicine, including directly in the form of rhino horn slices and wellknown manufactured household medicines that used rhino horn as one of many ingredients. The first
type of medicine was used for treating colds, fevers and measles in children, whereas the household
medicine brands came in two kinds, one for children’s symptoms (used as a sedative), and the other for
adult conditions (cardiotonic uses). While there were nearly 100 such rhino horn-containing medicineslisted in a National Formulary in 1978, the number dropped dramatically after 1980, and today only ahandful of manufacturers continue their production of household medicines using old stocks.
The primary driver of the decline in the rhino horn market was identified as the 1980 import ban,which was introduced in association with Japan’s accession to CITES, coupled with the industry’s
adoption of a substitute, the horn of Saiga Antelope Saiga tatarica, which was believed to have a similar
medicinal effect. The formerly abundant wild populations of Saiga Antelope in the 1970s later became
Critically Endangered due to multiple conservation threats and S. tatarica has been listed in CITES
Appendix II since 1995. The reason for the immediate transition to a substitute was because major
household medicine manufacturers that utilized most rhino horn supply were able to replace it while
compromising neither the perceived efficacy of the medicine nor the existing customer demand. The
results of the consumer survey also revealed that the majority of consumers who purchased these
medicines did so not because of any particular knowledge about the rhino horn contents or its efficacy,
but rather for the overall trust in the brand-named medicine itself.
Social pressure was found not to be a driver for the decline in the rhino horn market in Japan, according
to interviews conducted with manufacturers and the absence of domestic media coverage or NGO
campaigns around the use of rhino horn. Furthermore, no significant record of illegal trade in rhino
horn occurred in Japan after the 1980 import ban, a fact that further lends support to the notion that
there was a gradual decline in rhino horn usage in the domestic market. The analysis identified further
extrinsic drivers that led to a decline in the use of rhino horn in traditional medicine. They included amodernization of the medical system, changes in the distribution and sales pattern of medicines, and a
break in tradition through changes in the family structure in Japan.
Regarding the current state of the rhino horn market in Japan, it is still legal to manufacture and sell
medicines containing rhino horn derived from legally registered pre-Convention stocks. There are only
a handful of manufacturers left, using a total of less than 1 kg of long-stockpiled rhino horn annually.
In terms of regulations for rhino horn medicine, the Law for the Conservation of Endangered Species ofvi TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in japan

Wild Fauna and Flora (LCES) prohibits domestic trade in whole rhino horn with the exception of itemswith proof of legal import. Apart from this, no regulation exists for overseeing the trade or possessionof rhino horn and its derivatives in Japan. There is, however, an industry regulation that provides aframework for manufacturers annually to report their stocks and trade of legally registered rhino horn
materials.
Finally, regarding the current market, the study found a very low level of consumer interest inpurchasing rhino horn-related medicine in the future (below 2%). However, the use of other wild
species continues, including Saiga Antelope horn, bear bile, and musk contained in many household
medicine brands, as well as a vast quantity of plant materials used in kampo, a system of Japanesetraditional medicine also prescribed to patients by doctors. The current level of consumer awarenessabout the use of wild biological resources in traditional medicine was found to decline in younger age
groups (e.g. only 29% among people in their 20s). While sustainability in these other species needs tobe assessed, the continued use of Saiga Antelope horn in particular requires urgent attention.

History and drivers of decline in the market for elephant ivory
The study investigated the history of the decline in the market for elephant ivory in Japan. The originof the traditional ivory carving industry also dates back to the Edo period. However, this review
found that the types of ivory products varied dramatically over the centuries to meet changing market
opportunities. Ivory hanko, a personal signature seal, followed by ivory jewellery represented the
majority of ivory consumption in Japan in the 1970s and the 1980s. During the economic boom,
various ivory products gained popularity as luxury and status symbols according to industry reports
as well as the results of the 2014 consumer survey. These also revealed that traditional, practical items
like bachi (a plectrum for the shamisen, a Japanese musical instrument) were in high demand, and thatpolished whole ivory tusks were also widely marketed as investments and for home decoration.
Japan imported roughly 950 t of raw ivory within the peak years of 1983 and 1984. There was evidenceof some speculation ahead of an impending CITES ban and stockpiling by traders and even individuals
outside the industry. Although a complete ban on the international ivory trade was agreed under
CITES in 1989 with the transfer of the African Elephant Loxodonta africana to Appendix I, illegal
import of ivory persisted thereafter, indicating that demand for ivory was not immediately curbed.
Nevertheless, over the following two decades, the scale of the industry gradually shrunk to a fractionof its peak, as did Japan’s involvement in the global illegal ivory trade. Today, the scale of the industry
is estimated at roughly 10% of what it was in the 1980s, with the production of ivory hanko comprisingaround 80% of current production followed by the manufacture of traditional musical instrumentcomponents comprising about 10%. In both of these markets, ivory is recognized as the best quality
material available.
The primary driver of declines in the market for ivory turned out to be the tightening of international
trade through CITES regulations that ultimately ended with the complete ban in 1989. Despite anindustry outcry, the socio-political climate that the Japanese government was facing with respect toillegal wildlife trade necessitated that Japan co-operated with the CITES decision without reservation.
Social pressure also turned out to play a role, as exemplified by the closing down of ivory product sales,
especially ivory jewellery, by major department stores in Japan. Piano manufacturers also phased out
the use of ivory keys, while certain companies and public offices refrained from using ivory hanko. The
impact of social pressure on consumer behaviour, however, was difficult to gauge in the context of thisstudy, but evidence suggested that domestic awareness of the elephant poaching situation was widely
understood in Japan.
An important extrinsic driver that contributed to the decline of ivory demand in recent decades was
the economic recession that began just a few years after the 1989 trade ban. The long-lasting recessionthat followed the economic bubble of the 1980s decisively turned consumers from spenders into savers.
This development was felt strongly by the ivory industry. In conjunction with this trend, consumers
TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in japan vii

increasingly turned away from ivory as a status and luxury symbol while the country’s “declining trendof population” was also identified as a driver for the steady decline in the personal hanko market.
No alternatives to ivory in hanko or traditional musical instruments were adopted despite attempts tointroduce several around 1989, including natural materials such as mammoth ivory as well as a rangeof synthetic substitutes. However, recently there has been an advance of titanium as the next high-end
hanko material, while TRAFFIC’s 2014 consumer survey found that over 80% of ivory hanko users
would willingly consider a substitute. There is also a new multi-stakeholder initiative emerging in
the Japanese traditional music sector with ambitions to conserve both craftsmen’s carving skills andtraditional music that depends upon it by developing a suitable synthetic ivory substitute.
Despite being reduced substantially since the 1980s, the current ivory market in Japan is still significant
compared to that for rhino horn, with a production output estimated to emanate from more than 10 t of
raw ivory stocks consumed annually. Since 1989 Japan has received nearly 90 t of ivory from southern
African countries through the two one-off legal sales permitted by CITES and executed in 1999 and2008. These new stocks, combined with the pre-Convention stocks held from before 1989, provide thecontinuity of supply for the domestic ivory industry today. The gradual re-selling of a huge quantity ofwhole tusks sold for personal ownership during the boom in the 1970s and 1980s provides a significant
proportion of the ivory used by the industry each year. Regarding regulations, LCES regulates the tradeof individual whole tusks as well as certain aspects of trade in processed ivory pieces and products.
However, there are loopholes including the issue of unknown domestic stocks, insufficient coverage in
the government’s ability to control businesses, and the lack of mechanisms for ensuring legality in themarket. Furthermore, recent seizures reveal that ivory is actually being illegally exported from Japan
to countries with higher demand such as China and Thailand. Finally, regarding current consumer
attitudes, the study found that while the level of interest in purchasing ivory products was around
9%, the level of awareness about the legality of ivory products was limited (26%) among those who
had experience in purchasing ivory hanko and a considerable portion (over 15%) even expressedindifference toward illegal ivory.

Conclusion
In conclusion, this case study on Japan generated a wealth of insights into the history of the decline in
the rhino horn and ivory markets, where a range of drivers exerted different influences depending on
the specific nature of the demand behind various products. Of these drivers, regulations and the strong
leadership of the government were identified as the primary influencers, triggered by a surge in formalinternational pressure in 1984 that was sustained for the rest of that decade. Co-operation by coreindustry members was also a key feature in both the rhino horn and elephant ivory cases. The impact ofsocial pressure was evident in curbing demand for ivory to some extent but not rhino horn. There was,however, widespread public awareness domestically about Japan’s illegal wildlife trade problems in thelate 1980s. This was notably driven by the activities of various NGOs and public figures, combined withthe supportive role played by the domestic mass media. Last but not least, socio-economic transitions
that the country experienced over the ensuing decades acted as critical underlining drivers of continued
decline in the market for both rhino horn and ivory.
Although it is difficult to extract lessons that are directly applicable to other Asian markets in thecontemporary context, it is hoped that some clues and insights may be taken from the detailed review ofthese historical cases into the present time, particularly to inform the range of ongoing efforts made byNGOs and partners in tackling the current poaching and illegal wildlife trade crisis. In the meantime,
work needs to continue in Japan to address certain areas of concern in the current traditional medicine
and ivory markets, with particular emphasis on the regulatory loopholes in the domestic ivory
management system and recent seizures of illegal ivory exports, as well as the considerable ignorance
and indifference observed amongst current consumers, especially the younger generation. It is also
hoped that Japan, in light of the country’s historical role, will strive to make further contributions
internationally to support the conservation and sustainable use of wildlife.
viii TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in japan

RECOMMENDATIONS
For achieving a market decline for wildlife products in the current
global context:* The following influential and contextual factors were identified as important in the decline of Japan’srhino horn and ivory markets. Current and future efforts in other consumer countries should notethat a multi-faceted approach may be necessary for long-term success:1) International policy pressure to elicit strong government commitment in implementing national
measures including legislation, regulations and law enforcement;
2) Full co-operation of domestic industry bodies and stakeholders regarding compliance withtrade and market regulations and/or adoption of substitute(s);3) Activities of NGOs in facilitating policy change and public awareness-raising at the national
level, particularly through trade monitoring, exchange of objective information, and engaging
key players at the national level (i.e. the government, industry stakeholders and mass media);
4) An increase in public awareness and social pressure at the national level to influence consumer
behaviour as well as policies in relevant private sectors;
5) Broader socio-economic trends exerting distinct impacts on different products (e.g. transitionsin health systems, family structures, national economy and population trends).
* Japan’s relative success in realizing positive results in market declines for rhino horn and elephantivory should allow the Government of Japan to share proactively its experience with other CITES
Parties, including increased co-operation on implementation and law enforcement efforts at theinternational and regional levels. Japan’s role in assisting relevant countries in optimizing efforts to
reduce illegal supply and demand could, for example, be catalysed initially through Japan providing
relevant technical support to countries of primary concern, secondary concern and importanceto watch in the CITES National Ivory Action Plan process in areas such as the implementation ofdomestic trade controls, stock management systems and registration schemes.

On Japan’s current rhino horn use and traditional medicine market:* While the use of, and demand for, rhino horn in Japan has declined to low levels, the managementof domestic stocks and effective border control remains necessary, especially to prevent any illegal
re-export to countries with high demand. In this respect, the following improvements are needed inJapan.
1) The Government of Japan should strengthen the domestic management of rhino horn stocks
to meet the recommendations of CITES Resolution Conf. 9.14 (Rev. CoP15) by identifying,marking, and registering all rhino horn stocks including those that are not managed by theindustry self-management system (i.e. held by pharmacies and personal owners);
2) The Government of Japan should further adopt and enforce a comprehensive management
system that effectively controls domestic trade in not only whole rhino horn but also rhinoceros
parts and derivatives and establishes traceability for all products in the domestic market;
3) Law enforcement agencies should increase their efforts to prevent illegal domestic trade andbe alert to the potential threats of illegal rhino horn re-export to countries with high demand.
Border control should be enhanced through better co-operation with other countries in theregion and at the global level.
* The government and industry should assess the sustainability of other ingredients in traditional
medicine that are sourced from endangered wild species. Any necessary measures, including the
adoption of appropriate substitutes, should ensure that such species are not adversely affected

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in japan ix

and that continued use will not lead to trade that is illegal or conducted at unsustainable levels. In
particular, the use of Saiga Antelope horn as a rhino horn substitute in Japan and elsewhere needs
urgent attention as a component of wider Saiga Antelope conservation measures.

On Japan’s current ivory market:* Given the persistent domestic ivory market and industry, the Government of Japan should urgently
strengthen the enforcement of domestic trade regulations under current LCES provisions;specifically, monitoring for any businesses operating without notifications or any trade of
unregistered whole tusks, with a particular emphasis on online markets and trade via antiquedealers and auction businesses.
* The government should further conduct an overhaul of the current regulatory provisions and makeamendments so that Japan’s LCES meets the requirements of CITES Resolution Conf. 10.10 (Rev.
CoP16) and is sufficient to ensure the domestic ivory market remains a closed system. Specificimprovements should include the following:
1) A nation-wide registration programme of all ivory tusks and cut pieces in private possession
should be conducted to delineate the total domestic stocks;2) Cut pieces should be included in the compulsory registration scheme;3) Control of ivory businesses should be updated to a system of registration or licensing instead of
notification, and information on registered/licenced businesses should be disclosed;
4) The existing voluntary certification scheme should be strengthened into one that effectively
establishes traceability and marking of all legal products in the market.
* The government should take urgent enforcement measures in the following areas to address the
emerging trend of illegal re-export of ivory (e.g., to countries such as China and Thailand):1) Law enforcement effort focused on domestic trade dynamics, including border controls,
should be strengthened in order to halt the leakage of existing ivory stocks and to prevent any
smuggling of ivory into the country as a transit point for other end-use markets;
2) A regional platform for co-operation between CITES authorities and law enforcement agencies
amongst Parties in the Asian region should be established for improved information sharing
and co-ordination of border controls;3) The CITES Management Authority of Japan should exercise increased vigilance against there-export of pre-Convention ivory to prevent possible laundering of illegally-sourced ivory into
this trade.
* The Government of Japan, stakeholders and NGOs should strive to address the following aspects ofJapan’s persistent market and various characteristics of consumer demand:
1) Through awareness raising, the public and target audiences need to be informed about thecurrent status of elephants as well as the regulations and issues concerning international anddomestic ivory trade;2) Development and mainstreaming of ivory substitutes needs to be facilitated so that demand will
not outstrip the existing supply as the remaining legally registered ivory stocks decline in the
future;3) Online and physical platforms providing ivory sales outlets for businesses/individuals should
strengthen policies and enforce regulations to eliminate illegal trade and also facilitateawareness raising of users and consumers;
4) Further research is needed to dissect the characteristics of current consumer attitudes, including
the generational differences in awareness observed in this study. Targeted awareness-raisingthrough behavioural change messaging should be considered to address the existing and latentdemand for ivory in Japan.
x TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in japan

1. INTRODUCTION
1.1. Background
Consumption of wildlife products in Asia has long been one of key drivers for trade in many species.
This partly stems from long-standing values that Asian cultures place in the use of wildlife parts andderivatives, as seen in many traditional medicines and other culturally significant products. Certain
demand, however, may be more transitional and may emerge as an outcome of changing society andconsumption patterns. Just around half a century ago, from the 1960s through to the 1980s, Japanemerged as Asia’s first economic superpower and, with increased disposable income, exerted enormous
demand on a great range of wildlife products from around the world. Without doubt Japan was one ofworld’s largest destinations for illegally traded wildlife (Anon., 1987f; Milliken, 1981).
In the midst of continued economic boom, Japan’s appetite for wildlife products drove consumption of
everything from animal fur and leather for fashion, exotic animals for pets, zoos and taxidermy, to raw
materials for traditional medicine and other traditional manufacturing industries using ivory and bekko(shell of the Hawksbill Turtle Eretmochelys imbricata). Despite signing the Convention on International
Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) in 1973, Japan did not accede to
CITES until 1980. Even after the Convention entered into effect, Japan’s political will for stringent
implementation for years lagged far behind, and illegal wildlife trade kept growing (TRAFFIC Japan,
1985a).
Part of Japan’s reluctance in engaging on global wildlife trade issues was the result of being embroiled
in the contentious whaling issue which spilled over to CITES engagement, resulting in the defensive
stance of the government. Within Japan, there was a strong perception that the Western preservationist
movement was assuming dominance in the international policy arena at the International Whaling
Commission, which was becoming saturated with animal welfare issues and animal rights advocacy.
Japan was increasingly viewed by anti-whaling proponents as lacking sympathy for the environment
and wildlife, but in Japan the issues were seen as a kind of cultural imperialism that unjustly denied
access to natural resources, leaving an ingrained conflict that still lingers today (Catalinac et al.,2005). Japan’s illegal wildlife trade issue, however, was much more substantive and was eventually
decoupled from the issue of whaling, leading to a turn in policy in the mid- to late-1980s toward serious
implementation of CITES.
This tipping point was triggered by international pressure and growing domestic awareness over Japan’sillegal wildlife trade at the time. With the government engagement as a starting point, Japan’s market
for many wildlife products subsequently subsided through the 1990s and 2000s. Drivers for this overallchange were likely a combination factors, including compliance with regulations, stalling economy, andsocial changes. The case of Japan represents a unique history in Asia where a major decline in market
demand was achieved in what was once the world’s largest wildlife consumer country.
African elephants and rhinoceroses are two symbolic examples where wild populations were severely
affected by waves of poaching in the 1970s through to the mid-1990s. The Black Rhinoceros Diceros
bicornis, for example, collapsed by 97% from an estimated 100 000 animals across Africa in 1960 to amere 2410 animals by 1995 (Emslie et al., 2007). The African Elephant Loxodonta africana also suffered
severe mortality from poaching in the period between 1970 and 1990, particularly in Central andEastern Africa (UNEP et al., 2013). Poaching was ultimately driven by demand for rhino horn and ivory
in other parts of the world.
Although rhinoceros species were listed in CITES Appendix I from 1975 (Black Rhino from 1977)
onwards, Japan continued to import rhino horn until it finally became a Party to CITES in 1980. As for
the African Elephant, import of ivory continued until 1989 when the species was up-listed to Appendix

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 1

I (from Appendix II). For these periods running up to the end of legal international trade, Japan ranked
among the largest importers for both rhino horn and elephant ivory (TRAFFIC, 1983). Domestically,rhino horn was an important ingredient for manufactured traditional medicine, while ivory wasprocessed into hanko (personal signature seals), jewellery, polished tusks for decoration, as well as partsof traditional musical instruments, statues and netsuke (TRAFFIC Japan, 1989).
Following the import ban, declines in the market for both rhino horn and elephant ivory occurred
gradually in Japan, to a point where only a limited domestic market persists today. In the meantime,poaching pressure was also reduced in many affected areas in Africa during the following decades,
allowing some populations to recover. The elephant numbers in Eastern Africa, for example,
recovered from an estimated 105 000 in 1995 to 160 000 over a period of 10 years (Blanc et al., 2007;
Said, 1995). Owing to conservation efforts in range States, populations of the African Black Rhino
also doubled over 10 years from an estimated low of 2475 in 1992 to 4880 by 2010 (Milliken et al.,2012). Furthermore, South Africa achieved great success in conserving the Southern White Rhino
Ceratotherium simum simum, where the number of animals grew ten-fold from 1880 animals in 1968 to
18 800 animals by 2010 (Milliken et al., 2012).
However, since around 2007, intensive poaching of these species has been re-ignited by growing
demand from a new wave of emerging Asian economies (Milliken et al., 2012; UNEP et al., 2013). In
South Africa, where over 80% of Africa’s rhinos are found, the number of poached rhinos soared from
13 animals in 2007 to 1215 in 2014 (South African Government Department of Environmental Affairs,2015). Elephant poaching also hit the highest levels in decades with an estimated 100 000 elephants lost
during the three-year period from 2010 through 2012 across the African continent (Wittemyer et al.,2014) and the levels of illegal killing remain alarmingly high (CITES, 2015b). Illegal ivory trade activity
similarly recorded the highest level in 2011, at nearly three times that in 1997 (CITES, 2012). Current
destination markets for illegally traded rhino horn and elephant ivory are Asian countries particularly
growing economies such as China and Thailand for ivory and Viet Nam (also China) for rhino horn
(Milliken et al., 2012; UNEP et al., 2013).
Tackling the recent re-emergence of crises in these emblematic species is made more challenging byincreased involvement of organized criminal networks in poaching and trafficking, which is seriously
undermining security and livelihoods in range States (UNEP et al., 2013). In the consumer markets ofAsia, governments are under the spotlight to mobilize strong measures to tighten controls, while NGOs
in partnership with various public and private bodies have rolled out initiatives to reduce the demand
by influencing consumer and corporate behaviour.
Even though the global and national contexts are very different from the situations faced today, Japan’s
history of decline in the markets for rhino horn and elephant ivory offers a unique case study to
examine and take lessons from. Furthermore, the very fact that market decline was achieved in what
was once a major wildlife consumer country in Asia may represent hope for drastic change in thecontemporary context, even in places presently faced with seemingly insurmountable problems. To thisend, the current study investigated the contexts and drivers of decline in the markets for rhino hornand elephant ivory products in Japan. The study also evaluated the current status of domestic markets,regulations and consumer attitudes in Japan.

1.2. Purpose of the study
The aim of the study was to understand the history of use of rhino horn and elephant ivory in Japanand uncover key drivers behind the decline in the markets for these products. This study took a holistic
approach, first to understand the nature of usage and demand for different types of rhino horn andivory products, and second to examine the multiple interacting factors that led to declines in the overallmarkets in the country, including drivers such as international and domestic regulations, industry

2 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japanresponses, the socio-economic environment and consumer attitudes. It was clear that declines in theivory and rhino horn markets did not occur in isolation but were actually concurrent component,
although to different degrees, of background socio-political change around CITES and illegal wildlife
trade in Japan during the 1970s and 1980s. The current study therefore includes an analysis of what
drivers there were for this overall socio-political change, in order to describe the background for themarket decline in rhino horn and ivory and to gain further insight into the unique history of socialchange in Japan.
Although this study presents a valuable case study, it is recognized there are very significant differences
between Japan in the 1980s and other countries in Asia today. Applying the lessons learned from thisstudy to the current situation in Asia will therefore certainly warrant further analysis and reflection.

1.3. Structure of the report

Credits: Martin Harvey / WWF

The main results of this report are organized into the following three sections: Japan’s socio-politicalchange around CITES in the1980s to early 1990s; decline in the market for rhino horn; and decline in
the market for ivory. The history of rhino horn and elephant ivory use are treated separately becauseof their distinct differences in the paths that led to market declines in Japan. Secondly, the overall shift
in Japan’s socio-political and regulatory context around CITES and wildlife trade is introduced in achapter preceding the cases of rhino horn and ivory, in order to outline the overarching trend. Finally,
recommendations are presented with regards to addressing issues in Japan’s current domestic markets
as well as sharing lessons learned in achieving market declines.

African Elephant Loxodonta africana

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 3

2. METHODS
2.1. Literature survey and data collection
Both Japanese and English literature was searched for the history of rhino horn and ivory use in Japan.
Historical incidents regarding relevant CITES and wildlife trade issues in Japan was reviewed using
sources such as CITES meeting documents (https://cites.org/), the TRAFFIC Bulletin (1979–present)(http://www.traffic.org/bulletin/), the WWF Japan Newsletter (in Japanese, 1972–present: http://www.
wwf.or.jp/join/panda/mgzn/), and the TRAFFIC Japan Newsletter (in Japanese, 1983–2006: http://www.
trafficj.org/publication/newsletter/newsletter-bkn.html). Information on relevant domestic incidents/
contexts was searched in the Japanese National Diet record search system (in Japanese: http://kokkai.
ndl.go.jp/), the Cabinet Office public opinion polls (in Japanese: http://survey.gov-online.go.jp/), alongwith databases of major newspaper archives, including the Yomiuri-Shimbun (Yomidasu Rekishikan inJapanese, 1874–present), the Asahi-Shimbun (Kikuzou II Visual in Japanese, 1879–present), and theMainichi-Shimbun (Maisaku in Japanese, 1872–present) .
Data related to trade, stocks and usage of rhino horn and elephant ivory in Japan were obtained fromvarious published materials including government statistics, as well as from government and industry
held data provided to TRAFFIC. Trade data were primarily obtained from the Ministry of Finance
trade statistics (in Japanese: http://www.customs.go.jp/toukei/srch/index.htm) and the UNEP-WCMC
CITES trade database (http://trade.cites.org/). Domestic data included ivory-related data provided
by the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI), the Ministry of Environment (MOE) andJapan Wildlife Research Centre (JWRC). Data on rhino horn stocks were provided by the Federation of
Pharmaceutical Manufacturers’ Association of Japan (FPMAJ). Data on illegal trade of elephant ivory
involving Japan were obtained from the Elephant Trade Information System (ETIS). Data regarding
Japan’s historical socio-economic conditions were obtained from statistics produced by the Ministry ofInternal Affairs and Communications (in Japanese: http://www.stat.go.jp/).
The numbers of rhino horn containing medicines and companies producing them were compiledusing information published by the Japan Pharmaceutical Information Centre (JAPIC) for over-thecounter drugs (editions published in 1978, 1991, 1999, 2014). For the 1999 and 2014 editions, anelectronic database was searched using the keyword for rhino horn (saikaku in Japanese). All drugs
found were under the categories “child sedative” or “cardiotonic”. For the 1991 edition, the sections
corresponding to these two categories were searched visually, while for the 1978 edition, which had
no such corresponding categories, only those in the “antipyretic/pain-killing/anti-inflammatory” and“circulatory system” were counted, although rhino horn-containing medicines were also observedin other categories including “digestive system”, “antihypertensive”, and “nutritional/performanceenhancement”.
Unless noted otherwise, historical currency rates were obtained from official exchange rates publishedby the World Bank (2015) (http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/PA.NUS.FCRF - page=6). Currency
conversions to current values were based on the World Bank’s 2014 rate (1 USD=105.94 JPY).

2.2. Stakeholder/expert interviews
A number of stakeholder/expert interviews were conducted during the study. The interviewees
included key stakeholders from the traditional medicine and ivory industries as well as officials fromthe relevant ministries of the Japanese government. All interviews were conducted between June 2014
and November 2015. The list of interviewees is summarized in Table 1. An alphabet code is designatedto each interviewee for referencing in the body of the report: for example, “TRAFFIC Japan held regularpress conferences highlighting topical issues from market survey results” (A, interview).

4 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan

Table 1. List of interviewees
Code

Organization / Position

Description

A

TRAFFIC Japan/Former Director (1982-1991)
http://www.trafficj.org/

Tokyo branch of TRAFFIC, the wildlife trade monitoring
network. TRAFFIC Japan was established in 1982 tomonitor trade and support the enforcement of CITES in
Japan (later it was named TRAFFIC East Asia-Japan).

B(Anonymous) traditional kampo pharmacy/
Owner (pharmacist)

A hundred-year-old kampo pharmacy in Tokyo.

C

Federation of Pharmaceutical Manufacturers’
Associations of Japan (FPMAJ)/Chairman, CITESrelated Coordinating Committee
http://www.fpmaj.gr.jp/index.htm

Established in 1948 as an association for Japanesepharmaceutical manufacturers. Within FPMAJ,
there is a subcommittee called the CITES-related
Coordinating Committee, which organizes CITESrelations for domestic traditional medicine industry andoversees an industry management system for certain
ingredients, including rhino horn.

D(Anonymous) traditional medicine manufacturer
and wholesaler/Advisor, International Operations
Division

Established in 1947, this manufacturer used to use/
trade rhino horn. The head office is located in Tokyo.

E

Kyushin Pharmaceutical, Co., Ltd./Chief Director
and Director
http://www.kyushin.co.jp/

Established in 1913, Kyushin is a major manufacturer of
traditional medicine that used to use rhino horn as oneof the ingredients for their main product “Kyushin”, aderivative of Rokushingan. The head office is locatedin Tokyo.

F

Uzukyumeigan Corporation/Manager, Planning
Department
http://www.uzukyumeigan.co.jp/index.htm

Established in 1597, Uzukyumeigan is a major
manufacturer of traditional medicine that used touse rhino horn as one of the ingredients for their main
product “Uzukyumeigan”, a derivative of Kyumeigan.
The head office is located in Tokyo.

G

WWF Japan/Secretary to Chief Executive Officer
https://www.wwf.or.jp/

Established in 1971, WWF Japan is one of the largest
NGOs promoting nature conservation in Japan. Theinterviewee had been a member of staff since 1986.

H(Anonymous) a traditional medicine
manufacturer/President

A manufacturer in Kyoto continuing to use rhino hornas one of the ingredients in their traditional products(Rokushingan). The company has been making the
product using the same recipe for more than 120
years.

I

Japan Federation of Ivory Arts and Crafts
Associations (JIA)/Board Members
http://www.tokyo-ivory.or.jp/

JIA consists of two separate branches in Tokyo (Tokyo
Ivory Arts and Crafts Association) and Osaka (Osaka
Ivory Arts and Crafts Association). Established in 1985,
JIA has been the steering organization for the ivory
industry in Japan. Currently there are 35 manufacturers
registered as members.

J

Japanese Seal Engravers Association (Public
Interest Incorporated Foundation)/Representative
Director
http://www.inshou.or.jp/inshou/insho-0.html

The Japanese Seal Engravers Association aims to
inform the public about the importance of hanko andfacilitate smooth registration of hanko signatures atmunicipalities. The Association’s membership includes
approximately 1200 traditional hanko retailers.

K

Gendai Publishing, Co., Ltd./Chief Editor
http://www.gendai-press.co.jp/

Established in 1971 as the publisher of a specialized
magazine for the hanko industry, it has been theleading media for the sector.

LTokyo Japanese Musical Instrument Commerce
Association/Managing Director
http://www.wagakki.org/

Association of makers/retailers of koto and shamisenin Tokyo, who also promote the playing of these
instruments in traditional music.

M

Hogaku Journal/Chief Editor, Editor
http://hogaku.com/

A publishing company specializing in JapaneseTraditional Music. The company publishes a monthly
journal, musical scores and books, and holds
workshops and events.

N

Japan Wildlife Research Centre (JWRC) (General
Incorporated Foundation)/Research Director
http://www.jwrc.or.jp/

Organization conducting administrative work forcertain LCES provisions under MOE. In terms of rhino
horn and ivory, it conducts registration of whole horns
and tusks as well as issuing product certificates for ivory
products.

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 5

CodeOrganization / Position

Description

O

Ministry of the Environment (MOE)/Wildlife
Division, Bureau of Nature Conservation

Ministry office responsible for LCES.

P

Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI)/
Paper Industry, Consumer and Recreational
Goods Division, Manufacturing Industries Bureau

Ministry responsible for the control of ivory businesses
through provisions for Special International Species
Business under LCES.

2.3. Consumer attitude survey
A survey was conducted using structured questionnaires to examine the changes in consumer
attitude and demand for ivory products and rhino horn medicines in Japan. A panel of 1000 Japanese
consumers (aged 20 years old and above) was obtained from a pool of online respondents to a market
survey company questionnaire (Table 2). The questionnaire was administered in July 2014 andcontained questions regarding: knowledge of ivory products and rhino horn medicines; experiencesin purchasing, receiving and using such products; interest in future purchases; attitude towards thecurrent ivory market and use of traditional medicines containing wild and endangered species; andknowledge about the endangered status of certain flagship species such as elephants and rhinos. Results
were analysed by age groups, although each time a pooled result was given for the whole sample,
weights of age groups were adjusted to match the actual population composition (Table 2). This wasnecessary because the panel intentionally recruited more respondents from older age groups in order toincrease the levels of historical knowledge.
Table 2. Composition of consumer attitude survey sample (N=1000)
Age as of 2014. *Adjusted proportion corresponds to the population age composition during the 2010 population census.
Age
group

Year of Birth

Number of respondents(M/F)

Proportion in sample(M/F)

Adjusted proportion*
(M/F)

20s

1985–1994

100 (50/50)

10% (5/5)

16.50% (8.37/8.13)

30s

1975–1984

100 (50/50)

10% (5/5)

21.80% (11.03/10.77)

1965–1974

200 (100/100)

20% (10/10)

20.16% (10.13/10.03)

1955–1964

300 (150/150)

30% (15/15)

19.61% (9.74/9.87)

60s +1954 and before

300 (150/150)

30% (15/15)

21.94% (10.63/11.31)

Credits: Michel Terrettaz / WWF

40s
50s

Black Rhinoceros Diceros bicornis

6 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan3. DRIVERS OF SOCIO-POLITICAL CHANGEAROUND CITES
3.1. Development of legal framework for CITES
3.1.1. International pressure
In the 1960s, the need to control the unregulated trade in rare and endangered wildlife became
globally recognized. An international framework to address wildlife trade issues was called for by theInternational Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) General Assembly in 1963, followed by
the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment in 1972. The text of CITES was drafted
in response and was finally adopted on 3rd March 1973 in Washington, USA, entering into force on
1st July 1975. CITES has since provided an essential forum for international co-operation, particularly
through its legally binding mechanisms for controlling international trade.
While CITES was being established, Japan was in the midst of spectacular economic growth. From themid-1950s to the early 1970s, Japan marked 10% growth in average real GNP, making the country theworld’s second largest economy after the USA. The growth rate then slowed but the economic boom
continued through the 1980s into the early 1990s at a sustained average of around 4% (Ohno, 2006).
During this time, a rapid rise in disposable income resulted in a consumption boom across the country
until the economy entered a long recession from 1991 onwards that has persisted to the present day(Figure 1). Japan’s marked economic growth throughout the 1960s to the early 1990s made the country
Asia’s demand centre, where a growing middle class sought wealth and luxury products. Demand forwildlife was no exception; Japan was known as one of the world’s largest unregulated wildlife markets
throughout the 1970s into the 1980s (Anon., 1987f; Milliken, 1981).

Disposable income
Consumption expenditures

500 000
400 000
300 000
200 000
100 000
0
1963
1966
1969
1972
1975
1978
1981
1984
1987
1990
1993
1996
1999
2002
2005
2008
2011
2014

Average monthly income andconsumption of Japanese households(JPY)
600 000

Figure 1. Average monthly disposable income and consumption of Japanese households between 1963 and 2014
Source: Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communication, Statistics Bureau, Family Income and Expenditure Survey (2015a)

A survey of department stores in Tokyo conducted by TRAFFIC in 1981 revealed a wide array ofluxury wildlife products for sale, including leather items made from turtles, lizards, crocodiles, snakes,
peccaries and ostriches (Milliken, 1981). The fur market was also booming, and the survey found arange of animal fur coats at very high prices while some 60–70% of the furs sold in boutiques of major
Japanese fur companies were from wild (rather than farmed or ranched) animals (Milliken, 1981).
Exotic species for the live animal trade and as taxidermy specimens were also in high demand. One

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 7

Credits: TRAFFIC

Credits: TRAFFIC

overseas black market dealer identified the Japanese as “the biggest customers” in a newspaper article(Anon., 1979a). Grave concerns were growing amongst the international community as well as thedomestic NGO community because, despite signing CITES in 1973, Japan had failed to accede to
the Convention (Kikuchi, 2011; WWF Japan, 1977). In 1978, the National Diet documented growing
criticisms of the government over the mass importation of endangered animals in the form of furs,materials for taxidermy and live specimens (Anon., 1978).

Past popularity of animal furs as fashion items in JapanIn 1980 Japan finally joined CITES as its 60th member (acceptance on 6th August, entry into force on
4th November). The delay, as the government explained (Anon., 1979b), was attributed to conflicts
with domestic industries who relied on imports of Appendix I listed species as the source of raw
materials for their production purposes. When Japan joined CITES it placed nine Reservations1 on
Appendix I species, including three species of marine turtles, Chelonia mydas, Eretmochelys imbricata
and Lepidochelys olivacea, three species of monitor lizards, Varanus flavescens, V. bengalensis and V.
griseus, the Saltwater Crocodile Crocodylus porosus, the Himalayan population of Siberian Musk Deer
Moschus moschiferus and the Fin Whale Balaenoptera physalus. The government proclaimed that these
Reservations were necessary to safeguard traditional industries, specifically referencing the bekko(Hawksbill Turtle shell), reptile leather and traditional medicine sectors (Anon., 1980).
However, Japan did not place any Reservations on rhinoceros species in order to safeguard thetrade in rhino horn, which may be indicative of a relative lack of the need for such a measure in theindustry (see Section 4.1.2). In the meantime, the legal import of African Elephant ivory, then listed inAppendix II, continued until 1989.
Even after joining CITES, Japan’s weak implementation allowed an influx of large quantities of illegally
traded wildlife items through its borders during the 1980s. Systemic problems stemmed from loopholes
in CITES trade controls: Japan continued to allow uncontrolled trade in Appendix I species against
which it had entered Reservations and also accepted imports of Appendix II and III specimens with“certificates of origin” instead of proper export permits issued by the CITES Management Authorities(MAs) of exporting States. As the government continuously failed to implement CITES effectively,
criticism from the international community grew, particularly from countries whose wildlife was being
illegally sourced to feed the demand in Japan (TRAFFIC Japan, 1985a).
In October 1984, at the first ever Seminar on CITES Implementation in Asia and Oceania held in
Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, Japan failed to attend the majority of the meeting and only participated in
the opening and closing ceremonies. The Japanese government did not even send a delegate with the1

Reservations, as provided for in Article 23 of the Convention, grants Parties the right not to be bound by the Convention
with respect to specific species declared, though special provisions still apply.

8 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japanappropriate technical remit to the meeting, which fuelled reproach toward Japan and because thecountry was central to wildlife trade problems in the region, other CITES Parties at the Seminar felt
compelled to adopt a Resolution that condemned Japan’s state of implementation for the Convention
and urged the country to take immediate remedial measures before the next meeting of the Conferenceof the Parties (CoP5, Buenos Aires, Argentina, April 1985) (TRAFFIC Japan, 1985a).

Resolution adopted by Parties at the Seminar on CITES Implementation in Asia and Oceania in Kuala Lumpur 1984.
(TRAFFIC Japan, 1985a)

This event, which was filmed by a national Japanese TV channel, became a domestic media sensationand news of the Resolution against Japan was a front page story in every Japanese newspaper. The
outcry triggered an immediate reaction from Japan’s then Prime Minister, Yasuhiro Nakasone, whichthen led to more serious engagement by the government to improve CITES compliance. A diplomatic
event that undoubtedly reinforced this sequence of events was the timely visit to Japan of HRH Prince
Philip, the Duke of Edinburgh, the President of WWF International at the time. Two days after the
adoption of the Resolution, Prince Philip arrived in Japan and later in the week met Prime Minster
Nakasone. The Prince openly asked for Japan’s co-operation in wildlife conservation, to which Prime
Minister Nakasone expressed deep shame and pledged to take the necessary actions to meet his
country’s CITES obligations (Anon., 1984b, 1984d). Nakasone stated in the following Cabinet meetingthat the circumstances surrounding Japan’s lack of CITES implementation and enforcement was“causing immense harm to the country’s international reputation” (Anon., 1984a). Discussions in the

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 9

National Diet were rife concerning the reputational damage to the country, while responsible ministries
were lambasted for their attitude towards handling CITES implementation and enforcement, leadingthem to pledge to undertake concrete remedial measures (Anon., 1985b, 1985c, 1987c).

LEFT: The Duke of Edinburgh, then President of WWF International, meeting Prime Minister Nakasone, 18 October
1984; RIGHT: Domestic newspaper headlines reporting on the Resolution against Japan adopted at the Seminar on CITES
Implementation in Asia and Oceania. (TRAFFIC Japan, 1985a)

Following the order by the Prime Minister, the Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI)(now the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry, METI), in its function as the CITES MA of Japan,
swiftly amended the Cabinet Orders under the Foreign Exchange and Foreign Trade Control Law in1985 properly to require export and re-export permits for Appendix II and III specimens (effectivefrom 1st April 1985) (TRAFFIC Japan, 1985a). In order to avoid reproach at the next meeting of theConference of the Parties (CoP5), the government also undertook other short-term measures such as
designating Customs offices for CITES ports of entry, conducting Customs training and awarenessraising campaigns. Although many problems remained, Japan’s overall turn of attitude toward CITES
engagement was well received at CoP5 (TRAFFIC Japan, 1985b). The series of swift responses by
the Japanese government following the Resolution passed at the 1984 CITES Seminar suggests thatinternational pressure acted as the tipping point.

3.1.2. Domestic awarenessIn the following years, Japan continued to experience regular incidents of illegal import, which
generally was enabled by lax import controls, the remaining CITES Reservations, and the absence ofdomestic regulations beyond the point of importation. Records of discussions in the National Dietbetween 1985 and 1992 that led to further legal reforms reveal an array of high-profile, illegal importsof CITES-listed species, many of which occurred as a result of the Japanese MA carelessly accepting
fraudulent permits. This trade included large quantities of products like musk (Anon., 1985b, 1987c)
and monitor skins (Anon., 1987c), both of which Japan placed under Reservations, crocodile skins(Anon., 1986a, 1987c, 1992), ivory (Anon., 1985d), as well as a range of live animals for the pet tradeand zoo exhibitions (Anon., 1985a, 1987e, 1988b, 1991a). One incident concerning Golden-headed
Lion Tamarins Leontopithecus chrysomelas even developed into a long diplomatic negotiation with
Brazil, the only range State for this highly endangered primate, over the return of the animals (Anon.,
1988b, 1988c), a story that drew plenty of domestic media attention (Anon., 1986b, 1986d).
The National Diet records (Anon., 1985a, 1988b) from this period also shed light on the monitoring
activities of TRAFFIC Japan2, a national branch of TRAFFIC established in Tokyo in 1982 (where it
2

TRAFFIC Japan was established in 1982 as a branch of the TRAFFIC Network in East Asia. Its official name was changed
to TRAFFIC East Asia-Japan in 2002. It is known as TRAFFIC, Japan Office and is hosted by WWF Japan.

10 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan

was hosted by WWF Japan), and its role in uncovering and reporting on the cases of smuggling anddomestic sales of CITES-listed species. TRAFFIC Japan held regular press conferences highlighting
topical issues from their market survey results, including trade in many of the aforementioned taxa
as well as illegal trade in plants, cacti and orchids in particular, and fish, namely the Asian Arowana
Scleropages formosus (A, interview). Such activities by TRAFFIC Japan were officially commended by
the government in the form of a Foreign Minister’s Award given to WWF Japan in 1987 recognizing
the contribution in supporting the implementation of CITES (WWF Japan, 1987). Tom Milliken, thethen Director of TRAFFIC Japan, also recalled the influence of famous Japanese figures on domestic
audiences, including the then Crown Prince (now Emperor) of Japan, Akihito, who voiced grievanceand concerns over repeated reckless exploitation, as well as one influential, prestigious family within
the Japanese business community who showed extensive support for wildlife conservation. Suchmessages seem to have resonated with the private sector, particularly global companies who risked
jeopardizing their overseas reputation if Japan did not make progress in solving its wildlife trade
problems (A, interview). Furthermore, extensive TV coverage of a famous actress participating inemblematic conservation-related activities (such as visiting the Giant Pandas in China) served to foster
concern for the environment (A, interview).
Domestic media coverage of illegal wildlife trade issues also intensified during this period. Editorials
in national newspapers, for example, unanimously voiced highly critical opinions concerning rampant
illegal imports and the passive attitude of the government towards effective CITES implementation(Anon., 1984c, 1987a, 1987d, 1987g, 1987h, 1987i, 1987j, 1989j, 1991c). The media also placed anemphasis on the negative image Japan was sending to its international peers. These articles werepainted with expressions such as “international blame”, “shame”, “disgrace”, “wildlife smuggling
superpower”, “economic animal”, and “dirty animal business”. This media attention peaked around
1987, when discussions on preparation of the first domestic trade regulations were taking place. Somenational newspapers provided critical commentaries and extensive coverage of high-profile cases of

Articles from national newspapers between 1983 and 1987, featuring the issue of Japan’s unregulated
wildlife imports and the enactment of the first domestic trade regulation in 1987
TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 11

illegal imports and spotlighted the activities of TRAFFIC and amplified its call for effective domestic
provisions (Anon., 1987b, 1987k).
Although the impact of such media coverage on public awareness and their behaviour cannot be
assessed precisely, it can be assumed that a significant proportion of the public was exposed to suchinformation, at least through the coverage in national newspapers. Another glimpse into publicawareness was given through the first government opinion poll featuring “illegal wildlife trade” as oneof the current environmental affairs issues, which was conducted in 1987, coinciding with the heightof newspaper coverage preceding the introduction of the long-awaited law for regulating domestic
trade (Government of Japan Cabinet Office, 1988). According to the poll, the majority (73.2%) of
the public at this time was aware that illegal wildlife trade had become an issue and that import andtrade of certain ornaments, fashion accessories and pets of wildlife origin were regulated (Figure 2).
Furthermore, only 0.4% indicated they actively sought rare wildlife products for their value, while 6.7%
said they may be purchasing regulated items without being aware of the fact. These results indicate thata high level of public awareness likely already existed by 1987.
Public awareness of theillegal wildlife trade issue in 1987

Not
Aware
27%
Aware
73%

Figure 2. Public awareness about illegal wildlife trade issues in 1987 from a public opinion poll conducted by theJapanese government
Respondents were asked if they were aware that trade or sales in certain ornaments, fashion accessories and pets was regulated,with the proposition that illegal trade in endangered valuable wildlife and products had become an issue. (N=2362)
Source: Cabinet Office, Public Opinion Poll on Environmental Issues, 1988

In 1987, 12 years after joining CITES, the then Environment Agency (now the Ministry of theEnvironment, MOE) finally introduced the first measures to regulate certain aspects of domestic tradein endangered species of wild fauna and flora (measures that entered into effect on 12th December
1987), and later became integrated into the Law for the Conservation of the Endangered Species for Wild
Fauna and Flora (LCES) in 1992 (which entered into effect on 1st April 1993). The original version ofthese measures was deemed far too insufficient in terms of coverage and effectiveness to prevent anddeter all levels of illegal wildlife trade. For example, the coverage was restricted to whole specimens
of Appendix I species, completely leaving out Appendix II and III species, as well as all parts andderivatives including ivory and rhino horn (TRAFFIC Japan, 1988). LCES later became the legislationthat incorporated control of the domestic ivory industry following the CITES ban on international
ivory trade in 1989.
With regards CITES Reservations, the government finally reconciled itself with domestic industries andwithdrew eight of its nine initial Reservations between 1987 and 19943. The National Diet record notesthat it was considered inevitable that Japan would continue receiving concerted criticisms at CITES
3

All the initial Reservations except that for Fin Whale have now been withdrawn. Chelonia mydas and Varanus griseus in
1987, Moschus moschiferus and Crocodylus porosus in 1989, Lepidochelys olivacea, V. flavescens and V. bengalensis in 1992,
and Eretmochelys imbricata in 1994. Japan entered further Reservations for whales and other marine species that are stillin effect today, but they stem from a separate government policy for fisheries matters and are outside the consideration of
the present study.

12 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japanmeetings unless these Reservations were addressed (Anon., 1988a, 1990c). Furthermore, in 1989 when
the transfer of the African Elephant to Appendix I was adopted at CoP7, Japan refrained from enteringa Reservation despite an outcry from the domestic industry. Both international pressure and domestic
awareness contributed to these outcomes regarding ivory and are discussed in more detail in Chapter
5. Hosting of CITES CoP8 in Kyoto in 1992 put Japan firmly in the international spotlight, providing
a stage for the government to showcase the country’s improved performance to both internationaland domestic audiences. Finally, in 1994 the withdrawal of the last CITES Reservation, on Hawksbill
Turtles, which had been retained in support of the bekko industry, was forced through by a trade
sanction threat made by the USA (Anon., 1991b; TRAFFIC Japan, 1994).

3.2. Consumer attitude

Age group in major consumer segment

The 2014 consumer attitude survey (see Section 2.3) characterized current Japanese consumers byadministering a questionnaire to a cross-section of different age groups in order to gain an insight
into generational differences in experience of and attitude towards products made of rhino horn andelephant ivory and the potential shift in consumers’ awareness of wildlife consumption and its impact
on the species concerned. Figure 3 depicts the time period in which each age group was considered
to have been in the major consumer segment. That is, on average earning enough to purchase wildlife
products that are often non-essential and luxury goods; for convenience’s sake it is simply set as
individuals 30 years old and above.
Time in which each age group in the present population entered
the major consumer segment (30 years-old and above)
60s and above
Peak ofwildlife
consumptionJapan
accededto CITES

50s
Issue of illegal
wildlife trade
recognized

40s
30s
20s

1965

1970

1975

1980

Economic growth

1985

1990

1995

2000

2005

2010

2015

2020

2025

Economic recession

Figure 3. Representation of the time period in which each age group in the present population sample entered the major
consumer segment (set here as 30 year-old and above, as earning enough on average to afford non-essential wildlife
products)
Source: authors’ work

The age group of 60s and above in the current population sample, as seen in the above figure,represented the major consumer segment by the mid-1980s when the issue of illegal wildlife trade wasat its peak during the economic boom. The 50s age group entered the major consumer segment aroundthe mid-1980s to mid-1990s, by the end of which time Japan’s legal framework and CITES compliance
had improved and the economy started to stall. The 40s and 30s age groups entered the major
consumer segment between the mid-1990s and the mid-2010s. By this time the Japanese economy hadentered into a lengthy recession. The 20s age group will enter into the major consumer segment aroundthe mid-2010s to the mid-2020s.
The survey revealed that Japanese consumer awareness of wildlife consumption and its impact on wild
populations was highest in the 60s and above age group and decreased as the age group lowered. OverTRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 13

64% of the 60s and above age group was aware that wild animals and plants were used in Japanesetraditional medicine (kampo medicine), whereas only 29% in the 20s age group was aware (Figure
4:top). Similarly, over 80% of the 60s and above age group was aware of the threatened status of iconic
wildlife such as elephants, rhinos and tigers, while the proportion went down with every age group, toonly 35% in the 20s age group (Figure 4:bottom).
The survey also revealed age discrepancies in what respondents conceived as the biggest threats towildlife (Figure 5). Among the range of common conservation threats, half of the 60s and above age
100%

Awareness that some traditional medicine
contains wild animals and plants

80%
60%

Not aware
Aware

40%
20%
0%

20s

30s

40s

50s

60s
and
above

100%

Awareness of the threatened status ofwild elephants, rhinos and tigers

80%
60%
40%

Not aware at all
Slightly aware
Well aware

20%
0%
20s

30s

40s

50s

60s
and
above

Figure 4. Generational trends in current consumer awareness (N=1000)
TOP: awareness of the use of wild animals and plants in traditional medicine (kampo); BOTTOM: awareness on thethreatened status of wild elephants, rhinos and tigers
Source: TRAFFIC, consumer survey, 2014
0

20

60 %

40

Habitat loss
Climate change
Pollution
Poaching for illegal trade
Capture/Killing by local residents
Increasing exotic species
Imbalance in food chain
Other

20s
30s
40s
50s
60s and above

Figure 5. Generational trends in current consumer awareness about factors threatening elephants, rhinos and tigers in
the wild (N=1000)
Respondents selected a single factor that they thought presented the biggest threat to wild elephants, rhinos and tigers. Results
are shown as the percentage of each age group.
Source: TRAFFIC, consumer survey, 2014

14 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japangroup considered “poaching for illegal trade” as the biggest threat to elephants, rhinos and tigers, while
the proportion selecting this option declined as the age went down, to only 27% in the 20s age group.
“Habitat loss” was perceived as a common threat to a similar extent by most age groups, other factors
like “pollution”, “climate change”, and “imbalance in food chain” showed the pattern in reverse, being
more popular amongst the younger than the older age groups.
These combined results appear to lend support for the domestic awareness toward illegal wildlife tradeissues discussed in Section 3.1.2 that was likely fostered during the 80s to early 90s, considering thehigher levels of awareness in the older generation. However, overall awareness of wildlife use and theimpact of illegal trade gradually reduces in subsequent generations. Further research to characterise
factors behind and implications of these generational differences is warranted for understanding thecurrent Japanese consumer attitudes, where the observed low level awareness in the younger generation
requires particular attention.

3.3. Conclusion
Overall, it took Japan nearly two decades after signing CITES in 1973 to develop a sound legal
framework to buttress compliance with the Convention’s requirements, and this simultaneously
coincided with the country’s golden years of economic boom (Time Chart 1). The review above
elucidated some of the key drivers behind this progress, of which the first tipping point was likely
triggered in 1984 by accumulated international pressure. From the domestic side, attention to illegal
wildlife trade issues also grew, propelled by internal forces such as monitoring and awareness-raising
activities by NGOs with the media also playing a role in communicating the seriousness of the issue
and critical opinions. Even though the general public at this time was still presumably attuned to more
luxury and more consumption, evidence suggests that the illegal wildlife trade issue had penetrated the
public consciousness by the late 1980s. This supposition is corroborated by the higher-level awarenessin older consumers who experienced this era.
Aligning the above series of events and drivers with the history of rhino horn and ivory import reveals
that declines in the market likely took different courses (Time Chart 1). Despite being one of the major
importers of rhino horn in the 1970s, Japan did not enter a Reservation for any Rhinocerotidae species
upon joining CITES in 1980 and thereby accepted the immediate cut off of all rhino horn supply (TimeChart 1). This decision by the government appears puzzling, given the economic and political context
at the time and that a Reservation was entered for the Appendix I listed Musk Deer (the Himalayan
populations), another important ingredient for the same traditional medicine industry, that was notwithdrawn until 1989. On the other hand, there is no mention of illegal trade in rhino horn appearing
in the National Diet records, major newspaper articles, or relevant CITES meeting documents, which
stands in stark contrast to the ongoing illegal trade in musk. It can therefore be inferred that rhino horn
was not in strong demand from the traditional medicine industry and that this domestic environment
facilitated a smooth phase out of large-scale usage. The nature of these factors is explained in Chapter 4.
The history concerning ivory is very different and ran concurrently with the overall socio-politicalchange around CITES in the 1980s through to the early 1990s (Time Chart 1). Japan imported a record
volume of ivory, nearly 950 tonnes in 1983 and 1984 collectively, and under circumstances in which theorigin of the majority of trade was suspected to be illegal. This predictably gave rise to intense criticisms
from the international community. Illegal import continued even after the international trade ban was
adopted in 1989, indicating that, unlike rhino horn, strong demand for ivory persisted. Indeed, various
efforts were made to curb the amount of ivory imported between 1985 and the 1989 CITES trade ban.
Demand for ivory persisted, however, and in both 1999 and 2009 Japan was allowed to receive legal
one-off imports of ivory through a mandated CITES process. An overview of the historical drivers andthe current status of Japan’s domestic ivory market is presented in Chapter 5.

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 15

16 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan

Until
1989

Ivory

Domestic Law/Policy* 1992 CoP8

2010 * 2008 Ivory one-off sale2000 * 1999 Ivory one-off sale1990
* 1992 LCES enacted* 1992 Japan hosts CoP8

1960 * 1963 IUCN resolutioncalls
for international framework* 1973 Japan signs CITES
1970 * 1973 CITES adopted* 1975 CITES entered into force* 1980 Japan acceeds to CITES
1980
with nine reseravtions, poor
compliance continued* 1984 CITES Asia Oceania* 1984 Prime Minister calls for
Seminar adopts resolution
immediate measures to improve"Japan"compliance* 1985 Improved trade regulations* 1985 CoP5
etc. for CoP5
* 1987 First domestic trade* 1987 CoP6
regulation enacted* 1989 CoP7 African Elephant * Initial reservations withdrawn(1987-1994)
Appendix-I listing

International Events* 1990 Media coverage on ivory issues,
major department stores ending sales ofivory accessories* 1991 US sanction threat for bekko trade* 1982 TRAFFIC Japan based in Tokyo starts
monitoring wildlife trade* 1984 Prince Philip meets with Prime Minister
Nakasone -damaged international
reputation raises the stake for Japan* Increased domesticmedia coverage on
Japan's illegal wildlife trade* 1987 Governmentopinion-poll on topic of"illegal wildlife trade" issues shows highpublic awareness* International and domestic calls for Japanto join CITES

Drivers

Time Chart 1. Summary of key events and potential drivers surrounding the development of a legal framework for CITES implementation in Japan (from the 1970s to early 1990s)
Source: authors’ work

Until
1980

Rhino
horn

ImportDivers of socio-political change around CITES

Economic growth

Recession

4. H
 ISTORY AND DRIVERS OF DECLINE IN THE MARKETFOR RHINO HORN
4.1. History of rhino horn use in Japanese traditional medicine
4.1.1. Patterns of change in rhino horn use
Overview of Japanese traditional medicine
Traditional medicine in Japan is derived from traditional Chinese medicine, which is believed to havebeen introduced through Korea around the 6th century AD (Namba, 1994). It evolved as a practiced
medical system called kampo in the Edo period (1603–1868), when Japan was a closed, stable society.
Kampo is distinguished from other forms of traditional medicine found in Japan by the following
characteristics: it follows the classical theory of traditional Chinese medicine for making diagnoses
and its medicines called kampoyaku (yaku denoting “medicine” or “drugs” in Japanese) are preparedaccording to formulations described in classical literature. These formulations specify what proportions
are needed for each of the natural ingredients in them and each formulation is tailored to treat thesymptoms exhibited by patients. There are several hundred commonly used kampoyaku formulations.
Although Japan adopted Western medicine as the primary medical system in the Meiji period (1868–1912), kampo remains a part of Japan’s medical system. Today kampoyaku are available as over-thecounter drugs and prescription medicines.
There have been many other traditional medicines which are not considered to be part of kampoyaku
but still have roots in kampo or traditional Chinese medicine. The difference is that formulations ofsuch drugs are often unique and developed based on experiences, thus they are sometimes calledfolk medicine or wakanyaku (which translates as “Japanese Chinese medicine”) (JKMA, 2015). A
large variety of such original medicines was invented and flourished in different locales, including
some that became widely distributed as household medicines in the Edo period. The productionof such medicines was concentrated in several regions with a long history of traditional medicinaluse. Amongst them, Toyama prefecture was well known for using animal-based ingredients and forestablishing a nation-wide distribution scheme of travelling “medicine peddlers”. This was a “value
first, money later” distribution system4 that enabled even poor households to receive the benefit of
medicines. This system lasted for over 300 years (Kamata, 1986). Although the traditional medicine
industry has experienced a significant decline over recent decades, this unique distribution system still
exists as an official pharmaceutical operation called haichiyaku, or household distribution. Certain
brands of long-standing traditional medicine also persist, and they are manufactured and sold as wellknown non-prescription household medicines, and are especially well-known by older generations.
Rhino horn was used in both kampo and a variety of other traditional medicines. It should be notedthat because kampo and other traditional medicines are not completely independent in their origins
and sometimes overlap in their formulations, the distinction in the terminology is generally not wellrecognized. Consequently, the term kampo is commonly used as a general term for any traditional
medicine, or as an antonym to chemical-based medicine. In this report, “Japanese traditional medicine”
or simply “traditional medicine” is used in this inclusive sense and “kampo” in its specific sense.

History of rhino horn imports and CITES
The practice of using rhino horn in traditional medicine in China is centuries old and is describedin the earliest written record “Divine Peasants Herbal” from the Han Dynasty (206 BC to AD 220).
Although Japan was never a rhinoceros range State, rhino horn has been used for its medicinal
properties over many centuries since its introduction from China where historically two Asian
4

A medicine kit is leased by a household for use in treating day to day maladies, while medicine peddlers make regular
visits to each household to refill and collect payments for the amount used in the interim.

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 17

rhino species once existed. The earliest evidence of rhino horn items in Japan dates back to the 8th
Century AD in the Shosoin Collection of the Emperor, which includes rhino horn cups categorized as“Medicine” treasures (Imperial Household Agency, 2015). Tradition says that the first ruler of the Edo
period, Tokugawa Ieyasu, himself used to prepare a medicine called Usaien, with “sai” denoting therhinoceros in Japanese, using a formula listed in a classic Chinese text (Shimomura et al., 1999). Usaien
and another medicine called Shisetsu were both believed to contain traces of rhino horn and were
produced in this period as (already famous) folk medicines from Ishikawa prefecture (Suzuki, 2005).

Credits: Imperial Household Agency

Credits: Imperial Household Agency

Although Japan has imported rhino horn for many centuries, official trade records are only available
from the end of the 19th Century in the Meiji period (1868–1912) when the country rapidly underwent

Credits: T. Kitade / TRAFFIC

Rhino horn dish from the Shosoin Collection dating from the 8th century (The Shosoin Shoso, photo courtesy of theImperial Household Agency), The object is categorized under “Medicine”, The centre hole in the right photo is madeby grinding the dish to be used as medicine

Examples of descriptions of rhino horn found in Japanese traditional medicine literature (Namba, 2010; Nankodo, 1959)

18 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japanmodernization. Statistics reveal a large demand for rhino horn during this period. According to Martin(1983), rhino horn imports between 1882 and 1889 amounted to over 1200 kg annually, most ofwhich originated from the three Asian species of rhinos. As the populations of Asian rhinos dwindled,
Japan began importing horns from Africa, with the average volume reaching a record high of 2200 kg
annually in 1897 and 1898 (Martin, 1983).
The official trade records were disrupted for the first half of the 20th Century during the disorder ofmajor wars in the Taisho (1912–1926) and the early Showa (1926–1989) periods. However, available
records from 1951 to 1980 reveal expanding domestic demand (Figure 6). During this period, Japan,
along with Yemen, was said to be the world’s largest importers of rhino horn (TRAFFIC Japan, 1983).
Imports in the 1950s were a mere 10% of the peak years at the end of 19th Century, but importation
began to increase in the 1960s. In the early 1970s (1970–1974), imports had climbed to an averageof nearly 1100 kg per year, reaching a peak of nearly 1800 kg in 1973, the year CITES was finalized.
Following the entry into force of CITES in 1975, import levels dropped sharply while the unit price ofrhino horn skyrocketed. In 1980, the final year of Japan’s legal rhino horn imports, the average pricereached a record high of USD383 per kg, over 10 times the average price in the 1960s. This suggests
there was a last minute surge by traders to secure as much supply as possible before the 1980 ban.

1800

Japan
accededto CITES

Price per kg (USD)

1600

450
400
350

1400

300
CITES
entered
into
force

1200
1000
800

250
200
150

600

1979

1977

1975

1973

1971

1969

1967

1965

1963

0
1961

0
1959

50
1957

200
1955

100

1953

400

Import price per kg (USD)

CITES
adoptedImport amount (kg)1951

Annual import of rhino horn (kg)

2000

Figure 6. Annual imports of rhino horn by Japan between 1951 and 1980
Source: Trade Statistics of Japan (Ministry of Finance) as summarized by Martin (1983)

These records suggest that there was substantial use of rhino horn in Japan right up to the 1980
import ban that took effect after Japan finally became a Party to CITES. As Japan did not enter any
Reservations for rhinoceroses, no commercial importation occurred after 1980, except for a limited
number of transactions exempted under CITES (see Section 4.1.4). Furthermore, and significantly, nosizable illegal trade was documented post-ban, and by the late 1980s Japan was considered by CITES tohave reduced its domestic market for rhino horn significantly (Martin, 1987).
This success in securing a reduction in the market for rhino horn in Japan after 1980 is in stark contrast
to other CITES-listed species for which Japan required significant time to accommodate the needsof various wildlife industries while dealing with continued illegal import. The musk deer, also usedin traditional medicines, was one such example (Chapter 3). This suggests that the relatively smoothdecline in the market for rhino horn was likely facilitated by distinct underlying domestic factors.
The following sections examine the nature of the domestic use and market for rhino horn in order todisentangle these drivers.
TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 19

Types of rhino horn-containing medicines and their decline
In terms of medicinal properties, rhino horn is classified as a “heat-clearing” drug with detoxifying
properties in traditional Chinese medicine, and the use of rhino horn in Japan follows this tradition(Nowell, 2012). The Japanese traditional medicine literature commonly defines the properties of rhino
horn as an antipyretic, detoxicant, sedative, cardiotonic and haemostatic, while its applications are fortreating fever and exanthema, especially measles in children (Koizumi, 1977; Namba, 1980; Nankodo,1959). A range of kampo formulations using rhino horn are given in the literature. For example, theCommentary of the National Formulary Ed. II (Nankodo, 1959) describes four representative kampo
formulae for their antipyretic, cardiotonic, analgesic, sedative and haemostatic effects and provides
recommended daily dosages. Rhino horn was also listed in the Japanese pharmacopoeia between 1962
and 1980, prior to which it was listed in the National Formulary (Kimura, 1955). Rhino horn wasremoved from the pharmacopoeia in 1981 following the CITES trade ban.
In the consumer market, a wide range of rhino horn-containing medicines was available as
manufactured household medicine, which were available via the household distribution system or forpurchase at local pharmacies. These rhino horn-containing household medicines may be divided into
two categories based on the importance of rhino horn as a component: 1) rhino horn-based medicines
in which rhino horn was the main or the only ingredient; and 2) well-known groups of household
medicines in which rhino horn was one of multiple ingredients. These two groups were also distinct interms of the visibility of “rhinoceros” content to the consumers: the former depicted rhinoceroses on
their packaging or as part of the product names, while the latter did not.
A typical rhino horn-based medicine came as a package of rhino horn slices and was available attraditional pharmacies. These slices were administered for treating colds, fevers and measles, usuallytaken as a decoction (i.e. the extract obtained by boiling the rhino horn slices in water). A brand namemedicine containing rhino horn as the main ingredient called Usaikakusan (including “saikaku”, or“rhino horn”, in its name) was also available for the same set of symptoms (Martin, 1983). According
to a pharmacist running a 100 year-old kampo pharmacy in Tokyo (B, interview), these types of rhino
horn-based medicines were affordable and could be purchased for today’s equivalent of around JPY500(USD5). The pharmacist also mentioned that the main users of such medicine were those who could
not take chemical antipyretics, such as pregnant women, infants and small children.
A National Formulary for over-the-counter drugs in Japan published in 1978 by JAPIC (JAPIC,
1978) listed 16 different companies manufacturing “rhino horn” (Saikaku, likely slices), one company
manufacturing “rhino horn powder”, and two companies manufacturing drugs named Usaikakusan.
All of these drugs were identified as “antipyretic-analgesic-antiphlogistic drugs”. Editions of thispublication after 1980 (JAPIC, 1991) listed only one company manufacturing “rhino horn” as a crude
drug5 product and Usaikakusan was no longer listed. Later editions from the 2000s onwards did nothave any listing of rhino horn-based medicine (JAPIC, 1999, 2014).
The other group of rhino horn-containing medicines included a much wider range of products
manufactured by hundreds of companies. Regarded as effective for a variety of conditions ranging fromconvulsion in children, fever and stomach and heart weaknesses, these medicines were widely available
through the household distribution system. In terms of ingredients, these medicines roughly followed astandard recipe of selected animal and plant materials, usually consisting of Oriental bezoar, musk, bile,
borneol, ginseng, agarwood, horn, and sometimes toad secretion (Nakamura et al., 2004). This groupof medicines was further divided into two types: the Kyumeigan (denoted “life-saving pill”) and Kiogan
type categorized as children’s sedative; and the Rokushingan type categorized as cardiotonics for adults.
Records show that there were 123 kinds of Kyumeigan and 68 kinds of Kiogan in 1981 (Anon., 1982)
5“Crude drug” refers to a single material preparation, usually an ingredient for producing kampoyaku and other traditional
medicines, although sometimes taken on its own (JKMA, 2015).

20 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan

Credits: H. Shiraishi / TRAFFIC
Credits: T. Kitade / TRAFFIC

Credits: Uzukyumeigan Corporation

Rhino horn medicine (slices) for treating colds, fevers and measles, its package and package insert,
The package contains 3 g of thinly sliced Black Rhino horn, The reverse side of the package provides
instructions on dosage and administration as follows: For a one day dosage of 3 g for an adult, add 100
ml of water and boil for 5 to 10 minutes, Take three times a day between meals, Dosage for children atvarious ages is also provided

Credits: Kyushin Pharmaceutical, Co., Ltd

Credits: Kyushin Pharmaceutical, Co., Ltd

Uzukyumeigan packages, LEFT: Old package from early 20th century (Taisho Period) preserved in the company’s archives
located in Tochigi; RIGHT: Current package used in 2015
Photo courtesy of Uzukyumeigan Corporation

Kyushin packages, LEFT: Package from early 20th century (prior to 1933); RIGHT:
Current package used in 2015
Photos courtesy of Kyushin Pharmaceutical, Co., Ltd.
TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 21

and that around 100 companies manufactured derivatives of Rokushingan (Kyushin, 2013). Note that
not all these brands used rhino horn as the “horn” ingredient, but the majority did before the importban, according to the FPMAJ (C, interview).
Uzukyumeigan for children and Kyushin (derived from Rokushingan) for adults were by far the mostnationally famous traditional brands with the largest shares in their respective markets, both of themusing rhino horn as an ingredient. Both these brands were produced by long-standing manufacturers
whose company names were identical to their most famous products: Uzukyumeigan was foundedin 1597 and Kyushin in 1913. In terms of prices, Kyushin, known as panacea for a variety of adultconditions including cardiotonic conditions, was more expensive than Uzukyumeigan for the childillnesses, perhaps reflecting the difference in the types of usage. According to a traditional medicine
trader (D, interview), approximately 50% of rhino horn use prior to 1980 (he estimated 600 kg
annually) was in Kyushin, another 20 to 30% went into rhino horn medicines sold by pharmacies andthe rest was Uzukyumeigan. Little rhino horn was used in other brand named medicines.

Number of rhino horn-containing medicinesand manufacturers in the National Formulary

Reviewing the listing of rhino-horn containing medicines in the National Formulary implied a major
reduction in the market in the 1980s (Figure 7). In 1978, shortly before the end of legal import in
1980, at least 97 rhino-horn containing medicines and 95 companies producing them were listed, mostof which were producing derivatives of Kyumeigan, Kiogan or Rokushingan. These numbers dropped
ramatically over the next decade, down to only 15 medicines produced by eight companies in 1991.
By 2014, there were only six medicines from five manufacturers listed, all of them small companies inthe traditional medicine industry, capitalizing on their remaining stocks of rhino horn. The domestic
production and sale of rhino-horn containing medicines remains legal. Both Uzukyumeigan andKyushin, the two major users of rhino horn, switched to alternative ingredients in the 1980s (1982 and1986, respectively, see Section 4.1.2), and still retain their brand name products in the market today
using substitutes for rhino horn.

120
100

Medicines

97+ 95+

Manufacturers

80
60
40
15

20
0

1978

8

1991

10

8

1999

6

5

2014

Figure 7. The numbers of rhino horn-containing medicines and companies producing them listed in the National
Formulary in Japan over time for over-the-counter drugs
Source: Japan Pharmaceutical Information Centre, OCT Drugs in Japan (1978, 1991, 1999, 2014)

22 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in JapanAs noted above, there were distinct types of rhino horn-containing medicines available in the Japanesemarket prior to the 1980 import ban, and the number of these medicines and manufacturers declined
sharply in the decade following the ban. In addition, records document the drop in sales of rhino horn
medicine at kampo pharmacies. According to market surveys conducted in 1980 and 1986 (Martin,
1987), the proportion of major pharmacies selling rhino horn dropped from 44% to 17% in Tokyo and
90% to 76% in Osaka (Japan’s second largest metropolis where the use of traditional medicine was moreprevalent). Furthermore, by 1995, all surveyed pharmacies found with rhino horns displays claimed
that the horns were no longer for sale (TRAFFIC, 1995).

4.1.2. Driver: response to CITES and social pressure
Saiga Antelope horn as a recommended substituteThe largest driver for the reduction in rhino horn usage was found to be the decision by the major
manufacturers using rhino horn as one of the ingredients in household medicines to switch to analternative ingredient. As the Japanese government prepared to become a Party to CITES in the late1970s, it became clear that rhino horn would no longer be available for import. In preparation forthis development, the government reached agreement with the manufacturing industry associationon the use of an alternative ingredient, the horn of the Saiga Antelope Saiga tatarica (Reiyoukaku inJapanese). An internal announcement was made to the industry about the recommended substitute,according to information received from a series of interviews with manufacturers (D, E, F, interviews)
and FPMAJ (C, interview). The government did not ban the domestic use of rhino horn but actively
facilitated the transition through a smooth approval process with manufacturers to alter the content of
their medicinal products and remove rhino horn as an ingredient. Thus, the major manufacturers madethe recommended switch, others switched to using the horns of other animals such as cattle or water
buffalo while a few continued using the rhino horn stocks they possessed.
The underlying reason for the smooth transition to using alternatives, according to Kyushin andUzukyumeigan, the two major users of rhino horn at the time of the import ban, was because rhino
horn was not the most important active ingredient and could be replaced without affecting the overall
efficacy of their medicines. Their most critical ingredients were a toad secretion6 acting as a heartstimulant for Kyushin and musk acting as a sedative and anti-inflammatory agent for Uzukyumeigan.
Surprisingly, rhino horn was a relatively new ingredient for Uzukyumeigan, adopted in 1967 as an
antipyretic substitute for chemical drugs, although the company likely previously used rhino hornin the 19th Century when the import supply was plentiful. Uzukyumeigan made the switch to Saiga
Antelope horn in 1982, followed by Kyushin in 1986.
It is interesting to note that all the industry interviewees recalled that the industry had first suggested“cattle horn” as a recommended rhino horn substitute in their correspondence with the Ministry of
Health and Welfare (now the Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare, MHLW), because it could easily
be supplied from domestic livestock. However, the Ministry purportedly suggested a usage of “Saiga
Antelope horn”. The industry agreed to this because Saiga horn was indeed known in the literatureand from experiments to have a similar antipyretic effect, according to the major manufacturers (E, F,
interview). Many manufacturers swiftly switched to Saiga horn to avoid supply disruption of the supply.
One manufacturer recalled that the reason for the rejection of cattle horn was because it required 10
times the volume of rhino horn to achieve the same effect (E, interview). Another mentioned that the
government cited, as one of the reasons, a concern that cattle horn would appear “less valuable” (D,interview). The literature suggests that Saiga Antelope horn usage was rather uncommon in traditional
Japanese medicine before 1980 (Nagasawa, 1977), neither was it used in the manufacturing industry
before it was adopted as a rhino horn alternative, according to FPMAJ (C, interview).
6

Kyushin uses species of Bufonidae, specifically Bufo gargarizans and B. melanostictus
http://www.kyushin.co.jp/herb/herb05.htm

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 23

Credits: Yury Arylov

A male Saiga Antelope Saiga tatarica

Saiga Antelope populations in Central Asia were considered abundant in the 1970s owing to theeffectiveness of hunting regulations. However, following the collapse of the Soviet Union in the early
1990s, poaching caused massive population declines (von Meibom et al., 2010). The species has been
listed in CITES Appendix II since 1995 and is categorized as Critically Endangered under the IUCNRed List (Mallon, 2008). CITES trade data between 1995 to 2004 show that Japan imported a total of 13
312 kg of Saiga Antelope horn, comprising 15% of the total global trade (von Meibom et al., 2010). Thisis roughly equivalent to the volume of rhino horn Japan imported over the 24 years between 1957 and1980. According to FPMAJ, the annual usage of Saiga Antelope horn in the pharmaceutical industry
over the past decade (2004–2013) has remained steady at about 300 kg on average, while the import
volume and the number of companies producing medicines with this ingredient decreased during thisperiod (FPMAJ, in litt. to TRAFFIC, June 2015). Although the demand for Saiga Antelope horns inJapan is unlikely to increase given the decline in the traditional medicine market, whether or not thecurrent consumption is within sustainable limits for the species needs to be assessed urgently in thelight of the global trade. This is particularly critical considering not only the occurrence of poachingin Saiga range States and substantial illegal trade taking place in countries such as China, the major
exporter of Saiga horn to Japan (von Meibom et al., 2010) but also other imminent conservation
threats such as destruction of habitat and migration routes that have rendered the species CriticallyEndangered (Mallon, 2008).

Social pressure

In terms of other potential drivers of the market decline, social pressure turned out not to be a factor
for rhino horn. Both Kyushin and Uzukyumeigan stated that their consumers were unlikely to beaware of the precise ingredients but rather trusted the brands for their efficacy and long-standing
reputation. They explained that consumers did not have any influence on the decision making process
for substituting rhino horn with Saiga horn (E, F, interview). The results of TRAFFIC’s 2014 consumer
attitude survey further support this, with the vast majority of the users of these medicines unaware of
their rhino horn content (see Section 4.2).

24 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan

Evidence of domestic public awareness that may have stimulated some degree of social pressure was notfound for rhino horn either before or after the 1980 import ban. Searching major newspaper archives
did not reveal any articles featuring a critical assessment of rhino horn import or its usage in traditional
medicine. Although in the late 1970s to early 1980s WWF Japan and TRAFFIC Japan reported onJapan’s rhino horn use in their publications (TRAFFIC Japan, 1983; WWF Japan, 1979, 1980), there wasno major public awareness campaign by any NGOs or other bodies targeting the use of rhino horn inJapan during this period, according to WWF staff (A, G, interview).
Internationally, however, there was a strong movement in the 1990s to stop the rampant commercial
trade in rhino horn to several markets. Hong Kong became the first government successfully tointroduce a series of regulations in the late 1980s (Milliken, 1991), while Yemen, South Korea,
mainland China and Taiwan were all named at CITES meetings as in need of improving their rhino
horn trade regulation (TRAFFIC, 1993, 1994b). Mainland China, South Korea, Taiwan and Thailand
all became targets for international NGOs campaigns around 1991 (WWF Japan, 1991), and all except
Thailand were placed under trade sanctions by the US government pursuant to the Pelly Amendment(TRAFFIC, 1994a). Japan, however, was not included among the other East Asian targets as by thistime the domestic market had declined substantially with no evidence of illegal imports (CITES, 1987).
Pressure from these CITES developments still led to the establishment of an industry standard (AStandard for Self-management System on Home Trade of Pharmaceuticals Relevant to CITES) by FPMAJ
in 1995, which mandated all manufacturers continuing to hold stock or use rhino horn to reporttheir inventories annually (see Section 4.1.4) (C, interview). TRAFFIC Japan also encouraged theJapanese government to tighten its regulation of domestic rhino horn medicine sales (along with thosecontaining Tiger parts) that were still available at traditional kampo pharmacies in 1995, although thegovernment did not take any remedial action (TRAFFIC Japan, 1995; WWF Japan, 1995).

4.1.3. Driver: decline of the traditional medicine sector
While the 1980 CITES-related import ban triggered the cessation of rhino horn use by the major
manufactures, there were other domestic factors that exerted an influence on the traditional medicine
industry in Japan, thereby indirectly reinforcing the reduction in rhino horn use. These were: 1)
the modernization of Japan’s medical system; 2) changes in the distribution and sales patterns for
traditional medicine; and 3) interruption of traditions through changes in the family structure.

Modernization of Japan’s medical systems
The modernization of Japan’s medical systems took off in the Meiji period. At the beginning of
the 1870s, as part of its efforts to raise the general health standard and shift the weight away fromtraditional medicine, the government introduced regulations governing the sale of drugs andlicensing systems for practicing medicine and operating pharmacies. A regulation introduced for
non-prescription drugs in 1914 impacted the traditional medicine industry by introducing measures
to control quality, proof of efficacy and advertising. However, for the majority of the Japanese public,
cheaper and familiar traditional medicine remained the treatment of choice for day-to-day maladies.
One study documents how, during a 1939 measles outbreak in Tokyo, the majority of children from low
income families were treated with rhino horn-containing household medicines such as Usaikakusan
and Kyumeigan because few of them were able to access a doctor (Suzuki, 2008).
Further establishment of Japan’s modern health care system progressed in the post-World War
II period, marked by the introduction of a nation-wide health insurance scheme in 1961. This
substantially lowered the cost for the public to access doctors and prescription medicines and led tofurther declines in the traditional medicine industry. Regarding measles, for example, the need forrhino horn-based medicine was likely eliminated by the access to the nation-wide health insurance
scheme, followed by the introduction of a measles vaccine in 1966 and the start of a routine vaccination
programme in 1978 (National Institute of Infectious Diseases Japan, 2002). Thanks also to improved

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 25

childhood nutrition, the number of measles-infected patients and death toll in Japan has steadily
diminished since the 1950s (National Institute of Infectious Diseases Japan, 2002).

Changes in the distribution and sales pattern of traditional medicine

People used to obtain traditional medicines through the household distribution system (see Section
4.1.1; Overview of Japanese Traditional Medicine) and at kampo pharmacies. However, this situation
was affected by the proliferation of modern pharmacies that made non-prescription drugs readily
available for quick self-medication and gradually encroached upon the consumer demand for
traditional medicines. Statistics show that the number of pharmacies in Japan more than doubled
between 1961 and 2000, while the number of household distribution businesses has slowly declined
since 1980 (Figure 8). In the traditional medicine industry, some brands survived by going mainstream
in their marketing to secure retail outlets in modern pharmacies, while others dwindled or disappeared.

Number of businesses

60 000

Pharmacy
Household distribution

50 00040 00030 000
20 000
10 000
0
1961

1970

1980

1990

2000

2010

Figure 8. Comparison between number of pharmacies and household distribution businesses in Japan (1961–2010)
The pharmacies include only those with registered pharmacists. Numbers reported at the end of each calendar year used up to1990, while that of the fiscal year (end of March) used thereafter.
Source: MHLW (Ministry of Health and Welfare, prior to 2001) Report on Public Health Administration and Services (1961,
1970, 1980, 1990, 2000) as summarized in (Sawano, 2007), MHLW Report on Public Health Administration and Services(2011)

Kyushin exemplifies a successful adaptation. Established in 1913, Kyushin initially employed household
distribution but later launched extensive marketing through newspapers, magazines and TV andopened up new retailing outlets through mail-order and modern pharmacies (Kyushin, 2013). Today
both Kyushin and Uzukyumeigan sell their original medicines at major modern pharmacies in Tokyo.
One traditional medicine manufacturer interviewed (H, interview) noted the lack of retail outlets as amajor setback for most traditional medicine manufacturers who lack sufficient customer demand to be
stocked in modern pharmacies. Currently most of this manufacturer’s sales occur in local pharmacies
in remote areas where hospitals are not readily accessible.

Changes in traditional family structure
Changes in the traditional family structure were raised by manufacturers as an important cause of thedecline in the market for rhino horn-related medicines, especially those for children (F, H, interview).
Traditionally the buyers of rhino horn-containing medicines for treating child illnesses were mothers
and grandmothers, but with the dissolution of the multi-generational traditional family lifestyle,numbers of those within the household with the knowledge and reliance on household traditional
medicines declined.

26 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan

This change in household structure occurred as part of the overall transition in Japan’s socio-economic
conditions from the 1960s onwards, which brought increasingly more disposable income to the middle
class and escalated urbanization. According to the national census, the average number of family
members living in the same household shrunk from 4 to 2.5 people between 1960 and 2010, while
the total number of households doubled (Figure 9). Increasingly fewer parents today use traditional
household medicines available at pharmacies or through household distribution to treat their children,instead the use of hospitals and Western drugs have become the norm. Uzukyumeigan stated that
this change had a huge impact on their traditional customer base of mothers and grandmothers in
traditional households (F, interview).
Total number of households
Members per household
50 000 000

4.0
3.5

40 000 000

3.0

30 000 000

2.5

20 000 000

2.0

10 000 000
04.5
Members per household

Number of households

60 000 000

1.51960 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010

1.0

Figure 9. Change in family living structure in private households in Japan between 1960 and 2010
Source: Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications, Statistic Bureau, Census (2014)

4.1.4. Domestic market since the trade ban
Manufacturing
Although the majority of industry players switched to using Saiga Antelope and other animal horns,a handful of manufacturers have continued to retain and/or utilize their old rhino horn stocks. The
domestic production and sale of rhino horn-containing medicine is legal in Japan (for domestic
regulations see Section 4.3) although in 2014, there were only five such manufacturers listed in the
JAPIC National Formulary (Figure 7), one of whom has since ceased operations (FPMAJ, in litt. to
TRAFFIC, November 2015). FPMAJ describes them as small companies who put an irreplaceable
medicinal value on the use of rhino horn as an ingredient and/or consider the continued use ofvaluable rhino horn stocks as necessary for maintaining their businesses (C, interview). One suchmanufacturer of Rokushingan (H, interview) emphasized that maintaining the business was theprimary motivation although the antipyretic effect of rhino horn in children was also important. This
manufacturer has kept the same medicinal formula since the company’s foundation 120 years ago,
but lamented that sales have become increasingly more difficult in modern times due to the declining
number of traditional medicine users.
In 1995, the FPMAJ established an industry self-management standard for the remaining traditional
medicine manufactures that were stocking or dealing in rhino horn and/or products thereof7. This was
7

The industry standard introduced in 1995 also applied to Tiger bone and products thereof, which was in response to
Resolution Conf. 9.13 Conservation of and Trade in Tigers. Unlike rhino horn there was no industry manufacturing Tiger
bone-containing medicines in Japan. Although a few companies imported finished products from China, they weredestined to terminate these sales once their stocks had been depleted because China had already banned their productionand export in 1993.
TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 27

in response to CITES Resolution Conf. 9.14 Conservation of and trade in African and Asian rhinoceroses
adopted in 1994, which called for strengthening the regulation of domestic trade in medicinal animal
products and urging Parties to mark, register and secure their legal rhino horn stocks (Mainka, 1997).
Under the voluntary regulation, manufactures file an annual report on the amount of rhino horn
materials they have in stock or have used in production and traded, and the compiled data are reported
to the government (MHWL). This regulation was also later applied to other animal products under
CITES, including musk, Saiga horn and bear bile.
According to reports made to the FPMAJ, the total stock of rhino horn held by a total of 18
manufacturers in recent years is about 136 kg and the annual usage is below 1 kg (Table 3). Based uponthese figures, production would likely last over a century.
Table 3. Amount of rhino horn stocks and usage reported to FPMAJ in 2013 and 2014Year

Total stock (kg)

Usage by manufacturers (kg)

Manufacturers possessing stocks(those possessing whole horns)

2013

135.846

0.569

21 (18)2014

135.293

0.328

18 (18)Source: FPMAJ, in litt. to TRAFFIC, November 2015

Japan does not have oversight on the inventory of rhino horn stocks owned by anyone other thanmanufacturers reporting to FPMAJ, although all trade in individual horns has been regulated by LCES
since 1995 (see Section 4.3). According to a survey carried out by TRAFFIC between 1994 and 1995,
at least 25 kampo pharmacies in five major cities displayed rhino horns although owners claimed they
were not for sale (TRAFFIC, 1995). Currently there appears to be hardly any market for rhino hornbased medicines. The traditional kampo pharmacist in Tokyo (B, interview) stated that there have been
few customers asking for rhino horn medicine since the import ban, although recently there had been
visits by Chinese nationals asking for rhino horns (certain pharmacies have whole rhino horns on
display but it is illegal to sell them without registration and export is prohibited, see Section 4.3).

CITES trade and illegal importJapan imported a limited amount of rhinoceros products under CITES after 1980 (Table 4). As manyas 31 live rhinos were imported mainly for zoos, while the number of rhino products imported over the
past 35 years totalled 16 carvings, one trophy, and one body. In terms of illegal import, no record wasfound in TRAFFIC’s seizure records or databases or major newspaper archives. Furthermore, by thelate 1980s, no concerns about illegal trade were expressed with respect to Japan during a CITES review
of countries that previously had significant domestic rhino horn markets (CITES, 1987), nor have any
been made subsequently.
Table 4. Import of Rhinocerotidae spp. by Japan, 1980 to 2014
Term

Total import quantity

Species (quantity)

Exporting country / teritory(quantity)

Live

31

White Rhino (11), Southern White
Rhino (11), Black Rhino (2), Indian
Rhino (7)

Switzerland (3), India (1), Nepal (2),US (5), South Africa (20)

Carvings

16

White Rhino (2), Javan Rhino (3),Indian Rhino (3), unspecified (8)China (3), Germany (2), Hong Kong(3), Italy (1), Turkey (2), US (5)Trophy1

White Rhino (1)South Africa (1)

Body

1

Black Rhino (1)US (1)

Source: CITES Trade Database (CITES, 2015a), Units are in numbers, Importer reported quantities were used

28 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan

4.2. C onsumer attitudes towards the use of rhino horn andtraditional medicine
4.2.1. E xperience and attitude towards rhino horn-related medicine
Types of rhino horn-related medicines and awareness of contents
The TRAFFIC consumer attitudes survey conducted in 2014 characterized the experiences andattitudes towards rhino horn-related medicine by different age groups. As previously described(Section 4.1.1), rhino horn in Japanese traditional medicine was utilized in several ways, whichsuggests that from a consumer’s perspective there were difference in terms of the purpose andoccasions for usage. The survey therefore segregated: 1) rhino horn-based medicine such as horn slices
or Usaikakusan; 2) Kyumeigan or Kiogan for children (e.g. Uzukyumeigan); 3) Rokushingan for adults(e.g. Kyushin) (Table 5).
Rhino horn in the latter two categories was one of multiple ingredients used in the medicine, and as
revealed from major manufacturers’ interviews, the use of rhino horn in these medicines was most
likely inconspicuous to consumers. It should also be noted that for these two types of medicines, theactual use of rhino horn and time period in which it was used as ingredient varied depending on thebrand (see Section 4.1.1). For example, both Uzukyumeigan and Kyushin, the major users of rhino
horn, removed it from their ingredients in the 1980s.
Table 5. Three types of rhino horn medicine investigated in the consumer attitude survey (produced by authors)
General information about each type of medicine, descriptions of major examples and main usages were included as below in
the questionnaire form.
Types of rhino horn medicine

Main usage

Rhino horn-based medicine(e.g. Saikaku slices, Usaikakusan)

Fever, cold, measles (especially for small children)

Kyumeigan (e.g. Uzukyumeigan),
Kiogan (e.g. Hiyakiogan)Child sedative

Rokushingan (e.g. Kyushin)

Cardiotonic

In the survey sample, awareness about the possibility of rhino horn as an ingredient amongst those whopurchased, received or used Kyumeigan/Kiogan and Rokushingan/Kyushin was only about 7% and 6%,
respectively (Figure 10). These results corroborate the notion that rhino horn per se was not demanded
directly by consumers purchasing these medicines, despite Japan being a major destinations for rhino
horn right up to the 1980 trade ban when CITES came in to effect. On the other hand, among the ninepeople who had experience in rhino horn-based medicines such as rhino horn slices or Usaikakusan,nearly half were aware of rhino horn content. That not all respondents were aware may be explainedby how consumers perceived them simply as an effective or popular medicine without particular
attachment to the appeal of rhino horn.
Awareness of possibility that medicine contained rhino horn
7

5

Rhino hornbasedmedicine

4

Kyumeigan
Kiogan92

2

Was aware
Was not aware

Rokushingan
Kyushin32

Figure 10. Awareness of possibility that medicine contained rhino horn amongst those who purchased, received, or used:rhino horn-based medicine (N=9), Kyumeigan/Kiogan (N=99), Rokushingan/Kyushin (N=34)
Numbers represent the count of individual respondents.
Source: TRAFFIC, consumer survey, 2014
TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 29

Awareness, experiences and interest in purchasing
The level of awareness, experiences and interest in purchasing rhino horn-related medicines byJapanese consumers is shown in Figure 11. For all categories of medicines, the current awarenesslevel was less than 50%, while the proportions with experience of purchasing, receiving, or using
such medicine was much lower, all less than 10%. The interest in purchasing such medicine wasalso low across all categories, at no more than 2% (out of 1000 respondents, 20 indicated an interest
in Kyumeigan/Kiogan, followed by 18 in Rokushingan/Kyushin, 11 in rhino horn-based medicine).
Across types, Kyumeigan/Kiogan had the highest proportion of awareness and experiences, followedby Rokushingan/Kyushin. Respondents had least familiarity with rhino horn-based medicine. Thismay be an indication of the relative rarity of rhino horn-based medicines, its more limited marketing
and availability (primarily at kampo pharmacies), or the lack of knowledge about it among younger
generations. In this respect, the oldest period to which actual experience was noted in the survey
sample was the 1960s to 1970s, when respondents now in their 60s today first became a major
consumer segment in the population (see Figure 3). Indeed, by this time, the demand for rhino hornbased-medicine for measles was likely to have already been curbed substantially, whereas the other two
types of household medicines remained common into the 1980s (and some even thrive today, but now
without rhino horn).
1000

Rhino horn-based medicine

Number of respondends

Kyumeigan, Kiogan
Rokushingan, Kyushin
437
352
127
6

Aware

81

30

Purchased

2

19 13
Received

8

66

30

Used

11 20 18
Interest inpurchasing

Figure 11. Awareness, experience in purchasing, receiving, using and interest in purchasing three types of traditional
medicines: 1) rhino horn-based medicine (rhino horn slices, Usaikakusan); 2) Kyumeigan, Kiogan; 3) Rokushingan,
Kyushin (N=1000)
Source: TRAFFIC, consumer survey, 2014

The levels of awareness and experiences in purchasing, receiving and using the three types of medicine
tended to increase as the age group increased. In both the 50s and 60s and above age groups more thanhalf the respondents knew of Kyumeigan/Kiogan, two in five people knew of Rokushingan/Kyushin, andone in five knew of rhino horn-based medicine. Actual experiences were much rarer, although 14% of
people in 60s and above age group had purchased Kyumeigan/Kiogan and 5% purchased Rokushingan/
Kyuhsin. Although the proportions of respondents expressing an interest to purchase were very small
overall, the younger age groups seem to have no less interest than those in the older age groups, in spiteof the differences in awareness and prior experiences.

Reasons for purchase in the past, reasons for interest now
The two most common reasons for purchasing were “effectiveness” and “recommendation by family/
friend/acquaintance” (Figure 12), indicating that these medicines were regarded as effective traditional
medicine. Acknowledgement of a medicine’s “reputation on TV/in a magazine” for Kyumeigan/Kiogan
and Rokushingan/Kyushin is consistent with the mass-marketing undertaken by major brands likeUzukyumeigan and Kyushin. “Safer than chemical medicine” was given as a reason for using all three

30 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japanmedicine types and was particularly high amongst those who purchased Rokushingan/Kyushin. It isinteresting that “rarity” was also selected by some, roughly to the same extent as “reputation on TV/in amagazine”, “recommendation by shop staff ”, and “safer than chemical medicines”, although it is unclear
if this refers to the rarity of rhino horn as an ingredient or of the specific products in the market.

Reasons for purchase (number of persons)
0

10

20

30

40

Effectiveness
RarityReputation on TV/in a magazine
Recommendation by family/friend/aquaintance
Recommendation by a shop staff
Safer than chemical medicine

Rhino horn-based medicine
Kyumeigan, Kiogan

Other

Rokushingan, Kyushin

Figure 12. Reasons for purchasing the three types of rhino horn-related medicines by those who with actual experience inpurchasing: rhino horn-based medicine (N=6), Kyumeigan/Kiogan (N=81), Rokushingan/Kyushin (N=30)
Multiple selection was allowed.
Source: TRAFFIC, consumer survey, 2014

Common reasons for wishing to purchase these medicines in the future are summarized in Table 6.
The commonest response given for all categories was the expectation of efficacy. Other reasons given
for Kyumeigan/Kiogan and Rokushingan/Kyushin types were largely based on them being long-standing
medicines that are familiar, reliable, and provide security. In contrast, two respondents were interested
in rhino horn-based medicine, the least familiar type, for reasons of curiosity and experimentation.
One person even said it might make a good gift due to its beauty, clearly deviating from the traditional
usage of rhino horn medicine in Japan. Although there were few respondents interested in purchasingrhino horn-based medicine, they occurred across all age groups.
Table 6. Top reasons for interest in purchasing the three type of rhino horn-related medicines
Numbers in brackets indicate numbers of respondents giving the reasons in free answers.
Rhino horn-based medicine (11)Kyumeigan, Kiogan (20)

Rokushingan, Kyushin (18)

Likely to be effective/highly effective(6)

Likely to be effective/highly effective(6)

Effective for palpitations and heart
problems (4)Simply interested and fascinated by
the unknown (1)Feel secure (3)Likely to be effective/highly
effective (3)Try some and see if there is any
difference from usual cold medicine(1)

Medicine from long time ago (2)Maybe useful in the future (3)Valuable (1)May be useful in the future (2)Feel secure because the medicine
existed from long time ago (2)Seems to be good for health (1)Reliable (2)Familiar (2)Beautiful (good for gift) (1)Have purchased and used before (2)Reliable (2)Source: TRAFFIC, consumer survey, 2014

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 31

Current status of use and reasons for discontinuing
The majority of those who have previously used rhino horn-related medicines no longer possess or use
them (Figure 13). This was particularly notable for Kyumeigan/Kiogan where over 95% answered either
they no longer possessed or used them or that they still possess but no longer use them. This finding
corroborates the view expressed by the manufacturer of Uzukyumeigan (Section 4.1.3) that with thepassing generations, increasingly fewer parents have come to use traditional medicine to treat theirchildren at home. Rokushingan/Kyushin had a marginally higher proportion of continued usage but stillover 83% had stopped use.
The status of current possession and use
3

1

4

Rhino hornbasedmedicine

3

Kyumeigan
Kiogan58

55

Possessing and using
Possessing, but noto using

Rokushingan
6
KyushinNo longer possessing or using

19

Figure 13. The status of current possession and use amongst those who previously used: rhino horn-based medicine(N=8), Kyumengan/Kiogan (N=66) and Rokushingan/Kyushin (N=30)
Source: TRAFFIC, consumer survey, 2014

Common reasons for discontinuing use are listed in Table 7. The disappearance of the need or
symptoms, along with a lack of efficacy, were found to be common responses across all types ofrhino horn-related medicines, although there were other reasons unique to each type. For example,
the most common reason for discontinuing to use Kyumeigan/Kiogan was “children have grown up”
followed by “no longer needed”, with nearly half the respondents giving this response. “Costly” wasunique to Rokushingan/Kyushin where it ranked as the second most common reason. Other reasons
included: “peddlers from Toyama no longer visit and the kampo store is far”, given for both Kyumeigan/
Kiogan and Rokushingan/Kyushin, indicating that the change in the distribution patterns and resulting
availability of these medicines have had an impact.
Table 7. Common reasons for discontinuing the use of medicines
Numbers in brackets indicate numbers of respondents giving those reasons in free answers.
Rhino horn-based medicine (7)Kyumeigan, Kiogan (63)

Rokushingan, Kyushin (25)

Was not effective (2)Children have grown up (21)No longer needed (8)No longer needed (2)No longer needed (11)Costly (3)Feel secure by possessing (1)Was not effective (4)Was not effective (2)Have no symptoms (1)Use other medicine (4)Symptoms disappeared (2)-No more occasion to use (4)No more occasion to use (2)Source: TRAFFIC, consumer survey, 2014

Notably, none of the respondents mentioned any ethical aspect regarding the conservation or welfareof rhinoceroses as reasons for ending their use. This was not unexpected because, as noted previously,
rhino horn is largely inconspicuous as an ingredient in these traditional medicines. This finding alsocollaborates one manufacturer’s recollection that consumer pressure was not a driver in the phasing outof the use of rhino horn in these products.

32 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan

4.2.2. Current attitudes towards traditional medicine
Although the use of rhino horn has almost ceased and the market for animal-based traditional
medicines has declined significantly, traditional medicine, especially plant-based medicines, still
remains an appreciable part of Japanese healthcare. There has been a steady growth in the (largely
plants-based) kampo sector since the national health insurance assimilated a range of kampoyaku asprescription medicines in 1976 (Figure 14). According to the Japan Kampo Medicine Manufacturer
Association (JKMA), the total production of traditional medicine in 2013 was USD1.5 billion (JPY
160 billion), which consisted of 84.2% prescription drugs, 15.2% over-the-counter drugs and 0.6%
household distributed medicine (Japan Kampo Medicines Manufacturers Association, 2015). The
proportion of traditional medicine in overall medicine production in Japan remains small, comprising
2.3% by value (Japan Kampo Medicines Manufacturers Association, 2015). In terms of animal-based
traditional medicine, musk and bear bile as well as Saiga Antelope horn still remain crucial ingredientsin groups of products including Kyumeigan/Kiogan and Rokushingan/Kyushin, although these are notpart of kampo.
Prescription

2000

OTC

1800

Household distribution

1600
1400
1200
1000
800
600
400
200
2010

2012

2006

2008

2004

2000

2002

1996

1998

1994

1990

1992

1986

1988

1984

1980

1982

1976

0
1978

Annual production of traditional medicine

Million USD

Figure 14. Stacked area plot of the production value of traditional medicine in Japan by types: prescription, over-thecounter (OTC) and household distribution (1976–2013)
Source: MHLW, Statistics of Production by Pharmaceutical Industry, summarized by Japan Kampo Medicines Manufacturers
Association (2015)

TRAFFIC’s 2014 consumer survey also examined attitudes towards traditional medicine in general.
Although the term kampo was used in the questionnaire, it is likely that respondents may haveanswered whilst thinking of other traditional medicines that are not strictly kampo since the differences
between the two are not usually well understood (see Section 4.1.1).
Approximately 9% of consumers surveyed currently use kampo (traditional medicine) (Figure 15).
This includes regular users as well as short-term users treating current symptoms or promoting wellbeing. Just over half of the consumers had experience of using kampo at least once, and this pattern
was similar across all age groups. As noted earlier (Section 2.3 (Figure 4)), when the respondents wereasked whether they were aware that some kampo medicines use wild animals and plants as ingredients,
on average a small majority (54%) answered that they were not aware, although this proportion variedwith age, with two-thirds of people in their 60s being aware compared to only one-third in the 20s
being aware.

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 33

The status of current possession and use

Currently using

100%

9%

80%
Never
used,
50%

60%

Currently
not using,but haveused
before,
42%

40%
20%
0%
20s

30s

40s

50s

60s
and
above

Figure 15. Current status of kampo use (N=1000)
LEFT: proportions in whole sample (weight adjusted for national population composition); RIGHT: proportions by age groups*Definition of kampo was not strictly applied, thus some respondents’ answers may refer to other traditional medicines.
Source: TRAFFIC, consumer survey, 2014

Finally, those who had used kampo medicine at least once were asked about their response toa hypothetical situation if they found out the medicine had been derived from either “wild” or“endangered” animals and plants (Figure 16). The result demonstrated that for “wild” animals andplants, almost 60% of Japanese consumers would either find an alternative or stop the use altogether,while 40% would continue using. The ratio tipped much further when “endangered” animals and plants
were on the table, with 90% reporting that they would either find an alternative or stop using, whilst
only 10% would continue using. Common reasons given for continuing the use of kampo medicines
included that they were “effective”, “necessary”, “do not mind as long as they are legal”, and “prescribedby doctors”. Overall, it appeared that a clear knowledge of a threat to species’ survival might dissuade
most Japanese consumers from using medicine, although an extent to which such attitude would
translate into real actions is unknown. Furthermore, there were also an appreciable segment who willcontinue the usage as long as the medicines remain legally available and necessary for them.
Response to finding out that kampo medicine was made of wild
or endangered animals/plants
Continue topurchase/use

Find alternative

Stop
purchasing/using
100%

Wild animals/plants

Endangered animals/plants

41%

10%

35%

37%

25%

53%

Figure 16. Kampo users’ (used at least once) responses to finding out the medicine was made of wild animals/plants orendangered animals/plants (N= 502; weight-adjusted for population composition)*Definition of kampo was not strictly applied, thus some respondents’ answers may refer to other traditional medicines.
Source: TRAFFIC, consumer survey, 2014.

34 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan

4.3. Current regulations and issues
Domestic trade of CITES-listed species is partially regulated by Japan’s LCES. In terms of coverage,
LCES applies to Appendix I species and only parts and derivatives thereof that are specifically listed.
Under this provision, the LCES coverage for rhino horn medicine is limited to those items retaining
the horn shape and exempts any other products that do not retain the recognizable contour of a rhino
horn, for example any traditional medicine products. Therefore, possession, production and sales ofrhino horn-containing medicines remains legal without any LCES provisions. While trade in wholerhino horns is prohibited in principle, special provisions exist for specimens with proof of legal origin(i.e. imported before the trade ban or afterwards with legitimate CITES permits). For such exceptions,registration with MOE is required prior to trading. A registration card issued by MOE must accompany
the specimen when traded that must be updated to ensure the government maintains oversight. Simple
possession of rhino horn specimens is not regulated, although the same regulations that apply to
trading regulate the display of specimens intended for sale and trade. Thus, a registration card must be
displayed together with the item.
While no other government regulations exists for domestic rhino horn trade and use in Japan, theindustry standard (A Standard for Self-management System on Home Trade of Pharmaceuticals Relevant
to CITES) established in 1995 by FPMAJ (see Section 4.1.4) provides a scheme for pharmaceuticalmanufacturers possessing rhino horn annually to report on their stocks, production usage and trade.
In 2014, there were 18 companies possessing stocks of rhino horn; currently only four companies
continue rhino-horn medicine production. However, the scheme does not apply to retail sales ofmanufactured products or rhino horn stocks held at kampo pharmacies or those privately owned. No
authoritative information exists for these types of possession and trade.
To summarize, Japan’s legal system for rhino horn medicine covers only the trade of whole rhino horns
but excludes any possession or trade in rhino horn materials other than horns with their recognizable
shape. This seems to fall short of the recommendation of CITES Resolution Conf. 9.14 (Rev. CoP15),
which urges all Parties with stocks of rhinoceros horn to identify, mark, register and secure such stock;
and adopt and implement comprehensive legislation and enforcement controls, including internal trade
restrictions and penalties, aimed at reducing illegal trade in rhinoceros parts and derivatives (CITES,
2007b).

4.4. Conclusion
In trying to understand the drivers behind the decline in the market for rhino horn in Japan, thischapter investigated the specific nature of the usage, the underlining domestic market, industry
and consumers, as well as critical events that exerted influence. The results are synthesized into thechronological table presented below (Time Chart 2).
The primary factor for the decline in the market for rhino horn in Japan was the industry’s switch to analternative ingredient, Saiga Antelope horn. To this end, the smooth transition into using the substitute
was attributed to the inconspicuous and replaceable nature of rhino horn in the majority of medicines
for which it was used, coupled by the lack of direct consumer demand for the rhino horn content.
A secondary factor was the general waning of the traditional medicine industry that was inducedby modernization of the medical system, changes in distribution and sales patterns of traditional
medicines, and profound change in the family structure of Japanese society in the wake of the country’ssocio-economic shift that took off in the 1960s and the 1970s. Another important conclusion is that,
unlike many other wildlife products in demand from Japan at the time, social pressure against the useof rhino horn in traditional medicine was not a factor in a reduction of the rhino horn market in Japan.

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 35

36 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan* Chinese
Traditional
Medicine
introduced* Kampo system* Western medicine
establisheddesignated as* Folk medicine,
primary system
Wakanyaku flourish* Household distribution
system developed* Earliest
evidence ofrhino hornin Shosoin
Collection* Folk medicine
Usaien, Shisetsu
contain rhino
horn

Economic boom

* 1975enteredinto force* 1973 CITES
adoptedLittle social pressure
for rhino horn use

Awareness on illegal
wildlife trade issues

Currently little
knowledge
and interestin rhino horn
medicine* 1984 Asia- * 1995 LCES control on
Oceania
domestic trade of horns
Seminar* 1994 Res(Ch.3)
Conf. 9.14

Family structure dissolved, tradition discontinued

Pharmacies increased/ household distribution declined

Use of hospitals and prescription medicine increased* 1958 Nation-wide healthinsurance system~ 100
medicines
listed1978

2000* Saiga Antelope horn
recommended as alternativeand manufacturers switched

1990

Heisei period
1989-present* 1982 Uzukyumeigan switched* 1986 Kyushin switched* 1995 Industry voluntary
regulation establishedMarket15
10
6decline
1991
2000
2014

1980

One of world's
largest importers

1970

1962 - 1980
Pharmacopoeia listing

1960

Showa period
1926-1989* Rhino horncontaining
medicines used
for measles

Taisho period
1912-1926>1200kgannual import

1900

Meiji period
1868-1912

Time Chart 2. History of rhino horn use and various factors in its market reduction in Japan
Source: authors’ work

Socioeconomic
CliamteCITES &
Regulations

Traditional
Medicine
SectorUse ofRhino
Hornin Japan

AD 600 800 - - 1600 1700 1800

Edo period
1603-1868

History and drivers of decline in the market for rhino horn

Import ban

Acceded to CITESThe fact that rhino horn market reduction did not originate from consumers’ awareness of theconsequences of their purchasing behaviour may have implications for the current Japanese traditional
medicine market. Although Japanese consumers currently have little interest in purchasing rhino hornrelated medicines, the production of kampo (based mainly on plant materials), particularly prescription
medicines, is growing. Over half of current kampo users surveyed were unaware that some ingredientsare derived from wild animals or plants. Furthermore, a small minority of consumers expressed aninterest in rhino horn owing to its rarity, value, or simply out of curiosity. These findings collectively
indicate that caution is needed to monitor carefully the pattern of traditional medicine consumption in
Japan.
Finally, although many traditional medicine manufacturers removed rhino horn, other CITES-listed
species continue to be used as ingredients, including musk, Saiga Antelope horn and bear bile. Whiledomestic use of these materials is unlikely to increase, based on current trends in the traditional
medicine sector, vigilance is needed in order to prevent domestic demand from stimulating illegal orunsustainable trade. An urgent assessment is particularly needed for the Critically Endangered Saiga
Antelope and it may become necessary for the government and industry to consider ending the use of
and/or finding suitable substitutes which do not put other wild species at risk from unsustainable trade.
Additionally, the current global and apparently growing demand for rhino horn in other Asian
countries, including Viet Nam and China, is a concern not only for the remaining in situ rhino
populations but also for rhino horn stocks held in Japan. Care needs to be taken that none of thedomestic stocks of rhino horn are illegally re-exported to these countries to support resurgent trade. In
this regard, Japan’s legal system does not provide strict control for all types of domestic stocks and tradeas recommended by Resolution Conf. 9.14 (Rev. CoP15) (see Section 4.3). Awareness-raising amongst
the industry as well as pharmacies and personal owners in possession of rhino horn is warranted.

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 37

5. H
 ISTORY AND DRIVERS OF DECLINE IN THE MARKETFOR ELEPHANT IVORY
5.1. History of ivory use in Japan
5.1.1. Patterns of change in ivory use
Overview of the Japanese ivory carving industry

Credits: Imperial Household Agency

Credits: Imperial Household Agency

Although it is not certain when ivory was first brought to Japan, records suggest that ivory objects wereprized as ornaments amongst aristocrats by the late 7th Century (Martin, 1985). The earliest ivory
objects from the 8th Century are found amongst the Shosoin Collection of the Emperor and include
a beautifully painted bachi (a plectrum for traditional musical instruments) and measurement sticks
that are believed to have been made in China (Martin, 1985). It is assumed from the raw pieces of ivory
conserved in the Shosoin Collection that ivory was also being carved domestically with skills acquired
from China (JIA Tokyo, 1986). Although few records are available until the Edo Period (1603–1868), a
small amount of ivory was likely being imported from China by the 16th Century for domestic carving(Martin, 1985).

Ivory objects from the Shosoin Collection, dating back to the 8th century. LEFT: bachi; RIGHT: measurement sticks (The
Shosoin Shoso)
Photo courtesy of the Imperial Household Agency

Ivory carving first flourished in the Edo period and became the root for the traditional ivory carving
industry in Japan. During this period, craftsmen mostly carved small practical items such as netsuke(traditional toggles on a kimono, the Japanese traditional garment), hair accessories, combs, and parts
for traditional musical instruments including bachi (a large plectrum) for the shamisen (the Japanese
three-stringed musical instrument). Many of these items became available not only for the wealthy
but also for people from social classes of samurais and merchants (Tokyo Metropolitan Government,
1990). However, as the Edo period ended and Japan’s international trade pathways re-opened, Westernelements penetrated traditional Japanese culture at various levels. This also affected the pattern of ivory
use drastically; in particular, items like netsuke and hair accessories disappeared from daily outfits as
more and more Japanese gradually switched from kimonos to Western clothing.
The new age for Japanese ivory carving started in the following Meiji Period (1868–1912), as
characterized by the emergence of export businesses targeted at Western markets where the carvings’
art value became well known (JIA Tokyo, 1986). Netsuke gained popularity in the West as a unique

38 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan

Credits: IJapan Ivory Arts and Crafts Association

Credits: IJapan Ivory Arts and Crafts Association

Credits: IJapan Ivory Arts and Crafts Association

Credits: IJapan Ivory Arts and Crafts Association

Netsuke, small toggles used with the kimono, the Japanese traditional garment
Photo courtesy of Japan Ivory Arts and Crafts Association

LEFT: Bachi (plectra) for the shamisen, a Japanese three-stringed musical instrument; RIGHT: bridges for the koto,a Japanese musical instrument
Photo courtesy of Japan Ivory Arts and Crafts Association

form of art merging practicality and humour (Sunamoto, 1987). In addition to netsuke, which are only
10–15 cm in size (often produced from leftover ivory fragments from bachi making), craftsmen started
producing bigger ivory carvings using larger tusk pieces. These objects received attention at the World
Expos, Paris 1867 and Vienna 1873, and led to growth in the carving industry propelled by exports (JIA
Tokyo, 1986). The average annual import of ivory grew from 8.3 t in the 1880s to 50.8 t in the 1910s and
78 t in the 1920s (Martin, 1985). In the early 20th Century, Japan began importing ivory from Africa inaddition to the Asian elephant ivory it used to buy preferentially (Martin, 1985).
Tokyo and Osaka were the two centres of ivory carving, of which carving for export grew mainly inTokyo. In 1926 during the Taisho Period (1912–1926), ivory carving associations in Tokyo held the firstservice for the repose of elephants (an event to give thanks for elephants and ivory), which is a tradition
that still lasts today (JIA Tokyo, 1986). In contrast to the prosperous export market, the domestic
market during this period remained rather small consisting of mostly daily items and small crafts suchas pipes, chopsticks, as well as items associated with traditional culture like accessories for kimono
outfits and musical instruments (JIA Osaka, 1988; JIA Tokyo, 1986).
The carving industry came to a virtual halt during the continuous wars in the early to mid-Showa
Period (1926–1989) when imports became restricted and the entire nation was forced into austerity.
In 1940 the government banned the manufacturing and sales of non-essential goods including ivory
products (JIA Tokyo, 1986). As Japan recovered from the Second World War in the 1950s, the ivory
carving industry experienced a strong resurgence through a growing export trade mainly to Europe
and the United States. At the same time the domestic market was also revived as the country’s growing
economy reached unprecedented heights in the 1970s and 1980s.
TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 39

Credits: TRAFFIC

Credits: TRAFFIC

New trendy products attracted more mainstream consumers’ recognition for ivory, including Western
style fashion items like necklaces, bracelets, broaches and earrings (JIA Tokyo, 1986). Conversely, many
daily items that were once popular on the domestic market in the early to mid-20th Century virtuallydisappeared or had a very limited market niche by the 1970s. For example, ivory pipes were replaced bycigarettes and amusement items such as mah-jong tiles and billiard balls replaced by items made fromcheaper, durable plastic (JIA Osaka, 1988).

LEFT: ivory necklace; RIGHT: ivory hanko (a personal signature stamp)

The luxury and high-status image of ivory was gradually cultivated; for example, newspaper recordsof the 1959 Japanese imperial wedding reported that a few foreign governments sent decorative ivory
objects as gifts to the then Crown Prince (now Emperor) and his Princess (Anon., 1958, 1959a, 1959b).
By the 1970s, markets were expanded for more mainstream, practical products like hanko, personal
signature seals (also used by companies) for the purpose of signing documents and contracts. Ivorymade hanko were, and continue to be, considered to have the highest quality and status amongst all
hanko materials. Even whole polished tusks (some were carved on the surface) were marketed in
the early 1970s by traders as home decorations and for investment purposes (Sunada, 1976). These
products were produced and sold en masse as household disposable income grew rapidly throughout
the 1970s and 1980s (see Figure 1 from Chapter 3). Details of the nature of demand for these products
is reviewed in the following sections.

Whole polished ivory tusk for home decoration

40 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan

Ivory carving is traditionally undertaken by craftsmen whose skills are passed down over generations.
As reviewed above, over the course of time these craftsmen adapted their work according to changing
needs and opportunities in the market. The expansive domestic market in the 1970s and 1980s
provided an environment for lucrative business, which consequentially turned into a consumerside driver that ultimately led to an acceleration in the decimation of African Elephant populations,poached for their ivory.
The international trade ban on ivory in 1989 marked a turning point for the carving industry as it
closed down both the export market and the import of ivory to supply the industry and the domestic
market. This happened while Japan was still in the midst of an economic boom, which suddenly
collapsed a few years later and trapped the country for over two decades in recession. Today, thecarving industry has shrunk to a fraction of its former size, and the remaining market mostly exists forhanko and small specialized items for traditional musical instruments and artwork (Vigne et al., 2010).
The ivory carving industry strives to maintain its traditional craftsmanship.8

History of ivory import and CITES
Looking closely at Japanese ivory imports from the 1960s onwards gives an understanding of thepattern of increasing demand in the context of a booming economy as well as the impact of CITESrelated events on import volumes and prices.
With expansion starting in the 1960s, Japan became the largest ivory consumer country in the 1970s
and 1980s (Figure 17). In particular, the import of raw ivory suddenly jumped from 110 t in 1971 toover 315 t in 1973, the year CITES was adopted, while the import price also climbed nearly five-foldfrom USD11 per kg in 1970 to USD50 per kg in 1975 (almost a four-fold increase in Japanese yen), theyear CITES entered into force. The import volume of raw ivory jumped again to 368 t in 1978, which isconsidered to be a sign of stockpiling ivory in the expectation of Japan’s imminent accession to CITES.
Equally, the price of ivory also increased to USD84 per kg by 1979.
Importation of worked ivory also expanded from the late 1960s onwards, particularly surging between
1972 and 1976. Although the exact reason for this is unknown, ivory fashion accessories were known
to be imported from Hong Kong and mainland China where they were produced with much cheaper
labour costs (Martin, 1985).
When Japan joined CITES in 1980, ivory imports increased even further, reaching a record high ofover 450 t of raw ivory annually in 1983 and 1984 (Figure 17). Ivory was sourced almost entirely fromAfrican Elephants during this period, and the species was still listed in CITES Appendix II. Most
ivory was imported into Japan indirectly, mainly obtained from dealers in Europe and Hong Kong
who traded with African exporters (Milliken, 1989). Although the majority of these ivory imports
were suspected to have illegal origins (i.e. laundered through transit points), they were continued to
be imported for many years into the 1980s via a regulatory loophole. As reviewed in Chapter 3, Japan
accepted certificates of origin instead of proper export permits as required under CITES (TRAFFIC
Japan, 1989).
Imports finally started to fall after 1985, owing to a series of government and industry-led initiatives,
including the introduction of proper CITES procedures to correct the aforementioned loophole
regarding permits (see also Chapter 3). To stem the illicit imports further, the government establishedthe Ivory Importer’s Group within the Japan General Merchandise Importers’ Association in 1984
(Milliken, 1985), and introduced a process for prior verification of export permits with the CITES
Secretariat for any ivory imports arriving at Japanese ports (TRAFFIC Japan, 1989). As a result of these8

Edo ivory carving has been designated an official traditional craft of Tokyo since 1983. Tokyo Ivory Arts and Crafts
Association (1983). Tokyo Mayor Designated Traditional Crafts: Edo Ivory. Ito Publishing, Tokyo, Japan.

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 41

CITES
CITES
enteredadopted into

400 000
350 000

Raw ivory amount (kg)

300 000

Price per kg USD

250

force

200

250 000150

200 000100

150 000
100 000

50

CITES
adopted

40 00035 000Worked ivory amount (kg)30 000Price per kg (USD)

1989

1985

1987

1983

1981

1979

1977

0
1975

1971

1973

1969

1967

1965

1963

1961

1957

1959

1955

1953

45 000

CITES
entered into force

600
500

Japan
accededto CITES

25 000400
300

20 000200

15 000
10 000

100

1989

1987

1983

1985

1981

1979

1977

1975

1971

1973

1969

1967

1965

1963

1961

1957

1959

1955

0

1953

5 000
1951

Annual import of worked ivory (kg)1951

50 0000

Import price per kg (USD)

450 000

300

Japan
accededto CITES

Import price per kg (USD)

Annual import of raw ivory (kg)

500 000

0

Figure 17. Japan’s ivory import between 1951 and 1990
TOP: raw ivory; BOTTOM: worked ivory
Source: Ministry of Finance, Trade Statistics of Japan (2015) (1950–1979 compiled in Martin (1985))
Codes corresponding to raw and worked ivory as follows: (1951–1961) 291-0121 “elephant ivory”; (1962–1975) 291–131“elephant ivory”/ 899-131 “worked ivory and articles thereof ”; (1976–1978) 05.10-100 “elephants’ tusks”/ 95.03-100 “worked
ivory and articles thereof of elephants' tusks”; (1979–1987) 05.09-030 “elephants’ tusks, including waste and powder”/ 95.05212 “worked ivory and articles thereof of elephants tusks”; (1988–1990) 0507.10-010 “elephants’ tusks, including powder andwaste thereof ”/ 9601.10-010 “worked ivory and articles of ivory of elephants' tusks”.
* There was no tariff code for worked ivory between 1951 and 1961.

interventions, the average import volume of raw ivory between 1986 and 1989 dropped to 107 t, one
quarter of the previous peak years. The import price, however, skyrocketed to USD270 per kg by 1989,
a three-fold increase in just four years (Figure 17).
In summary, the gradual rise of ivory imports appeared to be associated with Japan’s booming
economy, which is further supported in the following section by industry accounts. Importation
was presumably also exacerbated by stockpiling of ivory through the mid-1980s, in anticipation offorthcoming trade regulations through CITES. It has also been documented that traders outside thecore ivory industry stockpiled ivory for purely speculation purposes in the 1970s (Martin, 1985). From

42 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japanthese observations, it seems likely that the import volume and price were not a direct reflection of
consumer demand.
In 1986, CITES began implementing a quota system for the export of African Elephant ivory, butultimately without global success as the species was finally listed in CITES Appendix I in 1989
which introduced a ban on commercial international trade in ivory. Ironically, however, the CITES
export quota system was largely successful in curtailing ivory imports into Japan in the years
immediately leading up to the trade ban because, from mid-1985, all ivory imports were subjected
to pre-importation verification with the CITES Secretariat to ensure they conformed with CITES
requirements (Milliken, 1989). Since banning all commercial ivory imports in accordance with the
CITES trade ban agreed in 1989, Japan has imported approximately 90 t of new ivory stocks fromsouthern African countries through two one-off sales conducted under the auspice of CITES in 1999
and 2008 (see Section 5.1.4).

Types of ivory products and nature of demand
As mentioned above, a diverse range of ivory products were manufactured and crafted in Japan in
the 1970s and 1980s. Unlike rhino horn, demand for ivory in Japan was fairly diverse, ranging fromartwork and jewellery to more practical and functional items such as hanko and musical instruments
where ivory was considered the best and most expensive choice of material. However, common
across all these different types of products was that they all had the distinct attributes of “luxury”
and “status” items that was highly valued by consumers at the height of an unprecedented economic
boom. According to the JIA (I, interview), even the most basic practical items attracted a wide range ofconsumers who sought these products for their status value, including, for example, young university
graduates purchasing prestigious ivory hanko or beginners with the shamisen wanting ivory bachi.
Figure 18 illustrates changes in the proportion of different types of ivory products manufactured since1980. Ivory jewellery comprised 20% of production in 1980 but went through a marked reduction
between 1980 and 1988, dropping to mere 2% by 2001. While hanko consistently maintained the largest
share, their proportion increased from 55% in 1980 to over 80% by 2001. Musical instruments andcarvings such as statues and netsuke maintained relatively steady proportions. These trends suggest

10%
5%
10%

6%

1980

12%
55%

20%

12%
2%

5%
3%
10%
2%

10%

1988

8%

2001
64%
80%

4%
2%

4%
12%
2%

2009

Hanko

2%

Jewellery
2015

80%

Musical instruments
80%

Statues, netsukes
Other

Figure 18. Change in the composition of manufactured ivory product types in Japan over time
Source: Martin and Vigne (2010) (for 2009), also citing Martin (1985) (for 1980), Martin and Stiles (2003), and Milliken(1989) (for 1988); and JIA, pers. comm. to TRAFFIC, September 2015

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 43

that fashion demand for ivory fell more drastically than demand for practical items, particularly hanko.
Today production of hanko and musical instruments together comprises over 90% of production,
indicating that the demand for such high quality, practical items persists in certain consumer segments.
Delving deeper into the difference in the nature of demand between ivory hanko and jewellery, the twomost widely sold ivory items in the 1970s and 1980s, is helpful for discerning the different drivers ofmarket decline and further understanding the characteristics of Japan’s lasting ivory market. Hanko
have both a practical and cultural importance in Japan, with a history dating back more than 100 years
to the Meiji period. As a personal signature stamp, hanko are essential items for adults in Japanesesociety. There are different types of hanko depending on their use9. Official uses include signing fora home, a car loan, a marriage registration document, or general banking procedures. Each hanko
hallmark used for such official purposes is carved with a unique signature10; thus, people do not replace
their personal hanko unless absolutely necessary (e.g. broken or change of name). On average, a person
uses four to five hanko in his/her lifetime (J, interview). Similarly, hanko are a necessity for Japanesecompanies in signing documents as well as for banking purposes. In terms of culture, it is common
for family members to buy hanko for their children or grandchildren at special life events such as
graduation, the coming-of-age ceremony, getting a first job, or marriage.
Regarding hanko materials, ivory is not the only material used but it is considered the best (Figure19) (J, K, interview). Apart from ivory, boxwood, cattle and water buffalo horns have traditionallybeen used as materials that are long-lasting and therefore suitable for official hanko registered withmunicipalities or financial institutions (J, interview). Ivory hanko became widely available from around1950 as the most prestigious material owing to their superior durability and stamping quality (JIA
Osaka, 1988). Synthetic materials such as acrylics and plastics are also widely available but do notmatch the above natural materials in terms of durability. However, they are cheaper and popular forless official, day-to-day purposes (J, interview). There are also newer materials like titanium becoming
popular as a high-end hanko material (see Section 5.1.2).

Ivory
Cattle horn(light-colour)
Water buffalo horn
(black)Boxwood
Acrylic, Plastic
Figure 19. Types of hanko materials and their value hierarchy
Diagram produced by authors based on interviews with the Gendai Publishing (K, interview). Cattle horn is sometimes darkcoloured too.

Aside from the quality aspect, ivory hanko are also prized for their association with good-luck. Behinda sales boom in ivory hanko from the 1960s through the 1980s was a sales technique based on fortune
telling using hanko signature marks combined with unconventional door-to-door and mail order sales
that dramatically expanded customer reach (I, interview) (JIA Osaka, 1988). Under this scheme some
There are different types of hanko depending on use; most people would have a jitsuin (registered with municipality), a
ginkoin (registered with bank accounts), and a mitomein (for day-to-day signing).
10 Mass produced hanko often made with cheaper plastics are also available and used widely at home and work in morecasual situations, including for example signing delivery records or administrative papers.
944 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japansellers sold hanko at extravagant prices and recommended the most expensive ivory as the material of
choice (K, interview). Although this sales technique is far less prevalent today, fortune telling associatedwith hanko remains prevalent in the Tokai region of Japan (K, interview).
In contrast to the practical element of hanko use, the market for ivory jewellery was entirely driven byfashion. Ivory was promoted as a natural-material perfect for summer fashion accessories (I, interview).
Although the original market was overseas, the domestic boom for ivory jewellery started in 1960s
and the production grew so that the “ivory jewellery” category was well established in both the carving
industry and the fashion accessory market by the 1970s (JIA Osaka, 1988). Jewellery was typicallymade with leftover pieces of ivory from production of hanko and other items. Targeting middle-aged toelderly women as the main consumers, department stores and individual boutiques sold ivory jewellery
widely every summer, often alongside other luxury items made of gold, silver, pearl, amber, quartz andcorals (Anon., 1981, 1986c).
While ivory jewellery remained popular until the late 1980s, the market quickly dissolved aroundthe end of the 1980s as major department stores shut down sales in response to the growing publicawareness about the elephant crisis in Africa and the 1989 CITES trade ban (see Section 5.1.2). Today,much ivory jewellery is seen as secondhand items in curio outlets, but none are sold in department
stores even though they still ubiquitously sell ivory hanko (T. Kitade and A. Toko, pers. obs.). Theseobservations further underline the difference in the nature of demand between ivory hanko andjewellery.
Finally, it is important to highlight the demand for whole elephant ivory tusks in Japan starting in
the early 1970s. This demand was unique as it was created by ivory traders and sales departmentsof major department stores who emphasized the investment value of ivory, taking advantage of therapidly increasing import price and growing speculation about future scarcity (Figure 17) (Sunada,1976). Tusks were usually polished or lightly carved or painted on the surface and put on pedestals to
be used as decoration in traditional Japanese style rooms with an alcove, called tokonoma. The elementof “status” combined with the growing awareness of the declining ivory supply broadcast by the media
helped attract demand from not only the rich but also ordinary households across the country. It is
documented that certain traders even made door-to-door sales targeting newly built homes (Sunada,1976). Furthermore, it was also possible for individuals outside the industry to buy raw tusks in bulk
for speculation purposes (I, interview). Such demand for whole tusks continued until the 1989 importban followed by the economic slump (I, interview). The distribution of these tusks during this period
remains highly relevant today because it is these privately owned tusks that now provide a significant
portion of the supply for the current domestic ivory carving industry (see Section 5.3).

Decline of market and industry
Although no official statistics are available to observe the shift in the overall scale of ivory productproduction in Japan, almost a ten-fold reduction in the market can be inferred since the 1980s. The
annual production value of the ivory and related industries in 1989 was estimated to be around JPY20
billion (USD145 million) (TRAFFIC Japan, 1989). JIA estimates that it shifted from about JPY5 billion(USD41 million) in 2001 to about JPY3.5 billion (USD37 million) by 2009, and down to around JPY2
billion (USD19 million) by around 2014 (I, interview). Production of hanko was estimated to have
dropped from 3 to 4 million pieces annually in 1980 to about 2 million pieces by 1988 and in recent
years to a tenth the scale in the 1980s (I, interview). Although no figures are available, production ofbachi has also declined since a peak in the 1980s (I, interview).
The decline of the industry is also reflected in the membership of relevant associations (Figure 20).
The regional Tokyo Ivory Arts and Crafts Association and Osaka Ivory Arts and Crafts Association,
whose roots date back to precursor organizations established in 1887, have played a central role inorganizing and steering the ivory carving industry in Japan (and formed an umbrella organization

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 45

Membership (companies)

70

Tokyo Ivory Arts and Crafts Association

64

Osaka Ivory Arts and Crafts Association

60
47

50

42

37

40
30

30

30

29
21

20

13

10

5

0
1980

1989

1997

2001

2013

Membership (carvers)

120
100

100

Japan Ivory Sculptors Association

80
61

60

60

60
40

40
20
0
1980

1989

1997

2001

2015

Figure 20. Change of membership in ivory carving related associations
TOP: Member companies for Tokyo Ivory Arts and Crafts Association and Osaka Ivory Arts and Crafts Association;
BOTTOM: Number of carvers belonging to the Japan Ivory Sculptors Association.
Source: Tokyo Ivory Arts and Crafts Associations, Osaka Ivory Arts and Crafts Association, Japan Ivory Sculptors Association

called the Japan Federation of Ivory Arts and Crafts Associations (JIA in 1985). Between the 1980s and2013, membership dropped by half in the Tokyo branch and to one sixth in the Osaka branch, with
30 and 5 members remaining, respectively (Figure 20). Another association called the Japan Ivory
Sculptors Association, founded in 1965 with a mission of maintaining the standard of excellence, had amembership of approximately 100 master craftsmen in 1980, but this number dropped by nearly 40%
in the 1980s, and by 2015 there were only 40 members remaining (Figure 20).
Clearly Japan’s ivory industry has experienced a substantial decline over recent decades, the scale ofdecline varying between ivory hanko and jewellery. The following sections analyse both the common
drivers that led to the overall decline and the product-specific drivers.

5.1.2. Driver: response to CITES and social pressure
Response to CITES
Certainly the pressure and regulations imposed by CITES acted as a critical factor that led to a
reduction in overall usage of ivory in Japan, primarily through closing ivory imports to the industry.
While a complete ivory trade ban was not adopted until 1989, the government introduced step-wisemeasures that progressively reduced the amount of ivory eligible for importation into Japan following
the peak years of 1983 and 1984 (see Section 5.1.1). These domestic measures were largely a responseto negative publicity and growing international pressure through CITES (see Section 3.1). Japanesetraders actually purchased most of their ivory at the time from dealers in Europe and Hong Kong,

46 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan

with evidence indicating large volumes had been laundered, sourced from poached elephants in Africa(Milliken, 1985). TRAFFIC Japan pursued a dialogue with the Ivory Importers Group to keep themappraised of illegal ivory developments outside of Japan that were undermining the CITES control
and impacting the status of elephant populations in Africa (A, interview). As the world’s largest ivory
consumer at the time, it was necessary for Japan to demonstrate responsible action to curb the illegal
ivory trade.
Substantial amounts of illegal ivory continued to flow out of Africa from the mid-1980s onwards,
devastating elephant populations in certain regions. Finally, in May 1989, a Proposal to transfer the
African Elephant to Appendix I was submitted to CoP7, held in Lausanne, Switzerland, in October thatyear. The Ivory Trade Review Group participated by IUCN, TRAFFIC, the Wildlife Trade Monitoring
Unit of the World Conservation Monitoring Centre and the CITES Secretariat published a majorreport in May 1989, which found that the African Elephant had declined in numbers by at least 50%
in the previous 10 years and that, if the 1985–1987 poaching rate persisted, the total population
number would again be halved by the end of the Century and face virtual extinction within 50 years(Anon., 1989a). The Ivory Trade Review Group recommended the transfer of the African Elephant toAppendix I as well as an immediate, voluntary, suspension of international trade in ivory, imposed by
all Parties where possible, pending the decision of CoP7. This was followed by a call for an immediate
global ban on ivory trade by international environmental groups including WWF, IUCN and Wildlife
Conservation International (now Wildlife Conservation Society: WCS), and echoed by many
governments of Western countries who moved to ban all imports within days (TRAFFIC Japan, 1989).
In an attempt to keep an avenue open for legal trade, the Japanese government and ivory industry cooperated by introducing immediate measures to curb the trade drastically. TRAFFIC Japan played an
important role in facilitating the introduction of these measures, using its well-established relationships
with key domestic players and providing policy options to help them address the demands of theinternational community (Miyaoka, 1988). In June 1989, MITI11 placed an immediate import ban on
all worked ivory as well as any raw ivory that did not come directly from a source country interpreted
to mean an African Elephant range State (TRAFFIC Japan, 1989). Simultaneously, industry associations
pledged co-operation towards these regulations and adopted further measures to: reduce substantially
ivory imports by promoting measures such as identifying suitable substitutes for hanko production;refrain from stockpiling; conduct only direct trade with source countries to curtail illegal trade basedon laundering; help establish a future Central Ivory Auction to be overseen by the CITES Secretariat;
and donate a set portion of the proceeds from ivory trade to support an African Elephant conservation
fund (Gendai Publishing, 1989). Commitment to these measures, however, was questioned following
the exposé of 20 t of ivory imported from transit countries within just three days of the waiting period
before the import ban came into effect (TRAFFIC Japan, 1989). Finally, in September, a month before
the opening of CoP7, MITI announced a total import ban on all ivory into Japan12 (TRAFFIC Japan,1989).
Despite the negative repercussions that the CITES decision held for the country’s ivory industry, Japan
did not enter a Reservation with respect to the listing of the African Elephant in Appendix I as adopted
at CoP7. While this was certainly a difficult course for the government to navigate, given the obvious
impact on the long-standing traditional industry, the key leverage was certainly the socio-politicalpressure against Japan’s role in the illegal wildlife trade at the time. As reviewed in Chapter 3, following
the CITES regional seminar in 1984, the government felt compelled to demonstrate a co-operative andpositive attitude and engagement toward CITES to dispel its growing international image problem.
An industry insider recalled that entering a Reservation against the newly listed African Elephant was
not feasible as Japan was already being heavily criticized within CITES for retaining Reservations on a
range of whale species and Hawksbill Turtle (I, interview).
11 The ministry responsible for the ivory industry and CITES trade management (currently METI).
12 A quota system for raw ivory import was adopted with an initial quota set to zero.
TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 47

Credits: TRAFFIC

Scene from the CoP7 (CITES) in Lausanne, Switzerland, 1989

From the industry’s perspective, the unravelling of the poaching crisis and its connection to Japan’s
consumption came as a shock to many members as it was traditionally believed that only ivory fromnatural elephant mortalities was traded (I, interview). The end of supply through CITES regulations led
many to give up their traditional businesses. The remaining members of JIA have strived to continue
their business with limited stocks, particularly by responding to the strengthening of domestic trade
regulations and obtaining additional stocks through the two “one-off sales” sanctioned by CITES (seeSection 5.1.4).

Social pressure
Social pressure around the issue of elephant poaching and illegal ivory trade exerted a great influenceon the overall reduction of the ivory market in Japan. Sensational coverage by the media of the serious
situation for African Elephants led many consumers to be wary of purchasing ivory and certain
companies to refrain from selling or using ivory items.
In the run up to 1989, intensive global campaigns were conducted by various international NGOs
to stop all trade in elephant ivory. Laden with emotional images and slogans, these campaigns werebroadcast by the media in the US and Europe and were joined by internationally prominent figureslike French actress Brigitte Bardot taking on the role as an ambassador against the trade in animals(Meredith, 2009). These international developments were reported by the Japanese domestic media to
the nation’s public (I, interview). In 1989, major Japanese newspapers featured the issue of the African
Elephant and diligently covered the course of decisions at CITES, expressing in their editorials andcommentaries the view that mass ivory consumption in Japan needed to be changed (Anon., 1989b,
1989d, 1989g). Newspapers also reported on awareness raising activities and fundraising campaigns by
various domestic organizations and individuals that aimed to save the African Elephant (Anon., 1989c,
1989h, 1990a), as well as initiatives and prospects for utilizing various ivory substitutes as alternatives(Anon., 1989e, 1989f, 1989i).
Certain companies responded to this social pressure by discontinuing the sale, use or production ofivory products following the 1989 CITES trade ban. In this regard, arguably the greatest impact was
the decision of major department stores to withdraw all sales of ivory jewellery on their premises from48 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan

the summer season of 1990 (Anon., 1990b, 1990d). As mentioned above (see Section 5.1.2), this moveby the major retail sector virtually eliminated the mass market for ivory jewellery in Japan. Today, only
a limited number of ivory accessories are produced as traditional handicrafts (I, interview). Global
companies such as Yamaha and Kawai, Japan’s leading musical instrument manufacturers, also ended
the production of ivory keys for high-end pianos in 1989 and replaced ivory with a synthetic substitutethat they had already successfully developed and commercialized (Anon., 1989f).
Most traditional hanko retailers did not stop selling ivory hanko, except for those located insidedepartment stores that enforced policies against the sale of all ivory products (K, interview). However,decreasing demand from consumers was felt by many retailers after the CITES import ban. Some
dealers commented that many consumers were fully aware of ivory trade issues and avoided purchasingivory hanko even when they were recommended, believing that buying ivory was not a good thing
to do socially (Gendai Publishing, 1990a). One retailer noted that certain companies who used toprovide ivory hanko to board members switched their orders to other materials. A similar trend was
also seen in government offices where the use of ivory hanko by executive officials was terminated andreplaced with, for example, new ceramic hanko (Gendai Publishing, 1992). However, few companies
or government offices made an immediate switch, and the majority gradually phased out the use ofivory hanko for reasons such as their expense. Digitalization of administrative work also contributed
to the increasingly smaller investment in hanko by companies, according to a representative from theJapanese Seal Engravers Association (J, interview). Today there is virtually no demand for ivory hanko
from companies or government offices (J, K, interview). As noted above, the social pressure on certain
retailers and consumers was partly responsible for this development.

Ivory hanko substitutes
In 1990 there was an attempt by MITI to support the industry by exploring the feasibility of using
mammoth ivory from Russia as a substitute for elephant ivory. However, the investigation concluded
that mammoth ivory was inappropriate as a substitute due to supply difficulties, high price and low
quality of the material (Gendai Publishing, 1990). More specifically, damage, cracks and discolorationand other imperfections rendered large quantities of mammoth ivory unusable and even their smell
made some unsuitable for the production of hanko (I, interview). Trade statistics record a total ofnearly 44 t of “other ivory” imported separately from elephant ivory between 1988 and 199513 fromsource countries that typically export mammoth ivory, as well as several African countries that likely
exported teeth of the Hippopotamus Hippopotamus amphibius. In fact, mammoth and hippo ivory
as well as other animal materials such as the teeth of the Sperm Whale Physeter macrocephalus and“sheep horn” (supposedly from a species of wild sheep from the Himalayan region of China) werebeing utilized by certain manufacturers, but only in small quantities because of scarce supply andnone of them were accepted as an elephant ivory substitute (K, interview). In fact, some hanko madeof mammoth ivory do appear to be almost identical to elephant ivory hanko, but their marketing as amaterial “next to” elephant ivory served to signal an inferior product. This has apparently resulted in asituation whereby mammoth ivory hanko are now sometimes sold as elephant ivory (K, interview).
In the quest to find acceptable substitutes for ivory hanko production, a range of natural and synthetic
chemical materials were tested and developed. Since around 1989, domestic chemical manufacturers
put in resources to develop suitable substitutes that could be marketed as a most prestigious hanko
material to take over after ivory. These included synthetic materials made to look like ivory, as wellas materials with totally different attributes and appeal such as synthetic wood, metal, and precious
stones (Gendai Publishing, 1988). Although most of these materials did not take off, in recent years
metal materials, especially titanium, are gaining popularity and starting to be considered as the “postivory” high-end hanko by the hanko industry. The Editor of the leading hanko magazine (K, interview)expressed the view that the newer generation of consumers prefers such modern and stylish products
13 Source: Ministry of Finance, Trade Statistics (HS code: 0507.10-090)

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 49

Credits: T.Kitade / TRAFFIC

Credits:b T.Kitade / TRAFFIC

LEFT: hanko made from titanium; RIGHT: hanko made from aluminium
Photos taken at a hanko business and related industry fair held in Tokyo, October 2015as a status symbol, whereas traditionally consumers accorded the luxury status and sometimes
spirituality to ivory hanko.
The number of shops selling titanium hanko has grown from fewer than 30% of the market 10 years ago
to around 50% today, a development that reflects investment in equipment and increasing consumer
demand (K, interview). The drop in retail price of titanium hanko has also likely facilitated theiradoption by more retail shops (J, interview). However, the reason why it does not pick up greater
market share is because titanium and other metal materials require different equipment and skill sets
to produce than those used by most traditional hanko manufacturers and craftsmen who carve thehallmark into each hanko. Metal materials, for example, require a laser carving machine costing morethan JPY6 million (c. USD56–600). Furthermore, to engrave the hallmark by hand carving, which
many hanko shops offer for adding value, is not possible with these new materials (K, interview).
These technical issues have created a dichotomy whereby traditional hanko shops that sell most of
the ivory hanko in Japan face hurdles adopting these potential “post ivory” substitutes, while larger,
newer companies that sell hanko online or through franchise arrangements are developing the market
with substitutes. This has created a struggle for traditional hanko shops because the hanko business isbasically considered to be unsustainable without selling a sufficient number of high-end products, ivory
or otherwise. The price of ivory hanko has gone up over the past few years (K, interview), and the trend
is expected to continue as a result of declining domestic ivory stocks.

Substitutes for ivory in other products

Although mammoth ivory or animal teeth were not suitable to replace elephant ivory in hanko
manufacturing, carvers of art items like netsuke have found them to be useful alternatives (Anon.,
1989i). This is because of their small production scale and because they do not require large or highquality tusks for cost recovery. According to the International Netsuke Society, newly produced netsuke
are often produced with mammoth or hippo ivory in lieu of elephant ivory so that they can be tradedamongst hobbyists and tourists in the international market (International Netsuke Society, 2015).
Carvers of such art items also traditionally used other materials in their work. For example, hardwoods
are the commonest material for making netsuke (Sunamoto, 1987).
With regards to musical instruments, in response to the CITES trade ban ivory piano keys were swiftly
replaced by synthetic substitutes which the manufacturers had already developed and used for otherproduct lines. Yamaha and Kawai reportedly started selling pianos with synthetic substitute keys as
early as 10 years and three years prior to the 1989 trade ban, respectively (Anon., 1989f). Reasons
behind these moves may be associated with the fact that producing a set of ivory piano keys was said
to require a very large tusk of over 20 kg (Martin, 1985), and the average tusk size in global trade was
dropping rapidly throughout the 1980s due to unsustainable hunting (TRAFFIC Japan, 1989). Another

50 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japanfactor may have been the declining market for ivory piano keys. Ivory piano key carvers reported in1981 that demand was steadily falling throughout the 1970s (Martin, 1985).
The situation facing the Japanese traditional musical instrument industry is entirely different as noproper substitute to ivory has been found. There was an attempt in the late 1980s to develop and market
bachi made from a synthetic ivory substitute (Anon., 1989f) and although the initial response appeared
hopeful, they did not catch on. According to the Tokyo Japanese Music Commerce Association (L,interview), this was because the sound quality was not as good as that produced using ivory bachi;
and because it cost as much as secondhand ivory bachi (L, interview). Today, ivory bachi is still usedby professional and advanced players whereas cheaper plastic bachi is widely used by beginners. Apartfrom the sound quality, other differences include the fact that ivory is more flexible, durable andresistant to slipping as it absorbs moisture from sweat (L interview). Ivory is still also used for making
bridges for the koto and the shamisen due to its superior sound quality, but only in high-end, expensive
products (L, interview).
An important consideration is that bachi production requires relatively large tusks and only utilizes
ivory from Asian Elephants or “Forest Elephant” populations of the African Elephant14. The Japaneseindustry classifies ivory from these sources as “hard ivory” and ivory from African Savanna Elephantpopulations as “soft ivory” due to the difference in hardiness. Although hard ivory is more limited thansoft ivory in domestic stockpiles, especially as all new imports from the legal one-off sales under CITES
comprised soft ivory (see Section 5.1.4), the lack of availability of items like bachi is not felt in themarket. According to Tokyo Japanese Music Commerce Association (L, interview) this is because themarket is small, the demand very limited and the ivory bachi is generally long-lasting (with adequate
maintenance it can be used for generations). The price factor also makes demand for secondhand bachi
higher than that for new bachi (L, M, interview). A new bachi costs around JPY1.2 to 1.5 million (c.
USD11 300 to 14 200) for a large-sized piece, and JPY40 000 to 50 000 (c. USD3 800 to 4 700) for asmaller-sized seamless bachi, while they could be bought for one quarter to half the price secondhand(L, interview). Manufacturers of ivory bachi consider they are able to obtain adequate ivory supplies
from privately owned whole tusks (see Section 5.3) that are largely hard ivory and from their own
stockpiles inherited from predecessors (I, interview). One retailer also expressed the view that the shelf
stock of ivory bachi was ample considering the small customer demand (M, interview). Under thesecircumstances, there currently seems to be little concern in the traditional music industry over the
supply of ivory-made items in the foreseeable future.
However, in 2014, a new initiative arose within the Japanese traditional music sector aiming toraise awareness of the plight of Forest Elephants in Central Africa and to collaboratively develop asuitable synthetic substitute for “hard” ivory well before the ivory stockpiles run out so that both thetraditions of ivory carving and traditional music playing can be conserved (M, interview). Led by aconservationist from Central Africa and the Japanese traditional music media, this multi-stakeholder
initiative engages researchers of artificial materials and traditional Japanese music, professional
instrument players, as well as makers and retailers of musical instruments, but the participation ofivory carvers has not been realized to date (M, interview).

14 The Forest Elephant, inhabiting forested areas of Central Africa, suggested as genetically distinct from the Savanna
Elephant population, although currently classified as the same species. Blanc, J. 2008. Loxodonta africana. The IUCN Red
List of Threatened Species 2008: e.T12392A3339343.
http://dx.doi.org/10.2305/IUCN.UK.2008.RLTS.T12392A3339343.en . Downloaded on 04 October 2015.

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 51

5.1.3. D river: collapse of Japan’s economic bubble andpopulation decline
The overall decline in the market for ivory in Japan was triggered by regulatory interventions
which culminated with the CITES trade ban in 1989, and domestically there was a ripple effectfrom increasing social pressure causing some companies and consumers to refrain from selling andpurchasing ivory. Although these responses alone probably eliminated demand for certain products,
namely ivory jewellery, it was not the case for other ivory products such as hanko or bachi. Anotherdriver that had significant impact on the decimation of Japan’s ivory market was the collapse of theeconomic bubble and subsequent recession (I, interview).
During the economic boom, ivory was popular for the status it represented, and to a certain extent, thiswas common attribute for all ivory products including even practical functional items such as hanko
and bachi (I, interview). However, with the end of the country’s economic boom, spending patternsof Japanese consumers increasingly changed to less consumption and more saving (Figure 21). This
consumer attitude has now lasted for over two decades as Japan has been trapped in recession (Figure21), and has likely became ingrained in the mindset of newer generations of consumers who neverexperienced the economic boom. In this regard, it can be assumed that fewer and fewer people havesought expensive ivory items as a means to show status. Disappearance of demand for ivory hanko bycompanies (see Section 5.1.2) exemplifies the influence of this economic driver.

450 000

Consumption expenditures
Savings
Average propensity to consume

400 000

(%)
90

85

350 000
300 000
250 000
200 000

80
BubbleCollapse75

150 000
100 000

70

50 0000

Average propensity to consume

500 000

65
1963
1965
1967
1969
1971
1973
1975
1977
1979
1981
1983
1985
1987
1989
1991
1993
1995
1997
1999
2001
2003
2005
2007
2009
2011
2013

Average monthly consumption and savingof Japanese households(JPY)

Figure 21. Average monthly consumption, savings and propensity to consume of Japanese households between 1963 and2014
Propensity to consume is calculated as the percentage of consumption expenditure against disposable income.
Source: Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communication, Statistics Bureau, Family Income and Expenditure Survey (2014)

Another underlining driver for the decline in the market has been the steady fall in the country’s
population growth rate, which has continued over several decades (Figure 22). According to theJapanese Seal Engravers Association (J, interview), this has contributed to a drop in market for personal
hanko as people generally buy four to five formal hanko in a lifetime. The trend is expected to worsen
as the country entered negative population growth from 2011 onwards (Figure 22). As such, althoughhanko production represents 80% of ivory usage in Japan today, the demand will likely continue todiminish based on both the economic and demographic trends.

52 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan0.025

130

0.02

120

0.015

110

0.01

100

0.005

90

0

80

-0.005

Annual rate of increase (%)

Total population (million)
Annual rate of increase (%)

1960
1962
1964
1966
1968
1970
1972
1974
1976
1978
1980
1982
1984
1986
1988
1990
1992
1994
1996
1998
2000
2002
2004
2006
2008
2010
2012
2014

Total population (Million)

140

Figure 22. Change in Japanese population between 1960 and 2014
The population was obtained through census on October 1st each year (population of Okinawa prefecture was excluded fromthe census between 1960–1971).
Source: Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communication, Statistics Bureau, Population Census (2015b)

5.1.4. Domestic market since the trade ban
CITES one-off sales
Following the 1989 ban on all commercial ivory imports, Japan has received a total of nearly 90 t of raw
ivory through two one-off legal sales permitted by CITES (Table 8). Four southern African countries
that successfully down-listed their African Elephant populations to Appendix II, namely Botswana,
Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa, were the source of the ivory. The elephant population status andmanagement, including anti-poaching efforts, in these countries were considered to be adequate by aPanel of Experts commissioned by CITES, and only government-held tusks from elephants that diedof natural or management-related mortality were allowed to be sold to a trading partner designatedas meeting CITES requirements for domestic control of ivory trade. Japan, following inspections by aPanel of Experts and making improvements with respect to a number of issues that were found to be
deficient, was sanctioned by the CITES Standing Committee as an approved ivory trading partner, firstin 1998 (for the 1999 sale and import) and secondly in 2006 (for the 2008 sale and import the followingyear) (CITES, 1999b, 2006). However, there were certain aspects of Japan’s control system against which
the Panel expressed concerns (CITES, 1999a, 2007a), and some of these issues remain unaddressed as
reviewed in Section 5.3.2.
Table 8. Summary of ivory import through one-off sales in 1999 and 2008
The import of the 2008 sale occurred in 2009.
Exporting country

1999 Import weight (kg)2009 Import weight (kg)Botswana

17 171

16 682

Namibia

12 366

3 753

Zimbabwe

19 916

1 207-

17 76549 45339 407

South Africa
Total
Source: CITES Trade Database

Conditions of the one-off sales for range States included provisions for: profits from the sales to be
directed exclusively toward the conservation of wild elephants and support for local communities living
in or around the elephant range; and for the trade to be conducted under the strict supervision of the

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 53

Credits: TRAFFIC
Credits: TRAFFIC

Credits: TRAFFIC

Scene from 1999 ivory import, Tokyo

Scene from 2009 ivory import, Tokyo

CITES Secretariat. Ivory imported via the one-off sales was purchased by members of JIA and wastransferred under rigorous inspection by the Japanese Customs (Kiyono, 2003). All of these tusks wereregistered under LCES upon arrival at the port of entry (Kiyono, 2003), and they comprise the material
used by the domestic manufacturing industry, together with the pre-Convention domestic stocks inprivate ownership that can be traded legally under LCES (see Section 5.3.1).

Pattern of illegal trade
While the domestic market for ivory has been declining since the 1989 trade ban, there have been anumber of ivory seizures involving Japan as a destination country. In particular, there was a surge insmuggling of ivory hanko materials around 1990, immediately following the CITES trade ban (Gendai
Publishing, 1990b). The Elephant Trade Information System (ETIS)15 records over 10 cases of illegal
15 ETIS is a comprehensive information system to track trends in illegal trade in ivory and other elephant product as set
forth by CITES Resolution Conf. 10.10 (Rev. CoP16). It is managed by TRAFFIC on behalf of CITES Parties.

54 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japanimport within just one year of the introduction of Japan’s trade ban in September 1989; the majorityof these consignments were shipped from Hong Kong. Major incidents involving large-scale seizures(over 100 kg) in which Japan was implicated as the country of destination are summarized in Table 9.
Of the more recent cases, a 2002 seizure made in Singapore involving over 6.3 t of raw ivory and 42 120
semi-worked ivory pieces represents the largest seizure record in ETIS so far. Furthermore, uncoveringof the 2006 seizure of nearly 2.8 t caught the international community by surprise because it happened
just as Japan was designated as the trading partner in the second one-off sale (CITES, 2007a).
Table 9. List of reported large-scale ivory seizures (>100 kg) involving Japan as the destination country
The list may not be comprehensive as many of the earlier report did not include the weight.
Year of seizure

Exporting country / teritory

Quantity (kg)

Ivory type

1990

Hong Kong

960

Worked (30 000 pcs)

1991

Hong Kong

270

Worked (1814)

1991

Republic of Korea

798.5

Raw (62 pcs)

1991

United Kingdom (transit: France)

126

Worked (34 pcs)

1992

South Africa (transit: Republic ofKorea, Hong Kong)372

Raw (27 pcs)

1993

Hong Kong

220

Worked1996

Singapore

352

Worked (13 800 pcs)

1999

Rwanda (transit: France)

420

Worked (682 pcs)

2000

(transit: Singapore)500

Raw (27 pcs)

2002

South Africa (transit: Singapore)>6333

Raw (535 pcs) Worked (42 120 pcs)

2006

Malaysia (transit: Republic of Korea)2794

Raw (608 pcs) Worked (17 928 pcs)

Source: ETIS

Since 2007, ivory seizure records involving Japan, especially in large-scale seizures, have progressively
diminished to the extent that illegal trade with Japan has largely become negligible in a global context(CITES, 2012). The emerging trend over recent years suggests that Japan has become a source of ivory
for external destinations such as China and Thailand; in this regard seizures of ivory shipments fromJapan in the form of parcels have been repeatedly made. Thai Customs reported 18 packages of ivory
products and pieces sent through the mail from Japan were seized in 2015 (Anon., 2015a). China
Customs also reported many similar seizures of ivory smuggled in parcels shipped from Japan, totallinga movement of over 100 kg of ivory (Anon., 2012, 2015b). Furthermore, in October 2015, Beijing
Forest Police announced busting a major smuggling ring that trafficked over 800 kg of ivory in totalthat reportedly originated in Japan (TRAFFIC, 2015a). This new pattern seems to suggest that ivory
is illegally flowing out of Japan to newer overseas market where the price of, and demand for, ivory isapparently higher.

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 55

5.2. Consumer attitude towards the use of ivory products
5.2.1. Experience and attitude towards ivory products
Awareness of and experience with ivory products

The 2014 consumer attitude survey (see Section 2.3) characterized the experiences and attitudes ofcurrent Japanese consumers towards ivory products and Japan’s domestic ivory market.
A solid majority (77.2%) of current consumers at least had knowledge of ivory products, and nearly
two in five respondents had experience in purchasing, owning, using/displaying some sort of ivory
product (Figure 23). The proportions of people with experience of receiving or with an interest inpurchasing ivory in the future were lower, around 13% and 9%, respectively. Whereas both awarenessand experience tended to increase with age, the level of interest in future purchasing turned out to be
similar across all age groups.

Proportion of respondents (%)

100
80

20s
30s

77.2%

40s
50s
60s and above

60
40
20

19.4%

12.9 %

18.9%

9.0 %

0
Aware

Purchased

Received

Owned/
used/displayed

Interest inpurchasing

Figure 23. Proportions of respondents with awareness, experience in purchasing, receiving, using, and interest inpurchasing of ivory products by age groups (N=1000)
Percentages above the bars indicate proportions across age groups that are weight adjusted for population compositions.
Source: TRAFFIC, consumer survey, 2014
Hanko

1000

Jewellery

Number of respondents

814

Carvings, figurines
Whole tusk

564
554

Musical instruments
Tea ceremony utensils
Other ivory products

244
206
120

193
13

0
Aware

168
47

4 0 10 1 1

Purchased

71 64

13 2 2 0 2Received

56

9 1 16 2 4Owned/used/displayed

Figure 24. Ivory product types for which respondents had awareness, experience in purchasing, receiving and using,shown as numbers of respondents (N=1000)
Multiple selection of products was allowed.
Source: TRAFFIC, consumer survey, 2014

56 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan

The ivory product which consumers had the most awareness and experience of was predictably ivory
hanko followed by ivory jewellery (Figure 24), corresponding to the two major product types mass
produced in the 1970s and 1980s. Very few had experience of purchasing, receiving, or owning/using/displaying other products such as carvings/figurines/netsuke, whole tusks, musical instruments, andtea ceremony utensils. This demonstrates the popularity of ivory hanko compared to other items, yet
the proportion of people who purchased or owned ivory hanko was less than 20%, indicating that mostown hanko made of materials other than ivory.

Reasons for purchasing or receiving ivory products
The most popular reasons for purchasing an ivory product were its luxuriousness and high quality,
which were common for both hanko and other ivory products, mainly jewellery (Figure 25). This result
corroborates the narratives of the industry regarding soaring ivory sales during the economic boom
(see Section 5.1.1). For hanko, the third most popular reason was because respondents had heard thativory hanko can bring good luck, which is likely a reflection of the sales marketing strategies employed(see Section 5.1.1). Other common reasons included rarity and popularity, as well as recommendation
by family, friends or shop staff.
0

20

40

60 %

Luxuriousness
High quality
RarityPopularity
Heard it brings good luck
Hanko

Recommended by family/ friends

Other ivory products

Recommended by a shop staff
OthersFigure 25. Reasons for purchasing ivory products by those who had experience purchasing, shown as percentage of
respondents selecting the pre-listed reasonsMultiple selection was allowed (hanko, N=154; other ivory products, N=50; weight-adjusted for population composition).
Source: TRAFFIC, consumer survey, 2014
%
100
80

Hanko
Other ivory products

60
40
20
0
Family,Friends,
Businessrelatives acquaintances related

OthersFigure 26. Party from whom respondents received ivory products, shown as percentage of respondents
Multiple selection was allowed (hanko N=70; other ivory products N=68; weight-adjusted for population composition).
Source: TRAFFIC, consumer survey, 2014

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 57

The majority of respondents with experience of receiving ivory products had received them fromimmediate family members or relatives, 83% for hanko and 73% for other ivory products, respectively(Figure 26). The proportion of respondents receiving ivory hanko from friends, acquaintances orbusiness-related people was low at only around 8%. This is likely due to the nature of a hanko as apersonal signature, combined with the tradition of giving children or grandchildren hanko whencertain life events transpire. In contrast, over 25% indicated they received other ivory products fromfriends and acquaintances, while gifts from business-related people remained rare at around 8%.

Current status of use and reasons for discontinuing
A majority (61%) of respondents with experience of owning, using or displaying ivory products were
found to still own and use/display their possessions (Figure 27). This is expected given that the mostcommon type of products, ivory hanko, are long-lasting and practical items. Nevertheless, 39% of
respondents no longer use or display their ivory products, while nearly half of them no longer own theitems.
A number of reasons for ending the use of ivory products were given (Figure 28). One of the threecommonest was awareness that “over-hunting of elephants became a serious issue”, given by 11
respondents, of which seven were more than 60 years old. This reflects the public awareness toward
ivory issues disseminated in the late 1980s (see Section 5.1.2). However, the impact of such awareness
translating into action may not be widespread, given that more than 60% of respondents continue to
use/display ivory products (Figure 27) and that almost all the other reasons for discontinuing use werepractical reasons such as the item had deteriorated, broken, got lost or was no longer needed. Asidefrom this, four people gave “out of fashion” as a reason.
No longer own or use
19%

20%

Current
state

Still own and use (display)
61%

Still own but no longer use (display)

Figure 27. Current state of possession and use by those who had experience of owning, using or displaying ivory products(N=194; weight-adjusted for population composition)
Source: TRAFFIC, consumer survey, 2014
Overhunting of elephants became a serious issue

11

Deteriorated / broke

11

No longer in use

11

Lost

9

No longer in need5

Out of fashion

4

Purchased a different one

3

Surname changed

3

Gave away

3

Figure 28. Common reasons for ending the use (or display) of ivory products, shown as number of respondents giving
the reason in free answers (N=84)
Source: TRAFFIC, consumer survey, 2014

58 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan

5.2.2. Current attitudes towards legal ivory market
Current level of interest in ivory products
Current consumer interest in ivory products was found to be rather low (9.0% across all products)(Figure 23). Even ivory hanko attracted the interest of only 64 out of 1000 respondents, followed by 22
for jewellery and 12 for carvings/figurines (Figure 29). Interest in other categories of ivory products
was even more limited to fewer than 5 respondents each. Popular reasons for interest in ivory products
are given in Table 10. While recognition of the high quality of ivory hanko stood out, other perceived
characteristics of ivory such as rarity, beauty of its colour and texture were also given as reasons, as wellas the notion of status, luxury and good luck.
Out of 1000
Number of respondents

100
64

22
12
1

0
Hanko

Jewellery

4

3MusicalWhole
Carvings,
Teafigurines ceremony instruments tusk
utensils

2
Other ivory
products

Figure 29. Number of respondents indicating interest in purchasing ivory products by product types (N=1000)
Multiple selection was allowed.
Source: TRAFFIC, consumer survey, 2014
Table 10. Top reasons for interest in purchasing ivory hanko, jewellery and carvings/figurines
Numbers in brackets indicate numbers of respondents giving the reasons in free answers.
Ivory hanko (64)

Ivory jewellery (22)

Ivory carvings, figurines (12)Long-lasting/life-long products (9)Looks beautiful (4)Rare (3)Luxurious (8)Rare (3)Stylish (1)Best quality as a hanko(7)Like the colour (2)Seems to be of high quality (1)High quality (5)Simple (2)Appears luxurious and stands out (1)Rare (5)Seems good fortune/good Luck (2)Want to have a white smooth texture
figurines (1)Beautiful (5)Fashionable (1)Likely to be pleased as a gift (1)Preferred texture/material (3)Would make a lucky charm (1)Beautiful (1)Can show off/high status/gives
prestige (3)Seems to be of high quality (1)Always wanted one (1)Source: TRAFFIC, consumer survey, 2014

Attitudes towards ivory hanko substitutes

Over 80% of respondents with experience in purchasing, receiving, or owning/using ivory hanko
indicated that they would consider a substitute if their ivory hanko became unusable and needed tobe replaced (Figure 30). While this is a large proportion, as many as 19% indicated that there is nosuitable substitute they would consider, highlighting the fact that ivory is still considered the best hanko
material. Amongst the range of potential substitutes, water buffalo (or cattle) horn, as well as natural
wood (usually boxwood) were found to be the most popular (Figure 30). This implies that many people
would not have a problem switching from ivory, irrespective of their knowledge about the hierarchy

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 59

of hanko materials (see Figure 19). Regarding titanium, which is often regarded as a potential “postivory” material, only 16% chose it as an adequate substitute, which was still lower than other natural
materials such the buffalo horn, natural wood, and amber (Figure 30). This may result from the factthat titanium is still an unfamiliar choice or that users of ivory tend to prefer natural materials overmetal.
%
50

42.7

38.5

No
substitute
19%

20.0

81%
Will
considersubstitute

16.1
11.2

10.4

10.3
5.1

0
Buffalohorn

Naturalwood

Amber Titanium Precious Plywood Plastic
stone

Acrylic

Figure 30. Attitudes toward ivory hanko substitutes amongst respondents with experience in purchasing, receiving,
owning/using ivory hanko (N=225; weight-adjusted for population composition)
LEFT: Whether or not respondents would consider switching to a substitute listed to the right in case their ivory hanko
became unusable; RIGHT: Kind of substitute respondents would consider buying (multiple selection allowed from choices ofbuffalo horn, natural wood, amber, titanium, precious stone, plywood, plastic and acrylic)
Source: TRAFFIC, consumer survey, 2014

Public attitudes towards the domestic ivory market
Finally, the survey examined current public attitudes towards Japan’s domestic ivory market througha set of questions about ivory hanko. Amongst those who had experience in purchasing, receiving,
owning or using ivory hanko, only one in four people had ever considered the legality of the origin of
their hanko (Figure 31). This implies that in Japan’s legal market, most consumers are not conscious of
the fact that ivory trade is regulated by CITES and LCES.
Awareness of legality

Thought
about
26%

74%
Not thought
about

Figure 31. Awareness of legality amongst respondents with experience in purchasing, receiving, owning/using ivory
hanko (N=225; weight-adjusted for population composition)
Source: TRAFFIC, consumer survey, 2014

Respondents were informed about different possibilities for the origins of ivory: 1) legal ivory fromelephants that died of causes other than poaching; and 2) illegal ivory from poached elephants, andasked about their attitude toward Japan’s current domestic ivory market. The results revealed that justabout half the consumers consider it is fine to use ivory in Japan as long as it is of legal origin and notfrom poached elephants (Figure 32: left). One-third expressed the view that it is not good to use ivory

60 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japanregardless of its origin. The rest, 17%, were indifferent, considering it is fine to use or purchase ivory inJapan regardless of its origin. Overall, it appears that the public attitude is quite divided on this matter,although a majority is still in support of avoiding poaching and illegal trade.
Attitude toward ivory hanko
of unknown legality

Attitude toward domestic ivory market
with respect to the origin of of ivory*Fine
regardless oforigin
17%
33%

Fine
as long as
legal andun-poached
ivory

15%

Not fine
regardlessof origin

Would stillpurchase

85%

50%
Would notpurchase* Alternative origins for ivory- Legal ivory from elephants died of causes other than poaching- Illegal ivory from poached elephants
Figure 32. Consumer attitude toward domestic ivory market (N=1000; weight-adjusted for population composition)
LEFT: acceptance of domestic ivory market with respect to the origin of ivory (respondents were asked about their attitude
toward domestic ivory market given the possibility of two alternative origins for ivory as indicated above); RIGHT: Attitude
toward ivory hanko of unclear legality (respondents were asked whether they would still purchase the products when its
legality is unknown)
Source: TRAFFIC, consumer survey, 2014

Finally, when respondents were asked whether or not they would purchase an ivory hanko of unknown
legality, 85% answered they would not, while 15% answered otherwise (Figure 32: right). This result
suggests that, despite the currently low level of awareness about legality as seen previously (Figure 31),
most consumers would purchase items that are clearly legal and avoid those that are not, provided they
are made well aware of this distinction, although the extent to which such attitudes would be translated
into real action is unknown. However, the results also flag that there is a residual segment, over 15%(Figure 32: right) in the current consumer population, who feel indifferent not only about the originof ivory and its impact on elephants but also about the legality of ivory products. Although the actual
consumer interest in ivory is found to be fairly low (Figure 29), this aspect should still be noted withsome caution.

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 61

5.3. Current regulation and issues
5.3.1. Overview of LCES regulation
The LCES regulation for domestic ivory trade consists of two mandatory schemes: 1) the registration
scheme for whole tusks; and 2) mandatory provisions for all businesses that deal in special international
species (Figure 33). In addition to this, there is a voluntary product certification scheme based on theconcept of promoting consumer choice for products with government-verified legality.
LCES designates the domestic ivory industry as a “Special International Species Business” andmandates all businesses that manufacture, trade, or retail in ivory products apart from whole tusks
to notify METI (Figure 33). All such businesses receive a sticker showing a designated operator’s
number (Figure 34) and are obligated to record all transactions and resulting balances of stockpiles
and submit them to METI on a regular basis. While the LCES regulates the domestic trade/transfer ofindividual specimens of Appendix I species, it considers processed ivory and ivory products (i.e. anyivory pieces that do not retain the form of a whole tusk) as industrial materials which are exempt fromthe regulation. In addition to the record-keeping duty, notified businesses are required to confirm thelegality of ivory with a seller or a buyer upon receiving ivory, and accept on-the-spot inspections.
whole tusk

IVORYmandatory
register to MOE

Cut pieces

voluntary
mandatory
operators
notifyto METI
recordtransaction
and stocks ina ledgermanegement
document
Products

voluntaryhanko accessory

musicalinstrument

product
certification

Figure 33. Schematics of Japan’s domestic ivory trade regulation
Figure adapted from Ishihara (2010)

Figure 34. Sample of a sticker provided to operators of Special International Species Businesses
The blank box is for showing operator’s original number. Operators are advised to display the sticker although it is not a legal
requirement
Image from a poster published by MOE and METI
62 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan

Domestic trade in each whole tusks is regulated under the LCES provision prohibiting trade, except incases where the tusk was imported before the CITES trade ban or was imported pursuant to the two
CITES one-off sales. Before trade can happen, however, all such tusks must be registered with MOE.
This also applies to tusks that are intended for trade and applies regardless of the types of ownerships(private or businesses) or the nature of the transaction (commercial trade or non-commercial transfer).
Upon verifying the legality of its origin, a registration card is issued by MOE for each tusk (Figure 35).
The registration card must accompany the tusk itself when being displayed, advertised or traded. Whena whole tusk is cut for processing, its registration card must be returned to MOE16.
The voluntary product certification scheme exists for the purpose of prompting consumer choice
towards products that offer government-verified legality (JWRC, 2012). Manufacturers may voluntarily
manage individual cut pieces using management cards and may apply for product certification by
the government. After verifying the products are derived from a registered tusk or cut pieces with amanagement card, the government issues seals that can be attached to the certified products as proof of
their correct sourcing (Figure 36). However, since this scheme is voluntary, products without certificate
seals can also be sold legally in the market. The administrative work for both whole tusk registrationand product certification is delegated to a General Incorporated Foundation under the MOE, called theJapan Wildlife Research Centre (JWRC).

Figure 36. Sample of government certificate seals that are issued
under the voluntary product certification scheme
Photo from a poster published by MOE and METI

Figure 35. Sample of a registration card for awhole ivory tusk
The card contains information about theregistration number, species, name of parts orstate and characteristics of the specimen at thetime of registration (in this case the length andweight of the tusk). A photo of the specimen isalso included under a new format since 2014.
Photo courtesy of JWRC

16 The registration card is usually returned by the manufacturers when they cut whole tusks to process into materials. It may
also be returned by an owner when a tusk is lost or no longer retains its original condition (e.g. broken), although this ismuch rarer.

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 63

5.3.2. C urrent status and issues in the domestic
management of ivory
Registration of whole tusks
Registration of whole tusks started in 1995 when parts and derivatives of Appendix I listed species werefirst covered by LCES. MOE compiles the new and returned registrations each year (Figure 37). The
total amount of registered tusks over the past 20 years amounts to 25 033 tusks weighing approximately
299 t (July 1995 to July 2015). For nearly half of them, or 11 450 tusks weighing approximately 143 t,
registration cards have already been returned, indicating they have been cut and made into materials in
the manufacturing industry. As of July 2015, there were 13 583 registered tusks weighing approximately
155 t (Table 11) (calculated as the difference between the total weight or number of tusks everregistered and those for which registration cards have been returned). These stocks are scattered in thehands of private owners and businesses. Aside from registered tusks, the METI compiles the amount ofstockpiles held by businesses based on their reporting. According to this, nearly 53.3 t of cut pieces and669 kg of tips are being held, along with a variety of products (Table 11). Because the LCES does not
regulate simple possession of ivory, the true amount of ivory stocks in the country remains unknown.
The Japanese government neither holds its own stockpile nor conducts the marking of registered tusks.

New registration
Registration returned

50 00040 00030 000
20 000
10 000

2015

2014

2013

2012

2011

2010

2009

2008

2007

2006

2005

2004

2003

2002

2001

2000

1999

1998

1997

1996

0
1995

Weight of registered tusks (kg)60 000Figure 37. Annual weight of newly registered tusks and returned registration (kg) (1995 including July to December,2015 including January to July)
Source: Ministry of Environment, in litt. to TRAFFIC, November 2015
Table 11. Amount of domestic ivory stocks that are acknowledged by the Japanese government
The data on stockpiles held by businesses is primarily based on the 2013 and 2014 reporting to METI. “Others” includes goods
and parts in the following categories: stationery, smoking supplies, Buddhist altar articles, tableware, tea utensils, indoor
recreational equipment, convenience goods, and others.
Registered tusks (as of July 2015)
Whole ivory tusk
Stockpile reported by businesses (As of September 2015)
Cut pieces

Total weight (kg)
155 313

Total number
13 583

Total weight (kg)

Total number

53 277

-

Tips

669

Accessories including parts-

2 784 896-

Hanko signature seals-

754 057

Furnishing goods including parts-

58 772

Musical instrument including parts-

43 174

Others-110 470

Source: Ministry of Environment (in litt. to TRAFFIC, October 2015) and Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (in litt. to TRAFFIC,
October 2015)

64 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan

The registration scheme is common to trade in all Appendix-I listed species protected by LCES.
In terms of ivory, however, it largely captures the flow of recycling of privately owned tusks by the
manufacturing industry, according to JWRC (N, interview). That is, registered tusks are sold to andused by manufactures for production. Apart from the years immediately after the registration schemebegan and the years of one-off sale imports (both 1999 and 2009), at which point manufacturers
registered their stocks in a single total amount, it appears that up to more than 10 t of ivory each year
is registered or recycled from private ownership (Figure 37), averaging around 7.3 t annually (1996–2014).

Issues of unknown domestic stock
The largest drawback of the registration system is that it does not precisely track the inventory of ivory
tusks that are in private possession in the country. A consequence of this is that there is a continued
influx of newly registered tusks each year, despite the fact that over two decades have passed since
the international trade ban. Trade statistics shows that Japan imported nearly 6729 t of raw ivory
between 1950 and 1989. Whereas the majority went into the hands of manufacturers, the whole ivory
tusk boom in the 1970s and 1980s is believed to have distributed a substantial quantity of whole tusks
across the country for investment and home decoration purposes (see Section 5.1.1). These tusks arecontinuously being put out for sale by private owners who, upon events such as parents’ death or therebuilding or moving of houses, wish to dispose of unwanted possessions. These tusks are individuallyregistered, and, according to JWRC, registration sometimes involves multiple tusks recovered following
a relative’s death (N, interview).
Although any indication the registration scheme is being used to launder smuggled ivory is to dateunsubstantiated, the apparently seemingly bottomless domestic stock gives rise to some level ofconcern. Registration of whole tusks requires some kind of proof of pre-Convention importation17, andJWRC strives to eliminate any doubts that tusks may derive from dubious origins. However, official
evidence, such as a Customs clearance document or a purchase receipt is almost never available, andtherefore indirect evidence in the form of a signed third party letter is accepted (N, interview). In orderto prevent false applications, JWRC scrutinize the validity of such claims by interviewing applicants byphone. According to JWRC, it is the government’s intension to salvage more tusks this way so that they
are brought under the regulatory framework instead of being traded underground.
Some degree of laxness in terms of law enforcement was revealed in a major incident in 2011, whereby
the largest hanko manufacturer was convicted of buying large quantities of unregistered tusks (58 tusks
weighing approximately 509 kg in 2010) from various antiques dealers (Sakamoto, 2013). Although
no links to smuggling were established, the trial revealed that trade in unregistered tusks by thismanufacturer spanned a period of five years, and the actual volume traded is speculated to have beenmuch more (Sakamoto, 2013). The case resulted in a fine of JPY1 million for the manufacturer andsuspended prison sentences of up to one year for its two board members18. Since 2013, the maximum
penalty for violating the LCES regulations on domestic trade was raised to five years of imprisonment
and/or a fine of JPY5 million (c. USD47 200) for an individual, and JPY100 million (c. USD943 900)
for a corporation.
However, given the state of unknown domestic stocks, effective control of the internal trade in wholetusks remains a challenge in Japan. In this regard, Thailand, in early 2015, enacted new legislationthat mandated those in possession of ivory tusks, both commercial traders and private owners, toregister their possession with the government within a deadline of about three months (TRAFFIC,
2015b). This nation-wide registration resulted in over 220 t of ivory being registered by more than 4400
17 LCES regulation of trade in Appendix I species came into effect on: 4th November 1980 for Asian elephants; 18th January
1989 for African elephants.
18 Six other dealers were arrested in association with this case for selling unregistered ivory tusks to the manufacturer(Aasahi-Shimbun, 12th May, 2011; Yomiuri-Shimbun, 10th June, 2011).

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 65

private citizens (TRAFFIC, 2015c). Such measures are also recommended for Japan as it would serve
to delineate the total legal domestic stock once and for all. The Japanese government should seriously
to consider such option, especially given the recent leakage of domestic ivory overseas (i.e. China andThailand) (see Section 5.1.4).

Control of ivory businesses through notifications
Under LCES, all aspects of the ivory industry are managed by METI as a Special International Species
Business. The number of businesses that provided notifications to METI as of September 2015 is 9122,
comprising 319 manufacturers, 584 wholesalers and 8219 retailers (Table 12). The total number has
declined from 11 061 in 2006 (CITES, 2007a), due mainly to a decline in the number of retailers.
Although no specific category is designated, antiques dealers who trade in ivory products are also
mandated to notify METI and therefore are included in these numbers. Furthermore, any online
business or dealer without a physical shop or a legal corporate status are also considered to be a Special
International Species Business under LCES.
Table 12. The number of businesses providing notifications to METI (as of September 2015)
Categories
Manufacturers

Number of businesses
319

Wholesalers

584

Retailers

8219

Total

9122

Source: Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry, in litt. to TRAFFIC, October 2015

In terms of enforcement gaps, certain online retailers as well as dealers on internet auction sites were
found to be operating without notifications in a 2014 survey (Matsumoto, 2015). In response to thisfinding, the government and major e-commerce companies began undertaking monitoring activities(O, P interview). A related issue is the lack of a legal basis for requiring the display of a retailer’s
notification status, which not only hinders effective monitoring, but also prevents consumers from

Screenshot from an internet auction site where whole ivory tusks with government registration cards are being
advertised
66 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japanclearly distinguishing legal from illegal operators (Matsumoto, 2015). It is also necessary to cast awider net beyond major e-commerce sites, especially to monitor any trade that may lead to ivory being
smuggled to countries like China where demand is higher (see Section 5.1.4). Furthermore, a 2013
internet auction site case involved domestic antiques dealers and a Chinese buyer who implied her
intention to resell the ivory in China at a higher price (Anon., 2013).
There is clearly a risk of illegal exports from online trading, through antiques dealers and auction
businesses. As these businesses and dealers do not specialize in ivory products, they are assumed to beless aware of LCES regulations and may circumvent their notification duties to operate illegally, an issue
that was also noted during an earlier inspection by a CITES technical mission (CITES, 2007a). The
status of compliance by these businesses remains largely unchecked, despite known cases of illegal ivory
trade involving antiques dealers.
While METI responds to any violations with administrative guidance, no penalty has ever been applied
within the framework of the control of ivory businesses (Sakamoto, 2013). Furthermore, since theregulation is based on businesses’ “notification”, not “registration” or “licensing”, violations do not
result in severe consequences such as revocation of business privileges. This could be considered tofall short of Resolution Conf. 10.10 (Rev. CoP16) that requires all relevant businesses to be registeredor licenced (Sakamoto, 2013). The current level of penalties for violating control of ivory businesses
remains low: a maximum of JPY500 000 (c. USD4700) for operating without notification or submitting
false notifications; and a maximum of JPY300 000 (c. USD2800) for violating the duties of submitting
ledgers or accepting inspections, or misusing the voluntary certification system. Apart from theseactions, the government also holds the authority to order a trade suspension for a maximum period of
three months.

Lack of compulsory mechanism for ensuring legality in the market
In terms of the risks of smuggled ivory entering and exiting the domestic market, significant concerns
remain owing to the lack of registration requirements for cut pieces and the lack of ensuring thetraceability from a registered tusk to each product from it. This is because once a tusk is cut, thecurrent system provides no direct and compulsory government oversight for checking the legalityof the resulting individual pieces. Under LCES, the control of cut pieces as well as further processedmaterials and products is carried out through the control of ivory businesses, where the obligation
for confirming the legality of traded items is delegated to notified businesses. This LCES system falls
short of requirements set forth under CITES Resolution Conf. 10.10 (Rev. CoP 16) (Trade in elephantspecimens), which treats cut pieces as “raw ivory” together with whole tusks and urges compulsory
trade controls as well as marking of pieces that are both 20cm or more in length and one kilogramme
or more in weight.
Under the Special International Species Business requirements, METI reviews all ledgers submitted
by businesses annually (for manufacturers) or biannually (for wholesalers and retailers). According to
METI, the reporting rate is above 90%. Records are examined, particularly for any sign of unregisteredtusks or un-notified businesses showing up as a customer, inconsistencies in trade records for voluntary
managed cut-pieces, or inconsistencies in stockpile balances (P, interview). In addition, around ahundred on-the-spot inspections are conducted each year, targeting businesses with large tradevolumes, those who failed to submit ledgers, or those with any ambiguity in their trade records (P,interview). Despite all these efforts, the question remains as to how effective the system is in terms of
eliminating and/or detecting illegal trade with true malicious intent. Firstly, there are certain businesses
and dealers that operate without notifications; and secondly, no third-party verification of legality andtraceability is required for processed materials and products, leaving room for unreported trade tooccur unnoticed.

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 67

The effectiveness of the voluntary certification scheme is also in question. According to JWRC,
only about 30 manufacturers consistently apply product certification in recent years, and in 2013
approximately 60 000 products were certified (JWRC, in litt. to TRAFFIC, November 2014). Given thatmost of these products constituted hanko, it represents only a fraction of the total hanko production
estimated by JIA as around 200 000 (I, interview). The largest drawback is that certification is voluntary,
thereby allowing both products with and without certification seals to be legally sold in the market.
This renders the scheme effectively useless in terms of controlling the domestic market, as pointed out
by the CITES mission (CITES, 2007a). Past surveys revealed the use of certification seals by physicalshops as about 65% but only 40% amongst online shops (Ishihara, 2010). According to the hanko retailindustry, traceability is further compounded because certificate seals are commonly traded separately
by wholesalers, partly because the seals are too big to attach to a hanko (J, K, interview). Certain
online retailers were also found to misrepresent government certification as proof of the “quality”
or “genuineness” of ivory (Matsumoto, 2015). Such problems undermine the effectiveness of thecertification scheme.

5.4. Conclusion
This chapter reviewed the history of ivory use in Japan and discerned the nature of demand forvarious products and drivers that led to the overall decline of the market in the country. The results aresynthesized in the chronological table presented below (Time Chart 3).
The drivers behind the overall decline in the ivory market were primarily the government-led
regulations, and secondarily the social pressure that influenced certain companies and consumers torefrain from selling, purchasing or using ivory products, particularly ivory jewellery. Unlike rhino
horn, suitable substitutes were not found for ivory and a market for practical items such as ivory
hanko still exists, as well as a specialized market for traditional musical instruments and artwork. Eventhese markets, however, have been reduced substantially by the long-term recession that transformed
consumers’ spending patterns into a state where ivory’s appeal as a status symbol and luxury item was
no longer sustained.
In the current global context, Japan continues to be one of the few countries that harbours a significant
domestic ivory industry. From the consumers’ perspective, however, interest in purchasing ivory
products is low, and younger generations were also found to have little knowledge of ivory products.
While ownership of a hanko is a necessity for adults in Japan, a preference for ivory is unlikely toremain and the new generation of high-end hanko made from materials like titanium is alreadyemerging in the market. Demand is even more limited for traditional musical instruments, and there isalso a new multi-stakeholder movement emerging in the traditional music sector in search of a suitable
substitute to ivory.
The regulatory system in the domestic ivory market, on the other hand, leaves uncertainties in termsof the effectiveness of controls. These include the unknown amount of domestic ivory stocks that are inprivate ownership; ivory trade occurring beyond the LCES oversight process; the lack of compulsory
mechanisms to trace ivory pieces once a tusk is cut; the inability to identify illegal products in themarket. With respect to some of these issues, LCES falls short of the requirements provided in CITES
Resolution Conf. 10.10 (Rev. COP16). Considering the current global crisis of rampant poaching ofelephants and illegal ivory trade, an overhaul of the Japanese regulatory system is warranted in orderto ensure that Japan’s domestic market remains a closed loop, especially noting that there have been anumber of incidents of illegal export of ivory from Japan.

68 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 69

1970

Economic boom

* 1975enteredinto force* 1973 CITES
adopted* Whole tusks fordecoration &investment* Ivory hanko

1980

1989

2000

Heisei period
1989-present* 1999One-offsale* 2008One-offsale

Population decline

Recession

Awareness on illegal
wildlife trade issues
Social awarenesson ivory issues*1984
AsiaOceania
Seminar(Ch.3)

Manufacturers
stopped use

Development of
substitutes started

Department storesstopped sales

Annual production ofivory indsutry declined
20
5billion JPY
billion
2
JPY
2014
1989
2001

One of world's
largest importers

Showa period
1926-1989* Ivory jewellery* Pipes, mahjong
tiles, billiard ballsetc.

* Piano keys

* 1873 Use of personal
hanko starts* Hair & kimono accessories

Export* Traditional musical instruments

1960* 1926 Service
for the reposeof elephant starts

Taisho period
1912-1926

Time Chart 3. History of ivory use and various factors in its market reduction in Japan
Source: authors’ work

Socioeconomic
CliamteCITES &
Regulations

Use ofIvory
in Japan* 1887 Ivory
associations
established

1900

Meiji period
1868-1912* Netsuke * Figurines

800 - - 1600 1700 1800

* Earliest
evidenceof ivory
objects

AD 600

Edo period
1603-1868

Japan Acceded to CITESHistory and drivers of decline in the market for elephant ivory

Import ban

6. CONCLUSIONS
Given the current resurgence in global rhino and elephant poaching and horn and ivory trafficking,the present study endeavoured to examine the history of the decline in the market for rhino horn andelephant ivory in Japan. This has illuminated salient characteristics and lessons learned that might berelevant to other Asian consumer countries currently tackling illegal trade and high levels of domestic
demand. Although there are clearly differences in terms of the respective global and national situations,this case study on Japan has nevertheless generated a wealth of historical insights into what may be
the most successful example of reduction in the market for these commodities in an Asian setting inmodern history.
First and foremost, the underlying lesson was that there was no single driver behind the use anddemand for rhino horn and ivory. Instead, there was great variability not only in terms of the typesof products, but also in the nature of demand from the industry and/or consumers. These differences
affected how the decline in the respective market was achieved in the face of a range of drivers acting
differently for distinct products. While many interventions for policy change and demand reduction
are currently being undertaken in major consumer countries, this lesson from Japan stresses theimportance of truly understanding the nature of use and demand through close examination ofdomestic perspectives, including the relevance to cultural roots, socially or economically embedded
attitudes in consumers’ minds, as well as the dynamics and motivations of industries involved in the
production and marketing of key products.
In terms of specific drivers, the government-led introduction of regulatory measures within theframework of CITES turned out to be the primary influencer for curbing overall use of both rhino
horn and elephant ivory in Japan. One of the important insights from this perspective was that in bothcases, the success of the regulations ultimately depended upon co-operation of the domestic industries.
The impact of regulations, however, was very different between rhino horn and elephant ivory as seen
by how easily compliance resulted within the respective industries. The smooth transition from rhino
horn usage to use of a substitute, Saiga Antelope horn, following the 1980 import ban was enabled by
the fact that major manufacturers were able to replace rhino horn without compromising either theeffectiveness of their brand name medicines or consumer demand for the products containing it. The
circumstances surrounding market decline for rhino horn were presumably rather unique amongst therange of wildlife products Japan consumed at the time. Most of these were, like elephant ivory, so highin demand and without immediately identifiable alternatives that the government initially had trouble
controlling even overtly illegal trade. However, even for ivory, the gradual co-operation of the industry
played a key role in curbing the amount of ivory imported into Japan in the years immediately prior to
the imposition of a complete ban in 1989. All in all, a strong government leadership engendered by thecritical international pressure in the mid-1980s became the keystone for these changes in the industries.
Differences in the role of social pressure was also evident in the history of market declines for thesewildlife commodities in Japan, with the trade in ivory impacted in a far more substantive mannerthan the trade in rhino horn. However, even with respect to ivory, social pressure did not induce
widespread retraction of demand for the most popular products such as ivory hanko. There areseveral possible reasons for these different developments vis-à-vis social pressure. For rhino horn, themost important factor was the inconspicuous nature of rhino horn as an ingredient in the medicinal
products purchased by consumers. Buyers of these medicines did so primarily because of their trust in
the efficacy of the long-standing brands and not because they wanted rhino horn specifically or held
belief in its effects per se. Secondly, large-scale rhino horn import ended well before the issue of illegal
wildlife trade became a matter of “international shame” for Japan following the CITES regional seminarin 1984, which was then domestically mainstreamed by the activities of NGOs and the subsequent
unprecedented media coverage surrounding Japan’s problems with CITES implementation.

70 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan

Ivory stands as a case in stark contrast as it was firstly in demand directly by consumers within thecontext of a booming economy for the very status and luxury image it represented. Secondly, ivory was
one of the key commodities that directly served to brand Japan as a problematic wildlife trade renegade
throughout the 1980s. The issue of whaling aside, Japan’s trade in elephant ivory, along with Hawksbill
Turtle shell, arguably did more to foster a negative international image of Japan than any other wildlife
trade commodities during this period.
The scale of impact of consumer attitude change as part of social pressure was difficult to gauge in thepresent study. However, there was some evidence that indicated a certain level of public awarenessabout the issue of illegal wildlife trade in general as well as the more specific situation concerning
African Elephant poaching in the late 1980s. The consumer survey conducted in 2014 also uncovereda high level of awareness about these issues amongst consumers in their 60s and above. Moreover, theaccounts of hanko retailers indicated that, soon after the 1989 trade ban, more and more consumers
were becoming wary of purchasing ivory hanko. Certain respondents from the consumer survey also
reported that they stopped using ivory products because they acknowledged that over-hunting ofelephants had become a serious issue. Despite all these indications, however, the extent of the impact
of social awareness on behavioural change in consumers remains uncertain considering that the
majority of people surveyed still continue to use ivory products that they possess, mostly hanko, and amarket for them survives today, though at a scaled down level. One thing that became evident from theanalysis was that demand for less essential and more conspicuous goods such as ivory jewellery moreeasily evaporated from the consumers’ perspective, compared to items with practical and traditional
functions.
Nonetheless, the creation of social pressure on both the international and domestic fronts became acritical driver for the change in government policy as well as in the private sector to a certain extent.
In the case of Japan, this was gradually achieved in the 1980s against the strong tide of an economic
boom and the conspicuous consumption that it engendered. Counter forces in the form of formalinternational pressure through CITES, domestic awareness-raising by NGOs and other figures, andthe critical coverage by domestic mass media on the issue of illegal wildlife trade took root during
this period. Of these factors, international pressure, particularly as a result of the 1984 CITES regionalseminar and the fortuitously timed followed-up visit by Prince Philip for WWF, turned the tables
in terms of consolidating the notion of international shame on the face of the Japanese government.
Domestically, one salient feature was the monitoring activities of a NGO that were instrumental not
only in continuously uncovering the specific issues of illegal wildlife trade but also communicating itto the government, industry and mass media to facilitate regulatory improvements. If this and otherdomestic dimensions of constant pressure had not built up within the country, it is hard to imagine
that the external pressure alone would have led to the same remedial course of action on the same timescale.
Finally, the results of the present study illuminated drivers from a wider socio-economic environment
surrounding the use of rhino horn and ivory in Japan. While this perspective may be the mostdifficult in terms of drawing out any direct lessons for other countries in the contemporary context,
it nevertheless highlights the importance of understanding wildlife trade from the higher dimensionsof societal transition. In the case of rhino horn in Japan, this wider context was the modernization of
the national medical system, changes in the distribution of household medicines, and the interruptionof the traditional family structure that greatly contributed to the overall decline of the traditional
medicine industry. In the case of ivory it was, firstly, the collapse of the country’s economic bubble andthe draining recession which greatly influenced consumer spending patterns with respect to luxury
goods and greatly impacted the notion of ivory as a status symbol in Japan. The country’s “declining
trend of population” is also accelerating the shrinkage of the personal hanko market, a key outlet in
the ivory trade. Lastly, what was also obvious from the results of the consumer survey was the marked
generational differences in experiences and attitudes towards wildlife consumption. All these results

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 71

point to the view that both gradual and drastic changes in the use of wildlife may be expected incountries that are going through major economic and social changes, and understanding the impact ofsuch changes could offer further insights on the dynamics of wildlife trade.
Last but not least, the present study included analyses of the current state of the domestic market forrhino horn and ivory to grasp where Japan now stands in the historical and global context. In termsof the relative scale, it could be said that the remaining market for rhino horn is almost negligible,
and the ivory market—albeit still significant—is currently not considered an important factor in thecurrent crisis of illegal elephant killing and ivory trade. However, despite this, it would be premature toconsider Japan as the definitive role model, and this is because the various drivers of market declines,
ranging from the change in government policy, the industry’s response, and social awareness, have notnecessarily been institutionalized at each level as a commitment towards sustainable use of wildlife.
As a result, concerns remain about the current market, including for example, the continued use ofmany other wildlife materials in traditional medicine as well as certain issues in the control systems
for domestic trade in ivory. The consumer attitude survey also illuminated certain trends of concern,
including the low level of awareness in younger generations about the threatened status of iconic
species as well as the use of wild species in traditional medicine. Concerning the ivory market, thesurvey identified a low awareness of legality issues and some degree of indifference towards illegal
ivory or its impact on poaching of elephants. As such, continued vigilance is certainly needed in Japan.
However, it is still fair to say that the industries most impacted by the market decline for rhino hornand ivory, or at least its core members, have consolidated many important lessons and continue tomake genuine efforts to engage in legal and sustainable practices.

72 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan7. RECOMMENDATIONS
For achieving a market decline for wildlife products in the current
global context:* The following influential and contextual factors were identified as important in the decline of Japan’srhino horn and ivory markets. Current and future efforts in other consumer countries should notethat a multi-faceted approach may be necessary for long-term success:1) International policy pressure to elicit strong government commitment in implementing
national measures including legislation, regulations and law enforcement;
2) Full co-operation of domestic industry bodies and stakeholders regarding compliance withtrade and market regulations and/or adoption of substitute(s);3) Activities of NGOs in facilitating policy change and public awareness-raising at the national
level, particularly through trade monitoring, exchange of objective information, and engaging
key players at the national level (i.e. the government, industry stakeholders and mass media);
4) An increase in public awareness and social pressure at the national level to influence consumer
behaviour as well as policies in relevant private sectors;
5) Broader socio-economic trends exerting distinct impacts on different products (e.g. transitionsin health systems, family structures, national economy and population trends).
* Japan’s relative success in realizing positive results in market declines for rhino horn and elephantivory should allow the Government of Japan to share proactively its experience with other CITES
Parties, including increased co-operation on implementation and law enforcement efforts at theinternational and regional levels. Japan’s role in assisting relevant countries in optimizing efforts to
reduce illegal supply and demand could, for example, be catalysed initially through Japan providing
relevant technical support to countries of primary concern, secondary concern and importanceto watch in the CITES National Ivory Action Plan process in areas such as the implementation ofdomestic trade controls, stock management systems and registration schemes.

On Japan’s current rhino horn use and traditional medicine market:* While the use of, and demand for, rhino horn in Japan has declined to low levels, the managementof domestic stocks and effective border control remains necessary, especially to prevent any illegal
re-export to countries with high demand. In this respect, the following improvements are needed inJapan.
1) The Government of Japan should strengthen the domestic management of rhino horn stocks
to meet the recommendations of CITES Resolution Conf. 9.14 (Rev. CoP15) by identifying,marking, and registering all rhino horn stocks including those that are not managed by theindustry self-management system (i.e. held by pharmacies and personal owners);
2) The Government of Japan should further adopt and enforce a comprehensive management
system that effectively controls domestic trade in not only whole rhino horn but also rhinoceros
parts and derivatives and establishes traceability for all products in the domestic market;
3) Law enforcement agencies should increase their efforts to prevent illegal domestic trade andbe alert to the potential threats of illegal rhino horn re-export to countries with high demand.
Border control should be enhanced through better co-operation with other countries in theregion and at the global level.
* The government and industry should assess the sustainability of other ingredients in traditional
medicine that are sourced from endangered wild species. Any necessary measures, including the
adoption of appropriate substitutes, should ensure that such species are not adversely affected
and that continued use will not lead to trade that is illegal or conducted at unsustainable levels. In

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 73

particular, the use of Saiga Antelope horn as a rhino horn substitute in Japan and elsewhere needs
urgent attention as a component of wider Saiga Antelope conservation measures.

On Japan’s current ivory market:* Given the persistent domestic ivory market and industry, the Government of Japan should urgently
strengthen the enforcement of domestic trade regulations under current LCES provisions;specifically, monitoring for any businesses operating without notifications or any trade of
unregistered whole tusks, with a particular emphasis on online markets and trade via antiquedealers and auction businesses.
* The government should further conduct an overhaul of the current regulatory provisions and makeamendments so that Japan’s LCES meets the requirements of CITES Resolution Conf. 10.10 (Rev.
CoP16) and is sufficient to ensure the domestic ivory market remains a closed system. Specificimprovements should include the following:
1) A nation-wide registration programme of all ivory tusks and cut pieces in private possession
should be conducted to delineate the total domestic stocks;2) Cut pieces should be included in the compulsory registration scheme;3) Control of ivory businesses should be updated to a system of registration or licensing instead of
notification, and information on registered/licenced businesses should be disclosed;
4) The existing voluntary certification scheme should be strengthened into one that effectively
establishes traceability and marking of all legal products in the market.
* The government should take urgent enforcement measures in the following areas to address the
emerging trend of illegal re-export of ivory (e.g., to countries such as China and Thailand):1) Law enforcement effort focused on domestic trade dynamics, including border controls,
should be strengthened in order to halt the leakage of existing ivory stocks and to prevent any
smuggling of ivory into the country as a transit point for other end-use markets;
2) A regional platform for co-operation between CITES authorities and law enforcement agencies
amongst Parties in the Asian region should be established for improved information sharing
and co-ordination of border controls;3) The CITES Management Authority of Japan should exercise increased vigilance against there-export of pre-Convention ivory to prevent possible laundering of illegally-sourced ivory into
this trade.
* The Government of Japan, stakeholders and NGOs should strive to address the following aspects ofJapan’s persistent market and various characteristics of consumer demand:
1) Through awareness raising, the public and target audiences need to be informed about thecurrent status of elephants as well as the regulations and issues concerning international anddomestic ivory trade;2) Development and mainstreaming of ivory substitutes needs to be facilitated so that demand will
not outstrip the existing supply as the remaining legally registered ivory stocks decline in the
future;3) Online and physical platforms providing ivory sales outlets for businesses/individuals should
strengthen policies and enforce regulations to eliminate illegal trade and also facilitateawareness raising of users and consumers;
4) Further research is needed to dissect the characteristics of current consumer attitudes,
including the generational differences in awareness observed in this study. Targeted awarenessraising through behavioural change messaging should be considered to address the existing andlatent demand for ivory in Japan.

74 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan

REFERENCES*Translation of titles was tentatively done by the authors.
Anon. (1958). 天皇へ百キロのゾウゲ：マラヤ首相のおみやげ [100 kg Ivory for the Emperor: Gift from the
Malaysian PM] (in Japanese). Yomiuri Newspaper (JP), 20 May.
Anon. (1959a). ご結婚へお祝い品の山 [A Mountain of Wedding Gifts] (in Japanese). Yomiuri Newspaper (JP),31 March.
Anon. (1959b). 皇太子さまご結婚：インド政府からは電気のスタンド [Marrige of the Crown Prince:
Indian Government Sends a Lamp Stand] (in Japanese). Mainichi Newspaper (JP), 09 April.
Anon. (1978). 第84回国会衆議院公害対策並びに環境保全特別委員会議録18号 [Special Committee on
Pollution and Environmental Protection #18] (in Japanese). House of Representatives, 84 Sess.
Anon. (1979a). 現地密売人の証言 [Testimony of a Local Trafficker] (in Japanese). Yomiuri Newspaper (JP), 04
October.
Anon. (1979b). 衆議院 内閣委員会13号 [Cabinet Committee, # 13] (in Japanese). House of Representatives,
87 Sess.
Anon. (1980). 衆議院 内閣委員会5号 [Cabinet Committee, #5] (in Japanese). House of Representatives, 91
Sess.
Anon. (1981). （広告）伊勢丹新宿 真珠・琥珀・水晶・象牙・金・珊瑚 [Isetan Shinjuku: Pearl, Amber,
Quartz, Ivory, Gold, Coral (Advertisement)] (in Japanese). Yomiuri Newspaper (JP), 04 March.
Anon. (1982). 地方の名門企業-27-宇都宮 宇津救命丸 どう突破する20億円のカベ [DistinguishedCompanies from Regions 27: Uzukyumeigan, How to Break the 2 Billion yen Wall ] (in Japanese).
Economist (Mainichi Newspaper), 60(44): 66–73.
Anon. (1984a). 首相、野生動植物の国際取引で対応策を指示 [PM Instructs Measures Toward International
Trade in Wild Animals and Plants] (in Japanese). Asahi Newspaper (JP), 19 October.
Anon. (1984b). 「野生生物守ります」フィリップ殿下に首相、法改正を約束 [“We Will Protect Wildlife”
PM Promises Legal Reform to HRH Prince Philip ] (in Japanese). Yomiuri Newspaper (JP), 19 October.
Anon. (1984c). 野生生物保護に目を開け（社説） [Open your Eye for Wildlife Conservation (Editorial)] (inJapanese). Nihon Keizai Newspaper (JP), 17 October.
Anon. (1984d). 野生生物保護へ輸入規制など強化 中曽根首相、エジンバラ公に約束 [Strengtheningof Import Regulation for Wildlife Conservation: PM Nakasone Promises the Duke of Edinburgh] (inJapanese). Asahi Newspaper (JP), 19 October.
Anon. (1985a). 第102回国会衆議院 環境委員会議録第5号 [Committee on Environment #5] (in Japanese).
House of Representatives, 102 Sess.
Anon. (1985b). 第102回国会衆議院環境委員会議録第3号 [Committee on Environment #3] (in Japanese).
House of Representatives, 102 Sess.
Anon. (1985c). 第102回国会衆議院予算委員会第六分科会会議録第2号 [Committee on Budget,
Subcommittee 6 #2] (in Japanese). House of Representatives, 102 Sess.
Anon. (1985d). 第103回国会衆議院環境委員会議録第2号 [Committee on Environment #2] (in Japanese).
House of Representatives, 103 Sess.

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 75

Anon. (1986a). 第107回国会衆議院環境委員会議録第3号 [Committee on Environment #3] (in Japanese).
House of Representatives, 107 Sess.
Anon. (1986b). 珍獣「タマリン」3年ぶり故郷ブラジルへ [A Rare Creature “Tamarin” Goes Home to Brazil
After 3 years] (in Japanese). Yomiuri Newspaper (JP), 26 July.
Anon. (1986c). 東急日本橋店「アクセサリージャンクション」 [Tokyu Nihonbashi “Accessory Junction”](in Japanese). Nikkei Marketing Journal (JP), 07 July.
Anon. (1986d). 野生生物と共存めざし：ワシントン条約生かす国内法整備を [In Search of Coexistancewith Wildlife: Domestic Law That Brings CITES to Life Is Needed] (in Japanese). Mainichi Newspaper (JP),21 January.
Anon. (1987a).“アニマル商法”の汚名の返上を（社説） [Must Clear the Name of “Dirty Animal Business”(Editorial)] (in Japanese). Yomiuri Newspaper (JP), 18 January.
Anon. (1987b). ミニ辞典:トラフィック [Mini Dictrionary: TRAFFIC] (in Japanese). Yomiuri Newspaper (JP),18 January.
Anon. (1987c). 参議院決算委員会（第110回国会閉会後）会議録第1号 [Committee on Audit #1] (inJapanese). House of Councillors, After 110 Sess.
Anon. (1987d). 生物の絶滅に手を貸す「趣味」（社説） [“Hobby” That Lends a Hand to Extinction of Life](in Japanese). Yomiuri Newspaper (JP), 01 December.
Anon. (1987e). 第108回国参議院環境特別委員会会議録第3号 [Special Committee on Environment #3] (inJapanese). House of Councillors, 108 Sess.
Anon. (1987f). 日本が最悪の野生生物密輸入国 トラフィックジャパンが指摘 [Japan as the Worst
Wildlife Smuggling Nation: TRAFFIC Japan Points Out] (in Japanese). Asahi Newspaper (JP), 25 February.
Anon. (1987g). 密輸大国を返上したい（社説） [Wanting to Clear the Name of Smuglling Superpower(Editorial)] (in Japanese). Asahi Newspaper (JP), 29 October.
Anon. (1987h). 名指しの非難は免れたが（社説） [Despite Having Avoided Direct Condemnation...
(Editorial)] (in Japanese). Asahi Newspaper (JP), 26 July.
Anon. (1987i). 野生生物を守る日本の責務（社説） [Japanʼs Obligation to Protect Wildlife (Editorial)] (inJapanese). Yomiuri Newspaper (JP), 13 July.
Anon. (1987j). 野生動植物を守るために（社説） [In Order to Protect Wild Animals and Plants (Editorial)](in Japanese). Yomiuri Newspaper (JP), 15 March.
Anon. (1987k). 野生動植物保護で要望 トラフィック・ジャパン [Demand for Conservation of Wild
Animals and Plants: TRAFFIC Japan] (in Japanese). Yomiuri Newspaper (JP), 28 January.
Anon. (1988a). 第112回国会衆議院外務委員会議録第10号 [Committee on Foreign Affairs #10] (inJapanese). House of Representatives, 112 Sess.
Anon. (1988b). 第112回国会衆議院環境特別委員会会議録第3号 [Special Committee on Environment #3](in Japanese). House of Representaitves, 112 Sess.
Anon. (1988c). 第112回国会衆議院予算委員会議録第15号 [Committee on Audit #15] (in Japanese).
House of Representatives, 112 Sess.
Anon. (1989a). The Ivory Trade and the Future of the African Elephant: Summary of the Interim Report on the
Ivory Trade Review Group. Pachyderm, 12: 32–37.

76 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan

Anon. (1989b). アフリカゾウの悲鳴が聞こえる（社説） [Can Hear the Cry of the African Elephants(Editorial)] (in Japanese). Yomiuri Newspaper (JP), 28 June.
Anon. (1989c). アフリカ象守れ！民間の救援基金スタート 非難さなかの日本でも [Save the African
Elephants! Private Relief Fund Launched in Japan Even in the Midst of Criticism] (in Japanese). Yomiuri
Newspaper (JP), 08 October.
Anon. (1989d). ゾウの墓場（天声人語） [Graveyard of Elephants (Editorial)] (in Japanese). Asahi Newspaper(JP), 05 June.
Anon. (1989e).“ポスト象牙”へ金属材新製品 印鑑業界に新規参入続々 [“Post Ivory” A Wave of New Metal
Products into the Hanko Industry] (in Japanese). Asahi Newspaper (JP), 23 September.
Anon. (1989f). 改良進む楽器の「人工象牙」 [“Artificial Ivory” for Musical Instruments Being Improved] (inJapanese). Asahi Newspaper (JP), 16 August.
Anon. (1989g). 象牙の禁輸は世界の流れだ（社説） [Ivory Embargo is the Flow of the World (Editorial)] (inJapanese). Yomiuri Newspaper (JP), 18 October.
Anon. (1989h). 「象牙取引を全面禁止に」WWFが呼びかけ 日本と香港は名指し [WWF Appeal for“Complete Ban on Ivory Trade”: Japan and Hong Kong Called by Name] (in Japanese). Yomiuri Newspaper(JP), 02 June.
Anon. (1989i). 象牙輸入規制で伝統の根付彫刻ピンチ そこで登場マンモスの牙 [Traditional Netsuke
Carving in Trouble by Ivory Import Regulation: Then Comes the Mammoth Tusk] (in Japanese). Asahi
Newspaper (JP), 03 September.
Anon. (1989j). 動植物と人が共存する道（社説） [A Path Toward Coexistence of Wildlife and Humans(Editorial)] (in Japanese). Asahi Newspaper (JP), 22 October.
Anon. (1990a). アフリカゾウ救済基金（天声人語） [African Elephant Relief Fund (Commentary)] (inJapanese). Asahi Newspaper (JP), 11 April.
Anon. (1990b). おしゃれ業界に自然保護の波 [A Wave of Nature Conservation Hits the Fashion Industry] (inJapanese). Yomiuri Newspaper (JP), 30 March.
Anon. (1990c). 第118回国会参議院環境特別委員会会議録第3号 [Special Committee on Environment #3 ](in Japanese). House of Councillors, 118 Sess.
Anon. (1990d). 東京のデパート、象牙アクセサリー販売を続々中止 動物保護の世論にらみ？
[Department Stores in Tokyo One After Another Quit Ivory Accessory Sales: Watching the Public Opinion
for Animal Protection?] (in Japanese). Yomiuri Newspaper (JP), 08 March.
Anon. (1991a). 第120回国会参議院環境特別委員会会議録第5号 [Special Committee on Environment #5](in Japanese). House of Councillors, 120 Sess.
Anon. (1991b). 第120回国会衆議院環境委員会議録第4号 [Committee on Environment #4] (in Japanese).
House of Representatives, 120 Sess.
Anon. (1991c). 恥ずかしい外圧待ち（社説） [Shameful̶Waiting For Foreign Pressure (Editorial)] (inJapanese). Asahi Newspaper (JP), 19 May.
Anon. (1992). 第123回国会衆議院環境委員会議録第6号 [Committee on Environment #6] (in Japanese).
House of Representatives, 123 Sess.
Anon. (2012). 杭州市税関当局、日本からの象牙密輸事件を摘発. People’s Daily Online（人民網日本語版）, 20 June. http://j.people.com.cn/94475/7852280.html

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 77

Anon. (2013). 象牙売買、3人書類送検へ 種の保存法違反容疑 [Three Charged with Ivory Trade Under
Suspicion of violation of Law for the Conservation of Wildlife] (in Japanese). Yomiuri Online, 09 April.
http://www.yomiuri.co.jp/national/news/20130409-OyT1T00880.htm
Anon. (2015a). PM vows to Quash Illegal Ivory Trade: New Tusk Laws Aim to Avert Trade Sanctions. Bangkok
Post (TH), 26 February.
Anon. (2015b). 青岛海关查获最大一起象牙走私案 共 18根(图). Xinmin, 08 April.
Blanc, J. J., Barnes, R. F. W., Craig, G. C., Dublin, H. T., Thouless, C. R., Douglas-Hamilton, I., and J.A., H.
(2007). African Elephant Status Report 2007: An Update from the African Elephant Database. Occasional
Paper Series of the IUCN Species Survival Commission. No. 33. IUCN/SSC African Elephant Sepcialist
Group. IUCN, Gland, Switzerland.
Catalinac, A., and Gerald, C. (2005). Japan, the West, and the whaling issue: understadnging the Japanese side.
Japan Form, 17(1): 133–163.
CITES (1987). Interpretation and Implementation of the Convention: Trade in Rhinoceros Products. CoP6
Doc.6.25. CITES Secretariat, Geneva, Switzerland.
CITES (1999a). Issues relating to species: Elephants Decision 10.1 Part A. Doc. SC.41.6.1 (Rev). CITES Secretariat,
Geneva, Switzerland.
CITES (1999b). Summary Rpoert. SC41 Summary Report. CITES Secretariat, Geneva, Switzerland.
CITES (2006). Summary Report. SC54 Summary Report. CITES Secretariat, Geneva, Switzerland.
CITES (2007a). Interpretation and Implementation of the Convention. Species Trade and Consevration Issues,
Elephants. Control of Trade in African Elephant Ivory. SC54 Doc. 26.1 (Rev.1) CITES Secretariat, Geneva,
Switzerland.
CITES (2007b). Resolution Conf. 9.14 (Rev. CoP15) Conservation of and trade inAfrican and Asian rhinoceroses.
CITES Secretariat, Geneva, Switzerland.
CITES (2012). Sixteenth meeting of the Conference of the Parties Bangkok (Thailand), 3–14 March 2013.
Interpretation and implementation of the Convention, Species trade and conservation, Elephants. Monitoringof illegal trade in ivory and other elephant specimens. ETIS report of TRAFFIC. CoP16 Doc.53.2.2. CITES
Secretariat, Geneva, Switzerland.
CITES (2015a). CITES Trade Database. http://trade.cites.org/. Accessed on 15 September 2015.
CITES (2015b). Elephant Poaching Rates virtually Unchanged in 2014 [Press release]. 23 March. https://cites.
org/eng/mike_figures2014. Accessed on 08 October, 2015.
Emslie, R. H., Milledge, S., Brooks, M., vanm Strien, N., and Dublin, H. (2007). African and Asian Rhinoceroses—
Status, Conservation and Trade: A Report form the IUCN Species Survival Commission (SSC) African andAsian RHino Specialist Groups and TRAFFIC to the CITES Secretariat Pursuant to Decisions 13.23–25 taken
at the 13th Meeting of the Conference of the Parties, and Further Deliberations at the 53rd nad 54th Meetingsof the Standing Committee (Annex 1 to CoP14 Doc.54). CITES Secretariat, Geneva, Switzerland.
Gendai Publishing (1988). 新印材を検証する：代替の可能性 [Examining New Hanko Materials: Possibility
for Substitutes] (in Japanese). Gendai Insho, October Issue: 74–82.
Gendai Publishing (1989). ６月１５日、象牙業界が発表した要望書 [June 15, Demand Paper Released by
the Ivory Industry] (in Japanese). Gendai Insho, July Issue: 27.

78 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan

Gendai Publishing (1990a). 消費者に象牙ばなれ？ [Consumers Losing Interest in Ivory?] (in Japanese). Gendai
Insho, April Issue: 23.
Gendai Publishing (1990b). 象牙印材の密輸が増加する！あの手この手の密輸手段と低迷する象牙印材
事情 [Increased Smuggling of Ivory Hanko Materials: Every Possible Smuggling Methods and Indusryʼs
Sluggish Situation] (in Japanese). Gendai Insho, April Issue: 20–23.
Gendai Publishing (1992). 「象牙公印やめます」と県庁が宣言した後の宮城県業界の困惑 [Industry inConfusion After Miyagi Prefectural Government Annouced “End of Ivory in Official Seals”] (in Japanese).
Gendai Insho, May Issue: 40–42.
Government of Japan Cabinet Office (1988). 環境問題に関する世論調査 [Public Opinion Poll on
Environmental Issues] (in Japanese). http://survey.gov-online.go.jp/s62/S63-01-62-19.html. Accessedon 05 Feburary 2015.
Imperial Household Agency (2015). Shosoin. http://shosoin.kunaicho.go.jp/en-US. Accessed on April 30 2015.
International Netsuke Society (2015). Arenʼt all netsuke made of ivory? http://www.netsuke.org/page1125375#Arent_all_netsuke_made_from_ivory. Accessed on September 30.
Ishihara, A. (2010). East Asia as a Key Determinant in the African Elephantʼs Future. In: A. Ishihara, K. Kanari,
T. Saito, & S. Takahashi (Eds.), State of Wildlife Trade in Japan. TRAFFIC East Asia-Japan, Tokyo, Japan.
Japan Kampo Medicines Manufacturers Association (2015). 漢方製剤等の生産動態：平成25年「薬事工業生産動態統計年報」から [Production of Kampo Medicines and Others: From 2013 Statistics ofProduction by Pharmaceutical Industry ] (in Japanese). http://www.nikkankyo.org/publication/movement.
html. Accessed on 05 May 2015.
JAPIC (1978). 一般薬日本医薬品集 [Drugs in Japan: OTC Drugs] (in Japanese). yakugo-Jiho, Tokyo, Japan.
686 pp.
JAPIC (1991). 一般薬日本医薬品集 (1992–1993) [Drugs in Japan: OTC Drugs 1992–1993] (in Japanese).
yakugyo-Jiho, Tokyo, Japan. 194, 1162, 1141 pp.
JAPIC (1999). 一般薬日本医薬品集 (2000–2001) [Drugs in Japan: OTC Drugs 2000–2001] (in Japanese). Jiho,
Tokyo, Japan. 200, 1036, 1048 pp.
JAPIC (2014). 日本医薬品集DB (2014 July) [Drugs in Japan Database (2014 July)] (in Japanese). Jiho, Tokyo,
Japan.
JIA Osaka (1988). 橒 関西象牙業界のあゆみ [Kisa: Progress of Kansai Ivory Industry] (in Japanese). Shinpo
Printing, Japan. 111 pp.
JIA Tokyo (1986). 業界100年の歩み [A 100 years of Industry Develpment ] (in Japanese). Ito Printing, Tokyo,
Japan. 66 pp.
JKMA (2015). 漢方の解説 [A Commentary on Kampo] (in Japanese). http://www.nikkankyo.org/kampo/
guide_kampo.html. Accessed on May 13.
JWRC (2012). 希少野生生物の国内流通管理に関する点検とりまとめ報告書 [A Report on Domestic
Trade Management on Endangered Wild Species] (in Japanese). Ministry of Environment, Tokyo, Japan.
Kamata, M. (1986). イラストでつづる富山売薬の歴史 [The History of Toyama Urigusuri with Illustration](in Japanese). yakunichi Shimbunsha, Toyama, Japan. 101 pp.

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 79

Kikuchi, H. (2011). ワシントン条約の締結及び国内実施の政策形成過程に関する考察 [Japanese
Policymaking Process of Acceptance and the Domestic Implementation of CITES] (in Japanese). Nagasaki
University Environmental Research, 14(1): 1–16.
Kimura, y. (1955). Abstracts of Crude Drug Standards in Second Revised Japanese National Formulary. 生薬学
雑誌 9(1), 1–11, 1955-06-28. http://ci.nii.ac.jp/naid/110008907427
Kiyono, H. (2003). Japan’s Trade in Ivory After the Tenth Conference of the Parties to CITES. TRAFFIC East AsiaJapan, Tokyo, Japan.
Koizumi, E. (1977). 和漢薬考 [Wakanyaku-ko] (in Japanese) (Reprint ed.). Taiyou-Sha, Tokyo, Japan.
Kyushin (2013). 救心製薬百年のあゆみ: 1913–2012 [Kyushin Pharmaceutical: A 100 years of Development
1913–2012] (in Japanese). Kyushin Pharmaceutical, Tokyo, Japan. 222 pp.
Mainka, S. (1997). Rhino Progress? The Response to CITES Resolution Conf. 9.14. TRAFFIC International,
Cambridge, UK.
Mallon, D. P. (2008). Saiga tatarica. The IUCN Red List of Threatened Species 2008: e.T19832A9021682.
http://dx.doi.org/10.2305/IUCN.UK.2008.RLTS.T19832A9021682.en. Accessed on 29 October
2015.
Martin, E. (1983). The Trade and Uses of Rhino Horn Products in Japan and South Korea (1981) Rhino
Exploitation: The Trade in Rhino Products in India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Burma, Japan & South Korea 122
pp. WWF Hong Kong, Hong Kong.
Martin, E. (1985). The Japanese Ivory Industry. WWF Japan, Tokyo. 52 pp.
Martin, E. (1987). Status of Rhino Populations and Associated Trade in Rhino Products. CoP6 Doc. 6.25. CITES
Seceretariat, Geneva, Switzerland.
Matsumoto, T. (2015). 日本におけるインターネットでの象牙取引：現状と対策 [Online Ivory Trade inJapan] (in Japanese). TRAFFIC East Asia-Japan, Tokyo, Japan. http://trafficj.org/publication/15_The_
Ivory_Trade_on_Internet_in_Japan.pdf
Meredith, M. (2009). Elephant Destiny: Biography of an Endangered Species in Africa (Reprint ed.). Public Affairs,
The United States.
Milliken, T. (1981). Wildlife Shopping in Tokyo. TRAFFIC Bulletin, 3(3/4): 43–47.
Milliken, T. (1985). Japanʼs Ivory Trade. TRAFFIC Bulletin, 7(3/4): 43.
Milliken, T. (1989). The Japanese Ivory Trade: Tradition, CITES and the Elusive Search for Sustainable
Utilisation. The Ivory Trade and the Future of the African Elephant. Ivory Trade Review Group, Oxford,
United Kingdom.
Milliken, T. (1991). The evolution of legal controls on rhinoceros products in Hong Kong̶an Asian model worth
considering. Orynx, 25(4): 209–214.
Milliken, T., and Shaw, J. (2012). The South Africa—Viet Nam Rhino Horn Trade Nexus: a Deadly Combinationof Institutional Lapses, Corrupt Wildlife Industry Professionals and Asian Crime Syndicates. TRAFFIC,
Johannesburg, South Africa.
Ministry of Finance (2015). Trade Statistics Database (in Japanese). http://www.customs.go.jp/toukei/srch/index.
htm. Accessed on 05 May 2015.

80 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan

Ministry of Health Labour and Welfare (2011). Report on Public Health Administration and Services. http://
www.e-stat.go.jp/SG1/estat/List.do?lid=000001083541. Accessed on 05 May 2015.
Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communication (2014). Census, Private Households by Size of Household (10Groups) and Members per Household̶Japan (1960, 1970 to 2010). http://www.e-stat.go.jp/SG1/estat/
GL08020103.do?_toGL08020103_&tclassID=000001053739&cycleCode=0&requestSender=search.
Accessed on 05 May 2015.
Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communication (2015a). Family Income and Expenditure Survey, yearly Averageof Monthly Receipts and Disbursements per Household for Workersʼ Households (1963–2014). http://
www.stat.go.jp/data/kakei/longtime/index.htm. Accessed on 12 May 2015.
Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communication (2015b). Population Census. http://www.stat.go.jp/data/jinsui/
index.htm. Accessed on 10 October 2015.
Miyaoka, I. (1988). More than one way to save an elephant: foreign pressure and the Japanese policy pocess. Japan
Forum, 10(2): 167–169.
Nagasawa, M. (1977). レイヨウ角について [On Reiyoukaku (Saiga Antelope Horn)] (in Japanese). 世界の生薬(Crude Drugs of the World), 7: 1–14.
Nakamura, T., Endo, J., and Tamura, I. (2004). 日本の売薬(1)小児五疳薬 [Japanese Nonprescription Drugs (1)“Pediatric Formulas” for Five Kinds of “Gan”] (in Japanese). The Japanese Journal of History of Pharmacy,
39(2): 343–349. http://iss.ndl.go.jp/books/R000000004-I7417616-00
Namba, T. (1980). 原色和漢薬図鑑（下） [Wakanyaku Encyclopedia in Colour (2nd vol.)] (in Japanese).
Hoikusha, Osaka, Japan. 521 pp.
Namba, T. (1994). 漢方薬入門 [Introduction to Kampoyaku] (in Japanese). Hoikusha Publishing, Japan. 205
pp.
Namba, T. (Ed.) (2010). 和漢薬の事典 [Encyclopedia of Wakanyaku] (in Japanese)(Reprinted ed.). Asakura
Shoten, Tokyo, Japan. 419 pp.
Nankodo (Ed.) (1959). 第二改正国民医薬品集註解 [Commentary of the National Formulary of Japan Ed. II ](in Japanese). Nankodo, Tokyo, Japan. 826 pp.
National Institute of Infectious Diseases Japan (2002). 麻疹の現状と今後の麻疹対策について [Current Stateof Measles and Measures for the Future ] (in Japanese). http://www.mhlw.go.jp/shingi/2002/11/s11126c.html
Nowell, K. (2012). Species Trade and Conservation: Rhinoceroses—Assessment of Rhino Horn as a Traditional
Medicine. SC62 Doc. 47.2 Annex (Rev. 2). CITES Secretariat, Geneva, Switzerland.
Ohno, K. (2006). The Economic Development of Japan: The Path Traveled by Japan as a Developing Country.
GRIPS Development Forum, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies, Tokyo.
Said, M. y., Chunge, R.N., Craig, G.C., Thouless, C.R., Barnes, R.F.W., Dublin, H.T. (1995). African ElephantDatabase 1995. IUCN, Gland, Switzerland.
Sakamoto, M. (2013). ‘What Lies Beneath’ Exposing the Loopeholes Within Japan’s Control of Internal Ivory Trade.
Japan Tiger and Elephant Fund, Japan. http://www.jtef.jp/english/graph/2013WhatLiesBeneath.pdf
Sawano, K. (2007). 日本の薬事法制と医薬品の販売規制：薬局・薬剤師・商業組合および規制緩和[Japanese Drug Legislation and Restriction on the Sale of Drugs ] (in Japanese). Oikonomika, 44(2):121–142.

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 81

Shimomura, H., Sekita, S., Satake, M., Tokugawa, N., and Tokugawa, M. (1999). 徳川家康の薬「烏犀円」[The Drug of Ieyasu Tokugawa “Usaien”] (in Japanese). Paper presented at the The Japan Society of
Pharmacognosy Annual Conference, Osaka, Tokyo.
South African Government Department of Environmental Affairs (2015). Rhino Poaching Statistics Update.
https://www.environment.gov.za/projectsprogrammes/rhinodialogues/poaching_statistics#2015.
Accessed on 08 October 2015.
Sunada, S. (1976). 現代に見る象牙彫刻の認識と評価 [Recognition and Evaluation of Ivory Carving inModern Time]. In: y. Akagi (Ed.), 象牙彫刻美術年鑑 [Ivory Art yearbook] (in Japanese). Kindai Zoubi
Kouhousha, Tokyo, Japan.
Sunamoto, K. (1987). 根付の魅力 [Fascination of Netsuke] (in Japanese) (Revised ed.). Kogei Publishing,Tokyo, Japan. 156 pp.
Suzuki, A. (2005). 日本の伝承薬：江戸売薬から家庭薬まで [Japanese Traditional Medicine: From Edo
Nostrum to Household Medicine] (in Japanese). yakuji Nippo Ltd., Tokyo, Japan. 431 pp.
Suzuki, A. (2008). 治療の社会史的考察 [Study of Medical Care from Social History Perspective]. In: O.
KawagoeandA. Suzuki (Eds.), 分別される生命 : 20世紀社会の医療戦略 [Classified Lives: Social
Modernity and Medical Strategies in the Twentieth Century] (in Japanese). Hosei University Press, Tokyo,
Japan.
Tokyo Metropolitan Government (1990). 東京の伝統工芸品 [Traditional Crafts of Tokyo] (in Japanese). Tokyo
Metropolitan Government, Tokyo, Japan.
TRAFFIC (1983). The Hong Kong and Japanese Trade in Unworked Ivory 1979–1982. TRAFFIC Bulletin, 5(1):
7–10.
TRAFFIC (1993). CITES Reinforces its Stance to Conserve Rhinos (News). TRAFFIC Bulletin, 13(3): 81.
TRAFFIC (1994a). Measures Tuken to Control Trade in Rhino Horn and Tiger Bone as USA Threatens Sanction(News). TRAFFIC Bulletin, 14(2): 41.
TRAFFIC (1994b). Rhinos and Tigers: CITES Reviews Progres (News). TRAFFIC Bulletin, 14(1): 1.
TRAFFIC (1995). ... but Control Urgently Needed in Japan. TRAFFIC Bulletin, 15(2): 53.
TRAFFIC (2015a). Beijing Forest Police smash major wildlife trafficking ring. http://www.traffic.org/
home/2015/10/12/beijing-forest-police-smash-major-wildlife-trafficking-ring.html. Accessed on 12
October 2015.
TRAFFIC (2015b). Thailandʼs largest ivory seizure stark reminder of need for continued vigilance. http://
www.traffic.org/home/2015/4/21/thailands-largest-ivory-seizure-stark-reminder-of-need-for-c.html.
Accessed on 21 April 2015.
TRAFFIC (2015c). Thailand crushes two tonnes of confiscated ivory. http://www.traffic.org/home/2015/8/25/
thailand-crushes-two-tonnes-of-confiscated-ivory.html. Accessed on 26 August 2015.
TRAFFIC Japan (1983). 連載「ピンチです」①サイ特集 [Series “In Trouble”: Special Feature on Rhinos ] (inJapanese). TRAFFIC Japan Newsletter, 1(1).
TRAFFIC Japan (1985a). ワシントン条約アジア・オセアニア地域セミナー特集 非難決議の背景[Feature on CITES Asia-Oceania Seminar: Behind the Resolution Condemning Japan] (in Japanese).
TRAFFIC Japan Newsletter, 2(3).

82 TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan

TRAFFIC Japan (1985b). 第5回ワシントン条約締約国会議開く：日本、問題国の汚名返上？ [The Fifth
Conference of the Parties of CITES Opens: Japan to Clear Its Name as a Trouble Country?] (in Japanese).
TRAFFIC Japan Newsletter, 2(4): 2.
TRAFFIC Japan (1988). 野生生物譲渡規制法：政令と総理府令にみられる問題 [Law for Wildlife Trade
Regulation: Issues in the Cabinet Order and Ministerial Ordiance Issued by the Prime Ministerʼs Office](in Japanese). TRAFFIC Japan Newsletter, 4(4)/5(1): 2–13.
TRAFFIC Japan (1989). 日本の象牙取引とワシントン条約 [Japanese Ivory Trade and CITES] (in Japanese).
TRAFFIC Japan Newsletter, 5(3/4).
TRAFFIC Japan (1994). タイマイ留保撤回と相次ぐ密輸 [Withdrawal of Reservation on the Hawksbill Turtle
and Successive Smuggling] (in Japanese). TRAFFIC Japan Newsletter, 10(1): 18.
TRAFFIC Japan (1995). トラとサイを利用した漢方薬の国内取引調査 [Study of Domestic Trade in Tiger andRhino Medicine] (in Japanese). TRAFFIC Japan Newsletter, 11(1): 2–6.
UNEP, CITES, IUCN, and TRAFFIC (2013). Elephants in the Dust—The African Elephant Crisis: A Rapid
Response Assessment. United Nations Environment Programme, GRID-Arendal, Norway.
vigne, L., and Martin, E. (2010). Consumer Demand for Ivory in Japan Declines. Pachyderm, 47(January–June2010): 45–54.
von Meibom, S., vaisman, A., Neo Liang, S. H., Ng, J., and Xu, H. (2010). Saiga Antelope Trade: Global Trends
with a Focus on Southeast Asia. TRAFFIC Europe, Brussels, Belgium.
Wittemyer, G., Northrup, J. M., Blanc, J., Douglas-Hamilton, I., Omondi, P., and Burnhama, K. P. (2014). Illegal
killing for ivory drives global decline in African elephants. PNAS, 111(36): 13117–13121.
World Bank (2015). Official exchange rate (LCU per US$, period average). http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/
PA.NUS.FCRF?page=6. Accessed on 24 June 2015.
WWF Japan (1977). ワシントン条約の批准に関する要望書 [Demand Letter on Ratification of CITES] (inJapanese). Wildlife (WWFJ), 7(4): 5–6.
WWF Japan (1979). 絶滅に近いアフリカのサイ [African Rhinoceroses Nearing Extinction] (in Japanese).
Wildlife (WWFJ), 9(7): 2–3.
WWF Japan (1980). もう、これ以上サイの角をとらないで… [Please Donʼt Take Any More Horns from
Rhinos] (in Japanese). Wildlife (WWFJ), 10(7): 10.
WWF Japan (1987). 外務大臣の表彰受ける評価されたWWFJの国際協力 [WWFJʼs International
Cooperation Awarded by the Minister of Foreign Affairs] (in Japanese). Wildlife (WWFJ), 17(137): 6.
WWF Japan (1991). WWFが救サイ・キャンペーン 4か国に取引停止を働きかける [WWFʼs Campaign to
Save Rhinos: Call on Four Countries to Ban Trade] (in Japanese). Wildlife (WWFJ), 21(173): 20–21.
WWF Japan (1995). トラフィックジャパン トラ・サイ漢方薬の販売規制を提言 [TRAFFIC Japan
Recommends Trade Regulation on Tiger and Rhino Traditional Medicine] (in Japanese). Wildlife (WWFJ),
25(220): 7.

TRAFFIC report: Setting Suns: the Historical Decline of Ivory and Rhino Horn Markets in Japan 83

April 2016

TRAFFIC, the wildlife trade monitoring network,is the leading non-governmental organization
working globally on trade in wild animals andplants in the context of both biodiversity
conservation and sustainable development.
For further information contact:
TRAFFICJapan officec/o WWF Japan
Nihonseimei Akabanebashi Bldg. 6Fl.
3-1-14 Shiba, Minato-ku, 105-0014,
Tokyo, JAPAN.
Telephone: (81) 3769 1716
E-mail: TEASjapan@traffic.org
Website: www.traffic.org
Website: www.trafficj.org

UK Registered Charity No. 1076722,
Registered Limited Company No. 3785518.

is a strategic alliance of