IAFOR Journal of Education

Volume 6 – Issue 1 – Spring 2018

Ruptured Dreams: Female Students’ Talk About Boys as Past “Lovers”
Joanne Cassar
Faculty for Social Wellbeing, University of Malta, Malta

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Abstract
When romantic encounters come to an end they often evoke a plethora of feelings associatedwith “breaking up”. This article explores this issue in relation to a number of adolescent girls’
views on this topic which emerged during focus group discussions about Eminem’s song
Foolish Pride. The lyrics of this song convey resentment towards an ex-girlfriend andaccentuate racial elements which, in the words of the song, could be summed up as “Neverdate a Black girl because Blacks only want your money”. Data were collected in two school
settings, involving female students of different nationalities, in order to discover students’reactions to the provocative lyrics that demonstrate how meanings that surround the end of aromantic relationship are shaped and produced within the intersectionality of gender andrace. A diffractive model of analysis is adopted to explore the girls’ concerns with the
misogynistic tone underlying this rap song. The girls’ opposition to boys emerges as a central
theme. Underlying this resistance however there was also an affirmation of heteronormative
femininity. The girls’ perspectives suggest that although students do not passively absorb
racialised and heterosexualised constructions of gender, their apprehension of messages
mediated through popular media could affirm the gender divide. It could also reinforce
estrangements between teenage boys and girls that the media promotes.
Keywords: adolescent romantic relationships, adolescent friendships, race, gender,
diffractive analysis, Eminem

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Introduction
Adolescents think frequently about romantic relationships and intimate attachments. These
constitute a major topic of conversation for them, in particular among friendship groups ofadolescent girls at school (Kehily, 2002). Female adolescent students share gossip about boys
within school subcultures, which are exclusively for girls (Cassar, 2014) and their eagerness
to talk about romance, sexual attraction and dating demonstrates the central importance girls
attach to these topics (Cassar, 2015). In addition, adolescent romantic relationships,
friendships or hook ups are often short-lived and “transitional” (Galliher, Welsh, Rostosky &Kawaguchi, 2004, p.204). The experiences of breaking up therefore resonate with aconsiderable number of adolescents. For young adolescent girls, the end of their romantic
relationship has been associated with negative feelings brought about by worry,
disappointment and sense of rejection and betrayal (Richards, Crowe, Larson & Swarr,1998). Although considered trivial flings, romantic relations might be “central in adolescents’
lives” (Furman, 2002, p.177), since they occupy their thoughts to a considerable extent.
Adolescent romantic encounters constitute a contested site of gendered dynamics especiallyin normative, heterosexual relations.
This article explores schoolgirls’ talk about Eminem’s rap song Foolish Pride (FP), as it
occurred during focus group discussions. The study draws on field research conducted in two
secondary schools with female students in Malta. The article’s focus is on the emphasis
placed by the girls on the racialised power dynamics between Eminem and his ex-girlfriend.
The study aims to explore female students’ reactions to the provocative lyrics of the song
Foolish Pride with regards to its portrayal of a breakup. The inquiry focuses on meanings
surrounding the end of a romantic relationship shaped and produced within theintersectionality of gender and race as they emerged from the girls’ discussions. The theme ofFP, concerning the aftermath of a break-up, was regarded relevant to the purpose of thestudy. The criteria for choosing the song was based on the content of the lyrics, which
demonstrates how meanings surrounding the ending of a romantic relationship are shaped
and produced within heterosexualised notions of gender and race. Students’ explorations ofEminem’s song FP could contribute to an understanding of teen friendships and romantic
relationships and throw light on female students’ conceptualisations about boys and romantic
partners. The findings provide possibilities for understanding teenage girls’ perspectives ofthe lived relations of power between girls and boys in the context of ‘breaking up’ a romantic
relationship. The study does not present a content analysis of FP nor a critique of Eminem as
an artist.
Rap is not considered only a genre of music, but also as comprising an intricate system ofconcepts, beliefs, values and ideologies (Taylor & Taylor, 2005), which could be passed on
to listeners. A body of research documents the influence of music on adolescents’ views on
gender and sexuality (Aubrey, Hopper, & Mbure, 2011; Beentjes & Konig, 2013; Cobb &Boettcher, 2007). More frequent viewing of music videos by adolescents is associated withadopting more stereotypical and traditional gender roles (Ward, Hansbrough & Walker,
2005). Time spent watching music videos by adolescents has also been found to be related totheir perceptions on gendered, traditional attitudes such as men dominate sexual relationships
and women are sex objects (Beentjes & Konig, 2013). It is possible that music videos shape
the formation of sexual attitudes based on gender stereotypes and reinforce them (Beentjes &Konig,). Taking this empirical evidence into consideration, the current study aimed at
discovering students’ reactions to the provocative lyrics of FP, which repetitively blame andaccuse the ex-girlfriend in an aggressive tone. Rap and hip hop songs could evoke powerful45

IAFOR Journal of Education

Volume 6 – Issue 1 – Spring 2018sentiments and provide a means of introspection. Female adolescents are more likely thanmale adolescents to reflect on their emotions through music, particularly when feeling lonelyor ‘down’ (Roberts & Christensen, 2001).
The Funky Eminem
Eminem is one of the highest-selling musicians and one of the most popular rap artists.
Eminem “is the celebrated anti-hero of mainstream youth culture who has attained theincreasingly ‘postmortem’ American Dream” (Halnon, 2005, p. 442). He is considered acontroversial artist because of the dark, vulgar and chilling lyrics of his songs which presentharsh realities of violence and anger in ways which affirm misogyny and degradation of
women. Misogynist and sexist language in rap/hip hop pervade this genre of music (Adams& Fuller, 2006; Conrad, Dixon & Zhang, 2009; Enck & McDaniel, 2012; Weitzer & Kubrin,2009). Eminem’s misogynistic lyrics could be intended as a means for him to gain
acceptance, popularity and credibility as a rapper (Stephens, 2005). Racist messages in hissongs are mistakenly understood as a form of “advice” and are regarded as an integral part ofhis public persona, despite the fact that his status and popularity as a white rapper emerged
from a predominantly black genre. Over the past three decades, some aspects of hip hop/rap
music could have formed part of a wider cultural resistance against feminism and provided ameans to interrupt developments in favour of gender equality and reinforce male domination(Weitzer & Kubrin, 2009). Nevertheless, the graphic and sexually explicit derogatory
presentations of women through rap lyrics of Eminem’s and other artists’ songs have beenstrongly criticised numerous times for justifying the victimisation, objectification andexploitation of women (Weitzer & Kubrin, 2009). Women are more inclined than men to
reject demeaning, misogynistic rap lyrics, which reinforce negative attitudes about women(Cobb & Boettcher, 2007).
Eminem's personal problems and afflictions are the subject matter of lyrics underlying a
number of his songs. His “unbridled hostility toward all women”, as presented in a number of
his songs, mentions his relatives. This has been considered “extreme” but not unique toEminem in the scene of rap music (Weitzer & Kubrin, 2009, p. 12). FP is one of Eminem’s
earliest songs, released in 1998. The lyrics convey strong resentments towards a black exgirlfriend, described as ‘Brutus’ and ‘big whore’. Black girls are compared with white girls
and described as ‘dumb chicks’ and ‘bitches’. The following excerpts of the lyrics indicatethat these degrading and insolent words are directed towards all black young girls in an
essentialising manner:... Blacks and whites they sometimes mix
But Black girls only want your money cause they're dumb chicks
So I'ma say like thisDon't date a Black girl... Black girls and white girls just don't mix
Because Black girls are dumb and white girls are good chicks... I like white girls all over the world
White girls are fine and they blow my mind
And that's why I'm here now telling you this rhyme'Cause Black girls, I really don't likeI'm giving you a little advice
Don't date a Black girl, if you do it once you won't do it twice46

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You won't ever do it again because they'll take your money
I'll get straight to the point Black girls are bitches
And then you turn around and fuck another big, Black guy
Now that's pretty wrong, but you're just ganking
But that's okay because you need a goddamn spanking
From me, the funky Eminem
Alleged spousal abuse by Eminem of his (white) ex-wife Kim Mathers (Enck & McDaniel,2012) shows that ill feelings towards an ex-lover arise irrespective of race. In 2004 Eminem
released the song Yellow Brick Road, whose lyrics recounts that he wanted to go out with ablack girl in order to ‘become more popular’ and “piss off” Kim. The lyrics of Yellow Brick
Road mention that this black girl was the same one, whom he mentions in FP. An apology forthe racist lyrics in FP is put forward in Yellow Brick Road, despite its message that FP was
not “that bad” as a song:
The bombest goddamn girl in our whole school
If I could pull her, not only would I become more popular
But I would be able to piss Kim off at the same time
But it backfired, I was supposed to dump her
But she dumped me for this black guy
And that's the last I ever seen or heard
Or spoke to the ‘Oh Foolish Pride’ girlBut I've heard people say they heard the tape
And it ain't that bad – but it was, I singled out a whole race
And for that I apologize, I was wrong‘Cause no matter what color a girl is, she's still a ho
FP remained a topic of contention and, on numerous occasions, Eminem was confronted
about the disrespect he showed towards black women. When interviewed, he responded: ‘‘I’djust broken up with my girlfriend, who was African American, and I reacted like the angry,
stupid kid I was. I hope people will take it for the foolishness that it was, not for whatsomebody is trying to make it into today” (cited in Dawkins, 2010, p. 479).
The Study
The data emanated from focus groups discussions conducted in two state schools in Malta(School A and B). Focus groups allow for the sharing and exploration of collective andindividual experiences. A group setting provides the opportunity for informants to observe,interact and comment on their peers’ perspectives and beliefs and engage with possible
similarities and differences. At the time of the data collection both schools had only female
students. The majority of students of both schools were Maltese and predominantly ofworking class background. The informants were fifteen years old. Both groups were therefore
homogeneous in terms of age, social class and gender. The majority of students of school B
lived in a small town, renowned for being a red-light district. Migrant students attended bothschools. Those contributing to the study arrived from Belgium, China and the Philippines.
Compared with other state schools in Malta, the two schools chosen for the study had arelatively high number of migrant students. Migration flows to Malta have been increasing at
a steadfast rate from 2002, especially since 2004, when Malta joined the European Union.

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After the schools were approached and the research objectives discussed, permission to
conduct the research was granted by the Directorate for Quality and Standards in Educationand heads of schools, who also acted as gatekeepers for the recruitment of the informants.
Parental and individual consent was sought and granted. In both schools, the informants
belonged to the same class and therefore they already knew each other and held a group
identity. The data were collected between February and May of 20101. One focus groupsession was held in each school and each lasted about one hour. The discussion was
conducted in Maltese and the researchers translated simultaneously into English in order forthe migrant students to understand. Nine and eleven students from School A and School B
respectively participated in the study. Apart from the Maltese informants, there was one
migrant student who was Chinese (School A). Two Belgian informants and one from thePhilippines took part in the other focus group (School B). The informants listened to FP
through a photo montage on video showing English subtitles of the song’s lyrics. The
photographs showing Eminem were chosen by the researchers. Observation notes taken after
the research sessions were also included in the data analysis.
Focus group material was transcribed and thematic analysis was employed according to theprocess outlined by Braun and Clarke (2008). This consisted of an initial familiarisation withthe data followed by the identification of codes that were employed to set up the formation ofthemes. Repeated themes within the data formed the basis of the reporting of findings and theanalysis. The data was further reviewed in order give an account of the patterns of meanings
derived from the informants’ discussions that were relevant to the research questions.
Pseudonyms, accompanying direct quotations have not been used, since through the audio
recordings it was difficult to decipher who was speaking. There were also numerous
instances when the students talked at the same time.
Ethical Concerns
Ethical measures concerning respect, care and confidentiality were taken into consideration
throughout the data collection procedure. The use of the lyrics of FP among the teenage
informants raised a number of ethical issues, due to the aggressive tone and bizarre content of
the song. There are a number of ethical implications which need to be taken in consideration
when deciding whether to present racist, misogynistic and offensive material for datacollection purposes. These revolve around the concern that the dissemination of this material
could have been harmful and disturbing to students. The song could have further reinforced
the negative messages it conveyed and accentuated the male-female divide. Another concern
was about the possibility of students feeling incited to compete with the messages of hate thesong contains. On the other hand, the option of not utilising this content could have enabled a
sense of alienation from the music cultures that surround young people. The decision torefrain from using FP could have perpetuated the silences that surround these sensitive topics.
It was decided that the lyrics merited discussion, because students could potentially benefit
from a critical exploration of issues related to the aftermath of romantic relationships. The
class teachers who granted permission for focus groups to occur during their Personal andSocial Development lessons were provided with the video clip and focus group discussion
questions before the sessions were conducted to ensure understanding of the research study.
1

The data for this paper was collected by Dr Michelle Attard Tonna and the author and formed part of the research project Young migrant
women in secondary education: Promoting understanding and mutual understanding through dialogue and exchange. This Project wascoordinated by the Mediterranean Institute of Gender Studies (Cyprus). The Euro-Mediterranean Centre of Educational Research (Malta)
was a partner organisation in this research project, together with other partner organisations from Spain, United Kingdom andGreece. The Project was funded by the European Fund for the Integration of Third Country Nationals of the European Commission.
Professor Simone Galea (University of Malta) coordinated the research carried out in Malta.

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Another pertinent ethical issue that was considered by the researchers was that students may
disclose they had previously been victimised by their dating partner or that, during the datacollection phase, they experienced intimate partner verbal aggression or some other form ofabuse. These situations required immediate care for these students, who needed professional
help. The questions were framed in a way which hypothetically asked them what they would
have done if they were in the situation described in FP. Although some of the participants
talked about their ex-boyfriends, none of them disclosed that they had experienced direct orindirect involvement with intimate partner abuse. Ethical clearance was obtained from the
University of Malta Research Ethics Committee.
Diffractive Methodology
The study is situated within a posthumanist theoretical framework, with particular emphasison ‘diffraction’ (Barad, 2007, 2014). In classical physics, diffraction refers to the bending oflight as it goes around the edge of an object. Barad explains that etymologically ‘diffraction’derives from a word which signifies “break in pieces” and “shatter” (Barad, 2014, p. 184). I
draw on this thinking to derive possible understandings of how the girls attempted to contest
the arrogant tone of the song in relation to situations revolving around ‘shattered’ dreams
associated with the ending of romantic relationships. A diffractive methodology (Van Der
Tuin, 2014) is employed to inquire about the interplay between the girls’ knowing and theirlack of knowledge about how to deal with boys and breaking up. Knowing and not knowing
overlap each other as diffractive waves do. Barad’s works (2007, 2014) inform the analysis
through a study of the girls’ entanglement with conceptualizations of the masculine other andto different meanings surrounding masculinities. I use this analytical approach to explore
gender norms that intersect with race. The analysis seeks to avoid generalisations based on
gender stereotypes which regard the positioning of boys and girls in romantic relationships tobe necessarily one of domination and subordination respectively. The analysis attempts togive possible interpretations of what the informants could have intended through a diffractive
methodology that “is respectful of the entanglement of ideas and other materials...” (Barad,
2007, p. 29).
Meaning and matter occur simultaneously (Barad, 2007). From this perspective the girls’
frayed, shabby and old-fashioned sweaters of their masculine-looking school uniform andtheir attempts to feminise their look by rolling up their skirts from the waist to perform “theteenager in the mini skirt” form part of the data. So do their eyes demarcated with eye liner,
their loud voices and glaring eyes. Other data which accompanied the girls’ words emerged
from instances such as when one of the teachers kept coming in and out of the classroom
during the focus group discussion presumably to check on the students’ behaviour andlooking at us suspiciously and finding students “unruly”. Data which is not made up of mere
words holds knowledge and contributes to insights on how to read masculinity from a lens offemininity. This approach however, does not diminish the power of the girls’ articulations.
Findings
In the introduction to the video clip it was explained to students what the song was about.
Caution was taken so that their opinions about the lyrics would not be shaped by how thesubject matter of the song was introduced. Nevertheless, at the start of the discussion the song
was described as “controversial” by the researchers. When the name of the song was
mentioned, the girls unanimously said that they didn’t like Eminem. After this spontaneous
reaction, they listened to the song, followed the images attentively and participated actively
in the discussion. Interaction amongst participants was encouraged as focus groups were49

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employed with this aim. In order to discern a group viewpoint attempts were made to ensurethat all the participants expressed their views by directing questions to those who were
holding back.
The findings from both schools show that students agreed that the contents of the song were
racist and that the message embedded in it was sexist, negative and repulsive. They assumed
that the lyrics referred to an episode which had actually happened to Eminem in real life andthat the message of the song corresponds to what he felt and thought about the situation. A
number of girls were dismayed and even shocked by his attitude and by the way he was
exposing his ex-girlfriend. Spreading rumours in that way was considered unacceptable: “I
don’t know how they allowed him (Eminem) to record this song” (School A). The possible
motives behind the song were questioned. Eminem’s preference for white girls built on theassumption that “White girls are good; I like white girls” was considered flawed. The
students were unsure of the validity of the accusations outlined in the lyrics against the “exgirlfriend”. For example, students of School A reasoned that perhaps she was not aftermoney, implying that there were lies behind the “story”. Students of both focus groups said
that skin colour alone does not determine one’s conduct and that blaming all black girls wassenseless. They reasoned that in general Eminem’s message was “wrong” and that heoverreacted. Although none of the students justified the racist lyrics, one girl from school B
deflected the criticism towards Eminem by arguing that “You don’t know what he wasfeeling when he was saying bad things”. Despite this comment, negative representations
about Eminem were put firmly in place during the discussions and the girls hardly contested
or negotiated this position. Students from school A in general said that if they wereEminem’s black ex-girlfriend they would take action following the release of the song. Theiranswers ranged from: “I would punch him in the mouth”, “speak to him about it”, “reporthim (to the police) on grounds of racism” and “would react violently”.
Most of the girls made it clear that they had nothing against black persons. A few girls,
however, claimed that they were afraid of “Arab men”, because they chased them in thestreets. Students of School B mentioned “terrifying” episodes when “Arab men” also
followed their female friends and relatives. Fear of black men was caused by “the way theylook” (School A). With regards to choosing a romantic lover who was black, different views
were held. A number of girls from School A stated that having a lover with dark (not black)skin was considered fine and even an asset, but some of them were against the idea of goingout on dates with a person with “black skin”. Whereas the character of the person and how
one treats one’s lovers were regarded more important aspects to consider, some of the girls of
School A stated that they would feel uncomfortable having a relationship with a black person
because their family members and other people would disapprove. The protection of theirreputation was perceived as being at stake. The counter arguments brought forward by otherstudents of the same school were that even “white guys might do wrong things” and that one
should not be influenced about what other people might think and say. The idea was put
forward that if one were to know black people, perhaps skin colour would not make adifference when it came to dating. They repeated that one should not generalise and assume
that all black men or all white men are the same.
The majority of girls of both schools positioned themselves in opposition to boys, according
to their perceptions about masculinities. Most of the girls expressed considerable resistancetowards boys. They articulated an othering attitude towards them by expressing their disgust“at having to deal with them” (School B). A sense of antagonism and hostility towards boys
arose during their discussions, which were devoid of positive representations of boys. A few

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girls said that it’s easier to make friends with girls than with boys, because “boys pretend to
be grown up and they are cruel” (School B). A number of statements indicate that some girls
had internalized notions of gender stereotypes: “Em boys em always try to em make fights
and girls mm they try to make friends” (International student, School B). One of thecriticisms against boys was that they pestered them relentlessly. Underlying some of thestudents’ statements, there was a sense of rivalry against boys: “I can wear heels and looktaller than my boyfriend” (School B).
Not all the girls had experienced a romantic relationship. One of the international students
from School B said that her only friends in Malta were her schoolmates and that she had no
male friends in Malta. In some instances, talking about ex-boyfriends created a painful site,arising from bad memories about past relationships. Underlying the girls’ statements, there
was a sense of relief that the relationship was over. Talk about missing their past boyfriend
was absent. Some girls made it clear that they did not accept verbal aggression: “I had an ex
and before I broke up with him he was offensive and saying bad things about my mother andI started being offensive with regards to his grandmother” (School B). Ending therelationship was not described as difficult by a number of girls: “I had one (a boyfriend) and
we broke up and all the time he was saying bad things to me. I got fed up of him and told him
to get lost” (School B). In general, strong words were used to describe how they dealt with ex
boyfriends: “Men are a pain... because they are pests. An ex-boyfriend he sent me a letter . . .
to go back and I told him I was single but that I didn’t want to be his girlfriend, because all
the time he pestered me” (School B). The majority however argued that in some cases one
could end the relationship in an amicable way and still remain on good, friendly terms withan ex-boyfriend, “even if this is difficult one should try” (International student, School A).
Others were adamant that it is not possible to remain friends. At the end of the discussion thestudents were asked to write their general feedback about the session. The comments were all
positive and indicated that they enjoyed the discussion. For the majority, watching the video
clip was their favourite part.
Discussion
The opening lyrics of Eminem’s song declare that “Foolish Pride has a lot of things to say”.
Even the girls of the study had their say and counteracted the message of the lyrics with anaggressive tone by challenging discourses of heterosexualised aggression which works tomake white girls compete with black girls. Students of both schools generally showed disgustwhen confronted with the lyrics of FP, in terms of its sexist, racist and misogynist content.
The majority held a clear notion of what racism entails and how destructive it is. In thisregard, these students showed that they do not passively absorb messages mediated throughpopular media and that they possess the ability to critique and resist them. The findings
however also indicated that racist ideas permeated the thinking of a number of girls. A
contradiction surfaced, indicating that whereas in general the students criticised the racist
attitude towards Eminem’s ex-girlfriend, as depicted in FP, a few of them exhibited
xenophobic sentiments. The approval of romantic partners by family members wasconsidered paramount, even if it reinforced racist views and systems. This indicates that somegirls might have internalised attitudes, which constitute black people as “others”. In a numberof cultures, there has been a decline in outward resistance to white female - black male
relations in recent years, but it has been taken over by “a more subtle form of resistanceaccomplished through surveillance and regulation of White female and Black male bodies
and the spaces in which these bodies interact” (Irby, 2014, p. 786). According to theinformants there were indicative attempts by a number of parents to distance them from black51

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male bodies. The parents justified their reasoning by positioning their daughters in need of
bodily safety and protection from the “Arab other”. The intersectionality of race and genderreveal the complex nature of girls’ conceptualisations of their interactions with boys. Race ispositioned alongside socio-cultural influences that link with personal emotions, gender, timeand space.
There might have been a myriad of ways through which the girls could have experienced
friendships and romantic relationships with boys. The personal and social environment of the
Maltese and migrant students, embedded within cultural aspects of their home and hostcountry and other countries they might have lived in, could have formed their understandingof boys. Being white or otherwise encompasses a diverse and wide range of cultures, due tothe dynamic nature of ethnicity (Nayak, 2001). The girls’ social backgrounds could havecontributed to the process of shaping their conceptualisations of race and gender in varying
degrees. The data indicates that gendered heteronormative discourses permeate theunderstanding of girls’ conceptualisations on teenage dating. At its core, the girls’ talk wasembedded within anti-boy discourses, which revolve around dominant and established normsof gender binaries. Notions of adolescent boys’ masculinities described as “strong, active,
hard, rational” Kehily (2001, p. 117) were however also put to the test and subjected to
scrutiny by the informants. The apparent discord, conflict and unease that was conveyed
might have concealed other hidden realities. For example, the girls’ expressions of resistanceoccurring in a group context could have served as means to regulate each other’sconceptualisations of boys. Research on how girls regulate each other’s femininity throughtheir dynamics in friendship groups suggests that they are often driven towards thecontainment of other girls by policing each other’s sexual behaviour, by defining theparameters of romantic relationships and friendships and by dictating the attributes ofphysical appearance (Brown, 2003; Kehily, 2002).
The designation of boys as the ones who “make fights” juxtaposed against “girls makefriends” conveys accusations which could have resulted from experiences of betrayal,anguish and pain. In general, the boys mentioned did not seem to have lived up to theinformants’ expectations. Consequently, the girls might have learnt that they are to maintainboundaries with males especially “black males”. The past recollections of bad memories withboys seemed to have remained alive and imprinted in their minds, as often happens:
Memory is not a record of a fixed past that can ever be fully or simply
erased, written over, or recovered (that is, taken away or taken backinto one's possession, as if it were a thing that can be owned). And
remembering is not a replay of a string of moments, but an enlivening
and recon figuring of past and future that is larger than any individual.
Remembering and re-cognizing do not take care of or satisfy, or in
any other way reduce one's responsibilities (Barad, 2007, ix,
parenthesis in original).
Past memories cause “diffractions” and dictate present and future circumstances. Emotional
barriers by girls towards boys could work to maintain the hegemony of genderedsubjectivities and interfere with their future relationships with them. Past experiences form
entanglements with future possibilities. In positioning themselves against the male otherthrough negative portrayals of masculinity, the girls could have reinforced their own
constituted defence mechanisms. This perspective regards the girls’ verbal expressions as
counterattacks against designated positions of subordination that they might have felt caught

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in. Their performance of an aggressive self could be read as a cry for help and as a way todemand respect. The ways they “othered” boys could be considered “epistemically violent inreproducing power relations of superiority and inferiority” (Phoenix, 2009, p. 101). Their useof voice could have echoed internalised cultural anxieties, possibly brought about by the
media’s oversexualising and objectification of girls. Verbal aggression could become themeans through which the girls (and Eminem) enacted and performed their gendered identities
to replicate and perhaps contest uneven social processes. As teen girls negotiate
contemporary discourses of sexual aggression and competition (Ringrose, 2008), theparameters surrounding the nurturing and accommodating qualities of females, which revolvearound standards that girls are expected to reach, become blurred and less defined.
Aggressive words articulated by girls are in discord with feminine “good girl” qualities,
associated with being nice, quiet, caring, passive, cautious, docile and modest. Feelings
arising from fear, anguish, insecurity and lack of self-esteem associated with sexual attraction
and dating have been found to dominate a number of Maltese adolescent girls (Cassar, 2013).
The students’ attempts at making meaning of masculinities did not seem to be linear but
rather fragmented and repeatedly torn apart as they engaged in the discussion of different
situations, alternating between experiences related to subordination and retaliation.
Nevertheless, the girls attempted to unpack, rupture and even “shatter” sexist discourses byresisting hegemonic and aggressive masculinities which work to instil submissive behaviours
around girlhood. Through the lyrics of FP they could have sensed the dominance of
patriarchy, accentuated through the international celebrity status of Eminem. The existingboundaries they described between boys and themselves seemed to draw them together
through the sharing of their understandings about their conceptualisations of boys. Theseboundaries “diffracted” and seemed to shift as a result of fluid power practices which were
easily destabilised by moods, expectations, pressures, conflict and revenge. In someinstances, the girls’ critique of the lyrics of FP replicated the same aggressive tone of thesong. These findings demonstrate the struggles that operate in relationships and how
estrangement and accusations easily arise in adolescent friendships between boys and girls.
The fragility of such relations is accentuated through the avoidance of direct communicationin person. The girls’ articulations suggest that they tried to defend themselves from emotional
hurt by shutting down communication with boys in order, perhaps, not to trigger confusionand feelings associated with being humiliated. A diffractive analysis of these findings points
towards the recognition that the girls might have wanted to assert themselves and establish
some form of power through their use of aggressive verbal expressions by “attending to andresponding to the details and specificities of relations of difference and how they matter”(Barad, 2007, p.71). In so doing they could have rejected opportunities to befriend caring,
decent boys. Acts of protecting themselves from being bullied by boys could have required
them to forgo relations. Expressions about the girls’ desires for meaningful connections withboys through friendship or romantic encounters were largely absent. A sense of enthusiasm,
desire, curiosity and interest in relation to forming relationships with boys was also felt to be
missing. The single life was generally described as a privilege and the girls’ articulations
about it contrast with the dominant discourse of “wanting a man”. This suggests a rupture in
their desire for connecting with boys. Rather than trying to make sense of their relationships
with boys, both Maltese and migrant students seemed to have enacted a defence mechanismor “obstacle” to protect their personal territory from them. Their explanations about how tohandle boys seemed to be based on assumptions that portray men as pests. This perspective
could lead to the suppression of sexual feelings. Although othering boys could empower the
positioning of girls in the dating scene, it could also stifle their desires. The implications of
distancing themselves from boys suggest that the girls did not comply with social scripts of53

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heterosexual femininity that dictated the importance of having a boyfriend. Living in avillage where men come seeking the services of prostitutes could have mediated theirunderstanding of what it means to be romantically coupled. The othering of boys could havestemmed from their refusal to be reduced to an object of sexual desire. Their resistancetowards boys could have acted as a form of protection to ward off any attempts by men toobjectify them for sexual pleasure. Their articulated preference for remaining “single” at thatparticular time in their life could have been the result of their perceived dangers surrounding
prostitution. Adolescent girls are more concerned than boys with protecting their sexual
reputation (Allen, 2004, p.162). This however contrasted with the mini skirt look. Researchwhich employed a discursive-new materialist approach examined how short skirts act as “apowerful non-human material agent” (Ringrose & Rawlings, 2015, p.92) in the making of“girls” in a school environment and “produced them as too sexy in the wrong ways” (p.103,
emphasis in original).
The negative overtone of FP could have influenced the students’ disposition in how theychose to answer the researchers’ questions. Their responses could have also resulted from thegroup dynamics during the data collection. A focus group setting might have hindered someof the girls from expressing dissent or differing opinions from their peers, who mainly talked
about boys in negative terms. Although questions were also asked directly to those girls who
were providing the least response, a number of girls in both groups dominated the discussion
and these expressed their need to disengage themselves from occupying spaces withinromantic relationships. The fact that the school settings were not constructed on a coeducation model might also have contributed to the girls’ sense of estrangement from boys
which was evident in their responses. No significant differences were found in the findings ofthe discussions held in both schools. The informants represented a range of similar social andcultural perspectives and positions in relation to the research agenda. The discussions wereembedded within a strictly heterosexual context and marked by an invisibility of references tolesbian, bisexual, transgendered and queer relationships. The students followed theconventional, heteronormative path and gender nonconformity was not mentioned. The
power dynamics occurring between boys and girls described in both groups in general
positioned boys as losers and girls as not being accommodating of bad treatment by them.
Fear of being dominated by males seems to have consumed some of the girls and prompted
them to cultivate a defensive relationship with boys.
Conclusion
A posthumanist lens views girls’ claims and perceptions on masculinities as possibly beingtransitional. Their inclination to resist conformity and compliance with the stereotypical
dictates of girlhood could be temporary. The process of disentanglement from situations thatmake girls subservient in heterosexual romantic relationships does not entail a one-time
intervention. For some girls it is an ongoing struggle. Insights derived from the notion ofdiffraction (Barad, 2007, 2014) position heartbreak and disappointments in break-ups as“obstacles” which could potentially lead students to better understand the causes ofinterpersonal aggression that ensue in some cases and how it could be resisted by criticallyreflecting on the possible causes that enable it. Disappointments caused by ruptured dreams
in relation to teenage romantic relationships could make it possible for new circumstances toemerge. This means that relationality could be productive if reworked. Unpacking these“diffractions” is pertinent to understanding how girls respond and cope with racialised andintensified criticisms hurled at them through a number of rap and hip hop songs.

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Corresponding author: Joanne Cassar
Contact email: joanne.cassar@um.edu.mt

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