No.71 SPRING 2015

Contents
003

Editorial

004

The Living Angkor Road Project:
Connectivity within Ancient Mainland Southeast Asia
Im Sokrithy and Surat Lertlum

009

Increasing Out-migration from Rural Cambodian Villages:
Its Socio-economic Impacts and Underlying Factors
Yagura Kenjiro

012

Forgotten Land
Eleazar Ortuño

014

Imagining a Remote Homeland:
Japanese Quasi-academic Ethnography of Upland Southeast Asia
Imamura Masao

017

Being “Chinese” Again:
Studying Chinese Indonesians in Context of the Rise of China
Charlotte Setijadi

019

Visualizing Southeast Asia:
The Visual Documentary Project
Mario Lopez

022

Collaboration between Lecturers and Librarians for Information Literacy:
A Case Study of the Faculty of Arts, Silpakorn University, Thailand
Sompong Missita

025

Library027

Fellows

Front Cover: Giyanti, Ngepringan, Jawa Tengah, Indonesia
Photo Credit: Eleazar Ortuño

Editorial
In this issue, we bring together a collection of articles from a number of scholars who participatedin the Center’s Southeast Asian Seminar which was held in Siem Reap, Cambodia between
November 22–25, 2014. The seminar focused on the theme of connectivity in Southeast Asia froma multidisciplinary perspective in order to assess dynamism and interconnectedness in the region.
Participants from around Southeast Asia met to discuss historical, geographical, religious, andcultural dynamism.
Connectivity has always been a part of Southeast Asian culture and nature and defined relations
both within and beyond nations in the region. The seminar explored and examined the interface
between both old and new forms of connectivity in Siem Reap, where Angkor Wat is located, theformer seat of the Khmer empire. This was an apt place to discuss connectivity across time andspace and to think about the vibrant forms of connectivity that have always existed in Southeast
Asia. How did cultural, religious, political, and economic flows enable long-distance connectivity
between places and peoples across the region in the past? Young scholars gave presentations, andparticipated in discussions, group activities, and a field trip. The seminar provided a rareopportunity for researchers from both Southeast Asia and East Asia to meet and deepen theirunderstanding of the way the region has been connected and how those connections are now being
reconfigured.
Im Sokrithy, an archaeologist at the Authority for the Protection and Management of Angkor andthe Region of Siem Reap (APSARA), along with Surat Lertlum, based at Chulachomklao Royal
Military Academy, Thailand present the results of a long-term project entitled the “Living Angkor
Road Project” (LARP). The project has been identifying the reach of Khmer empire throughinnovative mapping of the ancient roads as well as those structures and building that were locatedalong them. The most original aspect of this research is that it is also looking at the cultural
relationship that was historically developed at a regional scale from the ancient communication
networks that existed.
Staying with Cambodia, Yagura Kenjiro, an economist at Hannan University, introduces his
long-term research into out-migration from Cambodian villages. Through detailed empiricalfieldwork, Yagura’s research asks us to consider how out-migration is transforming Cambodianrural society.

between both nations.

Center for Southeast Asian Studies Kyoto University

The Editors

003

Imamura Masao, a historian, presents us another way to look at connectivity in the region. He shifs
the analytical lens to look at how the uplands of Southeast Asia have been ethnographically
represented by Japanese academics and the impact of their scholarship in both the academic andpublic domains through a search for a “lost Japan.”Finally, Charlotte Setijadi, a historian at Nanyang Technological University, presents how
perceptions of the Chinese in Indonesia have fluctuated over the decades. In particular she looks at
the politics of “resinification” in the Post-Soeharto period to show how China, as an economic,
cultural, and political force in the region, has been reoriented and deepened bilateral relations

The Living Angkor Road Project:
Connectivity within Ancient Mainland
Southeast Asia
Im Sokrithy
Archaeologist, APSARA, Cambodia

Surat Lertlum
Associate Professor, Chulachomklao Royal Military Academy, Thailand

Introduction
A Khmer-Thai Collaboration research project named
the “Living Angkor Road Project” (LARP) has been
supported by the Thailand Research Fund (TRF) andthe Authority for the Protection and Management of
Angkor and the Region of Siem Reap (APSARA).
LARP is a cross-border multi-disciplinary research
aimed at firstly, identifying all the remaining portionsof ancient roads radiating from the Angkor capital todifferent provinces of the ancient Khmer empire, inview of an overall mapping of the network known todate. Secondly, it aims to identify and describe all

the infrastructures existing along these roads:
bridges, all kinds of canals, temples, the remains ofrest-houses and hospitals.
This project doesn’t just target archaeologicalremains but also present-day communities established all along these axis. The team has conducteddifferent ethnographic surveys in two countries. The
first step was the Angkor-Phimai road. Then, for thefollowing step, we studied the continuation of the
Angkor to Phimai road further away from the capital,
the Angkor-Sdok Kok Thom road, called the westroad, and also the continuation of this road to anarea currently in eastern Thailand; the Angkor-Vat
Phu, called the northeast road; and the AngkorVijaya, called the east road.
We excavated a number of sites, using geoinformatic and geo-physic surveys (Lertlum et al.
2013). At present, we are expanding our study toidentify the cultural relationship at a regional scalefrom the ancient communication networks. This isbased on a study that has been running for the last
10 years. In this article we introduce our research
results of ongoing research.
Feature of the Royal Roads

NEWSLETTER
No. 71004

Fig. 1 Angkor-Phimay Road Rest-houses and Bridges

From the earliest days of its history to the Angkor
period, Angkor was built and rebuilt during each newreign. Border boundaries were increasingly remotefrom today’s existing ones. The construction of religious foundations, both of royal and public interest
were erected in many places of the empire over the
centuries. The city was gradually built in a patternaround a strictly defined centered on a templemountain and had many channels to connect the different parts of the city to those outside the urban
system (Im 2005).
For the royal road from Angkor to Phimay, roads
remained on spot and its orbit from the departure
point till Dangrek. The road is visible within Siem
Reap province and mostly seen in Uddor Meanchey
province. Generally, royal roads were on straightlines, but deviated in some areas on its orbit. The
royal roads were often crosscut with local roadswhich linked to ancient agglomerations, provincial
cities and temples (Fig. 1).
Roads were built at a high elevation, such as
dikes. They were structured via water draining withshoulders at each side and were covered by a largecrown between 6 m to 15 m wide. Water drainage
was via a canal that flanked the road, averaging
around 6 m in measurement (Fig. 2). Generally, royalroads measured about 30 m wide (included thecrown, shoulder, edge and water drainage). They
were built up on five different types of compact soil
layers, and they were rehabilitated from time to timein ancient periods (Im 2008). The total distance of theroyal road from Angkor to Phimay is about 250 km
which is around 125 km in present Cambodia and125 km in present Thailand (Fig. 3).

Fig. 2 Road Structure

Map of the Royal Road Network Known to Date

Fig. 3 Angkor-Phimay Road

005

route did not end at Champasak, but it might haveextended to the north along the Mekong until Pak Hin
Bun, and then turn east to pass through the Annamese range at the Hà Trai passage.2 After that, theroad probably went toward Hà-Tinh in the northeast
crossing the valley Phô-Giang and the plains of
Huong-Son (Maspéro 1918). It then ran parallel tothe coast till Nghê-An. This road was supposed tohave been created by Suryavarman II, the builder of
Angkor Wat, who led his army with the support ofCham troops to invade Annam (but were nonetheless unsuccessful). Two other roads ran to the western regions with one directed to the basin of Menam,
and the last one linked to Phimay city. The latest we
will describe in more detail. These two axes are visible across nearly all the extended length of Cambodia’s territories.

Center for Southeast Asian Studies Kyoto University

Systematically working on the resources cited above
along with the integration of advanced technology,
we have been able to produce a general map of theancient road network of the Khmer Empire. Six main
roads have been identified that depart from the capital city of Angkor linking to provincial cities andneighboring Kingdoms (See Fig. 4). One led to thenorth linked to the range of Kulen mountain. This
structure is still visible for about more than 20 km.1
Toward the south, an axe linked to the river port on
the Tonle Sap Lake. Only some distances could beseen because of the urban disturbance in the region.
An axe linked to the southeastern region of theempire that led to an ancient city named Isanapura,actually, Sambor Prei Kuk in Kompong Thom province. This might have linked to other cities in thesoutheast regions: Kompong Cham, and southeastern provinces. We can calculate that the distancefrom Angkor to Sambor Prei Kuk is around 110 km.
Because of its orientation and ease of recognition,
we called this road the “southeast road.” At present
it is National road number 6. To the east, a royal roadis currently used as National road number 66. Thisroad is still visible for more than 100 km and linked
the capital city of Angkor to Bankan (previously
known as Preah Khan Kompong Svay), a city thatflourished in the 12th century. This might go further
east, and probably led to those eastern provinces on
the Mekong and Vijaya, the capital of Champa in the
12th century, and passed by the ancient cities at Mlu
Prei and Bhavapura at Stung Treng. Linking to thenortheastern region, there is an important route thatdeparted from the capital city to the sacred temple
Vat Phu at Champasak (Im 2005; 2008). This road ismostly visible as it is more than 200 km long andpassed through several ancient cities such as Beng
Mealea, Koh Ker and the region of Preah Vihear. This

Fig. 4 Road Network

Associated Structures of the Royal Road:
Chapel Rest-houses, Vahnigrha

NEWSLETTERAt the time of Jayavarman VII (1181–1218), 121 resthouses were raised with the name “vahnisâlâ”(houses with fire) along all the royal roads. Seventeen Chapel Rest-houses, vahnigrha, which werementioned in the Preah Khan inscription (Finot 1925)
have been discovered. Eight chapels are situated on
the Cambodian side and nine buildings are found in
Thailand (Figs. 1 and 5). These were built either ofsandstone with decorations or laterite without decoration in a similar plan where there is a long rectangular room preceded by a first room with a hallway
or a front building. These two rooms are vaulted andcan communicate with each other by way of a widebay. Their pediments were presented in an image ofLokesvara. These buildings were located at a distance of 12–15 km between one another andrequired 4 to 5 hours of walking. This provision created the concept of measuring steps, distance andtime. These fire houses where travelers could findfire to rest and prepare their meals. And with thepresence of Lokesvara houses, travelers were protected against dangers (Cœdès 1940b).

No. 71

Ancient Stone Bridges, Spean Boran

006

Roads traversed a vast plain watered by the greatrivers, the Great Lake, and its tributaries. The

streams in the rainy season have flash floods andstrong currents. As such, it was necessary to build
very strong bridges to facilitate the passage of travelers. These bridges were built of stone or wood.
Unfortunately there are no traces of the wooden
ones (Im 2005). Along the Angkor-Phimay road, there
are no stone bridges found in current Thai territory,
but others can be found on the Cambodian side.
There are 32 Spean Boran, ancient stone bridges.
Twenty stone bridges are found in Siem Reap province and 12 in Uddor Meanchey. The longest bridge
named Spean Top, situated in Chongl Kal district,Uddor Meanchey, measures 150 m long × 15 m wide× 28 arches. The shortest bridge measuring 7.5 ×
6.10 × 3 arches, named Spean Hal located in Kol­village where we conducted a detailed study (Im2007b). Based on analyzing stone samples andFig. 5 Rest-house Chapelbridge structures by the Civil Engineering Department, Chulachomklao Royal Military Academy, Thailand, it was discovered that the loading capacity of
Spean Hal is approximately 42 tons of weight (Lertlum et al. 2007). A heavily loaded elephant could
have freely passed over the bridge.
The Ancient Industries: Ceramic and Metallic
Production

Ancient Communities

In general, archaeologists conduct research including field activities and publish the results of theirworks. Yet unfortunately, most sites are filled up after
research. There are a few cases that excavated sites
are displayed under the protection of a hall for public
viewing. But, in some cases, archaeologists invite
local people to participate in their field works. This is
known as “Community Archaeology.”
The team of the LARP, a Khmer-Thai joint research
project, has used the results of its works as a tool to
train and to educate high school students in Cambodia as well as in Thailand, to enable them to know
about, and train them in how to study their heritage,
let them to study themselves, about their own culture
in communities, and importantly, allow them to build
relationships among themselves. It is believed thatthe strained relations between Thailand and Cambodia can be eased through better mutual understanding of shared cultural ties. The earlier that understanding is fostered, the better. This connectivity will
strengthen ties between the two nations.
Final Comments
This is the first time such study as ours has takenplace across the border of countries since Frenchscholars conducted theirs almost 100 years ago.
Collaborations have enhanced relationships between
the countries in the region. As we have all learnt, culture knows no boundaries and is a crucial means tolink people to people and develop beyond borders.
This has been the case in the history of Southeast
Asia. Roads allow people to communicate between
communities and countries.

007

During our research period, we studied 54 villages
and identified 27 ancient resident area sites, called
Kok Srok, which literally means “inhabited area.”
Most of these sites are still lived in by villagers andApplying Research Results

Center for Southeast Asian Studies Kyoto University

There were two main industries that were identified inthis study: ceramic production and metallic production.
On the Cambodian side, there are some 66 sites
found in different types of ceramics where local production took place with some ceramics imported from
China and Thailand. Local kiln sites were identified
with more than 10 situated within the buffer zone of thestudy located in Siem Reap and Uddor Meanchey
provinces.
On the Thai side, we identified about 40 ceramickiln sites which are mostly situated in Ban Kruad
area (Lertlum et al. 2007). There are three types ofceramic found: Khmer ceramics which are brownglazed (jar with ears, baluster jar, bottle, and coverbox), green glazed (cover box, bowl, and roof-tile),
unglazed (basin, water jar, and kiln wall); Chinese
ceramics which are bowl (celadon, blue, and white);and Thai ceramics which are bowls (celadon).
We also found evidence of metallic production in
the study area. An ancient iron smelting site existed
which produced metal for the royal court. There wereeight iron smelting sites found along the royal roadon the Cambodian side. There were two huge production centers identified at the northwestern regionof Angkor: Prey Sanlong site, a former ethnic minority
Kuy settlement, Siem Reap province and Chhok at
Chong Kal, Uddor Meanchey province. At the Prey
Sanlong site we found more than 10 furnaces and 5
at the Chhok. On the Thai side, we found 67 ironsmelting sites located in Ban Kruad area, Buriramprovince (ibid.). Thai archaeologists have also conducted archaeological excavations at an iron smelting site at Ban Khao Din Tai, Ban Kruad, Buriramprovince. The aim of this was to gain knowledge ofthe ancient iron smelting technology along the royalroad and to gather data that can lead to further better understanding on the association and relationship of the ancient road and the craft specialized
locations in the vicinity of the royal road.

one of these communities was studied in detail, Kol
village, which is situated close to the royal road. Thisis an example of a study on an ancient agglomeration structure. Through this research we produced anarchaeological map of this community (Im 2007b).
Collective knowledge on this axis is still living.
Villagers know this road as Preah3 Kunlong4 (vrahganloń which at first was found in an inscription
K.175, dating to the 10th century). It literally means
royal road. In addition, local people still respect andworship Preah Kunlong. No local people dare disturb
the ancient road. What is interesting is that when we
ask villagers where the road comes from and leads
to, none hesitate to reply “it’s from Angkor and to
Siam.” Some local people still remember its terminus
and said that “it went to Nokor Reach in ancient
times.” Phimay is not familiar by local people. But
Nokor Reach, known as Korat, remains unchangedin their memories.

One of the significant outcomes of this project isthat there is historical continuity in various community traditions and practices. This is an importantwork in understanding the wider heritage significanceof Angkorian civilization and how it informs contemporary practices and ways of life, important components for the heritage of the region. It is equally significant that these maintain connectivity with the past
and with Khmer civilization. Along the royal road are
the homes of multiple village communities which
need to be considered as part of our living heritage
in the sense that the village way of life itself—althoughconstantly evolving and changing—reflects a continuation of practices, beliefs and traditions.
ReferencesCœdès, G. 1906. La stèle de Ta Prohm. BEFEO VI: 44–82.
————. 1940a. Les hôpitaux de Jayavarman VII. BEFEO XL:
344–347.
————. 1940b. Les gîtes d’étape à la fin du XIIe siècle.
BEFEO XL: 347–349.
————. 1941a. La stèle du Práh Khan d’Angkor. BEFEO XLI:
255–302.
————. 1941b. L’assistance médicale au Cambodge à la fin
du XIIè siècle. CEFEO 26: 29–31.
————. 1943. Les stèle de Sdok Kak Thom. BEFEO XLIII:
56–134.
Finot, L. 1925. Dharmaçâlâs au Cambodge. BEFEO XXV:
417–422.
Foucher, A. 1903. Les édicules des gîtes d’étapes. J.A I dixième
série: 174–180.
Groslier, B-P. 1979. La cité hydraulique angkorienne: Exploitation ou surexploitation du sol? BEFEO LXVI: 161–202.
Im, S. 2005. Angkorian Communication Routes and Associated
Structures. Udaya, Journal of Khmer Studies, n. 5 (in Khmer).
————. 2007a. Living Angkor Road Report. In 16th TechnicalCommittee Report, Unesco, Siem Reap, 5–7 July, SokhaAngkor Hotel, pp. 22–26.
————. 2007b. Phum Kol: First Archaeological Findings.
Udaya, Journal of Khmer Studies, n. 8 (in Khmer).
————. 2008. A Research Study on the Royal Road from
Angkor to Phimai. In Angkor International Symposium Proceeding, Oct, 2008, Nihon University, Japan, pp.194–229.
Lertlum, S. 2003a. Remote Sensing and GIS for ArchaeologicalApplications in Thailand: Case Studies of Royal Road from
Angkor to Phimai, the Study at Sukhothai World Heritage
Site, and Ayuttaya’s Multi-temporal GIS Database. In Proceedings of Nara Digital Silk Road Symposium, Nara, Japan,
Dec 10–12, 2003.
NEWSLETTER————. 2003b. Final Report on the Application of Remote
Sensing and GIS for Research Study at Sukhothai World
Heritage Site. Submitted to UNESCO Bangkok office, Sep
2003.

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Lertlum, S.; and Moore, E. 2005. Williams-Hunt Aerial Photograph Collection. Muang Boran Journal 31(2).
Lertlum, S. et al. 2007. The Final Research Report, Living Angkor
Road Project, submitted to Thailand Research Fund, Feb
2007 (in Thai).

008

Lertlum, S; Murai, S.; Honda, K.; and Tantatsanawong, P.

2001a. The Identification of Historic Roadway and Human
Settlement of Khmer Empire Using Remote Sensing/GIS
and the Development of Historical and Archaeological MultiMedia GIS: Case Study of the Royal Road from Angkor to
Phimai. In Proceedings of Digital Silk Road Symposium,
National Institute of Informatics, Tokyo, Japan, Dec 11–13,
2001.
————. 2001b. Application of AirSAR for Archaeology Study:
Case Study of Combination of P, L, and C Bands to Identify
Ancient Water Reservoir in Historical Towns in Phimai Area,
Nakornrathchasima, Thailand. In Proceedings of ISPRS
Workshop on Virtual Reality and Recreation of the Past, Ayutthaya, Thailand, Febuary 26–March 1, 2001.
Lertlum, S.; Shibayama, M.; and Im, S. 2013. Exploring theEast-West Corridor through the Study of Ancient Communication Systems: A New Paradigm in GIS-based Cultural
Studies between Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos, Malaysia andThailand. Transactions of the International Conference of Eastern Studies LVIII.
Maspéro, G. 1925. La géographe politique de l’Indochine aux
environ de l’an 960 A.D. EA 2: 79–125.
Maspéro, H. 1918. La frontière de l’Annam et du Cambodge du
VIII au XIV ème siècle. BEFEO XVIII: 29–36.

Notes
1

It is not shown on Fig. 4 of the map, because of its distance.

2

These names may be currently changed.

3

Glorious, illustrious, Sacred. A sacred being or object: god,
king, statue, etc.

4Way, track, road.

Increasing Out-migration from Rural
Cambodian Villages: Its Socio-economic
Impacts and Underlying Factors
Yagura Kenjiro
Associate Professor, Hannan University

Introduction

Increasing Labor Migration

The marital partner selection pattern has alsochanged over the last decade. Table 2 shows thatamong the married children of household heads inthe two villages, those in their 10s and 20s are more
like to marry someone from a province other than
Takeo compared with those in their 30s and 40s. This
increase in “provincial exogamy” partly results froman increase in labor migration: Among Svay children
whose spouse comes from other province than
Takeo, 74% got to know the partner at the migration
destination and the figure for Trapeang Ang is ashigh as 83%.
In addition, because of the increase in labor009

At a national level in Cambodia, labor migration has
been increasing at least since the late 1990s. According to population census data, the number of people
who had migrated to other provinces in search of

Increase in Provincial Exogamy and Relocation
Center for Southeast Asian Studies Kyoto University

Since the beginning of the 2000s, I have witnessed
through fieldwork, various changes in the household
economy in rural Cambodia. The most notable, however, is the increase in out-migration, both in the formof relocation and labor migration. It seems that anincrease in out-migration has led to the geographicalexpansion of a marriage circle that is changing thepattern of land transfer from parents to children.
Observing this, an idea occurred to me that increasing out-migration, a change in marital partner selection and intergenerational land transfers, while exerting influence on each other, might be transforming
Cambodian rural society and economy across awide range of aspects.
At present, both domestic and international migrations are supposed to be on the rise in developing
regions all over the world today, and many studies
have been done on socio-economic impacts fromvarious perspectives. Yet, each study tends to narrowly address the immediate impacts of migration,and studies on long-term and multi-dimensional
impacts—both direct and ripple effects—of today’s
migration on a particular areas or country, have been
relatively scarce.
Over the last decade, I have conducted this kindof long-term and comprehensive migration study for
the Cambodian case, and have collected data
related to migration, marriage, and land transfer
through field work in Cambodian rural villages. In thisshort article, I present some of this data to tentatively
argue that the increase in out-migration has influenced rural Cambodian society and economy. Data
was collected in 2001–03 and then again in 2014 in
two rice-farming villages, Svay and Trapeang Ang,from Takeo province, about 100 km south of PhnomPenh.

employment over the previous 10 years was around
349,000 (2008 census), nearly doubling from that in1998, 180,000 (National Institute of Statistics 2000;
2010).
Table 1 is for Svay village and shows how only
small a minority of people experienced labor migration in 2002. Yet, this figure rises sharply in 2014 foraround half of children aged 15 and over. Trapeang
Ang village, in contrast, had high rates of labor
migration even in 2002, partly because per-household
farmland is smaller than in Svay (0.68 and 1.35 ha in
2002, respectively). What the figure for 2014 indicates is that migration rates for wives and children
aged 15 to 19 further increased in the last 12 years,
even if the figure for Trapeang Ang in 2014 is a proportion of those who were migrating as of June 2014.
If we calculate the migration rate for the whole yearof 2014 (data for which I have not collected at thetime of writing), the migration rates for husbands andchildren aged 20–29 could also be higher than thosein 2002.
In both 2002 and 2014, migrants from these twovillages mostly engaged in unskilled labor such as
garment factory work and construction work. However, migration destinations have changed over thelast 12 years. While Phnom Penh continues to be
one of major destinations during this period, Thailand, to which few villagers migrated in 2002, now
attracts a large number of migrants in 2014.

Table 1 Proportion of Household Member Who Migrated for Work (%)
Svay
2002 (in 12 months)1)

Trapeang Ang
2014 (Jan-Apr)

1)

2002 (in 12 months)1)

2014 (as of June)2)

Husband

4.7

4.2

28.4

16.2

Wife

1.6

5.5

8.7

14.2

Children 15–19

5.5

39.7

34.2

50.6

Children 20–29

6.4

54.3

82.3

71.2

Sources: Data collected in Svay and Trapeang villages in 2003 and 2014.
Notes: 1)
 Percentage of household members who migrated for work in the period irrespective of the length or the migration duration.
2)
Percentage of household members who were migrating for work as of June 2014.
Table 2 Situation of Married Children of Household Heads as of 2014 (% to respective age group)

Age of Child

Marital Partner Coming from
Other Province than Takeo

Residing in Other Province1)

Received Farmland from Parents1)

Svay

Trapeang Ang

Svay

Trapeang Ang

Svay

Trapeang Ang

under 30

30.1

54.9

26.9

32.4

47.7

39.7

30–39

9.5

45.5

10.8

28.9

76.9

66.7

40–49

5.3

21.6

30.0

21.1

94.7

69.2

Sources: Data collected in Svay and Trapeang villages in 2014.
Note: 1) As of the time of the survey in 2014.

migration and provincial exogamy, younger generations are more likely to reside outside Takeo province
after marriage (Table 2). This includes those who settle in the place they moved to as migrant workers
and those who live in the home provinces of theirpartners.
Underlying Factor: The Increasing Scarcity ofLand
What data indicates is that an increase in labor
migration, provincial exogamy and relocation to otherprovinces are closely related to changes in landtransfers from parents to children. In rural Cambodia,
it has been said that parents generally give farmland
to all of their children when they get married. However, it is supposed to have become difficult to follow
this practice in the last decade as by the 1980s,
while population increased, there was little land left
over for reclamation, especially in provinces near
Phnom Penh. This further indicates that an increasing proportion of the younger generations have notreceived farmland from their parents. This trend isclearly observed in Svay and Trapeang Ang (Table 2).
Without farmland, young couples would find it difficult to make a living in a rural village where employment opportunities are quite limited, and are forced
to migrate to urban areas or remote provinces forwork. There can also be some cases in which parents do not give land to their migrating children
because those children cannot cultivate land bythemselves or they can make do without land.
On the other hand, the scarcity of land underlies
the increase in provincial exogamy. My own study ofyoung migrant workers in Phnom Penh shows thatthose migrants who think they will not be able toreceive land from their parents are more likely to prefer marrying someone they get to know in Phnom
Penh than with someone from the same locality(Yagura 2012). This is probably because withoutland, young people find it less advantageous toreturn to their native village and thus marry someone
from the same locality.1

NEWSLETTER
No. 71010

Fig. 1 Hypothesized Interrelation among Out-migration, Marital Partner Selection and Land Availability

Possible Impacts: Case of Farm Technology andFamily Relation
What the above indicates is that increasing outmigration, the geographical expansion of the marital
circle, and increasing landlessness are closely intertwined with each other in rural Cambodia (see Fig. 1).
The question then is what kind of impacts would
these changes further have on rural Cambodiansociety and economy? We need further research toanswer these questions, but here I want to allude to
two possibilities.
The first is the introduction of labor-saving technologies in farming. It is expected that an increase inlabor migration will lead to labor shortages and wage
increases in rural areas, which will encourage theadoption of labor-saving practices such as mechanization. In fact, in Svay, the nominal wage rate of farmwage labor has increased by five to six times
between 2002 and 2014. The increase rate is muchhigher than that for urban factory workers.2 In thesame period, the use of machines has become common for plowing and harvesting, and broadcast
seeding has replaced transplanting as the method ofplanting rice in Svay. It is worth noting that the adoption of labor-saving technologies seems to havedrastically reduced opportunities for farm wage laborand thus may further increase out-migration of theyounger generations and land-poor farmers. The
second is the transformation of mutual help amongfamily members. Due to out-migration, the living
place of family members has become geographicallydispersed and this might make mutual support difficult among them in areas such as farm work, childcare, and coping with economic shocks. On theother hand, there appears to be a rise in the numberof couples who migrate for work while leaving theirchildren with their parents in their home village.
These changes, not only affect the livelihood of rural
households, but can also have profound and longterm impacts on Cambodian society as a whole(consider for example the possible effect on birth rate).

Photo 1 A House Financed by Earning from Migration to
Thailand, Trapeang Ang

Photo 2 A House of a Young Couple, Trapeang Ang

References
National Institute of Statistics. 2000. General Population Census
of Cambodia 1998. Report 5, Spatial Distribution and Migratory Movements. National Institute of Statistics, Ministry ofPlanning, Cambodia.
————. 2010. General Population Census of Cambodia
2008. Analysis of the Census Results Report 6, Migration.
National Institute of Statistics, Ministry of Planning, Cambodia.
Yagura, K. 2012. Does Labor Migration Offer Opportunities for
Meeting Prospective Spouses? The Case of Migrant Workers
in Cambodia. Population, Space and Place 18(3): 277–294.

Concluding Remarks

Marrying someone from the same locality has an advantage if
one lives in his home village because he can easily receive
support both from his own and his spouse’s family who
would also live in his neighborhood.

2

The minimum wage of garment factory workers in Cambodia
has increased by just 2.3 times in the same period. As aresult, the wage rate per day of farm work is on par with thatof factory work in 2014 (four to five US dollars).

011

The increase in labor migration as well as the expansion of the marital circle and detachment from land
induced by migration may be taking place in therural areas of most developing regions all over theworld. However, I want to note that we have a rather
limited understanding as to what kind of socioeconomic impacts these changes would have. To
tackle this research challenge, I plan to continue mylongitudinal study of the two villages, Svay andTrapeang Ang, and track changes in villagers’ livelihood and family formation.

1

Center for Southeast Asian Studies Kyoto University

Notes

Forgotten Land
Eleazar Ortuño Photographer
On October 26, 2010 the island of Java experienced the latest eruption of the Gunung Merapi volcano on Java Island.
There were more than 300 deaths and 150,000 evacuees. Entire villages were covered in ash. In this abandoned state, they were
preserved like time capsules which endured in the memory of those who experienced the actual events.
Java Island is located in the Ring of Fire and constantly suffers volcanic eruptions displacing thousands of people. Forgotten
Land, was a project developed during the years 2013–14 and explores people’s memories as they were affected by the last
eroption. Photographs were taken in different volcanic hazard areas in D.I. Yogyakarta (Ngacar, Bakalan, Ngepringan) and Jawa
Tengah (Sirahan).
Photographs were taken in empty rooms offering psychic scenes and symbols of memory. Life gives color to a monochrome stage,
slipping through the cracks of the destruction in a world that was reduced to ashes. In the darkness, acceptance appears as lifeand nature. A fight combines our look that separates us from ourselves to be one with them. This is an exercise to lose the division
between viewer and observer, where the magnitude of nature minimizes us, and exposes us to fragility and our ephemeral existence.
Elezar Ortuño is a photographer and artist who currently lives in Madrid, Spain.
www.eleazarortuno.com

Revinda and Ifa. Ngacar, Jawa Tengah, Indonesia

NEWSLETTER
No. 71012

Endra. Sirahan, Jawa Tengah, Indonesia

Somo and His Dog. Ngepringan, Jawa Tengah, Indonesia

Center for Southeast Asian Studies Kyoto University
013

Imagining a Remote Homeland:
Japanese Quasi-academic Ethnographyof Upland Southeast Asia
Imamura Masao
Researcher, CSEAS

I

n 2005, the Japanese broadcasting company TVTokyo aired a two-hour documentary program titled“Kachin, a people living in a vast forest of mystery.
Revealed to the world for the first time! (Sekai hatsu­
kokai! Nazo no tami Kachin: Shimpi no kyodai mitsu­
rin ni ikiru).” The advertising blurb, still available on
its webpage, proudly announced that the crew was
the first to be allowed by the Myanmar government to

Map 1 A Map of the “Laurel Forest Culture Sphere” Presented
by Sasaki (1982, 14)

travel to the area in northern Myanmar.1 The advertisement also says that they found a culture reminiscent of prehistoric Japan; entering the Kachin world,it claims, is like taking a time trip to the Jomon era ofancient Japan.2
TV-Tokyo had already produced a series of documentary programs in the 1990s under the overarching title “Origins of the Japanese (Nihonjin no gen-Map 2 A Map of the “East Asian Crescent” (Toa hangetsuko) Presented
in Nakao (2006, 178)

NEWSLETTER
No. 71014

Map 3 A Map from Nakao (2006, 350) Juxtaposing the Fertile Crescent with the “East Asian Crescent” (in the Yunnan-Assam upland. The latter ispart of the larger “laurel forest culture sphere,” which is stretched eastward to cover the western half of Japan.)ryu),” featuring Tibetans, Bhutanese, Ladakhis,
Nakhi, and Naga. These were not isolated products
pursued by one company. Before heavily equipped
television crews began to travel to the remote hills of
the Himalayan region, journalists and non-fiction
writers visited the same region and presented similarviews. Their titles include In Search of the Origin of
the Ancient Japanese called “Wa”: Expeditions toHighlands of Yunnan and Assam (“Wajin” no genryu omotomete: Unnan, Assamu sangaku minzoku tosako,1982) and A Journey to the Naga Highland: In Searchof the Origin of the Japanese (Hikyo Naga kochi tanken ki: Nihonjin no genryu o motomete, 1984). As thetitles of these highly imaginative books indicate, they
considered the Yunnan-Assam upland region—now
called “Zomia” by James Scott—to be the root of theancient Japanese culture.
It is of course a cliché that a self-described “civilized” people locates its ancestors in an “uncivilized”
other. A modernized people living in cities would
often like to find their former pre-modern selves in a“savage” people living in a forest. In Southeast Asia,
those who cultivate irrigated rice often view those
who cultivate rain-fed rice as “our living ancestors.”3
The stories about “the origin of the Japanese” fit thispattern. The Japanese stories are remarkable, however, in that such a long distance is somehow
accommodated in the historical narratives. It is one
thing for the Viet to consider the Muong and Tay inthe northwest corner of Vietnam to be their pre-Sinitic
version, it is another for the Japanese to consider theland of the Kachin, Wa, or Naga, who are 4,000 kilometers away, to be their ancient homeland.
Where did such a long-distance ethnologicalassociation come from? The single most influential
source of inspiration for this association was in fact
an academic thesis of “laurel forest culture sphere”(syoyo jurin bunkaken). This thesis has been advocated since the late 1960s by well-established­university-based scholars such as Nakao Sasuke(1916–93) and Sasaki Komei (1929–2013), 4 who
pointed to certain ecological, agricultural, and culinary commonalities between upland Southeast Asia
and Japan. A popular example is that of fermented
beans (“natto” in Japanese and “tua nao” in northernThai). These scholars boldly suggested that theeastern part of the Himalaya region and Japan beconsidered as parts of one large contiguous ecocultural zone. An offshoot of this hypothesis was theeven more speculative idea that elements of the
Jomon and Yayoi cultures could be historically traced
back to the Yunnan-Assam upland.
The ethnological narrative about the YunnanAssam region as “the origin of the Japanese”
enjoyed tremendous popularity from the 1970s
through the 1990s. It was, however, not the first timethat such a speculative ethnological theory wasentertained by the Japanese. In Sovereignty andAuthenticity: Manchukuo and the East Asian Modern,
Prasenjit Duara has identified a persistent searchamong Japanese ethnologists for an “authenticallyprimitive” tribal people (Duara 2003, 175). By selec-

015

Fig. 2 Road from Yunnan: Investigating the Roots of theJapanese by Torigoe (1983)

Center for Southeast Asian Studies Kyoto University

Fig. 1 A Journey to the Naga Highland: In Search of the Originof the Japanese by Morita (1984)NEWSLETTER
No. 71016

tively highlighting “the practices [which] resemble
those of the Japanese,” the Japanese ethnologists
represented a tribal people, the Oroqen, as anancestral figure (ibid., 186). While the focus of
Duara’s analysis was the Japanese scholars who
worked in Manchukuo, his insights might be applicable to the post-war period as well. This is not to suggest that the mythical stories told in Japan about theAssam-Yunnan upland contain a hidden imperial
agenda. What these stories reveal is the persistencewith which the figure of a remote tribe in Asia isdeployed in the imaginations of an ancient Japaneseculture.
The continuous use of the tribal figure in the Japanese ethnographic literature from the imperial era to
the present has received little scholarly attention—even in Japan. Recent scholarship has understandably emphasized the contrast between the outward
Asianist perspective of the imperial era and theinward perspective of the post-war era. As Oguma
Eiji has compellingly shown in A Genealogy of Japanese Self-Images (Tanitsuminzoku Shinwa no kigen:“Nihonjin” no jigazo no keifu) and especially The
Boundaries of the Japanese (“Nihonjin” no kyokai: Okinawa, Ainu, Taiwan, Cyosen syokuminchi shihai kara
fukki undo made), the geographical and ethnic
boundaries of the people understood as “the Japanese” changed drastically from the pre-war era to
the post-war era. During the imperial era, “the Japanese” were imagined as a spatially expansive andethnically heterogeneous people. After the empire’s
collapse, the same people came to be represented
as an ethnically unique group that has been historically isolated as an island nation (shimaguni). The
imperial Asianist view, which stressed ethnic contiguities between the Japanese and other Asians, hasbeen replaced by the post-war discourse that placesemphasis on homogeneity and isolation.
The “laurel forest culture sphere” thesis appealed
to broad audiences in Japan including the country’s
many left-leaning minds who were critical of therelentless pursuit of economic growth. For example,
it appealed to environmentalists, who looked for lost
wisdom from the animist, indigenous peoples ofAsia. The celebrated film-director Miyazaki Hayao
was one of them. Deep forests play a prominent rolein in Miyazaki’s cosmological vision, as shown in his
popular films such as My Neighbor Totoro (1988) and
Princess Mononoke (1997). He has spoken of theinspiration he received from Nakao’s work.
Melancholic longing for the time of a primordial
harmony with the nature is a common thread in theabove-mentioned books about the Yunnan-Assamupland. These ethnographies of upland Southeast
Asia need to be understood in the historical context
in which the Japanese people developed nostalgia

for a “lost Japan” and looked for a critique of capitalist modernity in animist tribes. Because such critiques were made by Japanese authors for a Japanese audience, the ethnographic representations of
the remote tribes usually reveal more about those
who made the representations than the represented.
That is, it tells us more about the Japanese than about
the peoples of upland Southeast Asia.
References
Duara, Prasenjit. 2003. Sovereignty and Authenticity: Manchukuo
and the East Asian Modern. Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
Morita Yuzo. 森 田 勇 造. 1982. “Wajin” no Genryu o Motomete:
Unnan, Assamu Sangaku Minzoku Tosako 「倭人」の源流を求めて――雲南・アッサム山岳民族踏査行 [In Search of theorigin of the ancient Japanese called “Wa”: Expeditions tohighlands of Yunnan and Assam]. Tokyo: Kodansha.
————. 1984. Hikyo Naga Kochi Tanken ki: Nihonjin no Genryu
o Motomete 秘境ナガ高地探検記――日本人の源流を求めて [Ajourney to the Naga Highland: In search of the origin of theJapanese]. Tokyo: Tokyo Shimbun Syuppankyoku.
Nakao Sasuke 中尾佐助. 2006. Nakao Sasuke Cyosakusyu. Dai
6 kan: Syoyojyurin Bunka Ron 中尾佐助著作集〈第 6 巻〉照葉
樹林文化論 [Collected works of Sasuke Nakao. Vol.6: The laurel forest culture]. Sapporo: Hokkaido University Press.
Oguma Eiji 小熊英二. 1998. “Nihonjin” no Kyokai: Okinawa, Ainu,
Taiwan, Chosen, Shokuminchi Shihai kara Fukki Undo made〈日本人〉の境界――沖縄・アイヌ・台湾・朝鮮植民地支配から
復 帰 運 動 ま で [The boundaries of the Japanese: From thecolonial rule of Okinawa, Ainu, Taiwan, and Korea to thereturn campaign]. Tokyo: Shinyo-sha.

————. 2002. A Genealogy of “Japanese” Self-Images. Translated by David Askew. Melbourne: Trans Pacific Press.
Sasaki Komei 佐 々 木 高 明. 1982. Syoyojyurin Bunka no Michi:
Butan-Unnan kara Nihon e 照葉樹林文化の道――ブータン・雲南 か ら 日 本 へ [The road of the laurel forest culture: From
Bhutan-Yunnan to Japan]. Tokyo: NHK Publishing.
Scott, James C. 2009. The Art of Not Being Governed: An
Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia. New Haven: Yale
University Press.
Torigoe Kenzaburo 鳥越憲三郎, ed. 1983. Unnan kara no Michi:
Nihonjin no Rutsu o Saguru 雲南からの道――日本人のルーツを 探 る [The Road from Yunnan: Searching the roots of theJapanese]. Tokyo: Kodansha.

Notes
1

See the website: www.tv-tokyo.co.jp/kachin.

2“Jomon” refers to the hunting and gathering era in prehistorical Japan. It precedes the Yayoi era (300BCE to 300CE).
Yayoi is marked by the use of bronze and iron as well as theintensive irrigated cultivation of rice.

3

See James Scott (2009, 117).

4

It is worth noting that both Nakao and Sasaki obtained doctoral degrees at Kyoto University. Nakao became Professor
Emeritus at Osaka Prefecture University and Sasaki became
President of the National Museum of Ethnology.

Being “Chinese” Again:
Studying Chinese Indonesiansin Context of the Rise of China
Charlotte Setijadi
Postdoctoral Fellow, Nanyang Technological University

C

017

tage in establishing future guanxi (social/kinship network) relationships and trade links with China (Chua2008; Hoon 2006; Setijadi 2013). This trend indicates
that, for the first time in a long time, Chinese Indonesians are beginning to view their Chinese ethnicity as
an advantage rather than as a liability.
At the same time, the rise of China as an economic,
cultural and political force in the region and globallycannot be ignored. The past two decades have witnessed the rapid growth of bilateral relations between
China and Indonesia. This is quite a remarkabledevelopment, especially if we remember the diplomatic freeze between China and Indonesia from 1967
to 1990 following allegations of China’s involvement in
the abortive “communist” coup of September 30,
1965 that sparked strong anti-communist and antiChina discourses in Indonesia. More recently, theestablishment of the Sino-Indonesian strategic partnership in 2005 highlighted the two countries’
acknowledgement of each other’s economic, politicaland cultural importance. As the most populous Muslim country in the world, the only G20 member in the
ASEAN region and China’s biggest neighbour to thesoutheast, a good relationship with Indonesia is crucial for China’s long-term diplomatic strategy in theSoutheast Asian region. For Indonesia, bilateral ties
with China are even more important considering that
China is now Indonesia’s third largest export market
and number one source of imports (Suparno 2010).
Indonesia cannot ignore China’s rise as a global economic, cultural and political powerhouse, and increasingly, ordinary Indonesians are becoming more awareof the importance of keeping up with China throughmeans such as learning Mandarin.
On their part, the Chinese and Indonesian governments appear to recognise the potential advantagesof including Chinese Indonesians as cultural mediators and stakeholders in Sino-Indonesian bilateralrelations. Thus far, Chinese Indonesian organisations
and prominent individuals have been actively
involved in trade negotiations between Indonesia
and China. From a soft-power perspective, the Chinese Embassy in Jakarta and the seven Confucius
Institutes that have been established throughout
Indonesia have been known to sponsor ChineseIndonesian activities that promote Chinese culture

Center for Southeast Asian Studies Kyoto University

hinese Indonesians have been the subject ofmany academic studies over the years. Indeed,
the story of the ethnic Chinese in Indonesia makes
for a classic case study of what Anthony Reid andDaniel Chirot (1997) termed the “essential outsiders”: market-dominant foreign ethnic minority, despised by the majority and struggling to find both acceptance and belonging in their host country.
Beginning with the colonial era when many Chinese
migrants acted as trade and administrative intermediaries for the Dutch, Chinese Indonesians havebeen viewed with suspicion and derision by their“native” (pribumi) counterparts. Their negative image
meant that the Chinese have become convenientscapegoats in pogroms that occurred during tumultuous periods of Indonesia’s history. The New Orderregime’s cultural assimilation policy that was enforced from 1967–98 only served to further discriminate the Chinese and strengthen the perception that
Chineseness was an ideologically unclean characteristic that needed to be “erased.”
The situation changed dramatically for ChineseIndonesians after the fall of the New Order regime in
May 1998 that followed months of economic andpolitical instability, widespread riots and anti-Chinese
attacks. In the aftermath of May ’98 riots, post-Suharto
Indonesian governments quickly attempted to “remedy” the situation by abolishing the New Order’sassimilation policy. This new policy of tolerance
towards the ethnic Chinese heralded a new era of“resinification” that saw a revival of Chinese sociopolitical organisations, languages and media. Now
that the ethnic Chinese are allowed to “be Chinese”
again, many (especially the totok or the “nonacculturated”/“pure” Chinese) are reorienting themselves towards China through means such as learning
Mandarin and embracing Chinese cultural traditions.
Here, learning Mandarin has become a way for the
Chinese not only to reconnect with a “lost” Chinese
identity but to also gain a career/economic advantage for the future. While this trend for Mandarin language learning is not unique to the ethnic Chinese,
there is an interesting ethnic dimension in the Chinese Indonesian case whereby there is a common
expectation that, along with the ability to speak Mandarin, their Chinese ethnicity will give them an advan-

NEWSLETTER
No. 71018

and languages. Both the Chinese government andChinese Indonesians seem to view the promotion ofChinese languages and culture as mutually beneficial, the rationale being that, the more that pribumi
Indonesians learn about the positive aspects of Chinese culture, the more likely they are to regard China
and Chinese Indonesians in a positive light.
For scholars, the challenge here is to examine just
how these new changes in socio-political environments influence local and transnational configurations of inter-ethnic relations, belonging and identity
among Chinese Indonesians. Within the new atmospheres of cultural freedom, the global rise of China
and bilateral cooperation between Indonesia andChina, things finally seem to turn for the better forIndonesia’s ethnic Chinese. However, the histories ofChinese Indonesians and of China-Indonesia relations are problematic, and there are many questions
that need to be asked in order to look beyond thesurface—and often superficial—level.
For instance, now that the Chinese are free toexpress their culture and identity again, what does
“Chineseness” mean to different groups of ChineseIndonesians, both at the sentimental and practicallevels? In the past, the image of Chineseness and of
China were so bad that many ethnic Chinese (particularly the peranakan or “acculturated” Chinese) wentout of their way to prove their loyalty to Indonesia
and denounce any links to China. Do post-Suharto
Chinese see any contradiction between recent efforts
to re-orientate towards Chinese and their Indonesiannational belonging? Furthermore, now that Chinese
language and ethnicity have become assets, whatroles do Chinese Indonesians envision themselves
playing in current and future trade/cultural/political
relations between Indonesia and China? At a moregeneral level, what can this recent process of “resinification” among Chinese Indonesians tell scholars
about the dynamics of ethnic identity politics andhow the rise of China influences the worldwide overseas Chinese diaspora?
These are some of the questions that I am trying
to answer in my postdoctoral project under the China
and Globalisation research cluster at Nanyang Technological University’s School of Humanities andSocial Sciences. Utilising both qualitative and quantitative research methodologies, I aim to examine how
Chinese Indonesians conceptualise the rise of China
and their place within the changing socio-culturaland geopolitical environments.
So far, my preliminary fieldwork research in Indonesia indicates that Chinese Indonesian businesses andorganisations play an important part as mediators intrade and cultural relationships between China andIndonesia. Older Chinese Indonesians from totok
backgrounds in particular seem to view the rise of
China as an opportunity for the ethnic Chinese to play
an active role and capitalise on their ethnic/linguistic

advantage. Interestingly, many of these individuals do
not at all view any contradiction between their Chineseand Indonesian ties, declaring instead that, by representing Indonesia’s interests in relations with China,
they are actually being patriotic and useful to thecountry. On the other hand, fearing a potential backlash from the pribumi, there are also many ChineseIndonesians who feel wary of new forms of resinification and ties with China. This situation illustrates thecomplexity and inherent contradictions that exist within
post-Suharto Chinese identity politics.
By examining China-Indonesia relations from theperspective of Indonesia’s ethnic Chinese, myresearch aims to present a fresh approach to thestudy of overseas Chinese and of China’s soft powerin the Southeast Asian region. In academic literature,thus far, issues to do with the ethnic Chinese population in Indonesia have largely only been analysedfrom the perspective of ethno-nationalist modes ofbelonging. In the majority of these studies, China
has been mostly ignored or treated as a distantentity whose influence on Chinese Indonesian identities only goes as far as nostalgia and longing for the“mythical homeland.” Very few studies so far haveconsidered China as a notable factor not only in theshaping of local ethnic Chinese identities but also in
in influencing how Chinese Indonesians are treatedand positioned in mainstream Indonesian society.
This project aims to contribute to this major gap in
the literature by directly looking at the evolution of
ethnic Chinese identities in light of China’s global rise.
Findings from this research will provide a muchneeded new perspective to the analysis of ChineseIndonesians as an ethnic minority in Indonesia andas members of the worldwide network of overseas
Chinese. In the near future, I aim to expand thisstudy into other overseas Chinese communities inSoutheast Asian countries such as the Philippines
and Thailand. The different relationships that theseother countries have with China—both historicallyand currently—should provide an interesting comparative angle to the question of how different overseas Chinese communities view the rise of China.
References
Chirot, D.; and Reid, A., eds. 1997. Essential Outsiders; Chineseand Jews in the Modern Transformation of Southeast Asia
and Central Europe. Seattle and London: University of Washington Press.
Chua, C. 2008. Chinese Big Business in Indonesia: The State of
Capital. London: Routledge.
Hoon, C. Y. 2006. Assimilation, Multiculturalism, Hybridity: The
Dilemmas of the Ethnic Chinese in Post-Suharto Indonesia.
Asian Ethnicity 7(2): 149–166.
Setijadi, C. 2013. Memories, Spaces, Identities: An Ethnographic Study of Young Ethnic Chinese in Post-Suharto
Indonesia. Doctor of Philosophy, La Trobe University.
Suparno, R. 2010. Free Trade with China is Crucial for Indonesia. The Jakarta Post. April 21, 2010.

Visualizing Southeast Asia:
The Visual Documentary Project
Mario Lopez
Associate Professor, CSEAS

T

he power of the camera, a compelling story, theediting of events, the patching together of narratives, and the presentation of relationships between
people, situations and contexts, can powerfully
merge through documentary filmmaking. Filmmakers
may spend days, weeks, months or years deepening
their understandings of topics they want to sharewith audiences. Visual storytelling can have an expeditious and profound impact and entice the viewer
into further thought as they can go back and forth
between stories, visual images and narratives.
Three year ago the Center for Southeast AsianStudies, under a large-scale research program “promoting the study of sustainable humanosphere in
Southeast Asia,” set out to examine plural coexistence­and the rich ethnic diversity, religious andcultural composition latent in Southeast Asia. In
order to approach the dynamics of the region we set
up a new project entitled the “visual documentary
project” to offer a platform to young southeast Asianfilmmakers in the region to express their realities

through documentaries.
Academic research on the region (conducted bothwithin and outside Southeast Asia) is abundant. In
order to know better from a non-academic perspective how people capture the everyday nuances ofsocial life through the camera, through story telling,
and through the eyes of people on the ground, theproject set out to document Southeast Asia throughthe minds and imaginations of young filmmakers in
the region. Cheap technology, the proliferation ofmobile phones, along with gradual democratizationand liberalization across the region has led to thevibrant growth of amateur, semi-professional andprofessional film industries across Southeast Asia.
This has had a democratizing effect on documentingsocial life; from the everyday and mundane; tracing
and chasing political scandals; highlighting environmental concerns; from birth and life; to sickness anddeath. Each year CSEAS has provided a broad
framework for documentary filmmakers to think
about issues in the region and let them explore them.

Center for Southeast Asian Studies Kyoto University019

Directors, organizers and M.Cs at the screening in Tokyo (from left to right clockwise) Ishizaka Kenji, Pasit Tandaechanurat, Jirudikal
Prasonchoom, Mai Dinh Khoi, Philipp Danao, Riza Andrian, Maggie Lee, Supaparinya Sutthirat, Darang Melati Z, Khin Myanmar, Phan
T. Hai Ly, Tran Thi Phuong Thao, Pham Dai Duong.

The first year was “care” that received thoughtful
productions on ageing in Bangkok, maternity care inindigenous communities in the Philippines, and clinics on the outskirts of Yangon, Myanmar. For thesecond year, our theme was plural co-existence andwe had submissions that dealt with migrant’s lives inThailand, gender issues Cambodia, and land dispossession and indigenous community affirmation in
the Philippines.
On Jan 14 and 16, 2015, CSEAS, in collaboration
with the Japan Foundation Asia Center,1 held its third
screening under the theme of people and nature in
Southeast Asia. For this year, the project aimed tofocus on the relationship between Southeast Asian’s
to nature and their environments. The professional
quality of this year’s selection (from a total of 60) was
enhanced by the age of the participants who were allunder the age of 30, some of whom have no formal
training in documentary filmmaking, and some ofwhom are full time producers working for television
stations in the region. Two screenings were held at
the Clock Tower, Kyoto University where more than
100 people participated and another at the main
headquarters of the Japan Foundation, Tokyo which
had more than 50 participants among them representatives from documentary festivals in Japan.

NEWSLETTER
No. 71020

Darang Melati Z answering questions from the audience (Tokyo)

The youngest directors, Jirudikal Prasonchoomand Pasit Tandaechanurat, film students at Mongkut’s Institute of Technology Kadkrabang (KMITL),
Thailand, screened Echos from the Hill, a documentary that focuses on Karen villagers in the Northwestof Thailand, the “Pgaz K’Nyau” who live in a village
without running electricity far from local highways.
The documentary sensitively captures their sacred
beliefs and worldview and how they maintain harmony and preserve nature and juxtaposes their lives
with the Thai government’s recent attempt to maketheir forest a national park and build a dam on theirland. Their aim is to explore the tensions that exist
between people’s relations to the nature aroundthem and the way government attempts to justify
development in the region.
Also from Thailand, Supaparinya Sutthirat, a video
and installation artist and member of the Chiang Mai“Art Converstation,” presented a dreamlike andthought provoking documentary My Grandpa’s RouteHas Been Forever Blocked. Using an innovative split
screen technique, the documentary deals with thePing River, and her journey along it. Historically, theroute was used for delivering teakwood and a part of
the Siamese-European trade network. With sparsenarrative, it reflects upon the evolving river-scapecomparing the river of now to that of the one thatexisted during her Grandfather’s time. In 1958, theBhumibol Dam was built and effectively transformed
the landscape. Sutthirat takes the viewer on a journey down the present Ping River visiting and reflecting upon its weirs, floodgates and dikes. The split
screen technique presents viewers with a chance toreflect upon flow. One side of the installation fixates
upon the weirs and floodgates while the other, taken
on a cruise boat, pulls along the viewer on a serene
yet, ultimately blocked journey.
From Vietnam, Mai Dinh Khoi, a professional film
producer for the Vietnamese television channel
VTC14, presented Silence of the Summer, a socioenvironmental commentary on the relationshipbetween urban Hanoi and the decline in insect life in
the city and the rural countryside. The documentary
is a timely reflection on Vietnam’s economic growth
and the demands it is placing on its rich ecologicalenvironment. Khoi’s documentary was produced
specifically for a domestic Vietnamese audience withthe purpose of raising awareness of environmental
issues in the country and has been watched by one
million viewers domestically.
From Myanmar an original collaboration took
place between Malteser international and the Yangon
Film School (supported with funding from the European Union). Philip Danao, program coordinator andKhin Myanmar, presented a success story from acoastal village, Kyae Taw, Rakhine State, on theIshizaka Kenji and Maggie Lee commenting on the documentaries (Tokyo)

communities presently face in the region. Both directors’ principal aims were to send out a message inthe region that ultimately these kinds of activities do
not benefit neither individuals, communities and theenvironment and leave a lasting—and powerful—
testimony documentation to the effects on communities for future coastal communities in Aceh.
This year’s event also invited Ishizaka Kenji, a faculty member at the Japan Institute for Moving Images
and coordinating director for the Asian Future Selections for the Tokyo International Film Festival andMaggie Lee a film critic writing for US entertainment
industry publication Variety and programmer for film
festivals in Japan, Hong Kong and Singapore.
Through this program’s initiative, CSEAS aims to
produce an archive of all selections for each year.
The long-term aim is to build and foster a communityof documentary filmmakers across the region; bring
their works to the Japanese public; and foster linkages with documentary filmmakers in the country inorder to raise the profile of Southeast Asia.
For more information on the project visit
http://sea-sh.cseas.kyoto-u.ac.jp
Note
1

021

CSEAS thanks the Japan Foundation Asia Center for its gracious support in coordinating this year’s event in both Kyoto
and Tokyo.

Center for Southeast Asian Studies Kyoto University

north-western coast of Myanmar. The documentary
focuses on the threat of floods and cyclones.
Between 2008 and 2011, Malteser International and
Mangrove Service Network (MSN) helped two villages in Sittwe Township to plant and grow over
10,000 mangroves thus safeguarding the lives ofmore than 5,000 people. The documentary, punctuated by striking images of the coastal landscape,weaves a compelling narrative through the voice ofthe villagers to present the critical importance ofmangrove restoration in reducing disaster risks
aggravated by the changing environment. The documentary aimed to show how villagers can restore
their environments and has generated enough interest to start projects in up to 93 villages.
The final documentary by Darang Melati Z and
Riza Andrian, explores the decline of fish resources
on a coastal village in Greater Aceh Region, Indonesia. Through striking interviews with fishermen who
were severely injured in fish bombing incidents, thedirectors force the viewer to confront the humaneffects of illegal fishing on both communities andpeople. Framed in the context of the 2004 Indian
Ocean Earthquake which devastated the coast,
destroyed vast tracts of coral, and led to a decreasein fish stocks, viewers are asked to confront humaninteraction with their environments. The interviews
with fishermen who lost limbs through fish bombing,portray the harsh reality and anxieties some fishingCollaboration between Lecturers andLibrarians for Information Literacy:
A Case Study of the Faculty of Arts,
Silpakorn University, Thailand
Sompong Missita
Visiting Researcher

Introduction
Silpakorn University is composed of three campuseswith 13 faculties, a graduate and a college. In
Sanamchandra Palace Campus the faculty of Arts
offers a wide range of programs including Languages, Humanities and Social Sciences, and theSanamchandra Palace Library has a duty to support
literacy goals.
In this article I briefly present the initial results ofresearch conducted on collaborations between lecturers and librarians for information literacy (IL),
especially for those majoring in Japanese. The
objectives of this research have been to investigate acollaborative model. To accomplish these objectives
I did the following: 1) analyzed the information seeking behavior of undergraduate students majoring inJapanese, 2) looked at lecturers’ opinions on librarians’ desire for collaboration, and 3) developed an
appropriate model for collaboration between lecturers and librarians in managing the library services.
Information Literacy and Collaboration
Information literacy is usually described as the ability
to locate, manage and use information effective for awide range of purposes and enable people toengage in effective decision making, problem solving, and research. It also enables them to takeresponsibility for their own continued learning in

NEWSLETTER
No. 71
022

Photo 1 The Sanamchandra Palace Libraryareas of personal or professional interest (Bruce
2000). Higher education hopes that students canaccess, collect, review, and apply relevant knowledge or information resources to their study including sharing with others. The issue on information literacy is still library driven, and despite the literaturein the library field that supports the need for information literacy integration, librarians have taught information literacy as an adjunct to students’ courses(Leong 2007).
The Sanamchandra Palace Library has implemented an information literacy platform by providing
a learning environment. It has also provided the concept of a library commons, training and teaching invarious courses relating to information literacy skills
along with reading promotion at university book fairs.
It has even been proactive with its services and in
the circulation of works inviting students to help thelibrary choose and purchase books. All activities aim
to invite and motivate students to borrow and learn
more about books. However, not many students join
or attend this program as it is not related to theircourses or has little relevance for them and no recommendation in the lectures they take. Weber andJohnson (2003) have mentioned that lecturers may
have more influence on students than librarians so
the theme of information literacy is to foment an environment of collaboration.
Librarians and university faculty experience difficulty in collaborating because of different culturesand faculty are more contents-based in their instruction, whereas librarians are more process-based.
This difference in cultures is an obstacle for librarians
needing to collaborate with faculty for the improvement of students’ information literacy skills (Badke2005). Much research discusses collaboration interms of the use of information, information seeking
behavior and information literacy skills mainly inregards to administration, collection development,
cataloging and classification, and provision of services (Klinthong 2006). For my research I asked
three major questions. Firstly, what is the information
seeking behavior of undergraduate students major-

ing in Japanese? Secondly, what are the lecturers’
opinions on librarians’ desire for collaboration?
Finally, what could be considered an appropriate
model of collaboration between lecturers and librarians in managing library services?
To answer these questions, 101 students majoringin Japanese and six lecturers from the department ofModern Eastern Language participated in a survey.
Furthermore, three key librarians who were in chargeof acquisitions, services, and library system also
participated in focus groups.
Photo 2 Orientation with Students

Results

With internet usage, librarians acknowledge thatthe growth of information technology has developed
rapidly and is continuously influencing students.
Most usually seek information from google instead ofaccessing the library WebOpac or databases fortheir learning. As such, librarians do feel that that
there are opportunities for the library to find ways to
educate them.
Secondly, librarians agree that there are differences between lecturers and always contact those
who coordinate in their faculties and then liaise withthe library to acquire works as well as those whocome to deal with the reference desk for interlibraryloans, access databases, or use Endnote. However,they know little about other lecturers’ requirements.
Information literacy project for lecturers should bedone before the start of a semester in small groups
or individually due to their varied needs. At present,a proactive service known as “Mobile Circulation@
Faculty” is very popular among lecturers, and librarians can have a chance here to talk to them, sellideas, and get feedback to create information literacy
activities.
Librarians have also presented an idea for collaboration in managing the library services. These include
a road show, liaison librarians, faculty coordination,and public relations. They comment that some ofthese activities have already been implemented but
departmental teamwork is necessary. In addition,
they need younger librarians who have information
literacy skills, understand the concept of collaboration, know about the functions of the library, and arewilling to have conversations with and visit lecturers.
Conclusions

023

Librarians are aware of the information seeking
behavior of undergraduate students and understandthe opinions of lecturers and the expectations ofcooperating with librarians. The majority of students
surveyed expressed their knowledge of information
resources through courses readings, acknowledge
different viewpoints, and methods used to figure out

Center for Southeast Asian Studies Kyoto University

Research showed that when we questioned lecturers’ opinions on librarians’ desire for collaboration
we discovered that there was a strong desire to work
together. This demonstrates that librarians could
submit a suggested list of library resources on learning and teaching Japanese to lecturers. This would
be for acquisition and to submit a list of learning andteaching Japanese in the library for lecturers as well
as for sending out on a yearly basis, library resources
about learning and teaching Japanese. The othertopics of interest were, for example, alerting lecturers
to the arrival of new books and providing translated
books (from Japanese to Thai). Most lecturers
desired for collaboration in library services especiallywhen it came to recommending how to retrieve via
the library WebOpac, or instructions on how tosearch library online databases and assist teachers
in finding reserve books.
In regards to an appropriate model for collaboration between lecturers and librarians in managing
how library services could be implemented, a focus
group with librarians shed some interesting light.
Research showed that there is a desire for the integration of information which fell into two categories.
Firstly, librarians commented that although thelibrary offers tours every semester for freshmen students, it appears that basic skills on library use aredeteriorating. Although the library organizes information literacy programs on how to use it, few students
participate. Librarians want lecturers to recommend
students to apply learning activities in library. The
impression is that students don’t understand theacademic library and that it can offer more than justbooks. It also has a variety of other resources suchas journals, non-printed materials, and e-resources.
Librarians also have a duty to support their learningand found that many students know what theyshould be concerned with when they got a research
assignment. Librarians like to quote “Tomorrow is toolate” from Professor Silpa Bhirasri, the father of contemporary Thai arts who was instrumental in founding today’s Silpakorn University.

search terms and also want to pass courses. One of
the issues with their information seeking behavior is
how to identity and determine credible websites.
The results of this research, supported by previous
research conducted by Duangjak (2006), have foundthat the objectives in information seeking of mostundergraduate students were for educational support; that search methods were used on the internet
or for the purpose of taking examinations (Pokha
2010); and search skills are used as part of research(Dokphrom 2010). My results show that there is astrong desire for collaboration between both instructors and librarians. There is agreement in two areas.
Firstly, for library resources and secondly library services. Librarians have a positive attitude toward students and expect them to be lifelong learners andreceive a research-based education. As such, librarians are trying to create more projects that aim to
add information literacy skills during their study
through the use of new tools which are appropriate
for different groups and generations.
What is also clear is that librarians want to havegood communication with faculty and agree that differences exist between lecturers. This shows that
information literacy education is an ongoing challenge for both the library and faculty. Evidence fromlibrarians’ focus groups also identify that they wantto contribute more toward information literacy activities such as building teamwork between different
departments in the library.
For an appropriate model for Sanamchandra Palace Library, there are four areas that require future
consideration, mainly teamwork, tools, content, andchannels. I strongly hope that this research will leadto recommendations for a concrete appropriate
model that will provide improved information literacy
for a true university of learning and support life-longstudy at Silpakorn University.
References
Badke, William B. 2005. Can’t Get No Respect: Helping Faculty
to Understand the Educational Power of Information Literacy.
Available at: www.acts.twu.ca/Library/ZRespect.pdf.
Accessed on April 2, 2014.
Bruce, C. 2000. Information Literacy Research: Dimensions ofEmerging Collective Consciousness. Australian Academic &Research Libraries 31(2): 91–109.
NEWSLETTER

Dokphrom, Phussadee. 2010. An Investigation into Information
Literacy of Undergraduate Students: A Case Study of theFaculty of Arts, Silpakorn University, Thailand. Ph.D. (Information Studies) thesis, University of Sheffield.

No. 71

Duangjak, Ek-anong. 2006. Information Seeking and Use by
Undergraduate Students, Silpakorn University. M.A. (Information and Library Science) thesis, Chulalongkorn
University.

024

Klinthong, Thitima. 2006. Faculty-librarian Collaboration in
Library Services at Silpakorn University Sanamchandra

Palace­Campus. M.A. (Information Science) thesis, Sukhothai Thammathirat Open University.
Leong, Kathryn. 2007. Information Literacy and TAFE: Challenging Librarian and Teacher Collaboration in the VET Sector
in a TAFE Institute. Available at: https://avetra.org.au/
documents/06-Leong.pdf 2007. Accessed December 20,
2014.
Pokha, Sukanya. 2010. Factors Affecting Service Quality of
Sanamchandra Palace Library, the Central Library, Silpakorn
University. M.A. (Public and Private Management) thesis,
Silpakorn University.
Sacchanand, Chutima. 2012. Building Collaboration between
Literacy and Information Science Educators and Practices inThailand: Transcending Barriers, Creating Opportunities.
World Library and Information Congress: 78th IFLA General
Conference and Assembly, IFLA 2012, Aug 11–17, Helsinki.
Weber, S.; and Johnson, B. 2003. Assessment for Information
Literacy: Vision and Reality. In Information and IT Literacy:
Enabling Learning in the 21st Century, edited by A.Martin and
H. Rader, pp.101–111. London: Facet.

Portrait of a Dragon Lady in a Vietnamese Gazette
Kitazawa Naohiro
Graduate School of Asian and African Area Studies, Kyoto University

A

025

After browsing dozens of Official Gazettes, I felt as
if I had come to know the social background of the
Republic at a deeper level. This compelled me tolook at the Diet Record (Công Báo Việt Nam CôngHòa Ấn Bản Quốc Hội), which is considerably thickand brimming with text. This intimidated me and kept
me away, even though it is stored together with the
Official Gazettes. However, once I started to read it, I
found myself overwhelmed by not only the appearance of the book, but also by its contents. To begin
with, most of the Diet members’ careers were
unclear. Furthermore, there were bizarrely-long preambles before the main remarks of assembly members. Regardless of what decision they would make,incomprehensible allegories, personal experiences,and so on are recorded. When points were finallymade, their statements turned out to be somewhat
similar to each other. This gradually became boringand naturally, I started to feel familiarity with those
who often appeared or said something different fromthe others. Tran Le Xuan was one of such persons.
Tran Le Xuan was commonly known as Madame
Nhu. Since her brother-in-law, President Ngo Dinh
Diem was a bachelor, she played the role of firstlady in the Republic between 1955 to 1963. She hada fiery temper and in 1963, when a monk committed
self-immolation in protest of the government, shenotoriously referred to him as a “barbecue.” Though
she managed to escape trouble by leaving the country right before the november coup of 1963, shenever came home and died in Italy in 2011.
As a Diet member, she was also involved in theenactment of the “Family Law” and the “Law for theProtection of Morality.” As Fall mentions “… the hardfact is that the government has invariably succeededin ramming through even the most unlikely piece oflegislation’’ (Fall 1963, 265). We cannot deny thatthese laws also contributed to her bad reputation.
Yet, on the other hand, there is also another fact that

Center for Southeast Asian Studies Kyoto University

fter two-year long research in Vietnam, I started
to examine the history of the Republic of Vietnam (Southern Vietnam). My original research is examining the relationship between the Church and theState in South Vietnam, thus access to historical
government information is essential. This may ­appear
to be strange that I did not do this until my return toJapan, but I had consciously postponed this as I
knew the libraries in Vietnam would require much­bureaucracy and paperwork if I dared to touch upona sensitive historical theme.
I was counting on researching earlier diplomatic
relations between Japan and Southern Vietnam andbelieved the task would be easier in Japan. Howeveras I got down to the work, I was astounded by the
scarcity of basic information on state systems andthe names of people. I hurriedly tried to figure out
what to do next, but going back to Vietnam would
not guarantee access to materials. Moreover, as a
postgraduate student, I did not have the necessary
status to do so.
Without any specific ideas, I focused on the Official Gazette of the Republic of Vietnam (Công BáoViệt Nam Công Hòa) housed at the Center for theSoutheast Asian Studies (CSEAS) Library. It contains
a wide range of laws, and is a rare collection that is
also owned by the National Diet Library. Dependingon the differences in the collection, I sometimes relyon the National Diet Library, but in the main, theCSEAS Library allows users to handle original papers
and make photocopies. This proves a far more satisfying system for users. Above all, as I need to readover long periods of time, simple browsing procedures make access all the more efficient. The libraryalso possesses a range of useful books such as analmanac, the records of the administrative system of
the Republic (Niên Giám Hành Chánh), and a gazetteer. Just having all these books out on a spacious
desk is somehow liberating.

LIBRARY

Official Gazette of the Republic of Vietnam (Công Báo Việt Nam
Công Hòa) Housed at CSEAS Library

NEWSLETTER
No. 71026

is surprisingly little known about her. The Diet record
can be a valuable material, when we can learn
through her mother tongue, Vietnamese.
As Xuan mentioned, the significance of the Family
Law lies in “the liberation of the women” and it aims
to improve women’s (that is wives’) rights by dealing
with such issues as a ban on polygamy and the management of common property. However, because of
persistent opinions in the then parliament to prioritize
economic matters, they obliquely suggested a postponement in deliberation by saying “today doesn’tbode well for discussion.” In response, Xuandeclared that this “sounds irrational” and made them
resume deliberations. Such forceful attitudes can frequently be observed in the discussions. For instance,
while other councilors showed approval for the principles of the Family Law, Xuan bitterly complainedthat they had repeated the wording “I agree but…
(Tôi đồng ý…nhưng mà…).” She tried to express heranger over the prolonged redundant talks, which
seemed never to conclude (Việt Nam Công Hòa
1959a, 388, 402).
In this way, deliberations went on the whole time at
Xuan’s pace, while other members complained
about anxieties that originated from the changes intheir old customs. Along with the establishment ofrules and regulations, concerning engagement anddivorce, numerous questions arose such as “whatshould be done in this case…,” however, Xuan

brushed off these issues in an aggressive manner,
making comments such as “it is fine, because it has
never been abused” or “the Diet is only responsible
for the legislative process.” Her remarks might soundsomewhat dishonest, but for a reader who is little bitbored following these twists and turns in the debate,
make them sound quite pleasant.
Her words and deeds also caused conflicts
among councilors. The forceful introduction of Western concepts makes it hard to tell whether they were
impositions of modernization or Christianity, as indicated in a remark to Xuan, “Because you are Christian” (ibid., 465). Furthermore, recognition discrepancies between Xuan and other assembly members
grew prominent over the phrase “the husband is ahouseholder.” Despite Xuan’s complaint that leaving
the expression would lead to the continued abuse of
women, at that time, even a female congressional
member held the opinion that “family would alsoneed a leader” and supported to leave in thedescription the “husband is a householder.” Failingto push through her opinion, Xuan’s discontent grewand her anger finally exploded at the next day’s discussion. In a burst of temper, she cursed the entire
Diet by calling it “outdated,” and the session had to
be closed (ibid., 467, 482–483).
It looks like Xuan, as a politician, had preferredstraightforward expressions. Despite stripping away
the preambles and flatteries as “frills” and quoting
various cases, she tended not to follow through andwhen her opinions were denied, yet she lost her temper and argued back. Such a character would havestood out in Vietnamese society of the time. Even
nowadays, harmony is respected and implicit
expressions are preferred. Although she did shakeup old Vietnamese customs (such as polygamy,
adultery, broken engagements, common property),
the significance of this has been neglected. It is easy
to imagine that any present day evaluation of theseissues could be largely affected by her strong
personality.
In this way, by making use of the CSEAS Librarycollection, I almost always encounter something new.
Though I cannot help often straying from the original
subject, I would say that frequent library visits inJapan are just as appealing, and in a way, not thatfar behind doing field work.

References
Fall, Bernard. 1963. The Two Viet Nams: A Political and Military
Analysis. New York: Praeger.
Việt Nam Công Hòa. 1959a. Công Báo Việt Nam Công Hòa. Sài
Gòn: Nhà Tổng Thư Ký Phủ Tổng Thống.
————. 1959b. Niên Giám Hành Chánh. Học Viện Quốc Gia
Hành Chánh.

Fellows
Visiting Research Fellows, Visiting Researchers, andVisiting Project Researchers at CSEAS

E

ach year CSEAS accepts applicants about 14
positions for scholars and researchers who workon Southeast Asia, or any one of the countries in that
region, to spend 3 to 12 months in Kyoto to conduct
research, write, or pursue other scholarly activities inconnection with their field of study. Since 1975, morethan 330 distinguished scholars have availed themselves of the Center’s considerable scholarly resources and enjoyed the invigorating atmosphere of
scenic Kyoto, the ancient capital of Japan and themain repository of the country’s cultural treasures, topursue their interests in Southeast Asian Area Studies. The Center’s multi-disciplinary character and thediverse research interests of its faculty offer visiting
scholars an ideal opportunity for the exchange ofideas and the cultivation of comparative perspectives. The highly competitive selection process hasbrought to the Center in recent years researchers
from Southeast Asian countries, Bangladesh, China,
Korea, and western countries including the UnitedStates and France. The visiting fellows represent various basic disciplines in their study of Southeast
Asia, and their official posts in their home institutions

include teacher, researcher, librarian, journalist, andNGO worker. Information and Technology (IT) experts
who conduct research on Southeast Asia are also
joining the Center, not only to manage various database systems but also to construct academic networks for area study throughout the world. Successful applicants receive an appropriate stipend to coverinternational travel, housing, and living expenses in
Kyoto. Research funds will also be provided to facilitate his/her work. Funds will also be allocated for domestic travel, subject to government regulations, anda number of other facilities are available to visiting
scholars. Fellows will be expected to reside in Kyoto
for the duration of their fellowship period. Fellows arenormally invited to deliver a public lecture during
their term at the Center and encouraged to submit
an article for possible publication in the Center’s
journal, Southeast Asian Studies (http://englishkyotoseas.org/) and to contribute to the online journal,
Kyoto Review of Southeast Asia (http://kyotoreview.
org/). CSEAS also received researchers, both Japanese and foreign, who visit on their own funds or on
external fellowships.

PeriodAffiliation/Position

Research Title

Hope Sabanpan-Yu

2014/11/1-2015/4/30

Professor, University of San Carlos

The Comic in Cebuano Life andLiterature

Md. Rostrom Ali

2014/11/1-2015/4/30

Associate Professor/Head of
Department of Farm Power andMachinery, Bangladesh Agricultural
University

Prospect and Future of Renewable
Energy in Bangladesh: Focuses on
Biomass, Wind Energy, and Solar
EnergyAsvi Warman Adam

2014/11/1-2015/4/30

Research Professor, Centre for Political
Studies, Indonesian Institute of
SciencesState Violence, Collective Memory, andReconciliation: Preparation to write abook about the 1965’s IndonesiantragedyThongchai Winichakul

2015/1/5-2015/7/4

Professor, Department of History,
University of Wisconsin - Madison

Moments of Silence: The Unforgetting
and Enigmatic Memories of the 1976
Massacre in Bangkok

Chie Ikeya

2015/1/20-2015/7/19

Associate Professor, Department ofHistory, School of Arts and Sciences,
Rutgers University

Transcultural Intimacies in Colonial
Burma, Southeast Asia, and Beyond

Center for Southeast Asian Studies Kyoto University

Name

027

設楽 成実ISSN 2185-663X

Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University, 46 Shimoadachi-cho, Yoshida, Sakyo-ku, Kyoto 606-8501, Japan Tel: +81-75-753-7302 Fax: +81-75-753-7350
Tel: 075-753-7302 Fax: 075-753-7350〈編集〉マリオ・ロペズ

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Editors: Mario Lopez, Shitara Narumi
Date of Issue: March, 2015