South Pacific Studies Vol.39, No.1, 2018

Mapping Small Islands Communicative Ecologies:
a Case Study from the Amami Islands
Papoutsaki Evangelia 1* and Kuwahara Sueo2

1: School of Arts and Science, University of Central Asia,
Naryn Campus, 310 Lenin St. Naryn, 722918, Kyrgyz Republic
2: Center for General Education, Kagoshima University*Corresponding author
E-mail: papoutsaki@yahoo.co.uk

Abstract

This paper provides a conceptual framework for an islands’ communication ecology (CE)approach and an overview of the key findings of exploratory ethnographic research that aimed at
mapping the CE of the Amami islands. The communicative ecology approach refers to the various
forms, resources, activities, channels and flows of communication and information unique to an islandor group of islands, to the island context and identity and a milieu of island agents. This researchcontributes towards an in-depth understanding of these Islands’ communicative environment; identifies
key island mediated communicative networks and practices; explores the role of media in localized
information flows unique to the islands; and attempts to explore how small island experiences can help
contextualize the theoretical approach of communicative ecology.
Key words:

Amami Island, Island Media, Island Radio, Islands Communicative Ecology, Mapping
Islands Information Ecosystems――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――
Received: 01 September, 2018
Accepted: 30 November, 2018

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Introduction
This article draws upon a research project aimed at exploring the Amami Islands’communicative environment by identifying key communicative networks and practices that
contribute to sustaining the Amami Islands’ sociocultural cohesion and investigating the rolethat key mediated forms of communication, particularly community based, play in localized
information flows unique to these islands. The Amami Islands also served as a case study
that enabled us to explore how a communicative ecology approach could be relevant toislands studies. The islands’ geography, history, infrastructure, development status, socialorganization and cultural identity provide a rich context for this exploration.
The research, which is interdisciplinary, has been grounded in the wider fields ofisland and communication studies and the ethnographic approaches of communicative
ecology (CE) and information ecosystems (IES) while informed by Amami islands studies.
It provides a starting point towards conceptualizing island communicative ecologies (ICE)that are comprised of unique communicative nodes interacting in a multi-directional way(intra-island, inter-islands, trans-peripheral, etc.). It is important to note that in this research
we refer to the ecologies of “small” islands. The “small island” status refers not only togeography but also a whole host of other factors including history, transport, education,industry, health and disaster prevention (Nagashima 2016：11), and in the context of thisreseach its representation by various island, mainland and international information agents.
Whilst the fieldwork produced rich data on multiple layers of communicative ecologiesof the Amami Islands, here we focus on the theoretical and conceptual influences that
informed the research and provide an overview of key emerging themes from the mappingof mediated communication networks and practices with particular emphasis on shima (islandand community) based media (Suwa 2007).

Towards a communicative ecology approach for islands
The very premise of island studies as a distinct field is based on the notion that islands
share a set of characteristics that other territories do not. This ‘islandness’, we would argue,
shapes island communicative ecologies in distinct ways as Baldacchino (2004：278) has
proposed in his definition of islandness: “an intervening variable that does not determine,but contours and conditions physical and social events in distinct, and distinctly relevant
ways.” Similarly, Terrell (2004：11) has argued that islands are “more varied, diverseand complicated places than commonly believed” and that “isolation is not a defining
characteristic of island life; to the contrary, it would be argued that islanders are generally
more aware of, and in touch with, the worldwide web of human intercourse than others
may be.” This was supported earlier on by the much-cited thesis of Hau’ofa (1993) who
advocated instead of a vast empty space in which separate islands exist, the ocean is themedium that links the Pacific islands into a vibrant field of communication. Islands are
special places, according to Hay (2006: 31), who describes them as “paradigmatic places,

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27

topographies of meaning in which the qualities that construct place are dramaticallydistilled.” This reference to islands as unique places/spaces is often seen in islands studies
literature, exemplified here by Baldachino’s (2005: 35) observation that “small islands are
special because their ‘geographical precision’ facilitates a (unique) sense of place”.
In some parts of Japan, the term shima, denoting island, embodies a dual meaning:islands as geographical features and islands as small-scale social groups where culturalinteractions are densely intermeshed (Suwa 2007). This concept not only contributes toputting our research in its Japanese context but also provides us with a useful framework
when studying island communicative ecologies. Shima is seen here as a unique context
within which communicative performances take place and produce communicative
ecologies that fill this space with meaning. The patterns of communication exchanges
develop in various inter-personal, familial, social, cultural and economic networks andaccumulate as shima communicative ecologies.
Island communicative ecologies (ICE) in this research encompasses various forms,
networks, systems, activities, interconnections, resources, flows and issues distinctive
to these islands (adapted from Tacchi 2006). It also refers to the context in which
communication processes occur which involve people engaging with others in their social
networks, both face-to-face and using a mix of media and communication technologies. It
also contains the identity of participants, the topics of communication and the ways in whichthings are communicated. CE is also described as a milieu of agents who are connected invarious ways by various exchanges of mediated and unmediated forms of communication(Tacchi et al. 2003).
By using an ecological metaphor, a number of opportunities present themselves
for analysing island place-based communication. It can, for instance, provide a better
understanding of the ways island activities are organized, the ways islanders define andexperience their island environments, the implications for social order and organizationand the kind of transactions that take place between different ecologies (intra/inter islandetc.). The ecological metaphor, as Hearn and Foth (2007: 1) propose, “enables us to defineboundaries of any given ecology, and to examine how the coherence of that boundary
and the stability of each ecology is maintained.” It allows exploration of what topics ofconversation define insiders and outsiders in the island’s ecology and opens up the questionof the social sustainability of the communicative ecology of islands.
To understand one aspect of communication within the particular setting of an island, it
is necessary to know how it fits into its wider island communicative ecologies. ICE mapping
enables a broader comprehension of the complexity of a specific island group or community.
And similar to biological ecologies, communicative ecologies have lifecycles that can be
described as new or well-established, active or dormant, or in a period of growth or decline.
Tacchi and Watkins (2007) encourage researchers to explore the types of communication
activity people are engaged in, the resources available and the understanding of how thesecan be used. This holistic approach is essential because issues cannot be isolated fromthe wider systems they are a part, especially more so on small islands that have stronger
relational ties (e.g. see below the concept of yui in the Amami Islands).

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In the context of ICE, the role of an island community radio for instance cannot
be understood without understanding the wider communicative ecology of the islandand the “diverse positioning and communicative opportunities and experiences” of theisland inhabitants. Mapping an island’s CE can demonstrate who has access to different
information and communication channels and how factors such as geography, distance andcost can affect island communication practices (see Lennie and Tacchi 2013).
Similarly, the information ecosystems approach provides an additional useful model
for mapping ICE. Developed as a tool to understand how information contributes to a moreconnected and resilient community (Internews n.d.), it identifies a number of elements that
can assist in contextualising an ICE model (see Fig. 1). In this research, the contextualizationof this model helped identifying relevant island elements, like island storytelling agents andcultural enablers that are explored in the findings section.
Along with the key elements of the information ecosystem presented below in
Fig. 1, Hearn and Foth (2007: 1) have identified three layers in CE that informed themapping approach of this research: a technological layer which consists of the devices andconnecting media that enable communication and interaction; a social layer which consistsof people and social modes of organizing those people – including for example everythingfrom social groups to formal community organizations; and a discursive layer which is thecontent of communication - the ideas of themes that constitute the known social universethat the ecology operates in.
A useful theory in this context is the Communication Infrastructure (CIT) which
is more inclusive of communication modalities, incorporating new and old media,
mainstream, local, and ethnic media, interpersonal communication channels, as well as thecommunication outreach of community-based organizations (Jung and Ball-Rokeach2004). Furthermore, when speaking of ICE, we also need to take into consideration theCommunication Action context in which they take place. Here, this context refers to theislanders’ environments (cultural, social, economic, physical, etc.) that affect the availabilityof different communication connections and the ease of access to them (adapted fromWilkin et al. 2007).

Fig. 1. Key Elements of the Information ecosystems model (Internews 2014).

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The concept of the Storytelling Network (STN) can also be applied within an island
communicative ecologies context. STN is created through a storytelling process in whichisland inhabitants, community organizations and local community media work with eachother to construct a vision and a reality for their island communities as places where they
belong and in which they engage shared concerns (adapted from Wilkin et al. 2007). Thesestories contribute to maintaining island identities and sustain island in times of depopulation,
aging and decreasing employment opportunities and environmental challenges relating toclimate change.
The Communication Infrastructure (CI) theory offers a valuable framework ofanalysis through thee clearly identified levels of storytelling agents (micro, meso andmacro) depending on who is the primary storyteller and their islands based audience.
While mass media tell stories at a macro level that focus on the nation and beyond with anational or regional audience in mind, the meso level provides more complexity that canbe of more relevance to island communicative ecologies. At this level, geo-ethnic media
and community organizations act as key agents in defined geographical areas and specificpopulations (Kim, Jung and Ball-Rokeach 2006). The storyteller agents at the meso level
work closely with those at the micro level which may include islanders in their networks
of family, friends, and neighbours. The focus on meso and micro level storytellers fits wellwithin an island communicative ecologies approach as they address communities like those
one encounters in islands that are closely defined by specific geographic features and smallscale social groups where socio-cultural interactions are closely intertwined. When mapping
ICE, one needs to take into consideration island community focused media as they act at
both meso and micro levels, intermeshing island collective and individual storytelling agentswith overlapping and multifunctioning networks (based on kinship, community, intra-island,inter-island, trans-peripheral and diasporic island).
A useful concept to employ in this context is rhizomes. Adapting Carpentier’s (2016)
work on community media, a rhizomatic approach to island communicative ecologies
can articulate more explicitly the diversity, complexity, contingency and fluidity of island
communication networks and agents. A rhizome is non-linear, anarchic and nomadic andconnects any point with any other point, unlike trees or their roots. Following this analogy,
island community media, unlike their mainland/national counterparts, could be seen as partof a more fluid island interconnected network system that embraces both individual andcollective agents.
Small islands are distinctive communities, defined by a collective identity andclose, reciprocal relationships. The following section focuses on the Amami Islands
communicative sociality as a background context to our case study. Adapted from Hartleyand Potts (2014), communicative sociality in the context of these islands refers to theislands language/dialects, identity and kinship relationships that bind island communities
together. Along with language and identity, story (communication) enables the collective
making of shima groups.

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The Amami Islands communicative context
The Amami Islands CE has been shaped by their distinctive and diverse geographical andsocio-cultural environment that has conditioned their inhabitants’ communicative sociality.
Although these islands are seen as one group comprising of eight inhabited islands (AmamiŌshima, Kakeromajima, Yorojima, Ukejima, Kikaijima, Tokunoshima, Okinoerabujima andYoronjima), each of them consists of a unique microcosm with distinctive identities.
Situated to the south of the Japanese archipelago, the Amami islands are part ofKagoshima Prefecture. They consist of one city, nine municipal towns and two municipal
villages with a total population of about 110,000, more than half of which lives in the mainisland of Amami Ōshima.1 Amami city has a population of about 43,000. The islands havebeen experiencing depopulation and similarly to the mainland Japan, they are faced with anincreasing aging population. The total population of the Amami Islands has decreased since1955. In 60 years between 1955 and 2015, the population was reduced by 95,216 people(Kagoshima Prefectural Office 2018: 6).
Infrastructure plays a significant role in CE as it enables information flows. In general,these Japanese islands are well supported infrastructure wise, with frequent flight and ferry
connections and subsidized fares that enable not only connections with the mainland but
inter and intra-island ones. The origins of this infrastructural development lie in the “Special
Measures Law for the Reconstruction of the Amami islands” put in place by the Japanese
government in 1954 to address the economic devastation of the Amami Islands after they
reversed to Japan in 1953. This law has been revised and has had its term extended every
five years until today. Since then, more than 2 trillion yen for operating expenses have beenpoured into the islands for the task. Projects entailing large scale modifications of the naturallandscape such as roads and harbours occupy almost eighty percent of the entire budget(Kuwahara 2012: 42).

Fig. 2. inter-island and mainland connections (Map recreated by authors).
――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――
1 Amami Ōshima 61,256, Kikaijima 7,212, Tokunoshima 23,497, Okinoerabujima 12,996, Yoronjima 5,186(National Census 2015).

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Amami Ōshima’s infrastructure system contains 37 tunnels and 20 ports that facilitate
intra and inter-island communication (Fig 2). The tunnels have enabled land connection
with communities that could have been reached only by boat in the past. The physicalmorphology of Amami Ōshima meant that several communities had developed distinctive
cultures with their own dialects and forms of cultural expression that are still practiced
today. Today, the tunnels along with the island’s FM radios are playing a significant role in
not only connecting these communities across the island but also contributing to a pan island
identity.
It has been argued that the collective Amami identity, resulting from Amami’s reversion
to Japanese administration in 1953 - following eight years of US occupation - and Japanesemodernization, has now shifted from “One Amami” to “Many Amamis” (Kuwahara2016). Along with this distinctiveness, there are multiple overlapping layers, including thehistorical and cultural connections with Okinawa that are evidenced today in Yoron andOkinoerabu and to some degree in the other islands too.
Social reciprocity and horizontal and egalitarian relationships form an integral
part of the islands’ communicative sociality. Unlike mainland Japan, Amami’s bilateralsociety is based on an ego-centered bilateral kin group called haroji that lacks a specificdiscriminatory ideology, and the membership could be traced bilaterally. Brothers and sisters
were equally positioned. There was no hierarchy among the people in the same generation.
Haroji functioned as a joint labor organization (Yui or Yuitaba) in agriculture. For example,
they voluntarily united and worked together in sugarcane cultivation, re-thatching of straw
roofs, and rituals and festivals (Nakatani 2013: 54). Yui is a manifestation of reciprocal
relationships and is interwoven into the island communities’ social organization seen insuch expressions as “lend yui” and “return yui” (Yamamoto 2001: 754). It is a principlethat is manifesting today in the islands mediated communicative practices by informing themission of island radios, as it will be illustrated further below.
Similarly, another concept that of myar plays an important role in the Amamian culture
and its communicative ecologies. Myar is the public square “where the residents gather
and strengthen their cultural and religious ties” (Nishimura 2016: 44). It is where honensai(harvest festival) has been traditionally held in the summer during which community
members engage in traditional dancing, music playing and sumo wrestling and where island
storytelling takes place. This space has been adjusting to the changing needs of the island
communities but it continues to play a symbolic role in connecting “the inner and outerelements of the community” (Nishimura 2016: 49). Uken FM in Amami Ōshima provides
an example of that symbolic role that binds the community together through storytelling, acontemporary version of an “on-air” myar.
Amami shimauta is another important aspect of the islands cultural expression andidentity and has a strong presence in the islands FM radio programs. Shimauta are folksongs
in which high-pitched female and/or male voices are accompanied by the Amami sanshin (athree-stringed longneck lute) and sometimes by the chijin (drum) (Hayward and Kuwahara
2008: 65). The lyrics of these songs talk about the pain caused by forced labor, by thehardships of life, and by the separation of lovers and friends. Amami shimauta are closely32South Pacific Studies Vol.39, No.1, 2018

related to the islands folk traditions such as hachigatsu odori (August dance) and uta asobi(singing game). Amami FM and its Asivi House have been contributing to the revitalizationof shimauta that often results in hybrid new musical expressions.

Mapping the Amami Islands communicative ecologies
Mapping ICE refers mostly to drawing conceptual maps (e.g. Fig. 3) and creatingor collecting oral or written descriptions of the phenomena that constitute that ecology(adapted by Tacchi 2006). Mapping as a methodology enabled a broader comprehensionof the complexity of the Amami Islands’ communities and allowed for the exploration of
the various types of communication activities island people are engaged in (locally, translocally, intra-island, inter-island, trans-peripheral, national etc.), the resources available andthe understanding of how these can be used in sustaining island communities.
Research on CE requires decisions to be made concerning the scope of both datacollection and analysis (Tacchi 2006). Prior to data collection, a decision was made about
the investigative frame of the study; whereas decisions regarding its analytical scope weremade after a rich picture of the ecology emerged. The research, conducted over a period of
six months in the second half of 2017 in four Amami Islands (Amami Ōshima, Kikaijima,
Yoronjima and Tokunoshima), drew its data from formal and informal interviews anddiscussion groups with key island “storytelling agents” and ethnographic observations. The
mapping exercise was designed to strengthen the evidence from observations and interviewsby providing additional details from informal conversations with island inhabitants on theirinformation needs and how they use their communication networks and information sources.
With the exception of Kato’s work, there is a significant gap in the literature in
regards to Amami media and communication landscape, especially from an ethnographic
perspective. His two volumes (Kato 2016, Kato and Shingo 2017) provide a descriptive
but comprehensive overview that informed much of this research. Here, we build on thiswork by adding also exogenous and trans-peripheral media that put into context the islands
information ecosystem. Media were also grouped by type and storytelling network levels:

Fig. 3. Characteristics of Amami Islands CE.

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micro, meso and macro. Although the main focus here is on shima media (endogenous,
meso/micro) as key mediated forms of island communication, other forms of information
sources and flows have been considered, including the Bosai Musen emergency system thatserves the information needs of some island communities.

Selected findings, emerging themes and analysis
An observation that emerged very early into our fieldwork was that we were mapping
distinct communicative ecologies with multiple layers, networks and dynamics, many ofwhich overlapped, reflecting each shima’s distinct identity (including shima/community
identities at an intra-island space). Amami Ōshima’s ICE attracted more attention given its
richer media activity and its vibrant FM radio landscape supported by its larger population,
while Kikaijima stood out because of its unique use of the Bosai Musen system. Yoronjima
in its turn was a good example of an “island on the borders” whose historical and culturalconnections and geographical position bind it with that of Okinawa’s. Lastly, Tokunoshima’s
self-identifying as “the island in between” stood apart in many ways from the other islands
both in character and communicative practices infused by its inhabitant’s competitive
nature.
The islands have access to several exogenous (national/mainland and prefectural)
media most of which are Kagoshima based, the prefectural centre (see Table 1). Until thearrival of the FM stations in Amami Ōshima ten years ago, the island’ only radio access
was through NHK, the national broadcaster whose reception is uneven. Whilst most ofthese media report on the islands and in most cases, like MBC, have an office with a local
reporter or send one to cover events like the 2017 heavy floods in Kikaijima, the intended
audience is not the island inhabitants but rather that of the mainland. This has implications
on the islands representation resulting in locals seeing themselves through the eyes of themainland.
Table 1. Exogenous (mainland/national/prefectural: macro).
TV

Radio

Newspaper/print

MBC (Minami Nihon Broadcasting Co., Ltd.)TBS TV group

NHK FM(all Amami Islands)

Minam Nihon Shinbun

KTS (Kagoshima Television Station Co. LTD.)
Fuji TV group

NHK AM radio 1(all Amami Islands)

Yimiuri Shinbun

KTY (Kagoshima Yomiuri Televisoin)
Nihon TV group

NHK AM radio 2
all Amami Islands)

Mainichi Shinbun

KKB (Kagoshima Broadcasting Corporation)
ANN group (TV Asahi News Network)

MBC AM radio(all Amami Islands)

Asahi Sinbun

NHK Kagoshima
NHK ETV
BS (Broadcasting Satellites)

Various magazines

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Table 2. Endogenous Amami Islands Media (micro/meso).
Print
newspapers

Radio

Cable TV

onlineAmami FM

Amami TV

Amamin:blogging platform(all islands)

Tatsugo FM

Tokunoshima TV

Online versions oflocal advertisingguidesamammySetouchi FM(women/mothers advertising guide)

SSTV San San TV(Wadomaricho,
Okinoerabujima)

Magazines/newsletters

Nankai Nichi Nichi Horizon
Shinbun(no longer in print)

Amami Shinbun

Town newsletters(Setouchi-cho, Tatsugo-cho,
Kikai-cho, Tokunoshima-cho,
Isen-cho, Amagi-cho
Wadomari-cho, China-cho,
Yoron-cho)

JOBSENBA (local job ads)
Mishoran Gaido (food guide)

FM Okinoerabujima
Rajio Kikaijima(No longer in operation)
Tokunoshima Seiten Net(no longe in operation)
Tokunoshima mini FM

What is worth noting here in terms of the islands overall information landscape (Table
2) is that with the exception of Amami Ōshima, the rest of the islands have an unevenisland media presence, especially the smaller ones which tend to consume either privatecommercial media from the mainland or NHK (when reception allows it). Kakeromajima
and Kikaijima have limited reception of some local FM from Amami Ōshima. The only
local media available to all islands are the two newspapers (meso level) distributed fromtheir base in Naze, with local reporters in some of the other islands (it is significant to notehere that during typhoon season the newspapers distribution is impaired). This excludes thevarious municipal newsletters (micro level) posted to residents’ homes or distributed by thevillage chair and found in public buildings but which form part of the information ecosystemof all island communities. This unevenness in mediated communication however does notindicate a weaker information ecosystem or less diverse CEs but rather that other forms of
networks and flows are used to cater to the information needs of the islands’ inhabitants. For
instance Kikaijima has turned its Bosai Musen into a vital information dissemination system
or Yoronjima that tends to consume Okinawa’s media. In Kikaijima for instance the village
chair distributes important information material to designated leaders of reading groups who
ensure information reaches all inhabitants, especially elderly who often live alone and areless mobile. And in Tokunoshima, sharing information face to face and through phones andsocial media is an effective way of reaching fast a large number of people. Tokunoshima
is typical of small island communicative ecologies in the way in which daily informal
communication remains central in everyday life. This informality, especially aroundcertain locations and activities (i.e. Bullfighting) has contributed to rich communication
patterns where everyone is informed of each other’s activities. One islander referred to thiscommunication mode as akin to the “coconut wireless” phenomenon in other Pacific islands(Tacchi et al. 2013).

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The award winning Horizon, Amami’s only magazine in operation since 1994, ceased
to print in 2014 but past copies are available online and in tourist spots and airports, avaluable ‘archive’ of easily accessible format and content. Horizon was primarily acting asa window into the local island cultures and nature targeting visitors. As Yuriko Hamada, theeditor mentioned, she wanted something produced locally of high quality that local people
would be proud of (interview with Yuriko Hamada 7/7/17). The high quality and rich visualand textual content was illustrated by original photography taken by her spouse, Futoshi
Hamada, award winning photographer and ecologist. This magazine stands as a good
example of an endogenous publication that its originally external audience focus can beseen as an effort to balance island representation from within.
The four Cable TVs are small operations functioning at a micro level and catering
to very specific communities. This aspect of the islands mediated communication sharescharacteristics with community media. Although they are private operations, with the
exception of Tokunoshima, they are part of hyper-local information flows, focusing
on cultural/social activities, inclusive of their mainland diaspora, serving directly thecommunicative needs of their communities and acting as community based storytelling
networks.
The islands blogosphere is a recent phenomenon and still under development. Amamin(http://amamin.jp/), the main blogging platform, was created in 2010 by Kojiro Fukada,a young Amamian who upon returning from Tokyo identified a lack of island information
online produced locally. He addressed this by offering a series of workshops in all islands
and despite initial hesitation and even suspicion, eight years later there are over five
thousand users, 95 percent of which are local bloggers, ranging from a wide background.
Each island has its own blogging page and the blog categories range from fishing to pets,
hotels, daily life, child raising, local dialects, music etc. On average, 150 bloggers uploadstories daily. His agency based in Naze produces also the islands’ only advertising guides,
including one for women/mothers (40 thousand copies), one for local job ads and one
food guide (150 thousand copies). A printed version has been offered since 2013 to caterto older people and hotels’ needs. His agency also runs Sabakure (islands events online) topromote local businesses activities. His approach is “cool and local” as he tries to give a
Table 3. Trans-peripheral overlapping CE layers (meso).
TV

Newspapers

Radio

BBC (Ryukyu Broadcasting Corpration(JNN group)(received in Yoronjima nad Okinoerabujima)

OKINAWA Times

Radio Okinawa(received in Yoronjima and Okinoerabujima)

QAB (Ryukyu Asahi Broadcasting Corporation)
RBC radio (Ryukyu Broadcasting(TV Asahi group)
RYUKYU Shinpo Corporationa)(received in Yoronjima and Okinoerabujima)(received in Yoronjima and Okinoerabujima)
OTV (Okinawa TV)(FNN group)(received in Yoronjima and Okinoerabujima)

AFN radio (American Force Network)(received in Yoronjima and Okinoerabujima

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distinctive island character in design and production of each guide but also make them look
contemporary and professional. He believes that improved information dissemination canhelp the islands economic development (Interview with Kojiro Fukada 28/8/17).
Operating at municipal and village levels, Bosai Musen, Japan’s local government
disaster administration wireless broadcast system, can be found in all Japanese islands(Inagaki 2017). Although it might not fit in the conventional media category, we would
argue that is still part of a mediated system of communication. Most communities have either
a loud-speaker mounted on a tall poll in a central location or a device installed in individual
homes at municipal cost or a combination of both. The degree of access, areas covered,frequency of use, budget allocation, amount and type of information and engagement withit, channels, as well as their technology status, varies significantly depending on individual
islands or island community. Many island communities rely heavily on this system to get
information not only about weather emergencies but also vital community related news. The
islands’ typhoon weather patterns frequently cut off communities for days and Bosai Musen
often provides the only access to reliable information. Our observations point at a systemthat is overall well integrated into the everyday life of the islands and forms an importantpart of their information ecosystem. An example of this from Kikaijima will be further
explored in the thematic analysis section.
The southern islands of Yoron and Okinoerabu receive Okinawa media (see Table3). Their geographical proximity to Okinawa Island facilitates an overlapping CE thatis strengthened by a shared communicative sociality rooted in historical, cultural andlinguistic connections. As one inhabitant argued, “it makes more sense for us to be part of
the Okinawa Prefecture. It’s where we go for shopping, emergencies and other needs.” “It’sFig. 4. Amami Islands mediated communicative flows (Source: authors using map by https://commons.
wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Amami_Islands-en.png).

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more useful for us to listen to Radio Okinawa for the weather forecasts” explained anotherinhabitant, as the typhoons come from the south and pass through Okinawa first. Although
we have seen Okinawa newspapers on sale in Naze, the main trans-peripheral CE overlap
occurs with these two southern islands. The sea as Hau’ofa (1993) argued, is a mediumthat links these Islands into a vibrant field of communication.
The visual mapping of the Islands mediated communicative flows shows some ofoverlaps operating at times at intra and inter island levels (Fig.4). Whilst our mapping
exercise produced a descriptive overview of the islands information ecosystems that adds
to Kato’s (2016) and Kato and Shingo’s (2017) previous research, it also resulted inrich ethnographic observations that revealed the role island media play in nurturing island
identity and resilience. Resilience is seen here as a culturally mediated response to someof the challenges small islands often face, i.e. weather, aging population, depopulationand so on (Dawson 2018). The following section presents an analysis of some emerging
themes in regards to key shima mediated communication practices and how they reflect the
Amamian social organization concepts of yui and myar and serve as a first step towards acontextualized island communicative ecologies approach.

Three Interconnected Communicative Ecology Layers
Earlier in this paper, Hearn and Foth’s (2007) concept of social, technological anddiscourse communicative layers was raised as potentially useful characteristics of ICE
and for thematic analysis. In this case, our findings provided evidence of a significant
technology layer without which the information infrastructure of the islands would havebeen challenged. The Naze based Amami Communication Systems Company is central
in providing technological support that sustains the island’s community media and otherinformation networks and infrastructure, including for instance maintaining transmission
antennas, installing radio technology, training and servicing the Bosai Musen system,
etc. Having this technical expertise on location in the islands is crucial as it enables selfsufficiency. The company’s owner, Hiroichi Kabayama, is a central figure in this layer of theislands communicative ecology by facilitating island storytelling networks.
The social layer manifests in the natural ability of island media to tap into existingsocial, cultural, economic and local administrative networks that allows a symbiosis among
them and direct contribution to island life. The concept of yui is expressed here throughprogram sharing between the radio stations in Amami Ōshima and newspapers and thekinship based relationships often informing programing like for instance Setouchi Cable
TV’s unedited broadcasting of school cultural events. Care is taken not to cut out anyone
in case disgruntled grandparents call to complain about their grandchild being edited out.
The owner is also mindful not to cause local conflict and undue competition in his small
community by not offering advertising options, a revenue that his small operation canbenefit from. This we argue demonstrates the strong relational accountability aspect ofsmall island communities (see Thomas et al. 2016).
And lastly, at a discursive layer, we have found that the content of the islands mediated38South Pacific Studies Vol.39, No.1, 2018

communication practices are diverse and representative of the many island dialects, musicaland other cultural expressions, all genders embracing and reflecting Amami’s traditional
egalitarian society, cross-generational, diasporic, participatory and democratic in its
horizontal structures and operations and community focused with elements of inclusivenessof others outside the community and the islands. Uken FM for instance has a female
manager who facilitates a highly inclusive programing that brings together an older maleteacher with a younger woman in a local dialect learning program, a young mother with her
two children running the community’s book club, a comedy show by youth and an elder
chijin player. These layers are interconnected in their ability to cater directly to the islands
communicative sociality that enables the circulation of island storytelling.

Shima radio’s contribution to new communicative practices and dynamics
One of the key findings from this research indicated that the FM Radios in AmamiŌshima have dynamically altered the CE landscape of this island. While the trend started
with Amami FM in the capital Naze, there are now three more radios representing very
distinctive island communities, making them an important aspect of the island’s information
ecosystem. As one Amamian commented, “I cannot imagine Amami Ōshima without radionow” (Yuko). Two of them stand out, Uken FM, Japan’s smallest capacity community
FM, and Amami FM an urban radio with pan island characteristics. The Radio stations,like the many island tunnels, have opened up in a symbolic manner the individual shimacommunities to the collective Amami Ōshima community creating new perceptions andexperiences of island identity.
These FM stations have not only contributed towards sustaining and strengthening
the local information ecosystem of their communities but also generated new culturalexpressions through the promotion of contemporary island music and other cultural
practices, including popularizing the island’s dialects that were mostly used by the older
generation. Their program sharing2 has also forged stronger intra-island exchanges that arein their turn forging a stronger island identity described below by Amami FM’s founderreflecting here on the listeners’ response to the dialect programs:
I thought that the consciousness of the difference might mean identity […] We cannot
notice our identity if we don’t have relative objects. After Amami FM was established,
FM Setouchi was also established. In a sense, Naze and Koniya are now conscious
about each other. One day, a chief of Setouchi-cho Chamber of Commerce heard theNaze dialect from an Amami FM program thorough FM Setouchi and said that this(Naze dialect) might affect their children. Until then, they didn’t care about radio
program from Kagoshima City or Tokyo, but if there comes a thing that is easy tocompare, identity sprouts. (Interview with Kengo Fumoto, 17/7/17)――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――
2 Amami FM, Uken FM and Setouchi FM share program content.

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39

Amami FM’s emergence as “the radio of the islanders, by the islanders and for theislanders” seeks to enable Amamians to recognize the physical and cultural value of theirislands, to treasure and further strengthen the “yui” island value (ties between people), and topass down to the next generation the uniqueness of the island’s culture (Amami FM mission
statement). The concept of yui is expressed here through program sharing with other radio
stations in Amami Ōshima and the kinship based relationships often inform programing
like for instance the morning school show that encourages children while interviewing eachother to mention their parents or grandparents names (“Whose grandchild are you?”).
The founder of the station, Kengo Fumoto, saw the need to have a “pan-islands radio
station” and although he has not succeeded in getting it to their other islands, the station’scentral location in the islands capital plays a significant role in building the young people’s
local radio literacy by showcasing local young musicians. In an island that did not have its
own radio, learning how to tune to it and creating a listening habit involves a programmingthat engages all ages, cultivating the audience from early on. Fumoto who is also a drums
player for the Salmon and Garlic rock band demonstrates below the important role thisstation plays in nurturing new musical expressions in the island:
One of the expressions of the [island] identity can be seen in shimauta or August
dance. I think we are not inheriting the figure but the heart. So, the figure should be ok
to change over time. For example, I think it is ok today to preform shimauta by playing
contemporary band music if it could be understood by the audience...I am drumming
because I want to send the message that the island is fun and cool. (Interview with
Kengo Fumoto, 17/7/17)
This island musician recognizes the need for Amami islands to keep generating
new musical traditions building on the old ones. In that sense, Amami FM has become asuccessful vehicle that provides a continuum between the old and the new in a way thatembraces different audience needs.
Uken FM has become an indispensable part of its small community’s communicative
landscape, “a communication rather than an information tool” as aptly described to us by
Fumoto, and not just for keeping the pigs away in the fields as it has been anecdotally
reported. Established in 2010 as a replacement of the Bosai Musen system, Uken FM
involves forty community volunteers in its program making. Community radio has specificcharacteristics that set it apart from commercial or national radio broadcasting, and Uken
FM demonstrates how a community radio station can be innovative, engaging, resourcefuland a key part of sustaining island communities:…aims to maintain the inherited traditional culture of Uken village and pass down
the charm of the village by providing the information of disaster prevention which
is important to the life of the people, by sharing the local information and bycooperating and working together with municipality, NPOs, various organizations,residents, schools, shops and so on through undertaking community FM. (Uken FM

40South Pacific Studies Vol.39, No.1, 2018

mission statement)
Uken FM is the first community radio to combine radio and Bosai Musen functions. As
the community had no radio access in the past, the municipality distributed for free a radio
device to all community members, especially as it switches to Bosai Musen function in
emergency situations. Catering to such a small community (less than 2000 people) with its
own dialect and distinctive cultural traditions, the station has now become the voice of thevillage. Here anonymity is not welcomed, people complain if their names are not mentioned,
they are keen to be heard and acknowledged. Many of the programmes have a chatty tonefound in face-to-face informal encounters in the community. For a community that had noradio literacy, they have embraced it as their alternative “on-air myar” (village square).

Island communicative rhizomes
In our research the concept of communicative rhizomes (Carpentier 2016) has
provided a tool for a clearer articulation of the diversity, complexity, contingency,
resilience and fluidity of shima communication networks and agents. The island’s mediatedcommunication practices, unlike their mainland (national and prefectural) counterparts, areseen here as part of a more fluid island interconnected network system that embraces bothindividual and collective island agents. In Amami, the person with the technical expertisefacilitates information flows that enable community, intra and inter-island communicative
practices and acts at the same time as an individual agent in setting up Tatsugo FM where his
own daughter acts as a manager. Nankai Nichi Nichi Shinbun, the island’s most establishednewspaper, has been instrumental in supporting island dialects through its sponsoring of theannual Speech Contest in the past. And Miyuki Sakui, a young Kikajima hotel receptionist
and important local community cultural enabler, also acts as the local reporter for one of theAmami newspapers.
But the best example we could provide for this rhizomatic metaphor is the on-air andoff-air co-habitation of Amami FM and its Asivi House (live performance space) that has
been connecting the islands with the mainland and the rest of the world while creating new,hybrid, experimental cultural expressions that demonstrate a confident island culture that
can absorb outside influences by making them their own in distinctive ways. For instance,
the Asivi House hosted in 2017 a jointed performance by a Japanese Flamenco group and alocal young female sanshin and shimauta artist that resulted in an impressive experimental
musical and dancing performance. Isolation is clearly not this island’s defining characteristic
as Terrel (2004) argues. Amami FM station uses the Asivi House as Naze’s off-air, realtime and space ‘myar’ where invited artists give traditional, contemporary, island andinternational performances. The radio is acting then as an amplifier promoting both eventsand performers that can be heard by other parts of the island through program sharing with
Uken FM and Setouchi FM. Its myar role is also exemplified in the night street festivalsorganized in the center of the city broadcasted live in Naze and rebroadcasted later in otherparts of the island.

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41

Shima storytelling networks, agents and cultural enablers
Using the storytelling network approach (Wilkin et al. 2007) facilitated the emergenceof an important theme in our ICE mapping. These networks are created through astorytelling process in which Amamians, community organizations and shima media workwith each other in ways that allow a shared construction of a vision and reality for theirisland communities as places where they belong and in which they share their concerns. The‘shima stories’ generated and circulated through these networks by individual and collective
agents - “on air” or in print, digitally, or face to face - shape island identities in a culturally
and socially relevant manner while enabling access and participation in information flowsthat contribute to island agency. Most importantly, these networks and agents demonstrate
how the practice of yui continues to define the islands communicative sociality. Our
observations show how individual island agents are not operating on their own but as part ofa shima collective that facilitates and influences each other’s contribution and it is intricately
linked to relational accountability and social trust (as seen in other Pacific island cultures, i.e.
Thomas et al. 2014).
These storytelling agents are often acting as shima cultural enablers. It is evident
that by creating a new storytelling network through shima radio, the Islands’ local media
ecology has changed considerably. Its founder, Fumoto, acts not only as an agent who runs
a network but also as a cultural enabler and catalyst for change. He displays a high level ofisland identity awareness, the result of his identity crisis journey which saw him returning toAmami Ōshima after living in Tokyo:“Gradually the feeling became strong that I want to play my role in the place thatpeople know me […] island… is a place where people share time and place, andwhere people [collectively] create the value of happiness every day. In the city, there
is segregation, while in the island you see an attitude of acceptance” (Interview with
Kengo Fumoto 17/7/17)
Fumoto here instinctively defines that unique sense of place that Hay (2006) andBaldachino (2005) referred to. When asked if it is easy to recruit Radio staff with a media
background, his reply provided further evidence of his role as an enabler: “I recruited thoseyoung people who are interested in the island and in revitalizing island. In the interview,
I don’t care about their technical knowledge but I care about the motivation.” In our
encounters with some of his current and former staff, we observed a similar high level ofawareness of their island identity.
Miyuki Sakui is one of them, a young woman who returned to Kikaijima after studyingin the mainland and working for a period at Amami FM. The latter shaped her way of seeing
her own island and taught her how using media can be an effective way of strengthening
local people’s pride in their shima culture. Although her day job is in a hotel, she acts as the
local reporter for one of the Amami newspapers. As an agent that contributes to the islands42South Pacific Studies Vol.39, No.1, 2018

storytelling networks she demonstrates an understanding of her role and the importance forher fellow islanders to see their stories on the media:
It’s important to have Kikaijima stories in island newspapers for others to read but it’smore important that my stories are read by island people as there is much information
flowing into the island from the outside world but not enough information from theisland by locals. (interview with Miyuki Sakui, 20/8/17)
She noticed that in comparison to other Amami islands, Kikaijima gets little exposurein island media and that locals are contented whenever they make it to the news. She feltthat this is not enough:I think “feeling happy” replaces “let’s do it properly” and “let’s learn about our island
more”. I often hear that traditional culture is difficult to continue because of lackof young people who want to learn it. I think one reason is taking pride in living in
Kikaijima is diminished. I am working to change their minds by using the media well.
(interview with Miyuki Sakui 20/8/17)
The list of storytelling agents and cultural enablers is a rich one, including the founderof Amami’s blogosphere mentioned above, another young Amamian professional whose
contribution to the creation of a new digital storytelling network has changed the islands
CE and who shared the same level of island identity awareness with Fumoto and Sakui.
The Hamada couple have a long standing record in serving the islands CE and agency
by generating island stories from within for external audience. Kabayama, the Amami
Communication Systems owner, is another significant catalyst for change who played acentral role in the establishment of Uken FM. It was at his instigation and support that Uken
Village Hall took the decision to replace its Bōsai Musen system with a community radio.
All these island agents act synergistically, “lending yui”, in a manner akin to sharing theirlabour in “thatching the roof” of their islands mediated space, weaving together their stories,
providing technical expertise, building networks and facilitating information shima flows.

Meeting diverse audience needs
The islands media cater to diverse audience needs. Established media, like the islands
two newspapers, cater to the older population which is used to print media. Obituaries andbirth news announcements are for instance the most popular items in these newspapers
reflecting the demographics of their readership. And the online island guides are now also
printed to cater to older population. Sakui, the reporter from Kikiajima indicated the print
preference, “The good point of newspaper is that they are accessible any time while TV andradio are not”. Even if the newspapers arrive late due to typhoon transport disruption, theislanders are still content to read stories about their islands.
An example of how different island media serve different communities in distinctive

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43

manner is the Setouchi Cable TV. Its owner and former electrician, Masao Takehara,
has been running his cable TV in the small town of Koniya for nearly 30 years. The live
broadcasting from the town’s port with shimauta playing in the background acts as awindow into the town’s life for the elderly and less mobile inhabitants, another exampleof the symbolic myar function of shima media. Setouchi Cable TV’s real time recording
and CD content dissemination of community events reach not only its local community
members (parents and grandparents are keen to have recordings of their children’s cultural
day school performances) but also the mainland diaspora whose events Takehara also
records and disseminates in CD format. In this manner, he is acting as a local storytelling
agent not only at a micro but also meso level as he caters not only to the local community
but also to its diaspora. Setouchi TV, like the other islands Cable TVs, acts like a visualcommunity archive.
While provincial community radio creates parallel “on-air” community spaces that
include all community members, urban community radio caters to new audiences withan interest in contemporary island music. Amami FM’s second open air studio, in one ofNaze’s market arcades, also serves as a convenience store and aims at strengthening directinteraction with its audience by being more visible to the younger listeners and visitors to
the island. Having an open air studio sharing space with a shop was deliberate:
In the beginning, I made the studio soundproof like the image of a studio in themainland, but later, I thought that the open space studio where children’s voices areheard including the sound of the bustle of daily life is much better. That’s ordinary life.
(Fumoto, interview 22/8/17)
The Horizon magazine was a publication that although it was primarily produced for
visitors to the islands acting as a window to their culture and nature from within, it was also
read by islanders who saw it as an affirmation of their identity.
The different manifestations of the Bosai Musen system also provides evidence of how
old (loudspeakers) and new technologies (digital devices) as well as alternative modes (radio
station) can enhance island information flows and meet different communities informationneeds in an overlapping manner.

Island weather and its impact on ICE
The undoubtable connection between human and nature ecologies is evident in theislands where strong weather patterns form an integral part of shima life. During the typhoonseason, strong winds, and heavy rainfall, causing landslides and stopping transportation cut
off the islands for several days at a time, including the disruption of newspapers delivery.
The islands natural habitat contours their communicative ecologies and information
ecosystems, as the Bōsai Musen unmistakably demonstrates. A good example of how
important this system is for island information flows is Tokunoshima where depending on
the weather, the ferry will choose between two ports to berth. In the past Bōsai Musen would

44South Pacific Studies Vol.39, No.1, 2018

announce on the morning of the ferry arrival which port was operating that day saving the
locals from taking an unnecessary 40 minutes’ drive from one port to another. This service
is no longer available much to the islanders’ consternation.
Along with Bōsai Musen, public funding has been made available to Cable TVs and
FM stations for disaster and emergency broadcasting. It was in fact because of this island
weather that Amami FM became popular with the younger audience. During the 2010 heavy
rainfall, the radio went on live broadcasting inviting listeners to share information withmany calling to find out if their relatives were safe or pass on messages about their safety.
Setouchi TV’s extended recording of floods caused by passing typhoon often finds its way
to the mainland news outlets.

Bōsai musen: an unexpected finding in the island’s information ecosystem
One of the key findings from this research was the use of Bosai Musen and its
integration in the islands information ecosystem. While emergency broadcasting has been
traditionally its main function, island municipal administrations often use them to broadcast
local public announcements. Whilst a disaster broadcasting system is hard to miss as it
is very visible and audible and part of the Japanese islands landscape, it is because of itsvery obvious function that its other role in the island CE have not been paid the attention it
deserves. We believe that it is this other role that illustrates well one of our key points in thisresearch: small islands’ unique micro-communicative ecologies shape and ascribe uniquemeaning to information flows and uses. Bosai Musen, has been shaped by these island
communities to serve their own unique information needs, outside emergency and disastertimes.
Bosai Musen was introduced into Kikaijima in 1988 and its digital upgrade, completed
in 2015, covers all 3,600 households. Whilst all islands have this system used both for
emergency and community information dissemination with varying degrees of area coverand frequency, our observations from Kikaijima pointed that it has developed uniquecharacteristics that make it stand out as the island’s key mediated communication system.
This is demonstrated in some of its functions identified during our fieldwork: village
clock (chiming at 12pm, 3pm and 5pm); a channel for public announcements with fixed
broadcasting time (early morning and evening) for the Town Hall (i.e. recruitment calls for
Town Hall, district meetings, election announcements), Village Chief, Police (i.e. elderly
people missing), school/community (i.e. invitation to/reminder for the annual cultural
school festivities; chiming at 5.30pm during school time and 6pm during summer to remindchildren to return home from playground; reminders to drivers to be careful with students
on the streets at the start of the school year), Agricultural Association/ Cooperative (i.e. land
registration of sugar cane harvest and production per farmer), Council of Social Welfare,
Health related services (i.e. reminder for rabies injections). During the dry season, it reminds
the island inhabitants to close their car windows when crossing sugar cane fields to avoid
getting wet from the water sprinkle system. And on the rare occasion that the island makes
it to the national news or other regional media, an announcement is sent out early in thePapoutsaki: Mapping Small Islands Communicative Ecologies: a Case Studies from the Amami Islands

45

day in the manner of “we made it to the national news, don’t miss tonight’s TV program!”
But it is the death announcements, aired at the request of the deceased family, that merit
more attention. Funerals are considered a public rather than a private matter in these island
communities. The information on who has died, when and where and funeral service details
are seen as a community matter. Even if there is no request from the deceased’s family, thecommunity head will still air the funeral information as a matter of public concern.
Whilst this appears to be the Radio that you do not have a choice to switch on/off, a“top down” information system acting like a “Benevolent Big Island Brother” beaming into
the neighbourhood or your dining room, when examined closely there is evidence that it
enables Island Agency by sitting in the center of the islands information landscape, filling inan obvious gap while balancing out local information flows and dynamics and strengthening
the impact of information as it is delivered by a local “agent” that is seen as sociallytrustworthy (see Dale and Sparkes 2010). In terms of island community development,
information - and an equal access to it - is a vital element in enabling informed voice,engagement and participation in small island communities.

Towards an integrated island information ecosystem modelIslands, like “all communities and collectives need to communicate, to express
themselves, to inform and be informed, to dialogue with others, and to network. To havethese communication needs met is the right of every community and collective” (Nuestros
Medios, cited in Fuller 2007:5). This research has provided evidence that Amami’s media
not only serve directly their island communities’ information needs but also shape and areshaped in their turn by the islands communicative sociality. They share most characteristics
of community media (Fuller 2007) and whether private or community/public owned, theirlimited reach, small and low cost capacity, engages directly with the islanders and reflects
specific island community needs and interests.
Based on this mapping of Amami Islands CE, an integrated communicative ecology
approach for islands has emerged based on the Internews information ecosystem model
which requires further contextualization of its key elements. The model groups together
elements of this ecosystem as they are represented in their respective island environments
while putting emphasis on human and social indicators, communication content andstructures.
Small islands are distinctive communities, defined by a collective identity and close,
reciprocal relationships (yui). A significant characteristic of shima is the direct and frequentcontact between their members and the feeling of ‘belonging’ and ‘sharing’ that hasdeveloped over a period of time from within. Island communities are actively constructedby their inhabitants whose island identity results from this process. The inhabitants ofislands create their identity from their constructed social communication structure (Fig.5).
Island media are oriented towards the communities they serve. Their relationship howeverwith their shimas goes beyond the traditional one-way communication. Island media often
function like community media that offer the means of expression of the island rather than

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South Pacific Studies Vol.39, No.1, 2018

Fig. 5. Island ecology map (Source: authors adapting Internews information ecosystems model (photoby Evangelia Papoutsaki, design by Anusha Bhana).

for the island and in which the island community members often participate as storyteller
agents, contributing to the production and performance of shima meaning. This kind ofcommunication networks can be used to strengthen island identities and help manifest thisidentity to the outside world, especially with the increased use of social and online media.
Island media thus can be seen, like community media as Carpentier et al. (2003) has
argued in his extensive body of work, as an alternative choice to the market and state media
and by extension to the centralized, mainland often based production and dissemination of
information that draw the focus away from the island communities.

Conclusions
Our research has identified several elements of the islands CE that serve directly thevarious islands’ communities, contributing to their wellbeing and towards maintaining
a sense of island identity with strong links to local dialects, cultural expression, andcommunity organization. The ICE mapping provided evidence that elements of the island
culture, like that of myar and yui, are still present and actively shaping the communicative
actions of the islanders.
Amami’s mediated CE contains several elements of what makes island communities
resilient. These include a healthy information landscape and dynamics of production,
movement, access, use and impact based on local information needs, social trust and agentsof change/cultural enablers. If resilience is a culturally mediated response to a challenge,
this research shows that Amami Ōshima’s FM Radios play an important role to this island’s
mediated communicative ecology that strengthens its resilience.
By mapping the Amami Islands CE, this research has explored the potential
contribution of a contextualized communicative ecology approach to island studies. The six
months fieldwork yielded rich data that deserve a more extensive presentation and analysis.
This article served as an initial overview of the key findings and emerging characteristicsof the islands CE but it is by no means exhaustive. To complete the mapping, the remaining
four islands also need to be included and the emerging themes need to be elaborated further.

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47

Acknowledgements
This research was made possible with the generous contribution of the Centre ofPacific Islands Research at Kagoshima University that provided Associate Professor
E. Papoutsaki with a research fellowship in 2017 and enabled the collaboration
with Professor S. Kuwahara whose intimate knowledge of the Amami Islands andextensive islands networks contributed to an in-depth study that would not have beenotherwise possible. Special acknowledgments also go to Mr. and Mrs Oku whose
island hospitality enabled us to have a first-hand experience of Bosai Musen’s importantrole in Kikaijima’s CE and all those Amamians that shared so generously their timewith us.

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