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A Framework for a New Understanding of
Pre-industrial European Textiles
Izumi Takeda1) Textile names as labels
In the pre-industrial era, a mixed fabric of cotton and flax, called‘fustian’, was produced in Britain. Because cotton fibre was used as a raw
material, economic history studies have considered the manufacture offustian as the precursor of the British cotton industry.
A question is wherther this categorisation is still effective once theperspective changes, that is, when the demand side is analysed. The
success of the domestic production of a pure cotton cloth called ‘calico’through the advent of the water frame, was a crucial factor in theestablishment of the British cotton industry. Calico, having gained great
popularity after importation from India, was not only consumed domestically, but also exported to West Africa and the Americas in order to beused for the gifts to native African rulers, for the clothing and furnishingneeds of the Europeans who had crossed the Atlantic, as well as for slave
clothes in colonial America. Especially after the prohibition of its
domestic use in the 1720s１），its re-export to those areas played an１） 9 Geo. II, c. 4: An Act to amend an act passed in the seventh year of the reignof his late majesty King George the First, intituled, An act to preserve and―５１７―

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important role in the future mechanisation of the British cotton industry２）.
Why was calico so popular? Purchasers/users wanted, bought, or used
calico, because it appealed to them in any form. In other words, theyvalued its characteristics, such as cleanliness, beautiful printing, and soft
texture, more than what it was made of.
An effective way to categorise textiles by their characteristics rather
than by the fibre is to focus on their names, as they reflect such characteristics. For instance, while people would choose ‘cambric’ to make a goodshirt, they knew that a fabric called ‘osnaburg’ was most suitable to clotheslaves. The term ‘cambric’ became a label for its characteristics such aslightness, soft texture, and whiteness, and purchasers could immediately
identify the fabric from its name. Furthermore, labels often affect themind-set of users or wearers. Wearing a good shirt tailored from cambric
would make them feel comfortable, not only because of its cosy material,
but also because it is expensive and produced by employing a lot of timeand labour. It helps differentiate the wearer from other people while
giving them a sense of superiority.
Then, what kind of information did a fabric called ‘fustian’ embody
in its label? Raised surface, thickness, and dark colour differentiated itfrom calico３）.
encourage the woollen and silk manufactures of this Kingdom, and for more
effectual employing the poor, by prohibiting the use and wear of all printed,painted, stained or dyed callicoes, in apparel, household stuff, furniture, otherwise, after the twenty fifth day of December, one thousand seven hundred andtwenty two (except as is therein excepted) so far as relates to goods made oflinen yarn, and cotton wooll, manufactured in Great Britain.
２） Inikori, J. E., ‘Slavery and the Revolution in Cotton Textile Production inEngland’ in Inikori, J.E. & Engerman, S.L. eds., The Atlantic Slave Trade:
Effects on Economies, Societies, and People in Africa, the Americas, andEurope, Duke University Press, 1992.
３） Cox, Nancy, Retailing and the Language of Goods, 1550-1820, Ashgate, 2015,―５１８―

A framework for a new understanding of pre-industrial European textiles

2) What fibres were used in the production of ‘fustian’?
Fustian is said to have been named after an Egyptian town, Fustat,near Cairo, though its relations to the European fustian production isobscure. It is not so popular among many other textile names, nevertheless,economic historians who intend to discuss the British (Lancashire) cotton
industry, more often than not refer to ‘fustian’ as a type of cotton cloth
for the simple reason cotton was used in its manufacturing process. Theirfocus is on the fact that cotton was used, while flax, another componentof the fabric, was less valued. In addition, they do not give due consideration to its unique characteristics and how it was utilised４）.
Looking back to the Middle Ages in Italy and the fustian history
since then, you will find ‘fustian’ that was not always made of cottonand flax５）. Milan (referred to as ‘Millian’ below) and Cremona in Italy
started manufacturing ‘fustian’ in the twelfth century, and its production
gradually migrated and extended northwards to reach Ulm (‘Holmes’) andAugsburg (‘Osbro or Augusta’) in South Germany by the end of thefourteenth century, where ‘fustian’ of lower quality was widely produced
using locally grown flax. Evidence shows that England began producing
fustian by the middle of the sixteenth century, and it took about half app. 17-21; Nancy Cox and Karin Dannehl, Dictionary of Traded Goods andCommodities, 1550-1820. British History Online. Originally published by theUniversity of Wolverhampton, 2007.
４） For details, see Takeda, I., Asa to Men ga tsumugu Igirisu Sangyo Kakumei,
Mi- nerva Shobo, 2013, Chap. 1.
５） Wescher, H., ‘Cotton and Cotton Tradre in the Middle Ages’, Ciba Review, 64,
1948; Mazzaoui, M. F., The Italian Cotton Industry in the later Middle Ages,
1100-1600, Cambridge University Press, 1981, pp. 64-65, 141-147; Sykas, P.
A., ‘Fustians in Englishmen’s dress: From cloth to emblem’, Costume: The
Journal of the Costume Society, No. 43, 2009.

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century to reach Lancashire.
‘Fustian of Norwich’ which appeared in the 1554 Act, being
recognised as the first English made fustian, was a wool based fabric,suggesting that English fustian production started as part of the woollenindustry. It was not until after its production was finally established inLancashire that the fibre composition settled on cotton and flax, whichprior studies have loosely defined as ‘fustian’.
From the above mentioned, it might be quite fair to say that thefibre composition largely depended on the economic conditions of theproducing districts. For example, Lombardia in Italy had easier access tocotton through Venice and Genoa than other regions in Europe, and in theneighbourhood of Schwaben, there was a lot of flax grown locally. As
Norwich had been one of the important production bases of woollen
textiles in England when the production of fustian began, it was naturalthat local weavers used wool as a raw material. If we take a historicalview, there are various types of fustian in terms of fibres used. The
specific fibre composition is not a defining attribute of ‘fustian’.

3) What defines ‘fustian’?
Below is a list of fustians referred to in the 1660 Book of Rates６）.
By that time, England was importing many different types of fustian.
Its broad price range and the various descriptions attached to ‘fustian’
may correspond to differences in the quality of the material. These
descriptions include the fabric’s place of origin, though it is not certain
here whether they refer to the place of production or distribution base.
６） A Subsidy granted to the King of Tonnage and Poundage and other summes ofMoney payable upon Merchandize Exported and Imported (Charles II, 1660).

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Fustians in the 1660 Book of Rates
Amsterdam Holland or Dutch fustians
Barmillions
Cullen fustians
Holmes and Bevernex fustians
Jeane fustianMillian fustians
Naples fustians tript or velure plaine
Naples fustians wrought vocat. Sparta velvet
Osbro or Augusta fustians
wth silkeof Weazell

According to Sykas７），these fustians can be divided into three classes
by quality. Naples fustians had a cut pile surface８）, and were exclusively
upmarket commodities９）. Next came moderately-priced fustians, such as
Barmillion, Millan, Dutch, Cullen and Weazell fustians; and finally, thecheaper varieties included Jeane, Holmes, Bevernex and Osbro. They all
had a raised surface, though moderately-priced varieties had more andlonger naps than cheaper ones.
The fact that there were nappers and finishers in Cremona, andshearers in Schwaben, suggests that fustians produced in these towns hada raised surface. At the end of the fifteenth century, England tried to stop７） Sykas, 2009.
８） Another source says that ‘fustian of Naples’ had two piles on its surface, one
shorter than the other. See Cox and Dannehl, 2007.
９） They were mentioned in the sumptuary law passed under Edward IV.

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the inflow of fustians whose raised surface was singed to burn off extra
fibre, because the fustians of that time had to be shorn with broadshears.
Fustian of Norwich also had a napped surface１０）. Even when manydifferent towns began manufacturing their own fustian, adjusting the fibre
composition to their peculiar economic circumstances, the features of theraised surface remained unchanged. In eighteenth-century Lancashire,
several varieties of fustian were manufactured, such as thickset, dimity,corduroy and velveret, all of which were characterised by their raised
surfaces.
Broadly speaking, there were two kinds of raised surface. One kind
was a surface brushed with a tool called a ‘teasel’１１）. In most cases, anextra fibre was seared after teaseling. The other kind was a piled surface,created on the loom. In some instances, each pile was cut, so as to givethe fabric a continuous soft texture. The manner of raising the nap andcutting the pile varied according to time and place.
In order to make the finished surface hairy and downy, the weft had
to be softly spun in order to keep it fluffy, and then loosely woven inorder to make the weft float, so that each fibre could catch the bristles ofa brush. It would be fair to assume that cotton and wool were used as
wefts, because they were more suitable for creating these features thanlinen. The judgment as to which fibre was to be used in the productionof fustian largely depended not only on its relative availability, but also
on whether it had the required features for creating a raised surface,when spun as a weft. Hence while wool-based fustian was common in one１０） Sykas, 2009. Cox and Dannehl, 2007.
１１） To teasel means to card or brush the surface of a fabric using a tool made ofteasel.

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A framework for a new understanding of pre-industrial European textiles

case, cotton was used in another, as was the case in eighteenth-century
Lancashire.
It may be safely concluded that from a typical consumer’s perspective,
fabrics called ‘fustian’ had a uniquely distinctive appearance - namely, araised surface, regardless of the materials and methods used in their manufacture. This commonly shared feature, rather than the fibre composition,is to be the defining attribute of ‘fustian’. The raised surfaces of different
grades of fustian were used for specific purposes. While fustian of highquality, such as Naples fustian, accounted for a minimal proportion offustian traded, less expensive varieties of fustian had a much wider market,
being commonly used for protective outer garments by people of lowerrank, such as labourers and rural farmers.

4) Transcending different fibres
Calico was classified under ‘linen cloth’ in the 1660 Book of Rates.
It is noteworthy that Indian calico, being made of cotton fibre only, wastreated as ‘linen’. In pre-industrial Britain (England), certain kinds ofEuropean linens made of flax were actually used as substitutes for Indian
calico. Besides, cotton-flax mixed fabrics, which should be distinguishedfrom fustian by its characteristics, were manufactured and marketed inplace of calico. It follows that at least in the period from the latter half ofthe seventeenth century to the end of the eighteenth century, the term‘linen’ did not always mean a fabric made of flax. Mixed fabrics of flax
and cotton and even pure cotton fabrics as well automatically fell under
the category of ‘linen’１２）.
It can be inferred from the above mentioned that this is because they
１２） Takeda, 2013, Chap. 1.

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similarly appealed to the five senses and mentality of human beings,
which worked as a criterion of what to buy or what to use. This kind of
judgment must have affected the supply side in terms of how many ofwhat to produce, and how. In this context, removing the walls between
fibres and focusing on textile names as labels was useful not just toanalyse the demand side. It could be a framework for discussing thesupply side of any textile industry as well.

5) Positioning of textiles
Transcending the boundaries of fibres and focusing on textile names(labels) enables us to place each textile in a proper position in terms of its
characteristics showing how each was different or similar.
This is a static positioning from the viewpoint of purchasers/users at
a specific time and place. Conventional classifications by fibres, such as
cotton cloth and silk cloth or cotton industry and silk industry, can besubdivided according to labels, and one label can be linked to another orothers individually.
The former (subdividing) means that each conventional classification
is a collection of various kinds of fabrics; calico, muslin and others
are grouped together as cotton cloth. In addition, labels such as ‘calico,’being a broad concept that included other labels, can be organised in a
multi-layered framework. How many labels are included in one label
depends on the time and place.
The latter (linking) relates to a redefinition of textile names. For
example, as discussed above the term ‘linen’ included not only flax-madefabric but also mixed fabric of linen and cotton, and in some cases, purecotton fabric as well. It follows that ‘linen’ described two (or possibly―５２４―A framework for a new understanding of pre-industrial European textiles

more) different fibres. Linking is often done by transcending the boundaries of fibres.
The positioning explained above means placing textile labels inproper positions from the perspective of purchasers/users at a certain timeand place. However, it changes, on one hand, with the flow of time, even
if its geographical focus remains unchanged, and, on the other, often
reflects geographical differences even at the same point in time.

6) Issues for future analysis
It is well known that, around the turn of the eighteenth century,
Ireland was forced to give up its woollen industry, and the English
government encouraged linen production in its stead. As has been
discussed by many scholars of the history of Ireland, Ulster had
maintained a brisk development in high quality linen production in theeighteenth century. Though the fabric quality was much lower, linenproduction was widely present in other parts of Ireland as well, whichprior studies did not give as much focus to. In the course of the century,
the rapid expansion of the British external trade, especially with theAmericas, created an opportunity for Ireland to increase coarse linenexports.
Another vital economic environment for the Irish linen industry isLancashire, where the textile production rapidly grew from the middle ofthe century. The early history of the English cotton industry, from the Indian calico imports to the mechanisation of cotton spinning, influenced therelationship between English and Irish linen and cotton-related industries.
As for the eighteenth-century Irish linen industry, the future researchquestions that could be derived from this paper are: first, ‘what kinds of―５２５―

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linen textiles were produced in the eighteenth century in Ireland and how
they were similar or different?’; second, ‘how were the attributes of eachtextile related to the complex rivalry with the textile production inLancashire, which was to become the leading industry during the time of
the Industrial Revolution?’―５２６―