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Systematic notes on Asian birds. 7.
Black-naped oriole Oriolus chinensis Linnaeus, 1766:
some old nomenclatural issues explained
E.C. Dickinson

Dickinson, E.C. Systematic notes on Asian birds. 7. Black-naped oriole Oriolus chinensis Linnaeus,
1766: some old nomenclatural issues explained.
Edward C. Dickinson, c/o The Trust for Oriental Ornithology, Flat 3, Bolsover Court, 19 Bolsover
Road, Eastbourne, BN20 7JG, U.K. (e-mail: asiaorn@ftech.co.uk).
Keywords: Oriolus chinensis; black-naped oriole; nomenclature; Brisson; Buffon; Jerdon.
Any exploration of the development of our knowledge of the distribution and nomenclature of theblack-naped oriole produces a bewildering complex of names. It is the more complex because the origin of the specimen named Oriolus chinensis Linnaeus, 1766, was disputed. When it was proposed thatthe origin might be the Philippines this at first seemed to affect the nomenclature in India but not
China. A new name then introduced proved to be preoccupied by one that rested on a descriptionthat seemed too flawed to be applicable. When it was finally determined that the Chinese breeding
population needed a new name, and that this was the form that reached eastern parts of India as a
migrant, the name changes proposed met such resistance that for nearly 60 years the names in use, in
one or more parts of the range of the species, awaited correction. Today, correctly, the name chinensis
is applied as the trinomial of the resident Philippine population and the name diffusus Sharpe, 1877, to
breeding Chinese birds which are migratory and just include easternmost India in their winter range.

Introduction
This series of systematic notes has the objective of creating a well-researched basis
for future work on Asian ornithology and its focus is on taxonomy and nomenclature.
These are the areas where the systematist plods along behind the enthusiasm of the
fresh field work that glamorously breaks new ground. One of the reasons for believing such basic information to be needed is the fact that the vast majority of books on
Asian birds have understandably dealt with single countries, even if, in the case of
the Indian subcontinent, several countries now represent the one. Focussing on a single country has many benefits, not least that tasks become more manageable. As
always with advantages come disadvantages. The principal disadvantage of such
focussed work is the potential for missing the ‘big picture’. Once errors creep into theliterature they tend to get perpetuated and this process, as it affects particular problems, often allows external roots to infect the local work.
The black-naped oriole Oriolus chinensis Linnaeus, 1766, provides an interestingcase history that makes this point. As one works one’s way through the literature todevelop a paper that deals with type specimens, one is occasionally confronted bycases that challenge one’s persistence if they are to be understood. Frequently the
results of much research, when successful, can be spelled out in a footnote of a few
lines. More rarely, as in this paper, no such brevity is possible. Sometimes the puzzle
remains unsolved and all work on it escapes mention. Papers explaining such a story
require that the strands of history be pulled together and understood, which
demands time and significant library resources. Often both are unavailable to workers in Asian countries. Having clear historical summaries of complex cases available

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may save others from replicating the effort, or at least may shorten the time needed to
do so by providing both a paper trail and carefully researched references.
The distribution of the species
As generally treated there are some 18 to 20 subspecies of the black-naped oriole(Greenway, 1962), depending first on one’s views on whether it is or is not conspecificwith the slender-billed oriole Oriolus tenuirostris Blyth, 1846, and second on whether
or not the recognized subspecies have been overlumped or oversplit. Neither of theissues will be treated here as neither is relevant to this paper.
These subspecies, if you accept O. tenuirostris and O. chinensis as conspecific,
range from the Himalayas east through China to extreme south-eastern Siberia south
to the Lesser Sunda islands. The birds that breed in the northeast of this huge range
are migratory and so to a lesser extent are those in the Himalayas. Most populations
lying south of these are resident.
A history of the nomenclatural process for the species
Once the nominate form, as we call it today, had been named other forms werealso named, some assigned in the context of a special genus Broderipus erected for thisgroup but most employing the broader genus Oriolus. This began in an era wherenames were strictly binomial. We see geographical exploration marked by O. maculatus Vieillot, 1817 (Java), acrorhynchus Vigors, 1831 (Philippines), tenuirostris Blyth,1846 (central India), macrourus Blyth, 1846 (the Nicobars), broderipii Bonaparte, 1852
(Sumbawa), frontalis Wallace, 1863 (the Sula Islands), andamanensis Beavan, 1867 (theAndamans), formosus Cabanis, 1872 (Sangihe Islands), Broderipus celebensis Walden,
1872 (Sulawesi), O. suluensis Sharpe, 1877 (the Sulu Islands), Broderipus palawanensis
Tweeddale, 1878 (Palawan)1, O. insularis Vorderman, 1893 (Kangean), boneratensis
Meyer & Wiglesworth, 1896 (Bonerate in the Flores Sea), melanisticus Meyer &Wiglesworth, 1894 (the Talaut Islands), mundus Richmond, 1903 (Simalur).
With trinomials brought in to deal with differences that were increasingly perceived as small differences between closely related forms along came new names thatassociated forms with those most like them. So we see the names meridionalis Hartert,
1896 (Makassar) attached to celebensis and distinguishing birds in southern Sulawesi
from northern ones; sangirensis Meyer & Wiglesworth, 1898 (Great Sangi) attached to
the form formosus described from another island in the group; oscillans Hartert, 1903
(Tukang Besi) attached to broderipii of Sumbawa and the Lesser Sundas rather than tocelebensis of nearby Sulawesi; richmondi Oberholser, 1912 (North Pagi Island) and lampochrysaeus Oberholser, 1917 (Solombo Besar Island in the Java Sea) and eustictus
Oberholser, 1926 (a Nicobar synonym) all attached to maculatus of Java; and ochroxanthus Oberholser, 1925 (Korea) attached to the Chinese ‘species’.
By about 1925 these clusters of group names became increasingly perceived as
1 Tweeddale’s original name is that used here; the citation given in Peters Check-list (Greenway inMayr & Greenway, 1962), where it appears to have been named Oriolus chinensis palawanensis, iswrong.

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one species chinensis, as is revealed by other names given O. c. macassariensis Hartert,
1925 (a new name for meridionalis), O. c. sipora and O. c. siberu Chasen & Kloss, 1926
(Sipora and Siberut Islands off western Sumatra), O. c. yamamurae Kuroda, 1927 (Basilan), O. c. swinhoii Momiyama & Isii (in Momiyama, Isii & Takizawa, 1928) (Taiwan),O. c. edgari Chasen, 1939 (Singapore), O. c. stresemanni Neumann, 1939 (Peleng Island
near Sulawesi), O. c. invisus Riley, 1940 (Annam), O. c. fugaensis and O. c. sorsogoenensis Gilliard, 1949 (Philippines), O. c. saani Jany, 1955 (Majau I., Moluccas).
It is not the purpose of this paper to relate these changes in viewpoint to the evolution of taxonomic treatment, but these clear periods of different approach do standout and do relate to such thought. Here however we are concerned with a separate
phenomenon: the changes in the name applied to the Chinese population — because
ochroxanthus Oberholser, 1925 (Korea), was attached to Oriolus indicus not to Oriolus
chinensis.
What was the origin of the bird that Linnaeus described?
The origin has, of course, been discussed before (Stresemann, 1952) and the views
expressed then on this case have been generally accepted. There were no doubt space
limitations imposed or Stresemann would have explained in more detail. The debatethat had arisen was by that time 75 years old and the passionate positions taken had
led to the standard works on the birds of different parts of Asia employing different
nomenclature.
Given that Linnaeus had named our bird O. chinensis one might imagine that its
origin was beyond dispute. However, Linnaeus based his name on the work of Brisson (1760) who actually named two birds and both figure in the puzzle. Both were
described in Buffon’s Histoire Naturelle des Oiseaux (1771-1786) but only one was
depicted in the associated Planches Enluminées 2.
Staying with the ‘Chinese’ bird, for the moment, what is important is that Brisson
called it ‘Le Loriot de la Cochinchine’, footnoting ‘Le Coulavan’ as its local name in
Cochinchina. Buffon (1771-1786) used ‘Le Coulavan’ as his preferred name. He used
the name ‘Loriot de la Chine’ for a quite different bird with a wholly black head. So
Linnaeus used as the terra typica Buffon’s China not Brisson’s Cochinchina, to which
the local name that Brisson used was supposed to apply. At the root of this, of course,
was a degree of uncertainty over the real provenance and it was about this that Stresemann (1952) wrote.
The first hint of any problem, and that both China and Cochinchina were wrong,came from India but was misinterpreted through lack of Chinese material. Comparing specimens from Manila, O. acrorhynchus of Vigors, 1831, with Indian birds, Jerdon(1845) concluded that the Philippine specimens matched the original description of O.
chinensis and the figure [No. 570] in the Planches Enluminées on which the pre-Linnean name cochinchinensis was based. On this basis he argued that Vigors had proba2 These are associated with E.L. Daubenton; they were engraved under his supervision by Martinet,
and appeared — first, apparently, with captions but no text and in parts between 1765 and 1780 (Stresemann, 1952) and then — as part of the later large paper issue of Buffon’s Histoire naturelle desOiseaux (1771-1786), this work having first appeared without these in 1770-1783 (BMNH, 1903).

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bly been misled into giving the Philippine form a name through comparing it with
the Indian bird, for Vigors considered that to be the true O. chinensis.
Jerdon postulated three species: chinensis in China, Cochinchina and Manila; hippocrepis Wagler, 1827, in Java, Sumatra and Malaya; and indicus in peninsular India(although the name sinensis was used on the drawing he provided of this, suggestinga preliminary conclusion as to identity that Jerdon did not explicitly admit), andwrote: “I am compelled to conclude that our peninsular species is distinct from boththese, and that moreover acrorhynchus refers to the true chinensis, and coronatus to
Wagler’s hippocrepis. I have therefore given it the appellation of Indicus, partly
because I consider that the O. Indicus of Brisson and others may possibly refer to thisthough faultily described.”
Jerdon (1845) was undoubtedly aware that Blyth (1842) treated birds from India
as chinensis Gmelin, 1788. Blyth had reported it as “not common in India, but much
more frequent in the countries to the eastward”. Jerdon contented himself with saying of indicus: “Mr. Blyth has not I believe obtained it from northern India”, and it isunclear from Jerdon’s text if he thought that chinensis occurred in India. Perhaps hedid not know for Blyth (1846) later explains.
Jerdon placed ‘cochinsinensis’ [sic], ascribed to Brisson (1760), whose work largely
employed French names and is considered to be “pre-Linnean”, and O. acrorhynchus
in the synonymy of O. chinensis; and O. coronatus Swainson, 1838, in the synonymy of
O. hippocrepis Wagler, 1827. Wagler’s name has since been placed in the synonymy ofnominate O. chinensis (Meinertzhagen, 1923), although this requires future review as
Jerdon’s reasoning seems sound. There is agreement however that coronatus fromJava belongs in the synonymy of maculatus from Java (but I have not been able tocheck and it is possible that no type of either name has been compared with Javanbirds).
It is important to realise that Jerdon evidently did not compare Chinese material
directly with Lord Arthur Hay’s specimens from the Philippines or he would havefound that Chinese material was not the same and thus could not be chinensis.
Soon it is made clear (Blyth, 1846) that chinensis “is not an Indian bird” and thatthe bird called indicus “about Calcutta .. is very rare; but in the countries eastward of
the Bay it is generally common, as in the island of Ramree (Arracan), in the Tenasserim provinces, and Malay peninsula. The society also possess [sic] it from China”.
Blyth however continued to consider the terra typica of chinensis to be ‘China andManilla’. There is no mention of seasonality of occurrence to suggest that birds are
migrants to any part of this range. This seems to have been noted first in northern
Tenasserim by Helfer MS in Horsfield & Moore (1854). It probably added a layer ofconfusion when, at the same time, it was suggested that Sumatran birds were also
indicus (Horsfield & Moore, 1854). Present knowledge suggests that Sumatran birds
are resident and match Javan resident birds, and although the occurrence of northernmigrants in Sumatra has been hypothesized they are not certainly known (van Marle& Voous, 1988).
But if Jerdon’s views prevailed in India and were adopted in Gray’s (1869) ‘Handlist’ they were not accepted by workers in China or on Philippine birds.
In China the two principal workers of the period either took the name chinensis
from Linnaeus, 1766, (Swinhoe, 1863) or Gmelin, 1788, (Swinhoe, 1871) and did notpp 131-140

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extend its range to the Philippines, or employed the name Oriolus cochinchinensis Brisson, 1760, and affirmed that it was a summer resident leaving in September for southern China, Cochinchina, eastern India, Burma and even Ceylon, but with no mentionof the Philippines (David & Oustalet, 1877).
We have seen that Philippine birds had been named O. acrorhynchus in 1831. The
use of this name is defended (Walden & Layard, 1872) in the context of a collection
from Negros, the authors reasserting that Poivre’s specimen was brought to Réaumur
by Poivre from Indochina. They wrote that Brisson’s description, which they repeated, did not fit the Philippine bird as this lacked a yellow wing-spot. The name isretained later for birds from Cebu, Guimaras, Luzon and Negros (Walden, 1875) and,as collections from Everett flowed back to Lord Walden it was consistently defended
even as he took on his late father’s title (Tweeddale, 1878), although by then he waslosing the argument.
This spirited and renewed defence was prompted by the appearance of the relevant volume of the Catalogue of Birds in the British Museum (Sharpe, 1877), for theauthor of the new volume endorses the idea that Linnaeus’s name must be accredited
to the Philippine population (which no one seems ever to have suggested was anything other than resident).
Sharpe was clearly aware that the views of Walden (1872) were incompatible withthose of Jerdon (1845). Jerdon imagined that the population of China and the Philippines was one, Walden knew that it was not and believed there was incontrovertible
evidence that the Philippine form could not be called chinensis.
Work on the Catalogue provided the occasion for both these sets of views to bechallenged, and in a footnote to page 197 Sharpe saw “the name chinensis being
undoubtedly referable to the Oriole of the Philippines”. He then provided a newname (diffusus) for the Chinese breeding bird (reaching India as a migrant), and forthe first time, treated chinensis, on p. 203, as solely from the Philippines and by implication resident there (Sharpe, 1877). That the name is not apt is not relevant, such are
the rules of nomenclature.
This resistance continued; in his description of Philippine birds, under the name
O. acrorhynchus, McGregor (1910) noted that the tertials were tipped with yellow andthat the secondary coverts were bright yellow, thus affirming the yellow alar speculum, but these details appeared in the description in the Catalogue. Sharpe accepted
them and they were not in dispute. The dispute was more fundamental; did the Brissonian plate and description apply, warts and all, to the Philippine bird or did it better apply to any other race. Certainly Tweeddale never offered an alternative otherthan the birds of China and Cochinchina; nor did he state clearly that he had himself
examined these.
No review of the genus in the first half of this century would have been complete
without a re-examination of this and so Meinertzhagen (1923), who corrected the type
locality of chinensis to Manila, wrote: “Brisson’s description fits neither indicus nor
acrorhynchus, but agrees more closely with the latter, especially in regard to the wings.
In the plate the yellow of the head extends to above the centre of the eye, and is therefore intermediate between the pattern of indicus and acrorhynchus.”
This leads to the question of why Meinertzhagen should use the name O. indicus
Jerdon rather than O. diffusus Sharpe for the Chinese bird? Clearly Sharpe had reject-pp 131-140

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ed O. indicus but Meinertzhagen did not. It is this that brings us back to the fact that
Brisson (1760) named two birds: his second was ‘Le Loriot des Indes’ (1760, p. 328,
not figured) but neither Linnaeus (1766) nor Gmelin (1788) provided a Latin binomial
for this.
The works of Brisson (1760) and of Buffon (1771-1786)
The trail begins with Brisson’s two birds in ‘Ornithologia, 2’: his first appears on
p. 326, no. 59, pl. 33, f. 1, under the name ‘Le Loriot de la Cochinchine’ (footnoted isthe name Coulavan) and Brisson wrote that birds from Cochinchina were brought to
M. de Réaumur by M. Poivre; this French name was changed by Brisson (1760) to ‘Le
Loriot de la Chine’ and this is brought into use as a Latin binomial by Linnaeus, 1766;
this author giving the terra typica as ‘China’. Brisson’s second bird appears on p. 328,
unfigured, under the name ‘Le Loriot des Indes’; this Brisson stated was based on‘Aldrov.’ [= Aldrovandi], Avi., tom I, p. 862 (‘in qua hujus icon non fatis accurata’);and on ‘Jonst.’ [= Jonston] ‘Avi’., p. 80’. These works appeared respectively in 1599
and about 1650.
It appeared to Sharpe (1877) that Brisson’s ‘Loriot des Indes’, based in part at least
on a plate that Brisson considered unsatisfactory, was indeterminable, and that Jerdon’s linkage of the name to Brisson associated his own use of the name with thisindeterminable bird3. For that reason the name was rejected and a new one proposed.
“This oriole is the bird generally called O. indicus by authors; but Brisson’s description is totally inadmissible, unless, indeed, a Golden Oriole with blue in its coloration
remains to be discovered, which is hardly likely. The Chinese bird (O. chinensis auct.)
is not separable from the Indian; and the name chinensis being undoubtedly referable
to the Oriole of the Philippines, I have proposed the name of diffusus for the Indianbirds, as it is the most widely spread of all the black-naped species” (Sharpe, 1877).
The engraver employed by Brisson was also used, with greater effect, by Daubenton and Buffon and the same underlying material from Réaumur is said to have been
available (Stresemann, 1952). In Buffon’s Planches Enluminées plates with widely
separated numbers were brought together under a binding plan for ten volumes. Volume 3 of the large paper edition, for which the cover page is dated 1774, includes theorioles at its very end. The relevant text pages are pp. 280-281 and the accompanying
plates are 79 (of ‘Le Loriot de la Chine’ which is of a black-headed oriole) and 570 of‘Le Coulavan’ (sometimes rendered as Couliavan, the Cochinchinese local name footnoted by Brisson, p. 326). On page 281 there is text, but no accompanying illustration,
about ‘Le Loriot des Indes’ which is cross referenced to Brisson and to Aldrovandi.
The date of July 1773 sometimes appears in citations. This may relate to the priorappearance of plate 570 (perhaps when put out by Daubenton).
Because neither Linnaeus nor Gmelin introduced a Latin name for the ‘Loriot des3 It was suggested that poor Brisson’s name based on Aldrovandi may not have been unidentifiable

but just badly translated from Latin into French (Whistler & Kinnear, 1933), but no nomenclaturalchange was suggested. The supposed origin of Poivre’s specimens may have offered some lingering
support for any remaining doubters but eventually this was reviewed carefully as part of a general
study of Poivre’s collections and what was known of his collecting history and Manila was sustained
as the type locality (Stresemann, 1952).

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Indes’ it was suggested that O. diffusus Sharpe was a synonym of O. indicus Jerdon,
with the argument that Jerdon introduced the name for the first time and did so witha wholly identifiable description (Hartert, 1910). It was this view that was followed
by Meinertzhagen (1923) and, initially, in the 2nd Edition of the Fauna of British India(Baker, 1926). But this was soon corrected, and it was noted that Oriolus indicus Jerdon
is preoccupied “by Oriolus indicus Daudin, 1802, [in] ‘Hist. Nat., Buffon’, ex Didot
Quad., 14, p. 237”, and the name diffusus Sharpe was reinstated for Chinese breeders
reaching India (Baker, 1930a, b). This posthumous edition of Buffon, who lived from1707 to 1788, has not been inspected personally; it was published in the midst of theFrench Revolution, edited by Didot, and comprised 24 volumes on ‘Matières
générales’, 14 on ‘Quadrupédes’ and 18 on birds as well as subsequent volumes on
oviparous quadrupeds and snakes, on fish and on cetaceans. The volumes on birds,
by F.M. Daudin, are supposed to have appeared in 1799. That this name is cited withreference to 1802 may be an error or may indicate that this Latin name (and indeed
perhaps all the Latin names) appeared in volume 14 of ‘Quadrupédes’, which is
attributed to that year and which contained a table — just possibly by Lacèpéde towhom the whole work was dedicated — setting out the divisions of the mammals
and the birds and their distribution (BMNH, 1903). Neither volume has been available for my inspection.
In the supplement or Ergänzungsband to Die Vögel der paläarktischen Fauna(Hartert & Steinbacher, 1932-1938) Meinertzhagen’s treatment was accepted together
with Baker’s view that Daudin had applied a Latin binomen indicus and that thatname was now unavailable because of the indeterminate name of the bird described.
This set the seal on a treatment that was to be adopted by virtually all subsequentauthors; the name diffusus is now uniformly applied to a form that is only a migrant,
leaving breeding grounds throughout China and flying to SE Asia, and reaching
India, and even Ceylon, in smaller numbers.
This explains why the name chinensis is applied as the trinomial of the resident
Philippine population and the name diffusus to breeding Chinese birds which are
migratory and just include easternmost India in their winter range.
Acknowledgements
For the concept of including papers of this kind in the series I am grateful to myfriend and collaborator René Dekker. This has been very largely library work andmany grateful thanks go to Mrs F.E. Warr of the Natural History Museum, Tring,
Herts, U.K. and the authorities that allowed me to inspect many old books from theRothschild library. Mrs Warr also kindly lent me her personal copy of Stresemann(1975), which is a mine of information. Further thanks are extended to Carlo Violani
who kindly read the paper in draft.
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Baker, E.C.S., 1930b. Fauna of British India Birds. 8. i-iv, 485-801.— London.

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Received: 16.ix.1999
Accepted: 10.i.2000
Edited: C. van Achterbergpp 131-140

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