Chinese Perspectives on Medical Missionaries in the
19th Century: The Chinese Medical Missionary Journal
GAO Xi*Introduction

The China Medical Missionary Journal (CMMJ) was an English-language
academic medical journal first published in 1887 by the Medical Missionary
Association of China (MMAC). It was intended for medical missionary
colleagues working in China. Later it reported on events sponsored by the
Association and other information, published papers on the members’ experiences in medicine, their investigations of local diseases, and information on
updates in Western medical science. It also published studies on traditional
Chinese medicine, which it recognized, and on how to stay healthy.
Moreover, while the China Medical Missionary Journal kept up-to-date on
trends in medical missionary developments, it also carried special items on
severe problems in the medical mission on an irregular basis. The China
Medical Missionary Journal changed its name to the China Medical Journal(CMJ) in 1907. In 1932, the Medical Missionary Association of China(MMAC) and the National Medical Association of China (NMAC) merged.
When the merger took place, the China Medical Journal and the National
Medical Journal of China (NMJA) also combined and was later renamed The
Chinese Medical Journal, which has English and Chinese versions. The
English version of The Chinese Medical Journal, based on the China Medical
Missionary Journal and Chinese Medical Journal, is so far the only academic
periodical that has lasted for over two centuries and is published both at home
and abroad.
In March 1887, the China Medical Missionary Journal was first publishedin Shanghai after revision of the name and the original plan of the journal.
That is, the prefix “China” was added to the name, Missionary Medical
Journal. There was no official Chinese name for the journal in the begin	  * History Department, Fudan University

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ning.1 According to a paper published by the Zhongguo xingyichuan jiaohuiqi
中国行医传教会启 (Announcement of the Medical Missionary Association ofChina), in the first issue, the Chinese name of the journal was Xingyi
gongbao 行医公报, while papers from the Yidao kefu chuandao shuo 医道可辅传道说 (Essays on Medical Missions) were known as “Yixue xinbao” 医学新报 in the same issue.2 However, neither was seen on the cover of the Journal,
which was still an unofficial publication. It was not until twenty years laterthat the official name made its first appearance. The Association held a
National Conference in April, 1907 at which the matter of a Chinese name for
the Association and the Journal was discussed and submitted to theTerminology Committee (TC), which had been established in 1890 by the
Medical Missionary Association. It did not prove an easy matter to decide,and the several names submitted by various members of the Association weremost courteously “chewed up” by the more select council with an eventuallysatisfactory result. Dr. P. B. Cousland (1860–1930), the head of the
Terminology Committee, wrote to the Association: “After a lot of discussion
and consultation we have decided to recommend the Chinese name, Boyihuibao 博 医 会 报.”3 The English and Chinese names were both imprinted on
the cover from the fourth issue published in 1907.
A “Chinese perspective” is usually defined as observations of the world
by a “Chinese person,” or emphasis on the perspectives and attitudes of theChinese people. In the China Medical Missionary Journal, however, the“Chinese perspective” had a whole different meaning because the Journal wasestablished and written by Western doctors and medical missionaries and readby Westerners. Thus, essentially, the periodical can be regarded as “viewing
the Chinese culture of medicine, the Chinese patient, and Chinese society
from foreign perspectives.” The methodology used by the Journal was empirical. The Association’s main aim in this periodical can be understood byconsidering two aspects: study of the culture of Chinese medicine and theendeavor to promote medical science locally by holding discussions andmaking plans for execution of policy. In order to accomplish the latter,several questions were waiting to be answered: first of all, as Chinese
students needed medical training and education, should they be trained andtaught in English or in Chinese?4 This was one of the most hotly debated
1 The name of said periodical was to be the Missionary Medical Journal: The
Chinese Recorder, 1887; 18(1): 33–34.
2 CMMJ, 1887; 1(1): 43–44.
3 “Our Chinese Name, The China Medical Journal” (CMJ), 26(4): 221.
4 Editorial, “The Chinese Language as a Medium of Scientific Instruction,”
CMMJ, 1888; 2(1): 28–29.

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matters in the history of the Association. The China Medical Missionary
Journal recorded and witnessed the development of Chinese medical education from the stages of prototype and growth to eventual maturation.
The second problem that had to be solved was the determination of medical
terminology. This was a major concern in regards to the matter of localizationof Western medicine. Members of the Terminology Committee were allcapable of reading the masterpieces of traditional Chinese medicine and were
equipped with a good knowledge of the medical field. The China Medical
Missionary Journal was witness to the entire process of medical missionaries
striving to decipher the masterpieces of traditional Chinese medicine from aWestern medical perspective during the late nineteenth to the early twentiethcenturies. In the face of different viewpoints and opinions, the Terminology
Committee achieved agreement on the setting of standards for terminology
through conciliation, establishment of protocols, and resolution of disagreements. For instance, “cleft lip and palate” was translated as 缺唇 instead of 崩口, and cataract as 睛珠生膜 instead of 睛珠变质.5 This was a first major stepin the course of localization of Western medicine.
The third issue, the status of Chinese interpretation of Western medical
books and the progress of publication of Chinese medical textbooks, wasreported by the publishing committee.6
Scholars both in China and abroad have made tremendous strides in
research on the second problem mentioned above, that is, on thematic studiesof the “medical mission,” medical terminology, medical education and textbooks, public health, and even gynecology by using the China Medical
Missionary Journal as a primary source. Using the China Medical Missionary
Journal also as my own chief source, I will discuss one of the most easily
overlooked but common themes: the Chinese perspective. In fact, as I justmentioned, the Chinese perspective of the China Medical Missionary Journal
was evident from the time the Journal came into existence. It was represented
by the Association’s attitudes towards traditional Chinese medicine and its
culture, as well as the Association’s plan for and attitudes toward the development of Chinese modern medicine. The “Chinese perspective” itself had acertain direction of development temporally and spatially. It was always
transforming noticeably or in silence. Either way, its changes in form, alongwith development of the internal structure of the Association and external
factors such as the structure of Chinese society, ultimately affected the
5 E-Shing, “A Vocabulary of Disease in English and Chinese,” CMMJ, 1887,
1(2): 80–82.
6 B. C. Atterbury, “The Translations of Medical Books into Chinese,” CMMJ,
188, 2(1): 1–3.

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survival and development of the Association and the China Medical
Missionary Journal.

A Chinese Medical Journal Planned

At first, H. W. Boone (1839–1925), one of the founders of the Association,
meant to create a Chinese version of the medical journal on grounds that the
medical missionaries “not forget that we are working for the Chinese.” Heemphasized the idea, “let us have a copy of the quarterly Journal printed in
Chinese in a Chinese paper and send it to every Chinese medical graduate,
every medical student or assistant, of any foreign medical worker, and let usurge them to write for this Chinese periodical and give their own views andexperiences.”7 When the China Medical Missionary Journal was established,a universally agreed principle by the council members was that they werecreating an English journal with one or two Chinese medical theses in cases
where references were needed.8
There were two Chinese articles in the first issue in 1887, but none
appeared after that. In 1888, John Glasgow Kerr (1824–1901) and Henry T.
Whitney proposed that they publish a medical quarterly in Chinese. The latteralso recommended H. W. Boone to be the editor.9 H. W. Boone replied thatthe establishment of a good medical journal in Chinese was a most necessary
and important undertaking, especially for those interested in China as a whole
and Western medical science. “It is the general opinion that such a journal isneeded.” However, H. W. Boone refused the job because his already busy
schedule did not allow it. In the meantime, he contended that only people
who knew both Chinese and medical knowledge would be qualified for thejob. It seems that Whitney, who at that time was working on translation of an
anatomy textbook, was the best candidate.10 The Chinese version of the
Journal would have to wait a while before being published.
Circumstances changed in 1889 when the chief editor of the Chinese
Scientific and Industrial Magazine, John Fryer (1839–1928), sent a letter tothe Association, asking that they offer him some of their Chinese medical
articles.11 The Chinese Scientific and Industrial Magazine was a Chinese
journal in the late Qing dynasty that was designed to propagate scientifictechnology. Judging from the characteristics of the journal, Chinese Scientific
7 H. W. Boone, The Chinese Recorder, 1886, 17(10): 400.
8 中国行医传教会启, CMMJ, 1887, 1(1): 41.
9 J. G. Kerr, “Moderate Drinking as a Chinese of Disease,” CMMJ, 1888; 2(2):47–51; H. T. Whitney,” A Medical Quarterly in Chinese,” CMMJ, 1888; 2(2):59.
10 H. W. Boone, “A Chinese Medical Journal,” CMMJ, 1888; 2(3): 114–115.
11 “Notes and Items,” CMMJ, 1889; 3(4): 178.

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and Industrial Magazine greatly valued knowledge concerning medical
science and health. This can be discerned from the fact that the Chinese
collaborator, Xu Gaodi 舒 高 第, contributed six articles about Western medicine. Fryer translated the book, The Chemistry of Common Life 化 学 卫 生 论,
which is acknowledged to be the earliest work containing a Chinese term forhygiene. It was published in 24 issues continuously in the Chinese Scientificand Industrial Magazine from 1878 through 1882. Fryer’s interest in medical
knowledge is obvious not only from the fact that he translated and edited
medical articles, but also in that he personally bonded with medical missionaries. Fryer wished to cooperate with the Association, offering their membersa partial layout in his journal.12 As it turned out, the Association regarded his
offer a great opportunity: before they established an official Chinese versionof the journal, they could use the Chinese Scientific and Industrial Magazine’s
layout as a temporary substitute.13 In 1890 Dr. Kerr and Dr. Whitney recommended Fryer as an honorary member of the Association in light of hisachievements in the medical field and encouraged members of the
Association to contribute their papers to the Chinese Scientific and Industrial
Magazine.14 In 1891 when H. W. Boone was no longer president of the
Association, in his farewell speech he mentioned several times cooperation
with the Chinese Scientific and Industrial Magazine, stating that he supported
Fryer.15
In order to recommend the Chinese Scientific and Industrial Magazine tomembers, the China Medical Missionary Journal also included the Chinese
Scientific and Industrial Magazine’s name and a brief introduction of its
contents in the publication. Moreover, they also mentioned that they took noteof sanitary science 居宅卫生论, Western materia medica 泰西本草撮要, and the
sphygmograph 脉 表 诊 病 论, which would prove of interest to medical men.16
In 1891 Dr. Kerr provided the medical paper, “Essays on Medicine,” translated by Dr. Yin Duanmu 伊 端 模, to the Chinese Scientific and Industrial
Magazine. By then, several papers contributed by members of the Association
had been published in the Chinese journal.
The Chinese Scientific and Industrial Magazine cooperated with the China
Medical Missionary Journal in several ways, and apparently, Fryer was quite
active. The medical achievements of Dr. John Kenneth Mackenzie (1850–
12 S.A.H, “The Chinese Scientific and Industrial Magazine,” CMMJ, 1890; 4(3):217.
13 “Notes and Items,” CMMJ, 1889; 3(4): 178.
14 Ibid.
15 H. W. Boone, “Valedictory,” CMMJ, 1891; 5(1): 26–27.
16 “The Chinese Scientific and Industrial Magazine,” Vol. V. No. 1, CMMJ, 1890;
4(1): 43.

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1888) of the London Missionary Society in Tientsin was reported in thesummer issue while the preface of Kerr’s new book, The Surgery, waspublished in the fall issue of 1891. On February 26, 1892, Dr. Duncan Reid,a doctor at St. Luke’s Hospital in Shanghai and a member of the Association,
gave the lecture, “The Struggle between Mankind and Gems,” at a publicclub. During the lecture, he introduced pioneering medical science in regards
to the French scientist Louis Pasteur’s new discovery in microbiology, as wellas the fundamental concept of microbiology after reviewing the history of
microbiological exploration by Western scientists. Fryer thought very highlyof the speech; thus, he had it translated and published in the spring issue ofthe same year.17
Unlike Fryer’s concerns towards development of new medicine, theAssociation members placed more value on professional matters in the courseof localization of Western medicine. What was the right way to explainmateria medica in Chinese? What was the correct terminology? Such questions involved understanding of professional knowledge and the structure of
the system. The editor of the China Medical Missionary Journal pointed out
that:
From a medical point of view, the paper on Western Materia Medica ,
giving the botanical sources, physical qualities and medicinal uses ofseveral drugs, is quite interesting, but it is rather diffuse, and makes one
wish that instead of translations we could have original articles that are
terse, and better adapted to the state of Chinese knowledge.18
He thought that a point or two in terminology required correction. For
example, the use of sung hsiang lei (松香类) as a generic term for resins wasincorrect, hsiang lei (香 类) being a more proper term, etc. He stated, “Whiletransliteration as a principle is generally conceded, it requires careful
limitation.”19 Thus, he hoped members of the Association could provide new
articles to replace the old and unprofessional translations. The China Medical
Missionary Journal considered very important the problem of “science andreligion” and “science and superstition” that the Chinese Scientific andIndustrial Magazine discussed. “These words are profoundly true, that true
science and true religion are but the obverse sides of the one shield, and so
17 人与微生物争战论 “The Struggle with Microbes,” Sketch of the Lecture given
by Dr. Duncan Reid in Shanghai, The Chinese Scientific and Industrial
Magazine, 1891 Spring.
18 The Chinese Scientific and Industrial Magazine, Vol. V. No. II, CMMJ, 1890;
4(3): 217.
19 The Chinese Scientific and Industrial Magazine, Vol. V. No. II, CMMJ, 1890;
4(3): 217.

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hail with joy, every attempt made towards the education of the Chinese
nation in the principles of science.”20 The editors of the China Medical
Missionary Journal came to believe more and more firmly in scientificteaching and the spread of knowledge of practical arts and industry as thegreat leveler of superstition. The China Medical Missionary Journal had in
total six papers in the Chinese Scientific and Industrial Magazine, the last ofwhich was published in January 1893 when the magazine suspended publication due to Fryer returning to America for the World Exposition.
In September 1896, Dr. P. B. Cousland wrote to the China Medical
Missionary Journal stating, “Doubtless many of us have been feeling increasingly the desirability of having a medical missionary Journal in Chinese, forthe benefit of our assistants, students, and ex-students.”21 In order to achieve
that, he proposed that the Association be asked to establish a Chinese medical
missionary journal, and gave some suggestions in regards to such a journal:
1. That it be in easy wen-li.
2. That it be published quarterly, but that as soon as possible, be issued
monthly.
3. That there be a general editor, assisted by ten or twenty collaborators, orassistant editors, and that each one be responsible for a certain amount ofcopy.
4. That members pick different subjects and areas, updates on the latest
developments in a selective way. Areas involved: eyes, ears, skin, bacteriology, gynecology, midwifery, surgery, medicine, materia medica, therapeutics, physiology, chemistry, and biology.
5. That new or rarely used terminology should be followed by the English or
Latin terms.
6. That until a definite syllabary was adopted for transliterating foreign proper
names the transliterations should be followed by the original names inbrackets.
Dr. Cousland planned that the journal also carry translated foreign medical
journal articles apart from the articles contributed by members of the
Association.
As was expected when the China Medical Missionary Journal was
20 The Chinese Scientific and Industrial Magazine, Vol. V. No. II, CMMJ, 1890;
4(3): 217.
21 P. B. Cousland, “A Medical Missionary Journal in Chinese,” CMMJ, 1896;
10(4): 281.

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founded, it brought together people with the same goals. He sincerely hopedthat this Chinese medical journal could unify medical assistance and interns
scattered around the country so that they could communicate, engage inexchanges, and be mutually supportive, which would ultimately help toextend their knowledge and interest in research. He encouraged original andhigh quality articles from Chinese assistants and students. His proposal wasquickly accepted by the Association. The China Medical Missionary Journal
immediately replied that they were raising funds and making plans for a
Chinese medical journal. Sadly, however, this Chinese journal never cameinto existence. In 1907, Dr. James B. Neal (1855–1925) of Tsinan (Jinan)
mentioned that the Publication Committee recommend to the Association “itundertakes the publication of a standard series of text-books in Chinese, andwhen practicable a Chinese journal.”22 The same year, the Association was
showing signs of change; the Chinese names of the Association and the
Journal, publication of a Chinese textbook, as well as a Chinese journal were
included on the agenda of discussion at the national conference of the
Association. Except for the Chinese journal, all of the other planned activities
seem to have come to fruition. However, progress on establishment of theChinese medical journal ceased due to the poor health of Dr. Cousland
himself.
Records show that in 1911 and 1912 the presidents of the Association all
promised that a Chinese medical journal would be on the market very soon.
This fact reflects the members’ eagerness to see establishment of a Chineseversion of the journal. Nevertheless, however enthusiastic and hopeful they
were for publishing the journal, which they had planned for so long, it simply
never materialized. Even in 1932, when the Chinese Medical Association
merged with the National Medical Association of China, the China Medical
Missionary Journal merged into the English section of the National Medical
Journal of China to become the Chinese Medical Journal. No Chinese version
was published.

Chinese Doctors, Chinese Healing Arts, and Native Surgery

Although the prospects for a Chinese version of the journal were bleak,the editors’ desire to publish the China Medical Missionary Journal neverwaned. H. W. Boone established a goal for study of the Chinese perspective.
We want accurate reports of the Geology, Mineralogy, Flora and Fauna,and Food Supplies of every Province in the Empire; the Meteorology,
the Physical geography, the prevailing diseases and the reasons for their
22 From the Publication Committee, CMJ, 1907; 21(2): 85.

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prevalence. A collective investigation of diseases, mortality and of othermatters. 23
He called such research “Chinatology.” Before the China Medical Missionary
Journal was published, the Imperial Maritime Medical Report was founded in
1871, which also attempted to define a similar scope for research. However,the Medical Report focused on the health and diseases of foreigners in China,
as well as on some diseases in the Western medical world. Although thecenter of both studies was China, each had its respective concerns. The China
Medical Missionary Journal defined its role as being “in the service ofChinese people,” which makes the two journals complementary. Judging fromwhat was published later, H. W. Boone’s magnificent dream was never realized.
The China Medical Mission medical missionaries were always interested
in Chinese medicine. With the large number of Chinese patients they saw,
they were exposed firsthand to Chinese doctors. Moreover, since the medical
missionaries met different people, they surely ended up seeing Chinese
doctors at different levels. They basically all had negative opinions ofChinese doctors. This was especially true of J. G. Kerr, who lived andworked in Canton for over forty years and treated thousands of Chinesepatients. Despite his long years in China, his bias against Chinese doctors wasvery strong. As he put it, Chinese doctors were synonymous with superstitionand stupidity. As the chief editor of the China Medical Missionary Journal,
his attitudes undoubtedly determined the future of medical journals in China.
The China Medical Missionary Journal of 1894 published an article entitled“Medicine in China,” written by Shanghai doctor Suvoong (Shu Gaodi), in
which he found medicine as practiced by the Chinese “in a deplorable condition.” Even Chinese doctors who spoke with erudition went to worship the
mythical god Shen Nung(神农), who was said to have lived thousands of years
earlier, or who might never have lived at all but in the imagination of later
quidnuncs.24 On the other hand, Chinese doctors were not highly educated.
They never read the compendium of medical herbs, but rather, only memorized some remedies passed down by their families or from ancient books. In
the worst cases, they stole remedies and started their own businesses. The
author also said that it was an unfortunate surprise that one of his friends
from Shanghai did the same thing.25
In another paper, “Native Treatment” (土医), published in the 1897 issue,
23 H. W. Boone, “The Medical Missionary Association of China: Its Future Work,”
CMMJ, 1887; 1(1): 4–5.
24 V. P. Suvoong, “Medicine in China,” CMMJ, 1894; 8(4): 192.
25 V. P. Suvoong, “Medicine in China,” CMMJ, 1894; 8(4): 192.

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H. A. Rangle gave examples of native treatment that Chinese doctors used. He
had gone to a Chinese doctor once. The suggested cure was throwing into afire a frog with an egg in its mouth, and then eating the egg after the fire hadburnt to ashes. The author mocked this method by saying that frogs were too
small to be powerful. They should’ve caught a tiger!26 The result of theconflict between the practices of Western medicine and Chinese medicine wasthat Western doctors became untrusting and contemptuous of Chinese curesand skills, and the way they were passed down. Hence, most early articles in
the China Medical Missionary Journal about Chinese traditional medicine
were written in a sarcastic and negative tone. In 1876, Kerr attended theInternational Medical Congress held in Philadelphia on behalf of Chinese
medical missionaries. In a speech about medical missions, he described traditional Chinese medicine as lacking any scientific basis.27 In 1908, the China
Medical Missionary Journal published an article called “Go Kan Ju Mu,”
which gave clear and detailed descriptions of a procedure that the author of
the article had performed to rescue a woman who had cut out part of her liverto save her mother-in-law’s life. The author admitted that the practices ofChinese people were more filial than Westerner’s, but that children fulfilled
their duty in a very superstitious way! This was precisely what Westerners
could not understand. They were especially surprised that the patient learned
such a method from books; how could Chinese books pass on such ignorantand superstitious practices?!28
The Chinese Medical Missionary Journal aimed to be a professional
science journal that reserved space for introducing traditional Chinese medicine and theory scientifically and objectively. A question raised by a reader
was included in the first issue of 1887: “Does the Hanlin College at Peking
still confer medical diplomas?”29 The same question is raised in each “Notes
and Queries” section. Dr. J. Thomson of Alice Memorial Hospital deemedthat the Chinese term, Shen Fah (shoufa 手 法), was a fair equivalent for theWestern word, “surgery.” Meanwhile, however, he also believed that Chinese
used the term in a much more limited sense; in other words, it was usedbasically for only eight kinds of surgeries: palpation, reduction of fractures,
reduction of dislocations, elevation of depressed bones, depression of elevations, shampooing, pushing outwards, grasping, and ten forms of surgicalapparatus, which with the nine acupuncture needles form the surgeon’s
26 H. A. Randle, “Native Treatment,” CMMJ, 1897; 11(3–4): 214.
27 J. Kerr, “Medicine Missions at Home and Abroad,” (A. L. Bancroft & Company,
Printers, San Francisco: 1878).
28 J. M. McCartney 割肝救母 “Go Kan Jiu Mu,” CMMJ, 1908; 22(3): 174–175.
29 “Notes and Queries,” CMMJ, 1887; 1(1): 27.

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complete armamentarium. He named the above the Chinese “theory ofsurgery.” He used two sources to gain knowledge of Chinese surgery: a bookpublished in 1717 called the Golden Mirror of Eminent Medical Authors 医宗金 鉴), a classic of Chinese medicine, and through his own experience ofworking in a Hong Kong hospital, including his collection of medical articles
and reports from other medical missionaries.30 However, based on his knowledge of Western surgery, he defined Chinese native surgery, including the
Chinese movement cure, obstetrica, and inoculations, as well as surgery forsyphilis, to be completely different from those classified in traditional
Chinese medicine. But he believed it necessary to add Chinese native surgery
as not an entirely uninteresting chapter to the history of the world’s surgery,because “its importance lies in the fact that an intelligent knowledge of what
has been and is, is a very essential qualification in those who would aid inestablishing a new and better order of things.”31
Relatively speaking, Scottish physician John Dudgeon (1837–1902), whoworked in Peking for nearly forty years, had a rather positive view of Chinese
surgery. He translated and annotated part of the medical text by Chinese
doctor Wang Ch’ing-jen (王清任 1768–1831) entitled I-lin-kai-tso (医林改错).
He also claimed that Wang Ch’ing-jen was a modern Chinese anatomist.
Moreover, Wang Ch’ing-jen and his I-lin-kai-tso became renowned in theWestern world because of Dudgeon’s translation.32 Like Thomas, Dudgeon
chose to translate the osteology section of the Golden Mirror. He described
ten ways to do surgery and their respective tools using both text and pictures.
These ten ways included: kwo-shai (裹 帘), chen-ting (振 梃), pi-chien (披 肩),suspension (攀索), three bricks (叠砖), communicating board (通木), loin pillars(腰 柱), bamboo screen (竹 帘), cedar fence (杉 篱) and knee cap (抱 膝).33 The
China Medical Missionary Journal only translated two articles regarding thisclassic of traditional Chinese medicine. One article that represented study ofChinese surgical skill through practice was written by Joseph Edkins (1823–
1905). He thought that the traditional fever curing method, nine knives (九针),
had been forgotten by Chinese doctors. Chinese surgical doctors who hadn’t
learned anatomy and physiology were more like barbers. No one should beallowed to practice without a license, which would mean that they have noreal acquaintance with medical science.34
30 John C. Thomson, “The History and Present Position of Chinese Native
Surgery,” CMMJ, 1893; 7 (1): 1–9.
31 Ibid., p. 8.
32 J. Dudgeon, “A Modern Chinese Anatomist,” CMMJ, 1893; 7(4): 245–247;
1894; 8(1): 1–3.
33 J. Dudgeon, “A Chapter in Chinese Surgery,” CMMJ, 1895; 9(2): 59–62.
34 J. Edkins, “Chinese Treatment of Fevers,” CMMJ, 1895; 9(4): 228–231.

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In the twentieth century, the China Medical Missionary Journal’s attitude
towards Chinese medicine gradually grew more positive. The missionaries
were capable of viewing Chinese therapies calmly and objectively. They
introduced “treatment for mad dog bite”35 through practice, personal experience, and European medical research. Western doctors realized that massage
is an ancient Chinese way to cure disease and reduce sleeping problems.36
The author of the article on massage believed that it was the physician’s orsurgeon’s prerogative, but naturally was one of the duties of the nurse.
When doctors from Shanghai were reporting methods of treating malignant
diseases in the China Medical Missionary Journal, they mentioned curing withacupuncture as a method of Chinese surgeons. Furthermore, they proposedcomparing Chinese medical methods in the various parts of the vast Chinese
empire at some future date.37 The paper entitled, “Native Methods of Medical
Practice in China,” was published in the third issue of 1906. In the article, theauthor introduced Chinese customs regarding doctor visitations, methods ofhealing, the relationship between the physician and the patient, and the ethicsof the Chinese medical profession. The chapter titles included: “How to Be a
Physician in China,” “How a Chinese Physician Treats His patients,” “A
Typical Chinese Prescription,” “The Deadly Acupuncture Needle,” as well as
articles on Chinese festivals, etc. Considering the fact that Japan had accepted
medical science sixty years earlier, he hoped that “Sixty years from now, if
we do our duty, we shall look for the empirical practice in the Chinese
empire.”38 In addition, the China Medical Missionary Journal started taking
notice of the history of traditional Chinese medicine when the Association
decided to disseminate Western medicine in China through the work of themissionaries.39
Investigating Chinese medicine could not have been accomplished without
study of diseases in China. In fact, medical missionaries were more interested
in Chinese diseases than in Chinese medicine. From their point of view, due
to the vastness of the land and the density of the population, China wasunequivocally a natural vessel for all kinds of diseases. Accordingly, theAssociation founded a Research Committee in 1907 that aimed to discover
35 “Treatment of Mad Dog Bite,” CMMJ, 1906; 20(5): 209–211.
36 E. D. Vanderburgh, “Massage,” CMMJ, 1907; 21(1): 60–63.
37 J. L. Maxwell, “The Operative Treatment of Malignant Disease in Mission
Hospital,” CMJ; 1909, 23(1): 9.
38 W. H. Jefferys, “’Freely Ye Have Received’”: Somewhat about Native Methodsof Medical Practice in China and a Comparison”, CMMJ; 1906, 20(3):105–114.
39 “From Our Chinese Medical Portfolio,” CMMJ, 1906; 20(5): 206–208. Jos C.
Thomson, “Native Practice and Practitioners,” CMMJ, 1890; 4(4): 175.

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the nature of Chinese diseases. Through coordination with the ResearchCommittee, the medical missionaries, who were dispersed throughout China,
carried out investigations and research on parasitic diseases, which constituted the largest problem nationwide. In addition, regional diseases such as,
typhus, leprosy, beriberi, and elephantiasis also became topics of research. In
the twentieth century, papers regarding traditional Chinese hygiene gradually
increased in number in the China Medical Missionary Journal.
Certainly, the negative impressions held by medical missionaries towardtraditional Chinese medicine and the Chinese medical environment, about
which there was no lack of wise criticism, inspired the missionaries to create
a positive situation by spreading scientific medicine in China. The editor of
the journal indicated that old native medical practices in China would atrophyand die, just as had happened in Japan. Yet there has never been made, so far
as I know, a complete study of the old native practices with a view toward
preserving its folklore, facts of historic interest, and ensuring that no practicesof real value to scientific medicine have been overlooked.40

Chinese Materia Medica

Although the China Medical Missionary Journal was initially intended
as a periodical for Chinese readers, it was read by foreign audiences for many
years. The limited authority of the Association meant that the journal could
only be published for readers inside the Association. Thus the content and theso-called Chinese “perspective” had to meet the requirements of foreign
readers, most of whom were missionary doctors. This made Chinese herbal
and medical research exceptionally critical because of the utility of its practical application to medical practice. One of the first questions asked by
medical missionaries arriving in China was, “What reliable native drug can beobtained?”41 Owing to the purpose of missions, missionaries chose to open
dispensaries and hospitals far from urban areas, and especially from coastal
cities. Since these locations were distant from ports, there were no Western
pharmacies and it was extremely difficult to obtain Western medicine.
Western doctors always had trouble conducting their work because of the lackof medicine. Kerr stated that study of Chinese materia medica “is one whichshould engage the attention of Members of the Association, and the opportunity now presents itself of initiating some by which united and systematicefforts may be made in this direction.”42
40 “Editorial, Native Methods of Medical Practice,” CMMJ, 1906; 20(3): 139–140.
41 A. W. Douthwaite, “Notes on Chinese Materia Medica,” CMMJ, 1888; 2(3):119.
42 J. G. Kerr, “Chinese Materia Medica,” CMMJ, 1887; 1(1): 79.

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The China Medical Missionary Journal took the initiative in providing
the missionaries in China with suitable drugs and instructions of use. Chinese
pharmacopoeia was divided into three classes: those common to Chinese andWestern medicine, such as rhubarb, camphor, opium, sulphate of soda, nitrateof potassium, liquorice, anise seed, cinnamon, musk, and asafetida; those thatare inert, such as sulphate of lime, pearls, petrified crabs, deer-horns, ginseng,and numerous other articles; and those that are peculiar to Chinese medicine,and of which little or nothing was known.43 Kerr suggested focusing on
investigation of the third class. The medical missionaries not only learned
how these medications were used, but also their chemical compositions andthe actual physiological reactions they induced during treatment. Finally, thechief editor recommended two books to the reader to aid in the study ofChinese medicine: The Pharmacopoeia of India and Dr. Porter Smith’sChinese Materia Medica, published by the Presbyterian Mission Press,
Shanghai. This book provided an outline of the information contained in
Chinese Herbs (Pun Tso or Pan Tsao 本草), which lists the properties and usesof Chinese medicine, as well as valuable facts about Chinese herbs collectedfrom various sources. However, Dr. James B. Neal from Tungchowfu(Tongzhou fu 通州府) found that sixteen native drugs had not been mentioned
in Dr. Smith’s book. After Neal and his students independently analyzed their
qualitative chemical compositions, Neal concluded that they were indeed
native inorganic drugs.44
In regards to Chinese Herbs, foreign doctors admitted that it was one of
the most popular works among the Chinese, and could not possibly be
supplanted by the best Western publications for some generations to come.
The wisest plan appeared to be to use it as a basis for introducing Westernscientific research bearing on the subjects treated in the work.45 Chinesemateria medica is composed of substances from the mineral, vegetable, andanimal kingdoms. One medical missionary commented that identification ofsome of these important substances—very generally and largely used in China
and neighboring countries—was “not yet satisfactory ”46 when the book wassummarized in English and published in the Journal of the North-China
Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (Vol. XVI: 54). Critics thought cooperation with foreign medical practitioners was required to achieve best results.
As every province of China had its own peculiar substances, names, andusages, medical missionaries could not achieve satisfactory results based on
43
44
45
46

Ibid.
J. B. Neal, “Sixteen Native Inorganic Drugs,” CMMJ, 1888; 2(3): 116–118.
Ernst Faber, Dr. Theol, “A Revised Pen Ts’ao (本草)” CMMJ, 1890, 4(4): 270.
Ibid. p. 272.

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information from just one of a few localities along China’s east coast.
Medical missionaries suggested that the medicinal properties of each drug belisted according to the best Chinese authorities, but corrected and supplemented by Western science. Given that the different names might confuse
Chinese readers, good drawings were needed, to which “the foreign scientificname should also be added.”47 Certainly, Chinese materia medica requires
selection of prescriptions. Chinese native practitioners were accustomed to
selecting appropriate prescriptions on their own.
Medicine and drugs have always been inseparable from the history of
traditional Chinese medicine. In researching Chinese material medica, it wasnecessary to combine medicine with practice in treatment using traditional
Chinese medicine. Study was an extension of practical use; foreign doctors
were compelled to observe the actual effects of Chinese drugs and makeobjective evaluations of the results. With his fourteen years of experience asa doctor in the hinterland, Dr. Arthur W. Douthwaite (1848–1899) explainedin his series of articles information concerning the character of native drugs
and various methods of use by examining diseases and the effect of treatment.48 He believed if others would join him in this task, they could accumulate a considerable amount of knowledge about Chinese materia medica,
and thus greatly facilitate the operations of their successors. At the
Association conference in 1890, Douthwaite read his paper, “The Use of
Native Drugs by Medical Missionaries,”49 while Dr. Joseph C. Thomson of
Macao read his paper entitled, “Chinese Materia Medica: Its Value to
Medical Missionaries.”50
Cost was another reason that medical missionaries were drawn to Chinesemateria medica. A simple and efficacious remedy long known and used by the
Chinese came into favor in the West. Dr. George E. King administeredingluvin (a powder from the gizzard of a chicken) to his family and to
Chinese patients. He found it to be a cheap, excellent substitute for pepsin,and could testify to its efficacy as an aid to digestion and appetite.51 The
China Medical Missionary Journal also took the initiative in researching
Chinese materia medica that year; a Committee of five was appointed tocollect information on Chinese materia medica. The results of the investigations were subsequently published annually in the Journal.52
47 A. W. Douthwaite, “Notes on Chinese Materia Medica,” CMMJ, 1888; 2(3):119–120; (4): 164–165.
48 Ibid.
49 “Meetings of Members in Conference,” CMMJ, 1890; 4(3): 100–104.
50 Ibid., pp. 115–119.
51 George King, “A Cheap Substitute for Pepsin,” CMMJ, 1891; 5(1): 24.
52 “Meetings of Members in Conference,” CMMJ, 1890; 4(3): 209.

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In 1893 the new president of the Association, Dr. W. Douthwaite, statedthat the mission of the Association in China was to introduce modern sciencein place of superstition and magic and to sift through the Chinese materia
medica to locate and test the therapeutic resources of the country.53 In 1907,
Dr. William Wilson’s work was referenced in a speech delivered byDouthwaite at the Association congress called “The Use of Native Drugs.”
The paper was a report on an exploratory study of Chinese materia medica
based on Western scientific knowledge.54 Such research was further developed
after the founding of the Research Committee. Studies on Chinese materia
medica and the effects of native drugs can be found in the ResearchCommittee reports of 1923, 1925, and 1926. The reports claimed that suchnative drugs could be used by Western doctors. Some of the reports evenmade clear that several native drugs had obvious effects on diseases andsymptoms; the reports claimed that such new drugs would be valuable todevelopments in medical science.
Further, members of the Association published articles on studies ofChinese materia medica in European and American academic journals. Not a
few medical missionaries devoted their academic careers to Chinese materia
medica. The president of the Association, Dr. George A. Stuart, published asubstantially revised version of F. Porter Smith’s Chinese Materia Medica in
1911. Dr. Bernard E. Read of Peking Union Medical College was also interested in Chinese materia medica for many years and published a number of
papers on this subject. He established protocol regarding laboratory inspection of native medicines, while drawing up a list of Chinese drugs of therapeutic interest to Western physicians.55 He also investigated the trade in
Chinese medicine in the markets of Jizhou, Hebei twice a year. He recommended his Western colleagues purchase native medicines from Chinese
markets.56 In 1931, Dr. Read published his research on medicine derived fromanimals, an area that was definitely different from the ideas of the medical
missionaries, who ignored the value of animal drugs in Chinese materia
medica.57 Beginning in the twentieth century, investigation of Chinese
53 “Presidential Address,” CMMJ, 1893; 7(1): 35–37.
54 William Wilson, “The Use of Native Drugs, with Illustrations,” CMMJ, 1907;
20(3): 140.
55 Bernard E. Read, “Chinese Drugs of Therapeutic Interest to Western
Physicians,” CMJ, 1923; 37(7): 589–591.
56 Bernard E. Read, Ph. C., M. S. Peking Union Medical College, Chinese Materia
Medica: Vegetable Kingdom (by Frederick Porter Smith and George Author
Stuart), CMJ, 1924; 38(8): 637–639.
57 James L. Maxwell, Chinese Materia Medica, Animal Drugs (by Bernard E.
Read), CMJ, 1931; 45(12): 1204.

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materia medica became one of the most important subjects in Chinese medicine in modern science.

Chinese Contributors: Termination of the China Medical Missionary
JournalDuring its forty-five year history, the Chinese perspective in the China
Medical Missionary Journal changed continually. Initially, it criticized as
unscientific the theory and practice of traditional Chinese medicine in thename of science and mocked at the superstitious approach of Chinese tohealth. Its objective was to remove barriers to the medical mission rather thanto propagate medical science. The views of the editors-in-chief obviously
differed between Shanghai and Canton.58 Scientific periodicals were expected
to be “informed critics” of science, supporting the value of science but waryof backing everything said in its name.
Any view of traditional Chinese medicine would be seriously incomplete
without knowledge of Chinese culture and health customs, but transition in
the attitudes of medical missionaries towards traditional Chinese medicine andChinese materia medica was gradual. Scientific investigation and research on
traditional Chinese medicine published in the Journal increasingly replaced
the religious emphasis in the early years of the twentieth century. The transition was made complete in 1907 when the China Medical Missionary Journal
became an actual medical journal. In 1914, when the National Medical
Association of China was founded, Chinese contributors joined the research
field, truly representing the “Chinese perspective.” An irreversible and irredeemable transition took place when the China Medical Missionary Journal
was merged into the English section of the National Medical Journal of
China, resulting in termination of the former.
From the beginning of the twentieth century, the number of Chinese
students educated by foreign doctors began increasing gradually. They either
graduated from mission medical schools or received their educations abroad,and after returning to China, either started private businesses or took jobs at
mission hospitals. Western-trained Chinese doctors became common. In 1905
three doctors of Chinese nationality became members of the Association.59
1908 when the Executive Committee of the Association embarked on
recruiting Chinese for membership in the Association, they emphasized thatmembers must have graduated from some recognized medical college and58 H. W. Boone, “The Medical Missionary Association of China: Its Future Work,”
CMMJ, 1887; 1(1): 1–5; J.G.K, Introductory, CMMJ, 1887; 1(1): 28–30.
59 CMMJ, 1905, 21(2): 38.

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engaged in medical missionary work in China.60 In the Association Triennial
Conference of 1910, the president posed two issues to the entire membership.
The first was: should medical men resident in China be admitted to active
membership in the Association? The second was a proposition for expansionof membership by admitting Chinese graduates of medical schools in China,
the difficulty of which would be assurance of sufficient qualifications.61 Dr. F.
C. Yen (颜福庆, 1882–1970), a Chinese doctor who had graduated from Yale
University, became the first active member in the Association through his
participation in the 1910 conference.62
Dr. F. C. Yen’s admission into the Association caused a quite a stir owing
to his Chinese identity and the fact that he was simply a doctor rather than a
missionary. Members of the Association were suspicious of Yen because he
had the same access to excellence from the Association as did other members
yet did not meet all of the Association’s requirements. He was drawn to themissionary group due to his unique experiences and family background.
Yen’s grandfather, Wu Hongyu (吴 虹 玉), was the first and only Chinese
contributor to the China Medical Missionary Journal before the twentiethcentury. Wu was also of the first generation of Chinese Christians to havestudied Western medicine and was a close friend of Dr. Boone. Yen’s uncle
was the leader of the Chinese Christians in Shanghai and the co-founder of
Shanghai St. John’s University. The medical hospital of St. John’s University
was established at St. Luke’s Hospital, which was founded by Dr. Wu. Dr.
Yen had grown up around St. Luke’s hospital and graduated from St. John’s
University. He was a Chinese student educated in the environment of medical
missions. Dr. Yen went to America for further study in 1906, and became thefirst Asian student to earn a PhD in medicine at Yale University. After graduation from Yale medical school, Dr. Yen was employed as a member of the
medical staff at the Hsiang-ya Medical College in Changsha. The hospital
was administered by the Yale-in-China Mission. Yen established a good relationship with its president, Dr. Edward Hume (1876–1957), who was the mostinfluential figure in the Association in the twentieth century. Dr. Yen
published a “Customs Surgeon’s Report on the Health of Changsha for the
Six Months Ended 30th September” in two installments in the Chinese
Medical Journal. This was the second article to be written by a Chinese for
the Chinese Medical Journal, the first being by Yen’s grandfather.63
60 “Chinese Membership in the Association,” CMJ, 1908, 22(3): 191–192.
61 “President’s Letter,” CMJ, 1910; 24(2): 136.
62 CMJ, 1910, 24(2): 120. Dr. F. C. Yen was admitted to active membership in
the Association.
63 F. C. Yen, “Customs Surgeon’s Report on the Health of Changsha for the Six

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Another Chinese author for the Chinese Medical Journal before 1915 was
Wu Lien-teh (伍 连 德, 1879–1960), a government official who was notconnected with the mission society. Because of his successful leadership in
the fight against plague in Manchuria in 1911, he not only was appointed toan important position by the Qing government, but also won respect from
Western doctors both at home and abroad. Dr. Yen and Dr. Wu both appreciated Western medicine and the Western health system, and took the initiative
to introduce Western medicine to China. Nevertheless, Dr. Wu was more
focused on the study of traditional Chinese medicine and its history. In thepapers he wrote for the Chinese Medical Journal he argued against the viewof medical missionaries that there had been a lack of medical education orawareness of sanitation in Chinese medical history. Dr. Wu published two
essays, “Memorandum on Medical Education in China” and “Awakening theSanitary Conscience of China.”64 They were the first papers concerning
Chinese medical history written by a Chinese contributor. Based on his
research of the classics of traditional Chinese medicine, Dr. Wu argued thatwritings from as far back as the Zhou Dynasty 周代 (c. 1046–256BC) provedthat a “sanitary conscience” had existed in China even at that time. China hadbuilt a system of professional physicians and Chinese had had very healthy
habits and sanitary customs based on traditional medicine.
Dr. Yen’s selfless national spirit was revealed in another way. In 1914, hesuggested in the Church Yearbook that Chinese merge or cooperate with themission medical colleges.65 His aim for the Chinese people was to have themtake control of the development of Chinese new medicine. On the other hand,
Dr. Yen emphasized to the foreign mission medical school in China thatcooperation was the best way to overcome difficulties, citing as an example
the cooperation with Chinese in medical education to establish the Hunan
Yale Medical School.66 He enumerated several advantages of such cooperation
to the Mission Society in China and to the American Medical Association. 1)
The good will of the Chinese would be enlisted by becoming partners,
Months Ended 30th September, 1911,” CMJ, 1912; 26(5): 358–362; “Customs
Surgeon’s Report on the Health of Changsha for the Year ended 30th
September, 1912,” CMJ, 1913; 27(5): 397–400.
64 Wu Lien-teh, “Memorandum on Medical Education in China,” CMJ, 1914;
27(1): 105–120; Wu Lien-teh, “Awakening the Sanitary Conscience of China,”
CMJ, 1915; 28(3): 222–229.
65 F. C. Yen, “Essays on Medicine,” The Church Yearbook, 1914: 124.
66 F. C. Yen, “An Example of Cooperation with the Chinese in Medical Education,”
Journal of the American Medical Association, 1915; LXIV(17): 1385. Dr. Yenread this paper at the biennial convention of the China Medical Association,
Shanghai on Feb. 15 1915.

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Journal of Cultural Interaction in East Asia Vol. 5 2014changing opposing forces into promoting ones. 2) Suspicion would be eliminated. Cooperation would bring closer touch with the Chinese and a truer
understanding of the real purpose of missionaries in China, thus averting thebesetting dread of the Chinese of foreign aggression in educational work. 3)
The advice and practical aid of the Chinese workers would be indispensable
in adapting such institutions to Chinese requirements. 4) Cooperation with the
Chinese would give the work more permanency. In medical as in other lines,
foreigners were merely laying foundations on which the Chinese themselves
must build. By cooperation alone could the work be made continuous andlasting. Dr. Yen stated to the mission medical schools that cooperating with
the Chinese people would push forward the development of medicine inChina so that they could preserve their hundred years of hard work. Once theChinese people had become predominant in medical education and hospitalmanagement, there would be no more opportunities for the missionaries.
As the main Chinese contributors to the China Medical Missionary
Journal, both Dr. Yen and Dr. Wu gained respect from the Association. Dr.
Yen and Dr. Wu kept their dignity in their cooperation with foreign doctors
and the Association; they were neither humble nor pushy because they had
both the independent spirit of Western medical science and the traditional
spirit of Chinese intellectuals. More importantly, they did not simply express
their wishes and thoughts to the journals; rather, they took action. In
February 1915, they proposed the establishment of a Chinese doctors’ organization, later known as the National Medical Association of China (NMAC).
Dr. Yen was the first chairman and Dr. Wu was secretary. When the association was founded a year later, Dr. Wu became the first congressman.
Although by that time the China Medical Missionary Journal had alreadylowered the bar to allow participation by Chinese, the habitual contemptuousness and superiority displayed by Western doctors towards Chinese doctors
had apparently enraged the latter. After all, not all Chinese doctors wererespected by the Association in the same way as Dr. Yen and Dr. Wu were.
Hence, to some extent, the National Medical Association of China was established as a counterforce to the Medical Missionary Association of China.67
The association was a medical community created by Chinese doctors whopracticed Western medicine. Their aim was to conduct research on Chinese
Western medical science and public health in an effort to facilitate conversations with the Association on an equal basis. In December 1915, Dr. Wu
announced in the Chinese Medical Journal that the National Medical
67 Dr. Wu and Dr. Yen suggested establishing the National Medical Associationof China at the conference held by the Medical Missionary Association ofChina in 1915. CMJ, 1916; 30(2): 111.

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Association of China had been founded.68 In the Declaration of the NMAC,
Dr. Yen claimed that the association would facilitate association between
foreigners and Chinese in order to “keep pace with the Medical Associationin Europe and America.”69 The National Medical Association of China established its own journal called the National Medical Journal of China. It was aperiodical published in both English and Chinese, the English content being
abstracts of the Chinese articles, some of which were from the Chinese
Medical Journal. Subsequently, the Chinese Medical Journal and National
Medical Journal of China shared the same readers and contributors. In the
1920s, articles by Chinese doctors appeared frequently in the Chinese
Medical Journal. In the 1930s, the Medical Missionary Association of China
had to consider merging permanently with the National Medical Associationof China. The merger took place in 1932. The Chinese Medical Journal
merged with the National Medical Journal of China to become a new medical
periodical renamed the Chinese Medical Journal. It consisted of two periodicals, one in Chinese and the other in English. The Chinese Medical Journal
remained the English Chinese Medical Journal. The old popular sections on
developments in surgical science and modern medicine, the hotly discussed
studies of clinical medicine and Chinese medical education that had been
carried in the Chinese Medical Journal were kept. The editor of the Chinese
Medical Journal’ believed that the merger of the two journals would make fora brighter future.70

Conclusion

Ultimately, the initial desire of the editors of the China Medical Missionary
Journal to create a Chinese medical journal did not come to fruition evenafter it merged into the Chinese Medical Journal. Medical missionaries weremore than just Western doctors; they were the only group of people that hadaccess to every level of Chinese society. They had more interaction with
Chinese patients and dealt most closely with local diseases, hence theysincerely cared for their patients. The Chinese perspective was essentially oneof the most important academic sections of the China Medical Missionary
Journal owing to its coverage of Chinese medicine and the path it created tofacilitate Chinese medicine. The default Chinese perspective continues in the
English version of the Chinese Medical Journal’ even today. The focus,
68 “The Honorary Secretary,” The National Medical Association of China, CMJ,
1915, 28(6): 407–408.
69 F. C. Yen, “The Declaration of the National Medical Association of China,”
The National Medical Journal of China (NMJC). 1915; 1(1): 52.
70 “The Journal,” CMJ, 1932, 46(1): 87.

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however, has shifted from the study and introduction of traditional Chinese
medicine to demonstrating to the world the results of the study of Chinese
medical science. This is still a masterpiece in the Chinese medical profession.
Its mission to spread Western medicine has now been taken over by the
Chinese version of the Chinese Medical Journal.71
What the Executive of the Medical Missionary Association of China andthe Board of the Yale-in-China Mission could not have foreseen was that theirchoice to cooperate with the Chinese people resulted in the redundancy of
their organizations. This is the story, however, of how Chinese medicine took
its place in modern history. Initially non-participants in the medical associations run by Westerners in their country, Chinese eventually took the lead indisseminating medicine to their own people; they started by cooperating andended up creating their own history. The establishment and termination of theMedical Missionary Association of China and the China Medical Missionary
Journal’ were turning points in this period of history. The Chinese perspective spearheaded by the Medical Missionary Association of China createdpaths and opportunities for traditional Chinese medicine to reach out to theworld. Their pioneering experimental studies laid a solid foundation for
Chinese scholars to study Chinese medicine scientifically, and offered methodology and technology for reference. The influence of the Medical
Missionary Association of China and the China Medical Missionary Journal
on China’s new medicine and the birth of Chinese scientific medicine cannot
be overestimated. This is precisely why the China Medical Missionary
Journal became the most enduring periodical in modern Chinese history,
whereas the medical missions themselves died out over time. The Chineseperspective concerning Chinese medical history, Chinese medical practice,
Chinese medical classics, as well as Chinese materia medica constituted thecore spirit and vitalized the China Medical Missionary Journal. But as Dr. Yen
said in 1915, “Only a Chinese can fully understand the Chinese point ofview.”72

71 “The New Life of Our Journal,” CMJ, 1932; 18(1): 186.
72 F. C. Yen, “An Example of Cooperation with the Chinese in Medical Education,”
Journal of the American Medical Association, 1915; LXIV(17): 1385.