The Dialogue with the World"New World Order and the Indo-Pacific"

Conference Papers

December 6, 2019
Tokyo, Japan

Co-Sponsored by
The Japan Forum on International Relations (JFIR)
Western Sydney University
Supported by
The Global Forum of Japan (GFJ)

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Table of Contents

1. Program……………………………….…………………………………………..1
2. Biographies of the Panelists………….…………………………………….........2
3. Presentation Papers………….…………………………………..………….........4
SATO Koichi…………….……..………………………..…………......……….......4Peter MAUCH…………..…………………...…………..…...……......……..….....5
JIN Yongming…………..……………………….………..…………......…….........6
WATANABE Shino…………..…………………………..…………......……….....10

5. Appendix: Introductions to Co-sponsoring and Supporting Organizations………..11
The Japan Forum on International Relations (JFIR) …………………......…………......11
Western Sydney University…………………....…………………......…………......12
The Global Forum of Japan (GFJ)…………………....….…………......…………......13

1. Program12. Biographies of the Panelists【Overseas Side】
Markus KAIM

Senior Fellow, German Institute for Internationaland Security Affairs (SWP) (Germany)

Dr. Markus Kaim is currently Helmut Schmidt Fellow of the Zeit-Stiftung and the German MarshallFund. In Berlin he works as Senior Fellow at the German Institute for International and Security Affairsof the Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (SWP). He has taught and held fellowships at universities onboth sides of the Atlantic: As Visiting Scholar at the Institute of European, Russian, and EurasianStudies, Carleton University, Ottawa (2018),

as Adjunct Professor at the Department for Political

Science, University of Zurich (since 2012), as Guest Instructor at the Hertie School of Governance, Berlin(since 2012), as DAAD Professor for German and European Studies at the University of Toronto(2007-2008), as Acting Professor for Foreign Policy and International Relations at the University ofConstance (2007), and as Visiting Fellow at the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies/
Johns Hopkins University (2005).

Peter MAUCH

Senior Lecturer at Western Sydney University (Australia)

Peter graduated with First Class Honours in the field of History from The University of Queensland(Australia) in 1997. He studied as a postgraduate at Kyoto University, and was awarded his Ph.D. in
September 2003. He completed a JSPS post-doctoral fellowship (2004-2006) at Kyoto University, and was
Assistant Professor at Ritsumeikan University from 2006 to 2009. He has taught at Western Sydney
University since 2009. He has written Sailor Diplomat (Harvard University Press East Asia Monograph
Series, 2011), and contributed a chapter to the Cambridge History of the Second World War (2015).

JIN Yongming

Professor, the Institute of Law of Shanghai Academyof Social Sciences (China)

Received PhD of Law and Post-doctor of Theoretical Economy. Dr. Jin is a professor of Institute of Law,
the director of Center for Oceans Strategy Studies of China, the executive vice director of Center forJapanese Studies, and a specially talented people for innovation program of Shanghai Academy of Social
Sciences. Doctor Jin also serves as a director of Chinese Society of International Law, a standing directorof Chinese Association for Japanese Studies, a member and specially-invited researcher of Academic
Research Committee of Pacific Society of China, a vice chairman and the secretary-general of Ocean Law
Governance Committee of China Association of Marine Affairs, a director of the Marine Strategy
Research Office and special researcher of Academy of Ocean of China; a vice director of Shanghai
Association for Japanese Studies, a vice director of Shanghai Institute for International Strategic Studies,
an executive vice director of Ocean Law Governance Branch of Shanghai Law Society, a research fellow ofHong Kong Research Center of Asia-Pacific Studies, etc. So far, Doctor Jin has published more than 80
papers, over 150 articles, and 10 books on issues related to the law of the sea. Doctor Jin also has presided
over and completed 15 research projects related to marine issues and the law of the sea.
2

【Japanese Side】
WATANABE Mayu

President, JFIR / President, GFJ

Graduated from Chiba University. Received M.A. in Education from the Graduate School of the University ofTokyo in 1997. Joined the Japan Forum on International Relations (JFIR) in 2000 and appointed Seniorresearch fellow in 2007, during which period she specialized in global human resource development andpublic diplomacy. Appointed Executive Director in 2011 and assumed Senior Executive Director in 2017. She
has served as President since 2018. Concurrently serving as President of the Council on East Asian
Community (CEAC) and President of the Global Forum of Japan.

ITO GoDirector and Director of Research, JFIR / Professor, Meiji University

Graduated from Sophia University. Received Ph.D. at the Josef Korbel School of International Studies, University ofDenver in 1997. Served as Associate Professor at Meiji University in 1998, and assumed the current position in 2006.
Also served as Visiting Professor at Beijing University, Academia Sinica (Taiwan), Bristol University(Britain),
Australian National University, and Victoria University (Canada), Adjunct Professor (International Security) at
Waseda University as well as Sophia University, and as Adjunct Researcher of the House of Councilors. Recipientsof the Eisenhower Fellowships in 2005 and the Nakasone Yasuhiro Award in 2006. Concurrently serves as Superior
Research Fellow, JFIR.

SATO Koichi

Professor, J.F. Oberlin University

Received his Ph.D. in International Studies from Waseda University. Served as Sales Engineer of Hitachi Chemical
Co. Ltd., Research Fellow of the Japan Institute of International Affairs (JIIA), and Lecturer of the Tokyo Universityof Foreign Studies. Concurrently serves as Lecturer of Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force (JMSDF) Staff College,
Policy Adviser to Japan Coast Guard, Lecturer of National Institute for Defense Studies (NIDS), Research Fellow of
the Center for Study of South China Sea, Doshisha University.

WATANABE Shino

Professor, Sophia University

Graduated from the University of Tokyo, received her M.A. in Law and Diplomacy from the Fletcher School, Tufts
University and earned her Ph.D. from the Woodrow Wilson Department of Politics, University of Virginia. Served
as a research fellow at the Japan Institute of International Affairs (JIIA), Associate Professor at the Faculty of Liberal
Arts, Saitama University, and Associate Professor at the Faculty of Global Studies, Sophia University. Held thecurrent position since 2017.
(In order of appearance in the “Program”)

33. Presentation Papers
SATO Koichi
Professor, J.F. Oberlin University
Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) vs Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)
Opportunity or Challenge?
1. Background of BRI and FOIP
BRI: President Xi Jinping’s Speeches in Kazakhstan and Indonesia in 2013
FOIP: Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s Speech in Kenya in 2016
2. Ideas and Practices of BRI(1) Ideas: Promote the economic prosperity of the Countries along the Belt and Road, and regional economic
cooperation, strengthen exchanges and mutual learning between different civilizations, and promoteworld peace and development.
(2) Practices: Demand for Sea Port Access: Product of Western Development
Transportation Infrastructure for Energy Supply
Outlet for Excess Construction Materials: High Speed Railways
Assembly of Panel of International Mediators in 2019
3. Ideas and Practices of FOIP
(1) Ideas: Rule of Law, Freedom of Navigation, Pursuit of Economic Prosperity, Commitment for Peace andStability ➡ Maintain Liberal International Order(2) Practices: ODA & FDI, Enhancing Connectivity through Quality Infrastructure, Defense & Security
Cooperation
Strategy ➡ Vision (2018), Competitive & Cooperative: Handshake & Arm Wrestling
4. Issues of Cooperation
Cooperation in the Fields of Connectivity
BRI: “Community of Common Destiny”⇔ “America First”

FOIP: Rule of Law, Security of SLOC including East & South China Seas, Territorial & Fishery Issues
ASEAN’s Centrality＊China needs to study the Japanese Historical Lessons.
Reference
Teruaki Aizawa, “Sonogo No ‘Jiyu De Hirakareta Indo Taiheiyo (FOIP)’ No Hensen To Tenkai,”
Sasagawa Peace Foundation, https://www.spf.org/oceans/analysis_ja02/post_20190621-copy.html.
Koichi Sato, “Ittaiichiro To Nihon Oyobi Tonan Ajia,” Center for International Economic
Collaboration, https://www.cfiec.jp/2018/h30-is-1128-2/.
4Peter MAUCH
Senior Lecturer at Western Sydney University (Australia)“Free and Open Indo-Pacific Initiative: Prospects and Challenges
An Australian Perspective”
Introduction:
Paper aims:
1. to trace the evolution of term “Indo-Pacific” in Australian circles
2. to outline current Australian policy
3. to question whether the Indo-Pacific will ever be anything more than a “foreign policy construct”

Evolution
The term “Indo-Pacific” has superseded the term “Asia-Pacific” in the defence and foreign policy
establishments, in academic circles, and in foreign policy think tanks
Current Australian policy
Australian PM Scott Morrison stresses the continuities in Australian policy toward the Indo-Pacific
A foreign policy construct?
For all its strategic soundness, the Indo-Pacific concept is yet to gain traction with the Australian people –herein lies perhaps the Indo-Pacific initiative’s greatest challenge, at least in the Australian context
Conclusions:
Leadership please!

5

JIN Yongming
Professor, the Institute of Law of Shanghai Academyof Social Sciences (China)
Several Thoughts on Building New Ocean Order in Asia
The Asia has become an important area and powerful contributor to the world stability and development,
which benefits from the sustainable security and stability of Asia. For this, the stabilization of ocean ordermakes unignorable contribution. Nowadays, the world is undergoing changes never encountered in the past
100 years, and the international systems and order are facing significant transformation and serious
challenges, so how to build a new ocean order in Asia is a question of the times which Asian countries need toconsider together, for which directly influences the future development and prosperity of the Asia, especiallyconcerns the ocean security and order and common interests. China's response to this is to build a communityof shared future for the Asia.
I. The Necessity for Complying with Basic System on the Ocean Order
It is well-known that the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) is the basic legal
system comprehensively regulating ocean issues and has become a key system of maintaining the ocean order,
so all countries must comply with it and formulate domestic law of the sea according to it, which isdetermined by the comprehensiveness and authoritativeness of the UNCLOS.
However, it is undeniable that the UNCLOS itself has some limitations or defects, for example, the regime on
the exploitation of international seabed area is excessively preferential to the developing countries; thecreation of Exclusive Economic Zone regime leads to the increase of overlapped sea areas and many cases
needing maritime delimitation; there are only preliminary provisions on unclear content of countries' rights
in the Exclusive Economic Zone; the ambiguity of the concept of an island leads to different interpretations
and opposite standpoints; there lack regulation and definition of some key terms. However, these defects
cannot negate the status and role of the UNCLOS in dealing with ocean issues because it is a compilation ofcustomary laws, especially a comprehensively institutional regulation on many types of sea areas and oceanfunctions, thus playing an irreplaceable role in maintaining ocean order.
II. Achievements in Enriching and Improving the Basic System of the Law of the Sea
The UNCLOS has the aforesaid limitations or defects, lacks discussion or regulation on some important
issues (such as the utilization of marine biological gene resources, the establishment of marine protectionzone) due to the restriction of ideas and technologies, so there have emerged the trend and requirement of
supplementing and improving it in the international community. In such situation, the international
community has formulated two implementing agreements which are integrated and supplemented to the textof UNCLOS after many years' efforts and is making efforts in formulating the third implementing agreement
6through holding governmental meetings, so as to make supplements and improvements to overcome relevant
regimes' defects and flaws. Such implementing agreements include (1) Agreement relating to the
Implementation of Part XI of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea of 10 December 1982; (2)Agreement for the Implementation of the Provision of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Seaof 10 December 1982 relating to the Conservation and Management of Straddling Fish Stocks and Highly
Migratory Fish Stocks; and (3) Implementing Agreement on Issues relating to the Conservation andSustainable Use of Marine Biological Diversity Beyond Areas of National Jurisdiction expected to beconcluded in 2020. In other words, the UNCLOS is marching towards the third stage (making supplements
and improvements relating to the regime of marine biological diversity) after its adoption and development
stages.
Apart from normative regimes like the aforesaid implementing agreements additionally formulated by theinternational community, continuous enrichment and improvement have been making to relevant regimes of
the UNCLOS through national practices especially international judicial judgments and arbitral awards, so as
to make its regimes and principles be clear and operable. For example, regarding the delimitation of the
Exclusive Economic Zone and the continental shelf, the international judicial or arbitral authorities haverefined the specific principles and requirements on the "the principle of equity" and established the rule of"three-stage approach for delimitation".
III. The Asia has major responsibilities for maintaining the ocean order
The Asia is a geographic unit with complicated neighboring environment, diverse historical origins, culture
and civilization and a semi-closed region in the geographic pattern of sea area. Meanwhile, there are many
territorial disputes over the sea left over in Asia especially in the East Asia after the World War II, so how toresolve these issues is a major challenge confronted by many Asian countries and directly tests the collective
wisdom and innovative idea of the Asian people.
It is general believed that concerned parties hardly make substantial compromise or concession on the issueof territorial sovereignty because it is related to many aspects such as historic origins, national feelings andeconomic life. Meanwhile, most countries adopt propositions and attitudes beneficial and helpful to theirown rights and interests and seek evidences favorable to themselves, which not only increases the difficulties
in identifying the factual essence and standpoints, but also leads to serious conflicts and accidents and thus
influences national relations and damages nationals' friendships in case of improper treatment. Therefore, it isundoubtedly an important rule for each party concerned to comply with that these disputed issues should beanalyzed, reasoned, evidenced according to history, jurisprudence especially the international law, andresolved by peaceful means, that is to say, to comply with the principle of "law-based governance of the sea"
including claiming rights according to laws, maintaining and exercising rights according to laws, resolving
disputes over rights according to laws.
It should be pointed out that the law in the term of "law-based governance of the sea" refers to principles andsystems of the international law universally accepted and agreed by the international community. In case of7

different understanding or conception on a law, it can be applicable only after communication is conducted
through consultation and negotiation and the counterparty or relevant parties agrees to it. Especially when
there are different understanding and practice on those principles and systems, the party holding different
opinions has the burden of evidence to convince the counterparty.
It is undeniable that although there are many territorial disputes over the sea in the Asia especially the East
Asia, there has not been corresponding major conflicts or security accidents, which is due to relevant
countries' standpoints and attitudes towards these issues. Especially, relevant countries have signed many
principled agreements and declarative documents deferring disputes and easing conflicts, which play their
due roles and provide important references and lessons for other regions and countries to resolve relevant
issues.
Nowadays, the sea has increasingly become an important support for a country and a region, and it is a major
issue for the international community including the Asian countries to consider that how to comprehensively
manage the sea, including the reasonable exploitation and utilization of marine resources, maintenance of thepassage safety, protection of ocean environment, reasonable conduct of scientific research of the sea, sufficient
surveillance of the sea and information exchange, etc., so it is an important guaranty for maintaining ocean
order and security to take into account of the sea in an comprehensive and whole-picture way including
enlarging common interests and reducing detailed opposition and differences, so as to build and realize thegoal of a community of shared future of the sea for the Asia.
IV. China's Standpoints and Attitudes towards Maintaining Ocean OrderWith the economic and technological development in China especially that after the reform and opening up
to the outside, China has been equipped with bases and conditions for exploiting and utilizing the sea, so
China has strengthened its efforts in and accelerated its frequency of exploiting and utilizing the space andresources of the sea and put forward the strategic goal of building an ocean power, so there emerges a view of"China’s Threats in the Sea" in the international community including the Asia. Indeed, China is a latecomerin the international community and has some imperfections or deficiencies in its specific conducts in the fieldof the sea, which are unavoidable and just worries in the growing process, so the correct and reasonableattitude in the international community should not be criticism but taking constructive attitude and putting
forward detailed suggestions on improvement.
Meanwhile, China has been continuously formulating and improving its domestic laws of the sea according
to the customary law especially the UNCLOS and obtained certain achievements, but there are also someprovisions in the domestic laws of the sea different from those in other countries of the international
community, thus resulting in different understanding and disagreement. Likewise, this cannot serve as acause for claiming that China is an unusual country.
China's standpoints and attitudes towards ocean issues including maintaining ocean order are as follows:
firstly, issues should be resolved mainly through political consultation and negotiation; secondly, when an
8issue cannot be resolved by political means, crisis management system should be formulated to manage andcontrol the disagreement; lastly, after various kinds of cooperation are deepened and political mutual trust is
upgraded, an issue should be finally resolved by means including joint exploitation. The purpose is to turnthe sea into a sea of peace, friendship and cooperation and provide guaranty and experience reference onbuilding a community of shared future of the sea.
In short, the sea is an important support and basic guaranty for stabilizing the Asia and the ocean order
including the safety of ocean passage is the common interests and concerns of Asian countries and people, so
various participants should take part in the process of maintaining the ocean order to make contributions to
the improvement of the comprehensive ability to manage the sea. That is to say, the sea is welcoming a newstage of "protection of the sea" from the former "utilization of the sea", and the "governance of the utilizationof the sea" from the former "free utilization of the sea". This is the new requirement and attitude of Asian
countries towards the ocean order, i.e. to build a community of shared future of the sea for the Asia.

The author is a professor of Institute of Law of Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences, a senior visiting scholarsponsored by Japan Foundation, a visiting professor of Graduate Schools for Law and Politics of the
University of Tokyo.

9

WATANABE Shino
Professor, Sophia University

China’s Maritime Infrastructure Development

Introduction

Growing Maritime Infrastructure Development

Background of China’s Infrastructure Development

A case of Cambodia

Infrastructure Development with Chinese Characteristics

Major Implications10

4. Introductions to Co-sponsoring Organizations(1) The Japan Forum on International Relations (JFIR)The Japan Forum on International Relations, Inc. (JFIR or The Forum) is a private, non-profit, independent, and non-partisanorganization dedicated to improved understanding of Japanese foreign policy and international relations. The Forum takes no
institutional position on issues of foreign policy, though its members are encouraged not only to analyze but also to propose
alternatives on matters of foreign policy. Though the Forum helps its members to formulate policy recommendations on mattersof public policy, the views expressed in such recommendations represent in no way those of the Forum as an institution and the
responsibility for the contents of the recommendations is that of those members of the Forum who sign them alone.
The Forum was founded on March 12, 1987 in Tokyo on the private initiative of Dr. OKITA Saburo, Mr. HATTORI Ichiro, Prof.
ITO Kenichi, and 60 other independent citizens from business, academic, political, and media circles of Japan, recognizing that apolicy-oriented research institution in the field of international affairs independent from the government was most urgently
needed in Japan. On April 1, 2011, JFIR was reincorporated as a “public interest foundation” with the authorization granted by
the Prime Minister in recognition of its achievements.
JFIR is a membership organization with four categories of membership, namely, (1) corporate, (2) associate corporate, and (3)individual. As for the organizational structure of JFIR, the “Board of Trustees” is the highest decision making body, which is incharge of electing the “Directors” and of supervising overall activities of JFIR, while the “Board of Directors” is an executive
body, which is in charge of the management of day-to-day operations of JFIR.
■Board of Trustees■Board of Directors

ARIMA Tatsuo

ITO Kenichi

Chairman

HAKAMADA Shigeki

WATANABE Mayu

President

HIRONO Ryokichi

HANDA Haruhisa

Director

ISHIGAKI Yasuji

ITO GoDirector

KUROYANAGI Nobuo

ITO Masanori

Director

OHYA Eiko

KAMIYA Matake

Director

SAKAMOTO Masahiro

KIKUCHI Yona

Director

SATO Ken

MORIMOTO Satoshi

Director

WATANABE Hirotaka

TAKUBO Tadae

Director

WATANABE Toshio

YANO Takuya

Director

YAMAGUCHI Norio■Auditors
NAITOH Masahisa
WATANABE Kenichi

The Forum’s activities are composed of such pillars as “Policy Recommendations,” “e-Forum” “Research Programs,”“International Dialogues & Exchanges,” “Participation in International Frameworks,” “Information Gathering,” and “PR and
Enlightenment.” Of these pillars of activities, one important pillar is the “e-Forum: Hyakka-Seiho” which means “Hundred
Flowers in Full Bloom” (http://www.jfir.or.jp/cgi/m-bbs/). The “e-Forum,” which started on April 12, 2006, is open to the public,
functioning as an interactive forum for discussions on foreign policy and international affairs. All articles posted on the e-Forumare sent through the bimonthly e-mail magazine “Meru-maga Nihon Kokusai Foramu” in Japanese to about 10,000 readers inJapan. Furthermore, articles worth attention for foreigners are translated into English and posted on the English website of JFIR
(http://www.jfir.or.jp/e/index.htm) as “JFIR Commentary.” They are also introduced in the e-mail magazine “JFIR E-Letter” inEnglish. “JFIR E-Letter” is delivered bimonthly to about 10,000 readers worldwide.
Contact
Address: 2-17-12-1301, Akasaka, Minato-ku, Tokyo, 107-0052, Japan
TEL: +81-3-3584-2190 FAX: +81-3-3589-5120 E-mail: jfir@jfir.or.jp URL: http://www.jfir.or.jp/j/11

(2) Western Sydney University
Western Sydney University (Chancellor: Prof. Peter Shergold AC) began operation on 1st January
1989, under the terms of the Western Sydney University Act, 1988 which had been passed by the New South
Wales Parliament in December 1988. However, the predecessors of the University date back as far as 1891
with the establishment of the Hawkesbury Agricultural College. The Act created a federated network
university, based on two existing Colleges of Advanced Education - Hawkesbury Agricultural College and
Nepean College of Advanced Education.
Following incorporation into the University, the foundation network members were known as the'Western Sydney University, Hawkesbury' and the ' Western Sydney University, Nepean.'
The Act was amended by the Western Sydney University (Amendment) Act, 1989 (Act No. 128, 1989)
and the Macarthur Institute of Higher Education became the third University member on 1 November 1989.
The new campus was known as the ' Western Sydney University, Macarthur.'
In 1995 a review of the structure of Western Sydney University was undertaken. The Report of theCommittee to Review the Structure of the Western Sydney University (the Rogers Report) recommended
restructuring the institution and a new federated University system emerged. The University became afederated university system comprising four co-operative and interrelated elements: Office of theVice-Chancellor, Western Sydney University, Hawkesbury, Western Sydney University, Macarthur andWestern Sydney University, Nepean.
This federated system ensured the University was represented at a national and international levelas a single institution with common objectives and values, while giving each of its Members the autonomy
needed to react quickly and flexibly to the demands and needs of its local communities. The principal
advantage of the federated network structure was the opportunity to build on the individual strengths ofeach member university, and through the University as a whole to define and achieve objectives that theindividual members might have found unattainable. Each member was largely autonomous and responsible
for: the development and conduct of courses; the admission of students; the initiation and supervision ofresearch programs; staffing; the development of consultancy and entrepreneurial activities; and thedevelopment and maintenance of campus facilities and properties.
On 26 November 1997, the Western Sydney University Act, 1997 (Act No. 116, 1997) was passed by
the State Parliament. This Act which replaced the original Act came into force on 1 January 1998.
Following consultation across Western Sydney University the Vice Chancellor put proposals before
the Western Sydney University Board of Trustees at the end of 1999 for a major restructure of the University.
The Board approved the principles of the restructure, and the consequent detailed work to be undertaken todevelop the new structure. From the beginning of 2001 the Western Sydney University operated as a single
multi-campus university rather than as a federation.
The new structure of the university was outlined in the 2001 Calendar with revisions and changes
outlined in the 2002 Calendar. The single multi-campus Western Sydney University has six campuses:
Bankstown, Blacktown, Campbelltown, Hawkesbury, Parramatta, and Penrith.
“Western Sydney University has been named one of the world's top 400 universities, with the releaseof the prestigious Times Higher Education (THE) World University Rankings for 2014-2015. The University
has moved into the 351-400 band for the first time, firmly placing it within the top two per cent of universities
worldwide.”[Contact]
Locked Bag 1797
Penrith NSW 2751
Tel: +61 2 9852 5222
12

(3) The Global Forum of Japan (GFJ)
Objectives and History
The Global Forum of Japan (GFJ) originates from the Japan Chapter of the Quadrangular Forum (QF), which was establishedin 1982 in Washington to serve as an informal promoter of the exchange of policy-oriented views and opinions among Japan,
US, Europe, and Canada. As the Cold War ended and its aftermath faded away, QF ceased its activity in 1996. The Japan
Chapter of QF survived the vicissitudes and developed into the Global Forum of Japan (GFJ) as an independent institution ofJapan for international intellectual exchanges. Since then, GFJ has been active as a hub for international exchanges with theglobal intellectual community at large.
Organization
The Global Forum of Japan (GFJ) is a private, non-profit, non-partisan, and independent membership organization in Japan.
Business Member, Political Member, and Academic Member support its activities as Governors and Members. The Secretariat
is housed in The Japan Forum on International Relations. GFJ is currently headed by ITO Kenichi as Chairman, WATANABE
Mayu as President, and TAKAHATA Yohei as Vice President and Executive Secretary. The membership is composed of 10
Business Members including the 4 Governors, TOYODA Shoichiro, MOGI Yuzaburo, ISHIKAWA Hiroshi, and YAGUCHI
Toshikazu; 10 Political Members including the 4 Governors, KAKIZAWA Mito, SUEMATSU Yoshinori, SUZUKI Keisuke, and
FUNADA Hajime; and 56 Academic Members including the 3 Governors, ITO Go, KAMIYA Matake, and TAKAHARA Akio.
Activities(1) e-forum “Giron-Hyakushutsu (Hundred Views in Full Perspective)” operated on the website of GFJ(2) Monthly held meetings of “Foreign Policy Luncheon” and “Diplomatic Roundtable”(3) PR and Enlightenment through publication of “Bulletin,” the website, mail magazine, etc.
(4) “International Dialogues” convened 3 to 4 times a year on policy-oriented issues with counterparts invited from various
parts of the world. Recent International Dialogues are as follows:
Years andMonths
2019

Feb.
Jul.

2018

Dec.
July

Mar.
Feb.
2017

Aug.
Jun.

Mar.
Feb.

ThemesCounterparts

Japan-U.S. Dialogue “U.S.-China “New Cold War”?: Implications forJapan and the United States"
The Japan - Indo-Pacific Dialogue “Free and Open Indo- PacificInitiative and Maritime Order”
The Japan-Russia Dialogue “Possibility of Japan-Russia Cooperationin an Increasingly Complex Northeast Asianew”
The Dialogue with the World “ GEOECONOMICS and The 21stCentury World and Japan”
The Strategic Dialogue with Central Asia “Strategic Prospects ofRegional Cooperation and Security in Central Asia”
The Japan-U.S. Dialogue “China Risks and China Opportunities –Implications for the ‘Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy’ –”The Dialogue with the World: Eurasia 2025

Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Pathfinder Foundation (Sri Lanka)"Routledge Studies on Think Asia"“Central Asia + Japan” Dialogue “Prospects on the Current andFuture Japan-Central Asia Relations
Japan-ASEAN Dialogue “Changing Regional Order in the Asia Pacificand Japan-ASEAN Cooperation”

Japan-U.S. Dialogue “The Japan-U.S. Alliance in the Era of the Trump
Administration: Crossroads or Continuity?"
Japan-China Dialogue “Prospect of Japan-China Cooperation in
Aging Society”

The Far East Branch of the Russian Academy of
Sciences (FEB RAS)The Japan Forum on International Relations(JFIR)The Japan Forum on International Relations(JFIR)
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace(CEIP) (U.S.)
The French Institute for International andStrategic Affairs (IRIS) (France)
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of JapanThe S. Rajaratnam School of International
Studies (RSIS) (Singapore), Nanyang
Technological University / The University ofSocial Sciences and Humanities, Vietnam
National University (VNU-USSH) (Vietnam)
Institute for National Strategic Studies,
National Defense University (INSS) (U.S.)
Shanghai International Studies University /Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences / Fudan
University (China)

Contact
Address: 2-17-12-1301, Akasaka, Minato-ku, Tokyo, 107-0052, Japan
TEL: +81-3-3584-2193 FAX: +81-3-3505-4406 E-mail: gfj@gfj.jp URL: http://www.gfj.jp/j/13

(2) The Japan Forum on International Relations (JFIR)The Japan Forum on International Relations, Inc. (JFIR or The Forum) is a private, non-profit, independent, and non-partisanorganization dedicated to improved understanding of Japanese foreign policy and international relations. The Forum takes no
institutional position on issues of foreign policy, though its members are encouraged not only to analyze but also to propose
alternatives on matters of foreign policy. Though the Forum helps its members to formulate policy recommendations on mattersof public policy, the views expressed in such recommendations represent in no way those of the Forum as an institution and the
responsibility for the contents of the recommendations is that of those members of the Forum who sign them alone.
The Forum was founded on March 12, 1987 in Tokyo on the private initiative of Dr. OKITA Saburo, Mr. HATTORI Ichiro, Prof.
ITO Kenichi, and 60 other independent citizens from business, academic, political, and media circles of Japan, recognizing that apolicy-oriented research institution in the field of international affairs independent from the government was most urgently
needed in Japan. On April 1, 2011, JFIR was reincorporated as a “public interest foundation” with the authorization granted by
the Prime Minister in recognition of its achievements.
JFIR is a membership organization with four categories of membership, namely, (1) corporate, (2) associate corporate, and (3)individual. As for the organizational structure of JFIR, the “Board of Trustees” is the highest decision making body, which is incharge of electing the “Directors” and of supervising overall activities of JFIR, while the “Board of Directors” is an executive
body, which is in charge of the management of day-to-day operations of JFIR.
■Board of Trustees■Board of Directors

ARIMA Tatsuo

ITO Kenichi

Chairman

HAKAMADA Shigeki

WATANABE Mayu

Vice President

HATTORI Yasuo

HANDA Haruhisa

Director

HIRONAKA Wakako

ITO GoDirector

HIRONO Ryokichi

ITO Masanori

Director

INOUE Akiyoshi

KAMIYA Matake

Director

ISHIGAKI Yasuji

KIKUCHI Yona

Director

KUROYANAGI Nobuo

MORIMOTO Satoshi

Director

OHYA Eiko

TAKUBO Tadae

Director

SAKAMOTO Masahiro

YANO Takuya

Director

SATO Ken■Auditors

WATANABE Toshio

NAITOH Masahisa

YAMAGUCHI Norio

WATANABE Kenichi

The Forum’s activities are composed of such pillars as “Policy Recommendations,” “e-Forum” “Research Programs,”“International Dialogues & Exchanges,” “Participation in International Frameworks,” “Information Gathering,” and “PR and
Enlightenment.” Of these pillars of activities, one important pillar is the “e-Forum: Hyakka-Seiho” which means “Hundred
Flowers in Full Bloom” (http://www.jfir.or.jp/cgi/m-bbs/). The “e-Forum,” which started on April 12, 2006, is open to the public,
functioning as an interactive forum for discussions on foreign policy and international affairs. All articles posted on the e-Forumare sent through the bimonthly e-mail magazine “Meru-maga Nihon Kokusai Foramu” in Japanese to about 10,000 readers inJapan. Furthermore, articles worth attention for foreigners are translated into English and posted on the English website of JFIR
(http://www.jfir.or.jp/e/index.htm) as “JFIR Commentary.” They are also introduced in the e-mail magazine “JFIR E-Letter” inEnglish. “JFIR E-Letter” is delivered bimonthly to about 10,000 readers worldwide.
Contact
Address: 2-17-12-1301, Akasaka, Minato-ku, Tokyo, 107-0052, Japan
TEL: +81-3-3584-2190

FAX: +81-3-3589-5120

E-mail: jfir@jfir.or.jp URL: http://www.jfir.or.jp/j/14

(3) Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (CEIP)
The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace is a unique global network of policy research centers in Russia,
China, Europe, the Middle East, India, and the United States. Our mission, dating back more than a century, is toadvance peace through analysis and development of fresh policy ideas and direct engagement and collaboration
with decisionmakers in government, business, and civil society. Working together, our centers bring theinestimable benefit of multiple national viewpoints to bilateral, regional, and global issues.

In 2006, Carnegie launched a revolutionary plan to build the first global think tank. Since then it has transformed ahundred-year-old American institution into one well-equipped for the challenges of a globalized world. Today,
Carnegie has research centers in Beijing, Beirut, Brussels, Moscow, New Delhi, and Washington. The network issupervised by an international board of trustees, and its research activities are overseen by a global management
group.

The scholars of each center are drawn from the region and write in the local languages, while collaborating closelywith colleagues across the world. The result provides capitals and global institutions with a deeper understandingof the circumstances shaping policy choices worldwide as well as a flow of new approaches to policy problems.

Contact
1779 Massachusetts Avenue NW
Washington, DC 20036-2103
Phone: 202 483 7600 Fax: 202 483 1840

15

Memo

The Global Forum of Japan (GFJ)
17-12-1301, Akasaka 2-chome Minato-ku, Tokyo, 107-0052, Japan[Tel] +81-3-3584-2193[Fax] +81-3-3505-4406[E-mail] gfj@gfj.jp [URL] http://www.gfj.jp[This “Dialogue” is administered by the Secretariat of The Global Forum of Japan]