WORLD TRADE  
ORGANIZATION  WT/MIN(05)/ST/66 
15 December 2005 
 (05-6017) 
MINISTERIAL CONFERENCE 
Sixth Session Hong Kong, 13 - 18 December 2005 Original:   Spanish 
 
  
BOLIVARIAN REPUBLIC OF VENEZUELA 
 
Statement by HE Mr Ali Rodriguez Araque
 
Minister of Foreign Affairs  
  
 As I join my colleagues in expressing our appr eciation for the warm hospitality extended to us 
by the Hong Kong, China authorities and for the excellent organization of this event, I would like to 
leave you with a few thoughts on the current process of WTO negotiations.   
 My first comment arises from the, so far in surmountable, difficulties in reaching an overall 
agreement to which all parties seemingly aspire.  In  view of the frustrations that have accumulated 
over the years, at this event there have been repeat ed calls for us to act with courage and boldness to 
reach certain agreements that, as in the case of agri culture, would attain the liberating magic of others 
such as NAMA, services, and those that follow on.  In  answer to these appeals, there has been no lack 
of reminders rightfully noting that Doha established increased trade as a tool for development and not 
as an end in itself, and, furthermore, that it should also be the development round . 
 Undoubtedly, in the current international econom ic system, trade is the activity that has 
experienced the most colossal increa se, and the indicators show that this increase is continuing.  Such 
impressive growth immediately raises the question:  to what extent has growth served to improve the 
situation of developing countries and,  in particular, those countries clas sified as least-developed?  And 
has it contributed to bridging the gap that separat es them from the most developed countries?  To 
what extent has trade served to reduce the excrucia ting levels of world poverty?  Since the answers 
are obvious and, in any event, easily found in the reports of organizations such as UNCTAD, 
UNICEF and others, I see no need to quote statistics.   All indications are that  "courageous" and "bold" 
decisions are not enough, a purely mercantile visi on is not enough to conf ront and overcome the 
issues raised by development when  looked at as a whole, with human beings as the alpha and omega 
and, more specifically, with the greatest challe nge of our times, poverty, and the consequent 
commitment undertaken with the Millennium Development Goals. 
  All this prompts me to ask you a question:  could the absence of substantive progress after so 
many efforts that have taken us from one end of the world to the other be due to our having chosen the 
wrong route?  Let us think about that.  The formulas  we have chosen are in tended to create the basis 
for a specific type of competition.  And where ther e is competition there is protection.  Which is 
precisely what we are trying today to overcome as an obstacle to trade, in the form of tariff and non- 
tariff barriers, and support policies. 
 
 Since this is an indisputable reality, anothe r question arises.  Might it not be possible to 
practice other methods which, while not claiming to  eliminate all the dehumanizing mechanisms of 
competition, at least mitigate them and open up new forms of trade based on complementarity, cooperation, solidarity and strict observance of the sovereignty of nations?  The answer is yes.  In Latin America and the Caribbean we have begun an e xperiment that was driven by ideas inspired by WT/MIN(05)/ST/66 
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 United Nations General Assembly Resolution 3201 of May 1974 and the 1986 Declaration on the 
Right to Development.   By converting into action what was until recently  a mere statement, Venezuela is selling its 
energy surpluses to Argentina, Uru guay and Paraguay, and is buying  their agriculture and others 
surpluses using clearing mechanisms.  In a very shor t time the results have been astonishing.  By 
pursuing our policy of complementarity with Argentina,  in just one year we have expanded trade five- 
fold, and it continues to grow.  Instead of sacrific ing their benefits, each of the participants has 
multiplied them.  With our sister republic, Cuba, trade has grown exponentially on the same basis,  
which we have now called the Bolivar ian Alternative for Latin America ( Alternativa Bolivariana para 
la America Latina – ALBA) .   
  This policy has allowed Venezuela to bring literacy to 1.5 million Venezuelans in a little over a year, to provide free health care to a further 17 million, and to offer food to some 13 million people 
at below market prices.  In their turn, Argentina an d Cuba have resolved a large part of their supplies 
of energy and other products exported by Ven ezuela.  Naturally, a sovereign policy between 
independent States will always irritate those who deny the sovereignty of others while trying to extend 
their own worldwide.  Hence the recent attempts to provoke new disruptions in Venezuela's peaceful 
and democratic process.   These facts are clearly visible.  Anyone who wants to observe them is welcome to our 
country. 
  We are following the same course with other si ster countries, including in the Caribbean, 
where many countries are beginning to pay less for their oil.  We can therefore confirm with hard evidence that there is in fact an alternative model, in which destructive competition will yield to new 
forms of relationships, not only in trade but also in human intercourse, sinc e it is not a matter of 
handouts for beggars, but of establishing relationships  based on deep respect for the dignity of every 
nation.    However, because we are rea listic and we know full well the na ture of the economic relations, 
which prevail today and in which we are barely a tiny seed of hope, we have accepted these realities 
and taken up the challenges they raise.  Therefore, taking the commitments of Doha and the 
Millennium Development Goals as a point of departur e, we identify ourselves with the cause of the 
least-developed and developing countries in their clai m for the reduction and elimination of subsidies,  
and tariff and non-tariff barriers, which block the entry of agricultural products to developed 
countries.  Similarly, we must take into account the vulnerability that in many cases creates the need 
to apply the principle of special and differen tial treatment, designate special products, establish 
safeguard mechanisms and compile a list of tropical products.   It is nonetheless necessary to bear in mind that it is not enough to satisfy these fair demands.  
It is imperative to drastically reduce the yawn ing productivity gap caused by monopoly control over 
technical knowledge that produces the most devastati ng imbalances.  If this objective is not achieved, 
concessions made in other areas will soon vanish as sheer illusions because of the advantages that go 
with monopoly of knowledge and that translate into  a blatantly unequal system of trade which favours 
the most advanced countries.  For this very reason,  we strongly object to the model proposed for trade 
in services in Annex C, and we strongly reiterate that Article XX, (g) of the GATT (1947) on exhaustible and non-renewable natura l resources must stand as it is  because it embodies inalienable 
principles pertaining to sovereignty. 
  These are just some of the thoughts that we believed we ought to share with the honourable 
delegates to this Sixth Ministerial Conference of th e WTO .  We are aware of today's realities but we 
do not resign ourselves to them passively.  If, to paraphrase the great Jose Marti, we have sworn to 
cast our lot with the poor of the earth, then we can  be sure that like a merciless whip before the  WT/MIN(05)/ST/66 
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 suffering billions of humanity, the irrepressible fo rce of reason and justice will rise up with the 
conviction that a better world is possible.  Such a world is well worth a struggle.  
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