Mi dbang rtogs brjod, which was written in 1733 in an ornate Tibet-
an poetic language, renders the me mdaʼ<fnref n="70" /> as meʼi 'khrul 'khor,<fnref n="71" /> meʼi
mda' bo che,<fnref n="72" /> and gnam lcags 'brug gi nga ro can.<fnref n="73" /> It also tells us
about Mi dbang pho lha's skill and mastery as a teenager in firing
meʼi 'khrul 'khor<fnref n="74" /> while on a galloping horse.

The autobiography of Mdo mkhar zhabs drung tshe ring dbang rgyal (1697-1763), *Bka' blon rtogs brjod*, does not say much about matchlocks despite his being a witness to the Dzungar occupation of Lhasa in 1717-21 and his participation in the disturbances of Dbus gtsang in 1727-28.

In the autobiography of the Rdo ring Paṇdita (b. 1760), we find out
how he was trained: "At times, going to places such as the riverbanks
near Nor[bu] Ling[ka] for practice in target shooting at a gallop with
archery and guns, which later came to be called shooting while gal-
loping (zhar 'phen) exercise session".<fnref n="75" />

The autobiography of the Zur khang bka' blon Sri gcod Tshe brtan
(1766-1820) offers references on game hunting some time in 1795 where
he discussed the interesting names of the hounds and of various weap-
ons: me mda'<fnref n="76" /> and me'i mda' 'o che,<fnref n="77" /> me'i mda' 'o che lcags ru can.<fnref n="78" />

In Sde srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho's account of the funeral cer-
emonies and entombment rites of the Fifth Dalai Lama, which took
place between 1691-96, we find that among the objects offered fre-
quently by the donors there were musical instruments, animal pelts,
armour, helmets and me mda'.<fnref n="79" />

In later periods too, similar practices are noted in the autobiogra-
phy of the Rdo ring Paṇdita where there are references to me mda'

<footnote n="70">70 Zhabs drung tshe ring dbang rgyal, *Mi dbang rtogs brjod*, 419, 540, 545, 774, 833-4.</footnote>

<footnote n="71">71 Zhabs drung tshe ring dbang rgyal, *Mi dbang rtogs brjod*, 21, 32, 43, 54, 221, 233, 235, 241, 279, 419, 464, 471, 505, 560, 571-2, 580, 583, 600, 626-7, 630, 668, 701.</footnote>

<footnote n="72">72 Zhabs drung tshe ring dbang rgyal, *Mi dbang rtogs brjod*, 408, 418, 464-5, 475, 493, 507, 538, 545, 550, 588, 600, 607, 630, 651.</footnote>

<footnote n="73">73 Zhabs drung tshe ring dbang rgyal, *Mi dbang rtogs brjod*, 583, 600, 607.</footnote>

<footnote n="74">74 Zhabs drung tshe ring dbang rgyal, *Mi dbang rtogs brjod*, 34, 125, 195, 204.</footnote>

<footnote n="75">75 Bstan 'dzin dpal 'byor, *Rdo ring paṇdi ta'i rnam thar, stod cha*, 182; also see 427: "At times, they undertook a training called "shooting practice while fast galloping on the horse" (zhar 'phen) around Bye rags ("sand embankment" to the north of Lhasa) and Nor gling", which included horse riding and shooting mechanical guns ('phrul 'khor me mda) [S.T.N.].</footnote>

<footnote n="76">76 Bka'i gung blon gyi khur 'dzin pa'i rtogs brjod bung ba'i mgrin glu, folio 32na, 76na.</footnote>

<footnote n="77">77 Bka'i gung blon gyi khur 'dzin pa'i rtogs brjod bung ba'i mgrin glu, folio 31na, 32na.</footnote>

<footnote n="78">78 Bka'i gung blon gyi khur 'dzin pa'i rtogs brjod bung ba'i mgrin glu, folio 31ba.</footnote>

<footnote n="79">79 Mchod sgong 'dzam gling rgyan gcig gi dkar chag, 845, 852-4, 856, 858, 860, 866-7, 873, 885, 887-90, 898; Ser gtsug nang bstan dpe rnying 'tshol bsdu phyogs sgrig khang, Drin can rtsa ba'i bla ma ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (glegts bam inga pa'i 'phros drug pa), 136, 138, 141-2, 302, 385, 413, 444, 455.</footnote>
being offered to the officials for restoring the Bsam yas monastery.<fnref n="80" />
Also in the later references dating to 1849-54 we find offerings of
*me mda’* as a donation for the restoration of the Bsam yas monas-
tery.<fnref n="81" /> Here we even find the lone offering of the long barrel of a *me
mda’i lcags hreng*.<fnref n="82" />

Rdo ring Pandita, who led the Tibetan army and was the head of the Tibetan signatories of the Nepal-Tibet treaty of 1791, was equipped with an "old, Russian-made 'dzam gun" (*me mda' dzam o ru su rgyu rnying*), the old 'dzam grags from Russia, named "suppressor of enemy force" (*dgra dpung zil gnon*), and the phyag mda' belonging to Dbang da la'i bha dur 'Gyur med rnam rgyal (?-1750), plus some thirty other odd 'dzam grags.<fnref n="83" /> This fact demonstrates that the 'dzam graqs was the most sought-after matchlock at that time.

In the *Chronicle of Sikkim*, the following references regarding the
*me mda’* are recorded for the period of the Gorkha invasion of Sik-
kim in 1774-88:

When a large Gur[kha] (*gor* [*kha*]) army arrived [1774] and waged a battle, a gunshot injured Phyogs thub and almost killed him. [...] At that time [1775], the army led by the army commander Brag dkar tshang rig 'dzin killed 300 Gurkhas and handed their heads and hands, two "thunderbolt" (*gnam lcags*) guns, and three "big bang" [*spag chen* (*spag* is a Tibetan onomatopoeia imitating gun sound)] guns to the government. [...] The heads and hands of Gurkhas, the captive soldiers, guns, and many other things were presented at that time. [...] After waging a battle from the tenth to the fifteenth day of the first month of the Iron Rat year [1780], the heads and hands of a commander and one hundred soldiers killed during the battle, as well as guns and five captive soldiers, were handed over to the commander and the Sde pa. [...]<fnref n="84" />

In 1788, Phyogs thub brothers, having defeated the Gurkha ar-
my, presented [the regions of] Tsong and Shu 'phags, heads and
hands of Gurkhas, captive soldiers, guns, etc., to the government.
Similarly, relatives of the late Brag dkar dmag dpon tshang also
presented heads and hands of Gurkhas and many weapons includ-
ing firearms (*me stobs*) to the government. [S.T.N.]<fnref n="85" />

<footnote n="80">80 Bstan 'dzin dpal 'byor, *Rdo ring paṇdi ta'i rnam thar, stod cha*, 188-9.</footnote>

<footnote n="81">81 *The Samye Monastery*, 225, 247, 249-51, 263, 280-1. On page 247, among the gun offerings, one is specified as *rgya mda*. Does this mean the rest of the guns were Tibetan made?</footnote>

<footnote n="82">82 *The Samye Monastery*, 275, 277, 288.</footnote>

<footnote n="83">83 Bstan 'dzin dpal 'byor, *Rdo ring paṇdi ta'i rnam thar, smad cha*, 767-8.</footnote>

<footnote n="84">84 'Bras ljongs rgyal rabs, 114.</footnote>

<footnote n="85">85 'Bras ljongs rgyal rabs, 121-2.</footnote>
The Thirteenth Dalai Lama writes in 1916 that before the introduc-
tion of modern British rifles (dbyin mda') into the Dga' ldan pho brang
government army (in 1914), they had cherished the dbang mda' of Mi
dbang pho lha and 'dzam grags matchlocks.<fnref n="86" />

It is interesting to note that it was the consistent custom and habit
of the privileged Tibetan rulers and aristocrats to enjoy the archery
contest above any other arms. Plenty of references to their skill and
their ability to show off their archery skills can be found, but not to
their skills with a matchlock. Yet the annual firing of a gun at a tar-
get while on a galloping horse was always performed with a match-
lock, even after the introduction of the modern-day rifle. This was be-
cause they could perform all the acrobatic flourishes with the lighter
matchlock, but not with a heavy modern rifle.

A prominent example of this practice takes place among the Mgo
log during the annual Gsangs gsol ritual of the fourth month of the
Tibetan calendar when young, energetic and acrobatic men display
their skills and sharp shooting with the bo'u. I recall a description of
these events once told to me by Mkhan po 'Ju bstan skyong:

The Fourth-Pushya of the Ox Month (*glang zla'i bzhi rgyal*) [meaning “the fourth day during a Pushya constellation in the fourth Tibetan lunar month”] is one of the major festivals dedicated to the invocation and propitiation of gods in the nomadic communities of Mgo log. When the male members in these Mgo log communities attended a “Fourth-Pushya of the Ox Month” event, they decorated the horns of their matchlocks (*bog rwa*) [a pair of horns that function as a bipod on a traditional Tibetan matchlock called a *bog*] with streamers and scarves. They also tied a small incense pouch on one of the horns. The men made incense rounds (*bsangs skor*), chanted invocations, and said prayers. After the incense rituals were complete, the men, dressed in their best attire and carrying their matchlocks, stood in a line. Then they chanted an eulogy called “Hail to the Warrior Gods” (*dgra lha dpang bstod*). As they ended each stanza with the verse – “May the Warrior Gods never forsake their people”, they gave out a shrilling war cry (*ki sgra*). Then those who had offered incense participated in a horse race at a nearby foothill. In the past, the horsemen also conducted “an enemy suppressing ritual” (*dgra mnan*) on a small plain at the foothill. However, this practice has lost its popularity in recent times.

Then, the men returned to their camps and participated in var-
ious shooting games such as tshang rag [a horse-riding game that

<footnote n="86">86 The Excellent Lily Garland by the Thirteenth Dalai Lama, “Me ‘brug bod ljongs dmag sgar las khungs kyi bod bzos ‘khrul mda’i deb kyi ‘go brjod dge’, vol. thi, *shog ldeb* 11ba6.</footnote>
includes shooting]. They drew a *linga* [an effigy] on a paper and mounted it on a bamboo frame. The agile and skilful young riders mounted their horses. And, then in order, the riders competed in shooting by performing *mgo skor rgyab len*, a manoeuvre whereby a rider swung his gun around his head and back to shoot. They also displayed other manoeuvres such as passing the gun under the horse or swinging the gun in different ways during the competition.

Similarly, men in the Rnga ba region of A mdo fired matchlocks on the twenty-ninth day before the Tibetan lunar New Year [New Year's Eve] to remove obstacles. During the *gtor ma-hurling* ritual procession, monks stood in a long line, followed by musketeers (*bo'u ba*), who fired their loud muskets. At the end of the ritual, the musketeers competed in target shooting of *lingas*. These days, however, the Chinese have imposed restrictions on the carrying of guns. As a result, the firing competitions have been discontinued, and people today indulge only in the firecrackers. Nonetheless, these festivals mark important events where men showed off their guns, dresses, and ornaments. In some regions, the parishioners took turns participating as musketeers during the celebrations, where they dressed and equipped themselves in their best to represent their monastic and lay communities.<fnref n="87" />

As far as I know, *bog* and *me mda'* are items that are not included in the appraisals of the *brtags thabs* or *dpyad don* literary works available today. They are not included in the *bzo rigs pa tra* genre, either.

## 8 Folk Ways with Guns. Taboos, Superstitions and Use as Religious Offerings

A number of taboos ('dzems bya) and superstitions (rnam rtogs) are linked with *bog*. *Bog* enthusiasts made sure that no monk or woman touched their gun at any time as they widely believed that if monks or women touched the *bog* it became *me mda' kha log* (lit. 'a blunted weapon'). During this period of time, sharp shooters tended to miss their target, whether human or game. At best the shooter could only manage to wound the game. To ward off this curse one had to shoot crows (*khwa ta*).

During times of trouble, one had to be constantly alert and could not afford to relax, laying down the arms one carried all the time. But there were particular ways which Tibetan men used to approach

<footnote n="87">87 On the annual gsangs gsol ritual and sharp shooting practices of Glang zla bzhi rgyal among the Rdza chu kha nomads of Khams, see Namkhai Norbu, *A Journey into the Culture of Tibetan Nomads*, 99-113.</footnote>
their lama while remaining armed. When approaching to receive a blessing, an armed Tibetan did two things. Firstly, he carried the *bog* with the stock pointed towards the lama, so that the barrel pointed away. Secondly, the Tibetan man would also let down the braid of his hair usually wrapped around his head, so that it fell on the front of his chest, and then bend to receive the blessing. At no time did one point a gun at friends or foes as this was taken very badly.

Antique *bog*, swords and the old items of *dgra* 'lha'i *go mtshon sna dgu* (nine types of weapons/arms of the War God) can be found in the *mgon khang* of monasteries throughout Tibet, as well as in Bhutan, Nepal, and the Himalayan regions in India. They are treated as *spyan gzigs*,<fnref n="88" /> objects offered to the protective deities of the monastery.<fnref n="89" />

The autobiography of the First Panchen Lama records two cases of offering *me mda’* as *spyan gzigs* around the year 1658: “Many seized items such as guns were offered”<fnref n="90" /> and “guns as offerings”.<fnref n="91" /> There is also a mention of offering *me mda’*, among other items, as a display of thanks (*gtang rag*) to the Gnas chung oracle in 1690.<fnref n="92" />

In old Tibet there are many cases of lamas tying knots on needles and swords; this act is a magical performance to neutralise the potential harm the weapon can cause. I am unaware of any accounts of lamas tying knots onto the long barrel of the *bog*, but there are similar cases in which a *bog* belonging to a greatly sinful person was placed under (called *mnan pa rgyab pa*) a *mchod rten* for the same purpose. Nyag bla Padma bdud 'dul (1816-1872) destroyed some 800 *me mda’* alone, including 300 from the Lcags bdud ri nang in Nyag rong.<fnref n="93" />

## 9 Depictions of *bog* in *khram glu* Nomad Songs

References to *bog* and horses are found in a number of songs belonging to the *khram glu* genre of nomads' songs. I have collected forty-seven such songs but will only quote eight of them here due to limitations of space. The respective passages read as follows:<fnref n="94" />

<footnote n="88">88 Bstan 'dzin dpal 'byor, *Rdo ring pa'i ta'i rnam thar*, stod cha, 122; *The Collected Works of Cha-Har Dge-Bśes*, vol. 9, 254.</footnote>

<footnote n="89">89 Lozang Jamspal, “The Gonkhang, Temple of The Guardian Deities”, 43-9; also see 11-14.</footnote>

<footnote n="90">90 Paṇ chen blo bzang chos rgyal gyi rnam thar, 302-3 [S.T.N.].</footnote>

<footnote n="91">91 Paṇ chen blo bzang chos rgyal gyi rnam thar, 305 [S.T.N.].</footnote>

<footnote n="92">92 Ser gtsug nang bstan dpe rnying 'tshol bsdu phyogs sgrig khang, *Drin can rtsa ba'i bla ma ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho*, vol. 9, 413.</footnote>

<footnote n="93">93 *Collected Works of Pad ma Bdud 'dul Rdo rje Chos skor*, 563: "Dmyal ba so so'i gzigs snang las / yang sos nang nas me mda'i nyes dmigs khol du phyung ba bzhugs so".</footnote>

<footnote n="94">94 I am grateful to my friend Dr. Sonam Tsering Ngulphu for translating all eight *khram glu* into English for me.</footnote>
1. If I should ride my horse, I am ready to ride,
For, on her, I have fastened the saddle, the golden saddle.
If I should not ride, I can opt not to,
For I have not snapped the bridle, the golden saddle.
If I should fire my *bog*, I am ready to fire,
For I have stuffed greyish primer in the barrel (*khog*).
If I should not fire, I can opt not to,
For I have not placed a slow match on the serpentine (*rkam*).
If I should join an alliance, I am ready to join,
For I can form it in just three words.
If I should not join an alliance, I can opt not to,
For I have exchanged neither wealth nor riches.

2. This "long variegated" *bog* (*bog khra ring*) might fail!
This long variegated will never fail
Until the bluish bullets (*mdel*) fail.
This gentle mule might fail!
This gentle mule will never fail
Until her slender legs fail.<fnref n="95" />

3. My hometown is far, far away;
Without a horse, you cannot reach it.
My hometown is where enemies clash;
Without a variegated *bog* (*bog khra ris*), you cannot live.<fnref n="96" />

4. A good stallion is [like] a bird,
And the golden saddle, its plumage.
When the bird assumes the plumage,
Its flight will need nothing more!<fnref n="97" />

5. Variegated *bog* are of two kinds – a long and a short.
How do my hateful enemies deserve them?
Allies are of two kinds – the past and the present.
How do the shameless slanderers deserve them?<fnref n="98" />

6. With a long variegated *bog*, I need a short variegated (*khra thung*) *bog* too,
For I need two – one to take and one to leave!
With a dapple-grey horse, I need a buckskin horse too,
For I need two – one to ride and one to rest [my *bog* to shoot]!

<footnote n="95">95 Ldum khang phun tshogs rnam rgyal, *Skyid sdug mi tshe'i phyi bltas*, 229.</footnote>

<footnote n="96">96 Rma khams kyi glu tshan la yi zhes pa'i skor, 555-6.</footnote>

<footnote n="97">97 Rma khams kyi glu tshan la yi zhes pa'i skor, 576-7.</footnote>

<footnote n="98">98 Rma khams kyi glu tshan la yi zhes pa'i skor, 580.</footnote>
With a vanguard flank, I need a rearguard flank too,
For I need two – one for the tea and one for the wine!<fnref n="99" />

7. This long variegated *bog* – the “shooter of thousand stars” (*skar ma stong shar*),
   Is not my father’s gun and has too many [accessories] to
   carry.
   Yet, when shooting hawks on the rocky cliffs,
   I miss my “shooter of thousand stars” over and again.<fnref n="100" />

8. The clear, blue sky is A mdo's ceiling,
   The "right-twirling masculine lotus-faced" (*pho gdong padma g.yas 'khyil*) is their gun (*bo'u*).
   Red lightning is A mdo's adornment,
   The "thunderous hailstorm" (*thog ser ba*) is A mdo's long gun (*bo'u ring*).<fnref n="101" />

## 10 Seven Recitals (bshad pa) Dedicated to the bog

I have collected seven *bog gi bshad pa* (see the Tibetan original in Appendix 1 of this paper). The first is from the 'Brong pa smad ma tribe in Nang chen, Khams. Every sheep year the 'Brong pa undertake a one-day journey to Southern Khams to circumambulate Rong btsan kha ba dkar po, where they picnic for a day or so. They first fire their *bog* blank (*stong mda'* ) into the air. Afterwards they aim at targets to find out who is the sharpest shooter. This practice is called *sgar mda' 'phen*. The next day the pilgrims pack their bags and begin walking towards Rong btsan kha ba dkar po mostly begging (for food). Everyone, rich and poor, continues like this until they have returned home. This particular *khra ring bog gi bshad pa* (lit. eulogy to the "long muzze Tibetan matchlock") was told to me by 'Brong smad be hu Rgyal po (1939-2018), the chieftain of the 'Brong pa smad ma at the Bir Ti-betan Society, Bir, Himachal Pradesh in 1979. It goes like this:<fnref n="102" />

1.
Om Svasti!
May goodness thrive!
While many have heard of the long variegated *bog*,

<footnote n="99">⁹⁹ Rma khams kyi glu tshan la yi zhes pa'i skor, 580.</footnote>

<footnote n="100">¹⁰⁰ Rma khams kyi glu tshan la yi zhes pa'i skor, 59.</footnote>

<footnote n="101">¹⁰¹ Mdo khams stod smad kyi la yi'i glu rigs, 672.</footnote>

<footnote n="102">¹⁰² I am grateful to my friend Dr. Sonam Tsering Ngulphu for translating all seven *khra ring bog gi bshad pa* into English for me.</footnote>
Those who know them well are rare!
If everyone knows, then who do we call an "expert"!

When, in the past, the gods clashed with the demigods,
There were the nine armours and weapons of the *dgra lha* [war gods],
But not that "meteorite gun" (*gnam lcags me mda')!
When humans fought in the intermediary world,
There were the nine armours and weapons of the *dgra lha*,
But not that "meteorite gun"!
In the final aeon, when the lifespan was five hundred years,
The Chinese and the Mongols indulged in sinful killings.
The Chinese forces being unsubdued,
The frontier Turks (*du ru şa*) found a means to subdue.
There appeared the "single wisdom-eyed" Mongol (*sog po ye shes spyan gcig*),
Who was the mind-emanation of Guru Padmasambhava.
He forged the "white wish-fulfilling *bog*" (*bog dkar bsam pa'i don grub*).

With iron from China, Tibet, and Mongolia, he forged the gun;
With iron from Nepal, he shaped its muzzle (*kha*) and strap buckles (*khur lung*).

He forged this (*bog*) from diverse kinds of iron!

On the muzzle, he engraved a lotus *hri*.
To sustain the Buddha's teachings, thus he engraved!
In the middle frame (*sked*), he engraved a vajra.
For the happiness of the "black-headed" Tibetans (*bod dbu nag*),
thus he engraved!
On the breech (*klad*), he engraved the "sea-monster" *gre* (*chu srin gre*).
To annihilate the detested enemies, thus he engraved!
To [defeat] enemies, he forged a serpentine (*bkon bu*) and sulfur[-pan] cover (*rmu gab*),
To kill enemies, he shaped clamps (*mkhregs mthud*),
To splash enemy blood, he moulded a flash-pan (*wa sbyor*),
To kill male enemies, he forged a right[-hand] screw (*g.yas gcus*),
and
To kill female enemies, he forged a left[-hand] screw (*g.yon gcus*).

The right horn (*ru*) [bipod rest] has the nature of "skilful means" (*thabs*);
There, *dgra lha* [war gods] of the Nātha (*mgon po*) class gather.
The left horn has the nature of "wisdom" (*shes rab*);
There, the banner (*dar thag*) of the class of female [Dharma-]
Pāla (*srung ma*) is tied.

The horn-stretcher (*ru zam*) [horn bridge] represents the Five
Lineage Buddhas;

There, *dgra lha* of the class of Kṣetrapāla (*zhing skyong*)
gather.

The screws are made of hardened meteorites;

There, the [Dharma-]Pāla of the red and black Tvāṣṭṛ (*mgar ba*)
[smith] gather.

The stock [rgum] is made of the redwood from Rngu chu
[river];

There, *dgra lha* of the Kākāmukha (*bya rog gdong*) gather.

The stock-plates (ʻ*gram lcags* ) are engraved with a pair of golden
fish and

The tip of the serpentine (*gzer mgo*) is like the morning star
(*skar ma bkrag*);

There, the ninety thousand Varma (*wer ma*) [armour (deities)]
gather.

The butt (*steng yu*) is engraved with a scorpion;

There, a thousand [Dharma-]Pāla of the Piśāca (*sha za*) class
gather.

The hole in the peep sight (*so khung mig*) is like the self-rising
sun;

There, the *dgra lha* of the eyes [mig] gather,

As the foresight (*so kha*) annihilates the core red and crimson
enemies.

The muzzle pin (*so gzer*) is like the big star on the mountain
pass;

There, the divine scouts (*lha'i so ba*) gather.

To the right, there is the powder pouch (*rdzas khug*) called "the
great bandit sound" (*jag pa sgra chen*);

To the left, there is the bullet pouch (*mdil khug*) called "the one
hundred thousand sins" (*sdig pa 'bum gsog*).

The origin of gunpowder, I shall now explain.

In a cast iron [vessel], he blended these three:

The yellow ground-salt [sulfur] (*sa'i lan tsha ser po*),

The white water-salt [saltpetre] (*chu'i lan tsha dkar po*), and

The black wood-salt [charcoal] (*shing gi lan tsha nag po*).

He stored it in a leafy sac made of a poisonous plant,
Out of which he rolled many poisonous balls (*ril bu*).

The bluish bullets (*mdil*) are made from iron ore
And are ever anxious to burst enemies' hearts.

Having set the two horns (*ru*) [bipod rest] on the ground
And rolled the poisonous ball into the barrel,
The firing will blast the enemies' bodies
Like a thunderbolt that wrecks a lofty, red cliff.

It is like an impartial messenger
And like a fast, gushing wind.
With force and power that is unrivalled,
It is like the meteorite bolt from the sky.
This machine ('khrul 'khor), the powerful meteoric gun,
Is fired by the one who has the coveted grace of the dgra lha.
It terrifies the sinful, malignant, inimical, and adversarial,
And razes enemies' realms to ashes.

O! Let this hit the enemies and opponent forces - the jackal
[like] Mgo log in the east, Spo mi in the south, Brag yab in the
west, and Dge rtse in the north, as well as the forces of armies
and the bands of robbers and thieves.
Hooah! Hooah! Hail! Hail! May the gods prevail!

Ki ki swo swo lha rgyal lo! [S.T.N.]<fnref n="103" />

The second khra ring bog gi bshad pa was written by Cha phreng Kar rgyal don 'grub (1929-?) from Cha phreng, Southern Khams in 1992.

2.
About the khra ring bog ['long variegated' bog]

There are many descriptions, such as of the sword worn across the waist, the “long variegated” bog (phrase ring bog, i.e. ‘long, slender’;

<footnote n="103">103 "There is an excellent tradition in the 'Brong bar smad nomadic communities of the Great Kingdom of Nangchen of the A lcags 'bru [clan] in the Mdo stod region of Great[/er] Tibet. During each New Year of a sheep year, people undertook a pilgrimage to the sacred mountain of Rong btsan kha ba dkar po (white snow valley deity). Before heading to their pilgrimage destination, they first travelled to a pleasant spot nearby and halted for a day. They set up tents, held a picnic, and enjoyed recreational shooting with firearms. They prognosticated on the success and challenges of their planned pilgrimage based on the firing sound of a bog called sgar mda' (camp gun). This bog is fired into the empty sky without setting up any specific target ('ben) or stone-stack (tho btsugs). Also, people sang panegyrics on bog (sbog bshad), extolling their firearms. Then having set up targets and stone-stacks at a distance, men at the camping site actively participated in the shooting competition. The next day, the pilgrims then set forth on their journey towards the sacred Kha ba dkar po mountain, halting wherever they could find a favourable site, grass, and water (sa chu rtsa gsum)". This historical account and the panegyrics on firearms were composed by Be'u rdo rje rnam rgyal, also known as Vajra Vijaya and more popularly as Rgyal po lags, who was a minister (mdun na 'don; Skt. purohita) overseeing civil and military affairs for the subjects of King 'Bru in the region of 'Brong bar smad. Even now, he clearly remembers the panegyrics on Sgar mda' that he had heard all local elders sing. During our conversation on past Tibetan historical accounts, I immediately put these down in writing in my room at Bsam gtan gling on 10 July 1979.</footnote>
also *khra ring bog*, i.e. ‘long variegated’); the bow and arrows (*nyag phran mda*’); the horse (*li'u rkyang*); the green-slivered barley; the fine Chinese cloth; the blue water; the red fire; and the wandering wind.

The description of *khra ring bog*, for example, is as such. The three kinds of iron – iron from Smar khams sgang, iron from Tsha ba rong, and iron from Ko 'go rong [i.e. Kong po rong] – are mixed to make a *bog*.

If you do not know the smith,
He is the “Oath-bound Tvāṣṭṛ” (*dam can mgar ba*).
If you do not know his smithery apprentice,
He is the *mthe'u rang mgar ba* [thumb(-sized) blacksmith elf].

He set the anvil (*steng*) on the ocean floor,
He placed the bellow (*spe ba*) on the mountain ridge,
He swung the hammer (*tho ba*) in the sky.

With the first drawing of the iron for hammering,
He treats the effects of the poisonous gunpowder.
With the second drawing of the iron for hammering,
He treats the iron to contain the effects of the bullet.
With the third drawing of the iron for hammering,
He treats the iron so that men can guard their land.
With the fourth drawing of the iron for hammering,
He treats the iron so that it suppresses enemies in the four directions.

Like a spyglass that discreetly sees its object,
There is a foresight (*so pha*) that is as small as an anther.
There is a twisting slow-match cord (*me skud sbrul thag*).
There is a trigger (*skam pa*) that resembles a dragon's mouth.
The wooden frames of the *bog* are like smitten gold.
There is a *bog* buckle and a strap that are colourful too.
The sound is loud, like the roar of a thousand dragons.
The bullets are like thunderbolts that shoot from a meteor.
[When fired,] The animals on that mountain will scurry
And those on this mountain will tumble upside down!
Hooah! Hooah! Hail! Hail! May the gods prevail!

*Ki ki swo swo lha rgyal lo!* [S.T.N.]<fnref n="104" />

<footnote n="104">104 Kar rgyal don grub, *Mdo khams cha phreng gi lo rgyus*, 44-5: "There are descriptions, such as on the "Long Variegated" *bog*; the bow and arrows [*nyag phran mda*']; the sword across the waist [*sked phran gri*]; horses and asses [*li'u rkyang rta*]; the green-slivered barley; the fine Chinese cloth; and the wandering wind. For example, the panegyric on "Long Variegated" *bog* or *me mda*' states:</footnote>
The third *khra ring bog gi bshad pa* was written by Klu zog rigs gsum and Lji dbang grags from A mdo stod ma near the Nag chu kha ar- ea in 1993:

### 3. About the Tibetan sbod-Klu sog rigs gsum and Lji dbang grags

This sbod [i.e. gun, also bog] is an ironsmith's son (*mgar gyi bu*) and iron's nephew (*lcags kyi tsha*), thus its name "smith's son, iron's nephew" (*mgar bu lcags tsha*). When you carry this "long variegat- ed" sbod (*khra ring sbod*), "smith's son, iron's nephew", the *dgra lha* [war gods] hover around you. When you fire the gun, it destroys the four-fold enemies. There are seven types of sbod: 1. Mongo- lian "youthful cascade" (*sog po dar thog chu 'babs*), 2. Mongolian "lotus-barrel rung" rifle (*sog rung padma kha*), 3. Sino/Mongolian *bye ma dkar ling* (*rgya sog bye ma dkar ling*), 4. rung la - white, black, and variegated (*rung la dkar nag khra gsum*), 5. Chinese *shis rab* - white, black, and variegated (*rgya shis rab dkar nag khra gsum*); 6. *Me dzu lcags* from 'Jang ('jang me dzu *lcags*); and 7. "blade splitter" ('jag ma kha shag) from Stod mnga' ris.

### One
Youthful cascade (*dar thog chu 'babs*), Variegated and flowing like a youthful cascade, It looks as if it is sprinkled with gold dust. Forged in a brownish iron, it has a coarse metal surface. When this Mongolian youthful cascade is fired, A wild yak ('brong), lying on the ground, shall not rise, And the one, on its legs, will not walk without a stagger.

### Two
Lotus-barrelled rung (*rung padma kha*), It is variegated and looks like a ripple on the water,

Firstly, the iron from Rmar [Smar] khams sgang;
Secondly, the iron from Tsha ba rong; and
Thirdly, the iron from Kong po rong.
Having mixed these three, a *bog* was forged.
If you do not know the smith,
He is the Black Oathbound *Tvāṣṭr* [*dam can mgar ba nag po*].
If you do not know the smithery apprentice,
He is the Mthe'u rang mgar ba.
It sounds like a thousand claps of thunder ['brug, also 'dragon'] in the sky,
The bullet is like a striking thunderbolt.
The animals will scurry on the other mountains.
And those on this mountain will tumble upside down!
Hooah! Hooah! Hail! Hail! May the gods prevail!
Ki ki swo swo lha rgyal lo! [S.T.N.]
Its beauty enhanced by the repeated light hammerings.

The muzzle of this sbod resembles a lotus.

When beheld, it is irresistible;

When fired, it quashes all adversaries.

Thus, it is the lotus-barrelled Mongolian rung (padma kha'i sog rung).

### Three

Sino-Mongolian bye ma dkar ling (rgya srog bye ma dkar gling),

A shape that is a blend of Chinese and Mongolian,

It is made from white and, sometimes, mottled iron.

With a narrow barrel and forestock (kha gzhung), it has a thick breech.

A gun for hunting wild yaks in the nomadic regions,

It is powerful and can reach far.

### Four

Chinese shis rab (rgya shis rab),

The "twilight" (skya rengs) is a white Chinese shis rab,

The "meat lover" (sha dga' ma) is a black shis rab,

The "loud blaster" (ngar gas can) is a variegated shis rab,

These three sbod are called "chunky meat", and "chunky bullet" (sha rdog mdel rdog).

### Five

Me dzu lcags from 'Jang ('jang mda' me dzu lcags),

Square in shape, the iron barrel is wound with bright wire.

With a black upper cover, its barrel resembles a wailer's mouth.

The square parts bear a lighter hue,

And the cover has a darker hue.

With no studs or inlays and the metals subdued,

This gun from 'Jang called me dzu lcags [also 'jang mda' man dzu lcags]

Can shoot a stag on the high grasslands.

### Six

White-, black- and variegated rung (rung dkar nag khra gsum):

The white rung (rung dkar) is like a jester's teeth,

The black rung (rung nag) is like a mourner's tear,

The variegated rung (rung lcags khra) is like an older man's windpipe.

It is a sbod that shoots weasel

Both near and far, and without fail.
Seven

"Blade splitter" from Mnga' ris (mnga' ris 'jag ma ha [g]shag),
This gun called "blade splitter" ('jag ma kha [g]shag)
Is made of premium iron with short effective range.
The barrel is levelled, and the forestock is raised.
It can hit passerines in shade and crevices.

Also,

The Mongolian gru gu rgya lug (sog gi gru gu rgyalug)
Resembles the "notched-twisted" gru gu rgya lug (khram gcus
gru gu rgya lug).

Also,

The Chinese le bu chus gser (rgya yi le bu chus gser) is a sbod
That is not forged, but cast centrifugally.
It is a gun carried on a Tibetan brocade robe.
Also,
Bya dmar byis rjes is a Russian gun (bya dmar byis rjes o ru
sog).

The Russian [gun] that "misses when fired" and
"wastes loads of gunpowder and bullets", thus it is said.
[This is a gun of inferior quality]. [S.T.N.]<fnref n="105" />

The fourth khra ring bog gi bshad pa is from Khrom tshang, one of
the thirty-nine Hor tribes in upper Khams, as recently as 2012. This
narrator is from the Bonpo School.

4.

About sbod

Om svasti!
May goodness thrive!

When the celestial gods clashed with the demi-gods, there were
"the nine armours and weapons of the war gods" (dgra lha'i go
mtshon sna dgu), but it was impossible for the "long variegated"
gun (khra ring me mda') to have existed at that time. When the gn-
yan spirits clashed with the humans in the middle realms, there
were "the nine armours and weapons of the war gods", but it was
impossible for the "long variegated" gun to have existed at that
time. When the Nāga (klu) clashed with the Bhūpāla (sa bdag),
there were "the nine armours and weapons of the war gods", but
it was impossible for "the long, mottled gun" to have existed at
that time. Finally, in the realm of the humans or [to be more spe-

<footnote n="105">105 Klu zog rigs gsum, Lji dbang drags, "Bod sbod kyi bshad pa", 151-2.</footnote>
cific] the land of the red Turks (du ru kha), “the one wisdom-eyed” Mongolian (sog po ye shes spyan gcig), through his views (lta ba), emptiness (stong nyid), power (stobs), and miracles (rdzu ‘phrul), forged the “long variegated” gun.

With white iron from the Deva (lha) of the higher realms, He forged a barrel with a lotus hri on it.

For the happiness of the “black-headed” Tibetans (bod dbu nag), this he forged!

With mottled iron from the gnyan of the middle realms, He forged the middle part and engraved a vajra hri.

For the spread of the virtuous Dharma, this he forged!

With brownish iron from the Nāga of the lower realms, He forged an excellent breech and engraved a Makara gras (chu srin gras, also gre)

For the suppression of enemies and malignant spirits.

The “right-oriented” (g.yas gcus) gun is forged by Chinese and Mongolian men,

The “left-oriented” (g.yon gcus) gun is forged by Mongolian women,

The Chinese “youthful cascade” (rgya dar thog chu ’babs) has a water design (chu ris).

The “niner” gun (dgu mda') made of red sandalwood
Is fitted with a white iron barrel.
There, dgra lha of the male and female Kṣetrapāla gather.

One
On the tip of the right horn (rwa) [bipod rest] of “skilful means”,
The dgra lha of a thousand Vīra (dpa’ bo) [bravehearts] encircle.

On the tip of the right [sic. left] horn of “wisdom”,
The dgra lha of a thousand descendants of Vīrā (dpa’ mo) encircle.

On the screws (gcus ’dzer), nuts (gcus gdan), and bolts (gcus phor),
The dgra lha of the three principal bodhisattvas (rigs gsum mgon po) encircle.

On the horn bridges (ru zam) are the Buddha-Mandalas,
The thousand red and black dgra lha encircle.
The muzzle bead sight (so ’dzin) is like “the great star on the high mountain”.

There, the “unflinching-unbeguiling” dgra lha encircle.
The muzzle opening (*so khung*) is like "the self-rising sun" (*nyi ma rang shar*)

There, the *dgra lha* of the eyes (*mig gi dgra lha*) encircle.
On the forestock (*ngang ske*) [duck-neck] with "sun and moon" engraving,

Affix the strap eyebolt (*khur lung*) for cross-patterned leather [straps].

There, the "eight voluntary" *dgra lha* encircle.
In the touch hole, which is like "a wild boar's belly",

There are a hundred white nails that twinkle like stars outside

And a black serpentine match-cord (*sbi di*) [Hin. batti] within.

There, *dgra lha* of the eight Agni (*me lha*) encircle.

## Two

As regarding the origin of the black chemical (*nag po rdzas*) [gunpowder], it is produced by mixing ingredients such as red fire-salt (*me'i lan tshwa dmar po*), yellow ground-salt [sulfur] (*sa'i lan tshwa ser po*), white water-salt [saltpetre] (*chu'i lan tshwa dkar po*), the fibrous material from willow tree or animals (*gseb chung glang ma'i tshar bu*), the pith of juniper (*nyin chung shug pa'i rgyu ma*), shale oil (*brag ri dkar po'i stod tshil*), and fat from a king's heart (*sa bdag rgyal po'i snying tshil*). After the ingredients are gathered, they were taken to "the flint scorpion" (*sdig pa bir gzugs*) chemical warehouse. Then, shoved into "the dungeon of darkness" (*mun rub bang mdzod*) chemical mortar, they are placed under "the beast's skull" (*srin po ya thod*) chemical pestle and pounded by "the broad-shouldered savage" (*mi rgod dpung pa*). After having faced east, the mixture and the moving creatures are crushed for seven days of poundings. Scrunch! Scrunch!

## Three

The "twenty hala poisons" (*nyi shu ha la'i dug rdzas*), "the nine alternate turnings of the thirty" (*sum cu'i res mo'i dgu skor*), "the alternate turnings of the eighty" (*brgyad cu'i res mo'i skor stangs*), etc.

## Four

Add the poisonous pills at the bottom. Then, fill the bullet shells halfway with the molten mix.

## Five

The firing bullets are made of crushed chemicals.

There, the eighteen *rol po dgra lha* (*rol po bco brgyad kyi dgra lha*) encircle.
Take the chemicals compounded in the "iron ear" mortar (rna cog lcags kyi gtun khungs)

And pour them in that [breech] engraved with the "sea-monster gre" (chu srin gre).

There, "the swift-moving dgra lha" (myur mgyogs can gyi dgra lha) encircles.

Wherever the gun is pointed, there shall fall a rain of blood.

Wherever the horns are fixed, there shall form a fog of evil.

With a speed that rivals the swiftest wind,

It is like an unwavering strike of a wild thunderbolt.

I did not fire at the gods above,

Yet, the gods bend their legs.

I did not fire at the Nāga below,

Yet the Nāga duck their heads.

I did not fire at the gnyan in the middle,

Yet they dodge and turn their body.

The enemies at whom I fire are the Spo bo of the south, the Mgo
log of the north, the Nyag rong, who are the enemies of Dharma,
and the Yellow Hor. Like a hailstorm, may it hit the heart of the
evil enemies! Hom ma ya!

On the stock butt (dpung yu), where "Bon guardians" (bon skyong gi sku 'dus) assemble,

The Kākamukha-nātha (mgon po bya rog) encircle.

On the trigger (skam pa), where "the envoy of the Ge sar Khrom" (ge sar khrom gyi pho nya) gather,

The dgra lha of the thousand red and black ironsmiths (mgar bu dmar nag gi dgra lha) encircle.

Having mixed the poisonous herbs in the skull cup (par bu),

Roll many balls of this toxic mix.

Measure them with "the beast-faced measuring cup" ('jal phor srin po'i gzugs can)

And put them in the evil bullet shells. [S.T.N.]<fnref n="106" />

The fifth khra ring bog gi bshad pa comes from recent Gesar epic lit-
erature. It was written by Lha dge or Bdud 'dul rnam rgyal (1916-
91), the Chieftain of 'Brong pa stod ma of Nang chen, Khams whilst
in Rma ri la kha in (then) Punjab, India, in 1962.

<footnote n="106">106 Dge legs grags pa et al., Sbra chen rdzong khongs sngon ma'i tsho shog so so'i lo rgyus, 336-9. I am indebted to Ven. A Krong rin chen rgyal mtshan for providing me with a copy of the book.</footnote>
5.
For this variegated meteoric bolt (gnam lcags khra bo) in my
hand,
The Mongol king Gnam khri btsan po
Snared the black and brown Garuḍa (khyung)
From Brag dmar leb chen mountains of Mongolia.
Then, the three mthe'u rang - white, black, and variegated,
Gave him three "spirit-stones" (bla rdo) - white, black, and
variegated.
After three days had passed,
He brought the nine types of iron -
The three upward-twisted white irons,
The three downward-forged black irons,
And the three placed-inside variegated irons.
When the twenty-ninth darkness shrouded them,
The "thumb elves" and the Nine Tvāṣṭr Siblings (mgar ba mched dgu) struck
The white iron with soft strikes (mnyen rdung),
The mottled iron with beautifying strikes (mdzes rdung), and
The black iron with hardening strikes (ngar rdung).
Having mixed nine kinds each of poison, blood, and medicine -
Three times nine, twenty-seven in all -
They used the solution as quenching water (ngar chu).
Having prayed solemnly that no enemies shall escape or
survive,
They compound the poisonous mix.
Firstly, borax (lce tsha) to infuriate the demonic māra (bdud);
Secondly, sulfur (mu zi) to infuriate the Mātrika (ma mo); and
Thirdly, coal (sol ba) to infuriate the Nāga and Rākṣasa (srin).
Then, again, the three poisonous liquids are mixed -
Alcohol, the root of anger;
Clarified butter, the root of ignorance; and
Mātrika blood, the root of desire.
Having mixed these in a precious golden vessel,
Fill the shells made of copper, iron, and silver.
Then, loading the bullet on the horse of red light,
Activate the blue iron machine.
When fired, the unfailing thunderbolt
Will hit the white and black points without fail!
Ho ma ya! [S.T.N.]<fnref n="107" />

<footnote n="107">107 Rmi li gser rdzoṇ, 277-9: "Dzam gling ge sar rgyal po'i rtogs brjod las rmi li'i gser g.yang blang ba'i smad kyi le'u khra mo ngo mtshar gtam gyi phreng ba zhes bya ba bzhugs pa'i dbu phyogs lags so".</footnote>
The sixth and seventh *khra ring bog gi bshad pa* are also written by Lha dge or Bdud 'dul rnam rgyal (1916-1991), the Chieftain of the 'Brong pa stod ma of Nang chen, Khams. These two are tentatively thought to belong to the *khra ring bog gi bshad pa* genre.

6.
This "long variegated" gun called the "slender pack of 100,000 sins" (*sdig pa'i 'bum rdzong*)
Is made of iron of ninety-nine kinds.
With a barrel (*gzhung lcags*) of dark-greyish metal
And a white breech (*klad lcags*) of softer iron,
It has nineteen mechanical parts that pull or push.
The white front sight rivet (*so 'dzer*) is made of silver,
The bullets (*mdel*) are made of precious gold,
The bullet tips (*mdel rtse*) are made of cast aluminum (*stong*),
and
The killer shells (*rme phor*) are made of precious copper.
Thus, they are loaded on the horse of red lightning.
The toxic black *ha la* (*ha la nag po*) poison
Is mixed with nine different poisons.
Firstly, white borax (*zil dkar*) is procured through baneful prayer
And from the amniotic fluid of a terrific male Māra (*bdud*);
Secondly, yellow sulfur (*mu ser*) comes through violating commitments
And from the amniotic fluid of a terrific female Māra (*bdud mo*);
and
Thirdly, [black] coal (*sol ba*), which results from bad Karmic curse
And the terrific evil Nāga.
The nine poisons, nine types of blood, and nine herbs -
Twenty-seven in all,
Come from the prayers of the Māra Surati (*dga' rab*).
It triggers Karma and damnation
To destroy the trichiliocosmic universes.
When fired, it is unfailing like a thunderbolt,
And can shatter dry cliffs and cast them in the ocean.
But today, it is on you! *Ho ma ya!* [S.T.N.]<fnref n="108" />

7.
This thunderbolt-like gun (*thog mda'* that destroys nine cliffs
Is brought from beyond the endless ocean.
Firstly, the white molten iron (*zhun lcags*) from the sky;

<footnote n="108">108 Rmi li gser rdzon, 351-2.</footnote>
Secondly, the brown essence from molten lava (rdo zhun);
Thirdly, the spirit metal (bla lcags) of the nine mthe'u rang
siblings (mthe'u rang spun dgu):
From nine types of metal, it is forged.
Then on the pitch dark of the twenty-ninth [night],
The nine skilful blacksmiths forged [the bullets]
Using nine types of blood as ngar chu [quenching water]
And nine herbs and nine poisons.
Then loading on this horse [i.e.] of "the essence of four elements"
('byung bzhi'i bcud)
With the Māra Surati's (dga' rab) damnation,
All factors for destroying the four continents (gling bzhi) are
ripe.
When fired, it is an unfailing demonic weapon. [S.T.N.]<fnref n="109" />

In general, the *khra ring bog gi bshad pa* tell us roughly when the *bog* was introduced in Tibet, that its first maker was in the Snow Land, what the features and properties of the *bog* are, and the parts comprising them, as well as the accessories and materials used to make them. Finally, they describe how to target the traditional enemies of the tribe in the four directions and to visualise firing at them.

Two of the *khra ring bog gi bshad pa* mention that the first people to forge/strike (*brdungs*) a *bog* are *sog po* or Mongol. Here the narrator does not use the usual verb *bzos* to designate the making of the *bog*.

## 11 A Few Traditional Lists of Warrior's Equipment

The early Tibetan idea of equipping oneself with items to be worn on the body while using weapons is known as *dgra lha'i go mtshon sna dgu*.<fnref n="110" /> This comprises the clothing and paraphernalia worn by a brave man, thus known as *dpa' chas* attire. Their purpose is twofold: to protect oneself and to harm others.

According to a Mongolian scholar, Cha har dge bshes Blo bzang tshul khrims (1740-1820), the nine basic items to protect the body

<footnote n="109">109 Rmi li gser rdzon, 599-600.</footnote>

<footnote n="110">110 A warrior should be protected by nine Dgra lha gnyan po mched, war gods on his right shoulder. They are Gtso bo dpa' brtan dmag dpon, Mthu chen dgra 'dul, Snang grags 'brug ldir, Drag rtsal thog 'bebs, Skyes pa srog 'don, Sdang ba srog gcod, Skyes bu rang chas, Bya khra sngon mo and Dgra smang shog rtsal dkar mo. At the same time, he should be protected by the five Rang la 'go ba'i lha. They are Mo lha, Srog lha, Pho lha, Yul lha and Dgra lha; or, alternatively, Pho lha, Mo lha, Zhang lha, Brag lha and Le'u lha. Cf. "Dgra lha dpang bstod bzhugs so", in Bdag chen rgya dkar ba shes rab bzang po, *Bsangs yig dgos 'dod kun 'grub*, 118-26 (*dgra lha dpang bstod don gnyis lhun grub ces bya ba bla chen 'phags pa rin po ches mdzad pa rdzogs so / mangga lam* /).</footnote>
are the helmet, armour, the mirror plate on the heart, breast plate over the abdomen, the vambraces and rerebraces, the cuisses, the poleyns, the greaves, and the shield.¹¹¹

The nine basic weapons to annihilate others are the wheel with one thousand swords, the battle axe, the dagger, the sword, the arrows, the bow, the spear, the lasso, and the sling.¹¹² In later times, one finds a slightly different list of the *dgra lha'i go mtshon sna dgu*, for example, 1. helmet (*rmog*),¹¹³ 2. armour (*khrab*),¹¹⁴ 3. bow [and arrows] (*mda*'),¹¹⁵ 4. spear (*mdung*),¹¹⁶ 5. sword (*gri*),¹¹⁷ 6. axe (*sta re*), 7. protection cloth (*tshe gos*), 8. protection cord (*tshe mdud*), and 9. lasso (*zhags pa*), which are quoted from *Gling sgrung gces btus (deb gnyis pa'i sha 794.6)*.¹¹⁸

111 Dgra lha'i rten dar btsugs nas mchod ba'i cho ga 'dod don kun 'grub ces bya ba bzhugs so in the *The Collected Works of Cha-Har Dge-Bśes*, vol. 9, 252): "The nine essential components of armour: helmet (*rmog*) for the head, armour (*khrab*) for upper body, breastplate (*snying khebs*) to attach a mirror-plate (*me long*), tassets (*smad g.yogs*) that cover up to the [lower?] abdomen, winged spaulders (*lag shag*) to cover the shoulders, cuisses (*brla 'dril*'), poleyns (*pus khebs*), greaves (*rkang shag*), and the shield (*phub*)" [S.T.N.].

112 Dgra lha'i rten dar btsugs nas mchod ba'i cho ga 'dod don kun 'grub ces bya ba bzhugs so in *The Collected Works of Cha-Har Dge-Bśes*, vol. 9, 252-3): "The nine essential [rang byung, "self-risen"] weapons to destroy opponents: thousand-spoked "wheel of swords" [ral gri 'khor lo], double bit axe [gshog pa'i dgra sta], dagger [chu gri] for cutting, sword [ral gri] for slicing, arrows with vulture-feather fletching [rgod sgro can gyi mda'], a strong bow, a spear with streamers [ba dan], a black Vajra lasso [zhag pa], and a nine-eyed [patterned/string] stone sling [mig dgu ldan 'ur rdo!" [S.T.N.].

Dgra lha dpang bstod bzhugs so, in Bdag chen rgya dkar ba shes rab bzang po, *Bsangs yig dgos 'dod kun 'grub*, 118-26 (*dgra lha dpang bstod don gnyis lhun grub ces bya ba bla chen 'phags pa rin po ches mdzad pa rdzogs so / mangga lam/).

113 Tshangs dbang dge 'dun bstan pa, Gzi dmar, 23-32; La Rocca, *Warriors of the Himalayas*, 68-91; *Brtag thabs padma dkar po'i 'chun po*, 63-4; Dbal shul bsod nams dar rgyas, *Gser thal gyi lo rgyus*, 175-6.

114 Moon, "Tibetan Arms and Armour", 14-18; Tshangs dbang dge 'dun bstan pa, Gzi dmar, 33-58; La Rocca, *Warriors of the Himalayas*, 51-65; *Brtag thabs padma dkar po'i 'chun po*, 50-9, 75-80; Dbal shul bsod nams dar rgyas, *Gser thal gyi lo rgyus*, 177.

115 La Rocca, *Warriors of the Himalayas*, 187-97; Dbal shul bsod nams dar rgyas, *Gser thal gyi lo rgyus*, 178.

116 La Rocca, *Warriors of the Himalayas*, 174-86; Dbal shul bsod nams dar rgyas, *Gser thal gyi lo rgyus*, 179-80.

117 La Rocca, *Warriors of the Himalayas*, 146-73; *Brtag thabs padma dkar po'i 'chun po*, 59-63, 75; Dbal shul bsod nams dar rgyas, *Gser thal gyi lo rgyus*, 178-9; G.yas ru stag tshang pa dpal 'byor bzang po (Author listed as G.yas ru stag tshang pa shākya'i dge bsnyen Śrī bhu ti bha dra [=Dpal 'byor bzang po], *Rgya bod kyi yig tshang mkhas pa dga' byed chen mo 'dzam gling gsal ba'i me* long, 330-41; Stag tshang pa dpal 'byor bzang po, *Rgyal rabs mang po'i legs bshad*. The latter work is missing three texts: "1. Origin of the Tibetan Sword (Bod kyi gri byung tshul gyi lo rgyus), 2. Origin of Tea in Tibet (Bod du ja byung tshul gyi lo rgyus), and 3. Treatise on Examining Good and Bad Porcelain (Dkar yol legs nyes brtag pa'i bstan bcos)".

118 Dbal shul bsod nams dar rgyas, *Gser thal gyi lo rgyus*, 180; Nor brang o rgyan, *Chos rnam kun btus*, 1961: "The nine armours and weapons of Dgra lha (*dgra lha'i go*
The *bog* is not included here, which may indicate that the concept and family of *dgra lha'i go mtshon sna dgu* date before the fifteenth century, when the matchlock was invented in Europe. In earlier versions of the Gling Ge sar episodes, there is no reference to the *bog* in the hero's various expeditions. It was the age of the *mda' gri* *mdung gsum* (arrow, sword and spear) or more correctly, the generation of the *dgra lha'i go mtshon sna dgu*.

The most beloved and famous ceremony that includes the presentation of the *dgra lha'i go mtshon sna dgu* or *go gsol* to a warrior in Central Tibet is found in the biography of Chos rgyal Nor bzang, the A ice lha mo libretto written in the eighteenth century by Sding chen nas tshe ring dbang 'dus. Most of the elders who watch the Chos rgyal Nor bzang opera play anticipate the *go gsol* episode of the play with bated breath.<fnref n="119" /> In later days, some lamas tended to add *me mda'* to the *dgra lha'i go mtshon sna dgu*.

## 12 Two Texts to Summon War Deities into a Firearm

I will now present two such examples of texts that explain how to transfer the war deities into the firearm or place the war god (*dgra lha*) onto the *bhor* or *me mda'* (*me mdar dgra lha bkod pa*, see the Tibetan original in Appendix 2). In one case *dgra lha* is spelled *sgra lha*, which is perhaps more archaic.<fnref n="120" />

*mtshon sna dgu*) are: 1. helmet (*rmog*), 2. armour (*khrab*), 3. bow [and arrows] (*mda'*), 4. spear (*mdung*), 5. sword (*gri*), 6. axe (*sta re*), 7. protective cloth (*tshe gos*), 8. protective cord (*tshe mdud*), and 9. lasso (*zhags pa*)". A modern text enumerates them differently:

Describing the nine armours and weapons of *dgra lha*, the *Mahākāla Sādhana* states,
The armour and weapons blessed by the Victor include:

Body armour (*go khrab*) that is like emptiness (*stong nyid*, *sūnyata*),

Protective cord (*tshe mdud*) of love and compassion,

Adamantine helmet (*rdo rje'i rmog*) that is immutable and indestructible,

Secret cloak Ber (*gsang gos ber*) that avoids the extremes of eternalism and nihilism (*rtag chad mtha' bral*),

Swastika shield (*g.yung drung phub*) that is indestructible,

Bow and arrows (*mda' zhu*) that unite wisdom and skilful means,

Sword (*ral gri*) that is like wisdom to the [mis]conceptualisations (*rnam rtog*, *vikalpa*),

Sharp spear (*mdung*) that pierces the core of the mental afflictions (*nyon mongs*, *kleśa*),

And lasso (*zhag pa*) that ensnares all [false] appearances (*snang ba*, *drśya*). [S.T.N.]
(Dbal shul bsod nams dar rgyas, *Gser thal gyi lo rgyus*, 174)

See also Padma rgyal, "Gling ge sar rgyal po", 97-106.

<footnote n="119">119 Nor bzang gi rnam thar, 98-9.</footnote>

<footnote n="120">120 For the term *sgra lha*, see Nam mkha'i nor bu, *Sgrung lde'u bon gsum gyi gtam e ma ho*, 140-2. I am grateful to my friend Dr. Sonam Tsering Ngułphu for translating into English these two texts of "Summoning of the Warlike Deity into the Firearm".</footnote>
The first one was written by a certain Gnub 'od skyes sprul 'dod di
sha dha of the Chags ru Nyi ma grags pa (1647-1710) tradition. As of
now, I have no additional information regarding the author.

1.

Interstitial Passage

Hūm

On a bhor [gun], the positions of the *dgra lha* are as such.

On the tip of the right horn (*rwa*) of "skilful means" (*thabs*),

The *dgra lha* of the male Nātha (*mgon po*) lineages are placed.

On the tip of the left horn (*rwa*) of "wisdom" (*shes rab*) are

The *dgra lha* of the female Devi (*lha mo*) lineages are placed.

On the barrel (*sbu gu*) made of hardened iron,

The *dgra lha* of the Kākamukha (*bya rog gdong can*) are placed.

On the front sight (*so pa*) that seals the enemies' hearts,

The *dgra lha* of the male and female Kṣetrapāla are placed.

In the opening of the muzzle,

The *dgra lha* of the male and female Vānaramukha (*sprel gdong*) are placed.

On the trigger (*pho nya*) that controls the slow-match lock (*me skam*),

The *dgra lha* of the red and black Tvāṣṭṛ (*mgar ba*) are placed.

On the poisonous serpentine (*dug sbrul 'gug yag*) of the excellent gun,

The *dgra lha* of the black nāga demons (*klu mdud*) are placed.

In the flashpan (*rna phor*), where the borax [gunpowder] sparkles,

The *dgra lha* of the *har len btsan rgod* class are placed.

In the gunpowder (*me mdes rdzas*) of the firing bullet,

The *dgra lha* of the eighteen Rol pa are placed.

In the red meteorite thunderbolt[-like] lead core,

The *dgra lha* of the spirit guardian *shel ging* (*srog bdag shel ging*) are placed.

In the turquoise dragon[-like] sound,

The *dgra lha* of the Kiṃ kam Gṛha demons (*gza' bdud*) are placed.

In the gunpowder case (*kho tho*), which is a storehouse of poisons,

The *dgra lha* of the eight great Gṛha deities (*gza' chen brgyad*) are placed.

In the [powder] dispenser (*sha khag*) is an embracing pair of *gre* sea monsters (*chu srin gre 'tham*),

The *dgra lha* of the four Mukha (*gdong can bzhi*) are placed.

In the measuring horn (*gzhal phor*) of fierce, sharp[-horned] wild goat,
The *dgra lha* of the Piśāca (*sha za*) are placed.
In the pouch (*hur thum*) for the igniting powder (*mgyogs rdzas*),
which is its chief vitality,
The *dgra lha* of the twenty-eight Nakṣatra (*rgyu skar*)
[constellation] are placed.
In the end of the wild wooden stock,
The *dgra lha* of the Dūtikā (*pho nya*) class are placed.
In the hard thunderbolt screws (*kyus 'dzer*) [also *gcus 'dzer*],
The *dgra lha* of the well-established Vīra are placed.
In the smooth, rainbow-patterned carrying strap (*khur lung*),
The *dgra lha* of the protector Deva are placed.
In the slow-match wick cover (*bhir shub*) with its poisonous wick
(*khur lung*),
The *dgra lha* of the evil Māra (*bdud*) are placed.
In the lethal *sber*-shaped gunpowder bag (*rdzas khug*),
The *dgra lha* of the Bhūpāla (*sa bdag*) are placed.
In the bullet case (*mdel kheb*) that is like a pair of tortoises
conjoined at their bellies,
The *dgra lha* of the eight trigrams (*spar kha*) [Chinese *bagua*],
nine square (*sme ba*), years and months are placed.
In the bullet pouch (*mdel khug*) with a bending fish [design],
The *dgra lha* of the Caṇḍāla (*rdor*) [also *gdol*], Māra and Nāga
are placed.
When this cannon (*me sgyogs*) composed of the five elements
('byung ba)
Is fired at the enemies replete with five poisons (*dug*),
The five [psycho-physical] aggregates (*phung po*) are turned into
ashes
And dissolve into the five wisdoms (*ye shes*).
Having placed the *dgra lha* in their positions,
If one wages war against the corruptors,
One can annihilate the enemies in all ten [directional] places.
Hail, Hail, Hail (*dgra*) *lha*!

As an ancillary to the eight-fold instructions (*bka' brgyad*),
This *dgra lha* propitiation was written by Gnub 'od skyes sprul
'dod di sha dha
In a light-hearted way and with whatever my mind could grasp.
For any error there may be, I confess to the protector deities.
May I never be separated from the *dgra lha*
Who descend as annihilators of the disruptive enemies!
[S.T.N.]<fnref n="121" />

<footnote n="121">121 Tulku Pema Lodoe, *The Collected Rediscovered Teachings of Rig 'dzin Nyi ma grags pa*, 267.</footnote>
The second part is loosely attributed to a certain Shākya'i dge slong Rakṣa go mi sa mu ṭa whose biography and dates are unknown to me, though there is speculation that he lived in the nineteenth century and was from A mdo. In 2010, the A mdo scholar Padma rnam rgyal reprinted the text but without mentioning its author.

2.
Furthermore, the placing of *dgra bla* on a gun is as follows.
O! O! O *dgra lha*, whom I have invoked before! Heed me!
For the sake of blessings of extended offerings to you,
The generous patrons have thus placed
The *dgra bla* on their guns.
The golden-hued sulphur (*mu zi*) is yellow,
The conch-like shiny borax (*ze tshwa*) is white,
The donkey-cumbering coal (*sol ba*) is black.
Formed from four proportions,
This gun sounds like the "turquoise dragon" (*g.yu 'brug*)
And can enervate the intensity of a mighty thunderbolt.
On this "Great Sound" (*sgra chen*) that splits enemies' hearts,
The *dgra lha* of the [thunder]bolt, thunder, and lightning are
placed.
Elegantly shaped, its casing is adorned with nine-fold jewel
inlays.
It has two raised, riveted (*gcus phur*) horns,
A front sight (*so 'dzin*) for aiming at the target,
A rear sight through which you calibrate [your aim],
A splendid pouch (*shubs*) to store the igniting taper (*me rta*),
A camel-shaped iron trigger (*lcags skam*), and
An ignition flashpan (*me len sna*) and the flashpan cover (*sna kheb*),
On these, place the inner-, outer-, and secret-*dgra lha* (*phyi nang gsang ba'i dgra lha*).
[Then,] On the barrel of this gun,
Which is made of steel and whose lifespan is infinite,
Place the enduring and invincible *dgra lha*.
Swo! Swo! For the [downfall of the] enemies!
Chas! Chas! For the [downfall of the] enemies!
May all enemy realms be completely vanquished! [S.T.N.]<fnref n="122" />

<footnote n="122">122 Shākya'i dge slong raksha go mi sa mu Tas (?), Rlung rta'i ka 'dzugs bsod nams dpung bskyed, 78-9 (shog ldeb, 39ba5-40ka5); Padma rgyal, Sgra lha'i go mtshon sna dgu yon bdag la 'god tshul, 234-39. In this text, of the nine dgra lha'i go mtshon sna dgu only ber gos, khrab chen, gzhu, me mda', ral gri and rta are mentioned. See particularly page 237 for me mda'. See also Rlung rta'i ka 'dzugs bsod nams dpal skyed kyi zur 'debs legs tshogs 'bras kyi snye, 885-92.</footnote>
The *Dgra lha bkod pa* to the *bog* implies the ritualistic preparation of directing the war god (*dgra lha*) to each part of the *bog* in order to make it become magically empowered.

## 13 A Prophecy on Weapons' Technology

Tibetans have a great deal of literature on the faults of drinking alcohol, eating meat, smoking cigarettes, and snubbing others. There is also a rare piece on the faults of using *me mda'* entitled "The 111s of Guns" from the section on "The Reviving Hell", taken from *The Vision of the Hell Realms (dmyal ba so so'i gzigs snang las / yang sos nang nas me mda'i nyes dmigs khol du phyung ba bzhugs so //)*. This passage is from a discourse by Nyag bla Padma bdud 'dul<sup>123</sup> and translated faithfully by Tshwa nyag Shes rab mthar phyin, a direct disciple of his. It goes as follows:

> Regarding guns, there will also be spread of techniques of chemical [weaponry] from beyond the ocean of the nonhumans.<fnref n="124" /> There will be times when fifteen to twenty bullets can be fired at the same time from a single gun, with fifteen to twenty sounds produced simultaneously. There will be times when the sound of a single gun can explode into the ears of living beings as far away as up to one league.<fnref n="125" /> There will be times when a big gun that is able to destroy an entire town becomes available. There will be times when a single magical gun that can burn an entire town will become widely available. There will be times when a gun will produce no sound other than a mild hitting sound of the bullet on its target.<fnref n="126" /> There will be cases when a person is shot by a gun, his or her death is certain, and no fire, smoke, or sound is produced. There will be times when a gun can cause the firing to spiral into the sky. There will be times when a gun can fire even without gunpowder (*mu zi*), soda (*ba tshwa*), etc. There will be times when a gun can fire automatically without the need for a flint. There will be times when a gun becomes impervious to water, and people swimming in water like fish are able to launch a projectile from the middle of the ocean. There will be times when a projectile can

<footnote n="123">123 Mdo khams nyag rong gi grub chen nyi zla kun mdzes sam / 'khrul zhig byang chub gling pa'am / khang brtsegs padma bdud 'dul /.</footnote>

<footnote n="124">124 Mi ma yin: this term applies to a wide range of non-humans such as ghosts, spirits, demons, zombies, etc., or anyone possessing characteristics associated with a class of non-humans.</footnote>

<footnote n="125">125 Dpag tshad: loosely translated as "league", dpag tshad is equal to 4,000 fathoms according to Abhidharma and Kālachakra tantras.</footnote>

<footnote n="126">126 This refers to the use of a silencer on guns.</footnote>
move by itself in the sky. There will be times when a projectile will
move automatically and hit the troops, at which point it will dis-
charge ten munitions towards the four and ten directions as well
as above and below while producing ten different sounds. Thus,
as a sign of the degeneration of virtues in this world, there will
be times with immense proliferation of guns of all kind. [S.T.N.]<fnref n="127" />

The great *gter ston* who died in 1872 thus seems here to predict,
among many other warlike developments of the future, the forth-
coming appearance of the first fully automatic weapon or machine
gun, the Maxim. Prior to its invention, the first gun to fire many bul-
lets continuously was the Gatling gun, invented by George Gatling
in 1862 (after the even earlier but much slower Puckle gun creat-
ed in 1718, however, both not being truly automatic weapons). The
British used the Maxim machine gun (invented in 1884) during the
Younghusband invasion, which was the first time Tibetans encoun-
tered such a devastating weapon. To quote from the Royal Irish Ri-
fle's website: "Following continuing Tibetan refusal to negotiate and
further fighting, reinforcements arrived from India, including a Ma-
chine Gun detachment, commanded by Lt. J.C. Bowen-Colthurst RIR,
from the 1st Battalion, The Royal Irish Rifles. The advance contin-
ued. The Tibetan force twice tried to arrest the column's progress
on 28 June and again on 6 July; each time the Tibetans lost sever-
al hundred casualties. A third battle started on 14 July at a height
of 20,000 feet. In these three skirmishes, the Machine Gun detach-
ment fired 2,097 rounds".<fnref n="128" /> Perhaps the French used it in the 1890s
against Morocco and Algeria!

14 Conclusions

For nearly a quarter of a century, i.e. between 1959 to c. 1985, across
the whole of Tibet, all brands of modern guns and Tibetan matchlocks
were confiscated by the PRC. The PLA also confiscated all the fire-
arms and ammunitions from regular Tibetan soldiers, monks, ordi-
nary Tibetan civilian families, freedom fighters and guerrillas, and
this included Tibetan matchlocks of varying kinds and differing vin-
tages. After Dga' ldan pho brang dignitaries escaped to India haphaz-
ardly and hurriedly, all the firearms and ammunitions that were kept

<footnote n="127">127 Collected Works of Padma Bdud 'dul Rdo rje Chos skor, 546-8.</footnote>

<footnote n="128">128 https://www.royal-irish.com/events/l-rir-detachment-to-the-tibet-war.
See also there an image of the Maxim gun. Note: Lt. J.C. Bowen-Colthurst is on the left;
the barrel is inside a metal tube or housing which contains water to cool it. I am grate-
ful to my friend Jamyang Norbu for sharing this information.</footnote>
at the main *go mdzod* (armoury) in Lhasa and other smaller Tibetan government *go mdzod* in many different districts (*rdzong*), headquarters and monasteries were also confiscated. At the same time in all the monasteries, big and small, 100 to 1,000 or more years old, firearms and other accessories offered as *spyan gzigs* to the *mgon khang* were also removed by the PRC.

It was only after the introduction of a period of relaxation in late 1979 that Tibetan people in Nag chu, Skye dgu mdo, Gser shul, Li thang, Gser tra and Mgo log could start their annual horse racing (*rta rgyugs*) event again. At such gatherings, people wear overly exaggerated jewellery and clothing, and one feels incomplete if one cannot posture and swagger without a *bog* on one's back. At the same time, horse racing alone does not provide full satisfaction; one needs to show off one's sharp shooting skills using a *bog* while galloping. Nowadays, matchlock-toting and sharp-shooting contests are in full swing during all *rta rgyugs*. There is even a new trend of the bridegroom and his friends sporting *bog* just before the main ceremony starts. These incidents prove that Tibetan matchlock-making skills are very much alive. As of now I have no knowledge of whether or not one needs a licence from the authority to make matchlocks and/or to own one. In any case, one can see that the Tibetan peoples' passion and enthusiasm for the *bog* has never died.

Only a few photographs (that unfortunately cannot be reproduced here for copyright reasons), provide a glimpse of the occurrence of *bog* in modern times. One is on the inside cover of the journal *Bod kyi rtsom rig sgyu rtsal* (Tibetan Literature and Art)<fnref n="129" /> and shows that in the mid-nineties Khampas were already making *bog* for sporting and decorative purposes. Another, in *Tibet Today*,<fnref n="130" /> shows a Tibetan militiaman, while in another publication entitled *Tibet*,<fnref n="131" /> a nomadic woman is shown carrying a matchlock with its characteristic prongs. Its caption reads:

> The pride and independence of the people of remotest Tibet are eloquently expressed in the bearing of this nomadic woman. The rifle slung on her back is most unusual. Note the two prongs at the end, which are placed on the ground when firing. This type of rifle is thought to have been invented by the Mongols.

The photo was probably taken in the seventies. It would be a challenging and interesting task to compare the old *bog* that are now in

<footnote n="129">129 Lhundup Namgyal, *Bod kyi rtsom rig sgyu rstal*.</footnote>

<footnote n="130">130 *Tibet Today*, 112.</footnote>

<footnote n="131">131 A book published by Jugoslovenska Revija, Belgrade and the Shanghai People's Art Publishing House, authored by Ngapho Ngawang Jigme et al., 120.</footnote>
Western museums with those recently made in Tibet, as comparing
the quality, method and materials would surely yield interesting find-
ings. It is time for wealthy Western museums and galleries to begin
collecting the modern-made Tibetan *bog*.

Last but not least, it is known that the Tibet Archives in Lhasa hold
some military records (*dmag deb*) of the Dga' ldan pho brang (1642-
1959) period, as well as armoury registers (*go theb*). They also hold
the military records of Byang bdag myriarchy and of the Sde pa gt-
sang pa rulers. It is quite tempting to say that one day, maybe soon,
an enlightened Chinese museologist and connoisseur may have the
wisdom and wit to curate an exhibition of Tibetan firearms and am-
munitions. If such an occasion arises, it would create the conditions
for supporting bright students in serious research on the firearms
of pre-1959 Tibet.
Appendix 1. The Seven Bog gi bshad pa

༄༅། ཁྲ་རིང་བོག་གི་བཤད་པ།

༄༅། །ཨོཾ་སྭིསྟཿི། བདེ་ལེགས་སུ་འགྱུར་ (གྱུར་) ཅིག ཁྲ་རིང་བོག་གི་བཤད་པ་དེ། གོ་མི་མང་སྟེ་
ཤེས་མི་དཀོན། ཀུན་གྱིས་ཤེས་ན་མཁས་པ་དེ་སུ་ལ་ཟེར། དེ་ལ་སྔོན་ཚེ་ལྷ་དང་ལྷ་མིན་འཁྲུགས་
པའི་དུས། དཔའ་དགྲ་ལྷའི་གོ་མཚོན་སྣ་དགུ་མ་གཏོགས། གནམ་ལྕགས་མེ་མདའ་ཟེར་བ་ཡོད་མ་
སྲིད། བར་གྱི་མི་ཁམས་འཁྲུགས་པའི་དུས། དཔའ་དགྲ་ལྷའི་གོ་མཚོན་སྣ་དགུ་མ་གཏོགས། གནམ་
ལྕགས་མེ་མདའ་ཟེར་བ་ཡོད་མ་སྲིད། ཚེ་ལྔ་བརྒྱ་དུས་ཀྱི་མཐའ་མ་ལ། རྒྱ་སོག་སྡིག་པའི་སྲོག་གཅོད་
ཚེ། རྒྱ་མ་ཐུབ་མཐའ་དམག་དུ་རུ༌། །དེ་ཉིད་འདུལ་བའི་གཉེན་པོ་ལ། སོག་པོ་ཡི་ཤེས་སྤྱན་གཅིག་
དེ། གུ་རུ་པད་འབྱུང་ཐུགས་ལས་སྤྲུལ། དེས་བོག་དཀར་བསམ་པའི་དོན་གྲུབ་བརྡུངས། རྒྱ་ལྕགས་
བོད་ལྕགས་སོག་ལྕགས་གསུམ། ཁ་དང་འཁུར་ལུང་བལ་བོའི་ལྕགས། ལྕགས་མི་གཅིག་ལྕགས་སྣ་
དགུ་ལ་བརྡུངས། ཁ་སྟོད་པད་མ་ཧྲིལ་ལ་བརྡུངས། ཆོས་སངས་རྒྱས་ཀྱི་བསྟན་པ་དར་ཚུལ་བརྡུངས།
སྐེད་པ་རྗོ་རྗེའི་འགྲོལ་ལ་བརྡུངས། བོད་དབུ་ནག་བདེ་ལ་འཁོད་ཚུལ་བརྡུངས། ཀླད་ནས་ཆུ་སྤིན་
གྲེ་ལྟར་བརྡུངས། སྡང་དགྲ་བོ་ཆམས་ལ་བབས་ཚུལ་བརྡུངས། དགྲ་རྩུ་གབ་བཀོན་པའི་བཀོན་བུ་
བརྡུངས། དགྲ་སྲོག་གཅོད་པའི་མཁྲེགས་མཐུད་བརྡུངས། དགྲ་ཁྲག་བླུག་པའི་ཝ་སྦྱོར་བརྡུངས། དགྲ་
ཕོ་སྲོག་གཅོད་པའི་གཡས་གཅུས་བརྡུངས། མོ་སྲོག་གཅོད་པའི་གཡོན་གཅུས་བརྡུངས། རུ་གཡས་
པ་ཐབས་ཀྱི་རང་བཞིན་ལ། མགོན་པོ་ཕོ་བརྒྱུད་རྣམས་ཀྱི་དགྲ་ལྷ་འཁོར། གཡོན་པ་ཤེས་རབ་ཀྱི་རང་
བཞིན་ལ། སྲུང་མ་མོ་བརྒྱུད་རྣམས་ཀྱི་དར་ཐག་འཐེན། རུ་ཟམ་རྒྱལ་བ་རིགས་ལྔ་ལ། ལྷ་ཞིང་སྐྱོང་
ཡབ་ཡུམ་གྱི་དགྲ་ལྷ་འཁོར། གཅུས་སྒྲིམས་གནམ་ལྕགས་ངར་མ་ལ། མགར་བ་དམར་ནག་སྲུང་
མ་འཁོར། རྒྱམ་ཤིང་རྔུལ་ཆུའི་ཤིང་དམར་ལ། མགོན་པོ་ (ཚ་བ) བྱ་རོག་གདོང་གི་དགྲ་ལྷ་འཁོར།
འགྲམ་ལྕགས་གསེར་ཉ་ཁ་སྤྲོད་ལ། གཟེར་མགོ་སྐར་མ་བཀྲག་འདྲ་ཡོད། ཐེར་མ་དགུ་ཁྲི་དགུ་
འབུམ་འཁོར། སྟེང་ཡུ་སྤིག་པའི་ར་ལྷམ་ལ། ཤ་ཟན་སྟེང་གི་དགྲ་ལྷ་འཁོར། སོ་ཁུང་མིག་གི་ཉི་མ་
རང་ཤར་ལ། ལྷ་བ་མིག་གི་དགྲ་ལྷ་འཁོར། སོ་ཁ་དགྲ་སྙིང་དམར་པོ་དམར་སེ་བློག་ སོ་གཟེར་
ལ་ཁའི་སྐར་ཆེན་འདྲ། རང་སྲུང་ལྷ་ཡི་སོ་བས་བསྐོར། གཡས་སུ་རྫས་ཁུག་ཇག་པ་སྒྲ་ཆེན་དང་།
གཡོན་དུ་མདིལ་ཁུག་སྡིག་པ་འབུམ་གསོག་ཡོད། ད་ནི་རྫས་ཀྱི་ལོ་རྒྱུས་བཤད་ཙན། ས་ཡི་ལན་
ཚ་སེར་པོ་དང་། ཆུ་ཡི་ལན་ཚ་དཀར་པོ་དང་། ཤིང་གི་ལན་ཚ་ནག་པོ་བཅས། ལན་ཚ་གསུམ་གྱི་ཁྲོ་
སྦྱོར་ནས། དུག་ཤིང་སྤར་བུའི་ནང་དུ་བཅུག། དུག་རྫས་རིལ་བུ་དགུ་བསྐོར་བླངས། མདིལ་སྔོན་མོ་ཟིར་
རོང་ལྕགས་ལས་བྱས། དགྲ་སྙིང་གཏོར་ལ་བྲེལ་ཚུབ་ཚུབ། རུ་གཉིས་གཡས་གཡོན་ས་ལ་གདབ།
དུག་གི་རིལ་བུ་ཁ་ནས་ལྷུང་། དགྲ་བགེགས་གཟུགས་ལ་རྒྱབ་ཙ་ན། བྲག་དམར་ཐོགས་ཀྱིས་ (ཐོག་
གིས་) གཏོར་བ་འདྲ། ཉེ་རིང་མེད་པ་མངགས་པའི་བང་ཆེན་འདྲ། མྱུར་མགྱོགས་ཆེ་བ་སྐྱི་སེར་རླུང་
དང་འདྲ། སྟོབས་རྩལ་འགྲན་མེད་ནམ་མཁའི་ཐོགས་ (ཐོག་) དང་འདྲ། སྟོབས་ཆེན་གནམ་ལྕགས་
མེ་མདའི་འཕྲུལ་འཁོར་འདི། འཕང་བ་དགྲ་ལྷ་ཅན་གྱི་མི་ཡིས་འཕེན། སྡིག་པ་གནོད་བྱེད་དགྲ་
བགེགས་གཟུགས་ལ་སྡིག དགྲ་ཁམས་ཐལ་བའི་རྡུལ་བཞིན་བརླགས་པར་ཤོག ཤར་དགྲ་སྤྱང་མོ་མགོ་ལོག ལྷོ་དགྲ་སྤོ་མི། ནུབ་དགྲ་བྲག་གཡབ། བྱང་དགྲ་དགེ་རྩེ་གཅོས་བྱས་པའི་དམག་སྣ་ཇག་སྣ་རྐུན་སྣ་སྟོན་པའི་གནོད་བྱེད་ལམ་དགྲ་འབྱུང་བོའི་སྟེང་དུ་ཧོ་མ་ཡ། ཀི་ཀི་སོུ་སོུ་ལྷ་རྒྱལ་ལོ། །

## རེ་ཁྲ་རིང་བོག་གི་བཤད་པ།

རྒད་ཕྲན་གྲིའི་བཤད་པ། ཕྲ་ (ཁྲ་) རིང་བོག་གི་བཤད་པ། ཉག་ཕྲན་མདའ་ཡི་བཤད་པ། ལིའུ་རྐྱང་གི་བཤད་པ། སྔོ་ལོ་ནས་ཀྱི་བཤད་པ། རྒྱ་རས་དར་གྱི་བཤད་པ། སྔོན་པོ་ཆུ་ཡི་བཤད་པ། དམར་པོ་མེའི་བཤད་པ། བྱེ་མ་རླུང་གི་བཤད་པ་སོགས་མང་པོ་ཡོད་པ་དཔེར་ན་ཁྲ་རིང་བོག་གི་བཤད་པ་བྲིས་པ་ཡིན་ན། སྨར་ཁམས་སྒང་གི་ལྕགས་དང་གཅིག ཚ་བ་རོང་གི་ལྕགས་དང་གཉིས། ཀོ་འགོ་རོང་གི་ལྕགས་དང་གསུམ། ལྕགས་དེ་གསུམ་ཤིབ་ནས་བོག་གཅིག་བརྡུངས། བརྡུངས་མཁན་སུ་ཡིན་མ་ཤེས་ན། བརྡུངས་མཁན་དམ་ཅན་མགར་བ་ཡིན། མགར་གཡོག་སུ་ཡིན་མ་ཤེས་ན། མགར་གཡོག་ཐེའུ་རང་མགར་བ་ཡིན། སྟེང་བཙུགས་རྒྱ་མཚོའི་གདན་ལ་བཙུགས། སྤེ་པ་རི་བོའི་སྐེད་ལ་འཛུགས། ཐོ་བ་ཨ་སྔོན་དགུང་ནས་གཡུགས། དང་པོ་ཐོ་གང་འཐེན་པ་དེ། རྫས་ཀག་འདུག་པའི་ཐོ་གང་ཡིན། དེ་རྗེས་ཐོ་གང་ (དོ་?) འཐེན་པ་དེ། མདེའུ་ཀག་འདུག་པའི་ཐོ་དོ་ཡིན། དེ་རྗེས་ཐོ་གསུམ་འཐེན་པ་དེ། ཕོ་རང་ས་བསྲུང་བའི་ཐོ་གསུམ་ཡིན། དེ་རྗེས་ཐོ་བཞི་འཐེན་པ་དེ། ཕྱོགས་བཞི་དགྲ་བཞི་གནོན་པའི་ཐོ་བཞི་ཡིན། འཇབ་ལྟར་བལྟ་བའི་རྒྱང་ཤེལ་ཡིན། ཟེ་འབྲུ་ལ་ཁའི་སོ་ཕ་དགོས། མེ་སྐུས་སྦྲུལ་གྱི་ཐག་པ་དགོས། སྐམ་པ་བྱ་ཁུང་མཆུ་འདྲ་དགོས། བོག་ཤིང་གསེར་གྱི་(གྱིས་) བརྡུངས་འདྲ་དགོས། བོག་ལུང་ཆན་ཐག་ཕྲ་ཚོགས་དགོས། སྐད་ནི་མམ་མཁའི་འབྲུག་སྟོང་འདྲ། མདེའུ་གནམ་ལྕགས་ཐོགས་ (ཐོག་) འདྲ་དགོས། ཕར་ཁ་ (ཁའི་) རི་ལ་རྒྱུགས་ (རྒྱག་?) པ་དང་། ཚུར་ཁའི་སེམས་ཅན་གན་ནས་གྱེལ། (འགྱེལ།) ཀི་ཀི་སོ་སོ་ལྷ་རྒྱལ་ལོ། །

## རེ་བོད་སྤོད་ཀྱི་བཤད་པ།

### (ཀླུ་ཐོག་རིགས་གསུམ་དང་ལྗི་དབང་གྲགས།)

མགར་གྱི་བུ་དང་ལྕགས་ཀྱི་ཚ། མགར་བུ་ལྕགས་ཚ་ཁྲ་རིང་སྤོད་ཁུར་སྡད་དུས་དགྲ་ལྷ་རང་འཁོར་དང་། འཕང་གཏོང་ན་དགྲ་བཞི་གཟིལ་ (ཟིལ་) གནོན་ཟེར། དེའང་། སོག་པོ་དར་ཐོག་ཆུ་འབབས་དང་། སོག་རུང་པདྨ་ཁ་དང་གཉིས། རྒྱ་སོག་བྱེ་མ་དཀར་ལིང་གསུམ། རུང་ལ་དཀར་ནག་ཁྲ་དང་བཞི། རྒྱ་ཤིས་རབ་དཀར་ནག་ཁྲ་དང་ལྔ། འཇང་མདའ་མེ་ཛུ་ལྕགས་སྟེ་དྲུག། སྟོད་མངའ་རིས་འཇག་མ་ཁ་གཤག་བདུན། །༡ཁྲ་དབྱིབས་དར་ཐོག་ཆུ་འབབས་འདྲ། གསེར་ཕྱེ་སྲོ་མ་བརྒྱབ་པ་འདྲ། ལྕགས་མདོག་ཁམ་ལ་ལྕགས་ཤ་རྩུབ། སོག་གི་དར་ཐོག་ཆུ་འབབས་དེས། འབྲོང་ཉལ་ནས་ལངས་ལོང་མི་གཏན་ཟེར། ལངས་ནས་འདྲོད་ (འབྲོས་) ལོང་མི་གཏན་ཟེར། །ཉཁྲ་དབྱིབས་ཆུ་བོའི་གཉེར་མ་འདྲ། ཐོ་ཆུང་མང་པོས་ (པོའི་) རྗེས་མཛེས་ཅན། སྤོད་ཆུ་པད་མའི་དབྱིབས་དང་མཚུངས། ལྟས་ན་ཡིད་དབང་འཕྲོག་པ་དང་། འཕང་ན་ཕ་རོལ་ནོན་པ་ཡི། ཕདྨ་ཁ་ཡི་སོག་རུང་ཟེར། ། རྒྱ་སོག་དབྱིབས་
འདྲེས་ལྕགས་རྒྱུ་དཀར། ཁྲ་ཡང་མི་གསལ་ཁྱལ་མ་འཁྱིལ། ཁ་གཞུང་ཕྲ་ལ་ཀླད་ཚང་སྦོམ། བྱང་
གི་འབྲོག་ (འབྲོང་) བུ་བདའ་ལ་མཁོ། ཤོད་རྒྱང་འཛོམ་པའི་སྤོད་ཅིག་ཟེར། ༸རྒྱ་ཤིས་རབ་དཀར
པོ་སྐྱ་རེངས་མ། ཤིས་རབ་ནག་པོ་ཤ་དགའ་མ། ཤིས་རབ་ཁྲ་བོ་ངར་གས་ཅན། སྤོད་དེ་གསུམ་ཤ་
རྡོག་མདེལ་རྡོག་ཟེར། ༸གྲུ་བཞི་ལྕགས་ལྟེ་ཀྱུག་དཀྲིས་ཅན། ཁེབ་རྩེ་ནག་པོ་ཁུས་མོ་ཁ། གྲུ་བཞིའི་
རིགས་དེ་དཀར་ལ་ཤས། ཁེབ་རྩེའི་རིགས་དེ་ནག་ལ་ཤས། ཁྲ་མེད་ལྕགས་རུས་ཁོག་ལ་སྦས་འཇང་
མདའ་མན་ཛུ་ལྕགས་ལྟེ་དེ། སྤང་གི་ཤ་ཕོ་བདའ་ལ་མཁོ། ༸ཅུང་དཀར་བགད་པའི་སོ་ཞོ་འདྲ། རུང་
ནག་ངུས་པའི་མཆི་མ་འདྲ། རུང་ལྕགས་ཁྲ་ཤ་རྒན་ཨོག་ཁྲང་འདྲ། གཟེ་ཉེ་འགྱང་ཚུག་པའི་སྤོད་ཅིག
ཡིན། གཏད་པའི་འབེན་ཡན་མི་ཤོར་ཟེར། ༸མངའ་རིས་འཇག་མ་ཁ་གཤད་དེ། ལྕགས་རྒྱུ་བཟང་
ཞིང་གོ་ཚད་ཐུང་། མདེལ་ཚང་སྙོམས་ཞིང་ (ཤིང་) གཟེ་ཁ་སྐྱེན། སིབ་གསེང་འཇོལ་མོ་བདའ་ལ
མཁོ། ཟེར་བ་བཅས་ཡོད། ཡང་། སོག་གི་གྲུ་གུ་རྒྱ་ལུག་དེ། ཁྲ་མ་གཅུས་གྲུ་གུ་རྒྱ་ལུག་འདྲ། ཟེར་བ་
དང་། རྒྱ་ཡི་ལེ་བུ་རྩུས་གསེར་དེ། མ་རྡུང་དཀྲུག་པས་སྤོད་ཅིག་ཡིན། བོད་གོས་ཆེན་ཐོག་གི་འཁུར་
མདའ་ཡིན། ཟེར་བ། ཡང་། བྱ་དམར་བྱིས་རྗེས་ཨོ་རུ་སོག། འཕང་ན་མི་ཕོག་ཨོ་རུ་སོག། རྫས་ཕུང་
མདེལ་བརླགས་ཨོ་རུ་སུ་ཟེར་བ་ (དེ་ཞན་གྲས་ཡིན་) བཅས་ཡོད།

༄༅།

སྤོད་བཤད་སྐོར། ཨོམ་སོ་སྟི་ (ཨོཾ་སྭི་) བདེ་ལེགས་སུ་གྱུར་ཅིག སྟེང་ཕྱོགས་ལྷ་དང་ལྷ་མིན་འཁྲུགས་པའི་དུས། དགྲ་བླའི་གོ་མཚོན་སྣ་དགུ་མ་གཏོགས་པའི་ཁྲ་རིང་མེ་མདའ་ཟེར་བ་ཡོད་མ་སྲིད། བར་གྱི་གཉན་འམ་ (ནམ་) མི་དང་འཁྲུགས་པའི་དུས། དགྲ་བླའི་གོ་མཚོན་སྣ་དགུ་མ་གཏོགས་པའི་ཁྲ་རིང་མེ་མདའ་ཟེར་བ་ཡོད་མ་ཡིན། འོག་ཕྱོགས་ཀླུ་དང་ས་བདག་འཁྲུགས་པའི་དུས། དགྲ་བླའི་གོ་མཚོན་སྣ་དགུ་ (མ་) གཏོགས་པའི་ཁྲ་རིང་མེ་མདའ་ཟེར་བ་ཡོད་མ་སྲིད། མཐའ་མ་མིའམ་དུ་རུ་ཁ་དམར་བོ་ནས། སོག་པོ་ཡེ་ཤེས་སྦྱན་གཅིག་དེས། ལྟ་བ་དང་སྟོང་ཉིད། སྟོབས་དང་རྩུ་འཕྲུལ་གྱི་ངང་ནས་ཁྲ་རིང་མེ་མདའ་ཟེར་བ་དེ་རྡུང་། སྟེང་གི་ལྷ་ལྕགས་དཀར་པོ་ལ། ཁ་སྟོད་པད་མ་ཧིལ་ལ་རྡུང་། བོད་བདུ་ནག་ས་ལ་བཀོད་ཚུལ་རྡུང་། བར་གྱི་གཉན་ལྕགས་ཁྲ་བོ་ལ། སྐེད་པ་རྡོ་རྗེ་ཧྲིལ་ལ་རྡུང་། ཆོས་དཀར་པོའི་བསྟན་པ་དར་ཚུལ་རྡུང་། འོག་གི་ཀླུ་ལྕགས་སྨུག་པོ་ལ། ཀླད་བཟང་ཆུ་སྲིན་གྲས་ལ་རྡུང་། གདོན་དགྲ་བོ་འཆམ་ལ་འབེབས་བྱེད་རྡུང་། རྒྱ་སོག་པོས་རྡུང་ལེ་དེ་གཡས་གཅུས། སོག་མོས་བརྡུང་ལེ་དེ་གཡོན་གཅུས། རྒྱ་ཆུ་རིས་དར་ཐོག་ཆུ་འབབ་ཡོད། ཙན་དན་ཤིང་དམར་གྱི་དགུ་མདའ་ལ། ངང་ལྡན་ལྕགས་དཀར་གྱི་སྦྲུ་གུ་བཞག་ཡོད། ལྷ་ཞིང་སྐྱོང་ཡ་ཡུམ་གྱི་དགྲ་བླས་སྐོར། གཅིག། ཐབས་ཀྱི་རུ་རྩེ་གཡས་པ་ལ། དཔའ་བོ་ཕོ་རྒྱུད་སྟོང་གི་དགྲ་བླས་སྐོར། ཤེས་རབ་ར་རྩེ་གཡས་པ་ལ། དཔའ་མོ་མོ་རྒྱུད་སྟོང་གི་དགྲ་བླས་སྐོར། གཅུས་འཛེར། གཅུས་གདན། གཅུས་ཕོར་གསུམ། རིགས་གསུམ་མགོན་པོའི་དགྲ་བླས་སྐོར། རུ་ཟམ་རྒྱལ་བའི་དཀྱིལ་འཁོར་ལ། གེ་ཁོད་དམར་ནག་སྟོང་གི་དགྲ་བླས་སྐོར། སོ་འཛིན་ལ་ཁའི་སྐར་ཆེན་ལ། ཡོ་འཛུལ་མེད་པའི་དགྲ་བླས་སྐོར། སོ་ཁུང་ཉི་མ་རང་ཤར་ལ། ལྟ་བ་མིག་གི་དགྲ་བླས་སྐོར། ངང་སྐེ་ཉི་ཟླ་ཁ་སྤྲོད་ལ། ཁུར་
ལུང་རྒྱ་རམ་ཀོ་དམར་བརྒྱབ། ལྷ་རང་འཁོར་བརྒྱད་ཀྱི་དགྲ་བླས་སྐོར། སྦི་ཚང་ཕག་རྒོད་ཀྱི་ལྟོ་བ་ལ། ཕྱི་འཛེར་དཀར་སྐར་མ་བརྒྱ་ཤར་ཡོད། ནང་སྦི་སྡི་སྦྲུལ་ནག་ཞགས་པ་ཡོད། མེ་ལྷ་བརྒྱད་ཀྱི་དགྲ་བླས་སྐོར། གཉིས་ ནག་པོ་རྫས་ཀྱི་ལོ་རྒྱུས་མདོར་ཙམ་ཞིག་བ་ཤད་ན། མེ་ཡི་ལན་ཚྭ་དམར་པོ་ཆུ་ཡི་ལན་ཚྭ་སྔོན་པོ། ས་ཡི་ལན་ཚྭ་སེར་པོ། གསེབ་ཆུང་གླང་མའི་ཚར་བུ། ཉིན་ཆུང་ཤུག་པའི་རྒྱུ་མ། བྲག་རི་དཀར་པོའི་སྟོད་ཚིལ། ས་བདག་རྒྱལ་པོའི་སྙིང་ཚིལ་སོགས་བསྡུན་ནས། རྫས་ཚང་སྡིག་པ་ཕིར་གཟུགས་ལ་བཀྱག་སྟེ། རྫས་གཞོང་མུན་རུབ་བང་མཛོད་ནང་དུ་བླུགས་ཏེ། རྫས་རྡོ་སྲིན་པོའི་ཡ་ཐོད་དེ་བཞག། མི་རྒོད་དཔུང་པས་རྡུང་ཞིང་ཁ་ཤར་དུ་བསྟན་ནས། སྲོག་ཆགས་དབུགས་འགུལ་ཐམས་ཅད། ཧྲུག་དང་ཧྲུག་ཟེར་ཞིང་ཉིན་མ་བདུན་ལ་འདུལ། གསུམ། ཉི་ཤུའི་ཧ་ལ་དུག་རྫས། སུམ་ཅུའི་རེས་མིའི་དགུ་སྐོར། བརྒྱད་ཅུའི་རེས་མིའི་སྐོར་སྟངས་སོགས། བཞི། དུག་རྫས་རིལ་བུ་དེ་ཞབས་ལ་བླུག། མདེལ་པར་རིག་པ་ཁ་སྦྱོར་བའི་ནང་། མདེའུ་ཁྲོ་ཆུ་ཁོལ་མ་དེ་བླུག་ལྔ། སུ་མེ་མདེལ་རྫས་སྨྱོག་བྱེད་དེས་རྡུང་སྟེ། རོལ་པོ་བཅོ་བརྒྱད་ཀྱི་དགྲ་བླས་སྐོར། རྣ་ཅོག་ལྕགས་ཀྱི་གཏུན་ཁུངས་ནང་དུ། ཤ་ཁག་ཆུ་སྲིན་གྲས་བའི་ནང་རྣ་རྫས་ཚ་ཚ་འཐུལ་བ་དེ་བླུག། མྱུར་མགྱོགས་ཅན་གྱི་དགྲ་བླས་སྐོར། མའད་ཁ་གར་གཏད་ཁྲག་གི་ཆར་པ་འབབ། རུ་གར་འཛུགས་སྡིག་པའི་ན་བུན་འཁྲིགས། མྱུར་མགྱོགས་སེར་བུ་རླུང་ལ་འགྲན། ཡོ་འཛུལ་མེད་པ་གནམ་ལྕགས་ཐོག་རྒོད་འདྲ། ངས་སྟེང་ཕྱོགས་ལྷ་ལ་མི་འཕན་ (འཕེན་) ཀྱང་། ལྷ་རིགས་རྣམས་ཀྱི་ཞབས་སྐུམས། འོག་ཕྱོགས་ཀླུ་ལ་མ་འཕོངས་ཀྱང་། ཀླུ་རིགས་རྣམས་ཀྱི་དབུ་ཆོམས། བར་ཕྱོགས་གཉན་ལ་མ་འཕོངས་ཀྱང་། གཉན་རིགས་རྣམས་ཀྱི་སྐུ་གཟུར། ངས་འཕན་ (འཕེན་) པར་བྱེད་པའི་དགྲ་བོ་ནི། ལྷོ་དགྲ་སྤོ་བོ། བྱང་དགྲ་མགོ་ལོག། བསྟན་དགྲ་ཉག་རོང་། ཧོར་སེར་ཞིག་ཐོག་སེར་ར་བཞིན་དོན་དང་གདོན་དགྲ་བོ་ཆེ་མིའི་སྙིང་ལ་ཧོབ་ (ཧེམ་) མ་ཡ། དཔུང་ཡུ་བོན་སྐྱོང་གི་སྐུ་འདུས་ལ། མགོན་པོ་བྱ་རོག་གདོན་(གདོང་) ཅན་གྱི་དགྲ་བླས་སྐོར། སྐམ་པ་གེ་སར་ཁྲོམ་གྱི་ཕོ་ཉ་ལ། མགར་བུ་དམར་ནག་སྟོང་གི་དགྲ་བླས་སྐོར། དུག་ཤིང་པར་བུའི་ནང་དུ་བཏབ་ནས་དུག་རྫས་རིལ་ལེ་དགུ་སྐོར། འཇལ་ཕོར་སྲིན་པོའི་གཟུགས་ཅན་ལ་འཇལ། སྡིག་སྤྱོད་མདེའུ་དེ་ཁ་ལ་བཞག། ཅེས་རི་ཞིག་དེ་ཙམ་མོ། །

## ས

ངའི་ལག་གི་གནམ་ལྕགས་ཁྲ་བོ་འདི། །སོག་རྒྱལ་གནམ་ཁྲི་བཙན་པོ་དེས། །སོག་རི་བྲག་དམར་ལེབ་ཆེན་ནས། ཁྱུང་ནག་རོག་པོ་ཞགས་ལ་བཀྲུག །ཐེའུ་རང་དཀར་ནག་ཁྲ་གསུམ་གྱིས། །བླ་རྡོ་དཀར་ནག་ཁྲ་གསུམ་བྱིན། །ཞག་གསུམ་འདས་པའི་ནང་མོ་ལ། །ཡར་ལ་འགྲིམ་པའི་ལྕགས་དཀར་གསུམ། །མར་ལ་རྡུང་པའི་ལྕགས་ནག་གསུམ། ཁོག་པའི་ནང་གི་ཁྲ་ལྕགས་གསུམ། །ལྕགས་སྣ་དགུ་དེ་ལག་ན་བླང་། །ཐེའུ་རང་མགར་བ་སྤུན་དགུ་དེས། །ཉེར་དགུའི་མུན་པ་འཁྲིགས་པའི་དུས། །དཀར་པོ་གསུམ་ལ་མཉེན་རྡུང་བྱས། ཁྲ་བོ་གསུམ་ལ་མཇེས་རྡུང་བྱས། །ནག་པོ་གསུམ་ལ་ངར་རྡུང་བྱས། །དུག་སྣ་ཁྲག་སྣ་སྨན་སྣ་དགུ། དགུ་གསུམ་ཉི་ཤུ་རྩ་བདུན་གྱིས། (གྱི་) །ངར་ཆུ་བྱས་ཏེ་སྨོན་ལམ་བཏབ། །དགྲ་གསོན་ལ་མི་ཤོར་བདེན་ཚིག་གྲུབ། །དེ་ལ་དུག་གི་སྦྱོར་སྡེབ་རྒྱབ། །བདུད་པོ་ཁྲོས།
པའི་ལྕེ་ཚ་གཅིག །མ་མོ་ཁྲོས་པའི་མུ་ཟི་གཉིས། །ཀླུ་སྲིན་ཁྲོས་པའི་སོལ་བ་གསུམ། །ཞེ་སྡང་རྩ་བ་
ཨ་རག་དང་། །གཏི་མུག་རྩ་བ་མར་ཁུ་དང་། །འདོད་ཆགས་རྩ་བ་མ་མོའི་ཁྲག །དུག་གསུམ་རྫས་
ཀྱི་སྦྱོར་སྡེབ་བྱས། །རིན་ཆེན་གསེར་གྱི་སྣོད་ལ་བཙུད། །ཟངས་ལྕགས་དངུལ་གསུམ་མདེའུ་སྤྲད།
།དམར་པོ་གློག་གི་རྟ་ལ་སྐྱོན། །སྔོ་མཉེན་ལྕགས་ཀྱི་འཁྲུལ་འཁོར་སྐོར། །འཕང་ན་ཐར་མེད་གནམ་
ལྕགས་ཐོག །དཀར་ནག་མཚམས་ལ་ཧོ་མ་ཡ།

༡

ཁྲ་རིང་སྡིག་པ་འབུམ་རྫོང་འདི། །ལྕགས་སྣ་དགུ་བཅུ་གོ་དགུ་ཡོད། །འཕར་བྱེད་འཐེན་བྱེད་
བཅུ་དགུ་ཡོད། །གཞུང་ལྕགས་སེ་རོང་ནག་པོ་ལ། །ཀླད་ལྕགས་བུས་དཀར་གཉེན་ལ་བྱས། །སོ་
འཛེར་དཀར་པོ་དངུལ་ལ་བྱས། །མདེལ་ལྕགས་རིན་ཆེན་གསེར་ལ་བྱས། །མདེལ་རྩེ་དཀར་པོ་སྟོང་
ལ་བྱས། །རྨེ་ཕོར་རིན་ཆེན་ཟངས་ལ་བྱས། །དམར་པོ་གློག་གི་རྟ་ལ་སྐྱོན། །དུག་རྫས་ཧ་ལ་ནག་པོ་
ལ། །དུག་སྣ་དགུ་ཡི་སྡེབ་སྦྱོར་བྱས། །ཕོ་བདུད་ཁྲོས་པའི་མངལ་ཆུ་ལ། །སྨོན་ལམ་བཏབ་པའི་ཟིས་
དཀར་དང་། །མོ་བདུད་ངར་བའི་མངལ་ཁྲག་དེ། །དམ་ཚིག་ཉམས་པའི་མུ་སེར་གཉིས། །ཀླུ་བདུད་
ཁྲོས་པའི་རུས་པ་ལ། །ལས་སྨོན་ལོག་པའི་སོལ་བ་གསུམ། །དུག་སྣ་དགུ་དང་ཁྲག་སྣ་དགུ། །སྨན་
སྣ་དགུ་བཅས་ཉེར་བདུན་དེ། །དགའ་རབ་བདུད་ཀྱི་སྨོན་ལམ་བཏབ། །སྟོང་གསུམ་འཇོམས་པའི་
ལས་སྨོན་འགྲིག །འཕང་ན་ཐར་མེད་གནམ་ལྕགས་ཐོག །བྲག་དཀར་གཏོར་ཞིང་རྒྱ་མཚོ་ཕྱུར། །ད་
ལེན་ཁྱོད་ལ་ཧོ་མ་ཡ།

༢

ཐོག་མདའ་བྲག་རི་དགུ་གཏོར་འདི། །མཐའ་མེད་རྒྱ་མཚོའི་ཕ་རོལ་ནས། །གནམ་གྱི་ཞུན་ལྕགས་
དཀར་པོ་གཅིག །རྡོ་ཞུན་སྨྲུག་མོའི་ཁུ་བ་གཉིས། །ཐེའུ་རང་སྤུན་དགུའི་ཟླ་ལྕགས་བཅས། །ལྕགས་
སྣ་དགུ་ལ་རུབ་བརྡུང་བྱས། །ཐེལ་མགར་མཁས་པ་མི་དགུ་དེས། །ཉེར་དགུའི་སྨྲག་ལ་མུན་བརྡུང་
བྱས། །ཁྲག་སྣ་དགུ་ལ་ངར་ཆུ་བྱས། །སྨན་སྣ་དགུ་དང་དུག་སྣ་དགུ། །འབྱུང་བཞིའི་བཅུད་ཀྱི་རྟ་ལ་
བསྐྱོན། །དགའ་རབ་བདུད་ཀྱི་སྨོན་ལམ་བཏབ། །གླིང་བཞི་འཇོམས་པའི་རྟེན་འབྲེལ་འགྲིག །འཕང་
ན་ཐར་མེད་བདུད་ཀྱི་མཚོན།
Appendix 2. The Two Me mdar dgra lha bkod pa

ཉེ

༄༅། །མཚམས་སྦྱར་ནི། ཧཱུྃ། བྷོར་ལ་དགྲ་ལྷ་བསྐོད་ (བཀོད་) པ་ནི། །གཡས་པ་ཐབས་ཀྱི་རུ་རྩེ་ལ། །མགོན་པོ་ཕོ་རྒྱུད་ (བརྒྱུད་) དགྲ་ལྷ་བཀོད། །གཡོན་པ་ཤེས་རབ་རུ་རྩེ་ལ། །ལྷ་མོ་མོ་རྒྱུད་ (བརྒྱུད་) དགྲ་ལྷ་བཀོད། །ངར་ལྡན་ལྕགས་ཀྱི་སྤྲུ་གུ་ལ། །བྱ་རོག་གདོང་ཅན་དགྲ་ལྷ་བསྐོད། (བཀོད།) སཱ་ཕ་ (སོ་པ་) དགྲ་སྙིང་དམ་འབྱིན་ལ། །ཞིང་སྐྱོང་ཡབ་ཡུམ་དགྲ་ལྷ་བསྐོད། (བཀོད།) སཱ་ (སོ་) མིག་མཐོང་བ་དབུག་ (དབུགས་) སྡུད་ལ། །སྤྲེལ་གདོང་ཕོ་མོའི་དགྲ་ལྷ་བསྐོད། (བཀོད།) མེ་སྐམ་ཆོད་འཛིན་ཕོ་ཉ་ལ། །མགར་བ་དམར་ནག་དགྲ་ལྷ་བསྐོད། (བཀོད།) རབ་མདའི་དུག་སྦྲུལ་འཁུག་ཡག་ལ། །ཀླུ་བདུད་ནག་པེའི་དགྲ་ལྷ་བསྐོད། (བཀོད།) རྣ་ཕོར་ཚྭ་ཚྭ་འཁྲུག་པ་ལ། །ཧར་ལེན་བཙན་རྒོད་དགྲ་ལྷ་བསྐོད། (བཀོད།) སུ་མེ་མདེས་རྫས་འབྱོར་བྱེད་ལ། །རོལ་པ་བཅོ་བརྒྱུད་དགྲ་ལྷ་བསྐོད། (བཀོད།) ཁྲོ་མདེལ་གནམ་ལྕགས་ཐོག་དམར་ལ། །སྲོག་བདག་ཤེལ་གིང་དགྲ་ལྷ་བསྐོད། (བཀོད།) སྒྲ་སྐད་གཡུ་འབྲུག་ང་རོ་ལ། །ཀཾཾ་ཀམ་གཟའ་བདུད་དགྲ་ལྷ་བསྐོད། (བཀོད།) ཁོ་ཐོ་དུག་གི་བང་མཛོད་ལ། །གཟའ་ཆེན་བརྒྱུད་ཀྱི་དགྲ་ལྷ་བཀོད། །ཤ་ཁག་རྩ་སྲིན་གྲེ་འཐམ་ལ། །གདོང་མོ་བཞིའི་དགྲ་ལྷ་བསྐོད། (བཀོད།) གཞལ་ཕོར་གཟན་སྡིག་ར་རྒོད་ལ། །ཤ་ཟ་སྲིན་པོའི་དགྲ་ལྷ་བསྐོད། (བཀོད།) །མགྱོགས་རྫས་ཧུར་ཐུམ་སྲོག་བདག་ལ། །རྒྱུ་སྐར་ཉེར་བརྒྱུད་དགྲ་ལྷ་བསྐོད། (བཀོད།) །དྲག་པོ་ཤིང་གི་དགུ་མཐའ་ལ། །ཕོ་ཉ་ལས་བྱེད་དགྲ་ལྷ་བཀོད། །ཀླུས་ (གཅུས་) འཇེར་གནམ་ལྕགས་ངར་མ་ལ། །དཔའ་བརྟེན་ཚུག་པའི་དགྲ་ལྷ་བཀོད། ཁུར་ལུང་འཇའ་ཚོན་ཤར་ཡག་ལ། །རང་བསྲུང་ལྷ་ཡི་དགྲ་ལྷ་བསྐོད། (བཀོད།) བྷིར་ཤུབ་དུག་གི་ཞགས་རྒོད་ལ། །ནག་པོ་བདུད་ཀྱི་དགྲ་ལྷ་བསྐོད། (བཀོད།) །རྫས་ཁུག་གདུག་པ་སྤེར་གྱི་གཟུགས། །ས་བདག་གཉན་གྱིས་དགྲ་ལྷ་བཀོད། །མདེལ་ཁེབ་རུ་སྦལ་ལྟོ་སྦྱར་ལ། །སྤར་སྨེ་ལོ་ཟླའི་དགྲ་ལྷ་བསྐོད། (བཀོད།) །མདེབ་ (མདེལ་)ཁུག་ཉ་མོ་འཁུག་ཡག་འདི། །ཀླུ་བདུད་རྡོར་ (གདོལ་) བའི་དགྲ་ལྷ་བསྐོད། (བཀོད།) འབྱུང་བ་ལྔ་འདུས་མེ་སྒྱོགས་འདི། །དུག་ལྔའི་དགྲ་ལ་བཏབ་པའི་ཚེ། །ཕུང་པོ་ལྔ་པོ་ཐལ་བ་བརླག། ཡི་ཤེས་ལྔའི་ཀློང་དུ་བསྟིམས། །དེ་ལྟར་དགྲ་ལྷ་རྟེན་བཙུག་བཞིན། །དམ་ཉམས་དགྲ་ལ་དམགས་ (དམག་) འདྲེན་ན། །ཞིང་བཅུའི་དགྲ་བོ་ཆམས་ལ་ཕོབ། །གསོལ་ལོ་གསོལ་ལོ་ལྷ་གསོལ་ལོ། །བཀའ་བརྒྱུད་ལྷ་བསང་དགྲ་ལྷའི་ཆ་ཅན་དུ། །གནུབ་འོད་སྐྱེས་སྤྲུལ་འདོད་ཊི་ཤ་དྷ་ཡི། །ཉམས་མཚར་ཚུལ་དུ་གང་དྲན་བྲིས་པ་ལ། །གནོང་(ནོངས་) པར་མཆིས་ན་དམ་ཅན་སྲུང་མར་བཤགས། །དགེ་བའི་དགྲ་ལྷ་མི་དང་མ་འབྲལ་ཅིག། ཕ་རོལ་དམ་ཉམས་སྲོག་གི་གཤེད་མར་ཤོག།
༢།

༄༅། ། དེ་ནས་མེ་མདའ་ལ་སྒྲ་བླ་འགོད་པ་ནི། ཀྱེ་ཀྱེ། གོང་དུ་སྤྱན་དྲངས་དགྲ་ལྷ་གསོན། ཁྱེད་རྣམས་མཆོད་པའི་བྱིན་རླབས་ཀྱིས། རྒྱུ་སྦྱོར་ཡོན་གྱི་བདག་པོ་ཡི། མེ་མདར་དགྲ་ལྷ་བཀོད་པ་ནི། གསེར་གྱི་མདངས་ལྡན་མུ་ཟི་སེར། དུང་གི་འོད་ལྡན་ཟེ་རྩ་དཀར། བོང་བའི་དཔལ་འཕྲོག་སོལ་བ་ནག། ཚད་བཞི་སྦྱར་བའི་འཕྲུལ་འཁོར་གྱི། སྒྲ་ནི་གཡུ་འབྲུག་ཁེངས་པ་འདྲ། སྟོབས་ཀྱི་གནམ་ལྕགས་ངར་ཡང་འཕྲོག། ཕ་རོལ་སྙིང་འགེམས་སྒྲ་ཆེན་ལ། དགྲ་ལྷ་ཐོག་འབྲུག་གློག་གསུམ་བཀོད། དབྱིབས་ལེགས་ཤུབས་ལ་ཕྲ་དགུ་མཛེས། གཅུས་འཕུར་ལྡན་པའི་རཱ་གཉིས་གཟེངས། དམིགས་པར་གཏད་པའི་སོ་འཛིན་དང་། དེ་ཉིད་བལྟ་བྱེད་རྣ་ཁུང་ཕྲ། མེ་རྟ་གཞུག་པའི་མཆོར་པོའི་ཤུབས། འཛིན་བྱེད་ལྕགས་སྐམ་རྔ་མོང་དབྱིབས། མེ་ལེན་སྣ་དང་སྣ་ཁེབ་ལ། ཕྱི་ནང་གསང་བའི་དགྲ་ལྷ་བཀོད། སྲིད་ཚད་ངེས་མེད་རྣོ་ལྕགས་ལས། གྲུབ་པའི་མེ་མདའི་སྦྲུབ་རྒྱ་ལ། སྲ་བརྟན་མི་ཤིགས་དགྲ་ལྷ་བཀོད། བསོ་བསྭོ་སྡང་བའི་དགྲ་ལ་བསྭོ། ཆས་ཆས་སྡང་བའི་དགྲ་ལ་ཆས། དགྲ་ཁམས་མ་ལུས་ཆམས་ལ་ཕོབ། །
**Appendix 3. Photographs**

<figure><img src="image_56.png" /><figcaption>**Figure 4** Photograph by Alexandra David-Neel, “Chefs Kampa de la région de Ling”, DN 723, © Ville de Digne-les-Bains</figcaption></figure>
<figure><img src="image_57.png" /><figcaption>**Figure 5** Photograph by Alexandra David-Neel, “Chefs de la région de Kanze”, DN 766a2.
© Ville de Digne-les-Bains</figcaption></figure>
<figure><img src="image_58.png" /><figcaption>**Figure 6** Photograph by Sven Hedin, 1901, "Tibetaner i Transhimalaya", 1027.2433, published with the permission of the Sven Hedin Foundation at the Museum of Ethnography, Stockholm</figcaption></figure>

<caption>**Figure 7** Photograph by Heinrich Harrer, 1949-50, "Soldaten in alter Ritterrüstung bedanken sich bei den Ministern, nachdem sie bei der Siegerehrung weisse Schleifen erhalten haben", VMZ 400.07.84.001, Ethnographic Museum at the University of Zurich. Author's note: I believe that the *smon lam rta pa* are carrying 'dzam drags matchlocks</caption>
<figure><img src="image_59.png" /><figcaption>**Figure 8** Photograph by Frederick Spencer-Chapman, 1936, "Soldiers in old-fashioned armour [Lhasa]".
© The British Library Board 1043(320). Author's note: this photograph shows three members of the *gzim chung pa* (traditional Tibetan foot-soldiery) on the roof of the Jokhang at Lhasa, supporting themselves on their *dzam grags guns*.</figcaption></figure>
<figure><img src="image_60.png" /><figcaption>**Tashi Tsering Josayma**
*Khra ring bog gi bshad pa* and Other Material on the Matchlock</figcaption></figure>

**Figure 9** Photograph by Joseph Rock, "Five Tibetans, armed for defence and hunting, wearing only single tunic-like garments. They are from Pashetenga in the Tebu region of Gansu. 1926", N-2006-C, W124098_1, Harvard-Yenching Library. Author's note: from left to right, the second, fourth and fifth men are sporting matchlocks. The others have added prongs to modern rifles
<figure><img src="image_61.png" /><figcaption>**Tashi Tsering Josayma**
*Khra ring bog gi bshad pa* and Other Material on the Matchlock</figcaption></figure>

**Figure 10** Photograph from Pho brang po to la'i Idebs bris ri mo'i 'byung khungs lo rgyus gsal ba'i me long, *A Mirror of the Murals in the Potala*, Beijing: Jiu zhou tu shu chu ban she, 2000, 102. The original caption reads: "Style: the Menthang Times: 1690-1694, Monks of Namgyal Dratsang in the Potala at a performance of 'driving out evil spirits'". Author's note: this is a depiction of *me mda'* (at the lower left) in late seventeenth century in Lhasa and a mural painter's conception of them
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# The Dorjéling Armoury in the Potala According to the Fifth Dalai Lama's gsung 'bum

Federica Venturi

Centre de recherche sur les civilisations de l'Asie orientale, Paris, France

**Abstract** Although the government established through the alliance of the Gélukpa (Dge lugs pa) and the Khoshud in 1642 took its appellation from the Ganden Palace (Dga' Idan pho brang/Ganden Phodrang) at Drepung ('Bras spung), the symbolic seat of power of this government was the Potala, at the same time fortress, administrative centre, earthly copy of the celestial palace of Avalokiteśvara, and official residence of the Fifth Dalai Lama. Less known, however, is that the Potala also came to symbolise military readiness. It acquired this new martial function in 1667, when an armoury, called Dorjéling (Rdo rje gling), was set up at the base of the White Palace. The Fifth Dalai Lama memorialised its establishment with a poetic text, which is included in volume nineteen (ma) of his collected works. This paper examines this text, which provides information both on the contents of the armoury and on the logic employed to justify the creation of spaces dedicated to military preparedness within a palace that was fast becoming one of the most revered sites in the Tibetan sphere.

**Keywords** Buddhism. Army. Tibet. Weapons. Dalai Lama. Ganden Phodrang. Armoury.

**Summary** 1 Introduction. – 2 The Context. – 3 An Analysis of the Preamble. – 4 Conclusions. – 5 The Text and Its Translation.

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Edizioni Ca' Foscari

## Peer review

Submitted 2020-10-06
Accepted 2021-02-11
Published 2021-12-10

## Open access

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**Citation** Venturi, F. (2021). "The Dorjéling Armoury in the Potala According to the Fifth Dalai Lama's gsung 'bum'. *Annali di Ca' Foscari. Serie orientale*, 57, supplement, 933-980.
# 1 Introduction

It is said that in the fifteenth century, just as the appearance of siege artillery was transforming warfare in Europe,¹ Pope Pius II (Enea Silvio Piccolomini, r. 1458-64) was so enthusiastic about the new technology that he not only encouraged other European sovereigns to acquire gunpowder weapons, but he also named two cannons after himself, the 'Enea' and the 'Silvio', and one after his mother, the 'Vittoria'.² Such fervour may seem misplaced in a religious figurehead, but it should be recollected that "in Christian Europe, gunpowder weapons were seen to provide justice".³

In order to accomplish this task, Christianity even provided artillerymen with their own dedicated protector, Saint Barbara. She had been chosen for this role because her own father, who had denounced her as a Christian, effectively condemning her to martyrdom, had been killed by a lightning that produced a thunderous boom. The Saint's protective powers were such that her effigy was often represented on guns and protective gear, and her name was invoked in battle to obtain safekeeping from injury and death. However, other saints' effigies were also depicted – such as a Saint George on a shield kept in the Museum of the Middle Ages (Musée de Cluny) in Paris – similarly to apotropaic mantra and Buddhist images on Tibetan helmets [fig. 1ab].⁴

The research leading to these results has received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme ('TibArmy', grant agreement 677952, 2016-23).

The Author would like to recognise the input of the following persons: Alice Trav ers (CRCAO, Paris) for her careful editing and insightful suggestions; Gedun Rabsal (Indiana University, Bloomington) for reviewing my translation; Don La Rocca (Metro politan Museum of Art, New York) for help in providing and selecting the images and in answering several technical questions; Petra Maurer, for checking some references for me, and the anonymous reviewers, in particular one who took the time to check my translation line by line and offered many useful suggestions and tips. Naturally, any re maining inaccuracies are my responsibility.

1. Many publications discuss the appearance of siege artillery in Europe and the transformations it entailed both in warfare and general civil life. The pathbreaking study on the topic is Roberts, "The Military Revolution. 1560-1660", originally delivered as a lecture in 1955 and first published in 1956, then again in revised form in 1967 (Roberts, *Esays in Swedish History*, 195-225) and in 1995 (in Rogers, *The Military Revolution Debate*, 13-35). This article has elicited and still sparks a fervid debate; among the publications reinforcing its arguments or taking exception with them, one may bring to notice Parker, *The Military Revolution*; the several articles in the above-mentioned *The Military Revolution Debate*; Ayton, Price, *The Medieval Military Revolution*; Black, *Beyond the Military Revolution*; Boot, *War Made New*; DeVries, "Gunpowder Weaponry"; Hoffman, "Prices, the Military Revolution"; Stone, "Technology, Society, and the Infantry Revolution".

2. DeVries, Smith, *Medieval Military Technology*, 151.

3. DeVries, Smith, *Medieval Military Technology*, 151.

4. The image of Saint George is surrounded by a border inscribed with the words: "Hilf Gott Du Ewiges Wort dem Leibe hier, der Seele dort Hilf Ritter Georg" (Help, God, eter-
Federica Venturi

The Dorjéling Armoury in the Potala According to the Fifth Dalai Lama's gsung 'bum

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<figure><img src="image_66.png" /><figcaption>Figures 1a-b</figcaption></figure>

A shield representing St. George kept at the Musée de Cluny in Paris (Cl.1956) and a helmet decorated with Buddhist images and mantra.

© The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.
Purchase, gift of William H. Riggs, by exchange,
1999 (1999.120)
The comparison between these two images illustrates that there is an evident similarity in the approach to warfare of Buddhism and Christianity. However, while knowledge of the involvement of Christianity with arms and warfare is not new, and the examples mentioned above are but two of the many instances that have been the object of study for many years (suffice it to think of the gigantic body of research on the Crusades) in this paper I propose to inquire about Tibetan Buddhism's connection with weapons and war. This strand of research is rather novel, as arms are not commonly associated with Tibetan culture, unless one is concerned with ritual weapons, used symbolically in a variety of rites.⁵ However, not only Buddhism has had a major influence on Tibetan society throughout the entire course of this country's history, but it also influenced the nation's politics in multiple ways,⁶ and especially so during the period of the Ganden Phodrang (Dga' ldan pho brang, 1642-1959), when the Dalai Lamas were at the head of a predominantly ecclesiastical state.⁷

It is thus important to explore more in depth the involvement of the Ganden Phodrang, the paramount political entity arisen within Tibetan Buddhism, with warfare and weapons.⁸ In particular, research on weapons raises important questions that have not been yet addressed in the context of Tibetan history, namely whether the introduction of advanced firearms caused a military revolution, i.e. a

nal word; the body here, the soul there; help, knight George), https://www.musee-moyenage.fr/collection/oeuvre/targe-saint-georges-dragon.html. For various examples of images of saints and other religious symbols on armour and weapons in Christianity, Buddhism, and other religions, see La Rocca, *The Gods of War*.

5 The typical Tibetan ritual weapon is the dagger or *phur bu* (or *phur pa*, Skt. Kīla), usually a short, three-sided, sharp-pointed knife used to slay symbolically the effigy of the enemy which a ritual aims to defeat. On the *phur bu* see Huntington, "The *phur pa*"; Heller, Marcotty, "Phur pa"; Cantwell, Mayer, *Early Tibetan Documents on Phur pa*, and, more recently, Grimaud, Grimaud, *Les Dagues Rituelles*.

6 Already in the imperial period (seventh-ninth century CE) Buddhist kings such as Trisong Détsen (Khri srong lde btsan) financed enterprises to support the Dharma, particularly the construction of monasteries, and also subsidised various projects to foster the spread of Buddhist knowledge, such as the Sanskrit-Tibetan dictionary *Mahāvyutpatti* and the debate of Samyé (Bsam yas). After the fall of the empire, political governance, whether regional or (more rarely) pan-Tibetan, was always in association with religious establishments, either by direct administration from a monastic site, such as Sakya (Sa skya), through an alliance between aristocratic families and specific religious traditions, such as the Pakmo drupa (Phag mo gru pa) and the Lang (Rlangས) clan, or through the legitimation of political power by religious authorities.

7 While the government of the Ganden Phodrang was not entirely comprised of monks, and indeed one-half of its officials were non-ecclesiastic, in general the status, prestige and influence of clerical figures, especially if considered reincarnations (*sprul sku*), were predominant, and thus the Ganden Phodrang is often described as an ecclesiastical polity, or even a theocracy.

8 On the Ganden Phodrang and its employment of warfare, see Travers, Venturi, *Buddhism and the Military*.
series of changes that affected the country's society, stimulated political and financial reforms, and ultimately contributed to the centralisation of government. However, to even begin to ask these questions, it is necessary to understand more about the state of weapons in Tibet, and to assess their availability, technology, quality, and other issues such as whether they were imported or self-produced, etc. In order to do so, in this paper I shall examine a seventeenth-century document, composed not long after Tibet was largely united under the Buddhist government that we call Ganden Phodrang.

## 2 The Context

As it will be shown, the text is a preamble to the general catalogue of what appears to be the first official state arsenal of the Ganden Phodrang, a repository called the Dorjéling armoury (go mdzod rdo rje gling).<fnref n="9" /> The manuscript was composed by the Fifth Dalai Lama Ngawang Lozang Gyatso (Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho, r. 1642-82), the figure whose strategic alliance with the Khoshud Mongols rendered possible, after a hiatus of circa three hundred years, the unification of a large part of the Tibetan plateau under a single government. Although research on this Dalai Lama has been copious,<fnref n="10" /> his views on weapons and warfare have begun to be explored only recently.<fnref n="11" /> Still, examination of documents in which he comments on military activities is critical to achieve a better understanding both of the Fifth Dalai Lama as a historical figure and of the Ganden Phodrang as a government. The papers in question provide a measure of his level of involvement with military affairs, and contribute to portray a fuller picture of his multilayered efforts at creating a state in which religious and political aspects were delicately balanced.

In addition to these reasons, this particular document is especially significant because, at least in the current state of our knowledge, widespread diffusion and use of matchlock muskets in Tibet occurred approximately in this period.<fnref n="12" /> Thus, this preamble allows the read-

<footnote n="9">⁹ This text is also mentioned in the article by Tashi Tsering Josayma in this issue.</footnote>

<footnote n="10">¹⁰ Among the many publications on the life and work of the Fifth Dalai Lama the publications by Karmay stand out: *The Illusive Play*; *Secret Visions*; “The Fifth Dalai Lama and his Reunification of Tibet”; “The Gold Seal”. Other important political aspects of this head of state have been discussed by Schwieger, “The Dalai Lama and the Emperor of China”, and Yamaguchi, “The Sovereign Power”.</footnote>

<footnote n="11">¹¹ Among the exceptions can be included: Sperling, “Orientalism”; FitzHerbert, “Rituals as War Propaganda”, and Venturi, “To Protect and to Serve”; “Mongol and Tibetan Armies on the Transhimalayan Fronts”; “On Reconciling Buddhism and Violence”.</footnote>

<footnote n="12">¹² According to La Rocca, *Warriors*, 198, “firearms were probably introduced into Tibet gradually during the sixteenth century”, however, “early documentation for the</footnote>
er to estimate, in broad terms, the Fifth Dalai Lama's knowledge of weaponry in general, and his awareness of the importance of weapons in the wider political context of which he was part. Understanding this last issue is especially crucial, as the establishment of his religious-political government had been possible thanks to warfare waged by the Khoshud on his behalf. Since the preamble mentions some of the military equipment that was stored in the armoury, it also provides a fixed point of reference on the type of weapons in use at this time – or, at least, of the weapons with which the Dalai Lama was familiar.¹³

Before proceeding to analyse the preamble, we should mention that its composition is mentioned with a short notice in the autobiographical diary of the Fifth Dalai Lama. This records that the preamble was composed on the nineteenth day of the seventh month of the Fire-Sheep year, that is at the height of the summer of 1667. The notice also briefly illustrates the salient details about the armoury. First, it calls it “the new Dorjéling armoury”, indicating that it had just been inaugurated. Considering all the internecine wars that had punctuated life in Tibet in the first half of the seventeenth century, it seems unlikely that no armoury had existed before this one. Perhaps what was novel about the Dorjéling armoury was it being the first of-ficial depository of military gear of the Ganden Phodrang proper. As for the reasons for establishing the new armoury, the autobiography mentions that it was founded because until then there had been no sheltered area where to store weapons (sgar go cha rnams la gra sgrig par bkab gcig mi 'dug), again hinting at the possibility that this might indeed have been the first official armoury of the Ganden Phodrang. Also, its position at the base of the Potala (rtse pho brang)¹⁴

use of firearms in central Tibet appears to be lacking before the late seventeenth century" (199).

13 For an overview of the chronological apparition of weapons terms in a sample of Tibetan sources, see Maurer in this issue.

14 Construction on the first portion of the Potala, known as the "White Palace" (pho brang dkar po) began in 1645, under the supervision of the regent Sōnam Rapten (Bsod rnams rab brtan, also known as Sōnam Chöpel/Bsod rnams chos phel), and was concluded, at least for what concerns the exterior structure, in 1647 (Alexander, "Zhol Village", 109) or 1648 (Chayet, "The Potala", 45). The red palace (pho brang dmar po), partly conceived as mausoleum of the deceased Fifth Dalai Lama, was founded in 1690 and built between 1691 and 1694 (Chayet, "The Potala", 50). An eighteenth-century mural painting depicting the Potala and the surrounding neighbourhood of Zhol, examined by André Alexander ("Zhol Village"), depicts a large, four-story structure called Makchi khang (dmag spyi khang), that is said to have been used as "the old local government army headquarters" ("Zhol Village", 113). It is possible, but by no means certain, that this structure may have been part of – or may entirely correspond to – the Dorjéling armoury in question here; on this, see The Treasury of Lives, https://treasuryoflives.org/institution/Armory. The Dorjéling armoury was known and used as a point of reference at least until the early twentieth century, as we know that the Army Head-
might have been a novelty, perhaps indicating a move from a previ-
ous site. If this was the case, the new location reflected the decision
to establish a stable military arsenal in the immediate vicinity of the
residence of the Dalai Lama, in a strategic location from which both
the protection of the administrative machine of the Ganden Phodrang
and the general security of Lhasa could be ensured.

The entry in the autobiography also specifies that the armoury was
built by the Dalai Lama's regent, at the time the *jaisang dépa*¹⁵ Trinlé
Gyatso (*jaisang sde pa* 'Phrin las rgya mtsho), who was in charge of
administrative affairs between 1660 and his death in 1668. He was
well versed in astronomy and astrology, since well before his appoint-
ment as regent he had instructed the Fifth Dalai Lama in these dis-
ciplines. His hand in the decision to establish the armoury on that
exact day can be seen in the fact that the text specifies the time of
its founding had been calculated to be at the auspicious conjunction
of the planet Mars and the constellation Aśvinī. In keeping with the
propitious circumstances, the Dalai Lama had also composed the pre-
amble on the very day in which the armoury was founded, thus im-
mediately giving an official imprimatur to this institution. Inciden-

quarters (*dmag spyi las khung*), founded 1913, were located "in a building opposite the Dorjéling armoury" (Travers, "Monk Officials", 218).

15 Trinlé Gyatso (d. 1668) was the second of the regents of the Fifth Dalai Lama. His tenure in this position began in 1660, and concluded with his death eight years later (Petech, “The Dalai Lamas”, 134). In the two-year interval between the death of the previous regent Sōnam Rapten and the official appointment of Trinlé Gyatso, the Dalai Lama seems to have largely exercised direct secular control, with the exception of the circa four-month tenure – often not officially counted – of Nangso Norbu (a nephew of Sōnam Rapten) as dépa. The title jaisang, with which Trinlé Gyatso is styled here, was awarded to him in 1637 directly from Gushri Khan (Richardson, “The Decree”, 451). This term is a rendition of the Chinese zāi xiàng 幸相 ‘minister’, and was later adopted as a Mongolian honorary title for clan chieftains, eventually coming into use also as personal name (see Sárközi, “Toyin Guisi”, 87 fn. 76 and Dungkar, *Tshig mdzod chen mo*, 871). Other epithets of Trinlé Gyatso derive from the estate to which his family was attached, that of Nyangdren (Nyang bran), with its attached village of Drongmé (Grong smad), in the area just north of Lhasa. Thus he is also referred to as Nyangdren Drönmépa (Nyang sbran gron smad pa), dépa Drongmépa (*sde pa* Sgrong smad pa) and Nyangdren dépa (Nyang bran *sde pa*). He began his career as a monk official (*las sne*) of the Ganden Phodrang and became the personal assistant of the Fifth Dalai Lama in 1632 (Karmay, *Illusive Play*, 105). He seems to have had direct experience of war, as in 1641 he led troops against the army of Tsang (Gtsang), and his own father, Gopa Trashi (Sgo pa bkra shis), was injured by a cannon (or catapult? Tib. *sgyogs*) strike in 1642 (Shakabpa, *Moons*, 345). Later, in 1663 (or 1662? The pattern of dating is confusing in this section of the Fifth Dalai Lama's autobiography), when he was already acting as regent, he led a military expedition against the area of Zichenthang (Gzi chen thang) in Kham (Khams), that presumably was rebellious to the authority of the Ganden Phodrang (Karmay, *Illusive Play*, 476-7). A short biographical note focusing on the chronology of his regency can be found in Petech “The Dalai Lamas”, 134; a more detailed biography, compiled on the basis of the Fifth Dalai Lama's autobiographical diary, can be found in Jones, “Depa Trinle Gyatso”: https://treasuryoflives.org/biographies/view/Depa-Trinle-Gyatso/P3649.
tally, it should also be pointed out that Trinlé Gyatso is said to have
led a small body of troops in 1641 and again in 1663, and thus it may
be speculated that his military experience gave him an understand-
ing of the importance of an organised and well-stocked armoury.

One last word about terminology, which is – I believe – one of the
core issues that will transpire from this volume. In the context of the
sentence above, the term *go cha* can be intended in its broader con-
notation, i.e. ‘weapons, (military) tools or implements’, rather than
its more restricted meaning as ‘armour’.<fnref n="16" /> In fact, the list of items
provided in this brief note includes not only arms and armour from
India, China, Hor and Sog, as well as from the nomads of Kham, but
also armour for mounted troops; standards in different colours; and
even light, easy-to-pack equipment for travel. In sum, Dorjéling was
a true armoury, a depository not only of arms and armour, but of all
implants necessary for war.

3 An Analysis of the Preamble

We turn now to the preface itself, tucked in volume nineteen (ma) of
the collected works of the Fifth Dalai Lama. Its full title is “A fierce
Rain Shower. The First Uninterrupted Poetic Preamble to the Book
Chapter on Military Supplies (g.yul chas) of the Dorjéling Armoury of
the Great Potala Palace” (*Pho brang chen po po ta la'i go mdzod rdo
rje gling gi g.yul chas rnams kyi deb ther le tshan gyi 'go brjod sdeb
sbyor rgyun chags dang po gtum po'i char 'bebs sogs*). The title high-
lights the poetic style of the preamble, which begins with two initial
statements in verses of fifteen syllables; then the majority of the doc-
ument continues in the more typical nine-syllable metre.<fnref n="17" /> The two
opening statements are offered in bilingual Sanskrit and Tibetan ver-
sions (with the Sanskrit being transliterated in Tibetan script), and
set an unabashedly combative tone, displaying a defiant attitude and
a strikingly graphic violent language. The first intimates that “Not
being satisfied by merely making garlands with the heads and neck-
laces with the entrails of the killed enemy, [you] wear their skins
drenched in dripping blood in the guise of a canopy, [and] trample on

<footnote n="16">16 On the term *go cha* and its various meanings see La Rocca, *Warriors*, 268, where the two main meanings of this term are given as: 1) “armor, harness, gear, implements, tools”, and 2) “weapons”. Also see the article by Maurer in this issue.</footnote>

<footnote n="17">17 From the thirteenth century onward, the Indian *kāvya* style has exercised a strong influence on Tibetan poetry, imposing highly codified rules regarding metric, metaphors and technical structure. Because of the complex arrangements it required, *kāvya*, or *nyen ngak* (*snyan ngag*), as it came to be called in Tibetan, “was composed almost entirely by those with an academic background” (Jackson, “Poetry”, 375); its employ by the Fifth Dalai Lama is well documented.</footnote>
the crushed sludge of their corpses" (log 'dren bsad pa'i mgo 'phreng rgyu ma ga shar byas kyang ma tshim par/khrag 'dzag pags rlon lding stabs gyon nas bam ro 'dam star brdzi ba yi). The second describes how a rākṣasa,<fnref n="18" /> manifested through the empowerment of a wrathful form of Jampel Dorjé ('Jam dpal rdo rje, Skt. Mañjuvajra, an esoteric form of the bodhisattva of Wisdom, Mañjuśrī) will make the heads of the enemy fall to the ground with his shining, sharp sword. This language clearly does not represent a defeatist stance or any sort of shame or embarrassment of the efforts made to win a war. Likewise, the remainder of the text is also constructed not as a mere accolade for the opening of the armoury, but particularly as an argument to prove that Tibet, as the sole country that has preserved the original Buddhist legacy, is fully justified in fortifying itself by establishing an army and founding an armoury.

This case is carefully and methodically made in the main poem, which can be divided into six sections: 1) an invocation; 2) a panegyric of the virtues of the Ganden Phodrang; 3) a description of the army; 4) a discussion of the contents of the Dorjéling armoury; 5) a final justification of the importance that Tibet is a military power; 6) a colophon. I shall now proceed by analysing each separate section.

(1) The invocation makes an appeal to several deities; first Makzor gyelmo (Dmag zor rgyal mo),<fnref n="19" /> and Bektsé,<fnref n="20" /> both among the major protectors of the Gélukpa doctrine, who are here extolled as remarkable defenders; then a wide range of other minor demons, including kanyen (bka' gnyan), tsengö (btsan rgod)<fnref n="21" /> and nöjin (gnod sbyin), who are in fact all among the retinue of Makzor gyelmo,<fnref n="22" /> and finally the class of war deities in general (dgra lha).<fnref n="23" /> All are asked to protect Ti-

<footnote n="18">18 Tib. srin po, sometimes translated as 'ogre', a category of flesh-eating demons possessing superhuman abilities.</footnote>

<footnote n="19">19 Makzor gyelmo, also known as Makzorma, is one of the main forms of Penden Lamo (Dpal Idan lha mo) or Śrīdevī, a main protectress of the Geluk school of Buddhism and particularly of the Dalai Lamas; she is also considered the protector of all of Tibet. See de Nebesky-Wojkowitz, *Oracles and Demons*, 23 and related chapter.</footnote>

<footnote n="20">20 The term beg tse is said to mean "hidden shirt of mail" (Das, *Dictionary*, 876), and this dharmapāla, strongly connected to war, is in fact depicted as wearing a protective coat of mail. On Bektsé see Heller, "Etude" and de Nebesky-Wojkowitz, *Oracles and Demons*, 88-93.</footnote>

<footnote n="21">21 Although many lesser protectors of the Buddhist doctrine are designated by the epithet tsengö, 'wild demon', and thus as a collective name tsengö identifies a category of minor defenders of Buddhism, the Tsengö par excellence is a companion of the goddess Penden Makzor Gyelmo (Dpal Idan dmag zor rgyal mo), a warlike form of Penden Lhamo. On Tsengö see de Nebesky-Wojkowitz, *Oracles and Demons*, 25, 29; Bunce, *An Encyclopaedia*, 72.</footnote>

<footnote n="22">22 See de Nebesky-Wojkowitz, *Oracles and Demons*, 25, 32.</footnote>

<footnote n="23">23 The term dgra lha, generally translated as 'enemy deity', 'warrior deity', or simply 'war/battle deity' is generally regarded as identifying a set of deities whose purpose is to fight against the enemies of Buddhism; however, there are several unresolved ques-</footnote>
bet and forever defend and reduce the power of the malicious, here-
tic sentient beings. As in the opening statements, the language here
can also be graphic. An example is the sentence in which the tsengö
are compared to "sentinels who distinguish between white and black
actions" and are described as beings who "ask to drink the delicious
warm blood, the life essence of the enemies of the doctrine holders
of the religious government of the Land of Snow" (gang gi bka' snyan
btsan rgod gnod sbyin che / dkar nag las rnams 'byed pa'i mel tshe
mkhan / gangs can chos srid bstan 'dzin phas rgol gyi / srog snying
khrag dron ro bda'i skyems su gsol /).

(2) The section that extols the virtues of the government of the
Ganden Phodrang describes it as the only government committed to
"the two indivisible laws" (*khrims gnyis zung du 'jug pa*), the secu-
lar and the religious one; a government able to become the basis of
happiness for all living beings on account of its respect for the su-
preme tradition of the Buddha; and a great lamp able to dispel the
robbers who steal joy and happiness from men. In addition to these
advantages, the government's military power is said to "spark more
and more the appearance of the golden age" (*rdzogs ldan gsar pa'i
snang ba ches cher sbar*).

This sentence is insightful, because it directly links military pow-
er to the acquisition of the Buddhist ideal of *krtayuga*, the golden
age in which the Buddhist doctrine reaches its apogee, being per-
fectly developed and absolutely authoritative. Moreover, the implica-
tion is that because the military is in the service of a government in
which the Gélukpa are the dominant element, it is the Gélukpa who
can lead to the new *krtayuga*, and the military in their service is a
crucial support. Additionally, the military is described with the ex-
pression *rgyal thabs yan lag rnam bzhi'i dpung tshogs nyis*, that may
be rendered as 'the two armies of the four districts', or possibly 'the
two armies that are four-branch'd. In the first case, the text may be
seen as tracing a historic link with the Tibetan empire and its region-
al and military divisions into the four horns of Ü (Dbus) and Tsang.²⁴
in the second, the troops are envisioned, poetically at least, as di-
vided in four traditional branches of Indian warfare, comprising in-
fantry, cavalry, elephant-mounted troops and chariots. This same
configuration is also attributed to the troops of the *cakravartin*, the

tions concerning the actual origins and significance of this term, partly also derived
from the fact that several different spellings are possible: *sgra bla*, *sgra lha*, *dgra bla*,
*dgra lha*. In this regard, see Gibson, "Dgra-lha. A Re-examination". On this term see al-
so FitzHerbert, "Rituals as War Propaganda", 84 fn. 106.

24 On the subdivision of Central Tibet according to the placement of military divisions, see Uray, "The Four Horns of Tibet"; Stein, "Tibetica Antiqua 2", 264-6.
ideal universal ruler.<fnref n="25" /> In either case, the military in service of the Ganden Phodrang receives a double validation: from a religious perspective, as a vital aid toward the goal of reaching *krtayuga* under the guidance of the Gélukpa, or as a duplicate image of the troops of the *cakravartin*; and from a historical viewpoint, through its association with the Tibetan empire.

(3) Only at this point, after having spelled out clearly its role, the army is described. It is portrayed as being made up of two components comprising all four districts of the kingdom (*rgyal thabs yan lag rnam bzhi'i dpung tshogs nyis*).<fnref n="26" /> The two sections, mounted troops (*rta dmag*) and infantry (*shugs drag dpung*, literally 'mighty troops'), are lyrically extolled. Of the former, its horses are highlighted; their hoofs rise dust and make the earth shake (*bsnun pa'i sa chen 'dar ba rdul gyi 'tshub*); while the latter is compared to a hurricane-like army of gods that will "release the life-force of the enemy in great numbers" (*pha rol dgra de srog phral grangs de snyed*). Overall, they are described as "a large group, fierce and strong" (*dpa' gtum rtsal idan tsho chen*) and, intriguingly, as "a host of young men who live with a royal stipend" (*rgyal po'i zho shas 'tsho ba'i stag shar tshogs chen*).

The crux of the sentence here is the word *zho shas 'tsho ba*, a term that in older dictionaries is often rendered as 'soldier'.<fnref n="27" /> This meaning appears for the first time in Friedrich Schröter's *A Dictionary of the Bhotanta, or Boutan Language*, the first known Tibetan-English dictionary, published in Serampore in 1826, but in fact a translation of Father Orazio Della Penna's early eighteenth century Tibetan-Italian dictionary.<fnref n="28" /> Schröter's translation defines *zho shas 'tsho ba* as

<footnote n="25">25 The four-fold configuration of the *cakravartin*'s army appears, among others, in the *Lalitavistara sutra* (Goswami, *Lalitavistara*, 21).</footnote>

<footnote n="26">26 Ü, Tsang, Kham and Amdo (A mdo), and Ngarikhorsum (Mnga' ris khor gsum).</footnote>

<footnote n="27">27 Jäschke, *Dictionary*, 479 has: "a publican *Cs*., a soldier *Schr*., prob. any officer that receives salary or pay"; similarly, Das, *Dictionary*, 1076, states: "one who subsists by the wages he earns; according to *Schr*: a soldier, any officer that receives pay". It can be seen that both Jäschke and Das refer to Schröter for the meaning of 'soldier'.</footnote>

<footnote n="28">28 Please note that in a previous article (Venturi, "Mongol and Tibetan Armies", 45 fn. 47) I erroneously wrote that Della Penna's dictionary was Latin-Tibetan and contained 25,000 entries. The correct description is found in Petech, *I missionari italiani*, vol. 1, xciii, where it is stated that the well-known Tibetan-Italian dictionary comprised the translations of about 35,000 words and was compiled between 1717 and 1732, also taking advantage of the Father's residence at the monastery at Se ra. In addition, Petech recognised that two separate manuscripts of an Italian-Tibetan dictionary kept at the Anglican Bishop's College in Calcutta (one written on Tibetan paper and another penned by different hands on English paper), were also likely to be outcomes of the labour of the Capuchin Father. However, at least in 1952, when vol. 1 of *I missionari italiani* was published, Petech had not personally seen any of these manuscripts, and his conclusions were based on a 1912 eyewitness account by the Reverend Felix of Antwerp ("Remarks on the Tibetan", 379-82). Today, a PDF copy of the catalogue of all the manuscripts kept at the Calcutta Bishop's College can be consulted online, and it can be seen that all three manuscripts (catalogued as XLIX, L, LI) were found to be missing already</footnote>
"armed; a quantity or number of soldiers, an army; hired, having a salary".<fnref n="29" /> Here, the last definition is the closest one to this term's literal meaning, which is 'livelihood' or 'subsistence' ('tsho ba) by wages or remuneration (zho shas).<fnref n="30" /> If we accept this expression's literal meaning, it would entail that army soldiers were paid, or otherwise received some form of living provision. However, it was the opinion of Petech and others that the Tibetan-Italian dictionary of Della Penna was based on the Tibetan literary language he had studied during his stay at Se ra. This sows doubts as to the effective practice of remunerating soldiers in the seventeenth century, as it is more likely that the Fifth Dalai Lama here simply used a term he knew from his classical readings. Jäschke, for example, notes that the word appears both in the *Tengyur* (*Bstan 'gyur*) and in Tāranātha's oeuvre.<fnref n="31" />

A source not too distant from the time of the Fifth Dalai Lama, instead, asserts that soldiers were not paid, but conscripted by *corvée*. In his *Relazione*, Ippolito Desideri<fnref n="32" /> wrote:

> As Tibet is a peaceful realm, it is not customary to have permanent standing armies, with the exception of a number of competent soldiers that are the guards and escort of the king [Lha bzang khan]. Another regiment, also of soldiers, is always kept at Gar-

<footnote>in 1993; see https://bishopscollege.ac.in/uploads/media/Manuscripts.pdf. Several years later, the two that were handwritten by Della Penna (corresponding to ms. 2 and 3B of Petech's *I missionari italiani*, vol. 1, xciii-xcv) were successively discovered in unspecified circumstances and in an undisclosed location in Calcutta and brought to Italy; see Lo Bue, "A Note", 90 and Engelhardt, "Between Tolerance and Dogmatism", 62 fn. 96; Bray, "Missionaries, Officials", 35. In 2016 they were exhibited to the general public at an exhibit in Rimini, Italy; see http://www.italiatibet.org/2016/01/05/un-trono-tra-le-nuvole/); however, at the moment they appear to be inaccessible.</footnote>

<footnote n="29">29 Schröter, *A Dictionary of the Bhotanta*, 383.</footnote>

<footnote n="30">30 Gedun Tharchin, [*Tibetan-Tibetan Dictionary*] glosses zho shas 'tsho ba as "gzhan gyi las ka byed mkhan ming ste / nus mthus 'tsho ba'am gla zan gyis 'tsho ba'o", while Bod rgya tshig mdzod chen mo (1996), 2404, defines it as "rang gi stobs sam nus pas 'tsho ba". Note that zho sha means both 'capability', 'ability' and 'wage or salary'.</footnote>

<footnote n="31">31 In addition, yet to be published entries for zho shas 'tsho ba in the *Wörterbuch der Tibetischen Schriftsprache* derive from the *vinaya* and other sections of the *Kangyur* (*Bka' 'gyur*), apparently confirming the literary origins of this term. I am grateful to Petra Maurer for checking these references for me.</footnote>

<footnote n="32">32 The well-known Jesuit missionary whose sojourn in Lhasa, from March 1716 to January 1721, coincided with some of the most eventful political circumstances of the eighteenth century in Tibet. His travel diary has been edited and annotated by Petech, *I missionari italiani*, vols. 5, 6 and 7; for an English language biography, see Pomplun, *Jesuit*.</footnote>
tok<fnref n="33" /> and at Gna-rì-Giongár,<fnref n="34" /> for fear of the invasions of the Tar-
tars from Dzungaria, that is, independent Tartary. However, when
there is the need to make war, every family has to provide a sol-
dier, and if there is no one able to take arms, they must provide
for one at their expense. In war time the soldiers do not receive
a pay from the prince, and neither they are provided by him with
weapons, munitions, horses and food; on the contrary all of this is
the charge of each community and province, that must provide all.

Desideri's assertion contradicts squarely the literal meaning of the expression *zho shas 'tsho ba*, and without further data it is impossible to determine if the Fifth Dalai Lama used the term with reference to the militarily glorious imperial period or, for example, only to a portion of the troops.<fnref n="35" /> In addition, given the tumultuous period that followed the death of the Fifth Dalai Lama, it may very well be possible that the army was organised very differently in 1667 and in the late 1710s-early 1720s.

Another item that requires further scrutiny is who provided the
remuneration – if indeed there was any. The text indicates “the king”
(rgyal po), but who was “the king” in this case? It is still imperfectly
understood which figure, among the Dalai Lama, the Khoshud Khan
and the regent or dési, effectively controlled political – and thus also
military – authority within the Ganden Phodrang in this early peri-
od. Schwieger argues that the Fifth Dalai Lama definitely perceived
himself “as the spiritual and secular ruler of Tibet”,<fnref n="36" /> as testified
both by his writings and by the construction of the Potala on the
same site where was situated the palace of Songtsen Gampo (Srong
btsan sgam po), the forefather of the Tibetan empire. To this must
be added, however, that his first regent was originally appointed to
relieve the Dalai Lama of part of the burden of managing both re-
ligious and political affairs,<fnref n="37" /> and thus it is likely that the dési's in-
volvement in secular matters was at a more detailed level than that

<footnote n="33">33 Sgar thog in Tibetan, situated at 31º 45' N 80º 22', was one of the main trade markets in Western Tibet, due to its position on the trade route between Central Tibet and Ladakh. Its commercial importance did not go unnoticed by the British, that, as a result of the Younghusband expedition, demanded its inclusion among the sites to be opened for international trade (together with Gyantse in Central Tibet and Yatung in the Chumbi Valley, near Bhutan).</footnote>

<footnote n="34">34 This is to be read as a phonetic transcription of Mnga' ris Jungar, i.e. the northern portion of Western Tibet, near the territories controlled by the Dzungars, and thus in need to be protected.</footnote>

<footnote n="35">35 In fact, there could have been various types of soldiers coexisting at the same time: some conscripted as *corvée* service and others receiving wages.</footnote>

<footnote n="36">36 Schwieger, *The Dalai Lama and the Emperor*, 52.</footnote>

<footnote n="37">37 Richardson, "The Decree", 442, 444.</footnote>
of the Dalai Lama himself, who may have intervened just in the final stages. In addition, within the context of the 'priest-patron relationship' (mchod yon) the regent was normally referred to as the 'priest'. Hence, it may be hypothesised that the "king" here may refer to the Khoshud khans, who had been heavily involved in the military conflicts sustained by the Ganden Phodrang in this period.<fnref n="38" /> Concerning the Khoshud Khans, it is at least certain that their political authority diminished with time, particularly after the death of Gushri Khan (1655) and the subsequent dilution of the Khan's authority among multiple descendants.<fnref n="39" />

The last piece of significant information about the army in this section concerns its ethnic composition, which was very heterogeneous, comprising people from different corners of Central Asia and of the Tibetan plateau. This was expected, as the unification of Tibet under the Dalai Lama was achieved thanks to the indispensable aid of the Khoshud Mongols. Thus, the troops are said to have included "Heroes moving as swift as lightning: Turushka, Hor, [warriors from] upper and lower Amdo and Kham, northern nomads, etc." (glog ltar 'khyug pa'i dpa' bo tu ruśka / hor dang mdo khams stod smad byang 'brog sogs), all "having endless languages and customs" (skad dang lugs srol mtha' klas).

Interestingly, people from Central Tibet are not mentioned. It may be that the soldiers from "the two armies of the four districts" (yan lag rnam bzhi'i dpung tshogs nyis) cited in an earlier passage are taken for granted and therefore are not repeated here. Alternatively, their absence could perhaps be interpreted as a sign that the majority of soldiers came from Amdo, Kham, Northern Tibet, and the Turco-Mongol regions of Inner Asia rather than from Central Tibet.

(4) The central core of the text presents the actual contents of the armoury. Unfortunately this section is less factual than one would wish, and it may be presumed that indications such as the quantity of items stored, their condition, their material, and their quality would be listed in the actual catalogue of the armoury. Still, the preface gives at least a generic indication of what was stored in here, even though the items are recorded in a disorganised fashion. For clarity, we can divide them into four groups: a) armour and protective gear; b) weapons; c) other military implements; and d) non-military provisions.

<footnote n="38">38 See Venturi, "To Protect and to Serve". Gushri Khan personally commanded the campaigns of 1642 and 1644, and his descendants participated in many of the following campaigns.</footnote>

<footnote n="39">39 Documents analysed by Schwieger testify to the fact that at least after the death of Gushri Khan, the Khoshud khans often acted "by the order of the Dalai Lama" (The Dalai Lama and the Emperor, 56).</footnote>
To begin with, both new and old equipment were kept at Dorjéling. The preface lists by name the *rgya byi, dmar* (likely short for *dmar yu/g.yu*), and *'bal*, as well as the *g.ya ma, skya chen, li ting* and *me ru*, all apparently “handsomely arranged”.<fnref n="40" /> These names identify the seven main typologies of lamellar armour [fig. 2], as listed in the sixteenth century manual known as *A Treatise on Worldly Traditions*,<fnref n="41" /> which also enumerates the various sub-typologies of each category.<fnref n="42" /> Today, the various kinds of typologies and sub-typologies are but names to us, and any differences between the numerous categories, either in construction technique, material, region of production, or aesthetic appearance remain unclear. Given the plentiful number of variations (the seven major types of lamellar armour include sixty-one different subtypes) it is possible that the distinctions among them were very minor and almost imperceptible to the non-adepts.

Lamellar armour was constructed by joining together small metal plates to each other with long, narrow strips of leather<fnref n="43" /> and thus it is not surprising to read that the armoury also contained a store of straps (*sgrog*), presumably kept in case repairs were needed. Other protective equipment conserved there also included the ten kinds of rigid helmets [fig. 3],<fnref n="44" /> of which the Dalai Lama, perhaps out of unfamiliarity with the topic, mentions explicitly only one, the *li gzha*.<fnref n="45" /> Finally, the armoury contained armour for the protection of horses [fig. 4], such as the *cang shes* breed, considered to be the finest in Tibet, and shields (*phub*) of various sizes [fig. 5].

<footnote n="40">40 La Rocca, *Warriors*, 260, 265.</footnote>

<footnote n="41">41 Completed in 1524, its full Tibetan title is 'Jig rten lugs kyi bstan bcos las dpyad don gsal ba'i sgron me zhes sgrags pa bzhugs so. It discusses and evaluates the quality of different types of artefacts, from religious ones such as statues, books, cymbals and bells, to objects of daily use, including cloth, tea and porcelain. It also includes a section on weapons and armour, transcribed and edited from different versions in La Rocca, *Warriors*, 253-63.</footnote>

<footnote n="42">42 All the sub-typologies are listed in La Rocca, *Warriors*, 265.</footnote>

<footnote n="43">43 See a technical description of their construction in La Rocca, *Warriors*, 51.</footnote>

<footnote n="44">44 The ten types of helmets are listed in *A Treatise on Worldly Traditions*; see La Rocca, *Warriors*, 266. Like armour, helmets were assembled with metal plates, in this case wedge-shaped and bent into an arch shape.</footnote>

<footnote n="45">45 According to *A Treatise on Worldly Traditions*, the correct name for this type of helmet is *gzha' li*.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_67.png" /><figcaption>**Figure 2** Lamellar armour and helmet. © The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Bequest of George C. Stone, 1935 (36.25.53a,b)</figcaption></figure>
<figure><img src="image_68.png" /><figcaption>**Figure 3** The only known extant example of a Tibetan copper helmet. Private collection, USA</figcaption></figure>
<figure><img src="image_69.png" /><figcaption>**Figure 4** A rare complete example of classic Tibetan shaffron. © The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Purchase, The Collection of Giovanni P. Morosini, presented by his daughter Giulia, by exchange; Bashford Dean Memorial Collection, Funds from various donors, by exchange; and Fletcher Fund, by exchange, 1997 (1997.242d)</figcaption></figure>
<figure><img src="image_70.png" /><figcaption>**Figure 5** A typical type of Tibetan shield, made of concentric cane, slightly domed, and with a metal boss.
© The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Purchase, Ochs Sulzberger Gift, 2005 (2005.145)</figcaption></figure>
<figure><img src="image_71.png" /><figcaption>**Figure 6** Tibetan short sword or knife with a steep point, eighteenth-nineteenth century. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York; Bequest of George C. Stone, 1935 (36.25.1462a, b)</figcaption></figure>
As for weapons, the first two items listed are *tségö* (*rtse rgod*) knives<sup>46</sup> [fig. 6] and daggers (*phur pa*). Mention of blades with short-handles, more useful in hand-to-hand combat than in a war context, and particularly of the last item, which is normally used in a ritual context, may betray to a certain extent the unfamiliarity of the Dalai Lama with the subject at hand. Further down in the text, after having discussed miscellaneous items, the list of arms continues, this time including the '*phrul sgyogs me*, a term that may be translated as 'matchlock' or, more generically, 'artillery' [figs 7a-7c], but that as with most other weapons' names, and particularly the terms for firearms, is liable to multiple interpretations depending on the context and the period. Luciano Petech, for example, translated it alternately as "artillery fire"<sup>47</sup> and also "cannon" [fig. 7b-c].<sup>48</sup> In his "Tibetan-English Glossary of Arms and Armor Terms", La Rocca interprets the cognate expressions *sgyogs* and *sgyogs kyi '*phrul khor* as "cannon, mortar, a war-like engine to shoot darts or fling stones".<sup>49</sup> In an early twentieth century context, it was translated as "artillery machine" giving emphasis to the production of the first automatic guns.<sup>50</sup>

This term, then, brings to the fore the vast question of the identifi-
cation of weapon names, that often remain unchanged even as tech-
nology progresses, rendering it difficult for the historian to visualise
accurately what kind of object is exactly being described. The most
apparent cases concern firearms and their evolution; as new mecha-
nisms were introduced and found their way into Tibet, the terms of-
ten remained the same, and thus terms such as *me mda*, possibly lit-
erally indicating an arrow ablaze with fire, came to signify various
types of mechanic guns, from the early matchlocks to today's pistols.

The last armaments mentioned in the preamble are arrows [fig. 8]
that can travel a mile (dpag<fnref n="51" /> chen mda’), weapons called lcags zhol,
which according to La Rocca’s glossary are a type of non-projectile,
hand-held weapon,<fnref n="52" /> and swords (ral gri, [fig. 9]),<fnref n="53" /> the glowing blue
light of which, the Dalai Lama says, is considered an ornament of the
troops (ral gri’i ‘od sngon ‘phro la dpung rgyan).

<footnote n="46">46 La Rocca, *Warriors*, 274.</footnote>

<footnote n="47">47 Petech, *China and Tibet*, 16 (me skyogs).</footnote>

<footnote n="48">48 Petech, *China and Tibet*, 132 (me skyogs). Notice, however, that me skyogs is also the name of a ladle used to add coal to the fire, or a "coal shovel" (Jäschke, *Dictionary*, 417).</footnote>

<footnote n="49">49 La Rocca, *Warriors*, 280.</footnote>

<footnote n="50">50 Venturi, "The Thirteenth Dalai Lama", 492, 502, 504.</footnote>

<footnote n="51">51 From: *dpag tshad*, a measure of length generally translated as ‘fathom’ or ‘mile’; *dpag chen* is, perhaps, a ‘long fathom’ (the form *dpag chung* also exists, and Jäschke, *Dictionary*, 326 defines it as “500 fathoms”).</footnote>

<footnote n="52">52 La Rocca, *Warriors*, 273.</footnote>

<footnote n="53">53 On the variety of *ral gri* swords see the glossary in La Rocca, *Warriors*, 275-6.</footnote>
Federica Venturi

The Dorjéling Armoury in the Potala According to the Fifth Dalai Lama's gsung 'bum

<figure><img src="image_72.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_73.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_74.png" /><figcaption>Figures 7a-c</figcaption></figure>

It is hard to identify specific types of artillery in Tibet; these illustrations show some of the different varieties used. Figure 7a: One matchlock wall gun. National Museum of Nepal, Kathmandu. Photo by Donald La Rocca | Figure 7b: Two Tibetan iron cannons, allegedly seized during the second Nepal-Tibet War. National Museum of Nepal, Kathmandu. Photo by Donald La Rocca | Figure 7c: A Tibetan leather cannon. National Museum of Nepal, Kathmandu. Photo by Donald La Rocca
<figure><img src="image_75.png" /><figcaption>**Figure 8** Tibetan arrowheads. © The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Gift of Jeremy Pine, 2012 (2012.147.9-12)</figcaption></figure>
<figure><img src="image_76.png" /><figcaption>**Figure 9** A Tibetan sword with 'hairpin pattern' on the blade. © The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Bequest of George C. Stone, 1935 (36.25.1458a)</figcaption></figure>
Also kept in the armoury were different types of non-combat military equipment. These included victory banners (*rgyal mtshan*), tassels (*dom*), and decorated drums (*rnga*); as well as division standards (*ru mtshon*) and pennants (*ba dan*). The existence of these items points to a certain level of sophistication and organisation in the military already at this early stage. It seems that the *dom* tassels, for example, used as a decoration for horses, may have pointed to different ranks among the soldiers. Drums point to the usage of instruments to call, rouse to arms, round up, etc., while pennants and division standards indicate there were platoons, etc. (possibly organised according to the Mongol system based on multiples of ten).<fnref n="54" />

Last, the list includes a variety of non-military items that were nonetheless indispensable for the smooth operation of a campaign: beautiful white tents (*gur dkar lhun po*) to pitch in the centre of a camp (*phru ma*), other tents, canopies (*lding gur*),<fnref n="55" /> and even bowls for food.

This portion illustrating the contents of the armoury concludes with a brief summary, almost a colophon, that explains the choice of the name Dorjéling for the armoury, referring to the catalogue as “the book to aid the memory of the well-filled by taxes (*dpya yi rab gtams pa*), meaningful and renown island [that is] solid like a *vajra*, the armoury of the universally respected (*mang bkur*) great government of the Land of Snow” (*gangs can mang bkur rgyal khab chen po yi / go mdzod rdo rje lta bur sra brtan gling / grags pa don ldan dpya yis rab gtams pa'i // brjed byang deb ther*). This raises the tantalising possibility that taxes in support of the army were already collected in 1667, but this question must also remain open until further research.<fnref n="56" />

(5) The last part of the poem provides a rationale to justify Tibet's role as a military power. Two interconnected lines of reasoning accomplish this task. First, Tibet is recognised and praised as the repository of Buddhist religion, a fount from which genuine Buddhism springs. Secondly, the country's history is depicted in a way that supports a worldview according to which Tibet is the legitimate heir of the Buddhist traditions that have disappeared in India, and as such is the only country able to show to all nearby regions the correct path to salvation. Using quotes from canonical texts, the Fifth Dalai Lama

<footnote n="54">54 Tibetan army divisions according to multiples of ten already appear in the mid-seventeenth century code known as *zhal ice bcu drug*; on this see Travers, "The Tibetan Army", 258-9.</footnote>

<footnote n="55">55 An illustration of the *lding gur*, lit. 'suspended tent', can be found in Lange, *An Atlas of the Himalayas*, 53; it shows a tent protected by a larger, suspended canopy.</footnote>

<footnote n="56">56 Detailed research on taxation in the earlier period of the Ganden Phodrang remains a desideratum. An initial analysis of official documents which may shed light on the topic suggests that military taxes were certainly levied in the eighteenth century, and that they could be so burdensome that taxpayers often preferred to flee the area; see Bischoff, "Right There", 13.</footnote>
establishes the factors that determine that Jambudvīpa was destined to dominate all other continents, such as its being the land where all the thousands of Buddhas of the good kalpa have appeared or will appear, as well as the place where a cakravartin arose.

Following this premise, he explains that armies arrived and inflicted such a heavy defeat onto India and Buddhism that even nearby places like Kashmir and Nepal became filled with wrong views and "at present the best system of the doctrine" (deng sang bstan srol legs gnas) can be found only in Tibet, where holy men have congregated. As Tibet is "the sole place where the doctrine of the Jina spreads" (rgyal ba'i bstan pa'ang bod yul kho nar dar ba) it is the point of reference for all neighbouring states that desire guidance in the Buddhist path. This confers on Tibet an especially powerful position vis-à-vis the nearby polities, that in their quests to originate governments "from which arise benefits and happiness without exception" (phan pa dang bde ba ma lus pa 'byung ba'i gnas) can only be guided by the Land of Snows.

Finally, Tibet is defined both from a mythological and a geographical viewpoint. First, the well-known myth that the country was once an ocean that eventually became covered with a forest of Sāl trees is reiterated. Then, the extent of Tibet is defined by enumerating its districts. The language of the text, however, is rather ambiguous, and the list could be interpreted either as indicating the districts that comprised Tibet at the time the country originated, i.e. when the ocean dried up and the areas covered with Sāl trees became manifest, or as a way to specify the districts that the author, the Fifth Dalai Lama, saw as rightfully belonging to Tibet. The question is intriguing, and I am inclined to suggest that both were the same in the eyes of the Fifth Dalai Lama: the borders of the country covered by Sāl trees at the dawn of the ages and the boundaries of the Ganden Phodrang coincided, in no small part thanks to him.

The list begins and ends in Central Tibet, as if to reiterate the fundamental historical role of this area. From here it turns to the west, grouping together Purang (Pu rangs), Mar yul (misspelled Mang yul) and Zanskar (Zangs dkar); a second group of three areas further north-west, including Khotan (Li), Gilgit (Gru sha, sic) and Baltistan (Sbal sde, sic); and the three districts of upper and lower Zhang zhung, around mount Ti se or Kailasa; altogether forming Ngari khorsum (Mnga' ris 'khor gsum). Moving east, in Dokham (Mdo khams) it counts one region, and names it "lower Kham" (Smad khams);<fnref n="57" /> in Domé (Mdo smad), one region labelled Yarmo thang (G.yar mo thang), and another designated as the plain of Tsong kha (Btsong kha), all

<footnote n="57">57 It appears that Mdo khams and Smad khams are synonyms. On the nomenclature of Kham and Amdo also see Yang, "Tracing the Chol kha gsum".</footnote>
three together comprising the three ranges of lower Dokham (Smad mdo khams). At last, returning to the centre of the country, he lists Wuru (Dbu ru) and Yoru (G.yo ru) in Ü, and Yéru (G.yas ru) and Rulak (Ru lag) in Tsang.<fnref n="58" /> From this last group the focus narrows down to Lhasa, the place where the god of men would arise in the lineage of the Licchavi,<fnref n="59" /> with its temple of the Rasa trulnang (Ra sa 'phrul snang), the eight-spoked wheel in the sky, the three hills of the protective lords of Lhasa,<fnref n="60" /> Chakpori, Marpori and Bongwari (Lcags po ri, Dmar po ri, Bong ba ri),<fnref n="61" /> and most of all the high mountain of Avalokiteśvara with its mansion of complete victory, the Potala.

(6) Thus, this geographical portrait of Tibet appears to have two functions. First, it spells in specific detail all the regions that the Fifth Dalai Lama saw as part of Tibet. These rather strikingly coincide with the farthest extent of imperial Tibet, including areas that had not been within Tibetan control since the seventh century, such as the oasis of Khotan, and other remote regions whose contacts with Central Tibet were by this time extremely sporadic, such as Balti and Gilgit, which had been gradually Islamicised for several centuries. Notwithstanding this, the Great Fifth envisioned the Ganden Phodrang as the legitimate successor of the Tibetan empire, and throughout the rest of his reign acquiesced to several different military campaigns that were waged also in an effort to reclaim territories at the outer fringes of the plateau. Among these may be included the campaigns against Bhutan in 1668, Kham in 1674-75 and against Ladakh in 1679-84, all occurred after the inauguration of the Dorjéling armoury. Naturally every military campaign of the Ganden Phodrang was occasioned by distinctive sets of circumstances and different reasons, but judging from the Fifth Dalai Lama's description of the ideal extent of Tibet, it seems likely that an aspiration to reconstitute the glories and territorial magnitude of the Tibetan empire must be added to the mix.

<footnote n="58">58 The classic article on the four horns of Central Tibet is Uray's "The Four Horns"; for more work on this topic see Hazod, "Imperial Central Tibet".</footnote>

<footnote n="59">59 This *kṣatriya* clan, originally active around the town of Vaiśālī and regarded as one of the first to follow the teachings of Śakyamūni (several important donors of the Licchavi clan supported the activities of Gautama), is held in special consideration in Tibet because it is believed that the first Tibetan kings, in particular Nyatri tsenpo (Gnya' 'khri btsan po), originated from this group. On this see for example Roerich, *The Blue Annals*, 36, 46; also Rockhill, *The Life of the Buddha*, 203, explains that the Licchavi clan was believed to be related to the Sākya clan.</footnote>

<footnote n="60">60 These are respectively Vajrapāṇi, Avalokiteśvara and Mañjuśrī.</footnote>

<footnote n="61">61 The hill of Bong ba ri is also known as Bar ma ri; the *Tshig mdzang chen mo* only has an entry for Bar ma ri, mentioning that the Gesar temple is on its top, while Dungkar's *Dictionary* says the same thing of Bong ba ri. There is no mention in either of these dictionaries of the alternative name. I am indebted to Alice Travers (CRCAO, Paris) for pointing this out.</footnote>
In second instance, this geographical description of Tibet also brings, by progressively decreasing concentric circles, the discourse back to the Potala and its armoury, in order to summarise again its main contents and conclude the preamble with a colophon. It is in fact in the Potala, the beautiful palace appointed by heaven on top of Marpori, that are kept the garments of lay government officials, the body and horse armour, both decorated with the symbols of the four great units of Ü; light armour fit for travelling; armours of the nomads of Hor, Sog and Kham who protect the government; swords, arrows and spears, guns (styled as me mda'; but notice that above the text earlier referred to gyogs 'phrul skor); large tents for the main camp, as well as canopies, large copper cauldrons, and a variety of necessary provisions ('tsho chas). All, the colophon concludes, are stored here to be protected from the rain so that they would not get ruined and their arrangement would not be disturbed.

## 4 Conclusions

Several conclusions, then, can be drawn from this brief analysis of the preamble to the catalogue of military supplies in the Dorjéling armoury. While the Fifth Dalai Lama, unlike Pope Pius II, did not go as far as to name weapons after himself or his mother, the text gives us an idea of his understanding of and approach to the question of warfare and provides some answers to the three questions posed earlier. First, concerning his level of involvement with military affairs, the text does not reveal much about it; it remains unclear whether he actually participated in the decision to found the armoury or just endorsed it by writing the preamble. However, he was cognisant of what was happening and had formed a rationale in his mind on how to justify this action, a rationale that he expounded in this text. This was based on the importance of preserving Tibet as a bastion of genuine, unsullied Buddhist teachings. Neighbouring countries, either where Buddhism had existed but was in decline at the moment, or where Buddhism was unknown, could all profit from their geographical closeness to Tibet and from the possibility of tapping from its inexhaustible source of salvific knowledge. Thus, it was imperative to protect, militarily if needed, the integrity of all the regions of Tibet under the control of the Ganden Phodrang, the most apt government for the preservation and dissemination of Buddhist teachings. If military intervention should prove necessary, then it made perfect sense to store and maintain in good working order all the necessary supplies for fighting.

A second important consideration in regards to the Fifth Dalai Lama's knowledge of and involvement with military affairs, concerns his knowledge of weaponry in general. Unsurprisingly, this seems to
have been very superficial; the first weapons he mentions in the list of the contents of the armoury are knives and *phur pa*, which typically are everyday tools (the former) and ritual weapons (the latter) and not arms intended for warfare. However, he seems to have been at least somewhat familiar with the above-mentioned *Treatise on Worldly Traditions*<fnref n="62" /> or with similar texts that discussed the various classifications of arms and armour, since he lists several specific names of body-armour and helmets.

As for his awareness of the importance of weapons in the wider political context of which he was part, the text illustrates that he understood it very well. In fact, the section on the justification of the preeminence of Tibet is the longest and best developed one in the whole text, and is intended to validate the Ganden Phodrang's right to sustain an army with enterprises such as a well-organised armoury. Last, it should be added that this preamble was taken as a model by the Thirteenth Dalai Lama in 1916, when he also composed four preambles to catalogues of weapons in possession of the Ganden Phodrang. These were analysed a few years ago without realising that they were modelled on this text by the Fifth Dalai Lama.<fnref n="63" /> However, although the two incarnations of Avalokiteśvara had different knowledge of military matters and different levels of awareness of Tibet vis-à-vis the surrounding countries, both could and did share together the narrative of Tibet as the country destined to guide spiritually its neighbours, and consequently of the existence of an army as a safeguard, either to impose Gélukpa predominance, or to prevent foreign interference.

<footnote n="62">62 See introduction to this volume.</footnote>

<footnote n="63">63 See Venturi, "The Thirteenth Dalai Lama".</footnote>
## 5 The Text and Its Translation

(p. 275) Pho brang chen po po ta la'i go mdzod rdo rje gling gi g.yul chas rnam kyi deb ther le tshan gyi 'go brjod sdeb sbyor rgyun chags dang po gtum po'i char 'bebs sogs⁶⁴

Binayamaraṇatoshirāṇāṃmalāntrodzanabaukrītaṃtsāpinotrīptara ktārbhakashra

Bikahitsasutsarmabaibhūṣaṇeṣubyarautwanytsamā dzībapanggābatakrāntata

log 'dren bsad pa'i mgo 'phreng rgyu ma ga shar byas kyang ma tshim par / khrag 'dzag pags rlon lding stabs gyon nas bam ro 'dam star brdzi ba yi //<fnref n="65" />

Atirabaṇasharīrakālasyashatraubilālityamanydzoshtsabadzrendraga krotashastika

Hiharitanam dz walaish shatrubhinytsakrashirṣeṃr. yugāsatyabhūmaupatityaṃkuru /

srin po'i gzugs kyis dus dgrar rnam rol 'jam dpal rdo rje khro bo'i dbang // mtshon rnon 'bar bas dgra dpung mgo bo cig car sa la lhung bar mdzod / (234ba) bsams pa tsam gyis 'dod pa'i dngos grub kun // 'bad med rtsol la yongs 'du'i mched gyur kyang // yid srubs gshed du gnam lcags rdo rje thog // dmag zor lhag pa'i lha des rtag tu skyongs // gya gyu'i sems ldan rgol ngan glang po'i mgor // gsod rtags ka ra wa ra'i me tog 'phreng // rab 'god 'jigs med rgyud kyi nga ro can // beg tse lcam dral bla tshe srog gi bdag // zhe sdang nyi ma 'char ka ltar dmar mig // zlum por blta ba'i zol gyis dgra bo'i bla / 'gugs mdzad sprul pa'i chos rgyal sde lnga [p. 276] po // gsang yum sprul blon tshogs kyi mthu dpung skyed // gang gi bka' gnyan tsan rgod gnod sbyin che / dkar nag las rnam 'byed pa'i mel tshe mkhan / gangs can chos srid bstan 'dzin phas rgol gyi / srog snying khrag dron ro bda'i skyems su gsol / dkar nag rtsis kyi lo zla zhag gi lha / gza' skar spar sme sa bdag rgyal blon 'bangs / thugs kar sum brgya drug cu la sogs pa / stobs ldan dgra lha'i tshogs kyis rtag tu srungs / yid can yongs kyi phan dang bde ba'i gzhi / don kun grub pa'i ring lugs bla na med / yun du gnas 'phel rtsa lag gnam bskos lha'i / khrims gnyis zung

<footnote n="70">70 The text is in volume nineteen (ma) of the collected works of the Fifth Dalai Lama; here I follow the page numbering of the online version retrievable on the Buddhist Digital Resource Centre website, catalogued as W1PD107937 (https://www.tcrc.org).</footnote>

<footnote n="65">65 Cf. these lines with those in a sādhana dedicated to Hayagrīva and composed by the young Sixth Dalai Lama:</footnote>

<footnote>ri-nga mgo-bo rgyu-mar brgyus-pa'i 'phreng /
'phral bsad lpags rlon lding stabs gos-kyis kyang /</footnote>

<footnote>These were translated by Dan Martin as "your necklace is made of putrid heads threaded on intestines; even as your clothing, forming a loose canopy around you, is a fresh skin of one suddenly slain". See Martin, "Secularity Divinized", 99 fn. 12.</footnote>
du 'jug pa'i srid kho na / skye rgu'i bde skyid 'phrog pa'i chom rkun mun / mthar byed 'jig rten gsum gyi sgron me che / rgyal thabs yan lag rnam bzhi'i dpung tshogs nyis / rdzogs ldan gsar pa'i snang ba ches cher sbar / gsar 'gros gom gsum 'dzoms pa rta rmig gis / bsnun pa'i sa chen 'dar ba rdul gyi 'tshub / bskal ba'i 'thor rlung rjes 'gro'i shugs drag (235na) dpung / lha dmag rtsub 'gyur tshal du bsgrigs pa bzhin / pha rol dgra de srog phral grangs de snyed / khro gnyer smin mtshams bsdus pa'i ri mo ru / 'dri ba'i dpa' gtum rtsal ldan tsho chen zhes / rgyal po'i zho shas 'tsho ba'i stag shar tshogs / glog ltar 'khyug pa'i dpa' bo tu ruṣka / hor dang mdo khams stod smad byang 'brog sogs / skad dang lugs srol mtha' klas rnam thos bus / g.yar mo'i thang du mngon sum bkug pa bzhin / mi bsrun sbyor ngan rtsom la zhe sdang me / gser srang stong gis brngan yang zhi min pa / rab khros blo de yid srubs lus phra ma'i // mngon 'dod rtse dga'i 'phrul gyis 'drid nus min / rgya byi dmar bal g.ya' ma skya chen dang / li ting me rur grags pa gsar rnying bar / legs byung sgrog phyis kha thi sha dom gsham / bkod mdzes srog skyob ches btsan rdo rje'i go / li gzha' la sogs rigs bcu sra mkhregs rmog / rgyal mtshan rgod phur dom ru ang seng dang / gzha' ris rnga bcus la sogs brjid ldan pa / 'jigs med dpa' bo'i ring rtags mtshar du dngar / cang shes srog gi bsrung ba lcags gzhibs go / che chung phub dang lcags zhol rnga chas sogs / dbang gzhu ltar bkra 'chi med dpung tshogs [p. 277] rnams / lha min 'dul phyir g.yul du zhugs pa bzhin / ru mtshon ba dan phyar ba srid rtser snyeg / dpag chen mda' dang 'phrul sgyogs me yi mtshon / ral gri'i 'od sngon 'phro la dpung rgyan du / spud pas dgra snying shubs nas lkog mar thon/<fnref n="66" /> phru ma'i BUSU na gur dkar lhun po ltar / mtho brjid yol ba'i (235 ba) lcags ri khor yug can / lding gur bza' btung spyod pa'i yol go sogs / mkho dgu'i 'byor ba gnod sbyin mdzod bzhin gtams / log 'dren srog bral mgo bo med pa'i ro // 'dab chags sha za'i gsos su bkram pa'i gtam / thos pa'i mod la gya gyu'i sems ldan gyi / yid la gnag pa'i dam bca' ring du dor / chen po rtul phod sgyu rtsal 'phong skyen po / stobs ldan rā ma na yi rjes 'gro bas / rgyal rnga lan brgyar brdung dang lhan cig par / bstan byus yid bzhin tog mdzes rgyal mtshan 'phyar / rang srid bstan dang de rjes 'brang kun gyi / byus legs rdo rje'i srog shing rab tshugs par / dkar phyogs dga' ba'i lha rgyal 'then pa dang / skyid pa'i dbyangs snyan sgrog la gcig tu brel / gangs can mang bkur rgyal khab chen po yi / go mdzod rdo rje lta bur sra brtan gling / grags pa don ldan dpya yis rab gtams pa'i // brjed byang deb ther yi ge'i 'phreng mdzes spel / zhes shis pa brjod pa'i tshig gis sngun bsus te / 'jigs rten khams ler / gling ni zla ba 'od dkar can dang rab mchog ku sha dag ni mi'am ci dang khrung khrung dang / drag po yang ni longs spyod pa ste bdun par dzambu'i

<footnote n="66">66 This quatrain was quoted in the Thirteenth Dalai Lama's preamble to the book of Ti-betan-made guns. See Venturi, "The Thirteenth Dalai Lama", 487 and 496.</footnote>
mi rnams gnas pa dag ni las kyis / zhes spyir gling bcu gnyis po thams
cad 'dzam gling chen por bshad cing / de'i nang nas dzambu'i ljon pas
nye bar mtshan pa'i lho gling 'di la 'dzam gling chung ngur grags pa
ni / gdan bzhi las / dzambu gling du legs skyes pa / dngos grub sa
par shes par bya / gling gsum por ni skyes pa ni // 'bras bu 'byung
ba'i bsod nams gnas / zhes dang/ bde (236na) mchog mkha' 'gro rgya
mtsho'i rgyud las / 'dzam bu gling ni chen po yi / dum bu bcu gnyis
kyi ni dbus / 'dzam bu gling ni chung ngu 'dir / bdag gi shākya'i rigs
rjes 'gro / zhes lho 'dzam bu gling 'dir bskal bzang gi sangs rgyas
stong rnams byon cing 'byon par 'gyur pa'i gnas // [p. 278] mi rnams
kyang dbang po rno zhing grims pa / dam pa'i chos sgrub pa'i rten
khyad par can du gyur pa dang/ rdzogs ldan gyi dus su 'khor los sgyur
ba'i rgyal po byung ba'i tshe / gling 'di nyid nas 'go brtsams te gling
gzhan rnams la dbang sgyur bar bshad cing / gling 'di'i lte ba rgya
gar 'phags pa'i yul gyi ma ga dha rdo rje gdan yin na'ang / khro phu
lo tsā bas kha che paṇ chen la phul ba'i zhu yig tu / ma ga dha sogs
rig 'byung gnas na sdig to yis / dmag tshogs kyi<fnref n="67" /> bcom skyon kha che
bal yul yang / log spyod kyis khengs deng sang bstan srol legs gnas
ni / bod yul 'dir zad skyes chen byang phyogs zhab sbskyod zhu / zhes
dus kyi dbang las phan pa dang bde ba ma lus pa 'byung ba'i gnas /
rgyal ba'i bstan pa'ang bod yul kho nar dar bar gsungs shing / yul de
ni 'jam dpal rtsa rgyud du / nga yi dus nas lo brgya na / kha ba can du
mtsho bri nas / sā la'i nags ni 'byung bar 'gyur / zhes gangs kyi rwa
bas yongs su bskor ba'i sā la'i ljongs chen po ru bzhir grags pa ste / de
yang pu rangs / mang<fnref n="68" /> yul zangs dkar gsum skor gcig / li / gru<fnref n="69" /> sha /
sbal sde<fnref n="70" /> gsum skor gcig / zhang zhung / khri sde / stod smad gsum
skor gcig ste stod mnga' ris skor gsum / mdo khams la smad khams
btags pa (236ba) khams gcig / mdo smad la g.yar mo thang btags pa
khams gcig / btsong kha la gyi thang btags pa khams gcig ste smad
mdo khams sgang gsum / dbus na dbu ru dang g.yo ru / gtsang na
g.yas ru dang ru lag gis dbus gtsang ru bzhir grags pa'i nang nas /
'jam dpal rtsa rgyud las / lha ldan yul zhes bya ba 'dir / rgyal po mi
yi lha zhes pa / li tsa bi rnams rigs su 'byung / zhes lung bstan pa'i
lha ldan ni / ra sa 'phrul snang gi gtsug lag khang ngam / yongs su
grags pa chos 'khor dpal gyi lha sa 'di yin la / yul 'di ni gnam 'khor lo
rtsibs brgyad / sa padma 'dab brgyad / logs bkra shis rtags brgyad de
dge mtshan phun sum tshogs pa'i dbus na / rigs gsum mgon po'i bla
ri gsum yod pa'i nang tshan / spyan ras gzigs kyi bla ri glang po che
dres<fnref n="71" /> la btags pa lta bu dmar po ri'i rtser gnam bskos rgyal po'i pho

<footnote n="67">67 Read: kyis.</footnote>

<footnote n="68">68 Read: mar.</footnote>

<footnote n="69">69 Read: bru.</footnote>

<footnote n="70">70 Read: sti.</footnote>

<footnote n="71">71 Read: bres.</footnote>
brang mdzes sdug rnam par rgyal ba'i khang bzang la rngam brjid
langka mgrin [p. 279] bcu'i grong khyer lta bu'i rgyal khab chen po'i
go mdzod rdo rje'i gling du gsol go'i<fnref n="72" /> rim pa / drung 'khor gyi gyon
khrab ta<fnref n="73" /> go dang bcas pa / dbus tsho chen bzhi'i gzabs mchor dang
/ thang ring du bgrod pa'i yang chas gyi go cha dang / gzhung skyong
gi hor sogs<fnref n="74" /> khams 'brog gi go cha / mdor na ral gri / mda' mdung /
me mda' sogs mtshon cha / dkyil sgar gyi gur chen / yol skor / lding
gur / lding zangs sogs char skyob 'tsho chas kyi nyer mkho ji snyed
pa rnams yod pa chud mi 'dza'<fnref n="75" /> zhing / go rim mi 'khrugs par byed
pa'i ched du 'phags yul ba pra wanggar 'bod cing / rgya nag gi yul du
ting wal zhes pa 'byung ba sum (237na) ldan me lug<fnref n="76" /> hor zla bdun
pa'i tshes bcu dgu dmag dpon tha skar gyi 'grub sbyor thog gsar du
bsgrigs pa'i deb ther g.yul las rnams par rgyal ba 'dzad pa med pa'i
gter gyi sgo 'phar phye ba la /

<footnote n="72">72 Gsol go is an honorific form of go, 'armour'. See also Venturi, "To Protect and to Serve", 39 fn. 78.</footnote>

<footnote n="73">73 Read: rta.</footnote>

<footnote n="74">74 Read: sog.</footnote>

<footnote n="75">75 Read: za.</footnote>

<footnote n="76">76 It corresponds to the year 1667.</footnote>
A Fierce Rain Shower. The First Uninterrupted Poetic Preamble<sup>77</sup>
to the Book Chapter on Military Supplies (g.yul chas) of the Dorjéling
Armoury of the Great Potala Palace

[Sanskrit text transliterated in Tibetan]

Not being satisfied by just making necklaces with the heads and gar-
lands with the entrails of the killed enemy; [you] wear [their] skins
drenched in dripping blood in the guise of a canopy (lding),<sup>78</sup> and
trample on the crushed mud of their corpses.<sup>79</sup>

[Sanskrit text transliterated in Tibetan]

Power of the wrathful Vajra Mañjuśrī ('Jam dpal rdo rje), manifested
as Vajrabhairava with the body of a rākṣasa; Make immediately fall to
the ground the heads of the enemy troops with shining sharp swords!
Even though you became [like] a sibling that gathers effortlessly<sup>80</sup>
All the accomplishments that one desires just by the mere thought
[of you], With a vajra of meteoric iron [thrown] at the enemy dev-
ils | [You], supreme deity Dmag zor rgyal mo, protect [us] forever.<sup>81</sup>
[With] a garland of ka ra wa ra<sup>82</sup> flower like a mark of slaughter on an
elephant's head [For] the wicked and deceitful sentient beings | The
lion of the fearless and fully installed (rab 'god) [= rab tu 'god] line-
age, Beg tse brother and sister, ruler of the vital life-force,<sup>83</sup> | [His]
eyes, red as a rising sun of hatred, Summon the bla of the enemy
through a trick of circular vision [and] [p. 276] | Raise the magically

<footnote n="77">77 The expression sdeb sbyor rgyun chags refers to the particular style of poetic composition and metric style used here. I am grateful to Gedun Rabsal for this explanation.</footnote>

<footnote n="78">78 I am interpreting this as a short form for *lding gur* or *lding khang*, employed in order to respect the requirements of the metric.</footnote>

<footnote n="79">79 The two initial poems, i.e. this and the one that follows the next mantra, follow a metric of fifteen syllables each.</footnote>

<footnote n="80">80 From this line the metric changes to a nine-syllable rhythm.</footnote>

<footnote n="81">81 I am grateful to an anonymous reviewer for suggestions that helped improve the translation of this passage dedicated to extol Dmag zor rgyal mo, and the following one praising Beg tse Icam dral.</footnote>

<footnote n="82">82 The closest word I have found is *ka ra bi ra*, which may mean either ‘oleander flowers’ or another synonym for ‘garland’ (it renders the Skt. *karavira*; I am grateful to an anonymous reviewer for pointing this out). Beg tse’s iconography traditionally depicts him with a necklace of severed heads, rather than flowers, and red-coloured oleander buds may be interpreted as a poetic license.</footnote>

<footnote n="83">83 The god of war, a later deity probably introduced in the sixteenth century after contact with the Mongols. On this deity, see the ample discussion in Heller, “Etude”, as well as a chapter in de Nebesky-Wojkowitz, *Oracles and Demons*, 89-93.</footnote>
powerful army of the five emanated Dharma Kings,<fnref n="84" /> | Their secret consorts, and assembly of ministers.<fnref n="85" />

I pray that whoever among the great fierce commanders, demons, or *yakṣa*, | The sentinels who differentiate between white and black actions, | Drink the delicious warm blood, the life essence of the enemies [of] | The doctrine holders of the religious government of the Land of Snow.

The deities of years, months and days<fnref n="86" /> of astrology (*dkar/skar rtsis*) and Chinese divination (*nag rtsis*), | Planets and stars, *spar [kha]* and *sme [ba]* astrological diagrams,<fnref n="87" /> | Always protect, through the host of powerful war deities (*dgra lha*), | The three-hundred and sixty,<fnref n="88" /> etc. in [your] heart: | The lords of the soil, kings, ministers and commoners!<fnref n="89" />

Only the government with the two indivisible [temporal and spiritual] laws | Of the god appointed by heaven, [with] branches and roots [that] extensively grow | The basis of happiness and benefit of all living beings, [and] | The supreme tradition of the Buddha [is] | The great lamp of the three worlds, destroyer of | The darkness of robbers who steal joy and happiness from the living beings.

The two armies of the four districts of the kingdom | Will ignite evermore the appearance of the new golden age (*rdzogs ldan*) [Skt. *kṛtayuga*]; | [Their] horses' hooves, combining the three gaits: fresh,<fnref n="90" /> walk and trot, | Will rise dust (*rdul gyi tshub*) [= *rdul tshub*] by making shake the ground they hit. The mighty troops, like a hurricane of [this] era; | Like a formation of the army of the gods in a charnel ground, | Will release the life force of the enemy in such large numbers!

<footnote n="84">84 This refers to Pehar and his retinue, which includes Brgya byin, Mon bu putra, Shing bya can and Dgra lha skyes; see de Nebesky-Wojkowitz, *Oracles and Demons*, 94-133, and especially 107-33.</footnote>

<footnote n="85">85 I am grateful to an anonymous reviewer for suggesting this reading.</footnote>

<footnote n="86">86 These are deities connected with the Kālacakra mantra.</footnote>

<footnote n="87">87 *Spar kha* and *sme ba* are units of time used to finesse a divinatory calculation. On this see Maurer, “Landscaping Time”, 109-10.</footnote>

<footnote n="88">88 These are the three-hundred sixty zodiac days.</footnote>

<footnote n="89">89 On the connection of the *sa bdag* to chronomancy, or time divination to determine the best moment for an enterprise, see Schuh, “Die sa-bdag”. Here, on the basis of an examination of Sde srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho’s chapter on *sa bdag* in the *Vaidurya dkar po*, Schuh established that these beings (whose name, he suggests, would be better translated as “lords of time and divinatory space”) are especially important for religious practices aimed at pacifying, increasing and exercising power, as well as rituals to destroy the enemy. In general, *sa bdag* dwell in time, and depending on the category, their abode is fixed in time (i.e. does not change with the passing of time), or changes depending on the year (in the cycle of the twelve animals), month, day, or even hour.</footnote>

<footnote n="90">90 This refers to the gait of a young horse that has just been saddled. See *Bod rgya tshig mdzod chen mo*, 1063, s.v. “rta gsar”.</footnote>
A large group of fierce and strong heroes, depicted ('dri ba) [= 'bri ba] as an image composing a frown between the eyes, | A host of young men who live with a royal stipend, Heroes moving as swift as lightning: Central Asians (Tu ruşka) Hor, [warriors from] upper and lower Amdo and Kham, northern nomads, etc., | With endless languages and customs; just as Vaishravana<fnref n="91" /> | Summoned [them] directly in the plain of G.yar mo<fnref n="92" /> | [Their] wrathful fire toward [people who] commence ruthless actions; | Could not be calmed even by paying thousands of gold pieces. [Their] extremely angry minds could not [even] be enticed by the pleasant diversions of desire of a lovely woman of Kamadeva.

As for the old and new [equipment]: | The famed rgya byi, dmar (yu/g. yu), 'bal, g.ya' ma, skya chen, li ting, and me ru;<fnref n="93" /> | Well obtained cloth (phyis), straps (sgrog), gunpowder holders (kha),<fnref n="94" /> match cords

<footnote n="91">91 Well known as a deity connected with wealth, Vaiśravana also has a role as protective deity (lokapāla) inasmuch as he is the king of the north and of the northern continent of Uttarakuru, and in this position he is at the head of armies of yakṣa. His role as protector is especially emphasised in the common depictions of this deity at the gate of temples.</footnote>

<footnote n="92">92 Spelled both G.yar mo and G.yer mo, this plain is in an area of Mdo smad which includes Tsong kha.</footnote>

<footnote n="93">93 These are the seven major types of lamellar armour. They are listed in La Rocca, *Warriors*, 265.</footnote>

<footnote n="94">94 I am interpreting kha to be a shortened form of a term connected to arms and armour. The possibilities are several: 1) it may be an abbreviation of sha kha, a word used to denote a gunpowder holder made of horn; 2) gri kha, the edge of a knife or sword; 3) me mda'i kha, the muzzle of a gun; 4) me mda'i tsha kha or so kha the gunsight, a 'bead' or 'leaf'-shaped sight "found on the top of the muzzle of a gun barrel" (La Rocca, *Warriors*, 282). Given that items 2) and 3) and 4) identify specific parts of a larger item, parts that cannot be stored separately from the item to which they belong, I propose that the full word abbreviated here is sha kha.</footnote>
(thi);⁹⁵ | Saddle ropes (sha),⁹⁶ horse tassels (dom),⁹⁷ [and] tassels (gsham);⁹⁸ | Handsomely arranged, greatly life-protecting, strong, indestructible armour; | Ten kinds of rigid (sra mkhregs)⁹⁹ helmets, such as li gzha';¹⁰⁰ | Victory banners, knives (rgod),¹⁰¹ daggers (phur),¹⁰² tassels (dom),¹⁰³ ru ang seng [?]¹⁰⁴ and | Magnificent [objects] such

95 I am interpreting *thi* to be a short for *sbi thi* (also spelled *sbi sdi* and *sbi ti*), a "slow burning match cord that is used to ignite a matchlock gun" (La Rocca, *Warriors*, 281). This meaning also would agree with the interpretation of *kha* as *sha kha*, identifying an equipment necessary to shoot muskets. An alternative possibility to the interpretations offered in this and the preceding footnote has been offered by an anonymous reviewer, who suggests that *kha thi* could be taken all together as a term that indicates a type of luxury fabric silk known as lampas. Although I concur with the reviewer's observation that the abbreviation *kha* and *thi* for *sha kha* and *sbi thi* may simply have been too cryptic for most readers, making their identification nearly impossible, I also wonder what was the purpose of a luxury material such as *kha thi* in a military context. The question, then, should remain open for the moment. A description of the *kha thi* fabric may be found in Karsten, "When Silk was Gold", 6-7. I am grateful to an anonymous reviewer for this suggestion and its related reference.

96 Likely this is another abbreviation of a longer term. It could be a short form of *sha thag/rtag*, "the front and back rope that keeps a saddle in place on the horse" (Goldstein, *Dictionary*, 1090, and also *Bod rgya tshig mdzod*, 2823; but it is spelled *sha stag* in Das, *Dictionary*, 320). Alternatively, it could be the short form of *sha rkang / sha rkang mchog*, a sub-type of the *dmar yu* type of armour; it might also be a short form for *snga sha*, a word that denotes the front part, or pommel, of a saddle (on this word see the discussion in La Rocca, *Warriors*, 284), or even for *phyi sha*, the back (or curving part) of a saddle; however, the armour is a sub-type of a kind that has already been mentioned, and the front and back of a saddle cannot be stored as separate items from the saddle itself, so I have chosen to interpret *sha* as 'saddle rope'.

97 This seems to be the short form for *dom dom*, "red tassel put on the neck of horses of high-ranking officials" (Goldstein, *Dictionary*, 547, and also La Rocca, *Warriors*, 285-7).

98 This may be short for *gsham 'dzar*, a type of tassel.

99 The term *sra* is also used within the phrase "*mtshon khar sra*", literally meaning 'hard upon a weapon' and translated by La Rocca, *Warriors*, 275 as "proof against cut and thrust".

100 A type of helmet made of "bell metal", see La Rocca *Warriors*, under *gzha'i li*.

101 This may be a short form of *rtse rgod*; see La Rocca, *Warriors*, 274 after Das, *Dictionary*, 1012. Notice also that the least common meaning for the word *rgod* in Goldstein, *Dictionary*, 251, is "military" (this meaning does not appear in *Bod rgya tshig mdzod*).

102 Alternatively, *phur* of the text may be a mistake for *phub*, 'shield'.

103 It seems strange that the same item would be repeated twice in the space of a few lines, however, La Rocca, *Warriors*, 285-7 shows that several cognate terms, all including the word *dom*, were used to identify tassels hung from the harness on horses' neck and chest (*snying dom*, *dom dom*, *dom dom nyis brtslegs* and *og dom*).

104 These are possibly abbreviations of longer military terms, though it is hard to determine with certainty what their full form would be. *Ru*, 'horn', may be for *me ru*, a type of armour (already mentioned above, thus less likely as an option here); for *rdzas ru*, a horn to hold gunpowder; or for *ru kha*, the horn brace of a Tibetan gun; or finally for *me mda'i ru*, "a gun rest made of two prongs attached to the gun stock near the muzzle" (La Rocca, *Warriors*, 282). I cannot determine the meaning of *ang* in this context; *seng*, normally 'lion', may refer here to *seng mgo*, a sub-type of the 'bal armour (see La Rocca, *Warriors*, 265).
as rounded drums [with] rainbow designs; | Properly arranged as
marvellous symbols during the time (*ring* [?]) of the fearless he-
roes; | Horse<fnref n="105" /> armour, iron protection of the life of thoroughbred
(*cang shes*) horses; | Large and small shields (*phub*), and *lcags zhol*
weapons,<fnref n="106" /> drums, equipment, etc. The immortal troops, as splen-
did as a rainbow, [p. 277] | As [they] go to battle (*g.yul du zhugs*) to
subdue the *asura* | Pursue the pinnacle of cyclic existence<fnref n="107" /> by hoist-
ing<fnref n="108" /> banners (*ru mtshon*) and standards (*ba dan*). They are adorned
with [these] war ornaments: arrows [that reach] a mile<fnref n="109" /> and weap-
ons (*mtshon*) with | Mechanic<fnref n="110" /> ('*phrul*') artillery fire [*sgyogs me*];
swords glowing with blue light; | So the heart of the enemy is torn
out from its casing to the throat.<fnref n="111" />

In the middle of the military encampment (*phru ma*), like a white
tent Mount Meru (*lhun po*), | Surrounded (*khor yug can*) by a screen
of high, resplendent curtains | The large canopy is filled with neces-
sities [and] wealth | Like a *yakṣa*'s treasure: bowls, etc., for eating
and drinking. [With] reports of scattering, as nourishment for flesh
eating birds, | The headless corpses [of] the dying wicked ones | The
dishonest living beings, immediately [upon] hearing [this], | [Will]
give up the black intentions in [their] mind.

<footnote n="105">105 I am reading the text's *gzhibs* as *chibs*, an honorific term for 'horse'.</footnote>

<footnote n="106">106 Das, *Dictionary*, 398, simply identifies this term as “name of a weapon”. La Rocca, *Warriors*, 273, defines it as the name for a non-projectile, hand held weapon.</footnote>

<footnote n="107">107 Skt. *bhavāgra*, the highest level of the three realms.</footnote>

<footnote n="108">108 Note that this sentence was later transposed by the Thirteenth Dalai Lama in his preamble to the catalogue of weapons produced in Tibet; see Venturi, "The Thirteenth Dalai Lama", 487, 496-7.</footnote>

<footnote n="109">109 The word *dpag chen* is said to mean ‘great skill’ or ‘force (in archery)’, thus can also be found translated as ‘skilled archer’. Note, however, that Jäschke, *Dictionary*, 326 gives *dpag chen* as a synonym of *dpag tshad*, a geographical mile. An alternative translation could be ‘powerful arrows’.</footnote>

<footnote n="110">110 Cf. this translation with the one of the same passage transposed by the Thirteenth Dalai Lama. There, ‘*phrul* is translated separately as ‘machinery’, while another possibility offered here if that ‘*phrul sgyogs me* is to be taken as an entire word, indicating ‘mechanic’ or ‘magic’ artillery fire, possibly cannons or matchlocks wall guns, similar to the so-called *jingals* or *gingals* described by English soldiers that participated in the Younghusband expedition.</footnote>

<footnote n="111">111 Also this section was transposed in the preamble composed by the Thirteenth Dalai Lama; see Venturi, "The Thirteenth Dalai Lama", 496-7.</footnote>
[Our] great champions, capable (*sgyu rtsal*),<fnref n="112" /> skilled archers<fnref n="113" /> | Emulate the powerful Rāmaṇa,<fnref n="114" /> therefore, | Together with beating the drum of victory a hundred times, | [They] hoist a beautiful victory banner [as a] wish-fulfilling teaching strategy. Having established the excellent, fortunate vajra-tree-of-life | Of our own government, teachings and all that follows after that, | [They] Celebrate the victorious gods (*lha rgyal 'then') [and] rejoice in virtuous activities | While (*gcig tu brel*) [= *gcig tu sbrel*] proclaiming happiness with melodious voice.

I promulgate this beautiful string of words, the book to aid the memory | Of the well-filled by purposeful taxes (*dpya*), the famous | Island that is solid like a vajra, the armoury | Of the universally respected (*mang bkur*)<fnref n="115" /> great government of the Land of Snow.

Thus, with an introduction of auspicious words,<fnref n="116" /> in the section on the physical world:

"As for [this] continent, white-lit moon and excellent kusha grass; as for purity, kimnara<fnref n="117" /> and cranes; and even [its] strength is beneficial; as for [its] inhabitants, the people of Jambudvīpa in the seventh<fnref n="118" /> [continent], through karma [their fate is determined]", thus in general are explained all the twelve continents of the great Jambudvīpa. Among these, concerning what is known as the lesser Jambudvīpa on this southern continent well-adorned [with] Jambu (rose apple) trees, from the *Catuḥpīṭha*: "Those well-born in Jambudvīpa are known as the dwellers (*sa pa*) of accomplishment; as for those born in the three continents,<fnref n="119" /> [they] establish the merit of generating results", thus [it

<footnote n="112">112 *Sgyu rtsal* is a name for 'art' in the sense of 'skill' or 'technique'. There is a list of the sixty-four arts, which comprises thirty arts spread in early India, eighteen musical arts, seven arts of song, and the nine arts of dance. Fencing, *ral gri'i thabs*, is mentioned in La Rocca, *Warriors*, 276 as one of the sixty-four arts.</footnote>

<footnote n="113">113 Das, *Dictionary*, 851, defines 'phong rkyen' as a term encompassing the five distinguishing features in archery, i.e. to hit an object 1) from a great distance; 2) without perceiving it; 3) with great force; 4) at the main point, or target; 5) with a sound. The spelling *skyen* here may represent a variant; the expression 'phong skyen pa' is used to describe a skilled archer (Goldstein, *Dictionary*, 705).</footnote>

<footnote n="114">114 King Rama is known for his abilities as an extraordinarily competent archer, and one of his epithets is 'phong skyen'.</footnote>

<footnote n="115">115 This is derived from the entry *mang bkur rgyal po* "king of universal respect", a term of praise; see Goldstein, *Dictionary*, 789.</footnote>

<footnote n="116">116 The nine-syllable stanzas conclude here; the rest of the text does not seem to follow a strict metric.</footnote>

<footnote n="117">117 These mythical beings are celestial musicians represented as partly human (human body and horse head, or also human head on a bird's body) and regarded as a class that protects the Dharma.</footnote>

<footnote n="118">118 Jambudvīpa "is said to be the central of seven continents that surround Mount Sumeru"; see Buswell, Lopez, *Dictionary of Buddhism*, 377.</footnote>

<footnote n="119">119 The *ni* after *gsum por* is not rendered here; it may be placed there just for metrics reasons.</footnote>