skills and the ability to work with fire. By contrast with bows, arrows or lassos, these military weapons were primarily manufactured for use in warfare, armed conflicts, and single combat.

The final paragraph is dedicated to miscellaneous weapons, such as iron hooks, hammers, and axes. Warriors, be they foot soldiers or riders, could use these tools in close combat but also throw them across long distances. They were applied during military conflicts, and could, at the same time, be utilitarian tools of daily life, such as hammers for construction work and axes for chopping wood.

## 3.1 The Lasso (zhags pa)

The lasso (zhags pa), a looped rope that Tibetans commonly made of hemp (sro ma nag po)<fnref n="60" /> or leather, is among the earliest and simplest weapons. In contrast to many other weapons, the lasso is relatively light, and moves swiftly and silently. Irrespective of its use, be it to catch animals, engage in combat or perform rituals, the skill of the thrower determines its accuracy. What information do the Tibetan written sources provide on the lasso in wars and other armed conflicts?<fnref n="61" /> They report how warriors defeated their enemies with a lasso: *The Prophecy of Li Country (Li yul lung bstan pa, 983 CE)* relates for instance how the Khotanese (Li) ruler caught the King of Kashgar in a lasso in order to kill him.<fnref n="62" />

Successfully using a lasso requires enormous skill whereby a good throw can make it travel at enormous speed. If the combatant was greatly skilled, he could easily throw the rope while riding. A story in *The Conquest of the Fort of Sumpa* tells that a lasso, while still held in the warrior's arm, made a sound that indicates it was ready to be thrown. Here, the text compares the throw of a lasso with a lightning strike.<fnref n="63" /> The *Gesar Epic's* description of capturing animals, particularly horses, with the lasso, connects it with magical power. Other sources assign this characteristic to it as well:

<footnote n="60">60 Personal communication with Lobsang Yongdan, Bonn University.</footnote>

<footnote n="61">61 For the lasso as a war tool in India, see Losch, "Abriß der Waffenkunde", 210-1.</footnote>

<footnote n="62">62 Emmerick, Khotan, 44-5: *ga 'jag gi rgyal po yang li rjes zhags pas zin nas 'gum par bgyid pa las //* (The king of Khotan also caught the King of Kashgar with a lasso and [ordered] his death).</footnote>

<footnote n="63">63 Kaschewsky, Tsering, *Burg von Sumpa*, vol. 2, 80b 1. 6-81a 1. 2: *bye ma lha'i cho 'phrul gyi phung bdud kyi gru'i khug gi zhags pa'i a long gi seng zer nas sgra zhig gtong byung ba'i khos gri shub du bcug nas zhags pa de glog 'khyugs pa ltar 'phang byung ba'i //* (Through the magical power of Chemalha (Bye ma lha) the ring of the lasso in the arm bend of Phungdü (Phung bdud) resounded with the sound seng. Then, he sheathed his sword and threw the lasso like a shining lightening).</footnote>
Catch the precious horse with the lasso [named] Tongshe, seduce all women with your miraculous power.<fnref n="64" />

The Sixth Dalai Lama uses a similar image in his love songs. He tells of wild horses galloping across the mountain pastures whereby, like in the *Gesar Epic*, men catch them with snares and lassos. The Dalai Lama compares their potency with some kind of magical power that the lover can use to impress his beloved:

> Wild horses galloping around in the mountains, you can catch them with snares and lassos.

> The beloved turning her face away from me, you cannot impress her with your magical power.<fnref n="65" />

The lasso's whirling flight through the air might have facilitated its connection with magical power, hereby making it a magical instrument in many literary contexts. The Ziji also assigns a magical power to this weapon of the warrior gods by referring to "the lasso that grabs [someone] by itself". This very passage lists a whole range of self-performing combat equipment, such as a self-stretching bow, self-shooting arrow, self-striking sword, a shield that surrounds (the warrior) by itself, and other examples.<fnref n="66" /> In these cases, we might also assume that the author attributes specific skills to the bearer of these weapons who needs to control and use them at the right moment. Moreover, the text assigns a specific warrior god to the tool: "Excellent Light with a High Speed" (Dra ma glog gi myur mgyogs can) is the warrior god of the self-twirling lasso.<fnref n="67" /> The Buddhist sources adapted this motive. The fourteenth century historiographical text, *The Mirror Illuminating the Royal Genealogies* attributes the lasso or snare to the "King of the Sky" (Nam mkha'i rgyal po), an embodiment of Tibet's tutelary deity Chenrezig (Spyan ras gzigs), better known as Avalokiteśvara. The other weapon he holds in his right hand is the bow, which symbolises also, without the arrow, both method and wisdom.<fnref n="68" />

<footnote n="64">64 Stein, *L'épopée tibétaine de Gesar*, 278, ll. 39-40: *cang shes stong chen zhags pas zungs / dangs sman sna tshogs sprul pas bslus //*. Particularly in the *Gesar Epic*, weapons, armour, and parts of them such as a hilt, horses and harness such as the stirrups are personalised as they are provided with their own names; see *infra*.</footnote>

<footnote n="65">65 Sørensen, *Divinity*, 188: *rta rgod ri la rgyab pa / rnyi dang zhags pas zin gyis / byams pa ngo log rgyab pa / mthu ngo zin pa mi 'dug //*.</footnote>

<footnote n="66">66 Tibetan Bonpo Monastic Centre, Gzi brjid, vol. 2, 65, 1. 5-66, 1. 1: *gzhu mo rang bdung 'di la 'khor / mda' mo rang 'phen 'di la 'khor / mdung mo rang debs 'di la 'khor / phub mo rang 'khyil 'di la 'khor / zhags pa rang sdog 'di la 'khor //*.</footnote>

<footnote n="67">67 Tibetan Bonpo Monastic Centre, Gzi brjid, vol. 2, 63, ll. 3-4: *zhags pa rang skyil sgra bla de / dra ma glog gi myur mgyogs can //*.</footnote>

<footnote n="68">68 Sørensen, *Royal Genealogies*, 335.</footnote>
3.2 The Bow (gzhu) and the Arrow (mda')

All over the world, bows and arrows were among the earliest hunting weapons.<fnref n="69" /> Usually, bows and arrows are made of wood or bamboo, and so are light and easy to carry, for example, in a quiver carried on the back.<fnref n="70" /> Depending on the archer's skill, the bow and arrow can be used while standing, running, or riding.<fnref n="71" /> The two are suitable for launching a silent attack and for hitting the target accurately from quite a distance, i.e., nearly 200 meters.<fnref n="72" /> Therefore, they served as a perfect long-range weapon in warfare.

According to Jäschke, the Tibetan term *mda'* refers to “any straight and thin pole or piece of wood”.<fnref n="73" /> To highlight the difficulties regarding the nomenclature which arise when translating Tibetan texts, I wish to refer briefly to the German and English terms for Tibetan *mda',* which is usually translated as English *arrow, and German Pfeil, two designations with different etymologies and meanings. Both the arrow and Pfeil are long sticks with a pointed tip that move through the air, and both can be shot with a bow. However, the German term Pfeil also denotes a tool that can operate without a bow; a human arm can throw a Pfeil or a blowgun can set it in motion. For this kind of application, it is called a dart in English. From the Tibetan sources' use and definitions, we can assume that *mda'* denotes rather a *Pfeil* than specifically an *arrow or dart*. The term *mda' bo che, literally 'the big arrow', points to a close relation with pikes. The compound translates also the Sanskrit tomara.<fnref n="74" />

Numerous passages in the *Pelliot Tibétain* collection testify that bows, and particularly arrows, were common tools in early Tibet.

<footnote n="69">69 Hence, arrows are a common burial gift whereas a sword or lance together with a bow and arrows are uncommon. There is also no unanimous opinion on whether arrows and arrowheads in burial objects should be regarded as tools for warfare or indicator of hunting activities; see, for example Hanks, "Reconsidering Warfare", 26-7.</footnote>

<footnote n="70">70 For photographs and further information, such as the material and shape of Tibetan arrows, bows and quivers; see La Rocca, *Warriors of the Himalayas*, 187-96. For further descriptions and depictions of arrows, see La Rocca, "Recent Acquisitions... Part 2", 6-7.</footnote>

<footnote n="71">71 Demonstrating skills in arrow shooting continued to be valued up until the twentieth century, as is shown by the fact that archery competitions were held in various places in Tibet during New Year ceremonies including the state ceremonies in Lhasa, in particular during the 'Gallop behind the fort' (*rdzong rgyab zhabs 'bel*), and the 'sky archery' ('*gnam mda*'') contest, see Richardson, *Ceremonies*, 56-9.</footnote>

<footnote n="72">72 See Boeheim, *Waffenkunde*, 389.</footnote>

<footnote n="73">73 Jäschke, *Tibetan-English Dictionary*, 272.</footnote>

<footnote n="74">74 See Lokesh Chandra, *Tibetan-Sanskrit*, 1227. The term appears in a Vinaya text translated from Sanskrit, the *Pravrajyāvastu* or *Rab tu 'byung ba'i gzhi*. See Eimer, *Übersetzung des Pravrajyāvastu*, 8: *mda' bo che 'phen thabs*, "the throwing of a javelin". For *mda' bo che*, see Ishihama and Fukuda, *Mahāvyutpatti*, 242, no. 4983. Losch, "Abriß der Waffenkunde", 213, interprets *tomara* as a lance with an arrow-shaped tip ("Lanze mit pfeilförmiger Spitze"). On the unit of bow and arrow and the various methods to shoot arrows, see Kōhalmi, "Der Pfeil bei den innerasiatischen Reiternomaden", 110-13.</footnote>
These early sources provide some information about the weapons'
various materials, condition, and function, applications, shapes and
ornamentation. While sharpened wood or bamboo served as common
materials for arrows (or pikes), specific kinds could be made of iron.<fnref n="75" />
Arrows are relatively simple instruments with sharp heads but, to
make them more powerful, hunting arrows, for example, were feath-
ered. Through this addition, the flight of the arrow was stabilised,<fnref n="76" />
and they were sufficiently strong to pierce a wild yak.<fnref n="77" />

Several texts refer to a specific shape of arrow or its tip. The iron arrowhead's (mdo *lcags*)<sup>78</sup> shape can also resemble a hatchet or axe (*ste'u ka ma*), a shape that is preserved throughout the literature since documents from the *Pelliot Tibétain* collection, here PT 1287:

Sharp but inefficient are the iron arrowheads with an axe-blade-
[shape].<sup>79</sup>

All interpretations of the Tibetan term result in a tool with an axe-blade shape for *ste'u ka ma* or *ste'u kha* which is likely to be derived from *ste'u* for 'axe'.<sup>80</sup>

If we imagine an arrow with an axe-blade head, a specific question arises: how would such an arrow fly when shot with a bow? Does the text really refer to an arrow or something else? In order to attempt to answer these questions, I investigated also the Sanskrit and Mongolian languages for their respective equivalents. The *Mahāvyutpatti*

<footnote n="75">75 In Indian contexts, arrows can also be poisoned, a practice which was also followed in the Tibetan borderlands, particularly the frontier areas of Tibet, such as Nagaland. Personal communication with Jampa Panglung in Munich, February 2020.</footnote>

<footnote n="76">76 On the feathers' purpose and qualities, and the birds' species they come from, see Kóhalmi, "Der Pfeil bei den innerasiatischen Reiternomaden", 123-7, 149.</footnote>

<footnote n="77">77 Spanien, Imaeda, *Documents Tibétains*, vol. 2, pl. 565, ll. 241-2: *rgod kyis ni ma bsgron na / 'brong la ni re myi 'jen //* (If an arrow is not studded with [the feathers of] an eagle, it cannot pierce a wild yak). Tibetan sources provide information on the best time for collecting feathers from different types of birds. The waterfowl's feathers, for example, are best in summer and the eagle's in winter; see La Rocca, "Recent Acquisitions... Part 2", 6.</footnote>

<footnote n="78">78 The translation follows Bialek, *Compounds and Compounding*, vol. 2, 133 and 201. She derives the term *mdo lcags* from a contraction of *mda'i lcags*, "the iron of the arrow" in the phrase of PT 1287: *mdo lcags ni ste'u ka ma*, see 199-201.</footnote>

<footnote n="79">79 Spanien, Imaeda, *Documents Tibétains*, vol. 2, pl. 575, ll. 484-5: *rno ste ni myi mkhas pa mdo lcags ni ste'u ka ma //*. For an analysis of *ste'u ka ma*, see Bialek, *Compounds and Compounding*, vol. 2, 131-3.</footnote>

<footnote n="80">80 The *Mirror of Royal Genealogies* refers to an 'arrow' with a hatchet that cleaves a buzzard or falcon; see Sørensen, *Royal Genealogies*, 349, footnote 1106, "saber-formed arrow head". Kuznetsov, *Gsal ba'i me long*, 160, l. 33: *mda' ste'u kha mas / bya khra rked par bcad //*. The expression *mda' ste'u kha ma* could be short for *mda' lcags ste'u kha ma* and therefore refer only to the arrowhead (*mda' lcags*) and its shape, and not to an arrow.</footnote>
renders Sanskrit *bhalla* as ste'u kam or ste'u ka ma.<fnref n="81" /> Since the Sanskrit term *bhalla* denotes “a kind of arrow or missile with a point of a particular shape” or “a kind of crescent-shaped missile or arrow”, its actual meaning remains somewhat vague.<fnref n="82" /> Here, we also find three other terms that refer to arrowheads that are, in contrast, spelled *mde'u*: these are the arrow with a calf tooth head (*mde'u be'u so 'dra ba*, Sanskrit *vatsadantaka*),<fnref n="83" /> the arrow with four-edged head (*mde'u zur bzhi pa*, Sanskrit *tilakocavakam*)<fnref n="84" /> and the arrow with a bird's heart head (*mde'u bye'u* (or *byi'u*) *snying ma*, Sanskrit *mūrkhalikā* or *mudgalikā*).<fnref n="85" />

Although the Mongolian translation apparently does not distinguish between *mde'u* und *ste'u*, the Tibetan terms are clearly distinct: *mde'u* is a diminutive of *mda*', <fnref n="86" /> the arrow; whereas *ste'u* comes from *sta* (or *sta re*), the axe. Judging from the Sanskrit terminology, only the terms with *mde'u* clearly denote shapes of arrowheads. The *Rāmāyaṇa* names various terms for arrowheads that describe mainly their shapes such as broad-headed (*nālika*), folded-palm-headed (*añjalika*), half-moon-headed (*ardhacandra*), to name a few. And, as the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of art shows, the shapes of arrowheads were also many in the Tibetan cultural context.<fnref n="87" /> A historical text that probably originates from the eighteenth century describes the quality and shape of arrows and arrowheads similar to the Indian characteristics in the *Rāmāyaṇa*. Here, we find, for example shapes like hawk beak (*khra mchu*), leaf (*ldeb*), flesh splitter (*sha 'brad*) or pig's tongue (*phag lce*).<fnref n="88" />

<footnote n="81">81 Ishihama, Fukuda, *Mahāvyutpatti*, 290, no. 6078.</footnote>

<footnote n="82">82 Monier-Williams, *Sanskrit-English*, 748; see also Böhtlingk, *Sanskrit*, 4, Teil, 253; and Apte, *Sanskrit-English*, 1187; see also Goldman, Goldman, van Nooten, *Rāmāyaṇa*, 1559. I would like to thank Roland Steiner, LMU Munich, for his suggestions and comments.</footnote>

<footnote n="83">83 Goldman, Goldman, van Nooten, *Rāmāyaṇa*, 1559, translated “calf’s-foot-headed”.</footnote>

<footnote n="84">84 Edgerton, *Buddhist Hybrid*, 254. The etymology of the term is not clear. According to Edgerton, Tibetan matches the Japanese interpretation “an arrowhead with four edges or blades”, the Chinese equivalent refers apparently to an “arrowhead with four layers”.</footnote>

<footnote n="85">85 Ishihama, Fukuda, *Mahāvyutpatti*, 289-90, nos. 6076, 6077, and 6079.</footnote>

<footnote n="86">86 Kōhalmi, “Der Pfeil bei den innerasiatischen Reiternomaden”, states that the additional flask at the tip of the arrow where the fletcher fixes the arrowhead is called *mde rten*, short for *mde'u rten* “the holder of the arrowhead” (Pfeilspitzenhalter) or “the support of the arrowhead” (Pfeilspitzenstütze), 134.</footnote>

<footnote n="87">87 For the material, size, weight, shape, and manufacture of arrowheads in greater area of Central Asia, see Kōhalmi, “Der Pfeil bei den innerasiatischen Reiternomaden”, 127-33. The significance of the arrow is emphasised by the fact that in the nomadic regions of the greater Central Asia arrow making was a craft in its own right.</footnote>

<footnote n="88">88 For depictions of various types of arrows and arrowheads, and a translation in parts of the historical Tibetan work which also refers to the quality of the arrow's material such as reed and feathers, see La Rocca, “Recent Acquisitions... Part 2”, 6-8.</footnote>
The Tibetan *ste'u kam* or *ste'u ka ma* is the Mongolian *cabciyur* or *cabciyur sumu*. The term denotes some kind of chopping tool or, more specifically, a hatchet or cleaver, while *sumu* denotes a "missile, arrow, bullet, shot, ammunition".<fnref n="89" /> If we assume that the interpretation of *ste'u ka ma* is correct, then, is this 'tool with a hatchet' really an arrow shot with a bow? A hatchet on the tip of an arrow would cause such an imbalance in the tool that it would certainly not fly very far and would miss its target. We might therefore assume that these denominations point to some kind of categorising function rather than explicitly describe the shape. Since *ste'u* is derived from *sta* the term could also refer to a battle-axe.<fnref n="90" /> Further reflection leads to another idea: very common medieval weapons were spears, pikes and javelins, a kind of thrusting pole weapons. Spears with axe-like heads are bearded axes or halberds. In particular, halberds with their pointed tips resemble a pike with an axe or hatchet. Another possibility would be the martel that occasionally has a pointed tip.<fnref n="91" /> Though I could, of course, be mistaken, the term *ste'u ka ma* could presumably also refer to thrusting pole weapon with a specific head rather than an arrow shot with a bow.

A document in PT 1287 describes a very precious arrow, furnished with a head of turquoise that the hunter, perhaps a king or high official, kept in a golden quiver (*dong ral*).<fnref n="92" /> The term *dong*, that occurs in Old Tibetan documents, is apparently original Tibetan and abbreviates *mda' dong* for a quiver. This compound stems from *dong po*, *dong pa* or *ldong po*, denoting a tube. In our database, these terms are attested in sources from the fourteenth and seventeenth centuries.<fnref n="93" /> Literature from the eighteenth century, such as the above-mentioned epistle from 1727 written by Pholhané to the Chinese Emper-

<footnote n="89">89 Lessing, *Mongolian-English*, 154 and 737.</footnote>

<footnote n="90">90 I wish to thank Joanna Bialek and Donald La Rocca for discussing this topic with me. They both assume that these names for the arrow's iron tip should not necessarily be taken too literally. Personal communications in July 2020.</footnote>

<footnote n="91">91 See, for example, Bennett et al., *Fighting Techniques*, 20; for the various types of halberds, see Boehm, *Waffenkunde*, 330-42 and 364. For a definition of halberds, "a weapon consisting of a spear and a battleaxe combined", see the OED. Halberds or similar weapons were also used, for example, in China. However, confirmation of this assumption would require further research since I am not aware of their use in Tibet.</footnote>

<footnote n="92">92 Spanien, Imaeda, *Documents Tibétains*, vol. 2, pl. 575, ll. 479-80; *gser gyi ni dong ral na g.yu'i ni //*. In the literature translated from Sanskrit, such as Haribhatta's *Jātakamāla*, the quiver (*dong ba*, for Sanskrit *śaradhi*) is where hunters kept their arrows; see Hahn, Klaus, *Mrgajātaka*, 30, 52. The notches of the arrows could be lined with turquoise, which gave the arrow a magical power or denoted rank, see Kóhalmi, "Der Pfeil bei den innerasiatischen Reiternomaden", 123.</footnote>

<footnote n="93">93 Kuznetsov, *Gsal ba'i me long*, 100, 1. 3: *dong par mda' mang po chug bya ba yin //*. Sørensen, *Royal Genealogies*, 238: "Insert many arrows in the quiver". The term *mda' dong* occurs also in the mid-seventeenth century biography of Drukpa Kunleg; see Kretschmar, *'Brug pa Kun legs*, 57, 1. 5.</footnote>
or, uses *sag thag* to indicate a quiver.<fnref n="94" /> This loanword originates in the Mongolian word *sayadaya*, a term with an ambiguously presented interpretation in the literature. The Mongolian language knows two terms for 'quiver', the other being *qorumsaya* which translates Tibetan *gzhu shubs*, that is the quiver or the case for the bow to protect its end. By contrast, *sayadaya* refers to the quiver for the arrow.<fnref n="95" /> Based on Pholhané's epistle, we might assume that the Mongolian term had replaced the early Tibetan term *mda' dong*, short *dong*. Since the bilateral relations between the Mongols and Tibetans began in the thirteenth century, Mongolian terms gradually entered Tibetan language and also influenced Tibet's political and military culture. Tibet's territorial reorganisation with the development and reform of postal stations is well known,<fnref n="96" /> and this also lead to the adoption of Mongolian terms, whereas the investigation of Tibetan-Mongol military relations, particularly the transfer of material culture, remains a desideratum.<fnref n="97" />

Let us examine the general information on arrows. The stories in the Old Tibetan documents reveal information regarding the functioning and usage of arrows. A statement in PT 1287, for example, assigns arrows great effectiveness since even a tiny arrow can kill a strong yak:

> Even a tiny arrow shot at a big yak will kill [the animal].<fnref n="98" />

Apart from emphasising the power of an arrow, this quote refers to an arrow that a hunter or warrior shot with a bow rather than to a pike or javelin. In the Tibetan cultural context, the arrow is closely associated with the bow as they form a sort of unit. Even if specific phrases refer to the arrow alone, they imply the use of a bow also.<fnref n="99" />

Hunting animals such as wild yaks led apparently to unforeseeable accidents, despite the sparse human population.<fnref n="100" />

<footnote n="94">94 Schuh, *Siegelkunde*, 83-5, ll. 34-6, 99-102.</footnote>

<footnote n="95">95 There may already be some imprecision in Lessing, *Mongolian-English*, 656, where *sayadaya* is translated as "quiver, arrow case" and *qorumsaya*, page 969, as "quiver". According to Heissig and Müller, *Die Mongolen, Katalogteil, 140-3*, *sayadaya* denotes the quiver for the bow, whereas the quiver for arrows is called *choromsogo* (phon.), i.e. *qorumsaya*. The term also translates German "Bogenschuh", a case to protect the bow's end. In her analysis of the material, shape and terms of the various quivers based on multilingual dictionaries of the Qing dynasty, Kōhalmi, "Abschnitt der Waffenbehälter", 196-9, comes to an opposite conclusion. Another synonym for *sag thag* or *mda' dong* is *stag ral*, see Maurer, Schneider, *Wörterbuch*, 27, 137.</footnote>

<footnote n="96">96 See, for example, Maurer, "Tibetan Governmental Transport".</footnote>

<footnote n="97">97 The first studies on Tibetan-Mongol military relations are presented by Federica Venturi and Hosung Shim in *Asian Influences on Tibetan Military History*.</footnote>

<footnote n="98">98 Spanien, Imaeda, *Documents Tibétains*, vol. 2, pl. 576, l. 511: *g.yag ched po la mda' phra mos phangsna* [recte 'phang sna] *sod krang //*.</footnote>

<footnote n="99">99 Personal communication with Jampa Panglung, February 2020.</footnote>

<footnote n="100">100 For details on hunting accidents, see Richardson, *High Peaks*, 149-66.</footnote>
passages in the old manuscripts, such as PT 1071, report hunting with arrows, and particularly hunting accidents resulting in fatalities. Shooting a person with an arrow was considered a severe offence and, therefore, legally judged in the same vein as homicide.<fnref n="101" /> The frequency of casualties caused by hunting accidents is reflected in Tibetan legislation, as the authorities established legal rules requiring compensation (*myi stong*) for these cases. PT 1071 reports compensation for a death due to being shot by an arrow, as an anecdote reveals that a civilian killed a military person with a misdirected arrow that was intended to kill an animal, with the result that he had to pay compensation (*myi stong*) of 150 *srang*.<fnref n="102" />

The numerous mentions in Old Tibetan documents, particularly of arrows, indicate that these were relatively common tools that people could manufacture by simple means.<fnref n="103" /> As they were used for hunting, they were not assigned to a specific class of people, as in the case of, for example, swords. Particularly precious arrows with turquoise arrowheads kept in a golden quiver are likely to belong to a king. Titles and high military ranks such as *mda' dpon* and *mda' spyi* in the Tibetan army, translated as 'general' or 'commander' and 'General-in-Chief' emphasise the importance of this weapon.<fnref n="104" /> But arrows were the weapons of commoners as well. Nevertheless, their use conflicted with Buddhist teaching, and therefore particularly monks were supposed to avoid engaging in shooting. In his chronicle, Nelpa Paṇḍita judged monks as mad (*smyo*) when they shot arrows. Following the murder of Ralpachen, King Langdarma (Glang dar ma) is said to have forced the Buddhist monks to arm themselves with bows and arrows and to violate the order of not killing sentient beings by hunting and

<footnote n="101">101 Spanien, Imaeda, *Documents Tibétains*, vol. 2, pl. 379, ll. 24-7: *mda's ni phogste / nga'i / mda' ma yiṅ ces / mchī / snyon snyon ma tshangs dang / mda's phog pa gus* [recte gum] *yang rung / ma gum yang rung / thong / myi khrims bzhin du dgum* // (Someone was struck by an arrow. If [the accused] says 'This was not my arrow' but is not exonerated, he is - no matter if the person struck by an arrow was killed or not - to be killed according to the law for murder). Similarly, Spanien, Imaeda, *Documents Tibétains*, vol. 2, pl. 379, ll. 13-15.</footnote>

<footnote n="102">102 Spanien, Imaeda, *Documents Tibétains*, vol. 2, pl. 392, ll. 277-80: *rgyal 'bangs rgod do 'tshald / dang stong mnyam ba zhig la / g.yung ngo 'tshald dang / lho bal btson / yan cad kyis / ri dags la / stsog / pa la / mdas rnyul phas phog pa dang / gum [...] myi stong du srang brgya' Inga bcu babste* // (For every military subject and someone equal who passed away after he was hit by an arrow shot at deer by a non-military subject or a lho bal prisoner, a compensation of 150 *srang* is to be paid).</footnote>

<footnote n="103">103 Because of the ease of making bows and arrows, these weapons were probably the most common weapons among the Mongols as well, see Venturi, "Mongol and Tibetan Armies on the Trans-Himalayan Fronts", 34 fn. 15.</footnote>

<footnote n="104">104 For reflections in the titles, see, for example, Travers, "Horse-Riding and Target-Shooting Contest", 3-4, and fn. 23.</footnote>
killing animals.<fnref n="105" /> According to a nineteenth century legal document (bca' yig) by the fourteenth Karmapa, the use of arrows in multiple ways was relatively common until modern times. This document forbids monks, as well as lay people, to kill animals and play around with arrows (mda' rtsed).<fnref n="106" />

In Tibetan and Indian culture, archery is one of the skills that a warrior must acquire for warfare. Together with lances (mda' chen) and battle-axes (dgra sta), bows and arrows were used in military conflicts.<fnref n="107" /> In the literature, arrows are assigned great power, which is why they also appear, together with bows, as magical weapons. The Bon source Ziji illustrates a bow that bends by itself and an arrow that shoots by itself.<fnref n="108" /> Another Bon source, the Zermig (Gzer mig), describes the specific technique of using an iron arrow which the archer places "rotating in the bow". The text assigns it such a strong power that it can pierce through nine iron shields.<fnref n="109" /> I understand this technique as a sort of preparation to make the arrow rotate faster, probably referring to the fact that arrows rotate while flying toward their targets. The rotation of the arrow makes its flight stable and thereby more accurate, since its tip remains pointed in the right direction. Another factor, which might have been more important, is that rotation corrects the irregularities of the shaft. Without any rotation, these irregularities would change the arrow's trajectory.<fnref n="110" />

In contrast to the arrow, information on the bow, its material, shape or decoration is rare. PT 1287 describes a bow as having white ends and being decorated with yak horn ('brong gi ru').<fnref n="111" /> The Gesar Epic refers to a bow made of iron, lcags gzhu, a term that could also

<footnote n="105">105 Uebach, Nelpa Pandita, 118-9, fol. 14b 1. 2: btsun pa kun rtags dang phral / rtags 'bor du ma btub pa kun la / mda' gzhu [...] gtad nas lings la bkod //. See also 122-3, fol. 15a 1. 6: btsun pa khyi khrid / rnga bshang [recte gshang] rdung / mgo la bya sgra bt-sugs / sham thabs sdzes [recte rdzes] nas ri dags la mda' 'phen pa g.yo dge 'byung gi[s] mthong nas // (Yogechung (G.yo dge 'byung) saw monks who walked dogs, beat drums and rang a bell; those who attached feathers to their heads, rolled up their lower garment and shot arrows at the deer).</footnote>

<footnote n="106">106 Schuh, Dagnet, Urkunden, Erlasse und Sendschreiben, 247, ll. 28-9: dud 'gro srog gcod pa mda' rtsed rdo skor glu gling har rgyug skad 'gyang [recte rgyang] rtsid cho[s] sogs [...] byas mi {m}chog cing //. For the German translation, see 244.</footnote>

<footnote n="107">107 Zimmermann, Subhāśitaratna, 226-7: mda' dang mda' chen dgra sta dang / mtshon cha yis ni g.yul 'gyed cing //.</footnote>

<footnote n="108">108 Tibetan Bonpo Monastic Centre, Gzi brjid, vol. 2, 65, ll. 5-66, l. 1: gzhu mo rang bdung 'di la 'khor / mda' mo rang 'phen//.</footnote>

<footnote n="109">109 Tenzin Namdak, Gzer mig, 668, ll. 5-6: lcags kyi mda' ni kril gyis bkang // lcags kyi mda' ni [...] lcags kyi phub dgu lcur phyung na //.</footnote>

<footnote n="110">110 http://www.bogensport.cc/traditionell-bogenschiessen/trad-bogenschiessen/technisches/pfeilrotation/index.php.</footnote>

<footnote n="111">111 Spanien, Imaeda, Documents Tibétains, vol. 2, pl. 575, ll. 483-5: drag ste ni myi mkhas pa mcho gar ni 'brong gi ru / rno ste ni myi mkhas pa mdo lcags ni ste'u ka //. For an analysis of mchog gar, see Bialek, Compounds and Compounding, vol. 2, 40-3.</footnote>
refer to a crossbow, another ancient weapon.<fnref n="112" /> The biography of Pad-
masambhava provides the designation of the bowman who is called
*dpag chen*, literally ‘the large dimension, great measure’, an expres-
sion which is likely to stress the long range of the arrow.<fnref n="113" />

3.3 Slings (’ur rdo)

Another ancient weapon that is designed to hit a target at long dis-
tance is the sling ('ur rdo), which propels stones through the air. The
sling is usually made of dark and light yak hair mixed with other
wool, and throws a single stone as its projectile. A special category
is the so-called 'nine-eyed' sling".<fnref n="114" /> The sling's swing through the
air before the stone is released resembles the action of a lasso. By
contrast with the lasso, the fighter swings the sling with the stone at
the side of his body and not above himself. In order to hurl the stone,
the fighter releases one end of the rope. Tibetans used slings fre-
quently in daily life since particularly nomads or other cattle breed-
ers used them to herd their animals and also to hunt small animals.
Their range is said to reach as far as 300 meters.<fnref n="115" /> Literary sourc-
es in our database are, however, rare. The *Gesar Epic* describes the
sling as a very powerful weapon. If the fighter flings it through the
air like sparks of lightening, the stone can even split rocks into small
fragments.<fnref n="116" /> The epic also refers to its metaphorical use since it is,
like other weapons, considered a seat of the warrior gods.<fnref n="117" /> Many

<footnote n="112">112 Stein, *L'épopée tibétaine de Gesar*, 196, ll. 18-19: *lcags gzhu rno mtshon ma dgos kyang//*. For detailed descriptions and depictions of various crossbows all over Europe, see Boeheim, *Waffenkunde*, 401-30. For crossbows and related weapons in the medi-eval and early modern Indian sources, see Slaje, "Schleuder, Katapult, Armburst und Kanonen.", 131-6.</footnote>

<footnote n="113">113 For the reference in the biography of Padmasambhava, see O rgyan gling pa, *Gu ru pad ma 'byung gnas*, 66a ll. 5-6. The expression *dpag chen* occurs again in the term for the cannon, see § 3.4.</footnote>

<footnote n="114">114 For a detailed description of a Tibetan sling, its manufacture and use in daily life, see Desrosiers, “Tibetischen Schleuder”, 177. The popularity of the ‘nine-eyed’ sling is reflected by a Tibetan street song which mentions how the Chinese Communist gov-ernment managed to place its troops and officials in Lhasa without combat; see Gold-stein, *Modern Tibet*, 170-1. For slings in India, see Slaje, “Schleuder, Katapult, Arm-burst und Kanonen.”, 111-26. Slings were widespread as weapons of war in Europe as well, see Boeheim, *Waffenkunde*, 385-8.</footnote>

<footnote n="115">115 Chodag, Tibet, 257.</footnote>

<footnote n="116">116 Stein, *L'épopée tibétaine de Gesar*, 266, ll. 30-31: 'ur rdo thog zil me stag tshubs se 'phangs byung bas brag dkar de rdul phran du gtor // (When the sling was hurled like spraying sparks of lightening, [the stone] scattered the white rock into small particles).</footnote>

<footnote n="117">117 Stein, *L'épopée tibétaine de Gesar*, 266, ll. 12-13: ngas lag na bzung ba'i 'ur rdo 'di / dgra lha'i rten mkhar dang po yin // (The sling I hold in my hands is the first resi-dence of the warrior gods).</footnote>
centuries later, the tool occurs as a requisite in *Gto* rituals to defeat demons and also in Tibetan religious dances.<fnref n="118" /> In military conflict, Tibetans used these weapons until the twentieth century.

## 3.4 Firearms (*me mda′*) and Cannons (*dpag chen me stobs*)

To round off the topic of long-range weapons, the following passage presents just a few references to firearms and cannons. These terms occur rarely in the database, since the material collected in the *Wörterbuch der Tibetischen Schriftsprache* is primarily drawn from ancient and medieval literature. Even a further search of the documents published by Dieter Schuh failed to bring forth any further quotes about firearms. Only the above-mentioned epistle that Miwang Pholhané wrote in 1727 to the Chinese Emperor mentions firearms (*me mda′*). Miwang’s epistle points out that muskets (*me mda′*) and armour (*a khrab*) were among the equipment given to the Mongols who were subject to the Emperor’s rule.<fnref n="119" /> Since we know these firearms spread gradually within Tibet from the sixteenth century onward,<fnref n="120" /> the fact that there is no more than a single mention appears still surprising, but this is certainly due to the nature and time period of the selected sources in the Munich database. The only document that mentions a cannon dates from 1796 and concerns a grant of legal privileges and estates. A certain Tenzin Namgyal (Bstan ’dzin rnam rgyal) issued the deed (*she bam*) which refers to a cannon that was delivered to the Sikkimese palace Raptentsé (Rab brtan rtse) in the context of the Gorkha war in 1788.

> When the Gorkha troops had been repelled, he sent five prisoners and 300 weapons together with a cannon to Raptentsé.<fnref n="121" />

The term for the cannon *dpag chen stobs me* clearly tries to express its function, that is to say its long range (*dpag chen*) and the use of fire power (*stobs me*). Since cannons are particularly difficult to trans-

<footnote n="118">118 Lin, *Systematisierung von gTo-Ritualen* 2005, 187: *rdo la sogs pa skud pa sngo dmar gyi 'ur thog gis dgra phyogs su 'phang bas dgra bgegs brlag par bsams la //* (By hurling the stones in the direction of the enemy with a sling made of blue and red strings, you imagine that the dgra bgegs are destroyed). See Nebesky-Wojkowitz, *Religious Dances*, 84.</footnote>

<footnote n="119">119 Schuh, *Siegelkunde*, 83-5, ll. 34-6, 99-102.</footnote>

<footnote n="120">120 La Rocca, *Warriors of the Himalayas*, 198.</footnote>

<footnote n="121">121 Schuh, Dagyab, *Urkunden, Erlasse und Sendschreiben*, 20, ll. 13-14: *gor dmag phyir 'ded kyi btsong Inga mgo [recte go] lag sum brgya dpag chen me stobs g.lag cha [recte lag cha] bcas rab brtser rim btang dang //*. For the German translation, see 18-19. The term that denotes weapons here is *go lag*.</footnote>
port in high mountain areas, they must have been rare. Tibetan cultural areas however had numerous references to smaller firearms such as guns and pistols which were often kept in private households, at least in the late nineteenth and twentieth century. Therefore, these two references, included here for the sake of comprehensiveness as far as weapon types are concerned, clearly do not enable us to form an opinion about the extent of their diffusion.

### 3.5 The Lance, Spear, or Pike (mdung, mdung mo)

This section deals with pole arms or pikes, a category which includes stabbing, thrusting, or cutting weapons and some kinds of missiles. Since antiquity, soldiers have used them in single combat as well as larger battles. Generally speaking, this type of weapon consists of two parts: a long shaft or pole, usually wooden, with an iron blade attached to it. Since they partially consist of metal, their manufacture required skill in ironworking, and was more laborious, time-consuming and costlier than the manufacture of lassos, slings, bows and arrows. The shape, length, and width of both the blade and the shaft vary broadly, and their nomenclature in English indicates whether they were used as a throwing weapon (spear, dart and pike) or stABBING weapon (lance). The length of Tibetan spears ranges from about 1.70 meter to 5 meters. It may therefore be difficult to distinguish the shorter ones from pikes or javelins, that is “a light spear thrown with the hand with or without the help of a thong; a dart”.<fnref n="122" /> The dart is “a pointed missile weapon thrown by the hand, a light spear or javelin; also applied to pointed missiles in general, including arrows”.<fnref n="123" /> According to the analysis of European weapons, their use as a throwing weapon in cavalry required an extension of their shaft from 3.5 to 4 meters. The javelin thrown by foot soldiers is about 2 to 2.5 meters long. The term dart originates most likely from the Arabic term *djerd*.<fnref n="124" />

In Tibetan, all these long, stABBing weapons are referred to as *mdung* or *mdung mo*, although, technically speaking, the spear, lance,

<footnote n="122">122 For a definition of ‘javelin’, see the OED.</footnote>

<footnote n="123">123 For spears and spearheads in seventeenth to nineteenth century Tibet, see La Rocca, *Warriors of the Himalayas*, 174-84. For the definition of ‘spear’ and ‘ dart’, see the OED.</footnote>

<footnote n="124">124 For a detailed analysis of the pole arms with their varieties and usage, see Boeheim, *Waffenkunde*, 305-30. Translated and autochthonous Tibetan sources, such as *Viséasastava*, see for example Schneider, *Lobpreis der Vorzüglichkeit*, 232, ll. 5-6 and 11-2; the biography of Padmasambhava, see O rgyan gling pa, *Gu ru pad ma'byung gnas*, 41b l. 5 and *The Mirror of the Royal Genealogies*, see Kuznetsov, *gSal ba'i me long*, 5, ll. 19-20 also refer to stakes (*gsal shing*). These wooden instruments, resembling a pike, were apparently used to punish and kill criminals, for example. There are no quotes related to their usage in warfare.</footnote>
and javelin or dart are used differently. Tibetans call the short spear, lance, pike, or javelin *mdung thung* or *thab mdung*.<fnref n="125" /> The term *mdung thung* occurs already in the *Mahāvyutpatti*'s section on weapons as a translation of Sanskrit *śakti*.<fnref n="126" />

The oldest sources that provide information on metalwork, weapons, and armour are the *Ziji* and the *Gesar Epic* (considering their earlier oral transmission). In particular, Shenrap Miwo's biography, *Ziji*, with its *zhang zhung* vocabulary and descriptions of metalwork, points to the origin of smithery in the Tibetan Empire during the first millennium BC. Although the editors of the text probably revised and adjusted the information to suit more modern conditions, the preserved vocabulary alone, with its abundance of types of metal and richness of military equipment, such as the various weapons, helmets and insignia assigned to various social classes, suggests that the text preserves ancient knowledge on state and military organisation, arms production, and warfare.<fnref n="127" /> Since the empire of Zhang zhung is assigned to the western Tibetan region, the findings of this Bon source could indicate an influence or even introduction of iron technology from the west of Tibet. According to the present state of research, Tibet had strong ties with Central Asia, the Sasanians, and Sogdians from whom they imported weapons, armour, and mail, as well as knowledge of how to manufacture them. By contrast, forging is said to have developed in China only from the sixth century AD,<fnref n="128" /> a fact that could explain the emergence of smithery centres in the Derge area in eastern Tibet. As we shall see, these metal weapons and armour, in particular, served as status symbols for political leaders.

The first historical references to ironwork in the Tibetan Empire occur in documents from the *Pelliot Tibétain* collection, which describe the use of metal weapons with an indirect reference to smithery. The frequent references to metal weapons in PT suggest also that metalwork was already well established by the beginning of the Tibetan empire, thus reinforcing the assumption of its early introduction in ancient Tibet. Therefore, by the eighth century, smithery appears to have been a common handicraft, introduced from the areas to the west and northwest of Tibet.

<footnote n="125">125 Jäschke, *Tibetan-English Dictionary*, 272. See also Schmidt, *Wörterbuch*, 268.</footnote>

<footnote n="126">126 Ishihama, Fukuda, *Mahāvyutpatti*, 289, no. 6067; for *mdung*, see 6059, Sanskrit *kunta*; for a lance with three tips called *mdung rtse gsum pa*, Sanskrit *trisūla*, see 6064.</footnote>

<footnote n="127">127 See Bellezza, *Zhang Zhung*, 238-44. Hummel, "Schmied in Tibet", 264 also dates ironwork to the first millemnium BC, and bronze work that dates back even earlier than this. These theories would have to be proven by archaelogical findings.</footnote>

<footnote n="128">128 Clarke, "History of Ironworking in Tibet", 21-3. Hummel, "Schmied in Tibet", 263, also pointed to the Middle East as the source region for metallurgy in India and Central Asia. I also would like to thank Jampa Panglung, Veronika Ronge and Lobsang Yongdan for discussing this issue with me.</footnote>
The entries in the Munich database stemming from these three sources equally mention, like the other weapons discussed so far, *mdung* as a tool which possesses magical power. In PT 1287, for example, *mdung* functions as a divine (*lha'i dkor*) or magical instrument (*phrul gyi dkor*). As it acts by itself, this self-thrusting lance (*mdung rang 'debs*) grants enormous power and strength to a warrior.<fnref n="129" /> Another story in PT 1287 reports golden spearheads (*gser gyi mdung rtse*) which the ruler Longam (Lo ngam) used as magical instruments. He attached them to oxen horns in order to attack *btsan* demons.<fnref n="130" /> They are also the requisites of ministers, and to keep them functioning well, they had to be sharpened.<fnref n="131" />

As we have already seen above, a similar motif occurs in the Bon source *Ziji*, where the word *mdung mo* implies the warrior gods' action of magically thrusting. The tool, be it a spear or lance, needs no agent but works by itself. With an evocation, the warrior gods are called on to gather around specific magical weapons, including a bow (*gzhu mo*), arrow (*mda' mo*), and spear (*mdung mo*).<fnref n="132" />

The power and speed of this weapon are exemplified in *The Conquest of the Fort of Sumpa*, which compares *mdung* with a meteor that hits a person's body.<fnref n="133" /> The image of a meteor flying through the air suggests that *mdung* denotes here a throwing spear or javelin.

Another passage in the same text probably uses *mdung* to denote a different weapon. The story tells about warriors who fought in competitive duels in the past. The winner was only decided after two or more combats with several weapons. First, warriors fought with a

<footnote n="129">129 Spanien, Imaeda, *Documents Tibétains*, vol. 2, pl. 557, ll. 10-12: *lha'i dkor mdung rang 'debs dang [...] 'phrul gyi dkor ched po mnga' ba' rnams bdag la tsal na phod* // (If you grant me divine tools such as the lance that throws itself, [and other] great magical tools that you possess, I will have the courage [to fight]).</footnote>

<footnote n="130">130 Spanien, Imaeda, *Documents Tibétains*, vol. 2, pl. 557, ll. 16-17: 'ung nas lo ngam gyis glang po brgya' la / gser gyi mdung rtse nyis brgya' rwa la btags te / rgyab du thal ba bkal nas / glang nang 'thab ste / thal ba gthor nas / de'i nang du lo ngam gyis brgal to // (After this, Longam attached two hundred golden spearheads (*mdung rtse*) to the horns of two hundred oxen and loaded ashes on their backs. He fought amidst these oxen and dispersed the ashes. Then, Longam attacked [the ruler] among them). For *mdung rtse*, see also Spanien, Imaeda, *Documents Tibétains*, vol. 2, pl. 558, l. 57. The term *mdung rtse* refers to the tip of a spear just like *mda' rtse* refers to the tip of an arrow.</footnote>

<footnote n="131">131 See O rgyan gling pa, *Gu ru pad ma 'byung gnas*, 314b ll. 2-3: blon po rnams kyis mda' rtse mdung rtse bdar //.</footnote>

<footnote n="132">132 Tibetan Bonpo Monastic Centre, *Gzi brjid*, vol. 2, 65, l. 6-66, l. 1: *sgra bla gnyan po rten du bzhugs [...] gzhu mo rang bdung 'di la 'khor / mda' mo rang 'phen' di la 'khor / mdung mo rang 'debs' di la 'khor'* // (Mighty warrior gods, stay as support. Assemble around the bow which stretches by itself. Assemble around the arrow which shoots by itself. Assemble around the sword which cuts by itself).</footnote>

<footnote n="133">133 Kaschewsky, *Tsering, Burg von Sumpa*, vol. 2, 45a ll. 5-6: *nyi 'bum gyi gdong bkag nas 'phrul mdung me Ice hur de skar mda' ltar rgyab byung ba'i *// (To defend against Nyibum, his magical lance [called] 'Sudden fire tongue' hit him like a shooting star).</footnote>
mdung, which might denote a lance here, since fighters used them at some physical distance from their opponent. Then, they continued the fight with a gri kha, a term that can denote a simple knife but here probably also refers to a larger instrument, such as a sword, a curved dagger or a large knife. The fight was over when the warriors put away the gri kha by inserting it into its sheath (gri shub).<fnref n="134" />

The database provides also the Sanskrit term *ka na ya* for spear. Its adoption emphasises the idea of the migration of terms and weapons across borders. The Gélukpa master Tsongkapa's (*rje* Tsong kha pa blo bzang grags pa, 1357-1419) introduces this term for a spear of half length or a short spear in his *Collected Works (Gsung 'bum)*. Here, it is a tool applied in a ritual. This corresponds with Edgerton's explanation in his *Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Dictionary*, where he points out that the Sanskrit term is rare, a remark that could indicate that the weapon originated elsewhere.<fnref n="135" /> Tsongkhapa describes a peculiarity of this spear or javelin, which is the rope attached to it that allows the warrior to pull it back after usage, a device which prevents the warrior from losing the weapon if he fails to hit his enemy. Apparently, the roped spear was used in Tibet. In a specific competition that combined riding and shooting, the rider flings the spear at a target whereby the rope allows him to drag it back immediately.<fnref n="136" />

*Kanaya* is half a spear, a short spear with a rope attached to it. One winds up the spear and throws it. With the rope, one can pull it back.<fnref n="137" />

In contrast to this, the *Mahāvyutpatti* uses the Sanskrit term *prāsa* as equivalent for *mdung ngam thag mdung*; that is, a "spear (or lance, pike) or spear with a rope".<fnref n="138" /> The database, however, has no reference for *thag mdung*.

To close this section, I wish to introduce a passage from the *Geography of Tibet* where the lance is ascribed a positive connotation.

<footnote n="134">134 Kaschewsky, Tsering, *Burg von Sumpa*, vol. 2, 129a 1. 6-129b 1. 2: *de nas mdung 'dren* [recte 'gran] *byas / mtha' ma gri kha 'dren* [recte 'gran] *kyang dpa' kha mnyam pa lta bu'i ngang der g.yu lha'i gri shub[s] *nang du bcug nas //* (Then, they competed with lances, and finally with swords but, since their heroic power was relatively equal, Yulha inserted his sword into its sheath).</footnote>

<footnote n="135">135 See Edgerton, *Buddhist Hybrid*, 165. *ka na ya*, Sanskrit *kanaya* or *kaṇaya*.</footnote>

<footnote n="136">136 For the use of spears with a rope, called *thag mdung*, see Norbu, *Turnball, Tibet*, 73.</footnote>

<footnote n="137">137 For this reference of Tsongkhapa, see Tibetan Cultural Printing Press, vol. 11, 33, 1. 2: *ka na ya ni mdung phyed pa ste [...]* *mdung thung la thag pa btags yod pa mdung gsor nas 'phangs te / thag pa nas chur* [recte *tshur*] *'then pa gcig yod pa //*. With the same technique, the Tibetan monk warriors (*ldab ldob*) used a key and a type of knife with a string or a long leather handle, see Goldstein, "LDAB LDOB", 128.</footnote>

<footnote n="138">138 See Ishihama, *Fukuda, Mahāvyutpatti*, 289, no. 6058.</footnote>
The Nakartse monastery (Sna dkar rtse) displays a lance in its tem-
ple for protective deities (*mgon khang*) that is dedicated to the guard-
ian deity of the Sakya School, called the "Protector of the tent" (Gur
gyi mgon). The weapon is famous for having killed thirteen enemies
of Buddhism.<fnref n="139" /> Here, it is turned into an object of veneration and "is
said to bestow blessings". This example shows the ambiguous atti-
tude towards weapons in Buddhist contexts since many weapons are
preserved in temples for protective deities.<fnref n="140" />

3.6 Terms for Swords

In Asia, the Middle East and Europe, the sword has been the prima-
ry cutting and thrusting weapon of war since ancient times, and its
shapes are manifold. The weapon is generally made of metal, and con-
sists of a hilt, cross-guard and blade, which can be either straight
or curved. In Tibet, as in other regions, the blade may be single,
double-edged or even blunt. The blade's tip may be pointed, edged,
oblique, or rounded. This type of *mêlée* weapon includes also the
curved sword or sabre, short sword and dagger.<fnref n="141" />

So far, only a few Tibetan sources dealing with the classification of
swords have been introduced in Tibetan studies. <fnref n="142" /> These texts deal
with topics related to objects of material culture, that is the manu-
facture of religious objects such as sculptures, liturgical bells, etc.,
and secular objects, including the production of silk or porcelain, and,
on occasion, even swords. The swords' function and mode of produc-
tion might have led to their absence in some of these texts. In Tibet-
an cultural areas, the manufacture of sculptures and bells was con-
sidered a religious service, providing merit to the artisan although
the smith performed this work. Blacksmithing was ascribed a differ-
ent value and the status of the blacksmith appears to be ambiguous.
On the one hand, blacksmiths were socially stigmatised and seem
to have belonged to a lower social class. Their work was considered

<footnote n="139">139 Wylie, *Geography of Tibet*, 19, ll. 13-14 and 74. Interestingly, the enemies of the doctrine were, here, followers of the Drikung School.</footnote>

<footnote n="140">140 For a study of the *mgon khang* in Likir Monastery in Ladakh, for example, see Jamspal, "The Gonkhang, Temple of the Guardian Deities".</footnote>

<footnote n="141">141 For variations of sword, sabre and dagger, see Boeheim, *Waffenkunde*, 230-304; for a definition of a sword, see the OED. For descriptions and photographs of swords found in Tibet, see La Rocca, *Warriors of the Himalayas*, 146-73; for a depiction of a copper alloy dagger found in a tomb in Western Tibet, see Bellezza, *Besting the Best*, 206. The author states in fn. 27 that, “iron implements appeared in Xinjiang in the 10th to the 9th centuries BCE and became much more common in some regions, particularly around Tian Shan from the 8th century BCE”.</footnote>

<footnote n="142">142 For the sources, see La Rocca, "The Connoisseurship of Swords".</footnote>
'black work' (*las nag*) because it required a high degree of physical exertion but was, nevertheless, poorly paid. Moreover, some of their activities conflicted with Buddhist doctrine, since they could produce tools for killing sentient beings. They contaminated fire (*thab grib*), insulted the respective goddess, and polluted themselves. Since we know that the smiths' status in eastern Tibet was better than in areas close to Indian borders,<fnref n="143" /> we may infer that Indian concepts such as the Indian class system or Buddhist theories led to a degradation of the profession's social standing. On the other hand, smithery was important in warfare and the forging of a good sword blade required a high level of metallurgy and forging skills. Therefore, the blacksmith, who forged weapons, probably had a higher standing. Be that as it may, the Buddhist theories of killing, in some way, might have contributed to the rarity of passages dealing with armoury in written compositions.<fnref n="144" />

According to an early fifteenth century compendium on material culture, Tibetans apply their own distinct categorisation of swords, which focuses on the blade, since this is the part that determines the weapon's efficaciousness. Two further works adopted this classification, which distinguishes five sword types: zhang ma, sog po, hu phed (hu bed, hu ved, hu bde) dgu zi (gu zi), and 'ja' ral, together with their further subcategories.<fnref n="145" /> The interpretation of these terms remains unclear. Like other classifications, they might denote regions, peoples, clans, or material. The authors assign the origin of the sword to different time periods, either to the period of transition from myth to history, namely during the times of Drigum Tsenpo (Gri gum btsan po), or further back, in mythical times. The story that dates the invention of the sword to mythical times leads also to Central Asia, specifically Mongolia. A Mongol smith is said to have forged the first sword out of iron. He had discovered this substance, which was the remnant

<footnote n="143">143 Iron working skills were concentrated in the Derge area, see Clarke, "History of Ironworking in Tibet", 25.</footnote>

<footnote n="144">144 For more details on the evaluation of handicraft, and particularly the smith (*mgar ba*) in traditional Tibetan society, see Ronge, *Handwerkertum*, 30-44. For the Bon and Buddhist myths related to the smith, their cultural functions, and social status, see Hummel, "Schmied in Tibet". Although the etymology of names is not always straightforward, I would like to recall here the famous minister, Gar Tongtsen (Mgar stong btsan), whose name could point to a family of smiths who apparently attained political power. He was Tibet's regent until the reign of Songtsen Gampo (Srong btsan sgam po), and his whole family played a crucial role in the consolidation of the first Tibetan empire; see, for example, Shakabpa, *Tibet*, 25-31. I wish to thank Veronika Ronge and Lobsang Yongdan for discussing this matter with me.</footnote>

<footnote n="145">145 For the sources, their discussion and translation, see La Rocca, "The Connoisseurship of Swords", 2014 and for a terminological list of all of these sword types, see La Rocca, *Warriors of the Himalayas*, 264.</footnote>
of the fights between the demigods and demons.<fnref n="146" /> Another clue indicating this region is the name of one of the principal sword types: ‘Mongol’ (sog po). A similar story appears in the Ziji – we might assume that these stories reflect historical truth – which also provides a sword classification following the sword’s usage and function, indicating a focus on the blade.

### 3.6.1 The Sword (ral gyi and ral gri)

In this paragraph, I present a selection of Tibetan sources that refer to this close-combat weapon’s shape, use and accessories, such as the scabbard. The generic and most common term for a sword is *ral gri*. According to Jäschke, *ral gri* refers also to a “rapier and other thrust blades”.<fnref n="147" /> The ancient Tibetan sources show that the compound *ral gyi* is an early variant of *ral gri*,<fnref n="148" /> whereas the monosyllabic term *gri* generally denotes a smaller cutting instrument: a knife or dagger. However, throughout the centuries, Tibetan literature uses also *gri* as an abbreviation for *ral gri*, occasionally also to designate a sword.

Both variants, *ral gyi* and *ral gri*, occur in the early texts. The old Dunhuang documents, such as PT 1287, refer to *ral gyi*. Here, the weapon is among the gifts that a ruler called Waeyitsap (Dba’s dbyi tshab) presents as “support for the body” (*sku rten*). Other gifts are armaments, such as lamellar armour (*khrab bse*) and a sheath, here called *mdor cod*, made of white copper (*dong prom*).<fnref n="149" /> Like other weapons, a sword called *ral gyi* together with a lance occur in PT 1287 as divine instruments that are endowed with the magical powers required by warriors to go into battle.<fnref n="150" />

The *Gesar Epic’s* section *Conquest of the Fort of Sumpa* uses broadly the monosyllable *gri* to indicate a sword. Through stories of armed battles and wars, the tool here called *gri* apparently denotes a larg-

<footnote n="146">146 La Rocca, “The Connoisseurship of Swords”, 92.</footnote>

<footnote n="147">147 See Jäschke, *Tibetan-English Dictionary*, 525. Geshe Chödrak, *Brda dag*, 499, gives *dpa’ dam* as synonym for *ral gri*.</footnote>

<footnote n="148">148 For *ral gyi*, see Schmidt, *Wörterbuch*, 541. Another variant is *ral kyu*, see Tenzin, Namdak Nyima, Rabsal, *Lexicon of Zhangzhung and Bonpo Terms*, 246.</footnote>

<footnote n="149">149 Spanien, Imaeda, *Documents Tibétains*, vol. 2, pl. 566, ll. 262-3, *sku rten du khrab bse’ sna bcu dang / ldong prom gyi ral gyi’ mdor cod / gnyis gsol to //*. For the interpretation of *mdor cod*, see Bialek, *Compounds and Compounding*, vol. 2, 201-2.</footnote>

<footnote n="150">150 Spanien, Imaeda, *Documents Tibétains*, vol. 2, pl. 557, ll. 10-12: *mdung rang ‘debs dang / ral gyi rang gcod dang / khrab rang gyon dang / phub rang bzur la stsogs pa / ‘phrul gyi dkor ched po mnga’ ba ‘i rnam s bdag la stsal na phod //* (If you grant me divine tools, such as the lance that throws by itself, the sword that cuts by itself, the armour that is donned by itself, the shield that protects by itself, that is to say, the great magical tools you possess, I will have the courage [to fight]).</footnote>
er cutting instrument, like a sword to fight with (*gri brgyab*),<fnref n="151" /> rather than simply a utilitarian knife. The text also provides some information on the material. Here, we learn that the *gri* can be made of bronze (*li*), in which case it is called *li gri*. The black sword (*gri nag*), instead, is probably made of a different material.<fnref n="152" /> The text exemplifies the effectiveness and sharpness of swords when it states that their stroke will not only cause wounds and cut clothing, but also shreds armour (*khrab*).<fnref n="153" /> A single sword stroke (*gri g.yug*) to the enemy's head can be fatal whereas the use of the sword's blunt edge (*gri ltag*) prevents one from killing.<fnref n="154" />

The material of the sword was an important issue which is also addressed in texts translated from Sanskrit. Haribhatta provides some information in his Jātakamāla on one of the Buddha's former lives where he uses a poetic name to refer to a sword:

> A skilful craftsman manufactures 'Essence of Glory' (*dpal gyi snying po*) [Sanskrit *śrīgarbha*] [i.e. a sword]<fnref n="155" /> in the colour of sapphire resembling the cloudless sky. However, it is not made of metal that is impure; only bells are made of this.<fnref n="156" />

It is noticeable that the sword is made of a better material than bells used as religious symbols or religious objects. One might ask why this text uses a poetic name for weapons, which like a secret name conceals the tool, including its manufacturing process. Did the writer of this legendary story on the Buddha's previous birth consider it inappropriate to record the direct designation of a tool that was used for violent acts, and therefore conceal it under the designation 'Essence of Glory'?

<footnote n="151">151 Kaschewsky, Tsering, *Burg von Sumpa*, vol. 2, 79b ll. 4-5: dung skyong gi nub phyogs nas gri brgyab nas sum mdag 'phru ser can drug cu tsam tshags [recte chags] nyil du gtang byung ba'i // (Dungkyong fought in the west with his sword and slaughtered about 60 soldiers of the Sumpa, wearing helmets with yellow plumes).</footnote>

<footnote n="152">152 For *li gri*, see Kaschewsky, Tsering, *Burg von Sumpa*, vol. 2, 116a ll. 4-5; for *gri nag*, see 42a ll. 3-4.</footnote>

<footnote n="153">153 Kaschewsky, Tsering, *Burg von Sumpa*, vol. 2, 99b ll. 2-4.</footnote>

<footnote n="154">154 Kaschewsky, Tsering, *Burg von Sumpa*, vol. 2, 102a ll. 3-4: *khos gri g.yug them gcig la lha khri'i dbu la phog nas klad pa skya tha le byas ste //* (With a single sword stroke, he hit Lhatri on his head and his brain was turned shimmering grey [i.e. it came out of the skull]); vol. 2, 167b ll. 2-3: *mi chung skrag nas gri ltag zhig brgyab pa'i mdzo'i rna ltag la phog nas //* (Since Michung was frightened, he hit the *dzo* above the ears with the blunt edge of his sword).</footnote>

<footnote n="155">155 Zhang, *Tshig mdzod*, 1628, defines *dpal gyi snying po* as a "*(mngon) ral gri*".</footnote>

<footnote n="156">156 Hahn, Klaus, *Mrgajātaka*, 61, ll. 5-8: *bzo bo mkhas pas kyang ni sprin bral nam mkha' dang ni in dra nī la'i mdog 'dra ba'i / dpal gyi snying po byed de dri mas rtsub pa'i dril bur bcas [recte byas]* pa'i *lcags kyis ma yin no //*. The text translates *lcags* for Sanskrit *ayas* that is 'brass'.</footnote>
The naming of swords is a common characteristic of the *Gesar Epic*. A certain Phungdü (Phung bdud) launches an attack by pulling his sword, called 'Throne-cutting blue turquoise' (Khri chod g.yu sngon) out of its sheath.<fnref n="157" /> Another passage in the *Gesar Epic* compares the hilt (*thu ru*) with the part of the scale where the beams are tied together.<fnref n="158" /> The more common term for hilt is *gri mgo*; literally, 'the head of the sword'. This term and its labelling with a personal name emphasise the significance of this sword part,<fnref n="159" /> as, to be used effectively, the hilt should fit perfectly into the warrior's hand.

The challenge of determining with certainty whether or not *gri* refers to a sword or knife arises also in a far later source: the early eighteenth century decree issued by the Bhutanese leader, Drukpa Rinpoche ('Brug pa rin po che). Here, the leader specifies fines for various offenses, including for thieves, murder, and fights. In this context, he mentions "drawing a sword" or "drawing a knife" (*gri 'bal*) as a punishable offense. Drawing a blade was considered an offence as it implied the adoption of an aggressive stance. Such instances must have occurred relatively frequently as, otherwise, legislation would have been unnecessary.<fnref n="160" />

Before examining the *ral gri* more closely, I would like to point out that in the *Vinayavastu* of the Buddhist canon, the *Kanjur* (*Bka*' 'gyur*), the sword (*ral gri*) is assigned to a group of three weapons (*mtshon*), i.e. *ral gri*, *spu gri*, and *chu gri*. The text explains these as follows:

*'Giving him weapons' means: a sword (*ral gri*), a very sharp knife (*spu gri*) or a curved knife (*chu gri*).*<fnref n="161" />

This, and other quotes in the Munich Dictionary's database sources
are unrelated to military conflicts. The two knives called *spu gri* and

<footnote n="157">157 Kaschewsky, Tsering, *Burg von Sumpa*, vol. 2, 42a ll. 3-4: *ci cha med par phung bdud gyi gri nag khri chod* [g].yu sngon de blug nas // (Unexpectedly, Phungdü ran directly towards them by pulling his black sword 'Throne cutting blue turquoise' out of its sheath). This motif is not unique in a Tibetan cultural context but occurs also elsewhere, such as King Arthur's sword called Excalibur; see Beer, *Tibetan Symbols and Motifs*, 163-4.</footnote>

<footnote n="158">158 Stein, *L'épopée tibétaine de Gesar*, 340, ll. 12-3: *thu ru yag gi 'dra ma la / rgya thur spor ring gshibs 'dra yod //*.</footnote>

<footnote n="159">159 Kaschewsky, Tsering, *Burg von Sumpa*, vol. 2, 74a ll. 6: *ral gri stong chod me 'bar de'i gri mgo 'phur* [recte khur] nas // (Holding the hilt of his sword [called] Tongchö Me-bar). For findings of Tibetan hilts in the tombs of the Yarlung or *Spu rgyal* Empire kings, see Heller, "Tibetan Inscriptions", 260.</footnote>

<footnote n="160">160 Aris, *History of Bhutan*, 160, ll. 9-11: *gri 'bal la gri chad / 'thab na 'thab chad //* (For drawing a knife, 'knife penalty', for fighting 'fight penalty').</footnote>

<footnote n="161">161 Bhikṣunīvinayavhibanga (*Dge slong ma'i 'dul ba rnam par 'byed pa*), *Sde dge*, vol. 5, 'Dul ba, ta, 53b ll. 4-5: *de la mtshon byin nam zhes bya ba ni ral gri'am / spu gri 'am / chu gri'o //*.</footnote>
chu gri are weapons used in single combat whereas the real military weapon in this threesome is *ral gri*. The term *spu gri* denotes a very sharp cutting instrument. As its size is apparently fluid, this term can refer to a razor but also to a sword or sickle.<fnref n="162" /> A precise translation of *chu gri* is difficult as well. It is often understood as a curved knife with a pointed tip and might have an enlarged blade in its middle. Both sides of the blade can be sharp. Dungkar (Dung dkar), in his dictionary, explains it as a flexible, unbreakable knife made of three different types of metal.<fnref n="163" /> Therefore, *chu gri* could also denote any curved knife or a dagger, as this weapon is occasionally curved.<fnref n="164" />

Let us now examine the sword as one of the traditional weapons employed in warfare. The *Vinayavastu* of the *Kanjur* designates it as one of the five insignia of royalty (*rgyal po'i mtshan ma Inga po*).<fnref n="165" /> Its translation into Tibetan might have been one of the ways in which this concept entered Tibetan thought, although possibly not the only one. The concept of the sword being among the insignia of the Tibetan leader, the Tsenpo (*btsan po*), is likely to have arisen with the formation of separate dominions in the Tibetan Empire. The Tsenpo with a sword is a well-known motif in Tibetan myths and literature, where we read how Drigum Tsenpo descended from heaven. By brandishing the sword above his head, he inadvertently cut off the cord that had allowed his body's vital force or 'soul' to re-ascend to heaven after his death. This incident forced the Tsenpo to remain on earth from then onwards. When Jonang Tāranātha (1575-1634) tells this story, he refers specifically to a sword of the *gu zi* type, a heavy weapon with a blade patterned "like the Milky Way", said to originate in the times of Drigum Tsenpo.<fnref n="166" /> This might be one of the factors that turned the sword into the symbol of kingship, although this attribute of leadership is not reserved for kings, but served minis-

<footnote n="162">162 Personal communication with Jampa Panglung, February 2020.</footnote>

<footnote n="163">163 See Dung dkar, *Tshig mdzod*, 819. Lin, *Systematisierung von gTo-Ritualen*, 176, footnote 999, describes *chu gri* as a short-crooked knife with a rippled blade. According to Bellezza, *Besting the Best*, 160, *chu gri* denotes a "scimitar", whereas the *ral gri* is "point shaped like the top of a frog's head; i.e. spatulate", and the *spu gri* is "light and shaped like a feather".</footnote>

<footnote n="164">164 See, for example, the drawing of a Turkish dagger in Boeheim, *Waffenkunde*, 298. Another term for a dagger or curved knife is *gri gug*; see Maurer, *Geomantie*, 144, ll. 25-6: *mda' dar dbu rgyan gri gug //*.</footnote>

<footnote n="165">165 The five insignia of a king are the turban, parasol, sword, yak tail with a precious handle, and magnificent shoes. See *Vinayavastu* ('Dul ba gzhi) of the *Kanjur*; see *Sde dge*, vol. 1, 'Dul ba, nga 70b ll. 5-6: *rgyal po'i mtshan ma Inga po ze'u kha dang / gdugs dang / ral gri dang nor bu'i rnga yab dang / lham khra bo rnams //*.</footnote>

<footnote n="166">166 Lhag pa tshe ring, *Myang yul*, 92, ll. 10-11: *rang gi ral gri gu zi klad la bskor bas / lha'i smu thag dang rkyang thag bcad pa //*. On the sword as an attribute of the Tsenpo, see also Heller, "Armor and Weapons", 36. For the *gu zi* or *dgu zi* sword, see La Rocca, "The Connoisseurship of Swords", 91-2, and 100-1.</footnote>
ters and other leaders also as status symbols until modern times.<fnref n="167" />

Swords occur also in the context of executions. This may be found in *The Prophecy of the Li Country*, where it is narrated that an executioner used a sword (*ral gri*) in an attempt to enforce the death penalty and kill the son of King Vijaya Jaya, prince Dondrö ('Don 'dros), who had offered his life to rescue a Chinese minister. An execution suggests the use of a large tool in order to maintain a considerable distance between the convict and executor, since the use of a small weapon is evidently impractical.<fnref n="168" /> Tāranātha reports a similar incident, where an executioner killed someone with a sword.<fnref n="169" />

Apart from its use in warfare, the sword appears as a tool in other contexts, such as Buddhist teachings, rituals, and divination. Together with mirrors, jewels, and daggers, it serves, for example, as a ritual item in a *mandala*.<fnref n="170" /> Furthermore, Buddhist texts can give the sword a positive meaning, such as the 'sword of wisdom' that helps a person to cut off or free the self from the net of negative emotions and defilements.<fnref n="171" />

### 3.6.2 Specific Terms in Bon Sources

Tibetan autochthonous literature, particularly Bon literature, contains several terms denoting large cutting or stabbing instruments. Texts such as the ritual manual *Sigyel* and Shenrap Miwo's biography *Ziji*, for

<footnote n="167">167 Kaschewsky, *Tsering, Burg von Sumpa*, vol. 2, 74a ll. 5-6: *sum blon* [...] *ral gri stong chod me 'bar de'i gri mgo 'phur* [recte *khur*] *nas* // (The minister of Sum pa held the hilt of his sword, Tongchō Mebar). Gompo Tashi Andrugtsang, the leader of the Tibetan Freedom Movement, appears in his book in traditional Khampa dress, wearing a sword on the front of his stomach; see Andrugtsang, *Four Rivers*, 57.</footnote>

<footnote n="168">168 Emmerick, *Khotan*, 40-1: *gshed mas rgyal bu la ral gris btab pa na bcad 'phro nas 'o ma byung ste / ma gum nas rgya rje la sogs pa ngo mtshar rmad du gyur te* // (When the executioner struck the prince with his sword, milk flowed from the wound. He did not die, and the Chinese king and others were greatly amazed).</footnote>

<footnote n="169">169 Schiefner, *Tāranātha*, 23, ll. 18-19: *gshed mas ral gri brdeg par brtsams pa na* // (When the executioner wanted to slay him with the sword); and 24, 1. 7: *der gshed ma des ral gri thogs ste rgyugs nas byung ba na* // (Then, by holding his sword, the executioner lunged at him).</footnote>

<footnote n="170">170 *Bdud rtsi bum pa'i lung (Instruction of the Nectar Vase)*, of the *Kanjur*, *Sde dge*, Rnying rgyud, 216b ll. 6-7: *me long bzhi dang ratna bzhi / ral gri bzhi dang phur pa brgyad / dkyil 'khor 'khor bar bskor te gzhag* // (Four mirrors, four jewels, four swords, and eight daggers shall be placed in the *mandala* circle). In other sources, such as geomatic texts, the sword is generally assigned to men; see Maurer, *Tibetische Geomantie*, 131, and for the German translation, 221. The sword is also one of the major requisites of the Tibetan State Oracle, and other oracles, see, for example, Nebesky-Wojkowitz, *Oracles and Demons*, 420, 434.</footnote>

<footnote n="171">171 The *Golden Light Sūtra* refers to the "sword of wisdom" (*ye shes ral gri*), see No-bel, *Goldglanz-Sūtra*, 45, 1. 6: *ye shes ral gris nyon mongs rgya mo grol* //.</footnote>
example, use the term *tsa kra* for a spear or sword.<sup>172</sup> The word’s origin is unknown although, phonetically, it may remind the reader of the Sanskrit *cakra*, the wheel. The *Sigyel* reveals two of the tool’s characteristics: it is powerful and decorated with an engraved mantra.<sup>173</sup> In a story of the *Ziji*, an army of warrior gods (*sgra bla'i dmag*) holding a horse race uses the tool called *tsa kra mdung*. Since it is interpreted as a compound of synonyms, it points quite clearly to spears.<sup>174</sup>

Moreover, the *Ziji* classifies weapons (*mtshon*) into specific groups or categories, such as the weapons of the warrior gods called Ye<sup>175</sup> (*ye'i mtshon*). These deities use three types of weapons, called ya *tsa*,<sup>176</sup> *skya' gam*,<sup>177</sup> and *shang lang*.<sup>178</sup> Their functional description implies edged weapons, such as swords and daggers. By assessing their cutting quality, the source differentiates three types of each. The following quote presents the three types of *skya' gam*, a double edged-sword:

> There are three types of skya 'gam swords:
> the skya 'gam that hits without trace,
> the skya 'gam that cuts a bird's feather in the wind and
> the erected skya 'gam that defeats the enemy.<sup>179</sup>

It is worth noting here that an early sixteenth century work refers to subtypes of the so-called ‘ja’ *ral* sword, one of which is called *skya phra ba*, which could be related to *skya* in the above.<sup>180</sup>

<footnote n="172">172 Martin, "Zhangzhung", 64, derives *gra* or *gri* denoting the knife from *tsa kra*.</footnote>

<footnote n="173">173 Srid *rgyal*, 13a 1. 3: *tsa kra ngar ldan byang bu sngags kyi brgyan //. A common meaning of the term *ngar* is ‘sharp’. The mantras inscribed on a sword increase its power. For a discussion of the term *ngar*, and its interpretation as ‘strength’ or ‘power’ see Karmay, *Arrow and Spindle*, 341, footnote 14.</footnote>

<footnote n="174">174 Tibetan Bonpo Monastic Centre, *Gzi brjid*, vol. 2, 64, 1. 2: *tsa kra mdung 'debs ljibs se ljibs //* (The spear that throws itself). The expression *ljibs se ljibs* is onomatopoeic for the swinging of a spear.</footnote>

<footnote n="175">175 The term *ye* denotes “a class of non-humans or gods that is beneficial, helpful, useful”, see Tenzin, Namdak Nyima, Rabsal, *A Lexicon of Zhangzhung and Bonpo Terms*, 235.</footnote>

<footnote n="176">176 See Tenzin, Namdak Nyima, Rabsal, *A Lexicon of Zhangzhung and Bonpo Terms*, 231, here labelled as *zhang zhung* term for sword (*ral gri*), and a lance or spear (*mdung*). According to Bellezza, *Besting the Best*, 160, the ya *tsa* sword has a “jewel-shaped point”.</footnote>

<footnote n="177">177 Tenzin, Namdak Nyima, Rabsal, *A Lexicon of Zhangzhung and Bonpo Terms*, 15.</footnote>

<footnote n="178">178 Tenzin, Namdak Nyima, Rabsal, *A Lexicon of Zhangzhung and Bonpo Terms*, 260, here described as “a sword with a broad blade”.</footnote>

<footnote n="179">179 Tibetan Bonpo Monastic Centre, *Gzi brjid*, vol. 2, 352, ll. 6-353, 1. 3: *skya 'gam rigs la rnam pa gsum / skya 'gam btab pa rjes med dang / skya 'gam bya sgre rlung chod dang / skya 'gam phyar ba dgra 'dul gsum //*. Further studies of the *Ziji* might bring further insights into the weapon terminology.</footnote>

<footnote n="180">180 See La Rocca, *Warriors of the Himalayas*, 264.</footnote>
Occasionally, the *Ziji* connects a specific warrior god with a particular weapon. The warrior god of the razor-sharp sword, for example, is Drama Welgi Ngarsochen (Dra ma dbal gyi ngar so can) or “the one who has the energy of the experienced blade”.<fnref n="181" />

## 3.7 Battleaxes (*dgra sta*), Hammers (*the'u*) and Iron Hooks (*lcags kyu*)

Three further weapons for armed fights and military attacks are battle-axes, hammers and iron hooks, which occur rarely in the literature. Both battle-axes and hammers date back to prehistoric times and had stone heads, later replaced with iron. In Europe, they were originally the weapons of foot soldiers and, from the mid-fourteenth century onwards, they were used by cavalry.<fnref n="182" /> All over Central Asia, India and China, they were used as well but archaeological finds are apparently rare.<fnref n="183" /> They resembled the tools of laymen and workers, i.e. carpenters and woodcutters utilised these tools in their daily life. At the same time, they were also ritual objects or attributes of the guardian deities.<fnref n="184" /> During wartime, they served as weapons and were common medieval offensive weapons,<fnref n="185" /> also known in Tibet.

Tibetans call the battleaxe *dgra sta*, literally the ‘axe against the enemy’ or simply ‘weapon’. The term entered already the *Mahāvyutpatti* where the translators chose *dgra sta* to render the Sanskrit *paraśuh*.<fnref n="186" /> Both, Dagyab and Geshe Chödrak explain *dgra sta*<fnref n="187" /> in their dictionaries as a tool resembling an axe.<fnref n="188" /> In our database, the references for the term *dgra sta* occur mostly in Buddhist literature translated from Sanskrit. The only autochthonous source available here is

<footnote n="181">181 Tibetan Bonpo Monastic Centre, Gzi brjid, vol. 2, 63, ll. 1-2: *ya tsa dbal gyi sgra bla de / dra ma dbal gyi ngar so can //*.</footnote>

<footnote n="182">182 On the use of battleaxes in Europe and connection with halberds, see Boehaim, *Waffenkunde*, 363-79; for the definition of ‘battleax’, see the OED.</footnote>

<footnote n="183">183 For the axes’ material, shape, size, manufacture, and an illustration, see La Rocca, “Recent Acquisitions... Part 2”, 1-2. Battleaxes were used in Central Asia and India, see Rubinson, “Tillya Tepe”, 51; for a depiction of a Scythian battleaxe; see the catalogue on the exhibition *Gold der Skythen*, 224. The *Rāmāyana* mentions also axes (*paraśu*) and war hammers (*mudgara*), see Goldman, Goldman, van Nooten, *Rāmāyana*, 1559-60; see also Losch, “Abriß der Waffenkunde”, 213.</footnote>

<footnote n="184">184 See La Rocca, *Warriors of the Himalayas*, 185.</footnote>

<footnote n="185">185 For a survey of martels and poleaxes, see Boehaim, *Waffenkunde*, 363-79.</footnote>

<footnote n="186">186 Ishihama, Fukuda, *Mahāvyutpatti*, 289, no. 6065.</footnote>

<footnote n="187">187 Geshe Chödrak, *Brda dag*, 141: *sta re lta bu phyag mtshon zhig //*; Dagyab, *Tshig mdzod*, 129: *sta gri lta bu'i phyag cha zhig //*.</footnote>

<footnote n="188">188 Both terms, *sta re* and *sta gri*, denote an axe; Geshe Chödrak, *Brda dag*, 352, explains *sta gri* and *sta re* as *shing gcod byed sta re la'ang //*. Dagyab, *Tshig mdzod*, 309, defines *sta gri* as *shing gcod byed* and declares *sta re* a synonym (*sta gri dang don 'dra*).</footnote>
the Bon source *Zermig* that tells a mythical story of a fight. Shenrap Miwo, the founder of the Bon religion, supported the mythical King Kongtse (Kong tse 'phrul gyi rgyal),<fnref n="189" /> who attempted to defeat a sin-bu demon. Shenrap manifested himself as four deities with eighteen arms, each of which occupied one of the four directions. In one of his arms, he held an axe.<fnref n="190" /> Although this story is a myth, it points to the use of axes that were known in the milieu where the myth was created. In another single combat, Shenrap Miwo uses a bronze and an iron hammer (**the'u**) to defeat a person called Tobudo (Gto bu do), who had mustered soldiers (**dmag bsogs**) to attack and kill Shenrap.<fnref n="191" />

Another weapon or tool of warfare is the iron hook (*lcags kyu*). According to the sources, the weapon was used in early Tibet. In the Indian cultural context, the elephant rider uses this hook to goad or direct his animal.<fnref n="192" /> However, this might not apply to the Bon source *Ziji* which assigns the hook to the warrior gods who use it during warfare. By ascribing it the power to grasp a person by itself, it is, like other weapons, endowed with magical power. The warrior gods gather hooks and lassos to arrange them when they are preparing for war.<fnref n="193" />

## 3.8 The Dagger and the Stake

The ritual weapon *per se* is a dagger called *phur ba* (or *pa*) or *phur bu*, a term that also denotes utensils such as pegs, pins, or nails and actual weapons or instruments of torture; for example, pikes and stakes. The shape and material of a dagger depend on its use. As a ritual instrument, it usually has a three-edged blade and is made of iron or wood. Tibetan texts provide some information on the dagger's material, commonly various kinds of wood such as burberry (*skyer phur*), walnut (*star ga'i phur pa*), or acacia (*seng phur*). Given the various

<footnote n="189">189 On Kongtse, see Lin, “Image of Confucius”.</footnote>

<footnote n="190">190 Tenzin Namdak, *Gzer mig*, 775, l. 6: *gcod pa'i dgra sta //*. Further weapons are the sword (*ral gri*) and various types of knife, such as *chu gri*, *spu gri*, *thu lu*, *ya lad*, and so on.</footnote>

<footnote n="191">191 Tenzin Namdak, *Gzer mig*, 99, l. 4: *chu gri mkhar* [recte ‘khar] *the'u dang lcags *the'u //* (A curved dagger, a bronze hammer, and an iron hammer). The hammer recalls demons called *the'u* or *the'u rang*, an ancient class of evil demons but related to the Tibetan *tsenpo*, since Nyatri Tsenpo (Nya ‘khri btsan po), the “Neck throne King”, is said to be “a descendant of one of the nine *the'u rang*”; see Nebesky-Wojkowitz, *Ora-cles and Demons*, 283.</footnote>

<footnote n="192">192 Beer, *Tibetan Symbols and Motifs*, 302, refers to the Indian elephant goad as an iron hook, in Sanskrit called *anukṣa*.</footnote>

<footnote n="193">193 In Tibetan Bonpo Monastic Centre, *Gzi brjid*, vol. 2, 63, l. 4, and 66, l. 1: *lcags kyu rang ‘dzin ‘di la ‘khor //* (The iron hook which grasps by itself). And 64, ll. 1-2: *dgu khri dgu ‘bum sgra bla'i dmag [...] lcags kyu zhags bsdog wangse wang //* (The army of the 990,000 warrior gods arranges their iron hooks and lassos).</footnote>
weapons that the ritual specialist uses, we might assume that the dagger is based on the prototype of a real weapon.<fnref n="194" /> Since it is difficult to distinguish between daggers and short swords, their range of use is likely to have been similar.<fnref n="195" /> Stakes appear not to have been used directly to defeat an enemy in military combat, but could be used as tools for the execution of an enemy. An incident of this kind is reported in the following passage from the *Religious History of Khotan*:

> They fettered him with iron fetters, tied him to an iron pike, and burned him like one burns a sparrow in a fire.<fnref n="196" />

Several autochthonous and translated texts, such as the *Mirror of Royal Genealogies*, the *Flower Garland*, and the *Biography of Padmasambhava*, report impalement as a royalty decreed punishment. However, the most frequent mentions of *phur ba* occur during rituals where the ritual specialist imagines the destruction of evil forces. His action with the dagger is identical to its real use, here it is based on the mental imagination: as a stabbing instrument to subdue terrifying deities,<fnref n="197" /> as a requisite attribute of a goddess, or during a *Gto* ritual.

## 4 Protective Gear

### 4.1 Armour and Shield

In the final section we shall examine the different kinds of protective gear, including armour, shields, and helmets. Tibetan culture knows a broad variety of armour which was made of metal, such as iron and bronze, leather or rawhide, and textiles, occasionally silk. In particular, armour made of lamellae (*byang bu*),<fnref n="198" /> or lamellar armour, spread from East Asia across Europe. Less common, apparently, were coats of mail or mail shirts.<fnref n="199" />

<footnote n="194">194 For a study on daggers as ritual weapons, see Grimaud, Grimaud, *Les dagues rituelles*.</footnote>

<footnote n="195">195 For a depiction and description of a Central or West Asian dagger, see La Rocca, "Recent Acquisitions... Part 2", 2-3.</footnote>

<footnote n="196">196 Emmerick, *Khotan*, 89. ll. 94-95: *lcags thag gis bcings nas / lcags kyi phur pa la dkriste [recte dkris te] / ce sha btso ba bzhin du zhugs la bsregs nas //*.</footnote>

<footnote n="197">197 The passage occurs in *Bdud rtsi bum pa'i lung (Amrtakalaśasiddhi)* of the *Kanjur, Sde dge*, Rnying rgyud, ga 216b l.1: *rang byung khro bo chen po bcus / phyogs mtshams phur pas btab nas ni / gnas dang sa gzhi dag par sbyang //*.</footnote>

<footnote n="198">198 At this stage, there is no reference for *byang bu* as a lamellar armour in the Muñich's Dictionary database.</footnote>

<footnote n="199">199 For detailed descriptions and depictions, see La Rocca, *Warriors of the Himalayas*, 51-66, 124-7, 144-5. Mongol armour is depicted in the catalogue on an exhibition</footnote>
The terms for protective apparatus, such as armour, are numerous: *khrab ma*,²⁰⁰ *khrab bse*, *a khrab*, *go khrab*, *go cha*, and *dgra cha*. Jäschke translates *khrab* as a “shield, buckler, coat of mail, scales”. He points out that the term’s original meaning was the “scale(s) of a fish”, and secondly a “coat of mail”. The origin of the name appears clear as the lamellae of Tibetan armour, as a covering for the body, resemble the scales of a fish.²⁰¹ Tibetan military culture knows also single armoured pieces, such as protection for the arms, forearms, shoulders, knees, and trunk. Specific elements, such as ‘mirrors’ and belts, can complement the outfit. The ‘mirrors’ are worn above the coat of mail and provide additional protection for breast, back and flanks. This quadruple protection was also used in Persia and India, whereas the European gear focused predominantly on the protection of the chest.²⁰² Other military requisites are the shield (*phub* or *phub mo*), usually round and made of cane or leather with pieces of iron and brass,²⁰³ and the helmet to protect the head, called *rmog* and also by its honorific *dbu rmog*.

The compounds derived from *khrab* denote more specific types of armour, depending on its material or shape. The *Mahāvyutpatti* gives Sanskrit *paṭṭikāsamāha* as a synonym for *khrab*.²⁰⁴ Tibetan dictionaries refer to some of these terms, together with the weapon’s material. Jäschke and Schmidt, for example, both refer to *go khrab* as a “coat of mail with a helmet, armour”.²⁰⁵ According to the dictionaries of Dagyab and Geshe Chödrak, armour (*go khrab*) was commonly made of metal, but could also be of other material.²⁰⁶ As we have already seen, their explanation of *go cha* is similar, but Dagyab mentions explicitly the helmet: armour, the helmet, and other

on Chinggis Khan, see Kunst- und Ausstellungshalle der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, *Dschingis Khan und seine Erben*, 99-100. For the spread of various types of suits of armour, in Europe, see Boehelm, *Waffenkunde*, 120-68; for details of the mail shirts, see 148.

200 See Jäschke, *Tibetan-English Dictionary*, 49. His information is apparently based on Schmidt, *Wörterbuch*, 54: “Harnisch, Panzer, Schild, Schuppen”.

201 La Rocca, *Warriors of the Himalayas*, 51-67. For lamellar armour on excavated confidence panels, see Heller, “Tibetan Inscriptions”, 260.

202 For depictions and descriptions, see La Rocca, *Warriors of the Himalayas*, 126-43, and Boehelm, *Waffenkunde*, 104.

203 For depictions of shields, see La Rocca, *Warriors of the Himalayas*, 92-5, and in this issue. For the great variety of shields in Europe made of various materials and of every shape, see Boehelm, *Waffenkunde*, 169-92.

204 Ishihama, Fukuda, *Mahāvyutpatti*, 289, no. 6053. Sanskrit *paṭṭikā* denotes here a board, plate, or piece of cloth; see Monier-Williams, *Sanskrit-English*, under *paṭṭakā* 579.

205 See Schmidt, *Wörterbuch*, 71; Jäschke, *Tibetan-English Dictionary*, 70-1.

206 Dagyab, *Tshig mdzod*, 101: *lus skyob pa'i lcags sogs kyi go khrab //*.
military equipment.<fnref n="207" /> Since the *Mahāvyutpatti* refers to *khrab*, we might consider it as old linguistic material, i.e. language that existed in the eighth century.<fnref n="208" /> The impact of Buddhist thought becomes obvious when the source that was written during the initial spread of Buddhism in Tibet (*snga dar*) states that, those who wore armour (*go cha*) were held in low regard, and considered disqualified to receive the dharma teachings.<fnref n="209" />

The early sources of the *Pelliot Tibétain* collection (PT 1287) report the body's protection during fighting:

> As support for the body, he bestowed ten different lamellar armours (*khrab bse*) and two sheaths of white copper.<fnref n="210" />

The syllable *bse* in the compound *bse khrab* is often referred to as a 'rhinoceros'. As rhinoceroses are of course not endemic in Tibet, the designation assimilates the hardness of tanned, processed leather to the mythical toughness of a rhino's skin.<fnref n="211" /> In fact, Tibetan *bse*, short for the compound *bse ko*, denotes tanned leather. Therefore, I follow Jäschke's interpretation of *bse khrab* as "a coat of mail made of leather".<fnref n="212" /> Leather made from the skin of yak and sheep, for example, rather than rhinoceroses, was used in Tibet, particularly if it was needed in large amounts to produce shields for the infantry.

As in the case of weapons, PT 1287 denotes specific kinds of armour as divine tools. Through their supernatural actions, they protect the warrior's body by operating as if by magic: the armour (*khrab*)

<footnote n="207">207 Dagyab, *Tshig mdzod*, 102: *khrab rmog sogs g.yul gyi cha lugs*; Geshe Chödrak, *Brda dag*, 118, defines *go cha* and *go khrab* as “iron cloth to protect the body” (*lus skyob lcags gos lta bu*).</footnote>

<footnote n="208">208 For *go cha*, see the explanations in this article under § 2.2. The dictionary quotes another term that I had not encountered in the literature previously, *ya lad*, commonly used to indicate armour but also a helmet (*ya lad ni go cha spyi dang skabs thob kyis rmog gi ming la 'jug pa'ang yod*). See also Ishihama, Fukuda, *Mahāvyutpatti*, 288, no. 6049, here for Sanskrit *kavaca*, which is, according to Monier-Williams, *Sanskrit-English*, 262: “armour, cuirass, coat of mail”.</footnote>

<footnote n="209">209 Ishihama, Fukuda, *Mahāvyutpatti*, 402, no. 8563: *go cha gyon pa la chos mi bshad for Sanskrit na saṃnaddhāya dharmam deśayiṣyāmaḥ*.</footnote>

<footnote n="210">210 Spanien, Imaeda, *Documents Tibétains*, vol. 2, pl. 566, ll. 262-3: *sku rten du khrab bse' sna bcu dang / Idong prom gyi ral gyi mdor cod / gnyis gsol to //*.</footnote>

<footnote n="211">211 See, for example, the glossary of La Rocca, *Warriors of the Himalayas*, 271. For a further analysis, see Bialek, *Compounds and Compounding*, vol. 2, 356-65.</footnote>

<footnote n="212">212 For the interpretation of *bse* as leather, see also Kōhalmi, “Abschnitt der Waffenbehälter”, 204. Also, see Jäschke, *Tibetan-English Dictionary*, 593. For a depiction and description of leather lamellar armour made in Eastern Tibet, see La Rocca, *Warriors of the Himalayas*, 124-5, and in this issue. The tanner’s social standing was low since he dealt indirectly with the death of sentient beings and committed inauspicious deeds or sins, called *sdig las*; see Ronge, *Handwerkertum*, 35.</footnote>
puts itself onto the body, and the shield (*phub*) parries by itself.<fnref n="213" /> The lamellar quality of armour might have inspired the description found in the *Gesar Epic*, where it is said to be made of shells.<fnref n="214" />

A Bon myth assigns a divine or celestial origin to protective armour. A passage in the *Ziji* relates the myth of how an egg originated from the celestial womb through the power of the Gods. This egg unfolded as a series of tools to protect warriors: the shell served as armour, the caul as a protective weapon, the egg white turned into a potion to strengthen the hero, and the yolk into a stronghold in which to hide.<fnref n="215" /> The same source emphasises the significance of body protection, which could be acquired through either common means or magic. An invocation can summon the warrior gods to draw near to military equipment, that is a helmet (*zhog zhun ke ru*) – which will be discussed below –, a blue chain armour (‘*bum dbyel*’), and a shield (*phub mo*) that spontaneously attach themselves to the body.<fnref n="216" /> Only the term for the shield is Tibetan, the origin of the two other terms is unknown. They could – due to the close relation of Bon with Zhang zhung – originate in *zhang zhung* language but also in other Central Asian languages. In a subsequent passage, the *Ziji* refers to another term for armour, which is not documented elsewhere: *yo ling*.<fnref n="217" />

Armour does not, however, guarantee the physical integrity of the warrior's body. The *Conquest of the Fort of Sumpa* shows that a hard blow, such as a strike with a sword, could destroy the body's protection and thus wound the body.

<footnote n="213">213 Spanien, Imaeda, *Documents Tibétains*, vol. 2, pl. 557, ll. 11-12: *khrab rang gyon dang / phub rang bzur la stsogs pa / 'phrul gyi dkor ched po mnga' ba'i rnam sbdag la stsal na phod //* (The armour that dons itself, the shield that protects by itself; that is to say, the great magical tools [...]). In this context, a phrase in the *Flower Garland* is noteworthy as it points to the mindset regarding weapons in the early Tibetan kingdom: “When Songtsen Gampo erected the first Buddhist temples to pacify the country under the guidance of his wife, Wengcheng, he constructed a temple resembling a man wearing armour consisting of five pieces (skyes zhub sna lnga gyon pa 'dra) in the north of the Yarlung Empire”. See Uebach, *Nelpa Paṇḍita*, 92-3, fol. 8b7.</footnote>

<footnote n="214">214 Stein, *L'épopée tibétaine de Gesar*, 220, 1. 20: dung khrab dkar mo lha bzang gcig //.</footnote>

<footnote n="215">215 Snellgrove, *Nine Ways of Bon*, 60, ll. 24-9: *sgong shun skyob pa'i go ru srid / bdar sha srung ba'i mtshon du srid / sgong chu dpa' ba'i ngar chur srid / sgong pri 'khra ba'i mkhar du srid //*. The syllable *go* is understood as an abbreviation of *go cha*.</footnote>

<footnote n="216">216 Tibetan Bonpo Monastic Centre, *Gzi brjid*, vol. 2, 65, 1. 5-66, 1. 1: *go cha sna dgu rten du 'dzugs / sgra bla gnyan po rten du bzhugs / zhog zhun ke ru 'di la 'khor / 'bud [recte 'bum] dbyel sngon mo 'di la 'khor [...] phub mo rang 'khyil 'di la 'khor //* (I set up nine types of armour as support. You mighty warrior gods, stay as support. Assemble here near the helmet, assemble here near the blue chain armour, assemble here near the shield that surrounds the body by itself) Tenzin, Namdak Nyima, Rabsal, *A Lexicon of Zhangzhung and Bonpo Terms*, 174 gives 'bub dbyel for "armour or coat of mail".</footnote>

<footnote n="217">217 Tibetan Bonpo Monastic Centre, *Gzi brjid*, vol. 2, 66, ll. 4-5: *dgra la rbad na yo ling thobs [recte thogs] //* (When I fight the enemy, be [literally hold] my armour). Could *yo ling* be related to Mongolian *jolisu*, see Lessing, *Mongolian-English*, 959: "fish skin, fish-skin clothes"?</footnote>
The blow [with the sword] hit the left shoulder of Zhelkar, and tattered his armour and clothes completely. Inside, quite a big wound appeared.<fnref n="218" />

Tibetan literature preserved the term *khrab* or its compounds until at least the eighteenth century. The above-mentioned decree by Pholhané from 1727 reports on the clothes worn during warfare: they are a type of quilted jacket (*ol sbog*) which was made of textiles, leather, and iron, and armour (*a khrab*).<fnref n="219" /> Like other terms in this document, the term for the quilted jacket is borrowed from the Mongolian term *olbuy* that denotes a “quilted jacket worn under armor”.<fnref n="220" />

The value and desirability of armour and protective clothes is illustrated by the fact that we possess records which show that these objects were bestowed on soldiers and warriors as an honour for their outstanding merit. The *Sources of the History of Bhutan* report on a kind of robe of honour: a sash (*dpa' dar*) and gown (*rgyab bkab*) were given to military heroes, particularly those who had killed one or two enemies.<fnref n="221" />

## 4.2 The Helmet

The armour for the head is the helmet, called *rmog* or the honorific *dbu rmog*. It is mainly made of metal, i.e. iron and copper alloy, partly brass, silver and gold, and single parts can be made of leather and textiles. The bowl can consist of a single piece, as four or eight plates, or be a multi-plate helmet with 31 to 64 lames. The great variety of styles reflects influences from all over Asia, including Central Asia, Mongolia, China, and Korea. Helmets can be simple, or decorated with scripts, Buddhist symbols, or other decorative motives, known from other pieces of Tibetan Art. Most common were helmets with a bowl consisting of a single piece or eight plates.<fnref n="222" /> The writ-

<footnote n="218">218 Kaschewsky, Tsering, *Burg von Sumpa*, vol. 2, 99b ll. 2-4: *rdeb ma de zhal dkar gyi dpung g.yon pa'i steng du phog nas khrab gos rnam s khrig ger bcad nas nang du gri rmas che tsam byung ba'i //*.</footnote>

<footnote n="219">219 Schuh, *Siegelkunde*, 84, ll. 34-6. For the German translation of the document, see 85 and 102. For Mongol textile armour, see the depiction in the catalogue by the Kunst- und Ausstellungshalle der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, *Dschingis Khan und seine Erben*, 100.</footnote>

<footnote n="220">220 See Lessing, *Mongolian-English*, 608.</footnote>

<footnote n="221">221 Aris, *History of Bhutan*, 144, ll. 29-146, 1. 2: *mi gsad re gnyis mar dpa' dar rgyab bkab sogs gang' os byed pa'i // ([Soldiers] who have killed one or two persons should be treated according to their merits and given 'hero sashes' and gowns').</footnote>

<footnote n="222">222 See La Rocca, *Warriors of the Himalayas*, 3-7, 68-91, and for helmets with lamellar armour, see 51-65.</footnote>
ten sources in the database provide limited information about hel-
mets' shapes or materials, but occasionally comment on their deco-
ration. When discussing the helmet's material, the *Ziji* uses another
term for helmet: the compound *zhog zhun* or *zhog zhun ke ru*.<fnref n="223" /> The
term *zhun*, short for *zhun dkar*, might be understood as iron, and here-
by indicates that metalwork was involved.<fnref n="224" /> In this context, the hel-
met forms part of the military equipment of particular warrior gods.<fnref n="225" />
The *Mirror of the Royal Genealogies* refers to a helmet decorated with
precious stones, such as beryl and other gems.<fnref n="226" />

Nevertheless, the sources shed some light on the helmet's symbol-
ism. In particular, ancient Tibetan sources, such as inscriptions on
stone pillars and the documents of the *Pelliot Tibétain* collection, re-
peatedly refer to the "firm helmet" (*dbu rmog brtsan po* or *dbu rmog
btsan po*), an expression related to kingship. The following quote from
a stone pillar originating at the end of the eighth century in Chongye
('Phyong rgyas) emphasises the significance of the helmet by point-
ing out its splendour:

The gods, rulers, fathers, and forefathers came as the sovereigns
of gods and people. By tradition, the laws and principles were
good. Their mighty helmets were magnificent.<fnref n="227" />

Later, this stone pillar describes how the dominion developed under
“the magnificence of the firm helmet”<fnref n="228" /> and how the countries uni-
fied under the firm helmet.<fnref n="229" /> Texts from the *Pelliot Tibétain* collec-

<footnote n="223">223 Tenzin, Namdak Nyima, Rabsal, *A Lexicon of Zhangzhung and Bonpo Terms*, 221, quotes *zhog zhun ke ru* and *zhog dkar ke ru* as “one kind of helmet”.</footnote>

<footnote n="224">224 For more details on the terms etymology and on the distinction of various hel-
mets according to social rank, see Bellezza, *Zhang Zhung*, 240-1, also footnotes 112
and 114. The term *ke ru* or *ke ke ru* denotes a precious stone but also “the badge of a
particular rank of military office”.</footnote>

<footnote n="225">225 Tibetan Bonpo Monastic Centre, Gzi brjid, vol. 2, 62, ll. 6-63, l. 2: *zhog zhun ke ru'i sgra bla de / dra ma lcags kyi bya ru can //*. See also 65, l. 6.</footnote>

<footnote n="226">226 Sørensen, *Royal Genealogies*, 202. Kuznetsov, *gSal ba'i me long*, 72, ll. 24-6: *rin po che bai dürya'i rmog la / pad ma ra ga'i 'phra rgyab pa cig skur nas //*.</footnote>

<footnote n="227">227 Li, Coblin, *Old Tibetan Inscriptions*, Inscription V, 299, ll. 1-4: *lha btsan po yab myes lha dang myi'i rjer gshegs te / chos gtsug lag ni lugs kyis bzang / dbu rmog brtsan po ni byin du che'o' //*.</footnote>

<footnote n="228">228 Li, Coblin, *Old Tibetan Inscriptions*, Inscription V, 229, ll. 11-5: *chos rgyal chen pos phrin las su ci mdzad pa dang / dbu rmog brtsan po'i byin gyis / chab srid skyes pa la[s] stsogs pa'i gtam gyi yi ge / zhib mo gcig ni //* (A detailed account of the deeds performed by the dharma king and how the empire grew under the splendour of his firm helmets).</footnote>

<footnote n="229">229 Li, Coblin, *Old Tibetan Inscriptions*, Inscription V, 229, ll. 16-22: *byin gyi sgam dkyel chen po dang / dbu rmog brtsan pos [...] chab 'og 'du ste //*. The passage refers to Trisong Detsen (Khri srong lde brtsan) and states that “due to the profound depths of his splendor and his firm helmet, [the people] united during his reign”. Similarly, Inscription IV, ll. 7-8: *lha sras kyi chab srid 'dj itar mtho / dbu rmog brtsand //* (The reign of the di-</footnote>
tion, such as PT 16 and PT 1287, use phrases such as “the reign of the stable helmet”<fnref n="230" /> and “a helmet more stable than a mountain”.<fnref n="231" /> This wording suggests that the helmet not only refers to a practical tool that protects the ruler’s head but also implies an abstract meaning. The helmet’s firmness on the king’s head becomes a symbol of kingship and authority. A quote from PT 1286 underpins the suggestion that the meaning *dbu rmog* extends beyond the concrete meaning of ‘helmet’:

> If mighty kings and very prudent ministers who mutually fought each other were subdued, in the end, they did not withstand [the king] Öde Pugyel (’O lde spu rgyal).<fnref n="232" />

The meaning of the verb *thub* is ‘to be able, to be possible’ and ‘to withstand’. Therefore, the wording *dbu rmog ma thub* emphasises the argument for an abstract meaning of *dbu rmog* which symbolised royal authority and leadership from the time of the Yarlung Empire onwards.<fnref n="233" />

Apart from being a symbol of kingship, the helmet, or more exactly, its plume on top, serves to identify the warriors involved in combat. The *Conquest of the Fort of Sumpa* refers to helmets with plumes (’*phru* ) of different colours: the helmet with a white plume,<fnref n="234" /> yellow,<fnref n="235" />

<footnote>vine son was similarly noble and his helmet firm). See also Inscription 12, East, ll. 53-4: *dbu rmog brtsan / bka' lung gnyan te //* (His helmet was firm and his advice was strict).</footnote>

<footnote n="230">230 Spanien, Imaeda, *Documents Tibétains*, vol. 1, pl. 8, fol. 25b 1, 4, *dbu rmog btsan pa'i chab srid //*.</footnote>

<footnote n="231">231 Spanien, Imaeda, *Documents Tibétains*, vol. 2, pl. 583, ll. 188-9: *chab srid gnam bas mtho / dbu rmog ri bas brtsan te //* (A reign higher than the sky, a helmet more stable that a mountain).</footnote>

<footnote n="232">232 Spanien, Imaeda, *Documents Tibétains*, vol. 2, pl. 555, ll. 26-9: *rgyal po btsan ba dang / blon po 'dzangs pa dku' bo che rnams kyis / gchig gis gchig brlag ste / 'bangs su bkug na / mtha' ma 'o lde spu rgyal gyi dbu rmog ma thub ste //*.</footnote>

<footnote n="233">233 For the symbolic meaning of *rmog* and *dbu rmog*, see also Tucci, “Kings of Ancient Tibet”, 199-200. This is one of the early names for Tibet since initially the kings of Yarlung unified the country. Another and earlier name is Spu rgyal Empire, a toponym derived from the Yarlung kings called Spu lde gung rgyal and ‘Od lde spu rgyal, see Sørensen, *Hazod, Thundering Falcon*, 42 fn. 10.</footnote>

<footnote n="234">234 Kaschewsky, Tsering, *Burg von Sumpa*, vol. 2, 74a ll. 4-5: *de nub phyogs nas rbab rgod 'gril 'gril byas nas dmag 'phung dkar can brgya tsam bcom nas 'ong skabs //* (From the west, he annihilated about 100 soldiers of the army wearing helmets with white plumes like an avalanche rolling down). The text does not mention the material of the helmet’s decoration. It might consist of feathers. For depictions of helmets with plumes, see Richardson, *Ceremonies*, 36-7.</footnote>

<footnote n="235">235 Kaschewsky, Tsering, *Burg von Sumpa*, vol. 2, 80, 79b ll. 4-5: *dung skyong gi nub phyogs nas gri brgyab nas sum dmag 'phru ser can drug cu tsam tshags [recte chags] nyil du gtang byung ba'i //* (Dungkyong (Dung skyong) fought in the west with his sword and slaughtered about 60 soldiers of the Sumpa, wearing helmets with yellow plumes).</footnote>
or blue plume.<fnref n="236" /> Apparently, the colourful decoration on the helmet identifies the warriors as members of a particular community or might serve to identify the various armies. A Chinese source, for example, points out that, prior to an attack, the Huns arranged their horses in the four directions according to the colours of the horses' coats. Here, the order apparently follows the Chinese elements.<fnref n="237" /> The quotes in the *Conquest of the Fort of Sumpa* might imply similar concepts. The text even refers to the helmet with the head as some kind of trophy.<fnref n="238" />

Carry a sword and a bowl wherever you go because you never know if you'll meet a friend or a foe.<fnref n="239" />

## 5 Final Remarks

Tibetan literature, beginning from its earliest sources originating in the inscriptions from Central Tibet until the eighteenth century as well as the oral tradition, provides manifold information on weapons' terminology and usage in Tibet. The texts relate stories of material culture, and reveal directly or indirectly the human skills of processing wood, leather, metal, and other materials, such as feathers or hemp. The sources discussed here allow us to group the weapons used in the Tibetan cultural area into three types.

The first group comprises miscellaneous tools which resemble or are identical to the tools of everyday life, such as iron hooks, hammers, and axes. The rarity of written evidence makes further conclusion difficult. Since metal work was apparently common during the Yarlung Empire, we might, however, assume that these were in Tibet, as in Europe, the weapons of foot soldiers, those of the lower social stratum, or commoners. This, however, does not exclude the upper class from using them as well: particularly precious models of these common weapons and tools were also manufactured for and used by rulers, kings and others of the upper class.

The second group comprises the weapons that were primarily used for hunting, such as lassos, slings, bows, and arrows. The weapons' use required specific skills and physical strength in order to be ef-

<footnote n="236">236 Kaschewsky, Tsering, *Burg von Sumpa*, vol. 2, 92b l. 4-93a l. 1: *shar phyogs nas* [...] *'phru sngon can mang du //* (From the east many [soldiers] wearing helmets with blue plumes).</footnote>

<footnote n="237">237 See Chen, "Chinese Symbolism", 63.</footnote>

<footnote n="238">238 Kaschewsky, Tsering, *Burg von Sumpa*, vol. 2, 77a ll. 4-5: *mgo 'phru gong len byas nas //* (Having taken the head and the top ornament as trophy).</footnote>

<footnote n="239">239 Lhamo Pemba, *Tibetan Proverbs*, 36: *gri dang phor pa gang 'gror 'khyer / dgra dang grogs la gang yong med //*.</footnote>
fective, but their manufacture required comparably little effort and could be accomplished using natural materials, although iron was used for arrowheads. In ancient or traditional societies, they were the means for survival, helping to provide protection and food security. Since they were common hunting weapons, they might also be regarded as the weapons of the commoners. Nevertheless, as we have seen, the upper class also used bows and arrows, in particular those which were manufactured of special materials and decorated.

The third and final group includes weapons and equipment that were specifically produced for combat and warfare, such as swords, spears, and pikes as weapons, and suits of armour, shields, and helmets as protective gear. Their production required the human skill of metal processing. These were the weapons of warriors and leaders. In particular, swords and helmets were related to kingship, authority, reign, and dominion, both in Tibet and in other cultural contexts.

Last, the analysis of the various literary contexts in which the weapon terms are to be found has shown the broad range of the weapons' semantic use, not only as physical instruments in war, in religious or everyday life contexts but also as metaphorical, symbolic images. Moreover, the terms adopted from other languages such Sanskrit or Mongolian emphasise the transfer and spread of military knowledge including military equipment from neighbouring countries.
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# Khra ring bog gi bshad pa and Other Material on the Matchlock

Tashi Tsering Josayma

Amnye Machen Institute, Dharamsala, India

**Abstract** By analysing a large variety of historical and literary sources, this article attempts to determine when the matchlock came into use in Tibet and presents an overview of the different names of the *bog/matchlock* muskets in various dialects and regions of Tibet from the early seventeenth century onwards. It illustrates how matchlock enthusiasts among the Tibetan nomads cherished their weapons. It examines several panegyrics (*bshad pa*) on the *bog*, as well as rituals to summon the war god onto the *bog*, and provides both their original Tibetan texts and a translation into English. The analysis also delves into many other different aspects of the culture of firearms in Tibet, such as the terminology (with sketches of *bog*), taboos and superstitions and a tentative tracing of the etymology of the word *bog*.

**Keywords** Tibetan Weapons. Firearms. me mda'. Matchlock. bog. bshad pa. Armoury. Tibetan Nomads. History of Tibet. Dga' Idan pho brang. Khams. A mdo. Mgo log.

**Summary** 1 Introduction. – 2 Folk Forms of Gun Culture in Tibet. – 3 Sketches and Descriptions of *bog*. – 3.1 Sketches. – 3.2 Descriptions by Western Travellers to Tibet. – 3.3 Tibetan Written Sources on *bog*. – 3.4 Early Translations of Indian Texts and Possible Etymologies of Terms Related to Firearms. – 4 Information on *bog* and *me mda'* from Various Historical Sources. – 5 Armouries. – 6 Classifications of the Different Types of *bog*. – 7 More Mentions of *bog* and *me mda'* in Tibetan Literature. – 8 Folk Ways with Guns. Taboos, Superstitions and Use as Religious Offerings. – 9 Depictions of *bog* in *khram glu* Nomad Songs. – 10 Seven Recitals (*bshad pa*) Dedicated to the *bog*. – 11 A Few Traditional Lists of Warrior's Equipment. – 12 Two Texts to Summon War Deities into a Firearm. – 13 A Prophecy on Weapons' Technology. – 14 Conclusions.

<figure><img src="image_43.png" /></figure>

**Edizioni**
Ca' Foscari

**Peer review**

Submitted
Accepted
Published
2021-04-21
2021-04-21
2021-12-10

**Open access**

© 2021 | ©® Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International Public License

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**Citation** Tsering Josayma, T. (2021). "Khra ring bog gi bshad pa and Other Material on the Matchlock". *Annali di Ca' Foscari. Serie orientale*, 57, supplement, 861-932.
# 1 Introduction

Living in an alien culture for nearly sixty years, Tibetans in the diaspora have become uprooted from many forms of indigenous practices, knowledge and beliefs that descend from their age-old heritage and traditions. Inevitably, globalisation and modernity invade everyday exile life, and this added further challenges and had a destructive effect on the continuity of Tibetan culture in exile. There is then a noticeable epidemic of collective amnesia in Tibetan exile society.

Diaspora Tibetans must also be law-abiding citizens in their host countries and, as a result, they are not able to sport guns and swords on special occasions as they once did in Tibet.<fnref n="1" /> The inherently guntoting and sword-wielding culture of Tibet is rarely found nowadays either inside or outside Tibet. At most, the younger generations who are now in Tibet and in exile can play with plastic BB guns made in

<footnote>This article is published in an issue edited in the context of the 'TibArmy' project, which has received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme (grant agreement 677952). A shorter version of this paper was presented at the workshop *Defence and Offence: Armour and Weapons in Tibetan Culture* [an event of *The Tibetan Army of the Dalai Lamas* 1642-1959 ('TibArmy' project)], organised by Alice Travers and Federica Venturi and held on Thursday 29 November 2018 in Paris. I am most grateful to my friends Dr Roberto Vitali and Dr Emma Martin for ironing out my English initially and Dr. Sonam Tsering Ngulphu for translating some of the more eccentric quotations from Tibetan to English. His translations, both within the article and in footnote, are followed each time by his initials within square brackets [S.T.N.]. Final editing of my article before the publication has been thoroughly undertaken by Dr. Alice Travers and Dr. Federica Venturi. I am very grateful to all the friends mentioned above who helped me to finish this paper. However, any mistakes and unintelligent narratives that remain are entirely my own. The translations included in this article require a fair amount of technical knowledge on firearms and their parts and pieces. It should be noted that both the Author of the article and the translator of some of the Tibetan passages into English have no direct physical or working knowledge of the matchlock. In addition, as the Author is quoting from various sources that come from different parts of Khams, Mgo log and Byang thang, all the technical terminology associated with the matchlock can vary. Currently, there is little possibility of working with any elderly Tibetan informant in exile who has personal experience and practical knowledge of Tibetan matchlocks. Therefore, notwithstanding the best efforts of the Author, translator and editors, inaccuracies, misunderstandings and mistranslations may be present. This is a very preliminary step in writing about and understanding the matchlock and related subjects. We are more than happy to welcome any corrections and suggestions to this article. Unlike the rest of this issue, this article uses Wylie transliteration; the only exceptions are the terms for people from A mdo and Khams, which have been rendered as Amdowas and Khampas in order to be able to use the 's' of the plural.</footnote>

<footnote n="1">1 In exile, the Central Tibetan Administration in Dharamsala understands Tibet to encompass the "Tibet Autonomous Region" (TAR) as well as Tibetan regions included in other provinces presently governed by the People's Republic of China (PRC), such as Qinghai, Gansu, Sichuan and Yunnan; broadly speaking this additional area includes half of Khams and the whole of A mdo, which was under local Chinese rule in the pre-1959 era. It is not then as the PRC and their loyalist Western Sinologists or Tibetologists understand Tibet: Tibet does not only mean, and is not restricted to, the TAR.</footnote>
China or immerse themselves in phubbing. Today, most Tibetans under the age of sixty do not have any knowledge or understanding of how to use and wear their traditional arms and ammunitions. They also do not know how to appraise them. Tibetans have forgotten about matchlocks, their use, and the related technical terms.

Tibetan culture has a grand tradition rich in oral and written material in the genres of *bshad pa* ("recital" or "oratory"), *'bod pa'* (calling/invocation of a presence to be manifested) and *bstod pa* (eulogy). I have found seven *bshad pa* on *bog*<fnref n="2" /> (matchlock) that are recited in four different areas in Tibet, as well as two *me mda' la dgra lha bkod pa* or "to don/direct the war god (*dgra lha*) to a *bog*" (reproduced in Appendix 1 and 2 of this paper). Therefore, in this paper I will offer some material and related ideas on the cultural significance of the *bog*.

## 2 Folk Forms of Gun Culture in Tibet

At present, I am unaware of any early Dga' ldan pho brang period (1642-1959) *bshad pa* (recitals on *bog*). One can speculate that *bshad pa* were uttered at least around the time of the introduction of the matchlock, which must have excited the people of Tibet. Even after the introduction of modern guns, *bshad pa* were still recited and considered important mostly in nomadic areas during the twentieth century. It seems that the term *bog* is used for matchlocks. Commonly, Khampas call them *bog*<fnref n="3" /> and Amdowas name them *bo'u*,<fnref n="4" /> while Goloks tend to call them *me bo'u* or more commonly *rgyugs bo'u*.<fnref n="5" /> Sometimes, the thirty-nine Hor tribes (Hor tsho so dgu) of Khams and the Byang rigs sde bzhi use the term *sbod*<fnref n="6" /> or *sbos*.<fnref n="7" /> Also, in one instance *bos*<fnref n="8" /> is

<footnote n="2">2 La Rocca, *Warriors of the Himalayas*, 198-213; Jones, *Tibetan Nomads*, 171-2.</footnote>

<footnote n="3">3 Kar rgyal don grub, *Mdo khams cha phreng gi lo rgyus*, 31; Dkon mchog bstan 'dzin et al., *Bod kyi lag shes kun 'dus chen mo*, 324-6.</footnote>

<footnote n="4">4 Chos 'phel, *Rme'u sa dbang chen po*, 42 (I am indebted to my friend Sman bsher blo gros for reminding me of this reference); Dbal shul bsod nams dar rgyas, *Gser thal gyi lo rgyus*, 46, 48, 50-2, 55-6, 58-9, 65-6, 68-9, 70, 72-5, 77-85, 87, 89, 91-4, 96, 98-9, 100, 181-2; *Mgo log lo rgyus deb ther*, 63-9; Dme tshang padma tshe ring, *Rta bo gong zhol*, 24, 370, 373-4; Dbal shul bsod nams dar rgyas, *Gser thal gyi lo rgyus*, 118.</footnote>

<footnote n="5">5 Dme tshang padma tshe ring, *Rta bo gong zhol*, 373.</footnote>

<footnote n="6">6 Klu zog rigs gsum, Lji dbang drags, "Gnyis pa bod sbos kyi bshad pa", 151; *Nag chu'i byang rigs tsho pa'i lo rgyus*, 107; Bkra ba, Tshe dbang 'gyur med et al., "Hor ga rgya 'gram nag gi lo rgyus", 95, 105, 115-6, 126; Skal bzang bkra shis, Nyi lza, "Ri bo dang ga rga 'khrugs pa'i skor", 130-4, 139, 148.</footnote>

<footnote n="7">7 *Bod ljongs nag chu sa khul gyi lo rgyus*, vol. 5, 61; Bgres song dbang grags et al., *Rdza dmar ge mo dpal ldan*, 10, 13, 19, 20, 31, 56.</footnote>

<footnote n="8">8 Dbal shul bsod nams dar rgyas, *Gser thal gyi lo rgyus*, 60, 70, 85.</footnote>
spelled *bhor*.<fnref n="9" /> With the introduction and use of the modern-day rifle in Tibet in the early twentieth century, people sometimes call match-locks *bod mda*<fnref n="10" /> instead of *bog*, referring to the Tibetan-made gun<fnref n="11" /> rather than the modern foreign-made gun. Modern rifles are sometimes called *phrul mda*<fnref n="12" /> (magical/miraculous arrow) or *rang 'bar*<fnref n="13" /> (self-fired) and, in honorific, *phyag mda*<fnref n="14" /> irrespective of whether it is a matchlock or a modern gun. Likewise, the honorific term for the *ral gri* (knife/sword) is *phyag shan* and that for the *mdung* (spear) is *phyag mdung*. Based on records in literary writing, when one is riding a horse and sporting (even a modern) gun this is still called *rta bog rang 'grig*.

Gun culture is part and parcel of Tibetan life, particularly in Khams, A mdo and for the A pho Hor byang thang and Mnga' ris byang thang nomads. It is largely a part of the nomadic cultural heritage. In pre-1959 Tibet, a young man paid a handsome sum of money or used other forms of wealth to acquire a good gun. A good gun was always a most prized and treasured item, and a *bu dpa' bo* or "brave man" who possessed a prized gun commanded much respect from his tribe. Therefore, possessing a good gun was the envy of every young man. In Cha phreng, in southern Khams, there is the saying *mi rta bog gsum tshang ba*,<fnref n="15" /> meaning that "a man is complete when he possesses a horse and a *bog*", or when "he is sporting good dress, a *bog* and a spear" (*chas gos bog mdung gsum sprod*).<fnref n="16" />

### 3 Sketches and Descriptions of *bog*

The *bog* is integral to Tibetan attitudes, habits and practices. In the upper part of Khams, in Nags shod, Ri dbang bstan 'dzin relates:

> People believe that the "notable accessory" (*dmigs gsal gyi rgyan cha*), which here refers to a gun, is one of the primary accessories for men. In Tibet, there is the saying, "A hundred men, be of one

<footnote n="9">9. Tulku Pema Lodoe, *The Collected Rediscovered Teachings of Rig 'dzin Nyi ma grags pa*, 267.</footnote>

<footnote n="10">10. Ri dbang bstan 'dzin, *Nags shod 'bri ru'i lo rgyus*, 63; Rin chen dpal bzang, *Mtshur phu dgon gyi dkar chag*, 65; Sle zur 'jigs med dbang phyug et al., "Sa byi dmag 'khrug", 14.</footnote>

<footnote n="11">11. Regarding the Tibetan Dga' ldan pho brang government's production of guns, refer to Dwang slob mda' zur spyi 'thus rgyal rtse rnam rgyal dbang 'dus, *Bod rgyal khab kyi chab srid dang 'brel ba'i dmag don lo rgyus*, vol. 1, 32-3.</footnote>

<footnote n="12">12. Ri dbang bstan 'dzin, *Nags shod 'bri ru'i lo rgyus*, 63.</footnote>

<footnote n="13">13. Bgres song dbang grags et al., *Rdza dmar ge mo dpal ldan*, 2-3, 7, 9-11, 13, 18-19, 22, 27, 33-6, 38, 41, 49, 52, 62.</footnote>

<footnote n="14">14. Bstan 'dzin dpal 'byor, *Rdo ring pandi ta'i rnam thar*, stod cha, 500; smad cha, 767.</footnote>

<footnote n="15">15. Kar rgyal don grub, *Mdo khams cha phreng gi lo rgyus*, 31.</footnote>

<footnote n="16">16. Kar rgyal don grub, *Mdo khams cha phreng gi lo rgyus*, 216.</footnote>
mind; a hundred horses, be in one file; a hundred guns, held and struck at one time" (mi brgya blo sems gcig 'dra dgos, rta brgya kha ru mnyam 'then dgos, mtshon brgya yu lung gnyam 'ju dgos).

Therefore, we see men, horses and weapons [guns] expressed together in one breath.

The earliest firearm used by Tibetans was the Tibetan matchlock (*bod mda*'), which has two wooden horn-like prongs, the ends of which were covered in metal, and it was sometimes decorated with flags. There are features such as smoke exhaust (*du len*), tender (*spra ba*), flash pan (*ting dkar*), butt pad (*dpung yu*), stock (*sgom shing*), spark plug (*sbi di*), spark plug cover (*sbi shub*), barrel cover (*sna khebs*), trigger (*skam gnon*), and stock plates ('*gram shan*'). There are other accessories such as the powder horn (*rdzas ru*) and the shell pouch (*mde'u khug*) which usually hung from the waist. With the subsequent introduction of modern guns, people began beautifying their guns by affixing silver plates on the sides of the stock and sporting a cartridge belt (*sked 'khor*), which carried anything from as few as five rounds to as many as twenty or forty rounds. During summer picnics, major festivals, and propitiatory incense ceremonies for protector deities, men and horses would congregate, and on such occasions, the men were seen strutting around with their horses and weapons as a sign of courage and valour. The horses were clad in full saddle and tack, and the men ornamented themselves with complete sets of the three called '*khor gsum* [S.T.N.]<fnref n="17" />

In short, here, the "notable accessory" is styled as the '*khor gsum lus la btags* (lit. 'the three weapons appended to the body').<fnref n="18" />

A number of photographs taken during the first half of the twentieth century allow to have an idea of what the Tibetan matchlock looked like (see the photographs reproduced as [figs 4-9] in the Appendix 3 of this paper).<fnref n="19" /> This weapon was composed of a number of elements referred to with a specific Tibetan terminology.

## 3.1 Sketches

A number of sketches help us understand the exact terminology of the different parts of the *bog*, as well as the related objects and the way they are worn. The first one [fig. 1] is a sketch of an old Tibet-

<footnote n="17">17 Ri dbang bstan 'dzin, *Nags shod 'bri ru'i lo rgyus*, 63.</footnote>

<footnote n="18">18 Zhabs drung tshe ring dbang rgyal, *Mi dbang rtogs brjod*, 195, 464, 475.</footnote>

<footnote n="19">19 Also, on the last page of *Tibetan Treasures. Selections of Production Tools and Weapons of Successive Dynasties* (2001) there is a studio photograph of a beautiful old Tibetan *bog*.</footnote>
an *bog* that was drawn for me by Lha btsun phyag mdzod blo bzang bstan 'dzin in 1989.²⁰ Lha btsun phyag mdzod's technical terms for the accessories of the *bog* are only applicable to the nomads of the area north of Lhasa, the A pho Hor pa.

Before the introduction of the *me mda*, the traditional 'khor gsum comprised an arrow, a sword and a spear.²¹ But after *me mda*' came into use, the 'khor gsum comprised a gun, a sword and a spear.²² The different parts of the *me mda*' and its accessories are clearly explained in images found in a recent publication by Tshul khrims blo gros [fig. 2] and in a sketch showing how Khampas of Cha phreng were properly dressed and equipped with arms and ammunition before 1906 [fig. 3].

²⁰ An "Illustration Section, Drawing by Losang Tendzin" is found in Thubten Jigme Norbu and Colin M. Turnbull, *Tibet*, 75. There is no further information about the illustrator, but pages 97-8 show a sketch of how *bog* were hung in the "Interior of a tent showing two sides", and page 102 displays a sketch of a *bog* and its accessories. The text reads: "Gun (*menda*) for hunting and fighting. The gun support of antelope horn can be swung into position underneath, or left along the barrel when firing from the shoulder. The stock is inlaid with silver and turquoise". All illustrations, including the *bog*, are marked with numbers which suggests that there was a legend or identification and explanations that went along with them. Yet nothing of the sort is printed in the book itself. Another work, Ekvall, *Fields on the Hoof*, contains sketches of *bog* on three pages (10, 32, 89). The book states that: "Lobsang Tenzing, the Tibetan artist who drew the sketches used in this book, is a refugee from Central Tibet who now lives in India and supplements his income by illustrations and pictures". At the Fifth Seminar of the International Association of Tibetan Studies organised by Naritasan Shinshoji in Japan in summer 1989, I asked Prof. Thubten Jigme Norbu (Taktser Rinpoche, 1922-2008) about the illustrator of his book *Tibet*. Rinpoche said it was Lha btsun Phyag mdzod, who was then in Dharamsala! Lha btsun Phyag mdzod Blo bzang bstan 'dzin (1919-2003) was a native of 'Dam, north of Lhasa. In his later years he joined the Library of Tibetan Works & Archives (LTWA) and its Department of Oral History projects, and I came to know him fairly well myself. I asked Phyag mdzod la about the illustrations, and he said he not only drew the sketches but also wrote around eighty pages of explanation to go with the illustrations which he sent to Taktser Rinpoche from Paris, where he was working with Prof. R.A. Stein and Mme M. Helffer in the mid-sixties. He was not a painter or illustrator before 1959 while in Tibet and he only made the sketches at the behest of Taktser Rinpoche and others after moving into exile. Taktser Rinpoche told me he could no longer find the texts written by Lha btsun phyag mdzod. When Rinpoche died, his books, papers and photographs were given by his wife and son to Latse Contemporary Tibetan Culture Library, New York. They are not in that collection either.

²¹ Dung dkar tshig mdzod chen mo, 463: "Three sets [of weapons] ('khor gsum): [firstly,] in ancient battles, besides wearing helmet and body armour, the three sets of weapons are essential. The term applies to the sets which comprise, firstly, a bow [and arrows] (*mda'* [gzhu dang *mda*']) to kill enemies from a distance, [secondly,] a sword (*gri*) to kill enemies when the two sides combat, and [thirdly,] a spear to throw at enemies after one had dismounted from a horse" [S.T.N.].

²² It is interesting to note that already in 1693 Sde srid sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1653-1705) differentiated between the 'khor gsum of Tibetan custom and that of Mongolian custom; Ser gtsug nang bstan dpe rnying 'tshol bsdu phyogs sgrig khang, *Drin can rt-sa ba'i bla ma ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho*, vol. 10, 138-42, 302, 385.
<figure><img src="image_45.png" /><figcaption>**Figure 1** Sketch of an old Tibetan bog drawn by Lha btsun phyag mdzod blo bzang bstan 'dzin (1989). Arabic numbers on the sketch have been added by the Author and correspond to the following Wylie transcriptions: 1) bkled [= klad] nag 'di lcags sam gtsod ru; 2) me ru gnyis rgyu shing; 3) bsu mo lcags mda'; 4) so pa; 5) pho brang ngam shan chu / rgyu lcags; 6) sgom shing / rgyu shing; 7) rna phyogs dang nang la rdzas lug pas rna rdzas zer me 'bar yag lte ba 'di red; 8) skam 'go; 9) sbur thig; 10) sbur khug gam sbur shub; 11) ra phra; 12) phreng lcang; 13) khur lung; 14) phog tshad; 15) mdo tshang</figcaption></figure>

## 3.2 Descriptions by Western Travellers to Tibet

Non-Tibetans in Tibet often commented on the Tibetan guns in their writings. While travelling in parts of A mdo and Khams between 1884-85, the American diplomat William Woodville Rockhill remarked:

The Tibetan's gun is his most valued possession. It is a matchlock with a long fork which pivots around a screw through the stock. The barrel and the iron work are made by the Chinese, but the Tibetans often makes the stock, using very light wood which they cover sometimes with wild-ass skin. They manufacture their own powder and slow-matches, and buy from the Chinese the lead for their bullets. They use no wads in loading, and the bullets are much smaller than the caliber of the guns. They can make very good shooting with them at the average range of about 100 yards, but I never saw them hit a moving object, although some said they could.<fnref n="23" />

<footnote n="23">23 Rockhill, *The Land of the Lamas*, 78.</footnote>
In the late thirties, the American missionary Robert Ekvall noticed and witnessed the following practice regarding guns in A mdo:

> With the exception of girls and women, all – even teen-age boys – on this duty are armed. Each tent possesses firearms. Even the poorest has one or two muzzle-loading matchlocks, and a tent of modest affluency has at least one breech-loading rifle. To defend the herds, gunfire can come from any of the daylong herder campfires surrounding the tent community.<fnref n="24" />

Around the same time, the German Matthias Hermann made note of similar incidents in A mdo. In the mid-nineteenth century, the Frenchmen Abbé Huc and Father Gabet, as well as the Russian Colonel Prjevalsky in the late nineteenth century, also witnessed such matchlocks in their travels through parts of Tibet. In short Tibetans believed it is *dang dod chen po* or "stylish and fashionable" to own a *bog*.

### 3.3 Tibetan Written Sources on *bog*

An interesting statistic is noted in a book published in 2006 on the Mgo log gser rta population records during the “Reform Period”, i.e. 1958 (?): the counting of families included counting the number of *bo'u* that a family possessed. It records that there were 4,736 families, 17,574 persons and 3,342 *bo'u*.<fnref n="25" /> Here they do not mention the number of head of cattle or other valuable belongings, but only the cherished *bo'u*. It does not specify whether *bo'u* refers to matchlocks or modern rifles.

The gun is also mentioned in numerous historical writings. The autobiography of the First Panchen Lama (1570-1662) contains the following references: "As the second unit of the Mongolian cavalry began to charge, it was time to release a rain of guns [i.e. bullets] and arrows".<fnref n="26" /> This eyewitness account details the bloody skirmishes between Sde pa Gtsang pa and Mongols in 1618-19, when the First Panchen Lama was mediating a truce between them. After 1620, during the reign of Sde pa Gtsang pa Karma bstan skyong dbang po (1606-1642), he promulgated the *Khrims yig zhal lce bcu drug* (Legal Code in Sixteen Articles). The first article reads *Dpa' bo stag gi zhal*

<footnote n="24">24 Ekvall, *Fields on the Hoof*, 40.</footnote>

<footnote n="25">25 Dbal shul bsod nams dar rgyas, *Gser thal gyi lo rgyus*, 43-100. In case of Nyag skor ma, 30 families are documented, but the population and number of *bo'u* are missing. Additionally, the upper, middle and lower Stong bza' ra skor tribes have listed more than 1,000 families, but the population and number of *bo'u* are also missing. Kos tsha sde ba too has 35 families and more than 100 persons, but the number of *bo'u* is missing.</footnote>

<footnote n="26">26 *Pan chen blo bzang chos rgyal gyi rnam thar*, 117 [S.T.N.].</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_46.png" /><figcaption>Figures 2ac
Tshul khrims blo gros, Bod kyi srol rgyun tha snyad ris 'grel ming mdzod, 247-9</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_47.png" /><figcaption>སྨན་བླུགས།</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_48.png" /><figcaption>ཁ་འབུས།</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_49.png" /><figcaption>ཁོ་གོ།</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_50.png" /><figcaption>སྨན་རུ།</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_51.png" /><figcaption>བྲེད།</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_52.png" /><figcaption>ཚོགས་ཚོ།</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_53.png" /><figcaption>མདའ་ཁུག</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_54.png" /><figcaption>གཤར་ཁག</figcaption></figure>
༢ ༡༩༠༦ གོང་གི་མདོ་སྟོད་ཆ་ཕྲེང་པའི་ཕོ་ཡི་ཆས་གོས་བོག་མདུང་གསུམ་སྤྲོད་ཅེས་པའི་གོ་ཁྲབ་གྱོན་ལུགས་འདི་ལྟར་རོ། །

<figure><img src="image_55.png" /><figcaption>**Figure 3** Sketch of how Khampas of Cha phreng were properly dressed and equipped with arms and ammunition before 1906, after Kar rgyal don 'drub (Mdo khams cha phreng gi lo rgyus gser gyi snye ma, 216)</figcaption></figure>
Ice and the second Sdar ma wa yi zhal lce. These two articles are in-
troduced and roughly translated by John Claude White as the “Gen-
eral rules to be followed in the time of war” and “For those who are
being defeated and cannot fight”.<fnref n="27" /> In the first article we find a men-
tion of me mda’.<fnref n="28" /> After 1642 the first two articles were written off
by the Dga’ ldan pho brang government.

An important question remains when the matchlock came into use
in Tibet. The nineteenth-century Nyag rong lamas, Nyag bla Pad ma
bdud 'dul (1816-1872) and his direct disciple Tshwa nyag shes rab
mthar phyn, write:

Then the people of the Snow Land, being inferior in learning, intro-
spection, and intelligence, and blinded by the symptoms of fleshy
eyes, they the ignorant ones maintained that guns are like [as in]
the Treasure texts (gter ma). As it is stated in the scriptures, "When
ignorance can preclude us from seeing even visible forms, what
need be said about doubtful things". Similarly, for instance, the
prospects of having a good or bad harvest, grain yields, and live-
stock, or even the odds of having a good or bad rainfall in the six-
ty-year rab byung calendrical cycle, are well determined. Hence,
the generous rainfall, the good harvest in the valleys, or the rich
yields in dairy products of nomads in a particular year is but natu-
ral. However, each place or region attributed these to the grace of
their principal lamas, respectively. Whenever good or bad things
occur, there were even those, who, skilfully and motivated by the
eightfold "worldly concerns" ('jig rten chos brgyad),<fnref n="29" /> attributed
them to prophecies of the lamas of the past.

When a patron king of Rgya zhang khrom faced a confronta-
tion due to a disagreement and dispute, he gained access to guns,
which had spread through the demonic power of the past from
beyond the oceans and through materialisation of the demonic
prayer. It is held that around fifteen generations had passed since
the gun was first used. Relying on the guns, the king was able to
overcome his enemies. Extremely overjoyed, the king exclaimed:
“This is my lama’s compassion, power, blessing, and strength!”.  
Regardless of Rgya zhang khrom’s instructions, the king put the

<footnote n="27">27 Risley, *The Gazetteer of Sikhim*, 46-7. The Tibetan ruler *ta'i situ* Byang chub rgyal mtshan (1302-64) also introduced the “Legal code in fifteen articles” (*khrims yig zhal lce bco Inga*). The first and second articles differ in length and content compared to the legal code of the *sde pa gtsang pa*.</footnote>

<footnote n="28">28 *Gtsang pa sde srid zhal lce bcu drug*, 106.</footnote>

<footnote n="29">29 The eight worldly concerns include the eight primary concerns that govern life in an ordinary world according to the Kadampa tradition. Classified into four hopes and four fears concerning four coveted and four detested experiences, respectively, they include hope of pleasure, fame, praise, and gain, and fear of pain, disregard, blame, and loss.</footnote>
[technology of gun making] in writing, from which the use of guns gradually became popular.

Similarly, when Tibet faced enemy invasions in several regions, it was successful in thwarting these assaults by using guns, which have developed from beyond the oceans. However, writings containing the use of guns were falsely attributed to Rdo rje gling pa, who became the target of criticism. Therefore, it is evident that it has not been very long since guns were first introduced into Tibet. If guns were first introduced by Rgya zhang khrom and Rdo rje gling pa in the *gter ma* teachings, then not only the guns of present, but also the hundreds of techniques for chemicals [weaponry] relating to guns will spread. Could they have spread into Tibet before they had spread outside [if gun techniques were first introduced in Tibet]? For example, is it possible to see in this world the growth of branches, leaves, and fruits without the roots? Similarly, is it possible for the traditional use of nutmeg (dza ti), clove (li shi), yellow myrobalan (a ru), beleric myrobalan (ba ru), and embolic myrobalan (skyu ru) as medicine to spread from Tibet before it had spread from India? [S.T.N.]<fnref n="30" />

In short, Nyag bla Pad ma bdud 'dul and his disciple record that this destructive weapon was believed to have been discovered as *gter ma* some fifteen generations earlier. They also state that unidentified people wrongly attribute knowledge of the existence of this *me mda'* in Tibet from beyond the oceans, which was found in a *gter ma* unearthed either by Rgya zhang khrom (early eleventh century)<fnref n="31" /> or *gter ston* Rdo rje gling pa (1346-1405).<fnref n="32" /> This claim that Rdo rje gling pa was acquainted with the existence of the *bog* is not historically reliable, for the matchlock was invented in Europe only in the following century, the fifteenth century, after the *gter ston* had died. Moreover, in the twenty-one existing volumes of published works of the *gter ston* Rdo rje gling pa, no reference to *me mda'* or any ballistics can be found.<fnref n="33" />

<footnote n="30">30 Tshwa nyag shes rab mthar phyin, *dmyal ba so so'i gzigs snang las / yang sos nang nas me mda'i nyes dmigs khol du phyung ba bzhugs so //*. In *Collected Works of Padma Bdud 'dul Rdo rje Chos skor*, 544-6.</footnote>

<footnote n="31">31 Jamgon, *The Hundred Tertöns*, 77-8; Kong sprul karma ngag dbang yon tan rgya mtsho, *Gter ston rgya zhang khrom rdo rje 'od 'bar*, 57-8.</footnote>

<footnote n="32">32 Jamgon, *The Hundred Tertöns*, 149-52; Kong sprul karma ngag dbang yon tan rgya mtsho, *Gter ston rdo rje gling*, 101-4.</footnote>

<footnote n="33">33 *Texts of the Rdo rje Gling pa tradition from Bhutan*; see also Karmay, *The Diamond Isle*, 138-58.</footnote>
## 3.4 Early Translations of Indian Texts and Possible Etymologies of Terms Related to Firearms

The Tibetan term *me mda'* appears in the Tibetan translation of the eleventh-century Indian text *Kālachakra Tantra*. It reads:

> Should enemies defeated in battles unexpectedly retreat into the fortress, aim machines from outside and assail them incessantly with stones and *aginshar* (*me mda'* [= fire arrow/fire archery]. Set slicing machines equipped with swords, and pitch tents and tepees in the area. Having razed their castle to ashes, the destruction is accomplished in a matter of days.<fnref n="34" />

Explosives and fireworks (*khyogs kyi 'phrul 'khor*) are discussed in the commentaries on the *Kālachakra Tantra*. They mention not only fire arrows (*aginshar*) but also prototypes of cannons (*khyogs/sgyogs*).<fnref n="35" />

When firearms were introduced into Tibet in the late fifteenth (?) century, the older name *me mda'* was kept. The Shaivite tantra *Swaro-daya Tantra* was translated into Tibetan by Glo bo lo tsa ba Shes rab rin chen (early thirteenth century), and in it we find similar use of the word *sgyogs*.<fnref n="36" /> In the famous Tibetan medical text *Man ngag bye ba ring bsrel* by Zur mkhar ba mnyam nyid rdo rje (1439-1475), there is a small manual on how to make *sgyogs*, entitled *Drag po me rdzas kyi 'khrul 'khor 'bum phrag 'brug gi nga ro* (lit. 'the thunderous roar of 100,000 fierceful gunpowder machines'). Here the author provides the following explanation: "A 'fire arrow' (*me mda'* ) burns (*sreg pa*) that which one targets".<fnref n="37" />

<footnote n="34">34 Kha che'i paṇḍi ta so ma nā tha et al., *Mchog gi dang po'i sangs rgyas las phyung ba*, 88 and 192: "a mace (*rdo rje*), a sword (*ral gri*), a trident (*rtse gsum*), a sickle-sword (*gri gu*) that destroys the world, and a firearm (*me yi mda'* )". Also see "Dus 'khor 'grel bshad dri med 'od", vol. 99, 256.</footnote>

<footnote n="35">35 *The Collected Works of Bo-doṅ Pan-chen Phyogs-las-rnam-rgyal*, vol. 2, 393-416. In the introduction of *The Collected Works of Bo-doṅ Pan-chen Phyogs-las-rnam-rgyal*, vol. 2, 13-14, Gene Smith writes: "Das (Tibetan-English Dictionary, 855) enumerates the seven offensive types of 'phrul-''khor':</footnote>

<footnote n="1">1. *Rdo' i 'phrul 'khor* – missiles and bombardment to capture a fortress.</footnote>

<footnote n="2">2. *Gru' i 'phrul 'khor* – the naval use of boats and men.</footnote>

<footnote n="3">3. 'Bru mar gyi 'phrul 'khor' – the use of burning grain and butter to smoke out a defending army.</footnote>

<footnote n="4">4. *Gri gug gi 'phrul 'khor* – the deployment of armed swordsmen.</footnote>

<footnote n="5">5. *Rlung gi 'phrul 'khor* – the use of wind and gales to blow away the top of the hill where the enemy fortresses have been constructed.</footnote>

<footnote n="6">6. *Rdo rje gur gyi 'phrul 'khor* – the use of magical tents to batter down fortifications.</footnote>

<footnote n="7">7. *Lcags mda' i 'phrul 'khor* – the magical cycle of iron arrows to kill the war enemies that have been armored with mail".</footnote>

<footnote n="36">36 *Bstan 'gyur*, vol. 114, 1168.</footnote>

<footnote n="37">37 Zur mkhar mnyam nyid rdo rje, *Man ngag bye ba ring bsrel pod chung rab 'byams gsal ba'i sgron me*, 399-405 [S.T.N.]. Also see in particular 404, 1. 12.</footnote>
Here one can suggest that Tibetans coined the term *me mda’* by translating and tracing it back to Indic literature, while the later Ti-betan vernacular terms *bog, bo’u, sbod, sbos, bos, and bhor* derive from the Chinese *pào*.<fnref n="38" />

## 4 Information on *bog* and *me mda’* from Various Historical Sources

The Ladakh Chronicle records that during the period of Seng ge rnam rgyal (?-1642) and his son Bde ldan rnam rgyal (?-1694) there were twenty-five me mda' among the list of offerings made to Stag tshang Ras pa (1574-c. 1651).<fnref n="39" /> The biography of Zhabs drung Ngag dbang rnam rgyal (1594-c. 1651) contains the following references:

During that period [between 1633 and 1637], guns, cannons, and ammunition were offered by Purdhu kha [Portugal], a land from beyond the vast ocean. The envoy of the king of the land had sailed on a ship with people of different kinds and appearances for over twelve months. Having passed Goa and the lands of demons - Asir-ya (a bzirya) and Asirka (a'abzir ka), via Bengal (za hor) in the East, and the Indian Gataka (gha ṭa ka), they reached Sku zhabs rin po che. They offered guns, cannons, and ammunition, as well as fas-cinating things such as an optical device that lets distant images appear very close. They said: "If you, O Lama, have contending en-emies, I can summon a huge army of my kingdom". Thinking that inviting barbaric (kla klo) armed forces will incur transgression of refuge-taking precepts, the Lama claimed to have refused the offer. Before that, guns had not spread anywhere in the land. Because their use was not known, the mere sound of guns brought terror to the hordes of enemies. Furthermore, the Kālacakra tan-

<footnote n="38">38 Werner, Chinese Weapons, 29-33. The Skad Inga shan sbyar gyi manydzu'i skad gsal ba'i me long, attributed to Emperor Qianlong and Lcang skya, and compiled or written between 1771 and 1790, contains interesting entries on me mda'. See me mda'i dmag (niao qiang bing) or "Musket" (vol. 1, 857); me mda' dgu rgyag byed (fang jui jin lian huan qiang) or "gun with nine bullets" (vol. 1, 907); me mda' mig gsum pa (Sanyan Chong) or "three-barrel gun" (vol. 1, 1077); me mda' me lcags can (Zilia Huo qiang) or "automatic firearm" (vol. 1, 1078); and me mda' stabs bde (Xian Qiang) or "Rifle" (vol. 1, 1078). I am grateful to Byams pa bstan 'dzin la of LTWA, Dharamsala, for translating and writing these in pinyin. It is interesting to note that even after the Qianlong emperor's first Rgyal rong Rabten/Chuchen war (1747-49) and the second Chuchen war (1771-76) the Manchu court did not manage to gain or did not have the knowledge of the local names of muskets, matchlocks, and guns in Tibetan; the terms we find in the present entries look like haphazardly coined terms.</footnote>

<footnote n="39">39 Francke, Antiquities of Indian Tibet, vol. 2, 40; La dwags rgyal rabs, 54. The last dated entry of the chronicle was 1910. One can speculate that the mention of me mda' could be a later addition too.</footnote>
tra states: "Much weaponry against enemies such as the produc-
tion of cannons, guns, etc.".<fnref n="40" />

Michael Aris has correctly dated and identified the above-mentioned
Portuguese persons. He writes:

The Jesuits were the first Europeans to enter Bhutan, and the
*Relação* which Cacella [with Cabral] sent from Lcags-ri to his su-
perior at Goa [is] dated 4th October 1627.<fnref n="41" />

Aris adds that the party of Portuguese

presented the Zhabs drung with a gift of guns and cannons, and
a telescope, and made him the offer of an army which, however,
he declined.<fnref n="42" />

In the *gar glu* notation book of 1688, there is a song which was
brought to Lhasa by La thag [Ladakh] O rgyan bu khrid, the text of
which reads as follows:

Produced from the middle of the La thag [Ladakh] [plateau]
*Me mda'* with bas relief goldwork and *me mda'* with bas relief sil-
ver work

[We will] offer it to Mi dbang chen po [= Sde srid Sangs rgyas rgya
mtsho] [When] we see him

We will offer it with a scarf.<fnref n="43" />

In 1706 while the Sixth Dalai Lama was kept under house arrest by Lha
bzang Khan, monks of 'Bras spungs and Se ra forcefully retrieved the
Dalai Lama and a reference to using *me mda'* (gun) while doing so is
recorded in the account of Bkra shis 'khyil monastery written in 1800:

Those who gathered there alleged that the Sgo mang [monks]
sowed the [seeds of] discord and decided to wage a battle. Two
Sgo mang monks - Bsam blo dkar ding and Hal kha dge 'phel - who
had sided with them commanded the force and indulged in the
wrongful act of firing guns from the roof of Bde yangs monastery
building. [S.T.N.]<fnref n="44" />

<footnote n="40">40 Gtsang mkhan chen 'jam dbyangs dpal ldan rgya mtsho, *Dpal 'brug pa rin po che*, 518-19, 553, 597.</footnote>

<footnote n="41">41 Aris, *Bhutan, the Early History of a Himalayan Kingdom*, 217.</footnote>

<footnote n="42">42 Aris, *Bhutan, the Early History of a Himalayan Kingdom*, 219.</footnote>

<footnote n="43">43 Sde srid sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, *Mig yid rna ba'i dga' ston*, 35.</footnote>

<footnote n="44">44 *Bla brang bkra shis 'khyil gyi gdan rabs lha'i rnga chen*, 317.</footnote>
An interesting reference to the Tibetan government offering gifts at the enthronement ceremony of the Ninth *Chos rgyal* of Sikkim, Mthu stobs rnam rgyal in 1874 provides further information. Among other presents, there was a "Lahore gun" with a powder flask.<fnref n="45" />

In addition to the references to me mda' in sources on the Tibetan government and Central Tibet noted above, various sources allow us to understand how the Tibetan matchlock reached other Tibetan areas. For instance, *Lha thog rgyal rabs* of 1852 mentions the following:

> After having conferred titles of *taiji* to seven kings and ministers of Lha thog, Dhā ching ba dur hung taiji led the "priest-patron" (*mchod yon*) army as a back-up force against Rab brtan rgyal po [Qianlong's first Rgyal rong Rab brtan/Chu chen war (1747-49) and the second Chu chen war (1771-76)]. In appreciation for "crushing the enemy realms to tatters", the king's silver-headed seal, a sandalwood statue of Buddha, a golden statue of Amitāyus, the "La pho shel dkar" sword, the "Rgyab ya ma" gun of Khang gsar bla ma, and a *sprul sku* seal[ed] dagger were given to the chieftains and their aides for their accomplishments in the foreign country. [S.T.N.]<fnref n="46" />

Dme tshang Padma tshe ring (2004) gives the following explanation regarding the weapons' history of the area he comes from, i.e. Rta bo dme tshang, quoting from a narrative contemporary with Shar skal ldan rgya mtsho (1607-1677):

In general, Tibetans are very fond of weapons. In particular, Ti-
betan nomadic tribes such as the Rta bo dme tshang, who inhabit
the nomadic areas, living throughout the grasslands, mountains,
and valleys; they are therefore constantly exposed to danger and
harm from bandits, robbers, and thieves, as well as from wild and
ferocious animals. For people from these areas, armour and weap-
ons are both objects of one's penchant as well as a necessity.

Therefore, even before the period of the Rta bo bu bzhi [lit. "four horseman sons"], in the past, there were accounts of people using ancient weapons such as *khrab* [body armour] and *rmog* [helmet]; *tshem* [chain mail] and *bem* [breast plates]; *mda'* *gzhu* [bow and arrow] and *mdung mo* [long spear]; and *ral gri* [sword]. According to the locals, the body armour of Rta bo bu bzhi was preserved until as late as 1958. From the time of the Rta bo bu bzhi, a *me bo'u* [fire matchlock] or *rgyugs bo'u* [tubular matchlock] became popular. As regarding Rta bo bu bzhi, each person was said to possess

<footnote n="45">45 La hor me mda' rdzas khug cha tshang gcig ('Bras ljongs rgyal rabs, 180).</footnote>

<footnote n="46">46 Lha Thog Rgyal Rabs, 64.</footnote>
a matchlock, each bearing a unique name. Their accounts are well
recounted in the third section of the first chapter. [S.T.N.]<fnref n="47" />

Dme tshang Padma tshe ring adds more about the Rta bo bu bzhi and their furnishment of matchlocks to the tribe. He writes the following:

In those days, there were no other weapons aside from mda' mdung gri gsum [arrow, spear, and sword] and khrab rmog' khor gsum, [body armour, helmet, arrow, sword, and spear]. One day, Shar skal ldan rgya mtsho (1607-1677) said [to the four brothers]: "As there is a danger of Rgya chu dkar mig waging battle in the upper region, if you four could each buy a matchlock, you can thwart the assault". As was predicted, they bought four matchlocks and gave these names: Rgya rdo ba'i bya bo'i sgong len, Bod sgar ba'i bo'u dmar a stong, Hor bo'u nag shwa ba rgyugs 'ching, and Sog rgya khab rgya zir brgyus 'dra. By virtue of the meeting of the four sons, four horses and four matchlocks, people lauded them with this expression - *Rta bo'u bu bzhi, rgyal chen sde bzhi, gnam sa ka bzhi, stag mo mche bzhi* [the four horseman sons, the four guardian kings, the four pillars of earth and sky, the four fangs of a tigress]. Others still lauded:

In the sky above, it is the four guardian kings;
In the deep gorges, it is the four-horned 'brong [wild yaks];
In the jungle, it is the four-fanged tigress;
And, on the earth, it is the four horseman sons.

From that time when the matchlocks were first used, the chief-
tain family of Rta bo assumed the name of Rta bo'u sde pa. Even
though people articulate the word *rta bo'u*, it is written as either
*rta bo* or, at times, *rta bor*. [S.T.N.]<fnref n="48" />

Dme tshang Padma tshe ring further continues by saying:

As regards the matchlocks, people have all seen the red matchlock called Bod sgar ba'i bo'u dmar a stong can in the possession of the Rta bo zhol mo household. Also, there are many families possessing comparable *rgyugs bo'u can*, and they have made good use of them when fighting enemies. There are also those matchlocks that were put into great use for hunting and were highly regarded for their accuracy and precision in hitting the targets. Matchlocks such as Dme tshang bo'u khyi and Ru ngan bo'u khyi are good examples of these. [S.T.N.]<fnref n="49" />

<footnote n="47">47 Dme tshang padma tshe ring, *Rta bo gong zhol*, 373-4.</footnote>

<footnote n="48">48 Dme tshang padma tshe ring, *Rta bo gong zhol*, 24-5.</footnote>

<footnote n="49">49 Dme tshang padma tshe ring, *Rta bo gong zhol*, 374.</footnote>
Since the beginning of the twentieth century, modern guns (khel bo'u) gradually came into use and became widespread. They include various types of foreign guns such as ma'i hri, krung tre hri, san pa hri with cover (rna khebs), dgu grags, kher grags, pu ra go ring, pu ra go thung, che'i cu'u 'brug thel ma, lung bzhi, rgya gar g.yas 'khyil, rgya gar mo tsa (Indian Mauser), grul bo'u, etc. As regarding their prices, there were many cases in which 300 to 400 white sheep and 50-60 head of cattle were given in exchange for a single me mda' [these prices are for modern guns] and these specifics shall be discussed later.

When the Chinese communists entered the region in the fifties and established a district (Chinese qu) administration, their report said: "In the Upper Rta bo and Lower Rta bo, the three-fold Dme tshang pha yog, the six clan groups of Sgur ru, and the territory under the G.yon zhi'u sde pa, there are around a thousand long and short matchlocks (bo'u)".<fnref n="50" />

In short, Shar skal ldan rgya mtsho predicted that the Rgya chu dkar mig (a neighbouring Chahar Mongol tribe?) would soon wage war on the Rta bo tribe, and that the Rta bo tribe should arm themselves by purchasing matchlocks in order to repel this attack. The Rta bo tribe bought four matchlocks named the Rgya rdo ba'i bya bo'i sgong len, Bod sgar ba'i bo'u dmar a stong, Hor bo'u nag shwa ba rgyugs 'ching, and Sog rgya khab rgya zir brgyus 'dra. Here we find four types of *bog*: from China, Tibet, Hor and Sog. This tells us what vintage and what make of matchlocks were used by the Rta bo in the seventeenth century before they surrendered to the Mgo log Khang gsar dpon in the mid-eighteenth century.

Yet Bse mgon po don 'grub of Bse nya lung, from Reb gong in A mdo, writes (2010) that in 1732, during the time of the Second Shar skal ldan rgya mtsho and Rong po nang so, the Bo'u rgyag mdung skor performance and display of *bog* and *mdung* was introduced during the *smon lam* prayer festival at Rong po dgon chen.<fnref n="51" /> Thus, many types of *bog* must have been introduced into Tibet and its peripheries. They could have come from Persia, Turkey, Afghanistan, Mongolia, China, 'Jang (Naxi), Russia, Nepal and even Mughal-period India.

<footnote n="50">50 Dme tshang padma tshe ring, *Rta bo gong zhol*, 374 [S.T.N.].</footnote>

<footnote n="51">51 Mtsho lo bse mgon po don grub, "Bse nya lung gi mdung bskor bo'u rgyag skor mdo tsam gleng ba", 55-6.</footnote>
5 Armouries

Go rtsis (go chas rtsis bsher)<fnref n="52" /> is the official term of the Dga' ldan pho brang government for the act of making an inventory of arms. Go mdzod<fnref n="53" /> is the term for the armoury. In pre-1959 Tibet, the go deb or "inventory of the armoury" was kept by the Dga' ldan pho brang government and even by the more influential semi-independent aristocratic families, such as the Lha rgya ri family.<fnref n="54" /> Some go deb of the Dga' ldan pho brang government are kept in the Tibet Archive in Lhasa. We will see some of these archives one day soon, hopefully.

The term *me mda'* is mentioned in the inventory of Dorjeling armoury (Go mdzod rdo rje gling), by the Fifth Dalai Lama in 1667.<fnref n="55" />

<footnote n="52">52 Shan kha ba 'gyur med bsod nams stobs rgyal, *Bod gzhung gi sngar srol chos srid kyi mdzad rim*, 22.</footnote>

<footnote n="53">53 Bstan 'dzin dpal 'byor, *Rdo ring pandi ta'i rnam thar, stod cha*, 422; Shan kha ba 'gyur med bsod nams stobs rgyal, *Bod gzhung gi sngar srol chos srid kyi mdzad rim*, 46, 50; Bod rang skyong ljongs srid gros rig gnas dpad gyzhi'i rgyu cha u yon lhan khang, *Bod kyi lo rgyus rig gnas dpad gyzhi'i rgyu cha bdams bsgrigs*, vol. 4, 53: "An Office of the Chief Army General (*drag po'i spyi 'doms las khungs*) was established at Nor gling Armoury at Zhol in front of Rtse po ta la". *Rgyal dbang Inga pa ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho'i gsung 'bum*, vol. 19, 275-83: "Sections from *The Inventory of Armours and Weapons at Rdo rje gling Armoury at the Great Potala Palace (Pho brang chen po po ta la'i go mdzod rdo rje gling gi g.yul chas rnams kyi deb ther*) include 'The Rainfall of Wrath' (*gtum po'i char 'bebs*), etc.. Rnam grwa thub bstan yar 'phel, *Lcags po ri'i go mdzod rdo rje*, 250. *Go mdzod* owned by the Dga' ldan pho brang government in the twentieth century are listed in Dwang slob mda' zur spyi 'thus rgyal rtse rnam rgyal dbang 'dus, *Bod rgyal khab kyi chab srid dang 'brel ba'i dmag don lo rgyus*, 65: "The warehouses for storing armour and weapons include the Rdo rje gling Armoury, the Potala Palace and its adjacent Dgra 'dul khang (Office for the suppression of enemies), the Zhol dnghul khang (Zhol mint), the basement at Bde yangs shar in the Potala (*rtse bde yangs shar*), Nor bu gling kha, the Sman chu Armoury (*sman chu go mdzod*) at the foot of Lcags po ri, the armoury of the [headquarters of] Mdo spyi at Chamdo, Stod sgar dpon, Dga' ldan chos 'khor Monastery, and Lha rtse rdzong. In 1949, when Skyid sbug, a lay official (*shod drung*), and I were deputed at Rgyal rtse rdzong, our government issued many boxes of ammunition for British handguns, which we impressed with *rdzong spyi* seals and stored at our official granaries and storehouses" [S.T.N.].</footnote>

<footnote n="54">54 Lha rgya ri'i khri 'dzin bco brgyad pa, *Sde dpon lha rgya ri'i khri 'dzin bcu gcig pa*, 438-9.</footnote>

<footnote n="55">55 In the edition of the Drepung Monastery Printery (*Chos sde chen po dpal ldan 'bras spungs par khang chen mo'i spar ma*), the preface ('*Go brjod*') of *The Inventory of Battle Weapons at Rdo rje gling Armoury in Potala Palace (Pho brang chen po po ta la'i go mdzod rdo rje gling gi g.yul chas rnams kyi deb ther le tshan)*, in the *Rgyal dbang Inga pa ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho'i gsung 'bum*, vol. 19, 275-81, reads:</footnote>

<footnote n="1">1. "About Rdo rje gling armoury; classes of weapons; dresses, armour, horse-[armour], and weapons of the lay government officials (*drung 'khor*); ensembles of four central units (*dbus tsho*); lightweight armour and weapons (*yang chas kyi go cha*) for long-distance missions; government-regulated Mongolian, Hor, Khams pa, and [Northern] Nomadic (*[byang] 'brog*) armour and weapons; and, chiefly, other essential weapons including swords, bows [and arrows], spears, and firearms, and military shelters and utensils including central command tent (*dkyil sgar gyi gur chen*), cloth fencing (*yol skor*), platoon tents (*lding gur*), and platoon copper cauldrons (*lding zangs*)" ('*Go brjod*, f. 233v6).</footnote>
In his autobiography, references to me mda' are found in the years 1665⁵⁶ and 1679⁵⁷ as well. The Thirteenth Dalai Lama also wrote extensively on this topic in his *The Excellent Lily Garland*.⁵⁸

2. "The second highest grade ceremonial costumes from among the most excellent armour for group warfare that enable one to evolve unhindered from the four-fold divinely-formed cavalry flanks of a Universal Monarch, whose cavalrymen comprise the finest that were selected from among the brave and skilful men across all great regions including Mongolia (sog po), the Tibetan territory, Hor, the Northern Nomads, and Mdo khams" ('Go brjod, f. 237r4).

3. "Convenient battle equipment, armour, and weaponry in the early portions of the inventory on lightweight equipment (yang chas) used for long-distance missions, on the classification of ceremonial costumes (bzabs mchor) and an inventory of armour of the great flanks of the White Banner division (ru mtshon dkar po can)" ('Go brjod, f. 237v6).

4. "Convenient battle equipment of greater armed divisions are as follows... in the classification of ceremonial costumes of the Yellow Banner division (ru mtshon ser po can)" ('Go brjod, f. 238r6).

5. "Convenient armours and weaponry with [division] engravings are as follows... in the classification of ceremonial costumes of the Red Banner division (ru mtshon ser po can)" ('Go brjod, f. 238v4).

6. "Inventory of the armour and weapons of India, China, Hor, Mongolia, Khams, and [Northern] nomads" ('Go brjod, f. 239r3).

56 Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho, *Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho'i rnam thar*, vol. 2, 11.

57 Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho, *Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho'i rnam thar*, vol. 3, 243, 262.

58 See in *The Excellent Lily Garland*: 1. "Inventory of Tibetan-made Mechanical Guns ('khrul mda') Manufactured in the Fire Dragon [year] by the Office of the Tibetan Military Headquarters (bod ljongs dmag sgar las khungs)", ff. 11r1-12r5.

2. "Inventory of Mechanical Guns Newly Procured by the Office of the Tibetan Military General (bod ljongs dmag spyi las khungs)", ff. 12r5-12v7.

3. "Inventory of Mechanical Guns Gifted by Great Britain to the Office of the Tibetan Military General", ff. 12v7-13v7.

4. "Inventory of Weaponry, Armour, Uniforms, Funds, Grain, Money, etc., for Officers and Soldiers [published by] the Office of the Tibetan Military General", ff. 13v7-15r7.

5. "Opening the Door to a New Dawn of Excellent Benefits and Happiness (*Kun bzang phan bde rdzogs ldan gsar pa'i sgo 'byed*): An Inventory of Long English Rifles (*dbyin mda' ring ba*) and 'Parts and Accessories' (*le lag*) Gifted by Great Britain to the Prime Minister Bshad sgra ba dpal 'byor rdo rje during the Peace Treaty between Great Britain, Tibet, and China in Shimla in the Wood Tiger Year". This is compiled in *The Infinite Treasury of Science and Technology at the Gra bzhi Office of the Electricals and Machinery (Gra bzhi glog 'khrul khang ngo mtshar mtha' klas rig 'phrul gter mdzod*) - Water-Monkey [Year], ff. 15r7-18v2.

6. "The Jewel Rosary that Enchants the Wise (*Mkhas pa'i yid 'phrog nor bu'i mgul rgyan*): Inventory of Essential English Military Handguns (*dbyin mda' thung ba*) Issued to the Tibetan Military Headquarters by the Tibetan Cabinet (*bka' shag*) and the Issuance and Delivery Seals". This is compiled in *The Infinite Treasury of Science and Technology at the Gra bzhi Office of the Electricals and Machinery - Water-Monkey [Year]*, ff. 18r2-19v2.

7. "The Diamond Weapon that Grounds the Destructive Enemy Forces into Ashes (*Yid rubs bdud sde'i dpung tshogs phye mar 'thag pa'i rdo rje'i mtshon cha*)". Inventory of Mechanical Guns and "Parts and Accessories" One of the Four Weapons to Overcome the Enemy Forces - Newly Procured from the British Government", as compiled in *The Infinite Treasury of Science and Technology at the Gra bzhi Office of the Electricals and Machinery - Water Monkey [Year]*, ff. 19v2-22r4.
## 6 Classifications of the Different Types of bog

Many different kinds, types, and makes of matchlock are mentioned in Tibetan literature. In official functions and papers, frequent reference is made to the 'dzam grags type (see [figs 7-8] in the Appendix 3 of this paper). The go rtsed<fnref n="59" /> (display and performance of arms in general and the bog in particular) took place during the annual Great Prayer (smon lam chen mo) celebration in Lhasa, and 'dzam grags<fnref n="60" /> matchlocks were sported and used during these go rtsed. This practice could well go back to the seventeenth century since Sde srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho's writing contains a reference to the me mda' dzam rag in 1690.<fnref n="61" /> In addition, there are also old matchlocks

<footnote n="8">8. "The Sound of Lion's Thunderous Laughter that Terrifies the Pack of Enemy Wolves (Gzhan sde wa tshogs spa bkong ba'i gdong Inga'i ngar skad kyi gad brgyangs). An Inventory of BL 10-Pounder Cannons (sbi ri el kran pa'un kran ka non), "Parts and Accessories, and Tools Newly Procured from the British Government", as compiled in *The Infinite Treasury of Science and Technology at the Gra bzhi Office of the Electricals and Machinery - Water-Monkey* [Year], ff. 22r4-24r4.</footnote>

<footnote n="9">9. "The Clear Lapis Lazuli that Reflects Your True Self (Rang ngo rang 'phrod sde wa tshogs spa bkong ba'i gdong Inga'i ngar skad kyi gad brgyangs). An Inventory with Names and Details of [BL] 10-Pounder Cannons, Machine Guns (me shen ghan), English Rifles, English Handguns, Ammunition, and Tools", as compiled in *The Infinite Treasury of Science and Technology at the Gra bzhi Office of the Electricals and Machinery - Water-Monkey* [Year], ff. 24r9-25r5.</footnote>

<footnote n="10">10. "Diamond-like Armour and Weapons that Effortlessly End Battles and Bring Benefits and Happiness of the World and Beyond (Srid zhi phan bde'i rtsa lag rtag brtan g.yul ngo rang chas su 'joms pa'i rdo rje'i go khrab). An Inventory of Lewis Guns (lu si ghan) and Accessories and Tools Procured from the British Government", as compiled in *The Infinite Treasury of Science and Technology at the Gra bzhi Office of the Electricals and Machinery - Water-Monkey* [Year], ff. 25r5-27r3.</footnote>

<footnote n="11">11. "The Terrific Adamantine Thunderbolt of the Fourfold Strategies (Las thabs rnam bzhi'i gzer rnon rdo rje'i thog rgod). Inventory of Mechanical Tools and Accessories that Suppress the Enemy Forces", as compiled in *The Infinite Treasury of Science and Technology at the Gra bzhi Office of the Electricals and Machinery - Water-Monkey* [Year], ff. 21r3-27v6. I am grateful to my friend Dr. Sonam Tsering Ngluphu for translating into English all the items listed in this footnote.</footnote>

<footnote n="59">59 Bstan 'dzin dpal 'byor, Rdo ring pandi ta'i rnam thar, stod cha, 1226; Shan kha ba 'gyur med bsod nams stobs rgyal, Bod gzhung gi sngar srol chos srid kyi mdzad rim, 10, 25, 28; Richardson, *Ceremonies of the Lhasa Year*, 39-51.</footnote>

<footnote n="60">60 Krang dbyi sun, Bod rgya tshig mdzod chen mo, 2341: "'dzam grags - a short and thick rifle". Shan kha ba 'gyur med bsod nams stobs rgyal, Bod gzhung gi sngar srol chos srid kyi mdzad rim, 25, 27-8; Skal bzang bkra shis, Nyi lza, "Ri bo dang ga rga 'khrugs pa'i skor", 137. There is a photograph of three gzims pa soldiers on the roof of the Jo khang resting on their 'dzam grags matchlocks. See Stag lha phun tshogs bkra shis, Mi tshe'i byung ba brjod pa, deb gnyis pa, two pages after page number 384. This image is reproduced in the Appendix 3 of this paper as [fig. 8].</footnote>

<footnote n="61">61 Ser gtsug nang bstan dpe rnying 'tshol bsdu phyogs sgrig khang, Drin can rtsa ba'i bla ma ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho, vol. 9, 413. See also a photograph in the Pho brang po ta la'i idebs bris ri mo'i 'byung khungs lo rgyus gsal ba'i me long, *A Mirror of the Murals in the Potala*, 102. The original caption reads: "Style: the Menthang Times: 1690-94, Monks of Namgyal Dratsang in the Potala at a performance of "driving out evil spirits"". Author's note: this is a depiction of me mda' in the late seventeenth cen-</footnote>
called Stag gzig⁶² and 'Bar thang.

According to the recent (1993?) writings of the Klu zog rigs gsum and Lji dbang drags from A mdo stod ma, there were some fourteen types of *bog* in Tibet, which comprise roughly 1. "Mongolian youthful cascade" or "falling water on ice" (*sog po dar thog chu 'babs*), 2. "Mongolian lotus-barreled *rung*" rifle (*sog rung padma kha*), 3. "Sino-Mongolian *bye ma dkar ling*" (*rgya sog bye ma dkar gling*), 4. "White *rung la*" (*rung la dkar po*), 5. "Black *rung la*" (*rung la nag po*), 6. "Variegated *rung la*" (*rung la khra bo*), 7. "Chinese white *shis rab*" (*rgya shis rab*), 8. "Chinese black *shis rab*" (*rgya shis rab nag po*), 9. "Chinese variegated *shis rab*" (*rgya shis rab khra bo*), 10. "Me dzu *lcags* from 'Jang' ('jang me dzu *lcags*'), 11. "Blade-splitter from Stod mnga' ris" (*stod mnga' ris 'jag ma kha gshag*), 12. "Mongolian *gru gu rgya lug*" (*sog gi gru gu rgya lug*), 13. "Chinese *le bu chus gser*" (*rgya'i le bu chus gser*), and 14. "Russian *bya dmar byis rjes*" (*bya dmar byis rjes o ru sog*).⁶³

Here again one can say roughly that the *bog* comes from Mongolia, China, 'Jang (Naxi), Mnga' ris and Russia.

'Bri ru dkon mchog thub bstan (2013) offers additional classifications of *me mda'* as follows:

1. Gun (*me mda'* ) - *Bo'u* is an old-style gun (*me mda'* ) produced by Sde dge in Khams. There are other kinds such as *mnga ris lug sug* and the Mongolian *gam 'jug* (*sog po gam 'jug*).

2. "Variegated" gun (*me mda' khra bo*) - Variegated *rang* (*rang khra bo*, also *rung khra bo*). There are three types of *rang*: variegated, white, and black. According to folklore,

A Variegated *rang* (*rang khra bo*) is like a deer's neck,
A Black *rang* (*rang nag po*) is like a teardrop from crying,
A White *rang* (*rang dkar po*) is like a white tooth in a smile
[these *rang* are same as *rung* in the previous list]. [S.T.N.]⁶⁴

tury in Lhasa and a mural painter's conception of them. This photograph is reproduced
in Appendix 3 of this paper as [fig. 10].

62 Bges song dbang grags et al., *Rdza dmar ge mo dpal ldan*, 18, 23, 25; Bkra ba, Tshe dbang 'gyur med et al., "Hor ga rgya 'gram nag gi lo rgyus", 107. I vaguely remember that my grandfather had a prized *bog* called Stag gzig in the late fifties.

63 Klu zog rigs gsum, Lji dbang drags, "Gnyis pa bod sbos kyi bshad pa", 151-2 [S.T.N.].

64 'Bri ru dkon mchog thub bstan, *Dmangs khrod tha snyad ris 'grel srol rgyun gsal ba'i me long*, 20. I am quite sure that if we interview locals from A mdo stod ma or in Khams today, some could still identify all the different types of *bog* that were used in pre-1959 Tibet, as even now people are using them for decoration. See also Tshul khrims blo gros, *Bod kyi srol rgyun tha snyad ris 'grel ming mdzod*, 246-9. Terms used here are mostly from the Rdza chu kha area, Mgo log Gser rta and nomads of Brag mgo in Khams. I am grateful to Ms. Tenzing Sedon la Ukyab Lama for sending me copies of the three images in [fig. 2].
One can see that both Klu zog rigs gsum and Lji dbang drags from A mdo stod ma and 'Bri ru dkon mchog thub bstan used nicknames for the matchlock.

Nor nang ngag dbang nor bu (c. 1911-1989), one of the longest serving military secretaries to the Dga' ldan pho brang government in the office in charge of military affairs in the mid-twentieth century, writes that Tibetan government soldiers were known to have used the "Mongolian youthful cascade" (sog dar ma chu 'bab), "Mongolian right-oriented" (sog g.yas gcud [/gcus]), "Mongolian left-oriented" (sog g.yon gcud [/gsus]), "Mongolian square-pointed" (sog sgam mda' ma), "Hor fish-eyed" (hor nya mig ma), and "Mongolian four contaminants" (sog gling bzhi ma) matchlocks.<fnref n="65" /> Phreng ring (Taring) 'Jigs med gsum rtsen dbang po rnam rgyal (1908-1991) called them by slightly different names<fnref n="66" /> and suggested that these matchlocks were most probably confiscated or taken from Dzungar Mongol soldiers in the early eighteenth century. He further says that in 1890 the Dga' ldan pho brang government produced a rifle called *Gorkha yang can*.<fnref n="67" />

## 7 More Mentions of *bog* and *me mda*' in Tibetan Literature

The writings of the Thirteenth Dalai Lama reveal that after the expulsion of the Manchu armies from Central Tibet in 1912 the Dga' ldan pho brang government managed to confiscate the following kinds of Manchu/Chinese rifles and pistols: *me mda' U'u shang, cu'u shang, ru shang, hri rtse lan gru, 'ber btang and krob mda'*.

Until now, I have not seen any reference to, or record of, the matchlock marksmanship skill by Sde srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho even though several records of his archery skills exist. In Sde srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho's work on the *Legal Code in Twenty-One Articles* of 1681 issued by the Dga' ldan pho brang government, there is one entry for *me mda'*.<fnref n="69" /> The biography of Mi dbang pho lha (1689-1747)

<footnote n="65">65 Dwang slob mda' zur spyi 'thus rgyal rtse rnam rgyal dbang 'dus, *Bod rgyal khab kyi chab srid dang 'brel ba'i dmag don lo rgyus*, vol. 1, 63 [S.T.N.].</footnote>

<footnote n="66">66 "The names of the guns are Mongolian "[Youthful] Cascade" (sog [po dar thog] chu 'bab), Mongolian "Right-oriented" (sog pho mo g.yas gcud), Mongolian men's and women's "Left-oriented" in Dwang slob mda' zur spyi 'thus rgyal rtse rnam rgyal dbang 'dus, *Bod rgyal khab kyi chab srid dang 'brel ba'i dmag don lo rgyus*, vol. 1, 32.</footnote>

<footnote n="67">67 Dwang slob mda' zur spyi 'thus rgyal rtse rnam rgyal dbang 'dus, *Bod rgyal khab kyi chab srid dang 'brel ba'i dmag don lo rgyus*, vol. 1, 33.</footnote>

<footnote n="68">68 See *The Excellent Lily Garland* by the Thirteenth Dalai Lama, "Bod ljongs dmag spyi las khungs kyis spus sgrub zhus pa'i 'phrul mda'i deb kyi 'go brjod", vol. thi, *shog deb* 12ba5.</footnote>

<footnote n="69">69 *Blang dor gsal bar ston pa'i drang thig dwangs shel me long nyer gcig pa, shog ldeb* 15ba4.</footnote>