# Making Maoshan Great Again: Religious Rhetoric and Popular Mobilisation from Late Qing to Republican China (1864–1937)

Qijun Zheng

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Qijun Zheng. Making Maoshan Great Again: Religious Rhetoric and Popular Mobilisation from Late Qing to Republican China (1864–1937). Religions, 2025, 16, 10.3390/rel16010097. [PDF] [HTML] [Bib]

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Article

# Making Maoshan Great Again: Religious Rhetoric and Popular Mobilisation from Late Qing to Republican China (1864–1937)

Qijun Zheng

Special Issue

Transformations in Daoist Ritual Texts and Other Daoist Literature Since the Ming and Qing Dynasties

Edited by

Dr. Jing Li, Dr. Bony Schachter and Dr. Jacopo Scarin

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Article

# Making Maoshan Great Again: Religious Rhetoric and Popular Mobilisation from Late Qing to Republican China (1864–1937)

Qijun Zheng<fnref n="1" />,<fnref n="2" /> ID

**Abstract:** This study investigates how religious rhetoric and popular mobilisation contributed to the preservation and propagation of Daoist traditions at the mountain Maoshan茅山 from late Qing to Republican China (1864–1937), focusing particularly on the corpus of religious texts related to Maoshan and its tutelary gods, the Three Mao Lords 三茅真君. Through a detailed analysis of primary sources, including editions of the Maoshan Gazetteer, liturgical manuals such as the scripture (jing經), litany (chan懺), and performative texts such as the precious scroll (baojuan寶卷) of the Three Mao Lords, this study identifies six key rhetoric strategies employed by Maoshan Daoists, using the acronym IMPACT: (1) Incorporation: Appending miracle tales (lingyan ji靈驗記) and divine medicine (xianfang仙方) to address immediate and practical needs of contemporary society; (2) Memory: Preserving doctrinal continuity while invoking cultural nostalgia to reinforce connections to traditional values and heritage; (3) Performance: Collaborating with professional sto-rytellers to disseminate vernacularized texts through oral performances, thereby reach-ing broader audiences including the illiterate. (4) Abridgment: Condensing lengthy texts into concise and accessible formats; (5) Canonization: Elevating the divine status of deities through spirit-writing, thereby enhancing their religious authority; (6) Translation: Rен-dering classical texts into vernacular language for broader accessibility. Building upon J.L. Austin's speech act theory, this study reconceptualizes these textual innovations as a form of “text acts”, arguing that Maoshan texts did not merely transmit religious doc-trine but actively shaped pilgrimages and devotional practices through their illocutionary and perlocutionary force. Additionally, this study also highlights the crucial role of so-sial networks, particularly the efforts of key individuals such as Zhang Hefeng 張鶴峰 (fl. 1860–1864), Long Zehou 龍澤厚 (1860–1945), Jiang Daomin 江導岷 (1867–1939), Wang Yiting 王一亭 (1867–1938) and Teng Ruizhi 藤瑞芝 (fl. 1920–1947) who facilitated the recon-struction, reprinting and dissemination of these texts. Furthermore, this study considers pilgrimages to Maoshan as a form of popular mobilisation and resistance to anti-clerical and anti-superstition campaigns, illustrating how, against all odds, Maoshan emerged as a site where religious devotion and economic activity coalesced to sustain the local com-munities. Ultimately, despite the challenges identified in applying speech act theory to textual practices, the findings conclude that the survival and revival of Daoist traditions at Maoshan was not only a result of textual retention and innovation but also a testament to how religious rhetoric, when coupled with strategic social engagement, can fuel popular mobilisation, reignite collective devotion, and reshape cultural landscapes in transforma-tive ways.

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Academic Editors: Jing Li,
Bony Schachter and Jacopo Scarin

Received: 11 September 2024

Revised: 2 December 2024

Accepted: 16 December 2024

Published: 20 January 2025

**Citation:** Zheng, Qijun. 2025. Making Maoshan Great Again: Religious Rhetoric and Popular Mobilisation from Late Qing to Republican China (1864–1937). *Religions* 16: 97. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16010097

**Copyright:** © 2025 by the author.
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<footnote n="1">¹ Department of Religious Studies, École Pratique des Hautes Études (EPHE), Université PSL, 75014 Paris, France; qijun.zheng@gmail.com</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² Department of Anthropology, École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS), 75006 Paris, France</footnote>
**Keywords:** Chinese religion; Daoism; Buddhism; Maoshan; pilgrimage; spirit-writing; scripture; litany; precious scroll; social networks; gender; religious economy; text acts; Republican China

# 1. Introduction

The pilgrimage to the mountain Maoshan 茅山, a historical site in Daoist tradition and revered as the “Eighth Grotto-Heaven and the First Blessed Land” 第八洞天, 第一福地 was subject to severe destruction and extensive prohibitions in the nineteenth century. The social and political climate of the late Qing dynasty, particularly the aftermath of the Taiping Rebellion (1850–1864), heightened the government’s sensitivity towards large gatherings and the formation of alliances, which were often perceived as potential threats to state security. Particularly under the governance of Tan Junpei 譚均培 (1828–1894) (J. Wang 2012), the inspector-official of Jiangsu province since 1879, pilgrimage practices were harshly criticized and ultimately banned. Official constraints caused a significant decline in pilgrim traffic, which remained at reduced levels for over two decades.

With the establishment of the Republic of China in 1912 following the 1911 Revolution (xinhai geming 辛亥革命), the political landscape underwent a significant transformation. The social atmosphere began to shift, allowing for the gradual revival of pilgrimage practices. Despite the severe damage inflicted on many temples and monasteries during the Taiping Rebellion (1850–1864) and the ensuing chaos of the Warlord Period (1917–1928), Maoshan began to experience a period of restoration and rebuilding. Innovative strategies emerged to attract pilgrims, signaling a revival of religious practices. When the Nationalist Party established a unified government in Nanjing in 1927, Maoshan saw a renewed surge of pilgrims, driven by relative stability, economic growth, and ambitious government projects that improved transportation and supported a market-led economy. This period, often referred to as the Nanjing Decade (Nanjing shinian 南京十年) or the Golden Decade (huangjin shinian 黃金十年), lasted until the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War in 1937.

This study examines how the Maoshan pilgrimage was revived between the aftermath of the Taiping Rebellion (1864) and the onset of the Sino-Japanese War (1937),¹ focusing on the textual innovations, social networks and religious economy that played a crucial role in this resurgence. This research aims to examine how pilgrimages, a suppressed religious practice since 1880, managed to not only survive but also adapt and thrive in a changing socio-political context. While previous studies have documented the suppression of religious practices during the late Qing period, there have been fewer studies focusing on the subsequent revival and the mechanisms that facilitated it in Republican China. Recent scholarship on Chinese religions has increasingly focused on the genre of precious scrolls (baojuan 寶卷), a form of vernacular religious literature (Overmyer 1999). Scholars have recognized the close connection between narratives in precious scrolls and pilgrimage, noting how these texts reflect and inspire the devotional journeys of their audiences. In the study of the Maoshan pilgrimage, the work of Vincent Goossaert and Rostislav Berezkin combines historical analysis and fieldwork to explore the modern history of Maoshan cults (Goossaert and Berezkin 2012). Their research offers an in-depth understanding of the historical context by introducing a variety of texts, with the second part particularly focused on the content and performance of precious scrolls in contemporary local societies. Expanding on the analysis of precious scrolls, another recent study on Taishan Niangniang 泰山娘娘 by Ma Zhujun 馬竹君 focuses on the gender dynamics in the interaction between devotees and the deity (Ma 2023). Ma considers that prescriptive materials like
precious scrolls provide limited evidence regarding the actual intentions and motivations of pilgrims in Taishan, thus inviting further exploration into the roles of these texts in shaping religious practices. Similarly, Noga Ganany's work examines how "origin narratives" are deeply intertwined with the theme of travel since late Ming China, both literal and metaphysical (Ganany 2018, pp. 327-28). Ganany has shown how these journeys are not only central to the narrative structure but also serve as blueprints for pilgrimages, inspiring readers to follow the paths of these legendary figures. These studies thereby suggest that the larger question of "text acts" in late imperial China merits a *longue durée* investigation. For example, one recent work by Adam Yuet Chau 周越 applies the concept of "text acts" to analyze temple inscriptions from three temple sites in Shaanbei 陕北, north-central China, suggesting that certain texts exert influence not merely through their semantic content but through their material presence and the effects they produce on audiences, which he refers to as "textographic fetishes" (Chau 2023). Chau argues that these texts act upon their viewers by generating feelings of awe, submission, or recognition. Together, these studies demonstrate the crucial roles of religious texts, from shaping gendered interactions and inspiring pilgrimages to generating embodied responses. They highlight their centrality in understanding religious rhetoric and practice in Chinese traditions.

This study thus aims to situate Maoshan texts within broader scholarly discussions by expanding the exploration of “text acts” beyond temple inscriptions. It examines religious texts as active instruments that perform actions, evoke responses, and shape devotional practices. By focusing on the textual strategies of Maoshan Daoists during the 1920s, this study explores their performative and transformative impacts on Daoist communities, thereby contributing to a broader application of the concept of “text acts” through the lens of J.L. Austin’s seminal work on speech acts (Austin 1962) and Quentin Skinner’s discussion on “illocutionary force” (Skinner 2002, pp. 98, 108–9, 133). While the theories of Austin and Skinner primarily focus on spoken language, written texts, particularly in religious contexts, possess similar performative dimensions that deserve further exploration. Building on Webb Keane’s work on religious language (Keane 1997), which examines the interconnection between text, context, intentionality, and agency, this study extends these theories to the concept of “religious rhetoric”. Religious rhetoric, in this context, is defined as encompassing the persuasive and performative dimensions of religious communication, presenting texts as active instruments that not only convey meaning but actively inspire action, shape belief, and sustain religious communities. The concept of religious rhetoric has not been extensively explored in the context of Chinese religious traditions. However, it provides a valuable lens for analyzing the textual strategies of religious specialists. For instance, Philip Clart’s study of the *Guanyin’s Lotus Sutra of the Marvellous Dao* (Guanyin miao-dao lianhua jing 觀音妙道蓮華經) revealed through spirit-writing at a Taiwanese phoenix hall highlights how such texts employ appropriative strategies to integrate diverse doctrinal elements into cohesive frameworks that transcend traditional sectarian boundaries (Clart 2011). In this case, the scripture re-anchors Guanyin’s devotionalism within a syncretic framework of Dao cultivation, illustrating the rhetorical potential of texts to negotiate and transform religious practice. Another study by Bony Schachter on the *Scripture of the Jade Sovereign* (Yuhuangjing 玉皇經) illustrates how religious rhetoric integrates diverse Daoist and Buddhist textual materials into a coherent soteriological framework (Schachter 2015). Schachter highlights the compilers’ intentionality in crafting the scripture, which embeds veiled references to the liturgy for ritual specialists while offering accessible guidance to lay audiences. This dual function exemplifies how religious rhetoric can bridge specialized ritual knowledge and broader community engagement. In a related vein, Robert Ford Campany’s recent study of Shangqing Daoist scriptures in medieval period, also from Maoshan, explores how they function as “performative texts”, enabling practitioners to
adopt alternative identities as rejuvenated cosmic beings in the here-and-now (Campany 2023). Campany’s analysis emphasizes how ritual texts can serve as active blueprints for religious role-playing rather than mere repositories of doctrine, broadening our understanding of “text acts” across historical periods.

By emphasizing the persuasive and performative dimensions of Maoshan texts in Republican China, including mountain gazetteers, liturgical manuals, and precious scrolls as a coherent whole, this approach reveals how rhetorical strategies were employed not only to preserve religious knowledge but also to innovate devotional practices and sustain religious communities amidst the socio-political transformations of the Republican era. This analysis integrates these materials with various contemporary newspaper and magazine articles, seeking to move beyond surface narratives to reveal the deeper logic and motivations driving pilgrimage practices. As a result, this study has identified six rhetorical strategies presented through the acronym IMPACT: Incorporation, Memory, Performance, Abridgment, Canonization, and Translation. These strategies offer a structured framework for analyzing how textual transformations at Maoshan contributed to its religious and social vitality. By understanding these strategies, we can better situate the Maoshan pilgrimage within the broader historical and cultural shifts of its time, beginning with the late Qing prohibition on pilgrimage practices and culminating in their resurgence during the Republican period.

## 2. Historical Context: Ban on Pilgrimage to Maoshan in Late Imperial China

To understand the resurgence of the Maoshan pilgrimage from around 1920 to 1937, it is crucial to first examine the severe suppression it faced in the late nineteenth century. The ban on pilgrimage, particularly under the governance of Tan Junpei 譚均培 (1828–1894), not only reflects the sociopolitical climate of the time but also sets the stage for understanding the subsequent revival. The harsh restrictions and negative perceptions surrounding the pilgrimage form a necessary backdrop to appreciate how Maoshan Daoists later innovated their textual practices to attract and retain pilgrims.

Beyond the devastation caused by the Taiping Rebellion, the pilgrimage faced continuous suppression. The *Yiwen Lu* 益聞錄, a Catholic newspaper published by Shanghai Xujiahui Catholic Church (Shanghai Xujiahui tianzhutang 上海徐家匯天主堂) since 1879, frequently criticized the cult of the Three Mao Lords and its associated pilgrimages (Yiwenlu, 1880; 1883; 1896). Notably, during the tenure of Tan Junpei as Inspector-Official (xunfu 巡撫) of Jiangsu province in 1879, the pilgrimage was heavily suppressed (J. *Wang 2012*). Tan, influenced by the anti-clerical views of Han Yu 韓愈 (768–824),² issued an order in 1880 prohibiting pilgrimages to Maoshan (Shenbao, 1880b),³ citing issues such as promiscuity, theft, rebellion, and tax evasion. Additional objections included the presence of spirit-mediums and the disorder caused by the influx of pilgrims.

The Qing government, particularly sensitive to the formation of groups and alliances after the Taiping Rebellion, supported Tan's actions. Even after stepping down as acting governor in 1882, Tan's influence persisted, with the popular Shanghai press *Shenbao* 申報 reporting that his orders were still being followed, leading to continued hesitancy among pilgrims (Shenbao, 1881). Reports indicate that local officials sealed off Maoshan's mountain gate (*shanmen* 山門), warning that any defiance by the Daoists would result in the destruction of their temples as "illicit shrines" (*yinsi* 淫祠) (Shenbao, 1880a). This ban was enforced multiple times, citing the disruption caused by pilgrimage boats blocking passages under the bridge in Jintan 金壇, at the foot of Maoshan (Yiwenlu, 1880).

For over two decades, mentions of the Maoshan pilgrimage in the press were scarce, except for negative reports about Daoists soliciting or even coercing donations. The term
"Maoshan Daoists" (Maoshan daoshi 茅山道士) often carried negative connotations, associ-
ating them with black magic and spirit-mediums. The newspaper tends to report incidents
where people donning a Daoist robe and claiming to be a "Maoshan Daoist" asking for do-
nations (Shenbao, 1893a), or worse, "forcing donations" (qiangmu 強募) (Shenbao, 1893b;
1898). Despite these challenges, Maoshan Daoists were occasionally called upon for their
rituals, especially during epidemics (Shenbao, 1902) or to conduct rain prayers during pe-
riods of severe drought (Shenbao, 1904). Local branches of the cult of Three Mao Lords in
Shanghai likely provided crucial income for the Maoshan Daoists. One report described
a ritual called guoguan mingmu 過關名目 in Shanghai, intended to raise funds. This in-
cluded contributions from the Maoshan shrine (Maoshan dian 茅山殿) in Gaochang tem-
ple (Gaochang miao 高昌廟), known for continuously disregarding the official prohibition
(Shenbao, 1905).

Ultimately, regulating the pilgrimage over long term proved difficult. By 1908, articles confirmed that villagers from Changzhou 常州 continued their annual pilgrimage to Maoshan (Shenbao, 1908). Innovative methods to attract pilgrims emerged, such as distributing seals in incense bags designating pilgrims as "laureates among the pilgrims" (xiang zhuangyuan 香狀元), which usually led to local celebrations (Shenbao, 1908). The social atmosphere relaxed in the following decades, as evidenced by reports of a San-maohui 三茅会 procession during a sports competition in Nanjing in 1921 (She, 1921; Dagongbao, 1921), followed by the Dutianhui 都天会 honoring the "Sheriff [Who Pats] All of Heaven" (Dutian yuanshuai 都天元帥, i.e. the local god Zhang Xun 張巡) (Katz and Goossaert 2021, p. 43), a large citywide festival previously prohibited but revived in Yangzhou and other Jiangnan urban centers during this period.⁴

To sum up, the persistence of the Maoshan pilgrimage under suppression highlights
the resilience of popular religious practices during this period. The subsequent analysis of
textual innovations will demonstrate how Daoist texts functioned strategically in the 1920s,
not merely as religious documents but as instruments to revive and sustain the pilgrimage
tradition, ensuring the survival and growth of Maoshan Daoism in a period of significant
transformation.

3. Daoist Textual Innovations

The acronym IMPACT (Incorporation, Memory, Performance, Abridgment, Canon-
ization, and Translation) introduces the six rhetorical strategies, whereas the main body of
this article presents the primary sources in chronological order. This approach allows us to
contextualize each rhetorical strategy within the unfolding social, political, and religious
developments from late imperial periods to the early twentieth century. The chronological
organization better demonstrates how these strategies emerged, evolved, and overlapped
over time. Throughout the discussion, the key themes remain interconnected, which high-
light how Maoshan Daoists alternated or combined these textual strategies to adapt to new
circumstances, thereby leading to the revival of Maoshan pilgrimage.

3.1. *Memory: Textual Retention and Reconstruction in Gazetteers and Liturgies*

As a first step, textual innovation depends on textual retention. Without the preservation of earlier texts, textual innovation cannot take place. Jacopo Scarin conceptualizes the history of a sacred site as composed of multiple “strata of meaning”, which are layers of religious significance formed by stories, historical events, and religious knowledge associated with the site. These layers evolve as people transmit, reinterpret, and prioritize them over time, revealing a dynamic exchange between the past and present (Scarin 2023, p. 10). That being said, historically, events like fire and war have posed the greatest threats to textual retention and innovation. This is evidently manifested in the paratexts of
various editions of the *Maoshan gazetteer*, which serve as repositories of ancient texts about Maoshan. These texts preserved valuable historical and religious content and provided the foundation upon which later textual innovations were built, ensuring the continuity of Maoshan's textual heritage.

The history of various editions of *Maoshan gazetteer* has been thoroughly examined by Chen Guofu 陳國符 (Chen [1949] 2014, pp. 197–200) and Richard G. Wang (G. Wang 2014, Wang et al. 2016). The earliest known references date back to the Tang and Song dynasties, with works such as *Maoshan ji 茅山記* and *Maoshan xin xiaoji 茅山新小記*, though these are now lost. The Northern Song saw the revision of *Juqu shan zongji 句曲山總記* by Chen Qian 陳倩 (d.u.), and the Southern Song era saw a four-volume revision of *Maoshan ji 茅山記* by Zeng Xun 曾恂 (d.u.) and Fu Xiao 傅霄 (?–1159), which also no longer survive.

The first important surviving edition is the Yuan dynasty's *Maoshan gazetteer* (*Maoshan zhi 茅山志*), which dates back to 1330 and was compiled by Liu Dabin 劉大彬 (fl. 1317–1328) and Zhang Yu 張雨 (1277–1348). The original edition consisted of 15 fascicles, though only portions are currently extant. The Ming dynasty produced four notable editions: the 1423 Yongle 永樂 edition, the 1445 *Zhengtong Daozang* 正統道藏 edition with 33 fascicles (MSZ, 1445), the 1470 Chenghua 成化 edition, and the 1551 Yuchen Temple 玉晨觀 edition (Wang et al. 2016). These were followed by a Qing dynasty edition, the *Complete Gazetteer of Maoshan* (*Maoshan quanzhi 茅山全志*, preface 1669), compiled by Da Changuang 篤蟾光 (1623–1692). In contemporary periods, the twenty-first century has seen the continued emergence of various recensions of Maoshan gazetteers, reflecting ongoing scholarly interest and the enduring significance of these texts (Li 2005; Yang and Pan 2007; Pan 2013; Z. Yuan 2021).

By studying the paratexts of these editions (Wang et al. 2016), we learned about the precarious conditions in which the woodblocks are preserved and, thus, the importance of regularly reproducing these woodblocks and texts. This forms a positive cycle to ensure textual retention and the role played by some individuals outside of the Daoist institution who, nevertheless, asserted an influential impact in this process.

For example, in the 1423 preface written by Hu Yan 胡儼 (1361–1443), he states:

> "Yao Guangxiao,⁵ the Grand Preceptor for the prince, Duke of Rongguo 榮國公, with posthumous name Gongjing 恭靖, once serving at the Historiography Office, commissioned me to write a preface for the reprinting of the *Maoshan gazetteer*. [...] According to records, there were earlier accounts of Maoshan, but the gazetteer was first compiled by the successor patriarch of the order, Liu Dabin during the Yuan dynasty. The woodblocks were destroyed amidst warfare at the end of the Yuan. The original engraving, inscribed by the recluse historian Zhang Boyu, was exceptionally refined and elegant. In the guimao year of the Yongle reign of our current dynasty [1403], Lord Yao obtained a surviving good edition of the old engraving from Chen Dexun, the Numinous Officer of this mountain [Maoshan]. Deeply moved by the thought that the literary records of this mountain had ample evidence, he gathered like-minded individuals to contribute funds and commissioned craftsmen to re-engrave the woodblocks for dissemination. This was indeed a most earnest endeavor".

> “太子少師，榮國恭靖姚公廣孝嘗在史館，以重刻《茅山志》，屬儼為序。[...] 按茅山舊有記，而志則始於嗣宗師劉大彬，故元時所編集也。元末板燬于兵。其故刻則外史張伯雨所書，極精潔。至天朝永樂癸未[1403]，姚公得遺刻善本於本山靈官陳得旬，慨然念茲山之文獻有足徵者，乃合同志之士出貲，命工重鋸梓以傳，甚盛心也。”⁶

In the preface of 1470, written by Chen Jian 陳鑒 (1415-?, jinshi 1418), Chen states:
"In the guimao years of Yongle reign in our dynasty [1403], Master Yao the Junior Preceptor, renewed the work. In the year bingxu of Chenghua reign [1466], the woodblocks were destroyed once again. The Daoist Master Ding Yuming, who held the titles of Right Profound Justice of the Daoist Register and abbot of Chao-tian Palace, had previously studied in these mountains. Deeply concerned that this book, was becoming increasingly scarce among people and might soon vanish entirely without any transmission, he feared that the flourishing legacy of this mountain would come to an abrupt end. The sacred traces and miraculous sites, divine ruins and blessed realms, imperial decrees, essays of great literary brilliance, the mystical patriarchs and Daoist lineages, celestial immortals assigned to heavenly offices, dedicated scholars and esteemed individuals, magnificent terraces and outstanding temples, cinnabar-inscribed stone steles, golden scripts on jade slips, as well as divine flowers and spiritual plants—how would these be documented? Would this not nearly result in the great loss of our heritage? Would this not a matter of profound concern for us? Thus, he sought out old woodblocks and good editions, collected the rewards from the court and the donations from benefactors, and commissionned skilled craftsmen to re-engrave the texts onto woodblocks, creating an imperishable record. He then requested me to compose a preface for it".

"我朝永樂癸未[1403],少師姚公亦既新之,成化丙戌[1466],板復燬。道錄右玄義兼朝天宮主持丁法師與明,嘗受業山中,深慮是書在人間者日少日無,遂至於湮泯無傳,則茲山之盛事中歇,而其靈蹤異跡,神墟福境,奎文帝命,瓊編瑞檢,玄宗道派,仙屬天曹,志士高人,穹臺傑觀,丹書石刻,金薤瑤章,與夫神葩靈植,將何所稽,不幾乎大墜厥緒,豈非吾徒之憤事耶。乃求舊刻善本,哀朝廷之賞賚檀越之施予,命良于工者重鍥諸木,以為不朽之圖,問蘄予為之序。”⁷

Again, in the 1550 preface for the re-carving of the woodblocks for the *Maoshan gazetteer*, written by Xu Jiusi 徐九思 (1495–1580):

"At that time, the mountain gazetteer was again destroyed. Daoist Zhang Quan'en of Yuchen Temple raised funds and re-engraved it, and the work was completed. Since the mountain belongs to Jurong county, and I have held office here for nine years, he requested me to write the preface. Thus, someone informed me and presented it to me. The detailed records of the journeys of the Mao Lords, the majestic scenery of this mountain, and the traces of past visitors are all thoroughly documented in this gazetteer. What more is there to say! I have been ordered to transfer to another internal position, and as I pack my belongings to head north, I have no time to say more".

"時山志復燬,玉晨觀道人張全恩募工重刻既成,以山屬句容,余令茲九載,謁余為序。遂以告或人者授之。茅君履歷之詳,茲山景物之勝,昔人寓玩之蹟,志盡之矣。復何言哉!余方奉命內遷,束裝北上,亦不暇他言云。”⁸

In the 1551 preface for the re-compilation of the gazetteer, written by Jiang Yongnian 江永年 (fl. 1506–1531):

"The previous gazetteer was compiled by the former Yuan Patriarch Liu Dabin, biography written by the Hanlin Scholar-in-Attendance Zhao Mengfu, praises written by Grand Academician Yu Ji, and with calligraphy by the Recluse Historian Zhang Boyu of Huayang—an accomplishment known as the ‘Four Wonders.’ At the end of the Yuan dynasty, the woodblocks were destroyed by war. In our dynasty, the woodblocks were re-engraved three times, only to be destroyed three times, leaving no records. Now, Daoist Zhang Quanen of the Transcendents’ Mansion and Yuchen Temple has obtained an old edition and raised funds
to re-engrave it. The temple's Numinous Officers Dai Shaozi, Ren Shaoji and Jin Xuanli, along with Chen Yingfu, promoter of the teachings from the Yuanfu Palace, requested me to arrange and compile the new edition. I also included at the beginning the esteemed imperial rituals of our imperial court, construction records, and at the end the poems written by various officials after their visits. I consider it essential to include these, so I compiled them into the opening chapter, simplified the charts and maps, and completed the gazetteer. Thus, I have no more to add. On the day of Duanyang in the Xinhai year of Jiajing [1551], recorded respectfully by Jiang Yongnian, Sacrificial Officer of Liuqian, a native of this county".

“舊志編自前元宗師劉大彬，傳於翰林承旨趙孟頫，贊於大學士虞集，書於華華陽外史張伯雨，世稱四絕。元季板罹兵焚，我朝三刻三燬，漫無紀載，今真人府贊教玉晨張全恩得舊本，募工重刻，本山靈官戴紹資任紹績金玄禮，贊教元符宮陳應符請餘詮次，並書國朝懿典於前，修建諸文，及羣公登覽詩作於後，計不可無述，偕著其葉於首，簡門圖改證以成全志，茲弗贊雲。嘉靖辛亥[1551]端陽日，柳採祭史，邑人江永年謹識。” (MSQZ, [1669] 1898, 10a-11a)

As demonstrated by the above-mentioned paratexts of various Maoshan gazetteers, historical events such as accidental fire or wars posed significant threats to these texts, prompting efforts to re-engrave and reprint them. The prefaces of the 1423, 1470, 1550, and 1551 editions of the Maoshan gazetteer illustrate how figures like Yao Guangxiao and Zhang Quanen mobilized resources and rallied support to restore these texts after their destruction. Every step of the production and circulation of these gazetteers is the result of concerted efforts by skilled religious specialists, dedicated locals, and various "intermediaries of religious culture",⁹ who often transcend local, cultural, or confessional confines and play a crucial role in these preservation efforts. Beginning in the late imperial period, when these gazetteers were produced in large numbers, the production of gazetteers increasingly attracted broader patronage and readership beyond their immediate locality, with consequential outcomes. The construction of local historiography is thus often of a trans-local nature, contributing to an expanded network of branch sites and pilgrimage associations from afar, thus creating a shared regional religious culture. Thus, the dedication of these "intermediaries of religious culture" to preserve Maoshan's textual heritage emphasizes the multi-directional nature of textual retention and innovation. Without the foundational preservation of these ancient texts, the later innovations that made Maoshan's teachings more accessible to broader audiences in the 1920s would not have been possible.

Additionally, lists of signatories, often as funders and contributors to collaborative projects, highlight the communal efforts behind the publication. These contributors, often simultaneously also distributors and promoters, play an important part in the circulation of such texts. They thus serve as proselytizers and promoters of moral discourse, religious practices, or sacred sites, depending on the nature of the texts. On the other hand, we should highlight that the authors of prefaces of religious texts play crucial roles in framing and contextualizing these texts. Not only do their prefaces give authority and prestige to the texts, but they also provide readers with the necessary background to engage with them.¹⁰ Therefore, the prefaces can significantly influence the reception and understanding of religious texts, facilitate the transmission of religious knowledge, and provide social contexts for these publications.

Textual innovation also relies on the reconstruction of fragmented or lost texts and their republication, particularly when those texts face threats of complete textual loss or destruction due to war or other calamities. The significance of these efforts becomes apparent when we examine cases where the entire corpus of texts was lost, necessitating their meticulous reconstruction from memory by dedicated Daoists. This practice ensured that
even in the face of adversity, the religious and cultural heritage of Maoshan could be pre-
served and perpetuated. For instance, Zhang Hefeng 張鶴峰 (fl. 1860–1864), a Daoist at
Yuanfu Temple 元符宮 on Great Mao Peak 大茅山 during the Tongzhi 同治 era (1862–
1874), recounted in the postface how he painstakingly reconstructed the *Precious Litany of
the Three Mao Lords* after it had been lost during the Taiping Rebellion:

"The Precious Litany of the Three Mao Lords is the source from which the Transcendent Lords attained the Dao, and it is the foremost fundamental teaching in Daoism. It must be recited with devotion, day and night. I have memorized this diligently and have not forgotten the text. During the many years I spent on the mountain, there was not a day when I did not cleanse my hands, burn incense, and quietly recite it. [...] In the tenth year of the Gengshen cycle [1860], during the intercalary third month, the rebel bandits ascended the mountain and set fire to the Daoist temple and the courtyard. Not a single tile remained intact. At that time, I paid no attention to any of my worldly possessions, but only took care to bury the scripture and litany of the Transcendent Lords in a secluded place, hoping to protect them from destruction. By the sixth month of the third year of Tongzhi [1864], by the grace of the mighty armies of the government, the entire region of Jiangnan was reclaimed. The Daoists gradually returned to the mountain. I then went back to the original place to search for the scriptures, but they were lost. Although prosperity and decline are determined by fate, no calamity was as severe as the devastation of war. Reflecting on the fact that it is just like with houses burned, there would be no place to rest one's feet temporarily. The lost scriptures meant the loss of the foundation of self-cultivation. Fortunately, I had studied them thoroughly from a young age, and I transcribed several volumes as a temporary measure to continue the chanting and recitations. However, I fear that over time they might deteriorate, which would not only betray the teachings of my master but also make it difficult to face others".

“三茅寶懺乃應化真君得道之源，道教中第一要宗也。須朝夕虔誦。余謹記不忘。在山十數年，無日不沐手焚香。息心寧卷。[...]迨庚申十年[1860]。閏三月。逆匪上山放火。殿宇道院。片瓦無存。時余身外之物。概不顧問。獨將真君經懺。埋藏偏僻。希冀免劫保全。至同治三年[1864]六月。蒙各大憲軍威丕著。克復江南全省。道等漸次回山。余即往原處跟尋。迷失所在。然雖盛衰有數。而兵燹之災。莫此為甚。竊思房屋燒燬。暫無拖足之區。經懺遺忘。遂失修心之本。余幸從幼熟讀。抄寫數卷。權應宣誦。但恐將來日久殘缺。不特有負師訓亦且難對。” (SMBC, 1924, 34a–36a)

Indeed, the successful reconstruction of the Maoshan scripture and litany in 1924 en-
sures they were recited by younger Daoists in the decades to come. For example, a travel-
ogue from Li Tongxian recounted his visit after the peak of the pilgrimage season in May
1935 (Li, 1935), when he found that only a few novice Daoists 道童were reading a certain
*Scripture of Three Mao Lords* 三茅經 in Maoshan. ¹¹ This leads us to explore the broader impli-
cations of such efforts, particularly how they align with the strategies of textual innovation
and the dissemination of Maoshan lore.

3.2. *Abridgment: The Essentials of the Maoshan Gazetteer, Maoshanzhi Jiyao* 茅山志輯要

The 1920 edition of the *Essentials of the Maoshan Gazetteer* (Maoshanzhi jiyao 茅山志輯要) (MSZJY, 1920), compiled by Jiang Daomin 江導岷 (1867–1939)¹² and Teng Ruizhi 滕瑞芝 (fl. 1920–1947), printed by the Shanghai Hongda Shanshu Ju 上海宏大善書局,¹³ represents a significant textual innovation aimed at making Maoshan's rich religious and cultural heritage more accessible. This abridged gazetteer was intentionally reduced to 65 folio (dou-
ble) pages, in contrast to the much lengthier earlier versions, greatly improved accessibility to a broader audience and a wider dissemination of Maoshan's rich textual heritage.

Why was an abridged gazetteer valuable in 1920? Traditionally, like local gazetteers (difangzhi 地方誌), mountain gazetteers served as guidebooks for visitors to mountains in late imperial China, offering essential information about the history, geography, and cultural significance of numerous mountains in China. As early as 1503, Du Mu 都穆 (1458–1525, jinshi 1499) of Suzhou consulted the Maoshan gazetteer to familiarize himself with Maoshan's history and lore (Du, 1992). This function persisted into the Republican era, with the Maoshan gazetteer continuing to be a key text for pilgrims visiting Maoshan. However, in early twentieth-century China, there was a shift towards making religious texts more popular, mirroring broader social and literary trends that sought to democratize knowledge and religious practice through a more widely accessible format¹⁴ that uses a more understandable vernacular language. This movement aimed to bridge the gap between elite literary culture and popular religious devotion. Educated individuals like Long Zehou 龍澤厚 (1860–1945) also recognized that traditional texts, such as the Maoshan gazetteer, were overly literary and therefore inaccessible to the common folk. Despite the admiration for the aesthetic qualities of Maoshan zhi, its refined language limited its reach. One clear reflection of this sentiment can be found in Long Zehou's 1924 preface to the Precious Scroll of the Three Mao Lords, where he lamented the limited audience of the ancient edition of the Maoshan gazetteer due to its overly sophisticated style. The preface indicates that Maoshan Daoist Teng Ruizhi played a crucial role in this process by publishing a superior lithographic edition of the precious scroll. The canonization of the Three Mao Lords through spirit-writing as "Imperial Lords" further reinforced the spiritual authority of Maoshan (will be discussed further in Sections 3.3 and 3.4). This preface illustrates the shift towards textual abridgment and vernacularization, fueling hopes of Maoshan's revival amidst the broader sociopolitical challenges the Maoshan Daoists faced. The preface reads:

> "I have visited Maoshan several times. I read the *Maoshan gazetteer* and admired its inscriptions and poetry. I once harbored the intention of revising and republishing it, but lamented that its language is too refined and therefore not easily understood by the common folk. This so-called beauty is also its shortcoming, leaving some regret. In the third month of the Jiazi year (1924), I visited the mountain again and came across the *Precious Scroll of the Three Mao Lords*. Even women and children could understand them. Initially, I obtained a woodblock-printed copy, and later I acquired a lithographic edition from Shanghai, which was of superior quality compared to the woodblock edition. The lithographic edition included a map of the mountains. It was published and distributed by the Daoist Teng Ruizhi of Yiyun Courtyard. Its preface was written by Ge Peiwen, a recluse from Huayang, who mentioned that he and Teng had studied Daoist teachings together. Alas, the Daoist tradition has long been in decline, and yet, there is truly a person like Teng! How can I not feel fortunate for our Daoist tradition? The revival of Maoshan is only a matter of time! I leave a message for Teng: strive to deepen your Daoist practices. The affinity to achieve the path of immortals depends on you. A recently inscribed secret text with a divine edict was published, and I was gifted a copy. I came to know that the Three Mao Lords had been elevated to the title of "Imperial Lords". Written in the spring of Jiazi year of the Republic of China [1924] by Long Zehou of Guilin".

> “予遊茅山數矣。讀茅山志愛其金石詩文。曾有重修之意。惜其文皆雅。故不能通俗。所謂美尤不足。有遺憾也。甲子三月如山。見有三茅寶卷。婦孺盡曉。初得木板一冊。又得上海石印一冊。較木板精良。前有山圖。則怡雲院道士滕瑞芝
所刊送也。其序為華陽小隱葛佩文。謂與瑞芝相研道學。噫。道門衰落久矣。而竟有滕子其人耶。吾不能不為吾道幸矣。茅山復興有日矣。寄語滕子。勉加玄功。仙緣之有分。其在子矣。近刻秘笈誥命。贈以一本。俾知三茅君已晉帝君尋號云。民國十三年甲子春桂林龍澤厚贈言。" (SMBJ, 1924, 3a)

The *Essentials* includes illustrations and several prefaces taken from the 1669 Qing Gazetteer *Maoshan quanzhi* 茅山全志 compiled by Da Changuang, including those by Da Changuang and Xu Zishen 徐子慎 (preface 1824), along with iconography of the Three Mao Lords, topographical illustrations, divine genealogies, descriptions of temples, monasteries, springs, and caves, as well as a collection of poems and a postface by Jiang Daomin. It also contains a table of contents of the original gazetteer 原志總目. The postface to the *Essentials*, written by Jiang Daomin, reflects his motivation and process behind the compilation and abridgment of this important text. Jiang's account details his experiences visiting Maoshan, his interactions with earlier editions of the gazetteer, and his goal of preserving its rich content while making it available to a broader audience.

"Postface. Mount Juqu [Maoshan] reflects the natural topography of mountains and rivers. Its name dates back to the Han dynasty, gaining greater renown during the Qi and Liang dynasties, when it became prominent among Daoist practitioners. It was acclaimed as the "Eighth Grotto-Heaven", a term rooted in Daoist terminology. I, Daomin, have long admired it but never had the opportunity to visit. In the autumn of the gengshen year [1920], in the ninth month, I was ordered by Master Zhang Nantong [Zhang Qian 張謇 (1853–1926)] to handle some matters at the Golden Ox Cave of Maoshan. Tao Shouzhi of Jiangdu accepted the task and acted as my guide. We crossed the Yangtze River to Jingkou, then traveled overland to reach the Golden Ox Cave. From the southern ridge of the mountain, we ascended to Great Mao Peak, reaching an elevation of almost a thousand ren. From its heights, one overlooks the surrounding mountains, which coil like crouching dragons below. Looking back at the Three Mao Peaks, they rise and fall in winding patterns, connecting to Great Mao Peak in the shape of the character "已" (yi). It became clear to me that the name "Juqu" is indeed well deserved. As known to all, all famed mountains must have a gazetteer. Upon inquiring about the gazetteer of this mountain, I was informed by Pan Haoyuan, the abbot of Yiyun Temple, that only one old gazetteer from the early Qing period survives, awaiting republication. I borrowed this gazetteer and promised to print one hundred copies as a gesture of gratitude. While reading the gazetteer on my return journey, I came to understand the mountain's history and renowned landmarks. However, as the original text was overly voluminous, I took the liberty of compiling an abridged version. The revised version includes the following sections: First, a map of the mountain, showing the grandeur of its three peaks; Second, the preface by Da Changuang, preserving the content of the original gazetteer; Third, a preface by Xu, which outlines theoretical discussions; Fourth, a genealogical record of the Three Mao Lords, tracing their divine origins; Fifth, descriptions of various springs and caves, providing historical anecdotes; Sixth, poems from famous figures since the Liang and Tang dynasties, exalting the cultural and aesthetic significance of the mountain, intended to inspire visitors. I retained only the essential headings, omitting other unnecessary details for the remaining contents. This work is titled the *Essentials of the Maoshan Gazetteer* (Maoshan zhi jiyao 茅山志輯要). For those who seek truth and beauty, or wish to explore Juqu mountain, it will suffice to have this volume as a guide. Written on the sixteenth day of the twelfth lunar month, gengshen year [1920], by Jiang Daomin of Wuyuan".
“跋。句曲狀山川之形勢也。其得名始漢，至齊梁而名益，著顯道家者流，名山為第八洞天。洞天云者，亦道家語。導岷心夙慕之，而無緣一陟其地。庚申[1920]秋九月奉張南通師命，有事于茅山之金牛洞。江都陶君受之為之導，渡江至京口陸行，抵金牛洞。由山南小嶺攀登大茅峯。高殆千仞，俯覽眾山，如伏龍盤旋于其下。回顧三茅，三茅峯起伏曲折，連貫大峰成已字形。恍然于句曲之為名，不誣夫。世所稱名山必有志。詢茲山之志，怡雲院住持潘浩元云：清初舊志僅存一部，方待重刊。余乃借之，許印百部為報。歸途讀志，知山之歷史名勝矣。顧篇什夥繁，因重為訂輯。首山圖，具三峯之形勝也。先筮序，重原書也；次徐序，著理論也；次三茅真君紀系，知靈蹟所自也；次各泉洞記，取備掌故也；次梁唐以來名人詩，攝揚風雅以助遊與也。餘存其目，而文不備錄。名之為《茅山志輯要》，云爾。世有求真攬勝，為句曲之遊者乎，手此編亦足為導矣。庚申臘月既望婺源江導岷跋。” (MSZJY, 1920, 65a)

Press articles from the 1930s confirm that the gazetteers continued to be preserved at Maoshan and in private collections. For instance, Yi Junzuo 易君左 (1899–1972), author of *Idle Talk on Yangzhou 閒話揚州* (1934) and serving as an official at the Ministry of Education, recorded in 1934 that he was led by Abbot Teng Ruizhi to read the gazetteers at Yiyun daoyuan (Yi, 1934). Another testimony comes from Sheng Cheng 盛成 (1899–1996), an activist, intellectual and author,¹⁵ who published a series of ten articles about the Maoshan pilgrimage in *Dagongbao* 大公報 between 5 April and 20 April 1936 (Sheng, 1936a). Sheng stayed in the sixth lodging六房, which is called Yiyun Daoist Courtyard (Yiyun daoyuan 怡雲道院) during his visit in 1936, where Teng Ruizhi was the abbot of the temple on Maoshan. On his visit, he was welcomed by a young deputy abbot named Xu Jinbo 徐晉伯, aged under 30 years old. Sheng Cheng particularly remarked on his hospitality and socializing skills (shan tantu 善談吐), from whom he learned many more details about the pilgrimages to Maoshan, which is central to our study. In particular, he mentioned that Wang Yiting 王一亭 (1867–1938) (Katz and Goossaert 2021, Chapter 6) has agreed to print the gazetteers for them:

> "There are two types of pilgrims: those who burn incense and those who perform *jiao* offerings. The largest number of pilgrims come to burn incense, two-tenths of them come to perform *jiao*. After the opening of the mountain gate in the first month, pilgrims from the north of the Yangtze River come to burn incense, they don't linger on the mountain [for too long] and descend after spending one night on the mountain only. This year, the incense burning in the first month was not as popular as the last year, because last year was a drought year. In Jiangnan, there are people who burn incense and perform *jiao* offerings. The majority of pilgrims who asked for the *jiao* offerings are mostly from the four provinces: Suzhou, Songjiang, Changzhou, and Zhenjiang, with the most of them from Danyang and Wujin. Among those pilgrims to Maoshan, they have one leader (*xiangtou* 香頭) for every hundred pilgrims and one deputy leader (*xiao xiangtou* 小香頭) for every ten people. Every autumn, the Daoist priests go down from the mountain to deliver the talisman to the pilgrims, and at the same time, they negotiate with the leaders of pilgrims' associations for the rituals to be performed next year. Before each pilgrim goes to the mountain to participate the *jiao* offerings, they make a lot of efforts at home, and their family gives them one more bucket of rice and one more bucket of wheat each year to reward them for their efforts, and they hand over the reward to the leaders for profit. In this way, for three years, there are six harvests, there are three buckets of rice and three buckets of wheat as the principal and profits, and the leaders organize the pilgrims to come to Maoshan. The boat fare, food, candles, and fees for the *jiao* are all included, so for each ritual, the mountain only gets two or three *yuan*.¹⁶ If the pilgrims for the *jiao* of-
ferings are from Shanghai, it was much better, and each ritual could net twenty
to thirty *yuan*. Mr. Wang Yiting and Mr. Du Yuesheng often come to Maoshan
for the *jiao* offering! Mr. Wang also promised to print the gazetteers [*Maoshan
zhi*] for Maoshan”.

“香客分燒清香和打醞的兩種。燒清香的最多，打醞的占十分之二。正月開山門以後，江北的香客就來燒清香了，他們不駐腳的，在山上過了一夜就下去了。今年正月香火，不如晚年，這是因為去年是荒年。江南的人，燒清香的打醞的都有。上山打醞的香客，以蘇松常鎮四府屬的人居多，尤以武進丹陽為最多。他們上山的香客，一百個人有一個香頭，十個人有一個小香頭，每年秋季，道士下山與香客送符，同時和香頭接洽來年道場。每個香客要上山打醞之前，自己在家中，多多出力，家裏人酬勞他的出力每年多給他一斗稻一斗麥，他將報酬交把香頭生利，如此三年六熟，共有三斗稻三斗麥的本利，由香頭組織香會到茅山來。船費吃用香燭醞費，一切在內，所以每場法事，山上只落得二三元。上海來的打醞香客，那就好了，每場可淨得三二十元。王一亨杜月笙諸先生常上山來打醞呢！王先生還答應代本山印志書呢。” (Sheng, 1936c)

This 1920 abridged edition of the *Maoshan Gazetteer* and the attempts of Maoshan Daoists to continue reprinting it exemplify the strategy of textual innovation through simplification and dissemination. This ensures that Maoshan's rich traditions can reach a wider audience while maintaining the integrity and continuity of its textual heritage. The strategic abridgment of the *Maoshan Gazetteer* serves as a precursor to further textual innovations that sought to adapt Maoshan's religious texts to the changing socio-political landscape of the early twentieth century.

Moving on to the next section, we will look at the role precious scrolls played in
promoting the Maoshan cult in Republican China. The vernacularization of sacred texts
through performances of precious scrolls by mediums and storytellers served as a vital
channel for propagating the cult of the Three Mao Lords, further reinforcing their newly
canonized status among broader audiences.

3.3. *Translation and Performance: Religious Literature of Precious Scrolls (Baojuan 寶卷)*

Maoshan Daoists strategically employed vernacularization in adapting precious scroll literature to expand their religious influence and attract larger number of pilgrims. Precious scrolls (baojuan 寶卷) are vernacular religious texts that recount the hagiographies of deities, often performed orally by storytellers to communicate religious narratives to a broad audience (Overmyer 1999; Che 2009). By simplifying complex doctrinal ideas and presenting them in accessible language in local dialects, these texts allowed the teachings and miracles associated with Maoshan gods to reach, and resonate beyond the temple halls and literate elites. The performances of precious scrolls, which were both educational and devotional, conveyed the stories and miracles of the Three Mao Lords, making them relatable to laypeople. This strategy reflects a conscious decision to shift the communicative register from a highly formalized "code" to a more fluid and inclusive mode of expression.

When we compare the language, contents, and performances of the three types of
ritual texts related to the Maoshan: scriptures (jing 經), litanies of repentance (chan 懺),
and precious scrolls, these texts demonstrate two diverging textual approaches based on
their targeted audiences and objectives. Scriptures and litanies of repentance are relatively
shorter, tightly structured, and often formulated in a learned and sometimes esoteric lan-
guage, requiring literal memorization by their literate audience, including religious special-
ists. These texts, usually written in classical Chinese, employ a ritual register with abun-
dant archaic elements, making them opaque even to modern readers. These texts resemble
the "formalized" modes of communication discussed by scholars of ritual language, such
as Maurice Bloch (Bloch 1974). According to Bloch, such heightened formality can limit
the potential for open-ended interpretation, directing attention away from propositional
meaning and toward illocutionary force—reinforcing the authoritative, timeless quality of
the sacred tradition. Like the phenomenon observed in intensely formalized political or re-
ligious oratory, the classical register used in scriptures and litanies curtails the spontaneity
and adaptability of speech, engendering an aura of unchallengeable authority rather than
inviting debate or logical contradiction. Comparing these liturgical texts with other gen-
res, such as gazetteers discussed previously, can often reveal their textual genealogies and
the deep temporal layering of their vocabularies, thereby situating their authority within
a long-established lineage.

In contrast, precious scrolls, narrated in vernacular language and often performed orally, present a more flexible and less formalized medium. They are lengthier, more complex and dramatized, maximizing their appeal to audiences more receptive to oral performances. Precious scrolls are thus not merely “popular” versions of religious texts, rather, they represent a communicative strategy that does not rely on dense, archaic registers. As Bloch’s studies of ritual speech suggest, when the communicative mode becomes less rigid and more accessible, the emphasis shifts from strictly maintaining continuity and hierarchical authority to fostering engagement, relatability, and communal participation. While scriptures and litanies aim to promote self-cultivation for transcendence and salvation among the literate, the aim of precious scrolls is to proselytize by retelling gods’ stories to the local population in a public setting. This objective determines that these precious scrolls strategically incorporate local elements and entertaining narratives, expanding the boundaries of religious influence by appealing to a sense of shared religious culture rather than doctrinal authority. Whereas the archaic language of scriptures and litanies aligns with the immutability and hierarchical authority of tradition, precious scrolls open a space for communal involvement and adaptive interpretation. While scriptures and litanies adhere to a timeless, invariant “code” that accentuates their transcendent authority, the precious scrolls’ adaptability and performative dynamics highlight the relational and affective power of religious storytelling.

Such a method does not undermine the sacred character of Maoshan's lore but rather situates it within the lived experiences and emotional frameworks of common devotees, thereby mobilizing a broader spectrum of religious participation. In doing so, precious scrolls exemplify how religious communication can function as "weak illocutionary acts" —not necessarily aimed at imposing doctrines, but rather at inspiring emotional resonance, strengthening social networks, and reinforcing communal devotion (Ahern 1979). Spirit-mediums, known as *xiangtou* (香頭 in emic terms, thus played a crucial role in disseminating religious narratives in precious scrolls and organizing and leading the Maoshan pilgrimages.

Maoshan Daoist Teng Ruizhi also actively promoted the precious scrolls as a means to spread Maoshan lore. By encouraging devotees to distribute multiple copies and recite them regularly, Teng sought to broaden the text's reach and impact. His emphasis on the text's protective and beneficial properties highlights its practical value, appealing to a wider audience and reinforcing Maoshan's religious significance, as shown in the foreword for the precious scroll of Three Mao Lords:

> "This precious scroll, with every word written with sincerity, painstakingly providing guidance and enlightenment, is a book that benefits the world. All incense-burning devotees should acquire multiple copies to distribute among their relatives and friends far and wide. Reciting it regularly will greatly multiply the merits of burning incense. Those who invite this precious scroll home must treat it with utmost respect, wrapping it in new cloth and offering it with fragrant incense. This can exorcise evil, protect the home, bring fortune, and ward off calamities. Reprinted in the winter month of the twelfth year of the Republic.
Respectfully distributed by Daoist Teng Ruizhi of Yiyun Daoist Courtyard on the Great Mao Peak”.

“此卷字字樸實，苦心點化，乃有益世道之書。凡燒香信士務要多請幾本回去，傳送四方親友，時時宣誦，則燒香功德格外加倍矣。請此卷去者，必須十分敬重，將新布包好，清香供奉，可以驅邪鎮宅發福消災。民國十二年冬月重刊大茅山頂山怡雲道院道末滕瑞芝謹送” (SMBJ, 1924, Foreword)

By encouraging devotees to distribute and frequently recite the precious scrolls, Teng extended the domain of religious authority of Maoshan into more intimate and dynamic social contexts. His emphasis on the practical, protective, and morally beneficial aspects of these texts resonates with the anthropological insight that, in religious contexts, formal constraints and performative freedoms interact to shape not just meaning but also communal bonds and religious efficacy. The circulation of these precious scrolls and the involvement of spirit-mediums in their oral transmission further underline the ongoing negotiation between formality and flexibility, tradition and adaptation, authority and accessibility. Taken together, these strategies reinforce Maoshan's religious significance not solely by invoking ancient precedents but by reconfiguring the communicative landscape of ritual practice in ways that invite personal engagement, collective fervor, and the continual reshaping of cultural values.

Indeed, there are strong correlations between the places where various editions of precious scrolls were published and the regions from which pilgrims to Maoshan originated, as attested in newspaper articles. The most authoritative scholarly catalog of precious scrolls by Che Xilun records a total of 15 versions of precious scrolls on Three Mao Lords, published in Jingjiang (Jiangsu province) 江蘇靖江, Shanghai 上海, Suzhou 蘇州, Zhenjiang 鎮江, Nanjing 南京, and Changzhou 常州 (Che 2000, pp. 222–23). Based on Che's work, Chen Peixuan 陳姵瑄 compiled a list of 13 extant precious scrolls about the Three Mao Lords (Chen 2021a). Through her analysis, these precious scrolls could be distinguished into two systems based on the name of the protagonists: the precious scrolls of the Mao family system 茅氏系統—which were published in Suzhou 蘇州, Huzhou 湖州 and Shanghai 上海—and those of the Jin family system 金氏系統—which were published in Nanjing 南京, Zhenjiang 鎮江, and Jinjiang 靖江. Meanwhile, the origins of the pilgrims, as indicated by sources, especially the press articles, are mostly from around Nanjing and Shanghai and various towns in Jiangsu province, such as Wujin 武進, Wuxi 無錫, and Wuxian 吳縣 (current Suzhou) (Xi, 1920). Some are from Haimen 海門 and Jinsha 金沙 (current Nantong in Jiangsu province). If the pilgrims arrived by boat, they usually came from Suzhou 蘇州 and Wujiang 吳江. The geographic overlap between the publications' locations and the pilgrims' origins suggests that the distribution of precious scrolls effectively spread Maoshan lore, drawing pilgrims from these areas.

In the early twentieth century, most pilgrims to Maoshan were common folk from the local county, Dantu 丹徒, who were said to be predominantly engaged in farming and other labor work (Zhang, 1934). One of Sheng Cheng's press articles pointed out the specialties of religious practices in Jiangnan at the time in comparison with traditions in the North (Sheng, 1936a). Several reports also indicate that the pilgrimage to Maoshan appealed to both genders and all ages. Pilgrims included men, women, elders, children, and they came in couples or old grandmas travelling with grandchildren. That being said, proportionally, several articles pointed out that there were more women than men. This observation is corroborated by reports with observations of pilgrims who traveled by boat, ascended Maoshan, and worshipped in the monasteries. The reason could be that the obligation of a continuous three-year mandate of conducting the Maoshan pilgrimage applies to women only. The author of a press article, Di Zhan, asserts that as long as the pilgrims could spare the costs, they will almost certainly go as an annual tradition (Di, 1934). As
explained in Yü Chün-fang’s study, “It was desirable for a pilgrim to come to Hangchow for either three years or five years in a row—the first year for the benefit of her father, the second year for her mother, the third year for her husband, the fourth year for herself, and the fifth year for her children” (Yü 2001, p. 367). This explains the phenomenon that women seem to constitute a higher proportion of pilgrims across the available sources.

The temple fairs at Maoshan during the spring pilgrimage season were the most pop-
ular in the Jiangnan region. At the height of the pilgrimage season, tens of thousands of
pilgrims could be coming to Maoshan daily. The pilgrimage to Maoshan is known for its
“pilgrims [gathering] like clouds” (xiangke ru yun 香客如雲) (Li, 1935). During the apex of
the pilgrimage season, many pilgrims walked shoulder-by-shoulder, such that the crowds
blocked the path leading to the top of Maoshan. A popular saying illustrates this abun-
dance of pilgrims on Maoshan as “tens of thousands ascending while tens of thousands
descending” (shiwan chaoshagn shiwan xiangxia 十萬朝上十萬向下). Shen Jiezhou estimated
that in 1935, approximately 300,000 to 400,000 pilgrims arrived at Maoshan during each pil-
grimage season. The queue of pilgrim ferries extended across several li 里 (Di, 1934).

In the early twentieth century, the vernacularization through precious scrolls signif-
icantly promoted the Maoshan pilgrimage by making religious narratives accessible to a
broader audience. For example, the prominence of women among pilgrims points to spe-
cific social practices and obligations associated with the Maoshan pilgrimage, as well as
the possible appeals of precious scrolls to female devotees in particular. Moving forward,
the analysis will focus on the canonization of deities through spirit-writing. This canoniza-
tion process not only elevated the divine status of the Three Mao Lords but also played a
pivotal role in revitalizing pilgrimage practices by enhancing the perceived authority and
efficacy of these tutelary deities of Maoshan.

3.4. *Canonization of Deities Through Spirit-Writing*

Although there is not yet a dedicated study specifically analyzing the impact on pil-
grimage following the canonization of tutelary gods at sacred sites through spirit-writing,
recent burgeoning scholarship on the history of spirit-writing, in the Sinophone world
(Goossaert 2022; Schumann and Valussi 2023) and its neighboring countries, such as Japan
(Broy 2023), Korea (J. Kim 2020; Y. Kim 2024) and Vietnam (Hüwelmeier 2019), has opened
avenues for examining this particular aspect. This growing body of research provides a
foundation for understanding how such textual practices have shaped the religious land-
scape, influencing both the perception and practice of pilgrimage across different regions.
For example, the study by Shiga Ichiko 志賀市子 on Song Dafeng 宋大峰, or Master
Dafeng's 大峰祖師 cult, explores how spirit-writing played a crucial role in transforming
this local Chaozhou cult into a broader religious movement (Shiga 2022). Initially, Song
Dafeng was a revered Chan Buddhist monk remembered for his contributions to the local
community. However, only in the Qing period did he become deified as a god through
spirit-writing, which allowed him to be invoked anywhere, not just at a specific sacred
site. This practice expanded his cult beyond its territorial roots, contributing to its spread
throughout Southeast Asia, particularly among Chaozhou migrants.

The case study of Song Dafeng’s cult illustrates how spirit-writing transformed local
devotional practices and elevated the status of deities, a phenomenon similarly reflected in
the case of the *Precious Litany of the Three Mao Lords* 三茅帝君寶懺. There are currently two
known editions, one conserved in the Shanghai municipal library and the other at Maoshan
(Goossaert and Berezkin 2012). The edition conserved in the Shanghai municipal library
is dated 1924, the earliest known lithographic edition of the litany. It is published by Xie
Wenyi 謝文益 on Wangping Street 望平衡 in Shanghai and sponsored (kansong 刊送) by
Wanshan Hongji She in Hangzhou 杭州萬善宏濟社 and Xuyuan Tan in Shanghai 上海恤
緣壇. The words "Scripture and Litany of the Three Mao Lords" 三茅經懺 and "Lingshu mifu" 靈樞密府 are written in the center of the page 版心. As already pointed out in a study by Chen Peixuan (Chen 2021b), the entire volume is akin to a "collected edition" of the rituals of the Three Mao Lords, as in addition to the litany, the volume also includes the *Litany Recitation Ritual of the Three Mao Lords* 三茅真君經誦儀, the *Nine Heavens Lingbao Golden Flower Scripture to Save Lives by the Mao Lord* 九天靈寶金華沖慧度人保命茅君真經, the *Precious Pronouncement of the Three Mao Lords* 三茅真君寶誥, the *Instructions from the Three Mao Lords* 三茅真君垂訓文, and the *Precious Litany of the Patriarch Mao Lord of the Nine Heavens to Eradicate Sins* 祖師九天司命三茅真君滅罪寶懺, thereafter referred to as the *Precious Litany of the Three Mao Lords*. Chen has also noticed the fact of Three Mao Lords being granted Daoist titles through spirit-writing as indicated in this text,¹⁷ where the text writes:

> "On the 14th day of the second month in the year of Jiazi during the Republic period [1912], Lingbao Tianzun decreed through spirit-writing at the Qingliang Wanshou Temple in Piling and pronounced [the title of] Three Mao Imperial Lords. There afterwards, all references to the Transcendent Lords should be read as the Three Mao Imperial Lords."

> "民國始甲子二月十四日奉(降鸞於毘陵清涼萬壽寺)靈寶天尊諭曰,三茅帝君。以下,凡見真君均應讀為三茅帝君。"

In the same year, Long Zehou wrote another postface, stating more explicitly, as shown in Figure 1:

> "On the fourteenth day of the second month of this year [1924], at the Qingliang Temple in Changzhou, the Supreme Lord of Numinous Treasure descended and transmitted a secret edict through spirit-writing. It contained the title 'Controllers of Fate, Imperial Lords of Three Mao,' thus conferring upon him the title of 'Imperial Lords.' Readers should accordingly change the word 'zhen' to 'di' when reciting the titles in the proclamation. I hereby make the announcement to you all of this".

> "今年[1924]二月十四日。常州清涼寺靈寶天尊降軄傳秘笈詔命。中有三茅司命帝君之稱。則是司命君已加封帝君矣。讀者自應於誦誥稱號之時。改誦真字為帝字。謹此奉告。” (SMBC, 1924, 40a-b)

The Qingliang Wanshou temple 清涼萬壽寺 in Changzhou is a branch monastery associated with the famed Buddhist mountain Wutai 五台山. As pointed out in a study by Zhang Hua (Zhang 2016), during the first half of the twentieth century, Shanghai emerged as a dynamic hub for Buddhist activity despite lacking historical prominence in Chinese Buddhism. Changzhou's Qingliang Temple, together with Tianning Temple 天寧寺, Hangzhou's Haichao Temple 海潮寺, Ningbo's Ayuwang Temple 阿育王寺, Fenghua's Xuedou Temple 雪竇寺, and the Baoben Hall 報本堂 of Mount Putuo were branches of temples established in Shanghai. These efforts aimed to attract pilgrims and raise funds, thereby strengthening connections between Shanghai and these prominent sites and increasing the number of temples in the city, significantly enriching its Buddhist landscape. This context also sheds light on the relative scarcity of studies on Buddhism and spirit-writing, a practice largely opposed by the Buddhist clergy yet widely embraced by lay Buddhist communities in Republican China (Zheng 2024). In fact, not only were the Three Mao Lords canonized through spirit-writing in a Buddhist monastery in Shanghai, but they were also granted additional divine titles within the *daoyuan* 道院, institutions closely associated with spirit-writing practices. This canonization went far beyond the traditional Three Mao Lords. In fact, each Mao family member received a specific title, further solidifying their divine status, as all *daoyuans* established altars to worship them:
"The *Daoyuan* of Shanghai, in reverence to the Supreme Patriarch of the Infinite, conferred titles upon Mao Meng, who was named 'God of Primordial Creation and Transformation,' Mao Yan was named 'God of Original Transformation of the Manifestation of Mysterious,' Mao Xi was named 'God of Initial Transformation of the Mysterious Radiance,' Mao Zuo was named 'God of Efficacy and Mysterious on Conception and Transformation,' Mao Ying was named 'God of Supreme Transcendent of Management of Fates,' Mao Gu was named 'God of Upper Transcendent of Recording Fate,' and Mao Zhong was named 'God of Ultimate Protection of Life.' All *Daoyuans* have established altars to worship them, thus they are also now proclaimed as Divine Lords".

"上海道院奉無極老祖加封茅濛為肇化通玄神。茅偃為元化顯玄神。茅憇為初化光玄神。茅祚為孕化靈玄神。茅盈為司命太真神。茅固為定錄上真神。茅衷為保命至真神。各道院均設位奉祀。是則又宜稱為神君矣。” (SMBC, 1924, 40b)

<figure><img src="image_5.png" /><figcaption>**Figure 1.** Canonization of Three Mao Lords through spirit-writing. *Sanmao dijun baochan*, 40a. Image reproduced by author in 2024, courtesy of Shanghai Municipal Library 上海圖書館.</figcaption></figure>
Chen Peixuan’s study attributed this to the enthusiasm of the population to promote the cult of the Three Mao Lords (Chen 2021b). Chen sees this as a continuation of the tradition of receiving revelations in Maoshan, which has already produced the famous text *Zhen’gao* 真誥 in the fifth century (Tao 499). However, Chen’s study has overlooked the abundant revelatory texts throughout late imperial China, with the background of spirit-written texts of Three Mao Lords more closely modeled on the canonization movements of Wenchang, Lüzu, and Guandi in the eighteenth to nineteenth centuries (Goossaert 2015), instead of the fifth-century *Zhen’gao*.

According to Vincent Goossaert, canonization “refers to processes of establishing sacred texts and divine personae as authoritative and conducive to salvation. [...] The canonization process involves compiling textual canons for certain gods, but also granting authority to them by promoting them to higher status, both in the heavenly bureaucracy and in this-worldly pantheons. It is a multifaceted process that involves textual production and diffusion; doctrinal innovation; the building of social networks dedicated to these gods; and political legitimization” (Goossaert 2015). This theory of canonization offers a framework for understanding the canonization of the Three Mao Lords and its implications for pilgrimage practices. By elevating these deities within both the celestial bureaucracy and the divine pantheon, the process of canonization legitimizes their worship and integrates them into broader religious networks. The dissemination of these canonized titles and elevation of divine status through established networks in Shanghai would have bolstered the Three Mao Lords’ reputation of higher authority and efficacy, encouraging devotees to undertake pilgrimages to Maoshan to seek their blessings, thus leading to an upsurge in pilgrimage traffic.

Furthermore, the alignment of these canonized deities with the broader socio-religious landscape in Shanghai, an urban center with a growing religious and commercial infrastructure, would have facilitated a more widespread diffusion of their cult, likely among the lay Buddhists in Shanghai, such as Wang Yiting. This not only increased the number of pilgrims but also reinforced Maoshan’s status as a vital religious center, appealing to both Daoist and Buddhist communities. The canonization process thus played an important role in both the religious and practical dimensions of pilgrimage, ensuring the survival and expansion of the influence of the tutelary gods of Maoshan in the early twentieth century.

### 3.5. Incorporation: Miracle Tales and Divine Prescriptions

The textual strategies adopted by the Maoshan Daoists were not limited to shortening existing texts. They also included adding new content tailored to meet their readers' evolving needs and tastes. which I refer to as “Incorporation”.¹⁸ This approach aimed to make the texts more engaging and suitable for practical usage in daily life, enhancing their appeal. For example, the inclusion of miracle tales and “divine prescriptions”¹⁹ attracted a broader audience by highlighting the religious efficacy and practical benefits of Maoshan's religious practices.

In the lithographic edition of the *Precious Scroll of Three Mao Lords* (Sanmao dijun baojuan 三茅帝君寶卷), commissioned by Teng Ruizhi and published by Hongda shanshuju 宏大善書局 in 1925, there includes two sections of appendices: “Records of miraculous responses in Maoshan” 茅山靈驗記 with 16 miracle tales (SMBJ, 1924, 28b–33a), followed by 139 “Medicinal recipes of miraculous responses” 靈驗良方. In the introduction of the series of miracle tales, Ge Peiwen 葛佩文, with the style name “the Small Hermit of Huayang” (Huayang Xiaoyin 華陽小隱), attested to the efficacy of various sacred sites of Maoshan in healing and his purpose of compiling these miracle tales.

*“Foreword to the ‘Records of Miraculous Responses at Maoshan’*
Maoshan is revered in Daoist texts as the Eighth Grotto-Heaven and the First Blessed Land, a sacred realm where the spiritual power is evident and beyond doubt. At Yuanfu Palace, the jade seal of nine immortals from the Han dynasty can ward off evil spirits, and the elixir well of Ge Hong from the Jin dynasty, when consumed, can cure chronic illnesses. The book of materia medica compiled by Tao Hongjing during the Liang dynasty mentions the Taiyi Yellow Essence, which can grant immortality when ingested. Beneath the Great Mao Peak, the spring from the purification pond can heal madness, leprosy, and wind sores, while the tea from the peak can improve eyesight and remove cataracts. Other miraculous substances, such as the divine mushrooms that prolong life and the green poria that cures hunger, are so extensively recorded in ancient texts that they cannot be exhaustively enumerated. I have spent the last three years in seclusion at Huayang, contemplating on these worldly events, which causing one only headaches and heartaches. In a time of great societal distress and moral decline, divine power stands out with overwhelming authority. What I have heard and witnessed confirms the extraordinary efficacy of these miracles. Thus, in my free time after practising inner alchemy, I have compiled several miracle tales into the 'Records of Miraculous Responses at Maoshan', organized in clear sections. This is offered to both those who have visited this sacred mountain and those who have not, so that they may solidify their faith more deeply. The records are respectfully compiled by Ge Peiwen".

## “茅山靈驗記敘言

茅山道書稱為第八洞天第一福地，靈區聖域，徵信顯然。若元符宮漢代九老仙都玉印可驅邪伏魅，晉葛洪煉丹井之泉飲之可癒痼疾，梁陶弘景著本草有太乙黃精，服之可長生不老。大茅峯下，淨身塘之水，浴可癒瘋癲飢輪，峯茶可明目退翳，其餘神芝益壽，蒼朮療飢，種種靈驗，稽之古籍不堪枚舉。余小隱華陽於茲三載，靜觀時世，疾首痛心，人道非非，神權赫赫。耳聞目睹，靈驗非常，丹鉛餘晷，編輯茅山靈驗記數帙，分則眉列，餉諸來遊茲山與未遊者一目了然，以深信仰云。佩文諸誌。” (SMBJ, 1924, 28b)

A careful analysis of these 16 miracle tales uncovers valuable historical information on the pilgrimage practices of the time, with details that are not available in other sources. For example, one story suggests that pilgrimages to Maoshan in the 1920s were deeply connected to acts of devotion and seeking divine intervention during times of crisis. One story mentions "Offering incense by substitutes" (daixiang 代香), a practice in which those unable to travel entrust others to undertake the pilgrimage on their behalf. This practice ensured that individuals hindered by illness or conflict could still fulfill their vows through proxies. In this story, unable to visit personally due to a regional war in 1924, a man named Liu from Shanghai entrusts another individual to offer incense on his behalf. When his son falls ill, Liu vows to make further offerings, after which his son recovers miraculously.²⁰ In another story, strict dietary rules are highlighted; not only pilgrims but also local porters are expected to observe vegetarian diets before ascending Maoshan, reflecting broader ritual purity requirements.²¹ A porter eats eggs against vegetarian requirements and is punished by gods, leading to repentance and commitment to filial piety.²² The third story reveals the established contractual relationships between pilgrimage associations and local accommodations at Maoshan, with multi-year agreements ensuring annual lodging arrangements for pilgrims.²³ In this story, a pilgrimage leader misappropriates funds from the pilgrimage association, prompting the gods to intervene by possessing a pilgrim from Jiangbei and exposing the wrongdoing. The leader eventually confesses and makes restitution with a significant donation to the temple, showing both the financial stakes involved
and the perceived direct intervention of divine forces in ensuring divine justice and moral behaviors among pilgrims.²⁴

A closer examination of these tales also reveals several recurring themes. First, on divine intervention, several stories emphasize the direct involvement of the Three Mao Lords in the reconstruction of temples and in the lives of their devotees, protecting them from harm and ensuring the success of their pilgrimage to Maoshan. Second, several narratives focus on miraculous healing, such as sacred springs and medicinal herbs available at Maoshan to pilgrims, often in response to sincere prayers or acts of generosity toward the Maoshan temples. One story involves Yao Jingzhi 姚靜之, a Daoist suffering from a severe illness who, after ineffective treatments, dreams of a deity instructing him to seek medicine at Maoshan. Upon his return and prayer, he finds a local spring's water that miraculously heals him.²⁵ The second story was provided by Ge Peiwen, compiler of the collection of 16 miracle tales as he signed off in the foreword, who prays for his ailing mother at Maoshan. He obtains a sacred talisman stamped by the legendary Maoshan jade seal of Lord of Nine Immortals 九老仙都君玉印 that, when placed on his mother's head, promptly cures her of a debilitating illness.²⁶ Third, Maoshan is portrayed as a sacred refuge, both from physical threats like war and from moral corruption. Fourth, the tales often include elements of divine justice, where unethical behavior is punished, and sincere devotion is rewarded. Fifth, Maoshan is depicted as a sacred space where strict dietary prohibitions are under constant surveillance and reinforced by dwelling gods. Sixth, several tales particularly mentioned the names of certain individuals who were devoted to the gods of Maoshan. It includes, in particular, a miracle tale-cum-biography of Long Zehou himself, which portrays Long as a highly dedicated devotee who abandoned his secular career to devote himself to spiritual pursuits at Maoshan:

> "Long Zehou, a native of Guilin in Guangxi, was a distinguished disciple of Master Zhu Jiujiang along with his fellow student Kang Nanhai [Kang Youwei]. He abandoned his official position and retreat to the mountains, aspiring to transcend the mundane world. He held a deep admiration for Maoshan and had petitioned the authorities in Jurong county to protect its forests. At the Yuanfu Temple, he founded the "Society for the study of the numinous". He conducted spirit-writing to spread teachings. He frequented the celestial realms of Huayang in search of the elixir of immortality. His primary goal was to revitalize the Daoist tradition. He wrote a postface for the 'Scripture and Litany of Three Mao Lords'. His spiritual efforts and concrete deeds, earned him the recognition as a major contributor to the work of the Mao Lords. Without the miraculous efficacy, how could one touch and move the "living dragon" of Guilin?"

> “龍澤厚廣西桂林人。同康南海為朱九江先生門下高足。棄官入山。有出世志。對於茅山頗為忻慕。曾請句容縣示。保護該山森林。在元符宮創設靈學會。開ITO宣化。往來華陽仙境。欲求長生不死藥。振興道門為宗旨。作三茅君經懺跋。精神作用。事實昭彰。茅君之功臣也。不有靈驗。何其感動桂林之生龍。”²⁷

The miracle tales of famous figures also include eminent names such as Kang Youwei and other social elites.²⁸ In one story, a government official named Wang Jingchang 王景常, known for his skepticism of religious practices, was also portrayed as an eventual devotee after surviving a disastrous war.²⁹ These miracle tales collectively reinforce the sanctity of Maoshan and the powerful, benevolent influence of the Three Mao Lords on those who honor and revere them.

To summarize, we can provide a typology of the 16 miracle tales into five categories, as shown in Table 1:
<table><caption>Table 1. Typology of the 16 miracle tales in *Sanmao dijun baojuan*.</caption><thead><tr><th>Titles of Miracle Tales</th><th>Intervention</th><th>Healing</th><th>Refuge</th><th>Dietary</th><th>Individuals</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Miracles Upon Miracles 靈而又靈</td><td>X</td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>The Divine Staff Strikes the Shin 神杖叩脛</td><td>X</td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>Being a Good Person is Blessings 善人是福</td><td></td><td>X</td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>Long Guilin [Long Zehou] 龍桂林</td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td>X</td></tr><tr><td>The Coming and Going of the Nobles 冠蓋往來</td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td>X</td></tr><tr><td>Even Skeptics Believe 也信神仙</td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td>X</td></tr><tr><td>Grotto-Heavens and Blessed Lands 洞天福地</td><td></td><td></td><td>X</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>Protected from War 兵災不入</td><td></td><td></td><td>X</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>Thief Enters and Exits 盜入復出</td><td>X</td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>Three Eggs 雞蛋三枚</td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td>X</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>Coming Together in Sincerity and Reverence 誠敬同來</td><td></td><td>X</td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>Alchemical Cinnabars Extends Life 爐丹益壽</td><td></td><td>X</td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>Pilgrimage Leader being Punished 會首受罰</td><td>X</td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>Divine Prescriptions Save Lives 仙方活命</td><td></td><td>X</td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>The Stone Does Not Crush 石不壓人</td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td>X</td></tr><tr><td>The Daylily Revives 萱草回春</td><td></td><td>X</td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr></tbody></table>

The typology of the 16 miracle tales in *Sanmao dijun baojuan* reveals the compiler's intention to appeal to a broad audience by emphasizing various themes. A significant portion of the tales (9 out of 16) focus on divine intervention or healing, highlighting the efficacy of gods in Maoshan and attracting pilgrims seeking miracles or relief. Additionally, other themes, such as providing refuge, promoting dietary prohibitions, and the beef taboo (Goossaert 2005, 2025b), aim to reinforce morality, filial piety, and other virtues. Maoshan was also presented as a refuge from disasters, thereby reinforcing the sacredness of Maoshan and the authority of its tutelary gods. Moreover, the repeated mention of key figures such as Long Zehou and Kang Youwei in these tales suggests a significant role played by non-clerical social networks. This invites further exploration of how these individuals influenced Maoshan's religious and textual developments.

## 4. Social Networks for the Publication, Circulation, and Promotion of Daoist Texts

As mentioned earlier, one of the most important patrons supporting the publication of texts at Maoshan was Long Zehou 龍澤厚 (1860–1945), courtesy name Jizhi 積之, a na-
tive of Guilin, Guangxi. As a fellow student of Kang Youwei 康有為 (1858–1927), Long had frequent opportunities to interact with the Daoists of Maoshan. Kang may first have visited Maoshan during his youth. After all his revolutionary activities failed, he returned to China after having revisited Maoshan with occasional prolonged retreats in Qianyuan guan (乾元觀). According to the *Chronological Record of Kang Nanhai's Self-Compiled Yearbook* (Nanhai Kang Xiansheng Nianpu Xubian 南海康先生年譜續編), after experiencing setbacks in his reforms, Kang Youwei visited Maoshan in 1914 and 1916 (Kang, 1966, pp. 107–24). Kang's visits were possibly on the invitation of a Daoist from Qianyuan guan named Yang Tongxiao 楊童孝 (d.u.). Kang eventually moved the remains of his mother and his younger brother to Qinglong Mountain beneath Jijing Peak (積金峰) of Maoshan for burial. Two extant stele inscriptions survive, one from 1917, which Kang composed for his mother's tomb.30 In 1922, he also interred his wife at Maoshan.31 Kang's capacity to establish and publicly commemorate family graves at Maoshan, an unusual privilege, appears less surprising when considered in light of his substantial patronage and contributions to Maoshan during his stays.32 Kang's special affection for Maoshan subsequently influenced Long Zehou, who was closely associated with Kang's political endeavors. Long Zehou played a crucial role in supporting the printing and dissemination of Daoist texts linked to Maoshan. His patronage facilitated the preservation and propagation of key scriptures, as demonstrated in his postfaces, which reveal both the historical and doctrinal significance of these texts, as well as the urgent need to secure them against loss (SMBC, 1924, 37a–40b).

In the first postface, Long Zehou highlights the historical and religious significance of Maoshan, a sacred site described in Daoist texts as the “Eighth Grotto-Heaven and the First Blessed Land” 第八洞天, 第一福地 and emphasizes the interconnectedness of Daoist sites across China. Long identifies that despite the immense religious heritage, the sacred texts, particularly the *Precious Litany of the Three Mao Lords*, faced potential loss due to the devastation caused by the Taiping Rebellion. He recounts that many texts were either hidden or lost during the chaos, and Daoists like Zhang Hefeng were forced to rely on memory to reconstruct these texts: “Zhang then silently recalled the texts and transcribed them, though some words and phrases may have been altered or lost over time” 乃默記而鏤出之, 此其中字句未必無偽脫可知也 (SMBC, 1924, 38b).

Long's account reflects a dual emphasis on both the value of these texts and the crisis of their potential extinction, providing a compelling rationale for his decision to fund their reprinting. Furthermore, he details his personal engagement in ensuring these texts are reprinted and widely circulated. Describing how he “entrusted Xie Wenyi with lithograph-ing it” 付謝文益石印焉, Long justifies this undertaking as fulfilling the immediate ritual needs of the Daoist community: “At that time, the Transcendent Lords were preparing for the Prayer for Peace and Unity Ritual Assembly for the two provinces of Jiangsu and Zhe-jiang, we urgently needed this litany for universal blessings” 時真君方籌備江浙兩省祈禱和平聯合大會, 急需此經懺, 普利人天 (SMBC, 1924, 39a). This action illustrates Long's intent to preserve these texts and enhance their utility in a religious ritual that had political significance for the Nanjing government, reflecting a fusion of religious and political inter-ests.

In the second postface, Long further describes how the titles and honorifics of the Three Mao Lords were elevated through spirit-writing practices. As discussed previously, this reveals a strategic promotion of Maoshan gods within the broader Daoist religious canonization framework, which situated Maoshan's tutelary gods more firmly within the broader Daoist pantheon. This canonization stimulated increased pilgrimages from places like Shanghai as worshipers sought to engage directly with these newly elevated tutelary gods. Not only did Long sponsor the printing of both the litany and precious scrolls of Maoshan, he also established “the society for the study of the numinous” (*lingxuehui 靈學*)
会), a spirit-writing altar in Yingong 印宫. According to one press article, the said spirit-writing altar discontinued only after one séance:

> “Next, we visited Yingong and the Juxian Daoist Courtyard, where we were welcomed with wine and food by Daoist Lü Pengbin. We then visited the spirit-writing altar of the *lingxuehui*, which had been initiated by Long Zanchu [Long Zehou], but had been discontinued after just one session”.

> “旋往印宮，至聚仙道院，承呂朋賓道士饗以酒食。旋參觀靈學會乩壇，知為龍贊初先生所發起，開沙一次即中止焉。” (Tao 1924)

Long Zehou’s patronage and support for the printing and innovation of Maoshan texts likely reinforced the religious authority of Maoshan Daoism but also had tangible impacts on the pilgrimage dynamics of the period. The increase in pilgrimages to Maoshan during this period can surely be attributed to the political and economic stability provided by the Nationalist government in Nanjing, which improved infrastructure and transport networks, facilitating easier and safer travel. However, we should also consider the textual strategies employed by the Maoshan Daoists. These strategies enhanced the perceived sanctity and legitimacy of Maoshan. They made its religious practices more accessible, reflecting active efforts by the Daoists to attract more pilgrims and broaden the site’s appeal. This pilgrimage surge brought substantial economic benefits to the Daoist community of Maoshan, as it revitalized the local economy and enhanced the socio-religious significance of the site. Transitioning to the next part, this article moves from a philological analysis of the texts to a social-historical exploration of the Maoshan pilgrimage during the Republican period. The following sections will explore the logistics and economic dimensions of the Maoshan pilgrimage, demonstrating how these textual innovations directly influenced and sustained the economic livelihood of the Daoist community in Maoshan.

## 5. Pilgrimage as Popular Mobilisation in Republican China

During the Republican period, the Maoshan Daoists' textual innovations played a pivotal role in reinforcing their religious standing, as the surge of pilgrims arriving in the 1920s provided a critical lifeline for the Maoshan Daoists and the local community. In this context, the textual strategies they adopted were essential tools for fostering a renewed sense of religious legitimacy and appeal. To understand the impact of these innovations, it is crucial to consider the dual acts inherent in written texts, as conceptualized in the proposed theory on "text acts". On the one hand, the authors, compilers, and editors of these religious texts mentioned in Section 3 engaged in the author's acts—specifically, the compositional act of crafting texts intended to perform certain illocutionary acts. They embedded performative functions in the texts, such as asserting Maoshan's sanctity, invoking the religious authority of the Three Mao Lords through spirit-writing, and commanding devotional actions through the transmission of miracle tales and divine prescriptions. These textual innovations functioned as powerful "text acts", reshaping the sacred geography of Maoshan and creating a narrative framework that legitimized and attracted growing numbers of pilgrims. On the other hand, to understand the impact of the Maoshan Daoists' textual innovations during the Republican period, it is crucial to consider their "interpretive communities", as proposed by Stanley Fish, who argued that readers construct meaning within their cultural and communal contexts (Fish 1980). We should not overlook the readers' acts involved in the interpretative act of reading, discussing, or participating in the performance of precious scrolls. They construct the illocutionary force based on their understanding, leading to perlocutionary outcomes. In China, religious engagement often occurs through practice. Adam Chau's concept of the "five modalities of doing religion in China" emphasizes the diverse ways religious practices are experienced and enacted
within different social and cultural settings (Chau 2011). Chau identifies these modalities
as the scriptural/discursive, the self-cultivational, the liturgical, the immediate-practical,
and the relational, each representing different facets of religious expression and engage-
ment. Pilgrimage, in particular, encompasses many aspects of these modalities.³³ Thus,
the proliferation of these texts, imbued with new religious authority and relevance, di-
rectly influenced the revival of pilgrimages by engaging the imaginations and devotional
practices of potential pilgrims, thus reinforcing Maoshan's position as a vital religious cen-
ter in the Jiangnan region.

5.1. Navigating Maoshan: Pilgrimage Organization and Social Interactions

During the Republican period, the press vividly described the pilgrimage season using terms such as “floods of incense/pilgrims” (xiangxun 香汛 or xiangfan 香汛). The annual pilgrimage season spanned from the second day of the twelfth month in winter to the eighteenth day of the third month in spring. These dates have their roots in Zhen’gao 真誥 (Tao, 499) and continued to be observed during the Republican period, as explicitly pointed out in the Precious Litany of the Three Mao Lords: “The Great Mao Lord oversees all the gods of the region of Wu and Yue, governing Tiantai and Chicheng. Each year, on the second day of the twelfth month and the eighteenth day of the third month, he visits Juqu [Maoshan] to inspect the register of immortals”. 大茅司命真君. 則總吳越之萬神. 治天台赤城. 歲以十二月二日三月十八日. 來遊句曲. 考校仙籍. (SMBC, 1924, 37a-b) The peak of the pilgrimage season occurs in the third lunar month, during which the majority of press reports about the pilgrimage were published. Some sources identified the sixth day of the third lunar month as the day of greatest efficacy. This date is believed to correspond to an account in Yunji qiqian 雲笈七籤 (Zhang, [1028] 2003), where Mao Gu and Mao Zhong crossed a river to reunite with their elder brother Mao Ying on the mountain. Some travelogues indicate that some of the pilgrims intentionally choose to visit Maoshan during the fifth or twelfth lunar month to avoid the crowded pilgrimage season. During the third lunar month, the weather in Maoshan often felt magical for many pilgrims: there was often rain, full of mist and clouds at the top of the mountain. Some pilgrims remarked on visibility being limited to only five steps ahead. Daoist clerics were also quick to point out that this is the mystical qi 氣 of the mountains.

Understanding the social organization of pilgrimage to Maoshan helps to situate it within its border socio-cultural context. For example, Prasenjit Duara's work focuses on the role of religious organizations in the power dynamics of rural Chinese society. He has presented a typology of rural religious organizations that distinguishes between four types based on scale and principles of affiliation: sub-village voluntary associations, supra-village voluntary associations, ascriptive village associations, and supra-village ascriptive associations (Duara 1988, pp. 118-32). Meanwhile, Vincent Goossaert concentrates more on the organizational structures of religious communities, differentiating two broad ways of organizing religious activities: the first is three main types of ascriptive communities: territorial communities, lineages, and corporations, in which adhesion is compulsory for all households. The second is voluntary congregations, in which individuals are free to participate (Goossaert and Palmer 2011, pp. 24-25). From these perspectives, pilgrimage groups thus belonged to the second category of voluntary associations, often surpassing communal religious organizations in scale.

This expansion of pilgrimage is especially evident among female pilgrims, who preferred to travel to Maoshan in groups, creating a demand for a more structured and efficient organization to accommodate their increasing numbers. The Maoshan pilgrimage is often organized by xiangtou 香頭, whose other role is also being the spirit-medium.³⁴ In fact, Maoshan in the twentieth century became notorious for its association with “black
magic”, most likely related to spirit-mediums. The belief of the Three Mao Lords’ possession spread beyond the immediate vicinity of Jiangsu province, and the possession is also not limited to spirit-mediums; it could happen to anyone at the gods’ will.

A story in a newspaper gives a glimpse of the spread of this possession cult. The story relates to a branch temple of the Three Mao Lords in Shanghai in early 1921. Due to poverty, the previous owner (miaozhu 廟主) sold the temple to a rich merchant surnamed Fan in 1920. However, in early 1921, Fan became seriously ill, and neither any medicines nor doctors could treat him. With all hope lost, the family started preparing the affairs for his eventual demise. All of a sudden, Fan claimed to speak as the Three Mao Lords 三茅老爺 himself. The Three Mao Lords affirmed that his illness was related to the undesired occupation of the purchased temple and that he would recover by willingly returning it. The family agreed. On the second day, Fan’s illness subsided but became worse again as the Three Mao Lords descended and claimed that they had asked for too little. As Fan was wealthy, the Three Mao Lords demanded that his family establish a family altar and worship the lords on every sacred day. Only when the family agreed to the Three Mao Lords’ demand did Fan’s health truly recover (Shibao, 1921).

Spirit-mediums could be identified easily on Maoshan. In one of Sheng Cheng’s press articles (Sheng, 1936b), the writer noticed that one specific type of pilgrim stood out: they usually wrap their heads with flower-patterned cloth. He wrote that they are incense ladies (xiangniangniang 香娘娘) from Danyang 丹陽. It is a practice from their daily life, where they wrap their heads while carrying the manure load. The ladies would buy yellow cloth from town, make their own yellow incense bags, and hire local scribes (donghong xiansheng 冬烘先生) to write the four characters chanshan jinxiang 朝山進香. They would also buy a round lantern with a wide top and a narrow bottom and take the pilgrims’ boat (xiangchuan 香船) with other women. The incense is for making fortunes (facaixiang 發財香), the main motives of their pilgrimage. Their roles and statuses are certainly acknowledged in Maoshan. It was known to the beggars in Maoshan that spirit-mediums, or incense ladies, were the ones who organized the pilgrimage, carried more money, and were likely to be more pious and generous and give donations. These spirit-mediums would receive a special reception on arriving in Maoshan from the beggars, who would use hoes to dig a few shallow holes on the path and then plead with loud cries, such as “Please give some money to fix the path!” (Sheng, 1936b).

Future studies on the role of spirit mediums in organizing the Maoshan pilgrimage will certainly benefit from fieldwork. Scholars have investigated the role of spirit-mediums in constructing and maintaining a highly personal connection between the pilgrimage and its followers. Nonetheless, insights into spirit mediums’ roles can be learned from fruitful studies conducted in nearby regions. For example, an early study in the 1990s by Yü Chun-fang on the pilgrimage to Shang Tianzhu Si 上天竺寺 (also called Faxi Si 法喜寺) in Hangzhou has shown that piecemeal information could be weaved together into a complete picture by combing historical study with fieldwork (Yü 1992; 2001, pp. 360–69). Her study revealed that nowadays, the pilgrimage groups continue to be led by practical leaders (xiangtou 香頭) and sometimes spiritual leaders (fotou 佛頭), who know how to chant scriptures, sing pilgrims’ songs, and go into a trance, acting as a spokesperson (spirit-medium) for Kuan-yin and practicing healing among the pilgrim groups. These group leaders were essential in organizing and managing the pilgrimage, working closely with boat owners and innkeepers, and often profiting from the endeavor.

## 5.2. *The Sacred Economy of Maoshan Pilgrimage*

Various studies have highlighted the importance of examining the economic aspects of pilgrimage. For example, temple festivals (miaohui 廟會), also known as pilgrims’ fairs
(xiangshi 香市), though originally a by-product of pilgrimage, can become crucial to the longevity of a site (Yü 2001, p. 363). The initial bans on the pilgrimage, as mentioned earlier in Section 2, significantly reduced the number of visitors to Maoshan during those years, consequently diminishing the income of the Daoists there. The official ban, combined with a series of negative publicity about Maoshan, is reflected in the emerging social force of the press. There were reports of court cases in which the suspected criminal offenders identified themselves as "immortals of Maoshan" (Shibao, 1911a; 1911b). Occasionally, historical sources suggest that some Maoshan Daoists sought alternative revenue sources. For example, a 1919 newspaper report describes a Maoshan Daoist who was arrested at customs for smuggling opium (yantu 烟土) into Shanghai by boat (Shenbao, 1919). This suggests that seeking fortune or better living conditions in big cities was not limited to urban dwellers; many Daoists may have also moved from rural areas to cities in search of a livelihood.

Although the press articles were largely anticlerical and opposed to "superstition", Maoshan's reputation continued to grow, reflecting both favorable and unfavorable perceptions. The continuous stream of pilgrims visiting the shrine of the Three Mao Lords in Maoshan each year indicates that its efficacy as a sacred place was never questioned. For the common folk, especially in rural areas, Maoshan remained inhabited by the efficacious Three Mao Lords and continued to be a destination for annual pilgrimage for those who sought blessings, healing, and answers to personal prayers. For Daoist adepts, Maoshan is considered one of the most important "Grotto-Heavens and Blessed Lands". For the urban elites, Maoshan is known for its picturesque scenery. It is viewed as a tourist destination, offering a serene escape from the bustling city life of Nanjing, Shanghai, and beyond. For them, the religious aspect often complemented a broader pursuit of leisure, cultural enrichment, or aesthetic appreciation, merging pilgrimage with tourism. By all accounts, Maoshan was considered the most popular Daoist pilgrimage center in Jiangsu province during the Republican period (Wang, 1919a; 1919b), comparable to the *Santianzhu 三天竺*, which refers to the three Buddhist pilgrimage centers on Tianzhushan 天竺山 in Hangzhou, Zhejiang province.³⁵

With the development of different forms of religious events, such as large-scale rituals and temple festivals, pilgrimage activities experienced varied fortunes in the twentieth century. Studies indicate that significant changes occurred in the Hangzhou region in the 1930s. First, it became increasingly evident that the economic climate was crucial to organizing festivals in the late Qing period, and trade guilds were an important funding source. Second, large-scale community rituals, including processions, had all but disappeared. Third, pilgrimages to Buddhist and Daoist temples thrived (Goossaert 2013).

How did Maoshan adapt and survive in such a challenging context? First, the official ban mentioned earlier soon faded into memory when faced with the force of economic incentives from the whole locality. Though modest in scale, the transportation, accommodation, and catering facilities along the Maoshan pilgrimage route were integral components of the larger economy sustained by the Maoshan pilgrimage. As demonstrated in the case of Maoshan, a pilgrimage ban imposed by a local governor is unlikely to endure without the support of the local population, whose livelihoods often depend on the income generated by annual pilgrimages. This includes Daoists and other religious specialists, boat owners, restaurant and guesthouse operators along the route, craftsmen, stall vendors, and even beggars in the area.³⁶ According to Goossaert's study of Daoists in Beijing from 1800 to 1949, the economic status of religious specialists can be categorized as follows: first, monks living in major ordination centers, such as Baiyun Guan in Beijing, which had substantial land endowments; second, court Daoists who were employed full-time for well-paid services; and third, the majority of temple clerics and other religious
specialists, who “survived on a varying combination of four kinds of income: rents from temple property if any, cash gifts from patrons, payments for liturgical services, and nonreligious activities” (Goossaert 2007, p. 119). We will explore the different sources of income for Maoshan Daoists below.

Pilgrims were a major source of daily necessities for Daoist clerics at Maoshan. Staple donations from pilgrims in late imperial China often included rice and oil. In Yü Chün-fang’s study of Putuoshan 普陀山, a particularly acute need for rice is observed, given that Putuoshan, as an island, did not produce grain. In the late imperial period, the clerics required about seven to eight *shi 石*³⁷ of rice annually, mainly donated by women pilgrims. Notably, pilgrims from as far as Fujian and Guangdong brought other daily necessities (Yü 2001, p. 395). One of the most direct contributions from pilgrims to monasteries was the money they spent there, including payments for rituals, donations, and purchases of incense or souvenirs. Although only wealthy pilgrims would personally pay for an elaborate ritual service (*da jiao 打癡*) lasting several days, more affordable rituals were likely available for most pilgrims on demand. Evidence of donations (*xiangzi 香資*) left by pilgrims provides only an approximate amount of the contributions received.

Collective rituals were sometimes funded through “dispatching Heavenly taxes” (*jie tianxiang 解天餉*), also known as *jie qianliang 解錢糧* or *jie huangqian 解皇錢*. This practice, which began in the seventeenth century and became commonplace between the eighteenth and twentieth centuries in the Jiangnan region, involved local communities between Shanghai and Nanjing collecting “spirit money” from each household annually. This money was then taken, along with the local Earth God’s statue, in a procession to a central temple to burn the spirit money. This event also provided an opportunity for communities to organize festivals, processions, and operas. Large Daoist community offerings (*jiao 酣*) were also organized jointly by various tax-paying communities (Goossaert and Liu 2021, p. 189; Katz and Goossaert 2021, p. 41). A newspaper report from the late nineteenth century stated that the tax was collected twice a year, in spring and autumn, with Maoshan as the destination for the procession to dispatch these taxes, likely involving large collective rituals (Shenbao, 1878).

For pilgrims, there were many opportunities to spend money and engage in activities once they arrived at the monastery. Donations from pilgrims were one of the two main sources of their income. In 1916, Lou Ji 恻葬 wrote that donations received during each pilgrimage season were sufficient to cover the living expenses of all Daoist clerics at Maoshan for the entire year (Lou, 1916). According to Wang Xuenong’s 王雪農 press article in 1919 (Wang, 1919a; 1919b), donations could exceed 100,000 *yuan* per pilgrimage season. This trend continued until 1934 when Zhang Shouhe 張瘦鶴 noted a significant number of Daoist clerics present during the pilgrimage season, whose living conditions were generally good (Zhang, 1934).

The tens of thousands of pilgrims visiting Maoshan daily during the pilgrimage season significantly contributed to the region's economy in several ways. The growing popularity of Maoshan as a pilgrimage site spurred the development and expansion of facilities to accommodate the increasing number of visitors. This included establishing restaurants, guesthouses, and souvenir shops. During the early Republican period, there was a coexistence of market forces and religious beliefs. As the influx of pilgrims led to the creation of more restaurants and guesthouses, traditional values and religious practices, such as observing vegetarianism during the pilgrimage, remained integral to the broader Maoshan experience. Restaurants along the pilgrimage route did not offer meat as a rule. Thus, the most common food for pilgrims, as reflected in the press, was vegetarian noodles. Pilgrim traffic also stimulated the development of various small businesses along the way. The most typical businesses were tea shops (*chasi 茶肆*), restaurants, and guesthouses (*kezhan*)
客棧). Pilgrims could find these businesses in townships along the pilgrimage route for rest. In other nearby townships without such businesses, pilgrims would have to knock on the doors of locals. Restaurants typically offered vegetarian noodles, while also offering alcohol. As early as the 1920s, the press confirmed that all restaurants and guesthouses along the pilgrimage route earned, on average, ten times more profit during the pilgrimage season than at other times.

Vendors could set up temporary stalls outside the monastery or establish more permanent shops within the monastery compound in Maoshan. However, a clear distinction existed between who these vendors were on either side of the monastery walls. Vendors selling from shops inside the monastery gate (shanmen 山門) were all locals. Each vendor rented a room from the monastery for about a dozen *yuan* every three months. They typically sold local products (tuhuo 土貨), such as baskets from Hangzhou, wooden fish, umbrellas, musical instruments from Suzhou, and various toys. It was also an opportunity for pilgrims from rural areas to see products from overseas; notably, some vendors sold various products from Japan (*dongyanghuo* 東洋貨).³⁸

On the surface, there appeared to be a wide variety of goods and merchandise; beneath this variety lay an implicit order and structure enforced by contracts and regulations. For example, the souvenirs known as *danlan* 丹籃 were exclusively local handicrafts that could only be made in the six villages at the foot of Maoshan (East Sun Village 東太陽村, West Sun Village 西太陽村, Wu Xu 吳墟, Cheng Village 成村, Xia Guo 下郭, Mao Zhuang 茅莊.). About two to three hundred families, comprising around 1500 individuals, made *danlan* a secondary income source (presumably, in addition to farming). Each family could earn about ten *yuan* annually. To protect their interests, they formed an association called the Danluo Association 丹蘿公會, which issued a stern warning to limit competition (Sheng, 1936b).

In summary, the Maoshan pilgrimage sustained the local economy, providing significant income to both religious and lay participants. The presence of pilgrims encouraged economic activity ranging from religious donations to commercial exchanges in surrounding areas. As a result, the economic success of Maoshan during the Republican period was closely tied to the influx of pilgrims and the associated market dynamics.

## 6. Concluding Remarks

To appreciate the efficacy of the textual strategies adopted by Maoshan Daoists in Republican China, it is useful to reconsider theoretical perspectives from J.L. Austin's speech act theory and Quentin Skinner's work on intentions and illocutionary forces. Adapting these frameworks to study Chinese religious texts reveals specific challenges but highlights the dynamic interaction between texts and practices.

The principal challenge lies in the temporal and spatial separation between the authors' writing and the readers' interpretation, a phenomenon that Paul Ricoeur refers to as "distanciation" (Ricoeur 1976, p. 93). Although this gap might seem a limitation, it allowed for a "fusion of horizons" where the worldviews of authors and readers converged through the mediating power of texts. Despite the absence of paralinguistic cues, such as vocal tone and body language in written texts, Maoshan Daoists bridged this communicative divide by employing paratexts, such as prefaces, postfaces, and illustrations, to establish their message's sacredness and to preserve the illocutionary force of their writings. These texts were thus able to transcend their temporal contexts, resonating across generations and sustaining Maoshan's Daoist traditions.

In a similar vein, Emily M. Ahern, one of the early anthropologists to apply illocutionary theory to Chinese religious contexts, shows that not all ritual acts produce direct, measurable outcomes. Some operate as "weak illocutionary acts", whose efficacy resides more
in symbolic, relational, and affective dimensions than in concrete results (Ahern 1979). Although Ahern focuses on spoken rituals rather than written texts, the Maoshan Daoist corpus similarly demonstrates that religious communication often aims beyond immediate instrumental ends. These texts operate on multiple levels—communicative, performative, and relational—thereby shaping devotion, forging social networks, and reinforcing cultural values over time. Notwithstanding the multiplicity of contexts in which the texts were interpreted, the readers’ understanding was informed by shared cultural conventions, societal norms, and religious frameworks. This study demonstrates how preserving and publishing these texts became a religious act in itself, with the authors embedding illocutionary functions such as asserting Maoshan’s sanctity, encouraging devotion, and admonishing neglect of religious duties into their writings.

J.L. Austin’s original emphasis on immediate interactions between a speaker and a listener, typically constrained by a shared physical and temporal context, did not fully account for how organizational structures, economic factors, and broader sociopolitical conditions that can amplify perlocutionary outcomes in text-based contexts.39 While traditional speech acts occur within a relatively straightforward dyadic exchange, text acts depend on extensive networks of organization and material resources to produce their intended effects. The engraving, printing, and distribution of sacred texts, the patronage of liturgical events, and the economic incentives surrounding pilgrimage activities all contribute to the success of these text acts in a religious context. Thus, when adapting speech act theory to text acts, the critical role of social networks in amplifying, mediating, and sustaining performative effects across broader temporal and spatial dimensions becomes paramount. Thus, the study of text acts must address their performative force and interrogate the communal, institutional, political, and economic sustaining frameworks, ensuring their relevance within a dynamic and evolving social landscape.

In the case of Maoshan, the propagation of Daoist texts did not rest solely on individual acts of authorship or readership but instead relied on the active construction of such social networks. Figures such as Maoshan Daoists Zhang Hefeng and Teng Ruizhi, alongside influential visitors like Kang Youwei, Long Zehou, and Wang Yiting, played indispensable roles in mobilizing resources, reconstructing temples, publishing sacred texts, and promoting Maoshan’s reputation. These social dynamics reveal how text acts are fundamentally embedded in broader communal and organizational frameworks, extending their reach and ensuring their durability across generations.

To conclude, despite the specific challenges inherent in adapting speech act theories to written texts, it remains a valuable framework for understanding the Maoshan Daoists’ textual innovations during the Republican era, providing a concrete example of the process of textual innovation and its impact on religious practice. The principal conclusion of this research is that the revival of the Maoshan pilgrimage was not a mere return to past practices but a dynamic process of adaptation and innovation facilitated by deliberate textual strategies. These strategies could be summarized with the acronym IMPACT: Incorporation, Memory, Performance, Abridgment, Canonization, and Translation. These strategies functioned as deliberate “text acts”, intentional communicative actions performed through texts with specific illocutionary forces, such as addressing immediate practical needs, reinforcing traditional values and cultural heritage, enhancing the religious authority of tutelary deities, broadening accessibility to religious teachings, and engaging wider audiences through performance and storytelling. These texts actively shaped the behavior of readers and pilgrims, resulting in perlocutionary outcomes such as the resurgence of pilgrimage activities and the strengthening of Maoshan’s religious identity. This religious revival not only illustrates the enduring appeal of religious devotion in Republican China but also highlights the adaptability and resilience of religious communities in preserving traditions,
overcoming periods of suppression, and ensuring their continued relevance amid rapidly
changing sociopolitical landscapes.

**Funding:** This research was supported by mobility grants from the École Pratique des Hautes Études-PSL and École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS), Paris, France.

**Institutional Review Board Statement:** Not applicable.

**Informed Consent Statement:** Not applicable.

**Data Availability Statement:** No new data were created or analyzed in this study. Data sharing is not applicable to this article.

**Acknowledgments:** I am very grateful to Jing Li for inviting me to contribute to this special issue. I am indebted to my mentor, Vincent Goossaert, whose guidance from my earliest explorations of Chinese religions has shaped my research on the Maoshan pilgrimage, and who generously shared additional critiques after reading the final proof of this article. I am also grateful to Isabelle Charleux and Matthias Hayek for their insightful comments and critiques in June 2023 on my preliminary research on the Maoshan pilgrimage, parts of which have been adapted in Section 5. Some of the primary sources analyzed in Section 3 were initially presented at the Chinese Religious Text Authority (CRTA Project, https://crta.info) workshop titled "New Researches on Chinese Religious Texts 1600–1940: Genres and Corpora" (Paris, 4–7 January 2024), and subsequently at Vincent Goossaert’s graduate workshop at the École Pratique des Hautes Études (EPHE). I benefited greatly from his guidance, the feedback from the CRTA workshop instructors and my colleagues. I would like to thank Julien Bonhomme for sharing key studies on "Ritual Speech—Discourse, Form, and Power" in his EHESS seminar "Anthropology of Communication: Concepts, Methods, Challenges" (2023–2024). An earlier draft of this paper was presented at the panel "Adaptation and Continuity: Religious Identity, Practices and Textual Innovations in Changing Chinese Societies" during the European Association of Chinese Studies (EACS) Biennial Conference at Tallinn University, 27–30 August 2024. I would like to thank EACS, Tallinn University, and the panel chair, Philip Clart, as well as the panelists and audience—including Tian Mengyuan, John Kieschnick, Thomas Jansen, Jan Kiely, Antonio De Caro, and Mariia Lepneva—for their thoughtful questions and critiques. I extend my gratitude to the anonymous reviewers and editors of this special issue, whose invaluable suggestions greatly strengthened the arguments and further improved this article.

**Conflicts of Interest:** The author declares no conflict of interest.

**Abbreviations**

<table><tr><td>Beitu</td><td>Beijing tushuguan cang Zhongguo lidai shike taben huibian<br>北京圖書館藏中國歷代石刻拓本匯編[Collected Rubbings of Chinese Stone Inscriptions from the Beijing Library]</td></tr><tr><td>DZ</td><td>Daozang 道藏, numbers following (Schipper and Verellen 2004).</td></tr><tr><td>MSZ</td><td>Maoshanzhi 茅山志 [Maoshan Gazetteer]</td></tr><tr><td>MSQZ</td><td>Maoshan quanzhi 茅山全志 [Complete Gazetteer of Maoshan]</td></tr><tr><td>MSZJY</td><td>Maoshanzhi jiyao 茅山志輯要 [Essentials of the Maoshan Gazetteer]</td></tr><tr><td>SMBJ</td><td>Sanmao dijun baojuan 三茅帝君寶卷 [Precious Scroll of the Three Mao Lords]</td></tr><tr><td>SMBC</td><td>Sanmao dijun baochan 三茅帝君寶懺 [Precious Litany of the Three Mao Lords]</td></tr></table>

**Notes**

<footnote n="1">¹ The momentum behind this revival found a clear voice in 1924, when Long Zehou invoked the idea of “Maoshan’s impending revival” (茅山復興有日矣; SMBJ, 1924, 3a).</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² Han Yu was known for his Confucian opposition towards Buddhism and Daoism. See (Hartman 1986, p. 156).</footnote>

<footnote n="3">³ The abbreviation "GX" refers to the Guangxu 光緒 period in Qing China (1875–1908). For example, "GX 11 August 1880" in the bibliography indicates the eleventh day of the eighth month in the sixth year of the Guangxu period (1880). Press article titles are arranged alphabetically by the author's surname when available, and by the name of the newspaper or magazine when published anonymously.</footnote>
<footnote n="4">4 For a study of Shangfangshan festival (also in Jiangsu province, about 200 km south-east of Maoshan) in the 1930s, see (Katz and Goossaert 2021, p. 57) referring to two *Shenbao* articles: (Shenbao, 1927; 1935).</footnote>

<footnote n="5">5 Yao Guangxiao 姚廣孝 (1335–1418) was a political figure at the end of the Yuan and early Ming periods, a Linji sect 臨濟宗 monk, poet, and a key supporter of the Yongle Emperor Zhu Di 朱棣 (1360–1424, r.1402–1424) in his usurpation. He also co-edited the *Yongle Dadian 永樂大典*.</footnote>

<footnote n="6">6 Hu Yan 胡儼, *Chongke Maoshanzhi xu 重刻茅山志序*, unpaginated, in (Wang et al. 2016).</footnote>

<footnote n="7">7 Chen Jian 陳鑒, *Chongke Maoshanzhi xu 重刻茅山志序*, unpaginated, in (Wang et al. 2016).</footnote>

<footnote n="8">8 Xu Jiusi 徐九思, *Chongke Maoshanzhi xu 重刻茅山志序*, unpaginated, in (Wang et al. 2016).</footnote>

<footnote n="9">9 My notion of "intermediaries of religious culture", as a network of actors involved in the production and circulation of religious goods and services, in the context of a shared religious culture and expanding cultural economy in modern China, is informed by Pierre Bourdieu's work on taste and cultural consumption, especially his definition of "cultural intermediaries" in (Bourdieu 1984). For a recent discussion of Pierre Bourdieu's concept of cultural intermediaries and its application in various contexts, see (Maguire and Matthews 2014).</footnote>

<footnote n="10">10 Prefaces can be viewed as a mechanism for transferring symbolic capital from the authors of prefaces to the text. Gisèle Sapiro has examined the production and dissemination of works translated into French from other languages during the contemporary period (2003–2013). In her study, she identifies three distinct editorial strategies employed in the preface of these works: general (and commercial) logic, academic logic, and political logic. See (Sapiro 2023).</footnote>

<footnote n="11">11 The term *Sanmao jing* 三茅經 mentioned in (Li, 1935) and *Sanmao jingchan* 三茅經懺 referenced in (Sheng, 1936c) appears to function more as a categorical label rather than denoting a specific scripture. Sheng Cheng's article alternately refers to the scripture as *Sanmao zhenjing* 三茅真經 and *Sanmao jingchan* 三茅經懺, indicating terminological fluidity. The *jing* 經 could refer to *Jiutian lingbao jinhua chonghui duren baoming maojun zhenjing* 九天靈寶金華沖慧度人保命茅君真經, while the *chan* 懺 may correspond to the *Sanmao dijun baochan* 三茅帝君寶懺, also titled *Zushi jiutian siming sanmao zhenjun miezui baochan* 祖師九天司命三茅真君滅罪寶懺, which was in active use at Maoshan. There is another version titled *Taoshang sanqing yinghua sanmao zushi linggan fachan* 太上三清應化三茅祖師靈感法懺, preserved in the *Daozang jiyao* 道藏輯要, which appears not to have been reprinted or utilized in Maoshan or elsewhere, and there is no evidence to suggest it played any significant role in Jiangnan. *Tao* (2024), published just as I was reviewing the final proofs of this article, offers a comprehensive examination of the *Precious Litany of the Three Mao Lords* (SMBC, 1924). Tao's study dates this litany to the early Yuan dynasty and demonstrates its inheritance of Shangqing genealogies and an "immortal-selection system" of grotto-heavens (洞天選仙制度). I am very grateful to Vincent Goossaert for bringing this paper to my attention.</footnote>

<footnote n="12">12 Jiang Daomin 江尊岷 (1867–1939), courtesy name Zhiyuan (知源) and alternate name Ziyuan (滋園), was a native of Jiangwan 江灣 in Wuyuan 婺源, Jiangxi Province. In 1893, he enrolled in the Yingshou Academy on Chongming Island 崇明瀛州書院, where Zhang Qian 張謇 (1853–1926) served as the headmaster.</footnote>

<footnote n="13">13 There exists another edition printed by Shanghai minyi yingji yinshua gongsi 上海民益熒記印刷公司, conserved in Shanghai municipal library (Call Number 477613).</footnote>

<footnote n="14">14 Such examples were far from isolated incidents; rather, they reflected a broader trend since early twentieth century, for example, the case of 1906 *Chongkan Daozang jiyao* 重刊道藏輯要 [Reprint Edition of the Essentials of the Daoist Canon]. Compiled by He Longxiang 賀龍驤 (fl. 1891–1906) et al., see (Lai 2021). For the discussion on another illustrative example of an abridged version published in 1923–1924, see (Y. Yuan 2024).</footnote>

<footnote n="15">15 Sheng Cheng led a rich life and was a well-known figure in China and France. He participated in the May Fourth Movement in China and, shortly after, moved to France to study and work for a decade. He published his seminal work, *Ma Mère* in 1928, and was a friend of Paul Valéry, André Gide, and Pablo Picasso. He was awarded the Ordre de la Légion d'honneur in 1985. See his biography in French: https://maitron.fr/spip.php?article19774 (accessed 30 December 2024) and see (Culver 2017).</footnote>

<footnote n="16">16 Here *yuan* refers to *yinyuan* 銀元, silver dollars used during the Republican China.</footnote>

<footnote n="17">17 The additional text on the canonization is appended at the end of a text titled *Jiutian lingbao jinhua chonghui duren baoming maojun zhenjing* 九天靈寶金華沖慧度人保命茅君真經.</footnote>

<footnote n="18">18 By "incorporation", I do not suggest that these miracle tales or divine prescriptions were fabricated *ex nihilo* from a strictly positivist standpoint. Rather, the appearance of such sections reflects their growing popularity and practical functions during the Republican period. Both miracle tales and divine prescriptions (Zheng 2024) have long been part of the Chinese religious tradition and often drew upon inherited themes, plot structures, and contents from earlier sources. In this sense, "incorporation" here refers to integrating well-established genres into the Maoshan textual corpus in newly configured forms, calibrated to contemporary spiritual and practical needs of the time.</footnote>

<footnote n="19">19 For an analysis of the relationship between spirit-writing and divine prescriptions (*xianfang* 仙方 or *jifang* 乩方) and their broader historical evolution from pre-modern to contemporary times in Chinese religious history, including their integration with medical and philanthropic activities by lay Buddhists in Republican China, see (Zheng 2024).</footnote>

<footnote n="20">20 "Chengjin tonglai 誠敬同來", (SMBJ, 1924, 31a-b).</footnote>
21 For an overview on the ritual purity requirements in Chinese religious discourses, particularly concerning dietary restrictions and the prioritization of vegetarian purity, see (Goossaert 2024).

22 "Jidan sanmei 雞蛋三枚", (SMBJ, 1924, 31a).

23 "Huishou shoufa 會首受罰", (SMBJ, 1924, 32a).

24 For a comparative perspective, see (Lambek 1980). Lambek analyzes spirit possession among Malagasy speakers of Mayotte as a communicative system involving spirits, hosts, and intermediaries. In that context, spirit possession structures social relationships and introduces new dimensions to familial and conjugal ties, much as the divine intervention in this Maoshan pilgrimage narrative reconfigures economic and moral relationships within the religious community.

25 "Xianfang huoming 仙方活命", (SMBJ, 1924, 31a).

26 "Xuancao huichun 萱草回春", (SMBJ, 1924, 33a).

27 "Long Guilin 龍桂林", (SMBJ, 1924, 29b).

28 "Guangai wanglai 冠盖往來", (SMBJ, 1924, 29b-30a).

29 "Yexin shenxian 也信神仙", (SMBJ, 1924, 30a).

30 "Kang dachu qi (kang youwei zhi mu) laoshi mubiao 康達初妻 (康有為之母) 勞氏墓表", in (Beitu, 1989, 91/187).

31 "Kang Youwei qi zhang yunzhu kuang zhi 康有為妻張雲珠墳誌", in (Beitu, 1989, 93/128).

32 Auspicious burial sites have long been in high demand in traditional China, where graves were regarded as unique and permanent forms of property, stringently regulated by law in Qing China, see (Brown 2023, Chapter 1). Despite the preference for placing graves on uncultivated hills or sacred mountains, new digging was frequently forbidden, although existing graves were to be maintained and respected, see (Goossaert 2025a). Thus, the case of Kang Youwei, who established family graves at Maoshan through substantial patronage and contributions, highlights how these funeral practices were intertwined with personal privilege and local customs in Republican China.

33 For example, pilgrimages draws on the scriptural/discursive through the engagement with religious texts and their recitation and performances, embodies the self-cultivational by keeping dietary prohibitions and moral behavior among participants, enacts the liturgical through communal rituals and ceremonies performed en route or at sacred sites, addresses the immediate-practical by fulfilling pressing religious or material needs such as blessings or healing, and strengthens the relational by cultivating networks of solidarity and shared devotion among pilgrims and their communities.

34 For a recent study on the role of spirit-mediums as the nexus point between networks of clerics in temples and lay Buddhists in the rural region of North China, see (Chao 2022).

35 "Santianzhu 三天竺 refers to the ancient monastery of Nantianzhu monastery 古南天竺寺. includes Faxi si 法喜寺, Fajing si 法净寺 and Fajing si 法镜寺. A comparison between Maoshan pilgrimage and Tianzhushan pilgrimage is mentioned in (Xinwenbao, 1926).

36 In Bingenheimer's study on pilgrimage to Putuoshan, he also noticed a similar pattern and concluded that almost "everybody in Ningbo and on Zhoushan...had an interest in maintaining and expanding the pilgrimage economy". See (Bingenheimer 2016, pp. 42-43).

37 *Shi* is the unit of volume used since ancient China, 1 *shi* equals 100 L during the Republican period, according to Weights and Measures System (《Zhonghua minguo duliangheng fa 中華民國度量衡法》) implemented by the National Government of the Republic of China in 1930.

38 Pilgrims' fair in the Jiangnan area during the Republican era could well be one of the major markets for Sino-Japanese trade. It could have been facilitated by businessperson who had a vested interest in supporting the prosperity of religious institutions. As noted earlier in (Sheng, 1936a), a source from Maoshan Daoists explicitly mentions the patronage of Wang Yiting 王一亭 (1867-1938), a prominent businessman, philanthropist, and artist who played a significant role in cross-strait activities between China and Japan. Recent scholarship has revealed Wang's profound and enduring religious convictions, which deeply informed his philanthropic and artistic endeavors. For a detailed discussion of Wang's religious life, see See (Katz and Goossaert 2021, Chapter 6).

39 For critiques of the speech act theory, see (Bourdieu 1991; Butler 1997).

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