# Surviving Crisis: Building Tourism Entrepreneurial Resilience as a Woman in a Sanctions-Ravaged Destination

Siamak Seyfi, Albert Nsom Kimbu, Masoomeh Tavangar, Tan Vo-Thanh, Mustafeed Zaman

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Siamak Seyfi, Albert Nsom Kimbu, Masoomeh Tavangar, Tan Vo-Thanh, Mustafeed Zaman. Surviving Crisis: Building Tourism Entrepreneurial Resilience as a Woman in a Sanctions-Ravaged Destination. Tourism Management, 2025, 106, pp.105025. 10.1016/j.tourman.2024.105025. hal-04846581

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# Surviving crisis: Building tourism entrepreneurial resilience as a woman in a sanctions-ravaged destination

Siamak Seyfi<sup>a, b, *</sup>, Albert Nsom Kimbu<sup>c, d</sup>, Masoomeh Tavangar<sup>e</sup>, Tan Vo-Thanh<sup>f</sup>, Mustafeed Zaman<sup>g</sup>

## ARTICLE INFO

### Keywords:

Women entrepreneurship

Gendered entrepreneurial resilience

Economic sanctions

Gender crisis

Poststructural feminism

## ABSTRACT

Research on gender-related challenges within tourism entrepreneurship is expanding; however, scant attention has been paid to how women entrepreneurs build resilience during sustained periods of politico-economic crisis. This knowledge gap is particularly salient in developing countries, like Iran, which have endured prolonged international sanctions and subsequent economic hardship, where women also contend with the distinct obstacles of a 'religious theocracy'. Employing social constructionist theory and guided by poststructural feminist lens, this study investigated the lived experiences and mechanisms through which Iranian women tourism entrepreneurs/intrapreneurs build resilience amidst sustained crises. Our findings reveal that sanctions create a gender crisis in Iran, and for Iranian women, entrepreneurship becomes a powerful expression of independence and resistance against both external sanctions and theocratic structures. Introducing the concept of 'gendered entrepreneurial resilience', the study challenges assumptions of gender neutrality in entrepreneurial resilience discourse and offers a contextualized theoretical perspective that elevates marginalized voices.

## 1. Introduction

Entrepreneurship has long been heralded as a vital driver for economic growth and innovation (Kressel & Lento, 2012). Despite this, the sector has traditionally been influenced by male viewpoints, resulting in the underrepresentation and marginalization of women entrepreneurs (Dy & Marlow, 2017; Figueroa-Domecq et al., 2020). Entrepreneurship is often viewed as a pathway to liberation from gender bias induced constraints (Carrasco-Santos et al., 2024; Eger et al., 2022; Kimbu et al., 2021; Zhang et al., 2020). However, women entrepreneurs face distinct, largely structural challenges on their journey toward achieving business and entrepreneurial success (Halim et al., 2020; LaPan et al., 2022).

Literature on gender in entrepreneurship studies falls into several streams. Early research in the late 1990s and early 2000s focused on the challenges and pathways to promote participation of under-represented or disadvantaged groups, including women, in entrepreneurship

(Fielden & Davidson, 2005). This research often viewed women as a problem needing to be fixed (Ahl, 2006), as they were perceived as less ambitious, risk-averse, lacking necessary skills and competencies to be successful entrepreneurs, and mostly operating part-time, home-based ventures in sectors with limited growth prospects (Foss et al., 2019). This limited their ability for self-transformation and contribution to economic development. This early research did not adequately acknowledge persistent structural gender-based discrimination that inhibited women's entrepreneurial performance. Consequently, increasing awareness of the social construction of gender as responsible for restricting women's entrepreneurship emerged, has led researchers to embrace a 'gendered critique' to challenge entrenched and essentialized discriminatory assumptions about women and entrepreneurship (Marlow, 2020). More recent research (e.g., Byrne et al., 2019) examines how adopting a gendered lens, such as poststructuralist, feminist, social constructionist and/or critical realist theories, and narrative analysis,

<footnote><sup>a</sup> Geography Research Unit, University of Oulu, Finland</footnote>

<footnote><sup>b</sup> Centre for Research and Innovation in Tourism (CRIT), Taylor's University, Malaysia</footnote>

<footnote><sup>c</sup> University of Surrey, UK</footnote>

<footnote><sup>d</sup> University of Johannesburg, South Africa</footnote>

<footnote><sup>e</sup> Department of Tourism Management, ACECR Institute of Tourism Research, Mashhad, Iran</footnote>

<footnote><sup>f</sup> Department of Marketing, Excelia Business School, CEREGE (UR 13564), France</footnote>

<footnote><sup>g</sup> EM Normandie Business School - Métis Lab, France</footnote>

<footnote>* Corresponding author. Geography Research Unit, University of Oulu, Finland
E-mail address: siamak.seyfi@oulu.fi (S. Seyfi).</footnote>
can critique the understanding, representation, and situatedness of women entrepreneurs, without any discriminatory masculine bias (Ahl & Marlow, 2012). This newer research clearly indicates that women's potential is equal to men's when provided with equal opportunities, and highlights how gender discrimination is (re)produced across different contexts (Dy et al., 2017).

Within the context of tourism, studies highlight the substantial challenges women face in their entrepreneurial pursuits worldwide (Bagheri et al., 2022; Figueroa-Domecq, de Jong, et al., 2022; Omran & Yousafzai, 2023; Tajeddini et al., 2017). This assertion resonates with Seyfi et al.'s (2023) observation that these challenges are exacerbated during crises, restricting the tourism sector's capacity to empower women. Previous research has highlighted the disproportionate impact of various crises, including economic downturns (Elson, 2010), public health crises like the COVID-19 pandemic (Bagheri et al., 2023), and notably, economic sanctions (Demir & Tabrizy, 2022; Drury & Peksen, 2014; Oghazi et al., 2024; Seyfi et al., 2023), on women in vulnerable socio-economic positions in affected countries.

Among the crises affecting women, those arising from international sanctions have received limited attention, particularly in the tourism context. Sanctions, used as a coercive foreign policy tool, often have unintended gendered consequences that disproportionately affect vulnerable civilian populations, including women and children (Drury & Peksen, 2014; Oghazi et al., 2024; Perry, 2022). Women in developing countries, often the primary victims of sanction regimes, represent one of the most vulnerable groups. They frequently occupy precarious, low-paid, and informal employment with low job security and benefits (Gutmann et al., 2021; UNWTO, 2020). These positions are typically the first to vanish during economic crises, making women more susceptible to unemployment and poverty (Elson, 2010). Financial crises triggered by economic sanctions deepen inequalities for women by restricting economic opportunities, limiting essential services, raising unemployment, increasing unpaid labor reliance and exacerbating vulnerability to assault and exploitation (Oghazi et al., 2024; Perry, 2022), while also tightening controls over female mobility and sexuality (Moghadam, 2024). Gendered crises resulting from economic sanctions are intensified in strongly patriarchal and theocratic societies like Iran, where the ruling elite bases its identity on strict Islamic laws that restrict women's skill development and economic empowerment opportunities (Moghissi, 2016). Sanctions exacerbate these disparities by limiting women's financial agency and reinforcing societal norms about their traditional family roles (Moghadam, 2024).

While numerous studies have explored the barriers to women becoming entrepreneurs, very few have investigated their ability to sustain and effectively manage businesses during crises (Bagheri et al., 2023). Traditionally, tourism literature has focused on analyzing crisis impacts at the macro (e.g., tourism systems, destinations, and communities) and meso levels (e.g., organizations) (Hall et al., 2023; Prayag, 2018) overlooking how individual women tourism entrepreneurs (micro level) develop resilience to cope with the economic challenges arising from prolonged political crises.

Additionally, existing literature has predominantly explored entrepreneurial resilience in the context of crisis exposure (Elson, 2010), rather than examining how resilience aids entrepreneurs in coping with and enduring crises. This is significant because entrepreneurship research highlights resilience building as a key trait among entrepreneurs, enhancing their performance, economic sustainability, and ability to handle shocks, adapt to change, and seize opportunities in challenging times (Haddoud et al., 2022). Understanding how women entrepreneurs develop and leverage resilience amid adversity is essential, given their frequent challenges with structural inequalities, economic instability, and sociocultural constraints. Insights into their resilience mechanisms can inform the creation of holistic, gender-responsive policies and programs, strengthening the ecosystem for women's entrepreneurial success (Halim et al., 2020) and contributing to a more inclusive and transformative entrepreneurship

landscape (Gaur et al., 2023).

To address the aforementioned gaps, we adopt an interdisciplinary approach, synthesizing insights from resilience literature, political science, and gender studies, guided by social constructionist and post-structural feminist lenses. This qualitative study explores the narratives and lived experiences of a sample of Iranian women tourism entrepreneurs and intrapreneurs (WTEs) (i.e., managers and leaders who promote and engage in innovations and innovative activities within organizations resulting in product development, marketing, operations, etc.) to unpack how these women build resilience during sustained times of crisis and adapt to the 'evolving realities' of tourism amid the country's volatile foreign policy agenda. This study responds to recent calls to explore the gender-specific challenges faced by female entrepreneurs during crises, along with the strategies they employ to overcome these obstacles, especially in non-Western contexts (Bagheri et al., 2023; Omran & Yousafzai, 2023).

## 2. Literature review and theoretical background

### 2.1. Locating women entrepreneurship in tourism research

Tourism, widely recognized as a fertile ground for entrepreneurial ventures (Gil Arroyo et al., 2019; LaPan et al., 2016; Li, 2008), has recently seen a surge in research focusing on women's entrepreneurship (Efthymiadou & Farmaki, 2023). These studies mainly explore women's entrepreneurship as a driver for empowerment, transformation, innovation, tourism and community development, especially in resource-limited regions (Eger et al., 2022). These regions include the Global South (Gil Arroyo et al., 2019; Kimbu et al., 2021; LaPan et al., 2016), where tourism is often the main source of household income, significantly contributing to reducing poverty and inequality (Tajeddini et al., 2017). However, due to the lack of underpinning tourism specific theories, most of this research draws on theories from mainstream gender and entrepreneurship literature which situate gender in entrepreneurship research by arguing for the critical role of gender in shaping entrepreneurial performance.

Paradoxically, most mainstream gender and entrepreneurship research does not draw on critical social theory, instead favouring Anglo-Western approaches (Serrano-Pascual & Carretero-Garcia, 2022), and neoliberalist theories to analyze the “supposed incompatibility between women’s gender subjectivities and identity appeals of entrepreneurship” (Serrano-Pascual & Carretero-Garcia, 2022, p. 669). For example, Neergaard et al. (2011) employed feminist standpoint theory to depict women's entrepreneurship experiences from an essentialist viewpoint with prescriptive and fixed binary categorizations, an approach that Figueroa-Domecq et al. (2020) identify as prevailing in gender and tourism entrepreneurship research in their systematic literature review. However, incorporating critical social theory permits a better understanding of how gender is not essentialist and fixed, but rather a fluid performance (Butler, 1990), shaped by social, cultural, historical, institutional and structural factors to produce various complex subjectivities that cannot be reduced to a simple categorisation like 'woman entrepreneur' (Butler, 1990; Henry et al., 2016).

Greater engagement with feminist and poststructuralist theories has contributed to the recognition of the essentialist, biased and universalist assertions endemic within extant prevalent perspectives. For example, within mainstream (c.f. Ahl & Marlow, 2019; Ahl & Marlow, 2012) and tourism (c.f. Figueroa-Domecq et al., 2020) entrepreneurship literature, traits related to what it means to be a 'successful' entrepreneur generally align with masculine performance, wherein 'women entrepreneurs' appear lacking when compared to assumed and unchallenged masculine norms. This gender bias mainly results from prioritizing 'men's' experiences within entrepreneurship discourse, which also underpinned early entrepreneurial discourse within tourism (Figueroa-Domecq et al., 2020).

However, emerging recently is the need to comprehend, the varying
dimensions of entrepreneurial performance (Halim et al., 2020) and to clarify the nexus between entrepreneurship and gender (Tlaiss & Käuser, 2019). In this regard, Serrano-Pascual & Carretero-Garcia, (2022) grouped gender and entrepreneurship research into three streams, each portraying different facets of the women's entrepreneurial experiences and journeys. The first stream, women facing entrepreneurship views women as a demographic variable (Säll, 2017) and group with shortcomings that require problematization, thus highlighting the need to map and compare the gender gap in entrepreneurship between men and women) (c.f. Marlow, 2020; Figueroa-Domecq et al., 2020). The second stream, gender of entrepreneurship, investigates how entrepreneurship enables the (re)production of gender. It emphasizes the need to view entrepreneurship as a gendered phenomenon shaped by societal, structural, political, and institutional inequalities that influence organizational practices—essentially, how gender is enacted and dismantled in entrepreneurship (e.g., Figueroa-Domecq, de Jong, et al., 2022). This perspective tacitly recognizes entrepreneurship as a 'nuanced, cultural, and geographically dependent performance that individuals consistently negotiate', best understood through a critical feminist gender lens (Marlow, 2020), employing poststructuralist, feminist political economy, and post-colonial theories among others (Ahl & Marlow, 2012; Figueroa-Domecq et al., 2020; Kimbu et al., 2021; Kimbu et al., 2024). The third stream, entrepreneurship of gender and/or women, focuses on evidencing entrepreneurship as a transformational opportunity for women (e.g., enabling flexibility, autonomy (social) innovativeness, overcoming discrimination), offering them opportunity to reach their full potential and become agents of development and cultural change (c. f. Kimbu & Ngoasong, 2016; Säll, 2017; Marlow, 2020; LaPan et al., 2016; Gil Arroyo et al., 2019; Serrano-Pascual & Carretero-Garcia, 2022).

These studies indicate that entrepreneurs operate within complex social, cultural and institutional frameworks influenced by hierarchies which shape their entrepreneurial experiences and journeys (Carrasco-Santos et al., 2024; Halim et al., 2020; LaPan et al., 2022). They evidence how women deal with inhibiting societal and cultural expectations (Carrasco-Santos et al., 2024) and complex financial, institutional and structural challenges (c.f. Bagheri et al., 2022; Kimbu et al., 2019) to actively participate in entrepreneurship in tourism and other sectors. This participation results in tangible and intangible benefits including increased financial independence, higher self-esteem, greater decision-making power and self-transformation (Eger et al., 2022) whilst contributing to community development (Tajeddini et al., 2017).

However, despite increasing focus on women's entrepreneurship in tourism, a gap remains in understanding how women entrepreneurs overcome challenges during prolonged economic adversity caused by socio-cultural and geopolitical factors, including economic sanctions. Given the gendered and socio-culturally constructed nature of entrepreneurial activity, understanding the challenges faced by WTEs in countries like Iran grappling with international sanctions become especially significant, highlighting the focus of this study.

## 2.2. Gendered effects of sanctions

Recurring crises, can disrupt economies, reshape societies, and pose significant challenges to individuals and households (Elson, 2010). However, the profound and unique impact of economic turmoil on women is often overlooked, especially during prolonged periods of politico-economic crises such as economic sanctions. Prior research spanning various settings targeted by sanctions, demonstrates that women frequently bear a disproportionate share of hardships caused by sanctions (Drury & Peksen, 2014; Gutmann et al., 2021; Oghazi et al., 2024). These studies indicate that sanctions worsen gender inequality by adversely affecting women's incomes, social safety nets, household bargaining power, health, and life expectancy (Gutmann et al., 2021). Nonetheless, mainstream discussions in entrepreneurship about sanctions often fail to acknowledge or address these gender-specific effects

(Oghazi et al., 2024).

Sanctions often trigger increased human rights abuses in targeted states, as regimes may respond to external pressures by intensifying control and repression (Gutmann et al., 2020; Perry, 2022). Ironically, while many sanctions are imposed to champion human rights or promote peace and achieve policy goals, they often lead to economic downturns and governmental austerity that worsen living conditions, undermining the very rights they aim to protect, and impeding women's empowerment. Women in less democratic and economically vulnerable contexts are especially at risk (Gutmann et al., 2020). Pre-existing legal and social barriers may deepen with sanctions, curtailing women's economic participation and reinforcing conservative gender roles (Moghadam, 2024). Economic sanctions also exacerbate traditional stigmas against women's financial independence by worsening economic conditions, discouraging autonomy, and reinforcing traditional familial roles (Oghazi et al., 2024).

Studies indicate that women in entrepreneurial roles suffer disproportionately under sanctions, which create interconnected challenges for female entrepreneurs. For example, restricted access to capital and credit hinders their ability to mobilize resources. Furthermore, as social services decline, women face increased family responsibilities, further restricting their time and energy for business activities (Oghazi et al., 2024; Perry, 2022). Oghazi et al.'s (2024) investigation into the impact of sanctions on the emerging entrepreneurial activities of Iranian women found that these sanctions reduced perceived business start-up opportunities more for women than for men. Similarly, Demir and Tabrizy (2022) reported disproportionate economic and noneconomic impacts of sanctions on female employment within Iran's manufacturing industries compared to male employment. Seyfi et al. (2023) identified gender-specific consequences of economic sanctions on Iranian women's empowerment within the tourism and hospitality industries, highlighting adverse effects on economic, psychological, social, and political dimensions.

While sanctions typically lead to a general downturn in the tourism industry (Khadadadi, 2016; Pratt & Alizadeh, 2018), the impacts on career opportunities are especially severe for women (Seyfi et al., 2023). In many societies, women are already marginalized in the workforce, and the contraction of the tourism sector can disproportionately affect their employment opportunities, forcing them out of jobs or into lower-paying positions (Perry, 2022). Women in tourism often face barriers in accessing financial resources such as loans and grants. Sanctions exacerbate these challenges by tightening credit conditions and reducing the availability of international funding for small and medium enterprises (SMEs) focused on tourism (Carrasco-Santos et al., 2024). This lack of access to capital significantly restricting women's ability to start or expand tourism-related businesses. Even though extensive research has explored the broader societal effects of sanctions, scant attention has been paid to how women exhibit resilience amid the resulting economic adversity. This knowledge gap is especially evident in the tourism sector, which is the central focus of the present study.

## 2.3. Gendered resilience

Resilience has wide relevance across a broad spectrum of issues, from individual mental well-being to comprehensive national security strategies (Schwarz, 2018). It is broadly understood as the capacity to recover from difficulties and adapt to external shocks and disruptions, making it a key concept in various fields, including tourism (Hall et al., 2023). The increase in global threats and disruptions demonstrates the importance of resilience in enabling communities and social systems to adapt and respond effectively (Walsh, 2015).

Resilience theories span multiple domains. In psychology, developmental perspectives view resilience as a dynamic process influenced by interaction between individuals and their environment (Schwarz, 2018). Ecologists, regard resilience in terms of ecosystems' ability to absorb disturbances and reorganize while maintaining their core functions and
structures (Holling, 1973). From the socio-ecological perspective, resilience pertains to the ability of a combined social and ecological system to withstand shocks and to adapt and evolve in response to changing environmental and societal conditions (Cretney, 2014). In engineering, resilience relates to systems' ability to return to equilibrium post-disturbance, emphasizing robustness and recovery speed (Wied et al., 2020). In organizational contexts, resilience is the capability to effectively confront and recover from disruptions by being prepared and adaptable (Prayag et al., 2024). In entrepreneurship studies, resilience is viewed as the capacity individuals utilize when faced with adversity (Haddoud et al., 2022). For this research, we define entrepreneurial resilience as entrepreneurs' capacity to endure difficulties, adapt to challenges, and persistently achieve their objectives even under and unpredictable market conditions (Haddoud et al., 2022).

Resilience manifests in various ways, each with distinct characteristics. Individual resilience centers on personal traits and skills like optimism, self-efficacy, and adaptability, helping individuals manage and recover from stress and trauma (Schwarz, 2018). Organizational resilience pertains to organizations' capacity to anticipate, prepare, respond to, and adapt to incremental changes and sudden disruptions (Prayag et al., 2024). Community resilience involves the capacity of a group or community to respond to and recover from adversities like natural disasters or economic downturns (Hall et al., 2018). Common to all these definitions is understanding that resilience is a systems concept involving the interaction between the focal subject of resilience and its surrounding environment (Hall et al., 2023).

In tourism literature the concept of resilience is now considered imperative for businesses, organizations, consumers, and communities to effectively respond, adapt, and endure amidst external and internal changes (Hall et al., 2018; Prayag, 2018; Prayag et al., 2024). Resilience research in tourism has typically concentrated on broader scales like tourism systems, destinations, communities (macro level), and organizations (meso level) (Hall et al., 2023; Prayag, 2018), often neglecting how women tourism entrepreneurs (micro level) build resilience to withstand economic difficulties arising from sustained political turmoil. Although some studies have examined the effects and use of resilience in countering threats faced by owners/managers of small tourism firms and the reactions of tourism workers and owners/managers during and after crises (Kimbu et al., 2021), there remains overreliance on informal networks as a coping mechanism in many Global South destinations as these networks are often inadequate. Consequently, crises often negatively impact the well-being and life quality of those affected.

The term 'gendered resilience' refers to how resilience mechanisms and outcomes are shaped by gender, acknowledging that different genders respond to stressors uniquely due to societal roles, access to resources, and cultural expectations (Bridges et al., 2023; Ryan, 2022). Gender roles and relationships are closely connected to economic, political, legal, and social structures, which continuously shape and reinforce individuals' experiences of resilience. Consequently, a gendered perspective on resilience acknowledges that women may face specific stressors and use unique coping strategies (Bagheri et al., 2023). Several studies emphasize the importance of considering gender when understanding the impact of resilience on people's lives, resource mobilization, agency, and structural factors. For instance, Bridges et al. (2023) applied a gendered lens to resilience theory and identified numerous strategies to build employee and organizational resilience for women in male-dominated sectors like the military, aviation, and skilled trades. Similarly, Ryan (2022) examined the nuanced ways that gender influences resilience, emphasizing that resilience is not a one-size-fits-all concept but varies significantly between genders. This approach contrasts with broader, non-gendered resilience theories, which do not account for the different experiences and specific barriers and opportunities faced by different genders in building resilience (Perge-lova et al., 2019). Furthermore, studies emphasize the importance of context in understanding gendered resilience in entrepreneurship research. Traditionally perceived as male-dominated, entrepreneurship

presents unique hurdles for women (Eddleston et al., 2016), necessitating a deeper exploration of their resilience, especially during crises when they encounter additional challenges (Bagheri et al., 2023). Investigating how this socially constructed adaptive capacity empowers Iranian WTEs to endure prolonged sanctions helps us explore the mechanisms through which their resilience is cultivated.

## 2.4. Poststructural feminism, gender and entrepreneurial resilience

The study adopts a poststructural feminist lens, focusing specifically on how gendered subjectivities are socially created. This focus sheds light on the identity construction process of (Iranian women) entrepreneurs vis-a-vis their personalities and judgements they make enroute to building resilience and operating as entrepreneurs (Patterson et al., 2012) in a theocratic environment fraught with multiple challenges.

Poststructuralist thinking focuses on the fluidity of meaning, rather than narratives striving to define set ideas (by constructing truths) within specific categories (Derrida, 1978). Poststructural feminism goes further, stressing "the contingent and discursive nature of all identities", especially the social construction of gendered subjectivities (Prasad, 2005, p. 165). Butler, 2003 notes that in feminist thinking, gender is socially constructed, produced through historic, social and cultural meanings (Patterson et al., 2012). In the process of construction, hierarchical binaries between different categories (man and woman, feminine and masculine) become imposed through socially engendered differences. Although rigid, conventional, binary stereotypes relating to men's and women's entrepreneurial motivations, management and leadership styles still prevail (Harrison et al., 2015), gender is now increasingly recognized as a variable situated within entrepreneurship, tourism, and resilience research (Kimbu et al., 2021). Adopting a post-structural feminist mindset is helpful in understanding such essentialist, distinctive and fixed classification of individuals by underscoring the fluid and complex ways we enact our identities.

Geographic context is critical within poststructuralist perspectives because the methods by which gendered entrepreneurial resilience occurs are "inextricably intertwined with context as well as the historic and political discourses and culturally shaped narrative conventions" (Kondo, 1990, p. 307) existing in specific geographic and socio-cultural contexts in which entrepreneurship occurs. From the narratives of the Iranian women entrepreneurs interviewed, we contribute novel insights into the nexus between women entrepreneurship and resilience. We do this by providing a comprehensive socio-cultural analysis of their entrepreneurial experiences and their context-specific and personalised nature (Dean & Ford, 2017) and how this shapes their resilience building mechanisms.

# 3. Research methods

## 3.1. Study context: the impact of sanctions on Iranian WTEs: A story of struggle and resilience

Despite Iran's rich heritage, it has struggled to capture a significant share of international tourist arrivals largely due to political tensions, including sanctions and conflicts. Sanctions have had the most significant direct and indirect impacts (Khodadadi, 2016; Siyamiyan Gorji et al., 2023). The nearly four decades of sanctions endured by Iran since the establishment of the Islamic Republic in 1979, driven by international concerns over its nuclear program, human rights violations, and regional geopolitics (Seyfi & Hall, 2020a; 2020b), have significantly impeded the country's economic growth, access to international markets, and specifically impacted the tourism and hospitality industries (Khodadadi, 2016; Siyamiyan Gorji et al., 2023). The partial lifting of sanctions following the Iran nuclear agreement in 2015 led to a surge in tourism and foreign investment (Pratt & Alizadeh, 2018). However, the re-imposition of sanctions in 2018 abruptly ended this growth, disrupting air travel, investment, and visitor mobility (Siyamiyan Gorji
et al., 2023).

Iranian women have been profoundly affected by these sanctions, leading to widespread job losses, reduced business prospects, and a decline in living standards (Demir & Tabrizy, 2022). The sanctions have made it especially difficult for Iranian women to secure stable employment and financial support in a traditionally patriarchal and conservative society governed by a religious theocracy (Fathollah-Nejad, 2014; Seyfi et al., 2023). In this environment, women entrepreneurs face additional barriers imposed by strict religious and cultural norms that limit their economic participation and autonomy. Theocratic governance enforces gender-specific regulations that restrict women's mobility (travel without male guardianship), legal rights (e.g., unequal inheritance laws), and access to financial resources (e.g., obtaining business licenses and loans) (Moghissi, 2016; Seyfi & Hall, 2019), making it even more challenging for them to start and sustain businesses (Bagheri et al., 2022). Additionally, societal expectations often confine women to domestic roles, further diminishing their opportunities for entrepreneurship (Farahani & Dabbaghi, 2018).

Women from lower-income households have struggled to access education and economic opportunities due to the significant financial constraints imposed by sanctions and skyrocketing inflation. Entrepreneurship, a potential pathway to financial autonomy for Iranian women (Farahani & Dabbaghi, 2018; Bagheri et al., 2022), has also been adversely affected by sanctions. Historically, with limited business prospects and funding opportunities, aspiring women entrepreneurs in Iran face significant obstacles in establishing or expanding their ventures (Carrasco-Santos et al., 2024; Oghazi et al., 2024). Sanctions have restricted their economic activities and reinforced societal norms that confine Iranian women to traditional family roles, deterring them from pursuing financial independence (Moghadam, 2024). Consequently, they are largely socially excluded and encounter barriers to accessing essential resources for entrepreneurship and intrapreneurship, further hindering their economic empowerment and financial independence (Fathollah-Nejad, 2014; Moghadam, 2024).

Despite the challenges imposed by these sanctions, Iranian women have exhibited extraordinary resilience by grappling with a challenging economic environment and pursuing economic empowerment. Recently, women's engagement in entrepreneurship within Iran's tourism industry has increased noticeably. Despite cultural and regulatory barriers, Iranian women are establishing and managing tourism-related businesses, demonstrating their creativity and resilience amidst ideological and social constraints (Bagheri et al., 2022; Farahani & Dabbaghi, 2018). These entrepreneurial efforts highlight their ability to adapt to the complex socio-political environment. Recent activism among Iranian women, epitomized by the 'Women, Life, Freedom' movement, further illustrates their resilience and determination. This movement affirms their commitment to empowerment and gender equality, advocating for greater rights and opportunities in a society that often imposes stringent limitations on their roles and freedoms (Sadeghi-Boroujerdi, 2023). The successes of these women in the tourism sector not only reflect their personal tenacity but also signal a broader shift towards challenging and transforming entrenched gender norms within Iran's conservative and theocratic framework.

## 3.2. Research design

This study adopts a poststructural feminist lens to explore the lived experiences, narratives, stories and practical realities of a group of Iranian WTEs coping with the economic challenges posed by prolonged international sanctions and heightened by religious theocracy. A post-structural feminist lens emphasizes gender as a socially and culturally constructed, context-specific phenomenon evident in daily behaviors, discourses and interactions (Braches & Elliott, 2017). Through this lens, we aim to explore how respondents' individual narratives are influenced by their gender, shaping broader perceptions of entrepreneurship and demonstrating how social factors impact gender expression. Employing

this approach enabled us to examine the complexities of WTEs' resilience-building mechanisms, aligning with previous studies advocating more qualitative methods (Bagheri et al., 2023). Moreover, this qualitative research design aligns with the growing demand for feminist-sensitive inquiry (Kelly & McAdam, 2022) to understand women's experiences during significant crises.

## 3.3. Sampling, data collection and analysis

The study participants were purposefully chosen, a common practice in qualitative research aimed at selecting individuals with relevant knowledge and experiences (Czernek-Marszalek & McCabe, 2024). Selection criteria were determined based on business type, operational duration, and leadership roles within tourism and hospitality-related ventures. Following precedents set by prior research in Middle Eastern settings (e.g., Tlaiss & Kauser, 2019), we defined entrepreneur as someone who had established and overseen a business. Specifically, we required participants to have owned and/or managed an SME, given their increased susceptibility to crisis repercussions, as indicated in previous studies (Rastegar et al., 2023). Data were collected from April–July 2023 with some additional interviews collected in early 2024. The participant included both entrepreneurs and intrapreneurs from various industries within the tourism sector (see Table 1).

Intrapreneurship also known as corporate entrepreneurship (and often associated with medium and large organizations) is defined as “the practice of developing a new venture within an existing organization, to exploit a new opportunity and create economic value” (Park, 2011); this also applies to small businesses. Although intrapreneurs do not carry the financial risks of entrepreneurs, they perform the same roles, identifying opportunities, promoting innovation, and pulling together resources to

<table><caption>**Table 1**
Profile of interviewees.</caption><thead><tr><td>Participant name</td><td>Age group</td><td>Education</td><td>Type of business</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Tanaz</td><td>40-50</td><td>Master's Degree</td><td>Hotel</td></tr><tr><td>Zahra</td><td>30-40</td><td>Bachelor's Degree</td><td>Tour operator</td></tr><tr><td>Zeynab</td><td>20-30</td><td>Bachelor's Degree</td><td>Online booking platform</td></tr><tr><td>Fatemeh</td><td>40-50</td><td>Associate's degree</td><td>Restaurant/catering Services</td></tr><tr><td>Sara</td><td>40-50</td><td>Master's Degree</td><td>Heritage accommodation</td></tr><tr><td>Bita</td><td>30-40</td><td>Professional Degree</td><td>Travel agency</td></tr><tr><td>Gelareh</td><td>50-60</td><td>Vocational/Technical Degree</td><td>Traditional hotel</td></tr><tr><td>Mahnaz</td><td>40-50</td><td>Master's Degree</td><td>Agritourism farm</td></tr><tr><td>Fereshteh</td><td>30-40</td><td>High School Diploma</td><td>Restaurant/catering Services</td></tr><tr><td>Narges</td><td>30-40</td><td>Bachelor's Degree</td><td>Bed and breakfasts (B&Bs)</td></tr><tr><td>Yeganeh</td><td>20-30</td><td>Bachelor's Degree</td><td>Bed and breakfasts (B&Bs)</td></tr><tr><td>Romina</td><td>60-70</td><td>Bachelor's Degree</td><td>Travel agency</td></tr><tr><td>Rasta</td><td>30-40</td><td>Professional Degree</td><td>Tour operator</td></tr><tr><td>Azar</td><td>40-50</td><td>PhD</td><td>Heritage accommodation</td></tr><tr><td>Samane</td><td>30-40</td><td>Master's Degree</td><td>Artisanal craft</td></tr><tr><td>Shanaz</td><td>30-40</td><td>Master's Degree</td><td>Artisanal craft</td></tr><tr><td>Homa</td><td>30-40</td><td>Bachelor's Degree</td><td>Traditional hotel</td></tr><tr><td>Aida</td><td>40-50</td><td>Bachelor's Degree</td><td>Tour operator</td></tr><tr><td>Nahid</td><td>40-50</td><td>PhD</td><td>Travel agency</td></tr><tr><td>Hoda</td><td>30-40</td><td>Professional Degree</td><td>Traditional hotel</td></tr><tr><td>Sheida</td><td>60-70</td><td>Master's Degree</td><td>Tour operator</td></tr><tr><td>Niloufar</td><td>20-30</td><td>Bachelor's Degree</td><td>Boutique hotel</td></tr><tr><td>Shadi</td><td>50-60</td><td>Vocational/Technical Degree</td><td>Heritage accommodation</td></tr><tr><td>Fariba</td><td>30-40</td><td>Bachelor's Degree</td><td>Artisanal craft</td></tr><tr><td>Dorsa</td><td>50-60</td><td>Master's Degree</td><td>Hotel/travel agency</td></tr><tr><td>Sanaz</td><td>30-40</td><td>Bachelor's Degree</td><td>Boutique hotel</td></tr><tr><td>Sahel</td><td>40-50</td><td>Master's Degree</td><td>Tourism consulting</td></tr></tbody></table>
ensure the sustainability of the business whilst developing their own potentials and empowering themselves in the process (Smith et al., 2016; Zhang et al., 2020). The intrapreneurs interviewed in this study were general managers of the SMEs with full authority and discretion to manage the businesses on behalf of the owners/founders and make entrepreneurial decisions for the survival and growth of their firms; a process which led to them developing individual resilience capabilities. Qualitative research often involves a focused and relatively small sample, aiming to capture the uniqueness of the phenomenon under investigation and its specific circumstances (Czernek-Marszalek & McCabe, 2024). Initially, ten participants were selected through referrals and connections from Iranian authors on the research team. Additional interviewees were identified using a snowball sampling technique, where initial participants were invited to suggest other individuals interested in participating in the study. This method ensured inclusion of a diverse range of perspectives and experiences.

We applied feminist epistemologies in our methodology, conducting in-depth, semi-structured interviews to explore women's perspectives on resilience development (Kelly & McAdam, 2023). This approach facilitated open and flexible dialogues, allowing participants to express their experiences and viewpoints comprehensively. We designed our interview protocol based on our theoretical framework aligning with the study's objectives (see Appendix 1). The interview questions were crafted based on insights drawn from our literature review on women's entrepreneurship (e.g., Li et al., 2008; Kimbu et al., 2019, 2021; Figueroa-Domecq, Kimbu, et al., 2022; Zhang et al., 2022), with an emphasis on the gendered consequences and contextual challenges posed by international sanctions (e.g., Bagheri et al., 2023; Oghazi et al., 2024; Seyfi et al., 2022, 2023). These questions aimed to explore the lived experiences of WTEs in Iran and their resilience mechanisms amidst sanctions to understand how they adapt and thrive despite adversities. For instance, questions centered around these themes: What specific challenges do women face in the tourism sector in Iran due to economic constraints posed by sanctions, and how have you personally coped with these challenges in your entrepreneurial journey? Could you discuss the coping strategies you've utilized to sustain and grow your tourism business during prolonged periods of crisis caused by sanctions? Reflecting on the coping strategies you've employed; how do you perceive these strategies as reflective of your resilience as a female entrepreneur/intrapreneur in Iran? (See Appendix 1 for the interview guide).

Before the primary data collection phase, interview protocols were reviewed by three entrepreneurship specialists to ensure content validity of the questions. Based on their feedback, certain interview questions were modified and tailored to the Iranian context. We then tested the developed protocols through pilot interviews involving three WTEs. The pilot study also ensured that the most suitable informants were selected for the study, and provided deeper insights into the key challenges and coping mechanisms of WTEs. Data and theoretical saturation (Creswell & Poth, 2018) were reached after conducting 27 interviews with WTEs, all of whom were guaranteed confidentiality and anonymity through the use of pseudonyms. Following the recommended iterative sampling and data collection approach (Creswell & Poth, 2018), data from each informant were collected and analyzed simultaneously. The interviews, conducted in Farsi, were subsequently translated into English and back-translated into Farsi to ensure interpretation accuracy before data analysis commenced (Creswell & Poth, 2018).

Data analysis, following the grounded theory approach (Corbin & Strauss, 1990; Mehmetoglu & Altinay, 2006), comprised three main stages. First, open coding which involved line-by-line coding of interview transcripts to identify initial concepts and categories. All interview transcripts were carefully reviewed, and data were condensed into manageable categories and themes, termed first-order codes (Altinay et al., 2014). Second, axial coding further structured these initial concepts into more abstract and coherent categories to discern patterns and relationships within the data. This phase resulted in the development of

sub-themes, where we consolidated broader themes into more refined second-order categories, following the methodology of Corley and Gioia (2004). Finally, selective coding refined and integrated core categories to construct a comprehensive narrative encapsulating the essence of resilience mechanisms employed by Iranian WTEs. Aggregate dimensions derived from both first- and second-order codes were developed in this phase (Corley & Gioia, 2004). Throughout this process, literature references were used to enhance alignment between empirical data and theoretical constructs in our study (see Appendix 2). Following Corbin and Strauss (1990), each researcher independently reviewed the transcriptions multiple times to identify emerging themes. The emerging themes were then compared, analyzed and discussed to ensure accuracy and establish a solid grounding to consolidate the themes and concepts in the data. This iterative approach facilitated the assessment of data quality (Denzin & Lincoln, 2011).

The authors recognized the significance of their own backgrounds and experiences in shaping the research process. Reflexivity involves remaining aware of one's social position as researcher and how it intersects with the identities of the participants (Corlett & Mavin, 2018). Embracing an interpretivist stance, they positioned themselves as active participants in the study, each offering unique perspectives (Corlett & Mavin, 2018). The authors' diverse cultural and multicultural backgrounds facilitated a deeper understanding of the participants' entrepreneurial experiences, and permitted contextual analysis of their narratives. One author, originally from Iran and experienced in tourism research offered valuable insider insights drawn from personal encounters with entrepreneurial resilience in Iran's tourism business environment. Another author, also from Iran, conducted research on the impact of sanctions on the tourism sector, thereby deepening the understanding of how these geopolitical measures affect Iran's tourism industry. Their intimate knowledge of Iran's sociocultural dynamics informed critical aspects of the study, such as participant selection and the development of interview questions. This insider status helped build rapport with participants, encouraging them to provide rich and detailed data. However, their outsider status (academics/researchers) required effort to gain participants' trust for securing interviews, although it was also seen as an opportunity for participants to share their stories (Corlett & Mavin, 2018). The study also benefited from the involvement of non-Iranian authors who are scholars with expertise in entrepreneurship, particularly in the Global South. They provided an external perspective and enriched understanding of the topic, offering guidance and insights, and challenging the assumptions of the Iranian authors to maintain a balance between objectivity and subjectivity in handling the data (Omran & Yousafzai, 2023).

# 4. Findings and discussion

Three main themes related to gendered entrepreneurial resilience emerged from participant narratives: Peer Resilience, Digital Resilience and Transformative Entrepreneurship. This section explores each theme with supporting excerpts, revealing their experiences in building resilience and coping strategies (see also Appendix 2 for data structure and further illustrative quotes).

Fig. 1 depicts the empirical model showing how Iranian WTEs develop resilience amid ongoing crises due to international sanctions.

## 4.1. Peer Resilience

### 4.1.1. Collaborative networking

The testimonies of Iranian WTEs highlight the transformative role of collaborative support networks in overcoming business ownership challenges, particularly in accessing resources and formal networks (e. g., Figueroa-Domecq, Kimbu, et al., 2022; Kimbu et al., 2019). Despite sanctions-imposed barriers to growth and sustainability, these women have cultivated strength and resilience through solidarity and peer support. Sanaz described this solidarity as a 'sisterhood of resilience,'
<figure><img src="image_3.png" /><figcaption>Fig. 1. Building tourism entrepreneurial resilience among Iranian women tourism entrepreneurs/intrapreneurs.</figcaption></figure>

where women actively support each other during times of economic hardship: "... there's a sense of solidarity among us women in business. We share tips; we lend a hand because we know that together, we're stronger. It's like a sisterhood of resilience" (Sanaz). Similarly, Shadi highlighted the proactive strategy employed by a group of women entrepreneurs who collaborate to overcome economic challenges posed by sanctions by pooling resources and expertise for joint marketing efforts:

A group of women entrepreneurs in the tourism industry, including myself, joined forces to create supportive networks ... what we usually do when resources are tight is to combine our skills and resources to launch joint marketing campaigns and share promotional opportunities (Shadi).

Nahid's collaboration with other female entrepreneurs indicates the strategic alliances they've formed to develop innovative solutions during challenging times of sanctions:

I partnered with fellow female entrepreneurs who own local hotels and attractions to offer special package deals at discounted rates. This partnership not only boosted our businesses but also attracted more visitors to our area, strengthening our local tourism industry, particularly during tough periods of sanctions (Nahid).

Aida, who established her business before reimposition of sanctions, also commented on the supportive culture she has nurtured:

In my business, I've built this culture of resilience where nobody gets left behind. We're always there for each other, whether it's offering advice, sharing our experiences, or simply listening. This sustains us through any challenge, making us stronger with every step (Aida).

Fariba also highlighted the difficulties that women entrepreneurs face in Iran's theocratic environment, echoing the experiences of other study participants:
In addition to the sanctions which have hugely affected our business, the theocratic system in Iran creates a lot of uncertainty and instability for us as women entrepreneurs. We never know when new restrictions might occur that could jeopardize our businesses. Being vigilant and adaptable in the face of these political shifts requires a huge amount of resilience (Fariba).

Yeganeh emphasized the challenges that WTEs in Iran face due to strict social and religious norms, which are exacerbated by sanctions:

> As a woman, I constantly have to deal with the strict social and religious norms that dictate what I can and cannot do in my business. Over the years, with the ongoing sanctions and these religious norms, I have learned that I need to quickly mobilize my network of women entrepreneurs to strategize solutions. We support each other, share resources, and develop creative workarounds that allow us to continue operating effectively. Our collective resilience is what helped us to survive (Yeganeh).

Our interviewees' stories demonstrate how WTEs in Iran have coped with the sanctions by creating and leveraging collaborative networks that support their businesses. This proactive approach aligns with the notion of entrepreneurial resilience discussed in the literature, which refers to how entrepreneurs adapt and innovate in response to crises (Haddoud et al., 2022). These informal collaborative support networks illustrate how collective action can enhance individual and group resilience, resonating with literature on the role of social capital in women's entrepreneurship during business crises (Tiwari & Shastri, 2023). Prior research has also demonstrated that networks of collaboration, support, and collective agency are critical for women entrepreneurs, especially in contexts where formal institutional support is lacking (Figueroa-Domecq, Kimbu, et al., 2022; Kimbu et al., 2019). More particularly, the testimonies shed light on how WTEs overcome the complex socio-political landscape of theocratic Iran. The need to comply with strict social and religious norms, while simultaneously coping with economic sanctions, adds another layer of complexity to their entrepreneurial activities. This intersectionality of gender, politics, and religion exacerbates the difficulties encountered by Iranian WTEs, as they must endure both economic and sociocultural barriers. This aspect is less explored in the literature, making our findings particularly valuable. Further, these findings support prior research that emphasizes the need for gender-sensitive approaches in economic policy and sanctions regimes to mitigate these adverse effects (Bagheri et al., 2023; Carrasco-Santos et al., 2024; Demir & Tabrizy, 2022).

### 4.1.2. Mutual support for collective empowerment

The stories shared by Iranian WTEs demonstrate the critical role of mutual support within their communities, particularly in times of sanctions. These narratives highlight how ‘collective resilience’ is fostered through cooperation and solidarity, even amidst competitive dynamics (Wang, 2023; Singh et al., 2022). This concept, as articulated by our study participants, illustrates how these networks function in practice, providing both emotional and practical support. Such networks help women overcome resource constraints, share knowledge, and create joint opportunities, which are vital for sustaining their businesses under challenging conditions (Omran & Yousafzai, 2023). Sanaz’s reflection captures the challenges faced by WTEs in Iran, emphasizing the difficulties due to the country’s unique socio-political landscape intensified by sanctions:

> Through all the ups and downs my business has faced, having my friends and fellow women entrepreneurs by my side has been really reassuring. In Iran, we confront not only the typical challenges of running a business but also the additional layers of complexity brought on by operating in a patriarchal and theocratic environment. The sanctions exacerbate these issues, making it even harder to access necessary resources and maintain economic stability, especially for women. Knowing that I have a network of women who understand and share these burdens is very supportive (Sanaz).

Sanaz’s reflection highlights ‘mutual support’ as a foundation for ‘collective empowerment’. This resonates with prior research showing that women entrepreneurs often rely on community networks and peer support to overcome barriers and enhance their business capabilities (Singh et al., 2022). Our interviewees’ stories show how these support networks provide vital emotional and practical assistance during times of economic sanctions. This aligns with Wang (2023), who emphasizes that mutual support within communities can foster powerful collective resilience, enabling entrepreneurs to withstand even the most challenging environments.

Fatemeh’s perspective illustrates the concept of “coopetition,” where competitors collaborate for mutual gain (Ibrahim et al., 2023), particularly within challenging environments:

> You know, I really believe that sticking together is what keeps us going as women entrepreneurs, especially when things get tough. Like, when one of us isn’t getting as many tourists, the rest of us jump in to help by sending customers their way and sharing whatever resources we can. It’s like having each other’s backs, and it’s what helps us stay strong through the hard times.” (Fatemeh)

Fatemeh’s account aligns with Ibrahim et al. (2023), who argue that coopetition can be particularly beneficial in resource-scarce environments. This echoes research by Kimbu and Ngoasong (2016), which demonstrates that women entrepreneurs, through their natural knack for networking, not only survive but thrive. Fariba mentioned the importance of regular gatherings and support groups where women entrepreneurs can openly discuss challenges and exchange strategies for overcoming them:

> You see, we’re all human, and tough times can hit anyone, especially when our businesses aren’t doing so great. That’s why I truly believe it’s important to lean on each other for support. We get together regularly for meet-ups and support groups where we can just chat about what we’re going through and share ways to handle it all. (Fariba)

Fereshteh described the support network among women entrepreneurs as a ‘fortress of resilience’, reinforced by solidarity:

> When one of us faces a setback, whether it’s a supply chain disruption or a financial challenge, the rest of us come together to offer practical solutions, emotional support, and sometimes just a listening ear. It’s this collective strength that enables us to weather even the toughest storms and emerge stronger on the other side. (Fereshteh)

Fereshteh’s description of the support network as a “fortress of resilience” illustrates the essence of ‘collective support’ and complements the literature on social capital and its role in entrepreneurial resilience (Filimonau et al., 2024; Tiwari & Shastri, 2023). It illustrates how strong, supportive networks offer a buffer against external shocks, enabling entrepreneurs to withstand and recover from adversities. The concept finds support in the broader literature on crises, where crisis-induced economic difficulties spark collaboration and coopetition among women (Bagheri et al., 2023; Filimonau et al., 2024). Women entrepreneurs often depend on informal associations and family networks to enhance capacity and secure resources (Ibrahim et al., 2023).

## 4.2. Digital resilience

### 4.2.1. Digital platforms as tools of resistance

Digital platforms, particularly social media, are powerful tools for WTEs in Iran to challenge discrimination, redefine their narratives, and assert their expertise within a male-dominated tourism industry (Khoo et al., 2022). This is even more pronounced among Iranian WTEs. Zeynab highlighted social media’s role in overcoming gender stereotypes and promoting female leadership in tourism:

> Social media has really changed the way people see our tourism business. As a female-led team in a male-dominated field, we’ve faced our share of
stereotypes and biases. But with platforms like Instagram, we've been able to speak up and show our skills and unique qualities. It's helped us highlight what sets us apart, no matter our gender (Zeynab).

Zahra addressed the dual challenges of international sanctions and local religious norms, employing digital solutions to sustain business operations:

> Dealing with both international sanctions and local religious rules is really tough. Sanctions have cut off important supplies and made things more expensive. On top of that, religious rules control how I can run my business and interact with male colleagues and clients. To handle this, we engage in virtual networking events, webinars, and online forums to establish industry connections and explore collaborations. Additionally, many of us adopt e-commerce solutions to deal with financial challenges posed by sanctions, ensuring the continuity of our businesses (Zahra).

Narges overcame strict religious laws and business barriers by leveraging technology to maintain international presence and connections:

> Trying to succeed in the business world as a woman here is really challenging. The strict religious laws often limit what we can do, making it difficult to attend international trade shows without the permission of our husbands or expand our networks. Despite these obstacles, we've adapted by using technology. We've connected with global partners online and maintained a strong presence on international platforms (Narges).

These narratives demonstrate the adaptive capacity of Iranian WTEs. They illustrate how digital platforms provide essential tools for resistance and resilience amid economic sanctions and restrictive socio-political norms. They also highlight the critical role of digital technology and social media in empowering women in Iran to challenge gender biases and reshape their narratives, significantly aiding in overcoming socio-economic obstacles, challenging gender stereotypes, and asserting women's expertise (Khoo et al., 2023). This aligns with previous research highlighting the considerable role of digital media, particularly social media, in elevating women's voices and dismantling gender barriers in conservative societies (AlAmmary, 2022). This is particularly evident in a theocratic country like Iran, where women have leveraged the internet to voice their objections to discriminatory laws, and engage in public discourse (Shirazi, 2012).

As narrated by our interviewees, sanctions have severely restricted access to international markets and payment systems. However, digital platforms provide alternative avenues for maintaining business visibility and continuity. The stories of Iranian WTEs highlight the dual challenges of sanctions and restrictive norms, necessitating creative approaches to maintain business continuity. The strategies adopted during times of sanctions reflect a broader trend toward digital resilience among entrepreneurs in sanction-hit economies. This finding supports the literature that views innovation and information technology as critical enablers of financial resilience and business operations in constrained environments (Homayoun et al., 2024).

### 4.2.2. Adaptiveness through innovation

Participants revealed their readiness to overcome challenges and take risks. Themes of self-reliance and proactive problem-solving through innovation emerged, underscoring the resilience of the WTEs in our study. These women demonstrate a remarkable willingness to take entrepreneurial risks and leverage innovation to sustain and expand their businesses, challenging the tourism entrepreneurship literature that portrays women as risk averse (e.g., Figueroa-Domecq, de Jong, et al., 2022). Rasta's proactive approach to targeting European tourists amid sanctions exemplifies entrepreneurial risk-taking:

> You know, those tough times during the sanctions in Iran really pushed me to get creative and take some risks to keep my business going strong. Like, instead of sticking to just domestic and regional tourists, I decided to go

after the European tourists—I even set up accommodations tailored specifically to them. It was a bit of a risk, but it paid off in the end. (Rasta)

Romina's experience with sanctions highlights the challenge of financial transactions and innovative solutions:

> The toughest part of dealing with sanctions was managing financial transactions. We couldn't use international credit cards, so we had to find a way to set up a reliable payment gateway that supports international payments. It was a big challenge, but it enabled us to stay open to international tourists who wanted to experience Iran despite the sanctions (Romina).

Sheida also commented:

> Sanctions forced us to rethink how we operate. We shifted towards nomad tourism, focusing on eco-friendly practices and local experiences, which were less resource-intensive and more appealing to a niche market. It was risky to focus on a smaller market segment, but it established us as one of the pioneers in this sector within Iran, attracting both international attention and local support (Sheida).

The entrepreneurial spirit and risk-taking behavior of WTEs in our study illustrate a significant departure from the stereotypical view of women as cautious entrepreneurs (Figueroa-Domecq, de Jong, et al., 2022), Figueroa-Domecq, Kimbu, et al., 2022, specially for Iranian women who also grapple with restrictive social norms. This aligns with the broader literature on entrepreneurial resilience, which emphasizes the importance of risk-taking and innovation in contending with uncertain environments (Williams et al., 2021). Such behavior, including financial innovation in response to sanctions that restrict traditional financial transactions, illustrates the ability of these entrepreneurs to adapt to external pressures and seek new market opportunities. This finding supports the literature on financial innovation, and its potential to provide alternative solutions in restrictive environments (Homayoun et al., 2024).

## 4.3. Transformative entrepreneurship

### 4.3.1. Inclusive business practices

The accounts of Iranian WTEs demonstrate the transformative potential of inclusive business practices (Likoko & Kini, 2017) in fostering resilience in entrepreneurial ventures. Recognizing the complex social landscapes within which they operate, these women advocate inclusivity as a means of promoting fairness, equality, and adaptability in entrepreneurship to generate broader and higher impacts among them. For instance, Gelareh's commitment to actively seeking talent from underrepresented groups reflects a proactive approach to diversity and inclusion:

> As a woman, I'm really proud to mention our hotel's commitment to recruiting individuals from underrepresented groups, including women and minorities. We believe having diverse perspectives not only brings in new ideas but also makes us innovative and adaptable, especially when times get tough economically (Gelareh)

Bita's tours demonstrate a commitment to supporting women and educating tourists about their economic roles:

> In our tours, we make sure to include stops at women-led businesses and workshops. This practice not only supports local female artisans, but also educates our tourists about the role of women in our economy. By doing this, we're not just running a business; we're building a community that supports and empowers women (Bita).

Sahel's dedication to mentorship and support programs further exemplifies the role of inclusive business practices in building resilience within the tourism industry:

> Even when the economy is struggling, we keep helping those who need it the most. We run mentorship programs and workshops to help young
people and women from disadvantaged backgrounds enter the tourism industry. By providing these opportunities, we help them find stable jobs and make the tourism industry stronger and more inclusive (Sahel)

The narratives of WTEs in this study illustrate the transformative potential of inclusive business practices in fostering resilience and adaptability within entrepreneurial ventures. This approach delineates the significant impact of inclusive entrepreneurship in empowering underrepresented groups. It finds support in the literature on inclusive business practices, which emphasize the benefits of diversity in fostering creativity, problem-solving, and organizational resilience (Prayag, 2023; Zahoor et al., 2024). By building an ecosystem that values and uplifts women, these entrepreneurs create a ripple effect that benefits the broader community. This is consistent with research that highlights the role of inclusive practices in generating social value and empowering marginalized groups, as well as the potential of tourism to be a catalyst for broader socio-economic transformation (Thakur et al., 2023).

### 4.3.2. Identity reassertion

Our interviewees' narratives reveal a novel phenomenon amid economic adversity: the reassertion of identity and empowerment in challenging traditional gender norms. Despite facing sanctions-related disruptions, these women have emerged as resilient leaders, turning adversity into a catalyst for change within the industry. Homa's assertion reflects a collective determination among female entrepreneurs to break free from traditional roles and demonstrate their value in the tourism sector:

> The challenges we've faced from both sanctions and religious norms have only made us more determined to prove ourselves in the tourism industry. We're no longer satisfied with traditional roles; we're breaking barriers. Rather than letting these obstacles bring us down, they've motivated us to prove our worth and make a positive impact (Homa)

Samane's perspective accentuates the transformative potential of sanctions, which are seen as opportunities, not setbacks:

> We saw sanctions as an opportunity, not a setback. It felt like breaking through a glass ceiling for Iranian women in tourism. Our goal wasn't just personal success; we wanted to inspire other women. We showed that women could lead in male-dominated fields, helping to create more equality and diversity in tourism (Samane)

Tanaz's promoting of family-friendly policies signifies a broader shift toward inclusivity and balance in entrepreneurship. By prioritizing the needs of both mothers and entrepreneurs, Iranian WTEs challenge traditional norms, setting the stage for a more equitable and supportive business environment: "We advocated for family-friendly policies in our businesses because we understand the need to balance being both mothers and entrepreneurs" (Tanaz)

These narratives reveal a profound phenomenon: the reassertion of identity and empowerment amid economic adversity, challenging traditional gender norms. The collective determination among female entrepreneurs to transcend traditional roles and demonstrate their value in the tourism sector contributes to the literature on gender and entrepreneurship, which highlights how adversity can be the catalyst for redefining gender roles and can spur women to assert their identities as capable leaders (Pécot et al., 2024; Seyfi et al., 2023). This reflects the concept of transformational leadership (Gaur et al., 2023) and highlights the broader impact of individual leadership in fostering community empowerment, and advocating gender equality.

The reassertion of identity among Iranian WTEs, who confront both economic sanctions and local religious expectations, delineates a form of social activism that challenges stereotypes about women's capabilities in restrictive socio-cultural contexts (Salehi et al., 2020). This finding supports and extends the literature on women's entrepreneurship in conservative societies, which often emphasizes the constraints more than the agency of women (Panda, 2018). Furthermore, our

interviewees' stories and lived experiences show that resilience fosters a stronger sense of identity (Bridges et al., 2023) among WTEs. This reflects the literature on identity and resilience, which highlights how overcoming adversity can strengthen personal and professional identity (Bagheri et al., 2023).

## 5. Conclusion and implications

Women have historically faced disproportionate impacts during various global crises. As Peck (2012) aptly notes, the effects of austerity are felt unevenly, with women often bearing a heavier burden. This gendered disparity extends to women entrepreneurs, who face unique challenges during crises. However, prior research frequently assumes entrepreneurial resilience is gender-neutral, overlooking the distinct experiences of women entrepreneurs (Pergelova et al., 2019). This qualitative exploratory study, informed by social constructionist theory and a poststructural feminist lens, examined the resilience mechanisms employed by Iranian WTEs in response to the economic challenges posed by sanctions—an often underexplored form of crisis in tourism (Seyfi & Hall, 2020a). While Iranian women, akin to female entrepreneurs in other developing nations, face diverse crises such as economic downturns and gender-biased regulations, the distinct context of Iran—exacerbated by its unique religious theocracy—makes this study particularly intriguing. The narratives and stories shared by the interviewees highlighted that WTEs in Iran confront dual challenges. On one hand, the sanctions serve as the main catalyst for resilience, pushing these women to develop innovative survival and coping strategies. On the other hand, the theocratic form of government, which is overwhelmingly patriarchal, also acts as an enabling condition. This duality highlights the complexity of their resilience mechanisms, as they contend with both economic constraints and a rigid socio-political environment.

Entrepreneurship is alluring to Iranian women as it promises liberation from gender bias and transcends mere economic or social engagement; it signifies independence and resistance against sanctions and religious theocracy (Bagheri et al., 2023; Carrasco-Santos et al., 2024). By unpacking how Iranian WTEs are 'doing and redoing gender' (Petterson & Heidt Cassel, 2014), our research highlighted the contextual and gender-specific nature of resilience-building mechanisms. This perspective aligns with Welter's (2020) argument that resilience is inherently contextual and that entrepreneurship should account for the context, the entrepreneur, and the environment.

The narratives of Iranian WTEs both deepen our understanding of women's resilience in adversity, and contribute to broader conversations surrounding gender, entrepreneurship, and resilience. This study not only examines their experiences but also enriches our theoretical understanding of transitioning from gender-responsive economic adaptation to a gender-transformative approach (UNWTO, 2023; Gaur et al., 2023). A gender-transformative approach fundamentally alters structures and norms perpetuating gender inequality, going beyond merely accommodating women's participation in the economy. It aims to reshape the socio-economic landscape to promote gender equity by creating policies and practices that support women in overcoming immediate barriers and challenge underlying power dynamics (Braun, 2022; Cookson et al., 2024; Gaur et al., 2023). In the context of Iranian WTEs, gender-transformative entrepreneurship leverages their resilience and entrepreneurial capabilities to not only survive but thrive and drive systemic change in the tourism sector. By fostering an environment where women's entrepreneurial efforts are recognized and supported, this approach helps dismantle patriarchal and restrictive norms, paving the way for a more inclusive and equitable society.

This study makes four main contributions. Firstly, it provides new theoretical and empirical insights into how gender shapes women's entrepreneurial responses amidst sustained crises in a sanctions-ravaged society, challenging the notion that entrepreneurial resilience is gender-neutral (Pergelova et al., 2019). In a male-dominated tourism sector
with a female-majority workforce (UNWTO, 2019), we uncover how sanctions-induced crises introduce gender-specific resilience mechanisms, enabling women to address intensifying inequalities and transform the entrepreneurial landscape uniquely. This research enriches theories of entrepreneurial resilience and resourcefulness by showing how WTEs adapt to severe economic constraints, focusing on sanctions as a form of crisis inadequately addressed in tourism literature. While existing literature explores economic sanctions, gendered crises, and entrepreneurship separately, the intersections among these areas remain theoretically and empirically underdeveloped. Informed by social constructionist theory and a poststructural feminist lens, and using a gendered approach to analyze economic sanctions, this study revealed novel insights into the impact of economic sanctions on WTEs compared to men, highlighting the disproportionate effects on opportunities and risks for women. This approach deepens feminist political economy theory by illustrating how economic sanctions exacerbate pre-existing gender inequalities and challenges, significantly affecting women's entrepreneurial endeavors and diminishing their perceptions of opportunities (Moghadam, 2024). This reinforces the feminist political economy's assertion that macroeconomic policies must be analyzed from a gendered perspective. By documenting these gender-specific effects, the study calls for more gender-sensitive policy-making, supporting the feminist political economy argument that policies should aim to diminish, rather than perpetuate, gender disparities (Moghadam, 2024).

Secondly, this study shows the mechanisms used by WTEs in Iran to build resilience amidst sustained crises, thus addressing the lack of research on such mechanisms to date. While previous research has focused on resilience as a resource utilized by entrepreneurs during crises (e.g. Bagheri et al., 2023), there has been limited attention to the specific mechanisms through which entrepreneurs develop resilience capacity amid crisis situations. Unlike the prime focus of prior literature on entrepreneurial resilience in crisis response (e.g., Elson, 2010), our study illuminates how resilience helps entrepreneurs to cope with sustained crises. By showing how resilience emerges through dynamic interactions with adverse environments, we move beyond exploring precursors of resilience to understanding its nature within challenging contexts. Additionally, our examination of Iranian WTEs responds to recent calls to understand resilience from the standpoint of individuals who have directly encountered adversity rather than merely being at risk of experiencing a crisis (Bagheri et al., 2023). Aligning with recent scholarly assertions, we propose that resilience, including entrepreneurial resilience, exhibits gendered characteristics (Braches & Elliott, 2017; Kelly & McAdam, 2023) and is inherently contextual. This theoretical perspective suggests that resilience is not a one-size-fits-all trait but is influenced by gender-specific experiences and societal norms. The context—such as cultural, economic, and political environments—significantly impacts how resilience is developed and expressed.

Thirdly, this study highlights the importance of 'collective empowerment' as a key resilience mechanism. While existing literature often emphasizes individual-level (Bagheri et al., 2023) and organizational-level (cf. Ngoc et al., 2021; Prayag, 2018) factors, our findings showed that women entrepreneurs in the Iranian tourism sector draw strength from their communities and peer networks to sustain and grow their businesses. In restrictive socio-political contexts, such as Iran's theocratic and patriarchal society, collective empowerment enables women to circumvent institutional barriers and create alternative pathways to success. This collective empowerment offers a new perspective on resilience dynamics, emphasizing the roles of social support, collaboration, coopetition, and mutual empowerment in overcoming adversity. By doing so, it expands the understanding of resilience to include social and community dimensions, moving beyond the traditional focus on individual and organizational factors.

Finally, the study contributes significantly to theoretical advances in understanding resilience and resistance within the realm of women entrepreneurship. The research advances understanding of the concept of 'digital resilience' in tourism entrepreneurship, highlighting

how Iranian WTEs strategically employ digital tools to challenge gender discrimination, redefine industry narratives, and assert their expertise (Shirazi, 2012). This introduces a novel framework for resilience that emphasizes proactive engagement with digital platforms for empowerment and resistance against prevailing gender norms. This concept expands the understanding of resistance mechanisms within entrepreneurship by demonstrating the transformative power of digital platforms, which not only support business operations but also serve as tools for social change. Unlike passive resilience, where entrepreneurs merely bounce back from adversity, digital resilience in this context focuses on actively using digital tools to resist and reshape prevailing gender norms and biases. This dynamic approach acknowledges the agency of women entrepreneurs in shaping their entrepreneurial journeys through digital empowerment and contributes to broader discussions on gender, entrepreneurship, and digitalization.

The findings of this study offer several practical implications, crafted with an understanding of the socio-political nuances specific to the Iranian context. While some recommendations potentially derived from the findings of this study may be effective in Western societies, they may not be as readily embraced in Iran due to distinct cultural and political norms. This highlights a central argument of the study: resilience-building is both context-specific and gendered, highlighting the need for tailored support for women entrepreneurs, especially in crisis-prone theocratic countries like Iran. Therefore, the proposed recommendations have been tailored to be feasible within this context and remain largely apolitical in nature.

Firstly, the findings highlight the transformative power of collaborative networks among Iranian WTEs in overcoming business challenges. Establishing and enhancing formal networks can help women collaborate, develop skills, share insights, and offer mutual support, particularly during economic hardships. Promoting 'coopetition'—where competing businesses work together—can further enhance resilience. Practical measures include creating peer networks or associations for knowledge exchange, resource sharing, joint marketing efforts, and access to shared facilities. Additionally, developing digital platforms for WTEs can facilitate resource sharing, job postings, marketing opportunities, and inspirational success stories. For instance, creating online forums and digital resource hubs tailored to women entrepreneurs can facilitate knowledge exchange, collaborative opportunities, and access to essential business tools.

Secondly, the study emphasizes the need to incorporate a gender-inclusive approach in crisis response strategies. Policymakers, NGOs, and businesses should recognize the specific challenges and resourcefulness of women in times of extreme economic adversity. This awareness can guide the creation of targeted support programs that empower women entrepreneurs, promoting economic stability and community resilience. In Iran, despite the constraints of a religious theocracy, efforts such as microfinance programs and collaborations with the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) have supported female entrepreneurship. UNDP has worked with national and international partners to provide financial and developmental support to vulnerable groups, including women and youth, to foster economic empowerment. Policymakers should integrate gender-sensitive measures into economic and social programs. Implementing small-scale pilot programs—such as grants, tax breaks, or specialized training for women-led businesses—can introduce these initiatives gradually. These pilots allow for testing and refinement before broader implementation, helping to minimize resistance and ensure effective expansion.

Thirdly, policymakers should also prioritize the development of gender-transformative entrepreneurship support programs that target women and address their unique challenges. The creation of associations like the National Association of Women Entrepreneurs (NAWE) in Iran is a significant step in this direction. Associations like NAWE provide platforms for women to share experiences and knowledge, which can foster collaboration and mutual support among female entrepreneurs. They also work to promote female entrepreneurship as a key component
of economic development and encourage new female graduates to pursue entrepreneurial ventures. Furthermore, these organizations assist members with business management and advocate for addressing legal and legislative challenges specific to women-run enterprises. By partnering with these associations, policymakers can develop targeted policies that create a more inclusive and supportive environment for women entrepreneurs. This collaboration can lead to the implementation of initiatives that effectively address the barriers faced by women, thereby enhancing their opportunities for success and contributing to broader economic growth.

We hope that such small, yet significant initiatives can be further developed and expanded, especially in light of the insights from this study that highlight the remarkable resilience of Iranian WTEs facing severe economic constraints due to international sanctions. By strengthening these initiatives, we can equip Iranian women with the necessary tools, resources, and networks to overcome systemic barriers and achieve entrepreneurial success. Expanding these initiatives will support women entrepreneurs in Iran, drive economic development, and promote gender equality, creating a more inclusive environment for their success.

## Limitations and directions for future research

Despite its contributions, this study also has some limitations. First, the qualitative nature of the study restricts generalizability of the findings. Therefore, future research could examine the prevalence of specific resilience mechanisms using quantitative methodologies and a broader sample of women from the Iranian tourism sector. Because resilience is influenced by individual-level attributes, such as self-efficacy, perseverance, perceived behavioral control, and internal locus of control, future quantitative studies could develop models to explore how these characteristics impact the mechanisms of building resilience among women entrepreneurs. Furthermore, our study focused solely on the experiences of Iranian WTEs. Future studies should expand their scope to include comparisons with women in other sectors affected by sanctions or to investigate resilience mechanisms employed by women in different contexts. Male entrepreneurs can also face challenges during crises. Given the ongoing qualitative research discourse on interviewer-interviewee matching, which considers factors such as ethnicity, gender, class, and age, we advocate further research incorporating perspectives from both men and women representing diverse social, economic, and cultural backgrounds. This will enhance understanding of how resilience is developed during times of crisis. Additionally, studying the long-term impacts of sanctions and resilience mechanisms would yield a clearer picture of their effects on women's careers and businesses. A final, but important area for future research is, exploring how policy measures support women's resilience in the face of sanctions.

## Funding

None.

## Impact statement

This study highlights the critical need for gender-inclusive crisis responses by demonstrating the resilience and resourcefulness of Iranian women tourism entrepreneurs (WTEs) in a challenging, sanction-affected theocratic environment. It challenges the idea of gender-neutral entrepreneurial resilience by introducing the concept of 'gendered entrepreneurial resilience' and emphasizing the importance of inclusive practices, peer support, and collaborative networks. For policymakers and other relevant stakeholders, this research calls for targeted strategies that address the unique hurdles faced by women entrepreneurs. Key actions should include establishing and supporting formal networks to facilitate collaboration, integrating gender-sensitive

measures such as grants and tax incentives, and promoting inclusivity in economic and social programs. These efforts will help create a supportive environment that fosters both economic growth and gender equality, empowering women entrepreneurs to overcome systemic barriers and thrive.

## CRediT authorship contribution statement

**Siamak Seyfi:** Writing – review & editing, Writing – original draft, Supervision, Resources, Project administration, Methodology, Investigation, Formal analysis, Conceptualization. **Albert Nsom Kimbu:** Writing – review & editing, Writing – original draft, Methodology, Conceptualization. **Masoomeh Tavangar:** Writing – original draft, Methodology, Formal analysis, Data curation, Conceptualization. **Tan Vo-Thanh:** Writing – review & editing, Conceptualization. **Mustafeed Zaman:** Writing – review & editing, Conceptualization.

## Declaration of competing interest

None

## Acknowledgement

The authors would like to thank the three reviewers for their positive engagement with this paper and their constructive comments and suggestions, which have greatly helped us revise and enhance the different sections of this manuscript.

## Appendix A. Supplementary data

Supplementary data to this article can be found online at https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tourman.2024.105025.

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Siamak Seyfi, PhD is an Assistant Professor at the Geography Research Unit of the University of Oulu in Finland. Using a multi-/interdisciplinary approach and informed by diverse disciplinary perspectives, his research stems from an interest in geography of tourism and, more particularly, critical tourism geographies, impacts of tourism, resilience, sustainability and politics of tourism and peace through tourism.

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Albert Nsom Kimbu, PhD is a Reader in the School of Hospitality and Tourism Management, University of Surrey (UK), and Senior Research Associate at the School of Tourism and Hospitality, University of Johannesburg (South Africa). He researches entrepreneurship, gender, equity and diversity in tourism for inclusive development.

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Masoomeh Tavangar, PhD is the Head of the Department of Tourism Management at the ACECR Institute of Tourism Research in Mashhad, Iran. Her research interests focus on tourism management and development with a particular emphasis on Iran.

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Tan Vo-Thanh, PhD is a Professor at Excelia Business School in France. He has published extensively in the areas of service digitalization, customer experience, sustainable tourism, hospitality management, customer engagement, consumer behavior, service marketing, green HRM, and HRM.

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Mustafeed Zaman, PhD is an Associate Professor of Digital Marketing at EM Normandie Business School, France. His main research interests include technology adoption, digital transformation, digitalization of services, AI, Big Data, travel, tourism & hospitality management.