# A PARTICULAR DEPICTION OF ANUBIS FROM THE TOMB OF THE SCULPTOR NAKHTAMON (TT 335): IS ANUBIS A DEMON?

Arnaud Quertinmont

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Arnaud Quertinmont. A PARTICULAR DEPICTION OF ANUBIS FROM THE TOMB OF THE SCULPTOR NAKHTAMON (TT 335): IS ANUBIS A DEMON?. Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections, 2020, 25, pp.159-168. hal-05292203

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# A PARTICULAR DEPICTION OF ANUBIS FROM THE TOMB OF THE SCULPTOR NAKHTAMUN (TT 335): IS ANUBIS A DEMON?

Arnaud Quertinmont

Royal Museum of Mariemont

## ABSTRACT

We know how flexible the Egyptian iconographic system is and the limitations of our modern classifications, especially in regard to gods, spirits and demons. This paper reviews the god Anubis' particular and completely distinctive iconography shown in the tomb of sculptor Nakhtamun (TT 335). Analysis of this means we can tackle the depictions of armed guardian-demons, particularly those in Chapters 145 and 146 of the Book of the Dead.

In March, 2016, Swansea University launched the database for Demon Things—The Ancient Egyptian Demonology Project, Second Millennium BCE.¹ This tool, which is essential for people taking an interest in demons and liminal beings, aims to gather various Egyptian entities into a single catalogue. It seems relevant at this juncture to consider the god Anubis' particular and completely distinctive iconography shown in the tomb of sculptor Nakhtamun (TT 335).² Examination of this will shed light on the flexibility of the Egyptian iconographic system and the limitations of our modern classifications, especially in regard to gods, spirits, and demons.³

The funerary complex of Nakhtamun dates from the Nineteenth Dynasty and was discovered by Bernard Bruyère at the Deir el-Medina site on the 16th of January, 1925. It originally consisted of a courtyard, a chapel and a network of underground rooms. The latter is composed of three chambers.

The first two (A and B) are at the same level and are dedicated to depictions of the family of the deceased and offerings placed there at the time of the funeral ceremony. The third chamber (C), which is at a lower level, is the actual burial vault itself. When you are in Chamber B and you look towards the passage leading to Chamber A, you can see that it is surmounted by a double representation of Anubis (FIG. 1). The god appears in a hybrid canine-headed human form, sitting and wielding a knife. He is under a rectangular structure topped by a *khekeru* frieze. It is indubitable that the text attributes both of these depictions to Anubis. Hence, the one on the right is, "Anubis, who is at the head of the divine pavilion, who is upon his mountain, master of the West... in the necropolis" ('Inpw ḫnty ṣḥntr tpy dw.f nb Imnt ... m smt), while the one on the left is, "Anubis, who is in *wt*, the great god, lord of the sacred country, providing protection in the place of eternity" ('Inpw
<figure><img src="image_2.png" /><figcaption>**Figure 1:** Nakhtamon's Tomb. © Thierry Benderitter—Osirisnet.</figcaption></figure>

Imy-wt ntr nfr nb t3 dsr irj.k sqw m st hh). The name of Osiris Nakhtamun, now partially destroyed, is seen between the two figures. It has to be noticed that the tomb kept several particular depictions of the Anubis (i.e., with a ram's head).⁴

It is not unusual to find an image of the god guarding a passageway. Many examples are well known, such as in the tombs of Queen Nefertari (QV 66),⁵ Sennefer (TT 96),⁶ or Pashed (TT 3).⁷

In these cases, Anubis is usually depicted in an animal form, lying down with head raised and alert, and hanging his tail. This is the classic image that can be found on the intrados (inner curve of an arch) or lintels of certain steles or on components of coffins and sarcophagi. What is unusual, however, is to find a hybrid image of the god sitting, armed with a knife, and guarding a passageway. In order to ascertain what sort of image we are dealing with, it is worth going back over Anubis' functions and iconography.

## ANUBIS: FUNCTIONS AND TYPES OF ICONOGRAPHY

Although posterity only seems to have preserved the memory of three canine divinities, Anubis, Wepwawet, and Duamutef, sources also confirm the existence of a certain Sed, Khentyamentiu, and Hereret, to name but a few others.⁸ Several studies

have conducted research into these, some of a general nature,⁹ others focusing on specific aspects associated with the Meroitic and Mediterranean world.¹⁰ Let us briefly go over some important concepts connected with Anubis and the functions attributed to him that will help us have a better understanding of the iconography in Nakhtamun's tomb.

Anubis, the Greek rendering of the Egyptian name Inpw, is chiefly known for being in charge of mumification and his involvement in the scene of the last judgment which occurs in the Book of the Dead. However, study of the texts, his epithets, and depictions provides a more complex picture.¹¹ Although he is one of the most ancient Egyptian deities,¹² it is hard, if not impossible, to arrive at the truth concerning Anubis at the beginning of Egyptian history. At the most, we know that originally he was the only deity allowed to be depicted at the entrance of mastabas;¹³ he was in charge of providing for the dead, for assuring a good burial, and he was responsible for the afterlife.¹⁴

It was only at the end of the Fifth Dynasty and the beginning of the Sixth that Anubis was incorporated into the Osiris myth and lost his pre-eminence to Osiris, who replaced him in the offering formulae.¹⁵
It was also in this era that Osiris supplanted and absorbed the canine god of Abydos, Khentyamen-tiu. ¹⁶ It is understood that even the personality of Anubis, along with his theology, evolved over time. If we were briefly to summarise his fields of activity, it might be said that he is principally involved in three contexts: funerary, judicial, and pastoral.

The first field, which is the best known, is linked with the funerary realm. In this context, Anubis plays the role of practitioner and facilitator of rebirth. He assists embalmers and priests as *jmy w*, “He who is in the place of embalming” and as *lnmj sh ntr* “He who is at the head of the divine pavilion.” He watches over the mysteries of mummification and the metamorphoses of the deceased as *hrj-sst* “Master of Secrets.” This latter epithet resonates wonderfully with the Anubis on the casket from Tutankhamun’s tomb. ¹⁷ He is also guardian of tombs and necropoleis, as is indicated by his name, Anubis *nb t3 djsr* “Lord of the Necropolis,” *tpj dw-f* “He who is upon his mountain,” and some other epithets naming specific necropoleis, such as Gebelein and Asyut.¹⁸

The dog-headed entity’s second field of competence is judicial.¹⁹ When the deceased reaches the Hall of Two Truths (or Maat), Anubis acts as *sr-d3d2t*, the judge of the court. Indeed, being invested with this responsibility, he announces the arrival of the deceased and proceeds with weighing his heart. His role in Osiris’ funeral also had a judicial nature. It turns out that the oldest son was ultimately responsible for providing for the funeral. As practitioner, Anubis assumed this responsibility and acted for Horus. It is perhaps this aspect that identifies Anubis as Osiris’ son, born of adultery. He is the king’s son but, as he was illegitimate, he had no right to the throne. Horus alone, the son and rightful heir, would have this primacy.²⁰

Perhaps this clue should be linked with a philological hypothesis relating to the use of the vocable *inp* to designate young royal princes.²¹ Once the mummification was completed and Osiris had been buried, his mortal remains needed to be protected. That is why Anubis put together a group of fourteen guardians (2x7) in charge of protecting the body (chapter 17 of the Book of the Dead).²² It was then the responsibility of the heir to rehabilitate his father’s memory. So, Horus took the title of Harendotes, “Horus the protector of his father,” and pursued Seth and his disciples. It should also be

noted that Anubis was involved in scenes of the king’s rejuvenation and, thus rebirth, in which Anubis is depicted by a lunar disc.²³

The third field, which is less known, appears in the Ptolemaic era and relates to the god’s pastoral function. There is mention of this at some temples, such as at Kom Ombo, Dendera, and Edfu. In those instances, Anubis is shown in connection with cattle as the Lord of Milk Cows,²⁴ Guardian of Herds, or Chief of Butchers.²⁵ These functions, which might come as a surprise, seem to be already present in the Pyramid Texts.²⁶ Moreover, if the Jumilhac Papyrus is to be believed, this may explain the connection between the canine and Hesat, the celestial cow-goddess. She was worshipped in Atfih, on the border of the Seventeenth nome of Upper Egypt, the Cynopolitan nome in which Anubis was the Tutelary Deity.²⁷

As we can see, the god’s field of action is more complex than it appears to be at first glance. Immediately, we find ourselves faced with a recurring problem when we deal with Egyptian religion,²⁸ namely, the limitations of our modern classifications. Egyptian thought is characterised by religious polymorphism and a plethora of approaches. Certain aspects and ideas may contradict one another but are not mutually exclusive and do not cancel each other out. Each of the features added to the file must be taken into consideration and, like so many different perspectives, allows us to get that bit closer to the divine essence.²⁹

In the present case, that is to say, Nakhtamun’s tomb, it seems evident that we are in a funerary context and thus it is Anubis’ role as guardian (*lnmj sh ntr tpy dw.f*) and protector (*irj.k sqw m st hh*) that is highlighted.

Now, let us turn to the god’s iconography. With the exception of one unique example in which Anubis is portrayed as having an entirely human appearance,³⁰ he is usually depicted either in hybrid form with a man’s body and a canine head or in a completely animal appearance.³¹ The latter is also adopted by another canine god, Wepwawet. However, there is no possibility of doubt in the case of Nakhtamun’s tomb because the picture of the god is captioned with his name and classic epithets.

Many studies have focused on the nature of canine deities and, in particular, on the animal depicted.³² Based on the morphological characteristics of the gods, researchers are looking for a canid
with a sleek appearance, large pointed ears, a tapered muzzle, skinny limbs, and a bushy hanging tail. As for the colour black, it is only of symbolic value and refers to these entities' funerary function. A number of likely candidates quickly emerged and the consensus of opinion seemed to settle on *Canis aureus lupaster*, formerly known as the Egyptian Jackal. It has now been renamed the African Golden Wolf.³³ Ancient Egyptians did not appear to have been as fussy as we as to the animal species chosen to represent these deities, as the diversity of animal mummies found in a context of worship would seem to demonstrate.³⁴ Hence, we retain the generic term "canine" as a precaution.

## NAKHTAMUN'S TOMB

The location chosen to depict two antithetical Anubises, that is, above the passage leading from Chamber B to Chamber A, is consistent from a formal and religious perspective in relation to what we have just discussed. So too are the titles and epithets mentioned. Now, what about the other features depicted? Let us first take a look at the form and position in which the canine is depicted: mummiform and sitting. The vignette from chapter 17 of the Papyrus of Ani (Book of the Dead),

dedicated to seven ḅkh.w,³⁵ is illustrated by the eleven gods forming Osiris' company. Amongst these is a figure in hybrid form with a man's body and a dog's head, mummiform and sitting. He can be identified because of his name being present: *Inpw*.

Pashed's Tomb (TT 3), which we have already mentioned regarding its two canines guarding a corridor, has also preserved a different image of Anubis, sitting down accompanied by Wepwawet (FIG. 2). Several gods are portrayed sitting on the ground holding an ankh sign on their knees, on the archway of the northern section of the vault. The last two have canine heads. The first, dressed in red, is identified as,= "Anubis who is at the head of the divine pavilion, the great god" (*hnty sh ntr i*'). As for the second, dressed in white, the text presents him a, "Wepwawet of the South, at the head of the Two Lands, the great god" (*šm'w ḫrp tēwj ntr i*'). Thus, the iconography of a mummiform and sitting Anubis is substantiated by parallel instances.³⁶

The second feature we are focusing on is the knife with which the god is equipped. To our knowledge, apart from Nakhtamun's tomb, the only other depiction of a dog-headed hybrid armed with knives and identified as being Anubis (not depicted on sarcophagi or papyrus), is at the Temple of Edfu (FIG.

<figure><img src="image_3.png" /><figcaption>**Figure 2:** Pashed's Tomb (TT 3). © Alain Guilleux.</figcaption></figure>
<figure><img src="image_4.png" /><figcaption>FIGURE 3: Anubis, Temple of Edfu. © Arnaud Quertinmont.</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_5.png" /><figcaption>FIGURE 4: Demon dog, Temple of Edfu. © Arnaud Quertinmont.</figcaption></figure>

3).³⁷ The god there is named *Inpw sḥ wsir*. However, there do exist several similar representations of canine-headed entities. In that context, they are guardian-demons of doorways. They are associated with specific places and forbid access to intruders and unwelcome individuals. These include those we see in chapters 145 and 146 of the Book of the Dead.³⁸

So, still at Edfu, and below the previous one, is a similar hybrid whose head is adorned with snakes. He is identified as being *Wr-snd* (FIG. 4).³⁹ We should also mention the one in the tomb of Tausert and Sethnakht (KV 14) who guards the fifth door in chapter 145 of the Book of the Dead.⁴⁰ He is depicted in a hybrid human-canine form, standing and armed with two knives. He goes by the name of *Hnb-rkww* (FIG. 5).⁴¹ On the south wall of Sennedjem’s tomb (TT 1) is a similar image, but this time he is sitting and armed with a single knife. In this instance, he is guarding the ninth door in chapter 146 of the Book of the Dead. He sits under a structure topped with a *khekeru* frieze (FIG. 6). Although the ninth door is identified in the text, the guardian’s name is not inscribed. Fortunately, thanks to some parallel instances, we know that his name is *Ds*.⁴²

It is essentially this last illustration that provides us with the missing information about the niche under which Anubis is represented and that gives us the keys to understanding the scene in Nakhtamun’s tomb. Anubis does indeed act as a guardian of the passageway here, with this being made manifest on the *khekeru* frieze. The god is portrayed with the same appearance as the armed guardian-demons that one can see in chapters 145 and 146 of the Book of the Dead.

We also have to mention a very fine cartonnage of Padiuf preserved in the Louvre Museum (N 4828). We can observe a hybrid canine-headed human form, sitting and wielding a knife. He is identified as being *nb tḥ djsr*. It is obvious that Anubis is represented here. A similar wonderful depiction was discovered in Horemheb’s tomb (KV 57).⁴³ It is a small statue made of wood and covered with asphalt, kept at the Egyptian Museum in Cairo. The statue is around 20 cm in height, representing a dog-headed human hybrid, sitting, with his hand on his knee and holding a knife, which has now been lost. Several statuettes of a similar type were discovered in royal tombs from the Eighteenth to the Twentieth Dynasties. They probably depict the spirits/demons mentioned in the Book of the Dead.⁴⁴
In order to be as comprehensive as possible, mention should also be made of a dog-headed human hybrid armed with knives, shown amongst the Seven Demons, called the Seven Arrows, accompanying the "demon" Tutu.⁴⁵

### IS ANUBIS A DEMON?

As we mentioned earlier, Anubis can watch over a passageway or access path. Here, however, it is surprising to see him take on the sort of iconography usually reserved for guardian-demons. Even though Anubis is regularly called *ntr*,⁴⁶ should he also be considered a demon? The topic goes well beyond the scope of this article and is already looking convoluted.⁴⁷ One of the primary features of pharaonic civilisation was the performativity of pictures and writing. Representing a living being, a thing, or even an idea, was to give it life. The form and name that were given to these divine entities would thus define them and bestow life and power upon them. That is why certain harmful entities, especially those responsible for illness, existed in name only and did not have a depiction, or were represented in a deformed fashion so they could not take action.⁴⁸

The Egyptians used divine entities (gods, spirits, and demons) as an explanation for the world, its creation, and the way it worked.⁴⁹ With this in mind, it was logical to depict these entities and give them form. However, the nature of divine essence is inaccessible. This fact is consistent with what is related in one of the hymns to Amun in the Leiden Papyrus that explains that the nature of god is unknown, that his image cannot be revealed, and that he is too powerful to be known.⁵⁰

Another source (CT VI, 69c, 72d) indicates that only the deceased is able to know a god's form, and, here again, he shall not know all forms because at the end of the cycle of time, the demiurge will turn into a snake which man shall not know and that gods cannot see (chapter 175 of the Book of the Dead). Therefore, the Egyptians attempted to get around this state of affairs by developing symbols and creating a metalanguage that made it possible to approach the godly truth in a given situation at a given time. In the case of Nakhtamun's tomb, it mattered to the artist (or the person who had commissioned the work) to emphasise the fearsome, intransigent nature associated with the god Anubis' guardian function.

We believe that this particular iconography of Anubis highlights not so much the limitations of our

<figure><img src="image_6.png" /><figcaption>FIGURE 5: Demon dog, tomb of Tausert and Sethnakht (KV 14). © Nicolas Gauthier.</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_7.png" /><figcaption>FIGURE 6: Sennedjem's Tomb. © Florence Maruejol.</figcaption></figure>
modern categorisations but rather the extraordinary flexibility of the Egyptian iconographical system, especially when it comes to gods, spirits, and demons.⁵¹ Indeed, it is not without interest to try to apply the definitions put forward by Zuzanna Bennett to our case study, even though they were devised to classify the identities mentioned in the Coffin Texts.⁵²

According to these definitions, there is no question that Anubis is classified in the "god" category, and by that we mean *ntr*. It turns out that Anubis was worshipped (especially at his temple in Asyut), and, although he was not a divinity as important as Amun or Ra in terms of depictions and centres of worship, he was present in many temples and shrines, such as the Deir el-Bahari temple complex.⁵³ The concept of worship is indispensable in defining an entity as being a deity. Thus, we are led to conclude that Anubis cannot be a demon because he fulfills one of the previous categories; that he is not apparently a threat to anyone; and that he is not controlled by another divinity.

Let us have a look at the classifications, in particular those relating to demons, according to the Ancient Egyptian Demonology Project:

An entity must fulfill at least D1 of the following criteria in order to be classified as a demon:

* D1 Doesn't fit into other categories [i.e., deities, personifications, animals, demonic animals, humans, demonic ex-humans, powers]

* D2 May be in a group

* D3 May be in a list

* D4 May be guarding an area

* D5 May present a threat to the deceased

* D6 May present a threat to other afterlife residents

* D7 Under the control of a deity.⁵⁴

It becomes evident that assertions D4, "Can guard a place," and D5, "Can represent a threat to the deceased," definitely work in the case of the depiction from Nakhtamun's tomb. Anubis watches over the passage leading from Chamber B to Chamber A, and can represent a threat to anyone who wants to pass through if the latter is not in possession of the sacred formulae allowing him access to the various regions that comprise the afterlife or the tomb. It

should also be noted that three-dimensional depictions of Anubis protected the passageway leading from Chamber A to the vault itself.⁵⁵ So, every passage in the tomb is guarded by the canine deity.

In conclusion, on integrating this very specific depiction of the god Anubis, might one not make these different categories a little more flexible by establishing the hypothesis that some deities (*ntr*) can also play the role assigned to those entities we classify as demons? It would seem that this could be the case, or, at the very least, it could apply to the guardians of doorways, as we have just seen. Furthermore, what better example could we have than a psychopomp entity such as Anubis to add a modicum of crossover to these various categories? Is not the god himself at the frontier of the different realms?

Once again, we cannot help but marvel at the talent and creativity displayed by the ancient Egyptians with the intention of shaping the bodies of their entities, be they divine or demonic.

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NOTES

<footnote n="1">1. See <http://www.demonthings.com>.</footnote>

<footnote n="2">2. Bruyère 1926, 113-178.</footnote>

<footnote n="3">3. See, i.e., Spieser 2009; Winand 2016; Lucarelli 2010; Lucarelli 2011; Manassa Darnell 2013.</footnote>

<footnote n="4">4. Servajean 2013; Servajean 2017.</footnote>

<footnote n="5">5. Schmidt and Willeitner 1994, 121–122.</footnote>

<footnote n="6">6. Gundlach 1988, 59, 70.</footnote>
7 Zivie 1979.

8 DuQuesne 2005, 367–576.

9 See, i.e., DuQuesne 2005; Quertinmont 2016.

10 See, i.e., Yellin 1978; Grenier 1977.

11 DuQuesne 2005, 367–384; Wilfong 2015; Quertinmont 2016, 130.

12 Gransard-Desmond 2004; DuQuesne 2005, 1–36.

13 Schäfer 1902, 15–17 ; Quertinmont 2004, 23–25.

14 Federn 1958; Barta 1968, 47, 289; Quertinmont 2004, 15–16.

15 Kees 1977, 161–163 ; Griffiths 1980; Quertinmont 2004, 16.

16 DuQuesne 2005, 384–388; Griffiths 1980, col. 626.

17 Wiese and Brodbeck 2004, 89.

18 Leitz 2002, 395–398.

19 Willems 1998.

20 For the association of Anubis and Horus, see Quertinmont 2016, 326–327.

21 See, i.e., Blumenthal 1970, 36 ; Meeks 1976.

22 Barguet 1999, 60.

23 Ritner 1985.

24 A title he had when he poured libations of milk onto the Meroitic offering tables, accompanied by Isis.Cf. Yellin 1982 ; Quertinmont 2012, 176–179.

25 Durisch Gauthier 2002, 13.

26 PT §2080e.

27 Vandier 1962, 55.

28 Insofar as the term religion can be used to categorise a non-Western system of thought; cf. Decharneux 2012, 98.

29 Quertinmont 2012, 125–133.

30 Leitz 2002, 391.

31 For other depictions, cf. Leitz 2002, 391.

32 See, i.e., DuQuesne 2005, 1–5; Pouls Wegner 2007, 141–143 ; Wilfong 2015.

33 Rueness et al. 2011.

34 Gaillard 1927 ; Nicholson et al. 2015, 645–661.

35 British Museum, London, inv. EA EA10470.

36 Leitz 2002, 391.

37 Cauville and Chassinat 1929, 240G ; de Rochemonteix 1897, 179

38 Lucarelli 2010b; Johnson 2016; Lucarelli 2017; Lucarelli 2018.

39 Leitz 2002, vol. II, 459–460

40 Barguet 1999, 193.

41 Corridor C, PM I/II, 529;Champollion 1835, 451; Leitz 2002, vol. 5, 219.

42 Barguet 1999, 201.

43 Wiese and Brodbeck 2004) 107.

44 Arnaud Quertinmont and Nicolas Gauthier, “Un Livre des Morts—Objets” (in progress).

45 Brooklyn Museum, inv. 59.98.

46 Leitz 2002, vol. 1, p. 391 sq.

47 See, i.e., Kousoulis 2011; Frankfurter 2012, 1–8; Lucarelli 2010a.

48 See, i.e., Sāmānu/Akhu: Fischer-Elfert 2011.

49 Dunand and Zivie-Coche 2006, 26.

50 Zandee 1948.

51 See, i.e., Winand 2016; Lucarelli 2016, 55–60.

52 Bennett 2014b; Bennett 2017.

53 Witkowski 1989, 431–440.

54 Bennett 2014a.

55 Bruyère 1926, 178; Arnaud Quertinmont, *Guardians of the Tomb: The Anubises on Bases in the Valley of the Kings and in Deir el Medina* (in progress).