# Technology and Sociomaterial Performation

Adrian Yeow, Samer Faraj

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Adrian Yeow, Samer Faraj. Technology and Sociomaterial Performation. 5th Working Conference on Information Systems and Organizations (ISO), Dec 2014, Auckland, New Zealand. pp.48-65, 10.1007/978-3-662-45708-5_4 . hal-01331815

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Technology and Sociomaterial Perforation

Adrian Yeow¹ and Samer Faraj²

¹SIM University, Singapore
adrianyeowyk@unisim.edu.sg

²Desautels Faculty of Management, McGill University, Montreal, Quebec, Canada
samer.faraj@mcgill.ca

**Abstract.** Organizational researchers have acknowledged that understanding the relationship between technology and organization is crucial to understanding modern organizing and organizational change [1]. There has been a significant amount of debate concerning the theoretical foundation of this relationship. Our research draws and extends Deleuze and DeLanda's work on assemblages and Callon's concept of performance to investigate how different sociomaterial practices are changed and stabilized after the implementation of new technology. Our findings from an in-depth study of two ambulatory clinics within a hospital system indicate that "perform-ing" of constituting, counter-performing, calibrating, and stratifying explained the process of sociomaterial change and that this process is governed by an overarching principle of "performative exigency". Future studies on sociomateriality and change may benefit from a deeper understanding of how sociomaterial assemblages are rendered performative.

**Keywords:** sociomateriality · assemblage · performance · healthcare IT

# 1 Introduction

New ways of organizing are constantly emerging from different combinations of technology and organizational features and lead to renewed attention to the role of technology as a critical thread to the changing fabric of organizations. Thus, there is considerable interest among organizational researchers to understand and theorize the relationship between the social and the material whenever technology meets organizing [1-3]. Under the rubric of "Sociomateriality", an emerging research project within the fields of information systems and organizational studies has put forth a relational perspective between organizations and technology or the social and the material that challenges the privileged role of the human actor [3, 4].

One of the main contributions of sociomateriality is that it helps researchers recognize the importance of the mutual relationship between the social and the material. In fact, all contemporary organizational practices can be seen as constituted by an array of sociomaterial agencies [4]. It has also introduces a new vocabulary (e.g., affordance, entanglement, imbrication scaffold) as a way to express and discuss these mutuality relationships [5, 6]. However, this invitation to embrace a relational ontology is difficult to embrace given the traditional social science emphasis on objects rather than
relations, on describing object qualities rather than its evolution [2]. More importantly, this theoretical relationship of organization and technology has significant implications for our understanding of organizational change following the implementation of new technology.

Our research study contributes to this emerging stream of work by developing a per-
formation lens based on Deleuze, DeLanda [7] as well as Callon [8] and his associates
[9] work. We applied this lens in an empirical case to deepen our understanding of the
perfomation process and to answer our research question: How are sociomaterial prac-
tices changed and stabilized after the implementation of new technologies? Our find-
ings suggest that the change process of sociomaterial practices is characterized by four
"perform-ing" of constituting, counter-performing, calibrating, and stratifying, and is
governed by an overarching governing principle of "performative exigency". After de-
veloping our grounded findings, we join them with our new lens to propose a rich set
of vocabulary to understand the evolving practices and provide new theoretical oppor-
tunity to deepen understanding of how sociomaterial assemblages are made performa-
tive as well as organizational consequences of the evolved assemblages.

2 Understanding Sociomaterial Change from a Performation Lens

The performation lens draws from work by Deleuze and Guattari [10], DeLanda [7] and Callon [8] and his associates [9]. We specifically consider two key concepts that underlie this lens – the concepts of assemblage and performation – and how they compare and contrast with existing work on sociomateriality.

Like existing views on sociomateriality [4, 11], this lens adopts a relational ontology and argues agency is produced by specific sociomaterial configuration or “assemblage”. According to Deleuze and DeLanda, an “Assemblage” is an arrangement and combination of heterogeneous components, including discursive (e.g. techniques, logics, ways of working), social (e.g. relationships, structures) and material artifacts interrelated to one another in such a way that brings about evolving patterns of actions. This view has been incorporated in part within the writings of Michel Callon, Karen Barad, Lucy Suchman, Andrew Pickering and Wanda Orlikowski.

However, there are several important nuances of Deleuze and DeLanda's [7] notion of assemblage that have important implications for existing sociomateriality lenses. First, Deleuze and DeLanda proposed that the components that constitute assemblage have inherent properties apart from the assemblage. In that sense Deleuze and DeLanda proposed that assemblages are not ontologically one and its components are independent of the assemblage as per Barad's agential realism view. At the same time, Deleuze and DeLanda point out that each component has different relational capacities. The components' capacities, whilst based on its properties, depend in part on what other components and how they are related to each other. Using the notion of relational capacities, they argue that social realities exist not at the level of the component as proposed by others [12-14] but at the assemblage level, where individual components are interrelated to form the assemblage. At the level of the assemblage, the overall capacity
of the assemblage is irreducible to its individual components and its properties; instead
the assemblage's capacity is hard to determine a priori given that it depends on how
each component's relational capacity is activated with other components and whether
what other components are present. In other words, while the assemblage depends on
its constituent components the properties of the components do not determine the whole
assemblage, as it is partly dependent on how they are related together that activates
different relational capacities. Thus as an example, a microcomputer has many proper-
ties by itself – it helps records, process, stores, etc. However, when put in a specific
assemblage composed of different other components, different relational capacities
(based on its inherent properties) may be exercised and activated, which in turn may
lead the assemblage to perform differently. Thus a standalone computer related or in-
stalled with word processing program versus the same computer connected to a printer
would lead to two different assemblages performing different practices – the former
simply word processing while the latter the ability to process and print documents.
Callon [8] referred to this principle in this way – assemblages are endowed with differ-
ent capacities of acting depending on how heterogeneous components are adjusted and
configured to one another.

In this way, Deleuze and DeLanda's assemblage synthesizes some different views
held within existing sociomateriality research in that the relational ontology is im-
portant; it is important to consider the sociomaterial assemblage and its capacities and
agency in specific time and place; yet at the same time, it is possible to understand
assemblage by considering the assemblage's individual components and their attending
relationships, but to consider that holistically and from a relational viewpoint as the
assemblage's capacities are dependent on its relationships with other components
within the assemblage.

Second, Deleuze and DeLanda's heterogeneous components are not limited to hu-
man actions or social structures and material artifacts. They were explicit in including
other components that were typically not considered in sociomaterial studies – compo-
nents that include symbols, expressions, rhetoric, discourse, logics, and ideas. This is
important given that the motivations and reasons why actors and artifacts behave in
certain ways and have specific properties are often found in these expressive compo-
nents. This is especially highlighted in Callon [8] and associates' [9] work on economic
sociology, which used Deleuze and DeLanda's assemblage to explicate how perfor-
mances of economic realities are linked to economic theories via a host of actions and
artifacts. Thus, Deleuze and DeLanda's assemblage complements the notion of af-
fordance in sociomateriality by pointing to these discursive components as sources of
perceptions of affordances and constraints.

Finally, Deleuze and DeLanda see the relations among the components within the
assemblage as contingent and tenuous and that parts of the assemblage could easily be
extracted from one assemblage to another creating different interactions, relationships
and assemblages. This dynamism in their formulation of assemblages therefore aligns
with the process of becoming that some sociomaterial research has focused on [15, 16].
Because assemblages are dynamic, it behooves us to understand the process by which
assemblages emerge, change, and become stable. Yet at the same time, this formulation
of assemblages does not just focus on the patterns and configuration of components,
but rather, it is more concerned with how the new assemblage is rendered performative
and its implications for organizing. This particular focus leads us to the second main
concept – performation.

The notion of performation refers to the assembling process through which existing
or new sociomaterial assemblages are rearranged and reconfigured so as to render it
performative in the presence of preexisting social and material contexts [17, 18]. While
Deleuze and DeLanda have broadly theorized on this processes (process of stabilizing
and destabilizing assemblages), we turned to Callon [8], MacKenzie, and their associ-
ates’ [9] empirical work within the field of economic sociology to develop the notion
of performation.

Callon argued that while it is important to study the performativity of economic as-
semblages, it is more important to understand how these assemblages are rendered per-
formative (made to perform) or the process “performation” (coined by Callon). This
view is in line with research in science and technology studies that have looked at the
work required to configure and make experiments work [e.g., 16]. Some of those stud-
ies have characterized the process as “mangling” — through which hybrid practices
emerged with performances fixed neither wholly in the material or social entities [16].
Others point to the emergent configurations of expertise, skills, work procedures, prac-
tices and tools that serve to support the organization’s performance [19]. This type of
work as described in this stream of work tends to be “invisible” in that they are work
that make and keep technologies and assemblages working [18, 20].

In general, Callon and associates' research agree with them in that performation is
an emergent and dialectical process that typically takes place in the background. They
tend to highlight the collective actions of not just actors but also material and discursive
components in creating, changing, and stabilizing assemblages. In other words, perfor-
mation is practical, performative as well as discursive [18, 21]. It attempts to describe
the dynamic actions, fluid gatherings, and emergent interactions by which assemblages
are incrementally linked and reconfigured so as to render them performative.

The performation process may go beyond a single sociomaterial assemblage to in-
clude other performances – that is, work that joins different assemblages’ performances
together seamlessly [18, 22, 23]. Thus another key point when considering the process
of performation is the fact that sociomaterial assemblage is never performed in abstract
or introduced tabula rasa in organizations. Instead, in a performation process, we have
to explicitly recognize that sociomaterial assemblages perform with or as part of an-
other set of sociomaterial assemblages in the same site of production [18]. The different
preexisting assemblages serve as a “solid and obdurate” backdrop to new or changed
assemblages as they may provide opportunities or limit and constrain the process by
which new or changed assemblages evolve [18].

Finally, the performation process also leads us to evaluate and judge the outcomes
of these actions from a performative exigency [8]. In other words, one would evaluate
the “success” of the performation process given how well the new or changed assem-
blage performs, i.e., “performative exigency”. The performative exigency provides the
basis for the assemblage to either continue with the performation process such that ad-
ditional work is required to be done (i.e., it is not performing well or as intended) or to
begin stabilizing the changed assemblage. Thus the performation lens not only looks at
the assemblage and how it changes, e.g., through the introduction and use of a new
technology; it also considers the performative aspect or how the changed or new as-
semblage is performing.

Put together, the performation lens provides us with two important concepts to help better understand sociomateriality and change. The concept of assemblage – as an ontological-epistemological construct – helps to resolve some of the current tensions in sociomaterial research. While it focuses on organizational and social realities as assemblages, it does help us see that they are constituted by interrelated heterogeneous components. It also considers such assemblages as dynamic entities that could be changed as these components and relationships are reconfigured or even moved to other assemblages. Here the concept of performation helps to conceptualize this becoming process as one characterized by invisible work – work that involves pragmatic, collective actions enacted by the material, social and discursive components. Unlike current socio-materiality’s focus on the patterns of interactions [15, 24], the performation lens considers the assemblage as well as its interior relations. Further the performation lens explicitly considers how the assemblage interacts within the context of other existing assemblages found within the site of productions. Finally, the performation process is in turn shaped by the performative exigency; in other words, the relative success of the assemblage performances determines the point at which the emergent assemblage begins to stabilize.

While the performation lens has provided us with a vocabulary to describe these issues, more work needs to be done to ground these concepts and deepen our understanding of the perfomation process by which new sociomaterial assemblage are made to work. Specifically, we still are unsure of the different “perform-ing” work that are required, the conditions leading to the “perform-ing” work, as well as the organizational implications of such sociomaterial changes. Our in-depth study of an EMR implemen-tation across two different clinics attempts to provide insights into this process, specif-ically focusing on understanding the “perform-ing” and the conditions in which they are undertaken and how that consequently shape the final outcomes. We discuss the setting and our methods next.

3 Methods and Setting

**3.1 Research Approach**

We conducted an in-depth, longitudinal case study analysis of an EMR system imple-
mentation project [25]. We provide a brief overview of the setting and EMR project
before describing the research methods in the following section.

**3.2 Research Setting and Background**

The two clinics belong to Centralsys, a pseudonym for a public state-wide hospital sys-
tem on the East Coast of the United States. Centralsys owns and manages seven hospi-
tals and health systems that together account for 1,800 beds. The EMR implementation
process for Metro and Suburb took 14 months to complete. It involved over 65 full-
time EMR project team members. All in all, the EMR system go-live was successfully
launched with no major technical glitches.

3.3 Data Collection

The study took place between July 2007 and March 2009. During this 18 month-period, we spent a total 12 months of on-site observations, interviews and archival data collection at the two clinics and project management sites. Our involvement with the project covered three phases: the first phase lasted three months and included the EMR process design and implementation planning activities (July to September 2007), the second phase lasted eight months and was focused on implementation and initial use of the EMR system in both clinics (October 2007 to May 2008), and the third phase lasted two months and was focused on understanding how work practices had evolved after the clinics had used the EMR system for more than one year (February to March 2009).

We relied mainly on field observations of work practices in each clinic as well as
observations of project meetings where designs of new practices were discussed. We
also conducted in-depth interviews with the clinic staff and Centralsys project team to
understand how the EMR practices are performing and to reflect on evolution of prob-
lems and their consequences in the EMR practices. In total, we were in the field for 91
days: 14 days at the EMR project management site, 47 days at Metro and 30 days at
Suburb. We wrote up around 381 pages of field notes and conducted 95 formal inter-
views with EMR project team members, Centralsys management, and all the staff in
the two clinics. We also collected nearly 2,000 archival documents including e.g., sys-
tem requirements, standard operating procedures for the different clinic practices be-
fore and after the EMR.

3.4 Data Analysis

Our data analysis was focused on individual practice within each clinic. Practice is de-
fined as actual patterns of activities and social interactions among organizational actors
as they go about accomplishing specific organizational goals [26]. Using our observa-
tions of work as well as discussion during project meetings, we decided to focus on one
practice (due to space constraints) – lab reporting – for our in-depth analysis. We chose
this practice for three reasons. First, this practice was critical in its respective domain
of work. Lab reporting form the bulk of follow-up patient care [27]. Secondly, it was
significantly influenced by the new EMR system and therefore provided important data
regarding its effects. Finally, based on our interviews with the clinic management and
project staff, this practice had significant operational issues prior to the EMR imple-
mentations.

For our in-depth analysis, we first carefully compared the observed practices across
clinics and then within clinics across time. This helped us determine how they were
similar or different before the EMR implementation and how they had changed after
the EMR implementation. Next, we compared the practice with those that were planned
and documented in the EMR manuals and user requirements. This helped to surface
how the post-EMR practice compared with the planned practice.
We used an inductive approach [28] to analyze how and why those differences in practices were observed. We coded the interviews, minutes, and observations that referred to implementations issues or problems related to the three practices that had surfaced during the implementation phase (the basis for “counter-performing”). Using these data, we constructed a composite narrative of the issues within the practice. With the issue narratives as conceptual anchors, we proceeded to first trace backward in time to understand the sources of these issues (the basis for “constituting”) and later forward in time to understand the collective actions to solve and consolidate the new emergent practices (the basis for calibrating and stratifying). By iterating and comparing the practice’s narratives with extant literature, we were able to identify the different categories of perform-ing and how they were related over time.

# 4 Findings

Our findings are presented in two sections. The first section provides detail of the existing issues surrounding the lab resulting practice at Metro and Suburb and how the implementation of a new EMR system led to different emergent new practice. The second section traces the sociomaterial change process from the performative assemblage perspective to explicate how and why this different emergent practice emerged.

## 4.1 Emergence of Different Metro and Suburb Practices with EMR

First, we briefly describe the site of production and the lab resulting practice. Metro clinic (“Metro”) is a family practice clinic with six physicians, five medical assistants, nine support staff (front-desk, phone operators, referral coordinator and medical records) and one clinical manager serving 23,000 patient visits per year. Suburb clinic (“Suburb”) provides family care services similar to Metro and has three full-time physicians, three medical assistants, four support staff, and one clinical manager, handling 8,600 patient visits per year.

Lab resulting practice incorporates all aspects of communication among physicians, support staff, laboratory and patient regarding the results of a patient’s laboratory tests. A physician may order a lab test as a part of general assessment, to confirm a diagnosis, or to monitor drug therapy. The results of these tests must be appropriately communicated and followed up in order to ensure safe and effective care. As Metro had an on-site lab facility operated by an external lab provider, Metro’s patients are sent directly to that lab for their lab works. Metro physicians therefore receive their lab results directly from the on-site lab office. In contrast, Suburb does not have an on-site lab. When a Suburb physician orders a lab test, the patient are given the lab test orders and find an external lab to conduct the tests. Patients usually choose one of the two larger laboratory test providers. The external lab will fax or mail the results to Suburb’s physicians once the tests are conducted.

Overall, the goal of the physicians’ lab resulting practice is to ensure that lab results are properly diagnosed by ordering physicians and communicated to patients in a timely and appropriate manner given the outcomes of the tests. But these practices were highly
personal as they depended on each physician's preferred follow-up routine (Minutes from Physicians Advisory Group meetings). While some physicians attended to medically urgent lab results directly with the patient and delegated non-urgent cases to the medical assistants, other physicians would deal with all lab results personally. It also differed at the clinic level. At Metro clinic, they had implemented a policy that all covering physicians were notified of lab results even if they had not ordered them, while at Suburb clinic this was not so. Due to the large patient load, Metro physicians do not always follow up on reminders to advise patients of normal lab results, so they decided to inform all patients to call the clinic for results. At Suburb, the call back process is determined by the physician on a case-by-case basis. In some cases the medical assistant may be responsible for following up with the patient, while in other cases the patient may initiate the call.

The new EMR lab resulting practice performed well in Metro given that the link between its EMR and onsite lab provider's lab resulting system was properly interfaced. Suburb, however faced more problems with the new practice, as the lab providers were not onsite and the technical interfaces were not properly connected. Differing practices of Suburb's lab providers also contributed to ongoing contradictions of missing or lab results that are linked to existing lab orders in the system.

## 4.2 Process of Sociomaterial Change – Performativity Exigency on New Assemblage

In our analysis, we traced the sociomaterial change process and explicated four interrelated “perform-ing” surrounding the new assemblages: constituting, counter-performing, calibrating, and stratifying.

The first perform-ing was “constituting assemblage” – how the EMR artifact was constituted with components of the existing assemblages for the practice. Essentially, it focuses on the perform-ing of external actors i.e., the Centralsys and clinics’ management, as they attempted to add a new technological component (in this case the EMR) in existing assemblages. In this “perform-ing”, external actors had to consider how the new technological component is made a part of the whole, so as to combine it with other relevant components and to express that in a coherent way. In other words, to “constitute” the new component as part of the assemblage implies changes in the relations, components and boundaries of the assemblage, thereby creating new assemblages in the sites of production.

The expressive associated with the EMR lab resulting assemblage was one of “standardization” i.e., Lab resulting practice was redesigned so that the EMR integrated the clinics lab processes with the lab providers’ systems. In the new EMR assemblage, work would be standardized so that all physicians would associate all lab orders with diagnosis and automatically send it electronically to the respective lab provider via the EMR system. All lab results would be electronically routed from the lab system back to the EMR inbasket following standardized routing rules set by Centralsys management. According to these rules, all normal lab results would be routed only to the ordering physician while abnormal results would be routed to all physicians in the clinic.
This would allow for prompt follow up of abnormal results even if the ordering physi-
cian was off duty. In turn, the physician may choose to directly contact the patient con-
cerning the results or may send this off to their medical assistants for other follow-up
actions. This assemblage would be used in both clinics regardless whether they had an
on-site lab or not.

This second “perform-ing” was “counter performing”, which refers to how compo-
nents and relations of the constituted assemblages breakdown leading to “counter-per-
formances”. Some counter-performances centered on contradictions *within* the assem-
blage, e.g., problematic relations or components. For lab resulting practice, the in-
creased interactions between medical assistants and physicians for lab resulting created
confusion among the Metro’s physicians and medical assistants. Due to the rotation of
medical assistants at Metro clinic, a mechanism had to be developed to ensure that lab
results were followed up consistently. A “message pool” in the EMR system allowed
inbasket requests to be sorted by physician’s name. However, given the high volume
of lab reports in the inbasket messages, the message pool soon proved to be highly
unmanageable. Problems such as overlooking, or multiple medical assistants working
on a single follow-up, frequently occurred.

Others counter performances centered on contradictions *between* assemblages. Some were contradictions between two new assemblages while others involved the new and existing assemblages. The lab resulting situation in Suburb was illustrative of con- tradictions between the new assemblage and existing assemblages. On the one hand, there were ongoing technical problems in the integration of the EMR system and the external lab systems. Unlike Metro who was interfaced with one system, i.e., the on- site lab provider system, Suburb had to be interfaced with two lab systems as their patients could choose from either lab provider. The Centralsys project team had stabi- lized the interface with the first lab provider system but had not anticipated the compli- cations arising from integrating with the second lab provider. Part of the complications was that a lab order with two or more tests would have each test result sent back to the physician as separate reports in their in-basket. As one of the Suburb physician ex- plained, the different lab test reports coming back separately (and on different timings) confused the ordering physician since they have to make diagnosis not only one test result but a set of test results.

On the other hand, how Suburb's patients interacted with the lab providers also cre-
ated problems. Specifically, patients who go to an external lab provider (as in Suburb's
case) are issued with a paper lab order slip while the electronic order is directly sent to
the lab provider's system. When patients present themselves at the lab, sometimes the
lab provider's staff unknowingly entered in a new lab order during registration. The lab
technician who actually carries out the order would encounter two lab orders – one that
was electronically transferred and one that was created during registration. This re-
sulted in cases where the Suburb physician would receive two results or no results de-
pending on whether the lab technician checked off on both the lab orders or checked
off on the “wrong” lab order. In other cases, lab orders had time-related restrictions –
some were activated only after a certain time frame (e.g., patients need to have the lab
done one month after the visit) or in certain cases, the patient forgot to have the lab
done within two months and the lab provider system automatically removed that order
from its system. In these cases, patients may end up having the lab done – but as an
unsolicited order. The results for unsolicited cases do not come back to the ordering
physician as an electronic in-basket message but as a paper lab result. Thus it resulted
in contradictions and counter-performances between the new EMR lab resulting assem-
blage and the existing lab order assemblages.

Calibrating perform-ing refers to how collective actions were enacted by different
actors to repair and/or consolidate the new relations among different components within
assemblages in reaction to counter-performances encountered. One series of calibrating
“perform-ing” involved rearranging problematic relations or components within the as-
semblage in order to reduce or remove the counter-performances. Some of these cali-
brating “perform-ing” eventually led to changing these problematic parts. For the lab
resulting case in Metro, as discussed above, one of the initial design in view of the
rotating medical assistant-physician policy was to utilize the message pool function in
the EMR system. The counter-performances revealed that this new arrangement of a
message pool did not work with the rotation policy. Centralsys ambulatory care opera-
tional leadership and Metro’s management realized, however, that Suburb did not have
such issues as they used a fixed physician-medical assistant arrangement. The calibra-
tion was to change the existing relationships among the medical assistants and physi-
cians and Metro’s own policies. This new arrangement assisted to reduce the confusion
as medical assistants knew which in-basket instructions and messages to follow-up and
also built up better coordination and communication between physicians and their med-
ical assistants.

The other series of calibrating “perform-ing” was creating and re-establishing of new
boundaries of the assemblages by adding or changing components and relationships
across assemblages. This was mainly targeted at counter-performing contradictions be-
tween assemblages. We observed this mainly in Suburb’s case. The first set of calibrat-
ing in Suburb was to re-establish the boundary of the lab resulting assemblage with the
external lab provider systems that had been counter-performing due to technical inter-
face problems. The Centralsys’ project team spent nearly a year working closely with
the lab providers’ technical team to troubleshoot where the interfaces had problems in
order to solve the multiple reporting interface issue.

This was however only part of the problem as discussed above. The next series of
calibrating, which was done in parallel with the technical calibrating, involved clarify-
ing and changing relations in work processes across the two assemblages. Specifically,
the Centralsys team worked closely with the lab providers to clarify their work pro-
cesses to deal with the issues of repeat and unsolicited lab results. However, Suburb
continued to face problems when patients did not cooperate e.g., forgot their lab ap-
pointments and went after the lab order period etc. In such cases, Suburb physicians
continued to rely on paper-based reports as part of the lab resulting practice.

Stratifying “perform-ing” refers to actions of human actors within the assemblages
as well as actions enacted through the assemblages that occurred after the new assem-
blages are rendered performative again. However these new performances by the as-
semblage are not completely “optimal” or designed – there remained some minor issues
here and there. Actors within the assemblages thus attempted to “smoothen” these is-
sues through discourses that involved expressive components (e.g., efficiency concepts,
patient-centricity) to codify and consolidate the new assemblages and their performances. At the same time, EMR assemblages performed a new form of accountability – a different form of “structure” – that the actors find themselves drawing upon as part of their practices. Together through intentional discursive actions that enrolled expressive components and emergent ‘accounting’ of the new assemblage on daily practices, the new EMR assemblages became stabilized.

Part of stratifying was to codify the assemblage by foregrounding the performances as one of the accepted practices via linking it to organizational expressive concepts like “efficiency” and “improvements” while shifting the new technological component to the background. For example the Director of Centralsys Ambulatory Care Operations pointed out that the new assemblage was working “more seamless” as earlier problems were no longer issues.

Similarly, physicians and other clinic staff made reference linking the new assemblages with patient-centric care and efficient workflows. For e.g., Metro's Dr. S tried explained in detail how the EMR-based lab resulting assemblage made his lab resulting performance “more efficient” by making information readily available.

Another part of stratifying was to discursively smooth over the minor issues that continued in the new assemblages' performance. For e.g., management and users admitted that some issues were distracting but expressed a need to compromise for the sake of how other parts of the assemblages were working. For example, in Suburb's lab resulting case, the practice manager agreed that things have improved albeit with specific issues for e.g., lab results not returning together or when new physicians joined the practice later.

> Things have gotten a little easier with the lab system as people are more familiar. [We had some] challenges with the two new providers, [they] threw us a [into a] loop. But now we have fallen into a routine with the systems. (Suburb Clinic Manager)

On the other hand, we noted that the ongoing performances of the new EMR assemblages as daily practices had introduced a new performance – a new form of accountability among those involved in the assemblages [29]. Part of the emergent accountability involved individual actors defining their identities and roles vis-à-vis other actors linked within the assemblage. The definition of identities and roles via the system so as to perform new accountability was especially salient in the case of medical assistants and physicians. In particular, the management claimed that the new lab resulting assemblage had aligned the medical assistants' actual work with the “ideal” medical assistant role and identity. Based on our data, we noted several key changes the EMR artifact brought to the new assemblages, which catalyzed the new accountability among different actors' and their roles. On the one hand, the new EMR system conferred new visibilities to the actions of individual actors and made it possible for other actors to compare their actions with other actors. On the other hand, the new EMR system enabled the focal actor and others to assess and evaluate their performances and react accordingly.

With regards to the latter point, we noted that nearly after a year into the system some of the medical assistants did get over the initial perception that EMR was “more
work” to see the entire EMR as an important part of how they get their work done with the physicians. This brings us to the next aspect of stratifying, where actors now consciously or unconsciously drew upon the ongoing practices to perform new accountability. Thus, medical assistants and physicians have increased mutual accountability as a result of performing the new lab resulting assemblage. The assemblage’s performance through the EMR system helped to better allocate responsibilities between the physicians and medical assistants.

The new accountability was drawn upon by the Centralsys’ and clinics’ management to measure, compare, and intervene with the assemblages’ performance, in a very specific manner. For example, the clinic directors can get reports enumerating, summarizing and comparing the turnaround of lab resulting performances or scheduling output. Thus the different assemblages’ performances are made accountable to management supervision and scrutiny. These reports through the EMR system enabled the management to drill-down to how each actor in the assemblage is contributing to the overall performance – e.g., particular physician or medical assistant’s number of uncompleted inbasket messages and orders.

# 5 Discussion

Recently scholars under the rubric of sociomateriality have suggested that we need to take a relational perspective between social and material to understand organizations and change. Drawing upon Deluzian and DeLanda’s [7] ontology, we sought to develop a potentially new lens and theoretical vocabulary – the performance lens – to understand how these sociomaterial assemblages perform within and across organizations. In particular, we used this performance lens to explore the dynamics of change when existing sociomaterial assemblages are faced with a new technology.

Principally, the performance lens contributes by making salient the role of collective actions by heterogeneous components – or “perform-ing” – in rendering the changed assemblages performative. From our findings, we identified four interrelated “perform-ing”: constituting, counter-performing, calibrating, and stratifying. First, constituting explained how new assemblages emerged and are implemented i.e., actors draw on the expressive components such as new organizational goals and link them to the new IT artifact, which is then made part of the reconfigured assemblage. However, when these constituted EMR assemblages are implemented, counter-performing occurs as new relationships and new components breakdown within the new assemblages and between assemblages. Next, counter-performing becomes the targets for calibrating performing, which involved rearranging problematic relations and/or components or adding relations and/or components across assemblages. Finally, as calibrating perform-ing renders the assemblages performative again, stratifying perform-ing emerged. Stratifying included discursive actions by human components that codified and consolidated the new assemblages as well as emergent performances of accountability that drew upon these assemblages.
Below, we elaborate on the contributions and significance of the performance lens in three different areas. First, we discuss how the performance process with its attending perform-ing helps us grasp more precisely the way assemblages are changed and rendered performative. These perform-ings builds on current sociomaterial research that has looked at how social and material are entangled together by expanding the scope and span of what and who are involved in this “invisible” work [18, 20]. Second, our analysis of counter-performing and calibrating revealed the process is not random but governed by an overarching pragmatism. We term this governing principle as “performative exigency” as the basis for determining the “success” of changed assemblages [8]. Third, we examine the organizational consequences of the evolved assemblages. Our findings show that beyond the obvious changes to each assemblage/practice across the two clinics, we noted that the new assemblages were associated with different performances of accountability [29, 30].

## 5.1 Performance and Perform-ing

Research on how social and material or human and artifacts become interwoven and entangled have often characterized it as a dialectical process involving tensions between single human actor (e.g., researcher or programmer) and a particular material artifact (e.g., laboratory apparatus or software program) [16, 31]. The process is driven by the resistance and accommodation experienced by the actors as they worked with the artifacts. Some of the recent studies have expanded this beyond human actions to include material agencies and how the two agencies become “imbricated” over time [15].

Our findings concerning the different perform-ing within the performance process extend this stream of research in several ways. First, unlike the current research that focuses on single user-artifact interactions, the perform-ing show that assemblages typically involved multiple groups of actors interacting with each other, sometimes directly and sometimes mediated by multiple material artifacts. Furthermore, the different actors are distributed across time and space. As shown in Callon and associates [8] study on the performativity of economics as well as in some recent work within the IS domain [31], this distributed multiplicity of actors means that it is not sufficient to consider individual user-artifact resistance and accommodation to understand how assemblages change and are stabilized. In fact, our study shows that perform-ing often involved resources and capabilities beyond that of individual components. Instead, our performance process shows the change process entails collective actions by different groups [8, 32]. These collective actions involved human actors with different capacities e.g., local users, project team members as well as hospital management working either in parallel or together to understand where the issues were and then putting in place strategic interventions. Further, some of these collective actions involved actors not directly using the system e.g., clinic management and project team. These actors enrolled material and discursive components as part of their managing, planning, and framing strategic interventions and material changes (e.g., policy change and interface development work) that were critical to rendering the assemblage performative. Thus unlike earlier studies of sociomaterial change, the performance lens enables us to take
a wider analytical view beyond the immediate material and social interactions, so as to
take into account the different types of collective work enacted by multiple groups of
heterogeneous components.

Second, the perform-ing in the performance process provided a more nuanced ap-
preciation for using a relational perspective to understand sociomaterial change. As
shown in our findings as well as in recent sociomaterial work [5, 31], while each com-
ponent may have their intrinsic properties, how “flexible” they are is not based on
those intrinsic properties alone but on how they are related with other components as
well as on whether certain components are present or absent. For example, medical
assistants are trained to use computer systems as part of their work and the EMR system
supporting lab resulting was a piece of stable software. Yet when these two components
were placed in the new lab resulting assemblage, the additional components such ex-
ternal lab systems changed the dynamics of the assemblage so that the medical assis-
tant-EMR system link became problematic. In other words, the performance process is
more than just failure of systems or user resistance. It is about understanding the emer-
gent, situated dynamics among the multiple relations within and across assemblages.

Third, the performance process also bring to fore the role of other existing assem-
blages. Our performance and perform-ing argue that existing infrastructures plays a
more active role than just acting as a “context” for current actions [33, 34]. Instead, we
show that existing infrastructures are relational [35] and performative. In our constitu-
tive and counter-performing perform-ing, we show that new assemblages are always
linked to one or more assemblages [33, 34]. Furthermore, Callon and associates [8]
mooted the idea that sometimes, in order for a focal assemblage to perform it has to
ensure that other assemblages surrounding it co-performs. In other words, existing in-
frastructure or assemblages also shape how an assemblage is changed in terms of how
it assists with or co-perform with the focal assemblage. This was well illustrated in our
Suburb's lab resulting case where Suburb's new EMR lab resulting assemblage faced
significant problems because their interfaces with the external lab system (an assem-
blage) were not performing correctly. The lab resulting assemblage also faced issues
with how external lab providers' performed their lab tests and lab result data entry as
the way they entered the data had important implications for how Suburb's physicians
received the lab results. Thus, performance issues of sociomaterial assemblages may
be due to how they are related with components from existing assemblages rather than
issues emanating from the focal assemblage's own failings. Our performance view ar-
gues that we need to move one step beyond just taking into account existing structures
and systems as those discussed in extant literature, but that we should include them into
our analysis as active co-performing assemblages.

Finally, our performance process also speaks to a gap currently in most of socio-
material research, i.e., how does changed sociomaterial assemblages become stable?
Current studies of imbrication seem to imply an ongoing linear process of change with-
out clearly explaining how and when imbrications end [12]. Other studies from Barad's
[11] agential realism perspective tend to begin their analysis of a changed sociomaterial
assemblage and focus on its consequences [5]. Our findings provide some insights into
the perform-ing – Stratifying – that helped stabilize those changed assemblages. As
discussed in our findings, stratifying involved actors enrolling discursive components
to codify the assemblages as performative and actors consciously or unconsciously
drawing upon the performed assemblages in enacting new accountability. Through the
discourse and performances of new organizing structures, we found that the new as-
semblage in the two clinics became reified and taken-for-granted. The discursive aspect
of stratifying attempts to make consolidate the new assemblages by linking it with a
certain organizational logic or concepts (efficiency, patient-centric) while smoothing
out “lumps” in the new assemblages [7]. In sense, the changed assemblage’s ongoing
ability to perform is highlighted by these discursive components thus suggesting a de-
gree of rigidity of the new assemblages. This insight lends itself to future research that
scholars within the domain of discourse research have also called attention [36]. With
regards to new accountability performed as part of the reification of assemblages is
discussed in the later section.

## 5.2 Performative Exigency

With regards to the idea of performative exigency, we argue that this principle extends
current research on IT-enabled change. First, most IT-enabled change research has fo-
cused mainly on the “here and now” and do not provide more insights to the overarch-
ing change trajectory besides informing us that such changes tend to be ongoing [37,
38]. Second, some IS research that adhere to actor-network theory proposed that such
changes are often emergent, random and subjected to “drift” as improvised uses and
other unpredictable behaviors or interdependencies between human and material agen-
cies emerge [39-41]. From our study, we argue against characterization of sociomaterial
change as random. We proposed that the performance process is governed by an over-
arching governing principle i.e., “performative exigency”; this pragmatic principle,
which flows from the underlying performative approach, forms the basis for evaluating
and driving the change process. The performative exigency therefore argues that the
goal of any sociomaterial change is to cause the assemblage to perform better. Conse-
quently, this performative exigency also sets the bounds to how the assemblage
evolved. For example, in constituting the new assemblages, actors often enroll the ef-
ficiency principle, which is grounded on improvements of performances. Sometimes,
actors may relate certain changes to current challenges to the performance of existing
assemblages. More importantly, we see the performative exigency driving the calibrat-
ing perform-ing, where the overarching goal is to restore or change the assemblage’s
so as to render it performative again. This performative exigency therefore speaks to
the guiding principle by which assemblages changed, evolved, and stabilized. We also
point out that the performative exigency reflects a post-humanist perspective in that this
guiding principle is not so much driven by heroic individuals or coalitions as it is de-
termined and shaped by the network of relations among the different components [42].

## 5.3 Consequences of Sociomaterial Change – Transformed Accountability

Our findings on stratifying and how the different assemblages changed with the new
EMR system also highlighted a surprising and important consequence of their new per-
formances i.e., new forms of accountability. This finding resonates with emerging
stream of research on discursive materiality [5]. Specifically, this stream of research argues that the inclusion of a technological artifact does not simply improve an assemblage's performance, it could potentially transform the performances of the assemblage as well. In the case of Scott and Orlikowski's [5] study of the TripAdvisor's ranking mechanism, they show that the mechanism did not just make travel information easier but actually actively performed new ways by which online travellers make sense of hotel information. Likewise, in our study, the EMR system did not just change the way different practices were performed as we have described, it actually performed a new sense of accountability among the different groups of actors across the two clinics. In other words, as pointed out by Orlikowski and Scott [4] in their seminal piece on sociomateriality, we find that changes in sociomaterial assemblages have significant consequences on organizing and work. This adds to the extant literature that includes Barley's [43] seminal piece on how the use of CT scanners changed roles in radiology departments to a recent study by Barrett et al. [31] on the changes in work boundaries within pharmacies due to the use of a dispensing robot. The difference in our case was that the technology did not indirectly lead to those organizational changes; instead the fundamental change in how accountability was performed was the direct result of the technologies' performances.

As we have discussed above, the new accountability emerged given how the EMR system informates and make visible information across the assemblages [44]. The EMR system has also mediated and linked components that previously were not as “close”. For example, in lab resulting, the medical assistants’ work is much more closely linked to the physicians’ work because of the new EMR lab resulting system. The tighter mediation of different parts of assemblages through the EMR system therefore catalyzed the performance of new accountability [45].

More importantly, and closer to the notion of “accountability” is that the new sociomaterial assemblage has created new ways of measuring performance to support evaluation and accountability, as well as, the allocation of responsibility [29, pp. 581-582]. The EMR in the new assemblages as discussed in the findings now renders each of the components as measurable, comparable and thus auditable (e.g. the output reports). Thus our findings show that medical assistants could track and see if the doctors have completed their in basket messages so that they can close their cases and vice versa for the physicians. In sum the performance of the EMR as part of the new assemblages led to a new configuration of relationships through its mediation and rendering of components measurable and comparable. These in turn helped to reconfigure new performances of accountability.

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