# Intertwined renewable and digital transitions: a study on South Australia's hybridized electricity system

Margot Pellegrino, Marika Rupeka

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## To cite this version:

Margot Pellegrino, Marika Rupeka. Intertwined renewable and digital transitions: a study on South Australia's hybridized electricity system. Sustainability Science, 2025, 10.1007/s11625-025-01647-1. hal-05135399

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# Intertwined renewable and digital transitions: a study on South Australia's hybridized electricity system

Margot Pellegrino<sup>1,2 ID</sup> · Marika Rupeka<sup>3 ID</sup>

Received: 17 June 2024 / Accepted: 27 January 2025

© The Author(s) 2025

## Abstract

This paper examines the implications of an energy transition characterized by the widespread adoption of renewable energy sources, distributed energy assets, and digitalization, using South Australia as a central case study. By leveraging and adapting the concept of “Electrical Hybridization” (Verdeil and Jaglin, 2023), we show how South Australia’s ambitious energy policies, which integrate economic growth with decarbonization, are transforming its electricity system. This transformation requires both the reinforcement of the electricity network (reticulation) and the extensive deployment of distributed energy assets (heterogeneity). An additional trend, coordination, is emerging as a crucial element in South Australia, facilitating the control of distributed energy assets through smart interfaces and digital networks. We then analyse the system-wide evolutions driven by the convergence of renewable energy transition and digitalization, detailing the evolving energy governance arrangements and underlining the significant interaction between public bodies and private initiatives in investments and regulatory reforms. Finally, we explore the broader implications of these developments, raising critical questions around decentralization, local empowerment, and participation in the energy transition. We conclude by suggesting that further research is essential to fully understand the complex, intertwined effects of the renewable and digital transitions.

**Keywords** Energy and digital transition · Electricity system · Heterogeneous and hybridized energy systems · South Australia

## Introduction

The Government of South Australia has recently advanced its already ambitious renewable energy target to achieve 100% of electricity generation from renewables by 2030,

moving the deadline forward by three years (SAG 2022b). Over the past fifteen years, South Australia has integrated renewable energy sources at a notably faster pace than other Australian states (SAG 2022a; SAG DCCEEW 2024), leveraging decentralized energy assets across various scales, from large solar and wind farms, hydrogen plants, to community and household batteries, and residential rooftop photovoltaic systems. This represents a significant political accomplishment, where public policy initiatives are effectively enhancing the renewable energy transition within a privatized market (McGreevy et al. 2021).

The rapid deployment of distributed energy assets has coincided with the development of Internet of Things-based technologies. Innovations in the field of energy trade and services have shifted the traditional unidirectional power flow to a dynamic two-way system, transforming customers into "prosumers" who alternatively consume and produce energy, thus becoming providers of services within the energy grid (Poulter 2020a).

Handled by Jochen Monstadt, Utrecht University, The Netherlands.

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Margot Pellegrino
margot.pellegrino@univ-eiffel.fr

Marika Rupeka
marika.rupeka@univ-reims.fr

<footnote n="1">1 LATTS, ENPC, Institut Polytechnique de Paris, Université Gustave Eiffel, CNRS, Marne-la-Vallée, France</footnote>

<footnote n="2">2 Lab'URBA, Université Gustave Eiffel, 5
Boulevard Descartes, Champs-Sur-Marne,
77454 Marne-La-Vallée Cedex 2, France</footnote>

<footnote n="3">3 EA 2076 Laboratoire Habiter, Université de Reims
Champagne-Ardenne, Campus Croix-Rouge, 57, Rue Pierre
Taittinger, Reims, France</footnote>
However, the gradual phase-out of existing coal power plants and the massive increase in intermittent renewables and distributed generation have significant implications for the governance and the functioning of the electricity system (Wiseman 2023). To alleviate these challenges, Australian national market bodies and the renewable energy agency ARENA have sought to enhance energy storage solutions, to support the strengthening and expansion of existing electricity networks, and to encourage the emergence of digitally enabled services for the coordination of distributed energy assets (ARENA 2021). Investment in these three technological solutions—storage, infrastructures, and tools for distributed asset coordination—has been strongly supported by the South Australian Government and electricity network operators in this State.

Digitalization is increasingly seen as a means to meet the multiple challenges of the renewable energy transition. The Australian Energy Market Commission trusts that digitalization can enable "more advanced engagement in energy markets through increased remote communication, control and automation of consumer devices" (AEMC 2019, p.3). In the State of South Australia, with substantial numbers of intermittent and distributed energy generation, new business models are rapidly emerging to facilitate the introduction of digitally enabled energy coordination products and services designed to improve efficiency and flexibility in distribution.

In this research paper, we examine the implications of an energy transition driven by the widespread adoption of renewable energy sources, distributed energy assets and digitalization, with South Australia's experience serving as a central case study. To conceptualize the components of the recent transformation in South Australia's electricity system, we rely on the concept of "Electrical Hybridization" (Verdeil and Jaglin 2023), which can be defined as the simultaneous increase of heterogeneity and reticulation in electricity systems. Heterogeneity refers to the growing diversity of on-grid and off-grid electricity generation and storage equipment and the diversification of forms of stakeholder involvement in energy governance. Reticulation, in turn, involves the reinforcement and expansion of transmission and distribution infrastructure.

To this conceptualization, we add a third trend: coordination, which encompasses the digitalization processes necessary to gain visibility and control over distributed energy assets, creating new forms of value and business opportunities linked to grid services. Thus, in this paper, we use "hybridization" to refer to the interplay of reticulation, heterogeneity, and digitally enabled coordination trends observable within South Australia's electricity system amid the renewable energy transition.

This paper is structured as follows: Sect. 2 outlines the framework and methodology adopted for this study. In Sect. 3, we examine the renewable energy transition in South

Australia, highlighting the impact of national and state policies (3.1) and the resulting hybridization of the electricity system (3.2). Sect. "Renewable energy transition reshaping the role of public and private actors" explores the reconfiguration of South Australia's socio-technical electricity system, detailing the shifting roles and strategies of existing stakeholders, and the emergence of new key actors, such as intermediaries providing digital coordination and facilitation services. In Sect. 5, we address the broader implications of these developments, raising critical questions about decentralization, local empowerment, and participation in the energy transition. In conclusion, we call for further research on the combined effects of the intertwined renewable and digital transitions.

## Background research and methodology

In urban studies, political science, science and technology studies, and transition studies, there is a growing body of literature highlighting the importance of "heterogeneity" in analysing complex socio-technical systems and access to services such as water, energy, and waste management. This concept helps to understand how energy infrastructures shape lifestyles and livelihoods, and how they impact the governance and management of energy systems in the Global South (Rateau and Jaglin 2022; Koepke et al. 2021; Lawhon et al. 2018) and the Global North (Karvonen and Guy 2018; Basu et al. 2019). From a socio-technical perspective, infrastructural heterogeneity combines conventional networks with decentralized systems (Lawhon et al. 2018; Munro 2020; Koepke et al. 2021; Pilo', 2023; Verdeil and Jaglin 2023), ranging from large-scale hydroelectricity plants, wind, and solar farms, to small-scale devices, as photovoltaic panels or diesel generators. These devices may be grid connected or stand-alone, serving local needs and territorial-scale interests, and involving public entities, as well as private companies managing networks, services, or energy generation and storage projects.

In the Global South, infrastructural heterogeneity often includes a mix of formal and informal market structures, where the lines between legal and illegal practices can be blurred. These arrangements allow individuals to develop their own energy strategies to address unreliable or absent transmission and distribution networks. Thus, infrastructural heterogeneity is essential to analysing inequalities and social injustice relative to energy access (Rateau 2021).

In the Global North and South, infrastructural heterogeneity is inherently place specific, reflecting development paths that cannot be reduced to mere technology transfers or the adoption of externally produced models. Thus, it enables comparative analysis that goes beyond the traditional

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North-South divide (Gillespie and Mitlin 2023; Robinson 2006).

Furthermore, heterogeneity challenges the concept of a single, centralized, and uniform network—typical of monopoly regimes and emblematic of the modern "networked city" ideal (Graham and Marvin 2002). This ideal is increasingly questioned as it becomes clear that systems can function effectively even when they are non-uniform and typologically diverse. This raises the question of whether and how heterogeneity transforms socio-technical electricity systems, particularly through efforts to improve reliability, security, and system resilience (Pellegrino and Rupeka 2023; Eledi Kuusaana et al. 2023).

The concept of “hybridization”, as proposed by Verdeil and Jaglin (2023), captures the interplay between the above-mentioned heterogeneity and reticulation. Hybridization is often applied to the Global South, characterized by (1) inefficiencies of the centralized grid, which is nonetheless gradually expanding, (2) challenges in accessing energy, (3) the coexistence of formal and informal practices, and (4) the deployment of autonomous off-grid solutions that enable consumers to secure or supplement their electricity supply (Rateau and Jaglin 2022; Chaplain and Verdeil 2023; Eledi Kuusaana et al. 2023).

In this research, we adapt the concept of hybridization to the context of South Australia, part of the Global North.

Differently from many case studies on energy hybridization processes, energy markets and practices in South Australia are formalized. Yet, hybridization remains a valuable framework for understanding the technical diversification and institutional changes that are transforming the State's electricity system.

Additionally, we propose enhancing the concept of hybridization by incorporating a third trend: the coordination of energy systems. This addition allows us to address recent digitalization processes in South Australia, which are crucial for understanding the evolution of its electricity system. A growing number of scholars argue that digitalization can enable real-time, cross-sector coordination, facilitating desirable changes such as rapid decarbonization (Strüker et al. 2021). Scholars highlight that digitalization has the potential to profoundly transform system operation, optimization, consumer behaviour, industry, and governance (Roberts et al. 2023). However, these structural shifts are not inherently neutral or sustainable and may, for example, exacerbate social inequalities (Niet et al. 2023). The concept of the "twin transition" reinforces the idea that it is increasingly necessary to study both digitalization and decarbonization and to understand the interactions, effects, and implications of these intertwined processes (Fouquet and Hippe 2022).

Furthermore, to analyse hybridization in the territorial context of South Australia, we draw on the concept of "urban electricity configurations", which seeks to express

"the embeddedness of socio-technical arrangements in their urban environment, of which they reflect the informality and the legal pluralism, as well as the heterogeneous practices and lifestyles" (Rateau and Jaglin 2022, p.184). Using a multi-scalar approach—from individual land plots to broader urban structures—Rateau and Jaglin depict these arrangements as spatially rooted, involving a range of actors and built around diverse socio-technical devices or "dispositifs" (Akrich 1989), with varying degrees of connection to the centralized network. They stress the need to study interactions between centralized networks and other technical systems to understand urban electricity configurations and, by extension, the socio-technical system as a whole.

However, the urban scale addressed by Rateau and Jaglin (2022) does not fully capture the extent of transformations underway in South Australia—a state characterized by a vast area (nearly 1 million km²) with low population density (1.7 people/km², with 76% of the 1.3 million residents living in the Adelaide Metropolitan Area). South Australia's geospatial morphologies, land use patterns, and population density actively contribute to shaping projects favouring electricity infrastructure reticulation and heterogeneity. Renewable energy generation is primarily found in suburban areas (e.g. rooftop photovoltaic panels), rural areas with pastures or desert regions, where land availability facilitates the implementation of new large energy generation facilities and storage systems. Therefore, in this research, we shift towards studying "territorial electricity configurations" using a multiscale approach across South Australia's administrative boundaries and sometimes beyond. As Coutard and Rutherford (2016, p.262) state: "tracking urban infrastructure means going beyond the city. [...] Infrastructure is much bigger than the cities enveloping resource flows, material circulation, and political agencies which cut across scales and distances." This is especially true in South Australia, as the growing digitalization of its energy system allows the coordination between actors, geographies, and infrastructures across multiple scales.

Our methodology relies on qualitative data analysis. Our research (2022–2024) began with a scientific literature review on the liberalization of the Australian and South Australian electricity sectors, energy transition policies, and the digitalization of the electricity system. We then conducted a review of regulatory frameworks and energy planning documents in Australia and South Australia. Subsequently, we carried out 11 semi-structured interviews (cf. Table 1) with representatives from the public sector (e.g. Australian Energy Market Commission and the State government of South Australia) and the private sector (e.g. transmission and distribution network operators, aggregators, electricity suppliers, and generators). Interviews were recorded, transcribed, and thematically categorized in line with our
<table><caption>**Table 1** List of interviews conducted in our study</caption><thead><tr><td>N</td><td>Subject of the interview</td><td>Actor's identity</td><td>Interviewee's profile</td><td>Date</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>1</td><td>AGL virtual power plant (VPP)</td><td>AGL, electricity producer and supplier</td><td>Group Head of distributed energy resources</td><td>05.2022</td></tr><tr><td>2</td><td>AGL virtual power plant (VPP)</td><td>AGL, electricity producer and supplier</td><td>Policy and market regulations manager</td><td>05.2022</td></tr><tr><td>3</td><td>Simply Energy VPP</td><td>Simply Energy, electricity supplier</td><td>Manager of energy solutions</td><td>05.2022</td></tr><tr><td>4</td><td>Simply Energy VPP</td><td>Simply Energy, electricity supplier</td><td>Senior product manager</td><td>05.2022</td></tr><tr><td>5</td><td>South Australia Government's energy transition policy</td><td>South Australia Government, Department for Energy and Mining</td><td>Director of Major Projects</td><td>12.2023</td></tr><tr><td>6</td><td>South Australia Government's energy transition policy</td><td>South Australia Government, Department for Energy and Mining</td><td>Senior Project Officer</td><td>12.2023</td></tr><tr><td>7</td><td>South Australia Government's energy transition policy</td><td>South Australia Government, Department for Energy and Mining</td><td>Program Manager Hydrogen</td><td>01.2024</td></tr><tr><td>8</td><td>Electricity network development in South Australia and VPP projects</td><td>South Australia Power Networks</td><td>Future Networks Engineer</td><td>11.2023</td></tr><tr><td>9</td><td>Electricity network development in South Australia</td><td>Electranet - South Australia Electricity Network Transmission operator</td><td>Chief Operating Officer</td><td>12.2023</td></tr><tr><td>10</td><td>Australia's energy transition policy</td><td>Australia Energy Market Commission</td><td>Executive General Manager</td><td>02.2024</td></tr><tr><td>11</td><td>Australia's energy transition policy</td><td>Australia Energy Market Commission</td><td>Policy Director</td><td>02.2024</td></tr></tbody></table>

research inquiry, while also accommodating any unexpected insights that emerged during these interviews.

The ongoing hybridization of South Australia's electricity system as a result of renewable energy transition policies.

## From renewables to digitalization: transition policies in Australia and South Australia

### The Australian context

Australia is a federation of six states and two territories, each with its own government and legislative authority. While the federal government sets the path for national policies, including renewable energy goals, several multi-jurisdictional

bodies were established to manage the electricity sector following its liberalization in the late 1990s (Poulter 2020a; Rai and Nelson 2020; Chand et al. 2002; Beder and Cahill 2005; Outhred 1998). These include the Australian Energy Regulator (AER) and the Australian Energy Market Commission (AEMC) in 2005, the Australian Energy Market Operator (AEMO) in 2009, and the Energy Security Board (ESB) in 2017. Many regulatory responsibilities within the electricity sector were transferred from state governments to these national-level bodies, thus profoundly reshaping energy governance and ensuring essential freedoms for private investment in electricity networks and generation assets (Beder and Cahill 2005; Karmel 2018).

Australia's electricity infrastructure is only partially interconnected due to the country's vast and sparsely populated

<figure><img src="image_6.png" /></figure>
geography. The Eastern Australian grid is one of the world's longest interconnected grids (Fig. 1), and it serves the National Electricity Market (NEM), spanning across five states: Queensland, South Australia, New South Wales, Victoria, and Tasmania. The NEM operates under the National Electricity Rules, based on the National Electricity Law, adopted by mirror legislation in these five states. Regulatory changes and amendments to the rules are primarily made by the AEMC, and in some cases by the South Australian Minister for Energy and Mining (AEMC 2024; Karmel 2018).

Policymaking remains to a large extent in the domain of states and territories, even though there is a tradition of “cooperative federalism”, fostering collaboration between federal and state governments on national programmes

(Vatala et al. 2024; Griffiths et al. 2007). This fragmented institutional framework has resulted in the implementation of different energy transition strategies across Australian states. While renewables have grown across Australia, the energy mix still differs significantly between the states (Fig. 1). In 2023, coal accounted for more than 57% of electricity generation in New South Wales, Victoria, and Queensland (SAG DCCEEW 2024). Meanwhile, South Australia generated about 73% of its electricity from renewables in 2022–2023 (Fig. 2), with projections to exceed 100% by 2027. Surplus electricity generated from renewables will be stored and, when possible, exported to neighbouring states (SAG 2022b). Yet, following the closure of its last coal mine at Leigh Creek in 2015 and the decommissioning of the

<figure><img src="image_7.png" /><figcaption>**Fig. 1** Australia's electricity transmission grid infrastructure and electricity generation mix. Source: IEA 2023, map published in (IEA 2023: p.112)</figcaption></figure>
<figure><img src="image_8.png" /><figcaption>**Fig. 2** South Australia electricity generation mix, from 2016 to 2023. Source: AEMO (2023a)</figcaption></figure>

Port Augusta coal power plant in 2016, natural gas remains essential for South Australia's energy security.<fnref n="1" /> Currently, the state government is developing a new energy reliability mechanism, part of which might entail support to the state's remaining gas generation fleet.<fnref n="2" />

**Energy transition in South Australia: enhancing renewables**

Since the late 2000s, the Australian federal parliament and federal government have shifted their stance on climate and energy policies several times, ranging from a hostile to a more proactive approach (Wright et al. 2021; McGreevy et al. 2021, Jehling et al. 2019; Prest 2018; cf. Sect. "Renewable energy transition reshaping the role of public and private actors"). For many years, climate and energy policies

had been considered as separate areas of focus, even though they are deeply interconnected (Warren et al. 2016).

Despite fluctuating political support, several key laws and programmes have been introduced since the early 2000s, forming the foundation of the national energy transition strategy. The Renewable Energy (Electricity) Act of 2000, along with subsequent amendments, aimed to boost renewable electricity generation and reduce greenhouse gas emissions (Federal Register of Legislation 2022). It was among the first instruments supporting large and small solar, wind, and hydropower projects (Li et al. 2020). In 2001, the federal government set a Mandatory Renewable Energy Target, which was expanded in 2009 from 2 to 20% of renewables in the energy mix by 2020 (Hua et al. 2016).

South Australia emerged as a forerunner in the energy transition already in the 2000s (McGreevy et al. 2021). Legislation pointing out renewable energy targets was introduced with the Climate Change and Greenhouse Emissions Reduction Act 2007. The State's political approach focused on decarbonizing the electricity sector by strongly promoting decentralized renewable generation, mainly from solar and wind (SAG 2007). A favourable planning system for renewable projects gave South Australia a competitive edge

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<footnote n="1">¹ Gas appears as a means to “ultimately back up the system”, especially during wind drought periods in winter time, when renewable generation is low (Energy Insiders 2024a).</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² Firm Energy Reliability Mechanism Consultation, 2023–2024.</footnote>
over other jurisdictions. The Planning and Design Code streamlined authorization processes, supporting the proliferation of renewable projects throughout the 2000s and early 2010s (SAPC 2022).

## Investments in storage and grid reinforcement

South Australia's transition to decarbonized electricity generation has been rapid, but the swift penetration of distributed renewable energy resources on partially outdated and constrained networks has not been without challenges (Arraño-Vargas et al. 2022; Akimov et al. 2023). The intermittent nature of solar and wind resources has caused significant issues for transmission and distribution networks. For instance, electricity demand can double during summer due to cooling needs (McGreevy et al. 2021), and inversely, there are periods of minimum demand due to high levels of self-consumption by prosumers with rooftop solar panels (AEMO 2023b). Reducing the curtailment of renewable electricity overproduction appears as an economic necessity (SAPN 2024). And furthermore, in the context of expected industrial growth and industrial load electrification, network enhancement seems indispensable (ISA 2024; Energy Insiders 2024b; AG DCCEEW 2024). National bodies and the South Australian government have implemented various measures to address these challenges. In the late 2010s, the Australian Energy Market Operator (AEMO) introduced Integrated System Plans as long-term energy planning tools for the National Electricity Market, covering 20-year periods. Released every two years, these plans act as roadmaps for market-driven optimal development and transmission network planning, including new infrastructures and interstate connections (AEMO 2018).

Innovative energy market products and services have also been developed.<fnref n="3" /> According to an interviewee from ElectraNet (cf. Table 1): "*the entire market structure is being reviewed and adapted to fit the changing power system environment.*" Rule changes have been made to support the integration of distributed energy resources, including measures to allow electrochemical batteries to participate in the energy market,<fnref n="4" /> reducing the disruptive impact of peak solar production (Gilmore et al. 2022; Australian National University 2020; Ransan-Cooper et al. 2022). These rules were complemented by funding schemes for large-scale, neighbourhood (Csereklyei et al. 2024), and residential batteries.

Following a significant blackout in 2016, South Australia's government launched 'Our Energy Plan', (SAG, 2017, cf. Sect. "*Renewable energy transition reshaping the role of public and private actors*"), which aimed to boost self-reliance and deliver a competitive, reliable, and clean power system. The plan included financial support for grid-scale batteries, renewable energy projects, investments in a state-owned natural gas power plant, and incentives for natural gas exploration. Additionally, the South Australian government introduced new legislation, including the Hydrogen Action Plan (2019) and the Hydrogen and Renewable Energy Act (2024), aimed at promoting investments in large-scale renewable energy and hydrogen production.

## Enhancing digitalization

In the recent years, new challenges have emerged, particularly around balancing electricity supply and demand, and gaining control over the growing number of distributed generation and storage assets, especially at the residential level. Digitalization initiatives have been addressed at both federal and state levels as means to encourage consumer participation in energy markets (AEMC 2019; AER 2023, ENA 2017). Recognizing that "*digitalization and data are critical foundations to the energy transition,*" the Energy Security Board (ESB) developed a "Data Strategy" to identify necessary reforms for optimizing energy data use, maximizing economic benefits for consumers and the energy market (ESB 2024). For the past five years, a key priority of the AEMC has been the digitalization of energy supply, aiming to establish a two-sided energy marketplace that enables greater consumer participation (AEMC 2019).

AEMO's role in steering energy market evolution through digitalization is also evident in the Distributed Energy Resources Program, launched in 2019. This programme includes the "Virtual Power Plant (VPP) Demonstrations project", which seeks to evaluate regulatory changes needed to better integrate these digitally enabled systems that allow for the remote control and coordination of demand within the energy market (AEMO 2021; cf. 3.2). AEMO has highlighted the potential of VPPs to "*assist in maintaining grid reliability and offer further benefits for consumers*" by orchestrating various distributed resources (AEMO 2022: p. 99).

While national-level public authorities primarily lead energy digitalization efforts, state actors also play a crucial role. The South Australia government regulates energy services through the "Retailer Energy Productivity Scheme" (since 2021), which sets targets for service quality and a framework for digitally enabled demand-response and

<footnote n="3">³ For instance, the category of 'bi-directional resources' was introduced in the energy market to enable the use of electrochemical storage units which can store energy or feed it back into the electricity network, depending on the needs at a specific moment.</footnote>

<footnote n="4">⁴ AEMO's rule change on energy storage systems, ERC0280, 2021.</footnote>
energy management services,<fnref n="5" /> allowing households and businesses to engage in the energy market (ESCOSA 2021; SAG DEM 2024). Additionally, the state government provides support for innovative system trials, including VPPs, particularly focusing on digitally enabled demand-response services.<fnref n="6" /> Furthermore, transmission and distribution operators also play a significant role in infrastructure projects, including the development of large interconnectors between state grids and the ongoing digitalization of their networks.

## Tangible and intangible networks in South Australia

South Australia's ambitious energy transition policy, aiming for 100% renewable electricity generation by 2030, has fundamentally transformed its electricity system. Hybridization is a direct result of these policies, reflected in the wide range of energy assets (and more generally of socio-technical dispositifs) deployed across the State.

## Heterogeneity and reticulation

South Australia's electricity system is characterized by significant heterogeneity (Fig. 3).

Approximately, 7.2 GW of large-scale solar and wind farms, along with 2.3 GW of rooftop solar installations, are connected to the transmission and distribution networks, respectively, and these capacities continue to grow rapidly (AEMO 2023a). Altogether, rooftop solar devices owned by households and businesses represent the primary typology of generators in South Australia (SAPN 2024). As one South Australian government representative noted, "our entire load for the state is being satisfied by mom and dad's solar panels on their roof" (1st interview with SAG, cf. Table 1).

Energy storage systems have been developed to address grid challenges from the widespread adoption of domestic and large-scale renewable power (Keck et al. 2019). Subsidiaries and public policies referenced earlier have led to the installation of around 40,000 domestic batteries, alongside several community-scale batteries (1–2 MW) on the distribution network. Additionally, about 0.5 GW of large-scale battery capacity has been installed, including the 150 MW Hornsdale Power Reserve, the world's first large-scale lithium-ion battery providing grid stability. Built by Tesla and operated by Neoen, this project was supported and partially funded by public bodies in the framework of South Australia's Energy Plan (SAG AGD 2018). Another large-scale initiative, scheduled for completion in 2025 near Whyalla,

involves a 200 MW hydrogen plant with a 250 MW electrolyser and storage unit, designed to enhance grid stability. This facility will be owned and managed by a state-owned business entity.

South Australia's electricity system is also characterized by growing reticulation. Electricity network operators are actively engaged in reinforcing and expanding the grid. The Distribution Network Operator, South Australia Power Networks, has invested over 50 million AUD between 2020 and 2025 to modernize its infrastructure (SAPN 2021a). The Transmission Network Operator ElectraNet has added four large synchronous condensers to manage voltage and provide system inertia, while building over a thousand kilometres of new transmission lines during the past five years (ElectraNet 2023, Fig. 3). These projects, including the 270-km Eyre Peninsula Link, completed in 2023, are essential for connecting large-scale generation and storage facilities and supporting industrial growth.

Other recent large-scale transmission projects extend beyond South Australia's borders. ElectraNet is upgrading the existing Heywood interconnector with Victoria and has completed the first 200 km of a new 900-km high-capacity interconnector with New South Wales, as part of the "Energy Connect" project (SAG DEM 2023). With production capacity exceeding local demand, exporting surplus energy to neighbouring states has become a strategic approach to ensuring grid stability and boosting system resilience. These enhanced interconnections also create further opportunities for increased renewable energy generation.

## Digitally enabled coordination of distributed energy assets

Several projects have been initiated to gain better visibility and control over the increasing number of energy generation and storage devices connected to the low-voltage part of the distribution network (Poulter 2020a), and to balance supply and demand. Here, one of the most significant efforts has been the development of energy asset aggregation and management systems. A key example is the implementation of virtual power plants (VPPs, Fig. 4), which refer to a networked socio-technical system that integrates multiple generation, storage, and consumption devices under centralized digital control. This setup allows distributed assets to participate in the electricity market and optimize energy generation and grid balancing (Pellegrino and Rupeka 2023; Auer et al. 2006). VPP operators manage their clients' energy assets—such as photovoltaic panels and batteries—by using a software platform and connected technical devices (sensors, smart meters) installed on-site and linked via mobile and Wi-Fi networks. In South Australia, VPPs are managed by companies such as AGL, Engie Australia, and Tesla. Tesla's VPP is one of the largest globally, and currently involves

<figure><img src="image_10.png" /></figure>

<footnote n="5">⁵ For instance, creating specific standards requiring inverters to be compatible with remote control.</footnote>

<footnote n="6">⁶ One example is the South Australian Demand Management Trials Program, launched in 2018.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_11.png" /><figcaption>**Figure 23:** Planned and proposed capacity and REZ development projects</figcaption></figure>

<caption>**Fig. 3** Large-scale renewable energy production and storage projects, and new electricity infrastructure to meet renewable energy needs. Copy-right: ElectraNet Ltd. Source: (ElectraNet 2023, p.119)</caption>
<figure><img src="image_12.png" /><figcaption>**Fig. 4** Flow diagram of a virtual power plant (VPP). First published in (Pellegrino and Rupeka 2023)</figcaption></figure>

7000 customers, with plans to expand to 50,000 in the coming years (SAPN 2021a). After completing a successful trial phase, these VPPs have proven reliable and provide inertia services traditionally supplied by large energy generators as coal-powered and natural gas plants.

Recently, South Australia has seen the development of another innovative energy aggregation and management project: the “flexible export” programme, introduced by the Distribution Network Operator SAPN (SAPN 2021a, cf. Sect. "Renewable energy transition reshaping the role of public and private actors"). Similar to a VPP, this project involves the remote control and operation of customers' energy assets. However, its key feature is managing network constraints caused by solar energy production, ensuring more effective integration of solar resources. Additionally, SAPN has recently launched a behind-the-meter demand flexibility project, testing how domestic appliances can optimize energy consumption using a digital interface that connects to retail offers and network signals (ARENA 2024).

Both SAPN and ElectraNet are investing in the broader digitalization of their networks. According to SAPN, by 2030, its physical network will be "enhanced with a digital overlay of sensors, data analytics, and automation" (SAPN 2023, p. 29). Both operators are also developing ‘digital twins’ of their networks, enabling real-time geospatial analysis for monitoring purposes and process optimization, as well as cost reduction opportunities (including extended value chain and land management) (ElectraNet 2020).

In this section of our paper, we showed that in South Australia's renewable energy transition, heterogeneity and reticulation coexist and influence one another, transforming the State’s electricity system. The massive production of renewable energy has increasingly called for storage solutions and infrastructure upgrades, which in turn facilitate even greater renewable generation.

Meanwhile, a third trend is emerging within South Australia's hybrid electricity system: digitally enabled coordination is becoming essential to gain visibility and control.

<figure><img src="image_13.png" /></figure>
Thus, intangible networks are now interacting with and complementing physical infrastructures. As highlighted by our interviewee from the Australian Energy Market Commission (1st interview with AEMC, cf. Table 1), “*There was a time when people thought the future was all about the small-scale—solar panels, batteries, electric vehicles. But I think we’re now seeing very clearly that we need all solutions*”.

## Renewable energy transition reshaping the role of public and private actors

The hybridization driven by South Australia's renewable energy transition is reshaping the roles, actions, and visions of the stakeholders involved.

## Diverging perspectives on the renewable energy transition at state and national levels

South Australia's renewable energy transition reflects a strong, state-driven policy that has not always been aligned with the perspectives of national-level electricity market institutions or the views of the federal government, and has, at times, even faced direct criticism from the latter. The Labor State Party has been leading the South Australian government since the early 2000s, with only a four-year interruption. During this time, the State government actively promoted decarbonization and electrification. Their strategy consisted in attracting private investment and boosting economic growth through targeted initiatives.

In contrast, the federal government had, for years, been lacking strong and consistent energy policies (Warren et al. 2016) and, at times, pursued conflicting strategies, rolling back climate policies in favour of coal (Mathiesen 2017), and even showing open hostility toward South Australia's energy decarbonization efforts (Cheung and Davies 2017). A major blackout in South Australia in 2016, caused by severe storms and system failures (AEMO 2017), allowed the federal government to attack the State's renewable policies, labelling them as unreliable and costly (Martin 2016; Morrison 2017; Martin and Rice 2021) and blaming them for causing the blackout. These events and the ensuing debates brought South Australia's energy transition into the national and international spotlight, subjecting to scrutiny the State's credibility as a renewable leader. In response, South Australia released a new energy strategy in 2017, titled "Our Energy Plan" (SAG 2017), which focused on increasing self-sufficiency and reducing reliance on the national market and grid (McGreevy et al. 2021).

Since 2018, this period of conflict has gradually eased, due to political alignment between state and federal governments (with the Liberal Party governing South Australia from 2018 to 2022, and the Labor Party at both levels since

2022). In addition, Australian states have developed a cooperation framework to accelerate decarbonization by addressing common political challenges (Parkinson 2021).

Nonetheless, South Australia continues to assert autonomy over its energy policy. One example is its spatial energy planning. Within the integrated system plans (ISP) released by the Australian Energy Market Operator (AEMO), a key measure has been the identification of Renewable Energy Zones (REZ), which are geographic areas prioritized for the development of renewable energy projects. Out of the 33 zones identified by AEMO since 2018, 9 are located in South Australia (SAPC 2022). While several Australian states have incorporated REZs into their planning strategies, this has not been the case of South Australia (SAPC 2022). Instead, under the Hydrogen and Renewable Energy Act (SAG 2024), the South Australia government identified specific “Release areas” for the development of renewable energy and hydrogen projects. These areas only partially overlap with the Renewable Energy Zones identified in the ISP (Fig. 5).

According to South Australian government officials (1st and 2nd interviews with SAG, cf. Table 1), "*When we looked closely at the renewable energy zones in South Australia, we found that, although they may make sense from an AEMO modelling perspective, some of these zones were not areas that could be developed effectively. For South Australia, the work that we've done on the Hydrogen and Renewable Energy Act [...] is going to be much more interesting and influential, and will attract significantly more investment to areas where we are focused on developing renewable projects, rather than following the REZ framework*". Planning tools developed by AEMO and used at the National Electricity Market scale are criticized for lacking the detailed, nuanced perspective that the State government has, and for not reflecting local traditions of land planning and local political capabilities to pursue equitable arbitration between different land uses.

## A marked-driven renewable energy transition: South Australia's government back in power?

Since the liberalization of the electricity sector in the late 1990s, the private sector has played a central role in shaping the energy transition. The renewable energy industry has grown increasingly influential, especially in lobbying for specific technologies and new energy service provision by modifying energy market regulations.<fnref n="7" /> The Australian Energy Market Commission (AEMC) sets these market rules, following a principle of technological neutrality,

<footnote n="7">⁷ The rule-making process within the National Electricity Market allows any actor to submit rule modifications.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_14.png" /><figcaption>**Fig. 5** Release areas (blue pattern) identified by the South Australian Government and Renewable Energy Zones (green pattern) designated in the Integrated System Plans by AEMO. Author's production based on data from the South Australian Resources Information Gateway (SARIG) and AEMO (2018)</figcaption></figure>

which aims not to favour any particular solution or actor over another. However, this neutrality has been partially challenged in the context of the renewable energy transition. Even though the fossil fuel industry remains well resourced and capable of lobbying to influence policymaking, several regulatory changes have been introduced specifically to support the deployment of photovoltaic systems and energy storage.<fnref n="8" /> According to Botrel et al. (2024), the renewable industry has used various strategies to boost its influence, namely forming interest groups, joining AEMO working groups, hiring policy consultants, and building alliances with state governments.

The renewable energy industry also plays a key role in executing and operationalizing the transition. In South Australia, particularly after the closure of its last coal-fired

plants and the 2016 blackout, the State government prioritized market-driven solutions, partly relying on the renewable industry to address gaps in the national market. It sought to "avoid any perceived interference with the electricity market and the powerful development dynamics of [...] autonomous capitalists in competition, whose large and small investments in wind and solar farms and rooftop solar had been so successful in driving the transition" (McGreevy et al. 2021: p. 10). Recently, however, South Australia has shown an increasing willingness to directly steer the renewable energy transition, moving beyond reliance on the market alone. Government interviewees noted that the State has adopted a more proactive role, taking "a higher degree of risk than the commercial sector, or even the federal Australian government. Governments should invest in and support projects that carry risks and involve unproven technologies" (1st and 2nd interview with SAG, cf. Table 1). Thus, alongside policymaking, the South Australian government is actively co-funding and implementing renewable energy projects, pursuing the role of a private investment facilitator (cf. 3).

<figure><img src="image_15.png" /></figure>

<footnote n="8">⁸ In 2020, a rule change was introduced following AEMO's technical report, which highlighted several challenges arising from the unmanaged supply of electricity to the grid from rooftop solar resources. As a consequence, the "Smarter Homes regulatory change" enabled to remotely connect and disconnect rooftop solar so as to ensure electricity network stability (SAG DEM 2020).</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_16.png" /><figcaption>**Fig. 6** Evolution of customer value from a network operator's perspective. Source: SAPN (2021b)</figcaption></figure>

A prime example of this hands-on approach is the defi-
nition of the above-mentioned "Release Areas" under the
Hydrogen and Renewable Energy Act. This state legisla-
tion aims to mitigate some of the unsustainable impacts of a
purely market-driven approach and a top-down vision which
might disregard specific local constraints. As one South
Australia's official has stated (3rd interview with SAG, cf.
Table 1), "we wanted a fair and free competitive approach
rather than: first come, first served. That was tending to hap-
pen with developments for renewable energy." This legisla-
tion restricts private stakeholders from negotiating projects
on a case-by-case basis, and instead creates a governance
model that relies on planning tools to prevent uncoordinated
land uses. The goal is to limit the degradation of agricul-
tural and pastoral land, or its repurposing without strategic
oversight.

However, this shift has sparked criticism from the pri-
vate sector, as reflected in an interview with ElectraNet (cf.
Table 1): "industrial companies and private investors are
marked by a growing sense, among some at least, of dis-
satisfaction. We're seeing quite a bit of intervention. Instead
of letting the market deliver the best outcomes, we're seeing
the State government not being willing to trust that the mar-
ket will deliver outcomes that they need in their regions".
This highlights the ongoing tension between government
intervention and private sector autonomy in the renewable
energy transition.

The network as a two-way energy platform

The renewable energy transition in Australia and South
Australia is profoundly reshaping the role of transmission
and distribution network operators, reflecting the increasing

responsibility of these actors in managing a complex system
of bi-directional flows (Clean Energy Council 2019; Trahan
and Hess 2021). Here, we focus primarily on South Australia
Power Networks (SAPN), the State's single distribution net-
work operator (DNO).

Figure 6 (SAPN 2021b) illustrates how the DNO is responding to the renewable energy transition. In addition to SAPN's traditional duties in energy distribution and networked infrastructure upgrade (reticulation), since the 2010s, the DNO has taken on a proactive role by facilitating the connection of more renewable energy generators to the grid and stimulating load electrification.<fnref n="9" /> SAPN is thus contributing to the heterogeneity of South Australia's electricity system, which has revealed to be a true challenge in itself. As SAPN interviewee explained (cf. Table 1): "all of the solar that's been installed in residential areas has just been uncontrollable with no visibility". Thus, since 2018, SAPN has also worked to maintain grid stability by integrating storage systems and developing smart management tools (e.g. virtual power plants, flexible export), allowing the remote control of distributed energy assets (digitally enabled coordination).

The enhancement of smart technologies and digitalization
is central to SAPN's evolving role. As outlined by SAPN
(2021b: p. 3), the company's goal is to create "Australia's
most flexible, smart and integrated distribution network",
which by 2030 will operate "as a fully two-way energy plat-
form". Customers will have flexible connections for solar

<footnote n="9">⁹ With the expected rise in electric vehicles, the distribution network's role as an energy source for transportation will be increasingly important.</footnote>
generation, batteries, and smart appliances, allowing them
to trade in the energy market or participate in virtual power
plants, microgrids and community schemes.

The opportunities brought by digitalization resonate with
the DNO's responsibilities in maintaining and operating
electricity infrastructure, and with the search for new busi-
ness models—a crucial focus for an operator that became
fully privatized after the energy market liberalization of the
year 2000. On the one hand, a distribution system acting as
an energy platform addresses the need for network stabil-
ity and reliability, including in response to extreme weather
events (Pellegrino and Rupeka 2023). On the other hand, it
accentuates the pursuit of profitability, particularly in the
context of medium- and long-term infrastructural invest-
ment decisions. While high renewable penetration demands
complementary investments to reinforce the network, SAPN
has adopted a “Stretch and Fill” approach, or “doing more
with the network we have” (SAPN 2021b: p. 4)—a smart
management approach that facilitates the connection of more
solar generation without costly network upgrades. As a DNO
representative explained: “We definitely see the benefit of
avoiding investment in the distribution network. The idea is
that the customer can export more, but under controlled con-
ditions.” Thus, SAPN’s main infrastructure investments now
focus on modernizing the network and upgrading planning
and operational systems to adapt to a future with high levels
of distributed energy assets, prosumers and dynamic loads.

The emergence of intermediate actors

The renewable energy transition not only reshapes the roles
and strategies of well-established actors, but also fosters
the emergence of new players and relational arrangements.
Energy intermediaries (Moss 2009) have become key actors,
mediating between production and consumption, and provid-
ing services to consumers and grid operators.

Among these intermediaries, aggregators play a signif-
icant role in South Australia, especially in their capacity
as VPP operators (VPPs, cf. 3), giving small energy gen-
erators access to wholesale markets, from which they are
often excluded due to regulatory limits. VPPs contribute to
peak demand reduction, frequency control, and enhanced
grid resilience (Poulter 2020b), and for these reasons, they
are expanding rapidly across South Australia and beyond
(AEMO 2022).

Until recently, technology and software companies oper-
ating VPPs were the primary actors providing coordination
of distributed energy assets, but they now face competition
from the DNO which is involved in distributed asset orches-
tration schemes in South Australia (ARENA 2024) and in
other states, such as West Australia (WAG 2022). However,
despite similarities in their strategies, aggregators and the
DNO are driven by different motivations. For VPP operators,

aggregation is a market-based commercial offering, whereas
for the DNO, VPP projects are primarily aimed at managing
network constraints caused by solar energy overproduction
and looking for ways to optimize (or reduce) investment in
network reinforcement.

Moreover, SAPN led its own VPP trial in 2015–2020, using Deposit Power company’s software platform to aggregate 100 residential customer assets (solar generation and batteries) as a means to “provide visibility” of distributed asset behaviour and to understand whether distributed assets can allow to “defer network investments” (SAPN 2020: p.5). Currently, the DNO is running a pilot project with Tesla’s VPP, aiming to create integrated solutions and facilitate interaction between the flexible export programme and other solar management services. This initiative has been described by SAPN as "the final piece of the solar puzzle." All in all, the coexistence of these offerings requires negotiation and coordination to ensure that their strategies align rather than mutually compete, or even cause disruptions.

South Australia's renewable energy transition has reshaped the roles of public and private actors, revealing not only collaborative practices but also emerging tensions. State-driven policies, often diverging from national strategies, underscore South Australia's commitment to leading in renewable energy. The State government developed tailored planning tools while balancing market-driven solutions with strategic government interventions. Moreover, the rise of distributed energy assets and digitalization has transformed the electricity system, further enhancing the role of network operators and supporting the emergence of new intermediaries. While these developments offer promising opportunities, they highlight the need for ongoing coordination and strategic oversight to navigate the complexities of a system with massive numbers of distributed energy assets.

Learning from South Australia's renewable
transition: challenges and open-ended
questions

Based on the findings presented earlier and engagement with relevant literature, this section highlights key lessons from the case study. These insights have broader implications for regions undergoing similar renewable energy transitions, characterized by the decarbonization of energy generation, the massive deployment of distributed energy assets, and an increasing digitalization of the energy system.

(1) Questioning decentralization: South Australia's
renewable energy transition challenges the concept of
decentralization.

The deployment of distributed energy assets result-
ing from decentralization, particularly at the residential
level, has been depicted as a process that can contribute

<figure><img src="image_17.png" /></figure>
to distributing social and economic value among various actors, including local community groups, non-governmental organizations, and households (Adams et al. 2021).

However, recent trends in digitalization, especially smart demand management and coordination of distributed assets, challenge the concept of decentralization in several ways. Digitalization increases the critical importance of the distribution grid. In South Australia, the Distribution Network Operator SAPN is evolving from an actor that merely managed electricity transfers towards a more complex entity that operates a system of bi-directional flows of electrons and data. Our observations align with those of other scholars, who note that network operators play increasingly important roles in the renewable energy transition due to distributed asset coordination needs (Bertolini and Blasi 2021), and furthermore, that the shift from analogue to digital systems is repositioning local network operators as key players in the energy transition (Trahan and Hess 2021: p. 2).

Additionally, digitalization introduces new forms of centralization and reintermediation of asset management, shifting value from energy generation to energy flow management (Pellegrino and Rupeka 2023; Trahan and Hess 2021; Diaz Valdivia 2023). In South Australia, intermediaries like aggregators pool thousands of distributed energy assets, creating single entities that offer flexibility and economic benefits. While the network operator collaborates with these intermediaries, initiatives like SAPN's flexible export programme and Salisbury VPP trial demonstrate the operator's capacity to develop its own intermediary services to capture more economic value.

(2) Questioning participation and local empowerment: the processes of recentralization and reintermediation transform the way in which individuals participate in the renewable energy transition.

In South Australia, more than 40% of households have photovoltaic systems, generating their own electricity (AEMO 2023a). Extensive literature has explored how this shift from consumers to prosumers changes practices, consumption patterns, technology engagement, and market dynamics (Shove and Trentmann 2018; Parag and Sovacool 2016; Devine-Wright and Devine-Wright 2006). Many studies highlight the energy-democracy effect of this shift, suggesting a transfer of power and control back to consumers (Green and Newman 2017; Daly 2016). Becoming prosumers, especially in energy communities and microgrids, they collectively contribute to a "common good" that challenges traditional centralized electricity regimes (Wolsink 2024).

However, the digitalization of energy systems is bringing changes that social science scholars are just beginning to explore. In South Australia, the emergence of Internet-of-energy solutions and remote management technologies is transforming how households engage with the energy system, particularly through commercial demand-side

management initiatives (Roberts et al. 2018). In general terms, these technologies encourage households to align their energy practices with the needs of the grid (Pellegrino and Rupeka 2023) rather than with local requirements or community preferences motivated by different underlying rationales.

Moreover, intermediary actors often manage and control these assets. Most digitally enabled distributed asset coordination schemes are led by hardware and software technology companies operating in a global market, capitalizing on the international success of Internet-of-energy solutions. On the one hand, these stakeholders do not appear as “empowered local actors” in the sense of socio-ecological system theory (Poulter 2020a). On the other hand, a growing body of research indicates that households experience reduced autonomy within smart management frameworks (Smale et al. 2019; Hansen and Hauge 2017). This shift can result in a return to passivity and individualism, with some scholars arguing that smart energy management follows a neoliberal logic, reducing or removing human agency from these systems (Sadowski and Levenda 2020). While digitalization offers prosumers more power in some respects (Roberts et al. 2023), it also places them within a broader system of dependencies, leading to a loss of autonomy (Hansen et al. 2020), and therefore can challenge the energy-democracy ideal often associated with prosumers.

Conversely, some scholars argue that outsourcing energy management to intermediaries (as VPP aggregators) is not necessarily a form of non-participation. As Boekelo and Kloppenburg (2023: p. 2) note: "people's practices of producing, storing, and consuming energy in their household are orchestrated in tandem with those of occupants of other households, thus creating (a kind of) collective agency". In this sense, the aggregated management of household-level energy generation and loads can be redefined as a collective issue (Throndsen and Ryghaug 2015), potentially shifting the burden of responsibility and commitment in the energy transition from individuals to a more collective level (Bhuiyan et al. 2021; Pellegrino and Rupeka 2023). However, this shift occurs without fundamentally challenging the dominant model of electricity as a commercial commodity.

(3) Questioning renewable energy as the new dominant regime. The analysis of South Australia's renewable energy transition highlights the underexplored issues of path dependencies within the renewable sector (Eitan and Hekkert 2023), on the way to becoming the new dominant regime.

McGreevy et al. (2021: p. 11) illustrate how in South Australia the Liberal government, which took power in 2018, "quickly succumbed to the path-dependent trajecory towards renewables", despite its historical opposition to the renewable transition initiated by the Labor Party since 2002. This dependency, shaped by existing
technologies, investments, local employment, and busi-
ness opportunities, made it difficult to reverse the course.
McGreevy et al. (2021) conclude that once political sup-
port allows renewables to achieve critical mass, a path-
dependent process takes hold, making it politically chal-
lenging to halt or slow the transition.

This perspective suggests that South Australia's renew-
able energy transition has become so entrenched that it
may soon be recognized as the new dominant regime, pre-
senting its own challenges and creating new path depend-
encies. To name just a few, it has led to a socio-technical
configuration reliant on technological escalation, where
each stage increasingly depends on continuous invest-
ments in renewable technologies and digitalization.
Overdependence on technology can also be an unintended
consequence of the latter (Hansen et al. 2020). Moreover,
South Australia's transition not only relies on but actively
promotes increased electricity generation and consump-
tion across all scales. This tactic aligns with the State's
reindustrialization ambitions which involve attracting
national and international investors in sectors like green
manufacturing and critical minerals mining (ISA 2024).
Reducing consumption, promoting energy sobriety, and
advocating for degrowth are not the priorities here (Rain-
nie and Snell 2024).

Furthermore, from an energy justice perspective, sig-
nificant inequalities may emerge among households due
to the variable availability of services (Pilo' 2023) and
to the uneven distribution of costs inherent to the tran-
sition process (Niet et al. 2023). In South Australia, a
recent report by the South Australian Council of Social
Services highlights that many low-income households in
this State are facing barriers to accessing renewable tech-
nologies. Given that non-prosumers buy electricity exclu-
sively from the grid, they are subjected to the “growing
inequity in the recovery of network costs due to the high
penetration of roof-top solar”, and will therefore “dispro-
portionately shoulder the burden of paying for network
system costs through grid-delivered electricity” (SACOSS
2024: p. 5 and p. 19). This configuration might exclude a
substantial portion of the population from benefiting from
the multiple innovative offerings (as VPPs) that are osten-
sibly designed for prosumers and more rarely for consum-
ers (enabling only demand-response participation).

Furthermore, environmental issues related to raw mate-
rial supply and battery recycling are only beginning to
be addressed by public and private actors (University of
Sydney 2022). More globally, while the electrical system
is undergoing decarbonization, other sectors, such as road
transportation and aviation, still remain heavily depend-
ent on carbon-intensive resources (AG DCCEEW 2023).

Conclusion

As a first contribution of this research paper, we analysed
the recent transformations of the electricity system in South
Australia within the context of an ongoing renewable energy
transition, driven by public policies in a privatized market.

To examine these system-wide changes, we relied on
the concept of hybridization (Verdeil and Jaglin 2023),
which has been widely used to describe processes in the
Global South. In this study, we contextualized, character-
ized, and expanded this concept by applying it to South
Australia—an industrialized state with a socio-economic
configuration typical of the Global North, where it has
proven to be effective and relevant.

Unlike regions in the Global South, characterized by off-grid developments or the coexistence of formal and informal practices, the heterogeneity of the electricity system in South Australia relies on the widespread presence of distributed energy generation and storage devices across all scales, which support the renewable transition process. However, the growing heterogeneity does not diminish the importance of transmission and distribution networks that are centrally managed by regulated private monopolies. On the contrary, the existing grid in essential for the integration of distributed energy assets at all levels, with the distribution network taking on an increasingly pivotal role. The latter can be described as an "augmented network" (Verdeil and Jaglin 2023), where the traditional grid model is enhanced by new technological components for electricity generation and storage, introduced by network operators, private companies, or households. Network operators are actively extending and reinforcing the grid to facilitate the connection of these distributed assets, while simultaneously supporting South Australia's goals for industrialization and economic development.

However, the reticulation of electricity networks alone is
insufficient to address the imbalances caused by the intermit-
tent nature of renewable energy generation. To tackle these
challenges, distributed energy asset coordination is devel-
oped through smart demand management and aggregation.
These strategies provide flexibility services to the network,
making it economically viable for intermediaries to remotely
manage these assets through Virtual Power Plants and other
digital platforms (Pellegrino and Rupeka 2023). Thus,
hybridization processes in industrialized regions like South
Australia can emerge from ambitious policies combining
economic attractiveness for industry and the tertiary sector
with an energy transition driven by high renewable energy
penetration. The outcome is a territorial electricity configu-
ration characterized by an array of tangible energy assets
(heterogeneity), extensive distribution networks (reticula-
tion) and digitally enabled virtual networks (coordination).

<figure><img src="image_18.png" /></figure>
The second contribution of this paper is to demonstrate
how the ongoing transition in South Australia is reshaping
energy governance and redefining the missions of private
and public actors.

Among the well-established actors, distribution network
operators (DNOs) are playing an increasingly important
role in coordinating distributed energy assets. Even though,
in Australia, DNOs continue to encounter regulatory con-
straints that prevent them from fully engaging in market
operations (Tidemann et al. 2019), South Australia Power
Networks is gradually evolving towards the role of a distri-
bution system operator. This shift entails a blend of respon-
sibilities, including not only the traditional operation of the
distribution network (stability and system security) and
infrastructure planning and investment, but also expanding
into areas such as market facilitation, where they support the
integration and coordination of customers’ energy devices.
The orchestration of distributed energy assets represents a
new role that network operators are partially sharing with
intermediaries, gradually establishing mutually beneficial
governance arrangements.

Since the electricity sector’s liberalization in the 2000s,
national public bodies such as AEMO, AEMC, and AER
have taken on key regulatory and planning responsibilities
that were initially held by Australian state governments (cf.
3). For many years, the South Australian government prior-
itized market-driven solutions to accelerate the renewable
transition and to address the shortcomings of the national
market. However, in recent years, the government has
adopted a more hands-on approach, not only facilitating but
also supervising and directly managing critical renewable
energy projects. In this context, aligning energy planning
with land-use planning is increasingly essential to prevent a
fragmented and opportunistic approach to territorial trans-
formation driven primarily by private interests and case-
by-case negotiations. The South Australian government is
working to balance its guidance over the energy transition
with the need to enable private sector innovation and project
implementation. This ongoing effort also involves recalci-
brating the relationship between national and state-level
planning tools and transition policies (Kallies 2021). This
configuration relates to the principle of “adaptive govern-
ance” rooted in socio-ecological transition theory (Walker
et al. 2004). Poulter (2020a) applied this principle to the
Australian energy governance framework, highlighting how
tailor-made energy policies—designed to address the spe-
cific needs and conditions of each Australian state—serve as
a prime example of adaptive governance within the National
Electricity Market (NEM).

Thus, South Australia's renewable energy transition did
not arise from a dramatic rupture or dissent, nor is it the
result of the actions of a single player. Rather, it unfolds
through what Bulkeley et al. (2016, p. 1724) has described

as “*an ongoing negotiation, a quiet contestation, compromise and attrition of different positions through which new kinds of grid-urban energy-climate realities are forged, come to be compromised and configured anew.*”

Finally, we advocate for a shift in renewable energy transition research, towards a critical analysis of the environmental and social sustainability aspects undermined in the simultaneous processes of decarbonization and digitalization. In South Australia, this “twin transition” (Fouquet and Hippe 2022) aligns with the Australian Energy Market Operator's vision of implementing a two-sided energy market across the five states of the National Electricity Market. However, while digitalization has enabled greater integration and efficiency, it has also introduced new forms of centralization and reintermediation, shifting value towards the management of energy and information flows. This shift raises questions about participation and local empowerment, as recentralization and reintermediation determine how individuals engage in the renewable energy transition. Therefore, the combined effects of this twin transition need to be further examined, particularly concerning its overall environmental footprint and implications for energy justice, given that what was once considered transitional is gradually becoming the new dominant regime.

**Author contributions** Conceptualization: M. Pellegrino; methodology: M. Pellegrino; formal analysis and investigation: M. Pellegrino, M. Rupeka; writing—original draft preparation: M. Pellegrino, M. Rupeka; writing—review and editing: M. Pellegrino, M. Rupeka; funding acquisition: M. Pellegrino; resources: M. Pellegrino, M. Rupeka; supervision: M. Pellegrino.

**Funding** Open access funding provided by Ecole Nationale des Ponts et Chaussees. This research was carried out in the frame of the project "INTENS - Energy Interface Functions in Cities of the North and South: objects, systems, actors, professions", supported by 'I-SITE Future' French University grant, in the framework of the national public funding programme 'Programme des Investissements d'Avenir' (PIA), during the timeperiod 2020-2023.

Declarations

**Conflict of interest** The authors declare no competing interests.

**Financial interests** The authors declare that they have no financial interests.

**Non-financial interests** None.

**Open Access** This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License, which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons licence, and indicate if changes were made. The images or other third party material in this article are included in the article's Creative Commons licence, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. If material is not included in the article's Creative Commons licence and your intended use is not
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