# The Talan Charter of Jayabhaya: A Kadiri-period Inscription Casting New Light on Airlangga's Kingdom

Eko Bastiawan, Titi Surti Nastiti, Arlo Griffiths

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## To cite this version:

Eko Bastiawan, Titi Surti Nastiti, Arlo Griffiths. The Talan Charter of Jayabhaya: A Kadiri-period Inscription Casting New Light on Airlangga's Kingdom. Archipel, 2023, 106, pp.15-59. 10.4000/11wu5. hal-04669195

HAL Id: hal-04669195

https://hal.science/hal-04669195v1

Submitted on 8 Aug 2024

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EKO BASTIAWAN*, TITI SURTI NASTITI**, ARLO GRIFFITHS***

# The Talan Charter of Jayabhaya: A Kadiri-period Inscription Casting New Light on Airlangga's Kingdom

## 1. Introduction

This article has sprung from the convergence of two separate research endeavors. On the one hand, all three authors have been collaborating over several years now on studying the epigraphic corpus of King Airlangga, who ruled in the first half of the 11th century with a powerbase in what is today *kabupaten* Lamongan. On the other hand, the first author is carrying out doctoral research on the inscriptions of Airlangga's successors first in Janggala and later in Kadiri, which are the terms commonly used in historiography and historical cartography to designate two historical territories in what is now the province of East Java, presented in the sources as having resulted from a division of Airlangga's realm and having gone through a period of armed conflict.<fnref n="1" />

<footnote>* École française d'Extrême-Orient (EFEO) and Universitas Padjadjaran.</footnote>

<footnote>** Badan Riset dan Inovasi Nasional (BRIN); Organisasi Riset Arkeologi, Bahasa, dan Sastra; Pusat Riset Arkeologi Prasejarah dan Sejarah.</footnote>

<footnote>*** École française d'Extrême-Orient (EFEO) and Centre Asie du Sud-Est (CASE).</footnote>

<footnote n="1">1. See Krom 1931: 272–279; Boechari 1968 and 1990; Bambang Sumadio & Endang Sri Hardiati 2008: 279–280; Hadi Sidomulyo 2011. As we have pointed out in our recent study (Titi Surti Nastiti, Eko Bastiawan & Griffiths 2022: 65–67), these events are known mainly from sources postdating it by several centuries, and it is not sure that all aspects of the commonly accepted historical narrative may be taken as fact.</footnote>
After the end of Airlangga's reign, in the same territory as that, generally north of the Brantas river, where Airlangga's inscriptions have been found,<fnref n="2" /> we find a small number of inscriptions dating from the 970s and 980s of the Śaka era, i.e. from ca. the 1040s CE.<fnref n="3" /> This territory is conventionally called Janggala, although the name is hardly attested, if at all, in the relevant inscriptions, from which we learn about three kings, namely Garasakan (inscriptions of Malenga, 974 Śaka;<fnref n="4" /> Garaman, 975 Śaka;<fnref n="5" /> Turun Hyang B, 976 Śaka;<fnref n="6" /> Kambang Putih, no date),<fnref n="7" /> Samarotsaha (Sumengka, 981 Śaka),<fnref n="8" /> and Alanjung Ahyes (Banjaran, 974 Śaka).<fnref n="9" /> Since the epigraphic evidence is

<footnote n="2">2. See the map in fig. 1 in Titi Surti Nastiti, Eko Bastiawan & Griffiths 2022.</footnote>

<footnote n="3">3. Henceforward, we will often refer only to the Śaka dates that are a fundamental part of early Javanese culture. Any Śaka year can be easily converted to its approximate CE equivalent by adding 78.</footnote>

<footnote n="4">4. In this article, designations of inscriptions are simplified to conform to the spelling of Indonesian (Ejaan yang disempurnakan), so we spell Malenga instead of Małňa, etc. We normally cite inscriptions from our own (mostly still unpublished) editions. Our readings of any inscriptions mentioned without reference to an edition can be compared to editions and/or secondary literature identifiable via Nakada (1982). For inscriptions published since Nakada's time, or absent from his inventory for any other reason, we refer to any relevant edition at the first citation. For instance, the Malenga inscription, though discovered already in 1960, does not figure in Nakada (1982) because it remained unpublished until its inclusion in Boechari 2012d: 500–503.</footnote>

<footnote n="5">5. Ed. Boechari 2012d: 503–512.</footnote>

<footnote n="6">6. Only short excerpts of this inscription have so far been published. With only the last digit preserved and in the absence of any calendrical elements, Boechari proposed to reconstruct the date of the Turun Hyang B inscription as 966 Śaka (1968: 2, 5; 2012b: 138, 143). However, after the discovery of new evidence on the division of Airlangga's kingdom, namely new manuscripts of the *Deśavarṇana* in Bali, Boechari revised his earlier proposal from 966 to 976 Śaka (1990: 128, 134; 2012c: 440–441, 446). The revision of the date by Boechari went unnoticed in the *Edisi Pemutakhiran of Sejarah Nasional Indonesia* which still cites the date as 966 Śaka (Bambang Sumadio & Endang Sri Hardiati 2008: 281 n. 7, 284). The same date was likewise still cited by Ninie Susanti (2010: 103, 196). The latest publication concerning the inscription is the catalog entry by Andi Muhammad Said *et al.* (2018: 12, no. 9) who cited the dates 958 and 966/976 Śaka in accordance with Boechari's 1968 and 1990 articles.</footnote>

<footnote n="7">7. Ed. Hasan Djafar & Trigangga 2019: 111–114.</footnote>

<footnote n="8">8. This is the only item with a provenance south of the Brantas (about 13 km removed from its present course, in *kabupaten* Mojokerto). For reasons unclear to us, even though the charter was discovered early on and commented on by Brandes in Groeneveldt's catalog (1887), no reading of it seems to have been available when Krom prepared Brandes' unpublished transcriptions for publication (Brandes 1913). A provisional reading was published only a few years ago (Hasan Djafar & Trigangga 2019: 234–237). In this charter, line A8, we encounter the word *jaṅgalāñchana*. Based on his own unpublished reading, Boechari proposed that the intended word is *jaṅgalālāñchana*, implying that the scribe has forgotten to write *la* after *jaṅga* (1968: 4–5).</footnote>

<footnote n="9">9. See Bambang Sumadio & Endang Sri Hardiati 2008: 281–286. It is worth mentioning</footnote>
extremely limited, only little can be said about these figures. Nonetheless, two inscriptions issued by Garasakan, namely Garaman and Turun Hyang B, are of great importance as they are the only two contemporary sources on the partition of Airlangga's kingdom into territories here called *jaṅgala* and *paṇjalu* as well as the subsequent strife between the two. According to the *Deśavarṇana*, the division took place in 974 Śaka, and we learn from the Garaman charter, issued one year later, about a conflict between the two parties.¹⁰ One year later still, the partition is alluded to in the inscription of Turun Hyang B.¹¹ After a few decades from which we entirely lack inscriptional sources, the historical record resumes with inscriptions issued from a different territory, conventionally called Kadiri or Pangjalu, although these names too are not so prominent in the contemporary sources.¹²

that Shalihah Sri Prabharani (2009), in her undergraduate thesis (*skripsi*), investigated an inscription she calls Mataji which is found in *desa* Bangle, *kecamatan* Lengkong, *kabupaten* Nganjuk. She concluded that the charter in question was issued in 973 Śaka by a king from Pangjalu called Jitendrakara. She further raised the question whether Jitendra and the *haji paṇjalu* mentioned in the Garaman charter are the same figure. Regrettably, without having direct access to the stone or to a usable reproduction, we do not yet dare to give credence to the Mataji data.

10. See the *Deśavarṇana* passage cited at the beginning of Titi Surti Nastiti, Eko Bastiawan & Griffiths 2022. The Garaman passage (2r4–5) is as follows: *lot·kahudanan kapveyan· makadadaḥ sarintōnya mamrihakōn· I lbuniṁ pāduka śrī mahārāja hane garuṁ, mapalah-ala(han lava)n· kakanirā hāji pājalu (corr. paṇjalu)* ‘steadfast [despite being] exposed to rain and sun, putting their lives at stake in exerting themselves for His Majesty the Great King, when he was present in Garuṇ, engaged in fierce combat with his elder brother, the king of Paṇjalu’.

11. Cd13: ... [*mahā*]rāja mapaṇji garasakan· Irikanam karamān· [I turun hyaṁ, tatkā]laniran· hañar ablaḥ lavān· haji paṇjalu parṇaḥnya. ‘... of the Great King with the byname Garasakan to the village community of Turun Hyañ. That is when his status had just become separated from the king of Panjalu ...’.

12. Regarding Pangjalu, see the preceding notes. Potentially the earliest explicit reference to the toponym *kaḍiri* is observed in the Carama charter dated 937 Śaka (ed. van Naerssen 1941), but this is a *tinulad*. Although the date engraved is clearly 937, several elements of the inscription make it necessary to be cautious in accepting this date. First, the dating parameters find no match in that year. Second, the contents show some connections with Airlangga’s unique Malang-area inscription called Sima Anglayang issued no earlier than 968 Śaka (ed. Titi Surti Nasiti, Eko Bastiawan & Griffiths 2022). For instance, *kurug sumbhul* (2v1) is similar to the *Akurug sumbul* of Sima Anglayang 16r4 while the same *rakryan* Rām-Rām (2v1) is found in Sima Anglayang 5r1–5r2. Third, the charter contains two specific parallels which are seen in the Kadiri-period inscription of Kemulan (1116 Śaka). The passage in 1v2–1v4... *tan· kna ri(m) parabyāpāra, man· dikṣa vulu-vulu pravulu, salvirniṁ tuha jaga, ludan· tutan*, *pavu-Avu*, ... is similar to Kemulan Ab17–18 ... *tan kaparabyapara deniṁ alakvan iṁ vuvuh tan kna salvirniṁ maṇḍikaṇ pakaliṅkiṁ lūdan tūtan pakrāk pakrīk pahavu-havu* ... whereas the expression *dōdot (t)inulis* (3r1–3r2) is also observed in Kamulan Cd12. It is worth mentioning that in terms of paleography, the inscription is comparable to the charter of Malenga (originally written in 974 Śaka and reissued in
As for this territory of Kadiri, corresponding to the present *kabupatens* of Kediri, Blitar, Tulungagung and Trenggalek, among the names of kings who reigned here during the century between 1038 and 1138 Śaka (1116–1216 CE), that of King Jayabhaya is the only one with broad appeal, associated as it is with the so-called “Prophecies of Jayabhaya.”<fnref n="13" /> Many people are still flocking regularly to the pilgrimage site associated with him called Pamuksan Sri Aji Joyoboyo located in desa Menang, kecamatan Pagu, kabupaten Kediri (fig. 1). The site is popularly considered as the place where Jayabhaya attained his liberation (*mokṣa*). While there is no evidence to confirm that the prophecies and pilgrimage site associated with his name have any factual connection with the historical King Jayabhaya, the king in question has left us a textual legacy in the form of stone inscriptions and literary works in Old Javanese called *kakavins*.

At least two such works were composed under his patronage (Zoetmulder 1974: 250–278, 1983: 317–349), namely the *Harivaṅśa* (Teeuw 1950) and the *Bhāratayuddha* (Supomo Suryohudoyo 1993). Three royal inscriptions have so far been discovered from his reign, which lasted for almost three decades,<fnref n="14" /> namely the charters of Hantang (1057 Śaka), Talan (1058 Śaka), and Tamparang (1066 Śaka).<fnref n="15" /> Studies on both the inscriptional record and literary works sponsored by Jayabhaya started in colonial times and are pursued down to the present-day.

Regarding the inscriptional record, a complete reading of the Hantang inscription was offered by Brandes (1913: 154–158, OJO LXVIII), Dwi

<footnote n="1238">1238 Śaka). Considering all these facts, the date engraved in the Carama charter might imply either that some events really happened in Kadiri in 937 Śaka or else that some centuries later someone wanted to claim them to have happened in that year.</footnote>

<footnote n="13">13. See the index entry “Jayabaya prophecies” on p. 907 of Carey 2007. In various footnotes of his work, Carey refers to a range of colonial-period and post-independence publications on this subject, among which we mention here only Drewes 1925: 130–137.</footnote>

<footnote n="14">14. Jayabhaya must have ascended the throne after 1052 Śaka (the Tangkilan inscription issued by Bameswara) and been succeeded before 1081 Śaka (the Padlegan II inscription issued by Sarweswara). As pointed out by Damais (1952: 68–69, n. 2), the *Bhāratayuddha* contains a stanza in honor of Jayabhaya suggesting he was still in power in 1079 Śaka. See also Supomo Suryohudoyo 1993: 8.</footnote>

<footnote n="15">15. Apart from three royal inscriptions, there are at least eight short inscriptions containing dates which fall under Jayabhaya’s reign. It is not known at whose initiative these inscriptions were created nor what events occurred in the years they record. They are observed in the southern part of East Java and engraved on various supports such as stone well mouths and large rectangular stones whose function remains to be determined. These inscriptions bear the Śaka dates 1058 (from Kandangan, Kediri), 1058 (from Kauman, Nganjuk), 1060 (two stones from Botoran and Rejotangan, Tulungagung), 1061 (from Kalidawir, Tulungagung), 1061 (from Karangpatihan, Ponorogo), 1061 and 1063 (from Kanigoro and Kepanjenkidul, Blitar). Four of these items are recorded in Nakada 1982, part II (under numbers 20, 21, 22 and 25) whereas the four which are not included are those from Kandangan, Kauman, Kalidawir and Kanigoro, none of which has been formally published.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_3.png" /><figcaption>Fig. 1 – The site of Pamuksan Sri Aji Joyoboyo. Photograph Eko Bastiawan.</figcaption></figure>

Sardjuningsih Setyawardhani (1980),<fnref n="16" /> and Hasan Djafar & Trigangga (2019: 82–89). However, it is only Dwi Sardjuningsih Setyawardhani who provides a translation of the inscription. By contrast, although it is perhaps the best preserved record of this period, the Talan inscription has not been adequately studied. It was partially read by Brandes (1913: 163–164, OJO LXX) and fully read by Nakada (1994: 1–7) as well as Machi Suhadi & Richadiana Kartakusuma (1996: 27–30, 56–57).<fnref n="17" /> However, no scholar has so far attempted to translate it, and the data contained in it have consequently played on a very small role in historiography. The last inscription, Tamparang, is less well preserved than the other two. Many of its *akṣaras* are badly weathered. Nonetheless, the first nine lines were read by Damais (1955: 145–146).<fnref n="18" /> Even in the cases of Hantang and Talan, the published readings are in many instances inaccurate.

<footnote n="16">16. The inscription of Hantang was the subject of Dwi Sardjuningsih Setyawardhani’s undergraduate thesis at University of Indonesia under the guidance of Boechari and Soekmono.</footnote>

<footnote n="17">17. Details of previous studies on the Talan charter will be presented below.</footnote>

<footnote n="18">18. Damais’ reading was reproduced by Machi Suhadi & Richadiana Kartakusuma (1996: 26–27, 56). Damais (and after him Machi Suhadi & Richadiana Kartakusuma) designated the inscription as Jepun with reference to its findspot. The text-internal designation Tamparang is based on our decipherment of the inscription which is unfinished at the time of this writing.</footnote>
Jayabhaya’s inscriptional legacy constitutes the primary source material to study his reign. In view of the fact that it has not been comprehensively studied, whether from the epigraphic or from the historiographic viewpoint, it is not surprising that the figure of Jayabhaya is still known more from the prophecies ascribed to him. Against this background, the following study of one of his inscriptions, the Talan charter, aims first and foremost to offer a critical edition of the text, accompanied by a reliable translation. On that basis, we will turn our attention to some major topics that emerge from this primary source, namely the fact that besides its date of issue it contains the date of an earlier charter that is incorporated, the identity of the figure Bhaṭāra Guru who is the issuer of the incorporated charter and his relation to Jayabhaya, the significance of the Garuḍamukha emblem, the issue of territorial connections between Janggala and Kadiri, and the role played by agents other than the king in the transaction that is the *raison d’être* of this charter.

## 2. Location and physical description

The Talan charter, also known (it would seem erroneously) as Munggut inscription,<fnref n="19" /> is engraved on a large stela situated at *dusun Gurit, desa Babadan, kecamatan Wlingi, kabupaten Blitar, East Java* (fig. 2). The coordinates of the location are 8°04′22.6″ S and 112°19′34.8″ E. This is not far from the sites of two other stone inscriptions, viz. the Panumbangan charter (1042 Śaka) (fig. 3) and the charter of Pagiliran (1042 Śaka) (fig. 4),<fnref n="20" /> both issued by King Bameswara, also of the Kadiri period. The stela we are concerned with here, standing under a small *pendopo*, is relatively well preserved with text clearly visible on its four faces. Its measurements are H. 157, W. 71–95, D. 19–28 cm. A circular roundel at the top of the front face (A) shows the emblem called Garuḍamukha, to which we return below in section 6. The base of the stone takes the form of a lotus.

<footnote n="19">19. The designation Munggut for the Talan inscription has never appeared in any publication that we know of. But we mention it here because it has taken root as “local knowledge”, shared for instance by the guardian of the site where the inscription is preserved. It is important to note that this inscription is different from the Munggut inscription issued by Airlangga which is situated in Jombang (and has been published in Titi Surti Nastiti, Eko Bastiawan & Griffiths 2022). The name Munggut, instead of Talan, is mostly used by the locals when referring to the stone and we do not know for certain why this is the case. The only explanation that we can imagine is that the designation Munggut has emerged for the Talan inscription due to the fact that it is located in *desa* Gurit while the Munggut inscription is from a *desa* Sumber Gurit. The common toponymic element Gurit may have created confusion and led to the Talan stone being referred to as Munggut.</footnote>

<footnote n="20">20. Only the first four lines are published (Machi Suhadi & Richadiana Kartakusuma 1996: 25).</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_4.png" /><figcaption>Fig. 2 – The Talan inscription. Photograph Eko Bastiawan.</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_5.png" /><figcaption>Fig. 3 – The Panumbangan inscription. Photograph Eko Bastiawan.</figcaption></figure>
<figure><img src="image_6.png" /><figcaption>Fig. 4 – The Pagiliran inscription.
Photograph Eko Bastiawan.</figcaption></figure>

**3. Previous research**

Two inscribed stones from the district of Wlingi in Kediri are alluded to for the first time in scholarly literature in 1869 in a list of estampages that were part of the estate of R. H. Th. Friederich entrusted to the Batavian Society of Arts and Sciences, apparently comprising in part estampages made by N. W. Hoepermans who had been working under Friederich’s charge (NBG 7, 1869: 8, XCVII, CVIII).<fnref n="21" /> These two inscriptions must be the aforementioned Panumbangan charter as well as the one that concerns us here.<fnref n="22" /> Duplicates of these estampages of the Talan stele, in four sheets, were subsequently dispatched to the Leiden Museum of Antiquities in 1891 (NBG 14, 1876: I–IV, no. 24).<fnref n="23" /> The inscription then figures under no. 555 in R. D. M. Verbeek’s inventory of Javanese antiquities, which assigns to it the date 1068 Śaka (1891: 10, 269) mentioning the estampages kept in Batavia and in Leiden. Two

<footnote n="21">21. See below for more about Hoepermans’ work.</footnote>

<footnote n="22">22. The Pagiliran stela, on the other hand, was discovered much later, the earliest record mentioning it being the *Laporan kegiatan penelitian arkeologi selama Pelita II* (1985: 110).</footnote>

<footnote n="23">23. They seem to be related to the items mentioned in H. N. Juynboll’s catalog of the national ethnographic museum in Leiden (1909: 234, no. 3000), though Juynboll’s use of the term “afgietsels” (which would seem to mean “plaster casts”) and his explanation in n. 3 on p. 231 (“Deze afgietsels zijn vervaardigd op afdruksels in papier van elk der opschriften, die door het bestuur van het Batav. Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen aan het Rijks Museum van Oudheden overgemaakt waren”) suggests that Juynboll was describing surrogates of surrogates.</footnote>
years later, the Batavian Society’s Museum received another reproduction, this time a “facsimile on linen cloth” (“afteekening op doortreklinnen”), sent by J. Knebel. We learn from J. L. A. Brandes’ report on the receipt of this reproduction that the charter was issued by King Jayabhaya and that he read the date not as 1068 but as 1058 Śaka (NBG 31, 1893: 72–73).

A decade later, Brandes (1904: 452–453) reported that two facsimiles (*afteekening*) of the beginning of this inscription are found in the University Library in Leiden, one in the H. N. van der Tuuk collection and another among the papers suspected to come from C. J. van der Vlis. Brandes detailed that the facsimiles cover only the beginning part of a stone inscription that, judging from the form of the lettering as well as the content, could have been from East Java. The one from the van der Tuuk collection comes with a caption “Inscription found at Soengkoeh” (*inscriptie gevonden te Soengkoeh*). In relation to that, Brandes refers to an entry about Soengkoep in the Geographical and Statistical Dictionary (Veth & van Alphen 1869: 392) citing it as basis for the idea that the inscribed stone would once have been found at that site, but that it had gone missing. The entry in question in fact only elaborates that Soengkoep was the ruin of a *candi* situated in Kediri but does not mention any inscribed stone, in surprising contrast with what is suggested by Brandes. Brandes proposed that the stone reproduced in the facsimile may have been found at Soengkoep as one of the names Soengkoeh and Soengkoep may have been a writing error for the other. He also recorded that the facsimiles concern a charter of King Jayabhaya from Śaka 1068. Finally, he noted, erroneously, that the stone had not been listed in Verbeek’s inventory. It seems that the varying readings of the date induced this error, and it is important to note that the whole section in Brandes 1904 is somewhat incoherent. Frankly, we have the impression that it was written by someone other than Brandes himself.

Reporting on fieldwork undertaken in 1908, Knebel noted that the stela was located to the east of the road from Wlingi to Semen, and that it is decorated with the figure of Garuḍamukha as emblem (1910: 161). Shortly thereafter, this charter was included in N. J. Krom’s list of dated inscriptions which indicates 1058 Śaka as its date (1911a: 251) and the same scholar in the same year published a list of estampages preserved at the Archaeological Office in Batavia, including two estampages, one of them on linen (1911b: 52, nos. 539 and 341). In the report on his fieldwork in the years 1864–1867, published a half century later, Hoepermans (1913: 348) had described the stone as inscribed on its four faces, resting on a bed of lotus leaves, still intact and undamaged, and described the emblem engraved on the top of the front face as a rosette containing a monstrous figure. In the same year, a significant part of the contents of the inscription figured under the designation Soengkoeh/Soengkoep, in the posthumous publication of transcriptions by Brandes (1913: 163–164, OJO LXX), the date being read here as 1068 Śaka.<fnref n="24" />

<footnote n="24">24. It seems that the handwritten transcription by Brandes prepared for publication</footnote>
In his study on the kings from Kadiri, Krom corrected Brandes' naming of the stone and pointed out that the stela in question is the one from desa Gurit which was in fact still in situ (1914: 243). Further, the information that had been published until then was summarized in the new inventory of antiquities edited under the responsibility of F. D. K. Bosch (ROD 1915: 348, no. 2098). Twenty-five years later, in a discussion of King Teguh's records, W. F. Stutterheim highlighted the different epithets used by King Jayabaya in the Hantang and Talan inscriptions. He expressed doubt as to the correct reading of the date of the Talan inscription but was unable to investigate it further as he was unaware of the existence of the estampages kept in Batavia and believed that only the eye-copies at Leiden were available to decipher the date (1940: 354, n. 1).

The seminal publications of L.-Ch. Damais (1952: 66–67 no. A.152, 1955: 71) comprised a decipherment of the first five lines of the text with the dating formula where Damais read 1058, on which basis he was able to convert the date to 24 August 1136 CE. In subsequent decades, the inscription kept figuring now and then in scholarly literature,<fnref n="25" /> but it was not until 1994 that a complete reading of the inscription was first published, by the Japanese scholar Kōzō Nakada (1994: 1–7). Two years after that, another complete edition of the inscription was published by Indonesian scholars, namely Machi Suhadi & Richadiana Kartakusuma (1996: 27–30). This last edition was presumably based on the undergraduate thesis (*skripsi*) by Machi Suhadi when he was a student at the University of Indonesia in 1970. Unfortunately, we have not been able to get access to his thesis.<fnref n="26" />

Despite more than a century of publication record, and three editions (two of which complete), the text cannot be said to have started being studied in earnest, as none of the publications was accompanied by a translation, and the reliability of the editions evidently suffers from the fact that the editors did not carry out the counter-check on their readings which comes from translating them.<fnref n="27" />

<footnote>by Krom had not been updated in the light of Brandes's own observations in NBG 31 (1893), referred to above. As editor, Krom also failed to make the connection with the stele on which Hoepermans, Verbeek and Knebel had reported.</footnote>

<footnote n="25">25. Nurhadi Magetsari et al. 1979: 280; Nakada 1982: 110–111; Eade & Gislén 2000: 84–85; Bambang Sumadio & Endang Sri Hardiati 2008: 290.</footnote>

<footnote n="26">26. We know that the Talan inscription was the subject of Machi Suhadi's undergraduate thesis as it is cited in two of his publications, namely "Status tanah/desa perdikan di Jawa: Suatu catatan dari sumber prasasti kuno" (1981-1982: 137-143) and "Prasasti Rumwiga" (1983: 37-47). However, it is not cited as source in the 1996 publication.</footnote>

<footnote n="27">27. This is clear from the numerous untranslatable readings observed in previous editions, from among which we mention here only some examples: *paṇaṭjan* (faces Ab, line 5) read as *pajyen* by Brandes; *garuḍamukha* (Ab6) read as *rarūḍamuA* by Nakada; *suṣṭubhakti* (Ab10) read as *sṛṣṭabhakti* by Brandes; *vinava saṁ mānak katrīṇi* (Ab14) read as *vənaṁ vasa mānak katrīṇi* by Nakada; *paṁrāma* (Ab22) read as *vānāma* by which Machi Suhadi & Richadiana Kartakusuma; *941* (Cd6) read as *rṇan ugaḥ*</footnote>
4. Text

The text starts on the large front face (here called A), each line of which is continued on the lateral face (b) to its right. After the 25th line on face Ab, the text continues on the opposite large face (C) each line of which is again to be read together with the lateral face to its right (d).

The reading presented here was established by using Nakada's edition (1994: 1-7) as a base text (N). This base text was checked against the readings of Brandes (1913: 163-164, OJO LXX) only covering Ab lines 1-22 (B), of Damais (1955: 71) only covering Ab lines 1-5 (D), and of Machi Suhadi & Richadiana Kartakusuma (1996: 27-30) (M&R). It was then verified using the set of estampages, made during a field trip led by Titi Surti Nastiti and Arlo Griffiths in 2012, and held at the EFEO library in Paris (n. 2287-2290).²⁸ The text was checked again by direct inspection of the stone on the 25th of September 2021 and the 18th & 22nd of March 2022 by Eko Bastiawan, benefiting from remote supervision and assistance from Arlo Griffiths. Arlo Griffiths finished revising the edition, using the EFEO estampages, on the 28th of June 2022.²⁹

In editing the inscription, we follow the transliteration system proposed by Balogh & Griffiths (2020) and use the following editorial signs:

<table><tr><td>(xyz)</td><td>reading of text is unclear</td></tr><tr><td>[xyz]</td><td>text lost due to damage to support</td></tr><tr><td>⟨xyz⟩</td><td>text omitted by scribe</td></tr><tr><td>(⟨xyz⟩)</td><td>superfluous text written by scribe, to be ignored by reader</td></tr><tr><td>/xyz\</td><td>text inserted below the line</td></tr><tr><td>{xyz}</td><td>gap in text for reason of illegibility or loss</td></tr><tr><td>-</td><td>space left open for whatever reason (defect of the support, interfering descender from previous line)</td></tr><tr><td>:</td><td>tarung to make long pepet</td></tr><tr><td>.</td><td>vowel killer used to suppress from any consonant character its inherent vowel a</td></tr></table>

by Nakada; *Anumpyataka* (Cd7-8) read as *Anumaṁhyaṁtikaṁ* by Machi Suhadi & Richadiana Kartakusuma; *mā 2* (Cd11) read as *mā bū* by Nakada; *pagəhniṁ* (Cd13-14) read as *paṁsəhniṁ* by Nakada; *patyanikaṁ* (Cd20) read as *gatyanikaṁ* by Machi Suhadi & Richadiana Kartakusuma; *samaṇkana* (Cd24) read as *sapaṇkaca* by Nakada.

28. Face A, n. 2287; face b, n. 2288; face C, n. 2289; face d, n. 2290.

29. In our footnotes, we record variant readings from previous editions but we ignore differences which only pertain to one or more of the following phenomena: presence/absence of vowel length, presence/absence of *cecak/anusvāra* (*ṁ*), presence/absence of a punctuation mark, a gap left unread by one editor being read by us and/or some other editors, probably unintentional omission of a diacritic.
## Faces A and b (figs 5 and 6)

(1) //o// Oṁ //o// svasti śaka-varṣātīta 1058,³⁰ śravaṇa-māsa,³¹ tithi Ekādaśī kṛṣṇa-pakṣa, tu,³² va, ca, vāra, pra(m)bakat, grahacāra da(b)kṣiṇastha, punarvvaśū-nakṣatra

(2) Aditi-devatā, siddhi-yoga, vava-karaṇa, kuvera-parvveśa, vāyavya-manḍala, Irikā divasani Ājñā śrī mahārāja, śrī-varmmeśvara-madhusū(b) danāvatārānandita-suhṛ-

(3)t-simha-parākrama-digjayottuṅgadeva-nāma,³³ jayabhayalāñchana, tinaḍaḥ rakryān· mahāmantrī I halu kabayan· rim sarvvagata Umiṁso(b)r i taṇḍa rakryān· ri pakira-(ki)-

(4)ran· makabehan· makādi rakryān· kanuruhan· mapañji maṇḍaka(,)³⁴ sambandha(,) Ikam vargga ri talan kabeḥ māmpak-ampak· manambaḥ ri lbuni pā(b)duka śrī mahārāja maka-

(5)sopāṇa³⁵ rakryān apatiḥ mpu kesareśvara kṛta-vivekālaṅghanīya-parākrama mapañji bāguṇa,³⁶ tan kavuntat· pañajyan.³⁷ śrī mahā(b)rāja mpuṅku naiyāyika-

(6)darśana-samṛddhi-kāraṇa³⁸ bhai[ra]va-mārgānugamana-yogīśvarādhikāra³⁹ mājar.⁴⁰ yan hana kmitanya praśāsti⁴¹ muṅguriṁ⁴² ripta tinaṇḍa garuḍamu(kha)⁴³

(b) Ātmarakṣanyan inanugrahān ma-

30. 1058 ◇ D N M&R, 1068 B.

31. śravaṇa-māsa ◇ D N M&R, śravaṇa-māsa ri (!) B. We are not sure what the '(!)' in B's reading means. It could be that Krom added it as editor, if he was surprised by the occurrence of ri in B's manuscript.

32. tu ◇ D N M&R, (ṣa) B.

33. śrī-varmmeśvara-madhusūdanāvatārānandita-suhṛ-t-simha-parākrama- ◇ D N M&R, dharmmeśvara- {15 akṣ. ille.} parākrama- B.

34. maṇḍaka(,) ◇ D N M&R, maṇḍa(la) B. By contrast with the other occurrences of this person (Hantang A6 and Tamparang A7), there is definitely no final tarung on maṇḍaka here.

35. lbuni pāduka śrī mahārāja makasopāṇa ◇ D M&R, lbu {9 akṣ. ille.} sopāṇa B, lbuni pādlūka śrī mahārāja makasopāṇa N.

36. kesareśvara kṛtvivekālaṅghanīya-parākrama mapañji bāguṇa ◇ D N M&R, kesaveśvara {5 akṣ. ille.} la(ñca)na ya(thā)krama mapañji {1 akṣ. ille.} (gu)ṇa B.

37. pañajyan· ◇ B M&R, pajyen· N.

38. śrī mahārāja mpuṅku naiyāyika-darśana-samṛddhi-kāraṇa ◇ śrī mahārāja {12 akṣ. ille.} kāraṇa B, śrī mahārāja mpuṅku naiyāyika-darśana-savṛddhi-kāraṇa N, śrī mahārāja mpuṅku neyāyika-darśana-samṛddhi-kāraṇa M&R.

39. yogīśvarādhikāra ◇ {4 akṣ. ille.} dhikāra B, yogīśvarāvīkāra N, yogiśvarādhikāra M&R. There is damage on the stone after this word: a punctuation sign could have been engraved here.

40. mājar· ◇ B N, Umajar· M&R.

41. hana kmitanya praśāsti ◇ M&R, hana {3 akṣ. lost} praśāsti B, pānakmitanya praśāsti N.

42. rim ◇ ri B M&R, nim N.

43. garuḍamu(kha) ◇ B M&R, rarūḍamuA N.
(7)kasīmā deśanya ri talan· de bhaṭāra guru, pramāṇā ri salbak·-vukhirnya tka riṁ gagā savaḥ<fnref n="44" /> tpi-tpi Ivaḥ Ṛṇōk· kuluvutan·<fnref n="45" /> patapan· sa(b)prakāra, Atōhēr· maṁhyaṁ ri

(8) Alīhani praśāstinya Umuṅgva<fnref n="46" /> riṁ liṅgopala, maṅkana rasani haturnikaṁ varga<fnref n="47" /> ri talan· ri lbūni pāduka śrī mahārāja, saṅkā ri gō:ṁ karu(b)ṇā śrī mahārāja ri panambaḥ-

(9)nikam<fnref n="48" /> vargga ri talan·, Āpan· jātiniṁ kadi sira Uttama-kṣatriya sākṣāt· viṣṇv(āvat)āra,<fnref n="49" /> satata-sakala-jagat-pālaka, samasta-prajā-nanda(b)na-kāraṇa,<fnref n="50" /> huniṇā ri sapra-

(10)yojananim praṇata maṁhyaṁ ri sira,<fnref n="51" /> māsiḥ riṁ śaraṇāgata, tan aṅgā kapihutaṇana kabhaktin· denim suṣṭubhakti<fnref n="52" /> ri sira,<fnref n="53" /> ma(b)taṁnyan<fnref n="54" /> inubhaya-sanmata<fnref n="55" /> paṁhyaṁ-

(11)nikam vargga ri talan· de lbūni pādukanira, ri Alihani praśāstinya muṅgva riṁ<fnref n="56" /> liṅgopala, Atōhēr ta ya Inimbuhan· Anu(b)graha de śrī mahārāja, ku-

(12)nam<fnref n="57" /> rasany anugraha bhaṭāra guru Irikaṁ colo, Ubheni,<fnref n="58" /> Ṛntōt·,<fnref n="59" /> An ikaṇ i<fnref n="60" /> talan· thāni vatōk· panumbaṇan·, sapasuk· (b) thāni kabeḥ, Atagan· vanta-

<footnote n="44">44. tka riṁ gagā savaḥ ◊ N, {4 akṣ. ille.} savaḥ(nya) B, tka ri gagā savaḥ M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="45">45. kuluvutan· ◊ M&R, {4 akṣ. ille.} B, kuluvukan· N.</footnote>

<footnote n="46">46. Umuṅgva ◊ N M&R, Umuṅgu B.</footnote>

<footnote n="47">47. varga ◊ N, rarai B, vargga M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="48">48. mahārāja, saṅkā ri gō:ṁ karuṇā śrī mahārāja ri panambaḥnikam ◊ N M&R, mahārājāsuṅgā ri (oṃ)kāranika vargga ri (talan) B.</footnote>

<footnote n="49">49. viṣṇv(āvat)āra, ◊ viṣṇvaṇṣa B M&R, viṣṇvāra N. Our emendation is based on the same expression observed in stanza 41.11 of the *Harivañśa* written in the Kadiri period (Teeuw 1950: 71) and two inscriptions, one from the Singasari period called Mula-Malurung (9v3, ed. Titi Surti Nastiti 2016: 421–436) and one from the Majapahit period called Adan-adan (7v3, ed. Machi Suhadi 1996). It is important to note that similar expressions are found within the corpus, namely *viṣṇvāñśa* in Padlegan I (4) and *viṣṇvāñśāvatāra* in Sirah Keting (b16–17). For discussion of the latter, see Stutterheim 1940: 352–354.</footnote>

<footnote n="50">50. -prajā- ◊ M&R, {2 akṣ. ille.} B, -pravā- N.</footnote>

<footnote n="51">51. ri sira, ◊ B M&R, riṁ sirah N.</footnote>

<footnote n="52">52. denim suṣṭubhakti ◊ N M&R, (d)eni sṛṣṭabhakti B.</footnote>

<footnote n="53">53. sira ◊ M&R, {2 akṣ. ille.} B, sirah N.</footnote>

<footnote n="54">54. mataṁnyan ◊ {3 akṣ. ille.} B, mabaṁnyan N, mataṁyan M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="55">55. -sanmata ◊ M&R, {3 akṣ. ille.} B, -sasmara N.</footnote>

<footnote n="56">56. muṅgva riṁ ◊ N M&R, muṅgu ri B.</footnote>

<footnote n="57">57. kunam ◊ N M&R, {1 akṣ. ille.} ni B.</footnote>

<footnote n="58">58. colo, Ubheni ◊ {2 akṣ. ille.} d(e)ni B, volo, dabheni, N, colo khabeni M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="59">59. Ṛntōt·, ◊ N M&R, (Rntōk·) B.</footnote>

<footnote n="60">60. An ikaṇ i ◊ M&R, {4 akṣ. ille.} B, An ikad i N.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_7.png" /><figcaption>Fig. 5 – Talan, face A. Estampage EFEO n. 2287.</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_8.png" /><figcaption>Fig. 6 – Talan, face b. Estampage EFEO n. 2288.</figcaption></figure>
(13)yan-, gavai ku 1, mapakna<fnref n="61" /> sīmānikaṁ vargga<fnref n="62" /> ri talan-, kālap- tkem lbak-·vukhirnya<fnref n="63" /> kabeḥ, tkem gagā<fnref n="64" /> savaḥ kubva(b)n· tpi-tpi lvaḥ Ṛṇak· sa-
(14)prakāra, kapva kāgraha<fnref n="65" /> denikaṁ<fnref n="66" /> vargga<fnref n="67" /> ri talan·, mvaṁ tan<fnref n="68" /> katamāna deniṁ vinava saṁ mānak katrīṇi,<fnref n="69" /> paṇkur·, ta(b)vān·, tirip·, saprakāra

(15) saṁ maṇilala dravya haji vulu-vulu magō:m maḍmit· riṁ daṇū, makādi miśra paramiṣra, paṇuraṁ, kriṁ, paḍōm·,<fnref n="70" /> ma(b)nimpiki,<fnref n="71" /> paranakan·, limu-
(16)s· galuḥ, paṇaruhan·, taji, vatu tajōm·, maṁriñca, maṁhūri, paraṁ, sukun·, halu varak·, ramanam, raka(b)saṁ, juru gōṇḍim, piniṁlai, ka-

(17)taṅgaran·, tapa haji, Air haji, malandaṁ, lca, qəLb-əLb·, kalaṅkaṁ, kutak·, taṇkil·, tṛpan·, sa(b)lvīt·, sinagiha, kyab·, sṛ-
(18)kan·, liṅga(m),<fnref n="72" /> vatu valaṁ, vilaṁ thāni, pamaṇikan·, Aniga,<fnref n="73" /> sikəpan·, rumban·,<fnref n="74" /> tirvan·, viji kavaḥ, ti(b)ṅkəs·, māvī, manambaṇi, taṁhira-

(19)n·, tuha dagaṁ, juru gosali, maṁrumbai, maṁguñjai,<fnref n="75" /> juru kliṁ,<fnref n="76" /> juru huñjəman·(,) juru juḍi, puluṁ paḍi, juru jali(b)r·, pabisar·,<fnref n="77" /> paguluṁ, pavuṁku-
(20)num·, juru banantən·,<fnref n="78" /> miśra hino, miśrānin-aṅin·(,) vli tambaṁ, vli vaduṁ, vli hapū, vli haRṁ, vli pañjut·(b)(⟨t⟩),<fnref n="79" /> suval·(,) tambā, limbaṁ ⟨(k)⟩

(21) kavaḥ,<fnref n="80" /> palamak·, Urutan·, dampulan·, pakaluṇkuṁ, tpuṁ kavuṁ, sumsum paṇuraṁ, kaRṛṇan·(,) pa(b)suk alas·, sipat· vilut·(,)

<footnote n="61">61. mapakna ◇ N M&R, mapakora B.</footnote>

<footnote n="62">62. vargga ◇ N M&R, rarai B.</footnote>

<footnote n="63">63. -vukhirnya ◇ N, -vukirnya B M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="64">64. gagā ◇ M&R, {2 akṣ. ille.} B, dhavāṁ N.</footnote>

<footnote n="65">65. kapva kāgraha ◇ N M&R, bahva nugraha B.</footnote>

<footnote n="66">66. denikaṁ ◇ M&R, denika B, de rikaṁ N.</footnote>

<footnote n="67">67. vargga ◇ N M&R, rarai B.</footnote>

<footnote n="68">68. mvaṁ tan ◇ N M&R, m(va ka)na B.</footnote>

<footnote n="69">69. vinava saṁ mānak katrīṇi ◇ M&R, {3 akṣ. ille.} simāna {3 akṣ. ille.} B, vənaṁ asa mānak katrīṇi N.</footnote>

<footnote n="70">70. paḍōm· ◇ B, padōm· N M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="71">71. manimpiki ◇ M&R, {4 akṣ. ille.} B, marimpiki N.</footnote>

<footnote n="72">72. sṛkan·, liṅga(m) ◇ N M&R, sakan· liṅga B.</footnote>

<footnote n="73">73. Aniga ◇ M&R, maniga B, Anigaḥ N.</footnote>

<footnote n="74">74. rumban· ◇ B M&R, sumban· N.</footnote>

<footnote n="75">75. maṁguñjai, ◇ M&R, maṁguñje B, mavuñjai, N.</footnote>

<footnote n="76">76. kliṁ ◇ N M&R, (kḍi) B.</footnote>

<footnote n="77">77. pabisar· ◇ M&R, {3 akṣ. ille.} B, paliṁsar· N.</footnote>

<footnote n="78">78. banantən· ◇ B M&R, banuntən· N.</footnote>

<footnote n="79">79. pañjut·⟨⟨t⟩⟩ ◇ N, pañjut· B M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="80">80. limbaṁ ⟨⟨k⟩⟩ kavaḥ, ◇ {4 akṣ. ille.} B, limbak· kavaḥ, N M&R.</footnote>
(22) jukum, pānin-aṅin,<fnref n="81" /> pāmāvaśya, hopan,<fnref n="82" /> panraṇan, skar tahun, garihan,<fnref n="83" /> pabayai, paṁ(b)rāma,<fnref n="84" /> Avur, panatak,<fnref n="85" /> pan(·)(de)

(23) mās,<fnref n="86" /> panigaṇ-atak, paṁdva-mās, panigaṁ-blaḥ, pakarapa,<fnref n="87" /> tampə: sirir,<fnref n="88" /> pinta-palaku, paṁharaṁ-ha(b)(raṁ,) tuluṁ hutaṁ,<fnref n="89" /> pobhaya, kipa-ki-(24)pah, pavalanda, pakanan tahun,<fnref n="90" /> paniriṁ,<fnref n="91" /> pacumbi, paprāyaścitta, pavuvuḥ, pāṅgarai,<fnref n="92" /> pavlaṁ-vlaṁ, tuṇḍan(·,) (b) buñcaṁ haji,<fnref n="93" /> kḍi,<fnref n="94" /> hulun haji,<fnref n="95" /> valya-

(25)n·(·) sambal, sumbul, mavuluṁ-vuluṁ,<fnref n="96" /> vidu maṇiduṁ, Ariṅgit, Abañol, siṅgaḥ, pabṛsi, vatək i (b) jro Ityevamādi kabeḥ, tan ta-

## Faces C and d (figs 7 and 8)

(1)mātaḥ Irikeṁ<fnref n="97" /> šī[ma] ri talan· kevala Ikaṁ varga ri talan· pramāṇā ri sadravya-hajinya<fnref n="98" /> kabeḥ, maṅkana Ika(m) sukha(d)duḥkha magə:m maḍmit, A-

(2)siṅ ata (sa)lviranya<fnref n="99" /> kady aṅgāniṁ mayaṁ tan pavvaḥ, valū rumambat· riṁ

<footnote n="81">81. B reads up to this point.</footnote>

<footnote n="82">82. hopan· ◇ M&R, patapan· N.</footnote>

<footnote n="83">83. garihan· ◇ N M&R. The first akṣara could also be read as śa. In Garaman (3r6) we have śariyan· but the word garihan· also occurs in Pabuharan (4r4, ed. Boechari 1985–1986: 13–14 where the relevant line is labelled IIa4).</footnote>

<footnote n="84">84. paṁrāma ◇ N, vānāma M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="85">85. panatak· ◇ M&R, panatat· N.</footnote>

<footnote n="86">86. pan(·)(de) mās· ◇ N, panaji mas· M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="87">87. pakarapa ◇ M&R, patarapa N.</footnote>

<footnote n="88">88. tampə: sirir· ◇ tampə: sisir· N, tampə:m sirir· M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="89">89. paṁharaṁ-ha(ram,) tuluṁ hutaṁ ◇ paṁharas· Atuluṁ hutaṁ N, pahara-hara, hulu tukaṁ M&R. Our reading paṁharaṁ-haraṁ is supported by the same word found in Sobhamerta (4r6, ed. Titi Surti Nastiti 2007). However, what we tentatively read ram, at the start of face d, could also be read as ma (without punctuation mark), while in Munggut (2.12) and Anjatan (3r1–3r2) we find occurrences of paṁrāma followed by tuluṁ hutaṁ. For this reason, we remain in doubt as to the correct reading of the word that precedes tuluṁ hutaṁ.</footnote>

<footnote n="90">90. pakanan tahun· ◇ N, sakanan tahun· M&R. The term is not found in other epigraphic records. A slightly different term, namely pakan (t)ahun, is observed in Anjatan (3v2).</footnote>

<footnote n="91">91. paniriṁ ◇ N, pañiriṁ M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="92">92. pāṅgarai ◇ N, pāṅgati M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="93">93. tuṇḍan(·,) buñcaṁ haji ◇ M&R, duṇḍan· bu(k)va sāji N.</footnote>

<footnote n="94">94. kḍi ◇ N, kliṁ M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="95">95. haji ◇ N, pañi M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="96">96. mavuluṁ-vuluṁ ◇ M&R, pavuluṁ-vuluṁ N.</footnote>

<footnote n="97">97. tan tamātaḥ Irikeṁ ◇ N, tan tama Irikan M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="98">98. sadravya- ◇ M&R, saṁ dravya N.</footnote>

<footnote n="99">99. Asiṅ ata (sa)lviranya ◇ A[ne]n {2 akṣ. ille.}viraṁnya N, kala ta lviranya M&R.</footnote>
natar, vipati, vañkai kābunan,<fnref n="100" /> rāḥ kasavur i<fnref n="101" /> hava(d)n, hidu kasirat, (d)ū-(3)hilatən, sāhasa, vākcapala, hastacapala, mamijilakən vuriniṁ kikir, mamūk, mamuṁpaṁ,<fnref n="102" /> lūdan, (d) tūtan, 〈⟨malaṁ mopi(ḥ)⟩⟩<fnref n="103" />

(4) Aṁśa pratyamśa,<fnref n="104" /> daṇḍa kuḍaṇḍa, maṇḍihalādi, kevala Ikaṁ vargga ri talan· pramāṇā Irikā kabeḥ, ma(d)ṅkana rasani Anugraha bha-(5)ṭāra guru Irikaṁ vargga I talan·, praśāsti muṅgu riṁ ripta tinaṇḍa garuḍamuka,<fnref n="105" /> pinagəhakən· śrī mahārāja, Atəhər i(d)nubhaya śrī mahārāja pra-

(6)tiṣṭā<fnref n="106" /> riṁ liṅgopala, kunaṁ kālani Anugraha bhaṭāra guru Irikaṁ vargga ri talan·, Iṁ śaka 941,<fnref n="107" /> punaḥ-māgha-māsa (d) tithi pratipāda,<fnref n="108" /> kṛṣṇa-pa-(7)kṣa, ha, U, bu, vāra, dukut·, kunaṁ rasani paṇimbuḥ śrī mahārāja Irikaṁ vargga ri talan· ri vnañanyāvarugā Inantun·, (d) Asakā Inaṣṭa, Anumpya-

(8)taka<fnref n="109" /> natar, Anusuna palaṅka, Apalaṅkā binubut·, Aprā⟨⟨ṁ⟩⟩sa<fnref n="110" /> nāgapuṣpa, Ajnva humalaṁ,<fnref n="111" /> vnañājamahāni(d)(n)dikāmguntināmaṁlva(ṁ)<fnref n="112" /> rāhana

(9) raray inakvakən, vnañāhuluna ḍayaṁ, Arabya ḍayaṁ kamambaṇan, Amaṇana rājamāṁsa, Aḍulaṇa bvaḥ kama[(d)lai,<fnref n="113" /> Aguntiṇa riṁ sa, Ani-

<footnote n="100">100. kābunan· ◇ M&R, kātunan· N.</footnote>

<footnote n="101">101. i ◇ N, in M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="102">102. mamuṁpaṁ ◇ N, Amuṁpaṁ M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="103">103. ⟨⟨malaṁ mopi(ḥ)⟩⟩ ◇ malaṁ mopi N, {1 akṣ. ille.} la mopi M&R. These words do not yield an evident sense in this context. Comparing the parallel passages in the charters of Panumbangan Cd9 and Hantang Cd24, we do not expect anything between tūtan and Aṁśa pratyamśa. Therefore, we consider that the sequence malaṁ mopi(ḥ) is the result of a scribal error and needs to be expunged from the text.</footnote>

<footnote n="104">104. pratyamśa ◇ M&R, prakṣaka N.</footnote>

<footnote n="105">105. garuḍamuka ◇ garūḍamuka N, garuḍamukha M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="106">106. pratiṣṭā ◇ N M&R. We find pratiṣṭākna in similar contexts in Pagiliran A5, Panumbangan Ab9, and Hantang Ab10, and so we have considered the possibility of supplying kna here. Nevertheless, the fact that pratiṣṭ(ḥ)ā is also observed in the same context in Tamparang Ab9, Kemulan Ab8 and Palah Ab8 means that this reading must be accepted as a viable alternative, in the intransitive, to the passive construction with pratiṣṭ(ḥ)ākna.</footnote>

<footnote n="107">107. 941 ◇ rīṇan ugaḥ N, 961 M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="108">108. -māgha-māsa tithi pratipāda ◇ M&R, māla riṁ mā{body ille.}eṁkən· pratipāda N.</footnote>

<footnote n="109">109. Anumpyataka ◇ N, Anumaṁhyaṁtikaṁ M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="110">110. Aprā⟨⟨ṁ⟩⟩sa ◇ Aprāsa N M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="111">111. Ajnva humalaṁ ◇ M&R, Ajtva humalaṁ N. In Garaman 4r5 and Gandhakuti 5r1 we have occurrences of Ajnva halam. Is the word humalaṁ here a mistake or a legitimate variant for halam?</footnote>

<footnote n="112">112. vnañājamahāni(n)dikāmguntināmaṁlva(ṁ)◇ vnañājapahānindikāmbuntināmalvaṁ N, vnañājapahānindikāguntināmalvaṁ M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="113">113. kamaṭlai ◇ N M&R. A taling is engraved after kama at the end of the line on face C but we also find the -ai marker at the beginning of d.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_9.png" /><figcaption>Fig. 7 – Talan, face C. Estampage EFEO n. 2289.</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_10.png" /><figcaption>Fig. 8 – Talan, face d. Estampage EFEO n. 2290.</figcaption></figure>
(10)tā rim saL̄, Agam-agamāna kayu kuniṁ, Dravyā tabaṁ-tabam,<fnref n="114" /> tuhun·tan paṁhañjuranya<fnref n="115" /> yan paṁlaku-laku,<fnref n="116" /> ku(d)naṁ<fnref n="117" /> kadeyakəna rikaṁ varga ri (11) talan·, ri pagəhanyātahila<fnref n="118" /> dravya haji pañaṣṭāṅgī mā 2¹¹⁹ tan pārik·ri saṁ hyaṁ dharma riṁ dharuṇa,<fnref n="120" /> A(d)ṅkən·pūrṇamanīn asuji-mā-

(12)sa, tan·kaparavyāpārā deniṁ len·, maṅkana rasani paṁimbuḥ śrī mahārāja Irikaṁ vargga ri talan·, pra(d)tiṣṭa riṁ liṅgopala, kapa-

(13)gəhakənanya<fnref n="121" /> tka ri savet-vkanya<fnref n="122" /> dlāhaniṁ dlāha, tan kolah-ulaha de saṁ anāgataprabhu(,) kunaṁ<fnref n="123" /> ri sḍaṇa(d)nyan· hanāṇulah-ulaha pa-

(14)gəhni(rī)<fnref n="124" /> Anugraha bhaṭāra guru, mvam paṁimbuḥ śrī mahārāja Irikaṁ vargga ri talan·, mo brāhmaṇa, mo kṣa(d)triya, nūniveḥ yan· ve-

(15)(ś)ya śūdra, ḍaṇḍan· kā 2¹²⁵ su 10, Atəhər· maṅgihakənaṁ pañcagati<fnref n="126" /> saṁsāra riṁ ihatra paratra, mataṁ(d)nyat aṁRṇo: ta kita<fnref n="127" /> kamuṁ hyaṁ<fnref n="128" />

(16) pañcamahābhūta, kita pūrvva dakṣiṇa paścima Uttara, Āgneya nairiti vāyavya Aiśānya, Ūrddhamadhaḥ,<fnref n="129" /> (d) tka riṁ maddhya, yan hana vvaṇ apa-

(17)cārāpakārāṇulah-ulaḥ<fnref n="130" /> pagəhni Anugraha pāduka śrī mahārāja, karuhun· Anugraha bhaṭāra guru I(d)rikaṁ vargga I<fnref n="131" /> talan·, sikəp·

<footnote n="114">114. -tabaṁ ◊ N, -habaṁ M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="115">115. paṁhañjuranya ◊ N, paṁhanjuran M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="116">116. paṁlaku-laku ◊ N, paṁhaku-haku M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="117">117. kunaṁ ◊ M&R, tuna N.</footnote>

<footnote n="118">118. -atahila ◊ N, -tahil M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="119">119. mā 2 ◊ M&R, mā bū N.</footnote>

<footnote n="120">120. dharuṇa ◊ N, karuṇa M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="121">121. kapagəhakənanya ◊ N, kapagəhananyan M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="122">122. savet-vkanya ◊ N M&R. The word order here is unusual. Normally, one finds savka-vetnya (cf. Horren 2r3 [eds. Stutterheim 1933: 104 and Machi Suhadi & Sukarto 1986: 112–115 where the relevant line is labelled Ib3], Pagiliran A5, Panumbangan Cd11 and 14, Sirah Keting C6 and Lawadan Ab26). Corr. savka-vetnya?</footnote>

<footnote n="123">123. kunaṁ ◊ M&R, kuaṁ N.</footnote>

<footnote n="124">124. pagəhni(m) ◊ M&R, paṁsəhniṁ N.</footnote>

<footnote n="125">125. kā 2 ◊ M&R, kā {body ille.}u N.</footnote>

<footnote n="126">126. maṅgihakənaṁ pañcagati ◊ maṅgəhakən añcegaki N, maṅgəhakəna pancagati M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="127">127. mataṁnyat aṁRṇo: ta kita ◊ mataṁnya kaRṇo: taki ta N, mataṁyan ta Rṇo: ta kita M&R. The use of enclitic -k instead of -n implies a 2nd-person subject. The context imposes enclitic -t (instead of -n or -k) implying a 2nd-person subject.</footnote>

<footnote n="128">128. hyaṁ ◊ M&R, hvaṁ N.</footnote>

<footnote n="129">129. Ūrddhamadhaḥ ◊ M&R, Ūrddhamavaḥ N.</footnote>

<footnote n="130">130. hana vvaṇ apacārā- ◊ pānavvaṇa pavārā N, hana vvaṇ apacara- M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="131">131. I ◊ N, ri M&R.</footnote>
(18) sampal· haṇḍōmakən· sumpətakən·,¹³² təkək·¹³³ gulūnya, (A)pusi¹³⁴
taṇanya, rampak·¹³⁵ sukunya, sivak· ka(d)pālanya, cavuk¹³⁶ utəknya, ḩuḍuk·

(19) hatinya,¹³⁷ Uḍulakən daL̥ manya, Uvad-avid ususnya, rakrāk igānya,¹³⁸ səsəb dagiṁnya, tibākən riṁ tā(d)mragomukha, klan· ri kavaḥ saṁ

(20) (ya)makiṅkara,¹³⁹ maṅkana patyanikaṁ¹⁴⁰ Upacārāṇulah-ulaḥ pagəḥny anugraha pāduka śrī mahārāja ka(d)ruhun· Anugraha bhaṭāra guru I-

(21)rikaṁ varga ri talan·, kunaṁ naranikaṁ¹⁴¹ varga tumarima, Anugraha pāduka śrī mahārāja Irikaṁ vargga I talan· (d) gambhīra, viro,¹⁴² pratyekani naranika(ṁ)¹⁴³

(22) varga I talan· Inanugrahan· pāduka srī mahārāja, (s)ubi, panaśar·,¹⁴⁴ putravatī, haṛp·,¹⁴⁵ sicin·,¹⁴⁶ saprā(d)ṇa,¹⁴⁷ Abroṁ, palagān·,¹⁴⁸ sayo(,) tu-

(23)mantar·,¹⁴⁹ kaviṣṭa, sagnərṁ,¹⁵⁰ ratiḥ, ṇaruk·,¹⁵¹ tan adoḥ,¹⁵² rambha,¹⁵³ jīva, Adumās·¹⁵⁴ dumunum, sa(ṁ) bhaṇi(,) riṁ (A)dhikā(n)ī¹⁵⁵ (d) nyū dantī, gambhīra,¹⁵⁶ Ahyəs·,¹⁵⁷ śrī (vidgī)¹⁵⁸

132. sumpətakən· ◇ N, pumpətakən· M&R.

133. təkək· ◇ M&R, təkik· N.

134. (A)pusi ◇ M&R, {body ille.}a{body ille.}upi N.

135. rampak· ◇ N, rampat i M&R.

136. cavuk ◇ {2 akṣ. ille.}t N, ḩuḍuk M&R.

137. hatinya ◇ M&R, rahaginya N.

138. rakrāk igānya ◇ cakrākigāṁnya N, rākrāk iganya M&R.

139. (ya)makiṅkara ◇ M&R, soma kiṅkara N.

140. patyanikaṁ ◇ N, gatyanikaṁ M&R.

141. kunaṁ naranikaṁ ◇ M&R, kunaṁ aranikaṁ N.

142. gambhīra, viro ◇ gambhīra, vigā N, gamgīra, viga M&R.

143. naranika(ṁ) ◇ naran i N, nānikan M&R.

144. (s)ubi, panaśar· ◇ M&R, suvi, panagar· N.

145. haṛp· ◇ N, hapas· M&R.

146. sicin· ◇ M&R, sicim· N.

147. saprāṇa ◇ sapāṇa N M&R.

148. Abroṁ, palagān· ◇ sabroṁ, palaśān· N, Anabraṁ, palagān· M&R.

149. tumantar· ◇ tumankar· N, dumantar· M&R.

150. sagnəm· ◇ N, Agnī M&R.

151. ñaruk· ◇ tāruk· N, bāruk· M&R.

152. tan adoḥ ◇ M&R, kan adoḥ N.

153. rambha ◇ N, ramga M&R.

154. Adumās· ◇ M&R, Aduhas· N.

155. (A)dhikā(n)ī ◇ Avikāri N M&R.

156. gambhīra ◇ N, gamgīra M&R.

157. Ahyəs· ◇ Ahyus· N, Ahyīs· M&R.

158. (vidgī) ◇ gə{body ille.}g{1 vowel ille.} N, gita M&R.
(24) kṛtayaśa,<fnref n="159" /> dumunum, vagəd·, makādi Ikaṁ<fnref n="160" /> viro, samaṅkana<fnref n="161" /> pratyekanikaṁ vargga Inanugrahan·<fnref n="162" /> pāduka śrī (d) mahārāja, likitapātra daṅ ācā-

(25)ryya prakāśa,<fnref n="163" /> makapramukha samgat·<fnref n="164" /> kəlpvan·<fnref n="165" /> daṅ ācāryya Amogha<fnref n="166" /> //⊙//⊙//⊙ (d) ni śrī,<fnref n="167" />

## 5. Translation

### Faces A and b

(Ab1–4) Hail! Elapsed Śaka year 1058, month of Śravaṇa, eleventh tithi, waning fortnight, Tuṇlai, Vage, Monday, [the vuku being] Praṇbakat, the grahacāra being in the South, lunar mansion Punarvasu, the deity Aditi, the conjunction Siddhi, the karaṇa Vava, the parveśa Kuvera, the maṇḍala being in the north-west. That was the time when the decree of the Great King — whose royal (deva) names were ‘Incarnation of Madhu’s destroyer, i.e. of Viṣṇu’ (śrī-varmeśvara, madhusūdanāvatāra), ‘Who brings joy to friends’ (ānanditasuhṛt), ‘Lofty conqueror of the directions thanks to his lion’s power’ (siṁhaparākrama-digjayottuṅga), whose emblem was Jayabhaya — was received by the Lord Great Minister of Halu, the kabayan at Sarvagata.<fnref n="168" /> It came down to all the high functionaries (taṇḍa rakryān) in the council, beginning with the Lord of Kanuruhan, with the byname Maṇḍaka.

(Ab4–8) The occasion: All of the inhabitants in Talan, rank upon rank, paid respect to the dust of the footprints of the Great King. They had as intermediary the apatih Lord [named] mpu Kesareśvara, ‘endowed with right judgment and of unstoppable valor’ (kṛta-vivekālaṅghanīya-parākrama), with the byname Bāguṇa. Not left behind was the teacher of the Great King,

<footnote n="159">159. kṛtayaśa ◊ M&R, {1 akṣ. ille.} kayaśa N.</footnote>

<footnote n="160">160. vagəd·, makādi Ikaṁ ◊ N, vabhəd·, matādi takaṁ M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="161">161. samaṅkana ◊ M&R, sapaṅkaca N.</footnote>

<footnote n="162">162. Inanugrahan· ◊ N, Anugrahan· M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="163">163. prakāśa ◊ N, prakhāsa M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="164">164. makapramukha samgat· ◊ M&R, marā pramukha samgət· N.</footnote>

<footnote n="165">165. kəlpvan· ◊ kīl {body ille.} an· N, kəlpan· M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="166">166. Amogha ◊ N, Anumagha M&R.</footnote>

<footnote n="167">167. ni śrī ◊ M&R, ki śrī N. The meaning of the two unexpected syllables following the final punctuation marks is unclear.</footnote>

<footnote n="168">168. The word sarvagata is rarely attested in epigraphic sources. In the two other inscriptions issued by the same king, namely the Hantang and the Tamparang charters, in the same position we find Mapañji Kambādaha. The word sarvagata is observed in two kakavins of this period: in stanza 42.2 of the Harivañśa (Teeuw 1950: 72) and in stanza 24.9 of the Smaradahana (Poerbatjaraka 1931: 34). From the Wanua Tengah III charter (2r20, ed. Boechari 2012d: 484–491, transl. Griffiths 2021-2022: 198–208) kabayan· ri Ayam· təAs· 2 mira-mirah pu rayuṁ, halaran· pu dhanada, we get the impression that Sarvagata in kabayan· riṁ sarvvagata is supposed to be a toponym.</footnote>
‘promoter of Nyāya doctrine, serving as a chief of Yogins following the path of Bhairava’ (naiyāyikadarśana-samṛddhi-kāraṇa bhairava-mārgānugamana-yogīśvarādhikāra). They informed (the Great King) that they had in custody an edict (praśasti) recorded (muṅgu)<fnref n="169" /> on palm leaves [and] marked with the Garuḍa-face [as] their guarantee that they were granted by Bhaṭāra Guru [the right] to hold their land (deśa) in Talan as a sīma [and] to have authority over all of its low land and elevated ground, including non-irrigated rice-fields, paddy fields, river edges, marshlands, kuluvutans<fnref n="170" /> [and] patapans of all types. In addition, they begged for the transfer of their edict to be recorded on a stone stele. Such was the substance of the petition of the inhabitants of Talan to the dust of the footprints of the Great King.

(Ab8–11) Because of the greatness of His Majesty the Great King’s sympathy for the request of the inhabitants of Talan — for the nature of one like him is [that of] the highest kṣatriya manifested as the incarnation of Viṣṇu, constantly guarding the whole world, who brings joy to all subjects, attentive to all intentions of those who respectfully implore him, kind to those who seek for protection, [and] unwilling to be put in debt of service by those who are unwaveringly loyal to him — this is the reason why His Majesty (lit., ‘the dust of his footprints’) approved the request of the inhabitants of Talan for the transfer of their edict to be recorded on a stone stele. At the same time, their grant was added to (inimbuhan) by the Great King.<fnref n="171" />

(Ab12–Cd1) As for the substance of the grant of the Bhaṭāra Guru to Colo, Ubheni, [and] Rṇtōt, [it was] that Talan, a village of the district Panumbaṇan including all its (constituent) villages [and] circumscription (atagan) of

<footnote n="169">169. We choose ‘recorded’ as a contextually suitable free translation. Literally, muṅgu means ‘present, situated’.</footnote>

<footnote n="170">170. The word is rarely used in epigraphic sources. It is only attested in this charter (Ab7) and the unpublished Kukub charter (3v4, discussed in ROD 1923, no. 2250, p. 25–26, now kept in Museum Volkenkunde, Leiden, inv. nos. 4801–2a and 4801–2b). OJED records only few other non-epigraphic occurrences, including one from the *Sumanasāntaka* (written in the Kadiri period) and *Navaruci* (ed. Prijohoetomo 1934: chapter 3, first paragraph, p. 34): *aglis maṅkat rahaden bhīma, kapuṅkur ing gajāhoya. aṅlakvani jurān sōṅka aparaṇ aparuṅ, mārgātrōbis, iriṅ-iriṅ. akveh tikaṇ vanādri bhaya kalintaṇan, muvah śōma, vatōs, pabajaṇan, peñōnan iṅ avan; gunuṅ pipitu kalintaṇan; mvaṅ kapuṅkur tekang taruk-tarukan, muvah kalagen, kaputravaniṣan, ḫusun, kuluvutan.* ‘Immediately Bhīma set out. He had left Gajāhoya behind. He marched through steep ravines with rocks and cliffs. The path was rocky terrain and slopes. On the road, he came by numerous dangerous forest mountains, cemeteries, boundary markers, children’s graveyards, demarcations. He came by seven mountains. And he left behind settlements, as well as religious establishments (*kalagen*), *kaputravaniṣan*, and *kuluvutans*’ (Griffiths 2020: 120–121).</footnote>

<footnote n="171">171. We are not exactly sure of the grammatical function of *ya* in this sentence, but suppose it must refer to the *varga i talan*. So the literal meaning would be something like ‘At the same time they were grant-increased by ...’.</footnote>
Vantayan, [whose] corvée is [equal to] 1 *kupāṅ*, would serve to become the *sīma* of the inhabitants of Talan. It is seized including its low land and elevated ground, including all kinds of non-irrigated rice-fields, paddy-fields, orchards, river edges, marshland. All of them are taken by the inhabitants of Talan. And they will not be entered by the subordinates of the three high dignitaries: the Pañkur, the Tavan and the Tirip, [i.e.] all those who previously had a claim on royal revenue [from] the occupational groups big or small, beginning with the various Miśras, the pañurañ, the kriñ, the paḍām, the manimpiki, the paranakan, the limus galuh, the pañaruhan, the taji, the vatu tajām, the mañriñca, the mañhūri, the parañ, the sukun, the halu varak, the ramanañ, the rakasañ, the overseer of gōḍiñ, the piniñlai, the kataṅgaran, the tapa haji, the air haji, the malandañ, the lōca, the ələb-ələb, the kalaṅkañ, the kutak, the taṅkil, the trōpan, the salvīt, the sinagiha, the kyab, the srəkan, the liṅgañ, the vatu valañ, the vilañ thāni, the pamaṇikan, the aniga, the sikōpan, the rumban, the tirvan, the viji kavah, the tiṅkəs, the māvī, the manambañi, the tañhiran, the overseer of merchants, the overseer of smiths, the mañrumbai, the maṅguñjai, the overseer of Kliñ, the overseer of Huñjəman, the overseer of gambling, the puluñ paḍi, the overseer of harlots, the pabisar, the paguluñ, the pavuñkunuñ, the overseer of Banantən, the miśra hino, the miśra aṅin-aṅin, the vli tambañ, the vli vaduñ, the vli hapū, the vli harəñ, the vli pañjut, the suval, the tambā, the limbañ, the kavah, the palamak, the urutan, the dampulan, the pakaluñkuñ, the təpuñ kavuñ, the suñsuñ pañurañ, the karərəñan, the pasuk alas, the sipat vilut, the jukuñ, the pāñin-aṅin, the pāmāvaśya, the hopan, the panrañan, the skar tahun, the garihan, the pabayai, the pañrāma, the avur, the panatak, the goldsmiths, the panigañ-atak, the pañdva-mās, the panigañ-blah, the pakarapa, the tampōsirir, the pinta-palaku, the pañharañ-harañ, the tuluñ hutañ, the pobhaya, the kipa-kipah, the pavalanda, the pakanan tahun, the paniriñ, the pacumbi, the paprāyaścitta, the pavuvuh, the pāṅgarai, the pavlañ-vlañ, the tuṇḍan, the royal corvée, the eunuchs, the royal servants, the healers, the sambal, the sumbul, the mavuluñ-vuluñ, the singing actors, the wayang-performers, the comedians (abañol), the siṅgah, the pabrəsi, all of the courtiers, and so forth — they shall not enter

## Faces C and d

the *sīma* in Talan. It is only the inhabitants of Talan who shall have the authority over all of their royal revenue.

(Cd1-4) Likewise are all the [fines to be imposed for] 'pain and relief' (sukha-duhkha), great or small, no matter what their types may be, such as 'areca-blossom without betelnut' (mayañ tan pavvaḥ), 'gourd vines that grow in the courtyard' (valū rumambat iṇ natar), 'disaster' (vipati), 'a corpse covered with dew' (vaṅkai kābunan), 'blood spattered on the road' (rāh kasavur i havan), 'spittle that is sprayed' (hidū kasirat), 'slander' (dūhilatən), 'violence' (sāhasa),
'rash speech' (*vākcapala*), 'rash acts with the hand' (*hastacapala*), 'producing the dust of a file' (*mamijilakən vurinišn* kikir), 'attacking in fury' (*mamūk*), 'rape' (*mamuṇpaṇi*), 'repeated attack' (*lūdan*), 'following' (*tūtan*), 'apportioning of shares' (*aṇśa pratyaṇśa*), 'punishment and wrongful punishment' (*daṇḍa kuḍaṇḍa*), 'poisons of all sort' (*maṇḍihala*) and such like. It is only the inhabitants of Talan who shall have the authority over all of them.

(Cd4–7) Such was the substance of the grant of Bhaṭāra Guru to the inhabitants of Talan — an edict recorded on palm leaves [and] marked with the Garuḍa-face — which was confirmed by the Great King. Consequently, the Great King agreed that it would stand permanently on a stone stele. As for the time of the grant of Bhaṭāra Guru to the inhabitants of Talan, it was in Śaka 941, additional month of Māgha, first *tithi*, waning fortnight, Haryaṇ, Umanis, Wednesday, [the vuku being] Dukut.

(Cd7–15) As for the substance of the addition (*paṇimbuh*)<fnref n="172" /> of the Great King to the inhabitants in Talan, it concerned their being entitled to have a longer platform (? *varuga inantun*), to have eight pillars (? *aśakā inaṣṭa*), to pave the courtyard (*anumpyatak*),<fnref n="173" /> to build a palanquin in layers, to have a palanquin with turnery, to offer *nāgapuṣpa* (cloth), to use *jənu humalaṇ* (unguent); they would be entitled to have intercourse, pierce the ear-lobes, cut the hair, given in possession to ... (*amaṇlva*) [or] inflict wounds (*aṅrāhana*) on children; they would be entitled to take a prostitute as slave, to mate with a *kamambaṇan* prostitute, to eat royal meat, to serve *kamalai* fruit on a wooden tray, to cut hair on the seat, to play on the seat, to hold yellow wood, to have a *tabaṇ-taban* (drum). But there should not be a forerunner for them when they take a walk.

As for the course of action to be taken by the inhabitants of Talan, it concerns their reliability in delivering (*atahil*)<fnref n="174" /> royal revenue [in the form

<footnote n="172">172. The word is derived from the base *imbuh* and its derivations such as *paṇimbuh*, *inimbuh*, and *umimbuh* are observed in the inscriptions issued by King Sindok (Linggasuntan 851 Ś., A6; Kanuruhan 856 Ś., 8), Airlangga (Kusambyan 945 Ś., B36; Bimalasrama date lost, 4.5; Turun Hyang B 976 Ś., Cd19; Anjatan date lost, 4r7) and at least one other king of the Kadiri period (Panumbangan 1042 Ś., Ab7). The words *inimbuhan* (A11) and *paṇimbuh* are used here because the present charter was issued to grant additional privileges to the holders of the grant made by Bhaṭāra Guru. See also n. 180 below. Among the cited inscriptions, the following are absent from Nakada (1982): Kusambyan (ed. Titi Surti Nastiti, Eko Bastiawan & Griffiths 2022), Bimalasrama (ed. van Stein Callenfels 1924), Anjatan (ed. Rita Margaretha Setianingsih 1996).</footnote>

<footnote n="173">173. The words (*m*)*atumpyatak* and (*m*)*anumpyatak* are observed only in inscriptions of the Kadiri period, namely, besides the present occurrence, in Geneng I Ab25; Ceker Ab9; Lawadan Ab10. Moreover, the form *tinumpyatak* is observed in stanzas 161.1 and 164.2 of *kakavin Sumanasāntaka* written in the same period (Worsley *et al.* 2013: 402, 406).</footnote>

<footnote n="174">174. The base form *tahil* and its derivations such as *atahil*, *matahil*, *patahil*, and *satahil* are attested in many inscriptions issued by King Sindok up to the Majapahit period. OJED only registers the word *tahil* meaning “a part. weight, esp. of gold and silver; a part. kind of tax or tribute,” but lists hardly any of these derived forms. In our</footnote>
of] paṇaṣṭāngī (tax) of 2 māṣa without arik levy to the holy foundation in Dharuṇa every Full Moon of the month of Asuji. It should not be interfered with by others.

Such was the substance of the addition of the Great King (granted) to the inhabitants of Talan, to stand permanently on a stone stele [and] to be considered to be irrevocable by them including their descendants [into] the future's future. It is not to be disturbed by the future kings. But if there are ones who will disturb the stability of the grant of Bhaṭāra Guru along with the addition of the Great King to the inhabitants of Talan, be they brāhmaṇas or kṣatriyas, let alone if they are vaiśyas [or] śūdras, they should be fined 2 kāṭi and 10 suvarṇa. In addition, they will encounter the five forms of suffering in this world and hereafter.

(Cd15–21) For that reason, you (may please) pay heed, you gods of the five elements, you (gods of the directions) East, South, West, North, Southeast, Southwest, Northwest, Northeast, Zenith, Nadir, including the Center. If there are people who misbehave [or] offend by disturbing the stability of the grant of His Majesty the Great King, all the more so the grant of Bhaṭāra Guru to the inhabitants of Talan: catch them, cut them off, throw them down, turn them upside down, strangle their necks, bind together their hands, break up their feet, split their skulls, scoop up their brains, tear out their livers, rip open their entrails, pull out their intestines, break any of their ribs, cut off their flesh, drop [them] in the copper-cow-headed (cauldron), to be cooked in the cauldron of Yama's slaves. Such should be the future deaths of the miscreants who disturb the stability of the grant of His Majesty the Great King, all the more so the grant of Bhaṭāra Guru to the inhabitants of Talan.

(Cd21–25) As for the names of the inhabitants who received the grant of His Majesty the Great King to the inhabitants of Talan, [they were] Gambhīra and Viro. Enumeration of the names of the inhabitants of Talan who benefited from the grant by His Majesty the Great King: Sudhi, Panagar, Putravatī, Haṣap, Sicin, Saprāṇa, Abroṇ, Palagān, Sayo, Tumantar, Kaviṣṭa, Sagnəṇ, Ratih, Nāruk, Tan Adoh, Rambha, Jīva, Adumās, Dumunuṇ, Sañ Bhaṇi. In Adhikānī [and] Nyū Dantī: Gambhīra, Ahyəs, Śrī Vidgī, Kṛtayaśa, Dumunuṇ [and] Vagəd, the first being Viro. Such was the enumeration of the inhabitants who benefited from the grant by His Majesty the Great King. The document was written by master Prakāśa, whose chief was the official of Kəlpvan¹⁷⁵ (called) master Amogha.¹⁷⁶

context, *atahil* seems to indicate the action of delivering some kind of tax or tribute.

175. One wonders if this corresponds to *kulupvan* in line 9v4 of the Kancana charter (10th century CE, see Griffiths 2020: 133–135).

176. It is worth mentioning that these names of ācāryas sound very Buddhist and perhaps this fact can be linked to the fact that Talan is one of the tāpi siriṇṇs (neighboring villages) of the Buddhist monastery mentioned in the Bimalasrama charter (10r6). In addition to that, Talan is also one of the four boundaries of the Buddhist foundation in Kancana observed in line 4r2 of the Kancana charter (see n. 175). On these occurrences of the toponym Talan in other inscriptions, see also §6
**6. Historiographical Discussion**

***Dates***

One of the remarkable features of the Talan stela is the fact that it is inscribed with two dates. The first date which fell in 1058 Śaka is engraved on the front face (Ab), line 1. All of the dating elements, with the exception of the *yoga*, point to the month of Bhādrapada instead of Śravaṇa mentioned in the text (see the HIC diagram in fig. 9a). We find no indication that Damais (1955: 71) was aware of the fact that the month appears to be off by one, while Eade & Gislén (2000: 85) signal the problem but do not comment on it further, although it must be connected with the intercalation system that was used.¹⁷⁷

The second date is observed on the back face (C) line 6. The presence of this date had been noticed by Krom who cited the year as 961 Śaka. He argued that the 12th-century inscription is a confirmation of a charter issued by Airlangga (1931: 294, see below), and that the year 961 is that of the original charter. Damais merely cited Krom for the second date (1955: 71, n. 3), but did not have the chance to check any estampage and hence could not determine whether it comprised only a year or also other dating parameters.¹⁷⁸

<figure><img src="image_11.png" /><figcaption>**Fig. 9a** – Diagram for the first date contained in the inscription, generated with HIC software.</figcaption></figure>

below. Although the present passage can be translated as ‘the document was written by renowned (prakāśa) masters, chief of whom was the official of Kālpvan (called) master Amogha,’ the translation offered here is based on the observation that we do not normally get such phrases as ‘written by renowned masters’ and supported by a similar passage found in Panumbangan Cd21 makapramuka mpu pañajyan· ri panumbanan· daṇācāryyāntaraja.

177. “The weekday combination, as we see, points to Bhadrawāda, not to Śrawaṇa.” See also p. 157 (A152 “a difficult case”). The topic of intercalation is a red thread in Eade & Gislén’s work: see their appendices I and II and the entry “intercalation” in their index.

178. “Krom fait remarquer dans HJG² : 294 que cette inscription est une confirmation
While Nakada evidently did not recognize the presence of a date and read the digits as the meaningless words rñan ugah, Machi Suhadi & Richadiana Kartakusuma were able to read the year as 961 Śaka (1996: 27).

Upon inspecting the stone in person, we have found the reading 961 offered by Krom as well as Machi Suhadi & Richadiana Kartakusuma not to be accurate. The year has to be read 941 Śaka. The HIC diagram demonstrates that this reading fits well with the other dating elements (fig. 9b).¹⁷⁹ The HIC software also shows that there is no matching date in 961 Śaka. The charter thus bears one date falling in the reign of Jayabhaya (24 August 1136 CE) and another associated with a figure called Bhaṭāra Guru (13 January 1020 CE).

<figure><img src="image_12.png" /><figcaption>**Fig. 9b** – Diagram for the second date contained in the inscription, generated with HIC software.</figcaption></figure>

## Bhaṭāra Guru: the posthumous name of Airlangga

The charter of Talan is a confirmatory grant that incorporates a grant that was originally issued in 941 Śaka for the inhabitants of Talan by an authority referred to as Bhaṭāra Guru and authenticated with the Garuḍamukha (Garuḍa-face) emblem.¹⁸⁰ The name Bhaṭāra Guru figures for the first time

d'un édit de Airlangga de 961 śaka. Nous n'avons pas eu le temps en 1947 de consulter l'estampage pour vérifier dans le texte si cette dernière date est détaillée ou bien si seul le millésime est indiqué.”

179. The fact that the HIC software indicates Māgha rather than punaḥ-Maghā found in the text must again be an issue of intercalation, whereas between Pūrṇimā and Pratipadā there is only the typical one-day difference (Eade & Gislén 2000: 3).

180. The Talan inscription demonstrates how a charter could be reproduced in a subsequent charter. An analogous case can be observed in the Wanua Tengah III inscription. Issued by King Balitung in 830 Śaka, it incorporates an earlier charter which was originally issued by King Garung in 751 Śaka (Griffiths 2021–2022: 158). A slightly different case is the Turun Hyang inscription which also contains two charters,
<figure><img src="image_13.png" /><figcaption>Fig. 10 – The emblem of Garuḍamukha in the Sumengka inscription. Photograph Eko Bastiawan.</figcaption></figure>

in the Sumengka charter (981 Śaka) that was issued by the king of Janggala called Samarotsaha 'because of the way in which the channel created by the venerable Bhaṭāra Guru, who rests at Tīrtha, was taking from the river meandering by way of the land of Tiṅkilikan.'<fnref n="181" /> The stone itself is engraved with the Garuḍamukha emblem on the top of the front face (fig. 10). Currently displayed in the Nasional Museum of Indonesia with the inventory number D.12, it originates from desa Sumengko, kecamatan Jatirejo, kabupaten Mojokerto.<fnref n="182" /> Besides the famous case of Ken Angrok who, in the Pararaton, receives the name Bhaṭāra Guru from the gods (Brandes 1920: 12, 56), the same name is also observed in two charters from Bali, that date respectively from 1126 Śaka and from 1246 Śaka (Goris 1967: 43, 45–46). Although the identity of the figures referred to in these Balinese charters is not yet clearly understood, it seems certain that neither one of the two figures called Bhaṭāra

<footnote>the first dated to 948 or 958 Śaka and issued under Airlangga while the second is dated 976 Śaka and issued under Garasakan. The older charter (Turun Hyang A) is presented before the later one (Turun Hyang B), without being formally inserted into it. Such serialization is also seen in the Sima Anglayang (Titi Surti Nastiti, Eko Bastiawan & Griffiths 2022: §6.4, pp. 149, 152) and the Harinjing charters. The incorporation of old charters in new ones raises questions that deserve further investigation about the purposes of such incorporation as well as the reliability of the copying processes.</footnote>

<footnote n="181">181. Faces AbCd, line 3: ... sambandha, gatinikanam kantən yaśa pāduka mpuṅku bhaṭāra guru saṁ lumāḥ ri tīrtha mañalap ri baṇavān Aṅavir-avir Aḥnū ri lmahnikanaṁ I tiṅkilikan.</footnote>

<footnote n="182">182. NBG 14 (1876: III no. 6, VII no. 48); Groeneveldt (1887: 376, no. 12); Krom (1913: 596–597); Krom (1914: 191).</footnote>
Guru there can be identified with the Bhaṭāra Guru mentioned in the Sumengka and Talan charters. By contrast, in the latter two the same figure may very well have been intended.

While the name Bhaṭāra Guru in the Sumengka charter is preceded by pāduka mpuṅku, this expression is not seen in Talan. With reference to the former, Krom observed some similarities between Samarotsaha and Airlangga, namely their use of the rake halu title, of the ‘family name’ Dharmawangsa, and of the Garuḍamukha emblem. In relation to the name pāduka mpuṅku bhaṭāra guru, he was of the opinion that pāduka refers to a princely figure, while mpuṅku suggests a religious title and bhaṭāra guru is the name of a god. Thus, he argued, the name may denote the deity with which a deceased prince was identified after death, according to a tradition of posthumous naming which is also observed in the Majapahit period.<fnref n="183" />

The similar expression pāduka mpuṅku bhaṭāra tripuruṣa appears in another inscription, the Kedung Wangi stone from Lamongan.<fnref n="184" /> Boechari associated this expression with what is often called the ‘priestly title’ of Airlangga in scholarly literature (1990: 130). However, our recent research<fnref n="185" /> suggests that pāduka mpuṅku bhaṭāra tripuruṣa is more likely to refer to the first ruler of Majapahit, namely Kertarajasa alias Raden Wijaya.<fnref n="186" /> And we are somewhat skeptical of the whole notion of Javanese rulers bearing ‘priestly titles,’ which is essentially a modern scholarly construct devised to address the problems that arise from a single Majapahit-period reissue (the Gandhakuti charter) that records a grant

<footnote n="183">183. For instance King Wijaya Rajasa who is designated by the posthumous name pāduka bhaṭara śrī parameśvara in Biluluk II (1315 Śaka) r1–2 amagəhaken andikanira talampakanira pāduka bhaṭara śrī parameśvara sira saṁ mokta riṇ viṣṇubhavana. See also Brandes 1920: 34, lines 27–31.</footnote>

<footnote n="184">184. Ed. Brandes 1913: 247, OJO CXIII. Face B, lines 6–9: ... Astu vacana śrī pādu(ka) mpuṅku Amandi saka riṁ viṣā, Apan· śrī pāduka mpuṅku sākṣāt· bhaṭāra (bra)(hma viṣṇ)u maheśvara, sira duməṇḍa salvirni(m) maṇulah-ulaḥ panug(r)aha śrī pāduka mpuṅku bhaṭāra t(r?)ipuruṣa duməṇḍa Irikāṁ, ... ‘May the edict of His Late Majesty be more powerful than poison. For His Late Majesty is a manifestation of the Lords (bhaṭāra) Brahmā, Viṣṇu [and] Maheśvara. [When] they punish all those who disturb the grant of His Late Majesty, it is [none other than] the Lords Tripuruṣa who punish them ...’.</footnote>

<footnote n="185">185. See Titi Surti Nastiti et al. 2023.</footnote>

<footnote n="186">186. The identification with Kertarajasa is based on the phrases śrī pāduka mpuṅku sākṣāt bhaṭāra (bra)(hma viṣṇ)u maheśvara which seems reminiscent of the following passage in the Sukhamerta charter (1218 Śaka, 10r2–3) referring to Kertarajasa: śrī mahārāja, Āpan sira prabhu devamūrtti, viriñjinārāyanaśaṅkarātmā, sākṣāt paśarīran· bhaṭāra tripuruṣa sira. Whether or not the words pāduka mpuṅku bhaṭāra tripuruṣa in Kedung Wangi refer back to Kertarajasa, the stone of Kedung Wangi was certainly issued during the Majapahit period and there is no concrete reason to link it with Airlangga in any way.</footnote>
made by a certain *aji pāduka mpūṅku* on a date falling within Airlangga’s reign without mentioning the king by any of his usual titles.<fnref n="187" />

Based on the observed connections between Samarotsaha and Airlangga, plus the fact that the contents of the Sumengka charter brings to mind the Kamalagyan inscription (959 Śaka) issued by Airlangga, which is found 34 km downstream along the Brantas river from Sumengko and also deals with waterworks, Krom inferred that the name Bhaṭāra Guru in the Sumengka charter refers to none other than Airlangga (1913: 596–598). The same scholar interpreted the data as indicating that Airlangga, after retreating from worldly affairs towards the end of his life, was interred at Tīrtha, a site which Krom identified as the Belahan bathing place located on the slope of Mount Penanggungan in *kabupaten* Pasuruan. He further endorsed the double theory that a large sculpture of a Viṣṇu mounted on Garuḍa originated from the same site and was a representation of Airlangga himself.<fnref n="188" /> Concerning the ‘family name’ Dharmawangsa, he suggested that Samarotsaha was the immediate successor of Airlangga. Most importantly for us, in the present context, he concluded that the figure of Bhaṭāra Guru observed a few decades later in the Talan charter must be the same figure as the one alluded to in the Sumengka charter, namely Airlangga (1931: 270–271, 283, 294).<fnref n="189" />

Krom’s proposal was later challenged by Resink who argued that the *tīrtha* mentioned in both the Sumengka and Talan charters (*sic!* ) have to be found in close proximity to where these two stones are situated. Further, he claimed that the Belahan bathing place is the site where Sindok’s predecessor, namely King Wawa, was entombed so that the Viṣṇu sculpture may not be associated with Airlangga, nor with any other historical figure in his view (1968: 27, 32–37). Coming to the defense of Krom’s proposals, Jordaan found that there is no reason not to associate the word *tīrtha* occurring in the Sumengka and Talan charters (*sic!* ) with Belahan. He was of the opinion that the absence of the specific name of the *tīrtha* is primarily because the charters are intended as administrative records. Emphasizing the fact that the

<footnote n="187">187. This construct is still prevalent in Javanese historiography, even though its tenability was already challenged nearly seventy years ago by Damais (1955: 185, footnote continued from the previous page): “We must therefore, I believe, suppose either that *Aji Pāduka Mpungku Sang Pinakacatra ning Bhuvana* was not Airlangga but an unknown royal character, or else that the copyist will have replaced the original title of the inscription by the hermit name of Airlangga, the reissue being certainly posterior to 964 Śaka.” See also Krom 1913: 596–598 and Boechari 1962: 72–73 / 2012a: 98–99.</footnote>

<footnote n="188">188. Observing the stylistic features of the sculpture, Lunsingh Scheurleer (2009) has refuted the idea that it originates from Belahan, arguing instead that the sculpture was manufactured during the Singosari period and came from Candi Kidal.</footnote>

<footnote n="189">189. See also Boechari 1968: 3–4, n. 10; 2012a: 97–100; 2012b: 138–139 n. 10, 140–141, 143.</footnote>
one who was interred at Tīrtha, interpreted as Belahan, had the Garuḍamukha emblem, he agreed with Krom's hypothesis that the figure is none other than Airlangga and that the sculpture of Viṣṇu is his representation. He concluded that the other two goddesses still observed at Belahan, namely Sri and Laksmi, correspond to Airlangga's consorts (2007: 338, 342–343). It is crucial to point out that Resink's argument assumes that the word tīrtha is observed in both the Sumengka and the Talan charters, whereas in reality this word is only found in the above-quoted passage of the Sumengka charter but is absent altogether from the Talan charter. This fundamental error was taken over uncritically by Jordaan. As a matter of fact, the Talan charter had not been fully deciphered when Resink was writing, and Jordaan evidently failed to consult the readings that had been published in the 1990s by Nakada, on the one hand, and by Machi Suhadi & Richadiana Kartakusuma, on the other. Their erroneous assumption must derive from a misinterpretation of the way in which Krom had previously presented the data.

Despite the fact that the inscriptions of Sumengka and Talan are issued by different kings from different territories, they have two things in common. First, the presence of the Garuḍamukha emblem. Second, the appearance of this figure called Bhaṭāra Guru. Although unfortunately we still lack clinching evidence to prove Krom's proposal identifying Bhaṭāra Guru as a posthumous name for Airlangga, we do see some facts that may be interpreted as supporting it while there seems to be no strong reason to reject it.<fnref n="190" /> Since the grant of Bhaṭāra Guru to the inhabitants of Talan, incorporated in the Talan charter, took place in 941 Śaka, this then becomes the earliest hard date for a charter issued by Airlangga.

## The Garuḍamukha emblem

The majority of the stone inscriptions issued by the Kadiri kings are engraved with emblems placed on the top of the front face.<fnref n="191" /> These emblems are different from one king to another. Generally, each king has one specific emblem which is consistently depicted on each inscription he issued such as the Candrakapāla emblem for issues of Bameswara,<fnref n="192" /> Gaṇamūrti for those of Aryeswara,<fnref n="193" /> and

<footnote n="190">190. The issue of Airlangga's names will be discussed in a separate paper, where the possible supporting evidence for the identification of Bhaṭāra Guru as Airlangga will be presented (Griffiths, in preparation).</footnote>

<footnote n="191">191. The depiction of emblems on the stone inscription is however not unique to the Kadiri kings. For a discussion on emblems which include some inscriptions issued by the Kadiri kings, see Vernika Hapri Witasari 2011.</footnote>

<footnote n="192">192. The inscriptions of Padlegan I (1038 Śaka), Pagiliran (1042 Śaka), Panumbangan (1042 Śaka), Bameswara (1048 Śaka), Geneng I (1050 Śaka), Candi Tuban (1051 Śaka), and Tangkilan (1058 Śaka).</footnote>

<footnote n="193">193. The inscriptions of Mleri I (1091 Śaka) and Angin (1093 Śaka).</footnote>
the Śrṅga for those of Kertajaya.<fnref n="194" /> Curiously enough, by contrast, each of the three inscriptions issued by Jayabhaya has a different emblem.

The inscription of Hantang (1057 Śaka) bears the emblem of Narasiṅha (a man with lion head) while the Talan charter (1058 Śaka) bears the Garuḍamukha. The emblem of the Tamparang inscription (1066 Śaka) has not been satisfactorily identified but is different from that of the other two (fig. 11). The Narasiṅha emblem mentioned in the Hantang and Tamparang charters and depicted on the former can be identified with certainty as Jayabhaya’s own emblem.<fnref n="195" /> As we make further progress with deciphering the Tamparang charter, we hope that an explanation will emerge for the fact that the emblem depicted on this charter seems not to match with the one mentioned in the part of the text deciphered so far. In the case of the Talan charter, the use of the Garuḍamukha emblem is clearly due to the fact that the charter incorporates an earlier grant which bore the same emblem.<fnref n="196" />

The Garuḍamukha is indeed found depicted on some stone inscriptions issued by kings before the Kadiri period. The earliest depiction of Garuḍamukha as an emblem is found in at least two inscriptions issued by Airlangga, namely Baru (952 Śaka) and Silet (9?5 Śaka).<fnref n="197" /> The same emblem is also engraved

<footnote n="194">194. Kertajaya issued at least 10 inscriptions. The emblems engraved are still visible in some inscriptions while others are worn out or even totally lost. Although not exactly alike, the emblems on the inscriptions issued by him share similarity, namely the presence of a horn (*śrīṅga*) of an animal such as observed in the inscriptions of Sapu Angin (1112 Śaka), Ceker (1107/1115 Śaka), Kemulan (1116 Śaka), Galunggung (1122 Śaka), Sumberingin Kidul (1126 Śaka), Kertajaya (1138 Śaka) and Cemandi (unpublished, date not yet established).</footnote>

<footnote n="195">195. Hantang, faces Ab, lines 14–15: ... *kārapanyan inubhayasanmata paṁhyaṁnya de śrī mahārajā, mata(m)nyan· vinaṇun· saṁ hyaṅ ājñā haji praśāsti muṅgu rim liṅgopala tinaṇḍa narasiṅha* ... and Tamparang, faces Ab, line 9: ... *padamlakna saṁ hyaṅ ājñā haji praśāsti pratiṣṭhā ri liṅgopāla tinaṇḍa (nara)siṅha* ...</footnote>

<footnote n="196">196. Faces Cd, lines 4–5: *maṅkana rasani Anugraha bhaṭāra guru Irikaṁ vargga I talan*, *praśāsti muṅgu rim ripta tinaṇḍa garuḍamuka, pinagōhakōn· śrī mahārāja*.</footnote>

<footnote n="197">197. The inscription of Silet was only recently identified by a team from BRIN & EFEO during our field work in November 2022 (see n. 185). The stone in discussion has long been regarded as a different one and given the awkward label ‘Garuḍamukha’ for the reason that it bears the emblem on the top of the main face (Ninny Susanti Tejowasono, 2003: 373–374 no. 6; Bintang Megakusuma 2013; Andi Muhammad Said et al., 2018: 11, no. 8). However, during on-site reading, the team came across the toponym Silet in several areas of the stone and was able to match the text with Damais’ reading of the first three lines of the Silet inscription (1955: 233–234). On that basis, the team concluded that the stone is none other than the Silet inscription. As for the Garuḍamukha emblem, there are several inscriptions issued by Airlangga which contain the word *tinaṇḍa garuḍamukha* without being adorned with the emblem, namely Cane (943 Śaka) faces Ab, lines 24 and 29; Munggut (944 Śaka) 1.18, 1.21–2.1; Terep I & II (954 Śaka) 2r1–2r2; 2r1, 8v2–8v3; Turun Hyang A (948 / 958 Śaka) faces Ab, line 5; Bularut (964 Śaka) Main part, line 11. Observing the text layout of the fragmented Bularut charter (ed. Titi Surti Nastiti, Eko Bastiawan & Griffiths 2022: 143–149), it cannot be excluded that an emblem might have been engraved and now lost, as the first line starts rather low,</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_14.png" /><figcaption>**Fig. 11** – Left to right: the emblem of Narasiṅha, Garuḍamukha, and the unidentified one of the Tamparang charter. Photographs Eko Bastiawan.</figcaption></figure>

in two inscriptions issued by kings of Janggala, namely Kambang Putih (958 Śaka) of Garasakan and Sumengka (981 Śaka) of Samarotsaha.¹⁹⁸ The last inscription known so far which indicates the use of the Garuḍamukha emblem is the (still unpublished) Patitihan charter of the Singasari period.¹⁹⁹ But the charter is incompletely preserved and we cannot exclude that the relevant passage too refers to a grant from a previous king who bore the Garuḍamukha emblem.

As mentioned in the previous section, the use of the Garuḍamukha as an emblem by kings from Janggala seems to indicate a tie of kinship between Airlangga and the kings who ruled Janggala in the decades after Airlangga's reign. The likelihood that the Talan charter incorporates an Airlangga charter

leaving much space for a hypothetical emblem.

198. There are two other charters from the Janggala kings which mention the word *garuḍamukha*, namely Malenga (974 Śaka) 3v2 of Garasakan and Banjaran (975 Śaka) 4v1 of Alandung Ahyes.

199. This incompletely available charter is in the possession of a private collector. A substantial portion of it was included in an article previously published in this journal (Griffiths 2020: 131–132). In another portion, the charter contains the expression *khageśvaranārāyaṇamukha* which seems to be synonymous with Garuḍamukha. We quote here again from the still unpublished edition and translation by Griffiths (9r5–9v1): *mata(nga)n saṁ hyaṁ rājapraśāsti tinaṇḍa kageśvaranārāyanamuka, sampun umiṁgv i (r)ipta hinlōpan p(īta)vastra, pinaṅkvakn irikaṁ banigrāma ri patitihan samāmaṅku kaṇar', ri san(m)uka para taṇḍa rakryan samudāya, kunəṁ (p)ratyekanikaṁ baṇigr(ā)ma manarima (saṁ) hyaṁ rājapraśāsti, makapramuka samgət aniga, pu pralīna, dinulur denikaṁ samāmaṅku kaṇar samudāya, riṁ bhūmi kaḍiri 'That was the reason why the holy royal charter, sealed with the Face of Viṣṇu on Garuḍa (*khageśvaranārāyaṇamukha*), already committed to manuscript and decorated with yellow cloth, was taken in hands by the guild at Patitihan, all of them holding a kaṇar, in the presence of all the ranking officers. And each individual member of the guild accepted the holy royal charter, to begin with the officiant Anīga [called] pu Pralīna, accompanied by all the ones who hold a kaṇar in the land of Kaḍiri: ...'.
while it is engraved with the Garuḍamukha emblem establishes a connection between Jayabhaya and Airlangga, in a way that finds no parallels in any other inscription of a Kadiri king. However, the nature of the connection remains undetermined, and was not necessarily one of kinship in Jayabhaya’s case, by contrast with the kings of Janggala.

## The toponyms Talan and Panumbangan

Talan as a toponym is found in two inscriptions from the Airlangga period, namely Bimalasrama (date lost) and Kamalagyan (959 Śaka) as well as in a 10th-century charter called Kancana.<fnref n="200" /> In the Bimalasrama charter, Talan is mentioned as one of the neighboring villages (*təpi siriṅ*) of the place concerned by the grant;<fnref n="201" /> in the Kamalagyan charter, Talan is listed as one of the downstream villages;<fnref n="202" /> and in the Kancana charter, Talan is said to border with the *sīma* land of Kancana.<fnref n="203" /> All of these three inscriptions originate from the area of Sidoarjo.<fnref n="204" />

If we accept the hypothesis that the figure of Bhaṭāra Guru refers to Airlangga, the fact that the toponym Talan is also found in two of his inscriptions gives reason to consider whether the Talan intended in our inscription was also situated in the vicinity of Sidoarjo. The inscription details that the inhabitants of Talan were granted by Bhaṭāra Guru the right to hold their land (*deśa*) in Talan as a *sīma* and to have authority over all of its 'low land and elevated ground, including non-irrigated rice-fields, paddy fields, river edges, marshlands, *kuluvutans* [and] *patapans* of all types'. These landscape features are stereotypical expressions most of which are also observed in several other

<footnote n="200">200. On the dating of the Kancana charter, not long before Airlangga’s reign, see Griffiths 2020: 133–135.</footnote>

<footnote n="201">201. 10r6–10r7: ... *I talan*, saṁ mariga, saṅ ibuḥ, saṅ abuṅ, sa(ṁ) lilā, Askār Rja, vineḥ pasāk pagəḥ ku 2 vḍihan· ga yu 1.</footnote>

<footnote n="202">202. Line 8: ... *kahayvaknaniṁ thāni sapasuk· hilir· lasun paliñjan*·, sijana-tyəsan·, pañjiṁ(,) gantiṁ, *tālan*, daśapaṅkaḥ, paṅkaja, tka riṁ sīma para-sīma, ...</footnote>

<footnote n="203">203. 4r1–2: ... pañaturdeśaniṁ lmaḥ saṁ hyaṁ dharmmasīma Iṁ kañcana, mvam kəṇḍəṁ səṅkərnya, pañidul·nya vetan· saṅkeṁ Aiśānya, lāmban· lor· Asiḍaktan· lāvan· lmaḥ talan·. Again in 4v1–4: pañalornya saṅkeṁ nairiti, Asiḍaktan· lāvan· jəlag·, kāli satāh sovaṁ bāyabya, Asiḍaktan· lāvan· lmaḥ talan·, muvaḥ hīñanya lor mañavetan·, saṁṅkeṁ bāyabya, Asiḍaktan· lāvan· lmaḥ maṇḍala talan·, Añavetan· Aniku lalavā Apiṅgir· lmaḥ Anuju vatəs· bacucuṁ, Aiśānya, Asiḍaktan· lāvan· lmaḥ talan· ...</footnote>

<footnote n="204">204. The inscription of Kamalagyan stands in *dusun Klagen, desa Tropodo, kecamatan Krian, kabupaten Sidoarjo*. The Kancana charter was discovered in *desa Gedangan, kecamatan Gedangan, kabupaten Sidoarjo*. Although the provenance of the Bimalasrama charter is not clearly established, from the toponyms mentioned in the text, it is evident that the charter refers to what is today *kabupaten Sidoarjo* (Griffiths 2021–2022: 180–182).</footnote>
inscriptions.<fnref n="205" /> They do not necessarily portray the actual characteristics of the landscape mentioned in the inscriptions, and do not stand in the way of assuming that the Talan in question was situated in the flat delta of the Brantas, rather than in the mountainous Wlingi area.<fnref n="206" />

Nevertheless, another piece of information mentioned in the Talan charter proves that such an assumption would be untenable. For the charter states that the village Talan formed part of the district (*vatək*) of Panumbangan. This second toponym, likewise, is observed in several inscriptions. The earliest attestation is in the Sima Anglayang charter issued by Airlangga at some time in or after 968 Śaka and found near Malang.<fnref n="207" /> Although the exact

<footnote n="205">205. Tija & Haru-Haru (date lost, ed. Boechari 2012d: 494–499) 2r3–2r4 *kevala* *buyut amabaki* juga *pramāṇa* ri *salbak-vukirnya*, *savaḥnya*, *savañya*, *sapaniskāranya* *kabeḥ*; Kamalagyan (959 Śaka) A3–4 *len* *drabya-hajiniṁ* gagā, *kbvan* *pasəRhan*, *tka* riṁ *lvaḥ*, *Rnək*, *tpi-tpi*, *valu-vulu* *prakāra* *kabeḥ*; Terep (954 Śaka) 3r2–3r3 ri *svatantranikaṁ* *patapān* *sthāna* bhaṭāri, *tke* *lvaḥnya*, *kubvannya*, *savaḥnya*, *saprakāra*; Bularut (964 Śaka) 11–12 *maka[rasa* An·*prasiddha* rāma]nta I *bularu[t]* *sapa[su]* k *thāni* para *dūvān*· *sumīma* *thani* rāmanta *pramā[ṇa I]* *sal(ba)k*· *vukirni(m)* *thāni* rāman[ta] (k)a{1 akṣ. ille.}yakan· *makādi* *savaḥ* gagā, *kbvan*· *mvah* *Alas*, *Rnək*, *drab[ya]* ha]ji, *tpi-tpi* *saprakā[ra]*; Anjatan (date lost) 4r4 *kevalā* *saṁ* *hyaṁ* kuṭi riṁ *amṛtamaṅgalātāḥ* *pramāṇa* *Iriḳā* *kabaiḥ*, *tka* ri *salbak*· *vukirnya* *kabeḥ* *makādi* *savaḥ* *prakāra*; Panumbangan (1042 Śaka) Cd13–14 *kapramāṇa* *denikaṁ* *kabayān*· *kidulniṁ* *pasar*· *maṇaran* anurida, *tka* ri *gagā* *savaḥnya*, *lvaḥ* *Rnēknya* *lbak*· *vukirnya* *kabeḥ*; Kudadu (1216 Śaka) 3r4–3r5 An·* sampun sinusuk· sīmādəg riingit*, de *śri* *mahārāja*, *tkeṁ* *gagā*· *Rnəknya* *salbak*· *vukir*· *nya* *kabeḥ*; Tuhanyaru (1245 Śaka) 4v4 *im* tuhañaru *muAṁ* sama *sānak* *im* /ku*saṃbyan*· *Ataḥ* *pramāṇa* ri *salbak*· *vukirnya*, *tkeṁ* *gaga* *Rnəknya*; Padlegan III (1252 Śaka) 14 *makādi* *dṛvya* haji, *katka* ri *gagā*· *Rnək*· *salbak*· *vukirnya*. Timothy Lubin has pointed out to us (email, Oct. 2023) that such clauses are likely the Old Javanese renderings of very similar and equally typical clauses found in Indian Sanskrit inscriptions of the Pāla domain, notably that *salbak-vukirnya* would express in Old Javanese what *satala-soddeśa* ‘with low land (tala), with raised ground (uddeśa)’ means in Sanskrit. See Sanyal & Ghosh 2019: 112.</footnote>

<footnote n="206">206. Among the charters cited in the previous footnote, two undoubtedly originate from lowland areas in East Java. They are the Bularut charter, now kept in Museum Nasional (D.170), which originates from *desa* Selorejo, *kecamatan* Sambeng, *kabupaten* Lamongan, and the Tuhanyaru charter, also kept in Museum Nasional (E.25), which is from *desa* Sidoteko, *kecamatan* Dawarblandong, *kabupaten* Mojokerto (Hadi Sidomulyo 2018: 234). In personal communication with Hadi Sidomulyo, he detailed that the name Sidoteko has since the late 1990s been replaced by Madureso. He added that the name of the *dusun* is Gogor.</footnote>

<footnote n="207">207. 13v7–14r1 *k(i)na(b)e(ha)(n·)* *banigrāma* riṁ [*pagilina](n)a(n)n· ri *sapinasukniṁ* yavadvīpa *kabeḥ*, *lasun*, *paḍa*, *paṅkaja*, *kanuruhan*, *lamajaṁ*, *panumbaṁṇan*, *pavuyahan*, *deśa* *luvuk*, *vuravan*, *kaḍaṇayan*· *ka[b]e[h]* ... ‘It is collectively that the members of the merchant guild of carters in all parts of the island of Java, namely Lasun, Paḍa, Paṅkaja, Kanuruhan, Lamajaṇ, Panumbaṇan, Pavuyahan, the region of Luvuk, Vuravan, Kaḍaṇayan, all of them ...’; 16v1–16v3 *kumonakan*· *Ikanam* piṇhai *Akurug* anak *thāni* ri *deśa-Aṣṭataṇḍa* *kasaṇa* *thāni* *jumput*, *svasva*, *lucəm*, *pavuyahan*, *panumbaṇan*, *vaharū*, *tagaran*, *hujuṁ*, *kanurūhan*, *kasaṇa* *thāni*</footnote>
location of Panumbangan is not clearly stated, it appears to be among places or territories lying outside of Janggala such as Waharu, Tagaran, Hujung, and Kanuruhan. The Sukun charter (1083 Śaka), also found near Malang, lists a *rakryan* Panumbangan among those who receive gifts during a *sīma* ceremony (6r1).<fnref n="208" /> The aforementioned Patitihan charter of the Singasari period includes Panumbangan in the list of ‘all the ones who hold a *kañar* in the land of Kadiri’ (*samāmaṅku kañar samudāya, riṁ bhūmi kaḍiri*).<fnref n="209" />

The name Panumbangan as a *vatək* is mentioned in the stone of Pagiliran (1042 Śaka),<fnref n="210" /> issued by King Bameswara, which is located around 3 kilometers to the west of the Talan stone. The same name is frequently mentioned in the Panumbangan inscription (1042 Śaka), also issued by King Bameswara, which is located around 2 kilometers to the east of the Talan stone. The expression *Ikaṁ rāma lima dūvān i panumbaṇan i daLm thāni* is found in the text several times. Although this expression is only partly understood, given that the charter was installed in the same year and by the same king as the one of the Pagiliran stone, not far from both the Pagiliran and the Talan stones, the place called Panumbangan with which the eponymous charter deals must have been the same *vatək* as that in the Pagiliran and Talan charters. The name Panumbangan itself survives in the name Plumbangan of the *dusun* and *desa* where the Panumbangan stele is still to be found in the present day.

A place called Panumbangan is also included as one of the regions on the bank of the river (*nadītīrapradeśa*), namely the Brantas, in the Canggu charter of the Majapahit period (1280 Śaka).<fnref n="211" /> Another Majapahit inscription which mentions the name Panumbangan is the Waringin Pitu charter (1369 Śaka), where Panumbangan figures as one of the borders of the holy foundation at Waringin Pitu.<fnref n="212" /> Although the charter was discovered in *kabupaten Trenggalek*, the fact that it mentions toponyms of Kamalagen (8r1) and Kalagen (8r5) reminds us of an inscription issued by Airlangga, namely the Kamalagyan

<footnote>jumput. ‘It ordered, with regard to the Piñhai, the Akurug, the villagers in the eight quarters of space with as ninth the jumput community — namely Svasva, Lucām, Pavuyahan, Panumbaṇan, Vaharū, Tagaran, Hujuṅ, Kanuruhan, with as ninth the jumput community.’ Text and translation from Titi Surti Nastiti, Eko Bastiawan & Griffiths 2022.</footnote>

<footnote n="208">208. Ed. Boechari 2012d: 517–522.</footnote>

<footnote n="209">209. See n. 200. The meaning of the word *kañar* is unknown.</footnote>

<footnote n="210">210. A4 kumonakən· Ikaṁ karāmān i pagiliran· sapañjiṁ thāni kabeḥ, makādi {10 akṣ. ille.}, *vatək· panumba[ñan·]*.</footnote>

<footnote n="211">211. 5r3 I sarba, I variṅin· pitu, I lagada, I pamotan·, I tulaṇan·, *I panumbaṇan·*, I jruk·, I truṁ, I kambaṁ śrī, I ṭda, I gyaṁ.</footnote>

<footnote n="212">212. 10r1–10r2 tumaṁ muvaḥ, sapakliran lavan **panumbaṇan·**, dpa, 110, məntas iṁ baṇavan aṅidul amnər· tka riṁ pūrvva muvaḥ, dpa, 583, samaṅkana parimāṇani bhūpradeśani saṁ hyaṁ dharmma riṁ variṅin pitu.</footnote>
charter (959 Śaka) situated in *dusun* Klagen, *desa* Tropodo, *kecamatan* Krian, *kabupaten* Sidoarjo. The name Waringin Pitu is synonymous with the name Waringin Sapta in the Kamalagyan charter. Hence, it is probable that the Panumbangan of the Canggu and Waringin Pitu charters was located in the area of Mojokerto and Sidoarjo.

Observing the occurrences of Panumbangan in the charters mentioned above, it is evident that a *vatək* called Panumbangan existed in the historical territory of Kadiri, possibly already from Airlangga's time and certainly from the Kadiri period onward. The data also indicate, however, that there was a (probably less significant) place of the same name in the northern part of East Java (Janggala) a few centuries later, and that place is likely to have existed already at Airlangga's time too.

Bringing together all the data presented in this section, one can then imagine at least three scenarios regarding the community called Talan. First, that the community had moved from Sidoarjo to Wlingi between Airlangga's and Jayabhaya's time. Second, that the Talan charter, despite being found in Wlingi, actually concerns a village in Sidoarjo and as a consequence Jayabhaya's territory extended into Sidoarjo. Third, that the Talan in Sidoarjo at Airlangga's time and the one in Wlingi at Airlangga's and at Jayabhaya's time are two different villages sharing the same name.

## Named individuals

Besides issues related to chronology, toponomy and territory, another major challenge for the historiography of early Java is to establish connections between the plethora of individuals who find mention in the inscriptions. The Old Javanese inscriptions often contain lists of those who receive the gifts (*pasak-pasak*) at the occasion of a *sīma* foundation. Generally, such a list is structured in descending order of social status, with function terms followed by named individuals holding those functions, with the exception of the king and other high dignitaries as their names have normally already been mentioned at the beginning of the inscription. Each of those listed will receive a combination of cash in the form of gold (*mās*) or silver (*pirak*) and cloth (*vādihan* or *kain*) as gifts. In some inscriptions, not in the context of gift presentation, lists of names consisting of individuals from the village level are also observed such as those found in the charter of Cane (943 Śaka) issued by King Airlangga and in the charter that we are studying here. Regrettably the data set is generally not large enough to yield appearances of the same figure in more than a single record, thus impeding proper prosopographic research.

One notable feature of the inscriptions issued by the kings of the Kadiri is the use of the expression *makasopāna* meaning ‘by intermediary of’ in describing the process of transmission of a petition to the sovereign. The earliest epigraphic record of this expression is found in the Waharu II charter
(851 Śaka)<fnref n="213" /> issued by King Sindok, but its authenticity is questionable.<fnref n="214" /> The same expression is observed in the Mataji inscription (973 Śaka)<fnref n="215" /> and then becomes a standard element of grants issued by the Kadiri kings,<fnref n="216" /> but is rarely observed in inscriptions after the Kadiri period.<fnref n="217" /> Outside of Java, the same expression is also found in at least ten charters from Bali.

These intermediaries hold various positions such as official (*paməgat*), lord (*rakryān*), or teacher (*paṇajyan*). Although they do not always appear in every inscription issued by the kings of Kadiri, their role seems to be vital as it is through them that petitioners addressed the Great King. The presence of these intermediaries in the Kadiri period deserves comprehensive investigation. Limiting ourselves here to the case of our inscription, we find in it two intermediaries: the *apatih* Lord (a kind of chief minister?) named *mpu* Kesareśvara, ‘endowed with right judgment and of unstoppable valor’ (*kṛta-vivekālaṅghanīya-parākrama*), with the byname Bāguṇa, and the teacher of the Great King, ‘promoter of Nyāya doctrine, serving as a chief of Yogins following the path of Bhairava’ (*naiyāyikadarśana-samṛddhi-kāraṇa bhairava-mārgānugamana-yogīśvarādhikāra*). The second person also figures as intermediary in the Hantang inscription (1057 Śaka), likewise issued by Jayabhaya. His name suggests that the cult of Bhairava played an important role during Jayabhaya’s reign. The Hantang inscription is indeed perhaps the earliest attestation of the Bhairava cult in eastern Java (Robson & Hadi Sidomulyo 2021: 150–151).

<footnote n="213">213. 2v: ... *makasopana* I *rakryan* mahāmantri I hino humatur i pāduka śrī mahārāja ...</footnote>

<footnote n="214">214. Brandes considers that this charter is a reissue on the basis of the writing which is 'much younger compared to the Sindok type of the stone inscriptions' (1913: 73–76, OJO XLII).</footnote>

<footnote n="215">215. Ed. Shalihah Sri Prabarani 2009: 35. Face A, line 6: (*rakrya*)n riṁ pakira-kiran mākabehan karuhun I lbu paduka śrī māharaja *makassopana* saṁ hadyan ...</footnote>

<footnote n="216">216. We limit ourselves to three examples. Panumbangan I (1042 Śaka) Ab4–6 sambandha, Ikaṁ rāma lima dūvān· I panumbañan i daLm thāni samāgəgə: galar i pasamayan·, humatur māmpak-ampak· manambaḥ I lbūni pāduka śrī mahārāja, *makasopāṇa* samgat· tirvan· mpu Avāyyyāntareśvara; Geneng I (1050 Śaka) Ab6 ... māmpak-ampak· manambaḥ I lbūni pāduka śrī mahārāja, *makasopāṇa* (I) rakryān· kanuruhan· mapañji ...; Jaring (1103 Śaka) Ab5–6 ma(ka)mpak-ampak manambah i Lbuni pāduka śrī mahārājā, *makasopāṇa* senapati sarvvajala.</footnote>

<footnote n="217">217. There are three inscriptions from the Majapahit period using the same expression, namely Padlegan III (1252 Śaka) 11 sa(m)mbandha gati saṁ rājamantrī, manāmbah ri pāduka śrī mahārāja, *makasopāṇa* saṁ āryya rājādhikāra, pu taḍah; Trailokyapuri III (1408 Śaka, ed. Brandes 1913: 218–226, OJO XCIV–XCV) A14–15 sira saṁ dvijendra śrī madhavācāryya, mvaṁ rakryan apatiḥ mahavīrottama, pu vahan *makasopāṇa* humatur, yathā śrī raṇavijaya mratisubaddhakən kirttyānugrahanira sira harananira; Watukura II (no date, ed. van Naerssen 1941: 106–112, no. IX and 1977: 61–63) 1v3–1v4 An· humatur anāmbahi pāduka śrī mahārāja, *makasopāṇa* Ika mapañji kālajaya.</footnote>
Among the two fully deciphered inscriptions issued by Jayabhaya, namely the Hantang and the Talan charters, it is only in the latter that the name of the calligrapher is mentioned. It ends with the information that ‘the document was written by master Prakāśa, whose chief was the official of Kəlpvan (called) master Amogha.’<fnref n="218" /> As already stated in n. 176, the names of the masters sound Buddhist. If indeed their bearers were Buddhists, it implies that both (Bhairava) Śaivism and Buddhism coexisted during the reign of Jayabhaya. The presence of Buddhism in the 10th–11th century is perhaps also attested through an inscribed sculpture of Akṣobhya found in desa Sukodono (formerly Gondang Lor), kecamatan Karangrejo, kabupaten Tulungagung, now displayed in Museum Wajakensis, Tulungagung.<fnref n="219" />

7. Conclusion

We are aware that there are many other topics that could and should be elucidated in this single inscription, but this can be done better once the first author’s study of the Janggala-Kadiri corpus as a whole will have advanced further. The present study has showcased how much new light a critical edition of even a single charter, if accompanied by a reliable translation, may shed on historical events, the persons involved, as well as the social and geographic contexts. Once this approach will have been applied to a larger corpus of inscriptions of the same period, it may be expected that a significant number of new facts will emerge for revising the historiography of early Java.

We have shown that the Talan charter yields substantial information not just on the reign of Jayabhaya but also on that of Bhaṭāra Guru. We have reevaluated the hypothesis proposed by previous scholars regarding the identification of Bhaṭāra Guru as King Airlangga and are indeed inclined to accept it. This identification means that the Talan charter, by incorporating a charter of Bhaṭāra Guru dated to 941 Śaka, will have an impact on the issue of the duration of Airlangga’s reign, which has occupied Indonesian historiography for decades.<fnref n="220" />

<footnote n="218">218. Cd24–25 likhitapātra daṅ ācāryya prakāśa, makapramukha samgat· kəlpvan· daṅ ācāryya Amogha.</footnote>

<footnote n="219">219. Bosch 1919–1921: 500, 505; Boechari 1990: 126; 2012c: 438. Stutterheim associated the name Dharmawangsa figuring in the text with Airlangga and Samarotsaha in the Sumengka charter. He further detailed that the lettering of the inscription from Tulungagung is comparable to that of the Sumengka charter (1929: 498–499).</footnote>

<footnote n="220">220. See Damais 1955: 233–234; Boechari 1968: 10/2012: 151–152; Ninie Susanti 2003: 332–333 and 2010: 27–28, 30–31; Bambang Sumadio & Endang Sri Hardiati 2008: 282. It is pertinent to point out that the Talan date in 941 fell in an intercalary month of Māgha (punah-māgha-māsa), while Airlangga was consecrated as king in 941 in the month of Māgha (Pucangan, stanza XV), meaning that he issued the grant a month after he took power. As for the Silet charter, thus far assumed by most scholars to date to 941 but certainly datable to a later year, see our discussion of the Silet charter in Titi Surti Nastiti, Eko Bastiawan & Griffiths 2022: 98, n. 15.</footnote>
Perhaps more importantly, the Talan charter raises questions about the territorial
limits of Airlangga's kingdom. In particular, the Talan charter challenges the
notion — which we ourselves had until recently — that Airlangga's territory
was exclusively situated in the northern part of East Java and opens up the
possibility that more southerly territories, where no stone inscriptions issued
by Airlangga have so far been found, may also have been part of his territory.<fnref n="221" />

As for the community called Talan, out of three possibilities that we have
offered above, it is the third scenario that seems most plausible to us, namely
that two different village communities called Talan are intended in the historical
sources: one in Sidoarjo that existed at Airlangga's time and another Talan that
also existed at Airlangga's and Jayabhaya's time, despite the absence in Wlingi
or even the larger Kediri-Blitar-Tulungagung area of any stone inscriptions
directly preserved from Airlangga's time to corroborate the hypothesis that
his territory extended so far beyond the area of Lamongan where most of his
inscriptions have been found. The fact that Panumbangan figures already as an
important territory in the Sima Anglayang charter implies that the Panumbangan
where Talan was situated possibly existed already in Airlangga's time. More
generally, our study gives reason to reconsider the territorial organization of
polities in early Java and the extent to which the distribution pattern of stone
inscriptions reflects the extent of the issuers' political control.

As regards the history of Jayabhaya's reign, while we still need to revisit the
relatively well-known Hantang charter, we have to give special attention to the
Tamparang charter which has not been fully read, let alone translated. Alas its
state of preservation is considerably worse than that of the other two charters
issued by Jayabhaya. The stone which was for decades kept unprotected outside
of the Penataran Museum in Blitar has recently been moved just behind the
entrance gate of the area of the museum and placed under a small cungkup,
and we have begun but not yet finished our decipherment of this record.

8. Acknowledgements

This publication is a result of the project DHARMA ‘The Domestication
of “Hindu” Asceticism and the Religious Making of South and Southeast
Asia’. The project has received funding from the European Research Council
(ERC) under the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation
programme (grant agreement no. 809994). We are grateful to Timothy Lubin,
Hadi Sidomulyo and Wayan Jarrah Sastrawan for their comments on pre-
publication drafts.

<footnote n="221">221. See Titi Surti Nastiti, Eko Bastiawan & Griffiths 2022 and Titi Surti Nastiti *et al*. 2023.</footnote>
## 9. Journal Abbreviations

NBG Notulen van de Algemeene en Bestuurs-vergaderingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen

ROD Rapporten van den Oudheidkundigen Dienst in Nederlandsch-Indië

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