# Popular Control and Social Movements: When Local Civil Societies Mobilize in Support of Migrants' Demands for Human Rights

Giorgia Trasciani

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Giorgia Trasciani. Popular Control and Social Movements: When Local Civil Societies Mobilize in Support of Migrants' Demands for Human Rights. Ajay Bailey; Kei Otsuki. Inclusive Cities and Global Urban Transformation. Infrastructures, Intersectionalities, and Sustainable Development, Springer Nature Singapore, pp.309-317, 2025, 978-981-97-7520-0. 10.1007/978-981-97-7521-7_28 hal-04882839

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Chapter 28

# Popular Control and Social Movements: When Local Civil Societies Mobilize in Support of Migrants' Demands for Human Rights

Giorgia Trasciani

**Abstract** Often perceived as a threat to employment, public order and safety, immigration is still a high priority on the political agenda of the European Union. Members States. However, even because conceived as a concession, little is said about the quality of reception for asylum seekers, and the respect for their rights. This work focuses specifically on the reception systems of two cities, Marseille, and Naples, and how civil society, tired of silently observing the harassment suffered by migrants, organised in order to support migrants' struggles, asking for a decent service of reception and integration. Based on semi-structured interviews with local social movements, associations and different members of civil society, this work aims to shed light on acts of solidarity that take place daily in our cities, contrasting the selective migration policy and the increasingly privatised service of reception promoted by national public authorities.

# 1 Introduction

A significant share of citizens of the European Union (EU) Member States is appre-
hensive about immigration, often perceiving it as a threat to employment, public
order, and safety (Diamanti & Bordignon, 2005). This is also the result of institu-
tional and mainstream actors’ discourses, which defined the refugee crisis as the most
difficult challenge the EU has ever faced, far greater than the euro crisis (Hansen,
2017). On the other hand, the report on social security and ins security shows that
the migration phenomenon continues to be much covered in the news (Osservatorio
Europe della sicurezza, 2017). When significant attention is given to the impacts of
immigration and the emergency narrative, there is often a notable lack of focus on
the quality of reception and integration services.

<footnote>G. Trasciani (✉)
LEST, CNRS, Aix-Marseille Université, Marseille, France
e-mail: giorgia.trasciani@univ-amu.fr</footnote>
This chapter examines the reception systems in Marseille and Naples, where civil society, weary of passively witnessing the mistreatment of migrants, organized to advocate for their rights, demanding dignified reception and integration services. Although migration policies are dealt with at the national level, however certain aspects have been devolved to the sub-state level, most notably, migrants reception and integration services (Hepburn & Zapata-Barrero, 2014). In this framework an analysis on an urban scale proves to be crucial in understanding the dynamics of solidarity and resistance from below. As a matter of facts, although institutional discourse particularly focuses on the good practices, the systems of reception, across EU, registers significant shortcomings. It is worth mentioning the alarming and unsettling cases recently reported by the Refugee Council. The Refugee Council's report based on a survey of more than 400 asylum seekers, described the dehumanizing treatment reserved for migrants and although migration policies are dealt with at the national level, however. But this is just one of many cases. In a trend woefully common in Europe, Italy registered several abuses. One recent and tragic incident involved Moussa Balde, a Guinean boy who was first beaten by three people outside a supermarket in Ventimiglia on May 9. Later, on May 23, Moussa tragically took his own life by hanging himself in the CPR (Centro di Permanenza per il Rimpatrio) in Turin on the May 23, where he had been detained as an irregular migrant. It is important to note that upon his arrival in Italy, Moussa was initially placed in an asylum accommodation center (CAS), where he did not receive any form of legal or psychological support.

In addition to cases of abuse, there have also been reports of misappropriation of public funds. The ongoing "Mafia Capitale" scandal, which first came to light in 2015, continues to make headlines, revealing instances of corruption and financial irregularities. The case exposed a deeply disturbing network of corrupted politicians and managers of social cooperatives engaging in illegal activities and rigging public tenders to profit from the growing refugee crisis in the Mediterranean. As a consequence, a vast system of corruption infiltrated the Rome City government, leading to a severe decline in the quality of services provided to the hosted individuals. These individuals were subjected to living in unacceptable and unsustainable conditions, further exacerbating their already challenging circumstances. To address the unmet needs left by public authorities and selected management bodies, activists established various services to support migrants. These efforts not only provide practical assistance but also empower migrants in their struggles to assert their rights and promote equality for all workers and citizens. This article is organised as following. Firstly, we will show how the reception services are organised in the two city of Marseille and Naples. The third part is dedicated to the so called popular control, namely the activists' activities, to visit migrants in the reception centres and ascertain their health conditions, to check the facilities, and the salubrity of the spaces. Finally we will conclude with a reflection on the role played by civil society in this context, which instead of being an exception characterises the reception of asylum seekers and refugees of many cities in Europe.
## 2 Delegation and Control in Outsourcing Reception Services

Who is responsible for controlling the quality of services? And how is it defined? In the ever-expanding landscape of the migration industry (Andersson, 2014), it becomes increasingly challenging to discern the exact responsibilities and roles of various actors involved. On one hand, the introduction of public tenders and market mechanisms has led to an increase in the number of actors involved in the migration industry. This phenomenon has been accompanied by a multiplication of reception facilities observed in both France and Italy. The newly established reception facilities are generally less expensive, and their short-term contracts enable swift adjustments to the conditions of service (Borrelli et al., 2019). In many cases, Third Sector Organizations (TSOs) and other private actors responding to public tenders are required to sign highly detailed contracts that outline a specific list of tasks, thereby limiting their freedom of action. Furthermore, various indicators, primarily quantitative in nature, are developed to monitor and control the actions carried out by management bodies in terms of performance and cost containment. However, in this system of contracting out services, various state and non-state actors operating within the milieu of migration management have the discretion to interpret and apply policies according to their own distinctive vernaculars (Eule et al. 2019), often without control mechanisms in place. In cases where decision-making powers are transferred to another organization through contracts, control is expected to be an integral part of the delegation process. Advocates of New Public Management (NPM) practices are enthusiastic about supporting the delegation system (Hood 1991), while also stressing the importance of putting in place a reliable control mechanism to ensure delegates are constantly monitored (Gilardi, 2008). However different types of control could be observed in the field of reception. While in Italy, control is lacking altogether, whether concerning the quality or use of funds, in France, control mechanisms primarily focus on efficiency and cost containment, paying little attention to the quality of the services. This void created by public authorities seemingly prioritizing an emergency logic has prompted civil society to step in and operate at a dual level on the one hand, Civil society organizations have taken on the role of monitoring reception centers, and on the other hand they provide services that are not adequately provided by existing institutional structures.

It's important to notice that very often reception centers tend to be located far from city centers and community meeting places. These centers can be seen as "non lieu" (Augé, 1995) or spaces characterized by a lack of meaningful relationship between individuals and lived experiences. Consequently, developing a sense of belonging becomes difficult for the newcomers, as these (non-)places often tend to make feel migrants as guests, and their exceptionality compared to the normal life of urban citizens, highlighting the exceptionalism of the migrant condition. Furthermore, public authorities seem to design these places precisely to avoid fostering connections, aiming instead to maintain a detached contractual relationship with migrants (Trasciani and Petrella, 2021).
However, although these non-places are isolated, activists strive to re-establish relational and supportive bonds, transforming these spaces into shared concerns that extend beyond those who inhabit and suffer from them, but for humanity as a whole. Reception in both in France and in Italy is based on a binary system. In Italy, there is an ordinary system that relies on the voluntary involvement of local authorities in establishing a network of hospitality projects. These projects are co-developed with TSOs and are designed to promote local networks that engage many stakeholders. In addition, Italy also manages the emergency aspect of reception through CAS centers. These centers are imposed by the Prefecture through public tenders and are typically managed by private actors, including both TSOs and for-profit organizations. In 2016, 85% of asylum seekers were hosted in CAS (Report SPRAR 2016). The reception system in France follows a similar structure, with CADA serving as the dedicated structure for ordinary reception. Alongside CADA, there has been a significant increase in the number of emergency asylum seeker accommodations established in recent years, totaling around 10 or more such facilities. Among the various accommodation facilities, it is noteworthy to mention PRAHDA (Reception and Accommodation Program for Asylum Seekers), which is a specific structure designed to host people under the Dublin procedure. In both cases, the service is entirely outsourced to external management bodies, with limited participation from public authorities. In the Italian context, there is no official externalized system of control for the reception centers, which ideally should be developed by the prefecture. On the other hand, in the case of Prahda, authorities have established a control system that primarily focuses on financial criteria. However, it is important to note that this control system, carried out by public authorities, is predominantly structured as a financial accounting mechanism, aimed at assuring the efficiency and effectiveness of the structure.

### 3 Popular Control in the Municipalities of Marseille and Naples

Due to the absence or limited involvement of public authorities, social movements and activists have taken it upon themselves to engage in what they refer to as “Popular control.” For example, in Naples in the late 2010s, in response to instances of abuse towards migrants within the reception centers, several small associations collaborated with social movements, activists, and other civil society actors. They conducted activities in support of migrants, including the popular control of the reception shelter for asylum seekers and refugees during the North African Emergency period. This period was characterized by daily scandals, but certain organizations fought to expose the management bodies, which were not correctly implementing their role. According to one activist:
And at that time, we very much opposed this emergency management of reception. Therefore, these organizations emerged out of nowhere, devoid of adequate competencies, and requirements. The public bodies [n.d.r. Civil protection] have entrusted them, monitoring neither the competencies nor the actions of these actors! This has been a political choice, in order to rapidly solve the so-called emergency, without taking into account the long-term consequences. The choice to continue funding the emergency reception instead of doing a serious and concrete investment on the ordinary reception, the SPRAR, which instead will be weakened. (interview_italian_activist_1).

In doing so, “the CAS become extra-territorial devices in the city” (Municipality of Naples_1_2019). Managed by a ministry that has no competence in social services, both civil society and the city council underline the absence of ex-post controls: “They [the authorities] rarely come to check who you are, and in Naples we have had a lot of reports and judicial enquiries” (Municipality of Naples_2_2020).

In this context, the responsibility for ensuring the quality of service is in the hands of the managing body of the reception centers. With the absence of prefectural control over service quality in Naples, popular control initiatives have emerged to organize visits to the CAS. According to one of the activists, “Through these visits, we try to shed light on the need to respect the rights and safety of the migrants hosted in these structures” (Interview_Italian_activist_2). The activists not only observed poor quality of food and exposure to racist abuse, but also a total lack of legal and social assistance. This lack of support could have detrimental consequences for migrants in terms of obtaining legal protection and regularization of their status. Furthermore, numerous incidents have been documented where individuals have entered the centers and subjected asylum seekers to harassment and verbal abuse. Furthermore, there have been cases of racist attacks perpetrated by anti-migrant groups targeting asylum seekers residing in hotels.

To address the unmet needs arising from public authorities and management bodies, activists have established several services to support migrants. These initiatives aim to assist migrants in their struggles to assert their rights and promote equality of all workers and citizens. For example, to provide crucial support to undocumented migrants, a help desk service has been implemented. This service aims to inform individuals of their rights and educate them about the various options available to obtain legal documents, and, in turn, regularize their status in Italy. The structure is organized and operated by volunteers, who sometimes lack formal legal training. However, it is common practice for volunteers to receive training that provides them with a basic understanding of legal matters before they begin their work. Migrants are offered an initial consultation to assess their profiles, with more complex cases referred to lawyers who specialize in immigration law. In total, more than 7,000 migrants having benefitted from this spontaneous form of civil organization, including support for work-related issues. Migrants often work illegally, and it is crucial to consider the importance of the work contract in acquiring a residence permit. Within this framework, migrants are encouraged to participate in meetings that involve other categories of workers as well. The purpose of these gatherings is to foster cross-cutting claims and break the isolation often experienced by migrants. Activists, together with grassroots unions, have played a significant role in promoting
and continuing to advocate for collective demands. These efforts extend beyond day laborers and encompass other categories of workers. Limited access to information among migrant communities is often attributed to language and cultural barriers, which contribute to their marginalization. To address this issue, organizations strive to overcome these barriers by providing language courses specifically tailored for asylum seekers. Due to the high demand and demonstrated success, these language initiatives are now organized by activists several times a week. In a similar vein, to address medical care needs, a free people's medical clinic run by volunteer doctors and nurses was established. Located in a very poor district of Naples, the clinic is free to the entire neighborhood. The activists involved in these initiatives include Italians, Italians of foreign origin, and migrant foreigners. They actively participate in the monthly assembly of the social center, where various working groups meet, such as the work group, health group, and the culture and popular theater group, among others. The assembly serves as a platform for interaction and collaboration on activities and events.

A similar scenario has been observed in France, where social movements operate in a comparable manner, providing services to asylum seekers. In the Marseille area, activists are organized into different teams, with some activists regularly monitoring the activities and conditions within the Prahda facility. The fact that activists monitor the Prahda facility may not be explicitly acknowledged or endorsed by the public authorities responsible for overseeing it. It is important to note that a significant number of migrants hosted in these facilities are subject to so-called Dublin procedures. This procedure is based on the principle that if migrants have crossed a European country before arriving in France and have had their fingerprints registered there, they are legally required to apply for asylum in that country, according to European law. In France, after a quick examination of their file, migrants may be “readmitted” to the first country they crossed—Italy or Spain in most cases—where they will have to resume their asylum application from the beginning.

Activists who regularly visit the Prahda have reported an alarming situation regarding both the living conditions and the treatment of asylum seekers within the facilities. The accommodations, often repurposed Formula 1 Hotels, are described as having very poor living conditions. Furthermore, the asylum seekers hosted in these facilities have also been subjected to dehumanizing treatment. The uncovering of unacceptable and unsustainable conditions within the Prahda has revealed a detrimental impact on the mental health of asylum seekers. The lack of clothing is also a challenge faced by asylum seekers in the Prahda, while a total absence of legal support is contractually agreed upon entering. The activists confirm that the service is minimal “There’s nothing here, no activity, no help with papers. Actually, the Prahda is for leaving France” (Interview_French_Activist_1).

This structure and operation of the Prahda seriously undermine the rights of asylum seekers and impede their chances of obtaining legal recognition and regularization. Furthermore, they are far from cities, difficult to reach, and almost invisible to the rest of society. Officially, the Prahda is intended to accommodate individuals who are not eligible for CADA. However, in practice, there are instances where asylum seekers in “normal” and “accelerated” proceedings are also hosted in the
Prahda. People who fall under the Dublin Procedure are not allowed to be hosted in CADA.

According to activists, the establishment of the Prahda is founded on the idea of avoiding the so-called “appel d’air” (Interview_French_Activist_1). This concept is linked to the idea that a generous reception policy has an attractive “pull factor” on migrants, potentially leading to more migrants coming to a particular region or country. For this reason, activists think that the deliberate provision of poor-quality reception services is a strategy put in place by public authorities, in order to control the number of newcomers. They argue that such a deliberately shaped reception system reinforces the precarity of migrants, who lack social support and cannot access their basic rights. The activists observed that migrants are abandoned in inadequate accommodations for many weeks and even month, without access to appropriate support, including basic health care, clothing, and essential legal and social services. The insufficient number of social workers available to care for all individuals present in the reception facilities is a major concern. Due to the low cost of the service, the managing body is constrained from increasing the number of workers; the cost of the service in the reception facilities is notably lower, specifically 16.50 euros compared to 27 euros in CAO centers of reception.

This Kafkaesque situation of waiting and neglect experienced by asylum seekers in Prahda facilities is further compounded by the geographical distance from the city center. The remote location makes it challenging for both activists and beneficiaries to access the facilities. Adding to their difficulties, the beneficiaries are required to sleep in the structures under the constant threat of being reported and eventually expelled. However, despite these obstacles, a group of them, against all odds, decided to join the Marseille collective to take part in the weekly general assembly in order to organize protests and other efforts to claim their rights.

## 4 Conclusion

It is a common observation that political agendas have often mirrored public anxieties and security concerns rather than prioritizing the quality of reception services and effective integration of newcomers. This has resulted in a mismanagement of public funds and the consequent low quality of services, which in turn has a negative impact on the ability of migrants to obtain regular legal status. However, while this study highlights the issues of exclusion and abandonment faced by migrants in inadequate reception facilities, it also underscores the presence of inclusion and solidarity. This chapter emphasizes the crucial role of cities and local actors in promoting and advancing human rights. Civil society organizations in particular play a major role by providing emergency relief and reception services for asylum seekers, migrants, and refugees, as well as ensuring access to social services and international protection to their longer term integration into society. In addition, civil society organizations also take on the role of monitoring and overseeing public bodies responsible for providing reception services. However, in this specific case of principal-agent problem, there
is a notable asymmetry of priorities between the management body (agent) and the state (principal). The management body may be incentivized to display moral hazard behavior due to the lack of stringent oversight or consequences for subpar service quality. On the other hand, the state tends to prioritize efficiency and cost containment rather than emphasizing the quality of the service provided. This situation coupled with poor reception services could be perceived as a strategy of the state to discourage new migrant arrivals. At the very least, it signifies a schizophrenic system divided between respecting international agreements on human rights and the willingness to control undesirable foreigners. Regardless of the challenges and complexities within the system, civil society organizations play a crucial role in taking action to ensure that the actors responsible for providing reception services respect the human rights of migrants.

## 5 Ethical Procedures

Prior to the interviews, written informed consent was obtained from all individuals. In addition, in order to guarantee as much privacy as possible, the names of interviewers and organizations have been anonymized.

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