# Masters of Mechanics: Exploring the Science of Ingenious Devices in the Abbasid Empire

Alessia Zubani

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Alessia Zubani. Masters of Mechanics: Exploring the Science of Ingenious Devices in the Abbasid Empire. Journal of Abbasid Studies, 2024, 11 (2), pp.125 - 170. 10.1163/22142371-00802026. hal-04847792

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# Masters of Mechanics: Exploring the Science of Ingenious Devices in the Abbasid Empire

Alessia Zubani | ORCID: 0000-0002-6871-2448

Newton International Fellow, The British Academy, University of Oxford,
Wolfson College, Oxford, UK

alessia.zubani@ames.ox.ac.uk

Received 13 December 2023 | Accepted 14 June 2024 |

Published online 16 December 2024

## Abstract

This article explores the historical development of mechanical inventions during the Abbasid period, a time of significant scientific and technological advancements in the medieval Islamicate world. It focuses on works addressing mechanical devices prevalent in the Abbasid context, such as water clocks, drinking vessels, and musical automata. The study has three main objectives: first, to provide an analysis of the intellectual and scientific environment of the time, discussing both renowned and lesser-known scholars; second, to investigate the connections between scholars and translators, as well as the interrelations among texts, highlighting the importance of teaching activities, patronage, and scientific collaborations; and third, to examine the relationship between translators, scientists, and mechanicians with the Abbasid court, showcasing the interest of princes and caliphs in mechanics and mechanical devices.

## Keywords

Abbasid Empire – history of technology – *ilm al-ḥiyal* – mechanical devices – mechanics
Introduction

The early Abbasid period was a prolific era for scientific and technological advancements. The Caliphs played a pivotal role in fostering scientific research, providing support to scholars, and promoting the translation of Greek, Syriac, Middle Persian, and Sanskrit works into Arabic across various scholarly disciplines, including sciences, technology, and philosophy. A discernible trend of scholarship that developed within this context was mechanical engineering. Abbasid scholars made significant strides in the field, encompassing the sciences of devices ('ilm al-hiyal), weights (athqāl), and balances (mīzān/mawāzīn).

At the Abbasid court, the fascination with mechanics found expression in automata, broadly understood as devices that rely on water and air pressures, mercury-based processes or fire for activating various visual and sound effects. Within the caliphal palaces, visitors could encounter awe-inspiring creations such as moving mechanical statues, golden and singing birds, water clocks with elaborate moving parts, and figures meant to entertain courtiers and guests during banquets and gatherings. Automaton-making flourished, drawing upon the ideas and principles developed by renowned Greek and Hellenistic scholars, such as Archimedes (d. 212 BCE), Philo of Byzantium (third century BCE), Hero of Alexandria (first century CE), and Pappus of Alexandria (fl. ca. 320 CE). Several technical treatises were translated from Greek into Arabic, and new ones were composed, further contributing to the technological research during this period.

Despite the popularity of studies on mechanics in the medieval Islamicate world, scholarship has shown little interest in its history. In contrast to fields like astral sciences, mathematics, and medicine, our knowledge of the history of mechanics remains scant. To this end, this article explores the historical development of the discipline and mechanical inventions within the Abbasid Empire, examining key figures and their contributions to the field. It pursues three main objectives. Firstly, it provides an overview of the Abbasid intellectual and scientific environment, discussing renowned scholars such as the Banū Mūsā, three brothers who were among the most important intellectuals of third/ninth century Baghdad and have garnered significant attention in scholarship. This increased focus is due to the survival of multiple copies of their treatise on automata, *Kitāb al-Hiyal* (Book on Mechanical Devices). However, the Banū Mūsā were not the only scholars engaged in the study of mechanics. As this paper demonstrates, a diverse group of individuals contributed to the discipline, but their work has been overshadowed due to its lack of preservation. By analysing each of these contributors, it showcases the
richness of Abbasid mechanics and argues that there was a genuine effort to
construct automata, challenging the notion that they were merely thought
experiments. In addition to the intellectuals who are closely associated with
the Abbasid context, the study includes a discussion on scholars who were
only partially connected to it, such as al-Haytham (d. ca. 430/1040), or those
with insufficient biographical information available, like Yūnus b. al-Ḥusayn
al-Asṭurlābī (fl. mid-sixth/twelfth century).

Secondly, the paper investigates the connections between scholars and
translators, while also examining the interrelations between Greek texts,
Arabic translations, and the production of new texts. In doing so, it illuminates
the interpersonal relationships among intellectuals, emphasising the role of
teaching activities, translation projects, patronage, and scientific collabora-
tions in the dissemination of technological knowledge.

Finally, the article examines the relationship between translators, scientists,
and mechanicians within the Abbasid courtly environment. It highlights the
interest of princes and caliphs in mechanics and mechanical devices, demon-
strating their patronage and support for this field. The final paragraph briefly
highlights a monumental water clock built for the Mustanşiriyya Madrasa,
commissioned by Caliph al-Mustanşir (r. 623-640/1226-1242). Although this
clock is only known through eyewitness accounts, its inclusion in the discus-
sion exemplifies the utilisation of such contraptions by political authorities.
Moreover, it serves as ideal concluding element, as it represents the last known
device created just a few years prior to the Mongol conquest of Baghdad.

This paper serves as a study of the diverse key figures involved in mechani-
cal studies within the Abbasid empire, aiming to present a more detailed
overview of their research activities in the realm of ingenious devices, while
also updating and building upon previous works on the subject. By doing so,
it demonstrates how the impact of the Abbasid intellectual milieu extends
beyond the contributions of a few notable individuals and leaves a profound
imprint on the trajectory of later research in the field.

Within the scope of this article, my focus is on works that specifically
address mechanical devices prevalent in the Abbasid context, such as water
clocks, drinking vessels, and musical automata. Consequently, treatises con-
cerning other branches of mechanical studies, such as the science of weights
and the doctrine of balances, are not explored in depth, although occasional
references to these topics are made throughout the discussion.<fnref n="1" /> Similarly, the

<footnote n="1">1 The bibliography on balances and weights is rich. See the treatises by Isfizārī, *Matn al-muẓaffar; The Corpus of al-Isfizārī*, and al-Khāzinī, *Kitāb Mīzān*. Secondary studies are Abattouy, *The Arabic Tradition of Mechanics*, Greek Mechanics, Science des poids, The Arabic</footnote>
emphasis is on the works of scholars directly associated with the Abbasid court. As a result, it is important to acknowledge that there were other groups and individuals whose contributions are not covered in this analysis. These include al-Isfizārī (late fifth–early sixth/eleventh–early twelfth centuries) and al-Khazinī (d. after 525/1130–1) in Khurāsān,<fnref n="2" /> Muḥammad b. ‘Alī b. Rustam al-Khurāsānī al-Sa‘ātī and Riḍwān al-Sa‘ātī (d. ca. 627/1230) working in Damascus,<fnref n="3" /> al-Jazarī (d. 602/1206) in Anatolia,<fnref n="4" /> and Andalusian scholars such as ‘Abbās b. Firnās (d. 274/887),<fnref n="5" /> Qāsim b. Muṭarrif al-Qaṭṭān (fl. ca. 339/950),<fnref n="6" /> and Ibn Khalaf al-Murādī (fl. ca. 442/1050?).<fnref n="7" />

## From Alexandria to Baghdad: Exploring the History of ‘ilm al-ḥiyal

Arabic literature provides descriptions of contrivances, referring to the field as the art or science of mechanical devices (ṣinā‘at or ‘ilm al-ḥiyal al-handasiyya), signifying its recognition as a distinct area of expertise and knowledge.<fnref n="8" /> Indeed, within the realm of Islamicate scientific culture, mechanics ranks among

<footnote>Science of Weights, The Corpus of Mechanics of al-Isfizārī; Vernet, Al-Khazinī; Brentjes and Renn, Contexts and Content.</footnote>

<footnote n="2">2 Both scholars were deeply committed to the fields of weights and mechanical devices. References are given in the previous note.</footnote>

<footnote n="3">3 Father and son, who were respectively responsible for constructing and repairing the monumental water clock at the Great Mosque of Damascus, also known as the Bāb Jayrūn clock. Riḍwān al-Sa‘ātī also left us a brief treatise on the clock, written on the occasion of the repairs he carried out. See Riḍwān al-Sā‘ātī, ‘İlm al-sā‘ā; for an English translation of the treatise, see Hill, *Arabic Water-Clocks*, 69–88. Consider also the study by Flood, *The Great Mosque of Damascus*, 114–138.</footnote>

<footnote n="4">4 Mechanician of the Artuqid rulers and author of *Kitāb al-Jāmiʿ bayn al-‘ilm wa-l-‘amal al-nāfī fī ṣinā‘at al-ḥiyal* (Compendium of the Theory and Practice of the Mechanical Arts). See Jazarī, *Jāmi‘*; idem, *The Book of Knowledge*.</footnote>

<footnote n="5">5 Poet and polymath at the Umayyad court of Córdoba, attributed with the invention of a water clock with automata, mechanical devices for the court, and a moving representation of the celestial sphere. See Samsó, *Las Ciencias de los antiguos*, 55–56; idem, *On Both Sides of the Strait of Gibraltar*, 124; Garulo, Abbās b. Firnās; Anderson, *A Bridge to the Sky*.</footnote>

<footnote n="6">6 Córdoban astronomer and author of a treatise on cosmology, *Kitāb al-Hay’a* (*Book on Cosmology*), where he also describes a candle clock. See Casulleras, Contents of *Kitāb al-Hay’a*, 347–349; Samsó, *On Both Sides of the Strait of Gibraltar*, 5–6; 121–122.</footnote>

<footnote n="7">7 An enigmatic Andalusian engineer, known solely for authoring a treatise on mechanical devices titled *Kitāb al-Asrār fī natā’ij al-afkār* (The Book of Secrets in the Results of Ideas). See Ibn Khalaf al-Murādī, *Book of Secrets*; Vernet Ginés, Villuendas Diaz, and Casals, El Capitolo Primeiro; Casulleras, El Ultimo Capitulo; Taddei, The Manuscript by al-Muradi.</footnote>

<footnote n="8">8 Hauser, *Über das Kitāb al-ḥiyal*, 15–16; Canavas, Automata and Balances, 118–122; Carusi, *Musulmani all’opera*, 11–71.</footnote>
mathematical disciplines, encompassing the art of ingenious devices, the science of weights ('ilm al-athqāl), and the doctrine of balances (mīzān/mawāzīn).<fnref n="9" />

The term *hiyal* (singular form: *hīla*), appearing in the expression *ṣinā'at* or ‘ilm al-*hiyal*, refers to a category of devices operating with mechanical, pneumatic, and hydraulic principles, as well as through fire and mercury-based processes.<fnref n="10" /> It carries meanings such as artifice, device, trick, and ruse. Beyond its application to mechanics, it extends into the military sphere, where it signifies war stratagems. It is also used to describe tricks employed by beggars, charlatans, and forgers.<fnref n="11" /> In addition to *hiyal*, related literature often employs the word *al-*hārakāt, translating to “moving devices,” to further characterise these types of artefacts.<fnref n="12" />

The expression ‘ilm al-*hiyal*, which can be traced back to the third/ninth century, appears in Arabic translations of Greek works on mechanics, such as Quṣṭā b. Lūqā’s (d. ca. 300/912–3) translation of Hero’s *Mechanica*. These translations, along with writing in Syriac and other languages, were part of a broader

<footnote n="9">9 A notable example is al-Fārābī (d. 339/950–1; Ḫṣā’ al-‘ulūm, 108–110), who lists in the field of mathematics both the science of weights and mechanical devices. See Abattouy, Mechané vs. Hiyal, 141–147; Mahdi, Science, Philosophy, and Religion, 124–126. Kheirandish’s works (Organizing Scientific Knowledge and The Mixed Mathematical Sciences) propose a definition of mechanics as a “mixed science,” including elements within or beyond the fields of mathematics and natural philosophy.</footnote>

<footnote n="10">10 Among all these systems, mercury-based ones appear to be less common. Indeed, none of the instruments mentioned in this article explicitly refer to this system. Nonetheless, we have examples of instruments that used mercury, notably in the Andalusian world, indicating that the technique was known to Islamicate scholars. A few instances can be found in al-Murādī’s *Kitāb al-Asrār fī natā’i al-afkār*, such as the mechanical theatre introduced at the beginning of the treatise. Here, mercury, known for its unique properties of rapid flow and heaviness, is employed to operate automata. Similarly, the thirteenth-century Castilian *Libros del saber de astronomía* (Book of Knowledge of Astronomy) includes a description of a mercury-based clock from unknown Arabic sources. This suggests that more in-depth research specifically on the use of mercury in Islamicate devices could yield important results. On the two Andalusian sources respectively, see al-Murādī, *The Book of Secrets*, 33–39; Mills, The Mercury Clock.</footnote>

<footnote n="11">11 Schacht, *Hiyal*. Discussions on the semantic and conceptual field of the term *hiyal* in relation to the Greek *mechané*, are Saliba, *The Function of Mechanical Devices*; Abattouy, Mechané vs. *hiyal*. The term *hīla* also appears in the context of Islamic law, referring to the utilisation of legal strategies for achieving non-legal objectives. I am grateful to the anonymous reviewer for highlighting that it is also applied in the medical field to denote treatment, encompassing the practical aspects of medicine, as exemplified by Galen’s *Methodus medendi*, which was translated into Arabic by Ḥubaysh b. al-Ḥasan and Ḥunayn b. Isḥāq as *Hīlat al-burū*.</footnote>

<footnote n="12">12 See, for instance, Ibn al-Nadīm, *Fihrist*, II, 207, 266; *The Fihrist*, I, 634, 672; Khwārazmī, *Mafātiḥ al-‘ulūm*, 246–249; Saliba, *Function of Mechanical Devices*, 145–146; and Ḥamīdullāh, *Kitāb al-Dhakhā’ir*, 138; Qaddūmī, *Book of Gifts*, 154.</footnote>
effort to transfer the scientific, philosophical, and literary heritage of antiq-
uity during the early Abbasid period and served as a catalyst for the study of
pneumatics, hydraulics, and mechanics. Before exploring the history of these
disciplines within the Abbasid Empire, it is important to briefly acknowledge
the important contribution of Hellenistic scholars.

During the Hellenistic era, the city of Alexandria saw rapid growth in both
mechanical technology and the theory of machines. Here, Ptolemy I Soter
(d. 283 BCE) established the Mouseion, modelled after Aristotle's Lyceum in
Athens, which served as an ideal environment for scholars to carry out their
research. The Mouseion functioned as a research centre complete with a
library and accommodated scholars specialising in various fields. The study
of mechanical theories and practical applications was undoubtedly within
the Mouseion's purview in Alexandria. Three individuals, in particular, made
significant contributions in this field: Ctesibius and Philo of Byzantium, who
were active during the third century BCE, and Hero of Alexandria, who lived in
the first century CE. Ctesibius is generally considered the earliest inventor of
mechanical devices. Although none of his writings have survived, some information about his work is available through Philo of Byzantium (*Belopoeica*, 67)
and Vitruvius (*De Architectura*, IX), who credit him with the invention of the
organ and the force pump.<fnref n="13" />

Philo of Byzantium, who was at least one or two generations younger than
Ctesibius, left us an extensive study of mechanical techniques in a nine-book
collection called the *Mechanike Syntaxaxis* (Compendium of Mechanics).<fnref n="14" /> This
work examined various subjects, including lever theory, harbour construction,
siegecraft, pneumatics, automata creation, fortress building, siege engines,
and stratagems. Although much of the *Mechanike Syntaxaxis* has been lost,
a few books remain in Greek, Arabic, and Latin versions. For instance, the
book on pneumatic principles and devices (*Pneumatica*) is accessible in both
Arabic and Latin translations. The date when Philo's treatise was rendered
into Arabic remains uncertain. However, evidence suggests that the work was
already known by the latest in the third quarter of the fourth/tenth century,
as shown in *Faḍā’il Miṣr* (Virtues of Egypt), composed by ʿUmar, son of the
better-known Egyptian historian Abū ʿUmar Muḥammad al-Kindī (d. 350/961).<fnref n="15" />

<footnote n="13">13 See respectively Marsden, *Greek and Roman Artillery*, 135–137; and Vitruvius, *Vitruvius*, 116–117.</footnote>

<footnote n="14">14 Synthesis on Philo of Byzantium's work are Berryman, *Mechanical Hypothesis*, 123–130 and Rance, Philo of Byzantium.</footnote>

<footnote n="15">15 Arabic text in Østrup, *Umar Ibn Muhammed Al-Kindi*, 192. See also Wiedemann, *Aufsätze*, 1, 62–74, and Rosenthal, *Al-Kindī*.</footnote>
Hero of Alexandria authored a few technological texts such as *Pneumatica*, *Automata*, and *Mechanica*.<fnref n="16" /> The latter is available in an Arabic translation by Quştā b. Lūqā, which was dedicated to a certain Abū l-ʻAbbās Aḥmad b. al-Mu'taşim.<fnref n="17" /> While the patron's identity is still uncertain, it is clear that they have a close connection to Caliph al-Mu'taşim.<fnref n="18" /> This case illustrates how translation efforts during this period were strongly supported by princes and rulers. The caliph al-Ma'mūn (r. 198–218/813–833) initiated a systematic translation program that focused on scientific, literary, and philosophical works from various languages, such as Middle Persian, Sanskrit, Syriac, and Greek, into Arabic. This program was continued by his successors and engaged several generations of scholars.<fnref n="19" /> Furthermore, intellectuals gravitated towards prominent figures like al-Kindī (d. ca. 256/870) and the three Banū Mūsā, who provided support and resources to other colleagues. Leading scholars and translators, including Ḩunayn b. Isḥāq (d. 260/873) and his nephew Ḩubaysh b. al-Ḥasan al-A'sam al-Dimashqī (fl. second half of the third/ninth century), Thābit b. Qurra (d. 288/901), and Quştā b. Lūqā, were part of these circles, which also focused on studying and translating Greek and Hellenistic texts on mechanics.<fnref n="20" /> By the third/ninth century, a significant number of texts in this field had been translated into Arabic, encompassing works such as Philo's *Pneumatica*, Hero's *Mechanica*, the pseudo-Aristotelian *Problemata Mechanica*, and the eighth book of Pappus's *Collectio*.<fnref n="21" /> Furthermore, *Kitāb al-Fihrist* (The Catalogue),

<footnote n="16">16 On Hero of Alexandria's work and writings, see Berryman, *The Mechanical Hypothesis*, 134–143; Vitrac, Mécanique et Mathématiques; Giardina, *Erone*; Grillo, Hero of Alexandria's Automata, xxii–cxxi.</footnote>

<footnote n="17">17 Interestingly, Persian translations of this text exist. See Ferriello, Gatto, and Gatto, *The baroulkos and the mechanics of Heron*.</footnote>

<footnote n="18">18 Scholarship often identifies this enigmatic figure as either the grandson of Caliph Mu'taşim, Abū l-ʻAbbās Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. Mu'taşim, or his son, Aḥmad b. Mu'taşim, who was also a student of al-Kindī. See Kheirandish, Review Essay, 216–222. On Quştā b. Lūqā, see Kheirandish, Quştā ibn Lūqā; Hill, *Quştā b. Lūḳā*.</footnote>

<footnote n="19">19 For a general discussion on the Arabic translation movement, see Gutas, *Greek Thought, Arabic Culture*; Abattouy, *La Transmission Gréco-Arabe*; Abattouy, *Renn, and Weinig, Transmission as Transformation*; Brentjes and Morrison, *The Sciences*; Vagelpohl and Sánchez, *Why Do We Translate?*.</footnote>

<footnote n="20">20 Endress, *The Circle of al-Kindī*; Hill, Mūsā.</footnote>

<footnote n="21">21 French and English translations of Philo of Byzantium's *Pneumatica* are Carra de Vaux, *Le livre des appareils*, and Prager, *Philo of Byzantium: Pneumatica*. On Heron of Alexandria, see *Les Mécaniques*, and *Heronis Alexandrini Opera quae supersunt. Vol. 2*. A general study on the Hellenistic scholars is Drachmann, *Ktesibios, Philon and Heron*. On the *Problemata Mechanica*, see Abattouy, *Greek Mechanics in Arabic Context*; idem, The Aristotelian Foundations; Canavas, Archimedes Arabicus. The last chapter of Pappus' *Collectio* was translated separately in Arabic. To my knowledge, there are two preserved copies of this</footnote>
the comprehensive index of Arabic books written by the bibliographer and historian Ibn al-Nadīm (d. 385/995 or 388/998), documents the translation of other treatises on mechanics and mechanical devices, featuring works attributed to Archimedes and a certain Mūrisṭus.<fnref n="22" /> Several of these works remain known and accessible today, as a number of manuscripts have been preserved over time. These include the treatise on water clock associated with Archimedes, which describes a clock with a Gorgon with colour-changing eyes, a bird dropping a ball onto a cymbal, a tree adorned with perching birds, whistling as snakes emerged, and a flute player.<fnref n="23" /> Likewise, three works on organ and chime construction attributed to Mūrisṭus are known through various Arabic manuscripts.<fnref n="24" /> The diverse corpus of Arabic translations of Greek texts laid the foundation for a distinct Islamicate mechanical tradition that encompassed both theoretical and practical dimensions, addressing issues related to device conception as well as the societal context of their application.<fnref n="25" />

## Masters of Mechanics: Abbasid Scholars and Their Contribution

### *The Banū Mūsā*

The Banū Mūsā, Muḥammad, Aḥmad, and al-Ḥasan, were the sons of Mūsā b. Shākir, an astronomer and companion of the caliph al-Maʾmūn, during the

text in Arabic, located in Istanbul's Topkapı Sarayı Museum (Ahmet III MS 3457.1) and Süleymaniye Library (Ayasofia Library MS 3624). See Jackson, The Arabic Version; idem, The Arabic Translation; idem, Scholarship.

<footnote n="22">22 See especially the short section devoted to "books composed about motions" (al-kutub al-mu'allafa fī l-ḥarakāt) in Ibn al-Nadīm, *Fihrist*, II, 266; *The Fihrist*, I, 672. The work of the Banū Mūsā is also mentioned in this section.</footnote>

<footnote n="23">23 An English translation of this work is Hill, *On the Construction of Water-Clocks*. See also Carra de Vaux, Notice; Drachmann, *Ktesibios, Philon and Heron*, 36–41; Hill, *Arabic Water-Clocks*, 15–35.</footnote>

<footnote n="24">24 On Mūrisṭus, see Farmer, Mūrisṭus. Research on musical instruments has been the subject of several translations and studies. A partial French translation of the texts on the organ can be found in Carra de Vaux and Tannery, L'invention de l'hydraulis. A German translation of all the treatises is in Wiedemann and Hauser, Byzantinische und Arabische Akustische Instrumente, 153–166. Additionally, for English translations of the two texts on the organ, see Farmer, *The Organ of the Ancients*, especially 60–72, 127–136.</footnote>

<footnote n="25">25 See Canavas, Automata and Balances. While the Greek and Hellenistic contribution on mechanics in the Abbasid empire cannot be denied, it is important to acknowledge the wider network of cultural exchange and innovation that occurred in late antique Eurasia. Sasanian Iran, as instance, also played a role in technological research, and further study is needed to fully understand its impact on mechanics. A preliminary study on this topic is Zubani, *Les Machines du pouvoir*.</footnote>
latter's time as governor of Khurāsān. Before dying, Mūsā b. Shākir entrusted his sons to the caliph al-Ma'mūn, who ensured they received a quality education in Baghdad. The three brothers quickly became close associates of al-Ma'mūn and, following his death, were welcomed into the courtly circles of his successors. They were influent politicians and scholars, actively involved with caliphal undertakings and public works.<fnref n="26" /> As already mentioned, they also fostered scientific research in Baghdad by extending their patronage to other scholars and sending missions to Byzantium to acquire foreign books, which were brought to Baghdad for preservation and translating. Consequently, significant scientific works were translated into Arabic — many of which only survive in their Arabic versions, as the originals have been lost. A prime example of this is the eighth book of Pappus's *Collectio*, which was translated into Arabic as *Madkhal Babūs fī l-ḥiyal ka-jarr al-athqāl* (Pappus's Introduction to Mechanical Devices for Lifting Weights) by an anonymous member of the scholarly group led by the Banū Mūsā.<fnref n="27" /> But this circle was not only devoted to translation. Several scholars, including the brothers themselves, were distinguished experts in various fields. The Banū Mūsā are credited with approximately twenty original works on mathematics, astronomy, music, war engines, and mechanics.<fnref n="28" /> Sadly, only a few of their works have survived, two of which are dedicated to mechanical devices: *Al-Āla allatī tuzammir bi-nafsihā* (The Instrument Which Plays by Itself), focusing on an automatically operated organ, and *Kitāb al-Ḥiyal* (Book of Ingenious Devices), an illustrated work describing nearly a hundred

<footnote n="26">26 For example, one of their tasks concerned the direction of the excavation of a canal between Basra and Wāsit, as is mentioned by the historian al-Ṭabarī (d. 310/923), who was alive when they were prominent in public affairs. Ṭabarī, *The History*, 34–35. More general notice on their biography could be found in Banū Mūsā, 3–6; Bir, *The Book “Kitāb al-Hiyal”*, 1–8.</footnote>

<footnote n="27">27 The association of the Banū Mūsā with the Arabic translation of Book 8 of Pappus' *Collectio* is suggested by the colophon of a copy presently held at the Topkapı Sarayı Museum in Istanbul (Ahmet III MS 3457.1). This was created by the Persian mathematician and astrologer al-Sijzī (d. ca. 411/1020-1) from a copy owned by the Banū Mūsā. See Jackson, Scholarship, especially page 374, and Abattouy, Greek Mechanics, 186.</footnote>

<footnote n="28">28 A list of works attributed to the Banū Mūsā is given both by Ibn al-Nadīm, *Fihrist*, II, 225–226; *The Fihrist*, I, 646; and Ibn al-Qiftī, *Ta’rīkh al-ḥukamā’*, 316. See also the list given by Hill in Banū Mūsā, *The Book of Ingenious Devices*, 5–6. Note that, in addition to the texts mentioned by Hill, *Kitāb Na‘t al-ḥayawān* (Book of the Characteristics of Animals), a seventh/thirteenth century illustrated book on animals, attributes a geographical work titled *Kitāb al-Mamālik wa-l-masālik* (The Book of Roads and Kingdoms) to Muḥammad b. Mūsā al-Munajjim. See Contadini, *A World of Beasts*, 93. This identification, however, appears to be doubtful. No other sources mention the Banū Mūsā as authors of geographical texts. Overlap with another scholar with similar *nisba*, such as Muḥammad b. Mūsā al-Khwārazmī, seems more probable.</footnote>
devices. Both texts detail contraptions that function based on a combination of aerostatic and hydrostatic pressure principles, which points to the assimilation of the Greek tradition in pneumatics and mechanics. Primary sources also reveal that the Banū Mūsā were attributed with other works related to engines and mechanics. Ibn al-Nadīm and al-Qiftī mention a *Kitāb al-Qaraṣṭūn* (Book on Steelyard), thus connecting them with other contemporary scholars dedicated to the study of this discipline. Among these figures, we recall the eminent Mu‘tazilī theologian Mu‘ammar al-Sulamī (d. ca 215/830-1), who, according to Ibn al-Nadīm, composed a treatise on the steelyard entitled *Kitāb ʿIllat al-qaraṣṭūn wa al-mirʾāt* (On the Principle of the Steelyard and the Mirror). Other notable individuals include the Banū Mūsā’s rival, Sanad b. ‘Alī, and their protégé Thābit b. Qurra.<fnref n="29" /> Furthermore, the Ottoman literati Kâtip Çelebi (d. 1067/1657) credited the Banū Mūsā with a work on war engines in his *Kashf al-ẓunūn ʿan asāmī al-kutub wa-l-funūn* (Opinion’s Scrutiny of the Names of Books and the Sciences).<fnref n="30" /> However, no further information is available about the existence of this text.

The brief text known as *Al-Āla allatī tuzammir bi-nafsihā* survived in a single manuscript from the sixth/twelfth century.<fnref n="31" /> The authorship of the treatise remains uncertain as it only bears the name of the Banū Mūsā.<fnref n="32" /> Primary sources also provide limited assistance in this matter. While collectively attributing an interest in musical knowledge to the three brothers, they refrain from specifically associating any individual work with them on this subject.<fnref n="33" />

The text introduces a musical instrument (āla) capable of playing various melodies autonomously, ranging from slow rhythms (īqā‘thaqīl) to quick ones (īqā‘khafīf).<fnref n="34" /> The described device is an automatic hydraulic organ that

<footnote n="29">29 For references to the Banū Mūsā’s *Kitāb al-Qaraṣṭūn*, see the previous note. On the possible identification of this work with a treatise on the balance ascribed to Euclid, *Maqāla fī l-mizan* (Treatise on the Balance), also consider Abattouy, Greek Mechanics, 220–226. On Mu‘ammar al-Sulamī, refer to Daiber, Mu‘ammar b. ‘Abbād. Sanad b. ‘Alī and Thābit b. Qurra are introduced later in the text.</footnote>

<footnote n="30">30 Kâtip Çelebi, *Lexicon Bibliographicum*, 1, 394.</footnote>

<footnote n="31">31 This manuscript is now lost but preserved in a photographic copy kept in the Bibliothèque Orientale at the Université Saint-Joseph, Beirut (BO_USJ_00223). The Arabic text was published by Cheikho, *Al-Āla allatī tuzammir bi-nafsihā*. German and English translations of the text are Wiedemann, Uber Musikautomaten; Farmer, *The Organ of the Ancients*, 88–118; Samir, Banu Musa. Additionally, for an understanding of the manuscript’s history and the mechanism’s operation, refer to Saliba, The Mysterious Provenance; Sanjakdar Chaarani, The Automatic Mechanical Hydraulic Organ.</footnote>

<footnote n="32">32 Bibliothèque Orientale of the Université Saint-Joseph, Beirut, USJ_00223, 68.</footnote>

<footnote n="33">33 Ibn al-Nadīm, *Fihrist*, 11, 142; 224–226; *The Fihrist*, 1, 584; 646.</footnote>

<footnote n="34">34 Cheikho, *Al-Āla allatī tuzammir bi-nafsihā*, 445; Farmer, *The Organ of the Ancients*, 88.</footnote>
activates a flute player, enabling it to produce a diverse repertoire of songs. Its mechanism operates by utilising subtle changes in air and water pressure and incorporates conical valves as automatic regulators. The device can be described as follows: It involves a large rotating drum with pins that manipulate the holes of a flute through small levers. To create the necessary airflow for the flute, water fills a reservoir, forcing the air to escape. Meanwhile, a water wheel drives the drum's rotation. The device's melodic instructions come from a cylinder equipped with teeth arranged to meet the melody's requirements, similar to the setup of a modern barrel organ. These teeth come into contact with levers that control keys, which, in turn, open or close the holes in the organ pipe. This organ does not have multiple pipes like a traditional one, but it employs a single pipe with multiple holes, much like those found in flutes or reed pipes. The entire machine, standing approximately 150 cm tall, can be concealed within the body of a humanoid figurine, as stated by its creators. Additionally, the text suggests that with a few modifications, the mechanism can be adapted to create a lute (ūd) or psalter player (miẓaf), which could even be accompanied by figures of images that dance following the music.<fnref n="35" /> This device is not an isolated invention; instead, it finds its roots in Greek examples of automatic flutists, including those designed by Hero of Alexandria, Archimedes, Mūrisṭus, and Apollonius, whose works were studied and translated into Arabic.<fnref n="36" />

The musical device was designed to function autonomously, mimicking the movements and actions of a flute player. While there is no explicit mention of its actual construction and practical application, it is plausible that the automaton was intended for display in courtly society.<fnref n="37" /> Indeed, the potential to conceal the device within a flute, lute, or psaltery player, as well as the possibility of incorporating dancing figures, strongly suggests that it was meant to be part of various courtly events. If it had been built, it would have likely captivated audiences at official gatherings and celebrations, astonishing both courtiers and foreign dignitaries alike. This is further supported by the text itself, which explains that it is possible to control the water flow during the switch between melodies. To the audience, it would have seemed as if someone had instructed the statue to change from one tune to another, with

<footnote n="35">35 Cheikho, *Al-Āla allatī tuzammir bi-nafṣihā*, 454; Farmer, *The Organ of the Ancients*, 107–108.</footnote>

<footnote n="36">36 Wiedemann, *Uber Musikautomaten*; Wiedemann, *On Musical Automata*; Farmer, *The Organ of the Ancients*, 54–138; Hill, *Arabic Water-Clocks*, 15–35.</footnote>

<footnote n="37">37 Celebratory gatherings at the Byzantine imperial court, for instance, were often accompanied by organs and sound-producing automata. See Berger, *Die Akustische Dimension*.</footnote>
the statue dutifully complying. Alternatively, it could have appeared as though someone had commanded the statue to play a specific melody, and the statue would do just that.

*Kitāb al-Ḥiyal*, the Banū Mūsā's best-known work, bears no trace of musical automata, except for a few devices able to emit different kinds of sounds.<fnref n="38" /> The treatise, which appears to be primarily the work of Ahmad, provides an overview of the operating system for trick vessels used to dispense liquids, lamps, alternating fountains, and some practical tools. A significant portion of the devices detailed in the text comprises trick vessels, with the majority specifically designed for drinking sessions and banquets. For example, some devices allow the cupbearer to dispense liquids as much or as little as he desires; others dazzled the audience by convincing them that a mixture of wine and water, poured together from the jar in front of them, was separated inside the vessel; and others allow the devices to pour water and wine from the same spout and later discharge a known quantity of water from a tap, followed by the same quantity of wine. Such devices indeed were highly sought after at court. Their practical purpose was to generate a playful moment during parties, by delighting, puzzling, and arousing wonder in the audience.<fnref n="39" />

The primary objective of *Kitāb al-Ḥiyal* was to showcase the variety of machines created, rather than delving into the fundamental principles of pneumatics, hydrostatics, and mechanics. The Banū Mūsā were well acquainted with mathematical and scientific principles, as evidenced by their extensive list of authored and commissioned works. Ahmad’s approach to presenting the content, lacking any theoretical aspirations, was a deliberate choice, not a result of insufficient knowledge. His main objective was to provide detailed descriptions of the machines he designed, irrespective of whether they were constructed by him personally or by an artisan under his supervision.<fnref n="40" />

Recently, Constantin Canavas put forth the idea that the Banū Mūsā’s inven-
tions might have been mere thought experiments or performative actions,
rather than actual creations of automata, due to the lack of additional evi-
dence supporting their presence.<fnref n="41" /> While not all devices presented in *Kitāb*

<footnote n="38">³⁸ For instance, we can refer to a basin with the figure of a bull producing a sound as if it were thirsty. See Banū Mūsā, *Kitāb al-Ḥiyal*, 17–18; *The Book of Ingenious Devices*, 52–53. Another device has a whistle (*sahḥāra*) which sounds when plunged into water. As explained in the text, the whistle could also be replaced by a flute. See Banū Mūsā, *Kitāb al-Ḥiyal*, 93; *The Book of Ingenious Devices*, 95.</footnote>

<footnote n="39">39 See Zubani, Truth or Dare?.</footnote>

<footnote n="40">40 I rely here on the discussion by Hill in Banū Mūsā, *The Book of Ingenious Devices*, 19. Refer also to Canavas, Automata and Balances, 118–119.</footnote>

<footnote n="41">41 Canavas, Automata and Balances, 118–119.</footnote>
al-Ḥiyal may have been brought to life, there is other evidence supporting the existence of automata similar to those described by the Banū Mūsā in different contexts. For example, the presence of a drinking vessel suitable for parties is mentioned in the writings of al-Mutanabbī (d. 354/965).42 The poet dedicated a few short poems to a game introduced during a feast by his patron, Badr b. ‘Ammār al-Kharshānī (d. 330/942), the governor of Tiberias, Syria. The game involved a clockwork toy shaped like a dancer that spun around with one leg raised, stopping in front of a guest who would then drink a cup of wine and improvise verses. Although this model differs from those depicted by *Kitāb al-Ḥiyal*, this fact suggests that the Banū Mūsā’s descriptions of automata were more than just theoretical ideas and that such devices were indeed created and enjoyed in a courtly environment. Additionally, one of the Banū Mūsā’s major patrons, Caliph al-Mutawakkil (r. 232–247/847–861), was known to be an enthusiast of mechanical devices, suggesting that the brothers were likely the main creators — or responsible for commissioning — these machines.

The Banū Mūsā’s contributions to mechanical technology secured their prominence in the field and garnered them widespread recognition and acclaim. This, in turn, led to their inclusion in all major Arabic biographical dictionaries focused on scientists and intellectuals, starting with Ibn al-Nadīm.43 Their reputation endured for centuries, as evidenced by the historian Ibn Khaldūn (d. 808/1406), praising their treatise in his *Muqaddima* (Introduction).44 Additionally, al-Jazarī acknowledged them as his esteemed predecessors in his discussion of perpetual flutes and shape-shifting fountains.45

The widespread recognition and acclaim brought the Banū Mūsā the patronage and continued support of the Abbasid caliphs. They likely commissioned the creation of awe-inspiring automata to enhance the splendour of their courtly settings. Historical accounts, such as those concerning al-Mutawakkil, reveal a keen interest in automata, evidenced by a limited yet diverse collection of Arabic sources.46 Within the courtly environments, examples of mechanical

<footnote n="42">42 See Zubani, Truth or Dare?, 73–74.</footnote>

<footnote n="43">43 For the main entries on the Banū Mūsā in Ibn al-Nadīm's work, see *Fihrist*, II, 224–226; *The Fihrist*, I, 645–646. References to other Arabic sources mentioning the three brothers are given by Hill in Banū Mūsā, *The Book of Ingenious Devices*, 3–6.</footnote>

<footnote n="44">44 Ibn Khaldūn, *The Muqaddimah*, III, 132.</footnote>

<footnote n="45">45 Jazarī, *Jāmiʿ*, 393; *The Book of Knowledge*, 157.</footnote>

<footnote n="46">46 Al-Shābushtī (d. 388/998 or 389/999) describes in the *Kitāb al-Diyārāt* (Book of Monasteries, 206–207) the caliph's throne room adorned with automata. Al-Mutawakkil's passion for automata (*ālāt mutaḥarrika*) is also mentioned in the *Kitāb al-Mukāfa'a wa-ḥusn al-ʿuqbā* (Book of the Reward and Fortunate Outcome) by Aḥmad b. Yūsuf b. al-Dāya (d. ca. 330–40/940–50), and later taken up by Ibn Abī Uṣaybiʿa (d. 668/1269–70).</footnote>
contrivances were housed, possibly crafted by the Banū Mūsā themselves, their collaborators, or other anonymous artisans. These were artificial trees displaying birds that chirped on their branches, along with animated statues of horsemen and knights. The Banū Mūsā's technical treatises do not mention these particular types of devices. However, the concept of an artificial tree featuring singing birds was a widely recognised Hellenistic invention.<fnref n="47" />

Despite their achievements and reputation, the Banū Mūsā were not without controversy. They were known to scheme against their rivals, including those with distinguished reputations in the field of engineering.<fnref n="48" /> Various sources recount their actions against the Jewish mathematician, astronomer, and engineer Sanad b. ‘Alī, aiming to remove him from the court of Baghdad and diminish his favour with al-Mutawakkil.<fnref n="49" /> They employed similar tactics against the philosopher al-Kindī, as he had reportedly upset them by being chosen as the tutor for al-Mu‘taşim’s grandson Aḥmad, who would later become caliph al-Musta‘īn (r. 248–52/862–6), instead of themselves.<fnref n="50" /> The Banū Mūsā effectively discredited him in al-Mutawakkil’s eyes, which led to him being beaten and temporary robbed of his library. This valuable collection eventually came into the possession of the Banū Mūsā, who, according to sources, managed to do so due to al-Mutawakkil’s passion for automata.<fnref n="51" /> Ironically, the brothers Muḥammad and Aḥmad later faced a life-threatening situation during a canal excavation project ordered by al-Mutawakkil. Their rival, Sanad b. ‘Alī, whom the Banū Mūsā had managed to distance from al-Mutawakkil’s favour, was specifically summoned by the caliph to evaluate their work. Sanad b. ‘Alī intervened, protecting the brothers from humiliation, on the condition that they agreed to return al-Kindī’s books to their rightful owner.

in the ‘Uyūn al-anbā’ fi ṭabaqāt al-aṭibbā’ (‘The Best Accounts of the Classes of Physicians’). See respectively Ibn al-Dāya, *Kitāb al-Mukāfa’a*, 101; Ibn Abī Uṣaybiʿa, *History of Medicine*, chap. 10.1.7.

<footnote n="47">47 See, as instance, Hero of Alexandria, *Pneumatica* 1,16 in Heronis Alexandrini. *Opera quae supersunt*. Vol. 2, 93.</footnote>

<footnote n="48">48 Hauser, *Über das Kitāb al ḥijal*, 7.</footnote>

<footnote n="49">49 For instance, consider Ibn al-Dāya, *Kitāb al-Mukāfa’a*, 102, later quoted by Ibn Abī Uṣaybiʿa, *History of Medicine*, chap. 10.1.7. On Sanad b. ‘Alī, see Sarton, *Introduction to the History of Science*, 566; Sezgin, *Geschichte des Arabischen Schrifttums*, v, 242–243; and Brentjes, Sanad Ibn ‘Alī. While Sanad b. ‘Alī is primarily known for his contributions to astrology, astronomy, and mathematics, al-Khāzinī (*Kitāb Mīzān al-Ḥikma*, 157) also acknowledges him as the creator of hydrostatic balances.</footnote>

<footnote n="50">50 Hauser, *Über das Kitāb al ḥijal*, 7; Jackson, Scholarship, 374.</footnote>

<footnote n="51">51 Ibn al-Dāya, *Kitāb al-Mukāfa’a*, 102; Ibn Abī Uṣaybiʿa, *History of Medicine*, chap. 10.1.7.</footnote>
### Thābit b. Qurra

Thābit b. Qurra (d. 288/901) was a renowned Sabian scholar from Harrān, a city in Northern Mesopotamia known for its tradition of instrument-making, focusing on astrolabes and balances. Initially working as a money changer, Thābit caught the attention of Muhammad b. Mūsā due to his remarkable linguistic proficiency in Syriac, Arabic, and Greek. This encounter occurred while the latter was returning from a mission to Byzantine territory, where he had been searching for manuscripts. Consequently, Muhammad invited Thābit to accompany him to Baghdad. According to Ibn al-Nadīm and later biographers, upon their arrival in Baghdad, Muhammad not only provided Thābit with accommodation in his own home but also assumed responsibility for guiding his scholarly journey and fostering his scientific education, a scope that encompassed the realm of mechanics. Thābit's example underscores the significance of educational interactions and teaching activities transpiring in Baghdad during that period, thus highlighting the vital role they played in the transmission and dissemination of mechanical knowledge. Thābit was an active member of the Banū Mūsā's scientific circle, and also tutored the sons of Muhammad.<fnref n="52" /> He lately succeeded the Banū Mūsā as head of their scientific circle and himself founded a veritable scholarly dynasty, including his son Sinān b. Thābit, a physician devoted to astronomy and mechanics, and his grandson Ibrāhīm b. Sinān, a mathematician and astronomer. Muhammad also played a crucial role in introducing Thābit to al-Mu'taḍid's (r. 279–289/892–902) court and the circle of scholars associated with it. In this milieu, Thābit quickly affirmed his position, assuming the role of an astrologer, physician, and boon companion.

Thābit's scholarly contributions encompassed both the translation of Greek works and original research. As a translator, he was responsible for the Arabic rendition of numerous texts, such as Archimedes' *The Sphere and the Cylinder*, which allowed the Banū Mūsā to pursue their work on infinitesimal geometry. Additionally, he also supervised other scholars' translation activities, as demonstrated in the case of Euclid's *Elements* and Ptolemy's *Almagest*.<fnref n="53" />

As a scholar, Thābit's contributions spanned various fields, including mathematics, astronomy, astrology, meteorology, natural philosophy, and medicine, earning him widespread recognition.<fnref n="54" /> Of note for this study are his several

<footnote n="52">52 Rashed, From Ḩārran to Baghdad, 22.</footnote>

<footnote n="53">53 Rashed, Scholar and Philosopher, 5–6.</footnote>

<footnote n="54">54 Arabic biographers report a rich list of works attributed to him. For instance, see Ibn al-Nadīm, *Fihrist*, II, 227–228; *The Fihrist*, I, 647–648; Ibn al-Qiftī, *Ta'rīkh al-hukamā',* II, 16–120; Ibn Abī Uṣaybi'a, *History of Medicine*, chap. 10.3.14. It is noteworthy that Ibn al-Nadīm's list appears considerably less comprehensive compared to those compiled by Ibn al-Qiftī and Ibn Abī Uṣaybi'a. The former chose to include only a limited selection</footnote>
treatises devoted to mechanics, an area seemingly inspired by the research
conducted under the Banū Mūsā's patronage. Three studies on the steelyard are
ascribed to him, *Fī l-qarasṭūn* (On the Steelyard), *Kitāb al-Qarasṭūn* (Book on
Steelyard), and *Liber karastonis* (Book of the Steelyard).⁵⁵ The latter is a revised
version made by Thābit of *Kitāb al-Qarasṭūn*, which was later translated into
Latin by the Italian scholar Gerard of Cremona (d. 1187) in the twelfth century.⁵⁶
On a related topic is *Kitāb fī şifat al-wazn* (*Book on the Description of Weight*),
devoted to the equal-armed balance. The survival of this text is solely depen-
dent on its reproduction in al-Khāzinī's *Kitāb Mīzān al-ḥikma* (The Book of
the Balance of Wisdom).⁵⁷ Thābit's interest in the subject becomes even more
understandable when viewed in the light of his teaching relationships and
scientific collaborations which tightly bound him to the intellectual milieu of
the Banū Mūsā. But his intellectual pursuits extended beyond these circles.
Notably, he engaged in correspondence with Sanad b. ʻAlī, who al-Khāzinī
credited with the development of hydrostatic balances.⁵⁸ This exchange of
ideas and knowledge between Thābit, the Banū Mūsā, and Sanad b. ʻAlī further
illuminates Thābit's exploration of mechanics and related disciplines, solidify-
ing his legacy in the field.

Arabic biographies such as the ones by Ibn al-Qifṭī and Ibn Abī Uṣaybi'a also mention two other treatises on mechanical devices, that is *Ashkāl lahu fī l-ḥiyal* (Designs for Automata) and *Kitāb fī ʿālat al-zamr* (On the Organ/Musical Pipe).⁵⁹ As of now, no extant manuscripts of these texts have come to my attention. However, it is worth noting the close relationship between both texts and the scientific production of the Banū Mūsā. Ibn al-Qifṭī's list of works relies on the authority of Hilāl b. Muḥassin b. Ibrāhīm al-Ṣābī' (d. 448/1055), Thābit's

of titles from Thābit's extensive scientific production. Studies on Thābit's contribution
are Thābit b. Qurra, *Oeuvres d'astronomie*; Morelon, Tābit b. Qurra and Arab Astronomy;
Sezgin, *The Banū Mūsā*; Rashed, *Thābit Ibn Qurra*; Isahaya and Sidoli, *Thabit Ibn Qurra's
Restoration*; Bohak and Burnett, *Thabit Ibn Qurra "On Talismans"*.

Brentjes and Renn, Contexts and Content, 87. Note that the authorship of the texts attributed to Thābit is not universally acknowledged. On this debate, refer to Wiedemann, Die Schrift Über Den Qarastun; Jaouiche, *Le Livre du Qarasṭūn*; Knorr, *Ancient Sources*; Abattouy, *The Arabic Tradition of Mechanics*, 47–57; Greek Mechanics; Brentjes and Renn, Contexts and Content.

Brentjes and Renn, Contexts and Content, 91. See Moody and Clagett, *The Medieval
Science of Weights*, 77–117, which offers an edition and translation of the Latin version.

Abattouy, Greek Mechanics, 181; Khāzinī, *Kitāb Mīzān al-ḥikma*, 215.

Brentjes and Renn, Contexts and Content, 86.

In its general meaning, *zamr* pertains to any type of wind instrument. See al-Faruqi, *An Annotated Glossary*, 339.

55

56

57

58

59
great-great-grandson.<fnref n="60" /> The reliance on authoritative sources within Thābit's lineage, along with their association with the Banū Mūsā, lends strong credibility to the idea that Thābit engaged in the composition of similar treatises, despite the absence of these two specific texts. Furthermore, it sheds light on the interest of the Banū Mūsā's circle in the science of mechanical devices, as well as the broader Abbasid scholars' engagement with this field.

Turning our attention to *Kitāb fī ālat al-zamr*, it should be noted it is closely associated with *Al-Āla allatī tuzammir bi-nafsihā*, which the sole extant sixth/ twelfth-century copy ascribes to the Banū Mūsā.<fnref n="61" /> As highlighted earlier, the major Arabic biographies remain silent on any link between this work and the three brothers. The Banū Mūsā, more broadly, are not strongly associ- ated with musical studies. In contrast, Thābit's association with a pipe work is undeniable, underscoring his clear interest in musical studies. This is fur- ther substantiated by his authorship of several treatises on music theory and harmonic, such as *Maqāla fī l-mūsīqā* (Discourse about Music).<fnref n="62" /> In this con- text, within the list of books composed about motions (*al-kutub al-mu‘allafa fī l-ḥarakāt*) provided by Ibn al-Nadīm, several anonymous works can be found that parallel Thābit's attributed work. These titles include *Kitāb Ālat al-zamr al-būqī* (The Trumpet Instrument), *Kitāb Ālat al-zamr al-rīhī* (The Wind Flute), *Kitāb al-Urghanīn* (The Organ), immediately followed by the Banū Mūsā's *Kitāb al-Ḥiyal*.<fnref n="63" /> The omission of the Banū Mūsā's authorship by Ibn al-Nadīm in this listing is indeed peculiar. Plausible scenarios emerge: Thābit may have com- posed a treatise on a musical automaton like the Banū Mūsā themselves, in the wake of the interest in this discipline within their milieu. Alternatively, it is conceivable that Thābit authored *Al-Āla allatī tuzammir bi-nafsihā*, while the Banū Mūsā undertook a review, and a scribe inadvertently neglected the origi- nal author's name. In any case, this validates the scholarly milieu surrounding the Banū Mūsā as prolific in mechanical studies, notably within the domain of ingenious devices.

*Al-Kindī and His Scientific Circle*

The philosopher Abū Yūsuf Yaʻqūb b. Isḥāq al-Kindī (d. ca. 256/870) came from a noble family of the Kinda tribe, which held significant influence in southern Arabia and Iraq during the fifth and sixth centuries. Born in Basra, he became

<footnote n="60">60 On Hilāl al-Ṣābī', see Sourdel, Hilāl b. al-Muḥassin b. Ibrāhīm al-Ṣābī'.</footnote>

<footnote n="61">61 This is the manuscript only preserved in photographic copy kept in the Bibliothèque Orientale at the Université Saint-Joseph, Beirut. See note 30.</footnote>

<footnote n="62">62 Ibn al-Qiftī, *Ta‘rīkh al-ḥukamā’*, 117–118; Ibn Abī Uṣaybi‘a, *History of Medicine*, chap. 10.3.14.</footnote>

<footnote n="63">63 Ibn al-Nadīm, *Fihrist*, 11, 266; *The Fihrist*, 1, 672.</footnote>
a prominent figure in Baghdad's intellectual and cultural life under the patronage of al-Ma'mūn and his successors. Besides his contributions to the field of philosophy, al-Kindi is also recognised for his involvement in the translation movement. He played a vital role in sponsoring the translation of ancient philosophical, medical, and mathematical texts.<fnref n="64" />

Although the details of his education are unclear, it is evident that al-Kindī was proficient in numerous disciplines including philosophy, medicine, astronomy, mathematics, optics, and occult sciences. His education appeared to follow Neoplatonic philosophical training, and his learning and writing were closely connected to the translation of texts he sponsored, such as those by Aristotle, Plotinus, and Proclus. Ibn al-Nadīm attributes approximately 250 works to him; however, only a small portion of these still exists today, and their authorship is occasionally debated.<fnref n="65" /> In addition, al-Kindī also gained knowledge in various practical and natural subjects such as perfumery, sword-making, gemmology, zoology, catoptrics, earthquakes, and meteorology. On one hand, these interests demonstrate his ties to Aristotelian natural philosophy, and on the other hand, they highlight the practical concerns of his Abbasid court patrons.<fnref n="66" />

Al-Kindī was indeed a prominent scholar at the Abbasid court and served as the tutor for al-Mu'taṣīm's grandson Aḥmad, who later rose to the position of Caliph al-Mustaʿīn. Several epistles penned by al-Kindī were addressed to this prince. Among the possible writings dedicated to him, there is a work related to mechanics, *Risāla fī arkān al-ḥiyal* (On the Fundaments of Mechanics).<fnref n="67" /> Ibn al-Nadīm's bibliography of al-Kindī, later adopted by major bibliographers such as Ibn al-Qifti and Ibn Abī Uṣaybi'a, mentions this text in a chapter devoted to miscellaneous books (*al-anwāʾīyāt*), featuring works on a variety of subjects such as catoptrics, perfumery, and sword-making.<fnref n="68" /> The contents of this lost work remain unknown; however, its connection to mechanics appears evident from the very title of the piece. The attribution of this text to al-Kindī is seemingly accurate. The way Ibn al-Nadīm presents the list, in fact, raises the

<footnote n="64">64 Endress, *The Circle of al-Kindī*.</footnote>

<footnote n="65">65 For a detailed catalogue of al-Kindī's writings, see Travaglia, *Magic*, 103–146. An introduc-
tory text on al-Kindī's life and works is Adamson, *Al-Kindī*.</footnote>

<footnote n="66">66 Adamson, *Al-Kindī*, 8.</footnote>

<footnote n="67">67 An examination of al-Kindī's known compositions suggests that numerous titles men-
tioned in the bibliography were probably concise treatises. See Stewart, *Al-Kindī's
Two-Volume Compendium*, 175.</footnote>

<footnote n="68">68 Ibn al-Nadīm, *Fihrist*, 11, 193; *The Fihrist*, 1, 625. Ibn al-Qiftī, *Ta'rīkh al-ḥukamā',* 375; Ibn Abī Uṣaybi'a, *History of Medicine*, chap. 10.1.14. See also be found in McCarthy, *Al-Taṣānīf*, 81–111.</footnote>
suspicion that it may be based on a pre-existing bibliography, possibly com-
piled by al-Kindī himself or one of his students.<fnref n="69" />

In addition to al-Kindī's work, the philosopher's circle also contributed to the field of mechanics by providing the Abbasid court (and possibly the prince Ahmad, to whom *Risāla fī arkān al-ḥiyal* may have been dedicated) with an Arabic translation of Hero of Alexandria's *Mechanica*. This work examines the theory of the five fundamental powers (lever, wedge, screw, winch, and pulley), discussing the effects of combining these powers to create more potent machines and describing different kinds of devices. The Arabic translation, produced by the Christian polymath Qusṭā b. Lūqā, (d. ca 300/912–3) bears the title *Fī rafʿ al-ashyāʾ al-thaqīla* (On Lifting Heavy Objects). Interestingly, it seems that while Qusṭā b. Lūqā was translating Hero's work, the Banū Mūsā commissioned an Arabic rendition of Pappus' treatise on the same subject.

David Jackson's studies explore the scientific activities of the two communi-
ties guided by al-Kindī and the Banū Mūsā, focusing on their independently
produced Arabic translations of the Greek treatises during the same period.<fnref n="70" />
Interestingly, Pappus' later work incorporated excerpts from Hero's *Mechanica*
books II and III, allowing Jackson to perform a comparative analysis. Through
careful examination of both parallel Arabic translations and the remnants
of the original Greek texts,<fnref n="71" /> Jackson successfully established their autonomy.
As the translator of Pappus' text remains anonymous, Jackson sought alter-
native indicators to potentially identify them. He, therefore, interprets the
previously mentioned hostility between the Banū Mūsā and al-Kindī as the
“social indicator for the independence of the two translations.” This accounts
for the “apparently complete ignorance of the translator of whichever of the
two was the later translation, of the existence of the earlier one.”<fnref n="72" /> It thus
appears that the Banū Mūsā and al-Kindī were competing for scientific recog-
nition and courtly favour, transcending personal aspirations, and shaping their
scientific pursuits, even in the field of mechanical studies.

The interest in Hero's work confirms that al-Kindī's circle also had a keen
focus on studying mechanics. Indeed, we know that Qusṭā b. Lūqā, the trans-
lator of Hero's *Mechanica*, devoted a few treatises on steelyard (*qarasṭūn*)

<footnote n="69">69 Stewart, Al-Kindī's Two-Volume Compendium, 176.</footnote>

<footnote n="70">70 Jackson, The Arabic Version; idem, The Arabic Translation; idem, Towards a Resolution. Also, refer to Endress, The Circle of al-Kindī, 46–48; and Kheirandish, Review Essay, which discusses the significance of Jackson's work for the study of Abbasid scholarship.</footnote>

<footnote n="71">71 Note that the original Greek text of Hero's *Mechanica* is lost. Fragments survive in Pappus' *Collectio*.</footnote>

<footnote n="72">72 Jackson, Scholarship, 374–375.</footnote>
and on weights and measures.<fnref n="73" /> This further helps contextualise the information provided by sources about al-Mutawakkil's passion for automata as a propulsor for the plundering of al-Kindi's private library. In this regard, it can be useful to recall that an almost contemporary historian, Aḥmad b. Yūsuf b. al-Dāya, reports this account in the *Kitāb al-Mukāfaʻa wa-ḥusn al-ʻuqbā*. Ibn al-Dāya possessed firsthand information, as his father Yūsuf was not only a foster brother to Caliph al-Muʻtaṣim but also an administrative assistant to Ibrāhīm b. al-Mahdī (d. 224/839), poet, musician, and Caliph from 201–3/817–9. The strong connections his father maintained with the intellectual circles in Baghdad and Samarra significantly enriched the content of Ibn al-Dāya’s work.<fnref n="74" /> Based on his report, I suggest that gaining access to their rival’s library could have enabled the Banū Mūsā to consult new technical works, thereby streamlining their efforts in designing and constructing automata to indulge their caliph’s passion. One wonders if the rivalry between the Banū Mūsā and al-Kindi’s associates contributed to the creation and display of devices at court. By presenting self-moving and sound-producing machinery of various types, scholars may have sought to secure the praise and support of their patron caliph, possibly fostering technological research.

## Sinān b. Thābit

Son of Thābit b. Qurra, Abū Saʻid Sinān b. Thābit (d. 331/943) was an astronomer, mathematician, historian, and personal physician of three caliphs, al-Muqtadir (r. 295–320/908–932), al-Qāhir (r. 320–322/932–934), and al-Rāḍī (r. 322–329/934–940).<fnref n="75" /> Born a Sabian of Ḩarrān, he was later requested to convert to Islam by al-Qāhir, but he fled to Khurasan to avoid it. He came back to Baghdad after al-Qāhir’s destitution, and he later decided to convert.<fnref n="76" /> In charge of Baghdad’s hospitals from 304/916–7, al-Muqtadir also appointed him as the supervisor of the medical profession in 319/931, responsible for licensing physicians after a man died due to a medical practitioner’s error. Two of his sons, Abū Isḥāq Ibrāhīm b. Sinān and Abū l-Ḥasan Thābit b. Sinān, also distinguished themselves in mathematics and medicine.

<footnote n="73">73 Ibn al-Nadīm, *Fihrist*, II, 292–294; *The Fihrist*, I, 694–95.</footnote>

<footnote n="74">74 Rosenthal, Ibn Al-Dāya.</footnote>

<footnote n="75">75 On Sinān b. Thābit’s life and work, see Ibn al-Nadīm, *Fihrist*, II, 313; *The Fihrist*, I, 709; Ibn al-Qifī, *Ta’rīkh al-ḥukamā’*, 190–195; Ibn Abī Uṣaybi‘a, *History of Medicine*, chap. 10.4. Also refer to Sarton, *Introduction*, 641; Abattouy, Sinān Ibn Thābit, 65–68; Makdisi, *The Rise of Humanism*, 249.</footnote>

<footnote n="76">76 De Blois, Ṣābi’.</footnote>
Sinān b. Thābit is credited with several writings in various disciplines, including history, geometry, and astronomy.<fnref n="77" /> The recent discovery of a mechanical treatise fragment attributed to him, known as the Arabic Codex Berlin 3306 (folium 132r-v), sheds light on a previously unexplored aspect of his scientific work. This fragment, housed at the Staatsbibliothek in Berlin and studied by Muhammad Abattouy, also emphasises the connection with his father's interests and provides greater clarity on his intellectual pursuits.<fnref n="78" /> The writing, consisting of one folium, bears the title *Multaqatāt kitāb al-tām li-Sinān b. Thābit fī dhikr uṣūl al-khamsa* (sic) (Extracts from the Complete Book by Sinān b. Thābit in the Mention of the Principles of the Five [Simple Machines]). The recto page illustrates the theory of simple machines, including the lever, windlass, pulley, wedge, and screw, while the verso presents the descriptions of several mechanical devices. The text thus holds a unique position as one of the rare Arabic compositions dedicated to the theory of simple machines, drawing connections with the writings of pseudo-Aristotle, Hero, and Pappus, which were available in Arabic translations. The descriptions and illustrations of the simple machines closely relate to Book 2 of Hero's *Mechanica*, which was made available at the Abbasid court in an Arabic translation by Qusṭā b. Lūqā.<fnref n="79" />

To my current understanding, there is no historical record indicating that Sinān b. Thābit authored a work on mechanics nor is there any mention in primary sources of his involvement or curiosity in the field. The text, however, not only identifies the work's author with Sinān, but it also specifies that it consists of two fragments derived from a longer treatise entitled *Al-Kitāb al-tām* (The Complete Book). In the light of the title, Abattouy suggested that it should have had an encyclopaedic scope, with mechanics being one of the sections of the exposition concerning mathematical sciences.<fnref n="80" /> As for the identification of Sinān as its author, despite not having any works on mechanics mentioned in his bio-bibliography, the archaic style of the vocabulary and a few other elements attest that the short text may have been written by Sinān in the first half of the fourth/tenth century.<fnref n="81" />

<footnote n="77">77 To access an inventory of Sinān's works, see Ibn al-Qiftī, *Ta'rīkh al-ḥukamā',* 195; Ibn Abī Uṣaybi'a, *History of Medicine*, chap. 10.4.9. Regrettably, Ibn al-Nadīm introduces his body of work without explicitly delineating the individual titles.</footnote>

<footnote n="78">78 Abattouy, Sinān Ibn Thābit.</footnote>

<footnote n="79">79 Ibid., 69.</footnote>

<footnote n="80">80 Ibid., 64.</footnote>

<footnote n="81">81 Ibid., 65.</footnote>
Al-Fārābī

Little is known of Abū Naṣr Muḥammad b. Muḥammad al-Fārābī's life. Born in about 256/870 into a family originally from Khurāsān or Transoxania, he first moved to Baghdad in the early fourth/tenth century, then left for Syria and Egypt around 330/942. Having devoted his life to teaching and travel, he died in Damascus in 339/950-1.<fnref n="82" /> There is no information available about al-Fārābī's youth and education. After moving to Baghdad, he began to engage with different intellectual and theological circles such as the Aristotelian philosopher and translator Abū Bishr Mattā b. Yūnus (d. 328/940) and, to a lesser extent, al-Kindī and his associates.<fnref n="83" />

Al-Fārābī devoted himself to the study of various disciplines, composing treatises on philosophy, religion, ethics, music, astronomy, and geometry. His contributions hold prominence in the fields of music, logic, cosmology, and metaphysics. Additionally, his curiosity extended to the study of physics, as evidenced by his role as the author of a work that refutes the existence of void through experimental means, *Maqāla fī l-khalā'* (Treatise on the Void).<fnref n="84" /> It is indeed the debate surrounding the existence of continuous and partial void that led to the development of pneumatics, which studies the characteristics of moving air and the effects arising from its interaction with other elements, particularly water and fire. The basic purpose of al-Fārābī's work is to defend Aristotle's rejection of the void using arguments and experiments from the Alexandrian scholars working on pneumatics, such as Hero and Philo.<fnref n="85" /> In doing so, al-Fārābī demonstrates his familiarity with the contemporary debate on the topic, likely writing the treatise as a response to the discussion between the Muʿtazilite scholars Kaʿbī al-Balkhī (d. 319/931) and Abū Bakr al-Razī (d. 313/925 or 323/935).<fnref n="86" />

The text is organised into four sections.<fnref n="87" /> The initial one introduces the problem and outlines the two experiments conducted, highlighting that the opposing party uses them as evidence for the possibility of creating a vacuum. The following parts are dedicated to a dialectical refutation of his

<footnote n="82">82 Bio-bibliographical entries on al-Fārābī are Damien, Al-Fārābī; Rudolph, Abû Nasr Al-Fârâbî.</footnote>

<footnote n="83">83 Damien, Al-Fārābī.</footnote>

<footnote n="84">84 Fārābī, *Farabi's Article on Vacuum*. References to the existence of void are also found in other writings, such as *Risāla fī ithbāt al-mufāraqāt* (Epistle on the Proof of the Existence of the Separate Entities), whose attribution to al-Fārābī is still disputed. See Sayili, Al-Fârâbī's Article on Vacuum, 157–158; Rudolph, Abû Nasr Al-Fârâbī, 591.</footnote>

<footnote n="85">85 Daiber, Fārābīs Abhandlung über das Vakuum, 557.</footnote>

<footnote n="86">86 Ibid., 561–565.</footnote>

<footnote n="87">87 See Sayili, Al-Fârâbī's Article on Vacuum, 153–154.</footnote>
opponents' arguments, and a presentation of the properties of the material and instruments relevant to the experiments. The closing section focuses on the experiments designed to confirm the rejection of the void. The initial experiment involves lowering an inverted vessel onto the surface of a body of water, pressing it down, and then lifting it out to find that no water has entered it. The following experiment is a variation of the first.

The relevance of al-Fārābī for the studies of mechanical devices is also due to the fact that he theorised a categorisation of scientific disciplines in his *Iḥṣā’ al-‘ulūm* (The Enumeration of the Sciences), where mechanics found its place in relation to mathematics.<fnref n="88" /> The treatise unfolds in five chapters devoted to linguistics, logic, mathematics, physics and metaphysics, *fiqh* and theology, pointing out the existing hierarchical relationships among the various disciplines. The third section analyses the mathematical sciences (*ilm al-ta’ālīm*), organised in seven parts: arithmetic (*ilm al-‘adad*), geometry (*ilm al-handasa*), optics (*ilm al-manāẓir*), astronomy and astrology (*ilm al-nujūm*), music (*ilm al-mūsīqā*), the science of weights (*ilm al-athqāl*), and the science of mechanics (*ilm al-ḥiyal*). Al-Fārābī’s synthesis of mathematical knowledge thus combines the traditional quadrivium (arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and music), with optics, the science of weights, and the science of ingenious devices:

> The science of mechanics (*hiyal*) is the knowledge of the procedure (*wajh al-tadbīr*) by which one applies (*mutābaqa*) all that was proven to exist in the mathematical sciences (*ta’ālīm*) that were mentioned above in statements (*qawl*) and proofs unto the natural bodies, and (the act of) locating (all that) and establishing it in actuality (*bi-l-fi’l*).<fnref n="89" /> The reason for that is that these (mathematical) sciences concern themselves with lines, surfaces, volumes, numbers, and all their subject matter is intelligible on its own in isolation from the natural bodies. When one wants to locate (these ideas that form the subject matter of the mathematical sciences) and willfully exhibit them (by means) of a craft (*sun‘a = τέχνη*) in the natural bodies that are perceptible to the senses, one needs a force (*quwwa*) through which he proceeds to establish them in (these bodies) and to apply (these ideas) to (these bodies). For the material and perceptible bodies have special conditions that prohibit them from accepting (the ideas) that were demonstrated by proofs from being located in them

<footnote n="88">88 For an edition with a French translation, see Fārābī, *Le recensement des sciences*.</footnote>

<footnote n="89">89 The term *hiyal*, translated here by Saliba as “the science of mechanics,” has a broader implication. It could also refer to “applied science,” which covers a more extensive array of disciplines, such as land surveying and applied optics.</footnote>
as one pleases to do. On the contrary, these natural bodies have to be prepared to accept what one seeks to establish in them, and one has to contrive to remove the obstructions (*an yatalaṭṭaf fi izālat al-‘awā’iq*).

The sciences of mechanics are therefore those that supply the knowl-
edge of the methods and the procedures by which one can contrive to
find this applicability and to demonstrate it in actuality (*bi-l-fi’l*) in the
natural bodies that are perceptible to the senses.

Of these mechanical sciences are the many arithmetical ones includ-
ing the science known to the people of our times as the science of Algebra
(al-jabr wa-l-muqābala), for it partakes of arithmetic and geometry.<fnref n="90" /> It
also includes the procedures by which one brings forth (istikhrāj) the
numbers which ought to be dealt with in accordance with the prin-
ciples laid down by Euclid in Book X of the Elements, as to their being
rational (munqaqa = expressible) or surds (summ = inexpressible), or in
accordance with others that were not mentioned by him in that book.
For since the ratio of the rational and the surds to one another is like
the ratio of one number to another, then each number is the counterpart
(naẓīr) of some magnitude, be it rational or surd. If one could bring forth
these numbers that are the counterparts of the ratios of these magni-
tudes, then these magnitudes would have been brought forth in one way
or another. For that reason, some numbers are taken to be rational as the
counterparts of the rational magnitudes while the others that are surds
are counterparts of the irrational magnitudes.

Among them (i.e., the mechanical sciences) also, are the many geo-
metric (or engineering, *handasiyya*) mechanical sciences, such as:

The art of overseeing constructions (ṣinā’at ri’āsat al-binā’).

The devices for determining the areas of bodies.

The devices used in the production of astronomical and musical instruments, and in the preparation of instruments for many practical crafts (ṣanā’i’) such as bows and arrows and various weapons.

The optical devices used in the production of instruments that direct
the sight in order to discern the reality of the distant objects, and in
the production of mirrors upon which one determines the points

<footnote n="90">90 It is interesting to notice the unconventional classification of algebra among the sciences of mechanics. Starting from the mid-ninth century, algebra establishes itself as an autonomous discipline connected to the practical application. Al-Fārābī’s systematisation underscores the challenge in defining the epistemological nature of this nascent discipline. See Saliba, *The Function of Mechanical Devices*, 146; Abattouy, *The Arabic Tradition of Mechanics*, 19.</footnote>
that reverse the rays by deflecting them (*taʿṭufahā*) or reflection (*taʿkusahā*) or refraction (*taksurahā*). With this, one can also determine the points that reverse the sun’s rays unto other bodies, thus producing the burning mirrors and the devices connected with them.

The devices used in the production of marvelous objects, and the instruments for the several crafts (ṣanāʾiʿ).

These and their likes are the mechanical sciences which (in turn) are the principles (*mabādiʾ*) of the civil and practical crafts that are applicable to bodies, shapes, positions, order, and assessments such as in the crafts of masonry, carpentry and others.<fnref n="91" />

Greco-Hellenistic concepts feature prominently in al-Fārābī's discussion. His characterisation of mechanical sciences as an area where ideas or principles shift from potentiality to tangible reality aligns with Aristotle's definition of skill (τέχνη), which embodies the transformative nature of knowledge into observable craftsmanship.<fnref n="92" /> Further, al-Fārābī's distinction between theoretical and practical mechanical disciplines as well as the more organized approach to technological knowledge echoes the opinion of the Alexandrian school and, especially, of Hero and Pappus of Alexandria, whose texts had been translated into Arabic from the third/ninth century onwards. In the eighth book of the *Collectio*, Pappus delineates several manual activities, including metalworking, carpentry, architecture, and painting, as the practical components of mechanics, while also incorporating geometry, arithmetic, astronomy, and physics as its theoretical elements.<fnref n="93" />

## *Al-Shaṭawī*

The available information regarding Abū ʿAbdallāh Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan b. Akhī Hishām al-Shaṭawī is quite limited and relies solely on Ibn al-Nadīm, who places him among the lesser-known younger scholars specialising in astrology and geometry.<fnref n="94" /> It is likely that al-Shaṭawī was active during the first half of the fourth/tenth century. The list of his writings counts five books on various types of sundials, astronomy, and mechanics. In this field, he is credited with a

<footnote n="91">91 Fārābī, *Iḥṣā’ al-‘ulūm*, 108–110; English translation by Saliba, *The Function of Mechanical Devices*, 145–146.</footnote>

<footnote n="92">92 Saliba, *The Function of Mechanical Devices*, 146–147.</footnote>

<footnote n="93">93 Pappus, *La Collection mathématique*, 8.3, 809–811.</footnote>

<footnote n="94">94 Ibn al-Nadīm, *Fihrist*, 11, 252; *The Fihrist*, 1, 663–64.</footnote>
treatise on mechanics or mechanical devices called *Kitāb al-Ḥiyal*, and another
on water clocks, Ṣan‘at al-banādiq (Techniques of Balls). Based on the title of
the latter work, it can be inferred that it dealt with the construction of one or
more timekeeping devices using pebbles, similar to a type of clepsydra found in
an Arabic treatise attributed to Archimedes (also cited by Ibn al-Nadīm) and in
later works by al-Murādī, Riḍwān al-Sa‘ātī, and al-Jazarī.<fnref n="95" /> Several examples of
this kind of devices feature small balls that fall and strike a cymbal, signalling
the transition from one hour to the next. Unfortunately, none of al-Shaṭawī’s
works are currently known to be in existence.

Ibn al-Haytham

Abū ‘Alī al-Ḥasan b. al-Ḥasan b. al-Haytham (d. ca. 430/1040) was a Basran mathematician, physicist, and engineer, best known for his notable work in optics. Much of our understanding of his life and contributions is derived from the writings of Ibn al-Qifṭī and Ibn Abī Uṣaybi‘a.<fnref n="96" /> Initially employed in the Buyid governorate’s secretariat in Başra during the Abbasid caliphate, his intellectual prowess soon gained recognition. His reputation reached the Fatimid court in Cairo, where it was said that he had a solution for controlling the Nile’s ebb and flow. Impressed by his abilities, the Fatimid caliph al-Ḥākim (r. 386–411/996–1021) invited him to Egypt. Ibn al-Haytham then relocated to Cairo and assumed the role of chief engineer for the Fatimid court. He led an expedition to survey potential dam sites along the Nile, though he ultimately found his design unworkable. Upon returning to Cairo, he admitted the limitations of his proposal to the caliph, who reassigned him to a symbolic role. Feeling vulnerable due to the whims of his patron, Ibn al-Haytham feigned madness, residing in seclusion until the caliph’s death. He spent the remainder of his life in Cairo.

According to Ibn Abī Uṣaybiʿa, who claims to quote from a list written by Ibn al-Haytham himself in the year 429/1038, he produced nearly 200 treatises covering topics such as optics, mathematics, astronomy, medicine, and chemistry. These works included two notable pieces on mechanics: *Maqāla fī l-qaraṣṭūn* (On the Steelyard) and *Maqāla fī ʿamal al-binkām* (On the Operation of the Water-Clock).<fnref n="97" /> Additionally, in the context of timekeeping devices, he is also

<footnote n="95">95 Ibn al-Nadīm, *Fihrist*, II, 266; *The Fihrist*, I, 672. On water clocks in the medieval Islamicate world, see Fernández-Puertas, *Clepsidras y Horologios Musulmanes*, Hill, *Arabic Water-Clocks*, idem, Arabic Mechanical Engineering; Turner, Late Antiquity, 95–98.</footnote>

<footnote n="96">96 Ibn al-Qifṭī, *Ta’rīkh al-ḥukamā’*, 165–168; Ibn Abī Uṣaybiʿa, *History of Medicine*, chap. 14.22.</footnote>

<footnote n="97">97 The term *binkām* refers to a clock, with one of its earliest mentions found in al-Jāḥiẓ’s (d. 255/869) *Kitāb al-Ḥayawān* (Book of Life, II, 294), where he states that “our kings and scholars use the astrolabe (*aṣṭurlāb*) during the day and water clocks (*binkāmāt*) at night.” *Binkām* stems from the Iranian word *pengān*, which is derived from the Greek *πίναξ*,</footnote>
credited with two works on sundials. The first is dedicated to the construction of horizontal dials and it is addressed to the craftsmen who create them, while the second focuses on a universal theory of dials.⁹⁸

For this study, I will focus solely on *Maqāla fī ‘amal al-binkām*. To the best of my knowledge, this concise treatise on a water clock is preserved in three manuscripts currently housed in Istanbul: two at the Süleymaniye Library and the third one at the Askeri Müze, or Military Museum.⁹⁹ In addition, the contribution of Ibn al-Haytham to the field of water clock is also attested by al-Khāzinī (d. after 525/1130–1) in his *Kitāb Mīzān al-ḥikma*.¹⁰⁰

*Maqāla fī ‘amal al-binkām* introduces a model of an inflow water clock that, according to Ibn al-Haytham, was an innovative timekeeping device capable of measuring hours and minutes — apparently, a feature not found in other clocks of his time. At the beginning of the work, the author himself emphasised that many versions and models of water clocks had been developed before his time. However, unsatisfied with them, he devised a new design. His mechanism involved a sinking copper cylinder with a small hole at its base, which would descend into an outer cylindrical tank filled with water. As the cylinder sank, a string attached to it would rotate a circular disc marked with twenty-four divisions for hours and subdivisions for minutes. Consequently, Ibn al-Haytham carefully calibrated the sinking speed so that it would sink in twenty-four hours. To maintain uninterrupted and accurate tracking of time, he designed two identical clocks placed side by side. As one clock approached the end of its twenty-four-hour cycle, the second clock would initiate its cycle in synchronisation, thus allowing for continuous timekeeping.

*Maqāla fī ‘amal al-binkām* is a fundamental source for the history of timekeeping devices and water clocks in the early Islamicate world. In fact, it is

98

meaning “plank” or “writing tablet.” It appears that *pengān* relies on an Aramaic form, where the word took on the meaning of “bowl” or “empty bowl.” This connection to the ancient hydraulic clock model becomes clear, as it involved a bowl with a small hole at the bottom, placed in a water-filled container, sinking as it filled up to indicate the passage of time. For the etymological references, see *Mu‘jam al-ta‘rīkhī; Hasan-Dūst, Farhang-e rīshe-shenākhti-e zabān-e fārsī*, 736; Nöldeke, *Persische Studien*, 38.

Rashed, *Les mathématiques infinitésimales*, 686, who also presents an edition with French translation and commentaries (687–849); Turner, Late Antiquity, 85.

99

The two manuscripts held at the Süleymaniye Library are MS 1714 from the Atıf Efendi collection (ff. 77r–82v) and MS 3439 from the Fatih collection (ff. 138r–140r). I have not had the opportunity to consult MS 3025, located in the Military Museum. Ibn al-Haytham’s treatise on water-clock has not yet been subject to any studies. Currently, only a preliminary discussion intended for public dissemination, accompanied by an English translation of the text by Salim al-Hassani, is available for consultation at this link: https://muslimheritage.com/the-mechanical-water-clock-of-ibn-al-haytham/.

100

Khāzinī, *Kitāb Mīzān*, 104; Hill, *Arabic Water-Clocks*, 49.
one of the earliest-known treatises on the subject, alongside the Arabic treatise attributed to Archimedes and the three other most significant known works on the subject are from a later period: *Kitāb al-Asrār fī natā’ij al-afkār* by the Andalusian al-Murādī, *Kitāb al-Jāmi’ bayn al-‘ilm wa-l-‘amal al-nāfi’ fī ṣinā’at al-ḥiyal* by al-Jazarī and *Risāla fī ‘amal al-sā’āt wā-sti‘mālihā* (On the Construction of Clocks and Their Use) by Riḍwān al-Sa’ātī. It is therefore highly desirable that Ibn al-Haytham’s work becomes the subject of a thorough study in the near future.

### Hibat Allāh al-Badī’ al-Asṭurlābī

Abū l-Qāsim Hibat Allāh b. al-Ḥusayn b. Aḥmad, also known as Badī’ al-Zamān al-Asṭurlābī (d. 534/1139–40), dedicated his life to the pursuit of various fields, including astronomy, medicine, philosophy, and poetry. His acclaim stems from his expertise and skill in crafting astronomical instruments, particularly astrolabes. Later in his life, he relocated to Baghdad, where he flourished under the patronage of the caliph al-Mustarshid (r. 512–29/1118–35), achieving significant recognition.

While primarily celebrated for his exceptional command of astronomical instruments, al-Badiʻ al-Asṭurlābī's interests also extended to the field of mechanical studies. Surprisingly, this facet of his endeavours often goes unmentioned in historical accounts, but it gains substantiation through a significant source — the engineer al-Jazarī. Within his monumental work, al-Jazarī highlights al-Badiʻ al-Asṭurlābī's contributions by commending his creation of a musical automaton in a dedicated chapter concerning the perpetual flute.<fnref n="101" /> Before presenting the details of his own invention, al-Jazarī examines earlier designs reminiscent of it, drawing references from Apollonius, an anonymous scholar, and Hibat Allāh Badīʻ al-Asṭurlābī:

> I also came across a treatise, authored by the distinguished inventor Hibat Allāh b. al-Ḥusayn al-Asṭurlābī in Baghdad in the year 517 Hijri [approximately 1123 CE], in which he truly excelled. Its design is [as follows]: it has a cylindrical receiver with a lead ball in it, with an arm similar to a balance-arm, and two pans suspended by chains. It features three basins, six ground valves, and two pipes resembling the end sections of bows, coming out from different parts of the basins. This is a well-known device.<fnref n="102" />

<footnote n="101">101 Jazarī, *Jāmiʿ*, 422–425; *The Book of Knowledge*, 170–171.</footnote>

<footnote n="102">102 Arabic text in Jazarī, *Jāmiʿ*, 423.</footnote>
Al-Jazarī's account serves as a testament to Hibat Allāh's interest in mechanical contrivances. Not only does he make mention of his creation of a musical device, but he also underscores its distinction as a renowned prototype of a perpetual flutist. Furthermore, he connects it with the Greek scholar Apollonius and acknowledges both as authorities in the construction of musical automata.<fnref n="103" /> Within these concise passages, one can discern that Hibat Allāh conceptualised this apparatus in Baghdad during the year 517/1123. Consequently, it is plausible that it was tailored for aristocratic circles and patrons, possibly including the Abbasids.

## Yūnus al-Asṭurlābī

Little is known about the life of Yūnus b. al-Ḥusayn al-Asṭurlābī and his potential connections to the Abbasid courtly settings. Due to the scarce information available, I have chosen to briefly discuss his work and contributions. Yūnus al-Asṭurlābī is primarily recognised as the creator of a celestial globe, which is currently preserved in the Louvre.<fnref n="104" /> The globe features an Arabic inscription indicating his name and the construction date, specifically the year 539/1144-5. Regrettably, the inscription does not reveal the location of its creation. Marcel Destombes posits that the artefact in question originated in Baghdad or, more likely, in Seljuk Iran.<fnref n="105" /> Intriguingly, the oeuvre of Yūnus b. al-Ḥusayn al-Asṭurlābī garners particular attention, given that his name is among the select few cited in al-Jazarī's treatise. In the first section of the text, which focuses on clocks, al-Jazarī references and provides a succinct description of Yūnus' candle clock model, which he had the opportunity to examine. His assessment of Yūnus' candle clock is notably critical:

> I have come across a clock from the work of Yūnus al-Asṭurlābī, may God have mercy on him, and it has the appearance [of the clock] I have described in the introduction of the first design.<fnref n="106" /> A cross-beam has a hole in the middle in which the wick is placed in the place of the container, which I took to prevent the candle from rising, and I found that the candle flowed into the interior of the sheat and over the instruments inside the sheat. In reality, the construction with the cross-beam is not valid at all. Then I found the weight in a different position from where

<footnote n="103">103 On the subject, see Wiedemann, *Aufsätze*, 1970, II, 47-56.</footnote>

<footnote n="104">104 Inventory number: MAO 824.</footnote>

<footnote n="105">105 Destombes, *Un globe céleste arabe*, 310; idem, *Un globe céleste inédit*.</footnote>

<footnote n="106">106 As also suggested by Hill, it is not the first, but the seventh chapter of the first section on clocks. See Jazarī, *The Book of Knowledge*, 87.</footnote>
I had placed it, and the two pulleys on which the weight was hanging were at half the height of the sheat. [There was] a rising rod on which the candle was placed above. This gave much trouble; for this reason, the design was useless, its failure to be due to the dripping wax. So, I made what I shall describe [now].<fnref n="107" />

Firstly, al-Jazarī observes that Yūnus’ creation bears a striking resemblance to the device presented in the preceding chapter, specifically the seventh chapter of the first section of the book, rather than the first chapter as he erroneously mentioned.<fnref n="108" /> This latter is a candle clock, primarily designed to measure night hours using a wax candle. It comprises a tall brass candle holder adorned with a falcon perched near its base and a slave figure holding a sword on a bracket towards the top. The candle, placed within a brass sheath, burns, and lifts a weight, causing the candle to rise. After an equinoctial hour passes, the falcon releases a ball from its beak, which falls onto the floor of the candle holder’s pedestal. The slave figure then strikes the wick with a sword, removing the burnt portion. This process repeats hourly until the morning, with the night’s hours determined by the number of balls in the pedestal.

From al-Jazarī’s treatise, it is clear that he had access to a written account solely dedicated to Yūnus’ clock. In fact, at the beginning of the seventh chapter, he mentions that he had never encountered any work on candle-clocks or seen a completed example of such a clock. It is also evident that he attempted to reproduce Yūnus’ candle clock but faced failure. This led him to critically evaluate the design, identifying it as a failed device due to wax overflow, which impacted the weight and pulleys. As a result, al-Jazarī proposed an innovative design featuring a brass sheath on a candle holder with an upright falcon at the bottom and a scribe on a dais to the right, holding a pen on the fifteen divisions of a complete circle.

Scholars often identify Yūnus al-Asṭurlābī, as mentioned by al-Jazarī, with the Egyptian astronomer and mathematician Ibn Yūnus.<fnref n="109" /> In support of this hypothesis, a short treatise on a candle clock attributed to Ibn Yūnus is cited,

<footnote n="107">107 Jazarī, *Jāmi'*, 197–198; *The Book of Knowledge*, 87.</footnote>

<footnote n="108">108 Jazarī, *Jāmi'*, 182–196; *The Book of Knowledge*, 83–86.</footnote>

<footnote n="109">109 For example, see Hill in Jazarī, *The Book of Knowledge*, 272. According to David King, the author of this work can be identified as Yūnus b. al-Ḥusayn al-Asṭurlābī. See King, *Reviewed Work: Islamicate Celestial Globes*, 762; idem, *Islamic Astronomy and Geography*, IV, 509. It should be noted that manuscript Ahmet III 3472, housed in the Topkapı Palace, refers to Yūsuf al-Asṭurlābī rather than Yūnus. In contrast, all other manuscripts I have examined feature the name Yūnus. These manuscripts include Topkapı A3350, Ayasofya 3606, British Library Or. 116, and Leiden 656 and 117.</footnote>
which has survived in a single copy and is currently held in the Saint Joseph Library in Beirut.<fnref n="110" /> This writing, however, presents a very different model of candle clock from the one described by al-Jazarī. It is, in fact, a chandelier with twelve lamps, so arranged that if all lamps are lit at sunset, one lamp will extinguish itself at the end of each of the twelve hours of the night.<fnref n="111" />

Given the significant differences between the two models and the lack of known information that could lead us towards one or the other, it is only possible to consider several potential scenarios. First, the two models could have been created by two distinct individuals: one working in Egypt in the fourth/tenth century and the other possibly in Baghdad or Iran in the early sixth/twelfth century, each developing a different study on the candle clock. Alternatively, the Yūnus mentioned by al-Jazari might indeed be the Egyptian intellectual Ibn Yūnus. In this case, the two differing candle-clock models could suggest his dedication to studying and developing this type of device. Lastly, the twelve-armed chandelier model could also be the work of Yūnus al-Asṭurlābī rather than Ibn Yūnus. Based on the celestial globe, it appears that he was a skilled instrument maker, who could plausibly be the inventor of the clock mentioned by the Artuqid scholar.<fnref n="112" /> Furthermore, the treatise suggests that the candle clock was likely used at a latitude of thirty-five degrees, which is consistent with the latitude attributed to Babylonia by both Ptolemy and part of the oldest Arabic tradition.<fnref n="113" /> This location is more closely associated with Yūnus al-Asṭurlābī's area of expertise than with that of Ibn Yūnus.

*An Anonymous Baghdadi Water Clock?*

The manuscript 4871, housed in the Ṣāhirīyya Library in Damascus, comprises a collection of philosophical and scientific texts covering a range of subjects.<fnref n="114" /> Produced in Baghdad during the sixth/twelfth century, it is believed to have been crafted by the same anonymous scribe over an estimated period of eight years.<fnref n="115" /> Of particular interest are two brief extracts that explore the field of mechanical devices.

The first extract, titled *Ṣan‘at al-ālat al-zamriyya li-Īliyūs al-Ḥakīm* (The Construction of the Whistling Instrument by Īliyūs the Sage), focuses on a

<footnote n="110">110 Bibliothèque Orientale, Beirut, USJ_00223.</footnote>

<footnote n="111">111 A similar model of candle-clock figures in the *Kitāb al-Hay’a* of the Andalusian Qāsim b. Muṭarrif. See Samsó, *On Both Sides of the Strait of Gibraltar*, 5–6; 121–122.</footnote>

<footnote n="112">112 Savage-Smith, *Islamicate Celestial Globes*, 25.</footnote>

<footnote n="113">113 Casulleras, *The Contents of Kitāb al-Hay’a*, 348–349.</footnote>

<footnote n="114">114 A detailed survey of the manuscript and its contents is Ragep and Kennedy, *A Description of Ṣāhirīyya*.</footnote>

<footnote n="115">115 Ragep and Kennedy, *A Description of Ṣāhirīyya*, 88–89.</footnote>
fluting machine. The author's name, Īliyūs the Sage, may be a mistranscription of Abulīnūs or Apollonius, who, as previously mentioned, is often cited in relation to musical automata.<fnref n="116" />

The second extract is an anonymous text dedicated to a water clock, called *Amal al-ṣandūq li-l-sāʿāt* (The Operation of the Hour Box). Spanning three pages (ff. 77a–78a), this section includes a few drawings that illustrate the mechanism. The water clock described appears to be a ball-dropping model, complete with a semicircular zodiacal dial. While information about the text, the water clock itself, and the circumstances of its creation and usage is sparse, the limited details provided do establish connections with earlier and later examples of similar devices. Both the ball-dropping mechanism, used to indicate the passage of hours, and the zodiacal dial are common features found in Hellenistic and Islamicate clocks. For instance, this is evident in the clockworks attributed to Ctesibius and described by Vitruvius, as well as the first model of water clocks presented in al-Jazarī’s treatise.<fnref n="117" />

*The Timekeeping Device at the Mustanşiriyya Madrasa in Baghdad*

A similar water clock to the one presented in the previous paragraph is mentioned in Baghdad, dating back to a few decades before the city's fall to the Mongols in 656/1258. This clock was associated with one of the most prestigious religious and scholarly institutions of that period, the Mustanşiriyya Madrasa. At the onset of his reign, al-Mustanşir billāh (r. 623–640/1226–1242), the second-to-last Abbasid caliph, commissioned the construction of this school on the left bank of the Tigris River. This institution was a beacon of Sunni orthodoxy, as one of the pioneering establishments hosting representatives from the Hanafī, Mālikī, Shāfi‘ī and Ḥanbalī schools. Under the patronage of al-Mustanşir, who gave his name to the building, the madrasa was meant to embody a universal standing. The clock further reinforced this image by featuring representations of the heavens and celestial order.<fnref n="118" />

The madrasa was well-equipped with facilities such as a hospital and pharmacy, a library dedicated to manuscript study and reproduction, and a monumental timekeeping device located over the courtyard entrance. Our understanding of the water clock is due to the accounts provided by

<footnote n="116">116 The extract of this text is preserved in f. 75b of MS 4871. See Ragep and Kennedy, *A Description of Zāhiriyya*, 97.</footnote>

<footnote n="117">117 On Ctesibius, see Vitruvius, *Vitruvius*, 116–118. For al-Jazarī’s clock, see Jāmī’, 9–78; *The Book of Knowledge*, 17–41. On the zodiacal dial in Jazarī’s device, consider Caiozzo, *Images du ciel d’Orient*, 97–105.</footnote>

<footnote n="118">118 On the madrasa and its clock, see Strika, *The Islamic Architecture of Baghdad*, 65–70, Hillenbrand, *Islamic Architecture*, 220–223, and Zadeh, *Wonders and Rarities*, 61–64.</footnote>
contemporary sources, namely the Persian scholar Zakariyya' al-Qazwīnī (d. 682/1283), and the anonymous text al-Ḥawādith al-jāmi'a wa-l-tajārib al-nāfi'a fī l-mi'a al-sābi'a (The Collected Events and Useful Experiences that Occurred in the Seventh [i. e. 13th] Century), previously ascribed to theBaghdadi histo-
rian Ibn al-Fuwaṭī (d. 723/1323).<fnref n="119" />

Al-Qazwīnī, who visited Baghdad toward the end of al-Mustanṣir's reign, chronicled the presence of the clock in his geographical gazetteer Āthār al-bilād fī l-akhbār al-ʿibād (Remnants of the Regions and Reports of the Righteous). In this text, he also shares verses about the water clock, attributing them to the renowned jurist and scholar Abū l-Faraj ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Ibn al-Jawzī (d. 597/1201). However, as Ibn al-Jawzī passed away before al-Mustanṣir's accession to power, it is more likely that these verses were penned by one of his sons, specifically Abū Muḥammad Yūsuf (d. 656/1258). Yūsuf himself had ties to the Mustanṣiriyya Madrasa, having served there as a teacher of Ḥanbalī law.<fnref n="120" /> Al-Qazwīnī's report states that:

One of the objects of pride [in Baghdad] is the school founded by
al-Mustanşir billâh. Nothing like it had been built before in terms of the
beauty of its architecture, the elevation of its building, and the pleasant-
ness of its site on the shore of the Tigris, with one of its facade in the
water. No place was known to have more religious endowments than it, nor
residents more wealthy than its own. At the school door, there is an iwan
with mounted in its front, in a strange way, a clock box (şandūq al-sā'āt),
displaying the times of the prayers and the passing of the hours, at day
and night. Abū al-Faraj ʿAbd al-Raḥmān ibn al-Jawzī said this:

O, Conqueror, o Ruler!
By your wisdom the difficult nights become easy!
You have built, with the approval of God and His pleasure,
The most noble structure that delights the eyes.
An iwan of beauty, its description astonishing,
Observers are bewildered by its sight!
Its hours guide people to pious deeds,
And by the stars, they are led on the right way.
In it, a circular celestial sphere is depicted,
And the sun moves, never at rest.
A sphere of lapis lazuli adorned,

<footnote n="119">¹¹⁹ Melville, Ebn al-Fowaṭī.</footnote>

<footnote n="120">120 On Ibn al-Jawzī and his son, see van Renterghem, Ibn al-Ġawzī, 261–263.</footnote>
A golden part within it, a well-guarded secret.
So, in shape, this and that together,
Are like the letter ‘Ha’ placed in the middle of ‘Nun’.
They are for the revival of sublimity and generosity,
A disc whose centre are the worlds.<fnref n="121" />

In the anonymous *Hawādith*, the verses attributed to al-Jawzī are found with minor differences. Furthermore, the text offers a more detailed explanation of the clock's appearance and operation:

In the wall of this room, a disc was built, and within it, an image of the celestial sphere was depicted. It included fine windows with fine doors. In the disc, there were two golden falcons, each inside a golden bowl, and behind them, two small metal balls that the observer could not notice. At the end of each hour, the falcons' mouth opened, and the balls fell out. As each ball fell, a door from those windows would open, and the golden door appeared at that time silvered. When the balls fell into the bowls, they would return to their positions. Then, golden satellites would appear in the Azure sky in that celestial sphere, rising with the real sun, revolving with its rotation, and setting with its setting. When night came, there would be moons rising, visible because of a light behind them. The light emitting from the disc of the moon would increase on the completion of a full hour. Then, it would begin in the other disc until the night elapsed, and the sun rose, so that the prayer times would be known. Poets composed poems about this, including a verse by Abū al-Faraj ‘Abd al-Raḥmān ibn al-Jawzī, praising the Caliph in his lines.<fnref n="122" />

Both sources detail a timekeeping apparatus designed for day and night use. During daylight, the device tracked time through a dual system: sound-based, with small pebbles released from the falcons into basins below, generating noise; and visual, by opening one of the windows. At night, hours were marked by light behind each of the disc apertures. The clock's features place it within a longstanding horological tradition, including the Byzantine monumental clock in Gaza (sixth century CE), the Bāb Jayrūn clock located at the Great Mosque of Damascus, and al-Jazarī's castle clock.<fnref n="123" />

<footnote n="121">121 Arabic text in Qazwīnī, *Āthār al-Bilād*, 316–317.</footnote>

<footnote n="122">122 Arabic text in Anonymous, *Hawādith*, 79.</footnote>

<footnote n="123">123 The monumental clock in Gaza, commissioned by Emperor Anastasius I, is described in detail in Procopius of Gaza, *Discours et fragments*, 117–154.</footnote>
Conclusions

In this article, I presented an examination of the research on mechanical stud-
ies within the context of the Abbasid Empire, concentrating on key scholars
and their contributions to the discipline. The Abbasid period witnessed a bur-
geoning fascination with mechanical engineering, which gained recognition
as a respected courtly discipline. The intellectual climate at the time nurtured
an environment that facilitated progress in the science of devices, as well as
connected disciplines.

An examination of the connections between scholars and translators, as well
as the relationships between Greek and Arabic traditions of study, highlights
the importance of interpersonal relationships in disseminating technologi-
cal knowledge. The fascination of princes and caliphs with mechanics and
mechanical devices played a significant role, with their patronage and support
proving crucial for the advancement of the discipline. In this study, I focused
on the primary actors with known technical treatises or documented involve-
ment in designing and creating artefacts, without focusing on material culture.
Although it was expected that numerous examples of automata and other
devices would have been preserved as luxury items, there is currently limited
archaeological and material evidence. The majority of these mechanisms were
manufactured using various types of metals, including precious ones, which
were, however, subjected to the practice of melting metals for profit during
times of need or repurposing them into new designs.<fnref n="124" /> A prominent example
comes from the Byzantine Empire, where the precious automata of Emperor
Theophilos (r. 829–842) were melted down by his successor, Michael III
(r. 842–867), to obtain funds for distribution to his soldiers. This event exempli-
fies the destiny of such artefacts and the challenges associated with conserving
material evidence of mechanical devices from historical periods. Additionally,
certain objects, like water clocks, incorporated wood, and other organic mate-
rials in their construction, which consequently made them more susceptible
to deterioration. In recent years, however, some renowned masterpieces of
Islamic art have been the subject of studies, shedding light on their function as
parts of automata and other devices. Notable examples include the Pisa Griffin,
currently held at the Opera del Duomo di Pisa; the Mari-Cha Lion held at the
Louvre Abu Dhabi; and the Monzon Lion, at the Louvre.<fnref n="125" /> It is hoped that

<footnote n="124">124 Ward, *Islamic Metalwork*, 10–14.</footnote>

<footnote n="125">125 For the Pisa Griffin and the Mari-Cha Lion, see Contadini, *The Pisa Griffin and the Mari-Cha Lion*. On the Monzon Lion, see Fellinger, *De la fabrique d'un chef d'œuvre*.</footnote>
further studies on similar objects will continue to reveal more about automata
in the medieval Islamicate world.

Another area of research that remains largely unexplored pertains to the
practical aspects of producing these devices, encompassing the organisation,
and functioning of workshops, craft practices, and the techniques employed
in their construction.<fnref n="126" /> Likewise, the status of mechanicians and artisans
during this period is not well-documented. Even the Banū Mūsā’s treatise,
which serves as the most comprehensive source on the subject, fails to pro-
vide information on the production conditions of mechanical devices. As a
result, the existing information is limited, necessitating further investigation
in this domain.

## Acknowledgements

This article is based on research funded by EHESS for the project “Power and
Techniques in Medieval Islamic Societies (seventh-thirteenth centuries),”
and by the British Academy through the Newton International Fellowship. The
study has greatly benefited from the Gerald D. Feldman Travel Grant awarded
by the Max Weber Foundation, facilitating the archival research necessary for
this paper. I am also grateful to the anonymous peer-reviewers for their helpful
feedback and suggestions.

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