# Local Paper, International News: Feminist Print Cultures and Women's Centres Newsletters in 1970s-1980s Belgium, France and Britain

Marie Cabadi

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Marie Cabadi. Local Paper, International News: Feminist Print Cultures and Women's Centres Newsletters in 1970s-1980s Belgium, France and Britain. DiGeSt - Journal of Diversity and Gender Studies, 2025, 12 (2), pp.68-84. 10.21825/digest.90478. hal-05344422

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DiGeSt

Journal of Diversity and Gender Studies

Local Paper, International News: Feminist Print Cultures
and Women's Centres' Newsletters in 1970s-1980s
Belgium, France and Britain

Marie Cabadi
# Local Paper, International News: Feminist Print Cultures and Women's Centres' Newsletters in 1970s-1980s Belgium, France and Britain

Marie Cabadi

Université d'Angers

marie.cabadi@yahoo.com

## Abstract

In the wake of the 1970s revival of women's liberation movements in Western Europe, women's centres set up by local feminist groups often served as meeting and production premises for newsletter collectives. This article explores the part this form of grassroots feminism played in the transformations of West-European feminist print cultures by interrogating the ambitions and limitations of these local collectives when it comes to transnational circulations of texts and ideas. Drawing on selected archived women's centres newsletters and archives of editorial collectives from Belgium, Britain and France, this article approaches these newsletters as translocal social movement technologies, and highlights their location at a productive yet sometimes uneasy position in between the local constitution of a women's movement and the transnational ambitions of that same movement. It explores the circulation of these newsletters by drawing out the spatial contours of their readerships, before examining the diverse inconsistently successful editorial practices aiming to make international news appear on the pages.

## Keywords

History of feminism, Transnational activism, Local feminist media, Spatial contours of women's liberation, Media history
## Introduction

In March 1981, a reader of *Pink Pages*, the newsletter of North-East England Tyneside Women's Rights Centre, decided to lodge a letter of complaint:

Dear Pink Pages,

Why do you have tea and cucumber sandwiches, middle class knitting and cliquey photos on International Women's Day? O.K. – it's a day of celebration, and there's the Reclaim The Night march next week for Political Demonstration. – But I thought International Women's Day was for spreading the feminist gospel, – to the ends of the earth, not just the Alternative Society that lives in Jesmond.<fnref n="1" />

Disparaging local International Women's Day celebrations for being unable to transcend the geographical frontiers and social makeup of Jesmond, a rather affluent area with a large student population where much of Newcastle's feminist activity then took place, this reader used a grassroots, low-circulation newsletter to call for wider, transnational ambitions for women's liberation movements.<fnref n="2" />

In the wake of the 1970s revival of women's liberation movements throughout most of Western Europe, hundreds of autonomous women's groups, working independently and outside formal national and international organisations, had attempted to set up their own spaces, adopting the shared name of 'women's centres'.<fnref n="3" /> As places of feminist activism and sociability, they aimed to provide services to local women and participate in the growth of women's liberation movements. Usually women-only, with contrasting lifespans, they offered myriads of activities, from pregnancy testing to women's history courses, lesbian discussion groups, legal advice or women's socials. They also often served as meeting and production premises for newsletter collectives, bringing out small-scale local periodicals, playing their part in the transformations of West-European feminist print cultures of the seventies and the eighties.

Drawing on Cait McKinney's work on feminist and lesbian information activism, this article understands women's centres newsletters 'as interconnected social movement technologies that enable activists to share difficult-to-access information, resources, and primary sources via photocopying and other modes of print reproduction' (2015, p. 311), an approach which is complicated by these periodicals' relationships with scale. Stemming from the organisational needs of the women using a given women's centre, which often aimed at nurturing a geographically-bounded feminist scene (Bruley, 2016), these newsletters mainly circulated local feminist news. Yet, they could also look further afield, attempting to cover international news and concerning themselves with women's oppression elsewhere in the world. Women's centres and their newsletters thus find themselves at a productive yet sometimes uneasy position, in between the local constitution of a women's movement and this movement's transnational ambitions. If tea and sandwiches and photography exhibitions in a Tyneside women's centre were not enough to fulfil the hopes of Western European women's liberation movements – to link women's struggles all over the globe – might newsletters play a role in this shift in scale? Which feminist worlds did these small-scale, localised newsletters manage to connect, and what were the transnationalising tools at the disposal of their editorial collectives?

Relying on archived collections of Belgian, British and French newsletters, as well as small collections recording the everyday activities of a few editorial collectives, this article aims to illuminate the ordinary, modest, yet multi-scalar practices of the feminist 'citizen

<footnote n="1">¹ Viceream, C. (1981, March). Letter. *Pink Pages*, (2). Feminist Archive North (FAN), Leeds.</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² On the sociology of late twentieth century Jesmond, see for instance Gregson & Lowe, 1994, p. 34-37.</footnote>

<footnote n="3">³ Outside of Anglophone worlds, such spaces often used the name 'women's houses' (*maisons des femmes, vrouwenhuizen, case delle donne...*).</footnote>
journalism<fnref n="4" /> these publications embody. These local papers are a rich archive for local histories of the ‘long wave’ (della Porta, 2003, p. 49) of women’s activism shaped by the experience of the radical 1970s and extending well into the 1980s. However, byseeing them as ‘interconnected social movement technologies’ both sustaining and delimiting the networks in which local feminist scenes were embedded, the article examines the ways women’s centres newsletters took part in translocal feminist print cultures. It explores the circulation of these newsletters by drawing out the limits of their readerships, before investigating the media practices used by editorial collectives to make international news appear on the pages of their local papers.

## Translocal feminist print cultures

As Jaime Harker put it, '[w]omen's liberation was obsessed with print' (2018, p. 17). The movement devoted much of its time and energy to the production and dissemination of a wide variety of printed artefacts. Feminist newsletters were cheaply produced multi-issue publications, most commonly typewritten and mimeographed on paper. Agatha Beins's work on the North American movement depicts its newsletters as 'a mixture of textual genres', including written content as diverse as 'editorials; announcements; information about resources and services; advertisements; journalistic articles written by local women, copied from alternative news services [...] or reprinted from both feminist and other print media; opinion pieces; calls to action; creative writing; photographs; drawings; letters from readers; comics; and informative pieces such as instructions for how to fix a record player' (2017, p. 4). This list can describe, with minimal adjustment, the variety of local newsletters produced in Belgium, Britain or France. The likeness in the contents, as well as uses, materialities and aesthetics of women's liberation newsletters produced in differing national contexts foreground the transnational nature of 1970s and 1980s feminism, with its omnipresent 'transnational resonances and local recontextualisations' (Bracke, 2013, p. 626). Later twentieth century Western European radical women's liberation movements tended to eschew the setting up of durable, international organisations, in contrast to nineteenth and early twentieth century feminisms. Yet insights from scholarship on that earlier period of feminist activism, which has shown 'that print culture facilitated the creation of transnational networks of women activists' (Olcott, 2013, p. 240), remains helpful to think about 1970s and 1980s feminisms.

Up until now, feminist print cultures in Belgium, Britain and France have most often been examined through focus on nationally and regionally circulated publications, such as the British *Spare Rib*, or the Belgian *Cahiers du GRIF* (Delap & Strimpel, 2020; Forster, 2016; Glorie & Hoogeven González, 2023).<fnref n="5" /> Yet what United States scholars call the 'Women in Print Movement' of the seventies and eighties encompassed a much wider range of protagonists: feminist booksellers, publishers, printers, authors, translators, critics and readers, acting from numerous premises, including, but far from limited to, women's centres. They sometimes encountered the production of some of the best-known women's liberation periodicals. In the mid-1970s, women sometimes prepared *Cahiers du GRIF* issues at Brussels's French-speaking women's centre (Denis, 1980, p. 55-56), while, from 1981

<footnote n="4">⁴ Citizen journalism is an anachronistic phrase much in vogue in the first decade of the twenty-first century to describe the activities of people untrained and not employed as journalists who nonetheless play ‘an active role in the process of collecting, reporting, analysing and disseminating information’ (Bowman & Willis, 2003, p. 9). However, arguments have been made for the productivity of using this expression to understand the practices undertaken by participants in 1980s alternative media ecology, a puzzle of which feminist newsletters are a piece (Harcup, 2011).</footnote>

<footnote n="5">⁵ See also the ongoing *Liberating Histories* project, which researches British women's movement magazines: https://liberatinghistories.org/. Early elements constituting this section were presented on the *German Historical Institute London Blog* in 2022: Cabadi M. (2022, May 5). Women's Centres and their Newsletters: Feminist Spaces and Print Cultures in Belgium, France, and the United Kingdom. *German Historical Institute London Blog*, https://doi.org/10.58079/p1qp.</footnote>
onwards, feminist theory journal *Nouvelles questions féministes* was a founding member of the Paris women's centre (Picq, 1993, p. 318). Moreover, recent work putting the specificities of localised feminist scenes to the fore has unearthed histories of women's centres and local newsletters (Bruley, 2016; Flaherty, 2017; Vochten, 2018; Zeller, 2020). In a key contribution to the British 'Women in Print Movement', Eileen Cadman, Gail Chester and Agnes Pivot described local newsletters as 'the most typical women's liberation publications' (Cadman et al., 1981, p. 72): half of the twenty-two newsletters recorded in their directory were based at a women's centre. Feminists in Belgium also invested strong efforts into creating and maintaining women's centres all over the country, from which they published sometimes long-running feminist newsletters.<fnref n="6" /> French women's centres were comparatively less numerous, but they still contributed widely to the emergence of a French feminist print culture in the 1970s and 1980s. For example, the country's first national lesbian newsletter, *Quand les femmes s'aiment* (1978-1980), was published from Lyon's women's centre, while *Paris Féministe*, based at Paris's women's centre, was one of the main grassroots feminist publications surviving the 1980s transformations of the women's movement (Eloit, 2017; Laroche & Larrouy, 2009).

Women's centres newsletters 'usually aimed to facilitate communication and information sharing between women who were involved in the centre, as well as provide calendars of events, reports on conferences, and information about groups that may be useful' (Wonders, 2021, p. 209). By interrogating the transnational intersections readable in such outwardly locally-grounded feminist interventions, this article therefore foregrounds the *translocality* of women's liberation movements' activism, in a move that suggests 'a "transgressing" of locally bounded, fixed understandings of place and at the same time emphasises the importance of places as nodes where flows that transcend spatial scales converge' (Greiner & Sakdapolrak, 2013, p. 377). Rather than provide a comprehensive history of the dozens of women's centres newsletters produced in Belgium, Britain and France over the period, this article chooses a tri- and transnational scale to identify, from selected, localised examples, the diversity of ways this particular category of feminist periodical attempted to push back the spatial contours of women's liberation. It thus takes up recent calls to consider the history of feminism 'through encounter, translation and resignification' (Bracke et al., 2021, p. 1), and emphasises multiple forms of spatial connectedness where national borders might matter, but not always primarily. Women's centres newsletters become entry points into the 'overlaps' and 'mismatches' between feminist 'imagined spaces of solidarity and belonging; spaces of social experience and political action; and spaces of knowledge circulation' (Patel & Levsen, 2022, p. 550).

## Travelling newsletters and geographies of readership

One of the main reason feminists opened women's centres was to finally have a room of their own: they needed space to hold women-only meetings, whether they were meeting to raise their consciousness, plan a demonstration or discuss the next issue of their newsletter. Women's centres also provided a contact address, useful for newsletter collectives who often asked for contributions from readers, in articles or in funds. Moreover, women's centres were places where readers could, or sometimes had to, come to pick up their copy: 'Please collect your next newsletter from the centre – we can't afford to post them', urged the *Merseyside Women's Liberation Newsletter* in its February 1976 issue, which had opened with a grim report on the group's finances.<fnref n="7" /> Newsletters from further away could also be read in some women's centres: in 1985, the *Exeter Women's Centre Newsletter*, circulating at around seventy to eighty copies, could be found at a local bookshop, at the Exeter centre itself, but

<footnote n="6">⁶ For instance 't Fameke, Kortrijk women's centre's newsletter, ran from 1986 to 1998 and counts more than 130 issues.</footnote>

<footnote n="7">⁷ Unsigned. (1976, February). *Merseyside Women's Liberation Newsletter*. Liverpool Record Office (305 WLM 1/5).</footnote>
also at Plymouth, Bristol and Totnes's women's centres, playing its part in disseminating
information and strengthening regional ties between the women's groups of southwestern
England.<fnref n="8" /> To a questionnaire aiming to evaluate the readiness of Brussels' *Bulletin de la
Maison des femmes*'s readers to take part in solidarity actions around Chile in the wake of
Pinochet's coup, one woman, explaining why she would not be able to participate in person,
answered: 'My interest in the "women's centre" does not prevent me from living in Namur',<fnref n="9" />
a city sixty kilometres south-east of Brussels without its own women's centre in 1975.

Some newsletters travelled beyond regional boundaries to an international readership. This was the case for *Paris Féministes*, which started out in 1983 as a rather informal newsletter destined to connect the various groups using Paris's main women's centre.<fnref n="10" /> It formally registered as a periodical in 1985, when it was, according to its editorial collective, sending issues 'further and further away (Tokyo, Puerto Rico, Bolivia, Chile, Australia, etc, etc)'.<fnref n="11" /> The earliest list of subscribers preserved in the archive, dated June 1987, identifies 281 subscribing entities.<fnref n="12" /> 64 represent women's and feminist organisations, while 217 are individual subscribers, with at most ten men receiving the paper. 28 subscribing organisations are based outside of France, making up 43,75% of the subscribed organisations, whereas only 4,6% (10 out of 217) of individual subscribers have a non-French address.

<figure><img src="image_3.png" /><figcaption>Figure 1. Subscribers to Paris-Féministe across the globe, June 1987</figcaption></figure>

These collective subscriptions indicate women's movements' ambition of connecting
women's organisations, perhaps more than individual feminists, across borders through
newsletter exchanges, mutual readership, and largely epistolary contacts. Indeed, all non-
French subscribing organisations, except for one, are recorded with an unlimited subscription
to *Paris Féministes*, and many published their own feminist periodicals. This suggests their
involvement in a network of mutual, free-of-charge subscription to each other's publications,
a technique used by collectives to ensure they received international news of women's

<footnote n="8">⁸ Unsigned (1985, June/July). *Exeter Women's Centre Newsletter*, (3). FAN.</footnote>

<footnote n="9">⁹ *Questionnaire*, Summer 1975. CARHIF (RUB 5), Brussels.</footnote>

<footnote n="10">¹⁰ Pavillard, A.-M. & Trat, J. (1987, Fall). L'aventure de la presse féministe. *Cahiers du féminisme*, (41/42), 22-25.</footnote>

<footnote n="11">¹¹ Unsigned (1985, 15 January-1 February). Chez nous ça bout !! *Paris Féministes*, (1) [second series], 1. Marguerite Durand Library, Paris.</footnote>

<footnote n="12">¹² *Paris Féministes* editorial collective (1987, June). Organisational and individual subscribers' list. Centre des Archives du Féminisme (62 AF 60), Angers.</footnote>
movements. It also enabled women's centres to shore up their role as information and documentation centres, internationalising their libraries and widening the possibilities for local feminists' reading practices. These types of exchanges made it possible for the Paris women's centre's management collective to invite women to 'come [...] browse and read *Paris-Féministes*, the *Cahiers du Féminisme* [a socialist feminist magazine], the APEF [Association for the Promotion of Feminist Studies]'s newsletter, but also papers and magazines from every country and in every language'.<fnref n="13" />

*Paris Féministes*'s geographical reach differs substantially between individual and organisational subscribers. While the nature of the 1985 Japanese subscriber is unknown, as it has disappeared from the 1987 list, most of the cities and countries mentioned in the 1985 editorial, seemingly chosen for their far-away and, crucially, mostly Global South location, are linked to a subscribed organisation: the Porto Rican subscriber is a university-based documentation centre called *Centro de informacion y servicios a la mujer*, a Bolivian subscription concerns Bogota's *Casa de Mujer*, a women's centre, while the Chilean address seems to belong to *ISIS International*, an offshoot of an international women's network founded in 1974 in Rome. At the end of the 1970s, a group of Chilean women in exile had joined the Roman *Isis* to develop a Spanish version of its bulletin and in 1984 *Isis* set up new headquarters in Santiago, from which it coordinated the network's Latin American and Caribbean work (Pieper Mooney, 2010, pp. 622–623). The 1987 list also records the subscription of Santiago-based *Mujer/fempress*, a journal aiming to be a 'constructive alternative' to women's magazines founded in 1986 (Pieper Mooney, 2010, p. 622), as well as that of Dominican monthly *Mujeres*, published by Santo Domingo's *Círculo de Estudio Feminista* (Greenberg, 1990, p. 211). Caribbean and Latin American women's organisations are the only Global South organisations featuring on *Paris Féministes*'s subscription list, reflecting the long-standing participation of Latin-American women's groups to Paris' women's liberation movement, the role of Latin American political exiles in the global circulation of radical ideas of the 1970s and 1980s (Abreu, 2014, 2020), and the prominence of Latin American women's struggles in international solidarity campaigns of the period. That said, 22 of the 28 non-French organisational subscribers (78,57%) are based in the Global North, and 16 (57,14%) are European. When it comes to individual subscribers, this tendency is even sharper: readers are based in Australia, Canada, Greece, Italy, Israel, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, the United States, West Germany, and only one reader lives in Tunisia. Although *Paris Féministes* could sustain mutual, paper-based relationships with women's organisations in four continents, half of its non-French readership was Western European-based, and almost all of its individual subscribers read *Paris Féministes* from a Global North country.

Even with these limitations underlined, such a wide reach in readership is uncharacteristic of most women's centres newsletters, and reflects *Paris Féministes*'s base in a global, postcolonial metropolis and centrality in 1980s feminist France at a time of abeyance (Taylor, 1989). As a comparison point, an undated, early 1980s list of subscribers to the Liège women's centre newsletter contained nineteen addresses only, all located in francophone Belgium, and, for fourteen of them, in Liège's urban area.<fnref n="14" /> Other occasional or regular unsubscribed readers would have picked up their copy directly from the women's centre, and are therefore likely to have resided nearby. Although this list could be incomplete, this small-scale reach reflects the fact that this particular women's centre was not a very successful endeavour. Although Liège had already had a rather informal women's centre in 1976, when it opened in a feminist's living room,<fnref n="15" /> its most successful feminist space was a

<footnote n="13">13 Paris women’s centre new management collective (1988, October). Open letter. Archives Recherches Cultures Lesbiennes (*Maison des Femmes* Collection, uncatalogued), Paris.</footnote>

<footnote n="14">14 Maison des femmes de Liège [ca. 1980]. [Undated subscribers list]. IHOES (D18/2), Liège.</footnote>

<footnote n="15">15 Unsigned (1976, July). A Liège, ouverture d'une maison des femmes. *Cahiers du GRIF*, (12), 67; Interview with Bernadette Mouvet and Jacqueline Oosterbosch (2022, 6 February). Liège.</footnote>
subsequent women's café, located in rue Nagelmackers (Granier, 2015). Around 1979-1980, a new women's centre project aiming for autonomy from the women's café was launched, with help from a government-funded short-term employment scheme.<fnref n="16" /> It is from this second period of the Liège women's movement, where the café flourished while the women's centre never really took off, that a women's centre newsletter was set up, aiming to 'solve' the women's centre's recurrent 'communication malfunctions [which led] to a number of coordination and structuring difficulties'.<fnref n="17" />

<figure><img src="image_4.png" /><figcaption>Figure 2. Subscribers to the Périodique de la Maison des femmes de Liège</figcaption></figure>

Mapping subscription lists enables us to demonstrate the widely contrasting contours of two women's centres newsletters' readerships, although both examples simultaneously show the weight of local, or at least national readers, particularly when it comes to individual subscribers. The world map scale and pseudo-Mercator projection used to visualise spatial data in Figure 1, compared to Figure 2's focus on Belgium, accentuates the contrast between these two particular readerships, and tends to make *Paris Féministes*'s principal concentration of readers in France's capital region less legible. In that sense, I have taken advantage of mapmaking's usefulness to 'foreground some of the microhistories in the

<footnote n="16">¹⁶ Marcelle, Danielle, Michou (1980, January). Le saviez-vous ? *Périodique de la Maison des femmes de Liège*, (4), 3. IHOES.</footnote>

<footnote n="17">¹⁷ Untitled leaflet outlining the activities of the ASBL Maison des Femmes [1979 annual report?]. IHOES (D18/1). According to Danielle Colinet, who was in charge of the government-funded women's centre project, 'it's not something that really worked' ('pff, c'est pas un truc qui a vraiment fonctionné', Interview with Danielle Colinet (2022, 3 May). Liège) while Bernadette Mouvet, who deposited issues of the newsletter at the IHOES, described this latter women's centre as 'never [having] existed' ('La Maison des femmes dernière partie ça n'a jamais existé', Interview with Bernadette Mouvet and Jacqueline Oosterbosch (2022, 6 February). Liège).</footnote>
broader stories of movements' (Calvini-Lefebvre et al., 2023, p. 462, my emphasis). Other recent projects dealing with histories of feminisms, which have used digital mapping to locate commemorative artefacts,<fnref n="18" /> campaigners' homes,<fnref n="19" /> events evoked in oral history interviews,<fnref n="20" /> or selected editorial content of a feminist periodical,<fnref n="21" /> highlight the varieties of spatialised histories of feminisms, and encourage an exploration of the translocal aspect of women's centres newsletters which articulates geographies of readership with geographies of editorial content.

## Feminist countermedia & transnational textual connections

Although from its inception in October 1979 the Liège newsletter's aims were linked to internal organisational difficulties, and although it never gained significant readership outside of Francophone Belgium, this small-scale newsletter still bore witness to the transnational nature of women's liberation as a movement. Its editorial collective adopted practices such as the reprinting of excerpts from francophone feminist texts, from French writers Maïté Albistur and Daniel Armogathe's anthology of historical women's writings, *Le Grief des femmes* (1978),<fnref n="22" /> to a page of French *bande dessinée* artist Claire Brétecher,<fnref n="23" /> an anonymous article about the different tendencies making up the women's movement in Québec,<fnref n="24" /> or a francophone Swiss article about one feminist's experience of working in one of Berlin's feminist psychotherapy centres.<fnref n="25" /> Originally published in Swiss women's health periodical *Bon Sang!*, this republication bears the mark of the women's health movement and its foundational text *Our Bodies, Ourselves* as one key observatory of the transnational textual circulations at the heart of 'second-wave' feminism (Bessaïh & Bogic, 2016; Bracke, 2015; Davis, 2007), and of the global unequal distribution of power shaping its debates (Bracke, 2023). Feminist translation and collaborative practices make it possible for British sociologist Jalna Hanmer to appear in the Liège newsletter:<fnref n="26" /> in 1981, it reprints an article she wrote following a 1975 Anglo-French seminar, published in French by feminist theory journal

<footnote n="18">¹⁸ Sites of Feminist Memory: A Map of Memorials to the Women's Suffrage Movement, Aix-Marseille Université, online, https://framacarte.org/fr/map/sites-of-feminist-memory-a-map-of-memorials-to-the_82076#5/42.799/13.114.</footnote>

<footnote n="19">¹⁹ Mapping Women's Suffrage, 1911, Tara Morton / University of Warwick, online, https://www mappingwomenssuffrage.org.uk / suffrage-map.</footnote>

<footnote n="20">²⁰ Mapping the Long Women's Movement, Southern Oral History Program & Digital Innovation Lab, UNC-Chapel Hill, online, https://lwm.prospect.unc.edu/.</footnote>

<footnote n="21">²¹ Spare Rib Map. Business of Women's Words project, online, https://hera.tag.inf.sussex.ac.uk/index-full.html? timeline=false. As of October 2025, the British Library's limited online services following an October 2023 cyberattack means most of the editorial content accompanying the original map is inaccessible, although an archived version can be accessed via Internet Archive's Wayback Machine, https://web.archive.org/web/20210401181846/https://www.bl.uk/spare-rib/map. Lucy Delap interestingly notes that this project resisted mapping *Spare Rib's* subscribers, which would have given the map a global scale. Instead, it concentrated on British and Irish locations, privileging the demonstration of the regional diversity of feminist businesses over that of *Spare Rib's* global history (Calvini-Lefebvre et al., 2023, p. 457).</footnote>

<footnote n="22">²² (1979, October). *Périodique de la Maison des femmes Liège*, (1), 2, 4-7; (1979, November). *Ibid*., (2), 10-13. IHOES.</footnote>

<footnote n="23">²³ Brétecher (1980, September). Nevermore. *Périodique de la Maison des femmes de Liège*, (10), 13. IHOES.</footnote>

<footnote n="24">²⁴ Unsigned (1981, February). Le Féminisme, un choix difficile. *Périodique de la Maison des femmes de Liège*, (15), 1-4. IHOES. First published in *Médium-Média* (Québec) in January 1973.</footnote>

<footnote n="25">²⁵ (1981, September). La thérapie des femmes, une pratique alternative ou un nouveau ‘trip’ psy ? *Périodique de la Maison des femmes de Liège*, (21), 7. IHOES.</footnote>

<footnote n="26">²⁶ Hanmer, J. (1981, April). Violence et contrôle social des femmes. *Périodique de la Maison des femmes de Liège*, (18), 2sq. IHOES.</footnote>
*Questions féministes* in a 1977 Emmanuelle de Lesseps translation.<fnref n="27" /> The Liège editorial collective, however, by lack of means, time, cultural capital, or interest, does not seem to have attempted to carry out its own translations, and thus circulated texts which had already been introduced into Francophone feminist circles.<fnref n="28" /> As they did not publish Dutch-speaking feminists, their newsletter relied primarily on linguistic community and Western European feminist intellectual networks, rather than on the by-then federalising Belgian nation-state.<fnref n="29" />

The British newsletters I examined also prioritised circulating anglophone or already translated to English feminist texts, benefiting widely from the development, throughout the 1970s and 1980s, of feminist publishing exemplified by Onlywomen Press (1974), Virago (1976), the Women's Press (1977) or Sheba (1980), along with recurrent International Feminist Book Fairs and Feminist Book Weeks from 1984 onwards (Careless, 2022; Withers, 2021). Alternative paths to publishing and distribution of feminist texts helped shape feminist counterpublics and reading cultures (Delap, 2016) which, in turn, transpired in women's centres newsletters. For instance, the *Exeter Women's Centre Newsletter*, whose archived issues cover the year 1985, contains plans to host Exeter events for the 1985 Feminist Book Week. Its third issue also featured poems from Afro-American womanist 'Alice Walker's fourth book of poetry (the first to be published outside the U.S.). It is available from the Women's Press, price £2.95.'<fnref n="30" /> North American feminist writers also appeared in book review features when they were distributed in the UK: such is the case of Kate Millett's *Sita*, published by Virago in 1977,<fnref n="31" /> while Exeter feminist Michelle McCarthy discussed Jan Clausen's *Sinking, Stealing*, published in Britain by the Women's Press in 1985. McCarthy justified her contribution to the newsletter by having read a bad review in an unnamed Sunday paper, whose 'so-called and no doubt well-paid male literary critic had completely missed all the central issues of the book. So I decided to write a better review myself.'<fnref n="32" />

Here, McCarthy voices one of the reasons feminists put pen to paper to contribute to scarcely read women's centres newsletters: the perceived necessity of countering mainstream media's coverage of feminism. The very same impetus might have driven women living far-away from a centre to subscribe to such a newsletter, despite presumably low interest in the time and day of the centre's weekly business meeting. Rarely limiting themselves to circulating only locally-relevant information, these newsletters often provided an outlet for feminist debate, discussion, and theory, playing a role in disseminating feminist ideas and in encouraging interest in writing, sometimes creative, sometimes theoretical, sometimes more journalistic. Newsletters provided uncensored, occasionally unedited space for women to express themselves, though it meant choosing a more welcoming publication process over large circulation numbers. This often-oppositional relationship to mainstream media and these newsletters' attempts at becoming small-scale countermedia is illustrated by a last-minute addition to the fourteenth issue of *Paris Féministes*, spurred by the editorial collective's reaction to a special issue about women in *Le Monde*, France's main centrist daily newspaper:

> ‘Talk about sexism....!’ We had the opportunity to leaf through issue 105 of ‘Dossiers & Documents’ of the *Le Monde* newspaper (November 83). We found a

<footnote n="27">²⁷ *Ibid.* (1977, November). *Questions féministes*, (1), 68-88. On the British and French collaborations shaping the foundational texts of what later became known as French materialist feminism, see Abreu, 2017.</footnote>

<footnote n="28">²⁸ I have found no evidence in this newsletter of the circulation of writings from francophone African writers.</footnote>

<footnote n="29">²⁹ For a brief discussion of Belgian feminism as shaped by and shaping the federalisation of Belgium after the 1970 state reform and the creation of cultural communities, see Vandaele & Hooghe, 2013, p. 169-170.</footnote>

<footnote n="30">³⁰ (1985, June-July). *Exeter Women's Centre Newsletter*, (3). FAN.</footnote>

<footnote n="31">³¹ (1985, February). *Ibid.*, (1). FAN.</footnote>

<footnote n="32">³² (1985, June-July). *Ibid.*, (3). FAN.</footnote>
dossier entitled ‘Woman in French society’, of which some articles particularly struck us (right in the face!)...... *Le Monde’s* illustrious journalists show us, once again, how talented they are at talking about feminism without understanding anything about it! In short, the ‘dossier’ in question is a perfect example of how the patriarchal system – in this case the media – exploits (when it does not deny) the struggles of the feminist movement. COMING SOON in PARIS FEMINISTES: a dossier on the representation of feminism in the press. Your contributions will of course be welcome.....<fnref n="33" />

Mainstream media, however, could not always be dismissed. When it came to giving coverage to international women's struggles, women's centres newsletters regularly resorted to reproducing articles from the very sources they otherwise disparaged. For instance, in March 1976, the Brussels editorial collective announced its *Bulletin*, formerly a newsletter devoted to publishing accounts of the women's centre's activities, was transitioning to a new approach with general news of women's struggles, reader contributions and 'news of feminist groups in Belgium and abroad'.<fnref n="34" /> To fulfil this promise, it then reproduced articles taken from feminist media, but also from publications such as *Le Monde* regarding Italian and Spanish women's movements.<fnref n="35" /> The use of these articles can be understood as the Brussels women's centre feminists' attempt at counteracting a lack of direct links with these struggles, trying to find means to discuss places and events they found no other way of reaching. Constrained by their local anchor and recurrent lack of funds, feminists in women's centres relied on reuse and reproduction practices to recontextualise news reports, accumulating them to demonstrate both the strength of women's oppression and the vitality of women's movements across borders. This feminist recontextualisation made it possible for a publication such as the *Leeds Women's Centre Newsletter* to reprint news directly taken from *The Sun*, a tabloid described in a feminist periodical, a mere four years later, as 'the most scurrilously right wing of Britain's tabloid press' and 'the self-appointed mouthpiece for the Conservatives' political and cultural prejudices'.<fnref n="36" /> In its December 1986 issue, the *Leeds Women's Centre Newsletter* reused a *Sun* article about Kodak leaving South Africa so as to show this event as 'a tribute to the perseverance of Anti-Apartheid campaigners' and to entice newsletter readers to enquire about 'forthcoming Women's protests and other activities' through Women Against Apartheid, a Leeds-based solidarity group. The *Sun* title, 'Kodak quits South Africa', though reproduced, was superseded by a new militant title, 'Keep up the protests', and the reported news was not left to stand on its own but put in service of growing the women's movement against Apartheid.<fnref n="37" />

International solidarity campaigns played a large role in widening the geographical reach of a given newsletter's coverage outside of its linguistic area, and outside of Western

<footnote n="33">³³ "‘Vous parlez de sexisme.... !’"Nous avons eu l’occasion de feuilleter le No 105 de "Dossiers et Documents" du journal *Le Monde* (novembre 1983). Nous y avons trouvé un dossier intitulé "La femme dans la société française", dont certains articles nous ont particulièrement frappées (plein dans la gueule !).... Les illustres journalistes du *Monde* nous démontrent, encore une fois, leur talent de parler du féminisme sans y comprendre quoi que ce soit ! Bref, le "dossier" en question est un exemple parfait de la façon dont le système patriarcal – dans ce cas les médias – récupère (sinon nie) les luttes du mouvement féministes. PROCHAINEMENT dans PARIS FEMINISTES : Un dossier sur la représentation du féminisme dans la presse. Vos contributions seront bien entendu les bienvenues.....", (1983, 15-30 November). Dernière minute. Paris Féministes, (14), 11. Marguerite Durand Library. Unless otherwise stated, all translations are the author’s.</footnote>

<footnote n="34">³⁴ (1976, March). C'est un début. *Bulletin mensuel de la maison des femmes*, 1. CARHIF.</footnote>

<footnote n="35">³⁵ (1977. January). Dix mille Italiennes dans les rues de Rome pour protester contre ‘la violence masculine’. *Bulletin de la Maison des femmes*, 22; Mouvements féministes en Espagne. *Ibid.*, 23. CARHIF.</footnote>

<footnote n="36">³⁶ Tobin, A. (1990). Lesbianism and the Labour Party: The GLC Experience. *Feminist Review*, (34), 56-66.</footnote>

<footnote n="37">³⁷ (1986, December). Keep up the protests. *Leeds Women's Centre Newsletter*, (2), 2. FAN.</footnote>
Europe and Northern America. In addition to the fight against Apartheid in South Africa, Latin American women's struggles were given a prominent position in feminist coverage of international solidarity campaigns of the 1970s and 1980s, from Chilean exiles' organisation against the Pinochet dictatorship after the 1974 coup to Nicaraguan women's role in the Sandinista revolution after 1979, with a wider interest given to the lives of women under socialist and communist regimes.<fnref n="38" /> From the outset, the Black women's movement in Britain and its periodicals paid particular attention to anticolonial and revolutionary struggles in the Global South, reflecting its origins 'in the radical black movement, rather than the feminist movement' (Thomlinson, 2016b, p. 437) and the membership of many of its founders to Panafrican and anticolonial organisations.<fnref n="39" /> Although from 1979 onwards the creation of Black women's centres could make tensions resurface between those wanting to give priority to international struggles and those advocating organising around domestic concerns (Thomlinson, 2016a, p. 89), most publications stemming from Black women's groups discussed both areas of work. A late example can be found in *In Print*, the newsletter of the Peckham Black women's centre, which gained premises in 1987. In its three issues as a self-described Black women's centre newsletter, it reprinted an article from Isis International's *Women in Action* on women's activism in India, reported on the visit of Heliet Ehlers, a representative of the Women's Secretariat of the Nicaraguan Agricultural Union touring the UK 'with a view in establishing links with Black Women's Centres in Britain', and called for support for South African domestic workers, via a text signed by Mendi Msimang, Chief Representative of the African National Congress in the UK and Ireland.<fnref n="40" /> By the late 1980s, due to 'an increasing level of interaction between Black and white women within the women's movement' (Thomlinson, 2016a, p. 161) and to wider discussions of racism in the movement, several national British feminist publications had turned more visibly towards internationalism and Third Worldism. *Outwrite* (1982-1988), a women's newspaper described by one of its founders as 'a vehicle for an anti-racist and anti-imperialist feminism' (Shah, 2012), exemplified this shift, as did *Spare Rib's* covers of the second-half of the 1980s, which predominantly featured photographs of Global South women (Coppola, 2012, p. 173). Although the mass and breadth of coverage might have been more prominent in Black women's centres newsletters, its methods did not differ drastically from the ones used to discuss international solidarity campaigns in majority-white women's centres newsletters. These methods often included relying on wider solidarity networks which provided their own documentation on which newsletters editorial collectives would rely to produce their own articles, as did the women of Turnhout's women's centre, in Dutch-speaking Belgium, when they transformed two pro-Castro publications into an article on women in Cuba.<fnref n="41" />

In the mid-seventies, the end of Franco's regime in Spain and the Portuguese Carnation revolution had also drawn Western feminists' attention towards the Iberian Peninsula and its possibilities for post-dictatorship radical futures. In that vein, in 1975, Rosa Y. M. reported on her trip to post-revolutionary Lisbon, describing, in the pages of the Brussels women's centre newsletter, a squatted Lisbon women's centre, opened one week before her visit.<fnref n="42" /> Her experience might have inspired the setting up of the Brussels women's centre's travel group, which organised yearly trips to discover what feminism and left-wing

<footnote n="38">³⁸ In a US context, Emily K. Hobson (2016) demonstrates the central role solidarity campaigns with several Latin American causes played for radical lesbian and gay movements of the 1970s and 1980s.</footnote>

<footnote n="39">³⁹ In seventies and eighties Britain, Black women's groups often, though not always, organised around a 'political Blackness' understood as 'a political formation including all those who were the colonised rather than colonisers', and not only people of African descent (Thomlinson, 2016, p. 14). See also Sudbury, 1998 and White, 2022.</footnote>

<footnote n="40">⁴⁰ [ca. 1988, January]. *In Print. Newsletter of Peckham Black Women's Centre*, (5); (1989, Spring). *Ibid.*, (6); (1989, Summer). *Ibid.*, (7). Southwark Local Archives.</footnote>

<footnote n="41">⁴¹ (1978, November). De vrouw in de cubaanse revolutie. 't Frouwke, 1(3), 21-25. AMSAB, Ghent.</footnote>

<footnote n="42">⁴² Y.W., R. (1975, April). Avril au Portugal... en 1975. *Bulletin de la Maison des femmes*. CARHIF. Further discussed by Vochten, 2018, p. 57.</footnote>
politics looked like first in Portugal (1976), then in Bologna and Roma (1977), in post-
Franquist Barcelona (1978), New York (1979), Berlin (both West and East) (1980),
communist Warsaw and Gdansk (1981), and Quebec (1982). Each trip was subsequently
reported on in an issue of the women's centre newsletter.<fnref n="43" /> Thus, the women's centre gained
a practical way of providing its newsletter's readers insights into other women's movements'
preoccupations and modes of actions without relying on the traditional figure of the
permanent press correspondent. These recurrent reports were supplemented by individual
women writing about their own travels, such as when in 1978 Marie Denis, a co-founder of
the Brussels women's centre, visited Paris and subsequently described a short-lived women's
centre on St-Sabin Street, contrasting it to her own women's centre in the pages of the
Brussels *Bulletin*.<fnref n="44" /> International information therefore largely depended on the geographies
of Western-European feminists' travels, and on second-hand, Western-centric accounts of
global women's struggles. Short-term, 'politico-socio-cultural-touristic travel'<fnref n="45" /> thus bore
similar limitations to the lesbian-feminist 'circuits of mobility [...] which drew both on long-
standing imperial and cultural relationships between countries and more recent shared
cultures of feminism' explored by Rebecca Jennings's work on a small group of 'traveling
women' who moved between Australian and Western European rural, separatist women's
lands (2022, p. 91). While these tripes weaved new informational links between Brussels and
international feminists, they did not thoroughly derail the movement's global North focus.
International solidarity campaigns were also able to organise visits for Western allies,
expecting them to be relayed in various left-leaning publications to gather support for the
cause and sometimes diversifying feminist travel geographies. This is how, in its
February/March 1985 issue, *Hen's Own*, the Glasgow Women's Centre newsletter, devoted
several pages to one woman's report on women in Sandinista Nicaragua, following her two
and a half month stay in Nicaragua in the Fall of 1984, presumably organised through the
London-based Nicaraguan Solidarity Campaign Women's Working Party.<fnref n="46" /> However,
contrary to aforementioned reports on feminist trips abroad, this article attempted to more
directly give voice to Nicaraguan women, and did not describe at length its author's concrete
experience in the country. This writing choice encapsulated the author's critique of the
Western feminist urge to observe other women and their movements and, in the same breath,
judge them lacking:

I haven't forgotten [my reluctance about possible male domination of the Sandinista Revolution], or abandoned my feminist position but thanks to the Nicaraguan women I finally listened properly to, I've dropped the Western feminist 'shopping list' of priorities and want to respect their own choice of their own priorities. It's as if Western feminists like myself feel we have a franchise on feminism, so we can hold up Third World Revolutions or liberation movements at arms' length, to see how they score on our check-list — rape, sexual violence, abortion, contraception, lesbianism, — to decide whether to grant or withhold our valuable support. This is not only an arrogant and unsisterly but an imperialist exercise.<fnref n="47" />

<footnote n="43">⁴³ Voyages féministes Folder, CARHIF (VERL 5).</footnote>

<footnote n="44">⁴⁴ Marie (1978, May). Aller à Paris. *Bulletin de la Maison des femmes*, 7-11. CARHIF.</footnote>

<footnote n="45">⁴⁵ ‘*Un voyage politico-socio-culturo-touristique est prévu en Italie à Pâques*’, (1977, March). *Bulletin de la Maison des femmes*, 6. CARHIF.</footnote>

<footnote n="46">⁴⁶ A handwritten note appended to the article provides contacts for women who would ‘want to get involved in Nicaraguan solidarity/agitate/fundraise/go on a women’s brigade to Nicaragua’: it suggests contacting the aforementioned London office, or the Glasgow-based Scottish Medical Aid for Nicaragua. On the effects of Sandinista diplomacy on Western European solidarity activism of the 1980s, and particularly on the centrality of and constraints to information gathering for solidarity committees, see Christiaens, 2014.</footnote>

<footnote n="47">⁴⁷ Luce (1985, February/March). Women in Nicaragua. *Hen's Own*. FAN.</footnote>
Starting out covering another country's women's movement in the pages of a women's centre newsletter, the author comes to question the inadequate attention given to power differentials in feminist periodicals' handling of international issues. Her article thus attempts to provide a counter-discourse to prevailing modes of Western European feminist mediatisation of Global South liberation struggles. Moreover, it questions the very tools those small-scale publications used to transnationalise their reports, asking whose voices were amplified and represented when editorial collectives used any means necessary to make international news appear on the pages of their local paper. Calling into question the possibilities of travel writing in fostering genuine, productive political solidarity, this Glasgwegian contribution serves to highlight how the Western European feminist imagination, as it appeared on the pages of women's centres newsletters, was shaped by language, Western Eurocentric networks, and global inequalities of power.

## Conclusion

Women's centres were translocal projects, informed by borrowings and exchanges of ideas, people, organisational models and, often, print media. Their newsletters can be read as the interface between a centre's anchoring in a local context and the women's movement's internationalist perspectives and ambitions. While Anglophone feminists could look towards newspapers and magazines such as *Spare Rib, Off Our Backs* or *Outwrite* to get their fill of international feminist news, French speakers had comparatively fewer choices.<fnref n="48" /> This relative paucity, as well as the small number of contemporaneous women's centres in the French and Belgian capitals compared to London, might explain why both Brussel's *Bulletin de la Maison des femmes* (1975-1982) and *Paris Féministes* (1983-1996) displayed open ambitions of transforming what started as a local newsletter into a far-reaching feminist newspaper. Yet even avowedly local newsletters carried traces of the boundary-crossing nature of the women's movement, relying on the wider 'Women in Print' movement to facilitate the reproduction, reuse, translation and circulation of international printed material. They also looked towards mainstream media, a world in need of feminist intervention which nonetheless provided small ways to bring about a more global women's movement, to have it come alive inside their pages and their centres, if not always in actual encounters. International solidarity campaigns, with their own information-sharing practices, underpinned much of the attempts to look outside the West. By focusing on the modest local newsletter, the story of transnational feminisms becomes a story of makeshift editorial practices, internationalist ambitions, and the limits of boundary-crossing when confronted with lack of means and inequalities of power.

## Acknowledgements

I would like to thank the German Historical Institute in London's Medialization and Empowerment team for welcoming an early version of this paper at their last conference. I am also indebted to the generous comments and feedback provided, at various stages of writing, by members of the European History across Boundaries follow-up workshop, by Erin Geraghty, Christian Jacobs, Anna Nasser and Charlotte Oakes, by the anonymous reviewers, as well as by Eloïse Forestier and Anna Nordenstam.

## Declaration of conflict of interest

The author declares no conflict of interest.

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