# Archaeology of an Early Colonial Building on the Northern Frontier of Mesoamerica

Karine Lefebvre, Maria José Negrete Reyes, Aurélie Manin, Maria Lizeth

Hernández Velázquez, Isaac Barrientos Juárez

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Karine Lefebvre, Maria José Negrete Reyes, Aurélie Manin, Maria Lizeth Hernández Velázquez, Isaac Barrientos Juárez. Archaeology of an Early Colonial Building on the Northern Frontier of Mesoamerica. International Journal of Historical Archaeology, 2025, 10.1007/s10761-025-00798-2. hal-05291640

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# Archaeology of an Early Colonial Building on the Northern Frontier of Mesoamerica

Karine Lefebvre¹ ID · Maria José Negrete Reyes² ID · Aurélie Manin³ ID · Maria Lizeth Hernández Velázquez² ID · Isaac Barrientos Juárez⁴ ID

Accepted: 21 July 2025
© The Author(s) 2025

## Abstract

During the colonization of the Americas, the Europeans have experienced multiple socioenvironmental contexts that lead them to develop different settlement strategies. The Spanish conquistadors' spread toward the vast territories located north of the agrarian lands of Mesoamerica had to adapt to a new context. The resistance of seminomadic hunter-gatherer populations to the European advance challenged the establishment of permanent settlements and set up an agropastoral territory. Based on the analysis of archaeological (field archaeology, ceramics, zooarchaeology) and geohistorical data, this article presents the study of PA1-Cerrito de Tres Mezquites, a fortified and isolated building associated with the Spanish world and identified as a *venta* (inn) dated to the late sixteenth century. The construction system of this building can be linked to the warlike context that accompanied the process of advancement and colonization of the *Chichimeca* region. Our study indicates that this building was part of the larger mining socioeconomic system. It played a fundamental role as a commercial node that contributed to spread the Hispanic culture to rural areas far from the major urban centers, to include them in an intercontinental network of long-distance exchanges. But the shift of the frontier to more northerly latitudes in the early seventeenth century, and the limitations imposed by the marshy environment in which the site was established, likely led to a change in its function. In conclusion, this study shows the Spanish rapid adaptive behavior and reuse of the building inherent in getting to know a new space and taking possession of it.

**Keywords** Spanish colonization · Globalization · Spanish colonial architecture · European livestock · Novohispanic landscape

## Resumen

Durante la colonización de las Américas, los europeos experimentaron múltiples contextos socioambientales que les llevaron a desarrollar diferentes estrategias de

<footnote>Extended author information available on the last page of the article</footnote>
asentamiento. La expansión de los conquistadores españoles hacia los vastos territorios situados al norte de las tierras agrarias de Mesoamérica tuvo que adaptarse a un nuevo contexto. La resistencia de las poblaciones seminómadas cazadoras-recolectoras al avance europeo desafió el establecimiento de asentamientos permanentes y la configuración de un territorio agropastoril. A partir del análisis de datos arqueológicos (arqueología de campo, cerámica, zooarqueología) y geohistóricos, este artículo presenta el estudio de PA1-Cerrito de Tres Mezquites, un edificio fortificado y aislado asociado al mundo hispánico e identificado como una venta fechada de finales del siglo XVI. El sistema constructivo de este edificio puede vincularse con el contexto bélico que acompañó el proceso de avance y colonización de la región *chichimeca*. Nuestro estudio indica que este edificio formó parte de un sistema socioeconómico minero más amplio. Desempeñó un papel fundamental como nodo comercial que contribuyó a difundir la cultura hispánica a zonas rurales alejadas de los grandes centros urbanos, para incluirlas en una red intercontinental de intercambios a larga distancia. Pero el desplazamiento de la frontera hacia latitudes más septentrionales a principios del siglo XVII, y las limitaciones impuestas por el entorno pantanoso en el que se asentó el sitio, provocaron probablemente un cambio en su función. En conclusión, este estudio muestra el rápido comportamiento español de adaptación y reutilización del edificio inherente al conocimiento de un nuevo espacio y a la toma de posesión del mismo.

**Palabras Clave** Colonización española · Globalización · Arquitectura colonial española · Ganadería europea · Paisaje novohispano

## Introduction

The European colonization of the Americas has involved multiple processes of landscape transformations and societies as settlers were taking possession of these new lands. In the case of the Spanish empire, various studies have highlighted the structuring role of certain practices in the colonization process. However, historiographical debates on the degree of rigidity of the colonial model remain open. Some authors question the idea of an expansion structured according to an inflexible model. Deagan (2003) argues that, although the Spanish imperial project was initially structured around a planned settlement pattern, this scheme suffered from adaptations in the face of local environmental and social realities. These constraints would have led to transformations in the way space was originally conceived and occupied. Complementing this approach, Musset (2011) explains that settlement patterns may have been profoundly transformed by various factors, such as the economy (e.g., the exhaustion of metalliferous veins), the identification of locations deemed unhealthy or exposed to natural disasters, and safety imperatives (e.g., the vulnerability of certain sites to pirate attack, or the resistance of Indigenous populations). These constraints led to the relocation, or even the abandonment, of several hundreds of settlements across Spanish America.

Most research has focused on urban centers, leaving other forms of settlement in the shadows. What about nonurban settlements? How did colonial societies appropri-

<figure><img src="image_3.png" /></figure>
ate the land in rural areas? And, how did they handle an unfamiliar environment and
a constantly changing political context?

Here, we present the study of an archaeological site dated to the first century of
the colonial period (from the last decades of the sixteenth to the first decades of the
seventeenth centuries), located in the alluvial plain of the Lerma River: PA1-Cerrito
de Tres Mezquites. Our research contributes to overcoming the lack of archaeologi-
cal information from the colonial period, especially from the northern regions. This
settlement, which was only occupied for a short period, provides new insights into
the processes surrounding the spread of Spanish conquistadors into the northern ter-
ritories. In fact, we hypothesize that, far from being a linear process, the Hispanic
spread into these territories corresponded to a series of experimentations and adapta-
tions, inherent in the learning and occupation of a new space.

In this sense, the aim of this paper is to describe the PA1-Cerrito de Tres Mezquites site and the archaeological remains found there. We examine the factors that have influenced its nature and the way in which it has been transformed, adapting to the change of situation caused by the pacification of the area, the shifting of the frontier to the north, and environmental constraints.

New Spain and the Colonization of the Septentrion

After the fall of Tenochtitlán, the capital of the Mexicas, in 1521, the Spanish con-
quistadors continued the colonization and subjugation of local populations through
various expeditions. To ensure their dominance, their attention was initially focused
on the former Mesoamerican territories, as evidenced by the conquest of the ancient
Tarascan territory beginning in 1522 (Warren 1977). New expeditions of explora-
tion and conquest soon followed (Gerhard 1996), and from the middle of the six-
teenth century, the northern territories were amongst the main centers of interest.
The term “Mesoamerican territories” refers to the High plateaux, and central and
southern regions of present-day Mexico. Historically, this cultural area was char-
acterized by the presence of complex sedentary societies. In contrast, the northern
territories, referred to as the *Gran Chichimeca* during the sixteenth century, allude to
frontier areas inhabited by nomadic or seminomadic hunter-gatherers, gathered in the
colonial times under the pejorative and generic name of “Chichimecas.” This term
brought together different populations (Guamares, Guachichiles, Pames, among oth-
ers) who shared the characteristic of being organized in small mobile groups. Their
resistance to submit to colonial rule challenged the spread of the Spanish coloniza-
tion project and led to the so-called *Chichimeca War* between 1550 and 1590. At the
beginning of the sixteenth century, the limit between these two cultural areas cor-
responded to the northern part of the actual state of Michoacán. During this period,
Indigenous groups defended their lands through strategic attacks on colonial infra-
structures, including settlements and roaming European livestock. This tense context
and the constant clashes earned the nomads the labels of “barbarians,” “savages,” and
“warriors” (Powell 1977).

The progression of the settlers in these new regions was initially slow. But the
discovery of the Zacatecas mines in 1548, followed by the mines of Guanajuato in
1554 accelerated the pace of exploration and settlement by the colonists, particularly
metal prospectors (Sheridan 2015). In these northern territories, the Spanish invasion
had a considerable impact on the pre-Hispanic world, the organization of societies,
and the landscapes in which they developed. The colonial system imposed a recon-
figuration of the space in order to control Indigenous populations - both displaced
Mesoamericans and those forcibly sedentarized. This reorganization also aimed to
develop agricultural production to serve the New Spain's economic activity and to
mark the Spanish presence. Thus, colonization was accompanied by the construction
of roads linking settlements, towns, convents, trading centers, lodges, etc. Due to
the sociomilitary context mentioned above, this enterprise took very different forms
from those carried out in the southern territories. In order to cope with the resistance
of the local population, much activity involved the building of fortified houses and
*presidios* – or garrisons – (Arnal 1995; Cisneros 1998; Gerhard 1996; Powell 1977;
Williams 2004). In the late 1580s, the religious A. de Ciudad Real (1993 [1584–89])
emphasized the frequency of attacks against religious buildings in Acámbaro, Zin-
apécuaro, and Yuririapúndaro, which led to the construction of fortified convents
in these three settlements. Chevalier (1976) also mentions the existence of fortified
granaries in the Bajío between the mid-sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries,
designed to protect crops as well as the inhabitants from the nomadic opposition.
The economic development of the region also influenced the colonization process.
The exploitation of “new territories” and their resources was both an objective and
an instrument of colonization. The region, abandoned by sedentary populations for
several centuries (Braniff 1994), and therefore lacking active agricultural facilities,
especially irrigation systems, initially favored the introduction of animal husbandry
(Brand 1961; Lefebvre 2018). European herds were introduced by the conquistadors
and intensified from the 1540s to 1550s, when Viceroy Antonio de Mendoza encour-
aged the expansion of this activity in the northern plains (Ruiz 1991). Agriculture
then developed progressively from the 1560s.

Finally, the creation of wagon roads to the emerging mining centers was essen-
tial for the supply of labor force and food. Food, in particular, came initially from
the former Mesoamerican territories, where pre-existing agricultural structures were
exploited, and later from the emerging agricultural areas in the Septentrion (Lefe-
bvre 2018). An extended set of research had been carried out on colonization pro-
cesses in northern Mexico (Cisneros 1998; Elías 2014; Gerhard 1986, 1996; Navarro
2020; Powell 1977; Puig 2022; Sheridan 2015), mainly been based on the analysis
of historical, written, and/or cartographic data produced by the important Novohis-
panic administrative apparatus. Yet, the process remains largely overlooked from an
archaeological point of view. Historical archaeology excavations have been mostly
conducted in cities, taking advantage of transportation-related works and other
urban arrangements (Hernández Pons 2000; López and Pulido 2014; Matos Moct-
ezuma 2003; Fournier Garcia 2021). The very small windows opened on these occa-
sions provide valuable but fragmentary information. On the contrary, rural areas offer
the possibility of opening extensive excavations and better appreciate their integra-
tion in the environment.

In the modern Mexican states that correspond to the historical territory of the Sep-
tentrion, very few archaeological projects dealing with this period have been carried
out. Analysis of the landscape by geographers or historical research have revealed

<figure><img src="image_4.png" /></figure>
ancient architectural remains, sometimes dated to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries that were mentioned or even illustrated in historical documentation (e.g., Ramirez 2022). Few of these have been the topic of a detailed study of their own but there seem to be an emerging interest in defensive structures that has led to research in Nueva Vizcaya and Nuevo León on *presidios* dated to the seventeenth century, such as San Francisco de Conchos (Cramaussel and Rosales 2019) or San Pedro del Gallo (Cramaussel and Carrillo 2018).

## Site Description and Background

The PA1-Cerrito de Tres Mezquites archaeological site is located in Tres Mezquites, in the municipality of José Sixto Verduzco, in northern Michoacán, Mexico, only 200 m south of the current Lerma River bed (Fig. 1). The area is currently used for agriculture.

Although the site had been inventoried by the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH, registry number 004, map F 14-C-82, INAH Register of Monuments and Archaeological Zones) – a process during which the architectural remains visible on the surface were documented – it had not been the subject of any specific study until the work carried out in 2012 and again in 2016 by the Tres Mezquites archaeological project (Castañeda et al. 2020). The 2016 excavations revealed at least five phases of pre-Hispanic occupation, corresponding to the Terminal Preclassic (100–200 CE), Classic (200–600/650 CE), and Epiclassic (600/650–950 CE), among which several episodes of prolonged flooding, which lay down important alluvial deposits, were recorded. During the same field season, a surface survey around the mound revealed the presence of ceramic material dated to the early colonial period (Castañeda et al. 2020). Thus, after an interruption of six centuries, during which the area does not appear to have been occupied, or even frequented, the sector was reoccupied during the first century of the European irruption, marking the Hispanic

<figure><img src="image_5.png" /><figcaption>**Fig. 1** Location of the PA1-Cerrito de Tres Mezquites archaeological site in the geographical context of the sixteenth century</figcaption></figure>
advance toward the north. The location was subjected to the encomienda of Puruándiro, granted to the conquistador Juan de Villaseñor y Orozco in 1524 (Piñon 1984).

In this context, an isolated colonial building was built on the ancient pre-Hispanic settlement, to the north of the monumental structure. On the surface, the colonial occupation is only evidenced by the presence of artifacts: fragments of domestic and glazed pottery, animal bones of European origin, a few fragments of iron and glass, as well as a large number of angular stone blocks with traces of shallow carving, and scattered slabs. In the first instance, no preserved architectural remains were observed, nor was any topographic deformation corresponding to the structure of interest.

## Methodology

In 2018, systematic surveys were carried out throughout the entire agricultural plot in which colonial materials were identified. It aimed at precisely delimiting the area of the colonial occupation and selecting the best location for exploratory probes to determine the nature and state of conservation of the remains.

These operations revealed the exceptional nature of the archaeological remains and led to extensive excavations between 2019 and 2024. These excavations were carried out by stratigraphic units (SUs), corresponding to natural phenomena and anthropogenic events (in the case of construction fills or architectural elements; Harris 1989). The excavation area was subdivided by a 2×2 m square grid. In addition, all the excavated sediment was sieved through a 5 mm mesh. Thus, the material was collected systematically, recording its location by quadrants and SUs. Architectural features, infrastructure, and open spaces were analyzed in relation to the site's stratigraphy. The spatial organization of the remains was related to the artifacts and ecofacts, their laboratory study, and archive investigation.

In this paper, we focus on the general description of the building, the categorization of artifacts, and the paleoenvironmental reconstruction. The richness of the material found will lead to the production of specialized articles in various disciplinary fields.

The laboratory phase focused mainly on the study of the ceramic material and faunal remains. Ceramic classification was based on the description of the modal attributes of the surface finish, paste, decoration, shape, and the part of the vessel to which it belonged. Reference was made to the typological criteria designated for pre-established ceramic types in other ceramic collections from central western Mexico. The archaeozoological analysis consisted of the taxonomic and anatomical identification of the remains, observation of taphonomic traces, identification of the age and sex of the animals, the taking of osteometric measurements and, finally, quantification of the remains, with three main units: the Number of Identified Specimens (NISP), the Minimum Number of Elements (NME), and the Minimum Number of Individuals (NMI).

In parallel with the field and laboratory work, documentary work was carried out on various archival collections. The most relevant documents are the records of royal donations preserved in the Mercedes branch of the Archivo General de la
Nación (AGN, Mexico City). These administrative documents, produced during the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, provide not only a picture of the territory's occupation but also of the ancient landscapes, through the description of its main elements and the toponymic register. The cartographic collections of the Manuel Orozco y Berra Map Collection (Mexico City) was consulted in order to trace landscape elements, such as ancient bodies of water, now dried up. This information was corroborated by remote sensing analysis, based on the processing of aerial orthophotos and topographic and geological maps obtained through the online portal of the Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía (INEGI) in Mexico. It allowed us to delimit more precisely the extent of the former lagoons and marshes mentioned in the historical documentation. All the information collected during the fieldwork and the documentary phase was processed and georeferenced using GIS software (ARCGIS, version 10.8) and related to the INEGI vector and raster data, enabling a more reliable interpretation of the historic landscape to be obtained, thus providing a clearer context for interpretation.

## Excavation of the Colonial Settlement

Our fieldwork identified the remains of a large and complex colonial building, typical in the archaeological panorama of New Spain. This construction occupies at least 370 m², based on the area we explored; however, as its eastern limit has not been located yet, it is likely to be much larger (Fig. 2).

The colonial building is directly adjacent to the previously identified pre-Hispanic platform (Castañeda et al. 2020), causing repercussions for the preservation of earlier remains. The archaeological window opened by the excavation revealed three spaces showing different architectural characteristics that probably evidence distinct functional characteristics that are detailed below (Fig. 3). The first area (here after “Space 1”) corresponds to a rectangular area, with a north-south orientation, measuring 15.5 m². Immediately east of this space, a second area (hereafter “Space 2”) currently measures approximately 120 m², but it is likely larger as its eastern wall has not yet been uncovered. A third area (hereafter “Space 3”), located in the northwest-ern corner of Space 1, is defined as a small circular space of approximately 3.6 m in diameter (intramural).

## Space 1: A Cobbled Courtyard

Space 1 was identified as a courtyard, bounded by stone walls on four sides. Although these walls have only been preserved to a low height (one to three courses maximum), their constructive qualities are remarkable. On the east, north, and west sides, are double walls with a width of approximately 1.20 m. They are composed of medium-size modulus basalt blocks (20 to 35 cm long), with a relatively flat face on the inner and outer walls, while their dense fill consists of unworked angular stones and slabs bound with clayey mortar. The excavation of various exploratory probes revealed that, in the northern part of the building, the east, north, and west walls rest on a row of foundations made up of larger blocks (60 cm long and up to 30 cm wide) (Fig. 4a). In the southern sector, however, the walls rest directly on the occupation
<figure><img src="image_6.png" /><figcaption>**Fig. 2** Extension of the excavations. Image edited from the orthophotographies taken over field seasons 2018 to 2024</figcaption></figure>

level or, in certain areas where there were irregularities in the ground, a small trench was dug, reaching a maximum of 20 cm, in which the wall was burried. Thus, while in the northern sector the stability of the structure is reinforced by the presence of the foundations and the great width of the walls, in the southern sector, it is the construction system of the walls that provides this role.

Unlike the other walls, the southern wall is more complex. The external side was built into a shallow trench in the pre-Hispanic platform, while the northern wall (interior of Space 1) is made up of a simple wall, composed of flagstones and angular stones. These two walls were filled with very fine clayey silt. The complexity of the

<figure><img src="image_7.png" /></figure>
<figure><img src="image_8.png" /><figcaption>Fig. 3 Plan of the colonial structure in the site of PA1 (2018–24 excavation seasons)</figcaption></figure>

wall and its great width (up to 95 cm) were likely intended to create a framework large enough to contain the pressure exerted by the fill of the pre-Hispanic platform.

Inside, Space 1 is mainly characterized by its cobblestone floor, composed of intentionally fragmented flagstones (approximately 10×2 cm), placed vertically against each other and joined with clay mortar, creating a very firm floor (Fig. 4b).

The flagstones used for the construction of this floor probably belonged to the pre-Hispanic structure, as flagstones with the same characteristics were observed
<figure><img src="image_9.png" /><figcaption>**Fig. 4** Details of the architectural elements : (a) foundation (east wall of Space 1); (b) cobblestone floor (Space 1); (c) junction of cobblestone floor and east bench (space 1); (d) postholes in cobblestone floor (the grid corresponds to squares of 2 m X 2 m)</figcaption></figure>

around the mound. Although the construction system of the cobblestones is similar throughout the space, the arrangement of the slabs is not homogeneous throughout the surface, making it possible to highlight a refurbishment area in the central part measuring almost 12 m². The northern and southern sections of the space are characterized by the homogeneity of their construction system, the arrangement of the stones (which have a general north-south orientation), and the great care taken in the work. The central part of the space, in turn, has a more random and rougher layout, with no specific orientation of the paving stones. It has not been possible to determine the cause and date of this repair, but there is no doubt that, after being lifted, the cobblestone floor was rebuilt using the same construction material.

Conversely, two possible postholes (approximately 25 cm in diameter) were recorded in the paved ground (see Fig. 4d). The first one is located in the northern part of the cobblestone floor and the second one in its middle part. It was not possible to define the function of these two fittings, but it could be inferred that they served as a support for a roof or light cover. They could have also been part of a mechanism or infrastructure for a specific (yet, unknown) activity. Subsequently, after an undetermined period of time these pits were coarsely filled with stones and a clayey silt

<figure><img src="image_10.png" /></figure>
sediment. Their clogging indicates a remodeling of the space or a change of function, subsequent to the refurbishment of the floor.

Along the south, east, and west walls, low benches were identified (approximately 6 cm high in relation to the interior floor) covered with horizontally arranged slabs, marking the circulation level (see Fig. 4c). These fit-outs are relatively narrow on the east and west sides (80 cm), but on the south side they are wider by 2.70 m.

In the southwest corner of the space, there is a 1.5 m² box. The function of this structure could not be identified with certainty. Despite the absence of a hydraulic mortar, the use of clay, whose water-repellent properties are high, could indicate its use as a basin.

Space 1 shows no evidence of access from the outside (via the perimeter wall); however, in its southern portion, the western wall and associated bench have been significantly altered, causing it to be interrupted by a distance of 3 m.

Nonetheless, the wall does not mark a clear boundary that could be identified as a door frame, which, given the width and care taken with the wall, should be associated with the presence of a carved block of significant size. Therefore, while this space could easily be associated with an access, the material evidence does not allow us to affirm this.

## Space 2: The Main Room

Space 2 is located immediately to the east of Space 1, aligned on an east-west axis. It is bounded by three walls, to the west, north, and south, but despite the large extension of the excavation, we did not find the eastern wall. It is therefore impossible to know the exact dimensions of the room. The north wall disappears to the east, just where a slight natural elevation begins; therefore, the archaeological remains, being higher, have been more affected by agricultural works. So far, the space delimited by the three walls represents an area of more than 200m², which allows us to consider this space as the main room.

Space 2 is probably the most disturbed. Following the excavation of stratigraphic units disturbed by agricultural machinery, a layer of horizontally arranged medium-sized modulus (approximately 25 cm) flagstones was recorded, identified as a cobbled floor (Fig. 5). The cobbles were only found in small portions in the exposed area; moreover, the state of preservation of this floor did not allow us to perceive the presence (if any) of the joining mortar. Numerous flagstones were found on the surface, ahead of the excavation, and in the plough layers, and it is likely that, over the years, agricultural machines have loosened this floor, which is only 45 cm below the present surface (in comparison, the flooring of Space 1 was recorded 3–5 cm deeper). The presence of these accumulations of removed flagstone, in no apparent order (mainly in the quadrants where the cobblestones have not been preserved), suggests that this type of floor covered the entire room. This architectural feature, although observed in fragmentary form, demonstrates that the floor of this space was also carefully arranged, with raw material comparable to that used in the courtyard (Space 1), although with a different pattern. The flagstones rest on a fairly compact, fine-textured stratigraphic unit, identified as a preparatory layer for the laying of the floor.
<figure><img src="image_11.png" /><figcaption>Fig. 5 (a) Preserved cobblestone floor (Space 2); (b) Damaged cobblestone floor (Space 2)</figcaption></figure>

The extreme deterioration of this area has also had other consequences: we think that this space corresponded to a roofed area; however, due to the dimensions of the room, a roof would have been impossible without intermediate supports. To date, no postholes have been identified that could have supported a possible roof or first floor. Although the use of lightweight structures cannot be ruled out, this factor remains a question mark. Finally, an opening of approximately 1.2 m was located in the south-ern part of the wall, identified as the access between the courtyard (Space 1) and the main room (Space 2).

## Space 3: The Tower

In the northwest corner of the courtyard, another area was identified, recorded as Space 3, accessed by a single entry from the yard, barely 80 cm wide. Space 3 cor-responds to a small circular room with an internal diameter of approximately 3.60 m, enclosed by a 1 m wide perimeter wall. This wall is similar to the walls described above, and in particular to the north and west walls of the cobbled yard, with which it connects.

Unlike the courtyard, the interior of this circular room consists of a rammed earth floor, composed of a sandy silt sediment. The fact that only one or two courses of the wall have been preserved meant that we were unable to identify any closing system for the entrance. Similarly, the alteration of the floor at the level of the access made it impossible to understand how the floors of the yard and this space, which are of a different nature, were joined together.

No fittings were identified to help us determine the exact function of Space 3; nevertheless, some attributes could be highlighted. Firstly, the small area it represents (approximately 10 m²) and the width of the perimeter wall suggest that the structure was relatively tall. The significant alteration of the walls, which left little elevation, and the dismantling of the collapses, in order to free up the agricultural area and use the stones as building material in nearby settlements, make it impossible to propose a height for the building; however, we can surmise that it could have reached 1 to
2 storeys high. Unfortunately, despite the fact that the floor has been well preserved over the entire surface of Space 3, the excavation did not reveal any architectural elements that would indicate a possible first floor. This would imply that access was from outside (a *tapanco* or curtain running along the north wall of the yard), or a mobile system from the ground floor of this circular room. Secondly, its position on the north side of the building would have provided a strategic view of the Lerma River and the vast northern plains. These elements allow us to hypothesize that it was a tower, intended to watch the nomadic territories during the process of colonization.

## Sumptuous and Singular Material

This archaeological site stands out not only for its monumental architecture, but also for the associated material, which is sumptuous and totally atypical considering the relatively small size of the building, its isolated character, and its location in a rural environment, particularly as it borders the *Septentrion*. These results lead us to examine the site's role in the early colonial period, in particular its possible function as an inn along regional trade routes.

The ceramic analysis, based on 14,273 sherds (7,580 Minimum Number of Individuals, MNI) found during successive seasons (from 2018 to 2023) reveals a remarkable diversity. Only the types identified as associated with the early colonial occupation so far will be discussed (1,262 MNI).

The production linked to the colonial period is clearly the most represented in the corpus (approximately 85%). In particular, we find domestic ceramic types (utilitarian) (21,5% of the colonial assemblage), identified as the result of the pre-Hispanic tradition evolution in the Zacapu region (Michoacán), among which those associated with the Zacapu group stand out: *Zacapu Pulido* (10,4% of the colonial assemblage) and *Zacapu Tosco* (10% also) (Fig. 6). In contrast, a large number of glazed ceramic types (associated with service wares, 78,5%) were recorded, showing a diversity of origins.

Specifically, we have recorded the types designated by Fournier and Blackman (2007) as *pseudomayolica: Romita Sgraffito* (25.9%) and *Romita Liso* (21.4%) (Fig. 7), whose workshops have been identified in Tzintzuntzan, in the Pátzcuaro basin, Michoacán (Punzo and Valdés 2017), ca. 100 km south of the site studied here; and foreign types (Fig. 8), coming mainly from the region of Puebla or Mexico City, such as *San Agustin Azul sobre Blanco* (0.1%) (Deagan 1987; Goggin 1968; Lister and Lister 1982), *Ciudad de México Verde sobre Crema* (0,2%) (Deagan 1987; Lister and Lister 1982); or unglazed ceramics from the pre-Hispanic tradition associated with Central Mexico, such as *Alisado y Pulido con incrustación de cuarzo* (1.8%); *Alisado Sellado* (1.4%) o *Negro sobre Anaranjado Colonial Temprano* (0.1%), from the *Azteca IV Tardío* tradition (Hernández 2010).

Finally, other types come from more distant, overseas areas, such as fragments of porcelain vessels (China, 0.3%), *Ligurian Blue on Blue* (Italy, 0.4%) (Deagan 2002: 70; Goggin 1968; Lister and Lister 1982: 72), and *Botijas* (Spain, although some were possibly manufactured in New Spain, 2.5%) (Fig. 9). In addition to their likely European provenance, the latter are particularly interesting, since they served as containers for transporting oil or wine (Goggin 1968; Deagan 2002). This implies not
Colonial unglazed ceramics associated to the region

<figure><img src="image_12.png" /><figcaption>**Zacapu Tosco**
PA-1 | UE196 | UT43 | 2022</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_13.png" /><figcaption>**Plato Zacapu**
PA-1 | UE242 | UT43 | 2022</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_14.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_15.png" /><figcaption>**Malpaís Polícromo colonial**
PA-1 | UE171 | UT43 | 2019/2023</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_16.png" /><figcaption>**Zacapu Pulido**
PA-1 | UE196 | UT43 | 2022</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_17.png" /></figure>

Colonial unglazed ceramics associated with central Mexico

<figure><img src="image_18.png" /><figcaption>**Alisado con Sello**
PA-1 | UE196 | UT43 | 2019</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_19.png" /><figcaption>**Negro sobre Naranja Azteca tardío**
PA-1 | UE196 | UT43 | 2022</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_20.png" /><figcaption>**Alisado y Pulido con incrustación**
PA-1 | UE238 | UT43 | 2022</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_21.png" /><figcaption>Fig. 6 Types of local domestic ceramics found at site PA1</figcaption></figure>

only to the long-distance exchange of material goods (vessels) but also of foodstuffs, mainly destined to an elite of the population, particularly the Spanish colonists.

This corpus forms a temporally coherent whole, located between the second half of the sixteenth century and the beginning of the seventeenth century, which marks

<figure><img src="image_22.png" /></figure>
## Romita Plain

PA-1 | UT43 | UE239 | 2023

<figure><img src="image_23.png" /></figure>

PA-1 | UT43 | UE196 | 2022

<figure><img src="image_24.png" /></figure>

## Romita Sgraffito

PA-1 | UT43 | UE242 | 2023

<figure><img src="image_25.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_26.png" /></figure>

PA-1 | UT43 | UE171 | 2022

<figure><img src="image_27.png" /><figcaption>**Fig. 7** Types of regional *pseudomayolica* ceramics found at site PA1</figcaption></figure>

the main phase of the building's occupation. In addition, it demonstrates the presence of trade markers over more or less long distances, not only locally (the heart of the Michoacán province), but also from other regions of New Spain, and even from other continents.
Glazed ceramic

PA-1 | UT43 | UE171 | 2022

<figure><img src="image_28.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_29.png" /></figure>

Puebla azul sobre
blanco variante
con negro

PA-1 | UT43 | UE171 | 2019

<figure><img src="image_30.png" /></figure>

Mayólica blanca

PA-1 | UT43 | UE171 | 2019

<figure><img src="image_31.png" /></figure>

Ciudad de México
verde sobre crema

PA-1 | UT43 | UE171 | 2022

<figure><img src="image_32.png" /><figcaption>Fig. 8 Types of novohipanics ceramics found at site PA1</figcaption></figure>

The site is characterized not only by the presence of diverse ceramic types, but also by the occurrence of numerous metal artifacts. During the five excavation seasons, a variety of metal fragments were recovered, though difficult to identify due to their oxidized state, including 180 iron nails (mainly used for carpentry and ironwork), one bronze nail (probably used for upholstery), two chain fragments, 35 wire ends, 19 iron and 1 bronze plate fragments, 61 unidentified iron fragments, a horseshoe, a belt buckle, a spur and ironwork debris, a bronze ring, as well as a four *reales* silver coin. We also found glass fragments and several fragments of figurines (heads and torsos) in a European style, representing female madonnas and male religious figures.

A Restructuring of the Space

Despite the care given to the construction and the human investment it entailed, the building underwent a major remodeling, seemingly associated with a change of function. The first change concerns the relationship between the courtyard and the main room. In its southern portion, the separation wall shows a strong alteration of anthropic origin – it was dismantled down to its foundations, possibly to widen the access between the two spaces. This destruction is not the result of a modern action aimed at freeing up the agricultural surface, since it is associated with the installation of a (probable) drainage channel (Figs. 10 and 11). One of the edges of this drainage channel has been formed of stones from the wall on which it rests, while the dismantling of the wall led to the installation of an adobe structure on the other edge. This adobe remodeling fills the empty space left by the obliteration of the wall, to form a perfectly vertical border. The floor is made up of flagstones, more or less well laid out and resting directly on the remains of the eastern wall of the courtyard. Despite the upper part of the wall having been dismantled, a last course was found preserved

<figure><img src="image_33.png" /></figure>
**Chinese porcelain**
PA-1 | UT43 | 2022/2023

<figure><img src="image_34.png" /></figure>

**Ligurian azul sobre azul**
PA-1 | UT43 | 2019

<figure><img src="image_35.png" /></figure>

**Botijas**
PA-1 | UT43 | 2019

<figure><img src="image_36.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_37.png" /><figcaption>Fig. 9 Types of long-distance imported ceramics found at site PA1</figcaption></figure>

underneath the drain. The drainage channel is “lost” in the pavement, as no further refurbishment is visible. The exact function of this fitting out remains unclear; however, it can be affirmed that this remodeling took place during a second occupation phase, after the southern part of the east wall had been dismantled.

Secondly, and probably associated with this transformation of the space, it is worth noting the placement of six combustion areas, scattered throughout the main room (Space 2). These are mainly small hearths resting on the cobble preparation layer, three of which correspond to surface patches of charcoal and ash accompanied by fragments of charred wood. Two others have slightly more intrusive arrangements (Fig. 12, also see Fig. 10). The first combustion area was irregular in shape, 40 cm wide by 55 cm long; the pit has a maximum depth of 28 cm, within which large charcoal fragments, ceramic and animal bone fragments, as well as small cobbles and flagstones about 10 cm long, covered the bottom. The second was similar in size (length 50 cm, width 48 cm) but shallower, as the pit was only 12 cm deep. At its base, there were small flagstones and a *mano* fragment that was deposited on purpose to delimit the pit. Both hearths contained a good quantity of charcoal and bones.
<figure><img src="image_38.png" /><figcaption>Fig. 10 Remodeling associated with the second phase of colonial occupation</figcaption></figure>

Finally, one of the hearths, outstanding because of its size, had been placed in the northwest part of the main room, against the west wall. It was 1 m long (north–south) over 55 cm wide (east–west) and marks a slight pit 6 cm deep; it was delimited by some angular stones and flagstones, which showed traces of heating. On the surface, concentrations of charcoal and ash flecks were found.

The size, arrangement and dispersion of the hearths within the main room does not correspond to fireplaces, but rather to small arrangements intended to serve a specific,

<figure><img src="image_39.png" /></figure>
<figure><img src="image_40.png" /><figcaption>Fig. 11 Details of the drainage channel</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_41.png" /><figcaption>Fig. 12 Combustion areas set up in space 2</figcaption></figure>

still unknown, function. It is worth mentioning that all the hearth pits had been dug
into the cobble preparation layer. Given their depth, it is possible that the cobblestone
floor of this room had already been disturbed at the time of their placement. In addi-
tion, the proportion of ash observed indicates that the hearths were largely emptied
prior to the abandonment and collapse of the structure.

To more precisely estimate the time span between these two phases, we obtained
two AMS radiocarbon dates, both from material excavated in 2018, that were mea-
sured on the Groningen MICADAS, Netherlands (Table 1). The laboratory proce-
dures used in this facility correspond to the international standards and are reported in
Dee et al. (2020). We dated a charcoal that was sourced from one of the combustion
<table><caption>**Table 1** Results of the radiocarbon dating. The radiocarbon age has been calibrated using the intcal 2020 calibration curve (Reimer et al. 2020). The modeled date has been calculated using 1521 CE as *terminus post quem*. Both calibrated results are given within a two-standard deviation precision (2σ)</caption><thead><tr><th>Laboratory code</th><th>Context</th><th>Material</th><th>Measured <sup>14</sup>C age ± 1σ (year BP)</th><th>Unmodelled calibrated age, (2σ)</th><th>Modelled calibrated age, (2σ)</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>GrM15261</td><td>TM2018, UT43, UE179</td><td>Charcoal</td><td>330±25</td><td>1484–1639 CE</td><td>1578–1641 CE</td></tr><tr><td>GrM15262</td><td>TM2018, UT43, UE175</td><td>Collagen</td><td>329±18</td><td>1493–1640 CE</td><td>1577–1640 CE</td></tr></tbody></table>

areas inside Space 2 and a cattle bone (collagen) that was sampled from the accumulation found just on the other side of the wall, in Space 1 (Fig. 13b, also see Fig. 10). Cattle would have only been introduced in eastern Mexico in 1521 CE (Sluyter 1996) and given the stratigraphic association of the two samples we decided to use this date as *terminus post quem* to refine the dating of the site. Both unmodeled and modeled dates were obtained using OxCal 4.4 (Bronk Ramsey 2009) and are reported in Table 1.

The model indicates an occupation occurring between the end of the sixteenth century and the first half of the seventeenth century. While the contexts that were directly dated are more likely related to the second phase of occupation of the building, the range is in agreement with the ceramic findings that would be rather related to the initial phase of the occupation. This result suggests that the time span between these two phases of occupation was very short, or even that the two phases were consecutive.

## The Presence of a Large Quantity of Faunal Bones

A large quantity of faunal bones (15,893 complete or fragmentary bones inventoryed to date), including vertebrae, ribs, long bones, and several front and hind legs in anatomical connection were discovered on the floors of the entire building (see Fig. 13). In the tower, the bodies of at least two perinatal caprines (sheep or goat) were found in anatomical connection, indicating that they were still carrying soft tissues when they were deposited. The presence of articulated body parts on the floors suggests that the building was in its last stage of use when they were deposited, and perhaps even in the last days before its abandonment, as they were not disturbed. The archaeozoological analysis, which is still in progress, shows that the bone remains mostly relate to European fauna, mainly cattle (at least eight individuals), and to a lesser extent caprines and pigs. Cattle were mainly represented by young individuals aged six to 30 months and all parts of the skeleton were represented, with recurrent traces of butchering and cutting, suggesting that slaughter and butchering activities were carried out in the building. The presence of numerous distal phalanges (hooves), often found in anatomical connection with the upper phalanges, is noteworthy. These pieces carry less meat and are therefore generally of less interest. However, traces of skin detachment were observed at the joints, indicating that the calves had been processed on site. Cattle hides and leather were economically important in the early
<figure><img src="image_42.png" /><figcaption>**Fig. 13** Faunal bones arranged on the surface of the courtyard floor (Space 1): (a) US 186, square I5; (b) US 175, square G7; (c) US 186, square G4; (d) US 186, square H7</figcaption></figure>

development of New Spain (Chevalier 1976: 142), and even if we did not find evidence of the high-scale exploitation of calf hides, it would have been even more prized. Yet, the skin has to be processed quickly (salted) to avoid putrefaction (Heth 2015). Given the isolated position of the building, and although the corresponding infrastructure has not yet been found, it is possible that in addition to the preparation of the meat, the first stages of leather processing took place here. The proximity of the Lerma River reinforces this hypothesis, as the slaughterhouses and tanneries needed abundant water; therefore, it is possible that the bones of more prepared animals were deposited in an external rubbish dump.

The radiocarbon dating of charcoal associated with these bones places these activities and the abandonment of the structure between 1578 and 1641. This means that both the first and second phases of occupation occurred within a short time and were brief.
Reflection on the Construction System

Before reflecting on the nature and function of this site, it is essential to examine some of its characteristics. Although today the building is only preserved to a low height (one to three courses maximum), its constructive qualities stand out. All the exposed structures, on the east, north, and west sides, as well as in the circular construction of the tower, are double-sided walls 1.20 m wide. They are composed of medium-size modulus basalt stone blocks, with a relatively flat face on the inner and outer walls, while their dense infill consists of uncut wedges and flagstones joined with mud mortar. It is very likely that these imposing walls imply the considerable height of the building, perhaps one to two storeys, although so far none of the areas opened have revealed the presence of any staircases. The width of the walls and their elevation must have given the building a formidable appearance and defensive, even fortified, characteristics.

These attributes are significant as the construction system is atypical in the region. Sites recorded in the alluvial valley of the Lerma have very different construction characteristics although, it should be remembered that these settlements lack cultural heritage with the colonial building, since from the early Postclassic and until the arrival of the conquistadors, the alluvial valley of the Lerma was not occupied by sedentary populations (Castañeda et al. 2020). Additionally, there are no constructive similarities with other colonial residential settlements located in the ancient Tarascan territory. The closest recorded site, known as Mich.415-Las Iglesias, is located in the Zacapu basin, Michoacán (about 60 km to the south) and has been identified as an Indian village (Lefebvre et al. 2023). This settlement features residential structures, whose perimeter and internal walls are about 40–45 cm wide, consistent with pre-Hispanic construction techniques observed in northern Michoacán on the eve of the Conquest.

For similar construction techniques, one must look to the Spanish world. Although it is often difficult to identify early architectural features due to the successive reoccupations of buildings and internal restructuring to meet new functional needs or stylistic changes, certain formal attributes of this early period can be recognized. In addition to the width of the walls, for which, as previously mentioned, there is no equivalence in regional Indigenous sites, there is the use of cobblestones. In the courtyard (Space 1), the arrangement of the flagstones corresponds to rustic paving with a utilitarian function, which according to Anchisi de Rodríguez (2012, p. 642) shows “a clear peninsular influence.” Furthermore, their association with small side benches is reminiscent of the central courtyards of early religious buildings, a nearby example being the old Jesuit College of Pátzcuaro (Michoacán), whose construction dates from the end of the sixteenth century (ca. 1585). The architectural remains observed are therefore more in keeping with the Hispanic record, although the absence of elevation precludes the observation of architectural styles, or the presence of Indigenous decorative techniques.

The flagstones, like the blocks, were probably obtained from the dismantling of Epiclassic structures associated with the platform located south of the building. Thus, the pre-Hispanic structures, probably already altered by centuries of abandonment,
served as a bank of materials, particularly suitable because of their proximity, as well as the availability of squared blocks.

In this way, it is interesting to consider the life cycle of these materials, because although the construction of the colonial building contributed to the dismantling of the pre-Hispanic buildings, after the site was abandoned the materials were extracted and taken away, probably to be reused. The shallowness of the remains and the strong alteration of the surface layers make it difficult to interpret the events that took place after the abandonment of the site, but two points are worth noting. Firstly, the collapse layers, and in particular the stones, are not very abundant, especially considering the width of the walls and the presumed size of the building. In addition, few blocks or slabs disturbed the remains found on the ground linked to the abandonment, suggesting partial dismantling or the formation of postabandonment sedimentation prior to the demolition of the walls. Secondly, the current owner of the plot has indicated that until the 1970s, the base of the walls was still visible on the surface of the plot (then used as pasture), but that they were gradually dismantled to open up the agricultural area. The accumulated building materials were removed and used to construct modern buildings in the neighboring settlements. It suggests two phases of dismantling: the first historical, although it is not possible to determine precisely when and for how long, the second at the end of the twentieth century.

## To What Type of Settlement does Site PA1 Correspond?

Taking the above information into account, it is now necessary to discuss the nature and function of this imposing construction, atypical in the local panorama, by examining its main characteristics: (1) a European-style building; (2) the richness of the associated material (not only from Michoacán, but also from other regions of New Spain, and even from other continents), unexpected in a region so far from large population centers; (3) the small size of the site (approximately 500 m² for the colonial occupation), whose surface area prevents it from being associated with a Spanish town or a villa (absent in the region of the Lerma alluvial plain at the end of the sixteenth century), which would be more congruent with the type of material collected; and (4) a fortified construction facing the Lerma River.

To answer the above question, we turned to the Novohispanic written documentation. Parallel to this archaeological investigation, a study of historical documents was carried out in the AGN, where a request for land (*mandamiento*) dated from 1597 was discovered. In this document, a request was made to follow up on the diligence of Cristóbal Infante, son of the *encomendero* Juan Infante and neighbor of Puruándiro, for a plot of land to construct a *venta* (inn) on the royal road between Valladolid (today Morelia) and Guadalajara. The place was known as La Cruz, on the banks of the *río Grande* (currently the Lerma River), within the cattle lands he already owned (AGN, Mercedes, vol. 21, exp. 650, fs. 143). Juan Infante, without being a conquistador, was one of the most renowned Spaniards in Michoacán, politically and economically. He was in charge of the Comanja *encomienda* from 1528 (which previously belonged to Juan Solís, until his death, a fact that Infante took advantage of) (Warren 1977). By the mid-sixteenth century, his power encompassed more than 50 subject towns that paid tribute to him, divided into the regions of Comanja-Naranja, Sevina-Pomacu-
arán, and the barrios de la Laguna (Yokoyama 2014); other authors also include the highlands region and other unlocated towns (Paredes et al. 1984). Another historical document mentions the existence of a *venta* in 1598; in this case, it is within the text of a grant given to the Spaniard Antonio de Samaniego granting *caballerías* of land located next to a *venta* at the edge of the road leading to Guanajuato that passed along the banks of the *rio Grande* (AGN, Mercedes, vol 14, fs. 127v-128v). It should be noted that Juan Infante married Catalina Samaniego (from a family with privilege who were well positioned in Santo Domingo de la Calzada in Spain), whose surname was also carried by Antonio de Samaniego (Yokoyama 2014) who was in charge of the administration of the Infante family assets, as shown by his rubric in the will left by Hernando Infante Samaniego in 1578 (AHMM, Justicia, C-18, E-4, A, 1578, in Yokoyama 2014). Although it is impossible to link with certainty these references to the PA1 site, the quality of the infrastructure, the architectural characteristics, the dimensions of the site, its geographic location, and the chronological correspondence suggest that it was an inn.

Unfortunately, historical mentions of these structures are scarce. Written documents highlight their presence along the main roads, which is consistent with the definition of a *venta*, understood as a space that sheltered and protected travelers and provided them with a safe resting place. On some occasions the *ventas* also served as a fortified place for the protection of travelers and neighboring populations (Powell 1977). It is noteworthy that several sixteenth-century administrative documents mention roads passing close to the building; the most important being the road that connected Puruándiro – the main town to which these lands were subject in the sixteenth century – with Guadalajara or Guanajuato, also known as “the royal road to the Chichimecas” (“*el camino real hacia los Chichimecas*”; AGN, Mercedes, vol 8, fs 15v-16; AGN, Mercedes, vol 21, Exp 650, f 143). This route of communication, as well as the wide circulation network that developed in the center-north of the Vice-royalty, was of crucial importance for the proper functioning of the Guanajuato and Zacatecas mining areas, as it allowed in supplies of food and labor.

Some Novohispanic cartographic documents show the presence of inns, but always as ordinary houses, generally in the form of a square, sometimes crowned by a gable roof. Their representation does not correspond to a standardized illustration of the building's function, but rather to representations of residential structures specific to each region and each era. It is therefore difficult to compare these illustrations with the remains found. In addition, all the structures represented are located in ancient Mesoamerican territories, which present a social, economic, and military context very different from that of our area of interest. Consequently, it is essential to understand the framework in which the PA1-Cerrito de Tres Mezquites site is located, in order to perceive the importance of the architectural elements of this building.

The pre-Hispanic sociopolitical context of this region had consequences on the spread of the Conquest and Hispanic colonization. Firstly, because the absence of a strongly hierarchical administrative and territorial structure, sedentary settlements, and agricultural structures (as was the case in Mesoamerica), implied a profound reorganization of the territory. Secondly, because of the significant resistance put up
by nomadic groups, which slowed down and hindered European implantation. Thus, the territory where this inn was located was developing as part of an important process of *fronterización*. The concept of *fronterización* is understood as “the discourse in which the construction/occupation of the northern frontier was sustained, with the purpose of controlling a territory in transition that was occupied and demarcated through new and different cultural, social and economic strategies, such as cattle ranching, evangelization-mission, presidios-war, settlement-congregation-reduction” (Navarro 2020: 7). In the región, the characteristic dynamics of the colonization were expressed through three key processes: (1) the establishment of a settlement pattern around this site with the objective of rapidly controlling the transition zone to the north; (2) the expansion of agricultural exploitation that sought to occupy almost the entire plain of the *río Grande* as a strategy for border control; and (3) the construction of this fortified inn. All these aspects corresponded to a context of territorial advance, which foreshadows what will happen later further north.

Since this territory was adjacent to the region known as *La Gran Chichimeca*, it makes sense that this inn was built to confront the incursions that these groups made in resistance to the presence and advance of the colonists. Although almost 70 years would have passed since the arrival of the Spaniards when this building was constructed, the situation was still tense. In the second half of the 1580s, Antonio de Ciudad Real, documenting his voyage while accompanying Father Ponce de León on his visit to the Franciscan convents of New Spain, refers to the situation that still prevailed on the northern border, pointing out that “*la otra parte del río, en las cuales no hay mucha seguridad por causa de los chichimecas, que suelen llegar al río, y aun algunas veces lo pasan*” (Ciudad Real 1993 [1584–89]: 69; “the other side of the river, where there is not much security because of the Chichimecas, who usually reach the river, and sometimes even pass it” (translation by authors)). Thus, following the advice of the friars of the Acámbaro convents, who had warned them of the assaults, they decided not to continue their journey north, refraining from visiting the churches and convents established in these lands (including those in the territory of Puruandiro), since “*están fundados a la banda norte, entre chichimecas y gente de guerra, y así para ir a ellos y morar en ellos se padece mucho trabajo y peligro*” (Ciudad Real 1993 [1584–89]: 64; “they are founded on the north side, among Chichimecas and people of war, and so to go to them and dwell in them one suffers much work and danger” [translation by authors]).

The structure and architecture implemented in the colonial building of site PA1, seem to respond to this situation, serving as a lookout and place of defense – a last bastion against an insecure territory. From the tower, it would have been possible to have a view of the broad plains of the Lerma River, thus, safeguarding both the populations settled in the *encomienda*, the cattle that were scattered over hundreds of hectares, and the royal road through which people and products were moved to supply the north. Added to this is the presence of the *río Grande*, which, although it did not function as a barrier, was undoubtedly another element of protection for the construction of the inn. In short, this defensive footprint responded to the strategies of the colonial system used in this territory.
The Environmental Situation and its Lake Landscape

But what happened at the beginning of the seventeenth century to motivate the change of function of this structure and its possible reconversion into a place where animal slaughtering and tanning activities may have taken place? Analysis of the landscape gives us a clue as to the challenges that the settlers experienced in this sector. A recon-struction of the ancient landscape (from 1550 to 1650) based on soil studies (Darras 2013), historical documentation, toponymic analysis, and remote sensing (Negrete 2023), demonstrated the existence of a paleolagune at the foot of Zurumuato hill (cur-rently called Cerro del Arco), which was formed in times of rain a few meters from the PA1 site (Fig. 14).

Although it is difficult to establish the exact limits of this ancient body of water, it is estimated that it could have extended up to 17 km², covering almost the entire contour of the Zurumuato hill to the north, occupying the surface of the current town of Tres Mezquites and the surrounding plots, part of the Villachuato valley, and even

<figure><img src="image_43.png" /><figcaption>Fig. 14 Location map of the Ciénega de Zurumuato adjacent to site PA1 and the royal road</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_44.png" /></figure>
the agricultural area of what is currently the municipal seat of Pastor Ortiz. At present, part of this area is occupied by the Tres Mezquites dam, which was built to take advantage of and conserve the water captured and accumulated from the runoff of the surrounding hill and precipitation. The existence of this *cieneguilla* is confirmed by an order, dated 1582, which refers to the request of Antonio de Samaniego for a cattle ranch site in the Villachuato valley, at the foot of Zurumuato hill, and mentions as a reference point and limits of the lands *"una cieneguilla de agua que se hace en tiempos de aguas"* (AGN, Mercedes, vol. 18, exp. 422, f. 107; "a little water swamp that is made in times of rain" [translation by authors]). The presence of this temporary marsh highlights the occurrence of flood episodes, already foreshadowed both in the geophysical surveys (Darras 2013) and in the stratigraphy – in the soundings carried out near the pre-Hispanic mound and in a profile on the alluvial terrace of the river; where the accumulation of clay sedimentation corresponds to a prolonged hydromorphic environment, while the abrupt floods of lesser temporality were visualized as accumulations of sands. However, the building does not appear to have suffered significant structural damage as a result of these floods. Only the presence of fine sandy strata, observed on the north side of the building (i.e., on the front facing the Lerma River), could be related to abrupt but short-lived overflows. Therefore, although the change in the functioning of the building does not respond to structural issues, it must be remembered that the royal road it may have protected was located in the lowlands of the river's alluvial plain. Although at the time, this could have been beneficial in terms of being considered an easily accessible and relatively fast route because it was direct (flat and straight), it also had its difficulties. The environmental particularities of this site, given the topographic depression between the river and Zurumuato hill, which favored the accumulation of water, may also be the reason why both the royal road and the inn were unviable and ceased to function well into the seventeenth century.

However, the exit route from the territory of Puruándiro to the north was consolidated as an important passage, especially for traders of agropastoral products whose destination was the mines of Guanajuato and Zacatecas. It was necessary, therefore, to find a new road to guarantee economic activity. The *"Plano de la Demarcación de Puruándiro y sus confinantes"* (Real Academia de la Historia in Madrid, Spain, collection "Departamento de Cartografía y Artes Gráficas," call number: C-I at 34 p., Reyes 1820) shows, a century and a half later, the road to the north crossing Zurumuato (to the east of where it originally passed, freeing the body of water) where the town of Pastor Ortiz is now located, and where it is currently necessary to pass through to reach Guanajuato. Although there are no documents dating the transformation of this route, one hypothesis is that it could be linked to (and therefore contemporary with) the change in the building's function – without a road to protect and serve, the presence of the inn was no longer necessary.

If water resources were a limitation for the proper functioning of this first occupation, the Spaniards quickly found another way to take advantage of both the site and the available resources. Our hypothesis, derived from recent years of in situ and laboratory studies, is that the building was reused to carry out a new activity, linked to the exploitation of animal products (slaughterhouse, butchery, and tannery). Its location near the river (a perennial source of running or circulating water) was favorable for
the production of livestock products – not only was it essential to have enough liters of water for the treatment of skins, but a continuous flow of water was needed for the handling of waste. This possibility or hypothesis provides a new panorama of other forms of livestock exploitation, since, in this sense, the animal, having been raised in the region, was not only being used for food or as a means of traction or transportation. In sites such as this one, the skin, tallow, and other parts of the animal were used for the manufacture of artifacts and work tools for mining activities, feasible thanks to the presence of other resources available in the alluvial valley, such as salt and lime, just a short distance from the site.

## Conclusion

Investigations carried out at the PA1-Cerrito de Tres Mezquites site have led to the discovery of an isolated building associated with the “Spanish world” and identified as a *venta* (inn) dated to the end of the sixteenth century/early seventeenth century. Studies revealed a facet of the Spanish advance into the north, hitherto absent in the archaeological record, which complements the historical vision based on a documentary study developed several decades ago. Three main conclusions emerged from this preliminary work, highlighting the social and cultural context of the Spanish advance into the north.

First, it highlights the architectural and constructive characteristics of this atypical building. Based on the three spaces that have been identified so far, its dimensions, fittings, and restructuring show evidence of a large and imposing building in the style of the Spanish world, which possibly had more than one level or floor and also showed characteristics of being fortified (due to the thickness of its walls and the presence of a tower). This regionally atypical construction system can be linked to the hostility that accompanied the Spanish spread to the north and colonization of the region, evoked in numerous written and cartographic colonial documents. Architecturally speaking, this type of construction has already been identified in more northern regions and for later periods. The PA1-Cerrito de Tres Mezquites site highlights the construction of fortified buildings from the limits of the Mesoamerican area and demonstrates that the pacification of this area did not occur until the end of the sixteenth century.

Secondly, the study of PA1-Cerrito de Tres Mezquites is decisive to understand the occupation process of the first Europeans at the border of ancient Mesoamerica. During the early colonial period, this region underwent an important mutation as it became a transition zone toward the mining territories of Guanajuato and Zacatecas. The development of roads, essential for the supply of food and labor to the mining centers, and associated infrastructure, such as the *ventas*, played a fundamental role as a commercial nexus, and contributed to the spread of Hispanic culture in rural areas far from the large urban centers. This was particularly reflected in the diffusion of the material culture imported by the traders. In this way, the Puruándiro region not only became a link in the sprawling colonial mining system but also an extension of the expanding New Spain, included in an intercontinental network of long-distance exchanges.
Finally, the archaeological remains and associated stratigraphy have made it possible to identify two phases of occupation. During the first phase, the construction served as a fortified inn, providing lodging and protection for travelers of high social status (particularly noble, administrative or religious Spaniards, and merchants) on their way to the mines. In a second phase, just a few decades later, the building underwent a functional change, associated with structural transformations. In relation to the previously mentioned point, the PA1-Cerrito de Tres Mezquites site exemplifies, through findings and analysis, that the change of function responded to an evident adaptation to frontier displacement toward more northern latitudes, but also to the limitations imposed by the environment. The paleoenvironmental study and the reconfiguration of the surrounding ancient landscape made it possible to understand the situation that most probably led to the collapse of this lodge-fortress. As it was built in a marshy environment, during specific seasons of the year, both the royal road and the building could have been unviable for more or less prolonged periods of time, thus impeding the movement of people and goods. On the other hand, this situation, and in particular the proximity of the water resource, may have been used as an opportunity to dedicate a new function to the site. Some of the fittings, such as drains, remodeling of the walls, as well as the vast amount of animal bone remains (some still connected and with cut marks) scattered throughout the building, suggest that the building was converted for the preparation of animals (slaughterhouse, and/or tannery). However, it is plausible that the same flooding events may also have had a negative impact on this second use, a hypothesis that remains to be verified. The transformations carried out in a short period of time attest to the difficulties that the European settlers had in establishing themselves in an unknown environment that they could not master. It reinforces the idea that not all settlements founded by the Spaniards in the territories they sought to colonize were successful. The case of the PA1-Cerrito de Tres Mezquites site exemplifies a broader pattern of experimentation that characterized many colonial ventures in the New World. But, at the same time, this example also illustrates an adaptive capacity and opportunistic spatial management. This building, whose original function could not be sustained, presents a rapid functional transformation aligned with the dynamics of *fronterización*: a conversion of the activity in response to shifting social and environmental characteristics. These strategies reflect a pragmatic revaluation of the site within a changing territorial reality. Building on our current understanding of the PA1-Cerrito de Tres Mezquites site, the conclusions presented in this paper will be completed by opening new excavation areas and deepening laboratory analysis to determine the functionality of this building and its strategic role in the colonization campaign to link New Spain with the north.

**Acknowledgments** We wish to thank Véronique Darras who directed the first archaeological project in which the site has been discovered. The "Tres Mezquites" project has benefited from the funding of the Ministère de l'Europe et des Affaires Étrangères of the French government attributed to V. Darras. The project "Los procesos de la colonización española en el medio rural: Impactos sobre la sociedad y el paisaje" has been funded by the Programa de Apoyo a Proyectos de Investigación e Innovación Tecnológica de la Dirección General de Asuntos del Personal Académico de la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (PAPIIT-DGAPA IN404423) and the Ministère de l'Europe et des Affaires Étrangères of the French government attributed to Karine Lefebvre. We also acknowledge Beatriz Gómez Medina, Rafael Álvarez
López, Nicolás Vargas Ramírez for their contribution to the field work seasons as well as all the team of
workers from Tres Mezquites for their valuable cooperation along the excavation. We thank the señor
Sigifredo Ramírez and his family for their repeated support during each field season, granting us access to
the site. Finally we wish to thank Jill Cucchi who edited and corrected the English.

**Data Availability** The data presented in this paper were obtained in the frame of the archaeological projects "Tres Mezquites" (2018-19) directed by V. Darras and "Los procesos de la colonización española en el medio rural: Impactos sobre la sociedad y el paisaje" (2022-24) directed by K. Lefebvre. Both projects were approved by the archaeology council of the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH). Annual reports are publicly available at the INAH archive in Mexico after a four-year period of embargo. All the excavations have been performed with the consent of the land owners and regular feedback has been provided on the results of the field work.

**Declarations**

**Conflict of interests** On behalf of all authors, the corresponding author states that there is no conflict of interest.

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Authors and Affiliations

Karine Lefebvre<fnref n="1" /> ID • Maria José Negrete Reyes<fnref n="2" /> ID • Aurélie Manin<fnref n="3" /> ID •
Maria Lizeth Hernández Velázquez<fnref n="2" /> ID • Isaac Barrientos Juárez<fnref n="4" /> ID

<figure><img src="image_45.png" /></figure>

Karine Lefebvre
klefebvre@ciga.unam.mx

Maria José Negrete Reyes
mariajosegeohist@gmail.com

Aurélie Manin
aurelie.manin@cnrs.fr

Maria Lizeth Hernández Velázquez
malizhdzv@gmail.com

Isaac Barrientos Juárez
isaac.barrientos@cemca.org.mx

<footnote n="1">1 Centro de Investigaciones en Geografía Ambiental, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Michoacán Morelia, México</footnote>

<footnote n="2">2 Programa de Maestría en Estudios Mesoamericanos, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Ciudad de México, México</footnote>

<footnote n="3">³ Archéologie des Amériques, UMR 8096. CNRS, Université Paris 1 Panthéon - Sorbonne, Paris, France</footnote>

<footnote n="4">⁴ Centro de Estudios Mexicanos y Centroamericanos, Ciudad de México, México</footnote>