### 3.3. Itaquera and globalisation, the lived, perceived, and conceived spaces

Because of the region's territorial and population characteristics, Itaquera has attracted the attention of several initiatives, especially public-private partnerships. In 2004 the urban operation Rio Verde Jacu was one of the changes planned for the region. Later in 2011, the São Paulo municipality announced the construction of an institutional hub in the region, as well as the confirmation of the 2014 FIFA World Cup stadium in Itaquera. As already highlighted by Otilia Arantes (2000) and Ferreira (2004:29), major cultural and infrastructures investments "are a great opportunity to build the infrastructure necessary to transform nearly bankrupt cities into poles of attraction for global big capital". When transposing this reality from cities to districts, the case of Itaquera reveals that bringing a mega event to the region had the intention of promoting the district as a new centrality as well as a sport, economic and educational pole. In addition to giving new uses to forgotten territories, investment in infrastructure served as a response to the expansion movement of the city of São Paulo, which needed to expand materially and physically. With the proximity of the eastern zone to the city centre, and the existence of available land that could be transformed, Itaquera has received considerable investment in the present century.

Investment in the region was made locally but its connection with the international scenario and a globalised moment of neo-liberal economy is undeniable. Ferreira (2004) notes that in the end of the 20th century, the idea of São Paulo as a global city, as proposed by Sassen (1991; 2005) inserted São Paulo in a scenario of competitiveness to attract international flows of financial capital, as well as territorial reconfiguration to house transnational companies that demand high technology and infrastructure. Within this paradigm the cities in evidence in the globalised economy present comparative advantages to attract this type of activity and capital. In this sense, to present comparative advantages in relation to other global cities, strategic plans have been developed, among them to host mega-events (such as the Olympic games and the FIFA Football World Cup), precisely to be in evidence and attract more capital. Itaquera appears then as a consequence of this dynamic established by a neoliberal economy of global scale.

In seeking to be a global city, new dynamics of flexibilisation and deregulation of the economy appear, just as increasing international capital flows, and strengthening of the service economy to the detriment of industrial activity (Ferreira, 2004; Friedmann, 1995; Smith & Timberlake, 1995b; Knox, 1995; Knox & Taylor, 1995; Sassen, 1991; Castells, 1996). Considered by most of the authors above as a global city, São Paulo is characterised by a
different urbanisation when compared to other global cities. There is a hierarchy in between countries and cities (Santos, 1999; Castells, 1996; Ferreira, 2004), which gives importance to this classification. Considering the local specificities, there is also a hierarchy inside of local districts. The process of insertion and later consolidation of São Paulo as a global city privileged some areas of the city for more specialised services and others for other functions. Itaquera appeared as a possibility of housing expansion, a function it has historically fulfilled, but also as a new economic and educational hub of less specialised activities (Ferreira, 2004; Oliveira, 2015; Barros, 2019). The construction of the Neo-Química Arena supposedly appeared as an impulse for the process of change and specialisation of the area. Beyond structural and economic changes in the area, it changed the relationship with the lived, perceived, and conceived space as proposed by Lefebvre (2000).

Information and data presented throughout this chapter reiterate that globalising processes through urban expansion and infrastructure investment brings changes regarding real estate and economic activity, as well as changes in the population structure, whether due to population growth or a population with greater purchasing power given the rising prices in the region. Contel and Wójcik (2019:186) shows that within the national framework, "São Paulo has by far the highest employment rates" driven by the specificities of São Paulo as a financial centre. The conceived space in Itaquera is given by the structure built mainly for the 2014 FIFA World Cup. Before that, still in the last century, Itaquera was produced to shelter low-income workers' housing. In the present century, structures were created to give the district greater autonomy and centrality but, as these structures were built in order to fulfill a global dynamic (Oliveira, 2015; Barros, 2019), the local population was affected many times in a questionable manner.

The urban space of Itaquera as a reproduction of production relations became contradictory (Oliveira, 2015). Different agents (new and old) took over the local territory, either by thinking on how the territory should be settled or by the hierarchy created within the district and city itself, with developed and less developed zones. The space of Itaquera, from the announcements of large urban structures (end of the first decade of 21st century), showed itself to be a commodity space (Carlos, 2014). Historically built from the railway (Azevedo, 1945), the eastern suburb of the city of São Paulo continues to be developed from its connectivity with the new technical and informational centralities of São Paulo (Santos, 2000). Unlike its formation, the more recently established connectivity has limited access to certain places. With a rise in housing prices, parts of the district become inaccessible to the local
population and new residents are on their way to the region (Barros, 2019). But even with all the private and public capital investment, Itaquera is still a periphery. Data from the last 2 years shows a price devaluation of the Itaquera district (regarding housing prices), and we can say that the conceived space has achieved its objective in relation to a land appreciation in the short term (Barros, 2019).

When we deal with the perceived and lived space from globalisation, Itaquera becomes the representation of how processes that come from scales larger than the local one - and with that we recall the local-global condition proposed by Ghorra-Gobin (2007)- the local inhabitants or the population that uses and appropriates its space are multiples. Itaquera is deterritorialised at the same time as it is reterritorialised (Haesbaert, 2013).

From our study on Itaquera, we found infrastructures created within a plan to consolidate São Paulo as a global and globalised city (Ferreira, 2004), but infrastructures that were forgotten in the long run. This neglect is visible through unfinished works or lack of maintenance of the new equipment, from the urban operation Rio Verde Jacu to the institutional pole and the Neo Química Arena. The promise of a new centrality turned the infrastructures and planning into catalysts and lighteners of a large socio-spatial inequality in the region. The high real estate prices right after the mega event in 2014 indicate this discrepancy produced by external agents. Soon after the mega event, with the fall in prices, it is possible to talk about a lack of interest of the private market in the place, leading us to attest that the production of space and its appropriation is a social production (Lefebvre, 2000; Harvey, 2008), and subject to oscillations and local specificities (Santos, 2000; Ferreira, 2004; Ghorra-Gobin, 2007; Carlos, 2014). There is a territorial weakening and loss of local control since external agents are present in local territorial planning (construction companies, or the state as facilitator of neoliberal policies) at the same time that movements are organized to demand a closer look at the local, which proposes a reterritorialization (Haesbaert, 2013). The recent changes that Itaquera has been going through in the present century present a territory in transformation, within what Milton Santos (2008) would call a disordered growth, or rather a growth ordered in such a way to not facilitate local and less hegemonic subjects.

The infrastructural and functional changes of the Itaquera territory, strongly anchored in the international proposals for strategic planning of cities (Ferreira, 2004; Oliveira, 2015; Barros, 2019), arrived in the district by public authorities' incentives. The aim of the public and private investment in the region was to improve transportation through road connections, to
encourage the creation of jobs through an institutional hub, and to host a mega event, which would supposedly boost the region in terms of infrastructure and economic activities. This kind of planning that aims “to insert the city in the dynamics of the global economy, through large urban projects and partnerships between public authorities and the private sector” (Barros, 2019:157), often are more concerned with the global than the local scale. In this sense, the changes brought not welcomed local consequences concerning ordinary and daily life. We can attest, by the reports obtained from secondary sources, the existence of car traffic, danger and lack of assistance in the region, after the new infrastructure equipment. The empirical data obtained about companies and the real estate in Itaquera reveals an economic dynamism, but it is necessary to understand how this dynamism occurred and what are the existing working conditions?

Facing an evident inequality in the production of urban space in global cities (Santos, 2000), more specifically in peripheries, we propose an analysis relating the global context and the two case studies proposed here. The next chapter will draw a relation between the two places and their similarities and differences for the purpose to highlight inequalities in the production of space in different contexts, even though when both are peripheral and have similar characteristics.
## Chapter 4. Aubervilliers and Itaquera amidst globalisation

By considering Aubervilliers and Itaquera in the midst of the same process, namely globalisation, there are visible similarities and differences regarding their formation and socio-spatial constitution. The two peripheries behave in different and similar manners, a consequence of the globalisation process Christian Azaïs (2010) called differentiation and standardisation. In this chapter, we will reflect on, and draw parallels between both localities considering the common factor globalisation phenomena and its influence on local territories. We consider that the different socio-spatial formation of the two places, occasionally justifies the differences found in them.

Data below display common and different characteristics of our case-studies as a means to show the trends of the globalising process in both places. Setting a connection between physical, historical, economic, and social aspects of Aubervilliers and Itaquera was one of our main approaches to compare both places, besides *in situ* observation.

### 4.1. Aubervilliers and Itaquera, general features in perspective

<table><caption>Table 27. Aubervilliers and Itaquera total population (2017)</caption><thead><tr><th>Itaquera</th><th>Aubervilliers</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>201577</td><td>86375</td></tr></tbody></table>

Source: SEADE, 2020; INSEE, 2017. Elaborated by the author, 2021.

<table><caption>Table 28. Aubervilliers and Itaquera average density (inhab/km²)</caption><thead><tr><th>Itaquera</th><th>Aubervilliers</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>14032</td><td>14995,7</td></tr></tbody></table>

Source: IBGE, 2010; INSEE, 2017. Elaborated by the author, 2021.

<table><caption>Table 29. Distances from Itaquera and Aubervilliers to reference sites</caption><tr><td></td><td>Itaquera</td><td>Aubervilliers</td></tr></table>
<table><tr><td>City Centre (ground zero) by public transportation</td><td>44 minutes</td><td>38 minutes</td></tr><tr><td>City Centre (ground zero) in kilometers</td><td>22 km</td><td>10 km</td></tr><tr><td>Financial Centre by public transportation</td><td>1hour and 15 minutes</td><td>39 minutes</td></tr><tr><td>Financial Centre in kilometers</td><td>40 km</td><td>14 km</td></tr></table>

Source: Google Maps, 2021. Elaborated by the author, 2021.

From data above we find in Itaquera and Aubervilliers two similarly densely populated regions. When comparing their location with other important places of the global city to which they belong, such as their ground zero (near to the *Cathédrale Notre Dame* in Paris, and *Catedral da Sé* in São Paulo), and the financial centres (*La Défense* in Paris and *Berrini* in São Paulo), we can see that the commuting time to other places is significant<fnref n="78" />, a characteristic of peripheries. In this sense, the Grand Paris Express project and the expansion of roads and creation of new transport terminals by the urban operation Rio Verde Jacu (that never happened in its totality), appear as possibilities for a faster locomotion in both places. The idea of creating an institutional and educational pole in Itaquera, and the creation of the *Campus Condorcet* in Aubervilliers sought to promote educational training to the local population as well as for people from other places, in order to provide greater insertion and creation of jobs in both regions. Improving mobility and promoting jobs and training to the resident population ensures greater proximity to work and shorter commuting time. It also attracts another population to the region, bringing more investment. By presenting infrastructure, the two places become a possibility for the reproduction of capital and the global city (Harvey, 2003; Sassen, 2005; Moine, 2006; Carlos, 2009; Oliveira, 2015; Pinson 2020).

The occupation of peripheral areas, that actively are incorporated into the global market, was and is a consequence of the urban expansion of Paris and São Paulo, and the need to

<footnote n="78">⁷⁸ We calculated the distances on a weekday at 7 am considering the two main metro/train stations in the two regions, Corinthians Itaquera station on the red line of the São Paulo metro and Aubervilliers station on the RER B in Aubervilliers, Paris. It is worth mentioning that this is a representation and, in the regions more distant from the stations, different times and distances of the presented are the reality.</footnote>
consolidate themselves in the neo liberal global logic (Clerval, 2013; Oliveira, 2015; Barros,
2019). Itaquera and Aubervilliers are two peripheries historically populated, however the
visible difference in populating these regions nowadays is that the recent expansion of São
Paulo and Paris establish other functions for the regions, and consequently to their population
- the need for an increase (or decrease) on population or greater specialisation of them.
Aubervilliers, historically occupied as an industrial zone, known to be home to many migrants,
and Itaquera as a historical dormitory district, represent how territories can have their economic
and social functions changed throughout time. By promoting the flow of capital, services and
people, the global cities' logic attributes new functions to their peripheries. The physical
limitation of former business centres and historic city centres promotes transformations in
peripheral areas close to them, as Itaquera and Aubervilliers.

When comparing the physical distance of the two places, it is important to mention that
the proportion in kilometres of the distances between Itaquera and other places in São Paulo is
greater given the size of the São Paulo metropolitan region. To bring out the historical formation
of São Paulo and Paris, we highlight the two cathedrals as their ground zero. The fact that São
Paulo's ground zero is located in a square in front of a cathedral represents the historical
perspective of the formation of the city, influenced by the period of colonisation. In Brazil most
of the cities and settlements were constituted around a parish or local church, following the
European coloniser (Prado Jr et al, 2011), as confirmed by the French case. Although Paris is
much older, São Paulo followed a similar trajectory in modern ways. São Paulo, in a much
shorter period of time, went through the same steps as Paris through the influence of core
countries in the global modern constitution of society (Santos, 2000; Castells, 1993). The
interesting point of our case study is that recently Itaquera went through a process that Paris
would go through afterwards: to host megaevents and projects for urban mobility renewals. As
we are interested in the response of both places to these processes, below there is a short timeline
of both places' recent processes.
<figure><img src="image_50.png" /><figcaption>Table 30. Important events regarding Itaquera, a short timeline</figcaption></figure>

Source: SMUL 2020. Elaborated by the author, 2021.
<figure><img src="image_51.png" /><figcaption>Table 31. Important events regarding Aubervilliers, a short timeline</figcaption></figure>

Source: Île-de-France Mobilités 2021.

During the 21st century, Aubervilliers and Itaquera have in common the development of new master plans, which now focuses on mobility and mega-events in order to bring economic and social dynamism to the regions. As already noted by the geographer Hervé Théry both places present the common factor ‘football arenas’. Both, the Itaqueirão and the Stade de France (limitrophe à Aubervilliers) have been built to restructure their surroundings. According to Théry (2017:11), “Itaquera-Corinthians Stadium, built on the manoeuvring area of the metro terminal (which had kept some open spaces), it is used to restructure the district, like the Stade de France in Saint Denis”. The arrival of mega infrastructure projects has led to the readjustment of laws in both places, reiterating the important role of the state in maintaining urban everyday
life and changes. The state has been responsible for making the projects viable, both in Aubervilliers and Itaquera, either by creating laws, planning and studies on the localities, tax incentives or partnerships with the private sphere so that construction work could begin.

What we observed in Itaquera is that after the 2014 FIFA World Cup, the urban renewals proposed by urban operations and through fiscal incentives (in 2009 for example) are no longer a priority. The OUCRJ was discontinued, and so the construction of the educational pole in the region. What we still see in the urban landscape of Itaquera is the presence of the stadium built for the 2014 FIFA World Cup, an infrastructure that to some extent mobilizes the region both economically and socially (Oliveira, 2015; Barros, 2019). After Itaquera effectively hosted a mega event in 2014, the traces of these changes in the region's urban logic are visible both in the economy, in the real estate market and in a neglect to follow up on promises of infrastructure improvements in the area. What happened afterwards is the answer of an attempt to valorise the area and incorporate it into the economic dynamics of metropolitan São Paulo. In the short term, the territory of Itaquera was valorised, as we will see in the following figures, but in the long term there is a lack of interest in the region, we speculate because of its peripheral role and its lower-class inhabitants. Meanwhile, Aubervilliers is at an earlier stage than Itaquera, in the sense that it will still host a mega event and urban mobility works are still under construction. The changes in prices are already visible and we wonder what will happen after the infrastructure is done and after the 2024 Olympics have passed.

As proposed by Ghorra-Gobin (2012), the global socioeconomic dynamics shape the local Itaquera and Aubervilliers. By a local - global anchorage, the political/administrative sphere assumed a fundamental role by promoting urban renewals within the considered peripheries of the global cities Paris and São Paulo. Movements of concentration and valorisation of space (Ghorra-Gobin, 2007) are visible in Aubervilliers and Itaquera through infrastructures projects sponsored by public-private partnerships as seen in our timeline. Features that go beyond the natural characteristics of the regions, exceeded by the built environment. We then estate that globalisation, both in Aubervilliers and in Itaquera, homogenises but also differentiates the local territory.

## A. Physical characteristics: the river, the natural environment, and the railway

Before moving to empirical data analysis, it seemed necessary to point out the importance of the natural environment in shaping both places. In the development of the two regions, the physical and natural aspects of both helped define their functions over time. The river and the railway are representative of the historical development of Aubervilliers and
Itaquera, reiterating a historical geography. The river as a way of transport of goods but also as a possibility to provide the means necessary for the establishment of peoples and of production itself, mark the history of Aubervilliers and Itaquera.

The establishment of industries in Aubervilliers, historically the main economic activity of the region, is linked to the construction of the Saint-Denis canal. In Itaquera the river attracted agricultural activity, strongly carried out by Japanese immigrants. The physical and cultural aspects are mixed (Sauer, 1941). Besides the river, the railway line in both places boost the importance of them. The physical aspects of Aubervilliers and Itaquera allowed a double function: providing industrial and agricultural goods to São Paulo and Paris centres as well as transport to places outside the metropolitan area where the production should be transported. Milton Santos (2000) points out that the geographic and geomorphologic characteristics of the regions were taken advantage of to adapt them to the prevailing mode of production. Before, modes of production with great emphasis on industrial and agricultural sectors; now greater importance is given to the services sector and financial capital (Sassen, 2005; Harvey, 2008; Carlos, 2009). The location of both places is privileged when it comes to the flow of goods and to being home to workers who move the economies of the global cities to which they belong, they are immediate peripheries of Paris and São Paulo. Regardless of the moment, the physical aspects always matter. On a smaller scale than today, the physical environment embodied by the built space provided changes in local functions; from the twentieth century until the current moment of globalisation, the role of transport has been always active (Oliveira, 2015; Clerval, 2013), and the infrastructure is increasingly necessary to adequate the cities to their global functions and neoliberal standards (Brenner, 1998; Sassen, 2010; Santos, 2000; Azaïs, 2010; Castriota, 2016). We then question the continuity of local and natural characteristics in the function developed by Aubervilliers and Itaquera. The built environment and urban infrastructure started to play a major role in the production of space in Itaquera and Aubervilliers, as seen in the real estate market and the economic activity of the regions during recent years.

## B. Housing market

According to Sassen (2005) global cities are organised to provide special knowledge and infrastructure for the implementation of multinational enterprises in local territories. In this dynamic, the enterprises help manage globalisation (Canepa et al, 2019) and change local features, such as the housing market. Global cities' housing market dynamics are driven “by local and global investment demand, rather than local household earnings” (Canepa et al,
2019:2). With this in mind, we analyse the oscillations of prices in the Aubervilliers and Itaquera's real estate markets as a response to the globalisation process.

Different media have published articles on the changes generated by infrastructure
works in Aubervilliers and Itaquera<sup>79</sup>, with special focus on the *Grand Paris Express* in
Aubervilliers and the *Neoquímica* Arena in Itaquera, and their consequences for the housing
market. The *Observatoire des Loyers* (French Rent Observatory)<sup>80</sup> published studies where
there is a significant increase in rental prices in Aubervilliers since the announcement and start
of construction of the GPE. In a communication with the mayors and representatives from Île-
de-France, Seine-Saint-Denis and Plaine Commune, the newspaper *Mieux Vivre*<sup>81</sup> found that
"The acceleration of urban change and the strengthening of the attractiveness of the Plaine
Commune area (...) could contribute to inflationary pressures on rents in the area". The
representatives paid attention to the role of the 2024 Olympic Games and the Grand Paris
Express project in increasing housing prices in Aubervilliers.

For Itaquera, the megaevent, which we connect to São Paulo's intention to be
consolidated as a global city (Vainer et al, 2013), generated a rapid increase in prices of real
estate activity, but in the long run, prices have declined. Data from Secovi (2018)<sup>82</sup>, shows
housing prices behaviour in Itaquera in the last years. The data reiterates what the media has
been reporting over time in relation to Itaquera's real estate market prices and its relationship
with the infrastructure created, as we can see below.

<footnote n="79">⁷⁹For Aubervilliers see *Libération*, *Mieux Vivre*, *PAP*, *Le Figaro*, *Capital*, *BFM Immo*, *Le Parisien*, among others.
For Itaquera see *Portal G1*, *R7 Notícias*, *BBC Brasil*, among others.</footnote>

<footnote n="80">⁸⁰ Available at <https://www.observatoire-des-loyers.fr/>. Accessed on 11 May, 2021.</footnote>

<footnote n="81">⁸¹ Available at <https://www.mieuxvivre-votreargent.fr/immobilier/2021/04/09/immobilier-neufs-villes-de-seine-saint-denis-vont-plafonner-les-loyers/> Accessed on 11 May, 2021.</footnote>

<footnote n="82">⁸² Already shown in Chapter 3.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_52.png" /><figcaption>Table 32. Prices of new residential flats in Itaquera</figcaption></figure>

Source: Secovi, 2018. Elaborated by the author, 2021.

<table><caption>Table 33. Newspaper headlines regarding Itaquera<sup>83</sup></caption><tr><td>Oct 2013</td><td>“World Cup generates real estate speculation near the Itaquerão”</td></tr><tr><td>March 2014</td><td>“Renting a house for the World Cup costs up to R$390,000 a month”</td></tr><tr><td>2015</td><td>“One year after the World Cup, Itaquera suffers from 'illusion' in the real estate market”</td></tr><tr><td>2016</td><td>“The World Cup had an impact on the real estate market in the district of Itaquera, in São Paulo. East Zone neighbourhoods suffered an overvaluation, but the price of m² has already dropped”</td></tr></table>

Data from Secovi shows that from 2010 to 2014 real estate prices in Itaquera increased 23%, while right after the FIFA World Cup the prices decreased 2% from 2014-2017. With this

<footnote n="83"><sup>83</sup> All headlines were translated by the author. The original headlines are found in the following websites : <https://revista.zapimoveis.com.br/copa-do-mundo-impactou-mercado-imobiliario-em-sp/>; <https://www.agoramt.com.br/2014/03/aluguel-de-casa-para-a-copa-do-mundo-custa-ate-r-390-mil-mensais/>; <https://www.bbc.com/portuguese/noticias/2013/10/131007_itaquerao_lk>; <http://g1.globo.com/sao-paulo/noticia/2015/06/um-ano-apos-copa-itaquera-sofre-com-ilusao-no-mercado-de-imoveis.html>. Accessed on 11 May 2021.</footnote>
data we certify that a mega event has great influence on local dynamics; the 2014 FIFA World Cup changed the dynamics of housing prices through real estate speculation. From the announcement and the beginning of the constructions in Itaquera, new residential flats have been constructed and their prices grew, reaching in 2014 the maximum square meter price in years (already considering inflation). After the mega event, prices fell and the disinterest of the real estate market in the region became apparent (Barros, 2019). It is observable an illusion of land appreciation in Itaquera, where the lack of continuity in public policies and the minimised use of infrastructure in the district have contributed to this situation. Still, we cannot disregard the immediate social short-term effects, such as increase in violence indicators<fnref n="84" /> and the growing tendency in the service and commerce sector in Itaquera, as we will see in the next session.

The city built in a global perspective, i.e, the city thought and produced to fulfill standards that attract global investment, is produced to exercise a control function within national and international borders (Sassen, 2005). The way cities are reshaping their territories might generate local discrepancies (Vainer et al, 2013). Sometimes the plan is not executed in its entirety due to different reasons. In the case of Itaquera, the discontinuity of public policies can be seen - as we pointed out in the theoretical framework of this research - with a dual function: the state, while facilitating and enabling the presence of hegemonic actors, such as big enterprises in the local territory, provides a better and greater amount of infrastructure in the locality. In this dual function movement, there is the risk of an overvaluation of urban space and gentrification. But what we observe in Itaquera is different. The globalisation process through infrastructure creation and mega events affected housing prices in the short term, but according to the data, after some years prices decreased. Here we assume this decrease or establishment in housing prices due to, in a certain sense, the fact that Itaquera is a periphery, with minority social groups as seen in Barros (2019).

When analysing the real estate market in Aubervilliers, we can say that the commune goes through a period that precedes what has already happened with Itaquera, in the sense that the mega event is still to happen, and the infrastructure is being created (and in this case not discontinued). We will see some news headlines and data regarding real estate in Aubervilliers to try to understand what stage of the process the commune is at.

<footnote n="84">⁸⁴ The places around the Neoquímica Arena have been designed for cars and not for pedestrians, giving room for empty spaces, a must for the increase in violence in the region, which is already high (SMUL, n.d.)</footnote>
<table><caption>Table 34. Newspaper headlines regarding Aubervilliers<sup>85</sup></caption><tr><td>Feb 2021</td><td>“Real estate in Paris: how much does crossing the ring road (Petite Couronne) bring down prices?”</td></tr><tr><td>April 2021</td><td>“Real estate: in Saint-Denis, prices explode around the future stations”</td></tr><tr><td>April 2021</td><td>“Real estate: how the Grand Paris Express and the 2024 Olympics are boosting prices in the Paris suburbs”</td></tr><tr><td>July 2021</td><td>“In Seine-Saint-Denis, rent control to contain soaring prices”</td></tr></table>

<footnote n="85"><sup>85</sup> All headlines were translated by the author. The original headlines are found in the following websites: <https://www.leparisien.fr/immobilier/immobilier-a-saint-denis-la-populaire-les-prix-explosent-autour-de-la-future-gare-pleyel-16-04-2021-Z5CY67I4RBGKDN6JIWZNAGZ6GY.php>; <https://www.leparisien.fr/immobilier/immobilier-comment-le-grand-paris-express-et-les-jo-2024-boostent-les-prix-en-banlieue-parisienne-15-04-2021-TDDHLMSXUNGW5OZAUUCF6AYRUI.php>; <https://www.capital.fr/immobilier/immobilier-a-paris-a-quel-point-passer-le-peripherique-fait-il-chuter-les-prix-1395345>; <https://www.liberation.fr/societe/logement/en-seine-saint-denis-lencadrement-des-loyers-pour-contenir-la-flambee-des-prix-20210421_NXWWGCAF5BG5NHMOUWCUOCYGA4/>. Accessed on 11 May 2021.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_53.png" /><figcaption>Table 35. House Price index (new and old dwellings)</figcaption></figure>

Source: Indices Notaires-Insee, 2020.

The rising prices trend in the Seine Saint Denis region is latent. Historically, the region does not have expensive housing prices when compared to other areas of Paris intra-walls or from the Petite Couronne. However, with the constructions concerning the Grand Paris Express that promotes the expansion of the means of transportation and infrastructure (besides its proximity to Paris city centre and financial centre) has led to an increase in prices (both for renting and buying) in the region (INSEE, 2020, Observatoire des Loyers, 2021).

In view of a scenario that concerns city planners and the local population, a rent control<sup>86</sup> was announced to avoid excessive increase in real estate prices in some areas of metropolitan Paris, all affected by the GPE. In November 2018, the *loi Elan* (Elan law) previewed the application of a rent control that would come into force in Aubervilliers by June 2021. The existence of this rice control in Aubervilliers is representative of the upward trend of the real estate sector in the region. With the dynamism of real estate, and the coming improvements in

<footnote n="86"><sup>86</sup>The control comes into effect for contracts signed from 1 June 2021 where there will be a maximum renting price not to be exceeded. There will be a range between the lower and higher reference rents. Rental contracts for secondary residences, company accommodation or holiday accommodation (seasonal tourist lets) are not affected by the rent control system.</footnote>
terms of mobility and connectivity in Aubervilliers and Itaquera, we have on the local economies, an expansion of the commerce and services sector, a reflection of a process that globalisation has made possible, the tertiarisation of the economy.

### C. Commerce and the tertiarisation of the economy

Following the new economic dynamics in Aubervilliers and in Itaquera, table 35 shows the growth in percentage of establishments and enterprises created in both regions from 2010-2018, a percentage that shows active growth when compared with other zones of the cities to which they belong. Other data show the evolution or involution of the industrial, service and trade sectors in both regions.

<table><caption>**Table 36. Growth in the number of establishments and enterprises (%) created per year (2010-2018)**</caption><thead><tr><th>Itaquera</th><th>Aubervilliers</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>15</td><td>12</td></tr></tbody></table>

Source : Insee, Répertoire des entreprises et des établissements (Sirene) en géographie, 01/01/2020 and SMUL (2020). Elaborated by the author, 2021.

<table><caption>**Table 37. Aubervilliers, percentage of enterprises and establishments per sector of activity (2020)**</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>Total</th><th>Commerce</th><th>Services</th><th>Industry</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><th>Absolute number</th><td>8723</td><td>5785</td><td>2517</td><td>421</td></tr><tr><th>Percentage</th><td>100%</td><td>66%</td><td>29%</td><td>5%</td></tr></tbody></table>

Source : Insee, Répertoire des entreprises et des établissements (Sirene) en géographie, 01/01/2020. Elaborated by the author, 2021.

<caption>**Table 38. Itaquera, percentage of small enterprises and establishments per sector of activity (2012)**</caption>
<table><thead><tr><th></th><th>Total</th><th>Commerce</th><th>Services</th><th>Industry</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><th>Percentage</th><td>100%</td><td>47%</td><td>37%</td><td>15%</td></tr></tbody></table>

Source: Sebrae (2012). Elaborated by the author, 2021.

Although data on the percentage of small enterprises and establishments per sector of activity in Itaquera is outdated and refers to small companies, it is worth pointing out the minor role of industries in the region. Data from SMUL (2020) shows that the industrial activity in Itaquera decreased 5% from 2010-2018. In turn, in Aubervilliers the industrial activity increased 7% in the same period (INSEE, 2020), with its activity linked to the transformation industry and the construction sector. The (de)growth of industrial activity in both places is also connected with the historical role of these territories, in which Aubervilliers has a strong industrial presence while Itaquera does not. What we see is the greater presence of the commerce sector in both regions.

According to Levy et al (2020)<fnref n="87" />, the metropolitan Paris has undergone a shift concerning economic activities:

For several decades, the weight of the sectors of activity has changed significantly. The very strong growth in the weight of jobs in the tertiary sector has been at the expense of other sectors: mainly industry and agriculture, and to a lesser extent construction (...) The shrinking of the industrial sphere is partly compensated for by business service activities, with the outsourcing of functions previously performed within industrial companies (such as transport, research and development, employee catering, cleaning, etc.) and the use of temporary work. This strong recomposition of jobs can be observed in all the employment areas: no area has industry as its leading economic sector in 2020, whereas there were about ten in this case in 1990. More generally, employment is spread over a larger number of sectors, so local economies are tending to diversify.

This statement mentions zones that back in time have the industry as their main economic activity. Recently INSEE studies (2020) have proved that industry is no longer their

<footnote n="87">⁸⁷ The text was published in 2020 and is part of one of the INSEE' studies. It is titled: *L'orientation économique des zones d'emploi : entre spécialisation et diversification des économies locales*. Available in: <https://www.insee.fr/fr/statistiques/4653582>. accessed on 10 January 2021.</footnote>
main activity, as the case of Aubervilliers. The study showed that the tertiary sector is
responsible for capitalising other activities.

This shift from industry to the tertiary sector also is valid for Itaquera, although the
region has never been characterised by its industrial activity, the industrialisation of São Paulo
and its insertion into the global market affected the activities developed in Itaquera (Prado Jr et
al, 2011). As Castells pointed out, when changing the economic model, all areas are affected,
from the most industrialised one to the less one. The way the city is consolidated can differ in
accordance with their economic model and the way the industrialisation and deindustrialization
happened. In Itaquera we highlight the great weight of commerce over industries since ancient
times and this is related to the industrialisation and economic activity in metropolitan São Paulo,
as we will discuss further on. When deepening on the economic activity of São Paulo during
the 21st century, "since 2000 São Paulo has consolidated its dominance as Brazil's primary
financial center, with market for corporate control as an important channel of this
consolidation" (Contel and Wójcik, 2019:289). The economic primacy of São Paulo within
national territory justifies the infrastructure and projects over the city in the present day.
However, it is necessary questioning in which parts of the cities the specialised economic
activities take place. Efforts to decentralise the activities in São Paulo, and to create other
specialised centres marks the present century, where Itaquera appeared as a possibility to be an
educational and events centre.

Following what Azaïs wrote (2010:12), there is a tendency of “growing disparities
within labour and employment markets (...) driving forces of globalisation”. From the data
collected, we can see an increase in the service and commerce sector in both regions, but as
quantity is not quality, from the *in situ* observation we see that it is not simply a growth of the
tertiary sector, but an increase in informality. In Itaquera we observed several street vendors
linked to food commerce (even more in match days at the Neoquímica Arena). In Aubervilliers
we observed a huge number of workers in the “open-air mechanics”. In both places, the working
condition seemed unhealthy<fnref n="88" />. Although intelligent buildings and large companies have
increased in both regions, a multi-territoriality and the co-presence of the most technological to
the most rudimentary is evident, a tangible example is the surroundings of the Campus
Condorcet where there are high-tech construction equipment and open-air mechanics (besides

<footnote n="88">⁸⁸ Although the social indicators in the two regions confirm what was observed, it is worth mentioning here that this was a personal perception of the labour market in Itaquera, and Aubervilliers, based on observation and not on data.</footnote>
other informal works) sharing the same territory. The two contrasting zones leads us to (re)think
about the role of urban planning and globalisation in the two places, as we will address below.

4.2 Is there a trend towards the influence of globalisation in Aubervilliers and in Itaquera?

The growing demand for urban land in a globalised and neo-liberal world is both a cause and a consequence of the urban sprawl and the modern way of life. Unlike other historical processes, recent globalisation showed the tendency of standardization of urban spaces regardless of their context (Brenner & Theodore, 2002; Pinson, 2020). In this section we highlight that even though globalisation seems a homogenising process, with similar trends imposed globally, it discloses local differences. We then question if in the present days there is a South-North tendency. In other words, could processes in the Global South precede processes in the Global North?

Azaïs (2010:11) was already aware of a South-North trend in the labour market. A trend that could be confirmed in our case study. We speculate that Aubervilliers will undergo an even stronger de-industrialisation process, just like Itaquera after the infrastructure works are done and the mega-event over (the Olympics 2024) in local territory.

Recent transformations in work and employment in developed countries may well be reproducing situations once typical of the developing world. Flexibility and corporate decision-making autonomy, recasting of workers' rights and trade union roles are now firmly embedded in public policy agendas. (Azaïs, 2010:11)

Aubervilliers and Itaquera have in common a strong tertiarisation of their economy, and an increase in real estate prices related to major infrastructure projects and mega-events, an urban trend catalysed by globalisation. The need for a consolidated insertion into the world market economically, politically, and physically allows changes in city usage revealed in Aubervilliers and Itaquera by changes in their economic activity and increase in real estate prices. Nevertheless, we find in Aubervilliers greater organisation in terms of regulating the changes, and on how the processes would affect the local community. With respect to the real estate activity, it seems that the public sector paid better attention to possible fluctuation and the already increase in prices, establishing a law (loi Elan) to prevent the expulsion of a certain population (low-income population) from the region. This price regulation demonstrates a greater concern and organisation. In Itaquera, the discontinuity of public policies reveals a
neglect of the region; a negligence that at the same time does not provide structural improvements in the region, it also avoids a certain tendency of gentrification.

The increasingly number of public private partnerships in both places (Oliveira, 2015; Barros, 2019; Clerval, 2013; Ghorra-Gobin, 2007; Pinson, 2020) establishes a dual role for the public power in both places. Public authorities are responsible for promoting global agents in local territories and influencing the local assimilation of the changes. The combination of territories (Roncayolo, 1997) present Aubervilliers and Itaquera are affected in different manners after the greater presence of globalisation processes and neoliberalism in local territory. The role of public institutions to coordinate the integration of their national economies into the global economy (Scott et al, 2001) is produced by the governance of different actors (Moine, 2006); a governance that insert (or not) the local population, in the sense of belonging, into the socio spatial changes (Roncayolo & Chesneau, 2008). The public private partnerships seen through the infrastructure works as well as in the promotion of civil society organisations and tax incentives for certain activities, takes place in different manners in Aubervilliers and in Itaquera. The *Campus Condorcet* for example is a promoter of cultural activities in Aubervilliers, and it seeks to propose a relationship between its students and professionals with the local population. The activities proposed by the Campus (even if sometimes it works only in the field of ideals), as a way to establish a connection between the new, the global, ‘what comes’ with the local, represent attempts of integration. It represents a way of smoothing out changes in the social formation of the local territory. From our observations, Aubervilliers seemed to have more associations and public initiatives for the insertion and integration of local people in the ongoing changes in the commune than Itaquera. In Itaquera, the local community organises itself without formal public encouragement. In this sense, there is not a tendency of a periphery from the North to resemble one from the South.

From another perspective, the short-term changes in Itaquera are an example of how urban planning can be aligned to the interest of the capital, through big enterprises profit and interests (Vainer et al, 2009), just like in Aubervilliers, revealing common patterns. In the case of Itaquera, construction enterprises such as the Novonor group (former Odebrecht), were the benefited (Barros, 2019). When a district is no longer interesting or does not give the expected responses to certain changes, it quickly ceases to be the target of public policies, or rather, public-private partnerships, as seen in Itaquera. Although in a short time period, the 2014 FIFA Worldcup and the public private partnerships, promoted by the inconclusive urban operation Rio Verde Jacu, were able to promote fundamental changes for the local population. Empty places, higher retail prices since then, higher violence rates are some examples promoted by the
changes. In Aubervilliers, some of the changes are still to be seen, once the GPE is still in
construction and the 2024 Paris Olympic games is yet to come. However, there are already
evident changes regarding real estate and economic activity in the region, proving that at the
current moment of globalisation, the tertiarisation of the economy is a standard. In this sense
what happened in a periphery from the Global South may be the same as what is still to happen
in a Global North periphery.

4.3. Globalisation, a paradox

Amidst globalisation, some barriers are broken, and a certain homogeneity is found, such as the changes in real estate and economic activity, seen above. However, the way in which governments and the population itself respond to the changes promoted by globalisation is what differentiates places. This difference is highlighted through the historical development and appropriation of territories and uses (Roncayolo, 2002). In a periphery known historically as ‘banlieue rouge’ (Aubervilliers), the community engagement is stronger than in Itaquera. However, with the changing population structure in Aubervilliers, we question if this trend will continue or there will be deeper changes related to the great interest in a world economic insertion of Paris. Christian Azaïs (2010:12) highlights the political characteristic of globalisation, in which the way groups respond to the ongoing processes will define their interactions and interdependencies at the global level: “globalisation is political as it incites glocal interactions and interdependencies. It is neither a ‘win-win’ nor a ‘win-lose’ relationship, but impacts the way groups act, interact and assimilate ongoing transformations” (Azaïs 2010:12).

The globalisation processes in Aubervilliers and Itaquera revealed a paradox: the local
changes are both positive and negative; the ambivalence promoted by the creation of a single
world market, by an idealised urban, urbanism and urbanisation relates to globalisation and the
"requirements" of consolidation as São Paulo and Paris as global cities. In this process, there
are worldwide spatial and socio-economic transformations, a phenomenon that cannot be
standardised. What we can argue is that the local do not lose its importance in these processes,
the historical and recent characteristics of Itaquera and Aubervilliers also serve globalisation
while presenting a multi-territoriality (Haesbaert, 2013), presenting differences in a Global
North and a Global South territory, although with great similar changes in both regions, as
pointed out by Azaïs (2010:12), “The South-North political paradigm is innovative and also
engenders a paradox: growing disparities and irregularities within labour and employment
markets tend, as well, to converge". The recent transformations in Itaquera and Aubervilliers lead us to go back to the former period of urbanisation of both places. As proposed by Sauer (1941), social forces organise the space and manifest themselves on pre-existing environment, promoting stability and change of these territorial organisations. In the next and last section of this chapter, we will present the way urbanisation took place in both places to highlight the importance of the historical characteristics of both places.

### 4.4. Urbanism, urbanisation and industrialisation, what do they reveal about globalisation in Aubervilliers and Itaquera ?

Urbanism as a way of life, once confined to the historical central city, has been spreading outwards, creating urban densities and new “outer” and “edge” cities in what were formerly suburban fringes and green field or rural sites. In some areas, urbanization has expanded on even larger regional scales, creating giant urban galaxies with population sizes and degrees of polycentricity far beyond anything imagined only a few decades ago. . . [I]n some cases city regions are coalescing into even larger agglomerations in a process that can be called “extended regional urbanization.” (Soja & Kanai 2006: 58 apud Brenner, 2013:87)

Urbanism as a way of life, as proposed by Edward Soja and Miguel Kanai (2006), goes beyond a population concentration, it should be added a symbolic and ideological meaning to its material development and planning. Just as discussed by Soja & Kanai (2006), several scholars (Lefebvre, 1970; Brenner & Theodore, 2002; Brenner, 2013) considered urbanisation, within capitalist logic, not only as an “inducer of the growth of large cities, but also as a process of extension of the urban fabric, in all the multiplicity that the term carries, beyond planning and mainstream urbanism” (Castriota, 2016:508). In this process of expansion and extension of urban patterns, we can see the tendency of incorporation of suburbs and other regions (sometimes outside the city itself) within the urbanisation process. Hierarchical and functional relations between the urbanised zones are established.

Taking the above as a reference for what happens in Aubervilliers and Itaquera, the two peripheries in the process of expansion of the global cities they belong to, become key pieces to a specific urbanism. They are empirical cases of specialisation through strategic planning. A planning that fulfills global standards as pointed out by Saskia Sassen - when she conceptualised
and described the global city<fnref n="89" />. The two territories have been converted (or at least there was/is an attempt to turn them) into educational and sports hubs, based on strategic urban planning common in neoliberal cities (Barros, 2019). The renovation of the means of transportation, the 2014 FIFA World Cup in Itaquera, and the forthcoming 2024 Paris Olympic games in Aubervilliers are some of the strategic projects in both places. Here we would like to highlight the strategic urban planning as a neoliberal tool, as proposed by scholars such as Brenner & Theodore (2002), Taylor (2018) and Pinson (2020).

By applying the thinking on recent urbanisation in our case study -not only as a material process-, we attest that our case study reveals different paces and ways in which the urbanisation process took place and its close connection with industrialisation. In both cases, there is a movement of explosion of the city<fnref n="90" />, in which this process is connected to the recent period of globalisation and neoliberalism. However, although we deal with recent processes in Itaquera and Aubervilliers, their roots lay in the formation of both territories. The industrialisation process in Paris and São Paulo affected the way local territories have been produced. The rapidity in which the industrialisation took place in São Paulo (Crodeiro, 1993; Santos, 2000) affects how its peripheries have been incorporated or not in the global dynamic.

When going back in time (and here we use the historical geography perspective), we notice differences in urbanisation in Aubervilliers (Paris) and in Itaquera (São Paulo) related to the period of their industrialisation<fnref n="91" />. As a characteristic of a developing country, the process of industrialisation in Brazil is late (Santos, 2000). The curious fact of our comparison is: unlike industrialisation, recently we see in Itaquera a previous moment of what would happen in Aubervilliers. A country from the Global South, considered non-central to the world economy, goes through a process before a core country, a country from the Global North. Itaquera has already received a mega event and an urban operation that did not succeed, Aubervilliers is still in this process and what differentiate both places are the consequences they carry after this maximum insertion into the global city pattern, clearly influenced by globalisation as the way neoliberalism is reproduced.

<footnote n="89">⁸⁹ See introductory chapter.</footnote>

<footnote n="90">⁹⁰The explosion movement of the city is characterised by the expansion of what is 'inside and outside' the city, influenced by the moment and type of production. "The explosion of the city informs an extended urbanisation process, indicating the occupation of areas distant from the main centralities (...) in which what was 'inside' the city and what was 'outside' it are dependent on the phases and dynamics of the capitalism accumulation and the process of economic development" (Almeida et al, 2017:326). For more information about the movement of explosion of the city, see Lefebvre (2000) and Harvey (2014).</footnote>

<footnote n="91">⁹¹ Industrialisation arrived in developing countries (Brazil) only when it needed to expand from Europe (Castells, 1996) presenting an asymmetric relation in urbanism in France and Brazil. Gilles Pinson, in his book La ville Neoliberale (2020:23-24) highlights the specialisation of the Northern countries compared to those of the South.</footnote>
The differences in the constitution of places in the Global North and in the Global South (Mignolo, 2011), that is to say, the way a phenomenon or a process affects different localities, is strictly related to their formation, as well as their role in the world system. The industrialisation in São Paulo took place at the same time as Brazil was being incorporated into the world market and adopting a more neo-liberal economic logic. Meanwhile Paris had already gone through the industrialisation process and was already consolidated in the global logic. In this sense we believe that globalisation processes in Aubervilliers tend to be more organised, from an institutional and regulatory point of view, than in Itaquera. We also believe that the boom and bust caused by neoliberal politics in local Itaquera has exposed the neglect and disregard for a periphery. To achieve global cities standards and following globalisation processes through an attempt to revitalise the area, showed, in the longer term, a lack of interest toward the district. A lack of interest that we believe will not occur in Aubervilliers.

The two urban contexts considered in this research present a recent trajectory of neo-liberalisation (Santos, 2000; Oliveira, 2015; Barros, 2019; Azaïs, 2010; Clerval, 2013; Pinson, 2020). Aubervilliers and Itaquera are representative of the growing neoliberal role of the state, where the recent diversification of their economies was facilitated by infrastructures promoted by public policies (through strategic urban planning and public private partnerships) in both localities (Oliveira, 2015; Barros, 2019; Clerval, 2013). Globalisation thought in its economic but also in its geographical perspective (Sassen, 2010) reveals the power of private companies accompanied by the state (Brenner & Theodore, 2002).

By assuming that the production of space is related to the mode of production and the prevailing economy, we have a financial moment where the recent transformations in Aubervilliers and Itaquera are shaped by global standards and the need to facilitate financial flows. The "broadening, deepening and speeding up of world-wide interconnectedness in all aspects of life" (Held et al., 2000) affects the role of public institutions and civil societies in a local manner. As proposed by scholars like Azaïs (2010) and Ghorra-Gobin (2017), the local territory and its authorities become 'decision takers' instead of 'decision makers', i.e., global actors, such as transnational enterprises define the decisions, and the local territories take (accept/ enable) them; all aiming to facilitate the maintenance of a neoliberal economy. Globalisation in Aubervilliers and Itaquera revealed coexisting processes. At the same time, it promotes the deterritorialisation of old activities, it creates a multi-territoriality of new ones.
## Conclusions

The growing importance of the peripheries in global cities are related to the globalisation phenomenon and the process of total urbanisation of society. The transition from industrial to financial capital led to the explosion movement of urban São Paulo and Paris, in which urbanisation is extending continuously, among other objectives, to fulfill global market demands. The different paces in which the processes of urbanisation occurred in Aubervilliers and Itaquera reveals territorial differences, where globalisation happens at a more accelerated pace and in a more unequal manner in Itaquera, a Global South periphery. Although these differences exist, they are not exorbitant. We identified a certain homogeneity in the consequences of globalisation on local territories, both in economic and in real estate activity, pointing to an appreciation of urban land and a tertiarisation of local economy. As stated by Carlos (2009), through our case-study, we believe the current changes and appreciation in the services and housing sector is a trend in global cities' close peripheral districts, regardless if they are cities from the Global North or Global South.

The visible changes in the urban landscape of Aubervilliers, in which its industrial features give place to modern buildings and constructions, are a strategy of the territorial planning and can be related to globalising processes; it is easier to transform empty industrial sites into other urban infrastructures equipment to further change and enhance land use. Infrastructure equipment seen in the Grand Paris mega project and the forthcoming 2024 Olympic Games mobilises Aubervilliers directly. The construction works from the Grand Paris Express and the new metro stations in the commune will better connect it to the centre of Paris, as well as it will serve to provide better flow of goods and people in the region. Although yet unfinished, we observed that these forthcoming changes are already changing economic and real estate activities in the commune. From our observations and data, in the last few years, Aubervilliers can be seen as a land of contrast: at the same time as it becomes homogeneous in terms of global cities' infrastructures (new buildings, means of transportations, and urban equipment), there are other nuances to the phenomenon, such as different cultural expressions and perceptions of the current territorial changes coexisting in the same territory. These different perceptions and nuances triggered by globalisation via the neoliberalisation of the economy, shed light to the different uses from different social groups, and the existence of multiple territories in Aubervilliers. A common point, regardless of the narrative or perspective approached, is the importance of territorial planning and state monitoring in the local territory.
Résumé

Cet essai vise à analyser les changements provoqués par la mondialisation dans deux contextes locaux différents : une région périphérique d'une ville du Nord - Aubervilliers, dans la région métropolitaine de Paris - et une autre région d'une ville du Sud - Itaquera, à São Paulo. Du point de vue de la géographie urbaine et sociale, la mondialisation apparaît comme un processus catalyseur d'expansion urbaine, qui entraîne des conséquences locales. À partir du besoin de São Paulo et de Paris de s'insérer dans le marché mondial en tant que villes globales, des changements physiques, politiques, économiques et sociaux sont observés. Ce sont précisément ces changements, observés dans les territoires locaux, que nous cherchons à comprendre. En outre, ce mémoire analyse les travaux d'infrastructure urbaine et les méga- événements afin de présenter les similitudes et les différences au sein d'un paradigme néolibéral de la mondialisation. À partir d'une analyse des processus socio-spatiaux dans les deux endroits, nous détectons une forte relation entre l'infrastructure urbaine et les méga-événements, avec des augmentations de prix dans le secteur du logement et des changements dans les activités économiques à Itaquera et à Aubervilliers. Nous en concluons que la perception de la mondialisation au sein de ces zones périphériques révèle l'importance croissante de ces territoires pour le maintien du marché mondial tout en mettant en lumière des disparités sociales.

Mots-clés : mondialisation, expansion urbaine, ville globale, périphéries, Aubervilliers, Itaquera.

Abstract

The present work aims to analyse the changes driven by globalisation in two different local contexts: a peripheral region from a Global North city –Aubervilliers, in metropolitan Paris–, and a peripheral region from a Global South city –Itaquera, in São Paulo–. From an urban and social geographical perspective, we find in globalisation a catalysing process of urban expansion that entails local consequences. Physical, political, economic, and social changes can be seen in São Paulo and Paris through globalisation processes and the recognition of both cities as global cities in the world market. It is precisely these changes that we sought to understand in local territories by analysing specific urban infrastructure projects and mega-events in Aubervilliers and Itaquera. This to present differences and similarities within the neoliberal paradigm of globalisation. Moreover, by analysing socio-spatial processes driven by globalisation in both locations, we detected a strong connection between urban infrastructure and mega-events with a rising in housing prices and changes in economic activities. Finally, there is a growing importance of peripheral territories for the maintenance of the global market at the same time as social disparities within the same process.

Keywords: globalization, urban expansion, global city, peripheries, Aubervilliers, Itaquera.

Resumo

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar as mudanças promovidas pela globalização em dois contextos locais diferentes: uma região periférica de uma cidade do Norte Global – Aubervilliers, na região metropolitana de Paris- e outra região de uma cidade do Sul Global – Itaquera, em São Paulo-. Desde uma perspectiva geográfica urbana e social, encontramos na globalização um processo catalisador da expansão urbana que provoca consequências locais. A partir da necessidade de São Paulo e Paris de inserirem-se no mercado mundial enquanto cidades globais, mudanças físicas, políticas, econômicas e sociais são observadas. São justamente essas mudanças, observadas em territórios locais, que buscamos
compreender. Além disso, a presente dissertação analisa obras de infraestrutura urbana e megaeventos a fim de apresentar semelhanças e diferenças dentro de um paradigma neoliberal da globalização. Desde uma análise de processos socioespaciais em ambas as localidades, detectamos uma forte relação entre infraestrutura urbana e megaeventos, com aumento de preços do setor habitacional e mudanças nas atividades econômicas tanto em Itaquera, como em Aubervilliers. Concluímos que a globalização, vista em duas zonas periféricas, mostrou a crescente importância destes territórios para a manutenção do mercado global ao mesmo tempo em que escancarou disparidades sociais.

**Palavras-chave:** globalização, expansão urbana, cidade global, periferias, Aubervilliers, Itaquera.