# An Eloquent Humiliation for a Papal Legate: the Joyous Entry of Flavio Chigi in Lyon on May 31, 1664

Nikola Piperkov

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Nikola Piperkov. An Eloquent Humiliation for a Papal Legate: the Joyous Entry of Flavio Chigi in Lyon on May 31, 1664. Annual of the Faculty of History of St Cyril and St Methodius University of Veliko Tarnovo, 2023, 7 (1), pp.279-298. 10.54664/KVAQ9572. hal-05402711

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AN ELOQUENT HUMILIATION
FOR A PAPAL LEGATE: THE JOYOUS ENTRY
OF FLAVIO CHIGI IN LYON ON MAY 31, 1664

Nikola Piperkov

КРАСНОРЕЧИВО УНИЖЕНИЕ ЗА ПАПСКИ ЛЕГАТ:
ТЪРЖЕСТВЕНОТО ПОСРЕЩАНЕ НА ФЛАВИО КИДЖИ
В ЛИОН НА 31 МАЙ 1664

Никола Пиперков

DOI: 10.54664/KVAQ9572

**Резюме:** През пролетта на 1664 г. йезуитският брат Клод-Франсоа Менестрие (1631 – 1705) е упълномощен от граф-архиепископа Камий дьо Ньовил дьо Вилроа (1606 – 1693) да организира церемонията по случай тържественото посрещане на папския легат и племенник на папа Александър VII Флавио Киджи (1631 – 1693) в град Лион. Въпросът е с повишено политическо значение, тъй като пристигането на Киджи следва дипломатически инцидент между Ватикана и Франция, известен като „Корсиканската афера“. На 20 август 1662 г. Флавио Киджи оторизира сблъсък между папската корсиканска гвардия и войници, разположени пред френското посолство в Рим. По време на конфликта е нападната каретата на френския посланик Шарл III дьо Креки (1623 – 1687). В отговор на този инцидент Луи XIV (1643 – 1715) оттегля своя посланик, всички дипломатически отношения са прекратени, а парламентът в Екс-ан-Прованс гласува анексирането на Авиньон към Кралство Франция. Инцидентът приключва на 12 февруари 1664 г. с договора от Пиза. В този конкретен исторически контекст посещението на Флавио Киджи във Франция през май и юни 1664 г. може да бъде разглеждано като международна теа culpa, адресирана до Луи XIV. А неговото посрещане в Лион, който се намира точно на пътя между Авиньон и Париж, дава повод на Менестрие да създаде уникален и необичаен набор от ефимерни декори, отличаващи се значително от церемониала в чест на високопоставени политически фигури. Вместо да ласкаят, те са мислени като инструмент за прикрито публично унижение, където дипломатическото примирие на Франция с Ватикана е изразено като прошка на краля към папата.

**Ключови думи:** френска дипломация през 17. век, Корсиканската афера, ефимерни декори, галиканизъм, образ на властта, визуална реторика, Клод-Франсоа Менестрие.
In the spring of 1664, the archbishop Camille de Neufville de Villeroy (1606–1693) bestowed upon the Jesuit friar Claude-François Ménestrier (1631 – 1705)<fnref n="1" /> the organization of a joyous entry for the formal visit of Flavio Chigi (1631 – 1693) to the city of Lyon. Flavio Chigi was no less than pope Alexander VII Chigi’s nephew (1599 – 1667) and his arrival in the official capacity of papal legate and cardinal was a matter of capital political importance. It followed a diplomatic incident between the Vatican and France, known as the *Corsican Guard Affair* which involved the cardinal-nephew himself<fnref n="2" />. On August 20, 1662 Flavio Chigi authorized

<footnote n="1">¹ Professor at the Jesuit College of Lyon (Collège de la Trinité) and custodian of its Cabinet of curiosities from 1664 to 1669. He had already produced several designs for permanent and ephemeral decorations for various authorities in the city, namely the Great Staircase and the Great Hall in the Cityhall (1655 – 1667), the inner-court fresco decorations of the Jesuit College (1663 – 1664), the ceiling of the chapel in the Jesuit College (1664), as well as ephemeral decorations and fireworks on the occasion of the Pyrenees Peace Treaty (1660) and the birth of the French Dauphin (1661). Bibliography and recent study of these decorations by **Piperkov, N. 2018**, Vol. 1, Part II, Cap. 1. Mercure, lieutenant du roi, guerre et paix sous le règne de Louis XIV, p. 123–37; Ibid., Vol. 1., Part II, Cap. 2. Le jardin d’Eden du commerce: l’image de Mercure dans le décor de l’Hôtel de Ville de Lyon p. 156–64; Ibid., Vol. 1., Part IV, Cap. 1. Le Mercure de l’imprimerie lyonnaise: Claude-François Ménestrier et le hiéroglyphe au Grand Siècle français, p. 343–53. See also **Piperkov, N. 2019**, p. 121–40; **[Piperkov, N. 2012; Piperkov, N. 2011, Part I. Cap. 2]**. Le Dauphin en Mercure. Feu d’artifice sur l’horoscope du jour de la naissance du Dauphin, p. 28–34; Ibid., Annexe P2. Décoration de l’Hôtel de Ville de Lyon, 1655 – 1674, p. 87–94; Ibid., Annexe P4. Le Temple de la Sagesse. Décoration de la cour du Collège de la Trinité, 1662–1663, p. 97–106; Ibid., Annexe P5. La conquête de la toison d’or. Feu d’artifice pour le roi, 4 décembre 1658, p. 106–7; Ibid., Annexe P6. Les Réjouissances de la Paix. Feu d’artifice, le 20 mars 1660, p. 107–8; Ibid., P9. Annexe P9. Entrée du cardinal Flavio Chigi à Lyon, 28 mai 1663, p. 113–16. See also **Galactéros-de Boissier, L. 1980, p.29–42**; **[Galactéros-de Boissier, L. 2010, p. 251–261; Damme (van), S. 1999, p. 47–62; Damme (van), S., 2005; Damien, C. 2009, p. 6–16]**.</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² The incident is mentioned by [Martin, F. O. 1997, p. 85sq; Bély, L. & Poumarède, G. 2010, p. 281sq; Neri, R. 2023, p. 79–102. Pesco (del), D. 2014, p. 199–202]. Daniela del Pesco has already documented this visit with primary sources [Pesco (del), D., 2011, p. 476]: “Le *Mémoire Chigi* (BNF, ms.fr. 6143, f. 1–39) de Paul de Chantelou est un véritable “mémoire de service”, rédigé rapidement afin de mémoriser “le traitement fait par la maison du Roi à Monsieur le cardinal Chigi, Légat a latere en France” du 21 mai au 14 août 1664. Il se compose de 72 pages qui nous renseignent sur les itinéraires et les activités officielles de la légation italienne enregistrés dans les “archives” du règne de Louis XIV. Côté italien, la *Relazione del viaggio fatto dall’ill.mo Sig. Card.e Chigi* de Sebastiano Baldini (BAV, Chigi, E. II. 38, f. 297 du 23 avril au 12 août 1664), qui faisait partie de la suite du cardinal et se définit lui-même comme “romano diarista”, nous donne de précieuses informations sur les cérémonies, les personnages, les habits, mais aussi sur les paysages et les monuments visibles le long du voyage”. [The Mémoire Chigi (BNF, ms.fr. 6143, f. 1–39) by Paul de Chantelou is a true “service memorandum”, written quickly in order to record</footnote>
an armed fight between the Corsican Guard and soldiers stationed at the French Embassy in Rome. During the conflict, the carriage of the French ambassador Charles III de Créquy (1623 – 1687) was attacked. The incident was taken very seriously by the French, mainly because the *Corsican Guard Affair* quickly became a political opportunity for Louis XIV (1643 – 1715) to challenge papal authority [see **Piazza, M.** 2023]. The king of France revoked his ambassador. Diplomatic relations were severed. Then, the Parliament in Aix-en-Provence voted the annexation of Avignon³. The conflict came to an end on February 12, 1664 with the Treaty of Pisa, after the signing of which Flavio Chigi travelled to France during the month of May with the mission to restore papal power in Avignon. His official visit was intended as a barely disguised international *mea culpa*. It culminated with his actual audience with the French king on July 29, 1664, during which the papal legate presented his official apology to Louis XIV⁴.

“the treatment given by the King’s household to Monsieur Cardinal Chigi, Legate a latere in France” from May 21 to August 14, 1664. It consists of 72 pages which inform us about the itineraries and official activities of the Italian legation recorded in the “archives” of the reign of Louis XIV. On the Italian side, the *Relazione del viaggio fatto dall’ill.mo Sig. Card.e Chigi* by Sebastiano Baldini (BAV, Chigi, E. II. 38, f. 297 from April 23 to August 12, 1664), who was part of the cardinal’s entourage and defined himself as a “romano diarista”, gives us valuable information on the ceremonies, the characters, the clothes, but also on the landscapes and monuments visible along the journey.]

³ Dates given by Daniela del Pesco [Pesco (del), D., 2011, p. 476]: May, 21 – Louis XIV was informed of Flavio Chigi’s arrival at the port of Marseille; May, 29 – an official delegation departed from Fontainebleau; May, 31 – Flavio Chigi was welcomed in Lyon by Camille de Neufville; June, 6 – the royal delegation met with Flavio Chigi. The powers and distinctions of Flavio Chigi were made officially known via a printed document: *Pouvoirs de Monseigneur l’éminentissime Cardinal Chigi legat a latère en France, suivant la Bulle donnée à Rome à Saincte Marie Major, l’An de l’Incarnation de N.S. le IX. des Kalendes d’Avril M. DC. LXIII. qui revient au 24. Mars de la présente année 1664. Avec la Commission de la Légation en Latin & en François*. Paris: chez Alexandre Lesselin, 1664.

⁴ Words pronounced by Flavio Chigi during his audience [Pesco (del), D. 2014, p. 201]: “Sire, la santità sua ha avuto sentimento, e rammarico grandissimo de sfortunati accidenti che sono occorsi, [...], assicurandola che non è stata mente di Sua Santità che la Maestà Vostra sia offesa, né il sig. duca di Crequy suo Ambasciatore; desiderando Sua Santità, che per l’avvenire passi una buona corrispondenza trà ambe le parti, come è stata sempre, e io, in mio nome particolare, testimonio con ogni più riverente devotione a Vostra Maestà, che io [...] apra l’adito di poter far conoscere alla Maestà Vostra con gli atti più humili e sinceri del mio ossequio quanta sia la venerazione che io e tutta la mia casa porta al nome glorioso di Vostra Maestà, con quanta fede, et ambizione professi ogni legge più vera di servitù alla real persona di Vostra Maestà, e quanto siano stati lontani da sentimenti nostri gli accidenti occorsi in Roma, e con quanta amarezza abbia udito che io e la mia Casa siamo stati gravati d’opini sì sinistre e lontane da quelle riverenze e divozioni che professiamo et avero particolar [...] desiderio, et ambizione di professare a Vostra Maestà. Anzi se io, e la mia Casa avessimo avuto minima parte nell’attentato delli 20 agosto, ci stimaressimo
Given this very peculiar political context, Claude-François Ménestrier had the opportunity to design a quite unique and rather unusual set of decorations. Generally speaking, festivities in honour of high-rank political figures are extremely flattering. Conversely, this festival presented the occasion to create a different and contrasting rhetorical discourse. It was intended to express the forgiveness of France to Rome and served as an instrument of concealed public humiliation.

Inventing a decoration with such a controversial subject was a matter of certain difficulty, especially for a French Jesuit answering to both the local authorities and the Roman Catholic Church. Ménestrier, who probably played the role of mediator between the two parties, chose to veil all the decorations in obscure allegorical subjects (fig.1). He imagined, with the help of Thomas Blanchet (1614–1689), who was the most celebrated painter in Lyon at that time<fnref n="5" />, two triumphal arches placed in strategic places—the bridge on the river Rhône and the bridge on the river Saône<fnref n="6" />. The two bridges were used as symbolic barriers. Crossing the triumphal arch on Rhône bridge, which used to be the border of the French kingdom with the Holy Roman Empire during the Middle Ages, symbolized the papal legate’s re-entering

<footnote>immeritevoli del perdono, che avessimo voluto, e dovuto domandare alla Maestà Vostra, supplicandola à credere, che queste parole, e questi sensi vengono espressi da un cuor sincero, portato assieme con tutti di casa mia à venerar sempre con titolo di devozione vera la Maestà Vostra”. [Sire, His Holiness has felt and greatly regretted the unfortunate accidents that have occurred, [...], assuring you that it was not His Holiness’ intention that Your Majesty should be offended, nor the Duke of Crequy, his Ambassador; His Holiness desiring that in the future there will be a good correspondence between both parties, as has always been the case, and I, in my own name, testify with all the most reverent devotion to Your Majesty, that I [...] open the way to be able to make known to Your Majesty with the most humble and sincere acts of my homage how much veneration I and all my house bear to the glorious name of Your Majesty, with how much faith and ambition I profess every truest law of servitude to the royal person of Your Majesty, and how far from our feelings have been the events that have occurred in Rome, and with how much bitterness I have heard that I and my House have been burdened with opinions so sinister and far from those reverences and devotions that we profess and have particular [...] desire and ambition to profess to Your Majesty. Indeed, if I and my House had had the slightest part in the attack of August 20, we would consider ourselves undeserving of the forgiveness that we had wanted and had to ask of Your Majesty, begging you to believe that these words and these feelings are expressed by a sincere heart, brought together with all of my house to always venerate Your Majesty with the title of true devotion.]</footnote>

<footnote n="5">⁵ The life and work of Thomas Blanchet, as well as his involvement in the political life of the city of Lyon, has already been studied by [Galactéros-de Boissier, L. 1991, p. 215sq].</footnote>

<footnote n="6">⁶ The arch was not placed exactly on Saône bridge, but the procession had to cross it before getting to the place where the ephemeral decoration was erected. The use of bridges as borders by Ménestrier is a recurring phenomenon. It had already been used in 1660 for the set of ephemeral decorations and fireworks that were designed to commemorate the signing of the Pyrenees peace treaty. See [Piperkov, N. 2019, p. 122].</footnote>
France and, thus, the end of the diplomatic incident. Crossing the triumphal arch on the second bridge (the one on the river Saône) represented his entrance into the boundaries of the French (Gallican) Church, whose historic centre was precisely the city of Lyon. It is worth reminding that the Church of Lyon had already been granted the distinction of prima sedes Galliarum or first Church in Gaul, and the archbishop of Lyon was addressed to as primas, or first archbishop [see **Delivré, F.** 2009]. As we will demonstrate later, this topic became the primary subject in the political discourse of the second triumphal arch, which had very little to do with the *Corsican Guard Affair*. The diplomatic incident was merely used as a pretext for presenting the papal authorities with a reminder of the Gallican Church's privileges, first obtained during the Western Schism (1378 – 1417), reiterated by the Concordat of Bologna during the reign of François I (1516) and consolidated by the *Declara-tiones Cleri Gallicani* written by Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet in 1682 [according to **Bergin, J.**, 2004].

Because of this rich diplomatic context, the iconography designed by Ménestrier for the joyous entry of Falvio Chigi in the city of Lyon should be considered as a highly sensitive theo-political discourse disguised in allegories, images and costumes. This is clearly suggested by the meticulous attention paid to the published descriptions of the festivities, where every word counts. Indeed, Ménestrier produced four different descriptions of the decorations, which is very unusual in the practice of 17th-century festival books. All publications were printed in 1664 in two different publishing houses in Lyon (one of them being that of the clergy), with the usual acknowledgment *avec privilège du roi* (i.e. with permission by His Majesty)<fnref n="7" />:

I. Description de l'arc de triomphe dressé à la porte du Pont du Rhône par les soins de Mrs les prévôt des marchands et échevins de la Ville de Lyon; en la reception de en la reception de Monseigneur l'Eminentissime cardinal Flavio Chisi [sic] [C.F.M. 1664a]

[Description of the triumphal arch erected at the gate of Rhône bridge, by order of the city provost and the city governors, for the reception of the His Most Reverend Eminence Cardinal Flavio Chigi]

II. Description de l'arc de triomphe dressé à l'entrée de la rue de Portefroc par les soins de Mrs les doyens, chanoines et chapitre de l'Eglise, comtes de Lyon; pour la reception de Monseigneur le Cardinal Légat [Flavio Chigi] [C.F.M. 1664b]

[Description of the triumphal arch erected at the entrance of Potrefroc street, by order of the chief canon priest, the canon priests and the cathedral council of the counts of Lyon, for the reception of Monseigneur the cardinal and papal legate]

<footnote n="7">⁷ For all matters concerning attribution and inventory of the remaining known published versions of these printed festival books see [Adams A., Rawles, S. & Saunders, A.M., 2012].</footnote>
III. *Relation de l'entrée de Monseigneur l'Eminentissime cardinal Flavio Chigi, neveu de Sa Sainteté et son Légat Apostolique dans la Ville de Lyon*
[C.F.M. 1664c]

[Account of the entry of His Most Reverend Eminence Flavio Chigi, nephew of His Holiness and papal legate into the city of Lyon]

IV. *L'entrée solennelle dans la ville de Lyon, de Monseigneur l'Eminentissime cardinal Flavio Chigi, neveu de Sa Sainteté, et son légat a Latere en France: avec les noms, qualités et blasons des prélats, seigneurs et gentils-hommes de sa suite; pareillement, les noms, qualités, blasons [...] qui composent les corps de la ville de Lyon [...] [C.F.M. 1664d]*

[Solemn entry of His Most Reverend Eminence cardinal Flavio Chigi, nephew of His Holiness and his papal legate in France, with the names, characters and coats of arms of the clergy, nobility and gentility of his court; and with the names, characters and coats of arms of the corporations of the city of Lyon]<fnref n="8" />

The first two publications are presented as *descriptions*. They were probably published before the festivities and were used as visual guides for the public. They contain an ekphrasis<fnref n="9" /> of the allegorical figures, as well as a list of all the inscriptions on the triumphal arches without a thorough explanation of their actual meaning. The third publication, titled in French relation, i.e. account, was produced as a means of political propaganda. It contains a detailed description and even an engraving (fig. 2) of the first triumphal arch (the one on Rhône bridge) but mentions only briefly the second arch (the one on Saône bridge). The fourth publication stands as an odd-one-out, for it does not contain any description at all. Rather, it is a collection of emblems, epigrams, poems and coats of arms addressed to or composed by the various participants involved in the festival: the king, the pope, the papal legate, the archbishop of Lyon, the canon priests, the city governors, the city corporations, etc.

It is significant that the titles of Flavio Chigi grow in number and importance with every publication, as if they refer to specific political roles played by the papal legate during his joyous entry. The first publication, for instance, does not mention the title *papal legate*. Nevertheless, it mentions the proper name *Flavio Chisi* [sic] spelled wrong. The second publication omits Chigi's proper name; rather, it refers to his functions as cardinal and legate. The third publication emphasizes on the title *cardinalis nepos* (cardinal-nephew), i.e. on Flavio Chigi's personal connection to

<footnote n="8">⁸ A fifth publication can also be added to the list [C.F.M. 1664d]. It contains a printed letter in Latin addressed to the Jesuit father general, which describes with great flattery the arrival of Flavio Chigi in Lyon as a prince of the Roman Catholic Church. The letter presents the decorations in a prestigious light and omits completely the controversial subjects of Blanchet's paintings.</footnote>

<footnote n="9">⁹ From the greek ἑκφράζειν, meaning “to speak out”; vivid and thorough description of works of art or events.</footnote>
the pope. The fourth publication contains the mention légat à latere<fnref n="10" /> (great papal envoy) referring to Flavio Chigi's role as political and theological representative of the Roman Catholic Church.

Beyond the published text, which remains the primary source of information for our study, the underlying political meaning of the decorations is also revealed by a number of significant discrepancies between Ménestrier’s description and the images produced by Blanchet, as exemplified by the painting placed on the attic of the first triumphal arch located at Rhône bridge (fig.3). Because of the fact that its preparatory drawing is still preserved in the Louvre graphic collection, this pictorial composition should be considered as the best documented part of the entire set of ephemeral decorations<fnref n="11" />. Ménestrier describes this picture in the following way: the centre is occupied by the allegorical figure of France, indicated by the fleur-de-lys<fnref n="12" />, and the allegorical figure of Rome, crowned with a heraldic star taken from pope Alexander Chigi’s coats of arms<fnref n="13" />. Above, the flying Roman god Mercury signifies their reconciliation and stands for a visual metaphor of peace, as negotiators in ancient times were called caduceatores and wore the caduceus as symbol of good embassy<fnref n="14" />. On one side, just behind the figure of France, one could see a hill with a

<footnote n="10">¹⁰ From the lat. a latere, meaning “on the side” or “special”. The “lagetus a latere” is an extraordinary papal envoy charged with a mission of great solemnity and importance.</footnote>

<footnote n="11">¹¹ [Galacétros-de Boissier L. 1991] has been able to identify a preparatory drawing at Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Chigi F. VIII 181, fol. 44r. A second preparatory drawing, once part of the French king’s cabinet, is preserved at the Louvre, INV. 23 786. An engraved version of this composition was produced by Germain [?] Audran for C.F.M. 1664c.</footnote>

<footnote n="12">¹² French coat of arms: d'azur semé de fleur-de-lys d'or.</footnote>

<footnote n="13">¹³ The star is also present in the personal coat of arms of Flavio Chigi: de gueules à six montagnes d'or, une sur deux, deux sur trois, la plus haute surmontée d'une étoile de même.</footnote>

<footnote n="14">¹⁴ See [Piperkov, N. 2018, Part II. Cap. I]. Le souverain au caducée: *Mercurius Caduceator* et le bon gouvernement au XVIIe siècle, p. 103–5 & Hervé, *I*. 2002, p. 30. The term has been explained by [Comenius, J. A. 1657, p. 90; Arnobius. 2003, p. 15; Grotius, H., 1738, p. 554]: “Unde secundum Livium legati pacis Caduceatores dicuntur.”[according to Livy ambassadors of peace were called caduceatores]; [Valturio, R. 1555, p. 99]: “les Caduceateurs sont dicts ambassades de paix [...]. Or est le Caducée la verueine [sic], et le signe de paix, laquelle à bonne raison nous pouvons estimer être la verge de Mercure. De vrai Mercure est estimé le dieu des harangues, et interprète des dieux. Par quoi tout ainsi que la verge divise les serpents, c’est à dire le venin, les combattants aussi sont apaisés moyennant le parlement, et en est la guerre assoupie et rompue.” [the caduceus-bearers were called ambassadors of peace [...]. Though, the caduceus is the origin and the symbol of peace, that we justly consider that is also Mercury’s staff. Truly, Mercury is considered as the god of rhetorics and as the interpret of the gods. Hence, just as Mercury’s staff divides two serpents, which stand for poisonous words, speakers are calmed down by means of conversation, whilst all conflict or war is ended or lessened.]</footnote>
mirror reflecting the light, which stands for Lyon’s Roman city-name *Lugdunum*<fnref n="15" />, i.e. *lucis dunum*– “hill of light” [etym. **C.F.M.** 1669]. On the other side, just behind the figure of Rome, druids are shown under an oak tree, meaning (according to Ménesntrier) stability and prosperity<fnref n="16" />.

As it is, Ménestrier’s description conveys a very superficial and politically correct understanding of Blanchet’s picture, which can be challenged if we pay more attention to the pictorial details. Notably, the figures of France and Rome shaking hands are inspired by the goddess Concordia depicted on Roman coins<fnref n="17" /> (fig.4), although Concordia’s iconography usually requires isocephalic figures. In Blanchet’s design Rome is bowing to France. At the same time, Mercury flies over Rome and places his open hand on top of France– a gesture that can signify “acceptance” or “forgiveness”, which can be interpreted as a symbol of Flavio Chigi’s *mea culpa* addressed to the French authorities. Finally, when associated with druids, Mercury does not express peace at all. The druids indicate that here Mercury is not understood as *Mercurius Caduceator*, but rather as *Mercurius Gallicus*, i.e. Gallic or “French” Mercury, described in Caesar’s *Comentarii de bello gallico* as the foremost of the Celtic gods<fnref n="18" />.

What can be gathered from this quick analysis is that figures and symbols in Ménestrier’s design and Blanchets’s composition seem to have a double meaning

<footnote n="15">¹⁵ **C.F.M.** 1664c, p. 20–21: “dans un coin du tableau on voit l’ancienne Lyon et sur son éminence la plus haute un grand Miroir, qui recevait les impressions lumineuses d’un astre de la première grandeur, répandait sur les campagnes voisines les rayons qu’il avait reçus, en réfléchissant la Lumière.” [on the side of the picture we see the ancient city of Lyon, and on its very top a great mirror receiving the luminous impressions of a great star, that reflects onto the surrounding country the rays of light it had already received.]</footnote>

<footnote n="16">¹⁶ Ménestrier explains the oak-tree as a reference to Pope Alexander VII personal coat of arms: écartelé au 1 et 4 d’azur au rouvre d’or aux rameaux passés en sautoir et au 2 et 3 de gueules au mont à trois cimes d’or accompagné en chef d’une étoile de même.</footnote>

<footnote n="17">¹⁷ The iconography was already made popular in the emblematic tradition [Alcia-to, A. 1551, Embl. Virtutes fidies. Fideis symbolum, p. 15]. According to Alciato, the figure of Concordia stands for Faith, which is of capital importance for the interperation and un-derstanding of the second triumphal arch. See *infra*.</footnote>

<footnote n="18">¹⁸ **[Caesar.** 1658, p. 167: “De tous les dieux, ils adorent particulièrement Mercu-re, comme l’inventeur des arts, et patron des voyageurs et marchands” [They worshiped, amongst all gods, Mercury, as creator the all arts, and as the protector of travelers and merchants]. The description is also attested in **[Tacitus.** 1609, p. 736: “Ils adorent Mercure sus tous les dieux, auquel certains jours ils ont accoutumé sacrifier des hommes” [They wor-shiped, amongst all gods, Mercury, to whom they sacrificed people]. Study and bibliography by **[Combet-Farnoux, B.**, 1980; **Thevenot, E.** 1972, p. 72sq; **Duval, P. M.** 1989, p. 227–441; **Duval, P. M.** 1993 [1957], p. 58–65; **Piperkov, N.** 2018, Part II. Mercure Gaulois ou Theutatès. L’image du bon gouvernement et du commerce en Europe du Nord, p. 94–102].</footnote>
and should be “read” with caution. This “double reading” actually characterizes the
entire set of images produced for the joyous entry, the account of which begins quite
curiously two days prior. Ménestrier narrates that, while arriving from the South and
just before entering the city, Flavio Chigi was “intercepted” (to use the exact French
phrasing) by the archbishop of Lyon. Ménestrier’s description of these events em-
phasizes that Camille de Neufville acted as *lieutenant du roi*, i.e. lieutenant of the
king– a term that signifies both a military rank and an honorary position<fnref n="19" />. After
being symbolically “captured”, Flavio Chigi was taken to Ainay Abbey, which was
located inside the city walls and governed by the archbishop himself. On the day of
the festival, i.e. May 31, 1664, Flavio Chigi was rushed out of the city and forced
to cross over Rhône bridge [C.F.M. 1664c, p. 4–5]. On the other side of the river,
he was welcomed to a banquet<fnref n="20" /> in a Franciscan monastery located in the adjacent
town of Guillotière—a municipality which was on the border between France and
the Holy Roman Empire until 1312. In the 17th century, Guillotière belonged to the
French kingdom but was still considered as a frontier marked by the presence of
customs [Burnouf, J. & al. 1991].

<footnote n="19">¹⁹ C.F.M. 1664c, p. 4: “Le Roy ayant été averti de l’arrivée de M. le Légat en France, envoya à M. nostre Archevêque, son Lieutenant dans la Province [...] ses ordres pour la réception qu’on lui devait faire.” [After having been told of the papal legate’s arrival in France, the king sent to the archbishop, his lieutenant in this country [...], orders concerning his reception].</footnote>

<footnote n="20">²⁰ See C.F.M. 1664c, p. 5–14. The banquet was held in honor of the French king and the official city government of Lyon. Two thrones were installed in the Franciscan cloister—one for the papal legate and one for the pope, who was celebrated in absentia. The papal legate was placed under the king’s power, as shown by the arrangement of Louis XIV’s portrait on top of his head. [Ibid., p. 5]: “le Portrait de sa Majesté avait été mis au-dessous immédiatement sur la chaise de M. le Légat.” [the portrait of His Majesty was put on top of the legate’s chair.] Then the papal legate was presented with coats of arms and emblems indicating the grandeur of France and the city of Lyon [Ibid., p. 5]: “Cependant quoi que ces Arbres fissent déjà d’eux mêmes des berceaux (...) on n’avait pas laissé d’en dresser un autre des Tapisseries à fleur de Lys de l’Hôtel de Ville, où les Armoiries du Roy sont portés par des génies, et accompagnées des Médailles de sa Majesté, et des Empereurs que Lyon a donnez à Rome dés le premier Siècle de sa fondation.” [However, even if the trees had already been forming an arch [...] we formed another one with the city hall’s fleur-de-lys tapestries, which depicted the King’s coats of arms carried by two figures accompanied by the medals of His Majesty, and by the medals of the Roman emperors born in Lyon.] The papal throne was also lavishly decorated [Ibid., p. 6]: “Ce trône était bordé de seize Gardes vêtus de Casques violettes chamarrées de galons à chaînettes d’or, avec le chapeau bordé d’or, et retroussé d’un ruban, qui liait trois plumes en aigrette, dont l’une était violette, et les deux autres blanches, pour assortir la couleur du Royaume à celle de la Ville.” [This throne was stationed by sixteen guards dressed in purple helmets with little gilt chains, and hats embroidered with gold held by a ribbon, which contained three feathers: one purple and two white, in order to signify and assort the colors of the kingdom to that of the city].</footnote>
After the banquet, Flavio Chigi was allowed (at last!) to re-enter the city of Lyon through the very same Rhône bridge, which he had already crossed on his road to the Franciscan monastery in Guillotière. It is precisely at that point that he was presented with the first triumphal arch containing Blanchet's picture of the "reconciliation" between France and Rome. The triumphal arch served as a doorway into Lyon and was painted in the heraldic colours of the city<fnref n="21" />. The bridge was crossed by a long procession, described in great detail by Ménestrier, beginning with Flavio Chigi and ending with the archbishop, thus following the *decorum* of imperial triumph<fnref n="22" />. According to Roman tradition, the magistrates and vanquished enemy leaders marched before the arrival of the emperor, who was placed at the end of the procession alongside his soldiers<fnref n="23" />. In our case, the role of the vanquished enemy was played by Flavio Chigi, while Camille de Neufville, as *lieutenant* of the French king, took the honorary place of the emperor [C.F.M. 1664c, p. 17].

After entering the city of Lyon by Rhône bridge, Flavio Chigi traversed *via mercatoria* (rue Mercière, i.e. Commerce Street) where he was seen by the citizens riding a white donkey. Then, he made his way to yet another bridge, this time on the river Saône. After that, he assisted to a liturgy at Saint John Cathedral Church, upon the entrance of which the papal legate was presented with the final element in Ménestrier's decorations.

This second triumphal arch is extremely problematic<fnref n="24" />. It has never been reproduced in engraving. Its description is also omitted from most official festival

<footnote n="21">²¹ Lyon city coats of arms: *de gueules au lion grimpant armé, lampassé d'argent au chef d'azur chargé de trois fleurs de lys d'or*. The heraldic colors are attested by the preparatory drawing in Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, cod. Chigi F. VIII 181, fol. 44r.</footnote>

<footnote n="22">²² **C.F.M.** 1664c, p. 14: “à la queue de ce Magnifique Cortège [était Camille de Neufville] vêtu d’un habit long [...] et le manteau long figuré de la croix de l’Ordre, n’ayant voulu pendre aucune marque de Prélat, comme ayant toujours fait en cette occasion sa fonction de Lieutenant de Roy.” [at the rear of this magnificent parade [stood Camille de Neufville] dressed in a long dress [...] with a long coat ornamented by the Order’s cross, without any other religious distinction, as if he was fully embodying his role as king’s lieutenant].</footnote>

<footnote n="23">²³ For a study on the *decorum* of the Roman triumph see **Bastien, J.-L.** 2007 and **Bastien, J.-L.** 2014. Definition by Encycl. Britannica: “The magistrates and members of the Senate came first in the processions followed by musicians, the sacrificial animals, the spoils of war, and the captured prisoners in chains. Riding in a chariot festooned with laurel, the victorious general (*triumphator*) wore the royal purple and gold tunic and toga, holding a laurel branch in his right hand and an ivory sceptre in his left. A slave held a golden crown over the general’s head while repeatedly reminding him in the midst of his glory that he was a mortal man.”</footnote>

<footnote n="24">²⁴ The city government was rather complex. The archbishop governed as city-count in the name of the French king. He was supervised by a civic government, which had its own city hall, by a *prévôt des marchands* and by a royal governor who was nominated by the king. The printed description of the second triumphal arch was dedicated personally to</footnote>
books. Ménestrier suggests that it was inspired by Cassiodurus’ account of the domus puprurarum [C.F.M. 1664b, p. 3]. The Roman senator used the colour purpura as metaphor for purity of blood and as symbol of dignity, from which derives the very title of the triumphal arch: *Ecclesia lugdunensis domus purpurarum*. Besides the literal translation, the title conveys the controversial idea that the Church of Lyon is as ancient as the Church of Rome and just as legitimate to be the domus purpurarum (i.e. the noble house) of Christian religion. Like Rome (Ménestrier explains), Lyon was covered by the blood of Christian martyrs and for that reason could be considered as the siege of Gallic “ecclesiastic nobility”. The latter idea was strongly conveyed not only by textual references and inscriptions but also by visual means, namely by the abundant use of the colour red, which was supposed to associate the city of Lyon with the colour of the popes [C.F.M. 1664b, p. 4]: “est élevée la figure de l’Église de Lyon, vêtue d’un surpris de robe violette, et couverte d’un grand manteau rouge qui est l’ancien habit des comptes et chanoines de saint Jean, comme le justifient les vitraux” [the (allegorical) figure of the Church of Lyon stands, dressed in a purple dress and covered by an enormous red coat, which is the colour of the count-canon priests of Saint John Cathedral Church, as shown on the stained glass windows].

Ménestrier then makes a brief description of a picture painted by Thomas Blanchet, which was identical in size to the one on the first triumphal arch. Its subversive and almost scandalous subject explains clearly the reason why it has never been engraved and diffused. The picture showed the figure of France that designated the Church of Lyon as [C.F.M. 1664b, p. 4] “abrégé de l’Église Gallicane, dont No-tre Prélat est le Chef”” [a model for a Gallican Church, whose priest is the archbish-op of Lyon]; as well as “une image de l’hiérarchie céleste et de l’Église primitive” [an image of the celestial hierarchy and of the first Christian Church].

The word choice here is extremely revealing, as Ménestrier was well-versed in theology and his text should be considered as meticulous and calculated. The New Testament suggests that the first Christian Church was composed by Christ’s disciples, who were given the Mission upon the Holy Spirit descending at Pentecost (Acts 2, 1–31). It is not a coincidence at all that the triumphal arch was presented to Flavio Chigi on May 31 – a day before Pentecost 1664. We can reasonably argue that this important Christian holiday was instrumentalized in a propagandistic dis-course, which presented to Flavio Chigi the Church of Lyon as the centre of Galli-canism in the kingdom of France.

This particular symbology also “unlocks” the “secret” or underlying meaning of the entire set of decorations. For instance, it explains the presence of *Mercurius Gallicus* and the druids in Blanchet’s first picture (the one on Rhône bridge), whose

<footnote>the archbishop and was decorated with his coat of arms, as well as the coats of arms of his ecclesiastic entourage. See C.F.M. 1664b, p. 1–4.</footnote>
official title also gives a hint in that direction: Lugdunum prima sedes galliarum<fnref n="25" />. Literally it translates as Lyon, the first Church in France. However, its more historically accurate translation should be *Lyon, the first Gallican Church*. The latter can be better confirmed via a printed message sent by Ménestrier to the Jesuit father general in 1664, where we read: *argumentum operis Lungunum maxima Sedes* [the argument of this work is the Church of Lyon being the greatest]<fnref n="26" />. For this reason, the figure of *Mercurius Gallicus* associated with the figure of France could actually be considered as a crypto-allegory of the Gallican Church; even more so, we can compare the iconography presented by Ménestrier as the “reconciliation of France and Rome” to some Early-Modern emblems, namely Andrea Alciato’s *Emblemata*, where the same composition clearly signifies Religion and Faith (fig.5):

## Symbol of Faith.

Let Honour stand depicted, clothed in a garment of Tyrian purple, / and let naked Truth hold his right hand. / Between them, let chaste Love be represented, his brow garlanded / with roses, but fairer than Cupid, Dione's boy. / These images constitute good faith, which the reverence due to Honour / fosters, Love feeds, Truth brings to birth.<fnref n="27" />

<footnote n="25">²⁵ Latin inscription appearing on local coins, as already pointed out by **Delivré, F.** 2009. In our case the inscription served as an official title of the triumphal arch on Rhône bridge. The title was made visible to the public eye, as it was placed just below Thomas Blachet’s picture. It referred to the privileges that pope Gregory VII gave to the cardinal archbishop of Lyon in 1079. Ménestrier suggests that the phrase was a quote from Caesar’s *Commentarii de bello gallico*. No proof of this can be found in the original Latin text, nor in the most recent French translation. See **Caesar.** 1658.</footnote>

<footnote n="26">²⁶ Ménestrier, *Ad reverendum admodùm P. Ioannem Paulum Olivam*, p. 1.</footnote>

<footnote n="27">²⁷ **Alciato, A.** 1551, p. 15, transl. by the Glasgow Emblem Project. Original latin: *Virtutes fideis. Fideis symbolum. / Stet depictus Honos Tyrio velatus amictu, / Eiusque iungat nuda dextram Veritas. / Sitque Amor in medio castus: cui tempora circum / Rosa it, Diones pulchrior Cupidine. / Constituunt haec signa fidem, reverentia honoris / Quam fovet, alit Amor, parturitque Veritas*. It is necessary to compare the Latin text with its well-spread French translation made by Macé Bonhomme’s for the 1548 edition printed of the text sold by Guillaume Rouille [*Alciato, A.* 1548a, p. 28–29]: “C’est l’ancienne sabine designation de la Trinité, avant Jesus-Christ né. Ou bien le vrai entretien de fidélité par les circonstances d’honneur et de vérité.” [This is the ancient designation by Sabines of the Trinity, before the birth of Christ. Or, the true encounter of Fidelity with Honor and Truth.] Another version of the same emblem identifies Faith with a pagan goddess [*Alciato, A.* 1548b, fol. 13v-15r]: “Ceci est pris d’une ancienne statue des Sabins, par laquelle ils représentaient un Dieu à trois faces, & qui avait trois noms. La figure dextre était en forme d’homme, vêtu de robe longue: la senestre, en femme, ayant même habit long, portant sus son chef une couronne de laurier, laquelle tendait la main dextre à la première. Au milieu d’elles se voyait un bel enfant, au dessus de la teste duquel se lisait ce mot LE SIMULACHRE DE FIDIUS [...]”</footnote>
The reference to Alciato's emblem was self-evident for the spectators of the festival, especially in a city internationally renowned for its printing houses, which had already made of the *Emblemata* one of its greatest commercial successes during the 16th century. In a way, the visual differences between Alciato's emblem and Blanchet's picture add even more to the irony of an ephemeral decoration that substitutes Cupid, holding hands with Honor and Truth, with French Mercury, symbol of Gallicanism, forcing the Roman Catholic Church to bow before the kingdom of France and the Church of France.

In conclusion, the entry of Flavio Chigi in Lyon crosses the boundaries of 17th-century *decorum* and propriety. This unique festival uses allegory and inscriptions in order to convey a subtle double meaning. The first one is a flattering welcome. The second one is a public humiliation. Claude-François Ménestrier did not even give a privileged role to the festival's main addressee. Flavio Chigi, instead of being praised when arriving in the city of Lyon, was proposed a controversial political discourse that bestowed upon the archbishop the role of its true protagonist. Camille de Neufville de Villeroy was described as the lieutenant of the French king and was shown in the position of a triumphant Roman emperor. The archbishop of Lyon was also implicitly described as *Mercurius Gallicus* (French Mercury), the great god of French religion, governing a French (Gallican) Church worthy of comparison in greatness and nobility to Rome.

## REFERENCES

### I. *Printed primary sources*

**Alciato, A.** 1548a – Andrea Alciato. Emblèmes d’Alciat de nouveau translatez en français pur vers jouxte les Latins; ordonnez en lieux communs avec briefves expositions, & Figures nouvelles appropriées aux derniers Emblèmes. Lyon: par Macé Bonhomme pour Guillaume Rouille, 1548.

**Alciato, A.** 1548b – Andrea Alciato. Emblemata Andreæ Alciati, I. C. clarissimi Latinogallica, Unà cum succinctis argumentis, quibus Emblematis cuiúsque sententia explicatur. Les Emblèmes latin-françois du Seigneur André Alciat, excellent Jurisconsulte. Avec argumens succincts pour entendre le sens de chasque Embleme. En la fin est la vie d’Alciat. Paris: chez Jean Richer Libraire, rue S. Jean de Latran, à l’Enseigne de l’arbre Verdoyant, 1584.

**Alciato, A.** 1551 – Andrea Alciato. Emblemata D.A. ALCIATI denuo ad ipso Autore recognita, ac, quæ, desiderabantur, imaginibus locupleata. Accesserunt nova aliquot ab Autore Embemata suis quo;[ue] eiconibus insignata. Lyon: par Macé Bonhomme pour

<footnote>[This image is taken from an ancient statue of the Sabines, by means of which they depicted a god with three heads and three names. The right figure was shaped like a man dressed in a long dress. The left figure was a woman, cloaked in a long dress and crowned with laurel wreath, shaking hands with the first figure. The central figure depicted a beautiful child with the following inscription placed on top of his head THE IDOL OF FAITH.]</footnote>
Guillaume Rouile, 1551.

**Arnobius.** 2003 – Arnobius. Adversus gentes. Contre les gentils. French translation by Henri le Bonniec. Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 2003.

**Caesar**, 1658 – Caius Julius Caesar. Commentarii de bello gallico. Commentaires de la guerre des Gaules. French translation by P. d'Ablancourt. Paris: chez A. Courbe, 1658.

**Comenius, J. A.** 1657 – Johann Amos Comenius. Lexicon atriale latino-latinum, simplices et nativam rerum nomenclationes, è Janu linguæ Latinæ jam notas, in elegantes variè commutare docens. Amsterdam: apud Johannes Janssonium, 1657.

**Grotius, H.** 1738 – Hugo Grotius. The Rights of War and Peace, in Three Books: Wherein are Explained, the Law of Nature and Nations, and the Principal Points Relating to Government. London: The Lawbook Exchange, 1738.

**C.F.M.** 1664a – Claude-François Ménestrier. Description de l'arc de triomphe dressé à la porte du Pont du Rhosne par les soins de Mrs les Preuost des Marchands & Escheuins de la Ville de Lyon; en la reception de Monseigneur l'Eminentissime Cardinal Flavio Chisi [sic]. Lyon: chez Antoine Iullieron, imprimeur ordinaire du clergé, 1664.

**C.F.M.** 1664b – Claude-François Ménestrier. Description de l'arc de triomphe dressé à l'entrée de la ruë de Portefroc par les soins de Mrs les Doien, Chanoines, & Chapitre de l'Eglise, Comtes de Lyon; pour la reception de Monseigneur le Cardinal Legat [Flavio Chigi]. Lyon: chez Antoine Iullieron, Imprimeur Ordinaire de la Ville rue Raisin aux deux Vipères, proche la place de Confort, 1664.

**C.F.M.** 1664c – Claude-François Ménestrier. Relation de l'entrée de Monseigneur l'Eminentissime cardinal Flavio Chigi, neveu de Sa Sainteté & son Legat Apostolique dans la Ville de Lyon. Lyon: chez Antoine Jullieron, imprimeur ordinaire de la ville rue Raisin aux deux Vipères, proche la place de Confort, 1664.

**C.F.M.** 1664d – Claude-François Ménestrier. L'entrée solennelle dans la ville de Lyon, de Monseigneur l'Eminentissime cardinal Flavio Chigi, neveu de Sa Sainteté, et son légat a Latere en France: avec les noms, qualitez et blasons des prelats, seigneurs et gens-hommes de sa suite. Pareillement, les noms, qualitez, blasons [...] qui composent les corps de la ville de Lyon [...]. Lyon, chez Alexandre Fumeux, 1664.

**C.F.M.** 1664e – Claude-François Ménestrier. Ad reverendum admodùm P. Ioannem Paulum Olivam, Societatis Jesu Vicarium Generalem, epistola de triumphali ingressu eminentissimi Flavii Chigii S. R. E. Cardinalis, legati à Latere S. D. N. Alexandri papae VII ad christianissimum Galliae regem Ludovicum XIV. Lyon: printer unknown, 1664 [Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Stamp. Chig. III. 469 (int. 23), 8p.]

**C.F.M.** 1669 – Claude-François Ménestrier. Eloge historique de la ville de Lyon, et sa grandeur consulaire sous les Romains et sous nos rois. Lyon: chez Benoît Coral, 1669.

**Tacitus.** 1609 – Gaius Cornelius Tacitus. Les Œuvres de C. Cornelius Tacitus [...] à savoir les Annales et Histoires des choses advenues en l'Empire de Rome depuis le trespas d'Auguste; la Description des mœurs et des peuples de Germanie; la Vie de Jules Agricola [...]. Douai: chez Balthazar Beller, 1609.

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<figure><img src="image_2.png" /><figcaption>**Fig. 1.** Thomas Blanchet. Triumphal arch on Rhône bridge (May 31, 1664), ink and aquarelle, 33,2 x 22,7 cm, Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, cod. Chigi F. VIII, 181, f. 44</figcaption></figure>
<figure><img src="image_3.png" /><figcaption>**Fig. 2.** Engraver from the Audran family [?]. Triumphal arch on Rhône bridge (May 31, 1664). — In: C.F.M. 1664c. Paris, Bibliothèque de l'INHA, coll. Jacques Doucet, 4 RES 1159, n.p.</figcaption></figure>
<figure><img src="image_4.png" /><figcaption>**Fig. 3.** Thomas Blanchet. The Reconciliation of France and Rome: preparatory drawing for the triumphal arch on Rhône bridge (1664). ink, gouache, white highlights and silverpoint, 30,8 x 41,1 cm. Paris, Musée du Louvre, Inv. 23 786</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_5.png" /><figcaption>**Fig. 4.** Billon antoninianus of Aurelian (270 – 275). 20 x 22 mm, 3.6g. Obverse: IMP C AVRELIANVS. Reverse: CONCORDIA MILITVM AVG. Ref: RIC V 244</figcaption></figure>
<figure><img src="image_6.png" /><figcaption>Fig. 5. Alciato, A. 1551, p. 15 [Fidei symbolum].</figcaption></figure>