(Dis)ordered growth : the local consequences of
Globalisation in Aubervilliers and Itaquera

Fenanda Oliveira de Almeida

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Fenanda Oliveira de Almeida. (Dis)ordered growth: the local consequences of Globalisation in Aubervilliers and Itaquera. Humanities and Social Sciences. 2022. dumas-03851880

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(Dis)ordered growth

The local consequences of Globalisation in
Aubervilliers and Itaquera

Présenté par Fenanda Oliveira de Almeida

Sous la direction de **Sébastien Velut**

Mémoire de Master 2 mention Sciences Sociales, Coopération et Développement en Amérique Latine/Latinamerican Studies.

Parcours-type Master Erasmus Mundus Latin America and Europe in a Global World (LAGLOBE), avec les universités de Salamanque et Stockholm.

Mémoire présenté le 9 juin 2022 à l'Université Sorbonne Nouvelle.

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Para as minhas avós Ana Maria e Maria Gilse.
Acknowledgements

This master's thesis would not have been possible without the guidance, encouragement, and
friendship of several people. First, I would like to thank my thesis supervisor, Mr. Sébastien
Velut for giving me all necessary support to carry out this research. I thank all professors who
gave me countless advice throughout this two years journey at the University of Salamanca,
Stockholm University and Sorbonne Nouvelle University. The different academic
environments part of this master's degree provided me knowledge and consciousness of
different perspectives when studying same phenomena. I thank my LAGLOBE fellows,
particularly Axelle, Elena, Federico, Karen, Louise and Sarah. My gratitude also goes to the
kindest and helpful people that encouraged me in this journey, especially Gianfranco, Lais,
Priscila, and Professor Fabio Contel, my bachelor's degree supervisor and guide. I cannot fail
to thank all the people I have crossed paths and stories with in Aubervilliers and Itaquera.
Finally, thanks to God, my family, and friends for their support, that despite the geographical
distance have always been my biggest supporters.
List of Abbreviations

IBGE - Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics)

IDF - Île-de-France

INSEE- Institut national de la statistique et des études économiques (French National Institute of Statistics and Economic Studies)

EMGP - Compagnie des Entrepôts et Magasins Généraux de Paris (Company of Warehouses and General Stores of Paris)

GPE- Grand Paris Express

OUCRVJ - Operação Urbana Consorciada Rio Verde Jacu (Rio Verde Jacu Consorted Urban Operation)

PCF- Parti Communiste Français (French Communist Party)

PS - Parti socialiste (French Socialist Party)

RATP- Régie Autonome des Transports Parisiens (Autonomous Board of the Parisian Transport)

SDRIF - Le Schéma directeur de la région Île-de-France (Master Plan for the Île de France region)

SEADE - Fundação Sistema Estadual de Análise de Dados (State System of Data Analysis Foundation)

SECOVI- Sindicato da Habitação - São Paulo (São Paulo Housing Union)

SGP- Société du Grand Paris

SMUL- Secretaria Municipal de Urbanismo e Licenciamento (São Paulo Urban Planning Office)

UDI- Union des démocrates et indépendants (Union of Democrats and Independents- centre-right party)
Table of Contents

<table><tr><td>Preface</td><td>11</td></tr><tr><td>Introduction chapter</td><td>13</td></tr><tr><td>1. The challenges on urban studies: Globalisation, urban space, and the city</td><td>13</td></tr><tr><td>1.1. The different scales on the urban study: materiality and symbolism</td><td>14</td></tr><tr><td>1.2. Crisis in the cities and gentrification: urbanism, urbanisation and planning</td><td>16</td></tr><tr><td>1.3. Multi-territoriality</td><td>18</td></tr><tr><td>2. Globalisation and urban space: a suitable match for the emergence or worsening of local inequalities. Research questions and theoretical framework</td><td>20</td></tr><tr><td>2.1. Research questions</td><td>20</td></tr><tr><td>2.2. Theoretical framework</td><td>22</td></tr><tr><td>2.3. Literature Review and key concepts</td><td>24</td></tr><tr><td>3. Research methods and methodology</td><td>30</td></tr><tr><td>3.1. Observation</td><td>30</td></tr><tr><td>3.2. From theory to practice</td><td>30</td></tr><tr><td>3.3. The comparison: Aubervilliers and Itaquera</td><td>31</td></tr><tr><td>3.4. Qualitative and quantitative methodological tools</td><td>35</td></tr><tr><td>3.5. Challenges</td><td>36</td></tr><tr><td>Chapter 2. Globalisation and the production of urban space in Aubervilliers</td><td>38</td></tr><tr><td>2.1. Morphological and historical characteristics of Aubervilliers, a brief historical review</td><td>38</td></tr><tr><td>2.1.1. Aubervilliers' short timeline</td><td>43</td></tr><tr><td>2.1.2. Territorial continuity: Aubervilliers in the 21st century</td><td>48</td></tr><tr><td>2.2. The Grand Paris project and the new metros in Aubervilliers</td><td>53</td></tr><tr><td>2.2.1. Campus Condorcet</td><td>56</td></tr><tr><td>2.2.2. Infrastructure and housing</td><td>59</td></tr><tr><td>2.2.3. Infrastructure and economic activities</td><td>64</td></tr><tr><td>2.2.4. Infrastructure and the local population</td><td>67</td></tr><tr><td>2.3. Aubervilliers and globalisation, the lived, perceived, and conceived spaces</td><td>72</td></tr><tr><td>Chapter 3. Globalisation and the production of urban space in Itaquera</td><td>75</td></tr><tr><td>3.1. Morphological and historical characteristics of Itaquera, a brief historical review</td><td>75</td></tr><tr><td>3.1.1. Itaquera's short timeline</td><td>79</td></tr><tr><td>3.1.2. Territorial continuity: Itaquera in the 21st century</td><td>88</td></tr></table>
<table>
  <tbody>
    <tr>
      <td>3.2. The 2014 FIFA World Cup and the new urban equipment in Itaquera</td>
      <td>95</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>3.2.1. Infrastructure and housing in Itaquera</td>
      <td>98</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>3.2.2. Infrastructure and economic activities in Itaquera</td>
      <td>102</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>3.2.3. Infrastructure and the local population in Itaquera</td>
      <td>106</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>3.3. Itaquera and globalisation, the lived, perceived, and conceived spaces</td>
      <td>109</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>Chapter 4. Aubervilliers and Itaquera amidst globalisation</td>
      <td>113</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>4.1. Aubervilliers and Itaquera, general features in perspective</td>
      <td>113</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>A. Physical characteristics: the river, the natural environment, and the railway</td>
      <td>118</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>B. Housing market</td>
      <td>119</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>C. Commerce and the tertiarisation of the economy</td>
      <td>125</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>4.2 Is there a trend towards the influence of globalisation in Aubervilliers and in Itaquera?</td>
      <td>128</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>4.3. Globalisation, a paradox</td>
      <td>130</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>4.4. Urbanism, urbanisation and industrialisation, what do they reveal about globalisation in Aubervilliers and Itaquera ?</td>
      <td>131</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>Conclusions</td>
      <td>134</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>Bibliographical References</td>
      <td>138</td>
    </tr>
  </tbody>
</table>
"A história é sem-fim, está sempre se refazendo. O que hoje aparece como resultado é também um processo; um resultado hoje é também um processo que amanhã vai tornar-se outra situação. O processo é o permanente devir." (Santos, 1991: 95)
# Preface

Política Literária<fnref n="1" /> - Carlos Drummond de Andrade

*O poeta municipal*
*discute com o poeta estadual*
*qual deles é capaz de bater o poeta federal.*

*Enquanto isso o poeta federal*
*tira ouro do nariz.*

When I moved to Aubervilliers in August 2020, to pursue my master's studies, I came across an urban landscape in visible transformation. In the north-eastern suburb of Paris, known for its low socio-economic income population, a landscape full of constructions, with a mix of old and new buildings could be found. Evidence of the most modern and remnants of the Parisian industrialisation period: cement, glass, new offices and pavements combined with construction warehouses, graffiti and derelict playgrounds. Amidst this new place that I would soon call home (and where I would study, in the new university campus called *Condorcet*), I started wondering what would happen (and was already happening) to the local population. As my interest in cities and urban processes is long-standing (I have lived in a big city almost my entire life), I began to associate what I saw *in situ* with the concept of gentrification that will be further elaborated throughout this work. With my concern about what was happening in that place, and my role in there, as an active member of society, I decided to make from my new home my research topic, asking myself about the effects of globalisation on the local scale. The participatory observations and available data, allowed me to think about the different facets of local transformations, and raised me a personal concern: would I be an agent of gentrification in Aubervilliers?

Bearing in mind the different scales existing in the city, it seemed pertinent to me to connect globalisation and the neo-liberalisation of the economy with local changes. In this sense, I consider the poem by Carlos Drummond de Andrade to be relevant to this debate, in which often the macro level (in the case of the poem, the federal poet, and in this work, the globalisation) is not aware of the local level's needs. In thinking about the global scale with the very visible changes in Aubervilliers, I found a connection between what was happening there

<footnote n="1">¹Literary Politics from Carlos Drummond de Andrade: The municipal poet/argues with the state poet/which of them is capable of beating the federal poet.// Meanwhile the federal poet/picks gold out of his nose. Translation by the author.</footnote>
and changes visible in a neighborhood in my hometown, São Paulo. The similarities and the
different socio-spatial contexts in both places, motivated me to take a deeper look in both cases
as an attempt to relate the local response to global phenomena, and on how places react
differently (or not) to them. More than the result of an academic research, this work seeks to
bring visibility, connectivity and consciousness between processes and their consequences in a
critical perspective.
# Introduction chapter

The present work aims to analyse the effects of globalisation on a local scale, more specifically in urban peripheral areas. From the perspective of social, urban and historical geography, this work investigates the consequences of globalisation seen in the city's expansion movement. The need of a consolidated insertion into the world market economically, politically and physically allows changes in city usage that will be addressed in this research, focusing in two different urban contexts: a peripheral area from a city in the Global North, and a city in the Global South. The election of two different regions takes place within the framework that although cities increasingly resemble each other, their population and organisation from political, cultural and artistic expressions are specific, subjective and different.

In a moment when the world's population is largely concentrated in urban areas (Taylor, 2018), to understand how the (re)production of this specific space affects societies in a local way is mandatory to comprehend society itself. Based on the empirical cases of Aubervilliers, a commune part of the metropolitan region of Paris, Île-de-France- France and Itaquera, a district of São Paulo municipality- Brazil, the research objective is to describe and understand recent (21st century) urban processes in light of globalisation, as well as the role of different institutions and actors in the urban space. Considering the socio-spatial inequalities created in the so-called global cities (Sassen, 2005) is also a main target to this research. From globalisation to the urban expansion movement, we question, within the bounds of the structural and daily life frameworks, who is affected and how?

## 1. The challenges on urban studies: Globalisation, urban space, and the city

Awareness about the importance of urban space for human society is longstanding. Since its foundation, the city has been related to driving forces of modern society such as trade, culture, and politics (Clark, 2016). The city can be seen “as a set of signs in which the manifestations of human reason are inscribed” (Senra, 2011:63)<fnref n="2" />. From the urban phenomenon, modern cities appear as places where different time-spaces coexist, enabling different approaches to the theme. By approaching the city from different angles, different discourses arise. In this sense, the city heterogeneously formed, shows its challenges. Composed of multiple realities and actors, urban studies face the complexity of dealing with such a singular

<footnote n="2">²All direct quotations of this text, if in another language, have been translated by the author.</footnote>
and plural reality. The city as a contested territory is formed by multiple daily lives (Magnani, 2002), which are in constant transformation, and are increasingly linked to its commercial function. Ahead of the neo-liberalisation of the world economy, cities tend to lose their constitutive references and focus on their exchange value<fnref n="3" /> shrouded by urbanisation processes. In this context, the city and the urban consist in a research field for different areas of the social, human and natural sciences. From a methodological point of view, we emphasize the importance of multidisciplinary when studying the city, the urban, and their processes. Nevertheless, in this work, we employ a geographical perspective about the theme.

## 1.1. The different scales on the urban study: materiality and symbolism

Since space is produced for each mode of production, in the period known by globalisation, national territories are organised to host international agents, in which the most active forces at the local level find their dynamism in external origins (Santos, 1994). A new type of organizational structure is created changing the materiality of the territories (Sassen, 2005). At a time when the use of the city is global, territory presents itself as the place where global processes are materialised, and where the new organizational structures are present. The territory used by different agents has different configurations. Starting from a geographical perspective of the theme, ‘urban’ is not only a delimited territorial unit but it incorporates different scales and is "constituted interactively, contested politically and historically constructed by changing scales that extend from our bodies to the city, the region, the national territory and the planet" (Brenner, 2018:11).

When thinking of cities as the combination of territories that concern different daily lives, it is possible to infer that cities “organise a system of relationships” (Roncayolo, 1997:19). Territory as a system of relationships, is more than an appropriated space, produced by the governance of different actors<fnref n="4" /> (Moine, 2006). Territory is symbolic and material, so is the city. The city composed by different territories is concrete, it has a beginning and an end (and here we mention city’s physical space, its borders) but, at the same time, it is subjective, it is a sentiment that incorporates the local and “the feeling of being part of a larger environment” (Roncayolo & Chesneau, 2008:237). There are different ways of conceiving, perceiving, and living the city (Lefebvre, 1974).

<footnote n="3">³ Here the city can be revalued as a commodity itself.</footnote>

<footnote n="4">⁴ Governance can be achieved by those considered the hegemonic agents of globalisation, large corporations, but also by the state, organisations and institutions that influence and act at the local territory and can generate instability.</footnote>
Urban patterns established locally should have a global scale approach, that is to say, an approach that considers the global shaping local territories. Trying to comprehend global structures enables a better understanding of local territories and, in this case, it allows an interpretation of what are the changes and the remains in two peripheral areas of the global cities Paris and São Paulo. As important as understanding the global scale, an effort is needed to understand the urban phenomenon in a local manner, and thus, make globalising processes tangible on a smaller scale. It is valid to mention, and we start from this principle, that all processes are connected. What happens locally is inextricably linked to what happens in the world in general, whether historically, economically, socially or politically. It is exactly the connection between the global and local scale that we will address further in this study, taking into consideration two cases from different global contexts.

At a time where almost everything looks to have an immaterial part or, at least, parts that are not palpable to human eyes, the materiality of the territory makes globalisation possible. As globalisation can be related to neoliberal politics<fnref n="5" /> (Pinson, 2020), capital flows, information, and the expansion of financial services industries, it is essential to this process to have a space to become reality, something concrete. A spatial concentration is created, the global decisions are taken somewhere, they are territorialised in the cities (Sassen, 2005). With the spatial concentration, complex spaces with infrastructure to house large corporationsemerge. Regions such as *La Défense* in Paris, or *Berrini* in São Paulo are empirical evidence of the formation of metropolitan corporate complexes, housing headquarters of large national, but mostly multinational companies (Cordeiro, 1993). The decisions transplanted from somewhere else becomes global when materialised locally. The city has its functions changed and somehow its materiality is exhausted, it needs to be expanded (Santos, 1994). In this movement of expansion of the cities, we highlight the importance of the peripheries, especially those closer to the centre, as the case studies. The peripheries play an important role in the incorporation of neo-liberal policies, since the decisions concerning the strategies of urban centres and their territories increasingly incorporate the peripheries. The densest urban sprawl is now moving towards these areas, and global decisions are taking over the city's expansion zones. Zones that are not central but somehow, with the expansion of the city, became closer to their centralities. To understand how global decisions can be territorialised and affect directly or indirectly the

<footnote n="5">⁵ It is interesting pointing out that globalisation does not only exist in the economic field. As Ghorra-Gobin (2007) and Santos (2000) have already written about, globalisation is not only about financial flows and the emergence of global corporations/firms but it incorporates other parameters such as the cultural and psychological dimension of societies.</footnote>
peripheries of the city, consider political and social attitudes and efforts are needed. It is
fundamental to think who are the people affected, and who provides or catalyses the changes?
On a local scale, we will try to understand these implications in Aubervilliers, a commune of
the Paris metropolitan region, and Itaquera, a district of São Paulo municipality.

## 1.2. Crisis in the cities and gentrification: urbanism, urbanisation and planning

By comprehending urban and social phenomena as Henri Lefebvre (1970) emphasises,
as a process of total urbanisation of society, it can be said that the urban becomes totally
concrete in human society. The urban issue, as a social practice, goes through a metamorphosis,
in which spatiality plays an essential role. The process of reproduction of society and its
dynamics takes place through the city and the urban (Carlos, 2020). Such a process “elucidate
the production of a globalised space as an achievement of capitalism - in the sense that
capitalism needs to overcome moments of crisis of accumulation” (Carlos, 2009: 306) seeking
to reinvent itself in other territories or activities. In the search for its own realisation, capital
finds in urban land a new role; the space, more specifically, the urban space becomes the
condition and mean of a process of economic reproduction (Carlos, 2009). Urban land is no
longer an element of fixed investment but, through new strategies, such as the creation of real
estate investment funds, and the construction of buildings for the rental market, it becomes an
object of reproduction for financial capital (Carlos, 2009). The new qualities of urban land allow
the existence of modern places and corporate complexes in metropolises. These places seem to
be very similar anywhere in the world, recalling what Marc Augé (1992) called non-places<fnref n="6" />.
Walking towards this total urbanisation of society, the transition from industrial to financial
capital assisted the concentration of capital in few economic sectors insofar as it focuses on the
insertion of regions into the global market (Carlos, 2009). In the midst of cities’ insertion into
the global market and regarding industrialisation processes, urbanisation promotes the
explosion of the city (Carlos, 2009), where urbanisation continuously extends itself.

Using a neo-liberalist interpretation of the existence and expansion of cities, it can be
said that they are related to the development of capitalism, since “cities have arisen through
geographical and social concentrations of a surplus product.” (Harvey, 2008:24). In an

<footnote n="6">⁶ The concept proposed by Marc Augé (1992) points to places where the individual 's identity is not recognised. Places that appear to be the same precisely because of the lack of subjective identity. 'A place can be defined as identity, relational and historical, whereas a space that cannot be defined as identity, relational or historical will define a non-place.' - Translated by the author. The original quote is: 'Si un lieu peut se définir comme identitaire, relationnel et historique, un espace qui ne peut se définir ni comme identitaire, ni comme relationnel, ni comme historique définira un non-lieu.' (Augé, 1992:100).</footnote>
advanced stage of the capitalist mode of production, urban concentration is exacerbated, and it
becomes necessary to expand urban centres. In this expansion of the cities, new areas begin to
incorporate new centralities and the appreciation of previously unvalued spaces occurs,
urbanism and planning take on a fundamental role. Urbanism and planning, that used to
question the liberal spirit<sup>7</sup>, today are developed in a logic in which public interventions do not
threaten private property but favours them (often without this favouritism as the main objective
of the designed urban infrastructures).

Due to the new contents of urbanisation and facing a globalised and neoliberal stage of
the economy, degrees of dependence in between areas are created and cities' rapid growth (its
explosion), reveals not only the concentration of capital and information but also of people and
precariousness (Castells, 1973; Santos, 2000; Brenner & Theodore, 2002). The daily life of
cities' inhabitants is subordinated to the neoliberal logic and the rhythms of life in global cities
and metropolises are dictated by the market (Carlos, 2009). Considering the city and urban as
processes, the socio-spatial transformations that take place in modern societies, promotes
different access to urban resources (Harvey, 2008).

The different types of access to the city, highlighted for example by the displacements
of people from their original neighbourhoods, shows a modern facet of the city, a facet that
Ruth Glass (1964) called gentrification. The term was used to describe a new habit observed in
East London, in which upper middle-class households were buying properties in depreciated
areas of the city, promoting a population turnover, and generating an appreciation of these
spaces. Although the gentrification debate is extensive and, in principle, deals with central areas
of the city, it cannot be denied that space valuation, regardless of the area, is beneficial only to
a portion of the population, while the other part sees itself in a vulnerable position when
regarding socio-economic aspects (Atkinson, 2004). Displacement because of the surge in the
price of rent and services becomes common and sections of the city increasingly become
accessible only for some. Urbanisation as a process and urbanism and planning as political
projects, help to define the directions of the city and who can access it. The growing demand
for urban land in a globalised and neo-liberal world is both a cause and a consequence of the
urban sprawl and the modern way of life<sup>8</sup>. In a moment of crisis in the city and valorisation of

<footnote n="7">⁷ According to Pilson (2020), urbanism and planification emerging at the end of the 19th century faced the spirit of liberal times (*l'esprit du temps libéral*), proposing practical changes and approaches to land use, real estate, and housing. Recently, urbanism and planification do not present a threat to neoliberalism, but they corroborate to its existence.They have given in to the designs of neoliberalism.</footnote>

<footnote n="8">⁸ Here we consider modern life as the abstraction and objectification of social life, endowed with distant and impersonal relationships, based on consumption (Simmel, 2011).</footnote>
urban space, Itaquera and Aubervilliers will be used as representations of these processes, given that these two areas have undergone urban renewal processes, among other objectives, to fit into global cities' standards<fnref n="9" />.

**1.3. Multi-territoriality**

In addressing global cities, considering their socio-economic dynamics and a process of total urbanisation of society, it is interesting to emphasise its physical and palpable part, but also the forms of appropriation of the materiality, and by that, we mean the territory itself. The territory in the global city appears as a manifestation of the society that inhabits it. The materiality circumscribed within it, represents not only a delimitation, but different forms of appropriation of space. In this sense, this research is concerned to which territories (sometimes unofficial ones) are part of the global city, in this case, in Itaquera and Aubervillies. What material and immaterial territories exist in those places? As the human geographer Haesbaert (2013) pointed out, regardless of which territory, it is always linked to power relationships and to the control of social processes through the control of space. Assuming that territory is hybrid, and it is influenced and created by different powers, different territories are, and represent different physical forms and social organisations, taking on different meanings. Territories can be seen as natural resources (Gottman, 1973), as a concrete relational space, not only as a fixed material object, but endowed with society's behaviour and subjectivity (Haesbaert, 2013; Bonnemaison & Cambrèzy, 1996), and as a space under political domination (Sack, 1986). Regardless of the concept used to define territory, here it appears as a multi-faceted possibility, the place where power shows itself, the physical form that houses the coexistence of different subjects and forms of power and domination. The territory is a visible form of co-location and co-presence<fnref n="10" /> (Goffman, 1966; Giddens, 1984). In this respect, we found in the case studies multiple territories within the same geographical delimitation. Considering the different physical and non-physical territories of the cases studied, we understand the different scales of power and appropriation of space in the same locality.

<footnote n="9">⁹The concept of the global city will be better explained in section 2.3.</footnote>

<footnote n="10">¹⁰According to Zhao and Elesh (2008: 568, 570), “Two individuals are co-located if they are in each other’s proximity. Co-located individuals are ‘mutually present to one another’ (Goffman 1966) and each is within the sensory range of the other. In physical co-location, people are within range of each other’s naked sense perceptions and can see, hear and even touch each other without physically re-positioning themselves.” While “copresent individuals are not only located in each other’s close proximity but also pay close attention to each other, ready to engage and be engaged”</footnote>
In this work we assume two different territories containing different meanings and appropriations but, territories directly affected by a common larger scale, the city and globalisation. They are different spaces, delimited by different territories: two peripheral regions that go beyond a geographical category of analysis. These two spaces, with a clear delimitation in terms of physical dimension, present different narratives that are being built in space. We then assume the concept of multi-territoriality as the possibility of having simultaneous and/or successive experience of different territories in the same space, constantly reconstructing one's own. (Haesbaert, 2013). In fact, we are dealing with two peripheral zones of global cities which are more than two, they constitute multiple territories, narratives and appropriations. But how does the current moment of globalisation directly affect these zones? How does the expansion of the city generate a series of changes in previously 'forgotten' places? Given this context, this research focused on the changes in Aubervilliers and Itaquera during the 21st century.

The concept of power geometry, proposed by Dorren Massey (1999), highlights the way
spatiality and territory are shaped by differential powers in society. The same way spatiality
and territory are shaped by different powerful actors, they reproduce them. In this respect,
mobility is one of the ways that power is implemented in different territories, for example by
the distribution of goods and services, and transportation. The articulation of multiple
territories, trajectories and human experiences are palpable in the city, even more in global
cities, because of its greater diversity in terms of population, services, and narratives (Massey,
2000). When addressing multi-territoriality, this work adopts a more meaningful use of the
concept when dealing with peripheral areas (Haesbaert, 2013). As a result of this reasoning,
multi-territoriality could be better understood in areas directly affected by the explosion of the
city, i.e., its peripheries; in the sense that there are more actors vying for this space, more actors
and greater inequality, thus cooperating to a functional and symbolic use of territory that
involves processes of domination and appropriation (Haesbaert, 2013). Just as proposed by
Deleuze and Guattari (1980)<fnref n="11" />, peripheries represent a certain dissolution of borders when it
comes to controlling the territory. Peripheries are influenced by different powers (institutional
or not) on their multiple territories, they are the possible confrontation of power, and the
possibility of different cultural-spatial expressions.

<footnote n="11">¹¹ In the original work, the authors refer to ghettos and slums.</footnote>
## 2. Globalisation and urban space: a suitable match for the emergence or worsening of local inequalities. Research questions and theoretical framework.

### 2.1. Research questions

The city as a force field whose formation is unequal presents different ways of appropriation. The city should not be seen only in its physical form or as a spatial arrangement but as the place that contains the materialization of ways of life and social practices that produce and organise the space (Carlos, 2014). At a time when most decisions regarding the cities<fnref n="12" /> are taken in order to facilitate capital flows (Brenner, 1998; Held et al., 2000; Brenner & Theodore, 2002; Pinson, 2020), and the presence of transnational firms that aim to create a global network, effects on the local scale are observed. In other words, the globalised economy is incorporated in the city, the materiality of globalisation is seen in urban space.

In the period of accelerated urbanisation in São Paulo and in Paris (mid-20th century), geographical inequalities inherent in capitalist production were intensified, e.g. by increasing the value of urban land (Cordeiro, 1989). In recent decades, the neoliberal globalisation helped to further aggravate this situation whether in São Paulo or in Paris<fnref n="13" />. With the need to adapt to the aims of globalisation, cities are committed to their development and growth (economic and physical), densifying population, and promoting new services, or a lack of them. Since other players, such as large companies, deal with the centralities (restructuring old ones and creating others), public investment is also destined for opaque<fnref n="14" /> areas of the city (Santos, 1996; 2008). From urban expansion movement, areas that were previously considered peripheries, are now targets of public investment; an appreciation of these spaces is observed. The metropolisation process in both cities, Paris, and São Paulo, showed that urban space houses the most modern but also socio-spatial segregation. Urban policies under the command of large companies and the state itself, present an unequal development, in which some areas are favoured over others. Here we also assume that the development and appropriation of territories relate to their former uses throughout history (Roncayolo, 2002).

In order to understand recent transformations in peripheral areas of global cities, a comparison between two different contexts seems appropriate. Treating a peripheral area from

<footnote n="12">¹² The urban planning, whether by private or public institutions.</footnote>

<footnote n="13">¹³ Paris is a city undergoing a more intense urbanisation process since the 19th century.</footnote>

<footnote n="14">¹⁴ Luminous areas are rationalised and rationalising spaces, organised and endowed with technical density, while opaque areas are those where these characteristics are absent (Santos, 1996; 2008).</footnote>
a Global North city and another from a Global South city, represents how global actors<fnref n="15" /> act in different contexts, considering their historical and socio-spatial differences already existing. Particularities should be considered when analysing globalisation and we raise the question: Is there a tendency for the South to resemble the North or the opposite? Considering recent infrastructure projects in Aubervilliers, such as metro constructions, a new university campus, the upcoming 2021 Olympic games, among others; and, in Itaquera, such as the football Stadium Neo Química Arena and a new institutional hub, it is possible to relate the changes in these different contexts with a response to a global demand<fnref n="16" />. The fluidity of people and capital (from transport) and entertainment itself, as a mark of being a city that follows global standards<fnref n="17" />, can highlight differences and similarities in peripheries of the global North and South, in addition to present the reactions of these territories to globalisation.

It is a fact that, in trying to describe and define a certain phenomenon, choices are made and what is shown are part of a totality, according to the interest of those who define it and for what purpose it is defined. When it comes to the city, it is no different. In this research we will try to show the consequences of globalisation in Aubervilliers and in Itaquera in the 21st century, through the filter of social, urban, and historical geography. Both localities, Aubervilliers and Itaquera, are undergoing visible transformations of their urban landscape, structures and services, facts seen both objectively, by empirical data on the localities; and subjectively, by observation of both places. At a time when both localities are being incorporated more prominently into the metropolitan dynamics, housing prices data, the functioning of economic activity in the regions, changes on the landscape view by own observation and by photo archives will help us to analyse each situation and enable a comparison between distinct but, at the same time, similar contexts. In this comparison exercise,

<footnote n="15">15 “A global actor refers to any social structure which is able to act and influence and engage in the global or international system. We highlight these specific actors: International Economic and Financial Organisations, International Governmental Organisations (IGOs), Media, Multilateral Development Banks, Nation-States, Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs), Trans-National Corporations (TNCs), United Nations (UN) System.” (Lunds Universitet Global Research Gateway: Global Actors, 2016).</footnote>

<footnote n="16">¹⁶By globalisation demands we understand the designs established by a moment in which the economy tends to exchange on a worldwide level, and communication and information play a primordial role. According to Eclac globalisation allows opportunities but also establishes patterns with respect to integration into the world economy. “Globalization clearly opens up opportunities for development. We are all aware -and rightfully so- **those national strategies should be designed to take advantage of the potential and meet the requirements associated with greater integration into the world economy.** This process also, however, entails risks: risk generated by new sources of instability in trade flows and, especially, finance; the risk that countries unprepared for the formidable demands of competitiveness in today's world may be excluded from the process; and the risk of an exacerbation of the structural heterogeneity existing among social sectors and regions within countries whose linkages with the world economy are segmented and marginal in nature.” (Eclac, 2002:13). Own emphasis.</footnote>

<footnote n="17">¹⁷For more information about global cities and the concern for service-oriented spatial planning see Friedmann, Smith & Feagin, Sassen, Castells, Borja, Güell and Knox & Taylor.</footnote>
it is important to pay attention to the role of urban planning in both locations as well as recently implemented urban infrastructure projects and facilities in both.

To meet the demands of global cities (Sassen, 2005) public investment in Paris and in São Paulo were required, and a series of breakdowns and permanencies can be observed in both territories. Amid the globalisation process, it is appropriate to question, and these are the questions of our research:

1. What happens in the peripheries of global cities that are under pressure of expansion?

2. What are the changes in the geographical dynamic of their economy, society, and urbanity?

3. What are the roles of major local and global economic agents in those spaces?

To answer the questions above mentioned, we depart from the perspective that public policies are ambivalent, i.e., two-sided, in the context of Aubervilliers and São Paulo. At the same time as it generates urban infrastructure to combat exclusion and lack of access, it promotes gentrification. Another important premise for the development of our research is that, although globalisation interconnects and tries to standardise cities around the world, São Paulo, and Paris, are examples of the heterogeneity of the globalisation process (Ghorra-Gobin, 2007; Azaïs, 2010). The specificities of both places show a differentiation that begins with different socio-spatial formations and planning approaches.

To make this comparison possible, we drew a parallel of the evolution of these two territories over time, and in this sense, we approach a historical geography perspective, but with the specificity of addressing the recent process of metropolisation. From the historical geography approach, Claval (1984) states the importance of comprehending the different forms of settlement and occupation of space throughout a chronological evolution, and we add the important connection between the current use and appropriation of certain spaces and their former uses and appropriations. In the following section (2.2) we explain the theoretical framework which enables our comparison, and in section three of this chapter, we will better explain our methods and methodology (and how we apply the historical, social, and urban geography in our comparison).

## 2.2. Theoretical framework
To interpret the reality of this research, urban and globalisation studies are indispensable. Starting from a multidisciplinary bibliographic review, the present work presents a critical perspective from an urban, social, and historical geography approach. Urban geography because it deals with the city, the urban and the possible appropriations in such a space. Social geography because it concerns different scales and cultural forms the relationship between society and space produces. And historical geography because we draw a connection between the past (recent) of the two places and how they are nowadays. We will then present the role of globalisation and neoliberalism on a local scale.

The way which space is occupied and produced in previous times, influences on how it
is appropriated now. In this sense we try to unite two currents of thought. Based on the ideas of
Dion, Pitte, Claval, Roncayolo, among other authors, we highlight the importance of the
historical perspective when studying space and geography itself. We then add to this historical
importance, the concept of production of space proposed by Lefebvre (2000), which states that
the way space is used and produced, promotes fundamental changes in material and symbolical
socio-spatial characteristics of a locality. These material and symbolic changes are not isolated
from a former use and occupation of that space. However, more than reconstructing past
geographies and explaining the present by the past, we seek to relate the historical role of
Aubervilliers and Itaquera territories to globalisation and its anchorage in local territories. In
the case of Aubervilliers, its industrial past affects its current development and in the case of
Itaquera, its function as a dormitory space affects the current use of Itaquera territory. We
assume then that the human and urban geography we address is also a cultural historical
geography as proposed by Sauer (1941)<fnref n="18" />.

With globalisation, we established a connection with some of the Anglo-Saxon
definitions on the subject, starting with Saskia Sassen and Neil Brenner but also adding other
perspectives on the phenomena, such as from the French geographer Cynthia Ghorra-Gobin and
the Brazilian critical geographer Milton Santos. Globalisation when considered in its economic
and neoliberal aspects points to a homogenising trend in urban space (Taylor, 2018; Brenner,
1998; Brenner & Theodore, 2002; Held et al, 2000; Pinson, 2020). But whenincorporating
cultural and psychological aspects into globalisation, it is possible to underlie thespecificities of
the locality (Castells, 1996; Santos, 2000; Ghorra-Gobin, 2007; Azaïs, 2010).

<footnote n="18">¹⁸ Sauer in his “Foreword to Historical Geography” from 1941, advocates that one cannot study a process that takes place in some precise location without asking about its origins. The North American geographer assumes that the localization of phenomena and processes occurs simultaneously with the functioning of local culture. According to the author, facts are only observable through historical reconstruction.</footnote>
Understanding local and global markets and recognising which are the main agents that affect the production of urban space, in addition to understanding the socio-spatial and cultural formation of the places are fundamental keys to this research.

Therefore, the most important authors that will be used are Saskia Sassen, who defines the global city, Cynthia Ghorra-Gobin representing a different approach to the metropolisation phenomena, and Milton Santos as a proposal for a critical perspective of globalisation and its consequences in the city. In addition to the literature review on the topic, our research includes the use of data from housing, population and from the economic sector from Aubervilliers and Itaquera, in order to describe the phenomena and its socio spatial consequences, giving more accuracy to the comparison and critical analysis proposed. Furthermore, it is important to highlight the need for a balance between global studies and local specificities, in which both scales are important in the socio-spatial formation of Itaquera and Aubervilliers: the macro scale affects the micro, and vice versa, as Velut (2019: n.p.) has already pointed out “by focusing too much on singularities, we forget the global dynamics of capitalism in globalisation - and conversely by making globalisation the principle of explanation, we lose the specificities of concrete situations”

## 2.3 Literature Review and key concepts

### A. An approach to the concept of ‘global city’

The concept of ‘global city’ emerges, in the contemporary period, from the need to characterize networks and dependencies between cities all over the world (Sassen, 2005). The idea of defining a global city is also to define created urban hierarchies. The global city can be distinguished from the old ‘world city’ where dominant economic trends were used to characterize the hierarchy within the cities over the past centuries. Studies on global cities does not discard world cities but it points out the time difference of the concepts in which, “it can be said that most of today’s major global cities are also world cities, but that there may well be some global cities today that are not world cities in the full, rich sense of that term” (Sassen, 2005:28).

The concept has different forms of appropriation. With its origins in the end of the 20th century, related to the process of economic globalisation (and here we are talking about the neo-liberalisation of the economy)<fnref n="19" /> and its effects on the world metropolises of that time, namely,

<footnote n="19">¹⁹ A process that dates to the 1980s.</footnote>
the metropolises of the developed countries, the concept should be well contextualised; different characteristics are observed within the category. From industrialisation to the tertiarisation of the economy, in the second half of the 20th century countries went through a moment of fiscal crisis that made them question their centrality (Carvalho, 2000; Levy, 1997). However, what has been demonstrated so far, was not a loss of economic centrality but a re-signification of these cities' role in relation to the national and international territory (Carvalho, 2000). With the re-signification of these important cities and metropolises, mainly in the so-called Global North countries, the concept started to be used in a more recurrent way (Sassen, 1998; Levy, 1997). Since the paradigm of the need for economic competitiveness in the globalised world, cities that remain at the forefront of the economic scenario must present comparative advantages to attract transnational companies and international flows of financial capital (Ferreira, 2004). The label 'global city' appears as an attraction to the foreign capital, many cities begin their race to become a global city, such as São Paulo and Paris. The public authorities started to create infrastructures to attract economic actors.

The identification of global cities reveals “key spatial nodes of the world economy” (Brenner, 1998:2). Its formation is “linked both to the globalization of capital and to the regionalization/localization of state territorial organization” (Brenner, 1998:3). Global cities present a dialectic relationship between the state and the territory, showing that, facing new forms of the appropriation of space, the state does not lose its strength, but it is rearticulated and reterritorialized in different scales. Their functions, in global cities, are highly connected with maintaining the materiality possible for large enterprises.

A global city houses the leading sectors of global capital as well as a “growing share of disadvantaged populations (immigrants, many of them disadvantaged women, people of colour generally, and, in the megacities of developing countries, masses of shanty dwellers)” (Sassen, 1998:39). At the same time as the global city has headquarters of transnational firms in its territory, it also houses different subjects co-present<fnref n="20" /> in the same place. By regarding global cities with this perspective, it is possible to say that globalised cities have become the land of conflicts and contradictions.

According to Brenner (1998:27), it is mandatory when trying to comprehend a global city, to consider “an examination of the matrices of state territorial organization within and through which it occurs”. A global city establishes connections worldwide but also within its

<footnote n="20">²⁰ To understand co-presence, see Giddens, A. (1984) The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuration, University of California Press, Berkeley and Goffman, E. (1966) [1963] Behavior in Public Places, Free Press, New York.</footnote>
homogenised, the subjectivity of cities comes from the different responses to the phenomena, be they political, cultural, or artistic ones.

The global city is representative on the local scale due to the phenomenon of metropolisation, in which the extent of the city's influence goes beyond its physical boundaries, enabling a local-global anchorage (Ghorra-Gobin, 2012). In this process of metropolisation, the political/administrative sphere assumes a fundamental role insofar as it promotes deterritorialization within the territory. The local and the global have become indissociable, which has fuelled academic discussion on the concept of transcalarity. The local reaches the global without going through other known scales of geography, such as the region.

In the midst of the technical-scientific-informational age (Santos, 1996) connectivity promotes a relational space where people live ‘here and elsewhere’ (Ghorra-Gobin, 2016). It is the experience of being linked to a space different from the one you live. Globalisation, through global cities, together with the metropolisation, allows a specific type of experiencing the city, the local-global connection becomes cemented.

## C. Metropolisation

Simply put, metropolisation is the process of formation of the metropolis. The growth of cities, in population, extension, wealth, and complexity are key factors to the metropolisation process (Fusco & Scarella, 2011). Back in the 1960s, when scholars paid attention to the expansion of the North American metropolises, the process began to be studied in greater depth as questioning the peri-urban areas and what would happen to them. Recently, with an intense moment of economic development promoted by globalisation, metropolises have intensified in size and global importance. The phenomenon can be seen as a practical way of ranking cities and urban regions, in which population density and activity create an urban hierarchy worldwide. Usually, a metropolis aggregates an area formed by two or more cities by an intense process of conurbation, that is to say, the physical junction of the urban space of two or more adjacent municipalities (Fusco & Scarella, 2011). This process of conurbation of cities also generates local, social and cultural responses, attracting the attention of companies and the state itself, in order to promote the development (urban and economical) of these areas.

Typically, metropolitan regions are areas that have greater range of specialised services, such as high-technology hospitals or research centres (Cordeiro, 1993). As consequence, metropolises become urban poles of regional, national, and sometimes world-wide territories (Sassen, 2010). The accumulation of complex services is the consequence of an even larger
scale. It is precisely in the metropolises, that the main traces of globalisation can be found. The metropolis is the locus of the large multinational corporations; it is a national territory with regulations based on international practice (Santos, [1996] 2008). New contents of the city and urban agglomerations appear and with it, new necessities, such as urban infrastructure based on mobility (for example the expansion of urban public transport, new bus and metro terminals, new modes of transport such as cycling, among others), as will be observed in our case studies.

However, more than an urban morphology, the metropolis, and the process of metropolisation does not reveal the genesis of space (as the place where life happens, endowed with meanings), but is part of the complex analysis of how past and present merge (Carlos, 2017). The metropolis, through its morphology, represents the encounter of forms and reveals possible uses and limits of space by the inhabitant (Carlos, 2017). To Roncayolo (2002), the form cannot ignore its determinations, nor its references linked to society. The form of the metropolis is related to the history of its conception, representation, its symbols and even preferences thought up by its architects (Carlos, 2017). At the same time that the forms are thought in their historical moment and their appearance are very related to the physical morphology and growth of the cities, it cannot be denied that the forms are not simply an extension of the society which thinks them but, they are part of its creation and evolution. The dialectic circumscribed in the metropolis reveals a morphology and an urban hierarchy from the growth of society but also a socio-spatial response of a certain historical period. The metropolis and the metropolisation process go beyond a simple urban morphology, they are symbolic, endowed with economic, historical, and social meanings.

## D. Globalisation as a fable

Like the concepts mentioned above, globalisation can be interpreted in different ways. We would like to highlight what Milton Santos proposes about it, globalisation as a perversity. Before getting to the idea of globalisation proposed by Santos (2000), it is interesting to point out what different authors argue about that.

The concept can be used to define different historical periods of humanity. Taylor (2018) mentions three moments of globalisation, the first one connected to the imperial times, the second one connected to the ‘American globalisation’ and the last and most recent one, the corporate globalisation. The period of imperial globalisation was a moment of global closure where the coloniser ‘conquered’ all the possible lands of the world (Taylor, 2018). The second period (the American globalisation) dates from the first half of the 20th century, in the second
post-war. This moment represents the domination of United States' firms in the world economy, whether by the restoration of European and Japanese economies or by the advent of the multinational corporations. Production was spread worldwide, and the United States achieved great technological advances encouraged by the Europeans and Japanese. At that moment, the international division of labour interpreted as 'core-periphery' has been intensified (Taylor, 2018). The last period, called 'Corporate Globalisation' (Taylor, 2018) is the most current moment of globalisation, and the one that interests us in this research. It is the period in which corporations (not only from the U.S.A., but with their model) had their production established in poorer countries, by the need to increase production at low cost<fnref n="22" />. For Taylor (2018: n.p.) "This production shift firmly established corporations with their global strategies as the dominant players, not just economically but also politically (e.g. through lobbying) and culturally (e.g. through sponsorships)". Manuel Castells (1996) termed this moment of production as global network society.

For Ghorra-Gobin (2017), globalisation as a scale of analysis that encompasses the world as a society in general, enables different fields of knowledge to explain and understand it. The connection between different places in the world, through the influence of metropolises, the spread of neoliberalism, the financialisation of the world economy, and the strength of the actors of capitalism and their interconnections at the global level, could be defined as globalisation (Ghorra-Gobin, 2017).

Finally, globalisation as representative of the new international division of labour leads to the universalisation of places, allowing the creation of specialised and complex locations. Global cities are these specialised and complex sites. A financial and economic concentration, induced by the internationalisation of the economy, is observed (Santos, 1994). The internal logic of the city undergoes brutal changes in its functions, enabling multiple spaces within the same one. The structural and political changes in the city allows rich and poor city cohabitation (Santos, 1994). Globalisation as a diffuser of information and goods worldwide seems to standardise national and world production (Santos, 2000). Nevertheless, even though there is a belief in an instantaneous diffusion of information and products, they are not spread in a generalised and total way (Santos, 2000). Information and specialised production do not inform or conscientise the local population, they favour some subjects over others. The so-called global market, by globalisation, tends to homogenise places through consumption of information and commodities but ends up deepening local differences. Globalisation thus appears as a fable, in

<footnote n="22">²² With the implementation of industrial plants in these localities.</footnote>
the sense that what appears to be homogeneous and accessible, such as the information and the
merchandises, deepens the inequalities on a world level. There is a false belief that all countries
in the world have access to the same services and products by consumption, when, the
population that can access certain types of products and services are located in specific points
of the globe and not in all of it. Local specificities are laid bare and, with them, the asymmetries
of an unequal system (Santos, 2000).

**3. Research methods and methodology**

**3.1. Observation**

Lakatos and Marconi (2003:83) defines a method as a “set of systematic and rational procedures that allow the achievement of research objectives, taking into account aspects of safety, economy and validity”. Based on this definition and on what was possible for our research considering our context, we opted for a comparison from active observation in the two places. As the author lived in Aubervilliers for one semester, it was possible to observe what was happening at the commune. Participation in association meetings, conversations with residents and daily observation were part of the schedule for this research. As the author is from São Paulo, Itaquera was an already known district; therefore, the observation took less time. Unlike Aubervilliers, where the author lived there for six months, in Itaquera there were occasional visits during January 2021. The research work followed a subjective, empirical and *in situ* observation. We tried to understand the two locations based on previous theoretical knowledge but considering the author’s lived, perceived and conceived spaces of the localities. The observations focused on the uses and practices from and in space.

**3.2. From theory to practice**

In this research, we consider a range of concepts, theories, and processes to interpret the
reality of Aubervilliers and Itaquera. We want to verify the consequences of globalisation on
local territories based on processes that have been going on since older days, such as
metropolisation, urbanisation and neoliberalisation<fnref n="23" />. We start from current changes in
infrastructure equipment in both localities to observe the different meanings territory assumes
over time and the common and different aspects in the two places.

<footnote n="23">²³ Explained in previous sections.</footnote>
### 3.3. The comparison: Aubervilliers and Itaquera

To identify and understand urban processes in the light of globalisation, this research will use a comparative analysis on the phenomenon's spatial dimension. The comparison between two areas of different contexts, among the similarities and differences between them, is made tangible by the fact that they are two global cities, which enables "a double movement of analysis of the case studies' particularities" (Opillard, 201:117). Map 1 and 2 shows the location of both territories within the global cities to which they belong.

<figure><img src="image_5.png" /><figcaption>Map 1. Location of Aubervilliers</figcaption></figure>

Source: Gouv FR, 2020. Elaborated by the author, 2021.
<figure><img src="image_6.png" /><figcaption>Map 2. Location of Itaquera</figcaption></figure>

Source: IBGE, 2020
Elaborated by: Fernanda Oliveira de Almeida

Source: IBGE, 2020. Elaborated by the author, 2021.

Starting from the macro scale and arriving in Paris and São Paulo, globalisation has become present in both cities in different ways. What is undeniable is the important role of the state and the private sector in both localities. We know that public policies, whether infrastructure projects or even the creation of zoning laws, are actions taken by the state but also targets of other political and economic agents such as large enterprises. Urban space, as a locus of social reproduction and capital accumulation, appears as a merchandise and facilitates the creation of hierarchies based on its own 'commodity': the space (Corrêa, 1995). In São Paulo and Paris, the consolidation process of being global cities and its specific development patterns, points to a valorisation of urban areas, including some peripheral ones, such as Aubervilliers and Itaquera.
In Paris, one of the answers to a most recent globalisation moment<fnref n="24" /> is the project titled *Grand Paris Express*<fnref n="25" />(GPE). The announcement of the project, that, within other functions, promotes greater mobility in the French capital, have already generated some consequences, not only material ones but also symbolical. The *Grand Paris Express* was created by the French State in 2010, under the management of the ‘*Société du Grand Paris*’ (SGP) and its institutional objective is to “serve all the people of Ile-de-France and the development of the capital region” by increasing the metro network in Ile-de-France (Société du Grand Paris, 2020). This project directly affects the commune of Aubervilliers once there is a plan for such a location. The construction of two metros in Aubervilliers, also related to other urban infrastructure projects (such as the creation of a university campus) affects the commune in a structural and socioeconomic manner. Just as space has a continuity, these are not isolated public policies. It is worth mentioning that since the construction of the ‘*Stade de France*’<fnref n="26" /> in 1995, a land appreciation of Aubervilliers has been observed. This local territory has been undergoing constant transformations, and as a result there is a tension between built space and what is planned and projected (Baudelaire & Pichois, 2006).

Itaquera is no different, the peripheral region of the global city São Paulo experiences a land appreciation through infrastructural changes in the region. The creation of the ‘*Arena Corinthians*’ stadium in 2014, now officially called ‘*Neo Química Arena*’, changed the dynamics of the neighbourhood which has gone through an appreciation of space. The construction of the stadium for the FIFA World Cup in 2014 represents a small part of a process of reproduction and valorisation of urban and capitalist space. In Itaquera, as in Aubervilliers, the public authorities have also invested in infrastructure projects related to mobility.

With different socio-spatial contexts, the two localities are going through transformation processes. From the similarity of sports stadiums' creation in recent years to urban infrastructure projects (such as metros and urban operations), it is possible to observe the role of public policies linked to the movement of the world market in different situations, allowing an in-depth analysis of the cases. Both cities have in common the investment in mobility and in sports infrastructure equipment capable of mobilising the territory and the population itself. The two peripheral regions (Aubervilliers and Itaquera) respond to the current moment of

<footnote n="24">²⁴ Here, with 'globalisation moment', we assume the incorporation of neoliberal politics in the economy and consequently in urban space (Taylor, 2016).</footnote>

<footnote n="25">²⁵ This initiative is part of a bigger project promoted by the public enterprise *La Société du Grand Paris*. The idea of this public enterprise is to promote the development of the metropolitan area of Paris by mobility. Later in this paper, the Grand Paris Express will be explained in more depth.</footnote>

<footnote n="26">²⁶ We will better discuss the ‘*Stade de France*’ stadium in the chapter on Aubervilliers.</footnote>
neoliberalisation of the economy and globalisation in a similar way<fnref n="27" /> without losing its idiosyncrasies.

Here we mention our approach to the subject studied. We know the limitations of comparing two territories so different in their formations. However, this difference also justifies our historical geography approach, in the sense that the past formation of the territories continues to bring meaning to their recent occupation, highlighting how globalisation manifests locally.

Analysing Aubervilliers and Itaquera based on globalisation, allows the identification of a pattern (or not) in the appropriation of the space in different contexts. The choice for two peripheral areas also appears as something innovative in the sense that this research will not focus on central areas (places where fundamental characteristics of global cities are observed in the face of globalisation) but give another perspective on globalising urban processes. The novelty is also part of the response of the two regions to the neoliberalisation of the economy. To analyse a territory from the Global North in comparison to one from the Global South also justifies this research. By considering realities with different historical, socio-spatial, and ideological backgrounds and, by adopting the concepts of Global North and South, from a decolonial perspective, we will see whether globalisation acts homogeneously or not in Itaquera and Aubervilliers.

To clarify, in this research we assume a decolonial perspective to the concepts of Global South and North. According to Mignolo (2011:183-184):

> The Global South is not simply the land below the Equator. It is an ideological concept highlighting the economic, political, and epistemic dependency and unequal relations in the global world order(...)if the enunciation is located in the Global South, then the term "Global South" refers to epistemic places where global futures are being forged by delinking from the colonial matrix of power(...)Furthermore, the Global South is not a geographic location; rather it is a metaphor that indicates regions of the world at the receiving end of globalization and suffering the consequences

Differently to the Global South, the Global North is linked to alliances with imperial countries. Historically a location considered to be in the Global North carries the global future,

<footnote n="27">²⁷ When it comes to infrastructure.</footnote>
what is said in this locality (not geographically but ideologically) corresponds to the reality
(Mignolo, 2011).

The specificity of this comparison lays on what Santos (2008) theorized: cities within
underdeveloped country's context presents disordered and unequal growth. In the case of this
research, Itaquera would represent a (dis)ordered growth, and the question is whether
Aubervilliers, as a commune of a Global North city, presents a more orderly growth. With
orderly growth we highlight the official role of the state when planning the cities. The state, in
its neoliberal form, facilitates the actions taken by the market players (Pinson, 2020), and
urbanisation became a tool to them. We then question whether the organisation imposed by
urban planning articulates with the local population's needs or creates a disorder, considering
the small scale of the neighbourhood/commune. To analyse the same phenomenon (cities' and
urban areas' response to globalisation) in different smaller scale contexts is an important task to
understand the city and its societies.

**3.4. Qualitative and quantitative methodological tools**

In addition to an in-depth documentary analysis (from primary and secondary sources) on globalisation, global cities, urban space and gentrification, this research counts with data analysis from housing and the economic sector (by the measure of companies in both localities). Following the announcement of major urban infrastructure projects ('*Stade de France*' and '*Grand Paris Express*' in Aubervilliers and '*Neo Química/Arena Corinthians*' in Itaquera), as well as qualitative data from own observation in the regions, this research instigates discussion on globalisation (and its actors) and its influence on the peripheries of global cities.

The research uses public data from Brazilian and French institutions in order to represent and compare empirically the effects of what we call globalisation in both localities. Either by an increase in the price of rent, which can drive people out of the region, or by the growth of businesses and services in the regions, the comparison highlights the valorisation of urban land in both places, even if only momentarily. For Aubervilliers we used data from INSEE, from the municipality of Aubervilliers (Mairie d'Aubervilliers), and from the 'Société du Grand Paris', and for Itaquera we used data from Secovi, from IBGE and from São Paulo Urban Planning Office (Secretaria Municipal de Urbanismo e Licenciamento -SMUL).

Space, by being semiological and symbolical, contains different narratives and appropriations. From the observation of different subjects in the regions, we seek to understand how space is being used, by whom and why. Beyond the globalising agents, it is necessary to
understand the perception of the transformations in Aubervilliers and Itaquera by those who
live it daily, their inhabitants. The analysis of quantitative data serves as a support for the
observation of both localities *in situ* and vice versa. The quantitative and qualitative data
collaborates to prove the raised hypotheses. And, before moving to the next chapters, we would
like to explain the challenges encountered in carrying out this research.

**3.5. Challenges**

By using a historical geography approach in a metropolitan framework, we encountered
past, and recent characteristics based on the accelerated and overwhelming globalisation
phenomena, as well as on Aubervilliers and Itaquera territories' past uses. In this sense, the
challenge is to use a perspective that deals with the past amidst recent metropolisation and
globalisation phenomena. Relating currents of thought that have historically proved to be
opposites<fnref n="28" /> is a challenge, however we think relating then was necessary to bring a new
perspective to this comparison between peripheries from the global North and South. We insist
on this perspective/ interpretation because it seems pertinent to us to support the idea of distinct
growths promoted by globalisation, without disregarding the territories' former roles. The
varying role of these territories in a metropolitan dynamic, highlights that more than
reconstructing past geographies we related the historical role of Aubervilliers and Itaquera
territories to globalisation and its anchorage in local territories. We thus return to our question:
although it seems homogenising, globalisation uses the different territorial characteristics to
establish and give different functions to places.

Another challenge we faced was related to how we conducted the observations. The
global pandemic context made it impossible to visit different institutions and local actors, as
well as making it impossible to interview certain people. With recurring curfews, much was
lost but not enough to make it unviable our research. We used instead informal conversations
and constant observation to establish a relationship between the territories and globalisation
processes in different contexts.

For a better understanding of the topic, the structure of this work will proceed as it
follows:

Chapter 2 will address a historical background of the uses of the Aubervilliers territory followed
by a short analysis about the globalisation and the production of urban space in Aubervilliers;

<footnote n="28">²⁸Here we are talking about the historical and the critical geography.</footnote>
Chapter 3 will address a historical background of the uses of Itaquera territory followed by a short analysis about the globalisation and the production of urban space in Itaquera;

Chapter 4 will engage in a comparative analysis of both localities followed by an analysis of how globalisation has influenced local territories and used previous characteristics of them.

Chapter 5 is intended to the final remarks and conclusions.
# Chapter 2. Globalisation and the production of urban space in Aubervilliers

## 2.1. Morphological and historical characteristics of Aubervilliers, a brief historical review

To understand what happens on the scale of Aubervilliers and its response to globalisation, it is necessary to understand its territory and historical formation (Sauer, 1941; Roncayolo, 2002). Paris and its urban agglomeration comprise three territorial arrangements: Paris intra-walls (known by Paris itself), the Petite Couronne and the Grand Couronne. Paris intra-walls refers to the administrative boundaries of the municipality of Paris, nowadays defined by the ring road Boulevard Périphérique. The Petite Couronne comprises three administrative departments divided in 123 communes bordering Paris intra-walls: Hauts-de-Seine, Seine-Saint-Denis and Val-de-Marne. The Grand Couronne comprises the peripheral administrative departments of the Île-de-France region, that borders the Petite Couronne, namely: Seine-et-Marne, Yvelines, Essonne and Val-d'Oise (Viana, 2019). Aubervilliers is a commune part of the metropolitan region of Paris, located in the North periphery of the city (in the outskirts of Paris intra-walls), at the department of Seine-Saint-Denis, which is part of the Petite Couronne, inside of the limits of Île-de-France. Map 3 shows the display of Aubervilliers inside of the urban agglomeration of Île-de-France, and Map 4 shows the location of Aubervilliers in a more detailed scale, showing its borderlines.
<figure><img src="image_7.png" /><figcaption>Map 3. Location of Aubervilliers in Île-de-France</figcaption></figure>

Source: Data Gouv FR, 2021. Elaborated by the author, 2021.
<figure><img src="image_8.png" /><figcaption>Map 4. Location of Aubervilliers - Detailed scale</figcaption></figure>

Source: Data Gouv FR, 2021. Elaborated by the author, 2021.

As Aubervilliers is an answer to a socio-spatial and historical process, and territorial constructions are consolidated time (Roncayolo, 1988), we briefly go back in the history of this commune to understand its changes and permanencies nowadays. Records about the commune are old. Aubervilliers used to be a rural property, which belonged to Henri I, and in 1060 has been ceded to Saint-Martin des Champ (Dessain, 1988). The commune was successively mentioned as 'Alberti villare' (1059-1060), 'Haubervillari' (1111), 'Aubertum villare' (1112), 'Halbervilare' (1171), 'Alberti Villari' (1124), 'Hauberviller' (1250), 'Aubertivillare' (1288), 'Aubertovillari' (1296), and back to ancient times, belonged to the royal domain (Laborde et al, 2004). The toponym of Aubervilliers probably comes from an old landowner (Héron, n.d.). In its beginning, the small rural village developed around agriculture and a parish church attached to the abbey of Saint-Denis, known in the following years as 'Notre-Dame des-Vertus'. Over the course of history, the small rural village has been affected by wars, diseases, and other events. During the French revolution, the region hosted important battles, and further on, by the influence of the industrial revolution and the expansion of Paris (and its reconstructions), the territory of Aubervilliers changed its characteristics (Laborde et al, 2004). From agriculture to industry, the region followed the country's socioeconomic changes and strategies. With the
arrival of the industry in the mid-nineteenth century, changes in the landscape, and in the local
population were visible. The availability of large plots of land persuaded Parisian entrepreneurs
to settle in the suburbs (Archive municipales d'Aubervilliers, n.d.). Industries began to set up
along the Saint-Denis canal, where approximately 300 establishments settled in the area
between 1850 and 1900 (Adda & Ducreux, 1979). The area experienced intense
industrialisation in the second half of the 19th century, linked to its strategic location close to
Paris. The first industry was established in 1841, a horse slaughterhouse of the city of Paris<fnref n="29" />;
further on, chemical industries, match, paint, and soap factories were established in the zone.
The arrival of the train in Aubervilliers and neighbouring regions, at the end of the 19th century,
was also an important factor, bringing more dynamism to an already industrially consolidated
region (Adda & Ducreux, 1979). According to the archives from Seine-Saint-Denis Tourisme,

The first wave of industrialisation in the north-east of Paris, from 1840 to 1890, remains closely linked to the essential role of the Saint-Denis Canal and the Ourcq Canal, the second wave relates to the development of the Plaine-Saint-Denis industrial railway network.<fnref n="30" />

Strictly connected to the expansion and role of Paris in national territory,
industrialisation and transports played an important role in Aubervilliers. During the interwar
period, the road network was almost completed, and the master plan of the Paris Region (1933-
36) highlighted the densification of already urbanised areas, such as the industrial region where
Aubervilliers belonged, the river lowland<fnref n="31" />. Over time, the still industrial zone has gone through
cycles of establishments/industries closures and restructuring. The chemical industry, for
example, one of the most important in the region, began to move in other directions (Adda &
Ducreux, 1979). The changes in the function of Aubervilliers became more noticeable. Still
connected to the industrialisation, and considering the geomorphologic relevance of the area<fnref n="32" />,
such closures in the region pointed to a final stage of a process initiated by external factors
rather than the local scenario (and in this sense, since historical times, Aubervilliers has
responded to the interests of globalisation). "The closures of industries are not justified by
problems in the local productivity, but they are connected to an external financial and
productive reorganisation" (Adda & Ducreux, 1979: 46). The concentration and merger of

<footnote n="29">²⁹ The first industry was located on the current *rue des Gardinoux*.</footnote>

<footnote n="30">³⁰ The official information can be retrieved from Seine-Saint-Denis Tourisme:
https://www.tourisme93.com/document.php?pagendx=475</footnote>

<footnote n="31">³¹ This lowland region is known as 'La plaine'.</footnote>

<footnote n="32">³² The region is marked by a plain which allowed the installation of the industries; and the existence of a canal - *Canal Saint-Denis*-, which allowed the transport of goods, and the rejection of waste.</footnote>
national and global capital has influenced the economic activity in Aubervilliers (Adda & Ducreux, 1979).

The commune, as well as its neighbouring territories of the Petite Couronne, by having a common history, related to conflicts and their role in the industrialisation of Île-de-France, have a common political pattern. The region, in addition to a similarity within the economic activities, had the administration of their municipalities historically exercised by the French Communist Party (Viana, 2019). The area was/is known by *banlieue rouge*<sup>33</sup>, precisely because of its economic and political position. Aubervilliers had a typical working-class population and was the seat of trade unions related to the industrial activity. From 1945 and 2008, all the elected mayors belonged to the communist party. Since 2008, Aubervilliers has experienced political alternations, among other factors, due to the change in its population and economic activities (Atlas du Patrimoine Seine Saint Denis)<sup>34</sup>. The following table shows the mayors of Aubervilliers and the party to which they belong.

<table><caption>Table 1. Mayors of Aubervilliers<sup>35</sup></caption><thead><tr><td>Year</td><td>Name</td><td>Party</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>1945-1953</td><td>Charles Tillon</td><td>PCF</td></tr><tr><td>1953-1957</td><td>Émile Dubois</td><td>PCF</td></tr><tr><td>1957-1984</td><td>André Karman</td><td>PCF</td></tr><tr><td>1984-2003</td><td>Jack Ralite</td><td>PCF</td></tr><tr><td>2003-2008</td><td>Pascal Beaudet</td><td>PCF</td></tr><tr><td>2008-2014</td><td>Jacques Salvator</td><td>PS</td></tr><tr><td>2014-2016</td><td>Pascal Beaudet</td><td>PCF</td></tr><tr><td>2016-2020</td><td>Meriem Derkaoui</td><td>PCF</td></tr><tr><td>2020-Present day</td><td>Karine Franclet</td><td>UDI</td></tr></tbody></table>

Source: Mairie d'Aubervilliers, 2021

<footnote n="33"><sup>33</sup> The term is used to refer to the many communes in the outskirts of Paris that “have in common a large working-class population, a certain type of urban landscape, with an alternation of modest suburban housing and low-rent housing groups, the presence of industrial activities, and a particular collective culture and sociability” (Subra, 2004:14) that historically kept the communist government in power. Many syndicate headquarters were/are located in this region.</footnote>

<footnote n="34"><sup>34</sup> https://patrimoine.seinesaintdenis.fr/</footnote>

<footnote n="35"><sup>35</sup> All tables in the present work were elaborated by the author.</footnote>
The table proves the political trend in the locality. The territory of Aubervilliers has historically been governed by the French communist party and recently, a change has occurred. This change can demonstrate a political shift of local inhabitants or even a change in the inhabitant profile. We will try to relate the political aspects to the recent changes in the region, but before that, it seems pertinent to know about the recent history of Aubervilliers in order to know the region today (21st century) in its entirety.

### 2.1.1. Aubervilliers' short timeline

#### A. Early 19th century

In 1802 Napoléon Bonaparte issued a decree for the construction of the Saint-Denis canal, to relieve the vessel traffic on the Seine River alongside Paris (Laborde et al, 2004). With the construction of the canal, planning of future infrastructure facilities and town buildings in the region have appeared. At this point, the agglomeration of Aubervilliers concentrated around the church. The arrival of the Saint-Denis canal, still under construction, promoted an isolation of the land to the west, which led to concentration and dispersal of the population in the locality. Aubervilliers carried, in its change from rural to industrial commune, the traces of the pre-industrial organisation of its territory (Atlas du Patrimoine Seine Saint Denis). In this period, Aubervilliers territory drew the attention of businessmen from Paris, and began to be the target of industrie's investment. In 1841, the first industry was established in the region.

<figure><img src="image_9.png" /><figcaption>**Figure 1.** Saint-Denis canal</figcaption></figure>

Source: Département de la Seine-Saint-Denis
## B. Second part of the 19th century

In the second part of the 19th century, Aubervilliers was undergoing intense industrialisation and could already be called as the industrial zone of the Paris metropolitan area. In just 50 years, Aubervilliers became one of the most industrialised communes in the Paris region (Laborde et al, 2004). The attachment in 1860 of the outlying communes of Paris to the capital<fnref n="36" />, added to the construction of the Saint-Denis canal in the beginning of the century, constituted a new factor to the industrial development of Aubervilliers. The first industries arrived in the region due to several factors: the morphology of the location, the proximity to Paris, the availability of land, the existence of a new canal, among others (Adda & Ducreaux, 1979). While the industry was kept in Aubervilliers and the region, in Paris outsidethe walls, the headquarters of the companies and their shops were kept in Paris intra-walls. Theneed to move the production more easily from the industry to the shops, fomented investmentsin railways. Transport infrastructure is now on the region's agenda. With the improvement of mobility in the region, more industries settled in there, such as the perfumery L.T. Piver in 1869. It was also during this period that the *Compagnie des Entrepôts et Magasins Généraux de Paris* (EMGP) established in the region, promoting a greater connection between local production and its distribution. “The construction of warehouses was intensified from 1880 onwards under the impetus of a rapidly developing railway network.” (Archive Municipale d'Aubervilliers, Aubervilliers ‘Industries’, 2014:24). In this context it is worth mentioning the importance of the "Quatre-Chemin" region. With the intersection of different railway routes, this area was consolidated and agglomerated industrial headquarters, being one of the most important localities of the region in this period. By this time, Aubervilliers had the status of chemical capital of the Paris metropolitan region, “concentrating almost all of the region's fertiliser, glue and fat manufacturing companies” (Héron, n.d.).

<footnote n="36">³⁶ Along with the attachment, the reduction of barriers to land concessions in the region came.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_10.png" /><figcaption>Figure 2. Le Pont Tournant at the Canal Saint-Denis, Aubervilliers</figcaption></figure>

Source: Département de la Seine-Saint-Denis

<figure><img src="image_11.png" /><figcaption>Figure 3. Manufacturing Facility in Aubervilliers - Usine Franck</figcaption></figure>

Source: Département de la Seine-Saint-Denis
### C. Early 20th century

During the first half of the 20th century, industrialisation continued apace. What characterises this moment is the first world war situation and then the inter-war period. Places formerly occupied by the EMGP and chemical industries have been replaced by the metallurgical industry, since the creation of the 'Compagnie des chaînes Simplex' in 1906. The same is true for areas previously unoccupied. The metallurgical industry dominated the scene in Aubervilliers and the region. There was hardly any land left vacant. Between 1899 and 1922, the road network became denser, especially in the Quatre-Chemins area, new streets and boulevards were formed forming a specific landscape. Just as the road network has densified, the region's urbanisation has followed the same logic. "Aubervilliers began to move out of its old boundaries and to spread along the neighbouring streets, both existing and new. The population in 1921 was 40,632." (Laborde et al, 2004:26).

### D. Second part of the 20th century

The second part of the 20th century was marked by an industrial stagnation. The post-wars period highlighted a crisis of industrial production in the area. The chemical industry has lost ground to the processing metallurgy and mechanical engineering industries, affecting the main activity of Aubervilliers (Archive Municipale d'Aubervilliers, Aubervilliers 'Industries', 2014:24). Some industries adapted to the new situation and changed their main activity, but many others closed their doors. Between 1970-1980, the industries gave way to social housing and school buildings. In the context of these urban operations in the region, urban planning differed greatly from the pre-war layouts and Aubervilliers had its landscape greatly modified. With the decline of the industrial activity and a change in the power of Aubervilliers in the local and national production, attempts to revive industry in the region emerged (in a more adapted way to the new market), as for example with the creation of the "cité industrielle" in 1984. The population grew at the beginning of this period but then declined towards the end of the century. In 1999, the population of Aubervilliers was 63132 inhabitants (Laborde et al, 2004). Amidst a backdrop of global change, the region had to adapt according to what would be most profitable to the landowners, as mentioned by Adda & Ducreux (1979). The case of the deindustrialisation of Aubervilliers shows, in a suitable way, that the urban transformations are examples of the prevalence of wills and interests of landowners and the state itself.

The deindustrialisation in Aubervilliers generated instability not only for the landowners and the industries themselves, but mainly for the local population and workers in
the region. The abandoned industries became a disputed territory. However, although there were attempts of mobilisation and great political engagement on the part of the local population, militancy was curbed after provisional decisions. In most instances, workers were those most affected by the situation.

Indeed, let us take the most frequently observed example: a company closes its door (following restructuring or a takeover by a foreign group), the workers occupy the factory. After a few months, with the support of local organisations and the municipality, a victory is obtained: the factory restarts. But in almost all the cases observed (Pigmy-Radio, Prénatal, Procol...), this victory was only temporary: a few months later, the factory really closes its doors, and, at that point, it became impossible to mobilise the workers in a "hard" action. In fact, to take a military image, the struggle against the process of deindustrialisation has gone from a war of position to a *guerrilla* between capital and labour, the outcome of which is uncertain, but where, for the moment, capital keeps the advantage, despite some setbacks.
(Adda & Ducreaux, 1979:64)

<figure><img src="image_12.png" /><figcaption>**Figure 4.** Avenue Jean Jaurès, Aubervilliers, 1979</figcaption></figure>

Source: Département de la Seine-Saint-Denis
## E. Aubervilliers nowadays (21st century)

By the 21st century, which is what we will focus on in the following pages, we have a strong influence of the industrial past. “Aubervilliers keeps physical and documentary traces of its urban evolution through time” (Mairie d'Aubervilliers, n.d.). The urban planning operations of the post-war period were inserted into the existing urban landscape, and somehow promoted mobility to the economic activities in Aubervilliers. The interest was to promote the flow of goods and capital during its industrial period and this function has been maintained until the present moment. But what is happening in Aubervilliers today?

### 2.1.2 Territorial continuity: Aubervilliers in the 21st century

The 21st century is marked by great technological advances and accelerated urban expansion. In the beginning of the century, it was reported that most of the human beings inhabited urban places (Taylor, 2018). In the same direction, Aubervilliers, even after a period of deindustrialisation, has demonstrated the growth and valorisation of its space, seen for example, in the evolution of its population and in the activities developed in the locality. The following tables show the evolution of the population, as well as the evolution of new establishments and enterprises in such a locality.

<figure><img src="image_13.png" /><figcaption>Table 2: Population Growth and density in Aubervilliers</figcaption></figure>

Source: Insee, 2017. Elaborated by the author, 2021.
<figure><img src="image_14.png" /><figcaption>Table 3: Evolution of new establishments in Aubervilliers (per year)</figcaption></figure>

Scope: market activities excluding agriculture.

Source : Insee, Répertoire des entreprises et des établissements (Sirene) en géographie au 01/01/2020.

Elaborated by the author, 2021.

<figure><img src="image_15.png" /><figcaption>Table 4: Evolution of new enterprises in Aubervilliers (per year)</figcaption></figure>

Scope: market activities excluding agriculture.

Source : Insee, Répertoire des entreprises et des établissements (Sirene) en géographie au 01/01/2020.

Elaborated by the author, 2021.
At the end of the last century, the population of Aubervilliers was in decline due to external consequences, such as a period of deindustrialisation (Viana, 2019). In the 21st century, however, the local population has increased, especially between 2012 and 2017. With the increase in population, we also noticed a diversification of the local economy. A possible justification for the increase in population, and opening of new enterprises and establishments in Aubervilliers, together with the political changes observed in the region, is due to external factors, and global demands. Global demands because the city was adapting to a new period of the world market, where a tertiarisation of the economy, as well as valuing attitudes that generate greater fluidity of capital, services, products, and people (such as means of transport), can be observed (Santos, [1996] 2008). Table 3 and 4 display the growing increase in the creation of enterprises and establishments in the region, highlighting Aubervilliers' insertion, and role in the local and global market. A steady increase in business creation in Aubervilliers is visible since 2012, not so curiously, the year of the opening of the Front Populaire metro station on line 12. The announcement of infrastructure works, as well as the proximity to the centre of Paris, has led to an increase in the value of the urban space of Aubervilliers. Just as in the industrial era, these new enterprises and establishments are attracted to the region, by the possibility to overcome the high cost of doing business in Paris intra-walls, at the same time that as its physical closeness to the capital and its financial centre. With the arrival of companies and businesses, more people and services arrived, generating a series of changes, and the reverse is also true.

In the 21st century, new patterns of services and mobility were beginning to establish in major cities (from investment in new means of transport or world-class sporting events), in Paris it is no different. As we want to show that urbanisation and globalisation have a territorial and political continuity, since the middle of the 20th century, major infrastructure works, that the region has to this date, have been visible there, such as social housing constructions. Further on, there is the inauguration of the 'Stade de France' near Aubervilliers in 1998. The strategic concern of the public authorities about the region can be seen in the most diverse actions. By taking advantage of the existing transport infrastructure in Aubervilliers and the region<fnref n="37" />, public authorities idealised a big project to promote greater mobility in the French capital. The idea of an infrastructure project linking Paris and its outskirts in a more complete and complex manner was born systematically in the beginning of the 21st century, more specifically in 2010, when

<footnote n="37">³⁷ The railways and stations dated from the industrial period have always been crucial to the flow of transports but also for people. Those infrastructures attract people whether to work or live, contributing to the expansion and dynamism of cities. *Le Chemin de fer industriel de la Plaine Saint-Denis et d'Aubervilliers.*</footnote>
a dialogue about the changes in public transport was established by the Grand Paris Express Project. What started as a public initiative, gained new actors such as private companies and a public-private partnership, characterising a neo-liberal economic momentum, in which the state facilitates market players (Pinson, 2020).

The connection between different actions reiterates the alignment between different factors in the composition of the urban reality of Aubervilliers. The inauguration of a new metro station (station Front Populaire), the announcement of two new stations and their respective constructions, works on the Grand Paris Express regional mobility project, the inauguration of a university campus (Campus Condorcet)<fnref n="38" />, in addition to the upcoming Paris Olympic Games in 2024 (and the existence of the Stade de France, inaugurated in 1998) show the local-global intersection (Ghorra-Gobin, 2017) that we want to demonstrate empirically. By local-global intersection we highlight the changes in *situ*, i.e., on a local scale, but we reaffirm the global condition, since the changes are results of global demands of greater flow of capital and goods, as well as depletion or extreme valorisation of urban land in Paris intra-walls. All the components together help Paris to fulfill the standards of a global city (Sassen, 2005).

<footnote n="38">³⁸ The *Campus Condorcet* will be explained further in chapter.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_16.png" /><figcaption>Figure 5. Contrasts in Aubervilliers: old buildings and new constructions.</figcaption></figure>

Source: Photo taken by the author in October 2020 (Rue Des Fillettes)

The physiognomy of Aubervilliers is the result of different economic and urban mutations during time. “The disappearance of sites, the transformation of buildings and new constructions create a landscape that is both heterogeneous and rich in contrasts” (Laborde et al, 2004:74). Within the contrasts found in the region, we realise that recent infrastructure
works end up intensifying them, and it seems sensible to discuss some of these changes in the
light of a global scale.

## 2.2 The Grand Paris project and the new metros in Aubervilliers

Within the interventions proposed by the Société du Grand Paris (SGP), the project called Grand Paris Express (GPE) is what interests us. It consists in a redesign of the public transport network on the scale of the metropolitan area of Paris, focusing on availing the region "with multimodal transport solutions, more integrated transport services, hence supporting a model of polycentric development." (SGP, 2020). In its totality, the project is responsible for the construction of new metros throughout the metropolitan Paris, counting on 68 new stations and 200 kilometers of additional tracks. The intervention proposes the construction of rapid transit lines in order to curb urban sprawl by promoting public transportation usage. According to the official website from SGP (2021):

> Grand Paris Express consists of a ring route around Paris (line 15) and lines connecting developing neighbourhoods (lines 16, 17 and 18). Additionally, Grand Paris Express also involves the extension of existing metro lines. Its 4 new lines circle the capital and provide connections with Paris' 3 airports, business districts and research clusters. It will service 165,000 companies and daily transport 2 million commuters.

The following maps show the official project layout. When viewed in more detail, we identify the Aubervilliers' region and the new metro "Mairie d'Aubervilliers" that will take place there. This new station is part of the expansion of metro line 12.
<figure><img src="image_17.png" /><figcaption>Map 5. The Grand Paris Express</figcaption></figure>

Source: Société du Grand Paris, 2021.

<figure><img src="image_18.png" /><figcaption>Map 6. The Grand Paris Express in Aubervilliers</figcaption></figure>

Source: Société du Grand Paris, 2021.
The expansion of the metro line 12, although not directly under the management of the GPE project, is part of an entire redesign of the metropolitan transport proposed by it. Undergoing a process of expansion on the command of the Régie Autonome des Transports Parisiens Group, also known by RATP, the metro line 12 directly affects the territory of Aubervilliers. The new stations that touch our case study are *Aimé Césaire* and *Mairie d'Aubervilliers*. From the construction of these two new stations, this subchapter analyses the changes in the housing question, as well as the evolution of economic activity in the region, after the announcement of the Project. Map 5 shows the location of the new metros in the region as well as the other metro station from line 12, implemented in Aubervilliers in 2012, the station 'Front Populaire'.

<figure><img src="image_19.png" /><figcaption>Map 7. Location of the metro stations from line 12 in Aubervilliers.</figcaption></figure>

Source: Data Gouv FR, 2021 and Île-de-France Mobilités, 2021. Elaborated by the author, 2021.

According to Île-de-France Mobilités, constructions regarding line 12 were discussed in 2012, and thereupon the preparatory works. The two new metro lines in Aubervilliers should have been ready by now, but a series of events postponed that delivery. The following table shows the provisional plans on the construction of the new metro stations. The works will cost
for infrastructure, metros, and operations, respectively €175.15 million<fnref n="39" /> (financed by public money from the state and region), €250 million<fnref n="40" /> (financed by Île-de-France Mobilités), and €7.6 million per year <fnref n="41" /> (financed by Île-de-France Mobilités 100%). It is worth mentioning that RATP is the project owner.

<table><caption>Table 5: Provisional Calendar Metro Line 12</caption><tr><td>2004</td><td>Public use declaration</td></tr><tr><td>2005-2010</td><td>Preliminary project studies</td></tr><tr><td>2011</td><td>Preliminary draft</td></tr><tr><td>2012</td><td>Commissioning of the extension from ‘La Chapelle’ metro to ‘Front Popular’ metro</td></tr><tr><td>2012-2014</td><td>Preparatory works</td></tr><tr><td>2014-2016</td><td>Pre-construction work on the 2 stations</td></tr><tr><td>2016-2019</td><td>Construction</td></tr></table>

Source: Île-de-France Mobilités, 2021.

In addition to the GPE project and the expansion of metro line 12, there is also another factor that contributed to changing the urban, social, and economic configuration of Aubervilliers. This 'factor' is the inauguration of a new university campus, the *Campus Condorcet*, explained briefly in the following section.

### 2.2.1. Campus Condorcet

The *Campus Condorcet*<fnref n="42" /> is a complex for research in the human and social sciences with more than 140,000 m² of usable space. In 2011, an agreement was signed by the state, the

<footnote n="39">³⁹Agreed value in 2006.</footnote>

<footnote n="40">⁴⁰Agreed value in 2010.</footnote>

<footnote n="41">⁴¹Agreed value in 2010.</footnote>

<footnote n="42">⁴²A more detailed description of the Campus Condorcet in Aubervilliers can be found on its official website. See https://www.campus-condorcet.fr/fr/le-campus/cite-des-shs. Below a short description in numbers: The Campus contains 6,5 hectares where 40% are green areas; 11 buildings, of which five of them are dedicated to research;</footnote>
Grand Paris Aménagement43 and l'établissement public (the public institution) to define the framework for the land acquisition and development operations of the Campus in Aubervilliers. In 2014, thanks to state funding, the project came out of the papers and started to be materialized, i.e., the planned facilities started being built (Campus Condorcet, n.d.). The site of Aubervilliers from the *Campus Condorcet* opened its doors in the second half of 2019 with the aim “to transform the approaches and practices of research, training and development within the humanities and social sciences as well as at their interfaces with other sciences” (Campus Condorcet, n.d.). The creation of a single campus with two sites (one in Aubervilliers and the other in Paris, specifically near the metro station *Porte de la Chapelle*) concentrates scientific forces on a European and global scale. Still unfinished, the Campus intends to “bring together 3,500 researchers and 4,600 doctoral students within a dynamic territory” (Campus Condorcet, n.d.). The facilities buildings, including a major documentary equipment, accommodates the research units of the founding members44, as well as the headquarters of other research institutions. It is worth mentioning that the 'Métropole du Grand Paris' is an associate member of the *Campus Condorcet*, which is a public establishment, showing once again the connectivity between different times and agents on the same territory. The Campus is financed by the State, the Île-de-France Region, the City of Paris, the Plaine Commune territorial public establishment, and by the commune of Aubervilliers. The new campus is important in the configuration of the region not only by mobilising Aubervilliers' territory, but also by using local funds.

<footnote>one large documentary facility; one conference centre; 50 seminar rooms; 2600 office workstations; 1380 seats in the library; 60 research units from 2019 and eventually a hundred; 450 student accommodation units; 88 accommodation units for visiting researchers; and 12000 people expected.</footnote>

<footnote n="43">⁴³The Grand Paris Aménagement is a land operator and sustainable development agent in the region of Île-de-France since 1962. For more information, visit https://www.grandparisamenagement.fr/grand-paris-aménagement/identite/</footnote>

<footnote n="44">⁴⁴The founding members are: Université Paris 8 Vincennes – Saint-Denis, Université Sorbonne Nouvelle, Institut des Sciences humaines et sociales - CNRS, École nationale des chartes, Université Sorbonne Paris Nord, Université Paris Nanterre, Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, Institut national des études démographiques, Fondation Maison des sciences de l'Homme, and the École pratique des hautes études. For more information, visit: https://www.campus-condorcet.fr/fr/le-campus/etablissement-public/les-instances-1</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_20.png" /><figcaption>Map 8. Location of the Campus Condorcet in Aubervilliers</figcaption></figure>

Source: Campus Condorcet, 2020.
<figure><img src="image_21.png" /><figcaption>Figure 6. Campus Condorcet</figcaption></figure>

Source: Photo taken by the author in October 2020 (in front of the *Bâtiment de recherche Sud*)

Facing different urban infrastructure projects in the region, it is evident a current process of transformation of the local territory. These transformations modify the urban landscape, but also the way in which space has been appropriated. By adopting what Santos defines as landscape, as "the set of objects that our body reaches and identifies" (1991:76), we can find in Aubervilliers different identified objects forming a space that connects the territorial configuration, the landscape and the society that inhabits, thinks, and appropriates it (Santos, 1991). Urban mobility projects, from the GPE to the new metros in the region, a new university campus, the existence of a football stadium (which will also serve for the 2024 Olympic Games) are representative of changes in the region, that affects from housing to economic activities, bringing new local meanings in urban, social, and economic issues, as well as in lived, perceived and conceived spaces.

### 2.2.2 Infrastructure and housing

From primary to secondary sources, we found in Aubervilliers changes concerning housing issues. According to surveys from INSEE, when we observe the population of the
region, in terms of housing, we can see that, by 2017 (latest available survey data), people who moved to a new house in the region, regardless of their age, mostly came from other localities, as seen in the graphic below.

<figure><img src="image_22.png" /><figcaption>Table 6. Aubervilliers: Previous place of residence by age</figcaption></figure>

Source: Insee, RP2017 main survey, Elaborated by the author, 2021.

It is interesting to note that, in the year before the survey date (2017), more people were living in another commune or town than those who moved internally in Aubervilliers. This data may both represent a greater attraction of people to the area, because of new urban equipment offers and the proximity to the historical and financial centre of Île-de-France, as well as a stability of the local population in not moving out of the region. Independently of the reasons for the arrival of people from outside the region, it is evident a dynamism regarding the real estate sector in Aubervilliers. According to real estate agents, such as the private company 'Meilleurs Agents'<fnref n="45" />, housing market in Aubervilliers is dynamic and has an upward trend in prices for almost all properties, whether for rent or purchase, houses, or apartments, with the

<footnote n="45">⁴⁵ ‘Meilleurs Agents’ is a company that defines itself as a facilitator in the real estate world of France. They disseminate real estate prices information and connect customers (buyers and sellers) with real estate agents in order to “allow everyone to face a real estate project with confidence. So that every decision taken, for any type of property project, is an informed decision. To give everyone the opportunity to find the right expert, reliable and competent, to be accompanied throughout the process.”. For more information, visit: https://www.meilleursagents.com/a-propos/terms/</footnote>
exception of a forecast decrease in the selling prices of new apartments in the second quarter of 2021 (Meilleurs Agents, 2021).

When it comes to measuring the dwelling moves to Aubervilliers, the evidence found is that 27% of them took place between two and four years before the most recent survey published on the topic (2017). In other words, the majority of people moving to the neighbourhood took place between the years of 2012 and 2015, interestingly enough to relate this movement to the announcement, the opening, and the construction of urban infrastructure works in Aubervilliers. In 2012 there was the inauguration of the metro 'Front Populaire' from line 12, which has dynamised the region and made it more connected to Paris intra-walls, and later the progress of the GPE constructions, with the inauguration promised for soon. The datashows that most of the house moves to the region took place in the 21st century, which could be representative of a change in the composition of the local population and a reflection of the characteristics of the new century, of neoliberal economy and the evident expansion of cities, even more the global ones (Sassen, 2005).

<figure><img src="image_23.png" /><figcaption>Table 7. Age of house moves to Aubervilliers</figcaption></figure>

Source: Insee, RP2017 main survey. Elaborated by the author, 2021.

From INSEE, we can also see that, from 1999 until 2017, there is an increase in the number of dwellings (main and secondary residences) at the same time as a decrease in the
number of vacant dwellings in the region, i.e. the region has been occupied more and more over recent history.

<figure><img src="image_24.png" /><figcaption>Table 8. Aubervilliers: Evolution of dwellings by category</figcaption></figure>

Source: Insee, RP1990 census, RP2007 - RP2017 main survey. Elaborated by the author, 2021.

When it comes to housing prices, the available data from the indices Notaires-Insee<fnref n="46" />, shows the behaviour in housing prices in Seine-Saint-Denis, the department to which Aubervilliers belong. The data does not exist on the Aubervilliers scale and here we use the departmental level to show general trends in housing prices in the department to which Aubervilliers belong. This data measures quarterly (four times a year) the variation of purchase prices of housing properties, in this case we use old properties, apartments or houses, considering the net price of the property. At the beginning of the 21st century, a steady rise in prices of old properties, houses, and apartments, can be observed. This trend has been discontinued approximately in 2008, the year of the global economic crisis. After the recovery from the world crisis, prices continued to rise but at a slower pace. An important detail is a slight drop around 2014 followed by a stagnation, and again an increase in prices. As the data refers to a larger scale than our case study, not much can be inferred, but what is interesting to

<footnote n="46">⁴⁶The Notaires-Insee indices for old properties are calculated by the Paris Notaires Services (PNS) in collaboration with INSEE from real estate transaction data contained in the notaries' databases, in order to provide a measure of price changes for old housing at constant quality. The price used is the net selling price, excluding transfer taxes, notary fees and agency commission. For more information, visit: https://www.insee.fr/fr/information/4175280</footnote>
highlight is the local connection to the world economy. It was precisely in a period of economic crisis dictated by the world order that prices fell.

<figure><img src="image_25.png" /><figcaption>Table 9. Evolution of the house price index in Seine-Saint-Denis</figcaption></figure>

Source: Indices Notaires-Insee, 2020 - serial identifier: 10567041. Elaborated by the author, 2021.

The information from public institutions as well as from a private company in the field, are used to reiterate that, within the oscillations generated by global context<fnref n="47" />, the housing issue in Aubervilliers is dynamic. The area is experiencing an increase in the number of buildings, as well as in their prices, an appreciation of its urban land is seen. Clerval and Miot (2017:52) have shown that “the local social characteristics of the housing supply are the most discriminating in explaining the configuration of the local socio-residential space. Conditioned by prices, they function as barriers to access to certain fringes of the stock”. The housing supply, as well as its price, contributes to the valorisation of space and to the exclusion of certain social classes of certain territories, the highest valued ones. In Aubervilliers, we are dealing with a territory which is not so highly valued when compared with neighbourhoods of Paris within the walls, or even in other communes of the petite couronne but a change in this logic is observed and prices reveal a supply of houses with rising prices.

<footnote n="47">⁴⁷ The 2008 Global Crisis for example.</footnote>
Touching the time scale of the 21st century, we observe that in a period when globalisation is given in a total way, the neoliberalisation of the economy was happening and happens at an accelerated pace (Brenner, 2014). The cities, in this case Paris, was/is expanding (Pinson, 2020). The explosion of the city (Brenner, 2014) has made the peripheries a focus of interest. This movement of expansion of the economy, and consequently, of the city (Pinson, 2020), led, in general, to changes in infrastructures equipment and housing characteristics in Aubervilliers, as well as in its economic activities, a subject addressed below.

### 2.2.3 Infrastructure and economic activities

When considering economic activities, it is difficult to dissociate Aubervilliers from its historical past, as an industrial zone. Aubervilliers' main activity is no longer the industry, even if they still exist in the territory, in the landscape, in the population's imaginary, and concretely. However, the tertiary and construction sectors have taken the lead, with an emphasis on commerce related to car repairs. What is happening in Aubervilliers is evidence of the tertiarisation of the economy (Sassen, 1995). It is also interesting to note that in 2014 the activities related to public administration exceeded the number of industries in the region.

<figure><img src="image_26.png" /><figcaption>Table 10. Number of establishments by sector of activity by December 31st 2018</figcaption></figure>

Scope: Market activities excluding agriculture.

Source: Insee, Répertoire des entreprises et des établissements (Sirene), 2018. Elaborated by the author, 2021.
As proposed by Sassen (1995), the global city increasingly represents the service sector, seen in our empirical case of the turn in the numbers of public administration over industries. This shift that took place in 2014 is also indicative of an area in constant transformation, and the need for institutions to regulate these changes and the urban infrastructures created. In addition to health, education, and social services as essentials to the maintenance of a local population, even more in a neighbourhood with an average population characterized by low income and lack of access to different public facilities

<figure><img src="image_27.png" /><figcaption>**Table 11.** Aubervilliers: Overview of the establishments by sector of activity in 2018</figcaption></figure>

Scope: Market activities excluding agriculture.

Source: Insee, Répertoire des entreprises et des établissements (Sirene), 2018. Elaborated by the author, 2021.
<figure><img src="image_28.png" /><figcaption>Figure 7. Car repair in an ‘open-air’ mechanic</figcaption></figure>

Source: Photo taken by the author in October 2020.

When considering a more detailed overview of the activities developed in the region (including other sectors that were not in the previous years' surveys)<fnref n="48" />, we have the following table, in which it is worth mentioning the growing importance of activities such as the real estate or scientific sectors. Information and communication activities; financial and insurance activities; real estate activities; and finally, professional, scientific and technical activities and administrative and support service activities represent approximately 17% of the establishments' activities in Aubervilliers, a significant number when put into perspective. The arrival of the Campus Condorcet and the promise of new metro stations in the region help the establishment of other service sectors, characterising a global city, where there is room for financial activities, real estate speculation and improvements in mobility infrastructure and urban transport.

<footnote n="48">⁴⁸ The total number of establishments appears as 10634 and not the 8723 previously used in Table 10, because in this table we have included other activity sectors that were not possible in the historical evolution of establishments since they do not fit the categories used in previous years.</footnote>
<table><caption>Table 12. Aubervilliers: Detailed overview of establishments by sector of activity by December 2018</caption><thead><tr><td>Detailed overview of establishments by sector of activity by December 2018</td><td>In Numbers</td><td>%</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Total</td><td>10634</td><td>100</td></tr><tr><td>Manufacturing, mining and other industries</td><td>502</td><td>4,7</td></tr><tr><td>Construction</td><td>2099</td><td>19,7</td></tr><tr><td>Wholesale and retail trade, transport, accommodation and food service activities</td><td>5433</td><td>51,1</td></tr><tr><td>Information and communication</td><td>328</td><td>3,1</td></tr><tr><td>Financial and insurance activities</td><td>133</td><td>1,3</td></tr><tr><td>Real estate activities</td><td>281</td><td>2,6</td></tr><tr><td>Professional, scientific and technical activities, and administrative and support service activities</td><td>1056</td><td>9,9</td></tr><tr><td>Public administration, education, human health and social work</td><td>422</td><td>4</td></tr><tr><td>Other service activities</td><td>380</td><td>3,6</td></tr></tbody></table>

Agriculture not considered. Source: Insee, Répertoire des entreprises et des établissements (Sirene), 2019.

From the various economic activities existing in the region, influenced, and influencing socio-spatial changes in Aubervilliers, we find in this local territory characteristics of global cities. Cities which are inserted in the world system present a vast commercial sector in their territories and moments of valorisation and devaluation of their spaces (Sassen, 2005). These changes are felt most directly by the local population, and in Aubervilliers it is no different. The local population carries in their everyday lives the changes in this local territory, which will be addressed below.

### 2.2.4 Infrastructure and the local population

Urban infrastructure directly or indirectly affects the population of cities (Chapells, 2017). In Aubervilliers, add to the ongoing urban infrastructure works, an economic change is seen in its territory, affecting the local population, from a look at the territory's functionality but also subjectively. With a population of 86375 inhabitants, of which 45592 are men and
40783 are women (INSEE, 2017), Aubervilliers can be considered as a place with a youth population structure, where more than half of the population has not reached the age of 45 years old, as seen in the table below.

<table><caption>Table 13. Aubervilliers: Population by age (2017)</caption><thead><tr><td></td><td>Absolute amount</td><td>%</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Total</td><td>86375</td><td>100</td></tr><tr><td>0 - 14 years old</td><td>19316</td><td>22,4</td></tr><tr><td>15 - 29 years old</td><td>18120</td><td>21</td></tr><tr><td>30 - 44 years old</td><td>21356</td><td>24,7</td></tr><tr><td>45 - 59 years old</td><td>15649</td><td>18,1</td></tr><tr><td>60 - 74 years old</td><td>8384</td><td>9,7</td></tr><tr><td>75 years old or more</td><td>3551</td><td>4,1</td></tr></tbody></table>

Source: Insee, RP2017, exploitations complémentaires, géographie au 01/01/2020.

Available data from INSEE (2017) shows that, during the 21st century, the average annual population change is positive. With small changes in birth and death rates, a slight increase and a slight decrease respectively, added to an increase in the local population, indicates that Aubervilliers, during this century, presents a population growth and improvement in quality of life indicators (such as decrease in death rates). This growth can be related to local and external changes to the region, also observed in people's employment and school levels for example. The number of executives and higher intellectual professions grew by approximately 80 per cent between 2007 and 2017 (INSEE, 2017). And, even though the level of schooling is low, younger people are becoming educated in a formal manner, i.e., attending schools, showing a trend to the future of the region, in which more people will have received formal education in Aubervilliers. This data connects with the increasing number of companies and establishments setting up in the region, as seen in the sections above. With the arrival of new companies, the demand for more qualified work has grown, and with it, professionals with these characteristics. At the time of the survey (2017) the Campus Condorcet was not yet inaugurated but, the promise of its ready arrival also mobilised the local population, as well as new urban facilities proposed by the GPE such as the already opened metro station *Front Populaire* (opened in 2012) and the two new ones yet to come.
<table><caption>Table 14. Aubervilliers: Historical demographic indicators since 1990</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>1990 to 1999</th><th>1999 to 2007</th><th>2007 to 2012</th><th>2012 to 2017</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><th>Average annual population change in %</th><td>-0,7</td><td>2</td><td>0,9</td><td>2,3</td></tr><tr><th>Due to the natural balance in %</th><td>1,2</td><td>1,5</td><td>1,6</td><td>1,4</td></tr><tr><th>Due to the apparent balance of entries and exits in %</th><td>-1,9</td><td>0,5</td><td>-0,7</td><td>0,9</td></tr><tr><th>Birth rate (‰)</th><td>18,8</td><td>20,7</td><td>20,8</td><td>19,4</td></tr><tr><th>Death rate (‰)</th><td>7,3</td><td>6,1</td><td>5,1</td><td>4,9</td></tr></tbody></table>

Source: Insee, RP1999 dénombrements, RP2007 au RP2017 exploitations principales - État civil.

<table><caption>Table 15. Aubervilliers: Employment by sector of activity (2017)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>2007</th><th>%</th><th>2012</th><th>%</th><th>2017</th><th>%</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><th>Total (Men and Women)</th><td>57675</td><td>100</td><td>60106</td><td>100</td><td>67065</td><td>100</td></tr><tr><th>Farmers</th><td>1</td><td>0</td><td>7</td><td>0</td><td>29</td><td>0</td></tr><tr><th>Craftsmen, traders, company managers</th><td>1763</td><td>3,1</td><td>1876</td><td>3,1</td><td>2188</td><td>3,3</td></tr><tr><th>Executives and higher intellectual professions</th><td>2518</td><td>4,4</td><td>2860</td><td>4,8</td><td>3990</td><td>5,9</td></tr><tr><th>Intermediate occupations</th><td>6040</td><td>10,5</td><td>6126</td><td>10,2</td><td>7128</td><td>10,6</td></tr><tr><th>Employees</th><td>13340</td><td>23,1</td><td>13557</td><td>22,6</td><td>14737</td><td>22</td></tr><tr><th>Workers</th><td>10305</td><td>17,9</td><td>10869</td><td>18,1</td><td>11997</td><td>17,9</td></tr><tr><th>Retired</th><td>8730</td><td>15,1</td><td>8714</td><td>14,5</td><td>7770</td><td>11,6</td></tr><tr><th>Other people without professional activity</th><td>14978</td><td>26</td><td>16096</td><td>26,8</td><td>19226</td><td>28,7</td></tr></tbody></table>

Source: Insee, RP2017, exploitations complémentaires, géographie au 01/01/2020.

<table><caption>Table 16. Aubervilliers: Schooling levels per age range (2017)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>Total</th><th>Educated population</th><th>%</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><th>2 to 5 years old</th><td>5699</td><td>4114</td><td>72,2</td></tr></tbody></table>
<table><tr><td>6 to 10 years old</td><td>6486</td><td>6312</td><td>97,3</td></tr><tr><td>11 to 14 years old</td><td>4189</td><td>4125</td><td>98,5</td></tr><tr><td>15 to 17 years old</td><td>3081</td><td>2946</td><td>95,6</td></tr><tr><td>18 to 24 years old</td><td>7855</td><td>4064</td><td>51,7</td></tr><tr><td>25 to 29 years old</td><td>7184</td><td>825</td><td>11,5</td></tr><tr><td>30 years old or more</td><td>48940</td><td>1142</td><td>2,3</td></tr></table>

Source: Insee, RP2017, exploitations complémentaires, géographie au 01/01/2020.

When we look at the structural and physical characteristics of Aubervilliers and its population, as well as the changes proposed by different institutions and stakeholders, we see, in one of the poorest regions of Île-de-France (INSEE, 2020), different local perspectives and narratives on these changes. Clerval & Miot (2017) indicate the relationship between state-proposed urban infrastructures such as social housing and their role in perpetuating social inequalities. Eschewing a Manichean perspective on urban infrastructure projects, we see that changes add social value and capital to the region but can also generate the exclusion of certain individuals or groups from the locality. In this context, from a population with low levels of schooling, in an area with poor social indicators, structural changes generate social changes. The arrival of urban infrastructure in Aubervilliers leads to an appreciation of its urban space, which brings socio-spatial consequences, sometimes undesirable ones, such as gentrification. In this case-study, many were those who told us that the changes in the neighbourhood were bringing a new configuration to the place and generating problems, whether on a professional or housing level, such as the case of the mechanics. With new public facilities, many of them who worked in the streets, in a kind of ‘open-air’ mechanics, had to change their place of work, sometimes no longer in Aubervilliers, as the supply of open space for their work is becoming increasingly scarce.

Although the appreciation of the urban land in Aubervilliers is observable, one cannot disregard other sides of the changes. From reports of three youths that live or frequent Aubervilliers, we can highlight some characteristics that the structural changes in the commune generate for them. We are aware of the limitation of the reports<fnref n="49" /> but the information brought by these three youths

<footnote n="49">⁴⁹Due to the global health crisis (the COVID-19 pandemic), the formal part of structured interviews was hampered, but by living in the area and having informal conversations with the inhabitants, it was possible to assimilate different perspectives about what happens in Aubervilliers. Here, we chose to use the accounts of three different but similarly aged people who are friends. Within a very similar context, it is possible to identify different narratives.</footnote>
is relevant to build an argument and different views of the changes in Aubervilliers' territory. We chose to present these three cases because they come from a similar context: the three of them study at the same high school in Aubervilliers. Here, it is worth mentioning that we met in an eloquence workshop promoted by the Campus Condorcet for the local population, and therefore the contact.

The three 17 years old<fnref n="50" /> high school students (Jordan, Pierre, and Allan)<fnref n="51" /> said the GPE is an advantage to the region since there will be two new stations convenient for their daily lives, because it will facilitate getting to the centre of Paris and other locations. Only one mentioned more negative aspects of the Grand Paris Express works. Allan said: “The Grand Paris Express works mean that there is more and more housing and construction, so more noise, more people and higher property prices.”. For Jordan and Pierre, everything in Aubervilliers seems normal and without much change, while for Allan the answer was different: “Aubervilliers is constantly changing, evolving: works everywhere, buildings, metros, universities, people, mentalities...And this affects me in the sense that Aubervilliers will be an active place (more and more companies are setting up there) and perhaps even more important at the regional and national level. Becoming a centrality will allow me, and the inhabitants in general, to have access to more opportunities. Evolution is always positive, it just needs to be well directed and managed, otherwise it will have a negative and destructive impact.”. When asked specifically about the metro stations, practicality and convenience were words in the speech of all three. Quoting Pierre: “The metro is an important axis of transport and communication, so it will be more practical with the extension, because it will maybe empty the roads a bit and detach people from their cars, and because Front Populaire is far from the centre, and it will impact on our time and our feet.”.

An interesting difference between the three discourses is how they see the same phenomena. The *Stade de France* for example, is part of the landscape seen by the bus' window for Jordan, not representing a lot, while for Pierre and Allan it represents a national symbol that gives a sense of local pride. As a national symbol, it is a matter of pride but, as critically pointed out by one of the youths (Allan), when there is an event, it blocks the area and almost the whole Aubervilliers. As pointed out by him, “the least ‘cool part’ is that it does not help the locals as there are big fast-food shops around”.

<footnote n="50">⁵⁰One of them does not live in Aubervilliers but frequents the area because he studies there.</footnote>

<footnote n="51">⁵¹Here we use fictional names.</footnote>
By considering the local population within the existing urban infrastructure and the ones yet to be built or inaugurated, it is possible to see how different narratives and territories are present in the same place. There are different perceptions of the city (Lefebvre, 2000), there are the positive and the problematic aspects of the changes. Although these students are not directly affected by the changes in Aubervilliers, in the sense that none of them are responsible for paying rent or financially support their families, a positive view is noted, whether of the Campus Condorcet, which was mentioned as a “cool infrastructure”, or by the arrival of the metro, which will bring more mobility and centrality to the region. Regardless of the perception of Aubervilliers, it is essential to consider the local population when making decisions. Decision-making and structural changes in the region are felt locally but have their origins in external factors, the lived, perceived, and conceived spaces are influenced by globalisation, as we will see in the following section.

## 2.3. Aubervilliers and globalisation, the lived, perceived, and conceived spaces

What seems to be a mass of disconnected information are rather connected. From the history of the commune to the current real estate prices, and the new sectors of economic activities, Aubervilliers carries traces of global cities characteristics. Thanks to the dynamism generated by its urban infrastructure, Aubervilliers is attracting investors' attention. Investments mobilise the territory by promoting built spaces, and the opposite is also true. A certain looping is established: to promote urban infrastructure equipment and events in a given area, attract investments; by intentionally investing in a given area, whether out of necessity or speculation, generates the creation of new infrastructure facilities.

As the city is produced for each mode of production (Santos, 1994; Carlos, 2004; Sassen, 2005; Ghorra-Gobin, 2007), what happens in Aubervilliers can be considered a response to a moment of globalisation and neoliberalisation of the economy. As proposed by Clerval (2013), since the period of deindustrialization of Paris, from the second half of the 20thcentury, the city is going through a period of gentrification, there is a gradual departure of workers from certain popular neighbourhoods, that gives place to the arrival of executives and people in higher intellectual professions. Amidst a background of globalisation and tertiarisation of the city, Paris was transformed into an international centre of economic decision-making (Clerval, 2013). From the de-industrialization of Paris and its outskirts, the transformations seen in its urban space and functions are promoted, in part, by public policies, which play an essential role in promoting both neoliberal ideals as well as providing the
infrastructure for functions changes to happen. The subsidised renovations of certain
neighbourhoods have changed some of their characteristics, among them there is Aubervilliers,
which, by not being a central area of Paris intra-walls, has been affected differently by
gentrification, in a different time and rhythm. From the 21st century, more specifically the
second decade of the century, a process of spatial valorisation, which leads to gentrification
(Clerval, 2013) can be observed, as seen empirically in data on housing, economic sector, and
population in the region. The appearance of new real estate stakeholders, and other urban
infrastructure equipment lead to the disappearance of certain populations from certain places
(Clerval, 2013), in addition to changing the perceptions of the lived, perceived, and conceived
spaces.

From Cartesian and material space, a notion of produced space can be conceived
(Lefebvre, 2000) in Aubervilliers. The materiality of the commune presents, in the face of
globalisation, a conceived space, in which urban planning and dominant agents think and
propose a space, making sure it is assimilated in a planned manner. In our case, the major
infrastructure works in Aubervilliers, such as the metro stations, the Campus Condorcet, and
the establishments of new enterprises, generate a given space, designed for the population, at
the same time it may not make sense to them. The perceived space, represented subjectively by
the daily reality, routes, and performances, is a space that can be perceived for its inhabitants
and frequenters from empirical observation. As seen above, the space of Aubervilliers can be
perceived by bus journeys or by daily routes. The lived space in Aubervilliers, regarding
globalisation, is part of social, symbolic, and cultural representation. The three spaces proposed
by Lefebvre (2000) are affected by globalisation in the sense that external agents are the ones
who think and plan the space, the ones who promote the diffusion of certain cultures and social
practices. The relations across the different territories of Aubervilliers have different social and
cultural meanings, thought, and imposed by external actors. Considering the growing
gravitation of economic, social, and cultural processes of a world character over those of a
national or regional character (Eclac, n.d.), Aubervilliers is being moulded and thought much
more to global standards than in a subjective way. If we conceptually observed an appreciation
of the urban land in Aubervilliers, empirically we have confirmed it. But one cannot deny the
role of the local population in resisting and trying to spread themselves culturally and socially
(Ghorra-Gobin, 2016). The engagement of part of the Aubervilliers population in decision
making exists and, throughout the history of the commune, it is possible to identify leaders and
a local public power that cares for its population and the preservation of a memory existing
there (Laborde et al, 2004). In this sense, globalisation affects Aubervilliers in economic, social, and cultural aspects but resistance is undeniable.

The recent transformation in economic and real estate activity in Aubervilliers highlights the role of the state as a conveyer of changing power relations. Globalisation depends on the public authorities to mobilise local territories, confirming that this global phenomenon needs the local dimension and uses its characteristics to be reproduced. Christian Azaïs (2010:12) pointed out that globalisation “do not contradict the local dimension as enterprises continue to depend upon territories and their human capital, they are not mere predators of lower labour costs” (Azaïs, 2010: 12). In this sense, the new enterprises promote both the materiality and symbolism of the produced urban space amidst globalisation. Aubervilliers, while undergoing a visible socio-spatial transformation, presents the co-presence of different social groups. There is a reterritorialisation of this periphery and we question whether this reterritorialisation will culminate in deterritorialisation or a multi-territoriality. To understand the following reactions of Aubervilliers to its local changes, we can see the case of Itaquera as a district that has undergone similar processes in earlier years.
**Chapter 3. Globalisation and the production of urban space in Itaquera**

In order to propose a connection between globalisation and the production of urban
space in Itaquera, this chapter presents a brief historical review of the region's urbanisation
process and the socio-spatial changes found therein. In the 20th century, with the accelerated
industrialisation process, the chapter proposes a relationship between globalisation and
neoliberal processes within the territorial limitation of Itaquera. Data from the economic sector,
real estate and social indicators will be analysed to establish the proposed connection about
what happens on a global scale, and in our local case-study, Itaquera. The bibliographical
review is also fundamental to deepen the proposed analysis of this chapter; references such as
*Subúrbios Orientais de São Paulo* from Aroldo de Azevedo (1945) will clarify the
characteristics of Itaquera in the last century, making possible a current and contextualised
analysis of the region.

**3.1. Morphological and historical characteristics of Itaquera, a brief historical review**

Located in the eastern part of the city of São Paulo, Brazil, the district of Itaquera is part of the four districts of the homonymous sub-prefecture<fnref n="52" />, and has the origins of its name from Tupi Guarani<fnref n="53" />. For didactic purposes, and because this is where the urban infrastructure we will analyse is located, we will treat in greater detail the district of Itaquera (instead of the four districts of the Itaquera sub-prefecture). The following maps show the location of Itaquera, both the subprefecture and the district.

<footnote n="52">⁵² The subprefecture of Itaquera is composed of 4 districts: *Cidade Líder*, *Itaquera*, *José Bonifácio*, and *Parque do Carmo*. Here we will focus on the district of *Itaquera*.</footnote>

<footnote n="53">⁵³ The inhabitants of the Itaquera region, as in the whole country, were the original/native population. In this case, the Tupi-Guarani Indigenous population. The name Itaquera is the name given by them, and different meanings have been attributed to the name, with ‘hard stone’ and ‘sleeping stone’ being the most common. More information available in <https://www.spbairros.com.br/itaquera/>.

<https://www.prefeitura.sp.gov.br/cidade/secretarias/subprefeituras/itaquera/historico/>.

Accessed on 02 February 2021.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_29.png" /><figcaption>Map 9. Itaquera Sub-prefecture</figcaption></figure>

Source: Prefeitura de São Paulo, 2020. Elaborated by the author, 2021.
<figure><img src="image_30.png" /><figcaption>Map 10. Location of the district of Itaquera</figcaption></figure>

Source: IBGE, 2020. Elaborated by the author, 2021.

Records of the first reference to the Itaquera region date back to the 17th century, when the name appeared in a Letter of Sesmaria<fnref n="54" /> as a settlement attached to São Miguel. But it was in the early 19th century that the region began to be officially referred as Itaquera (*Secretaria da Cultura, Prefeitura do Município de São Paulo*, 2008), becoming an autonomous district of São Paulo in 1920. Regardless of its first official appearance, the origins of Itaquera are linked to the settlement of São Miguel do Ururaí (Bomtempi, 1970). Located in a well-connected area served by rivers, the development of the region occurred from the expansion of the centrality of São Paulo through the paths, roads, and railways towards the Brazilian hinterland, more specifically Minas Gerais and Rio de Janeiro (Oliveira, 2015). São Paulo, a point of convergence of wealth, based its development on its physical and natural configuration, having the rivers as guides for the urbanisation of the city. The physical characteristics of Itaquera, back in the colonial period, followed the same logic of the urbanisation in São Paulo: they were based on physical and natural aspects of its territory, serving as a stop for troops along the old

<footnote n="54">⁵⁴ Sesmaria was a plot of land distributed to a beneficiary. Originated in Portugal, the granting of a Sesmaria was widely used in the Brazilian colonial period, by nomination of land properties by landowners. The creation of hereditary captaincies in 1534 marked its uses in Brazil (Machado, 1977).</footnote>
road from São Paulo to Minas Gerais (Oliveira, 2015), as well as a residential and agricultural village. Amidst the hills and river valleys, Itaquera was occupied in a residential and agricultural manner, besides having the role of resting place for the bandeirantes<fnref n="55" /> and travellers until the 18th century. The region's main activities were related to agriculture (rice being one of the main products), gravel, quarries, and potteries (Azevedo, 1945), but also as a leisure place for the São Paulo's elite. With the expansion of São Paulo, Itaquera was slowly appropriated and assimilated by morden urbanisation. In the 19th century, the region, which was constituted as a residential and rural district, as well as a suburban summer spot along the routes São Paulo - Minas Gerais - Rio de Janeiro, is marked by the parcelling of properties into lots for urban housing, and agricultural and recreational farms, characterising the insertion of the region in the logic of São Paulo's urbanisation and development (Programa Patrimônio e Referências Culturais nas subprefeituras, 2014). Subsequently affected by the arrival of the railway in the 19th century, Itaquera achieved a faster development. With the railway, the ties with the budding metropolis of São Paulo became closer. Many of the population who lived in the region, worked, and carried out their usual activities in the centre of São Paulo, and those who used the region as a holiday spot, saw the possibility of investment in its lands, given that the better connection with São Paulo made land prices rise, as well as the productive activity. Within the characteristics of Itaquera, the great influence of the Japanese community stands out, representing up to 15% of the population in the first half of the 20th century, of which the majority were engaged in agriculture activities (Azevedo, 1945). Of this characteristic, as a dwelling and resting place, little has been maintained in the 21st century; with the expansion of the São Paulo metropolis, the Commercial, Pastoral and Agricultural Company bought and allot lands in the region, more specifically the Fazenda do Carmo (Azevedo, 1945) and so began a process of structural changes in the region, which occurred in a slow pace until the middle of the 20th century and took on accelerated transformation from then until nowadays, the 21st century.

With the process of metropolisation of São Paulo in the 20th century, its centrality was renewed and consolidated, and with it the concentration of activities and the verticalisation of central areas, as well as a horizontal expansion of the city (Programa Patrimônio e Referências

<footnote n="55">⁵⁵ The bandeirantes were the subjects who undertook the Bandeiras expeditions towards the interior of Brazil, characterised by "territorial penetration movements that extended the Brazilian borders far beyond the Treaty of Tordesillas. In colonial Brazil (16th to 18th century), the Bandeiras had several objectives, among them the imprisonment of Indigenous population, the search for gold, war against black mutineers. Through waterways and old Indigenous paths, these expeditions linked São Paulo to the left bank of the Paraná River, made inland and northern penetration, and often clashed with the missions of the Spanish Jesuits." (Oliveira, 1993:216)</footnote>
Culturais nas subprefeituras, 2014). As the number of allotments and population of Itaquera increased due to the expansion of São Paulo, so did the need and calls for infrastructural improvements in the region. The 20th century is marked by great changes and densification of the region, which slowly ceases to be a suburb and becomes closer to the expanded centre of São Paulo in the 21st century. Factors such as immigration, internal migration, and rural-urban/city movement promoted by the urbanisation and industrialisation of São Paulo are important factors for the consolidation of São Paulo as a socio-economic national reference (Oliveira, 2015), and consequently they are important factors to territorial expansion of the city, that eventually encompassed suburban areas such as Itaquera (Lemos & França, 1999). Still in the 20th century, Itaquera appeared no more as a suburban area but as a periphery of the city of São Paulo, its function was no longer the same as it was in colonial Brazil. The second half of the 20th century as well as the 21st century mark major changes in the region. The following is a short description of Itaquera over time to promote a better understanding of what we see in the region today.

### 3.1.1. Itaquera's short timeline

#### A. Early 19th century

During the first half of the 19th century, Itaquera was considered a transit region (Azevedo, 1945; Lemos & França, 1999; Oliveira, 2015), and a suburb of the city of São Paulo - here it is worth mentioning that the term suburb was not seen as something bad, on the contrary, it largely represented the resting place of travellers and summer houses of the São Paulo's elite (Lemos & França, 1999). It was during this period that the region began to undergo structural changes and started to distance itself from its colonial characteristic. At this time, with the presence of the catholic priests, the lands of Itaquera, developed together with the Penha region in the late 18th century (Oliveira, 2015), started to be dismembered. With the decline in coffee, orange, tea, and vegetable cultivation, all the lands in the region, most of them belonging to religious orders, continued with agricultural production, and started to shape up as the allotments sold in the near future (Oliveira, 2015). The religious influence was strong, and occupation took place around the chapels.
<figure><img src="image_31.png" /><figcaption>Figure 8. Penha Chapel in watercolour, 1817</figcaption></figure>

Source: Ender, 1817. LAGO, P. C. *Iconografia Paulistana do Século XIX*. São Paulo: Metalivros, 1998.

## B. Second part of the 19th century

In the Second half of the 19th century the railway arrived in the eastern region of São Paulo, allowing structural changes and an increase in the region's land value. It was precisely in 1877 that the Itaquera railway station was inaugurated, known at that time as São Miguel station. The arrival of the railway and train stations itself characterises the beginning of the urbanisation of some areas of the city, at the same time as the isolation of others, due to the lack of urban infrastructure. With two main railways, one used to transport the coffee from the inland of the state to the port of Santos, and the other that aimed to link the city to Rio de Janeiro, in this moment the country's capital, by the *Central do Brasil* railway line<fnref n="56" />, São Paulo begins to configure its urbanisation process (Azevedo, 1945). The *Central do Brasil* railway was the one that directly affected the region, leading to an increasing occupation of the areas throughout its stations. With the decline of the coffee production, industrialisation became part of the city's agenda, which was becoming increasingly urbanised, assuming great national importance (Azevedo, 1945). With the greater urbanisation of São Paulo, its suburbs were being more

<footnote n="56">56 In Portuguese: *Estrada de Ferro Central do Brasil*. This railway was called *Estrada de Ferro do Norte* at the time of its creation. The railway passed through the eastern part of the city and contributed to the settlement of villages in this part of São Paulo.</footnote>
occupied. São Paulo's urbanisation process led to the occupation, by residents and industries, in nearby areas but due to the lack of urban infrastructure, Itaquera was not densely occupied, maintaining its characteristics as an agricultural region.

### C. Early 20th century

The main changes in the region began to be seen in this period. Still an agricultural area, Itaquera was considered an urban zone with rural characteristics. Population and industrial density were not high. Azevedo (1945) draws attention to the development of Itaquera driven by the expansion of São Paulo, in which the first allotment in the region took place based on the purchase of land from the Carmelite priests in 1919 by the Commercial, Pastoral and Agricultural Company. Although amidst a process of densification, the region had a pleasant aspect (Azevedo, 1945), where the lack of infrastructure had a dual role, at the same time it helped in maintaining the houses and constructions among trees and vegetation, Oliveira (2015) writes that, even though Itaquera was an important commercial entrepôt of the São Paulo agricultural belt, the lack of paved roads, plumbing, sewage and jobs prevented a continuous growth of the region, already observed in neighbouring areas. At this point it is important to highlight external events that had repercussions on the territory of Itaquera, such as migrations, be they internal or external. With the densification of the centre of São Paulo, the suburbs appeared as a possibility of housing for migrants. In the case of Itaquera, the Japanese immigration established a colony in the region, this Japanese colony was responsible for much of the region's agricultural activity, having a local but also regional importance, being important for São Paulo in its centrality as well (Azevedo, 1945). At this time, a growing real estate activity in the region could already be observed. Lemos and França (1999) report about advertisements about the region. The advertisements were notable for offering large pieces of land, close to, and connected by train to the centre of São Paulo, characteristics that justified the real estate activity in the region. Below there are two old photographs which highlight characteristics of Itaquera in this period, a photograph of Japanese colony's children, and another of the hills of the region, featuring the physical and rural characteristics of the region.
<figure><img src="image_32.png" /><figcaption>Figure 9. Japanese immigrants in Itaquera</figcaption></figure>

Source: Azevedo, 1945:116
<figure><img src="image_33.png" /><figcaption>Figure 10. Hills of the Itaquera region</figcaption></figure>

Source: Azevedo, 1945:98

## D. Second part of the 20th century

The second part of the 20th century is a phase of major changes in the region. During this time, Itaquera received greater visibility and public policies were more present, for example by the arrival of electric light in 1951 (Lemos & França, 1999). The existence of greater infrastructure has led to a greater valorisation of its urban space, the urbanisation process accelerated and Itaquera could be seen as a reference in the region, either because of the growing population and socio-spatial changes, as well as being a religious, commercial, and cultural centre within local proportions (Azevedo, 1945). Itaquera attracted population from neighbouring villages, but it remained as a periphery, serving as a dormitory district to many workers from the central areas of São Paulo. With the metropolisation of São Paulo, a city which in 1950 already had two million inhabitants and was growing rapidly (Rolnik, 2012), the city's peripheries went through a greater process of urbanisation and the gap spaces between the existing nuclei have now been occupied. The internal migration phenomena, from other regions of the country to São Paulo, characterises the formation of a dense metropolitan area with a visible demographic explosion. The densification of large urban centres leads to their peripheralisation, a high demand for housing arises (Santos, 2012). In 1970, peripheralisation
exposes socio-spatial inequalities in urban Brazil, in which these territories are characterised by
the presence of migrants, usually with low levels of education (Rolnik, 2012). Driven by
industrialisation, São Paulo's urbanisation and metropolisation led to "the transformation of the
suburb into a periphery, rapidly changing the profile and model of land occupation" (Oliveira,
2015:68). The 1970s were marked by attempts to contain the disorderly growth of Itaquera by
housing public policies such as the construction of low-income housing through COHAB
(*Companhia Metropolitana de Habitação de São Paulo* - Metropolitan Housing Company of
São Paulo)<fnref n="57" />. With the arrival of the public housing from COHAB in the 1970s, added to São
Paulo's metropolisation process, Itaquera has become denser, and contrary to what seems
logical, the public infrastructure necessary to maintain life has not. Itaquera, like other
peripheries, is characterised by a lack of access to health, education, basic services, and decent
housing (Rolnik, 2012). The COHAB houses, together with the lack of infrastructure, have
created an isolation of the area, which improved slightly with the arrival of the metro in 1989.

During this active period of the formation of the Itaquera territory, the arrival of the
metro in 1989 helped mobility in the region. The metro, which arrived much later than planned,
further boosted the occupation of the area, promoting both real estate speculation, and illegal
and precarious allotments (Rolnik, 2012). At this moment, the constitution of Itaquera as a
periphery is characterised by a disorderly growth, lack of infrastructure and socio spatial
exclusion. The lack of basic infrastructure mobilised the local population, who started to
organise movements to demand basic rights for life, such as hospitals and schools (as seen in
the image below). Although infrastructure projects such as housing policies, construction of
new roads (the *Jacú Pêssego* route) and metro terminal (Itaquera terminal), the creation of a
single fare for the interconnection between existing means of transportation (train and metro),
and even the construction of a hospital (here we mention the opening of the private
philanthropic hospital Santa Marcelina in 1961) in the region, reveal a mismatch between urban
planning and empirical reality (Rolnik, 2012; Oliveira, 2015).

<footnote n="57">⁵⁷ The Metropolitan Housing Company of São Paulo is a state-owned company responsible for providing public housing for the low-income population in the city of São Paulo and its metropolitan region.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_34.png" /><figcaption>Figure 11. Por um hospital em Ermelino Matarazzo, 1985⁵⁸</figcaption></figure>

Source: Programa Patrimônio e Referências Culturais nas subprefeituras, Itaquera, 2014. Conselho de Defesa do Patrimônio Histórico, Arqueológico, Artístico e Turístico do Estado - CONDEPHAAT

## E. Itaquera nowadays (21st century)

During the 21st century, it is observable the consequences of the extraordinary growth of the city of São Paulo where its population multiplied by more than 600 in less 145 years (Théry, 2017). After this period of increasing urban expansion (see map 11), amidst a disturbed scenario of socio-spatial exclusion and precariousness both in relation to infrastructure and population densification (Oliveira, 2015), the 21st century is an attempt to repair the socio spatial problems created and/or revealed in the previous period. As seen in the following image, Itaquera started its urbanisation process in 1950; since then, its territory has been incorporated into the modern urban logic of São Paulo. Following the urban expansion of São Paulo, a latest urban sprawl is seen in the western part of the district, in the area geographically closest to the centre of the city. From the last decades of the 20th century until the first years of the 21st century, the process of urban expansion has reached much of what was not yet urbanised in Itaquera. The 21st century, characterised by accelerated urbanisation (Alves, 2006), points to

<footnote n="58">⁵⁸In English: For a hospital in Ermelino Matarazzo. Ermelino Matarazzo is a district located near Itaquera, and is part of the municipality of Guarulhos. As in Itaquera, the pressure for the construction of hospitals in the region was latent since there was a lack of infrastructure and access to them.</footnote>
structural and population changes in the region. Encouraged by direct urban interventions, the recent wave of urbanisation can be seen by the presence of different infrastructural planning projects, and changes in social indicators. Major urban projects through urban operations creates new centralities (Arantes et al, 2000; Vainer et al, 2013; Fix, 2015; Oliveira, 2015), exactly what happened in Itaquera through the urban operation Rio Verde - Jacú<fnref n="59" />. São Paulo’s urban operations created new urban centralities and an increase in public-private partnerships in the region. The public partnerships led to infrastructures improvements but also intensified real estate speculation. The changes in the region, locally considered, have their origin in external factors, on the scale of the São Paulo metropolis and in a global scale.

<footnote n="59">⁵⁹ The Rio Verde Jacu is a consorted urban operation created to promote further development of the eastern zone of São Paulo. This urban operation contemplates actions and general objectives related to mobility, housing, sustainability, and economic activities. We will further explain the OUCRVJ.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_35.png" /><figcaption>Map 11. Expansion of São Paulo's urbanised area from 1881-2002</figcaption></figure>

**Fonte:** Empresa Paulista de Planejamento Metropolitano – Emplasa. Mapa de Expansão da Área Urbanizada da Região Metropolitana de São Paulo, 2002/2003.

**Elaboração:** Secretaria Municipal de Planejamento – Sempla/Depto. de Estatística e Produção de Informação – Dipro.

Source: Adapted from Emplasa, 2002.
Historically, Itaquera social indicators pointed to the need for a public planning agenda in the region. That is because Itaquera is part of the “huge peripheries where millions of migrants who joined the city in the years of rapid growth (1940-1970) have crowded in.” (Théry, 2017:10). Itaquera could be characterised by a “place without urban planning (...) that poses insoluble problems of urban management for the authorities supposed to develop them” (Théry, 2017:10). From this scenario, during the 21st century, some of the initiatives to improve mobility and social conditions in the region have been carried out. Investments in urban infrastructure increased, and many projects involving the region were executed (Barros, 2019; Oliveira, 2015). In the second decade of the 21st century, Itaquera shelters more infrastructure than ever before. The presence of the Neoquímica Arena<fnref n="60" />, the metro terminal, and other equipment such as a university campus<fnref n="61" /> dynamize the region, both economically and socially. But we question: for whom and with what motivation did the changes in the region come about. The following sections of this chapter will explore Itaquera's recent trajectory and transformations in the light of the global scale, to provide an explanation of socio-spatial changes in the region, as well as who they have served.

### 3.1.2. Territorial continuity: Itaquera in the 21st century

Considering the characteristics of Brazilian urbanisation, where the country shifted from rural to urban in a very short period of time (Santos, [1996] 2008), the territory experienced the burdens and bonuses of this fast change. In our case-study, the territorial changes are visible in terms of social indicators, real estate market values, economic activity, urban infrastructure equipment and new land use (SMUL, n.d.). Changes in the population characteristics, and in the activities developed there, are also statements of a new socio-economic period for the region.

According to Alves (2006), the growth of the tertiary sector characterises the current moment of globalisation and neoliberalisation of the economy, leading to the creation of new centralities and promoting urban restructuring. With the economic and population growth of São Paulo's old centralities, new areas took on new functions, such as Itaquera. Investment in urban operations and mega-events, such as the Fifa Football World Cup - which directly

<footnote n="60">⁶⁰ The arena is called Neoquímica because of the Corinthians football team sponsors - the team to which the arena is home-. The fact of naming the arena after a company is also representative of the neoliberal moment we are living. Even with popular pressure for the Arena to be called Corinthians-Itaquera, the name is still Neoquímica Arena. Here we also pay attention to the fact that the metro station that serves the arena is called 'Corinthians Itaquera'. We assume then that, a metro station is still a public good, and the influence of the popular meaning prevails.</footnote>

<footnote n="61">⁶¹ Here we address the University Santa Marcelina.</footnote>
affected Itaquera through the construction of the Neoquímica Arena, popularly known as Itaquerão (Oliveira, 2015)- are representative factors of the region's greater socio-economic insertion in São Paulo's urban logic. The district, once an agricultural and dormitory district, now houses more sophisticated commerce and services; in this sense, Itaquera responds to a global demand, where the economy walks towards a tertiarization of the economy (Cordeiro, 1993).

As seen in Aubervilliers, there is a territorial continuity, and macro level processes affect the local territory(ies). Since the second half of the 20th century, with infrastructure investments in Itaquera, as for example by the opening of fast access roads, and the modernisation of rail transport, Itaquera's urban landscape changed, as well as the whole Eastern Region of São Paulo (Programa Patrimônio e Referências Culturais, 2014). The changes that took place and continue to take place in Itaquera are a response to the popular pressure in the demand for basic infrastructure improvements, but also as a response to a moment where economic activities are at the global level. Globalisation pressures on local territories and change their dynamics, directly or indirectly. With the aim of empiricise the local global dynamics in Itaquera, we present below some relevant information, that enables a local and then a comparative analysis between Itaquera and Aubervilliers.

<figure><img src="image_36.png" /><figcaption>Table 17. Itaquera projected resident population by year (2000-2021)</figcaption></figure>

Source: Fundação SEADE, 2000 - 2021
Since the beginning of the century the population of the Itaquera district has grown, with a notable increase from 2009. The 2010 IBGE census (official measurement) shows a population of 204871 inhabitants and a demographic density of 14032 ihab/km² for the district, and 523848 inhabitants and a demographic density of 9647 ihab/km² for the whole Itaquera subprefecture. The *Fundação Seade* estimates a population of 217113 for 2030, with a population growth of 0.29% (2014-2030). Within the local context (when comparing with the other districts of the same sub-prefecture), Itaquera stands out as the district with the largest population and the highest demographic density. These characteristics also justify the growing number of establishments in the region, as well as their diversity with an emphasis on trade, i.e. commerce.

<figure><img src="image_37.png" /><figcaption>**Table 18.** Itaquera: Total of micro, small, medium, and large establishments related to commerce and services sector</figcaption></figure>

Source: Sebrae, 2020. Elaborated by the author, 2021.
<figure><img src="image_38.png" /><figcaption>Table 19. Itaquera: proportion of micro and small enterprises by sector of activity</figcaption></figure>

Source: Sebrae, 2012. Elaborated by the author, 2021.

The tables above show a growing trend in terms of commerce and services enterprises and establishments in the region (in the case we used data from micro and small enterprises), which can be related to larger infrastructures such as urban operations. São Paulo as a global city is planned in accordance with the needs of global actors, such as large enterprises and global stakeholders. Be the changes thought for the expansion of its urban area or improvements in terms of mobility, the city becomes the place where decisions are taken, and capital organised (Carlos, 2014). Within globalisation, the decisions taken in order to facilitate the capital flow affects Itaquera since ancient times. From São Paulo's industrialisation to the present day, the territory of Itaquera develops at a faster pace (Oliveira, 2015). The creation of new institutional hubs in São Paulo comes as a way of relieving and better distributing densification and activities on this global city centrality (Vainer et al, 2013). We then highlight the Rio Verde Jacu urban operation and the construction of the football stadium for the FIFA world cup in 2014, that involves the territory of Itaquera.

**Rio Verde Jacu consorted urban operation**<sup>62</sup>

Alongside different changes observable in Itaquera, the urban operation Rio Verde Jacu excels. This specific operation that regards Itaquera's territory<sup>63</sup> was created in order to attract

<footnote n="62"><sup>62</sup> Named *Operação Urbana Consorciada Rio Verde Jacu* (OUCRVJ)</footnote>

<footnote n="63"><sup>63</sup>The Rio Verde- Jacu urban operation encopasses the administrative regions of São Miguel, Itaquera and São Mateus (Sub-prefectures of the eastern zone of São Paulo).</footnote>
private capital to the region as well as greater mobility of people and goods. The idea to promote
more jobs and boost the region's economy, is related to the creation of a new economic and
institutional hub in the East zone of São Paulo (Grillo, 2012).

The Rio Verde-Jacu Consortium for Urban Operation was created by Law N° 13,872, dated July 12, 2004, as part of a program that proposes changes in the region through economic and social development, aiming to improve the general conditions of the region and the resident population. Articulated with the East Zone Development Program, its objective is to create conditions to attract investments that generate employment and income, and to encourage the installation of industrial activities and services in the region, especially those aimed at professional training and qualification.<fnref n="64" /> (Termo de Referência para a contratação de empresa ou consórcio de empresas para a elaboração de estudos urbanísticos e estudos complementares de subsídio, n.d.:5)<fnref n="65" />

The urban operation Rio Verde Jacu, as other urban operations, according to the
strategic master plan of São Paulo - LAW 13.430, from September 13 of 2002, could encompass
the “implementation of strategic equipment for urban development; (...) implantation of Social
Interest Housing Programmes; extension and improvement of the Collective Public Transport
Structural Network; implantation of public spaces”, among others. The specific objective of the
Rio Verde Jacu urban operation was to create new poles for attracting economic activity aiming
at generation of jobs and income. Given that commuting between the centre (where jobs and
services are concentrated) and the eastern zone of the city is difficult, due to the relative
distance, commuting time, and lack of efficient public transport, the public power invested in
the implementation of equipment that enables the creation of training and professionalizing
centres. The creation of new infrastructure, whether regarding mobility or education, aimed at
accelerating, diversifying, and increasing economic activities (mainly industrial) in the region.

<footnote n="64">⁶⁴Translated by the author. Original quote in portuguese:</footnote>

<footnote n="65">⁶⁵Prefeitura de São Paulo ( cidade). Operação Urbana Consorciada Rio Verde-Jacu. Termo de referência para contratação de empresa ou consórcio de empresas para elaboração de estudos urbanísticos e estudos complementares de subsídio. Secretaria de Desenvolvimento Urbano. São Paulo, n.d. Available in: <https://www.prefeitura.sp.gov.br/cidade/secretarias/upload/chamadas/trouc_rio_verde-jacuVersao consultation publica 1289322052.pdf>. Accessed on 10 March 2021.</footnote>
The improvement of the road infrastructure, by the extension of the Jacú-Pessego road until the *Rodoanel Sul* (South Ring Road) was also part of the project's scope (SMUL, 2010).

<figure><img src="image_39.png" /><figcaption>Map 12. Territorial scope of the urban operation Rio Verde Jacu</figcaption></figure>

Source: SMUL, 2010⁶⁶

<footnote n="66">⁶⁶ Available in <https://www.prefeitura.sp.gov.br/cidade/secretarias/licenciamento/desenvolvimento_urbano/novas_operacoes_urbanas/termos_de_referencia/index.php?p=17817>. Accessed on 14 March 2021.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_40.png" /><figcaption>Map 13. Territorial scope of the urban operation Rio Verde Jacu 2</figcaption></figure>

Source: SMUL, 2010

Although thought and planned to be developed in the early 21st century, the Rio Verde Jacu urban operation did not fully materialize. Public authorities implemented new circulation routes there, but the creation of the promised institutional hub did not take place. Between the moment of planning and implementation of changes in the land use and activities developed in the region, the 2014 FIFA World Cup arrived as another factor at the production of Itaquera's territory. The construction of a football stadium within standards established by a supranational institution requires certain planning and funds that mobilize an entire territory. In our case study, Itaquera shelters the consequences of this mega event, a theme addressed below.
## 3.2. The 2014 FIFA World Cup and the new urban equipment in Itaquera

The 2014 FIFA Football World Cup was a megaevent that took place in Brazil during July 2014. But long before July 2014, planning to host such a world-scale event began. With the need for stadiums with very strict standards, such as size, number of spectators, accessibility, and parking, the Itaquera region was chosen for the construction of one of the twelve modern stadiums used for the event in Brazil. The choice for the region was made due to a double interest, both for the intention of socio-economically boosting Itaquera (which had already been the target of public policies), and for the availability of land for the stadium construction.

The construction costs of the stadium were financed by public funding from Caixa Econômica Federal (CEF) and Banco Nacional do Desenvolvimento (BNDES) in the form of loans to the *Sport Club Corinthians Paulista*<fnref n="67" />, and to the company *Odebrecht*<fnref n="68" />. The municipality of São Paulo also provided tax incentives for the construction, the CID (*certificados de incentivo ao desenvolvimento* - development incentive certificates). According to the Brazilian public website *Portal da Transparência*, the cost for the stadium construction in Itaquera was approximately 1.08 billion reais, and the construction lasted about four years. Along with the delivery of the stadium, new access roads for the institutional pole were also delivered, but not the institutional hub itself. The images below show the construction area of the stadium before the works, the project, and the result of the construction.

<footnote n="67">⁶⁷ Sport Club Corinthians Paulista is a Brazilian multisport club from the São Paulo municipality.</footnote>

<footnote n="68">⁶⁸ Odebrecht was a private company that worked in the fields of engineering, construction, chemicals and petrochemicals. The company was involved in corruption scandals all over Latin America, which led to its declaration of bankruptcy in 2019. Now the company works with the name 'Novonor'.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_41.png" /><figcaption>Figure 12. Itaquera: Area before the construction of the stadium</figcaption></figure>

Source: Esportividade, 2014⁶⁹

<figure><img src="image_42.png" /><figcaption>Figure 13. Itaquera: Stadium and institutional pole project</figcaption></figure>

Source: Esportividade, 2014

<footnote n="69">⁶⁹Available in <https://www.esportividade.com.br/confira-como-estao-as-obras-no-entorno-da-arena-corinthians/>. Accessed on 13 April 2021.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_43.png" /><figcaption>Figure 14. Itaquera: Neoquímica Arena 2020</figcaption></figure>

Source: Meu Timão, 2020⁷⁰

The arena was delivered for the 2014 FIFA World Cup, the planned institutional hub was not. It is worth mentioning that from the ten facilities planned for the institutional hub near to the stadium, only two have been completed and delivered for the local population (Rede Nossa São Paulo, 2015)<fnref n="71" />. The construction of the stadium for the mega event mobilised the economy and resources, both federal and municipal, generating physical and socio-spatial changes in the region. During the construction period, jobs were generated, but once the mega event has passed, it is questionable what is left for Itaquera. The consequences are both material and immaterial. As a result of territorial continuity, both the urban operation Rio Verde Jacu, and the direct influence of a mega event in the region have left traces but not the proposed and planned changes (Oliveira, 2015). The megaevent infrastructure thought aiming to place São Paulo on an international and global level of financial capitalism, faced with a neo-liberal

<footnote n="70">⁷⁰ Available in <https://www.meutimao.com.br/forum-do-corinthians/bate-papo-da-torcida/771983/o-teto-da-neo-quimica-arena-pior-a-cada-dia>. Accessed on 13 April 2021.</footnote>

<footnote n="71">⁷¹ Available in <https://www.nossasaopaulo.org.br/2015/06/12/legado-da-copa-em-itaquera-fica-no-papel/>. Accessed on 13 April 2021.</footnote>
economy, helped to improve the flow of capital and goods (Vainer et al, 2013). The development based on mega-events and infrastructure equipment may allow a better insertion of São Paulo, as a global city, in the world scenario but also bringing socio-spatial consequences to the local population.

**3.2.1. Infrastructure and housing in Itaquera**

When regarding housing characteristics of Itaquera, it is possible to see a valorisation on real market prices as a consequence of the mega event held in the region. This appreciation is visible since the announcement of the construction of the stadium in Itaquera, and the start of works in 2010. There was an increase in property prices (news residential dwellings) in the region, especially in the areas surrounding the new stadium and new road structures. We highlight here a spike in values exactly in the year the World Cup was hosted.

<figure><img src="image_44.png" /><figcaption>**Table 20. Value of residential launches in Itaquera 2010-2017**</figcaption></figure>

Source: SECOVI, 2018. Elaborated by the author, 2021.

As well as an increase in the price of new residential buildings in the region related to the 2014 FIFA World Cup, there was also an increase in the number of units launched in the same years. The year 2014 is marked by a considerable increase in the number of launchings of residential buildings, a fact that also caused the proportional increase in the overall value of residential property at this date as seen in the two graphs below.
<figure><img src="image_45.png" /><figcaption>Table 21. Number of Vertical Residential Units Launched in Itaquera district (2006 - 2018*)</figcaption></figure>

Source: SMUL, 2018. Embraesp, 2018. Elaborated by the author, 2021.

<figure><img src="image_46.png" /><figcaption>Table 22. General Sales Value* Number of Vertical Residential Launched in Itaquera district 2006-2018**)</figcaption></figure>

Source:SMUL, 2018. Embraesp, 2018. Elaborated by the author.

<footnote>*The years of 2010 and 2012 are not present in the graph because there is no available data for these years.</footnote>

<footnote>**The years of 2010 and 2012 are not present in the graph because there is no available data for these years.</footnote>

<footnote>*The General Sales Value is the result obtained by multiplying the factors: total number of units x total price (in</footnote>
reais) of the unit, variables obtained in the Research and Analysis of the Residential Real Estate Market of the Municipality of São Paulo prepared by Embraesp (Empresa Brasileira de Estudos de Patrimônio)

Between 2011 and 2014 the Itaquera Region had a 100% appreciation in the residential property prices according to the FipeZap Index <fnref n="72" />. Just after the 2014 FIFA World Cup, between 2015-2016, the devaluation on the residential properties prices was 25%. The data prove that mega events and the infrastructures created for this, tend to appreciate the urban space (Vainer el al, 2013). In the case of Itaquera, the appreciation came followed by a devaluation, since the real estate market did not find the region so attractive for the coming years (Barros, 2019). The space of Itaquera, focusing on housing policies, was produced based on an external influence, an event of global scale.

With the promise of a new centrality with sufficient infrastructure and services, real estate market prices increased in the years prior to the 2014 FIFA World Cup, as well as the number of residential launches, promoting the move of new people to the district. Even so, with a change in the housing profile of Itaquera, the district still contains many precarious and irregular dwellings as seen in the image below, in the light pink, light orange and light yellow polygons. Residences along water bodies and slums are some of the region's characteristics. Albeit with the presence of new buildings and services, promoted both by the renewal of access roads from the urban operation Rio Verde Jacu, and by the demand to host a mega event, Itaquera presents latent contradictions, contradictions that characterise the unequal process of metropolisation of São Paulo.

<footnote n="72">⁷² Available in: <http://bit.ly/ValorizacaoItaquera>. Accessed on 14 April 2021.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_47.png" /><figcaption>Map 14. Irregular allotments in Itaquera</figcaption></figure>

Source: GeoSampa, 2021

In this century, policies such as planning urban operations (with an execution lower than planned), and hosting mega-events corroborates for a socio-spatial production of Itaquera's territory different from what the district was characterised before. Once a dormitory district,
today a district with a high degree of irregular occupations/allotments and slums, Itaquera can be seen for its modernity and urban expansion. Different territories and worlds sub exist in the same place. Using the concept of deterritorialisation and reterritorialisation, as proposed by Haesbaert (2013), Itaquera goes through these two moments: there is a deterritorialisation of precarious conditions of housing and old ways of life, but there is also a reterritorialisation of the more modern living spaces and conditions. While there is the concentration of precarious housing, there are many residential launches with high prices (higher than before). In addition to these housing characteristics, the events and infrastructure promoted changes concerning economic activities, which has a big impact on the dynamics of the district.

### 3.2.2. Infrastructure and economic activities in Itaquera

Economic activities need infrastructures to reproduce themselves (Lefebvre, 2000; Santos, 2000; Sassen, 2005; Vainer et al, 2013). In this sense, Itaquera finds in its territory infrastructures that characterise the existence of certain economic activities. Located in a strategic region for transporting commodities from the interior of the state of São Paulo to the port of Santos or by road to Rio de Janeiro and Minas Gerais, Itaquera has undergone improvements in its road complex as well as improvements in the existing means of transportation in the area. The Itaquera intermodal terminal, that converges the train, bus and metro terminals, enables the region's residents to commute to the centre of São Paulo, where the majority tend to work. Therefore, the existing infrastructure allowed a conformation of the Itaquera geared towards an economic activity related to commerce and services.

Data from small and micro establishments - industries, commerce, and services -from Sebrae (2012), shows a diversification of the economy in the years prior to the 2014 FIFA World Cup. We know that the data are a small sample of all the economic activity that exists in Itaquera but we highlight the construction sector, which appears in evidence for industries, commerce and services. Commerce linked to the repair of cars and auto parts as well as services of transportation specify the territorial characteristic of Itaquera: a strategic location for the flow of goods.

<table><caption>Table 23. Itaquera, Numbers of small and micro industries by category</caption><thead><tr><td>Industry</td><td>Number</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Manufacture of clothing articles</td><td>218</td></tr></tbody></table>
<table><tr><td>Specialized construction services</td><td>188</td></tr><tr><td>Construction</td><td>118</td></tr><tr><td>Manufacture of metal products</td><td>76</td></tr><tr><td>Printing and reproduction of recorded media</td><td>54</td></tr><tr><td>Rubber and plastic products</td><td>47</td></tr><tr><td>Maintenance and installation of machinery and equipment</td><td>37</td></tr><tr><td>Manufacture of furniture</td><td>34</td></tr><tr><td>Manufacture of textile products</td><td>33</td></tr><tr><td>Infrastructure works</td><td>33</td></tr></table>

Source: Sebrae, 2012. Elaborated by the author, 2021.

<table><caption>Table 24. Itaquera, Numbers of small and micro commerce establishments by category</caption><thead><tr><td>Commerce</td><td>Number</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Clothing Retail</td><td>274</td></tr><tr><td>Building Materials</td><td>249</td></tr><tr><td>Mini-markets and grocery stores</td><td>174</td></tr><tr><td>Auto parts retail</td><td>151</td></tr><tr><td>Optical retail</td><td>143</td></tr><tr><td>Convenience/specialty food retailing</td><td>141</td></tr><tr><td>Vehicle maintenance and repair</td><td>114</td></tr><tr><td>Bakeries, dairy and candy retail</td><td>112</td></tr><tr><td>Bookstores, stationery shops and newsstands</td><td>100</td></tr><tr><td>Retail sale of computer equipment and supplies</td><td>84</td></tr></tbody></table>

Source: Sebrae, 2012. Elaborated by the author, 2021.

<table><caption>Table 25. Itaquera, Numbers of small and micro service establishments by category</caption><thead><tr><td>Services</td><td>Number</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Food services</td><td>481</td></tr><tr><td>Office and administrative support services</td><td>318</td></tr></tbody></table>
<table><tr><td>Ground Transportation</td><td>205</td></tr><tr><td>Information technology services</td><td>164</td></tr><tr><td>Education</td><td>149</td></tr><tr><td>Repair-computer and personal items</td><td>136</td></tr><tr><td>Personal services</td><td>131</td></tr><tr><td>Health services</td><td>123</td></tr><tr><td>Miscellaneous scientific and technical services</td><td>94</td></tr><tr><td>Real estate activities</td><td>89</td></tr></table>

Source: Sebrae, 2012. Elaborated by the author, 2021.

Within the current economic consequences of Itaquera's insertion in São Paulo's urban expansion process, in face of globalisation, we have a greater dynamism of the commercial and services sector in detriment of industries. By resorting to secondary sources, such as online newspaper articles<sup>73</sup>, we evidenced that the changes, whether by hosting a mega event or in a not finished urban operation, the beneficiaries were the businesses, more specifically the shopping malls in the region, especially the ones located near the stadium and the Itaquera intermodal terminal, such as the *Shopping Metrô Itaquera*. Amidst a strategic planning for a more developed district, the real estate market, and the stakeholders that maintain the circulation of goods took the lead in the production of Itaquera's urban and economic space in recent decades.

The number of industries and enterprises in the region is representative of its economic dynamism. There is a tendency for the number of industries to decrease and establishments and other enterprises to grow, whether micro, small, medium, or large. In the table below we can see this trend, in which since 2010 there is clearly a decrease in the number of industries in the region, and from 2016 we can see a significant increase in the number of enterprises and establishments. This logic responds to a local dynamic but also to a global trend towards the tertiarisation of the economy.

<footnote n="73"><sup>73</sup> As for example the articles from “Portal G1”. Available in <https://g1.globo.com/sp/sao-paulo/noticia/quatro-anos-depois-estadio-de-itaquera-beneficiou-shopping-mercado-imobiliario-e-transito-da-regiao.shtml>; <http://g1.globo.com/especial-publicitario/zap/imoveis/noticia/2016/04/veja-como-ficou-o-mercado-imobiliario-itaquera-apos-copa-do-mundo.html>. Accessed on 14 April 2021.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_48.png" /><figcaption>Table 26. Itaquera, total number of enterprises/establishments and industries 2000-2018</figcaption></figure>

Source: SMUL, 2020. Elaborated by the author, 2021.

The local dynamics in Itaquera has been going through a continuous process of change since the beginning of the century (Barros, 2019). A territory in transformation can be seen from different perspectives, such as from the promise of an urban operation in the locality; urban operation that would reorganise transport routes and generate more infrastructure. Since the announcement of new equipment in the region, in the middle of the first decade until the beginning of the second decade of the 2000s, companies began to take an interest in the location; many new companies opened, mainly micro and small enterprises (SEBRAE, 2020).

Generating greater connection between the local territory and the rest of the city and state affected daily activities in Itaquera. New route connections affected road transport, bringing improvements in the fluidity of automobiles, but also made local areas more sparse and emptier of pedestrians. Just as road infrastructure, it is worth mentioning the non-completion of the institutional hub<sup>74</sup>. With its non-completion, the expected economic dynamism for the region was not reached although there have been economic changes, mainly in the short term. Besides that, the international mega event - the FIFA 2014 World Cup-generated significant changes in terms of financial and economic activity. Driven by external factors, being the target of strategic urban planning, the district has had more dynamism in the commerce and service sector during the last decade, affecting, in different manner, the local

<footnote n="74"><sup>74</sup> The main focus of the institutional hub was education services and facilities.</footnote>
population. Given data, the increase in the tertiary sector became evident, but this increase in numbers is not a synonym of a quality increase. Speculatively, we highlight that with the arrival of the stadium, more informal itinerant services were established in the region, which helped to increase the number of microenterprises in the region (this is talking about the street vendors legally registered) (SEBRAE, 2020).

### 3.2.3. Infrastructure and the local population in Itaquera

According to data from SEADE foundation, in 2020 Itaquera had a total population of 211555 inhabitants, of which 28623 were over 60 years old (13% of the total population) and 54113 were between zero and 17 years old (25% of the total population). Still in 2020, 101144 inhabitants were male (47,8%) and 110411 females (52,3%) (SEADE, 2020). The working age population in the year 2019 was 181319, which corresponded to 85% of the total population in the year in question (SEADE, 2019). The Itaquera population structure reveals a majority of working-age inhabitants, which in turn concentrate their labour force elsewhere in the city, usually in more central areas. The district is still characterised by a resident population where a substantial number of inhabitants work in other regions of São Paulo (Barros, 2019).

Among the social characteristics of the district, data from IBGE and from the *Centro de Estudos da Metrópole -CEM* (2002) points to a local population where almost 30% of them (disregarding the homeless population) present high degrees of social vulnerability. Although the data and map below are from the beginning of the century (2002), it is important to comprehend the social context of the local population and the changes promoted by infrastructure in the region. When compared to other districts of the East zone of the city, Itaquera is not one of the worst in terms of social vulnerability, but when compared to other central areas of the city, the difference is overwhelming. Another important point that characterises the social conditions of the local population are high rates of homicide, especially within the 15-29 age group (CEM, 2002).
<figure><img src="image_49.png" /><figcaption>Map 15. Districts of high and very high social vulnerability. East Zone, São Paulo municipality.</figcaption></figure>

Fonte: Censo Demográfico 2000, IBGE. Elaboração CEPID-FAPESP/Centro de Estudos da Metrópole-CEBRAP, 2002

Source: Adapted from CEM - CEBRAP, 2002.

With a growing population and increasing demographic density, Itaquera has high levels of social vulnerability. The region, known for its needs for infrastructure (Oliveira, 2015), has a population that mobilises and demands for improvements (by local associations such as the Associação União de Moradores e Amigos Itaquera). With this in mind, the government (at the municipal level) acted to improve social indices in the region, while the state and federal government worked together with the municipality to insert São Paulo and the country itself in an international context. The 2014 FIFA World Cup is an example of the measures taken by public authorities to improve the economic dynamism, at the same time as improving infrastructure in the region. As better explained in the section about the FIFA 2014 World Cup, investment in the region came from public capital lent to private companies that in the long term would generate more jobs, regarding the substantial working-age population, and economic dynamism and diversity. Private actors have taken advantage of the infrastructural improvements proposed by public authorities and the mega event. An example of the private sector importance in the region is real estate speculation. Through public investment in infrastructure, housing prices increased, even more right after the events (Oliveira, 2015; Barros, 2019); such changes, as housing prices, concerned the local population.
Being part of a major dimension and worldwide repercussion event affected the population of Itaquera (Oliveira, 2015). While excited about the arrival of the 2014 FIFA World Cup in the district, the local population were worried about what would happen afterwards. The local population knew that the arrival of the event would bring improvements and creation of infrastructure equipment, but also generate the appreciation and changes in the land use of the region (Oliveira, 2015; Barros, 2019), presenting a threat to them. In 2016, the *Portal G1*<sup>75</sup> published an article about real estate prices in Itaquera after the World Cup, stating significant price increases right after the event. The changes in prices changed the dynamics of real estate in the region, enabling speculation. Real estate speculation arose from structural changes in the region, but also by the publicity of a new centrality in São Paulo - due to the importance of the mega event held there - and by changes in zoning and land use laws in the region (SMUL, 2020). Further on, the same media<sup>76</sup> reported that the megaevent benefited, in the long run, the commerce around the stadium and the metro, but also harmed the local traffic. Another important factor is that the new avenues and walkways create a sense of fear in the local population. This happens because, when not busy during football match days, they are empty. Without proper police surveillance, besides being empty, the area becomes an adequate place for crimes to take place (G1, 2016).

The urban infrastructure created to accommodate the 2014 FIFA World Cup has become an equipment without significant common use (Barros, 2019). Beyond the football matches that take place in the stadium, the use is minimum by the local population (Oliveira, 2015). The stadium generates car traffic on match days and makes the area inaccessible to pedestrians. These characteristics lead to greater vulnerability in relation to security and disconnections to other spaces in such territory, such as the housing from COHAB created in the region in the 1960s and 1970s (Ferreira, 2018)<sup>77</sup>. Considering these characteristics of the Itaquera territory, its relationship with globalisation deserves a more detailed explanation, which will be addressed below.

<footnote n="75"><sup>75</sup> Available in <http://g1.globo.com/especial-publicitario/zap/imoveis/noticia/2016/04/veja-como-ficou-o-mercado-imobiliario-de-itaquera-apos-copa-do-mundo.html>. Accessed on 14 April 2021.</footnote>

<footnote n="76"><sup>76</sup> Available in <https://g1.globo.com/sp/sao-paulo/noticia/quatro-anos-depois-estadio-de-itaquera-beneficiou-shopping-mercado-imobiliario-e-transito-da-regiao.ghtml>. Accessed on 14 April 2021.</footnote>

<footnote n="77"><sup>77</sup>João Whitaker Ferreira is an architect who gave his opinion for the article published on the G1 portal in 2018. Available in <https://g1.globo.com/sp/sao-paulo/noticia/quatro-anos-depois-estadio-de-itaquera-beneficiou-shopping-mercado-imobiliario-e-transito-da-regiao.ghtml>. Accessed on 14 April 2021.</footnote>