recoils at slavery (how barbaric!) but embraces ruthless exploitation. Here lies the secret of all these unity movements— their goal is to crush mass resistance through administrative centralization. What governs the politics of so-called republicans and democrats in America, Italy, and France is not justice, liberty, or equality, but raw self-interest—the most cynical *raison d'État*.

Had the democratic press applied reason rather than zeal to the American crisis— had it sought reconciliation instead of goading the North to "Kill! Kill!"— it might have offered wiser counsel:

"In a federative republic, both proletarianization and slavery are intolerable; the trend must be their abolition.

In 1848, Switzerland's reformed constitution enshrined legal equality, abolishing old bourgeois and familial privileges—and promptly granted citizenship to the heimathlosen (stateless). Can America, without betraying its principles, deny freed people of color the rights Switzerland gave its outcasts? Rather than shunning them, shouldn't Anglo-Saxons— North and South— welcome them as equals and brothers? This would logically extend to those still enslaved.

"In 1860, Russia's Czar Alexander II freed 25 million serfs, granting civil rights and the land they'd tilled (compensating nobles separately). Will America's federated republic do less for emancipated Black people than an autocrat did for peasants? To prevent a new
servitude, isn't it just— and prudent—to give them land
and property?"

"The American Confederacy is compelled by its guiding principles and the inevitability of its situation to go even further: to avoid Southern accusations, it must address the root causes of white proletarianization by granting wage-earners property rights and establishing economic safeguards alongside political ones. The North must take the initiative in this reform, leading the South through example rather than force of arms.

"Without this, the North's attack on the South—hypocritical and immoral—can only end in universal ruin and the republic's destruction."

At least President Lincoln, constrained by Anglo-Saxon racial prejudices, has some excuse; his sincere intentions mitigate his flawed approach. But how can Frenchmen—raised on Voltaire, Rousseau, and Revolutionary ideals, with equality in their blood—ignore these implications? How can they accept Lincoln's sham emancipation? How dare they cheer his recent call for slave revolts—a desperate, unlawful tactic condemned by both military and international law? What excuses these so-called liberals? Don't they reveal their true motive: not humanity, but cold economic calculation? They weigh costs and conclude: *Free workers— self-supporting through wages— yield more profit than slaves requiring upkeep.*

These facts established, I put these questions to Mr. Fr. Morin:
The federative principle proves inseparable from racial equality and wealth equilibrium. The political, economic, and racial issues form one problem demanding a unified solution.

Consider: *Physiology/ethnography* recognize Black and white workers as one species; *Religion* declares both God's children, redeemed by Christ's blood— spiritual brothers; *Psychology* finds no difference in their minds or consciences; *Experience* shows educated (or interbred) Black individuals match whites in talent, morality, and industry— often revitalizing white society.

Thus I ask:

1. Having forcibly brought Africans to America as slaves, do Americans now have the right to expel them as unwanted?

2. Doesn't this *deportation*— repeating the original crime in reverse— make abolitionists as guilty as slave-traders?

3. After a century of servitude, haven't Black people earned rights to inhabit and work American soil?

4. Would French landowners have the right to tell their proletarian compatriots— those without capital or property who live by manual labor— "This land is ours; you own not an inch of it, and we no longer need your services: leave!" — and expect them to depart?
5. Can Black people— free by nature and human dignity— having regained their temporarily lost self-possession, be excluded from citizenship?

6. Isn't their right to citizenship established both by their recent emancipation and prior residence?

7. Would the pariah status Lincoln's plan assigns to Black people— a marginalized race— be worse than slavery itself?

8. Doesn't this mockery of emancipation disgrace the North and morally vindicate the South's claims?

9. Shouldn't both *Federals* and *Confederates* — fighting merely over the *form* of servitude— be equally condemned as blasphemers and traitors to federalist principles, ostracized by civilized nations?

10. Doesn't the European press— complicit through its inflammatory rhetoric, unitarist dogma, and anti-egalitarian leanings— deserve public condemnation?

Broadening the argument, I ask Mr. Fr. Morin:

11. Does he believe disparities in human ability justify unequal privileges?

12. Isn't wealth inequality—which exploits ability differences as a pretext and fuels social strife— more the product of privilege, cunning, and chance than of Nature?
13. Shouldn't governments prioritize repairing birth's injustices and life's accidents through mutual-aid institutions and comprehensive education?

14. Doesn't equality before law logically entail: Equality of races, Equality of social conditions, And progressive (if never perfect) wealth redistribution?

15. Given current events, can these principles—rejecting all political, economic, and social privilege, all racial or personal favoritism, all class supremacy—be genuinely pursued under any non-federal government?

16. Finally, doesn't logic, history, and contemporary evidence prove the unitary system fundamentally incompatible with human rights and progress?

To me, the core of Mazzini's and the Jacobins' unitary politics— soon to be Lincoln's, unless wiser counsel prevails—is this: *immorality and servitude*.
Conclusion

The French people are losing their moral compass due
to a lack of guiding principles. They've lost touch with the
spirit of our times and fail to understand their current
predicament— retaining only the hollow pride of past
revolutionary leadership whose original purpose they've
forgotten. None of the political systems they've tried have
satisfied their aspirations, and they can conceive no
alternatives.

The Bourbon monarchy evokes mere pity among the
masses now, while the July Monarchy inspires only
nostalgia. Whether these two dynasties reconcile or not
matters little— they represent nothing beyond
constitutional monarchy to the nation. And we know this
constitutional monarchy well— we've seen its workings
and judged its merits. A transitional structure that might
have lasted a century with better promise, it collapsed
during its very construction. Constitutional monarchy is
finished— the proof being we no longer possess what
would be required to restore it. Even if by some miracle
we rebuilt it, the system would inevitably fail again, if
only through its own impotence.

For constitutional monarchy was essentially
bourgeois rule— government by the Third Estate. But the
bourgeoisie no longer exists as a coherent class, nor do we
have the materials to recreate one. Fundamentally, the
bourgeoisie was a feudal construct like the clergy and
nobility before it. It derived meaning— and could only
regain meaning— through coexistence with those two
superior orders. The bourgeoisie was struck down in 1789
like its predecessors; constitutional monarchy merely
marked their collective transformation. In place of that
monarchical, parliamentary, property-qualified
bourgeoisie which briefly absorbed and outshone the
older orders, we now have democratic equality
legitimately expressed through universal suffrage. Try
recreating a bourgeoisie under these conditions!

Moreover, even if resurrected, constitutional
monarchy would crumble under modern demands. Could
it repay the national debt? With what funds? Reduce taxes?
Yet rising taxation is inherent to unitary government, and
we'd face additional costs reinstating the old system. Cut
military spending? Then how contain democratic
pressures? Attempt financial liquidation? It would exist
precisely to prevent liquidation. Restore press freedom,
freedom of association and assembly? Impossible! The
bourgeois press's conduct over the past decade under
imperial toleration proves it cares nothing for truth or
liberty, making the repressive apparatus created in 1835
against social democracy— expanded in 1848 and 1852—
an inescapable necessity. Would a restored constitutional
monarchy try limiting suffrage as in 1849? That would
mean declaring war on the masses— inviting revolution.
Maintain universal suffrage? Then it would meet the same
fate as February 1848— revolution either way. Five
minutes' reflection shows constitutional monarchy,
trapped between revolutionary imperatives, belongs to
history— its restoration in France would be an absurd
anachronism.
The Empire endures, asserting itself through
possession and popular support. Yet who doesn't see that
the Empire, in its third incarnation since 1852, is itself
being transformed by that mysterious force which
constantly reshapes all things, driving institutions toward
unforeseen ends beyond human prediction? The Empire,
as far as its nature permits, increasingly adopts contractual
forms. Napoleon I, returning from Elba, was forced to
swear by 1789's principles and parliamentary
modifications; Napoleon III has repeatedly amended the
1852 constitution similarly. While controlling the press, he
allows more freedom than his imperial predecessor; while
restraining debate, he invites Senate speeches despite
legislative harangues. What do these concessions signify, if
not that above all monarchical and Napoleonic ideas
hovers the primordial concept of a free compact— granted,
O princes, by none other than Liberty herself... In history's
long procession, all states appear as more or less brilliant
transitions: the Empire too is transitional. I say without
offense: the Napoleonic Empire is undergoing profound
metamorphosis.

One idea remains unexplored — suddenly affirmed by
Napoleon III, much as the mystery of redemption was
proclaimed by Jerusalem's high priest at the end of
Tiberius' reign: *federation*.

Until now, federalism evoked only notions of
disintegration. Our era is the first to conceive it as a
political system:
a) The groups composing the Confederation (elsewhere called "the State") are themselves sovereign states, governing, judging and administering themselves by their own laws;

b) The Confederation's purpose is uniting them through mutual guarantees;

c) Within each federated state, government follows separation of powers, with equality before law and universal suffrage as foundations.

That's the entire system. In a Confederation, the political body's constituent units aren't individual citizens/subjects, but natural groups averaging a few hundred square leagues. These groups are small democratic states under federal protection, composed of family units/citizens.

Thus constituted, federation alone theoretically and practically reconciles Liberty and Authority— giving each proper scope, competence and initiative. Only federation guarantees inviolable respect for citizen and state alongside order, justice, stability and peace.

First, federal power (the central organ of collective will) cannot absorb individual/corporate/local liberties that predate and sustain it—liberties which, through their constitutional supremacy, remain its superior<fnref n="32" />. No more

<footnote n="32">³² The relationship between central/federal and local powers is reflected in budget distribution. In Switzerland, federal spending</footnote>
revolutions: political agitation changes personnel, never
systems. With free press, free assembly, free association
and no political police, neither state nor citizens distrust
each other. State usurpation becomes impossible; citizen
revolt pointless. Law becomes the pivot of all interests—
itself the *raison d'état*; truth the press's essence and public
opinion's daily bread.

No fear of religious propaganda, clerical agitation,
mystical fervor or sectarian contagion. Let churches be free
as opinions and faith— the pact guarantees their liberty
without risk. The Confederation contains them; liberty
balances them. Even unanimous citizen faith couldn't
override rights or freedom. Federate France, and the
Catholic revival we witness would instantly collapse.
Indeed, revolutionary spirit would infiltrate the Church
itself— forced to admit it offers nothing beyond liberty.

With federation, universal higher education becomes
possible— ending mass ignorance (unachievable under
unitary systems).

Only federation can truly address the needs and
rights of working classes, resolving the conflicts between
labor and capital, while tackling issues of association,
taxation, credit, property, wages, and more. Experience

barely reaches one-third of total political expenditures—the rest
remains with cantons. France inverts this: the central power controls
nearly all national resources, regulates revenues/expenditures,
administers major cities like Paris (reducing municipalities to
figureheads), and oversees communal funds.
has shown that charity laws, welfare systems, and
philanthropic institutions are utterly ineffective here. The
only solution lies in Justice— supreme in political
economy as in governance—and in reciprocal, mutually
binding contracts. What does justice, expressed through
contract, demand of us? To replace monopoly with
mutualism in all matters of industrial guarantees, credit,
insurance, and public services. This is easily achieved
under a federative system but fundamentally opposed to
unitary governments. Consider: Tax reduction and
equalization are impossible under centralized power, as
decentralization must come first; Public debt will never be
liquidated under a unitary republic any more than under a
bourgeois monarchy—it will only grow; Foreign markets,
which should enrich the nation, are nullified by domestic
market restrictions caused by excessive taxation<fnref n="33" />; Prices
and wages will never stabilize in an antagonistic
environment where speculation, trade monopolies,
banking, and usury increasingly dominate over labor;
Worker associations will remain a utopian dream until

(See my *Theory of Taxation*, 1861.)

<footnote n="33">³³ France annually produces 30-35 million hectoliters of wine. Combined with cider and beer, this barely exceeds domestic consumption— if all could drink their share. Why seek external markets when internal ones suffice? Worse: internal markets are blocked by state taxes, transport costs, and municipal tolls, while abroad only luxury wines sell. Ordinary wines— unwanted or overpriced— leave producers stranded. Bordeaux relied on the Anglo-French trade treaty to sell wines in London; shipments now rot unsold in docks. This recurring anomaly stems from one root cause: the unitary system.</footnote>
governments understand that public services should
neither be state-operated nor privatized into anonymous
corporations, but entrusted through fixed-term contracts
to accountable worker cooperatives. No more government
interference in labor and commerce, no subsidies, no
concessions, no loans or bribes, no speculative stocks—
where but in federalism can such reforms be realized?

Federation alone reconciles democratic aspirations
with bourgeois conservatism— elements otherwise
irreconcilable— through its politico-economic *guarantism*,
federalism's highest expression. France, returning to its
natural state of modest property ownership, equitable
wealth distribution, and equality— organized as
interdependent sovereign entities— has nothing to fear
from communist upheavals or dynastic invasions. The
masses can no longer crush public liberties nor confiscate
properties. Better yet, federation erects the strongest
barrier against land and capital feudalism, toward which
all unitary power inevitably trends. While urbanites value
property for income, peasants who work the land cherish
it intrinsically. Property is most secure when continuously
and orderly divided toward equality — toward federation.
No more bourgeoisie, no more democracy — only citizens,
as we demanded in 1848. Is this not the Revolution's
ultimate goal? Where else but in federalism can this ideal
be realized? Contrary to 1793's claims, nothing is less
aristocratic or *ancien régime* than federation — yet nothing
is less vulgar.

Under federal authority, a great nation's politics align
with its destiny. Domestically: secure liberty, ensure work
and welfare, cultivate intellect, and strengthen conscience. Externally: lead by example. A federated people organizes for peace—what need for armies? Military service reduces to gendarmerie, staff officers, and warehouse guards. No alliances or trade treaties are necessary among free nations; common law suffices. Free exchange (minus fiscal duties) and, where debated in federal council, compensatory tariffs govern commerce; free movement and residence (respecting local laws) govern persons until shared homeland is achieved.

This is the federalist idea. Transition can be gradual. Despotism is hard to build and perilous to maintain; returning to liberty is always easier, lawful, and wise.

The French nation is perfectly suited for this reform. Long accustomed to constraints and heavy burdens, it makes few demands; it will wait ten years for the completion of the edifice, provided each year adds another floor. Tradition poses no obstacle: remove caste distinctions and feudal rights from the old monarchy, and France—with its provincial estates, customary laws, and bourgeois communes—becomes simply a vast confederation, its king a federal president. Centralization was revolutionary struggle's legacy. Under this system, Equality persisted (at least in custom) while Liberty gradually diminished. Geographically, the country offers equal advantages. Though perfectly grouped and bounded for unity—as we've seen too well—it adapts just as naturally to federation through its independent river basins flowing to three seas. The provinces must speak first. Paris, transitioning from capital to federal city, loses
nothing in this transformation; rather, it gains renewed
vitality. The congestion from absorbing provincial
resources— if I may say so— would ease. Lighter, less
apoplectic, Paris would grow freer and more productive.
With provincial wealth securing markets surpassing all
Americas combined, it would recover in real commerce
what it lost in parasitic reduction. Its citizens' prosperity
and security would know no interruptions.

Whatever power guides France's destiny, I dare say it
has no other viable policy, no alternative path to salvation.
Let it herald European federations— become their ally,
leader, and model. Its glory will shine brightest by
crowning all glories.
Index

agro-industrial, 93, 101

anarchism, 17, 192

aristocracy, 12, 20, 33, 35, 36, 75, 78, 105, 169, 187, 224, 240, 254

authority, 10, 11, 12, 14, 19, 20, 21, 26, 28, 33, 34, 35, 36, 42, 45, 46, 47, 49, 60, 66, 69, 92, 138, 202, 214, 217, 227, 228, 237, 238

church, 3, 6, 47, 64, 70, 74, 106, 124, 137, 138, 140, 141, 143, 144, 145, 146, 172, 187, 188, 194, 199, 201, 202, 204, 205, 206, 208, 210, 212, 215, 219, 230, 232, 238, 240, 250, 267

communism, 16, 17, 18, 29, 82, 119, 198, 202

community, 15, 16, 29, 53, 54, 65, 99, 100, 169, 240

commutative, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 59, 70, 97, 246

confederation, 56, 57, 74, 78, 94, 105, 143, 145, 149, 227, 228, 265, 266, 267

constitution, 2, 10, 12, 15, 23, 25, 33, 35, 36, 39, 40, 44, 46, 48, 52, 56, 59, 61, 64, 66, 67, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 75, 78, 83, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 101, 104, 106, 111, 129, 130, 131, 133, 140, 144, 145, 153, 157, 163, 167, 171, 196, 201, 204, 208, 210, 217, 218, 221, 224, 227, 233, 247, 248, 249, 250, 258, 263, 264, 265, 266

democracy, 1, 12, 17, 18, 23, 25, 28, 29, 32, 33, 36, 38, 39, 40, 52, 55, 71, 72, 85, 93, 96, 97, 101, 109, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 118, 119, 120, 126, 130, 131, 133, 134, 136,
139, 140, 142, 155, 159,
165, 174, 188, 196, 198,
201, 202, 203, 212, 214,
216, 227, 228, 234, 236,
240, 241, 245, 247, 254,
269

equality, 4, 44, 116, 118,
119, 262, 270

federalism, 10, 37, 45, 79,
101, 106, 107, 108, 114,
119, 123, 125, 131, 136,
137, 192, 195, 198, 203,
210, 216, 217, 223, 226,
229, 236, 238, 242, 254,
265, 269

federation, 3, 4, 5, 1, 10,
12, 46, 52, 53, 54, 56, 57,
59, 68, 72, 73, 74, 78, 79,
86, 88, 91, 93, 94, 96, 97,
99, 100, 104, 105, 106, 107,
109, 110, 120, 122, 123,
124, 127, 128, 129, 131,
132, 133, 134, 136, 141,
143, 145, 149, 157, 158,
159, 163, 164, 165, 169,
170, 172, 173, 187, 188,
192, 195, 198, 216, 219,
221, 223, 227, 228, 230,
233, 234, 236, 241, 242,

247, 251, 255, 265, 266,
267, 269, 270, 271

freedom, 10, 11, 24, 63, 64,
83, 99, 118, 129, 131, 137,
138, 139, 156, 163, 165,
169, 173, 204, 215, 218,
237, 254, 264, 265, 267

humanity, 10, 11, 14, 25,
29, 68, 70, 92, 95, 188, 199,
251, 259

Italy, 1, 5, 8, 104, 109, 122,
123, 125, 126, 127, 128,
129, 130, 132, 133, 134,
136, 137, 138, 146, 148,
149, 150, 152, 153, 154,
155, 156, 157, 158, 159,
161, 162, 163, 164, 167,
168, 169, 170, 173, 182,
186, 187, 195, 200, 208,
211, 216, 217, 218, 221,
230, 250, 251, 252, 258

justice, 5, 7, 10, 12, 38, 39,
41, 64, 101, 102, 115, 117,
143, 144, 146, 149, 157,
177, 181, 183, 187, 189,
212, 222, 227, 238, 245,
253, 258, 262, 266, 268
labor, 12, 24, 29, 37, 40, 47,
65, 95, 96, 97, 99, 101, 118,
169, 171, 178, 185, 199,
210, 229, 255, 256, 257,
260, 267

liberty, XII, 4, 8, 10, 12, 14,
15, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24,
25, 26, 28, 34, 35, 36, 40,
42, 44, 45, 46, 47, 49, 59,
60, 66, 69, 70, 75, 92, 116,
118, 120, 133, 134, 135,
138, 163, 174, 202, 203,
210, 216, 217, 227, 232,
235, 237, 238, 240, 241,
251, 263, 264, 265, 266,
267, 270

monarchy, 2, 4, 12, 15, 16,
17, 18, 21, 23, 25, 27, 28,
29, 32, 33, 35, 40, 52, 67,
71, 83, 93, 97, 105, 106,
107, 108, 111, 119, 123,
132, 136, 140, 149, 153,
155, 157, 165, 170, 171,
177, 182, 186, 188, 196,
198, 208, 210, 221, 224,
233, 241, 242, 245, 247,
248, 263, 264, 268, 270

Napoleon, 3, 30, 38, 57,
78, 81, 91, 111, 113, 114,

115, 126, 131, 133, 136,
148, 149, 153, 156, 157,
158, 159, 160, 166, 201,
202, 208, 211, 233, 248,
249, 265

nationality, 5, 44, 126, 214

order, 3, 10, 17, 26, 35, 39,
42, 47, 60, 67, 93, 96, 106,
131, 134, 135, 143, 146,
155, 160, 161, 168, 186,
189, 195, 206, 208, 234,
241, 242, 264, 266, 269

republic, 6, 22, 30, 36, 45,
48, 64, 78, 79, 86, 111, 117,
119, 120, 142, 145, 159,
173, 174, 186, 187, 208,
217, 233, 247, 248, 254

Rousseau, 16, 28, 82, 140,
259

socialism, 119, 120

state, 21, 23, 30, 57, 62, 63,
80, 82, 87, 106, 137, 138,
140, 160, 188, 204, 205,
206, 231, 235, 238, 239,
241, 249, 254, 266, 267
synallagmatic, 49, 51, 52,
53, 54, 59, 70, 97, 246

union, 78, 96, 132, 145,
243, 256

unitarism, 123, 187, 225,
235
<figure><img src="image_5.png" /></figure>

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