Maciej Sobczyk, Sylwia Siemianowska, Ruddy Perea Chávez

# High mountain archeology in the Peruvian Andes.
The case of the Coropuna volcano

## ABSTRACT

The Coropuna volcano region has been the focus of archaeological research conducted by the University of Warsaw (Poland) and the Catholic University "Santa María" (Arequipa, Peru) since 1996. The project involves conducting archaeological investigations in the vicinity of the snow-covered volcano Coropuna, which was frequently mentioned by chroniclers of the 16th and 17th centuries as an oracle, and was worshipped since pre-Inca times. Archaeological research covers sites located in a vast area around the sacred mountain. The Maucallacta-Pampacolca complex is located at an elevation of 3,750 metres above sea level, and its unique relationship with the Coropuna landscape is due to its location. The study examines the relationship between the sacred mountain and the remains of various archaeological sites, which are located at altitudes ranging from approximately 3,000 m to the peaks of the volcano. Recent research has revealed a fascinating aspect of infrastructure development in the Andes: the construction of vertical roads connecting complex sites such as Maucallacta-Pampacolca to high-altitude stands directly on the slopes of the massif, at an altitude of approximately 4700-5000 metres. However, these roads do not end at these points; rather, they lead to specialised small ceremonial centres that provide logistical support for pilgrims heading towards the peaks. These high-mountain centres are composed of regular squares and buildings. Tambo Coropuna, Coropuna Plaza and Ajocancha are strategically located to secure the approach from two directions, south and west. Current indications show the presence of at least four trails on the slopes of the Coropuna Volcano, with an estimated altitude of approximately 6,000 metres above sea level.

## KEYWORDS

Inka culture, High mountain archeology, Coropuna volcano, ceremonial landscape

<figure><img src="image_1.png" /></figure>
# I. INTRODUCTION

## Coropuna volcano in the Andean ritual landscape and research topics addressed

High-mountain archaeology in the Andean area is special. The Andes, in their peculiarity of cumulative transitions over short distances between extremely changing geographical zones, determine a vertical settlement model (Pulgar Vidal 1993,15; Murra 1968, 115-151; 1972, 429-476). This involves intensive exploration combined with sustained settlement reaching into extremely high altitude areas. This is particularly evident when we juxtapose Andean settlements with other mountain areas. For many years, the archaeology of the high Andes has been associated primarily with spectacular discoveries from eternal snow-covered peaks, such as the 'Juanita' mummy from the Ampato volcano (Reinhard 2005) or the sacrifices located on the peaks of Llullaillaco (Reinhard, Ceruti 2010). What is clear is that the numerous finds associated with ceremonies and sacrifices in the highest parts of the mountains are, as it were, a consequence of what was happening below the mountain peaks. Is it possible to be tempted to look for any single pattern and explanation of the complex ceremonial landscape of Andean communities? It is certainly crucial to clarify first what is meant by the term ceremonial landscape and the term *huaca*<fnref n="1" /> being a very capacious formulation. A *huaca* can be a lake, a spring, a river, a rock, a hill, a mountain, etc. It is a sacred place, possessing more than natural properties. A locally important place, distinctive in some characteristic way in the area. It is one of the elements of the Andean ceremonial landscape (*paisaje ritual*), understood as a culturally modified space containing the products of civilisation (ceremonial centres, ritual paths, shrines, altars, temples, etc.) and natural elements (mountains, volcanoes, rocks, hills, springs, ravines, groves, etc.) that correspond closely with each other (por. Leibowicz *et al*. 2014; Aréchiga Jurado 2019; Meddens 2017; Siemianowska 2021; 2024). For example, when describing Inca Cusco and its surroundings, we are confronted with hundreds of *huacas* that combine to

<footnote n="1">¹ *Huaca* (*wak'a, waqa*) - a term in the Quechua language that has many meanings, depending on the context. It means: 1- a temple and oracle in a place where a deity has manifested or is manifested; 2- the ruins of a temple; 3- a local deity; 4- a pair of founding ancestors who have sprouted from the earth; 5- one but of two parts (Szeminski, Ziółkowski 2014, 448).</footnote>
form a complex system of ceques<fnref n="2" />, a kind of symbolic ceremonial routes that radiate around (Zuidema 1964; 2010; Bauer 2000). Among the huacas, the highest snow-capped peaks stand out (Reinhard 2005; Reinhard, Ceruti 2010; Ziółkowski 2008; Leibowicz et al. 2014; Sobczyk 2022). They are huge, visible from hundreds of kilometres away, and provide water for pastures for herders and their animals. Further down in the valleys, this water irrigates farmers' crops. On the eastern side, on the border between the mountains and the lush green Amazon jungle, the peaks also stand out. As can be read in the works of Spanish chroniclers, the peaks, distinguished by their height or shape, were of great importance for the religion and organisation of life of the inhabitants of these territories. The special position of the peaks is confirmed by giving the most important of them the title Apu<fnref n="3" />. The Apu take care of living people, but also provide a place where they go after death. In order to ensure the care and blessing of the Apu, certain ceremonies and offerings must be performed (Guamán Poma 1980 [1583/1615]; Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua 1927; Albornoz 1989 [1584], Murúa 2008 [1616]; Polo de Ondegardo 1906 [1567]). Some of these mountain deities, like other most powerful huacas, have the ability to foretell the future. This requires infrastructure, temples accessible to pilgrims as well as isolated ceremonial sites for only a select few. Of particular note are the traces of ceremonies in the highest parts of the mountains. Not the only ones, but the most spectacular, are the already mentioned child sacrifices, called capacocha<fnref n="4" />, performed on or near the mountain peaks. The literature

<footnote n="2">² The word ceque means a line, but more of a zigzag shape. Each of these lines connected to some holy places, called huaca. Only one, perhaps incomplete, description of the ceque system of Cuzco has been preserved, dating from the mid-17th century" (Szemiński, Ziółkowski 2014). It is the "Relation of the huacas" of Cusco that lists 42 lines of ceques that left from the main temple of Coricancha, connecting 328 shrines of different huacas (Cobo [1653] 1964). In 33 of these, distributed in 22 ceques, human offerings were made (Ziółkowski 2015, tab. VIII, 446; Siemianowska 2024).</footnote>

<footnote n="3">³ Apu - a term in Quechua that means 'Lord'; a title of the mountains, the greater gods. Depending on the context, it can also have another meaning - to refer to the title of the heads of units of great administrative units and the rulers of incorporated states and countries; the term was directly descended from ancestors who came out of the land and had a hereditary right to rule, and usually the relevant education. It was also the title given to Francisco Pizarro by his Andean partners (Szemiński, Ziółkowski 2014).</footnote>

<footnote n="4">⁴ The term capacocha ("capacocha," "qhapac cocha," or "qhapac hucha") comes from the Quechua language (González Holguín 1952, 134, 559) and refers to fertility and the worship of water that was supposed to be venerated through royal sacrifice (Rein-</footnote>
lists around 20 of them, about half of which are within the borders of present-day Peru (Reinhard 2005; Vitry 2008; Reinhard, Ceruti 2010; Socha 2023). In reality, we are unable to determine their number. But on the basis of the known discoveries, analysing the relationships between the groups of archaeological sites that are associated with these peaks, it is possible to define models that allow us to approximate with some approximation the functioning of the ancient Inca cult.

The purpose of this article is to characterise one such system located around the Coropuna volcano in southern Peru. An important Inca *Apu*, around which a complex network of sites extends that today represent the vestiges of multi-layered resource management and a complex ceremonial-religious infrastructure. Coropuna appears repeatedly in historical sources, where it is mentioned as one of the most important religious centres (Cieza 1973, 107-108; Guzmán Poma 1980 [1583/1615], 266, 272; Albornoz 1989 [1584], 198), as well as a place where people go after death - *huaca-pacarina*<fnref n="5" /> (Guaman Poma de Ayala 1980 [1615], 269). It also occurs in the context of *chakras*<fnref n="6" /> and *mitimae's*<fnref n="7" />, the dwelling place of imperial priests and *mamaconas*<fnref n="8" />, a meeting place during the provincial festival of Contisuyo (Kuntisuyo) (Siemianowska 2021). It is also known that in the vicinity of Coropuna there were also herds of llamas and alpacas,

hard, Ceruti 2010, 6). Its main component was human sacrifices. The sacrificed children served as messengers to the gods. They brought offerings and requests from the people, and at the same time, they themselves were offerings. Capacochas were performed for a variety of reasons, both imperial and local. These included the birth of the heir to the throne, war, the illness or death of the Inca, different problems in local communities, and natural disasters (earthquakes, droughts, or volcanic eruptions). The ritual had two meanings – ritualistic and political. Capacochas were offered in sacrifice to the most important deities of the Inca Empire, including Viracocha, Inti (the Sun), Mama Quilla (the Moon), and Illapa (god of thunder and rain; (Socha 2023; Siemianowska 2024).

<footnote n="5">5 *Pacarina* – a term in the Quechua language referring to the place where ancestors left the earth for this world, as well as to where they went after their death, see more extensively e.g. Huertas 2016.</footnote>

<footnote n="6">6 *Chacra* – a term from the Quechua language meaning farm, cultivated field, land sown with seeds.</footnote>

<footnote n="7">7 *Mitimae* (*mitmaq*; *mitmakuna*, *mitmaqkuna*) – A term from the Quechua language; groups of families separated from their communities who have been relocated by imperial authorities from their original place of residence to a new one.</footnote>

<footnote n="8">8 *Mamaconas* – A term from the Quechua language; women formally and permanently assigned to serve in the Inca state (Szemiński, Ziółkowski 2014).</footnote>
storehouses for the wool of the aforementioned animals and places from which
copper was extracted. Coropuna was also the place where the most important
official in charge of the province of Coropuna Conde resided (see Ziółkowski
2008; Siemianowska, Sobczyk 2020; Siemianowska 2021; Sobczyk 2022).

## II. "WHERE EVERYTHING BEGINS"

### Maucallacta
(Pampacola district, Castilla province, Arequipa department)

The Maucallacta site to the south of the volcano is considered to be the main
temple complex associated with the Coropuna cult. It represents the key point
of the aforementioned network (Fig. 1). This is where the pre-Hispanic roads
from the coastal and high mountain valleys and the plateau above meet, as well
as those serving communication with areas of the southern and also partly
western slopes of the volcano (Ziółkowski 2005, figs. 3, 35-39; 2008; Sobczyk
2022). From an economic point of view, it is strategically located between the
agricultural areas of the *quechua*<fnref n="9" />, zone and the *puna*<fnref n="10" /> plateau dominated by
pastoralism. Situated at an altitude of between 3,600m and 3,800m above sea
level, it is itself located in the ecological *suni* zone<fnref n="11" />. Moreover, Maucallacta is

<footnote n="9">9 Quechua (2300-3500 m) - temperate and dry climate zone with slight temperature differences between day and night. The average temperature varies between 11°C and 17°C. The relief is relatively gentle and the valleys narrow, modified by numerous terraces. Rivers and streams are present (Pulgar Vidal 1996).</footnote>

<footnote n="10">10 Puna (4000-4800 m) - cold and dry zone. The average annual temperature varies between 0 and 7 °C; the minimum temperature ranges from -9 to -25 °C at night, while the maximum temperature is around 20 °C during the day. The climate is semi-humid, with frequent rainfall between December and March. Two ecological formations can be observed there: the humid subalpine paramo and the alpine tundra. The vegetation cover is dominated by Peruvian holly (jarava ichu) and other grasses and lichens. Puja raimondii (Puya raimondii) is also present. The landforms are dominated by Andean plateaus with numerous lakes and lagoons, providing excellent conditions for pastoralism (Pulgar Vidal 1996).</footnote>

<footnote n="11">11 *Suni/Jalca* (3500-4000 m a.s.l.) - a cold or subalpine climate zone with a very dry environment and seasonal rain and hail. The average annual temperature varies from around 7 to 11°C with large amplitudes throughout the day; the minimum temperature ranges from -1 to -16°C at night, while the maximum temperature is around 20°C</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_2.png" /><figcaption>**FIG. 1.** Network of major pre-Hispanic roads and routes associated with Apu Coropuna, compiled by E. Żuławska-Sobczyk and M. Sobczyk</figcaption></figure>

characterised by a spectacular visual contact with the volcano, which appears
to be suspended within easy reach. No other archaeological site in the region
has such an unambiguous link between the urban layout and the panorama
oriented towards Coropuna (Fig. 2).

during the day. The relief of the region is varied. It is characterised by steep walls and
rocky gorges with sharp peaks, products of former glacial erosion (Pulgar Vidal 1996).
<figure><img src="image_3.png" /><figcaption>**FIG. 2.** Southern view of the Maucallacta (Pampacolca) site with the Coropuna volcano in the background, photo: M. Sobczyk</figcaption></figure>

The Maucallacta complex is composed of 6 parts, most of which are complexes with funerary features, the main complex of compact architecture called Maucallacta 1, consists of about 250 buildings. To understand its specific functions we will divide it into several sectors (Fig. 3): The first part is **the northern sector**, where ceremonial buildings dominate. These are plazas and platforms that remain open and devoid of buildings towards the volcano. Through the vertical system of platforms, the vertical division of the site into three visible levels/stairs can be observed from the northern section. The lowest level, Platform I, is a monumental structure containing the largest plaza on the entire site. The central level is Platform II, located above the aforementioned square. The third level, which we call the Pyramid, stands out from the whole complex. These structures, which belong to the group of the largest structures and have a fundamental influence on the layout and spatial structure of the complex, are in fact much older (perhaps by hundreds of years) than the Inca presence in the region. Roughly in the middle of the northern edge of Platform I, the *ushnu*<fnref n="12" />, which resulted

<footnote n="12">12 Ushnu is one of the most characteristic Incan structures with the form of a podium,</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_4.png" /><figcaption>**FIG. 3.** Orthophotomap of the central part of the ceremonial centre of Maucallacta-1, compiled by B. Ćmielewski and E. Żuławska-Sobczyk</figcaption></figure>

from the reconstruction of an older pre-Inca platform, was located (Buda *et al.* 2010, 343-348, Presbítero Rodriguez 2000/2001, 186; Siemianowska 2021; Siemianowska, Sobczyk 2020; Sobczyk 2022). Beneath the edge of the great platform, directly below the *ushnu*, a huge stone staircase was discovered, which was strewn with numerous fragments of pottery<fnref n="13" /> and camel bones

platform, low stepped pyramid, altar or huge stone. It played a special role in ritual space and was closely associated with libation acts. It was a kind of axis mundi during important speeches and presiding over religious and/or political ceremonies by the Inca himself or high government officials. It was also used for astronomical observations (Pino Matos 2004; Monteverde Sotil 2011ab; Ziółkowski 2014; Meddens 2015; 2017; Moyano 2015, 127-129; Stehberg 2016).

<footnote n="13">13 It exhibited nearly 100,000 vessel fragments representing both ceramics made in lo-</footnote>
comprising the largest ceremonial midden<fnref n="14" /> known to date (Siemianowska, Sobczyk 2020; Siemianowska 2021; Sobczyk et al. 2025).

The second highlighted part of the site is the **southern sector**. It is located on a gentle slope and has also been transformed into a series of platforms. Some of them are densely built. Structures of various sizes can be found there. Large buildings make up the majority in the upper and middle parts of the slope. Smaller ones appear in the lower part of the central sector. The key building in this sector is the Mausoleum, the only building to consist of as many as four rooms. According to the interpretation of the available data, this was the seat of the oracle of Apu Coropuna, In one of these rooms altars and traces of the last ceremony, which may have been related to the prediction of the future, have been preserved (Sobczyk 2022; Sobczyk et al. 2025).

The third part of the site is the **sector to the west of the central ceremonial square**. This is an area that rises to the west, first gently and then abruptly. At the top it is bordered by a puna. Of the structures in this sector, the largest building (50 m. x10 m.) on the entire site stands out: a large *kallanka* with five entrances, which, along with two other smaller buildings, surrounds one of the largest plazas on the site. In another part of this sector, buildings occupy terraced platforms. The terraces rise to the west and end under a small gable; the buildings are 10 m long (Sobczyk 2022; Sobczyk et al. 2025).

The Maucallacta-1 site contains 50 large buildings exceeding the size of typical residential structures built at these heights. These buildings, as well as the presence of 20 plazas facing the Coropuna volcano, prove that Maucallacta was a temple complex that was temporarily visited by pilgrims. Pilgrims would arrive to take part in the ceremonies of the ritual calendar and then leave when the ceremonies were over. This means that the complex was probably not fully inhabited on a continuous basis. It is possible that the group of permanent residents was limited to only the priests who looked after the temple and oracle, as well as the staff who performed the various technical

cal and Inca styles, as well as vessels combining features of local and imperial pottery (Siemianowska, Sobczyk 2020; Siemianowska 2021). The other objects at the site also feature the co-occurrence of various forms of vessels representing different ceramic styles, including typical Inca pottery (both locally produced and imported).

<footnote n="14">14 A ceremonial midden is defined as a deposit containing the remains of ceremonies and rituals, rather than everyday life. This 'waste' is deliberately collected and consists of artefacts and ecofacts related to religious ceremonies. They are strategically positioned within the broader ritual landscape.</footnote>
tasks necessary for the proper functioning of the site. There is evidence that
weaving workshops operated there. Numerous fragments of looms have been
found in the tombs, among the equipment of the deceased. Some structures in
the Maucallacta building complex may be related to weaving. A large amount
of molten raw copper, as well as numerous metal objects, confirm that a met-
alworking workshop was active at this site. Hand mills for the preparation
of food products were also found in various parts of the complex. In the
northern part of the main complex, there are large animal pens, proving that
the complex was designed to accommodate large camel herds. No traces of
other agricultural or livestock activities have been recorded to date. However,
the activities mentioned and identified from archaeological research are cited
in colonial chronicles as major sources of wealth in the region, both during
the Inca period and earlier (Sobczyk 2022; Sobczyk et al. 2025). The quality of
the individual buildings within the complex varies greatly. Some are typical
of provincial Inca architecture, characterised by high quality stonework that
may attest to the participation of imperial engineers and labourers in the con-
struction of the entire complex. However, there are also structures that do not
bear any typical features of Inca architecture, such as the remains of mixed-
use buildings and other large buildings of a ceremonial nature (Sobczyk 2022).

### III. ON THE WAY TO THE SUMMIT

The aforementioned network of prehispanic roads and trails directly connects Maucallacta with several sites located on the slopes of Coropuna, between 4,700 and 5,100 metres above sea level. These are the sites of Coropuna Plaza and Tambo Coropuna located on the southern slopes of the volcano and Ajo-cancha located on the western side. All of them can be regarded as a kind of stopover point on the way to the highest parts of Coropuna.

#### Coropuna Plaza (Castilla province, Arequipa department)

This is an architectural complex located at 4600 - 4700 m above sea level, also known as *Inqa Pirqa*<fnref n="15" /> (Figs. 1 and 4; Sobczyk 2022). It is located in one of the main mountain valleys approaching the Coropuna massif itself. The

<footnote n="15">15 *Inqa Pirqa* - in quechua it means: inca wall (ST 1560G:56v, ST 1560G:6 Szemiński 2021).</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_5.png" /><figcaption>**FIG. 4.** Coropuna Plaza (Castilla Province, Arequipa Department), also called *Inca Perja*, view from the south, photo: M. Sobczyk</figcaption></figure>

water flowing down the valley feeds the agricultural fields of the Pampacol-
ka district and downstream it co-forms the Majes River. Returning to the
mountain valley, it represents one of the enclaves of high mountain pasto-
ralism. Alpacas are reared in these harsh conditions. The large volume of
water flowing from the glacier fills the *bofedal*<fnref n="16" /> valley (Monge-Salazar et al.
2022), creating a characteristic oasis in the high-altitude *Puna* region. The dry
areas of the valley bear traces of pastoral development dating back to mod-
ern times. It certainly developed intensively here in pre-Columbian times as
well. They bear the name *Nevados* and appear on maps and in Hiram Bing-
ham’s description of his expedition to the summit of Coropuna (Bingham

<footnote n="16">16 *Bofedales* (singular: *bofedal*) are a type of wetland found in the Andes. Forming in flat areas around ponds or streams, they may be permanent or seasonal. They are associated with organic material in the soil, which gives them their distinctive green colour that often contrasts with the drier surrounding landscape. They are found at elevations exceeding 3,800 metres (12,500 feet) above sea level. They absorb the limited amount of water derived from snow, glacier meltwater and rain showers, storing it in the ground and slowly releasing it.</footnote>
1922). The development in question extends on the western slope of the valley, from 4400 m. a.s.l. to 4550 m. a.s.l., parallel to the wet valley floor. The Coropuna Plaza site is located above them, in the middle of the valley, on a rocky, dry uplift of land that is surrounded by a wetland *bofedral*.

The main part of the *tambo*<fnref n="17" /> consists of a large oval structure bounded by a wall measuring 45 metres on the east-west axis and 65 metres on the north-south axis. The wall surrounding this square is preserved to a height of more than a metre in some places, and has an average width of 0.6 metres. Within the square, in the northern part, there is an oval building with a diameter of about 9 metres. Its walls are preserved to a height of almost 2 metres (Ziółkowski 2008, 136; Sobczyk 2022, 83-84). In the southern part of the square, adjacent to the wall are the remains of a rectangular building, of which only the foundations remain. This building was constructed of fairly well worked stones. The spatial arrangement of the enclosure and its construction indicate the absence of any features of Incan architecture. This well-preserved complex most likely dates back to pre-Inca times. To the north of the oval structure, after crossing a waterlogged *bofedral*, a small rectangular structure measuring 8 by 10 metres is located 300 metres away. Its location indicates that it may have been associated with the main part of the site as its satellite. The few, superficial, and very fragmentary finds of pottery indicate the use of the complex during the Inca period. The walled plaza, with a building on its north side, offered suitable logistical conditions for a select group of pilgrims who travelled with offerings from the central sanctuary at Maucallacta to deposit them directly on the Coropuna volcano. Obviously, as we are dealing with a site important for high altitude pastoralism and also a key point due to water distribution, the wider significance of the complex must be taken into account, rather than just a stopping point within the summit ceremonies.

## Tambo Coropuna (Castilla province, Arequipa department)

The site of Tambo Coropuna is located at an altitude between 4750 - 4850 m. above sea level, more or less in the middle of the volcanic massif, on its

<footnote n="17">17 *Tambos* were waystations along the Inca royal roads, used for administrative and military purposes. Many Inca roads led directly to mountain summits, and the remains of tambos on their slopes suggest that they were also created for religious activities. The choice of location for these stops by the pilgrims was determined by the distance to the main administrative centre and access to water (Socha, Sieczkowska 2025).</footnote>
southern slopes. (Fig. 1; Perea Chávez, Sobczyk 2019). It occupies a slightly elevated area located above the Tualqui Valley which is another *bofedral* pastoral area. Traces of numerous pastoral structures are present in the valley below the site, extending from the modern village of Tualqui (3850 m. above sea level) up to an elevation of 4400 m. above sea level. Contemporary Tualqui pastoralists refer to the buildings from the higher parts of the valley as “Old Tualqui”. There are two significant archaeological sites in the vicinity of the modern village: the pastoral settlement of Huancarcota and Quimsa Huanca, which is still the local guardian deity of the shepherds and their animals (Valderrama, Escalante 2014, 25-27). Some of the water feeding the valley flowed parallel to the Tambo Coropuna ruins.

The complex consists of more than 20 buildings and 5 squares (Fig. 5). Most of the buildings are scattered singly in the central part of the site. The buildings are small (4-6 m2), due to the harsh climatic conditions at these altitudes. Of interest is the presence of the plazas, which are arranged in the axis of the rising terrain in the direction of the volcano from south to north. Attention is drawn to the two large plazas separated by stone walls that only partially line their space. It is debatable whether this is the result of an unfinished

<figure><img src="image_6.png" /><figcaption>FIG. 5. Tambo Coropuna (Castilla Province, Arequipa Department), buildings in the central part of the site, photo: M. Sobczyk</figcaption></figure>
project or an accepted scheme related to the logistical constraints of working at such a height. The two largest plazas, which form the central element of the architectural complex, have a longer side of about 50 m and a shorter side of about 30 m. On the western periphery of both squares are the remains of three buildings. Above, at a distance of 50 m. from them, there is another, this time a small square, but fully enclosed by a wall. Its centrepiece is a large boulder, unfortunately with no visible signs of treatment. The square is rectangular in form with dimensions of 12 m by 10 m. Its shorter, western side, is entirely enclosed by a development of three buildings. On the longer, northern side, there is a single building. The entrances of all the buildings lead onto the square. The site on both the east and west sides is bounded by troughs of periodically flowing water from the glacier, behind which the site rises decidedly. Tambo Coropuna's central location, at the foot of the sacred mountain, by means of a network of communication routes that run through the Quebrada Tualqui valley, efficiently connects it to the Maucallacta complex, as well as to smaller sites in the vicinity of the present-day village of Tualqui.

## Ajocancha (Condesuyos province, Arequipa department)

The Ajocancha complex is located at 5050 m. above sea level, on a high mountain plateau on the western slopes of Coropuna, next to the small quebrada Ajocancha, from which the site was named (Fig. 1; Reihard 1989; Chavez Chavez 2001, 283-288). The complex was built on a small plain, bounded on the west side by a rocky protrusion that rises about 4 metres above the level of a flat area with a plaza and buildings. The central part of the site is a square measuring between 45 and 50 metres (Fig. 6). It is delimited by two walls which, when joined together, form an L. The north-west wall is 50 m. long and reaches on a rocky outcrop that forms the south-eastern boundary of the square. The second wall is about 15 m. long, leaving then about 30 m. of undeveloped sandy pampas. Nevertheless, extending the symbolic course of the wall in a straight line, it reaches from a set of two rectangular buildings with a common patio<fnref n="18" />. This complex can be seen as the eastern corner of the site. At a distance of 20 m. to the south-west of the aforementioned structures is the largest building on the site, measuring 12 m. by 4 m. The building is

<footnote n="18">18 Space enclosed by walls or galleries, which in houses and other buildings is usually left uncovered (https://dle.rae.es/patio).</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_7.png" /><figcaption>**FIG. 6.** Ajocancha (Condesuyos Province, Arequipa Department), general view of the central part of the site, photo: M. Sobczyk</figcaption></figure>

divided internally by a wall into two roughly equal parts. Looking at the spa-
tial relationship to each other, it can be assumed that these buildings form the
conventional south-eastern boundary of the square. On the south-west side,
the square is bounded by the aforementioned rocky projection. At the point
where the rock meets the wall to form the eastern corner of the square are the
remains of a staircase, laid on the rock and preserved to a height of 2.5m. The
staircase apparently facilitated the ascent of the rock and alongside it formed
a ceremonial platform, partly natural and partly artificial. Next to the stairs,
beneath the rock, a compact group of four small buildings of between 4 m2
and 6 m2 in area adjoins the 50 m long wall described above. They are clus-
tered around a small patio, forming a *kancha*<fnref n="19" />. To the north-east of the site

<footnote n="19">19 A kancha is an Inca-built rectangular or trapezoidal walled enclosure composed of single-room buildings that face onto a common open courtyard or inner patio in the</footnote>
boundary, 100 m away, on gently rising ground, are further buildings which form two small *kanchas*. The northern one comprises 3 buildings and a patio, while the southern one is formed by 2 buildings and a patio. This is a distinctly isolated sector of the site, separated from the rest of the site by a now disused canal running from north to south. This canal connects below with a branch of the Ajocancha quebrada. The next section of the site with buildings is an area to the south-east of the square, which contains a group of eight haphazardly distributed oval structures between 3 and 4 metres in diameter. These occupy the last built-up section of the sandy upland area (Sobczyk 2022, 89-90).

In the case of Ajocancha, we are dealing with an architectural complex with mixed features. Buildings in the local style are found alongside ordered ensembles of Incan buildings (*kanchas*) and a stepped platform forming a kind of *ushnu*. It was certainly a ceremonial assemblage used during the Inca period. This is supported both by the spatial arrangement of the site with the use of a huge rock as a ceremonial and boundary element at the same time, as well as by the ceramic material (*see below*). Attention is also drawn to the team's important relationship with water. The canal flowing through the site has a purely practical dimension on the one hand and a ceremonial dimension on the other. However, it cannot be ruled out that, as in the case of many other architectural ensembles important from the perspective of the local community, the Incas adapted an earlier place of worship for their own purposes. It should also be mentioned at this point that Ajocancha is also associated with the site of Acchaymarca<fnref n="20" />, located between the Solimana volcano and Coropuna, which years ago was considered to be potentially a Coropuna cult temple (Reinhard 1989; 1999; Chavez Chavez 2001).

middle of the enclosure. An Inca *kancha* is a building intended for a single function, such as housing, temples or palaces (Sobczyk 2022, 152-153).

<footnote n="20">20 Acchaymarca is one of the larger sites in the region, located at an altitude of around 4030 m. It covers an area of around 50 ha. It is dominated by residential, local architecture with residential features. It is accompanied by almost 30 tombs (Sobczyk 2006, 349-366). It does, however, contain a few structures characteristic of Inca imperial architecture, such as a long building defined as a *kallanca*, or a platform with an *ushnu* in the central square (Meinken 2006; Presbítero Rodríguez 2005; Ziółkowski 2014, 248). Although one of the most important administrative centres in the region (Galdos Rodríguez 1990, 185-213), it was not central to the ceremonies and pilgrimages associated with the sacred peaks (Sobczyk 2022, 88).</footnote>
# IV. NOT ONLY INCA ARCHITECTURE BUT ALSO MATERIAL EVIDENCE OF HUMAN ACTIVITIES AND CEREMONIES

## High mountain tambos in the light of ceramic sources

During field prospecting of Incan tambos located around the Coropuna volcano<fnref n="21" />, little or no vessel fragments were observed. This is largely due to their nature as centres used only temporarily, linked to specific rituals, part of a larger organisational system. Their limited accessibility, their location at great heights above sea level, meant that only those items that were really necessary, usually small or medium in size, handy, reasonably light, easy to transport, reached them. Most of these probably travelled on to the summit with the pilgrims. In addition, the superficial or very shallow deposition of pottery on high mountain sites makes them extremely vulnerable to post-depositional factors. Drastic daily and annual changes in temperature, severe frost, wind, rain and snowfall cause rapid erosion and degradation of the vessels. The greatest damage is done to the paintings made with mineral and organic dyes and to the surfaces of the objects, which flake off, causing further destruction. In many cases, the uncovered shell fragments are also overgrown by mosses or lichens, clearly discoloured or secondarily discoloured. The porous structures of the vessels also provide a good breeding ground for various types of microorganisms, which also contribute to their destruction. Post-depositional factors result in the loss of the vessels' original characteristics, macroscopic appearance and even mineralogy, chemical composition and microstructure, thus making their identification difficult or even impossible, especially when it comes to fragmentary preserved material (por. Soto et al. 2017; Maritan 2020; Freestone 2021; Odegaard, Watkinson 2023).

**Coropuna Plaza:** single fragments of ceramic vessels, mostly undecorated smaller or larger body fragments with significantly damaged surfaces, were recorded during surface excavations. In a dozen cases, the presence of red or red-orange engobe on one or both sides was registered. Based on the general morphological and stylistic features, the chronology of most of the recorded fragments can be assigned to the Late Horizon (Fig. 7). We are referring to both Inca-style ceramics (Pardo 1957; D'Altroy et al. 1994;

<footnote n="21">21 The ceramic material included in this article comes from surface excavations carried out as part of the Condesuyos project (1996-2006).</footnote>
Meyers 2016; Villacorta Oviedo 2021; Siemianowska 2021) probably pro-
duced in the province, and local ceramics characteristic of the whole Coro-
puna area (Malpass, de la Veracruz 1990; Neira 1990; Yépez Álvarez, Jennings
2012; Siemianowska 2021). In terms of forms, flat plates and small bowls
(Fig. 7:a, e, f, h) of varying diameters and heights and undecorated pots and
amphorae vessels can be distinguished (Fig.7: k, l, n). Ornament in the form
of black, red and orange geometric motifs occurs on only a few fragments.
In many contexts of a ceremonial, ritual nature, the occurrence of circular
or even perfectly round discs made from broken vessels is recorded (Fig.
7:b, g). Referred to in the literature as *ruecas, fichas or tejos*. In the Andes,
they occur in quite large numbers in Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador and Chile be-
tween the 11th and 16th centuries. The function of these artefacts is not
known exactly and presumably varied depending on the context of the
find (Bautista Quijano et al. 2008, 59; Chicoine 2011; Siemianowska 2021).
The assemblage records the presence of several fragments of bowls covered
with an olive-green glaze, which should be associated with the colonial period
(Fig. 7: i). Interestingly, the occurrence of decidedly younger pottery at high

<figure><img src="image_8.png" /><figcaption>FIG. 7. Coropuna Plaza, selection of ceramic fragments, photo: M. Sobczyk</figcaption></figure>
mountain sites is, contrary to appearances, not uncommon. Their presence
has also been recorded in the area of Pallarcocha, Cárcel Misahuanca<fnref n="22" />, as
well as in a number of ceremonial-administrative centres such as Mauallac-
ta-Pampacolca, which did not cease to function overnight despite the conquest
of the area by Europeans, but continued to function by only partially or com-
pletely changing their original function (cf. Barraza Lescano 2018). It should
also be noted at this point that Incan road infrastructure was used in colonial
times and some of the old roads are still in use today (cf. Marcone 2020).

**Ajocancha:** Relatively numerous (compared to other *tambos*) fragments of ceramic vessels are present on the surface of the entire site (Fig. 8-10). Due to atmospheric conditions, they are characterised by a considerable degree of fragmentation and a highly degraded surface. Most of the diagnostic fragments can be classified as typical Incan-style vessels (Siemianowska 2024). We are talking about amphora forms (aríbalo incaico; Fig. 8: a, b; 9: h-l; 10: a, b, d), vessels on a high bell-shaped foot (ollas con soporte de tipo pedestal; Fig. 8: d, e, f, h) and Incan plates (ppuccu; Fig. 8: c, i, j, m-o). In addition, there were fragments of deep bowls (Fig. 9: a, b, d-g) decorated with painted geometric ornament on the outer surface, in black and orange. These can be linked to local ceramics of the late Horizon (Siemianowska 2021).

**Tambo Coropuna:** The surface prospecting did not record the presence of ceramic vessel fragments within the site. On the way to them, at the level of the Tualqui annex, single small fragments of vessels were registered, which can be generally dated to the late horizon. Morphologically and stylistically, they do not differ from other finds of this type from the region. Among them, it is possible to distinguish fragments of pots, bowls and a ceramic kero decorated with a painted ornament (black-red-orange) depicting geometric motifs.

In the Inca Empire, ceramics had political, social, economic, ideological and religious functions (D'Altroy 2001; D'Altroy et al. 1994; Bray 2003; Bray et al. 2005; Siemianowska 2024; Siemianowska in print). Its presence at the sites indicates a direct sovereignty over the area. While with regard to pottery from Cusco and its surroundings, researchers do not have much of a problem with stylistic division, with regard to the provinces, the matter is no longer so obvious. Indeed, Incan pottery does not displace local pottery creations, which are firmly rooted in tradition, but often mixes with them and

<footnote n="22">22 PROYECTO SANTUARIOS DE ALTURA DEL SUR ANDINO, temporada 1996, material in the Museo Santuarios Andinos in Arequipa, known from the autopsy.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_9.png" /><figcaption>FIG. 8. Ajocancha, selection of ceramic fragments, photo: S. Siemianowska</figcaption></figure>

complements the range of forms used (cf. Meyers 2016; Siemianowska 2024). Without specialised studies (geo-chemical, isotopic), it is in many cases almost impossible to distinguish between products originating from the capital of the Incan empire and those made locally, in imitation and likeness (cf. Bray et al. 2005). Therefore, the most correct term seems to be the general Inca style, without distinguishing between *Inca imperial/inca provincial/ Inca Imitado/Imitacion Inca/ Inca Local etc.* (cf. Villacorta Oviedo 2021; Siemianowska 2021; 2024).

Late Horizon pottery in the Inca province must therefore be considered in two categories - “imperial” pottery and local production in particular macro- and micro-regions. For the area within a radius of a few tens of kilometres from Coropuna and several neighbouring valleys, the Late Transitional and Late Horizon ceramics are: Chuquibamba, Collagua, Cothuasi, Misahuancca and their variations with the Inca style (e.g. Chapi, Collagua Inca Policromo / Collagua Inca negro sobre rojo, Inca Chuquibamba, etc.; Malpass, de
<figure><img src="image_10.png" /><figcaption>FIG. 9. Ajocancha, selection of ceramic fragments, photo: S. Siemianowska</figcaption></figure>
<figure><img src="image_11.png" /><figcaption>FIG. 10. Ajocancha, selection of ceramic fragments, photo: S. Siemianowska</figcaption></figure>

la Veracruz 1990; Neira 1990; Wernke 2003; 2009; Jennings 2002; Yépez Ál-
varez 2017; 2018). In addition, each contains further styles/sub-styles/types,
and is also divided into different phases. Because of the common cultural
background of the above styles (influenced by Altiplano cultures; Covey 2000), the identical or very similar socio-economic processes to which the people making the described vessels were subjected, and the actually minor differences that exist between them, they can be classified into a broader pottery trend - a macro- rather than micro-region - and referred to as *Conde-Collagua zone pottery* (Siemianowska 2021).

# V. CONCLUSION

## Maucallacta – Coropuna Plaza – Tambo Coropuna – Ajocancha – Apu Coropuna

A spatial analysis of the Maucallacta (Pampacolca) site against the other sites of the region and the ancient communication network clearly shows that it was a complex with strictly ceremonial functions. This is evidenced by the existence of large plazas with buildings located around them and a pyramidal platform dominating the rest of the site. Most of the stone structures face the volcano. The spatial arrangement created by these elements became the basis of the temple complex and was significantly expanded during Inca times. Within the site, on the one hand, we are confronted with a large number of high-quality buildings characterised by the shape, construction and stonework typical of the imperial architectural style, on the other by local, provincial architecture. As a whole, however, they form a huge, spatially and ideologically coherent complex clearly subordinated to ceremonial functions and Inca rituals (Sobczyk 2022; Sobczyk et al. 2025). The place was the starting point for a further pilgrimage to the summit of the eternally snow-covered Apu Coropuna. During their journey, pilgrims stopped at tambos which, in order to reach them, required a distance of between a dozen and twenty kilometres and at the same time between 1,000 and 1,300 metres of elevation gain. All three sites - Ajocancha, Coropuna Plaza and Tambo Coropuna - were ceremonial stopping points. Above each of these sites, traces left by people ascending higher for ritual purposes have been found. These include fragments of wood, ropes woven from grass stalks or sacrificed camels (Fig. 11; Reinhard 1989; 1999; Chavez 2001; Perea Chavez, Sobczyk 2019). It can be assumed that these were *Capac Cucha* ceremonies, although previous research in the highest parts of the mountain has so far been inconclusive.
<figure><img src="image_12.png" /><figcaption>**FIG. 11.** Coropuna – traces of pilgrimage routes recorded in the highest parts of the volcano, photo: M. Sobczyk</figcaption></figure>

In Jesuit documents dating from 1667, there is information about ceremonies combined with health baths that took place in thermal lagoons with water from hot springs on the slopes of Coropuna. Interestingly, both Native and Spanish took part in these ceremonies, offering abundant blood sacrifices to local idols (Marsilli 2025, 144). Without hesitation, the Jesuits identified the presence of Satan in such practices and proceeded to destroy the idols and close the entrance to the lagoons with huge rocks in an attempt to destroy the pagan practices. It is worth pointing out at this point that sites with hot springs on the slopes of Coropuna, which are located about halfway between Maucallacta and Coropuna Plaza, are known and in use today. It is possible that the ceremonies mentioned above took place there.

In addition to the colonial-era sources cited, an interesting testimony to an enduring tradition associated with ceremonies held within the Coropuna volcano is a description from a 19th century voyage by Italian explorer Antonio Raimondi (Raimondi 1983, 235), most likely describing ceremonies held at Tambo Coropuna and above: „They still retain their primitive habits, and not many years ago clay idols were found among them, one of which depicted an animal resembling a calf, and the other a woman with a very large abdomen. These Indians took these idols to the slopes of the great snow-capped mountain Coropuna, and there they paid them a kind of worship”<fnref n="23" />.

<footnote n="23">23 “Conservan todavía sus hábitos primitivos y no hace muchos años que se les encontraron unos ídolos de barro, de los que uno figuraba un animal semejante á un becerro,</footnote>
Andean peaks such as Coropuna are a remarkable phenomenon. Over the centuries, they have retained their remarkable position in the cultural-ceremonial landscape in spite of extreme socio-cultural transformations. The high-mountain sites presented in this article, located in the 4700-5000 m altitude level range, had particularly important logistical functions, which did not at all have to involve only sacrifices on the summits. Coropuna Plaza surrounds one of the highest productive pastures based on waterlogged bofedal. The extreme conditions there make it possible to obtain the highest quality camel wool. All three sites are located at important points in the watersheds and their infrastructure has also clearly served the work of regularly maintaining the water supply to the canals, crucial to the entire economy of the region. Ceremonies associated with the cyclical cleaning and repair of the canals starting from their sources are still practised in the Andes to this day (Moyano et al. 2020, 443-465). The three routes leading to the highest parts of the volcano are presented. These routes originate from areas belonging to different watersheds. These routes are associated with distinct local groups, as evidenced by the current district-level administrative divisions, which are based on early colonial parish divisions. These parallel ceremonial routes were therefore closely linked to vertical access to resources.

## ACKNOWLEDGMENT

This research was made possible through the collaboration and financial support of the Catholic University of Santa María in Arequipa and the Center for Andean Studies of the University of Warsaw in Cusco (CEAC UV).

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ADDRESSES OF THE AUTHORS

Maciej Sobczyk

Faculty of Archaeology
Department of Circum-Pacific and Far Eastern Archaeology
University of Warsaw
Krakowskie Przedmieście 26/28, 00-927 Warsaw, Poland
m.sobczyk@uw.edu.pl
ORCID 0000-0001-5794-0093

Sylwia Siemianowska

Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology, PAS
Centre for Late Antique and Early Medieval Studies
Więzienna 6, 50-118 Wrocław, Poland
s.siemianowska@iaepan.edu.pl,
ORCID 0000-0002-0021-1954

Ruddy Perea Chávez,

independent researcher
Arequipa, Peru
ruddyperea@hotmail.com
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