# To Translate is to Interpret: Exegetic Annotations in the Qur'an of Bellús (Valencia c. 1518)

Maxime Sellin

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## To cite this version:

Maxime Sellin. To Translate is to Interpret: Exegetic Annotations in the Qur'an of Bellús (Valencia c. 1518). De Gruyter. The Iberian Qur'an, 3, De Gruyter, pp.421-440, 2022, The European Qur'an" (EuQu), 978-3-11-077884-7. 10.1515/9783110778847-016 . halshs-04355947

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# To Translate is to Interpret: Exegetic Annotations in the Qur’an of Bellús (Valencia c. 1518)

## 1 Introduction

In 1499, Cardinal Francisco Jiménez de Cisneros started an intensive campaign of conversion of the Muslims in Granada. Among his strategies, he chose to target the elite to subject them to different measures of pressure and coercion.<fnref n="1" /> His aim was to publicly convert the elite in the hope that the Muslim population of Granada might follow them in their conversion. Martín García, bishop of Zaragoza and later of Barcelona, was in Granada with Cisneros. Inspired by his experiences in Granada, he later started a campaign to convert the Muslims of Aragon. He began to actively confute Islam based solely on qur’anic material. He was conscious that in order to preach and convert the elite, a profound understanding of the Qur’an and Islam was needed. With that objective in mind, he commissioned a treatise on conversion that was published in 1515 in Valencia, the *Confusión o confutación de la secta mahomética y del Alcorán*, authored by Juan Andrés.<fnref n="2" /> This text uses the Islamic tradition to refute the Qur’an.<fnref n="3" /> Martín García continued his strategy in his Sermones, in which he also seems to target the Muslim elite (mainly the *alfaquís*).<fnref n="4" /> In 1521, Joan Martí de Figuerola, who was also connected to Martín García, wrote a refutation of the Islamic faith called *Lumbre de Fe contra el Alcorán*, with the help of Juan Gabriel de Teruel. All these books

<footnote n="1">1 Isabelle Poutrin, *Convertir les musulmans: Espagne, 1491-1609* (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 2012), 49-76.</footnote>

<footnote n="2">2 Juan Andrés, *Confusión o confutación de la secta Mahomética y del Alcorán*, ed. Elisa Ruiz and M. Isabel García-Monge (Mérida: Regional de Extremadura, 2003).</footnote>

<footnote n="3">3 Katarzyna K. Starczewska, “No es esto sino hystorias de los antiguos”: entre la narración mediaeval y la de la primera edad moderna en *Confusión* de Juan Andrés,” *Medievalia* 18, no. 1 (2015).</footnote>

<footnote n="4">4 Manuel Montoza Coca, “Los sermones de don Martín García, obispo de Barcelona. Edición y estudio,” PhD Diss. (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2018).</footnote>

<footnote>**Note:** The research leading to these results has been funded by the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme, grant agreement no. 810141, project EuQu: “The European Qu’ran. Islamic Scripture in European Culture and Religion 1150-1850.”</footnote>
(and other after them also based in refuting the Qur'an) were known as the *Antialcoranes*. It seems likely, therefore, that in the surroundings of Martín García different persons were working on translating the Qur'an. In fact, Juan Andrés, Martín García and Juan Gabriel all claim to have translated the Holy Book, but no complete translation has reached us. Martí de Figuerola quoted exegetic material in the verses that he translated.<fnref n="5" /> He seems to have often relied on Ibn 'Aṭiyya's tafsir.<fnref n="6" /> Cardinal Egidio da Viterbo's Latin translation, edited by Katarzyna K. Starczewska,<fnref n="7" /> is the only complete translation connected to the *Antialcoranes* that has come down to us. By collating the works of Figuerola and Egidio da Viterbo, Mercedes García-Arenal and K. Starczewska demonstrated that Egidio's translator, Ioannis Gabriel Turolensis, and Figuerola's collaborator, Juan Gabriel de Teruel, the converted *alfaquí* of Teruel, were one and the same person.<fnref n="8" /> Indeed, the Italian cardinal came to Spain as papal legate (*nuncio*) in the spring of 1518 to convince the newly nominated Emperor Carlos V get involved in the fight against the Ottomans. While in Spain, where he was in Zaragoza and Barcelona, he requested, probably of Martín García, an Arabic Qur'an and somebody to help him to do a translation. He was in contact with Figuerola and with Juan Gabriel. The former *alfaquí* of Teruel may have sent or given his translation later on to Egidio da Viterbo.

It was during Egidio's visit to Aragon that the manuscript Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek [BSB], MS cod. arab 7, a complete codex of the Qur'an, was copied in the city of Bellús, near Valencia in 1518 (924 of the Hijrī calendar according to the colophon).<fnref n="9" /> It is therefore one of the last Mudejar copies of the Qur'an.

In recent years this manuscript has been the subject of several studies, beginning with the publication of its marginalia by Xavier Casassas Canals and

<footnote n="5">5 Ryan Szpiech, Katarzyna K. Starczewska and Mercedes García-Arenal, “Deleytaste del dulce sono y no pensaste en las palabras’. Rendering Arabic in the Antialcoranes,” *Journal of Transcultural Medieval Studies* 5, no. 1 (2018); García-Arenal and Starczewska, “‘The Law of Abraham the Catholic’: Juan Gabriel as Quran Translator for Martín de Figuerola and Egidio da Viterbo,” *Al-Qanṭara* 35, no. 2 (2014), 411.</footnote>

<footnote n="6">6 García-Arenal, Starczewska and Szpiech, “The Perennial Importance of Mary’s Virginity and Jesus’ Divinity: Qur’anic Quotations in Iberian Polemics After the Conquest of Granada (1492),” *Journal of Qur’anic Studies* 20, no. 3 (2018), 55.</footnote>

<footnote n="7">7 Katarzyna K. Starczewska, *Latin Translation of the Qur'an (1518/1621): Commissioned by Egidio da Viterbo: Critical Edition and Case Study* (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2018).</footnote>

<footnote n="8">8 Starczewska, *Latin Translation of the Qur'an*.</footnote>

<footnote n="9">9 Munich, BSB, MS cod. arab 7, fol. 202v.</footnote>
José Martínez Gázquez.<fnref n="10" /> Martínez Gázquez also wrote a study that compares the Qur’an of Bellús with two other manuscripts, Paris BnF arabe 384 and Granada, Escuela de Estudios Árabes, A-5-2.<fnref n="11" />

In 2015 Xavier Casassas Canals wrote a presentation of the codex and a new paper that appeared at the end of 2021.<fnref n="12" /> In it he first showed that this Qur’an is divided into four parts,<fnref n="13" /> the same division that occurs in the sermons of Martín García, *Confusión o confutación de la secta mahomética, Lumbre de la Fe*, and the “Qur’an of Toledo”, and that originates in a preexisting Andalusian tradition.<fnref n="14" />

## 1.1 Codicological remarks

We can distinguish several paleographic and codicologic characteristics. The qur’anic text is written on paper in a round Maghrebi script characteristic of Mu-dejar and Andalusian manuscripts. Every folio presents 19 lines of text. After a quick study and a comparison with the help of the book *Al-Ta’rīf fī Ikhtilāf al-Ri-wāyah ‘an Nāfī’,<fnref n="15" /> we find that the text seems to follow the reading of Warsh from Nafī. In the first folios of the codex, we see a watermark of a hand with closed fingers crowned with a five-petalled flower. The letters “P.M.” are inscribed in the center of the hand. With the exceptions of these letters, this watermark is similar to a group of watermarks pointed out by Briquet.<fnref n="16" /> Johann Albrecht Widmansteter also owned codices with this tyoe of watermark, such as Munich, BSB, MS

<footnote n="10">10 Xavier Casassas Canals and José Martínez Gázquez, “Scholia Latina, Arabica et in uulgari lingua ad Alphurcanum Mahumedis: BSB-Hss Cod.arab. 7 (Corán de Bellús),” *Medieval Encounters* 27, no. 1 (2021).</footnote>

<footnote n="11">11 José Martínez Gázquez, “Glosas latinas al corán árabe 384 BNF París, al cod. arab. 7 de la BSB Corán de Bellús y al MS. A-5-2,” *EEAG* 46 (2021), 16.</footnote>

<footnote n="12">12 Xavier Casassas Canals, “The Bellús Qur’an, Martín García, and Martín de Figuerola: The Study of the Qur’an and Its Use in the *Sermones de la Fe* and the Disputes with Muslims in the Crown of Aragon in the Sixteenth Century,” in *The Latin Qur’an, 1143–1500 Translation, Transition, Interpretation*, ed. Cándida Ferrero Hernández and John Tolan (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2021).</footnote>

<footnote n="13">13 Xavier Casassas Canals, “El Alcorán de Bellús. Un Alcorán mudéjar de principios del siglo XVI con traducciones y comentarios en catalán, castellano y latín,” *Alhadra* 1 (2015): 160–63.</footnote>

<footnote n="14">14 Juan Pablo Arias Torres, “Sicut Euangelia Sunt Quatuor, Distribuerunt Continentiam Eius in Quatuor Libros: On the Division of Iberian Qur’ans and Their Translations into Four Parts,” in *The Latin Qur’an*.</footnote>

<footnote n="15">15 ‘Uthmān al-Dānī, *Al-Ta’rīf fī Ikhtilāf al-Riwāyah ‘an Nāfī*, ed. Muḥammad as-Saḥābī (Rabat: Muṭaba’a warāqa al-faḍīla, 1995).</footnote>

<footnote n="16">16 Charles-Moïse Briquet, *Les filigranes: dictionnaire historique des marques du papier dès leur apparition vers 1282 jusqu’en 1600* (Geneve: A. Jullien, 1907), vol 3, 567–68.</footnote>
cod. arab 342, a commentary on Ibn Abī Zayd al-Qayrawānī's *al-Risāla*, and Mu-
nich BSB cod.arab 234 first folio, an Arabic translation of the Pentateuch from
Latin, with what seem to be Castilian annotations<fnref n="17" />. We also see traces of mis-
takes later corrected, and passages that were omitted and then inserted in the
margins.<fnref n="18" /> The volume also lacks a *sarlowh* or frontispiece,<fnref n="19" /> a feature that nor-
mally denotes the beginning of a sacred text. The text is introduced only by a
decorated rectangle and a marginal circle. These two facts may show that this
manuscript did not have a high value in terms of sanctity: the person who com-
missioned it cared more for the time it would take to copy the Qur'an than for the
sacred character of the text itself. Indeed, we can see that some of these mistakes
were corrected afterwards by a hand different from the one in the colophon or in
the core text, but similar to the marginal annotation that appears on folio 49v.
On folio 17v the word *kāna* has been added by a different hand from that of
the principal copyist. The ink, lighter than that of other corrections, seems to
be the same color as the interlinear annotations.

1.2 Background and use of the MS

The first copyist made constant mistakes, mixed up words and missed out pas-
sages. These mistakes look like mistakes by someone who recites the Qur'an by
memory. The copyist did not bother using another folio to correct and adjust the
mistakes. Rather this has been done in the margins or between lines, which
shows that it has been made in a rush. As it has been copied in Valencia,
where the Mudejars still practiced Islam, we can deduce that it may have been
commissioned by a Christian who urgently needed a copy of the Qur'an.

The more probable hypothesis is that this manuscript was sent or given by
Juan Gabriel de Teruel to Egidio, who was asked to translate the Qur'an into
Latin by Cardinal Egidio da Viterbo. He may have asked for other manuscripts,
such as a complete Arabic Qur'an. At the cardinal's death his library was taken
over by Girolamo Seripando, who gave this codex to Widmanstetter. Widmanstet-
ter's library forms the core of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek of Munich.<fnref n="20" />

<footnote n="17">17 At present I am doing more studies on these manuscripts and others from the Widmanstetter library.</footnote>

<footnote n="18">18 Casassas Canals and Martínez Gázquez, “Scholia Latina,” 8.</footnote>

<footnote n="19">19 François Déroche and Annie Berthier, *Manuel de codicologie des manuscrits en écriture arabe* (Paris: Bibliothèque nationale de France, 2000), 258.</footnote>

<footnote n="20">20 Casassas Canals, “El Alcorán de Bellús,” 171–75.</footnote>
The objective of this paper is to look closely at the interlinear annotations, more precisely the annotations that are not word-for-word translations. I have extracted the annotations that are preceded by *scilicet*, which can be translated as “it means.” Then I have compared these annotations with the three tafsirs from which the annotations could have come.

Before exploring the interlinear annotations, we will first consider three works of exegesis. They are often quoted by the Early Modern humanists, and later by Orientalists up to the present time. However, their significance in the exegetic literature and their popularity in the Iberian Peninsula is scarcely explained. Then we will study their links with the Iberian polemicists and translators, Muslim and Christian, Aragonese and Castilian, in Latin and Romance, and their peculiarities. Then we will look at the interlinear annotations and their different categories. To finish we will compare some annotations with these tafsirs.

## 2 Overview of the Tafsirs most likely used in the Qur'an of Bellús

Before looking at the exegetic annotations in the Qur'an of Bellús, we may look at the most common tafsirs used in some sixteenth-century works. Then we will consider the peculiarities of these exegetic works.

### 2.1 Polemic and Tafsir Literature

The translators of the Qur'an used to work with exegetical sources to achieve a better understanding of the Qur'an and to convey the exact meaning of difficult words or sentences in their translations. The polysemy of some Arabic words in certain syntagms, and the differences of opinion held by exegetes about these phrases, can help us to understand more about the translators of the Qur'an. Thomas E. Burman showed, for example, how Robert of Ketton and Mark of Toledo used the tafsir literature to translate the Qur'an.<fnref n="21" /> They sought to choose the right word not only to convey the meaning of an Arabic word or sentence but also to convey the understanding of the Muslim exegetes. The tafsir literature is helpful not only for a non-Muslim translator who can use it as a philological tool, but also for an authoritative figure who hopes to convince a Muslim public.

<footnote n="21">21 Thomas E. Burman, “Tafsīr and Translation: Traditional Arabic Qur’ān Exegesis and the Latin Qur’āns of Robert of Ketton and Mark of Toledo,” *Speculum* 73, no. 3 (1998).</footnote>
Ibn 'Aṭiyya and al-Zamakhsharī are also a reference for Joan Martí de Figue-
rola. In his work *Lumbre de la fe*, we can see a drawing of the Prophet Muḥam-
mad describing a scene to Ibn 'Aṭiyya and al-Zamakhsharī. <fnref n="29" />

As Juan Gabriel de Teruel worked with both Egidio and Figuerola, he may be
the one who introduced them to the two exegetes. The use of both al-Zamakh-
sharī and Ibn 'Aṭiyya can be seen as a bringing together of two exegeses that con-
trast with each other in place of origin (one from Persia and the other from al-
Andalus), in dogmatic school (the Mutazilite and the Asharite), in methodology
(one more linguistic and the other more focused on narrative) and in school of
tafsir (the Andalusī and the Nisaburī).<fnref n="30" /> That is to say, each one completes the
other. This is not the only case of the use of these two works together: for exam-
ple, al-Qurtubī seems to have used both works when he wrote his own tafsir.<fnref n="31" />

The third tafsir that appeared to be known in sixteenth-century Spain and seventeenth-century Europe<fnref n="32" /> is Muḥammad Ibn Abī Zamanīn's summary of Yaḥyā ibn Salām's tafsir. It was known by the Muslim communities of Castile and Aragon. Clear evidence is found in two manuscripts from Madrid, BTNT MS RESC/51 and RESC/52.1, Aljamiado translations of the tafsir of Ibn Abī Zamanīn (d. 399/1008).<fnref n="33" /> It may have circulated in the aljamas and it is possible that someone like Juan Gabriel de Teruel, who was the former *alfaquí* of Teruel, read or consulted it.

Now that we have selected the exegeses of Ibn 'Aṭiyya, al-Zamakhsharī and
Ibn Abī Zamanīn as the three most likely used in the Qur'an of Bellús, we may
look at their peculiarities.

## 2.2 About these Particular Tafsirs

As we have seen before, the three tafsirs seem to have been very popular in Early
Modern Spain, used by the Moriscos and by the Christian polemicist from Spain

<footnote n="29">29 García-Arenal, Starczewska, and Szpiech, "The Perennial Importance," 59.</footnote>

<footnote n="30">30 Walid Saleh, “Medieval Exegesis, the Golden Age of Tafsīr,” in *The Oxford Handbook of Qur’anic Studies*, ed. Mustafa Shah and Muhammad Abdel Haleem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020), 675.</footnote>

<footnote n="31">31 Saleh, “Medieval Exegesis,” 676.</footnote>

<footnote n="32">32 Reinhold F. Glei and Roberto Tottoli. "Marracci and the Islamic Sources," in *Ludovico Marracci at Work: The Evolution of His Latin Translation of the Qur'ān in the Light of His Newly Discovered Manuscripts. With an Edition and a Comparative Linguistic Analysis of Sura 18* (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2016).</footnote>

<footnote n="33">33 Nuria Martínez de Castilla, “La transmisión de textos entre los moriscos: dos copias del tafsīr abreviado de Ibn Abī Zamanīn,” *Anaquel de Estudios Árabes* 26 (2015).</footnote>
to Rome. At least one of these may have been used in the Qur'an of Bellús to explain the Qur'an with the interlinear annotations introduced by *scilicet*. In chronological order of appearance they are: Ibn Abī Zamanīn's *al-Mukhtṣar*, al-Zamakhsharī's *al-Kashshāf* 'an Ḥaqā'iq at-Tanzīl, and Al-Muharrar al-Wajīz fī Tafsīr al-Kitāb al-'Azīz by 'Abd al-Haqq ibn Ghālib ibn 'Aṭiyya.

While all three are relatively well known,<fnref n="34" /> we should first consider what seems to make them relevant, popular and well studied during Early Modern times by Christians and Muslims.

### 2.2.1 Ibn Abī Zamanīn

Muḥammad Ibn 'Abdallah ibn 'Isa ibn Abī Zamanīn was a poet, an ascetic and a Malikite jurist in Cordoba during the Califal period.<fnref n="35" /> He may have been one of the judges of the capital city, as he is described as “The Sheikh of Cordoba” by al-Dhahabī.<fnref n="36" /> He studied with some great scholars (such as Wahb ibn Masarra, 346/958) and had some students of genius (such as Abu 'Amr 'Uthmān al-Danī, who wrote abundantly on the different qur'anic *variæ lectiones*).

During the fourth/tenth century, the summary genre was growing: Ibn Abī Zamanīn summarized, in addition to tafsir of Ibn Salām, the Muwaṭṭā of Mālik ibn Anas and the *Mudawanna* of Saḥnūn. The purpose of the *mukhtaṣar* genre (abridgment) was to make an older work easier to grasp and be taught by correcting, adjusting and deleting redundancies. As Ibn Abī Zamanīn said: “I have abridged in it some redundancies of the hadiths, and I have added to it what was not in the book of Yaḥyā and explanations that were not given by Yaḥyā.”<fnref n="37" /> The second purpose was to select some opinions, keeping only what might be correct according to the summarizer. From this core, Ibn Abī Zamanīn came up with a totally new book.<fnref n="38" />

<footnote n="34">34 Al-Zamakhsharī's *al-Kashshāf* is the only tafsir of the three that has been studied fully. See: Kifayat Ullah, *Al-Kashshāf: Al-Zamakhsharī's Mu'tazilite Exegesis of the Qur'an* (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2017).</footnote>

<footnote n="35">35 Muḥammad ibn Abdallah Ibn Abī Zamanīn, *Tafsīr Al-Qur'ān al-'azīz*, ed. Hussein 'Akasha and Muhammad Mustafa al-Kanz (Cairo: al-Farūq al-Ḥaditha, 2002), vol. 1, 20–27.</footnote>

<footnote n="36">36 Shams ad-dīn Muḥammad al-Dhahabī, *Siyār a'lām al-Nubbalā'* (Beyrouth: Bayt al-afkar al-dawliya, 2004), vol. 3, 3521.</footnote>

<footnote n="37">37 Ibn Abī Zamanīn, *Tafsīr Al-Qur'ān al-'azīz*, vol. 1, 111.</footnote>

<footnote n="38">38 Ulrika Mårtensson, “Early Medieval Tafsīr (Third/Ninth to the Fifth/Eleventh Century),” in *The Oxford Handbook of Qur'anic Studies*, 658.</footnote>
As this tafsir is helpful for learning, we can understand why the Moriscos chose to translate the work. Shorter and easier, but still complete, it permitted them to learn and teach the interpretation of the Qur'an according to a direct student of Mālik ibn Anas. In the far West, under Christian dominion, they were in the process of forgetting the Arabic language; seven to eight centuries after the death of the famous Mālik ibn Anas, they might have felt the taste of the fresh dates of Medina from the transmission of Yaḥyā ibn Salām and with the help of Ibn Abī Zamanīn and their Morisco translators.

### 2.2.2 Al-Zamakhsharī

Jār Allah (Neighbor of God) Maḥmud ibn 'Umar al-Zamakhsharī was a Persian scholar from the region of Khawarizm, in Turkmenistan. He learnt locally with his father before moving abroad, first to Jurjan and then to Baghdad and Mecca. He studied with numerous scholars, mostly Mutazilites and Zaydis.<fnref n="39" /> He became famous for his contributions to numerous subjects such as exegesis, traditions, jurisprudence, grammar and lexicography.

Al-Zamakhsharī's exegesis, *al-Kashshāf 'an Ḥaqā'iq at-Tanzīl*, is one of the most renowned tafsirs of Islamic literature. For the Mutazilites it represented the "peak of intellectual achievement in Qur'an commentary."<fnref n="40" /> The Sunnis criticized certain aspects of it, but approved the linguistic part of his commentary.<fnref n="41" /> Kifayat Ullah's thesis underlines the peculiarities of his magnum opus. He shows that this tafsir is unmatched, and that al-Zamakhsharī's methodology has some unique features: question-and-answer to clarify or refute, use of proofs based on language (grammar, rhetoric), explanations of the Qur'an with the Qur'an (*tafsīr al-Qur'ān bi-l-Qur'ān*), and an original point of view on al-Muḥkam and al-Muta-shābih that echoes Mutazilite doctrine. He also uses other known features in the exegetical field such as Tradition (*al-Ḥadith*), and *variæ lectiones* (*al-Qirā'āt*).

### 2.2.3 Ibn 'Aṭiyya

'Abd al-Haqq ibn Ghālib ibn 'Aṭiyya came from an Andalusi family of scholars. His father, Abu Bakr Ghālib ibn 'Aṭiyya, was known to be a Ḥāfiẓ li-l-Ḥadīth,<fnref n="42" />

<footnote n="39">39 Ullah, *Al-Kashshāf*, 14–19.</footnote>

<footnote n="40">40 Ullah, *Al-Kashshāf*, 2.</footnote>

<footnote n="41">41 Ullah, *Al-Kashshāf*, 4–6.</footnote>

<footnote n="42">42 Al-Dhahabī, *Siyar*, 4002.</footnote>
meaning that he was among the greatest scholars of hadith in his place and time. The son learnt most of what he knew about hadith sciences from his father, but he also had other teachers in this discipline, in law, and in language. In contrast to his father, he remained all his life in al-Andalus. He was appointed Judge of Almeria under the Almoravids and was recognized as a great jurist. He later became popular for his tafsir *Al-Muharrar al-Wajiz fī Tafsīr al-Kitāb al-‘Azīz.*<sup>43</sup>

Some scholars came to compare his tafsir with that of al-Zamakhsharī:<fnref n="44" /> for example, Taqī al-Dīn Ahmād ibn Taymiyya views it as a better exegesis in precision and research. But little has been written in Western academia on this monument of Islamic exegesis.<fnref n="45" />

It is clear that Ibn ‘Aṭiyya was inspired by earlier tafsirs such as those of al-Ṭabarī and Ibn Abī Ṭālib, even if he took issue with some of their opinions. Ibrahim al-Mashanni showed the different tools that he used.<fnref n="46" /> Among them were linguistic tools such as grammar, and Arabic poetry to make an analogy between a word and its traditional meaning. He also used the opinions of Muḥammad’s companions and their followers (*al-ṣaḥāba* and *at-tabiʿn*). From a methodological perspective he quoted less oral tradition than al-Ṭabarī; but he compensated by quoting other tafsirs from books, starting with al-Ṭabarī himself but also consulting the companions and their students. What strikes us is the diversity of opinions on Arabic language and the *variæ lectiones* that he quotes, despite the fact that he did not travel and remained on the borders of Islamic civilization.

## 3 The Interlinear Annotations of the Qur’an of Bellús, an Example of Teamwork

To get closer to the original text of the Qur’an, Christian readers, acting as intermediaries, needed to comment on and translate at least some parts of the Arabic text and even to comment on some translations. One evocative example is the manuscript Troyes, Médiathèque Grand Troyes, 1235, which is a copy of Ketton’s translation of the Qur’an full of marginalia. In the Qur’an of Bellús the annotations are scattered throughout the manuscript, and may answer some Christian

<footnote n="43">43 Mustafa Ibrahim al-Mashanni, *Madrassa al-Tafsīr fī al-Andalūs* (Beyrouth: Muasasa al-risala, 1982), 851.</footnote>

<footnote n="44">44 Al-Mashanni, *Madrassa al-Tafsīr*.</footnote>

<footnote n="45">45 Saleh, “Medieval Exegesis, the Golden Age of Tafsīr,” 667.</footnote>

<footnote n="46">46 Al-Mashanni, *Madrassa al-Tafsīr*, 680–90.</footnote>
A paleographic and comparative analysis should tell us more about the choice of
these languages.

Interpretative annotations:

Even without *scilicet*, some annotations remain interpretative, a concept I
define as a translation of an Arabic word from the Qur'an in its figurative mean-
ing. For example: the word *al-sharī'a* (literally the path) is translated in its figu-
rative meaning *regla o lley* (rule or law).<sup>52</sup> This type of annotation implies more
than a linguistic knowledge of Arabic, also a cultural knowledge. It implies that
the annotator had an understanding of the connotations that this word has in
the Islamic world.

Some other annotations are exegetical. For example, the figure of Dhū-l-Qar-
nayn in Q. 18:83 is annotated as Alexander.<sup>53</sup> Here again, knowledge of Arabic is
not sufficient to supply this translation, but the annotator clearly was helped by
a Muslim who consulted an exegesis. We can see that this interpretation of Dhū-l-
Qarnayn as Alexander is given by Ibn 'Aṭiyya and al-Zamakhsharī in their works.

Another example out of dozens illustrates this notion. In Q. 43:31 the word
*al-qaryatayn* (the two cities) is annotated with *“Meca u Tayf.”*<sup>54</sup> As in the previous
example, the reference of this verse is present in the tafsirs of al-Zamakhsharī,
Ibn 'Aṭiyya and Ibn Abī Zamanīn.

These few examples out of many clearly illustrate the fact that the annotator
worked with a Muslim scholar, a Morisco or Mudejar who was quite knowledge-
able and at least had access to an exegesis of the Qur'an.

3.2 With “scilicet”

The *scilicet* annotations are fewer in number than the raw annotations, but cen-
tral for our subject. They are meant to comment on the Qur'an according to the
requirements of the commissioner. We can separate them into two subgroups:
some annotations consist of interpretations extrapolated from the context of
the verse, while others are extracted from the tafsir literature.

Interpretations extrapolated from the context of the verse:

<footnote n="52">52 Munich, BSB, MS cod. arab 7, fol. 165v.</footnote>

<footnote n="53">53 Munich, BSB, MS cod. arab 7, fol. 101v.</footnote>

<footnote n="54">54 Munich, BSB, MS cod. arab 7, fol. 162v.</footnote>
These use a previous verse (or sometimes an earlier part of the same verse) to clarify a part of the Qur'an. Most often they explain who is actually speaking in the verse. Most of the time we do not find these comments in the tafsirs, but can understand them by looking back at the context.

For example, in verse 2:71 we read in the Qur'an of Bellús: “Qāl (scilicet Mo-yses) innahu yaqūl (scilicet Dios).”<fnref n="55" />

We see that the verb Qāl (he said) designates Moses as the speaker and in-nahu yaqūl (indeed He says) designates God. These interpretations can be ex-plained by looking back a few verses: we read in Q. 2:67: “And remember Moses said to his people: “God commands that…” In a passage where the verb Qāl is used numerous times, these annotations are written down to prevent the reader from being lost and let him handle the text quickly and easily without looking at the preceding pages.

If this example illustrates what happens in the majority of the annotations, some others have slightly different peculiarities. Some words are translated and interpreted according to a syntagm in the verse. For example, in Q. 99:7:<fnref n="56" /> “fa-man ya'mal mithqāla dharrat (formiga scilicet de be) khayrān yarāhu.”<fnref n="57" /> The word dharra (ant) is annotated according to the word just after khayr (good). We can see that the annotator translated the word (dharra by formiga) and fol-lowed it with an explanation (scilicet de be).

These two types of interpretation replicate a concept of exegesis that exists in the Islamic exegetic literature: tafsīr al-qur'ān bi-l-qur'ān (explaining the Qur'an with the Qur'an). It consists of an interpretation of an ambiguous verse according to another verse. If in the exegetic literature this concept is used to comment on and clarify some difficult verse with a verse which is usually in an-other chapter, here it is used at a basic level to clarify the subject or the person speaking according to a verse which has been seen before.

The last type of interesting commentary that can be seen is interpretation that uses logic and deduction. For example, in Q. 78:33⁵⁸ we read: “wa kawā'ib (de tetas scilicet mujeres) atrābān.”<fnref n="59" />

<footnote n="55">55 Munich, BSB, MS cod. arab 7, fol. 5r.</footnote>

<footnote n="56">56 “Then shall anyone who has done an atom's weight of good, see it!” Abdallah Yusuf Ali (trans.), “Az-Zalzala [99:7],” Tanzil-Quran Navigator [accessed 24-03-2022]. https://tanzil.net/#trans/en.yusufali/99:7.</footnote>

<footnote n="57">57 Munich, BSB, cod arab 7, fol. 200r.</footnote>

<footnote n="58">58 “And voluptuous women of equal age.” Yusuf Ali, “An-Naba’ [78:33],” https://tanzil.net/#trans/en.yusufali/78:33 [accessed 24-03-2022].</footnote>

<footnote n="59">59 Munich, BSB, cod arab 7, fol. 193v.</footnote>
Here the word *kawā’ib* (literally meaning breasts) is first translated *deuetas*
and interpreted as women (*scilicet mujeres*), with a simple deduction and under-
standing of a figure of rhetorical style. Al-Zamakhsharī, Ibn ‘Aṭiya and Ibn Abī
Zamanīn did not address this particular word in this way. It shows the profound
understanding of an annotator who can use his knowledge of rhetorical figures
to derive a closer meaning of a word without the need of any tafsir. But the fact
that it is annotated also shows that it was not obvious, and that it needed to be
clarified for the person who commissioned the translation. These annotations
helped a Christian reader to handle the qur’anic text easily and quickly.

These annotations show the profound and intrinsic knowledge of the anno-
tators. Without the use of a tafsir they could have composed the majority of the
interlinear annotations written in this manuscript. The "word-to-word transla-
tions" show that they did not fall into the trap set by cultural differences.
They imply that the team was composed of at least one Muslim, Mudejar or Mo-
risco, who helped to grasp directly the meaning implied by the text. The use of a
dictionary or a glossary alone might have led to some misinterpretations.

The annotations with *scilicet* show also that the tafsir literature was not the
only set of references. References to a past verse, and the use of logic without
reference to a tafsir, also show that the annotator was helped by a Muslim schol-
ar. But some annotations can be traced back to the tafsir literature.

4 Interpretations Exegetical in Nature, from Ibn
‘Aṭiya’s Tafsir

These annotations with *scilicet* consist of interpretations that are external to the
qur'anic text, and can be found only by looking at the qur'anic commentaries.
For example, verse Q. 66:3: "when he told her thereof, she said (*scilicet*
Hafsa), 'Who told thee this?'"<fnref n="60" /> The subject of the verb *qālat* (she said) is inter-
preted as Hafsa. In contrast to the aforementioned group, we cannot find any
clear mention of Hafsa in the Qur'an nor deduce it by logic. But we find that
al-Zamakhsharī, Ibn Abī Zamanīn and Ibn 'Aṭiya explained in their commenta-
ries on the Qur'an that this verse speaks of Ḥafsa bint 'Omar.

<footnote n="60">60 Yusuf Ali, “At-Tahrim [66:3],” https://tanzil.net/#trans/en.yusufali/66:3 [accessed 24–03–2022].</footnote>
Other examples:

<table><thead><tr><th>Number of the folio</th><th>Number of verse</th><th>Verse in Arabic</th><th>Annotation concerning the bold part of the text</th><th>Interpretation present in the tafsir of:</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>fol. 149r.</td><td>37:100<sup>61</sup></td><td>رَبَّ هَبْ لِي مِنَ الصَّالِحِينَ</td><td>Me da scilicet filium</td><td>al-Zamakhsharī, Ibn Abī Zamanīn, Ibn ‘Aṭiyya</td></tr><tr><td>fol. 83r.</td><td>13:18<sup>62</sup></td><td>لَذَّذِينَ اسْتَجَابُوا لِرَبِّهِمُ الْخُمُسَنِي</td><td>scilicet parays</td><td>Ibn Abī Zamanīn, Ibn ‘Aṭiyya</td></tr><tr><td>fol. 181v.</td><td>58:14<sup>63</sup></td><td>اللَّمْ تَرَ إِلَى الَّذِينَ تَوَلَّوْا قَوْمًا غَضِبَ اللَّهُ عَلَيْهِم</td><td>Toman amigos scilicet judeos</td><td>al-Zamakhsharī, Ibn ‘Aṭiyya</td></tr><tr><td>fol. 153r.</td><td>39:22<sup>64</sup></td><td>أَفَضْنَ شَرِحَ اللَّهُ صَدْرَهُ لِلْإِسْلَامِ فَهُوَ عَلَيْنَ نُورٍ مِّنْ رَبِّهِ</td><td>scilicet hemze tio ali ibine abi talib</td><td>Ibn ‘Aṭiyya</td></tr></tbody></table>

In the first example the word “son” is omitted but implied as complementing the word ṣālihīn. It recalls the story of Abraham asking God to give him a (pious) son. This interpretation can be found in the three exegeses studied, with the syntagm “it means a son” or “he wants a son.”

In the second example the word ḥusnā is interpreted as paradise. Here again nothing clearly says that this word designates paradise, since it can be synonymous with worldly good. While al-Zamakhsharī makes a linguistic analysis, Ibn Abī Zamanīn and Ibn ‘Aṭiyya interpret it as meaning paradise.

The third example, the syntagm *tawala qawmā* (literally: “making ally with a people”), is interpreted: *toman amigos scilicet judeos*. The word interpreted, *qawm*, designates the Jews in the tafsirs of al-Zamakhsharī and Ibn ‘Aṭiyya.

In the last example, the word ṣadrahu (his chest) is interpreted in the Qur’an of Bellús as the chest of “*Hemze tio ‘Ali ibine Abi Talib*.” Ibn ‘Aṭiyya is the only commentator who associates this verse with Hamza ibn ‘Abd al-Muṭṭalib. He also

<footnote n="61">61 “O my Lord! Grant me a righteous (son)!” Yusuf Ali, “As-Saffat [37:100],” https://tanzil.net/#trans/en.yusufali/37:100 [accessed 24–03–2022].</footnote>

<footnote n="62">62 “For those who respond to their Lord, are (all) good things.” Yusuf Ali, “Ar-Ra’d [13:18],” https://tanzil.net/#trans/en.yusufali/13:18 [accessed 24–03–2022].</footnote>

<footnote n="63">63 “Turnest thou not thy attention to those who turn (in friendship) to such as have the Wrath of Allah upon them?” Yusuf Ali, “Al-Mujadila [58:14],” https://tanzil.net/#trans/en.yusufali/58:14 [accessed 24–03–2022].</footnote>

<footnote n="64">64 “Is one whose heart Allah has opened to Islam, so that he has received Enlightenment from Allah.” Yusuf Ali, “Az-Zumar [39:22],” https://tanzil.net/#trans/en.yusufali/39:22 [accessed 24–03–2022].</footnote>
refers to ‘Alī ibn Abu Ṭālib, who is designated in this annotation. Al-Zamakhsharī speaks of the openness of the heart: that is, when the light of Allah enters one’s heart. Ibn Abī Zamanīn speaks of the opposition between one whose heart is open and one whose heart is closed. They do not mention if this verse was revealed for a particular person.

## Commentaries from Ibn ‘Aṭiyya’s Tafsir?

If we compare all the annotations of the Qur’an of Bellús with the tafsirs, as we did in the previous table, we see that most of the time the exegetical annotations fit with Ibn ‘Aṭiyya’s *al-Muḥarrar al-Wajīz*. I have counted 40 exegetical annotations with *scilicet* throughout the manuscript, and 37 of them correspond to an explanation that is in the tafsir of Ibn ‘Aṭiyya, while 30 can be found in Ibn Abī Zamanīn’s tafsir and only 18 in the tafsir of al-Zamakhsharī. Indeed, there is much more similarity to the two Andalusi and Malikite tafsirs than to the exegesis of the Persian Mutazilite scholar. The doctrinal differences and the methods are the main reasons why *al-Muḥarrar al-Wajīz* coincides with Ibn Abī Zamanīn’s summary much more than with *al-Kashshāf*.

Moreover, some annotations fit almost perfectly with the tafsir of Ibn ‘Atiyya. If quantitative data indicate that these annotations have a high probability of being from Ibn ‘Aṭiyya’s tafsir, qualitative data can confirm our assumption.

For example, in Q. 58.14 the word *alladhīna* is annotated *scilicet al-munafiqūn*. This word can be found in the three tafsirs but not written in the same way: the word is transliterated in its *manṣūb* or *majrūr* form with the letter *ya*, which is not a lemma form. We can deduce that it is transliterated directly from a text with a sentence in the *manṣūb* or *majrūr* form. When we look at the three analysed tafsirs we see that Ibn Abī Zamanīn and al-Zamakhsharī use the *marfū* form of the external plural with the letter *waw*: Ibn Abī Zamanīn comments: “*hum al-munāfiqūn*” and al-Zamakhshari comments: “*Kāna al-munāfiqūn*.” But Ibn ‘Aṭiyya says: “*nuzilāt fī qawmi min al-munāfiqīn.*” We can deduce that this word in this form is more likely transliterated directly from the tafsir of the qadi of Almería.

Moreover, we saw earlier that the word “ṣadrahu” in verse 39:22 is annotated “*Hamze tio ‘ali ibine Abi Talib*” in the Qur’an of Bellús. The word *alqāsiya* is annotated in the same Qur’an “*ibu laheb tio y son fill.*” These two annotations can be found only in the tafsir of Ibn ‘Aṭiyya, who says: “It has been sent [down] upon ‘Ali and Hamza, Abu Lahab and his sons are those whose hearts are hardened.”
In this sentence alone, we can trace the annotation that is written in the Qur’an of Bellús. Not only can this annotation be found only in *al-Muharrar al-Wajiz*, but it fits perfectly with this exegesis.

We can also see that the word *tío*, uncle, is an addition to the tafsir of Ibn ‘Aṭiyya. For a Mudejar or a Morisco who knows Islamic literature and history, like this annotator, this addition may be superfluous. The sons of ‘Abd al-Muṭṭa‐lib are well known by the Muslim community. But for someone who does not know it, who is unfamiliar with the Islamic faith and its history, as an Early Modern Christian polemicist might be, this addition can teach more about the prophet’s family. Thus we can see that these annotations are more likely to be commissioned by a Christian polemicist from a Mudejar or Morisco. It is possible that the commissioner or his scribe, while reading the Qur’an of Bellús, asked someone knowledgeable for some indications about the identity of the people in the tafsir of Ibn ‘Aṭiyya and then had them written down. Sometimes he certainly must have used the tafsir of Ibn ‘Aṭiyya as an aid. For this annotation, the commissioner might have asked who Hamza and Abu Lahab were, and the commentator may have answered that they were the uncles of ‘Alī Ibn Abī Ṭālib. When we add this to the examples given before, we can see that it is more than probable.

Finally, the last indication of the use of the Ibn 'Aṭiyya's tafsir is the margin-
alia in Arabic,<fnref n="65" /> which have been copied from his tafsir as has been demonstrat-
ed by Martínez Gázquez and Casassas Canals.<fnref n="66" /> Except for two or three words
that differ between the editions, a divergence between copyists, the annotation
is exactly the same as in Ibn 'Aṭiyya's tafsir.

5 Conclusion

We saw that the tafsir literature was used since the Middle Ages in the Latin
translations of the Qur’an. The exegetes of the Qur’an sometimes held different
opinions on the meaning of a verse. They chose an interpretation that conformed
to their dogmas, their understanding, and the narrations that they preferred, or
according to their places and times. These differences of opinion, when studied
with a comparative methodology, can give us some indication of the processes of
translation and the references used in the translation.

After having studied the different types of annotation, we have compared the
exegeses that most likely could have been used for annotating the Qur’an of Be-

<footnote n="65">65 Munich, BSB, MS cod. arab 7, fol. 48v.</footnote>

<footnote n="66">66 Casassas Canals and Martínez Gázquez, “Scholia Latina,” 31.</footnote>
llús. We have seen that it agrees with Ibn 'Aṭiyya's tafsir in number of annota-
tions and in similarity of expression.

To conclude, we can try to construct a profile of the team that carried out
these annotations. We see that they were made with the help of someone who
was knowledgeable in Arabic, the tafsir literature, and qur'anic rhetoric: in
short, someone who knew the Qur'an very well. A current or former alfaquí
such as Juan Gabriel de Teruel fits this profile. Sometimes the annotator does
not even need the tafsirs to explain a verse; knowledge of the Arabic stylistic fig-
ure is sufficient. We also see that the commissioner needed clarification regard-
ing some particular passages that repeated the verb qāl/yaqūl (he said, he says),
in order to follow some parts that interested him from beginning to end. For an
individual study of the Qur'an it is not necessary to repeat who is behind these
verbs. But it can be helpful in the case of a public debate, with the pressure and
adrenaline felt by the person who is debating in front of a crowd, to find a pas-
sage quickly and not lose track when someone quotes a passage. We know that
both Martín García during his sermons, and Joan Martí de Figuerola and his
team, used to display the Qur'an and its passages directly to convince the
crowd of Mudejars to whom they were preaching.

But these Qur'ans were certainly not used only to preach but also to study.
We can sense the curiosity of the commissioner, as many passages translated
and commented are not especially polemical. We see that the tafsir was used
simply to understand some passages of the Qur'an.

The identity of the annotators and the places of annotations are not known
for sure. The similarities between Egidio da Viterbo's translation of the Qur'an
and the annotations of the Qur'an of Bellús may indicate that Juan Gabriel
made the majority of them. The existence of different languages in the annota-
tions (Catalan, Castilian, Latin, and one in Hebrew), of different hands in the
margins (three at least in Latin letters, with two inks —one black, one red—
two at least in Arabic with the exception of the qur'anic text)<fnref n="67" /> may suggest
that the annotations had been done in at least two or three different places
(Spain, Rome, and Rome or Munich by Widmanstetter), therefore at different mo-
ments. Moreover, it is possible that Juan Gabriel sent some other manuscripts to
Egidio along with his translation, such as Munich, BSB MS cod. arab 234, an Ara-
bic translation of the Pentateuch with Castilian annotations, written in a differ-
ent hand from the one in the Qur'an of Bellús or Munich BSB cod. arab 342, a
commentary on Ibn Abī Zayd al-Qayrawani's *Risāla*.

<footnote n="67">67 The colophon's hands differ from the hand at fol. 49, which is similar to the different corrections made in the margin.</footnote>
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