Nevertheless, Jordan continued building new refugee camps that represent an emergency response to the refugee crisis despite the new "development" approach of governance. This strategy was used consciously in order to attract the attention of the international community (Turner, 2015). Building more refugee camps made the Syrian crisis visible to donors, unlike the previous Iraqi refugee crisis back in the 2000s (Betts et al., 2017).

If we conceptualize development as an economic empowerment strategy, it becomes evident that the economic integration of the refugee population presents a compelling and pragmatic way forward. This is at least the stance that economic agreements between the European Union and Jordan adopted. Based on an agreement between the World Bank, the European Union, and the Jordanian government in 2016, the Jordan Compact was signed with two main objectives. The first is to provide economic support to the host communities, and the second is to responsibilize the refugees, both through the promotion of investments and job opportunities. This is an economically sound decision that some people interpreted as Jordan using a humanitarian crisis as a chance to advance the receiving nation (Sahin Mencutek and Nashwan, 2021). The Compact does not only advocate for the integration of Syrian into the labour market, but also includes the simplifying of rules of origins for better trade opportunities with the EU which would theoretically benefit the whole Jordanian economy by attracting investments (Tsourapas, 2019).

The Compact led to the integration of the Syrian refugees into the Jordanian formal job market, specifically into the garment exportation factories and the construction sector (Kridis, 2021; Sahin Mencutek and Nashwan, 2021: 622). In light of this, the Ministry of Labour issued 230,000 work permits in particular fields, and according to predetermined quotas for the Syrian refugees by 2021 (Stave et al., 2021), nearly half of them were free of charge. Since the Compact, it has been easier to get work permits for Syrian refugees. Administrative procedures have become less cumbersome as the government facilitates issuing work permits in one day, compared to fourteen days before. According to the Compact, companies get compensation for Syrians' salaries, which further incentivizes them to employ refugees. Additionally, Syrian investors were also able to obtain permanent residency or Jordanian citizenship according to Investment Law No. 30 for 2014. This law gave Syrian investors the freedom to travel to and within the kingdom as well as the ability to own businesses, cars, and real estate. Obtaining these privileges allowed the Syrian investors to move their businesses to Jordan and to frequently employ other Syrian refugees in accordance with the Compact.

It is difficult to assess the impact these policies have had for Syrian refugees in Jordan. The statistics for 2018 showed that the unemployment rates among refugees have fallen from about 60% to about 8% (Stave et al., 2021). However, the Jordanian government noticed an increase in the unemployment rate among its citizens, reaching 47.2% in the fourth quarter of 2022. Consequently, the government of Jordan announced a new Investment Environment Law No. 21 in April 2023 that forbids non-Jordanians from working in a long list of professions, including those requiring labour in the administrative, industrial, and handcrafts sectors (Mustafa, 2023), while maintaining their subscription to the Jordanian social security system. These recent decisions might directly impact Syrian refugees.
Nevertheless, Jordan continued building new refugee camps that represent an emergency response to the refugee crisis despite the new "development" approach of governance. This strategy was used consciously in order to attract the attention of the international community (Turner, 2015). Building more refugee camps made the Syrian crisis visible to donors, unlike the previous Iraqi refugee crisis back in the 2000s (Betts et al., 2017).

If we conceptualize development as an economic empowerment strategy, it becomes evident that the economic integration of the refugee population presents a compelling and pragmatic way forward. This is at least the stance that economic agreements between the European Union and Jordan adopted. Based on an agreement between the World Bank, the European Union, and the Jordanian government in 2016, the Jordan Compact was signed with two main objectives. The first is to provide economic support to the host communities, and the second is to responsibilize the refugees, both through the promotion of investments and job opportunities. This is an economically sound decision that some people interpreted as Jordan using a humanitarian crisis as a chance to advance the receiving nation (Sahin Mencutek and Nashwan, 2021). The Compact does not only advocate for the integration of Syrian into the labour market, but also includes the simplifying of rules of origins for better trade opportunities with the EU which would theoretically benefit the whole Jordanian economy by attracting investments (Tsourapas, 2019).

The Compact led to the integration of the Syrian refugees into the Jordanian formal job market, specifically into the garment exportation factories and the construction sector (Kridis, 2021; Sahin Mencutek and Nashwan, 2021: 622). In light of this, the Ministry of Labour issued 230,000 work permits in particular fields, and according to predetermined quotas for the Syrian refugees by 2021 (Stave et al., 2021), nearly half of them were free of charge. Since the Compact, it has been easier to get work permits for Syrian refugees. Administrative procedures have become less cumbersome as the government facilitates issuing work permits in one day, compared to fourteen days before. According to the Compact, companies get compensation for Syrians' salaries, which further incentivizes them to employ refugees. Additionally, Syrian investors were also able to obtain permanent residency or Jordanian citizenship according to Investment Law No. 30 for 2014. This law gave Syrian investors the freedom to travel to and within the kingdom as well as the ability to own businesses, cars, and real estate. Obtaining these privileges allowed the Syrian investors to move their businesses to Jordan and to frequently employ other Syrian refugees in accordance with the Compact.

It is difficult to assess the impact these policies have had for Syrian refugees in Jordan. The statistics for 2018 showed that the unemployment rates among refugees have fallen from about 60% to about 8% (Stave et al., 2021). However, the Jordanian government noticed an increase in the unemployment rate among its citizens, reaching 47.2% in the fourth quarter of 2022. Consequently, the government of Jordan announced a new Investment Environment Law No. 21 in April 2023 that forbids non-Jordanians from working in a long list of professions, including those requiring labour in the administrative, industrial, and handcrafts sectors (Mustafa, 2023), while maintaining their subscription to the Jordanian social security system. These recent decisions might directly impact Syrian refugees.
### What Refugee Policy? Discussion

The GoJ's refugee policy went through a series of changes since the start of the incoming of Syrian refugees into its borders. The adoption of an open-door policy towards its borders in the aftermath of the Syrian conflict in 2011 marked the beginning of a series of transformations in the management of the refugee crisis. These changes affected all levels of governance, including local, national, and international governments, corporations, and non-governmental organizations. The unexpectedly high influx of refugees compelled the government to establish massive refugee camps that resembled cities, collaborating with governmental and non-governmental partners like the UN and the Emirates. However, one could argue that the decision to establish additional refugee camps was not merely an impromptu emergency response but rather a well-planned strategy aimed at attracting attention from donors and the international community to the substantial refugee population in a country with limited resources.

It is worth noting that not all refugees settled in those camps. In reality, the majority of refugees (approximately 80%) chose to reside in urban, peri-urban, and rural areas. Additional refugee camps were being established across the country while a chaotic settlement in urban and rural areas took place at the same time, despite the aspirations of shifting governance to the development mindset of more sustainable solutions. As the country began to experience strain on its resources, infrastructure, job opportunities, and services, tensions arose between the local Jordanians and the refugee population residing outside the camps. These challenges underscored the complex dynamics at play in managing the refugee crisis and the multifaceted impacts on both the refugees and the host communities.

However, it is crucial to consider the limitations of Jordan's hosting strategy and its ability to leverage international aid. The initial open-door policy underwent a significant shift when the Rukban terror attack resulted in the loss of Jordanian military personnel. As a response to the incident, the Jordanian government implemented firm border closures, which drew criticism and raised concerns among the international community and donors. Despite the controversy surrounding these stringent measures, the government appeared to prioritize national security over its rentier state strategy of hosting refugees. The decision to tighten border controls and impose strict closures reflected the government's determination to safeguard its national interests and protect its citizens. Balancing these conflicting priorities became a delicate task, requiring the government to navigate the complexities of managing the refugee crisis while ensuring its own stability and security.

In parallel, the Jordanian government implemented a series of financial partnership models involving more than 150 local, national, and international partners, exemplified by initiatives like the Jordan Response Platform for the Syria Crisis (JRPSC) in 2014, the Jordan Response Plan (JRP) since 2015, and the Jordan Compact in 2016. These collaborative efforts provided significant incentives for the adoption and continuation of the development approach by the Jordanian government. A few positive outcomes resulting from these interventions were exemplified in this research, including simplified hiring processes for Syrian
### What Refugee Policy? Discussion

The GoJ's refugee policy went through a series of changes since the start of the incoming of Syrian refugees into its borders. The adoption of an open-door policy towards its borders in the aftermath of the Syrian conflict in 2011 marked the beginning of a series of transformations in the management of the refugee crisis. These changes affected all levels of governance, including local, national, and international governments, corporations, and non-governmental organizations. The unexpectedly high influx of refugees compelled the government to establish massive refugee camps that resembled cities, collaborating with governmental and non-governmental partners like the UN and the Emirates. However, one could argue that the decision to establish additional refugee camps was not merely an impromptu emergency response but rather a well-planned strategy aimed at attracting attention from donors and the international community to the substantial refugee population in a country with limited resources.

It is worth noting that not all refugees settled in those camps. In reality, the majority of refugees (approximately 80%) chose to reside in urban, peri-urban, and rural areas. Additional refugee camps were being established across the country while a chaotic settlement in urban and rural areas took place at the same time, despite the aspirations of shifting governance to the development mindset of more sustainable solutions. As the country began to experience strain on its resources, infrastructure, job opportunities, and services, tensions arose between the local Jordanians and the refugee population residing outside the camps. These challenges underscored the complex dynamics at play in managing the refugee crisis and the multifaceted impacts on both the refugees and the host communities.

However, it is crucial to consider the limitations of Jordan's hosting strategy and its ability to leverage international aid. The initial open-door policy underwent a significant shift when the Rukban terror attack resulted in the loss of Jordanian military personnel. As a response to the incident, the Jordanian government implemented firm border closures, which drew criticism and raised concerns among the international community and donors. Despite the controversy surrounding these stringent measures, the government appeared to prioritize national security over its rentier state strategy of hosting refugees. The decision to tighten border controls and impose strict closures reflected the government's determination to safeguard its national interests and protect its citizens. Balancing these conflicting priorities became a delicate task, requiring the government to navigate the complexities of managing the refugee crisis while ensuring its own stability and security.

In parallel, the Jordanian government implemented a series of financial partnership models involving more than 150 local, national, and international partners, exemplified by initiatives like the Jordan Response Platform for the Syria Crisis (JRPSC) in 2014, the Jordan Response Plan (JRP) since 2015, and the Jordan Compact in 2016. These collaborative efforts provided significant incentives for the adoption and continuation of the development approach by the Jordanian government. A few positive outcomes resulting from these interventions were exemplified in this research, including simplified hiring processes for Syrian
refugees and a noticeable increase in job opportunities for this population. However, it is essential to acknowledge that the development approach also had unintended consequences. These initiatives tended to favour wealthier refugees who could afford to invest in businesses and secure residency in Jordan. This emphasis on supporting the economic integration of affluent refugees sometimes overshadowed the urgent needs of the most vulnerable individuals and families who required immediate assistance and protection.

In essence, it can be posited that the refugee governance of the Syrian crisis in Jordan involved a twofold strategy, implemented in a roughly concurrent manner. The evolution from camps to integration in a development framework did not follow a linear sequence; rather, it appears to have been strategically employed as a governance tool to attain political, economic, and humanitarian objectives. As a result, Jordan's historical experience in hosting refugees is characterized by a recurrent oscillation between encampment policies and integration through development programs, all of which occur within the complex landscape of social and economic challenges.

## Conclusion

A new shift in the regional governance of the Syrian refugee crisis towards repatriation of the refugees is looming as Arab countries begin to re-establish diplomatic ties with Syria. In April 2023, Jordan hosted a consultative meeting of the foreign ministries of Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Egypt, and Syria to prioritize safe voluntary repatriation for the Syrian refugees. Although the Arab League had previously denounced Syrian President Bashar al-Assad's regime as engaging in "mass slaughter" and demanded accountability for its use of chemical weapons (Baker, 2023), al-Assad was warmly welcomed, and Syria was reinstated as a member of the League on May 7, 2023, twelve years after it had been suspended.

This recent diplomacy event regarding the Syrian repatriation and the varying degrees of readiness to normalize relations with the Syrian government raises questions about the destiny of the efforts that Jordan has made for the past twelve years in building massive refugee camps and establishing new laws, plans, and programs that are based on the presence of Syrian refugees on its lands. The question of whether the Syrian refugee crisis has become entirely politicized and whether international donors, governments, and NGOs should play a role or use leverage to bring stability, safety, and wellbeing, following twelve years of ongoing suffering, is still hanging.

In 2023, in alignment with the changing dynamics in refugee governance towards repatriation, the UNHCR indicated a significant decline of approximately 5,000 individuals within Jordan's Syrian refugee population. Starting from October, the United Nations in Jordan publicly announced resource constraints that would hinder their ability to sustain food assistance for refugees across the country. Simultaneously, the WFP revealed its own financial constraints, leading to a reduction in food aid provided to Syrian refugees in Jordan, even within refugee camps.
refugees and a noticeable increase in job opportunities for this population. However, it is essential to acknowledge that the development approach also had unintended consequences. These initiatives tended to favour wealthier refugees who could afford to invest in businesses and secure residency in Jordan. This emphasis on supporting the economic integration of affluent refugees sometimes overshadowed the urgent needs of the most vulnerable individuals and families who required immediate assistance and protection.

In essence, it can be posited that the refugee governance of the Syrian crisis in Jordan involved a twofold strategy, implemented in a roughly concurrent manner. The evolution from camps to integration in a development framework did not follow a linear sequence; rather, it appears to have been strategically employed as a governance tool to attain political, economic, and humanitarian objectives. As a result, Jordan's historical experience in hosting refugees is characterized by a recurrent oscillation between encampment policies and integration through development programs, all of which occur within the complex landscape of social and economic challenges.

## Conclusion

A new shift in the regional governance of the Syrian refugee crisis towards repatriation of the refugees is looming as Arab countries begin to re-establish diplomatic ties with Syria. In April 2023, Jordan hosted a consultative meeting of the foreign ministries of Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Egypt, and Syria to prioritize safe voluntary repatriation for the Syrian refugees. Although the Arab League had previously denounced Syrian President Bashar al-Assad's regime as engaging in "mass slaughter" and demanded accountability for its use of chemical weapons (Baker, 2023), al-Assad was warmly welcomed, and Syria was reinstated as a member of the League on May 7, 2023, twelve years after it had been suspended.

This recent diplomacy event regarding the Syrian repatriation and the varying degrees of readiness to normalize relations with the Syrian government raises questions about the destiny of the efforts that Jordan has made for the past twelve years in building massive refugee camps and establishing new laws, plans, and programs that are based on the presence of Syrian refugees on its lands. The question of whether the Syrian refugee crisis has become entirely politicized and whether international donors, governments, and NGOs should play a role or use leverage to bring stability, safety, and wellbeing, following twelve years of ongoing suffering, is still hanging.

In 2023, in alignment with the changing dynamics in refugee governance towards repatriation, the UNHCR indicated a significant decline of approximately 5,000 individuals within Jordan's Syrian refugee population. Starting from October, the United Nations in Jordan publicly announced resource constraints that would hinder their ability to sustain food assistance for refugees across the country. Simultaneously, the WFP revealed its own financial constraints, leading to a reduction in food aid provided to Syrian refugees in Jordan, even within refugee camps.
These developments herald a shifting paradigm in the governance of the Syrian refugee crisis, a perspective underscored by the unequivocal statement made by the Jordanian Minister of Foreign Affairs on September 7, 2023. In this statement, Jordan expressed its inability to accommodate additional Syrian refugees. Later in September, King Abdullah II of Jordan addressed the UN General Assembly in New York, saying that Syrian refugees' future is in their country, not in host countries. All these developments could be seen as efforts to exert pressure on refugees for their preparedness to return, which inevitably raises questions about the voluntariness of such repatriation to a country that is still perceived as unsafe for those who initially fled in search of a secure haven and renewed hope for a better life.

While Jordan's refugee governance of the Syrian crisis can be influenced by a wide range of political, economic, and humanitarian factors, there may be concerns that if Syrian refugees repatriate and the refugee crisis is resolved, Jordan may lose some of the financial and international support it receives. The desire to "keep the rent coming in" in the context of Jordan's handling of the Syrian refugee crisis can be interpreted as a motivation to maintain financial aid and support from international organizations and donors, taking into account that the country faces serious financial challenges and limited resources. However, this desire might also be indicative of a shortcoming in refugee governance. The lack of active consideration of the repatriation of Syrian refugees may be viewed as a misallocation of resources and a failure to recognize years of collective efforts by Jordan's government and international aid donors. Moreover, this may hinder the achievement of broader development goals, as refugee-related challenges persist and potentially worsen. The continued reliance on financial aid to sustain the refugee population without a clear plan for their return may lead to concerns among international aid donors, potentially affecting future aid commitments and partnerships.

## References

**ACAPS** (2023) *Jordan Country Analysis*, [online] accessed on 30/06/2023. URL: https://www.acaps.org/en/countries/jordan

**Achilli Luigi** (2014) *Disengagement from politics: Nationalism, political identity, and the everyday in a Palestinian refugee camp in Jordan*, *Critique of Anthropology*, 34 (2), pp. 234-257.

**Adamson Fiona B. and Tsourapas Gerasimos** (2019) *Migration Diplomacy in World Politics, International Studies Perspectives*, 20 (2), pp. 113-128.

**Associated Press** (2013) *UAE-funded camp for Syrian refugees opens in Jordan*, The National, [online] accessed on 30/06/2023. URL: https://www thenationalnews.com/world/mena/uae-funded-camp-for-syrian-refugees-opens-in-jordan-1.292335

**Atlani-Duault Laëtitia** (2005) *Les ONG à l'heure de la « bonne gouvernance »*, *Autrepart*, 3 (35), pp. 3-17.

**Awamleh Zaid and Dorai Kamel** (2023) *The spatial governance of the Syrian refugee crisis in Jordan: Refugees between urban settlements and encampment policies*, CMI Report, 3, [online]. URL: https://www.cmi.no/publications/8909-the-spatial-governance-of-the-syrian-refugee-crisis-in-jordan
These developments herald a shifting paradigm in the governance of the Syrian refugee crisis, a perspective underscored by the unequivocal statement made by the Jordanian Minister of Foreign Affairs on September 7, 2023. In this statement, Jordan expressed its inability to accommodate additional Syrian refugees. Later in September, King Abdullah II of Jordan addressed the UN General Assembly in New York, saying that Syrian refugees' future is in their country, not in host countries. All these developments could be seen as efforts to exert pressure on refugees for their preparedness to return, which inevitably raises questions about the voluntariness of such repatriation to a country that is still perceived as unsafe for those who initially fled in search of a secure haven and renewed hope for a better life.

While Jordan's refugee governance of the Syrian crisis can be influenced by a wide range of political, economic, and humanitarian factors, there may be concerns that if Syrian refugees repatriate and the refugee crisis is resolved, Jordan may lose some of the financial and international support it receives. The desire to "keep the rent coming in" in the context of Jordan's handling of the Syrian refugee crisis can be interpreted as a motivation to maintain financial aid and support from international organizations and donors, taking into account that the country faces serious financial challenges and limited resources. However, this desire might also be indicative of a shortcoming in refugee governance. The lack of active consideration of the repatriation of Syrian refugees may be viewed as a misallocation of resources and a failure to recognize years of collective efforts by Jordan's government and international aid donors. Moreover, this may hinder the achievement of broader development goals, as refugee-related challenges persist and potentially worsen. The continued reliance on financial aid to sustain the refugee population without a clear plan for their return may lead to concerns among international aid donors, potentially affecting future aid commitments and partnerships.

## References

* **ACAPS** (2023) *Jordan Country Analysis*, [online] accessed on 30/06/2023. URL: https://www.acaps.org/en/countries/jordan

* **Achilli Luigi** (2014) *Disengagement from politics: Nationalism, political identity, and the everyday in a Palestinian refugee camp in Jordan*, *Critique of Anthropology*, 34 (2), pp. 234-257.

* **Adamson Fiona B. and Tsourapas Gerasimos** (2019) *Migration Diplomacy in World Politics, International Studies Perspectives*, 20 (2), pp. 113-128.

* **Associated Press** (2013) *UAE-funded camp for Syrian refugees opens in Jordan*, The National, [online] accessed on 30/06/2023. URL: https://www thenationalnews.com/world/mena/uae-funded-camp-for-syrian-refugees-opens-in-jordan-1.292335

* **Atlani-Duault Laëtitia** (2005) *Les ONG à l'heure de la « bonne gouvernance »*, *Autrepart*, 3 (35), pp. 3-17.

* **Awamleh Zaid and Dorai Kamel** (2023) *The spatial governance of the Syrian refugee crisis in Jordan: Refugees between urban settlements and encampment policies*, CMI Report, 3, [online]. URL: https://www.cmi.no/publications/8909-the-spatial-governance-of-the-syrian-refugee-crisis-in-jordan
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Mustafa Mays Ibrahim (2023) Guidelines banning foreign workers from certain professions ignite controversy, *Jordan Times*, [online] accessed on 05/07/2023. URL: https://jordantimes.com/news/local/guidelines-banning-foreign-workers-certain-professions-ignite-controversy
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Lenner Katharina (2020) "Biting Our tongues": Policy Legacies and Memories in the Making of the Syrian Refugee Response in Jordan, *Refugee Survey Quarterly*, 39 (3), pp. 273-298.

MoPIC (2015) *Jordan Response Plan for the Syria Crisis*, Ministry of Planning and International Cooperation of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, [online]. URL: http://www.jrp.gov.jo/Files/JRP_Executive_Summary_ENG2015.pdf

Mustafa Mays Ibrahim (2023) Guidelines banning foreign workers from certain professions ignite controversy, Jordan Times, [online] accessed on 05/07/2023. URL: https://jordantimes.com/news/local/guidelines-banning-foreign-workers-certain-professions-ignite-controversy
**Nanes Stefanie** (2010) Hashemitism, Jordanian National Identity, and the Abu Odeh Episode, *The Arab Studies Journal*, 18 (1), pp. 162-195.

**Nyberg-Sørensen Ninna, Van Hear Nicholas and Engberg-Pedersen Poul** (2002) *The Migration-Development Nexus: Evidence and Policy Options, International Migration*, 40 (5), pp. 49-73.

**OCHA** (2020) *Jordan, Financial Tracking Service*, [online] accessed on 27/02/2020. URL: https://fts.unocha.org/countries/114/summary/2010

**Oddone Elisa** (2014) *Azraq Refugee Camp officially opened*, Jordan Times, [online] accessed on 30/06/2023. URL: https://jordantimes.com/news/local/azraq-refugee-camp-officially-opened

**Pastore Ferruccio** (2007) *Europe, Migration and Development: Critical remarks on an emerging policy field*, *Development*, 50 (4), pp. 56-62.

**REACH** (2014) *Understanding Social Cohesion and Resilience in Jordanian Host Communities*, [online]. URL: https://reliefweb.int/report/jordan/understanding-social-cohesion-and-resilience-jordanian-host-communities-assessment

**3RP** (2019) *Regional Refugee & Resilience Plan*, [online]. URL: https://www.consilium.europa.eu/media/33783/2-3rp-2-pager.pdf

**Sahin Mencutek Zeynep and Nashwan Ayat J.** (2021) *Perceptions About the Labor Market Integration of Refugees: Evidences from Syrian Refugees in Jordan*, *Journal of International Migration and Integration*, 22 (2), pp. 615-633.

**Sennett Ellie** (2020) *Most aid to Syria's Rukban camp has been blocked for more than a year. Here's why*, PBS NewsHour, accessed on 01/07/2023. URL: https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/most-aid-to-syrias-rukban-camp-has-been-blocked-for-more-than-a-year-heres-why

**Sida Lewis, Trombetta Lorenzo and Panero Veronica** (2016) *Evaluation of OCHA response to the Syria crisis*, *reliefweb*, [online]. URL: https://reliefweb.int/report/syrian-arab-republic/evaluation-ocha-response-syria-crisis-march-2016

**Stave Svein Erik, Kebede Tewodros Aragie and Kattaa Maha** (2021) *Impact of work permits on decent work for Syrians in Jordan*, *reliefweb*, [online]. URL: https://reliefweb.int/report/jordan/impact-work-permits-decent-work-syrians-jordan-september-2021-enar

**The World Factbook** (2022) *Jordan, Central Intelligence Agency*, [online]. URL: https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/countries/jordan/

**Tsourapas Gerasimos** (2019) *The Syrian Refugee Crisis and Foreign Policy Decision-Making in Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey*, *Journal of Global Security Studies*, 4 (4), pp. 464-481.

**Turner Lewis** (2015) *Explaining the (Non-)Encampment of Syrian Refugees: Security, Class and the Labour Market in Lebanon and Jordan*, *Mediterranean Politics*, 20 (3), pp. 386-404.

**UNHCR** (2023) *Situation Syria Regional Refugee Response*, Operational Data Portal, [online] accessed on 24/05/2023. URL: https://data.unhcr.org/en/situations/syria/location/36

**UNHCR** (2022) *Middle East and North Africa. Global Report 2022*, Global Focus, [online] accessed on 30/06/2023. URL: https://reporting.unhcr.org/operational/regions/middle-east-and-north-africa
**Nanes Stefanie** (2010) Hashemitism, Jordanian National Identity, and the Abu Odeh Episode, *The Arab Studies Journal*, 18 (1), pp. 162-195.

**Nyberg-Sørensen Ninna, Van Hear Nicholas and Engberg-Pedersen Poul** (2002) *The Migration-Development Nexus: Evidence and Policy Options, International Migration*, 40 (5), pp. 49-73.

**OCHA** (2020) *Jordan, Financial Tracking Service*, [online] accessed on 27/02/2020. URL: https://fts.unocha.org/countries/114/summary/2010

**Oddone Elisa** (2014) *Azraq Refugee Camp officially opened*, Jordan Times, [online] accessed on 30/06/2023. URL: https://jordantimes.com/news/local/azraq-refugee-camp-officially-opened

**Pastore Ferruccio** (2007) *Europe, Migration and Development: Critical remarks on an emerging policy field*, *Development*, 50 (4), pp. 56-62.

**REACH** (2014) *Understanding Social Cohesion and Resilience in Jordanian Host Communities*, [online]. URL: https://reliefweb.int/report/jordan/understanding-social-cohesion-and-resilience-jordanian-host-communities-assessment

**3RP** (2019) *Regional Refugee & Resilience Plan*, [online]. URL: https://www.consilium.europa.eu/media/33783/2-3rp-2-pager.pdf

**Sahin Mencutek Zeynep and Nashwan Ayat J.** (2021) *Perceptions About the Labor Market Integration of Refugees: Evidences from Syrian Refugees in Jordan*, *Journal of International Migration and Integration*, 22 (2), pp. 615-633.

**Sennett Ellie** (2020) *Most aid to Syria's Rukban camp has been blocked for more than a year. Here's why*, PBS NewsHour, accessed on 01/07/2023. URL: https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/most-aid-to-syrias-rukban-camp-has-been-blocked-for-more-than-a-year-heres-why

**Sida Lewis, Trombetta Lorenzo and Panero Veronica** (2016) *Evaluation of OCHA response to the Syria crisis*, *reliefweb*, [online]. URL: https://reliefweb.int/report/syrian-arab-republic/evaluation-ocha-response-syria-crisis-march-2016

**Stave Svein Erik, Kebede Tewodros Aragie and Kattaa Maha** (2021) *Impact of work permits on decent work for Syrians in Jordan*, *reliefweb*, [online]. URL: https://reliefweb.int/report/jordan/impact-work-permits-decent-work-syrians-jordan-september-2021-enar

**The World Factbook** (2022) *Jordan, Central Intelligence Agency*, [online]. URL: https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/countries/jordan/

**Tsourapas Gerasimos** (2019) *The Syrian Refugee Crisis and Foreign Policy Decision-Making in Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey*, *Journal of Global Security Studies*, 4 (4), pp. 464-481.

**Turner Lewis** (2015) *Explaining the (Non-)Encampment of Syrian Refugees: Security, Class and the Labour Market in Lebanon and Jordan*, *Mediterranean Politics*, 20 (3), pp. 386-404.

**UNHCR** (2023) *Situation Syria Regional Refugee Response*, Operational Data Portal, [online] accessed on 24/05/2023. URL: https://data.unhcr.org/en/situations/syria/location/36

**UNHCR** (2022) *Middle East and North Africa. Global Report 2022*, Global Focus, [online] accessed on 30/06/2023. URL: https://reporting.unhcr.org/operational/regions/middle-east-and-north-africa
**UNHCR** (2021) *Jordan: Azraq Refugee Camp*, [online]. URL: https://data.unhcr.org/en/documents/details/90517

**UNHCR** (2020) *Situation Syria Regional Refugee Response*, [online] accessed on 12/08/2020. URL: https://data2.unhcr.org/en/situations/syria/location/36

**Westcott Lucy** (2015) *Syrian Refugees Stranded as Jordan Tightens Border Controls*, Newsweek, [online] accessed 30/06/2023. URL: https://www.newsweek.com/syrian-refugees-stranded-desert-jordan-tightens-border-controls-339155

**Williams Sara Elizabeth** (2014) *Jordan traps 4,000 refugees in desert*, The Times, accessed on 06/07/2023. URL: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/jordan-traps-4000-refugees-in-desert-35lfgz5dfpz

**World Bank** (2020) *The World Bank in Jordan*, World Bank, [online] accessed on 07/08/2020. URL: https://www.worldbank.org/en/country/jordan/overview

**Żuber Marian and Moussa Samuel Sahel** (2018) *Arab Spring as a Background of Civil War in Syria*, *International conference Knowledge-Based Organization*, 24 (1), pp. 245-251.
**UNHCR** (2021) *Jordan: Azraq Refugee Camp*, [online]. URL: https://data.unhcr.org/en/documents/details/90517

**UNHCR** (2020) *Situation Syria Regional Refugee Response*, [online] accessed on 12/08/2020. URL: https://data2.unhcr.org/en/situations/syria/location/36

**Westcott Lucy** (2015) *Syrian Refugees Stranded as Jordan Tightens Border Controls*, Newsweek, [online] accessed 30/06/2023. URL: https://www.newsweek.com/syrian-refugees-stranded-desert-jordan-tightens-border-controls-339155

**Williams Sara Elizabeth** (2014) *Jordan traps 4,000 refugees in desert*, The Times, accessed on 06/07/2023. URL: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/jordan-traps-4000-refugees-in-desert-35lfgz5dfpz

**World Bank** (2020) *The World Bank in Jordan*, World Bank, [online] accessed on 07/08/2020. URL: https://www.worldbank.org/en/country/jordan/overview

**Żuber Marian and Moussa Samuel Sahel** (2018) *Arab Spring as a Background of Civil War in Syria*, *International conference Knowledge-Based Organization*, 24 (1), pp. 245-251.
Zaid Awamleh and Alexandrine Dupras

Hosting Syrian Refugees through the Development Lens:
The Case of Jordan

The Syrian civil war has led to more than 6.8 million people fleeing Syria. Jordan has received the biggest number of Syrian refugees per capita, after Lebanon. In this article, authors take a retrospective look at how the Jordanian government adopted a new approach for hosting the Syrian population within the context of social and economic challenges. The authors draw on an exhaustive inventory of historical events, government decisions, and other grey literature, combined with key informant interviews. This article emphasizes the importance of considering a country's legacy and the current socio-economic landscape when examining the migration-development *nexus*. The article contends that the evolution of refugees management from "camps" to "integration" through a development approach did not follow a linear sequence; rather, it appears to have been strategically employed as a governance tool to attain political, economic, and humanitarian stability.

L'accueil des réfugiés syriens sous l'angle du développement :
le cas de la Jordanie

Le soulèvement syrien a conduit plus de 6,8 millions de personnes à fuir leur pays. La Jordanie a accueilli le plus grand nombre de réfugiés syriens par habitant, après le Liban. Dans cet article, les auteurs portent un regard rétrospectif sur la manière avec laquelle le gouvernement jordanien a mis en place une nouvelle méthode d'accueil de la population syrienne dans un contexte de défis sociaux et économiques. Ils s'appuient sur un inventaire exhaustif d'événements historiques, de décisions gouvernementales et autres sources de littérature grise, ainsi que sur des entretiens avec des informateurs clés. Cet article souligne l'importance de prendre en compte l'héritage et le paysage socio-économique d'un pays lors de l'étude du lien migration-développement. L'article montre également que l'évolution de la gestion des réfugiés, de l'hébergement dans des camps jusqu'aux politiques d'intégration justifiées par une approche développementaliste, n'est pas linéaire ; il semble plutôt que cette évolution ait été mise en place comme une stratégie de bonne gouvernance pour atteindre une forme de stabilité politique, économique et humanitaire.

Acoger a los refugiados sirios desde la perspectiva
del desarrollo: el caso de Jordania

Más de 6.8 millones de personas han huido de su país como consecuencia de la guerra civil siria. Jordania ha recibido el segundo mayor número de refugiados sirios per cápita, después del Líbano. En este artículo, los autores examinan retrospectivamente cómo el gobierno jordano adaptó un nuevo enfoque para acoger a la población siria en el contexto de los retos sociales y económicos. Los autores se basan en un inventario exhaustivo de acontecimientos históricos, decisiones gubernamentales y otra literatura gris, combinada con entrevistas a informantes clave. Este artículo subraya la importancia de tener en cuenta el legado de un país y el panorama socioeconómico actual a la hora de examinar el nexo entre migración y desarrollo. El artículo sostiene que la evolución de la gestión de los refugiados desde el alojamiento en campamentos hasta las políticas de integración justificadas por un enfoque desarrollista no fue lineal, sino que parece haberse empleado estratégicamente como herramienta de gobierno para lograr una estabilidad política, económica y humanitaria.
Zaid Awamleh and Alexandrine Dupras

Hosting Syrian Refugees through the Development Lens:
The Case of Jordan

The Syrian civil war has led to more than 6.8 million people fleeing Syria. Jordan has received the biggest number of Syrian refugees per capita, after Lebanon. In this article, authors take a retrospective look at how the Jordanian government adopted a new approach for hosting the Syrian population within the context of social and economic challenges. The authors draw on an exhaustive inventory of historical events, government decisions, and other grey literature, combined with key informant interviews. This article emphasizes the importance of considering a country's legacy and the current socio-economic landscape when examining the migration-development *nexus*. The article contends that the evolution of refugees management from “camps” to “integration” through a development approach did not follow a linear sequence; rather, it appears to have been strategically employed as a governance tool to attain political, economic, and humanitarian stability.

L'accueil des réfugiés syriens sous l'angle du développement :
le cas de la Jordanie

Le soulèvement syrien a conduit plus de 6,8 millions de personnes à fuir leur pays. La Jordanie a accueilli le plus grand nombre de réfugiés syriens par habitant, après le Liban. Dans cet article, les auteurs portent un regard rétrospectif sur la manière avec laquelle le gouvernement jordanien a mis en place une nouvelle méthode d'accueil de la population syrienne dans un contexte de défis sociaux et économiques. Ils s'appuient sur un inventaire exhaustif d'événements historiques, de décisions gouvernementales et autres sources de littérature grise, ainsi que sur des entretiens avec des informateurs clés. Cet article souligne l'importance de prendre en compte l'héritage et le paysage socio-économique d'un pays lors de l'étude du lien migration-développement. L'article montre également que l'évolution de la gestion des réfugiés, de l'hébergement dans des camps jusqu'aux politiques d'intégration justifiées par une approche développementaliste, n'est pas linéaire ; il semble plutôt que cette évolution ait été mise en place comme une stratégie de bonne gouvernance pour atteindre une forme de stabilité politique, économique et humanitaire.

Acoger a los refugiados sirios desde la perspectiva
del desarrollo: el caso de Jordania

Más de 6.8 millones de personas han huido de su país como consecuencia de la guerra civil siria. Jordania ha recibido el segundo mayor número de refugiados sirios per cápita, después del Líbano. En este artículo, los autores examinan retrospectivamente cómo el gobierno jordano adaptó un nuevo enfoque para acoger a la población siria en el contexto de los retos sociales y económicos. Los autores se basan en un inventario exhaustivo de acontecimientos históricos, decisiones gubernamentales y otra literatura gris, combinada con entrevistas a informantes clave. Este artículo subraya la importancia de tener en cuenta el legado de un país y el panorama socioeconómico actual a la hora de examinar el nexo entre migración y desarrollo. El artículo sostiene que la evolución de la gestión de los refugiados desde el alojamiento en campamentos hasta las políticas de integración justificadas por un enfoque desarrollista no fue lineal, sino que parece haberse empleado estratégicamente como herramienta de gobierno para lograr una estabilidad política, económica y humanitaria.
# Research Note

## Welcoming, Revitalising, Re-Growing?
Refugee Arrival and Urban
Development in Shrinking Cities

Norma Schemschat<fnref n="1" />

### Refugees at the Centre of Urban Development:
Reflecting on Refugee-Centred Revitalisation
in Shrinking Cities

*Trump Says the U.S. Is 'Full.' Much of the Nation Has the Opposite Problem*

(The New York Times, 9 April 2019)

*Syrian refugees breathe new life into shrinking German village* (UNHCR, 9 February 2017)

*Refugees revive fading Italian villages* (Al Jazeera, 2 May 2016)

In Europe and North America, refugees<fnref n="2" /> are increasingly relocated to shrinking places which brings refugee-centred revitalisation strategies to the forefront of policy discourse in places affected by urban decline (see Pottie-Sherman, 2018). As “urban area[s] [...] that ha[ve] experienced population loss, economic downturn, employment shrinkage and social problems as symptoms of a structural crisis” (Martinez-Fernandez et al., 2012: 214), shrinking places are often characterised by high unemployment rates, low tax bases, and infrastructural difficulties resulting from long-term decline. The phenomenon is considered structural, as it affects a place’s economic, demographic, and social tissue, ultimately manifesting itself in the built environment with social implications. Consequently, these “dis-empowered” places (Glick Schiller and Çağlar, 2011) fall behind in a global system of inter-urban competition and uneven development, leading policymakers in such places to aim for re-scaling via various strategies. Considering their aging populations and selective out-migration, attracting young populations and families is one important strategy. Over the past years, more and more cities expanded this target group by international migrants, notably refugees. Numerous shrinking places in Europe and the US made headlines for pushing local development by welcoming refugees. The mayor of the shrinking town of Goslar in Germany’s East, for example, was puzzled by the lack of agreement over the development potentials tied to welcoming refugees in places affected by decline: “It’s mad that in Göttingen, they are having to build new accommodation and are

<footnote n="1">1 Urban and migration Postdoctoral Researcher, University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam, The Netherlands; n.schemschat@uva.nl</footnote>

<footnote n="2">2 In this paper the term refugee is employed to encompass forced migrants independent of their legal status with recognition statuses put forward only when of analytical value.</footnote>
Research Note

# Welcoming, Revitalising, Re-Growing?
## Refugee Arrival and Urban
## Development in Shrinking Cities

Norma Schemschat<fnref n="1" />

Refugees at the Centre of Urban Development:
Reflecting on Refugee-Centred Revitalisation
in Shrinking Cities

*Trump Says the U.S. Is ‘Full.’ Much of the Nation Has the Opposite Problem*
(The New York Times, 9 April 2019)

*Syrian refugees breathe new life into shrinking German village* (UNHCR, 9 February 2017)

*Refugees revive fading Italian villages* (Al Jazeera, 2 May 2016)

In Europe and North America, refugees<fnref n="2" /> are increasingly relocated to shrinking places which brings refugee-centred revitalisation strategies to the forefront of policy discourse in places affected by urban decline (see Pottie-Sherman, 2018). As “urban area[s] [...] that ha[ve] experienced population loss, economic downturn, employment shrinkage and social problems as symptoms of a structural crisis” (Martinez-Fernandez et al., 2012: 214), shrinking places are often characterised by high unemployment rates, low tax bases, and infrastructural difficulties resulting from long-term decline. The phenomenon is considered structural, as it affects a place’s economic, demographic, and social tissue, ultimately manifesting itself in the built environment with social implications. Consequently, these “dis-empowered” places (Glick Schiller and Çağlar, 2011) fall behind in a global system of inter-urban competition and uneven development, leading policymakers in such places to aim for re-scaling via various strategies. Considering their aging populations and selective out-migration, attracting young populations and families is one important strategy. Over the past years, more and more cities expanded this target group by international migrants, notably refugees. Numerous shrinking places in Europe and the US made headlines for pushing local development by welcoming refugees. The mayor of the shrinking town of Goslar in Germany’s East, for example, was puzzled by the lack of agreement over the development potentials tied to welcoming refugees in places affected by decline: “It’s mad that in Göttingen, they are having to build new accommodation and are

<footnote n="1">1 Urban and migration Postdoctoral Researcher, University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam, The Netherlands; n.schemschat@uva.nl</footnote>

<footnote n="2">2 In this paper the term refugee is employed to encompass forced migrants independent of their legal status with recognition statuses put forward only when of analytical value.</footnote>
tearing their hair out as to where to put everyone, while we have empty properties and employers who are desperate for skilled workers.”<fnref n="3" /> The city of Altena accommodated more refugees than the German distribution key required, seeing long-awaited positive demographic developments as a result.<fnref n="4" /> In the US, cities like Utica (NY) encouraged refugees to move there to boost the local economy, with the State of New York stepping in financially as it saw its shrinking cities experience first signs of revitalisation thanks to refugees.<fnref n="5" /> The small town of Riace in Southern Italy had practically been a ghost town before its former mayor’s welcoming stance prompted a revitalisation centred around newcomers.

Exiled people contribute actively to rescaling processes: they inhabit vacant homes, appropriate public space, establish businesses, and start new lives. However, for now urban development debates too often neglect the refugee perspective and centre mainly on cities’ revitalisation efforts. Various actors in declining cities of the Global North negotiate how to bring together resettlement and local development. Increasingly, “immigration-related diversity [is presented] as an economic growth tool” and becomes a “feature of neoliberal entrepreneurialism” (Pottie-Sherman, 2018: 442) in shrinking places.

The paper claims that while the positive representation of newcomers' role in local development creates a momentum for refugee advocacy, the selective focus on the potentials for boosting local economies stops short of grasping the structural challenges tied to arrival in declining places and almost always erases the agency of arriving newcomers. Most examples linking refugee arrival and local development successfully are also testaments of how solely accommodating refugees in vacant housing and correcting demographics is not enough (Meier, 2018). In all cases, strong civic engagement encouraged by engaged municipal leadership was involved, and “integration” programs as well as place-based solutions emerged. In Altena, the municipal government and civic mobilisation played crucial roles in the integration of refugees and in setting up a comprehensive plan to tackle demographic decline.<fnref n="6" /> In Riace, one could witness the strong politicisation of the issue when its former mayor faced thirteen years in prison for “allegedly abetting illegal immigration, with criminal association, fraud, and embezzlement”<fnref n="7" />, leading to Europe-wide solidarity initiatives.

This article argues that there is still a lot to be learned about arrival, emplacement, and local development efforts under shrinkage, and proposes a holistic approach to refugee-centred revitalisation in which the arrival experiences of newcomers

<footnote n="3">3 Connolly Kate (2025) Get rid of the immigrants? No, we can't get enough of them, says German mayor, *The Guardian*, August 16, [online] accessed on 01/03/2023. URL: https://tinyurl.com/ym94zjsx</footnote>

<footnote n="4">4 Von UNHCR Deutschland (2018) „Zum Wohl der Flüchtlinge und seiner Stadt“: Bürgermeister von Altena ist europäischer Finalist des Nansen-Preises von UNHCR, *UNHCR*, September 10, [online] accessed on 01/03/2023. URL: https://tinyurl.com/38wujj3f</footnote>

<footnote n="5">5 Goldbaum Christina (2019) Luring Refugees: N.Y. Cities Desperate for People Try a New Strategy, *New York Times*, May 13, [online] accessed on 01/03/2023. URL: https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/13/nyregion/refugees-upstate-ny-employment.html</footnote>

<footnote n="6">6 URL: https://tinyurl.com/3em8hcs8 (accessed on 01/03/2023).</footnote>

<footnote n="7">7 Berardi Francesca (2021) How an Italian Mayor Who Turned His Town into a Haven for Migrants Wound Up Facing 13 Years in Jail, *Time*, October 7, [online] accessed on 01/03/2023. URL: https://tinyurl.com/2fd735s5. See also, BBC (2016) *Riace: The Italian village abandoned by locals, adopted by migrants, BBC*, September 26, [online] accessed on 01/03/2023. URL: https://www.bbc.com/news/in-pictures-37289713</footnote>
tearing their hair out as to where to put everyone, while we have empty properties and employers who are desperate for skilled workers.”<fnref n="3" /> The city of Altena accommodated more refugees than the German distribution key required, seeing long-awaited positive demographic developments as a result.<fnref n="4" /> In the US, cities like Utica (NY) encouraged refugees to move there to boost the local economy, with the State of New York stepping in financially as it saw its shrinking cities experience first signs of revitalisation thanks to refugees.<fnref n="5" /> The small town of Riace in Southern Italy had practically been a ghost town before its former mayor’s welcoming stance prompted a revitalisation centred around newcomers.

Exiled people contribute actively to rescaling processes: they inhabit vacant homes, appropriate public space, establish businesses, and start new lives. However, for now urban development debates too often neglect the refugee perspective and centre mainly on cities’ revitalisation efforts. Various actors in declining cities of the Global North negotiate how to bring together resettlement and local development. Increasingly, “immigration-related diversity [is presented] as an economic growth tool” and becomes a “feature of neoliberal entrepreneurialism” (Pottie-Sherman, 2018: 442) in shrinking places.

The paper claims that while the positive representation of newcomers' role in local development creates a momentum for refugee advocacy, the selective focus on the potentials for boosting local economies stops short of grasping the structural challenges tied to arrival in declining places and almost always erases the agency of arriving newcomers. Most examples linking refugee arrival and local development successfully are also testaments of how solely accommodating refugees in vacant housing and correcting demographics is not enough (Meier, 2018). In all cases, strong civic engagement encouraged by engaged municipal leadership was involved, and “integration” programs as well as place-based solutions emerged. In Altena, the municipal government and civic mobilisation played crucial roles in the integration of refugees and in setting up a comprehensive plan to tackle demographic decline.<fnref n="6" /> In Riace, one could witness the strong politicisation of the issue when its former mayor faced thirteen years in prison for “allegedly abetting illegal immigration, with criminal association, fraud, and embezzlement”<fnref n="7" />, leading to Europe-wide solidarity initiatives.

This article argues that there is still a lot to be learned about arrival, emplacement, and local development efforts under shrinkage, and proposes a holistic approach to refugee-centred revitalisation in which the arrival experiences of newcomers

<footnote n="3">3 Connolly Kate (2025) Get rid of the immigrants? No, we can't get enough of them, says German mayor, *The Guardian*, August 16, [online] accessed on 01/03/2023. URL: https://tinyurl.com/ym94zjsx</footnote>

<footnote n="4">4 Von UNHCR Deutschland (2018) „Zum Wohl der Flüchtlinge und seiner Stadt“: Bürgermeister von Altena ist europäischer Finalist des Nansen-Preises von UNHCR, *UNHCR*, September 10, [online] accessed on 01/03/2023. URL: https://tinyurl.com/38wujj3f</footnote>

<footnote n="5">5 Goldbaum Christina (2019) Luring Refugees: N.Y. Cities Desperate for People Try a New Strategy, *New York Times*, May 13, [online] accessed on 01/03/2023. URL: https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/13/nyregion/refugees-upstate-ny-employment.html</footnote>

<footnote n="6">6 URL: https://tinyurl.com/3em8hcs8 (accessed on 01/03/2023).</footnote>

<footnote n="7">7 Berardi Francesca (2021) How an Italian Mayor Who Turned His Town into a Haven for Migrants Wound Up Facing 13 Years in Jail, *Time*, October 7, [online] accessed on 01/03/2023. URL: https://tinyurl.com/2fd735s5. See also, BBC (2016) Riace: The Italian village abandoned by locals, adopted by migrants, *BBC*, September 26, [online] accessed on 01/03/2023. URL: https://www.bbc.com/news/in-pictures-37289713</footnote>
take centre stage. It builds on research on arrival in three shrinking places, with the objective to tease out the challenges and opportunities of refugee-centred revitalisation as local development strategy. It acknowledges the importance of locally situated arrival conditions and argues that exiled people can and do play an important role in the revitalisation efforts in shrinking places of the global North, but that greater attention must be paid to the complexities tied to arrival and emplacement in such settings when formulating urban development strategies that centre around refugees. The chronicle thus aims to move the migration-development-debate in the context of urban shrinkage beyond refugee populations as “boosters” of local economies and towards a more socially sustainable urban development approach.

# Methodology: A Comparative Gesture of Arrival under Conditions of Decline

## Data Collection and Analysis

Based on findings from a doctoral research on the role of newcomers in revitalising shrinking cities conducted between 2019 and 2023, the comparative gesture (Robinson, 2011) undertaken here analyses experiences of arrival and emplacement in three places affected by urban shrinkage in France, Germany and the United States.<fnref n="8" /> Various data were subject to a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) (Fairclough, 2000): semi-structured interviews build the main data source which was enriched by data collected via urban walks, virtual maps, observations, document analysis, and archival work. Interview participants were identified through purposive sampling via investigations into local administrations and actors involved in urban planning and refugee arrival, upon which snowball-sampling was applied to extend the pool of participants. As a result, sixty-eight semi-structured interviews were conducted. Further informal conversations were held via WhatsApp and email, during two walking interviews, and two group discussions. The interviewee pool covers relevant actors, including refugees, residents, members of local governments, policy makers in urban planning and refugee integration, volunteers, and actors actively working on the ground to facilitate inclusion.<fnref n="9" /> Among the interviewees were nineteen refugees of which seven were recognised refugees and twelve were awaiting decisions on their asylum procedures.

<footnote n="8">⁸The doctoral research was conducted at the ENS-PSL as part of the EU Horizon2020 MSCA-ITN RE-CITY funded under EU grant agreement 813803.</footnote>

<footnote n="9">⁹In Akron, thirteen semi-structured interviews and one informal conversation with fourteen individuals were conducted. Among the participants were three refugees, two members of local government (planning department and economic and social development), two members of regionally active associations, one member of a resettlement agency, two members of local CDCs, and two members of local NGOs. In Pirmasens, twenty-seven semi-structured interviews and informal conversations with a total of twenty-one individuals were conducted with four refugees, three members of local government (mayor, head of planning, head of economic development, education officer for refugees), one former head of local government, three members of local associations, two members of a local civil society network, two social workers, and two residents active in refugee aid. In Nevers, twenty-eight semi-structured interviews and informal conversations with thirty-three individuals and two group discussions were held, with three refugees interviewed (nine in group discussions), six volunteers, six members and heads of local associations who act independently from the state, three members of local associations working in cooperation with the state, and four members of local economic integration efforts.</footnote>
take centre stage. It builds on research on arrival in three shrinking places, with the objective to tease out the challenges and opportunities of refugee-centred revitalisation as local development strategy. It acknowledges the importance of locally situated arrival conditions and argues that exiled people can and do play an important role in the revitalisation efforts in shrinking places of the global North, but that greater attention must be paid to the complexities tied to arrival and emplacement in such settings when formulating urban development strategies that centre around refugees. The chronicle thus aims to move the migration-development-debate in the context of urban shrinkage beyond refugee populations as “boosters” of local economies and towards a more socially sustainable urban development approach.

# Methodology: A Comparative Gesture of Arrival under Conditions of Decline

## Data Collection and Analysis

Based on findings from a doctoral research on the role of newcomers in revitalising shrinking cities conducted between 2019 and 2023, the comparative gesture (Robinson, 2011) undertaken here analyses experiences of arrival and emplacement in three places affected by urban shrinkage in France, Germany and the United States.<fnref n="8" /> Various data were subject to a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) (Fairclough, 2000): semi-structured interviews build the main data source which was enriched by data collected via urban walks, virtual maps, observations, document analysis, and archival work. Interview participants were identified through purposive sampling via investigations into local administrations and actors involved in urban planning and refugee arrival, upon which snowball-sampling was applied to extend the pool of participants. As a result, sixty-eight semi-structured interviews were conducted. Further informal conversations were held via WhatsApp and email, during two walking interviews, and two group discussions. The interviewee pool covers relevant actors, including refugees, residents, members of local governments, policy makers in urban planning and refugee integration, volunteers, and actors actively working on the ground to facilitate inclusion.<fnref n="9" /> Among the interviewees were nineteen refugees of which seven were recognised refugees and twelve were awaiting decisions on their asylum procedures.

<footnote n="8">⁸The doctoral research was conducted at the ENS-PSL as part of the EU Horizon2020 MSCA-ITN RE-CITY funded under EU grant agreement 813803.</footnote>

<footnote n="9">⁹In Akron, thirteen semi-structured interviews and one informal conversation with fourteen individuals were conducted. Among the participants were three refugees, two members of local government (planning department and economic and social development), two members of regionally active associations, one member of a resettlement agency, two members of local CDCs, and two members of local NGOs. In Pirmasens, twenty-seven semi-structured interviews and informal conversations with a total of twenty-one individuals were conducted with four refugees, three members of local government (mayor, head of planning, head of economic development, education officer for refugees), one former head of local government, three members of local associations, two members of a local civil society network, two social workers, and two residents active in refugee aid. In Nevers, twenty-eight semi-structured interviews and informal conversations with thirty-three individuals and two group discussions were held, with three refugees interviewed (nine in group discussions), six volunteers, six members and heads of local associations who act independently from the state, three members of local associations working in cooperation with the state, and four members of local economic integration efforts.</footnote>
## Case Study Selection

The selected places represent emblematic cases of urban shrinkage and refugee arrival in their respective national contexts: Akron (OH) in the US-Rust Belt, Pirmasens in the structurally weak Southwestern Palatinate in Germany, and the mid-sized town of Nevers in central France. These cases provide insights into local action at the nexus of urban development and refugee arrival, and into how refugee arrival as local development strategy to halt urban decline is embraced, ignored, or outright rejected. Despite sharing similar trajectories and causes of economic and demographic decline, the three cities are distinct places of arrival of varying sizes, with distinct populations of exiled people, embedded in distinct institutional frameworks and welfare systems. The US is characterised by a resettlement system, and the Rust-Belt city Akron (OH) has become home to a large community of South-Asian refugees through that. In Germany, a national distribution key determines the number of refugees that must be taken in by each municipality, but Pirmasens has become home to a large community of refugees, as shrinkage effects such as lower costs of living and available housing attracted secondary migration from other places in the region. In Nevers, refugees arrive primarily through the French dispersal scheme. The three cities emerged as arrival places during the past years and represent arrival outside metropolitan areas.

## Arrival under Conditions of Urban Shrinkage: Social Impacts of a Spatial Process

Be it through resettlement, national dispersal schemes or because available housing and lower costs of living facilitate arrival, refugees increasingly settle in places affected by demographic and economic decline. As cities are attested an increasing role in refugee integration (see Doomernik and Ardon, 2018), much recent literature in migration studies has investigated refugee arrival in non-metropolitan areas, including rural spaces (Berthomière et al., 2020; Berthomière et al., 2021; Ristic, 2020) declining villages (Arfaoui, 2020), or mountain regions (Del Biaggio et al., 2020), and has focussed on various aspects of local migration governance, for example housing in small- and medium-sized cities (Gardesse, 2020).<fnref n="10" /> However, far less attention was paid to cities affected by urban decline (for exceptions see Pottie-Sherman, 2018; Schemschat, 2021). This chronicle speaks to this literature by contributing to the growing work on refugee emplacement and local development in shrinking places. Before presenting the findings, the next section will give room for a brief contextualisation of the three arrival places in question.

### Contextualising Arrival

All cities studied here have seen long-term continuous shrinkage since the 1960s or 1970s until at least 2018, with shrinkage reinforcing factors such as aging, selective out-migration, low-tax bases and high poverty and unemployment rates. The cities have also emerged as arrival places for exiled people and must

<footnote n="10">¹⁰ For a rich collection of articles dealing with arrival beyond metropolitan areas, see the topical collection Flamant et al. (2020) L'accueil hors des grandes villes, *Revue Européenne des Migrations Internationales*, 36 (2-3), pp. 7-279.</footnote>
## Case Study Selection

The selected places represent emblematic cases of urban shrinkage and refugee arrival in their respective national contexts: Akron (OH) in the US-Rust Belt, Pirmasens in the structurally weak Southwestern Palatinate in Germany, and the mid-sized town of Nevers in central France. These cases provide insights into local action at the nexus of urban development and refugee arrival, and into how refugee arrival as local development strategy to halt urban decline is embraced, ignored, or outright rejected. Despite sharing similar trajectories and causes of economic and demographic decline, the three cities are distinct places of arrival of varying sizes, with distinct populations of exiled people, embedded in distinct institutional frameworks and welfare systems. The US is characterised by a resettlement system, and the Rust-Belt city Akron (OH) has become home to a large community of South-Asian refugees through that. In Germany, a national distribution key determines the number of refugees that must be taken in by each municipality, but Pirmasens has become home to a large community of refugees, as shrinkage effects such as lower costs of living and available housing attracted secondary migration from other places in the region. In Nevers, refugees arrive primarily through the French dispersal scheme. The three cities emerged as arrival places during the past years and represent arrival outside metropolitan areas.

## Arrival under Conditions of Urban Shrinkage: Social Impacts of a Spatial Process

Be it through resettlement, national dispersal schemes or because available housing and lower costs of living facilitate arrival, refugees increasingly settle in places affected by demographic and economic decline. As cities are attested an increasing role in refugee integration (see Doomernik and Ardon, 2018), much recent literature in migration studies has investigated refugee arrival in non-metropolitan areas, including rural spaces (Berthomière et al., 2020; Berthomière et al., 2021; Ristic, 2020) declining villages (Arfaoui, 2020), or mountain regions (Del Biaggio et al., 2020), and has focussed on various aspects of local migration governance, for example housing in small- and medium-sized cities (Gardesse, 2020).<fnref n="10" /> However, far less attention was paid to cities affected by urban decline (for exceptions see Pottie-Sherman, 2018; Schemschat, 2021). This chronicle speaks to this literature by contributing to the growing work on refugee emplacement and local development in shrinking places. Before presenting the findings, the next section will give room for a brief contextualisation of the three arrival places in question.

### Contextualising Arrival

All cities studied here have seen long-term continuous shrinkage since the 1960s or 1970s until at least 2018, with shrinkage reinforcing factors such as aging, selective out-migration, low-tax bases and high poverty and unemployment rates. The cities have also emerged as arrival places for exiled people and must

<footnote n="10">¹⁰ For a rich collection of articles dealing with arrival beyond metropolitan areas, see the topical collection Flamant et al. (2020) L'accueil hors des grandes villes, *Revue Européenne des Migrations Internationales*, 36 (2-3), pp. 7-279.</footnote>
be understood as embedded in national contexts with increasingly hostile immi-
gration agendas.

Falling from a population peak of 290,351 inhabitants in 1960 to an estimated 188,509 in 2022 (US Bureau of the Census, 2022), Akron's rapid deindustrialisation from a major tire manufacturing site led to population loss of over 35%. However, since the early 2000s, the city has become one of the main sites for refugee resettlement in Ohio. Thanks to an engaged local resettlement agency, a committed refugee community, and available jobs in the service and manufacturing sectors, Akron profits from secondary migration as well, i.e. arrival of refugees initially resettled to other places in the US. Immigration slowed down the city's demographic decline (NAE, 2017), and the refugee community has contributed to the revitalisation of the North Hill neighbourhood where numerous shops, associations and cultural centres now fill formerly vacant structures. The city and county embrace these processes and published a Welcoming Plan in 2015.

Pirmasens, too, has undergone large-scale deindustrialisation and equally lost about 30% of its population until 2021, with a slight first increase in 2022 (Statista, 2023). A mid-sized city in Germany's Southwest Palatinate, refugee arrival is perceived rather differently by local actors: here, too, shrinkage effects such as high residential vacancy rates and low costs of living have attracted refugees, especially since Europe's "Long Summer of Migration", however, the *boosterism* around refugees' impact on local development identified in Akron and many other shrinking US cities is absent in Pirmasens. According to interviews, the city found itself quickly unable to adequately manage the arrival of high numbers of refugees, ultimately resulting in a decree to halt new arrivals. In opposition to the situation in Akron, refugees in Pirmasens are not seen as supporting local revitalisation. As put by the mayor: "*The influx of refugees is good for Pirmasens if the newcomers contribute something and do not burden the authorities [...] as mayor I can hardly say to my citizens that the refugees have helped us. They would kick me out of town.*"<fnref n="11" /> Arrival in Pirmasens, then, confronts refugees with long-term structural change and rather strict conditions to local belonging.

Finally, Nevers is a mid-sized city in central France, located in what is often referred to as “*diagonale des faibles densités*” — a weakly populated stretch covering an area reaching from the country’s Northeast to its Southwest. Emblematic of shrinking cities in France, the administrative seat of the Nièvre department, too, has lost almost 30% of its population since 1975: of the 45,480 inhabitants then, only 32,284 were left in 2020 (INSEE, 2023). Refugees in Nevers arrive mainly through the French national dispersal scheme, which redistributes refugee arrival from the Ile de France region to other parts of France. The promise of dispersal to other parts of France, away from the metropolitan areas or so-called “hot spots” like the border town Calais, may prevent individuals from precarious and potentially dangerous situations of homelessness and instability, but often implies the deprivation of social networks in bigger cities and the lack of choice over where to settle. In Nevers, refugee numbers remain

<footnote n="11">11 Interview, June 2021, Pirmasens.</footnote>
be understood as embedded in national contexts with increasingly hostile immi-
gration agendas.

Falling from a population peak of 290,351 inhabitants in 1960 to an estimated 188,509 in 2022 (US Bureau of the Census, 2022), Akron's rapid deindustrialisation from a major tire manufacturing site led to population loss of over 35%. However, since the early 2000s, the city has become one of the main sites for refugee resettlement in Ohio. Thanks to an engaged local resettlement agency, a committed refugee community, and available jobs in the service and manufacturing sectors, Akron profits from secondary migration as well, i.e. arrival of refugees initially resettled to other places in the US. Immigration slowed down the city's demographic decline (NAE, 2017), and the refugee community has contributed to the revitalisation of the North Hill neighbourhood where numerous shops, associations and cultural centres now fill formerly vacant structures. The city and county embrace these processes and published a Welcoming Plan in 2015.

Pirmasens, too, has undergone large-scale deindustrialisation and equally lost about 30% of its population until 2021, with a slight first increase in 2022 (Statista, 2023). A mid-sized city in Germany's Southwest Palatinate, refugee arrival is perceived rather differently by local actors: here, too, shrinkage effects such as high residential vacancy rates and low costs of living have attracted refugees, especially since Europe's "Long Summer of Migration", however, the *boosterism* around refugees' impact on local development identified in Akron and many other shrinking US cities is absent in Pirmasens. According to interviews, the city found itself quickly unable to adequately manage the arrival of high numbers of refugees, ultimately resulting in a decree to halt new arrivals. In opposition to the situation in Akron, refugees in Pirmasens are not seen as supporting local revitalisation. As put by the mayor: "*The influx of refugees is good for Pirmasens if the newcomers contribute something and do not burden the authorities [...] as mayor I can hardly say to my citizens that the refugees have helped us. They would kick me out of town.*"<fnref n="11" /> Arrival in Pirmasens, then, confronts refugees with long-term structural change and rather strict conditions to local belonging.

Finally, Nevers is a mid-sized city in central France, located in what is often referred to as “*diagonale des faibles densités*” — a weakly populated stretch covering an area reaching from the country’s Northeast to its Southwest. Emblematic of shrinking cities in France, the administrative seat of the Nièvre department, too, has lost almost 30% of its population since 1975: of the 45,480 inhabitants then, only 32,284 were left in 2020 (INSEE, 2023). Refugees in Nevers arrive mainly through the French national dispersal scheme, which redistributes refugee arrival from the Ile de France region to other parts of France. The promise of dispersal to other parts of France, away from the metropolitan areas or so-called “hot spots” like the border town Calais, may prevent individuals from precarious and potentially dangerous situations of homelessness and instability, but often implies the deprivation of social networks in bigger cities and the lack of choice over where to settle. In Nevers, refugee numbers remain

<footnote n="11">11 Interview, June 2021, Pirmasens.</footnote>
low. However, a network of engaged citizens pushes for welcoming efforts so that those who arrive stay — even if the city may not be able to provide a cultural diversity larger cities offer.

How do these conditions impact newcomers' capabilities to re-establish their lives and contribute to local economies? The following analysis will focus on the impact of urban shrinkage on the arrival of refugees. It will underline the importance of context sensitivity and local actors' and exiled persons' resources, and take into account refugee agency and that inclusion is often conditional.

## Urban Shrinkage as Post-Migration Stressor?

In all cases, urban shrinkage effects have impacted the arrival and emplacement of interviewed refugees, for example in the field of employment. Participants with refugee background found themselves out of work or underemployed. Local social welfare services of the cities were sometimes overwhelmed with bringing newcomers into labour in places where many long-term residents, too, struggle to find jobs. Pirmasens has emerged as an important example of this scenario: some local youths are recipients of social benefits in third generation, creating competition for available jobs. As put by a respondent: "*Refugees came to Pirmasens because there was lots of empty housing, but they were surprised to learn that there were no jobs.*"<fnref n="12" /> This competition must also be navigated by social workers who regularly observe stereotyping and prejudice: "*Let's put it this way: everyone can count one plus one. There were of course [local] people who, during my time at the unemployment office, claimed 'They [the refugees] take away our jobs!' But I always answered 'You have been unemployed for the past ten years. Who took away your job?'*"<fnref n="13" />

The widespread occurrence of under-employment or precarious work arrangements negatively impacts refugees' well-being and can lead to on-migration, as reported by an interview participant in Pirmasens: "*There are many problems refugees are confronted with, amongst others finding an adequate job [...]. Some refugees stay one year, some three. [...]*."<fnref n="14" />

In Nevers, mobility is a major issue as public transport is lacking, and refugees depend at times on associations or volunteers to get them from A to B. Refugees interviewed adapted through walking and cycling, like long-term residents: "*Personally, I take the bicycle. Sometimes I take the bus as well, but there are not many people here in Nevers, so after 8pm buses circulate passenger-less — there is nobody.*"<fnref n="15" /> However, mobility-related challenges remain, including increased organisational burden for volunteers to ensure that refugees meet administrative appointments which can be as far away as in Dijon.

<footnote n="12">12 Interview, December 2021, Pirmasens.</footnote>

<footnote n="13">13 Interview, June 2020, Pirmasens.</footnote>

<footnote n="14">14 Interview, December 2021, Pirmasens.</footnote>

<footnote n="15">15 Interview, November 2021, Nevers.</footnote>
low. However, a network of engaged citizens pushes for welcoming efforts so that those who arrive stay — even if the city may not be able to provide a cultural diversity larger cities offer.

How do these conditions impact newcomers' capabilities to re-establish their lives and contribute to local economies? The following analysis will focus on the impact of urban shrinkage on the arrival of refugees. It will underline the importance of context sensitivity and local actors' and exiled persons' resources, and take into account refugee agency and that inclusion is often conditional.

## Urban Shrinkage as Post-Migration Stressor?

In all cases, urban shrinkage effects have impacted the arrival and emplacement of interviewed refugees, for example in the field of employment. Participants with refugee background found themselves out of work or underemployed. Local social welfare services of the cities were sometimes overwhelmed with bringing newcomers into labour in places where many long-term residents, too, struggle to find jobs. Pirmasens has emerged as an important example of this scenario: some local youths are recipients of social benefits in third generation, creating competition for available jobs. As put by a respondent: "*Refugees came to Pirmasens because there was lots of empty housing, but they were surprised to learn that there were no jobs.*"<fnref n="12" /> This competition must also be navigated by social workers who regularly observe stereotyping and prejudice: "*Let's put it this way: everyone can count one plus one. There were of course [local] people who, during my time at the unemployment office, claimed 'They [the refugees] take away our jobs!' But I always answered 'You have been unemployed for the past ten years. Who took away your job?'*"<fnref n="13" />

The widespread occurrence of under-employment or precarious work arrangements negatively impacts refugees' well-being and can lead to on-migration, as reported by an interview participant in Pirmasens: "*There are many problems refugees are confronted with, amongst others finding an adequate job [...]. Some refugees stay one year, some three. [...]*."<fnref n="14" />

In Nevers, mobility is a major issue as public transport is lacking, and refugees depend at times on associations or volunteers to get them from A to B. Refugees interviewed adapted through walking and cycling, like long-term residents: "*Personally, I take the bicycle. Sometimes I take the bus as well, but there are not many people here in Nevers, so after 8pm buses circulate passenger-less — there is nobody.*"<fnref n="15" /> However, mobility-related challenges remain, including increased organisational burden for volunteers to ensure that refugees meet administrative appointments which can be as far away as in Dijon.

<footnote n="12">12 Interview, December 2021, Pirmasens.</footnote>

<footnote n="13">13 Interview, June 2020, Pirmasens.</footnote>

<footnote n="14">14 Interview, December 2021, Pirmasens.</footnote>

<footnote n="15">15 Interview, November 2021, Nevers.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_15.png" /><figcaption>**Photography 1: Commercial Vacancy Surrounding the Shoemaker Fountain in Pirmasens' Pedestrian Zone**</figcaption></figure>

Credit: N. Schemschat, February 2020, Pirmasens.

In the context of revitalisation efforts, the above-mentioned barriers are not only a major hindrance for cities that wish to include newcomers in revitalisation strategies, but can also negatively impact refugees' well-being. Exchanges with newcomers exposed that many of them struggled with isolation. Especially in the cases of Pirmasens and Nevers, shrinkage effects such as depopulated neighbourhoods and limited mobility or opportunities for social encounter were perceived negatively by interview participants and appeared to aggravate a sense of isolation common during the protracted process of seeking asylum.

Besides such material and social impact of urban shrinkage, contextual factors matter, too. The following section discusses some of them.

## Context Matters

### Geographical, Historical, and Spatial contexts

While all three arrival places share similar trajectories of urban decline, they are situated in distinct geographical settings and come with distinct local histories.

Located in the severely shrinkage-affected US Rust Belt, Akron's size and location, a larger mid-sized city in proximity to the regional hub Cleveland, enable the city to maintain an important regional positioning for educational and health sectors. As a result, Akron could redirect its economic activity toward
<figure><img src="image_13.png" /><figcaption>**Photography 1: Commercial Vacancy Surrounding the Shoemaker Fountain in Pirmasens' Pedestrian Zone**</figcaption></figure>

Credit: N. Schemschat, February 2020, Pirmasens.

In the context of revitalisation efforts, the above-mentioned barriers are not only a major hindrance for cities that wish to include newcomers in revitalisation strategies, but can also negatively impact refugees' well-being. Exchanges with newcomers exposed that many of them struggled with isolation. Especially in the cases of Pirmasens and Nevers, shrinkage effects such as depopulated neighbourhoods and limited mobility or opportunities for social encounter were perceived negatively by interview participants and appeared to aggravate a sense of isolation common during the protracted process of seeking asylum.

Besides such material and social impact of urban shrinkage, contextual factors matter, too. The following section discusses some of them.

## Context Matters

### Geographical, Historical, and Spatial contexts

While all three arrival places share similar trajectories of urban decline, they are situated in distinct geographical settings and come with distinct local histories.

Located in the severely shrinkage-affected US Rust Belt, Akron's size and location, a larger mid-sized city in proximity to the regional hub Cleveland, enable the city to maintain an important regional positioning for educational and health sectors. As a result, Akron could redirect its economic activity toward
research and innovation industries. According to the testimonies collected, refugees, too, feel connected region wide, which contributes to their well-being. Nevers and Pirmasens, in contrast, are in peripheral regions far from centres of economic activity. While Pirmasens and its surrounding region are strongly affected by structural change, Nevers is located in the rural centre of France. In both cases, the geographical location complicates mobility, access to networks and services, and local economic development.

In all three cases, histories of migration serve as element in efforts to build welcoming local identities. A look into the history of economic and urban development of all three places is a testament to the role migrant labour has played in urban growth trajectories: in all cases, phases of economic prosperity were in part carried by migrant workers. Interviewees in Akron commonly described immigration as part of the city's DNA as local development relied on labour from other regions in the US and abroad. This local identity feeds into today's pro-refugee narrative in the city and has been put forward in all exchanges with local actors. The same holds true for Pirmasens and Nevers, despite in different ways. In Pirmasens, it was especially the labour migration of the 20th century and the long-term presence of the US military which shaped the local identity in relation to immigration. While migrants' role in local development is acknowledged historically, recent in-migration, especially of refugee populations, is considered by political leaders a burden on the city's efforts to tackle structural change. Similarly, in Nevers, interviews have put forward the idea of the Nièvre as a historically welcoming region, *terre d'accueil*, but this historical stance is not necessarily reflected in welcoming strategies today.

The cases presented here partly confirm previous findings by Hickman et al. (2012) on migration and social cohesion: migrants are more likely to be accepted and social cohesion is more easily maintained if places have — over time — experienced increasing cultural diversity. While evident to varying degrees, in the three cases studied, immigration throughout history has been mentioned in interviews with locals as basis for claims that the city was welcoming.

## Socio-Political Context

Besides historical and geographical contextual factors, the political context influences local development efforts centred around exiled people, too. Part of the socio-political context is the institutional setting, which determines greatly what can be done by municipalities, and what newcomers themselves are able to do. In the US, refugee arrival is largely organised through an institutionalised resettlement system. In Europe, a multi-level governance system is in place in form of supranational (i.e., Dublin III) and national regulations (i.e., dispersal schemes and asylum procedures of member states). In France, the experience of dispersal has been often described by respondents as confusing due to the lack of transparency during the procedure. Some respondents recalled that they, once relocated, did not know where they were and how long they would stay. Some reported ending up in places they had little to no prior knowledge of, rendering arrival challenging. Dispersal schemes can also cause a sense of shock upon first arrival if the environment is drastically different from what one knows or from what one imagined for oneself. One participant in Nevers recounted: "I
research and innovation industries. According to the testimonies collected, refugees, too, feel connected region wide, which contributes to their well-being. Nevers and Pirmasens, in contrast, are in peripheral regions far from centres of economic activity. While Pirmasens and its surrounding region are strongly affected by structural change, Nevers is located in the rural centre of France. In both cases, the geographical location complicates mobility, access to networks and services, and local economic development.

In all three cases, histories of migration serve as element in efforts to build welcoming local identities. A look into the history of economic and urban development of all three places is a testament to the role migrant labour has played in urban growth trajectories: in all cases, phases of economic prosperity were in part carried by migrant workers. Interviewees in Akron commonly described immigration as part of the city's DNA as local development relied on labour from other regions in the US and abroad. This local identity feeds into today's pro-refugee narrative in the city and has been put forward in all exchanges with local actors. The same holds true for Pirmasens and Nevers, despite in different ways. In Pirmasens, it was especially the labour migration of the 20th century and the long-term presence of the US military which shaped the local identity in relation to immigration. While migrants' role in local development is acknowledged historically, recent in-migration, especially of refugee populations, is considered by political leaders a burden on the city's efforts to tackle structural change. Similarly, in Nevers, interviews have put forward the idea of the Nièvre as a historically welcoming region, *terre d'accueil*, but this historical stance is not necessarily reflected in welcoming strategies today.

The cases presented here partly confirm previous findings by Hickman et al. (2012) on migration and social cohesion: migrants are more likely to be accepted and social cohesion is more easily maintained if places have — over time — experienced increasing cultural diversity. While evident to varying degrees, in the three cases studied, immigration throughout history has been mentioned in interviews with locals as basis for claims that the city was welcoming.

## Socio-Political Context

Besides historical and geographical contextual factors, the political context influences local development efforts centred around exiled people, too. Part of the socio-political context is the institutional setting, which determines greatly what can be done by municipalities, and what newcomers themselves are able to do. In the US, refugee arrival is largely organised through an institutionalised resettlement system. In Europe, a multi-level governance system is in place in form of supranational (i.e., Dublin III) and national regulations (i.e., dispersal schemes and asylum procedures of member states). In France, the experience of dispersal has been often described by respondents as confusing due to the lack of transparency during the procedure. Some respondents recalled that they, once relocated, did not know where they were and how long they would stay. Some reported ending up in places they had little to no prior knowledge of, rendering arrival challenging. Dispersal schemes can also cause a sense of shock upon first arrival if the environment is drastically different from what one knows or from what one imagined for oneself. One participant in Nevers recounted: "I
was in panic! Everyone was so white [...]<fnref n="16" /> echoing a lack of ethnic diversity in some rural regions.

Resettlement in the US means that resettled individuals obtain refugee status and have hence the right, and are expected, to work upon arrival. In the two European cases, the distinction between "recognised" refugees and those still undergoing the asylum-seeking procedure leads to great frustrations among those who are forced into inertia by a system that keeps them out of the job market, but also among employers in shrinking places who need employees, are ready to hire newcomers, but are unable to do so due to the legal restrictions.

Linked to the capabilities around employment are the varying welfare regimes in the contexts studied here. Whereas in the US, newcomers with refugee status are expected to find work and fend for themselves quickly, the inability for many newcomers in EU countries to work leads to their dependence on welfare — causing frustration to them and to local authorities.

Class emerged as important intersecting category when contrasting the three cases. In Pirmasens, for example, the middle class has shrunk dramatically, resulting in a demographic makeup that is characterised by a high share of low-income households, often at risk of poverty. A strong web of civic engagement has emerged in response to that. As put by a social worker there: "*Pirmasens would be lost without voluntary work.*"<fnref n="17" /> However, this engagement appears rather depoliticised when compared to the civic engagement observed in Nevers or Akron. In Akron, legacies of social injustices affecting non-refugee minorities are a hot topic for local NGOs. As ethnic minorities in US-cities are disproportionately affected by shrinkage, local community development corporations (CDCs), for example, incorporate social justice work in their revitalisation efforts, leading to the integration of refugee advocacy into social justice work and vice-versa.

Local welcoming strategies like in Akron can provide newcomers with a local narrative to tie their action to. This renders not only local programs but also discourses important contextual elements to consider. The analysis of local media and interview materials has exposed distinct local discourses indicating that in Akron, refugees are generally considered an asset for local revitalisation processes and boosters of the local economy, whereas in Pirmasens, the opposite appears to be the case. In Nevers, a third narrative was identified, marked by the common perception of newcomers as in need of help, with local media feeding into the othering of them as victims with no agency. Interviews with newcomers reflected these narratives, as participants in Akron presented themselves as important drivers of change, while most respondents in Pirmasens expressed discontent over being seen as burden.

## Resources and Capital(s)

Interviews with participants in Akron provided an interesting understanding of the utmost importance of social capital in the formation of an Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders-identifying network of exiled people consisting

<footnote n="16">16 Interview, November 2021, Nevers.</footnote>

<footnote n="17">17 Interview, May 2021, Pirmasens.</footnote>
was in panic! Everyone was so white [...]<fnref n="16" /> echoing a lack of ethnic diversity in some rural regions.

Resettlement in the US means that resettled individuals obtain refugee status and have hence the right, and are expected, to work upon arrival. In the two European cases, the distinction between "recognised" refugees and those still undergoing the asylum-seeking procedure leads to great frustrations among those who are forced into inertia by a system that keeps them out of the job market, but also among employers in shrinking places who need employees, are ready to hire newcomers, but are unable to do so due to the legal restrictions.

Linked to the capabilities around employment are the varying welfare regimes in the contexts studied here. Whereas in the US, newcomers with refugee status are expected to find work and fend for themselves quickly, the inability for many newcomers in EU countries to work leads to their dependence on welfare — causing frustration to them and to local authorities.

Class emerged as important intersecting category when contrasting the three cases. In Pirmasens, for example, the middle class has shrunk dramatically, resulting in a demographic makeup that is characterised by a high share of low-income households, often at risk of poverty. A strong web of civic engagement has emerged in response to that. As put by a social worker there: "*Pirmasens would be lost without voluntary work.*"<fnref n="17" /> However, this engagement appears rather depoliticised when compared to the civic engagement observed in Nevers or Akron. In Akron, legacies of social injustices affecting non-refugee minorities are a hot topic for local NGOs. As ethnic minorities in US-cities are disproportionately affected by shrinkage, local community development corporations (CDCs), for example, incorporate social justice work in their revitalisation efforts, leading to the integration of refugee advocacy into social justice work and vice-versa.

Local welcoming strategies like in Akron can provide newcomers with a local narrative to tie their action to. This renders not only local programs but also discourses important contextual elements to consider. The analysis of local media and interview materials has exposed distinct local discourses indicating that in Akron, refugees are generally considered an asset for local revitalisation processes and boosters of the local economy, whereas in Pirmasens, the opposite appears to be the case. In Nevers, a third narrative was identified, marked by the common perception of newcomers as in need of help, with local media feeding into the othering of them as victims with no agency. Interviews with newcomers reflected these narratives, as participants in Akron presented themselves as important drivers of change, while most respondents in Pirmasens expressed discontent over being seen as burden.

## Resources and Capital(s)

Interviews with participants in Akron provided an interesting understanding of the utmost importance of social capital in the formation of an Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders-identifying network of exiled people consisting

<footnote n="16">16 Interview, November 2021, Nevers.</footnote>

<footnote n="17">17 Interview, May 2021, Pirmasens.</footnote>
of Bhutanese, Burmese, and Ka'ren refugees. Through shared experiences and language, other refugees "provide an important source of practical support and emotional backing" (Adam et al., 2019: 43). When shrinking cities lack such networks, arriving refugees are more likely to move on. This could be seen in the two less ethnically and culturally diverse cases Pirmasens and Nevers, where interviewed newcomers evaluated their arrival places as acceptable "for time being." In such cases, building social networks beyond "refugee communities," for example via faith-based organisations, emerged as a path towards a greater sense of belonging. With regards to social networks, the size of cities appears to influence whether refugees engage in so-called bridging ties. According to research, these are created more easily but remain superficial in larger cities while in smaller cities, they turn out to be more long-lasting but their establishment more difficult (Adam et al. 2019: 43).

Besides social capital, cultural capital was found to be a means for newcomers to overcome shrinkage-induced barriers and contribute to place-making. In Pirmasens and Akron, former education and training helped some individuals gain greater agency, for example through entrepreneurship or via building on former careers in education. These findings support that policy changes for easier diploma acceptance could be a powerful tool to facilitate refugee-centred local development.

The comparative gesture helped identify a variety of local actor-constellations and their practices. In some cases, like Akron, a tightly knit network between refugee and non-refugee actors emerged, greatly contributing to the institutionalisation of refugee presence in urban space, whereas in Pirmasens refugees' needs were largely addressed via an existing programs. In the case of Nevers, an ambitious network of volunteers comprised of largely retired but well-connected residents with extensive social and cultural capital, forms a political opposition from the bottom and pushes refugee inclusion despite the difficult context.

In opposition to Akron, spatial manifestations of refugee arrival were discouraged in Pirmasens and quasi non-existent in Nevers. In Akron, we observed clearly what Nicholls and Uitermark (2016: 883) described as a group's "institutional completeness": Bhutanese, Nepalese, and Ka'ren refugee groups succeeded in gaining a sufficient size that allowed them to form institutions protecting and supporting them as a group loosely defined as AAPI-community. As "expanding counterpublics", they improved the reputation of North Hill as "thriving and attractive hubs of immigrant cultural and social life" (ibid.: 883). This is also thanks to a resettlement system that allows newcomers to be resettled to places with pre-existing networks.

Having such choice over where to arrive matters for newcomers' well-being, sense of belonging and place-making practices. Such a framework is missing in both Pirmasens and Nevers, leading to arrival which was described by some interview participants as almost imposed.

The following section discusses the need to acknowledge newcomers as agents of urban transformations.
of Bhutanese, Burmese, and Ka'ren refugees. Through shared experiences and language, other refugees "provide an important source of practical support and emotional backing" (Adam et al., 2019: 43). When shrinking cities lack such networks, arriving refugees are more likely to move on. This could be seen in the two less ethnically and culturally diverse cases Pirmasens and Nevers, where interviewed newcomers evaluated their arrival places as acceptable "for time being." In such cases, building social networks beyond "refugee communities," for example via faith-based organisations, emerged as a path towards a greater sense of belonging. With regards to social networks, the size of cities appears to influence whether refugees engage in so-called bridging ties. According to research, these are created more easily but remain superficial in larger cities while in smaller cities, they turn out to be more long-lasting but their establishment more difficult (Adam et al. 2019: 43).

Besides social capital, cultural capital was found to be a means for newcomers to overcome shrinkage-induced barriers and contribute to place-making. In Pirmasens and Akron, former education and training helped some individuals gain greater agency, for example through entrepreneurship or via building on former careers in education. These findings support that policy changes for easier diploma acceptance could be a powerful tool to facilitate refugee-centred local development.

The comparative gesture helped identify a variety of local actor-constellations and their practices. In some cases, like Akron, a tightly knit network between refugee and non-refugee actors emerged, greatly contributing to the institutionalisation of refugee presence in urban space, whereas in Pirmasens refugees' needs were largely addressed via an existing programs. In the case of Nevers, an ambitious network of volunteers comprised of largely retired but well-connected residents with extensive social and cultural capital, forms a political opposition from the bottom and pushes refugee inclusion despite the difficult context.

In opposition to Akron, spatial manifestations of refugee arrival were discouraged in Pirmasens and quasi non-existent in Nevers. In Akron, we observed clearly what Nicholls and Uitermark (2016: 883) described as a group's "institutional completeness": Bhutanese, Nepalese, and Ka'ren refugee groups succeeded in gaining a sufficient size that allowed them to form institutions protecting and supporting them as a group loosely defined as AAPI-community. As "expanding counterpublics", they improved the reputation of North Hill as "thriving and attractive hubs of immigrant cultural and social life" (ibid.: 883). This is also thanks to a resettlement system that allows newcomers to be resettled to places with pre-existing networks.

Having such choice over where to arrive matters for newcomers' well-being, sense of belonging and place-making practices. Such a framework is missing in both Pirmasens and Nevers, leading to arrival which was described by some interview participants as almost imposed.

The following section discusses the need to acknowledge newcomers as agents of urban transformations.
<figure><img src="image_16.png" /><figcaption>Photography 2: Circle of Silence in Pedestrian Zone of Nevers</figcaption></figure>

Credit: N. Schemschat, November 2020, Nevers.
<figure><img src="image_14.png" /><figcaption>Photography 2: Circle of Silence in Pedestrian Zone of Nevers</figcaption></figure>

Credit: N. Schemschat, November 2020, Nevers.
Agency

Especially under conditions of decline, “[...] the ability to enact agency in spite of — or better — through a regime that condemns one to silence is a remarkable achievement” (Nyers, 2006: 52).

Our analysis showed that a lack of agency is not merely accepted, but that agency is claimed and enacted in various ways: from day-to-day efforts of raising awareness for the challenges newcomers face, civic action alongside allies, to political participation in favour of refugees once recognition status has been obtained. As put by a respondent from Akron: “*People are becoming their own agents due to the lack of the support they receive. There were certain things [...] with which the city couldn’t help me, and that’s when I thought, ‘Right now it’s up to me to stand and help my fellow refugees.’*”<fnref n="18" />

Such enactment of agency can also take the shape of food provision. This could be seen in the case of a second respondent from Akron who enabled access to familiar products by first offering driving services to grocery stores in Cleveland, and later opened a shop in North Hill himself. He thus contributed to his community's capacity to make home through the provision of a "food system of belonging" (Judelsohn et al., 2017).

Further, cultural activities emerged as a major vehicle for enacting and promoting refugee agency, as seen in the Gum-Dip Theatre project and the Exchange House in Akron, or the Migrant'Scène festival in Nevers — all spaces that encourage and support newcomers in telling their stories and raising awareness.

Finally, informal practices, too, allow newcomers to enact agency and contribute to refugee place-making, for which public spaces, such as parks, play an important role. One example is the case of the park Roger Salengro in Nevers. Centrally located, it provides space for long-term and new residents alike. Not only did it become a place where interview participants could engage in practices like dancing and connecting to others through it, but with regular programs organised in its premises, it is also a site of creating encounter and cohesion. The role of parks as space of meaningful encounter (Valentine, 2008) is even more obvious in Akron, where it was picked up in the conceptualisation of the People's Park project.

<footnote n="18">18 Interview, September 2022, Akron.</footnote>
Agency

Especially under conditions of decline, “[...] the ability to enact agency in spite of — or better — through a regime that condemns one to silence is a remarkable achievement” (Nyers, 2006: 52).

Our analysis showed that a lack of agency is not merely accepted, but that agency is claimed and enacted in various ways: from day-to-day efforts of raising awareness for the challenges newcomers face, civic action alongside allies, to political participation in favour of refugees once recognition status has been obtained. As put by a respondent from Akron: “*People are becoming their own agents due to the lack of the support they receive. There were certain things [...] with which the city couldn’t help me, and that’s when I thought, ‘Right now it’s up to me to stand and help my fellow refugees.’*”<fnref n="18" />

Such enactment of agency can also take the shape of food provision. This could be seen in the case of a second respondent from Akron who enabled access to familiar products by first offering driving services to grocery stores in Cleveland, and later opened a shop in North Hill himself. He thus contributed to his community's capacity to make home through the provision of a "food system of belonging" (Judelsohn et al., 2017).

Further, cultural activities emerged as a major vehicle for enacting and promoting refugee agency, as seen in the Gum-Dip Theatre project and the Exchange House in Akron, or the Migrant'Scène festival in Nevers — all spaces that encourage and support newcomers in telling their stories and raising awareness.

Finally, informal practices, too, allow newcomers to enact agency and contribute to refugee place-making, for which public spaces, such as parks, play an important role. One example is the case of the park Roger Salengro in Nevers. Centrally located, it provides space for long-term and new residents alike. Not only did it become a place where interview participants could engage in practices like dancing and connecting to others through it, but with regular programs organised in its premises, it is also a site of creating encounter and cohesion. The role of parks as space of meaningful encounter (Valentine, 2008) is even more obvious in Akron, where it was picked up in the conceptualisation of the People's Park project.

<footnote n="18">18 Interview, September 2022, Akron.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_17.png" /><figcaption>Photography 3: Young Newcomer Performing at Festival in Nevers</figcaption></figure>

Credit: N. Schemschat, November 2021, Nevers.<fnref n="19" />

Conclusion: Beyond "Boosterism", Towards Reciprocity?

Much work in urban studies has focused on places and how they managed refugee arrival, including places confronted with economic and demographic downturn (see Arfaoui, 2020; Gardesse, 2020). While shrinking cities are pressured to find ways to halt demographic and economic decline and are therefore keen on finding solutions, looking more closely at the experiences of refugees helped to critically reflect on the disparities between what cities expect and hope for, and what newcomers experience and need upon arrival. A context-sensitive analysis of arrival in shrinking places warns against approaches

<footnote n="19">¹⁹The photography was edited to ensure the anonymity of research participants.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_15.png" /><figcaption>Photography 3: Young Newcomer Performing at Festival in Nevers</figcaption></figure>

Credit: N. Schemschat, November 2021, Nevers.<fnref n="19" />

Conclusion: Beyond "Boosterism", Towards Reciprocity?

Much work in urban studies has focused on places and how they managed refugee arrival, including places confronted with economic and demographic downturn (see Arfaoui, 2020; Gardesse, 2020). While shrinking cities are pressured to find ways to halt demographic and economic decline and are therefore keen on finding solutions, looking more closely at the experiences of refugees helped to critically reflect on the disparities between what cities expect and hope for, and what newcomers experience and need upon arrival. A context-sensitive analysis of arrival in shrinking places warns against approaches

<footnote n="19">¹⁹The photography was edited to ensure the anonymity of research participants.</footnote>
ching refugee-centred revitalisation as a one-fits-all development strategy and suggests paying attention to how exiled newcomers are allowed to shape their places of arrival and contribute to local development in its course. If we reflect on the presented findings, we see that decision makers must be mindful of their capacity to shape arrival and inclusion. Planners in increasingly diverse shrinking cities would be well-advised to be sensitive to how the combination of shrinkage effects and structural barriers can not only render collective place-making difficult for newcomers, but also put efforts to create social cohesion at risk.

Refugee arrival in shrinking places holds the potential to redeem both shrinking cities and refugees from negative representations if focus is shifted towards instances of reciprocity that emerge. In an article published by the UNHCR, the mayor of a small shrinking town in Germany put it simply: “It was an added advantage that we were helping someone who is actually helping us as well.” (Le Blond and Welters, 2017) The three cases presented here provide insights into the sometimes fragile conditions under which refugees contribute to revitalisation. Given the struggles for recognition, the desire to enact agency, and considering that urban shrinkage can aggravate post-migration stressors and render emplacement more difficult, arrival can also be a moment of aspiration which shrinking arrival places cannot always meet. If decision makers in shrinking cities want to prevent that newcomers today join those leaving tomorrow, they must nurture refugees’ sense of acceptance and belonging, and support their emplacement by facilitating access to employment and social networks. Through that, cities which present themselves as welcoming can move beyond rhetoric and embrace action.

## References

Adam Francesca, Föbker Stefanie, Imani Daniela, Pfaffenbach Carmella, Weiss Günther and Wiegandt Claus-Christian (2019) Social contacts and networks of refugees in the arrival context – Manifestations in a large city and in selected small and medium-sized towns, *Erdkunde*, 73 (1), 31-45.

Arfaoui Rafik (2020) The Effects of Territory on Reception and of Reception on Territory. Geography of Asylum in the Territory of Ambert, *Revue Européenne des Migrations Internationales*, 36 (2-3), pp. 107-135.

Bruckner Thomas (2016) Refugees revive fading Italian villages, *Al Jazeera*, May 2, [online] accessed on 08/12/2023. URL: https://www.aljazeera.com/gallery/2016/5/2/refugees-revive-fading-italian-villages

Del Biaggio Cristina, Giannetto Leila and Camille Noûs (2020) Refugees and Mountain, *Journal of Alpine Research/Revue de géographie alpine*, 108 (2), [online]. DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/rga.7267

Berthomière William, Fromentin Julie, Lessault David, Michalon Bénédicte et Przybyl Sarah (2020) L'accueil des exilés dans les espaces ruraux en France. Orientations nationales et déclinaisons locales d'une politique de dispersion, *Revue Européenne des Migrations Internationales*, 36 (2-3), pp. 53-82.

Berthomière William, Imbert Christophe et Michalon Bénédicte (2021) Exilés et « néos ». Quand des migrations se rencontrent et recomposent des sociabilités locales, *Études rurales*, 208, pp. 18-39.
ching refugee-centred revitalisation as a one-fits-all development strategy and suggests paying attention to how exiled newcomers are allowed to shape their places of arrival and contribute to local development in its course. If we reflect on the presented findings, we see that decision makers must be mindful of their capacity to shape arrival and inclusion. Planners in increasingly diverse shrinking cities would be well-advised to be sensitive to how the combination of shrinkage effects and structural barriers can not only render collective place-making difficult for newcomers, but also put efforts to create social cohesion at risk.

Refugee arrival in shrinking places holds the potential to redeem both shrinking cities and refugees from negative representations if focus is shifted towards instances of reciprocity that emerge. In an article published by the UNHCR, the mayor of a small shrinking town in Germany put it simply: “It was an added advantage that we were helping someone who is actually helping us as well.” (Le Blond and Welters, 2017) The three cases presented here provide insights into the sometimes fragile conditions under which refugees contribute to revitalisation. Given the struggles for recognition, the desire to enact agency, and considering that urban shrinkage can aggravate post-migration stressors and render emplacement more difficult, arrival can also be a moment of aspiration which shrinking arrival places cannot always meet. If decision makers in shrinking cities want to prevent that newcomers today join those leaving tomorrow, they must nurture refugees’ sense of acceptance and belonging, and support their emplacement by facilitating access to employment and social networks. Through that, cities which present themselves as welcoming can move beyond rhetoric and embrace action.

## References

Adam Francesca, Föbker Stefanie, Imani Daniela, Pfaffenbach Carmella, Weiss Günther and Wiegandt Claus-Christian (2019) Social contacts and networks of refugees in the arrival context – Manifestations in a large city and in selected small and medium-sized towns, *Erdkunde*, 73 (1), 31-45.

Arfaoui Rafik (2020) The Effects of Territory on Reception and of Reception on Territory. Geography of Asylum in the Territory of Ambert, *Revue Européenne des Migrations Internationales*, 36 (2-3), pp. 107-135.

Bruckner Thomas (2016) Refugees revive fading Italian villages, *Al Jazeera*, May 2, [online] accessed on 08/12/2023. URL: https://www.aljazeera.com/gallery/2016/5/2/refugees-revive-fading-italian-villages

Del Biaggio Cristina, Giannetto Leila and Camille Noûs (2020) Refugees and Mountain, *Journal of Alpine Research/Revue de géographie alpine*, 108 (2), [online]. DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/rga.7267

Berthomière William, Fromentin Julie, Lessault David, Michalon Bénédicte et Przybyl Sarah (2020) L'accueil des exilés dans les espaces ruraux en France. Orientations nationales et déclinaisons locales d'une politique de dispersion, *Revue Européenne des Migrations Internationales*, 36 (2-3), pp. 53-82.

Berthomière William, Imbert Christophe et Michalon Bénédicte (2021) Exilés et « néos ». Quand des migrations se rencontrent et recomposent des sociabilités locales, *Études rurales*, 208, pp. 18-39.
**Doomernik Jeroen and Ardon Djeeke** (2018) The City as an Agent of Refugee Integration, *Urban Planning*, 3 (4), [online]. URL: https://www.cogitatio-press.com/urbanplanning/article/view/1646

**Fairclough Norman** (2000) Discourse, social theory, and social research: The discourse of welfare reform, *Journal of Sociolinguistics*, 4 (2), pp. 163-195.

**Flamant Anouk, Fourot Aude-Claire and Healy Aisling** (2020) Editorial: Out of the Big Cities! The Reception of Exiles in Small Immigration Localities, *Revue Européenne des Migrations Internationales*, 36 (2-3), [online] accessed on 08/12/2023. DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/remi.16908

**Gardesse Camille** (2020) Dispersal of Exiles: What the Spatialisation of CAOs Reveals about Migration and Urban Policies, *Revue Européenne des Migrations Internationales*, [online] accessed on 08/12/2023. DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/remi.17833

**Glick Schiller Nina and Çağlar Ayşe** (Eds.) (2011) *Locating Migration*. Rescaling Cities and Migrants, Ithaca/London, Cornell University Press.

**Hackl Andreas** (2022) Good Immigrants, Permitted Outsiders: Conditional Inclusion and Citizenship in Comparison, *Ethnic and Racial Studies*, 45 (6): pp. 989-1010.

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**International Institute of Akron** (IIA) (2018) *Voices of North Hill Listening Project*, [online] accessed on 08/12/2023. URL: https://tinyurl.com/yvsppan5

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**Judelsohn Alexandra, Orom Heather, Kim Isok, Na Sa Aye Bay, Khan Hijab, Devito Rosie, Diaz Del Carpio Roberto O. and Raja Samina** (2017) Planning the City of Good (and New) Neighbours: Refugees’ Experiences of the Food Environment in Buffalo, New York, *Built Environment*, 43 (3), pp. 402-416.

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**Le Blond Josie and Welters Gordon** (2017) Syrian refugees breathe new life into shrinking German village, *UNHCR*, February 9, [online] accessed on 08/12/2023. URL: https://www.unhcr.org/news/stories/syrian-refugees-breathe-new-life-shrinking-german-village

**Martinez-Fernandez Cristina, Audirac Ivonne, Fol Sylvie and Cunningham-Sabot Emmanuèle** (2012) Shrinking Cities: Urban Challenges of Globalization, *International Journal of Urban and Regional Research*, 36 (2), pp. 213-225.
**Doomernik Jeroen and Ardon Djeeke** (2018) The City as an Agent of Refugee Integration, *Urban Planning*, 3 (4), [online]. URL: https://www.cogitatio-press.com/urbanplanning/article/view/1646

**Fairclough Norman** (2000) Discourse, social theory, and social research: The discourse of welfare reform, *Journal of Sociolinguistics*, 4 (2), pp. 163-195.

**Flamant Anouk, Fourot Aude-Claire and Healy Aisling** (2020) Editorial: Out of the Big Cities! The Reception of Exiles in Small Immigration Localities, *Revue Européenne des Migrations Internationales*, 36 (2-3), [online] accessed on 08/12/2023. DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/remi.16908

**Gardesse Camille** (2020) Dispersal of Exiles: What the Spatialisation of CAOs Reveals about Migration and Urban Policies, *Revue Européenne des Migrations Internationales*, [online] accessed on 08/12/2023. DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/remi.17833

**Glick Schiller Nina and Çağlar Ayşe** (Eds.) (2011) *Locating Migration*. Rescaling Cities and Migrants, Ithaca/London, Cornell University Press.

**Hackl Andreas** (2022) Good Immigrants, Permitted Outsiders: Conditional Inclusion and Citizenship in Comparison, *Ethnic and Racial Studies*, 45 (6): pp. 989-1010.

**Hess Sabine, Rodatz Mathias, Kasparek Bernd, Kron Stefanie, Schwertl Maria and Sontowski Simon** (Dir.) (2016) *Der lange Sommer der Migration GRENZREGIME III*, Hamburg/Berlin, Assoziation A.

**Hickman Mary J., Mai Nicola and Crowley Helen** (2012) *Migration and Social Cohesion in the UK*, Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan.

**INSEE** (2023) *Population en historique depuis 1986*, [en ligne] consulté le 08/12/2023. URL : https://www.insee.fr/fr/statis-tiques/2011101?geo=COM-58194#chiffre-cle-1

**International Institute of Akron** (IIA) (2018) *Voices of North Hill Listening Project*, [online] accessed on 08/12/2023. URL: https://tinyurl.com/yvsppan5

**Irwin Neil and Badger Emily** (2019) Trump Says the U.S. Is ‘Full.’ Much of the Nation Has the Opposite Problem, *The New York Times*, April 9, [online] accessed on 08/12/2023. URL: https://www.nytimes.com/2019/04/09/upshot/trump-america-full-or-emptying.html

**Judelsohn Alexandra, Orom Heather, Kim Isok, Na Sa Aye Bay, Khan Hijab, Devito Rosie, Diaz Del Carpio Roberto O. and Raja Samina** (2017) Planning the City of Good (and New) Neighbours: Refugees’ Experiences of the Food Environment in Buffalo, New York, *Built Environment*, 43 (3), pp. 402-416.

**Kirkpatrick L. Owen and Smith Michael Peter** (2011) The Infrastructural Limits to Growth: Rethinking the Urban Growth Machine in Times of Fiscal Crisis: The Urban Growth Machine in Times of Fiscal Crisis, *International Journal of Urban and Regional Research*, 35 (3), pp. 477-503.

**Le Blond Josie and Welters Gordon** (2017) Syrian refugees breathe new life into shrinking German village, *UNHCR*, February 9, [online] accessed on 08/12/2023. URL: https://www.unhcr.org/news/stories/syrian-refugees-breathe-new-life-shrinking-german-village

**Martinez-Fernandez Cristina, Audirac Ivonne, Fol Sylvie and Cunningham-Sabot Emmanuèle** (2012) Shrinking Cities: Urban Challenges of Globalization, *International Journal of Urban and Regional Research*, 36 (2), pp. 213-225.
**Meier Sabine** (2018) Being Accommodated, Well Then? "Scalar Narratives" on Urban Transformation and Asylum Seekers' Integration in Mid-Sized Cities, *Urban Planning*, 3 (4), [online]. URL: https://www.cogitatiopress.com/urbanplanning/article/view/1670

**NAE** (2017) *Welcome to Akron: How Immigrants and Refugees are Contributing to Akron's Economic Growth*, [online] accessed on 08/12/2023. URL: https://research.newamericaneconomy.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/Welcome-to-Akron_Partnership-for-a-New-American-Economy_June-2016.pdf

**Nicholls Walter J. and Uitermark Justus** (2016) Migrant cities: place, power, and voice in the era of super diversity, *Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies*, 42 (6), pp. 877-892.

**Nyers Peter** (2006) Taking rights, mediating wrongs: Disagreements over the political agency of non-status refugees, in Jef Huysmans, Andrew Dobson and Raia Prokhovnik (Eds.) *The politics of protection: Sites of insecurity and political agency*, London, Routledge, pp. 48-67.

**Pottie-Sherman Yolande** (2018) Austerity urbanism and the promise of immigrant- and refugee-centered urban revitalization in the US Rust Belt, *Urban Geography*, 39 (3), 438-457.

**Robinson Jennifer** (2011) Cities in a World of Cities: The Comparative Gesture: Cities in a world of cities compared, *International Journal of Urban and Regional Research*, 35 (1), pp. 1-23.

**Ristic Daniela** (2020) L'accueil des migrant·e·s dans les espaces de marges. Regards croisés sur des villages de Calabre et du Limousin, *Revue Européenne des Migrations Internationales*, 36 (2-3), pp. 231-253.

**Schemschat Norma** (2021) Refugee arrival under conditions of urban decline: From territorial stigma and othering to collective place-making in diverse shrinking cities?, *Sustainability*, 13 (23), p. 13301.

**Statista** (2023) Entwicklung der Einwohnerzahl in Pirmasens (kreisfreie Stadt) von 1996 bis 2022, [online] accessed on 08/12/2023. URL: https://de.statista.com/statistik/daten/studie/803267/umfrage/entwicklung-der-gesamtbevoelkerung-in-pirmasens/

**US Bureau of the Census** (2022) *Quick facts Akron*, [online] accessed on 08/12/2023. URL: https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/akroncityohio/PST045222

**Valentine Gill** (2008) Living with difference: Reflections on geographies of encounter, *Progress in Human Geography*, 32 (3), pp. 323-337.
**Meier Sabine** (2018) Being Accommodated, Well Then? "Scalar Narratives" on Urban Transformation and Asylum Seekers' Integration in Mid-Sized Cities, *Urban Planning*, 3 (4), [online]. URL: https://www.cogitatiopress.com/urbanplanning/article/view/1670

**NAE** (2017) *Welcome to Akron: How Immigrants and Refugees are Contributing to Akron's Economic Growth*, [online] accessed on 08/12/2023. URL: https://research.newamericaneconomy.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/Welcome-to-Akron_Partnership-for-a-New-American-Economy_June-2016.pdf

**Nicholls Walter J. and Uitermark Justus** (2016) Migrant cities: place, power, and voice in the era of super diversity, *Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies*, 42 (6), pp. 877-892.

**Nyers Peter** (2006) Taking rights, mediating wrongs: Disagreements over the political agency of non-status refugees, in Jef Huysmans, Andrew Dobson and Raia Prokhovnik (Eds.) *The politics of protection: Sites of insecurity and political agency*, London, Routledge, pp. 48-67.

**Pottie-Sherman Yolande** (2018) Austerity urbanism and the promise of immigrant- and refugee-centered urban revitalization in the US Rust Belt, *Urban Geography*, 39 (3), 438-457.

**Robinson Jennifer** (2011) Cities in a World of Cities: The Comparative Gesture: Cities in a world of cities compared, *International Journal of Urban and Regional Research*, 35 (1), pp. 1-23.

**Ristic Daniela** (2020) L'accueil des migrant·e·s dans les espaces de marges. Regards croisés sur des villages de Calabre et du Limousin, *Revue Européenne des Migrations Internationales*, 36 (2-3), pp. 231-253.

**Schemschat Norma** (2021) Refugee arrival under conditions of urban decline: From territorial stigma and othering to collective place-making in diverse shrinking cities?, *Sustainability*, 13 (23), p. 13301.

**Statista** (2023) Entwicklung der Einwohnerzahl in Pirmasens (kreisfreie Stadt) von 1996 bis 2022, [online] accessed on 08/12/2023. URL: https://de.statista.com/statistik/daten/studie/803267/umfrage/entwicklung-der-gesamtbevoelkerung-in-pirmasens/

**US Bureau of the Census** (2022) *Quick facts Akron*, [online] accessed on 08/12/2023. URL: https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/akroncityohio/PST045222

**Valentine Gill** (2008) Living with difference: Reflections on geographies of encounter, *Progress in Human Geography*, 32 (3), pp. 323-337.
# Norma Schemschat

## Welcoming, Revitalising, Re-Growing? Refugee Arrival and Urban Development in Shrinking Cities

Refugees are increasingly relocated to shrinking cities, bringing refugee-centred revitalisation as an urban development strategy to the forefront of policy discourse at the migration-development nexus (see Pottie-Sherman, 2018). Including refugees in local revitalisation strategies has social, political, economic, and legal dimensions, which make it important to look beyond statistics of urban growth and decline and analyse local processes. Critically deconstructing refugee-centred revitalisation from the perspective of exiled people arriving in places affected by decline sheds light on the disparities between what cities expect and hope for, and what newcomers experience, and thus expose gaps between what places offer and what refugees need.

## Accueillir, revitaliser, croître ? Accueil des exilé·es et développement urbain dans les villes en déclin

Les réfugié·es sont de plus en plus souvent relocalisé·es dans des villes en perte de croissance démographique. La revitalisation de ces villes devient ainsi une stratégie des discours politiques à l'interface entre migration et développement (voir Pottie-Sherman, 2018). Or, l'inclusion des réfugié·es dans les stratégies locales de redynamisation comporte des dimensions sociales, politiques, économiques et juridiques complexes, qui impliquent de regarder au-delà des statistiques de croissance et de déclin urbains afin de prendre en compte les processus locaux. La déconstruction critique des discours de revitalisation centrés sur les réfugié·es arrivant dans ces espaces en déclin, met ainsi en lumière les disparités entre ce que les villes attendent et espèrent et ce que les nouveaux·elles arrivant·es expérimentent, ainsi que les écarts entre l'offre des lieux et les besoins des réfugié·es.

## ¿Acoger, revitalizar, volver a crecer? Acogida de exiliados y desarrollo urbano de ciudades en declive

Cada vez más personas refugiadas son reubicadas en ciudades en declive demográfico. La revitalización de estas ciudades se convierte así en una estrategia de desarrollo urbano a la vanguardia del discurso político en la interfaz entre migración y desarrollo (véase Pottie-Sherman, 2018). Integrar las personas refugiadas a las estrategias locales de regeneración tiene dimensiones sociales, políticas, económicas y jurídicas, lo que implica mirar más allá de las estadísticas de crecimiento y declive urbano y tomar en cuenta los procesos locales. La deconstrucción crítica de los discursos sobre la revitalización, centrados en las personas refugiadas llegadas a estos espacios en declive demográfico, pone de relieve tanto las disparidades entre las expectativas y las esperanzas de las ciudades, como lo que experimentan los recién llegados y llegadas, y las brechas entre lo que los lugares ofrecen y lo que estas personas necesitan.
# Norma Schemschat

## Welcoming, Revitalising, Re-Growing? Refugee Arrival and Urban Development in Shrinking Cities

Refugees are increasingly relocated to shrinking cities, bringing refugee-centred revitalisation as an urban development strategy to the forefront of policy discourse at the migration-development nexus (see Pottie-Sherman, 2018). Including refugees in local revitalisation strategies has social, political, economic, and legal dimensions, which make it important to look beyond statistics of urban growth and decline and analyse local processes. Critically deconstructing refugee-centred revitalisation from the perspective of exiled people arriving in places affected by decline sheds light on the disparities between what cities expect and hope for, and what newcomers experience, and thus expose gaps between what places offer and what refugees need.

## Accueillir, revitaliser, croître ? Accueil des exilé-es et développement urbain dans les villes en déclin

Les réfugié-es sont de plus en plus souvent relocalisés-es dans des villes en perte de croissance démographique. La revitalisation de ces villes devient ainsi une stratégie des discours politiques à l'interface entre migration et développement (voir Pottie-Sherman, 2018). Or, l'inclusion des réfugié-es dans les stratégies locales de redynamisation comporte des dimensions sociales, politiques, économiques et juridiques complexes, qui impliquent de regarder au-delà des statistiques de croissance et de déclin urbains afin de prendre en compte les processus locaux. La déconstruction critique des discours de revitalisation centrés sur les réfugié-es arrivant dans ces espaces en déclin, met ainsi en lumière les disparités entre ce que les villes attendent et espèrent et ce que les nouveaux-elles arrivant-es expérimentent, ainsi que les écarts entre l'offre des lieux et les besoins des réfugié-es.

## ¿Acoger, revitalizar, volver a crecer? Acogida de exiliados y desarrollo urbano de ciudades en declive

Cada vez más personas refugiadas son reubicadas en ciudades en declive demográfico. La revitalización de estas ciudades se convierte así en una estrategia de desarrollo urbano a la vanguardia del discurso político en la interfaz entre migración y desarrollo (véase Pottie-Sherman, 2018). Integrar las personas refugiadas a las estrategias locales de regeneración tiene dimensiones sociales, políticas, económicas y jurídicas, lo que implica mirar más allá de las estadísticas de crecimiento y declive urbano y tomar en cuenta los procesos locales. La deconstrucción crítica de los discursos sobre la revitalización, centrados en las personas refugiadas llegadas a estos espacios en declive demográfico, pone de relieve tanto las disparidades entre las expectativas y las esperanzas de las ciudades, como lo que experimentan los recién llegados y llegadas, y las brechas entre lo que los lugares ofrecen y lo que estas personas necesitan.
<figure><img src="image_18.png" /></figure>
<figure><img src="image_16.png" /></figure>
# Note de recherche

## Mise à l'abri, corps et traumatisme. Réflexions pour l'évaluation qualitative d'un dispositif de soin en hébergement d'urgence pour demandeurs d'asile (HUDA)

Pascale Baligand<fnref n="1" />

En 2015, une réforme du droit d'asile a eu lieu face à ce qui a été appelé la « crise des migrants » (Beauchemin et Ichou, 2016 ; Withol de Wenden, 2016). Un plan national d'accueil a été mis en œuvre, qui a notamment conduit à l'ouverture de centres d'hébergement d'urgence pour demandeurs d'asile (HUDA) en vue de leur « mise à l'abri » (Siffert et al., 2018: 5). C'est cette entreprise de mise à l'abri et ses enjeux cliniques que nous proposons de questionner à travers cette note de recherche. Les HUDA ont été conçus avec la mission de subvenir aux besoins primaires des personnes hébergées, d'offrir un accompagnement juridique et de favoriser l'accès aux droits, en particulier en matière de santé (Siffert et al., 2018). Dans ce contexte, les associations gérant ces centres ont pu organiser des interventions dédiées en matière de santé, et notamment de santé mentale. Le projet EVAM<fnref n="2" /> dont il est question dans cette note de recherche a vocation à s'intéresser à l'un de ces dispositifs d'intervention en HUDA, à la demande de l'association francilienne qui l'a mis en place en 2018, pour en questionner les effets et la pertinence pour les bénéficiaires, tout en permettant un retour d'expérience de la part des intervenants. Ce dispositif se caractérise par la venue sur les lieux d'hébergement d'une équipe mobile proposant des permanences d'accès aux soins de santé conçues comme un espace d'écoute ouvert à tous les hébergés, avec ou sans rendez-vous, permettant d'aborder de manière large les questions relatives à la santé, et plus particulièrement à la santé mentale. Ces permanences sont animées conjointement par un infirmier et un psychologue, en présence d'un interprète si cela est nécessaire. Elles ont vocation à permettre un accompagnement sur site ou une orientation vers des structures de soins dédiées aux populations exilées, ou vers des structures de droit commun. Le projet EVAM cherche à mettre en lumière les enjeux présentés par ces interventions en termes d'accès aux soins et de santé mentale pour les personnes hébergées, et les adaptations des pratiques soignantes que ces inter-

<footnote n="1">1. Psychologue clinicienne, maîtresse de conférences, Université Paris Cité, INSERM, ECEVE, Paris, France ; pascale.baligand@u-paris.fr</footnote>

<footnote n="2">2. Évaluation qualitative du dispositif des permanences action santé migrants.</footnote>
# Note de recherche

## Mise à l'abri, corps et traumatisme. Réflexions pour l'évaluation qualitative d'un dispositif de soin en hébergement d'urgence pour demandeurs d'asile (HUDA)

Pascale Baligand<fnref n="1" />

En 2015, une réforme du droit d'asile a eu lieu face à ce qui a été appelé la « crise des migrants » (Beauchemin et Ichou, 2016 ; Withol de Wenden, 2016). Un plan national d'accueil a été mis en œuvre, qui a notamment conduit à l'ouverture de centres d'hébergement d'urgence pour demandeurs d'asile (HUDA) en vue de leur « mise à l'abri » (Siffert et al., 2018: 5). C'est cette entreprise de mise à l'abri et ses enjeux cliniques que nous proposons de questionner à travers cette note de recherche. Les HUDA ont été conçus avec la mission de subvenir aux besoins primaires des personnes hébergées, d'offrir un accompagnement juridique et de favoriser l'accès aux droits, en particulier en matière de santé (Siffert et al., 2018). Dans ce contexte, les associations gérant ces centres ont pu organiser des interventions dédiées en matière de santé, et notamment de santé mentale. Le projet EVAM<fnref n="2" /> dont il est question dans cette note de recherche a vocation à s'intéresser à l'un de ces dispositifs d'intervention en HUDA, à la demande de l'association francilienne qui l'a mis en place en 2018, pour en questionner les effets et la pertinence pour les bénéficiaires, tout en permettant un retour d'expérience de la part des intervenants. Ce dispositif se caractérise par la venue sur les lieux d'hébergement d'une équipe mobile proposant des permanences d'accès aux soins de santé conçues comme un espace d'écoute ouvert à tous les hébergés, avec ou sans rendez-vous, permettant d'aborder de manière large les questions relatives à la santé, et plus particulièrement à la santé mentale. Ces permanences sont animées conjointement par un infirmier et un psychologue, en présence d'un interprète si cela est nécessaire. Elles ont vocation à permettre un accompagnement sur site ou une orientation vers des structures de soins dédiées aux populations exilées, ou vers des structures de droit commun. Le projet EVAM cherche à mettre en lumière les enjeux présentés par ces interventions en termes d'accès aux soins et de santé mentale pour les personnes hébergées, et les adaptations des pratiques soignantes que ces inter-

<footnote n="1">1. Psychologue clinicienne, maîtresse de conférences, Université Paris Cité, INSERM, ECEVE, Paris, France ; pascale.baligand@u-paris.fr</footnote>

<footnote n="2">2. Évaluation qualitative du dispositif des permanences action santé migrants.</footnote>
ventions supposent. Il s'inscrit dans le champ de la psychologie clinique, et plus précisément dans le domaine de l'évaluation qualitative des dispositifs de soin promouvant une évaluation fondée sur une co-construction entre chercheurs et équipes soignantes, et sur l'analyse des processus de changement (Brun et al., 2016). À la suite de la phase exploratoire du projet, incluant une revue de la littérature, le recueil auprès de la direction de l'équipe d'éléments permettant de saisir le contexte de sa création, et la réalisation de trois entretiens de groupe non directifs avec l'équipe soignante (Roussillon, 2009), cette note de recherche vise à rendre compte des premiers éléments de problématisation recueillis. Ces premiers éléments ont permis de dégager différents axes à prendre en compte pour l'évaluation qualitative du dispositif, présentés en dernière partie de la note de recherche.

## Entre paradoxes de la « mise à l'abri » et difficultés d'accès aux soins, le cadre d'intervention de l'équipe mobile en HUDA

Dans les HUDA, la possibilité de proposer des interventions en matière de santé et de construire un cadre favorable au soin psychique semble d'emblée contrainte par le contexte dans lequel ces interventions prennent place, dans des lieux dont le soin n'est pas l'objectif premier (Bresson, 2008). Le dispositif d'accueil des demandeurs d'asile est en effet historiquement marqué par des tendances fortes, encore accentuées depuis 2015, et dont on peut penser qu'elles produisent des distorsions et des discontinuités du cadre des accompagnements proposés (Gerbes et al., 2015). Une première tendance qui a été observée de longue date au sein du dispositif d'accueil des migrants est celle d'une forme de « tri » des migrants (Agier, 2010) qui s'exerce par et avec la procédure administrative (Bigo, 2002), et en lien avec les types de dispositifs d'hébergement proposés. Cette tendance s'est trouvée renforcée par la notion de « mise à l'abri » présidant à la mise en place des HUDA, dont on peut considérer qu'ils constituent une version appauvrie des centres d'accueil pour demandeurs d'asile (CADA) (Slama, 2018). La mise en place des HUDA a initié différentes évolutions, qui se sont poursuivies en 2018, menant à une restriction plus poussée dans l'accès à l'asile et au développement d'une forme de contrôle policier et d'assignation à résidence des populations inscrites dans la procédure administrative. Le volet juridique de cette réforme a fait prévaloir une lecture du droit d'asile allant dans le sens d'une limitation de l'accès au statut de réfugié, voire d'une restriction dans son extension, avec l'idée qu'il pourrait désormais être retiré et qu'il y aurait des clauses d'exclusion (Ribémont, 2016). Des modalités plus directives de gestion des populations hébergées ont été mises en œuvre, avec une régionalisation de la gestion des centres d'hébergement avec intervention des préfets de région, et une dissémination des centres sur le territoire français pour éviter des effets de concentration des populations (Slama, 2018). Le rôle de l'Office français de l'immigration et l'intégration (Ofii) est devenu central, puisqu'il a été désigné comme « habilité à prendre toutes les décisions relatives à l'admission, la sortie ou le changement de lieu d'hébergement et [coordonnant] les admissions via un traitement automatisé des données » (Ribémont, 2016 : 10), notamment en répartissant les demandeurs selon des critères de vulnérabilité. Ces différentes évolutions, associées à cette notion paradoxale de mise à l'abri, ont conduit essentiellement à exclure du dispositif existant jusque-là, celui des CADA, des
ventions supposent. Il s'inscrit dans le champ de la psychologie clinique, et plus précisément dans le domaine de l'évaluation qualitative des dispositifs de soin promouvant une évaluation fondée sur une co-construction entre chercheurs et équipes soignantes, et sur l'analyse des processus de changement (Brun et al., 2016). À la suite de la phase exploratoire du projet, incluant une revue de la littérature, le recueil auprès de la direction de l'équipe d'éléments permettant de saisir le contexte de sa création, et la réalisation de trois entretiens de groupe non directifs avec l'équipe soignante (Roussillon, 2009), cette note de recherche vise à rendre compte des premiers éléments de problématisation recueillis. Ces premiers éléments ont permis de dégager différents axes à prendre en compte pour l'évaluation qualitative du dispositif, présentés en dernière partie de la note de recherche.

## Entre paradoxes de la « mise à l'abri » et difficultés d'accès aux soins, le cadre d'intervention de l'équipe mobile en HUDA

Dans les HUDA, la possibilité de proposer des interventions en matière de santé et de construire un cadre favorable au soin psychique semble d'emblée contrainte par le contexte dans lequel ces interventions prennent place, dans des lieux dont le soin n'est pas l'objectif premier (Bresson, 2008). Le dispositif d'accueil des demandeurs d'asile est en effet historiquement marqué par des tendances fortes, encore accentuées depuis 2015, et dont on peut penser qu'elles produisent des distorsions et des discontinuités du cadre des accompagnements proposés (Gerbes et al., 2015). Une première tendance qui a été observée de longue date au sein du dispositif d'accueil des migrants est celle d'une forme de « tri » des migrants (Agier, 2010) qui s'exerce par et avec la procédure administrative (Bigo, 2002), et en lien avec les types de dispositifs d'hébergement proposés. Cette tendance s'est trouvée renforcée par la notion de « mise à l'abri » présidant à la mise en place des HUDA, dont on peut considérer qu'ils constituent une version appauvrie des centres d'accueil pour demandeurs d'asile (CADA) (Slama, 2018). La mise en place des HUDA a initié différentes évolutions, qui se sont poursuivies en 2018, menant à une restriction plus poussée dans l'accès à l'asile et au développement d'une forme de contrôle policier et d'assignation à résidence des populations inscrites dans la procédure administrative. Le volet juridique de cette réforme a fait prévaloir une lecture du droit d'asile allant dans le sens d'une limitation de l'accès au statut de réfugié, voire d'une restriction dans son extension, avec l'idée qu'il pourrait désormais être retiré et qu'il y aurait des clauses d'exclusion (Ribémont, 2016). Des modalités plus directives de gestion des populations hébergées ont été mises en œuvre, avec une régionalisation de la gestion des centres d'hébergement avec intervention des préfets de région, et une dissémination des centres sur le territoire français pour éviter des effets de concentration des populations (Slama, 2018). Le rôle de l'Office français de l'immigration et l'intégration (Ofii) est devenu central, puisqu'il a été désigné comme « habilité à prendre toutes les décisions relatives à l'admission, la sortie ou le changement de lieu d'hébergement et [coordonnant] les admissions via un traitement automatisé des données » (Ribémont, 2016 : 10), notamment en répartissant les demandeurs selon des critères de vulnérabilité. Ces différentes évolutions, associées à cette notion paradoxale de mise à l'abri, ont conduit essentiellement à exclure du dispositif existant jusque-là, celui des CADA, des
personnes considérées comme pas assez vulnérables ou dont les procédures sont moins susceptibles d'aboutir à l'attribution du statut de réfugié (dublinés<fnref n="3" />, ou personnes en procédure accélérée<fnref n="4" />). À l'échelle des centres d'hébergement d'urgence eux-mêmes, les personnes morales chargées de la gestion de ces structures sont désormais tenues par le code de l'entrée et du séjour des étrangers « de déclarer à l'Office toute place disponible » (Ribémont, 2016 : 11) et « d'alerter l'autorité administrative compétente en cas d'absence injustifiée et prolongée des personnes qui y ont été orientées pour la durée de la procédure et, en cas de comportement violent ou de manquement grave au règlement du lieu d'hébergement » (Ribémont, 2016 : 11). Ainsi, en amont et en parallèle de la demande à l'Office français de protection des réfugiés et des apatrides (Ofpra) qui est pourtant la seule instance officielle à pouvoir se prononcer sur l'attribution du statut de réfugié, un tri des demandeurs d'asile s'opère qui promeut de fait l'émergence d'un contrôle des personnes hébergées, avec une sorte de double procédure de demande d'asile. Avec l'hébergement d'urgence des migrants tel qu'il est organisé avec ce plan national, on peut ainsi estimer que l'on a affaire à un dispositif spatial au sens où Lussault (1998) l'entend, c'est-à-dire un dispositif mis en œuvre par une agence (l'Ofii et le ministère de l'Intérieur) et où le territoire joue un rôle central avec des effets d'assignation à résidence (Slama, 2020). Les HUDA présentent en tout état de cause le risque de devenir des espaces d'abandon (Vilela, 2008) et de relégation, qui vont mettre à mal tant l'accès aux soins des personnes hébergées que la possibilité d'une reconnaissance des sujets dans leur singularité. Ces différents aspects constituent autant d'enjeux pour les intervenants amenés à travailler auprès des populations hébergées en HUDA, et soulèvent la question de la possibilité de créer un cadre sécuré et propice au soin.

Un des ressorts fondamentaux du travail des psychologues cliniciens concerne en effet la possibilité de construire et de proposer aux patients un cadre favorable à l'expression d'une parole subjective permettant la mise en œuvre d'un traitement psychique et l'effectuation d'un travail d'élaboration (Manzano Garrido et al., 2016). Du côté des infirmiers, la question des modalités de prise en compte des demandes des patients est également essentielle. On note pourtant que la question de l'accueil par des soignants (Chaigneau, 1970) se pose dans un type de lieu si fortement associé à une logique administrative de tri des populations et à une notion de contrôle policier. Les entretiens exploratoires ont montré que l'association d'hébergement, bien qu'ayant vocation à promouvoir le soutien aux personnes précaires, se trouve impactée par des logiques politiques qui la dépassent : les HUDA sont parfois des lieux qui ne relèvent pas de l'hébergement (ancienne caserne, ancienne poste) et qui ont été réhabilités à la hâte. Les besoins spécifiques chez les populations accueillies, notamment en matière de santé mentale, ont pu être pris en compte dans un second temps, en particulier lorsque les travailleurs sociaux ont remarqué que la rédaction des

<footnote n="3">3 Les personnes dites dublinées sont celles qui sont concernées par la procédure de Dublin, instaurant le fait de devoir demander l'asile dans le premier pays européen où la personne est arrivée.</footnote>

<footnote n="4">4 La demande en procédure accélérée peut intervenir dans différentes situations, par exemple si le demandeur provient d'un pays considéré comme sûr ou encore s'il refuse l'enregistrement de ses empreintes digitales ou s'il n'a pas déposé sa demande dans le délai de quatre-vingt-dix jours après son arrivée en France.</footnote>
personnes considérées comme pas assez vulnérables ou dont les procédures sont moins susceptibles d'aboutir à l'attribution du statut de réfugié (dublinés<fnref n="3" />, ou personnes en procédure accélérée<fnref n="4" />). À l'échelle des centres d'hébergement d'urgence eux-mêmes, les personnes morales chargées de la gestion de ces structures sont désormais tenues par le code de l'entrée et du séjour des étrangers « de déclarer à l'Office toute place disponible » (Ribémont, 2016 : 11) et « d'alerter l'autorité administrative compétente en cas d'absence injustifiée et prolongée des personnes qui y ont été orientées pour la durée de la procédure et, en cas de comportement violent ou de manquement grave au règlement du lieu d'hébergement » (Ribémont, 2016 : 11). Ainsi, en amont et en parallèle de la demande à l'Office français de protection des réfugiés et des apatrides (Ofpra) qui est pourtant la seule instance officielle à pouvoir se prononcer sur l'attribution du statut de réfugié, un tri des demandeurs d'asile s'opère qui promeut de fait l'émergence d'un contrôle des personnes hébergées, avec une sorte de double procédure de demande d'asile. Avec l'hébergement d'urgence des migrants tel qu'il est organisé avec ce plan national, on peut ainsi estimer que l'on a affaire à un dispositif spatial au sens où Lussault (1998) l'entend, c'est-à-dire un dispositif mis en œuvre par une agence (l'Ofii et le ministère de l'Intérieur) et où le territoire joue un rôle central avec des effets d'assignation à résidence (Slama, 2020). Les HUDA présentent en tout état de cause le risque de devenir des espaces d'abandon (Vilela, 2008) et de relégation, qui vont mettre à mal tant l'accès aux soins des personnes hébergées que la possibilité d'une reconnaissance des sujets dans leur singularité. Ces différents aspects constituent autant d'enjeux pour les intervenants amenés à travailler auprès des populations hébergées en HUDA, et soulèvent la question de la possibilité de créer un cadre sécuré et propice au soin.

Un des ressorts fondamentaux du travail des psychologues cliniciens concerne en effet la possibilité de construire et de proposer aux patients un cadre favorable à l'expression d'une parole subjective permettant la mise en œuvre d'un traitement psychique et l'effectuation d'un travail d'élaboration (Manzano Garrido et al., 2016). Du côté des infirmiers, la question des modalités de prise en compte des demandes des patients est également essentielle. On note pourtant que la question de l'accueil par des soignants (Chaigneau, 1970) se pose dans un type de lieu si fortement associé à une logique administrative de tri des populations et à une notion de contrôle policier. Les entretiens exploratoires ont montré que l'association d'hébergement, bien qu'ayant vocation à promouvoir le soutien aux personnes précaires, se trouve impactée par des logiques politiques qui la dépassent : les HUDA sont parfois des lieux qui ne relèvent pas de l'hébergement (ancienne caserne, ancienne poste) et qui ont été réhabilités à la hâte. Les besoins spécifiques chez les populations accueillies, notamment en matière de santé mentale, ont pu être pris en compte dans un second temps, en particulier lorsque les travailleurs sociaux ont remarqué que la rédaction des

<footnote n="3">3 Les personnes dites dublinées sont celles qui sont concernées par la procédure de Dublin, instaurant le fait de devoir demander l'asile dans le premier pays européen où la personne est arrivée.</footnote>

<footnote n="4">4 La demande en procédure accélérée peut intervenir dans différentes situations, par exemple si le demandeur provient d'un pays considéré comme sûr ou encore s'il refuse l'enregistrement de ses empreintes digitales ou s'il n'a pas déposé sa demande dans le délai de quatre-vingt-dix jours après son arrivée en France.</footnote>
dossiers de demande d'asile était des moments éprouvants pour les personnes hébergées. À l'échelle des parcours individuels, chaque demandeur d'asile est tributaire des évolutions de la procédure administrative le concernant, et appartient à un niveau plus général à une catégorie de situation (Bertaux, 1996) qui détermine de nombreux aspects de son existence (logement, revenu, possibilité de travailler) et l'inclut dans la société d'accueil tout en l'excluant. Ainsi, toute demande de soin formulée en HUDA est prise dans cette procédure et dans ses enjeux, et parfois confondue avec (Boulbil et Wolmark, 2018). Il s'agit alors de voir comment penser le cadre des interventions pour faire émerger des demandes qui relèvent de la vie psychique de la personne et du domaine du soin, et qui puissent s'exprimer sans que la question d'effets réels ou supposés sur l'obtention du statut de réfugié se pose directement. L'intrication de tout soin avec la procédure administrative peut de plus avoir un impact fort sur la temporalité des suivis, sur leur continuité, et sur la possibilité d'établir un lien thérapeutique approfondi. Les entretiens exploratoires ont notamment mis en évidence les aléas liés à l'attente et aux changements de statut des personnes en cours de suivi, qui pouvaient mener à des interruptions. Enfin, il faut souligner que par les effets d'assignation à résidence et du fait de leur appartenance à une catégorie administrative et de situation spécifique, les demandeurs d'asile sont confrontés à des difficultés particulières dans l'accès aux soins (Comède, 2017). Il peut s'agir d'obstacles administratifs ou matériels limitant l'accès aux droits et la possibilité de se rendre dans les lieux de soins. Il peut aussi s'agir d'obstacles liés à la difficulté d'accéder aux soins pour des personnes allophones (Veïsse et al., 2017). De nombreux demandeurs d'asile expriment également avoir été confrontés à des discriminations impactant la relation de soin (Pestre et al., 2016), ou encore à des refus de soin (Médecins du Monde, 2016). Enfin, un autre paramètre peut influer sur le recours aux soins qui concerne pour les soignants la possibilité de travailler avec les représentations culturelles de la maladie (Veïsse et al., 2017 ; Byrow et al., 2020). Ces différents effets liés au dispositif des HUDA, à l'inscription de la population hébergée dans la procédure de demande d'asile et à la spécificité des parcours d'exil doivent être pris en compte par les soignants pour penser leurs interventions, et notamment en matière de cadre psychothérapeutique. Cela d'autant plus que ces difficultés sont susceptibles d'entrer en résonance avec les problématiques psychopathologiques propres aux populations accueillies, et parfois même de les renforcer en exerçant des effets de répétition traumatique.

## Les troubles psychiques rencontrés parmi les demandeurs d'asile, et leur possible entrée en résonance avec les caractéristiques du dispositif d'hébergement

Les HUDA accueillent des populations dont la littérature a montré qu'elles sont susceptibles de présenter des difficultés psychiques spécifiques. La surreprésentation des troubles psychiques parmi les populations migrantes, et plus particulièrement réfugiées, est établie de manière claire par des études quantitatives (Comède, 2017 ; Byrow et al., 2020), en lien avec des parcours d'exil éprouvants et avec les conditions de vie dans les sociétés d'accueil. Chez les demandeurs d'asile, les troubles les plus fréquemment repérés sont le psychotraumatisme,
dossiers de demande d'asile était des moments éprouvants pour les personnes hébergées. À l'échelle des parcours individuels, chaque demandeur d'asile est tributaire des évolutions de la procédure administrative le concernant, et appartient à un niveau plus général à une catégorie de situation (Bertaux, 1996) qui détermine de nombreux aspects de son existence (logement, revenu, possibilité de travailler) et l'inclut dans la société d'accueil tout en l'excluant. Ainsi, toute demande de soin formulée en HUDA est prise dans cette procédure et dans ses enjeux, et parfois confondue avec (Boulbil et Wolmark, 2018). Il s'agit alors de voir comment penser le cadre des interventions pour faire émerger des demandes qui relèvent de la vie psychique de la personne et du domaine du soin, et qui puissent s'exprimer sans que la question d'effets réels ou supposés sur l'obtention du statut de réfugié se pose directement. L'intrication de tout soin avec la procédure administrative peut de plus avoir un impact fort sur la temporalité des suivis, sur leur continuité, et sur la possibilité d'établir un lien thérapeutique approfondi. Les entretiens exploratoires ont notamment mis en évidence les aléas liés à l'attente et aux changements de statut des personnes en cours de suivi, qui pouvaient mener à des interruptions. Enfin, il faut souligner que par les effets d'assignation à résidence et du fait de leur appartenance à une catégorie administrative et de situation spécifique, les demandeurs d'asile sont confrontés à des difficultés particulières dans l'accès aux soins (Comède, 2017). Il peut s'agir d'obstacles administratifs ou matériels limitant l'accès aux droits et la possibilité de se rendre dans les lieux de soins. Il peut aussi s'agir d'obstacles liés à la difficulté d'accéder aux soins pour des personnes allophones (Veïsse et al., 2017). De nombreux demandeurs d'asile expriment également avoir été confrontés à des discriminations impactant la relation de soin (Pestre et al., 2016), ou encore à des refus de soin (Médecins du Monde, 2016). Enfin, un autre paramètre peut influer sur le recours aux soins qui concerne pour les soignants la possibilité de travailler avec les représentations culturelles de la maladie (Veïsse et al., 2017 ; Byrow et al., 2020). Ces différents effets liés au dispositif des HUDA, à l'inscription de la population hébergée dans la procédure de demande d'asile et à la spécificité des parcours d'exil doivent être pris en compte par les soignants pour penser leurs interventions, et notamment en matière de cadre psychothérapeutique. Cela d'autant plus que ces difficultés sont susceptibles d'entrer en résonance avec les problématiques psychopathologiques propres aux populations accueillies, et parfois même de les renforcer en exerçant des effets de répétition traumatique.

## Les troubles psychiques rencontrés parmi les demandeurs d'asile, et leur possible entrée en résonance avec les caractéristiques du dispositif d'hébergement

Les HUDA accueillent des populations dont la littérature a montré qu'elles sont susceptibles de présenter des difficultés psychiques spécifiques. La surreprésentation des troubles psychiques parmi les populations migrantes, et plus particulièrement réfugiées, est établie de manière claire par des études quantitatives (Comède, 2017 ; Byrow et al., 2020), en lien avec des parcours d'exil éprouvants et avec les conditions de vie dans les sociétés d'accueil. Chez les demandeurs d'asile, les troubles les plus fréquemment repérés sont le psychotraumatisme,
régulièrement associé à l'expression de douleurs somatiques chroniques, ainsi que les troubles anxio-dépressifs (Morina et al., 2018). Concernant les troubles anxio-dépressifs, il s'agit de troubles dans lesquels ce sont les altérations émotionnelles et de l'humeur qui sont au premier plan, avec une prédominance de l'angoisse ou d'épisodes de tristesse. Les entretiens exploratoires ont mis en évidence que ces troubles pouvaient se présenter chez les hébergés sous forme de phobies diverses et d'angoisses liées à différents types de situation (sortir dans la rue notamment), ou encore se manifester par un repli sur soi et une tristesse. Des difficultés d'endormissement et des ruminations pouvaient également être repérées chez de nombreux résidents, parfois corrélées avec des cauchemars en lien avec une problématique de psychotraumatisme. Concernant le psychotraumatisme, on peut le définir comme relevant d'un choc psychique où les capacités du sujet à traiter une situation qui se présente à lui se trouvent débordées, ce qui induit la mise en place de mécanismes visant à faire face à ce débordement (Ferenczi, 2006). Ferenczi évoque notamment des moments où le corps et la psyché se trouvent comme scindés, selon un mécanisme de dissociation psychocorporelle, et où il se produit un clivage du moi visant à protéger le psychisme de l'événement insupportable. La dissociation psychocorporelle se présente sous la forme de vécus où la personne se décrit comme ne sentant plus son corps, ayant l'impression d'en être absente au moment de l'événement traumatisant, ou encore de le vivre comme si elle était une spectatrice extérieure. Les processus précoces qui contribuent à la constitution du soi comme une unité ayant un ancrage dans le corps et une continuité (Winnicott, 1989a et b) peuvent ainsi se trouver mis en cause. Le clivage va quant à lui consister pour le sujet à garder les sensations issues du vécu de l'événement traumatisant hors du psychisme, et à ne pas intégrer leur souvenir aux autres représentations mentales. Cela peut même aller jusqu'à l'impossibilité à produire une représentation mentale de l'événement. C'est donc à la fois le contenu de l'événement, mais aussi les capacités de contenance du psychisme comme lieu de mémoire et de mise en sens des événements (Vilela, 2008) qui se trouvent altérées. Les éléments traumatiques ne pouvant être intégrés vont rester dans le psychisme sous une forme brute, donnant lieu à des vécus corporels et à des comportements spécifiques, selon ce que Tordjamn (2019) a nommé un enkystement sensoriel du trauma. Les difficultés de mentalisation des événements peuvent conduire à une expression de la souffrance des sujets sous forme de distorsions du rapport au corps, où les douleurs somatiques et une sensorialité brute, de l'agitation (Morina et al., 2018) ou des mouvements d'errance peuvent constituer autant de manifestations d'une tentative de survie psychique (Jan, 2018). Les douleurs chroniques des personnes ayant connu la migration sont ainsi significativement supérieures à celles dans la population générale (Kellner et al., 2013) et l'importance de ces douleurs est corrélée à la gravité des signes de psychotraumatisme (Teodorescu et al., 2015 ; Fishbain et al., 2017). Cela donne à penser que dans le psychotraumatisme, du fait de la dissociation psychocorporelle, la souffrance est avant tout montrée et exposée sur un registre sensoriel et corporel avant de pouvoir être parlée. Pour reprendre les mots de Vilela (2008 : 105), dans un tel contexte, « seule l'affirmation des corps concrets et vulnérables peut dire une souffrance qui ne se communique pas, mais s'expose ». Les entretiens exploratoires avec l'équipe ont ainsi pu faire état d'aléas dans la rencontre avec les patients, en lien avec cette instabilité et ces mouvements d'expression de la souffrance sur un registre corporel et
régulièrement associé à l'expression de douleurs somatiques chroniques, ainsi que les troubles anxio-dépressifs (Morina et al., 2018). Concernant les troubles anxio-dépressifs, il s'agit de troubles dans lesquels ce sont les altérations émotionnelles et de l'humeur qui sont au premier plan, avec une prédominance de l'angoisse ou d'épisodes de tristesse. Les entretiens exploratoires ont mis en évidence que ces troubles pouvaient se présenter chez les hébergés sous forme de phobies diverses et d'angoisses liées à différents types de situation (sortir dans la rue notamment), ou encore se manifester par un repli sur soi et une tristesse. Des difficultés d'endormissement et des ruminations pouvaient également être repérées chez de nombreux résidents, parfois corrélées avec des cauchemars en lien avec une problématique de psychotraumatisme. Concernant le psychotraumatisme, on peut le définir comme relevant d'un choc psychique où les capacités du sujet à traiter une situation qui se présente à lui se trouvent débordées, ce qui induit la mise en place de mécanismes visant à faire face à ce débordement (Ferenczi, 2006). Ferenczi évoque notamment des moments où le corps et la psyché se trouvent comme scindés, selon un mécanisme de dissociation psychocorporelle, et où il se produit un clivage du moi visant à protéger le psychisme de l'événement insupportable. La dissociation psychocorporelle se présente sous la forme de vécus où la personne se décrit comme ne sentent plus son corps, ayant l'impression d'en être absente au moment de l'événement traumatisant, ou encore de le vivre comme si elle était une spectatrice extérieure. Les processus précoces qui contribuent à la constitution du soi comme une unité ayant un ancrage dans le corps et une continuité (Winnicott, 1989a et b) peuvent ainsi se trouver mis en cause. Le clivage va quant à lui consister pour le sujet à garder les sensations issues du vécu de l'événement traumatisant hors du psychisme, et à ne pas intégrer leur souvenir aux autres représentations mentales. Cela peut même aller jusqu'à l'impossibilité à produire une représentation mentale de l'événement. C'est donc à la fois le contenu de l'événement, mais aussi les capacités de contenance du psychisme comme lieu de mémoire et de mise en sens des événements (Vilela, 2008) qui se trouvent altérées. Les éléments traumatiques ne pouvant être intégrés vont rester dans le psychisme sous une forme brute, donnant lieu à des vécus corporels et à des comportements spécifiques, selon ce que Tordjamn (2019) a nommé un enkystement sensoriel du trauma. Les difficultés de mentalisation des événements peuvent conduire à une expression de la souffrance des sujets sous forme de distorsions du rapport au corps, où les douleurs somatiques et une sensorialité brute, de l'agitation (Morina et al., 2018) ou des mouvements d'errance peuvent constituer autant de manifestations d'une tentative de survie psychique (Jan, 2018). Les douleurs chroniques des personnes ayant connu la migration sont ainsi significativement supérieures à celles dans la population générale (Kellner et al., 2013) et l'importance de ces douleurs est corrélée à la gravité des signes de psychotraumatisme (Teodorescu et al., 2015 ; Fishbain et al., 2017). Cela donne à penser que dans le psychotraumatisme, du fait de la dissociation psychocorporelle, la souffrance est avant tout montrée et exposée sur un registre sensoriel et corporel avant de pouvoir être parlée. Pour reprendre les mots de Vilela (2008 : 105), dans un tel contexte, « seule l'affirmation des corps concrets et vulnérables peut dire une souffrance qui ne se communique pas, mais s'expose ». Les entretiens exploratoires avec l'équipe ont ainsi pu faire état d'aléas dans la rencontre avec les patients, en lien avec cette instabilité et ces mouvements d'expression de la souffrance sur un registre corporel et
comportemental. Certains résidents ne parvenaient pas à venir au rendez-vous à l'heure indiquée, tout en restant toute la journée dans le hall du bâtiment et en s'approchant du bureau de l'équipe soignante. Lors des séances, une agitation très forte pouvait survenir chez un résident, au point qu'il était impossible de poursuivre l'entretien. À l'inverse, la prostration et les silences semblaient quant à eux traduire la difficulté à mettre des mots sur certains vécus. La mention de douleurs physiques, et notamment de maux de tête, a également été mise en évidence comme un motif fréquent de consultation. On sait par ailleurs que cette dissociation psychocorporelle péritraumatique peut prendre une tonalité particulière dans le cas de traumatismes extrêmes où c'est le lien social et la confiance en autrui qui ont été attaqués, ou lorsque l'espoir d'être secouru a été mis à mal (Waintrater, 2003), posant la question de la confiance dans le lien thérapeutique. Si l'on considère ces difficultés psychiques particulières, il s'agit de voir comment l'équipe soignante parvient à les prendre en considération dans le contexte de l'hébergement en HUDA et de la mise en œuvre d'un dispositif de soin voire de psychothérapie dans ces lieux.

La littérature tend en effet à souligner que les difficultés psychiques auxquelles font face les demandeurs d'asile sont accentuées par la précarité du contexte d'hébergement (Comede, 2017 ; Rometsch-Ogioun El Sount et al., 2019). Des effets de résonance peuvent se produire entre les violences vécues lors du parcours d'exil et les difficultés du parcours dans le pays d'accueil. La mise à l'abri paradoxale produite par les hébergements d'urgence est susceptible d'influer sur les troubles psychiques des personnes hébergées en convoquant de nouveau une dimension de surexposition des corps (Vilela, 2008) et d'atteinte de l'intimité (Baligand, 2013) qui a prévalu dans les violences qui ont précédé l'exil ou qui ont jalonné le parcours migratoire. Les signes à expression somatique sous forme de douleur, d'agitation, de repli ou d'errance, mais aussi les risques d'isolement que rencontrent les demandeurs d'asile, peuvent ainsi être à traiter en tant que signes de troubles psychiques, mais aussi comme tentative de réinscription dans un lien social contraint, où la dimension institutionnelle doit être mise au travail. La question de ce qui est accueilli à travers les symptômes corporels se pose donc pleinement. De plus, les difficultés psychiques, et notamment leur composante anxieuse, apparaissaient comme majorées par la situation d'attente dans laquelle se trouvent les demandeurs d'asile relativement à l'issue de la procédure administrative les concernant, qui est une situation habituellement repérée dans la littérature comme fortement anxiogène dans un contexte de marginalisation sociale (Kobelinsky, 2010). Ainsi, si le dispositif spatial des HUDA risque de mettre à l'abri les demandeurs d'asile de manière paradoxale dans la continuité des politiques migratoires dissuasives déjà évoquées et de réitérer des vécus traumatiques, un travail de mise à l'abri d'un autre type peut être à envisager par les soignants auprès des personnes traumatisées, travail de contenance et d'élaboration, en partant notamment des symptômes corporels. Il s'agit alors de voir comment l'équipe qui a participé à l'étude peut se positionner face à ces enjeux, et quels en ont été les effets.

## Adapter le cadre et les pratiques cliniques

Des modalités de travail spécifiques ont été mises en place par l'équipe comme autant de propositions pour prendre en compte ces particularités du cadre
comportemental. Certains résidents ne parvenaient pas à venir au rendez-vous à l'heure indiquée, tout en restant toute la journée dans le hall du bâtiment et en s'approchant du bureau de l'équipe soignante. Lors des séances, une agitation très forte pouvait survenir chez un résident, au point qu'il était impossible de poursuivre l'entretien. À l'inverse, la prostration et les silences semblaient quant à eux traduire la difficulté à mettre des mots sur certains vécus. La mention de douleurs physiques, et notamment de maux de tête, a également été mise en évidence comme un motif fréquent de consultation. On sait par ailleurs que cette dissociation psychocorporelle péritraumatique peut prendre une tonalité particulière dans le cas de traumatismes extrêmes où c'est le lien social et la confiance en autrui qui ont été attaqués, ou lorsque l'espoir d'être secouru a été mis à mal (Waintrater, 2003), posant la question de la confiance dans le lien thérapeutique. Si l'on considère ces difficultés psychiques particulières, il s'agit de voir comment l'équipe soignante parvient à les prendre en considération dans le contexte de l'hébergement en HUDA et de la mise en œuvre d'un dispositif de soin voire de psychothérapie dans ces lieux.

La littérature tend en effet à souligner que les difficultés psychiques auxquelles font face les demandeurs d'asile sont accentuées par la précarité du contexte d'hébergement (Comede, 2017 ; Rometsch-Ogioun El Sount et al., 2019). Des effets de résonance peuvent se produire entre les violences vécues lors du parcours d'exil et les difficultés du parcours dans le pays d'accueil. La mise à l'abri paradoxale produite par les hébergements d'urgence est susceptible d'influer sur les troubles psychiques des personnes hébergées en convoquant de nouveau une dimension de surexposition des corps (Vilela, 2008) et d'atteinte de l'intimité (Baligand, 2013) qui a prévalu dans les violences qui ont précédé l'exil ou qui ont jalonné le parcours migratoire. Les signes à expression somatique sous forme de douleur, d'agitation, de repli ou d'errance, mais aussi les risques d'isolement que rencontrent les demandeurs d'asile, peuvent ainsi être à traiter en tant que signes de troubles psychiques, mais aussi comme tentative de réinscription dans un lien social contraint, où la dimension institutionnelle doit être mise au travail. La question de ce qui est accueilli à travers les symptômes corporels se pose donc pleinement. De plus, les difficultés psychiques, et notamment leur composante anxieuse, apparaissaient comme majorées par la situation d'attente dans laquelle se trouvent les demandeurs d'asile relativement à l'issue de la procédure administrative les concernant, qui est une situation habituellement repérée dans la littérature comme fortement anxiogène dans un contexte de marginalisation sociale (Kobelinsky, 2010). Ainsi, si le dispositif spatial des HUDA risque de mettre à l'abri les demandeurs d'asile de manière paradoxale dans la continuité des politiques migratoires dissuasives déjà évoquées et de réitérer des vécus traumatiques, un travail de mise à l'abri d'un autre type peut être à envisager par les soignants auprès des personnes traumatisées, travail de contenance et d'élaboration, en partant notamment des symptômes corporels. Il s'agit alors de voir comment l'équipe qui a participé à l'étude peut se positionner face à ces enjeux, et quels en ont été les effets.

## Adapter le cadre et les pratiques cliniques

Des modalités de travail spécifiques ont été mises en place par l'équipe comme autant de propositions pour prendre en compte ces particularités du cadre
d'intervention et des populations rencontrées. Ces propositions peuvent être considérées comme des tentatives d'adaptation du cadre et des pratiques cliniques, que le projet EVAM aura pour but d'analyser en évaluant leur pertinence et leurs effets. C'est tout d'abord le caractère mobile de l'équipe et le parti pris porté par ses membres de se déplacer en direction des différents centres d'hébergement qui seront interrogés, ainsi que la manière dont cette caractéristique a pu s'articuler avec le dispositif spécifique des HUDA. Inspirée de la clinique de la précarité (Furtos, 2008), la démarche d'aller-vers a pu sembler une manière de contrer les effets de l'assignation à résidence et de faciliter l'accès aux soins pour les hébergés. La démarche d'allers-vers permet en effet aux équipes mobiles de jouer un rôle de prévention par un travail de proximité au plus près des objets et des situations de la vie quotidienne (Auffret, 2016 ; Mercuel, 2018). Il s'agira de voir comment cette démarche s'est concrètement organisée, et quels peuvent en être les bénéfices, mais également les limites en termes de continuité des soins et de travail institutionnel et de réseau (Sempé et Siffert, 2022). Cette démarche d'aller-vers a également été associée à un recours systématique à l'interprétariat, en présentiel ou par téléphone, afin de permettre une traduction linguistique, mais parfois également une médiation relative aux représentations concernant la santé et la santé mentale (Byrow *et al.*, 2020). Si les effets sur la santé des multiples vulnérabilités et précarités auxquelles les demandeurs d'asile sont confrontés sont bien documentés (Comede, 2017), leur vécu quant à la question du soin et de la santé, et les leviers pour lutter contre les difficultés qu'ils rencontrent méritent des travaux plus nombreux et plus approfondis (Gerbes, 2015). De plus, si les préconisations de l'Organisation mondiale de la santé et la littérature scientifique établissent qu'il est souhaitable d'inclure au mieux et au plus tôt les demandeurs d'asile dans les services de santé de droit commun, les modalités de cette inclusion, et les pratiques professionnelles permettant de faire lien entre ces populations éloignées du soin et les institutions de droit commun sont à enrichir et préciser (Bresson, 2008). Comme le souligne Jan (2018), le clinicien qui travaille avec des demandeurs d'asile est appelé à exercer une clinique du *care* préalable à celle du *cure* afin de participer « à l'effort d'étayage [des patients] dans leur arrivée [...] » (ibid. : 102). Une analyse fine des récits des parcours de soins des personnes hébergées et l'évocation des pratiques liées à l'aller-vers dans le cadre des *focus groups* avec l'équipe semble ici susceptible de mettre en évidence des étapes particulièrement critiques dans les parcours des demandeurs d'asile (Duchet, 2018), les points d'achoppement dans l'accès ou le recours au soin, mais aussi les modalités d'organisation du dispositif permettant un accueil perçu comme ouvert par les personnes hébergées, et comme faisant sens pour leurs pratiques professionnelles respectives pour les intervenants.

La question de l'enchêvêtrement des suivis avec la procédure administrative, ainsi que la question de la confiance dans le lien sont également des éléments fondamentaux qui sont ressortis de la phase exploratoire, semblant régir à la fois le cadre et la temporalité des suivis. Ainsi, les enjeux psychiques liés aux différentes étapes de la procédure (rédaction du récit pour l'Ofpra notamment) et les effets anxiogènes de l'attente seront à analyser, tant du côté des personnes hébergées que du côté de leur prise en compte par les soignants. Ces enjeux ont donné lieu à des propositions d'aménagement de la technique thérapeutique à l'attention des psychologues cliniciens de la part de différents auteurs, allant dans le sens d'un renoncement à la neutralité bienveillante habituellement
d'intervention et des populations rencontrées. Ces propositions peuvent être considérées comme des tentatives d'adaptation du cadre et des pratiques cliniques, que le projet EVAM aura pour but d'analyser en évaluant leur pertinence et leurs effets. C'est tout d'abord le caractère mobile de l'équipe et le parti pris porté par ses membres de se déplacer en direction des différents centres d'hébergement qui seront interrogés, ainsi que la manière dont cette caractéristique a pu s'articuler avec le dispositif spécifique des HUDA. Inspirée de la clinique de la précarité (Furtos, 2008), la démarche d'aller-vers a pu sembler une manière de contrer les effets de l'assignation à résidence et de faciliter l'accès aux soins pour les hébergés. La démarche d'allers-vers permet en effet aux équipes mobiles de jouer un rôle de prévention par un travail de proximité au plus près des objets et des situations de la vie quotidienne (Auffret, 2016 ; Mercuel, 2018). Il s'agira de voir comment cette démarche s'est concrètement organisée, et quels peuvent en être les bénéfices, mais également les limites en termes de continuité des soins et de travail institutionnel et de réseau (Sempé et Siffert, 2022). Cette démarche d'aller-vers a également été associée à un recours systématique à l'interprétariat, en présentiel ou par téléphone, afin de permettre une traduction linguistique, mais parfois également une médiation relative aux représentations concernant la santé et la santé mentale (Byrow *et al.*, 2020). Si les effets sur la santé des multiples vulnérabilités et précarités auxquelles les demandeurs d'asile sont confrontés sont bien documentés (Comede, 2017), leur vécu quant à la question du soin et de la santé, et les leviers pour lutter contre les difficultés qu'ils rencontrent méritent des travaux plus nombreux et plus approfondis (Gerbes, 2015). De plus, si les préconisations de l'Organisation mondiale de la santé et la littérature scientifique établissent qu'il est souhaitable d'inclure au mieux et au plus tôt les demandeurs d'asile dans les services de santé de droit commun, les modalités de cette inclusion, et les pratiques professionnelles permettant de faire lien entre ces populations éloignées du soin et les institutions de droit commun sont à enrichir et préciser (Bresson, 2008). Comme le souligne Jan (2018), le clinicien qui travaille avec des demandeurs d'asile est appelé à exercer une clinique du *care* préalable à celle du *cure* afin de participer « à l'effort d'étayage [des patients] dans leur arrivée [...] » (ibid. : 102). Une analyse fine des récits des parcours de soins des personnes hébergées et l'évocation des pratiques liées à l'aller-vers dans le cadre des *focus groups* avec l'équipe semble ici susceptible de mettre en évidence des étapes particulièrement critiques dans les parcours des demandeurs d'asile (Duchet, 2018), les points d'achoppement dans l'accès ou le recours au soin, mais aussi les modalités d'organisation du dispositif permettant un accueil perçu comme ouvert par les personnes hébergées, et comme faisant sens pour leurs pratiques professionnelles respectives pour les intervenants.

La question de l'enchêvêtrement des suivis avec la procédure administrative, ainsi que la question de la confiance dans le lien sont également des éléments fondamentaux qui sont ressortis de la phase exploratoire, semblant régir à la fois le cadre et la temporalité des suivis. Ainsi, les enjeux psychiques liés aux différentes étapes de la procédure (rédaction du récit pour l'Ofpra notamment) et les effets anxiogènes de l'attente seront à analyser, tant du côté des personnes hébergées que du côté de leur prise en compte par les soignants. Ces enjeux ont donné lieu à des propositions d'aménagement de la technique thérapeutique à l'attention des psychologues cliniciens de la part de différents auteurs, allant dans le sens d'un renoncement à la neutralité bienveillante habituellement