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# Sub-Saharan Students’ Social Experience in Morocco: Integration, Social Networks and Living Together.

Aniss Mennoune

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Aniss Mennoune. Sub-Saharan Students’ Social Experience in Morocco: Integration, Social Networks and Living Together.. 2024. hal-04853744

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Distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License
“Sub-Saharan Students’ Social Experience: Integration, Social Networks and Living Together.”

Aniss Mennoune

amennoune@gmail.com

2023
Introduction

Studying abroad is form of migration, even though it is recent in the human history calendar, it
has a rich history dating back centuries. Throughout history, scholars, philosophers, and seekers
of wisdom have embarked on journeys to distant lands in pursuit of knowledge. These
intellectual migrants ventured to ancient centres of learning like Alexandria, Athens, Baghdad,
Andalusia and Tinbuktu, or they sought out renowned teachers and libraries to expand their
understanding of the world. In the 21st century, this form of migration has evolved with the
advent of globalization, technology, and educational opportunities worldwide. Students and
researchers now travel across borders to access top-notch universities, participate in academic
exchanges, and collaborate on international research projects, fostering the exchange of ideas
and the advancement of human knowledge. This form of migration continues to be a powerful
force in shaping the global intellectual landscape, contributing to the progress of science, arts,
and humanities.

Humans' movements to new countries always come with impacts on the migrants themselves
as well as the new society they live among. The important human flows in the 20th century
following the aftermath of World War I and World War II and the decolonization of many
nations, the question of integration of these newcomers was raised. In the early 20th century,
many countries adopted assimilationist policies, which aimed to help immigrants adopt the
language, culture, and values of the host country. However, these policies often led to
discrimination and exclusion of immigrants. In the latter half of the 20th century, there was a
shift towards more integrationist policies, which recognized the importance of immigrants
maintaining their cultural identities while also participating in the host society. These policies
have been more successful in promoting integration, but challenges were always present.
Morocco, once a country of emigration and transit, have become an immigration direction for migrants especially from sub-Saharan Africa. As a response to this shift in reality and its consequences, the country adopted a new policy under the National Immigration and Asylum Strategy (Stratégie Nationale de l'Immigration et de l'Asile) that allowed irregular migrants to have residency permits and to benefit from public services such as access to labour market, education for children and access to healthcare. However, in terms of dealing with international students, Morocco's measures date way before the national strategy. In fact, an official institution, the Moroccan Agency for International Cooperation affiliated to the ministry of foreign affairs is in charge of dealing with international students' demands to access Moroccan higher education since 1986. The roles of the institution goes beyond academic affairs and are extended to social interventions as well, such as providing housing, scholarships and language courses for international students.

## Research problem

Each year, hundreds of international students enter Morocco to get a degree from higher education institutions or to get a professional training. According to numbers from the minister of higher education, most of those students are African representing 85% of the international students' population in Morocco<fnref n="1" />. The dynamics and interactions between these students and the Moroccan society in general are not clearly understood, little attention is given to this topic in academia unlike non-students migrants and/or asylum seekers. It is the main concern of this study to explore these dynamics and interactions and to get a better understanding of its impacts on the living together experience of sub-Saharan students in Morocco. The objective is to raise the question about the relation between students' social experience and the living together, to

<footnote n="1">¹ Agence Ecofin, "Plus de 85 % des étudiants étrangers au Maroc proviennent d'Afrique subsaharienne, pour l'année académique en cours," Agence Ecofin, accessed September 23, 2023, https://www.agenceecofin.com/formation/0301-72449-plus-de-85-des-etudiants-etrangers-au-maroc-proviennent-d-afrique-subsaharienne-pour-l-annee-academique-en-cours.</footnote>
achieve this objective it is important firstly to understand social capital itself, its composition
as well as its evolution. The same applies for the relation with living together experience and
its complexities. Therefore, the research problem is segmented to the following questions:

* How sub-Saharan students' social experience affect the living together?

* What factors encourages and what factors inherit social interaction?

The first question aims to understand the social networks of the students, how do tight circles of friendships and trust look like and how they evolve through time, what determines new social networks and how it affects the general living together experience of the sub-Saharan students.

While the second one questions daily life interactions and how different factors affect the social experience either positively or in a negative way.

In order to grasp the different dimensions this research requires, a literature review and discussion of different concepts used will take place in the first chapters of the thesis to determine the analysis focus points. Followed by a contextualization of the research subject regarding Moroccan migration policy, the country's international commitments and the different institutional actors operating with international students. In the third chapter, the method followed, and data collection strategy will be explained, and finally the analysis and discussion of the results.

**Research limits**

No research is perfect, apprehending this topic comes with some difficulties on both theoretical aspect and the fieldwork.

When it comes to theories, scholars from different scientific disciplines study this topic broadly, in one-hand researchers tend to use different terms to express the same thing, such as “integration” “assimilation” “acculturation”… on the other hand the same concept is context-dependent and may mean something different from an author to another. The literature review
then cannot be exhaustive or cover the whole of definitions given to a concept in a certain context, for example “culture” is given more than 120 definition and that requires a whole thesis to decipher. Consequently, existing literature was approached based on relevance to topic and high citation rate and the most suitable is retained and discussed.

The fieldwork was conducted in the period of July and August, which are respectively the months of final exams and holidays in Morocco, it was difficult to find students in this period who have time and are willing to participate. The response rate also was a challenge since some questions received almost zero answers (participants prefer not to respond), this was the case for the open-end questions where the respondents had to write down words explaining or adding details to an answer. This also affected the analysis of the quantified data with SPSS software as the number of responses did not allow a high correlation coefficient.
# Literature review

## Migrants' integration as a concept

Migrants' integration is found to be an aspect of every migration policy, increasingly debated and politicized in political discourses and campaigns. In addition, numerous programs and actions are taken worldwide from civil society actors in order to well "integrate" migrants and asylum seekers in a certain country. However, the notion of integration is problematic. First, Integration as a term refers to a process where newcomers settle and interact with the host society, this interaction leads to a social change in both migrants' and host society's configuration<fnref n="2" />. Settlement as the first step of migrants means getting a place within the system, starting with a place and an income to live, and accessing services such as education and health facilities. Those first levels are crucial because they directly determine the extent of integration on other aspects such as cultural life and political participation.

Literature, when defining integration goes no further than generalist affirmations or assumptions, at the beginning of migration studies especially in the USA before the 80s of the 20th century, attention was given more to the micro level of analysis (individual migrants), where those migrants were supposed to change completely to merge with host society and culture. Integration back then was seen as a one-sided straight-line process. Warner & Srole firstly introduced the concept after the Second World War, assuming that all groups in the United States would gradually evolve towards the American way of life. Even though it is supposed to be a straight-line process, variations, however, in the pace was noticed depending on subjective factors such as cultural distance<fnref n="3" />. Bommes sees integration as a problem, and use

<footnote n="2">² Blanca García-Mascareñas and Rinus Penninx, "Introduction: Integration as a Three-Way Process Approach?," in *Integration Processes and Policies in Europe: Contexts, Levels and Actors*, ed. Blanca García-Mascareñas and Rinus Penninx, IMISCOE Research Series (Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016), 1–9, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-21674-4_1.</footnote>

<footnote n="3">³ W. Lloyd Warner, *Srole Leo, THE SOCIAL SYSTEMS OF AMERICAN ETHNIC GROUPS*, 1945.</footnote>
the term migrants’ assimilation to describe it, which is for him the conditions under which the
migrants succeed or fail to fulfill the conditions of participation in social systems [of host
society]<fnref n="4" />.

This one-sided ‘classical’ view of integration is severely criticized, Lindo (2005), considers that
taking integration as an inescapable and self-evident process ignores the complex interplay of
culturation, identification, social status. Moreover, concrete interaction patterns of individuals
may produce many different “outcomes” much more varied in fact than a linear shift from
“immigrants” to “host” ways of doing things. The “host ways of doing things” assumes the
“host” as a society composed of domestic individuals and groups, which are integrated
normatively by a consensus and organizationally by a state<fnref n="5" />. Safi critics can be arranged in three
distinct categories, first one concerns host society, the latter is taking for granted as a
homogenous and cohesive social environment. The second highlights the importance of
structural inequalities and its implications on integration especially for migrants, discrimination
on labour market per example is a structural obstacle in front of a “normal integration process”,
same as discrimination on the housing market. The third category emphasizes on the plurality
of integration processes and the role of the institutional environment and its actors such as the
state, organizations<fnref n="6" />...

These arguments were the basis of a shift in analysis from the meso-level to macro-level
structures. In migration and integration research concepts such as adaptation, acculturation and
assimilation tend to explain the settlement of migrants from a cultural point of view. While
other concepts shifted focus to host society as a study object (inclusion/exclusion

<footnote n="4">⁴ *Immigration and Social Systems: Collected Essays of Michael Bommes* (Amsterdam University Press, 2012), 107–24, https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt46mtgj.</footnote>

<footnote n="5">⁵ Christian Joppke and Ewa Morawska, eds., *Toward Assimilation and Citizenship* (London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014), https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230554795.</footnote>

<footnote n="6">⁶ Mirna Safi, “Penser l’intégration des immigrés : les enseignements de la sociologie américaine,” *Sociologie 2*, no. 2 (2011): 149–64, https://doi.org/10.3917/socio.022.0149.</footnote>
accommodation, incorporation...). The latter [host society], according to literature matters at three levels, first of individuals (the attitudes and behaviour of native society on micro-level), second level is about organizations which can be more or less open towards migrants, and the third level that of institutions, whether they are for or of migrants or general public institutions<fnref n="7" />. The concept kept evolving; however, from a theoretical scope it kept expanding horizontally by containing more analysis elements. Since those elements changed from a context to another so did their importance and impact, the concept's definition became more and more context-dependent.

Researchers attempted to redefine –or to define– the concept. In brief words, Esser for example sees it [Integration] as the “inclusion [of individual actors] in already existing social system”<fnref n="8" />, and Heckmann develop it further by adding the dimension of time, considering integration as a generations lasting process of inclusion and acceptance of migrants, on the institutional as well as on social level<fnref n="9" />. In recent literature, Pennix and Garcés-Mascarenas define integration as the process of becoming an accepted part of society. It is the process of settlement, interaction with host society, and social change that follows immigration. These definitions emphasize the process character of integration and suggests three dimensions in which immigrants may or may not become an accepted part of society:

* (i) legal-political sphere, which includes residence and political rights and statuses (right of citizenship, political participation...)

* (ii) socio-economic conditions under which a migrant is living

* (iii) cultural-religious perceptions and practices of immigrants and the receiving society

<footnote n="7">⁷ R. Penninx, *Research on Migration and Integration in Europe. Achievements and Lessons*, 2013.</footnote>

<footnote n="8">⁸ Esser, H. (1980). Aspekte der Wanderungssoziologie: Assimilation und Integration von Wanderern, etnische Gruppen und Minderheiten, eine handlungstheo-retische Analyse. Darmstadt, Neuwied: Luchterhand.</footnote>

<footnote n="9">⁹ Heckmann, F. (1981). Die Bundesrepublik, ein Einwanderungsland? Zur Soziologie der Gastarbeiterbevölkerung als Einwanderemínorität. Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta.</footnote>
## Integration levels

As it stands so far, there are two parties involved in the integration process, migrants as either individuals, collective/groups or institutions and the receiving society (individuals, collective/groups, institutions).

<figure><img src="image_4.png" /><figcaption>Figure 1: A heuristic model for the empirical study of integration processes. Source: Penninx.</figcaption></figure>

The figure above illustrates the dynamics between migrants and host society. The process of integration is measured at three levels:
<figure><img src="image_5.png" /><figcaption>Figure 2: Indicators of Individual Integration. Source: author.</figcaption></figure>

The individual level includes the first set of indicators (legal status, socio-economic conditions and cultural identification) that shows the extent to which a migrant is integrated. These indicators are correlated in direct and indirect ways. Per example, a migrant is granted residency card and full political rights, at the same time he could encounter discrimination within labour market and cannot have a job. As indicators, those elements are distinct from each other, however, in real life they are in constant interaction.

## Assimilation Theory

Assimilation as a concept is relatively more clearly defined than integration, since it contains both theorization of the process as well as its different “mechanisms” that can be empirically observed. Firstly, introduced in the studies conducted by Chicago School's Urban Ecology Department, while analyzing migrants flows to Chicago's outskirts, in this context many concepts such as “Social Disorganization and Reorganization” “Marginalization” “Ethnic
Minorities” and “Assimilation” have been introduced<fnref n="10" />. The latter, broadly described as an individual approach, a psychological process by which individuals may be able to emancipate themselves from their origin community. However, the origin culture maintains ties with both old belonging and the new one that is emerging simultaneously<fnref n="11" />. On the individual level, this context of interaction and interdependence between two distinct cultures results a hybrid man, a man who lives a double cultural life of two distinct people, who won’t cut ties with home culture (even though he is able to do so). However, at the same time is not fully accepted because of racial judgments of host society<fnref n="12" />. Therefore, a migrant is only assimilated when he gets on in the country, when he is capable of finding a place in the community of the basis of his individual merits, regardless of his origins or his heritage.

## New Assimilation Theory

In a context of public debate on migration questions and its social impacts, there has been a concern across Europe, especially over immigrants’ integration. The political narrative went into questioning the subjective reasons behind “chosen un-integration,” the former prime minister of the United Kingdom publicly mentioned that the situation of discomfort and disjointedness is due to immigrants’ unwillingness to integrate<fnref n="13" />.

New Assimilation theory fills the gap on the role of migrants in the process of integration, the active role that migrants play by either their actions and engagements or the choice of not doing so by which they decide whether to assimilate or not<fnref n="14" />. It highlights that immigrants actively

<footnote n="10">¹⁰ Robert E. Park, “The City: Suggestions for the Investigation of Human Behavior in the City Environment,” *American Journal of Sociology* 20, no. 5 (1915): 577–612.</footnote>

<footnote n="11">¹¹ Anne Marie Gaillard, “Assimilation, insertion, integration, adaptation : un état des connaissances,” *Hommes & Migrations* 1209, no. 1 (1997): 120, https://doi.org/10.3406/homig.1997.3030.</footnote>

<footnote n="12">¹² Robert E. Park, “Human Migration and the Marginal Man,” *American Journal of Sociology* 33, no. 6 (May 1928): 881–93, https://doi.org/10.1086/214592.</footnote>

<footnote n="13">¹³ Nicholas Watt and Hélène Mulholland, “Immigrants Who Fail to Integrate Have Created ‘Discomfort’, Says Cameron,” *The Guardian*, April 14, 2011, sec. Politics, https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2011/apr/14/immigrants-fail-integrate-discomfort-cameron.</footnote>

<footnote n="14">¹⁴ Mengran Xu et al., “Migrants’ Willingness to Contact Local Residents in China,” *Cities* 133 (February 1, 2023): 104120, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cities.2022.104120.</footnote>
make adaptation choices and strategies. The central premise of this theory revolves around the concept of immigrants' "bounded rationality," which posits that individuals who immigrate make deliberate choices aimed at advancing their own self-interests. Moreover, tightly knit groups formed by immigrants work collectively towards maximizing the well-being and overall welfare of their members through concerted efforts. From a cost & benefits' point of view, when assimilation is perceived as more rewarding than other adaptation choices, immigrants may have strong willingness to assimilate, they strive for it. Assimilation then is a "contingent outcome stemming from the cumulative effect of individual choices and collective action in close-knit groups occurring at different rates both within and across ethnic groups<fnref n="15" />.

Beside theoretical and context differences, Integration and Assimilation is both seen as the decrease of the distinction between locals and migrants<fnref n="16" />.

## Acculturation

The meaning of acculturation differs based on the perspective of the individual defining it within their respective field of study. It is generally accepted that it refers to the process in which immigrants and their families adapt to a new country by acquiring and assimilating the values, beliefs, language, customs, and behaviors, including health-related aspects such as dietary habits, physical activity levels, and substance use<fnref n="17" />. The Social Science Research Council defined acculturation in 1954 by the "...culture change that is initiated by the conjunction of two or more autonomous cultural systems. Its dynamics can be seen as the selective adaptation of value systems, the processes of integration and differentiation, the

<footnote n="15">¹⁵ Richard Alba and Victor Nee, *Remaking the American Mainstream: Assimilation and Contemporary Immigration* (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005), 65–66.</footnote>

<footnote n="16">¹⁶ Victor Nee and Richard Alba, "10. Assimilation as Rational Action in Contexts Defined by Institutions and Boundaries," in *10. Assimilation as Rational Action in Contexts Defined by Institutions and Boundaries* (Stanford University Press, 2013), 355–78, https://doi.org/10.1515/9780804785501-013.</footnote>

<footnote n="17">¹⁷ “Acculturation - an Overview | ScienceDirect Topics,” accessed May 24, 2023, https://www.sciencedirect.com/topics/neuroscience/acculturation.</footnote>
generation of developmental sequences, and the operation of role determinants and personality
factors”.

These definitions primarily focus on the interactive aspect of the acculturation process,
recognizing that change takes place in both immigrants and members of the host society.
However, in scientific research the migrants' side is the most investigated since the changes
that occur in migrants' individual behaviour, values... is much bigger than the changes taking
place in host society's configuration. Authors who focus more on migrants' side define
acculturation from one side, for Perez-Escamilla and Putnik (2007) acculturation is the process
by which cultural groups adopt the customs and behaviors of a new culture<fnref n="18" />. When studying
acculturation from a communication point of view, as the latter is considered central to the
acculturation process, Kim Young found out that [acculturation] occurs in two steps; first one
is the identification of significant symbols of the host society, then the adoption and
internalization of these symbols as a sign of acceptance<fnref n="19" />. Therefore, the process of
acculturation is “an interactive and continuous process that evolves in and through the
communication of an immigrant with the new sociocultural environment. The acquired
communication competence, in turn, reflects the degree of that immigrant's acculturation”<fnref n="20" />.

Berry's Model of Acculturation

A set of definitions by one of the most cited authors in integration and acculturation studies
assembles the two sides of definitions presented above. In Berry's words, acculturation is the
description of the process of assimilation or adaptation by a racial or ethnic group to a host
culture and can occur in sedentary or migrant individuals, not only voluntarily among

<footnote n="18">¹⁸ Pérez-Escamilla R and Putnik P, "The Role of Acculturation in Nutrition, Lifestyle, and Incidence of Type 2 Diabetes among Latinos," *The Journal of Nutrition* 137, no. 4 (April 2007), https://doi.org/10.1093/jn/137.4.860.</footnote>

<footnote n="19">¹⁹ Jin K. Kim, "Explaining Acculturation in a Communication Framework: An Empirical Test," *Communication Monographs* 47, no. 3 (August 1, 1980): 155-79, https://doi.org/10.1080/03637758009376030.</footnote>

<footnote n="20">²⁰ Kim.</footnote>
immigrants but also involuntarily among indigenous peoples and refugees<fnref n="21" />. Berry's analysis goes further to reach the outcomes of the process, described as varieties of adaptation representing integration or biculturality, traditionality or separation, marginalization, and assimilation in terms of cultural identification and relationships with other groups<fnref n="22" />. These outcomes presented are a theoretical basis of a measurement model developed initially by the author himself, in which he presents four different acculturation strategies adopted by migrants in the context of a new cultural environment.

Berry's model of acculturation categorizes migrants' individual adaptation choices within two dimensions. The first one is the native culture of the migrant, the behaviour towards mother culture either to retain or reject it. While the second dimension concern the host culture, either to adopt it or reject it. The two dimensions go in parallel and cannot be separated or taken in consideration distinctly.

<footnote n="21">²¹ John W. Berry, "Psychology of Acculturation," in *Nebraska Symposium on Motivation, 1989: Cross-Cultural Perspectives*, Current Theory and Research in Motivation, Vol. 37 (Lincoln, NE, US: University of Nebraska Press, 1990), 201–34.</footnote>

<footnote n="22">²² Richard H. Dana, "Assessment of Acculturation in Hispanic Populations," *Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences* 18, no. 3 (August 1, 1996): 317–28, https://doi.org/10.1177/07399863960183003.</footnote>
<table><caption>Table 1: Berry's model of acculturation</caption><thead><tr><th rowspan="2" colspan="2">Berry's four adaptation strategies</th><th colspan="2">Maintain native culture</th></tr><tr><th>Yes</th><th>No</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><th rowspan="2">Maintain host culture</th><th>Yes</th><td>Integration</td><td>Assimilation</td></tr><tr><th>No</th><td>Separation</td><td>Marginalization</td></tr></tbody></table>

## Social Capital theories

Social capital, a concept central to sociology, refers to the resources embedded within social networks that individuals can access for personal or collective benefit. Scientists have developed distinct theories of social capital that shed light on its implications for communities and individuals. Literature reviewed can be separated into three general perspectives; two of them are interconnected but distinct.

The first one is mainly associated with sociologists Ronald Burt, Nan Lin, and Alejandro Portes, pertains to the resources (such as information, ideas, and support) that individuals can acquire through their relationships with others. These resources, referred to as "social capital" can only be accessed and obtained within these social connections, unlike physical or human capital which is personal possessions, like tools, technology, education, or skills. The arrangement of a specific network—how individuals interact with each other, the frequency of their interactions, and the nature of their relationships—significantly influences the flow of resources
within that network. Consequently, individuals who occupy crucial positions in the network, particularly those with connections that span across important groups, possess more social capital compared to their peers. This advantage stems from their network position, which grants them enhanced access to a wider range of valuable resources<fnref n="23" />.

The second (and more prevalent) perspective on social capital, closely associated with political scientist Robert Putnam, focuses on the extent of an individual's involvement in different informal networks and formal civic organizations. This version of social capital encompasses a conceptual framework that characterizes the various ways members of a community interact, ranging from casual conversations with neighbors and participation in leisure activities to joining environmental groups and political parties. By understanding social capital in this context, it becomes possible to create a map of a community's associative life, providing insights into its civic well-being.

Furthermore, social capital refers to the collective value of social networks and the resources that arise from these networks. It encompasses the connections between individuals, social groups and institutions and how these connections enable cooperation and collaboration among people. Social capital is seen as a valuable asset because it facilitates the achievement of common goals, enhances trust and reciprocity among individuals, and contributes to a sense of belonging and community identity. Empirical research has established links between a community's level of social capital (or lack thereof) and a range of social issues such as crime, health, poverty, and unemployment. This realization has raised concerns among citizens and policymakers alike, leading to a recognition that new forms of social capital need to be envisioned and established as other, older forms decline—potentially due to technological

<footnote n="23">²³ Christiaan Grootaert et al., *Measuring Social Capital*, World Bank Working Papers (The World Bank, 2004), https://doi.org/10.1596/0-8213-5661-5.</footnote>
advancements or demographic changes. These issues hold relevance for both high-income and low-income countries.

The concept of social capital revolves around the idea that our social connections enable us to access valuable resources, which are considered a type of “capital”. “Whereas physical capital refers to physical objects and human capital refers to the properties of individuals, social capital refers to connections among individuals.”<fnref n="24" />

Putnam introduces an important differentiation between two types of social capital: bonding and bridging. Bonding social capital reinforces exclusive identities and homogeneous groups, emphasizing strong family or friendship ties characterized by trust and reciprocity. The integration discourse argues that communities that are overly cohesive in terms of bonding social capital can lead to segregation and a situation where different groups live parallel lives.

On the other hand, bridging social capital is crucial for individuals to connect with external networks and information. It involves forming relationships with individuals across social boundaries and broader society. Bridging social capital typically encompasses networks of acquaintances, colleagues, neighbors, and friends, often referred to as "weak" ties. These connections can provide access to diverse yet valuable resources and facilitate contact between different groups. The current recommendations within the integration policy discourse emphasize the importance of fostering bridging social capital.

Linking social capital, the third pillar of the social capital theory, refers to a form of social capital that encompasses shared standards of esteem and networks of reliable connections among individuals engaged in interactions that traverse explicit, structured, or established

<footnote n="24">²⁴ Robert D. Putnam, *Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community* (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2000), 19.</footnote>
hierarchies of influence or control within a community. These associations are labelled as 'vertical,' and the defining characteristic is disparities in societal status or influence. An instance of this might involve the interactions between a grassroots organization and governmental bodies or external financiers<fnref n="25" />. Linking social capital can be seen as an expansion of bridging social capital, encompassing connections and relationships with people, groups, or organizations present in public institutions, schools, business circles, legal systems, and religious/political entities<fnref n="26" />.

Linking social capital constitutes the third category within the framework of social capital, expanding upon the familiar differentiation between bonding and bridging, a concept widely utilized in network theory's perspective on social capital. This differentiation, originating from network analysis and founded on methodological individualism and rational choice theory, has faced censure for amalgamating conflicting facets of networks and norms into singular groupings<fnref n="27" />. An alternative perspective entails separating social capital into structural and cognitive dimensions. It is important to note that linking social capital differs from bridging social capital because the power differences between partners are a conscious part of the relationship. While bridging social capital develops horizontal trust among unlike groups, linking social capital involves classic patron/client or mentor/mentee relationships<fnref n="28" />.

The third perspective of social capital is associated with French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu.

<footnote n="25">²⁵ Simon Szreter and Michael Woolcock, "Health by Association? Social Capital, Social Theory, and the Political Economy of Public Health," *International Journal of Epidemiology* 33, no. 4 (August 1, 2004): 650–67, https://doi.org/10.1093/ije/dyh013.</footnote>

<footnote n="26">²⁶ Tristan Claridge, "What Is Linking Social Capital?," *Institute for Social Capital* (blog), January 7, 2018, https://www.socialcapitalresearch.com/what-is-linking-social-capital/.</footnote>

<footnote n="27">²⁷ Pedro Ramos-Pinto, "Social Capital as a Capacity for Collective Action," *Assessing Social Capital: Concept, Policy and Practice*, n.d., 53–69.</footnote>

<footnote n="28">²⁸ Jo Anne Schneider, *Social Capital and Welfare Reform: Organizations, Congregations, and Communities* (Columbia University Press, 2006), https://doi.org/10.7312/schn12650.</footnote>
Bourdieu's understanding of social capital originates from the acknowledgment that capital extends beyond just economic assets and that social interactions encompass more than self-centred motives, necessitating the inclusion of “capital and profit in all their forms”<fnref n="29" />. His conceptual framework is rooted in theories related to the perpetuation of social structures and the influential power of symbols. Bourdieu's research underscores the limitations imposed by societal structures and the unequal entry to institutional advantages, which are influenced by factors like social class, gender, and ethnicity<fnref n="30" />.

Social capital is perceived as an attribute linked to the individual, rather than the whole group, primarily originating from an individual's societal position and standing. This form of capital grants an individual the ability to influence whether a group or an individual who activates these resources.

According to Bourdieu, social capital is not uniformly accessible to all members of a collective; rather, it is attainable by those who put in an effort to acquire it through achieving positions of influence and prestige, as well as by cultivating positive relationships<fnref n="31" />. Social capital is intrinsically tied to social class and other types of social hierarchies, which, in turn, are associated with diverse advantages or advancements. Furthermore, it is the combination of actual or virtual resources acquired by individuals or groups by the acquisition of “more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition”<fnref n="32" />. Therefore, social capital resides in the individual and is linked to social connections that a person can utilize for

<footnote n="29">²⁹ “Bourdieu, P. (1986). The Forms of Capital. In: Richardson, J., Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education. Westport, CT: Greenwood: 241–58. | Socialcapitalgateway.Org,” October 18, 2016, https://www.socialcapitalgateway.org/content/paper/bourdieu-p-1986-forms-capital-richardson-j-handbook-theory-and-research-sociology-educ.</footnote>

<footnote n="30">³⁰ Tristan Claridge, “Bourdieu on Social Capital – Theory of Capital,” *Institute for Social Capital* (blog), April 21, 2015, https://www.socialcapitalresearch.com/bourdieu-on-social-capital-theory-of-capital/.</footnote>

<footnote n="31">³¹ “Bourdieu, P. (1986). The Forms of Capital. In.”</footnote>

<footnote n="32">³² Pierre Bourdieu and Loïc J. D. Wacquant, *An Invitation to Reflexive Sociology* (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1992), https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/l/bo3649674.html.</footnote>
advancement<fnref n="33" />. It is then the advantage gained from social connections, yet the origin of social capital emerges from societal, economic, and cultural frameworks that generate varying power and prestige for certain individuals while excluding others. This power and prestige generate underlying presumptions like societal conventions, resulting in favorable circumstances. Hence, social capital is more focused on possessing a favorable societal position rather than merely maintaining an extensive social network, as this position establishes the potential to benefit from one's social connections.

In a relatively recent approach regarding Putnam and Bourdieu, Francis Fukuyama also discussed social capital and made a major step forward in terms of its definition, or at least a more clarification of its nature. Arguing that the definitions given to the term actually contain manifestations of social capital rather than social capital itself. For Fukuyama, social capital is “an instantiated informal norm that promotes cooperation between two or more individuals. The norms that constitute social capital can range from a norm of reciprocity between two friends, all the way up to complex and elaborately articulated doctrines like Christianity or Confucianism.”<fnref n="34" />

There are conditions, however, for these norms to be social capital. The first one is that they must be instantiated in an actual human relationship. For example, the norm of reciprocity could potentially exist in someone's dealings with all human beings. However it is only actualized in his dealings with his friends. Based on this definition, Fukuyama affirms that “trust, networks, civil society, and the like which have been associated with social capital are all epiphenomenal, arising as a result of social capital but not constituting social capital itself”<fnref n="35" />. Secondly, norms

<footnote n="33">³³ Charles Rudick et al., “A Communication and Instruction Approach to Embodied Cultural and Social Capital at a Public, 4-Year University,” *Communication Education* 68 (July 25, 2019): 1–22, https://doi.org/10.1080/03634523.2019.1642501.</footnote>

<footnote n="34">³⁴ Francis Fukuyama, “Social Capital and Civil Society,” *IMF Working Papers* 00 (May 1, 2000): 3, https://doi.org/10.5089/9781451849585.001.</footnote>

<footnote n="35">³⁵ Fukuyama, “Social Capital and Civil Society.”</footnote>
should result in-group collaboration, thus being connected to conventional values such as integrity, honoring promises, consistent fulfillment of responsibilities, mutual exchange, and similar qualities.

As for social capital's functions, Fukuyama's analysis is purely economic in this matter, considering its main role is to reduce the costs linked with formal coordination methods such as contracts, hierarchies, bureaucratic regulations, and similar approaches. While it is feasible to attain organized efforts within a group lacking social capital, this would likely involve extra costs related to supervising, bargaining, resolving disputes, and making sure formal agreements are adhered to. The most expensive cost that social capital may reduce is time waste, where procedures that may take weeks or days to be done could be reduced to a few hours or minutes due to social capital.

## Chapter conclusion

The literature review accomplished was based on the relevance of the concepts within migration and integration studies, the articles and books cited are the most referred to in terms of definitions and conceptualization. Nevertheless, it is not to pretend that it is exhaustive nor systematic. As seen so far, various concepts are used in different contexts and tend to change depending on what has been looked for in each study.

For the context of this study, firstly it was aiming the measurement of cultural integration of subs-Saharan students in morocco, which explains why concepts such as integration acculturation and assimilation have been introduced, but as progress was made the scope of the study have changed to a whole new perspective related to social experience and social networks.
As for the field work and data analysis, the elements of social capital theory will be used to categorize different social networks and its implications on the living together experience, not only for the relative more clarity of its concepts, but also for its perfect match with this study.
Especially in relation to the first question of this research, identifying social networks is based
on the three types of social capital from Putnam’s theoretical approach.
Research contextualization: international students in Morocco

Traveling in order to get education is not a recent phenomenon, it is true that it became more popular in the contemporary globalized world, but people have always travelled to increase their knowledge especially when its sources were not as accessible as nowadays.

Each year, hundreds of new sub-Saharan students migrate to Morocco either to join universities or to get professional training (some students join foreign institutes in Morocco or get military training). In 2021, Moroccan higher education minister expressed that the country counted 23411 registered students, 83% of them are Africans<fnref n="36" />. The number of sub-Saharan students increased by almost 30% in ten years<fnref n="37" />.

The University of Mohammed V in Rabat alone counts 2739 registered international students, which represents approximately 3% of the total number of the students.

<footnote n="36">³⁶ "23.411 étudiants étrangers inscrits au Maroc en 2021 dont 83% d'Africains," *Médias24* (blog), March 6, 2023, https://medias24.com/2023/03/06/23-411-etudiants-etrangers-inscrits-au-maroc-en-2021-dont-83-africains/.</footnote>

<footnote n="37">³⁷ "Maroc : réussites africaines – Jeune Afrique," *JeuneAfrique.com*, October 9, 2012, https://www.jeuneafrique.com/139775/societe/maroc-r-ussites-africaines/.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_6.png" /><figcaption>Figure 3: Evolution of international students' numbers in Mohammed V University Rabat. Source: Presidency of UMVR</figcaption></figure>

As the figure 6 shows, the total number of registered international students was in constant increase until Covid-19 affected it slightly. African students from 49 countries (South Africa, Algeria, Angola, Benin, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroun, Cap Verde, Central Africa, Comoros Islands, Congo, Ivory Coast, Djibouti, Egypt, Erytheria Ethiopia, Gabon, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Guinea Equatorial, Maurice Island, Kenya, Liberia, Libya, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Uganda, Rwanda, Sao Tome, Senegal, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Sudan, South Sudan, Swaziland, Tanzania, Chad, Togo, Tunisia, Zambia) are the vast majority of international students in Mohammed V representing 66% of foreign students.

Enrolled in all the different degrees and diplomas offered by the university, international African students are found in 13 different institutions of the university, including 8 faculties such as the Faculty of Medicine and Pharmacy, Dental Medicine, Letter and Human Sciences, Faculty of Sciences, Educational Sciences and the three Faculties of Law and Economics in Agdal, Sale and Souissi. In addition to five schools of engineering and technology that contain
Mohammadia school of engineers, National School of Arts and Professions, National Higher School of Computer Science and System Analysis, Ecole Normale Supérieure and Higher School of Technology in Sale.

The table below shows the evolution of the number of registered African international students per category and diploma type:

<table><caption>Figure 4: Evolution of African international students in Mohammed V University, Source: Presidency of UMVR.</caption><thead><tr><th>catégorie</th><th>Type de diplôme</th><th>2018</th><th>2019</th><th>2020</th><th>2021</th><th>2022</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td rowspan="2">Ingénierie</td><td>Années préparatoires</td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td>4</td><td>12</td></tr><tr><td>Diplôme d'Ingénieur d'Etat</td><td>45</td><td>41</td><td>31</td><td>46</td><td>52</td></tr><tr><td rowspan="7">Médical</td><td>Docteur en médecine dentaire</td><td>64</td><td>75</td><td>68</td><td>74</td><td>76</td></tr><tr><td>Docteur en médecine</td><td>272</td><td>321</td><td>322</td><td>351</td><td>366</td></tr><tr><td>Docteur en pharmacie</td><td>82</td><td>85</td><td>85</td><td>81</td><td>86</td></tr><tr><td>Diplôme de Spécialité en odontologie</td><td>6</td><td>4</td><td>6</td><td>7</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>Diplôme de spécialité médicale</td><td>136</td><td>142</td><td>139</td><td>187</td><td>192</td></tr><tr><td>Diplôme de spécialité pharmaceutique</td><td>6</td><td>3</td><td>7</td><td>5</td><td>7</td></tr><tr><td>Technique</td><td>Diplôme Universitaire de Technologie</td><td>10</td><td>15</td><td>18</td><td>19</td><td>27</td></tr><tr><td rowspan="5">LMD</td><td>Licence</td><td>417</td><td>503</td><td>576</td><td>608</td><td>535</td></tr><tr><td>Licence Professionnelle</td><td>4</td><td>12</td><td>7</td><td>24</td><td>12</td></tr><tr><td>Master</td><td>110</td><td>154</td><td>120</td><td>98</td><td>116</td></tr><tr><td>Master Spécialisé</td><td>79</td><td>122</td><td>136</td><td>129</td><td>141</td></tr><tr><td>Doctorat</td><td>245</td><td>218</td><td>297</td><td>303</td><td>201</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Total</td><td>1476</td><td>1695</td><td>1812</td><td>1936</td><td>1823</td></tr></tbody></table>

<figure><img src="image_7.png" /><figcaption>Figure 5: Repartition of registered students per diploma nature. Source: UMVR.</figcaption></figure>
<figure><img src="image_8.png" /><figcaption>Figure 6: Repartition of international African students per degree nature 2023. Source: UMVR.</figcaption></figure>

The average number of registered African international students is 1842 with 1350 reregistering every year, for the academic year of 2022/2023 the university got 492 new students and in total female students represented 62% of the total number of registered students.

Each year also, hundreds of students leave the university after finishing their programs or degrees, the table below gives an idea of the number of graduates for the last 3 years:
<table><caption>Figure 7: Statistics of graduated African international students. Source: UMVR.</caption><thead><tr><th>Diplomés</th><th>2019/2020</th><th>2020/2021</th><th>2021/2022</th><th>Total</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Ingénierie</td><td>18</td><td>9</td><td>10</td><td>37</td></tr><tr><td>Diplôme d'Ingénieur d'Etat</td><td>18</td><td>9</td><td>10</td><td>37</td></tr><tr><td>LMD</td><td>157</td><td>195</td><td>202</td><td>554</td></tr><tr><td>Doctorat</td><td>7</td><td>7</td><td>9</td><td>23</td></tr><tr><td>Licence</td><td>58</td><td>67</td><td>98</td><td>223</td></tr><tr><td>Licence Professionnelle</td><td>7</td><td>4</td><td>14</td><td>25</td></tr><tr><td>Master</td><td>49</td><td>63</td><td>33</td><td>145</td></tr><tr><td>Master Spécialisé</td><td>36</td><td>54</td><td>48</td><td>138</td></tr><tr><td>Médical</td><td>58</td><td>64</td><td>102</td><td>224</td></tr><tr><td>Médecine Dentaire</td><td>9</td><td>11</td><td>9</td><td>29</td></tr><tr><td>Médecine</td><td>20</td><td>22</td><td>40</td><td>82</td></tr><tr><td>Pharmacie</td><td>6</td><td>12</td><td>12</td><td>30</td></tr><tr><td>Diplôme de spécialité en odontologie</td><td></td><td>1</td><td>3</td><td>4</td></tr><tr><td>Diplôme de spécialité médicale</td><td>21</td><td>17</td><td>36</td><td>74</td></tr><tr><td>Diplôme de spécialité pharmaceutique</td><td>2</td><td>1</td><td>2</td><td>5</td></tr><tr><td>Technique</td><td>5</td><td>7</td><td>3</td><td>15</td></tr><tr><td>Diplôme Universitaire de Technologie</td><td>5</td><td>7</td><td>3</td><td>15</td></tr><tr><td>Total</td><td>238</td><td>275</td><td>317</td><td>830</td></tr></tbody></table>

<figure><img src="image_9.png" /><figcaption>Figure 8: Evolution of graduated African international students per diploma type. Source: UMVR.</figcaption></figure>
The process of becoming an international student in Morocco

The decision to study in Morocco is primarily driven by practical considerations. In a survey held on this matter, Berriane indicates that students state they chose Morocco because they received a scholarship to study here, while similar opportunities were not available in other countries<fnref n="38" />. However, this viewpoint also assumes that there was already a willingness to leave their home country in order to pursue studies abroad. Studying abroad, particularly in terms of Morocco, is highly regarded as an opportunity to get a higher quality of education and the potential for improved living conditions.

Conversely, the specific destination country does not play a significant role in the decision to leave. Europe would have been a preferable alternative if given the opportunity, but since that was not the case, they settled for coming to Morocco<fnref n="39" />. Familial environment plays a crucial role in the matter, frequently parents are the ones who motivate or even force their children to depart from the country and arrange for their journey. Additionally, a majority of students originate from families and social contexts where migration has already been established as a lifestyle choice<fnref n="40" />. However what encourages African students to come to study in Morocco (when Europe is not possible) is the low cost of living compared to European countries, as well as the public universities in Morocco being free of charges. In addition, the increase in the number of African students in Moroccan higher education institutions is explained by an active policy of the kingdom towards African states. Indeed, for over ten years, Morocco has

<footnote n="38">³⁸ Johara Berriane, "Les étudiants subsahariens au Maroc : des migrants parmi d'autres ?," *Méditerranée. Revue géographique des pays méditerranéens* / *Journal of Mediterranean geography*, no. 113 (December 31, 2009): 147–50, https://doi.org/10.4000/mediterranee.3843.</footnote>

<footnote n="39">³⁹ Berriane.</footnote>

<footnote n="40">⁴⁰ Berriane.</footnote>
established bilateral agreements with its sub-Saharan neighbors by offering scholarships to their students, and even waiving visa requirements<fnref n="41" />.

This policy regarding sub-Saharan African students in Morocco is based on several key steps, ranging from admission to a higher education institution to the right of entry and residence in the country. Various stakeholders are involved in Morocco and sub-Saharan Africa, assisting students during each of these phases, from seeking information about studying in Morocco to their arrival on Moroccan territory. The admission procedure for Moroccan higher education institutions varies depending on whether the student is interested in a public or private institution. The admission process for a sub-Saharan African student at a public university depends on several criteria such as the candidate's nationality, academic performance, level of study, and the intended field of study<fnref n="42" />.

In order to organize the entry of these students, Morocco created an organism specifically in charge of communication and coordination with sub-Saharan students, universities and authorities of countries. The AMCI (Agence Marocaine de Coopération Internationale) or the Moroccan Agency for International Cooperation was created in 1986 to reinforce international cooperation of Morocco, with a particular focus on promoting South-south cooperation. The main mission of the agency is to develop scientific, cultural, economic and technical cooperation with friendly countries<fnref n="43" />. In the matter of cultural cooperation, the agency organizes cultural events, the objective is to promote Moroccan culture and immaterial capital, and to strength links between Morocco and other African countries.

African students holding a high school degree and aiming to their higher education in Morocco must make an admission demand for the responsible institution in their country as a first step,

<footnote n="41">⁴¹ Khalid Mouna et al., *L'immigration Au Maroc : Les Défis de l'intégration L'immigration Au Maroc : Les Défis de l'intégration Collection RSSI 2017, 2017*.</footnote>

<footnote n="42">⁴² Mouna et al.</footnote>

<footnote n="43">⁴³ "Présentation | AMCI," accessed May 30, 2023, https://www.amci.ma/presentation.</footnote>
this institution differ from country to country as it could be the ministry of higher education,
the embassy of the country in Morocco or another organism. The organism transmits the
demand to the AMCI since it is the institution in charge of transmitting admission demands to
the Moroccan ministry of higher education and universities, once demands are accepted the
AMCI contacts the embassies with the list of the students in order to start entry procedures, etc.

<figure><img src="image_10.png" /><figcaption>Figure 9: Procedure of registration for African students.</figcaption></figure>

Students from each country are organized under a union or an association on a local and national
scale, where in each university/city there are bureaus of the union/association and
representatives. In addition, different unions of different communities are organized in
federations in order to coordinate shared activities, in Oujda for example the association
CETASSO (Cercle des Etudiants et Associations Sub-sahariens Oujda) takes in charge of the
organization of cultural exchange and sports activities, its members are composed of members
from different students' associations.

Working in tight coordination and with the support of AMCI, students' unions play a crucial
role in the students' general experience in Morocco, starting with helping in securing housing,
paper work and procedures to organizing conferences, seminars, training, etc.

Chapter conclusion

The process of becoming an international student in Morocco starts way before being registered
in a Moroccan university or entering the country, Moroccan institutions however are involved
in each step of the process and are continuously in interaction with the students throughout their
journey.
**Method**

Considering the nature of the subject and the necessity of a multidisciplinary approach revealed by literature review, this study method consisted on using multiple sources, and perspectives to study a phenomenon.

**Data gathering strategy**

In the early stages of the study, a total number of four exploratory interviews were conducted with participants to get a better understanding of what elements to focus on later. An unstructured exploratory interview aims to cultivate concepts and formulate research hypotheses. Its purpose is to investigate potential approaches for collecting pertinent data. Frequently, this type of interview is guided by a list of topics to address during the conversation. The Social Research Glossary (SRG) defines exploratory interviews as "*unstructured and is intended to develop ideas and research hypotheses, and to explore possible ways of gathering relevant data. Often it is based upon a checklist of items to be covered in the interview*"<sup>44</sup>. This helped later with the framing of the research problem and the development of the questionnaire to gather the adequate data.

A questionnaire of three sections had been distributed to a sample of 70 sub-Saharan students in Morocco, this was made via hard copies as well as online, all answers then combined into one database for analysis. The questionnaire included closed-ended questions as well as open-ended questions for analysis purposes, closed-ended questions are useful in identifying general patterns and in this case it will either approve or disapprove generalizations constructed on different purposive sampling technic was used targeting sub-Saharan students from different nationalities, ages, sexes, degrees and the number of years spent in Morocco. The sample is

<footnote n="44"><sup>44</sup> “Social Research Glossary,” accessed August 24, 2023, https://www.qualityresearchinternational.com/socialresearch/interview.htm.</footnote>
exclusively composed of sub-Saharan students in accordance with research's objectives. Even though sub-Saharan students are considered to be a homogenous group of individuals due to the large number of similarities. In fact, each community holds very particular characteristics that distinguish it from other communities. The number of years spent in Morocco offers the possibility to understand the evolution of students' social networks throughout time, the different formations students chose and how it affects their social experience.

## Ethical Considerations

When designing a questionnaire for distribution to study participants, it is imperative to prioritize a range of ethical considerations to ensure the rights of individuals involved. Firstly, informed consent is paramount. Participants are informed about the study's purpose, and that their participation is on a voluntary basis, they have the right not to answer a specific question or to stop participating at any time they want. The present study exposes no risk or potential harm to participants, as it does not offer any benefits or payments.

Confidentiality and data security are taken into consideration. First of all, the questionnaire does not include any questions about personal information such as names, contact, address... demographic questions are asked for analysis purposes and do not lead in any way to a participant's identity. Online data is encrypted and stored in a safe cloud storage service that ensures its security, data gathered from hard copies distributed are kept in only one copy.
# Analysis & Discussion

As previously mentioned in literature review conclusion, for analytical purposes in this study, results of the questionnaire are separated into three categories, each one in relation with an aspect of the social capital theory (bonding, bridging, and linking). It was not explicitly mentioned in the questionnaire that questions were separated into three sections, and each section contained questions that help understanding each aspect of social capital theory, for the simple reason for avoiding influencing in a direct or an indirect way the participants' answers⁴⁵⁴⁶. This chapter contains three sub-chapters that discuss the nature and the evolution of bonding, bridging and linking capital of the sample, and the interaction that drives the dynamics between the three as well as its impact on the social experience of the sub-Saharan student and the living together within the Moroccan community.

It is worth mentioning that different patterns were observed on the basis of the city in which the student lives, each city has its own characteristics and cultural aspects that are shaped by various factors such as the existence of multiple ethnicities, economic and social development as well as the existence of non-student migrants.

## Bonding social capital

Bonding capital refers to social connections and relationships formed within a specific group or community that share similar characteristics or identities. In the context of this research, friendships formed by international students with peers from the same country or cultural background can be considered bonding capital. These friendships are often based on shared experiences, cultural understanding, and a sense of belonging.

<footnote n="45">⁴⁵ “Common Types of Survey Bias and How to Avoid Them,” SurveyMonkey, accessed August 29, 2023, https://www.surveymonkey.com/mp/how-to-avoid-common-types-survey-bias/.</footnote>

<footnote n="46">⁴⁶ “Survey Bias and How to Avoid It,” Qualtrics, accessed August 29, 2023, https://www.qualtrics.com/uk/experience-management/research/response-bias/.</footnote>
In terms of relationships with close friends and family members, approximately 82% of participants showed a strong attachment to their bonding capital whether it is their first year in Morocco or not. This attachment is demonstrated throughout the frequency of interaction with friends and family members, through visits, activities or phone calls and texting, half of participants said that they are often in contact with their friends living in Morocco, same applies for their friends and family members living in the home country (through phone calls and texting). For some rare cases of students whom some family members live in Morocco, contact with family members is not that frequent in comparison to friends and family living in the home country, this could be explained by how close the relative is to the student on one hand, on the other hand, it is due to the place of living. A logical pattern would be that contact and interaction are more likely to occur with a cousin whom age is close and live in the same city as with an uncle living far away. However each case is very specific and generalizing at this point would not be accurate.

The tables below show answers to the question on the frequency of interactions with friends and family members through phone calls & texting or visits and activities:

<figure><img src="image_11.png" /><figcaption>Figure 10: Frequency of interactions with friends living in Morocco through visits or phone. Source: questionnaire data.</figcaption></figure>
<figure><img src="image_12.png" /><figcaption>Figure 11: Frequency of interactions with friends living in home country through visits or phone. Source: questionnaire data.</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_13.png" /><figcaption>Figure 12: Frequency of interaction with family members living in home country through phone calls & texting. Source: questionnaire data.</figcaption></figure>

The interactions with friends living in Morocco concern mainly academic purposes and information exchange, where newcomers rely on their compatriots to get along with Moroccan higher education system. This is done in two ways, a formal way through students' unions, reception days, etc. or in an informal way in everyday conversations. Students tend to get in touch more with friends who are at the same faculty/institution or study the same subjects, when academic season starts and classes take place, students form small groups of studying in order
to prepare for exams. These small groups contain students from other countries Morocco included.

Information exchange concern everything other than academic affairs, it goes from administrative procedures, housing, transportation, markets, finance... same as academia, newcomers get the best of their more experienced friends in terms of information and advice.

Entertainment and cultural activities comes after academia and information exchange in the matter of frequency of interactions. In the context of international students (and other contexts as well), it makes total sense since the first concern is studies, there is less time for entertainment and hanging out which explains why half of the participants rarely or sometimes only they go out with their peers.

This strong attachment is favorited by many factors in addition to the student's willingness, first of those factors is the place of living, whereas students always rent rooms or houses in neighborhoods where other migrants already live, either they were students or not. This is arranged in most of the cases before even the student arrives in Morocco throughout online contact with communities living here. Social media plays a crucial role in this matter; with technology development, first contact nowadays is made before the arrival of the student to his country of studying. It is the second factor contributing to keeping strong bonds with close friends and family members living in the home country, a task that was difficult before since it was done through mail or a one visit per year, now it is a daily routine to call a parent or a friend that is thousands of kilometers away.

## Conclusion

Approximately 82% of participants in the study, whether in their first year in Morocco or not, demonstrated a strong attachment to their bonding capital. This attachment is evident in the frequency of interactions with friends and family members. Participants often stay in touch with
friends in Morocco and family members in their home country through visits, activities, phone
calls, and texting.

For some students with family members living in Morocco, contact with them may be less frequent compared to friends and family in their home country. This variation can be attributed to factors such as the proximity of relatives, their relationship with the student, and their place of residence. Generally, contact and interaction are more likely with close relatives living in the same city. However, each case is unique, and generalizations may not accurately capture the diversity of individual experiences.

International students in Morocco primarily interact with their friends in the country for
academic purposes and information exchange. These interactions are essential for newcomers
who rely on their fellow compatriots to navigate the Moroccan higher education system. They
connect either formally through student unions and reception events or informally through
everyday conversations. Students often form small study groups, which include students from
various countries, when classes begin, especially those studying in the same faculty or with
similar subjects.

Information exchange covers a wide range of topics, from administrative procedures to housing,
transportation, and financial matters. Newcomers seek guidance and advice from their more
experienced friends, who provide valuable insights.

Entertainment and cultural activities come after academic and information-related interactions
in terms of frequency. This is because international students prioritize their studies, leaving less
time for socializing and entertainment. Consequently, about half of the participants indicated
that they rarely or only sometimes go out with their peers for leisure activities.
Several factors contribute to the strong attachment among international students and their close friends and family members living in their home countries. The location of their accommodation plays a crucial role, as students often rent housing in neighborhoods where other migrants, whether students or not, already reside. This arrangement is often made online, with social media facilitating initial contact even before the student arrives in Morocco. The ease of communication enabled by technology has transformed the way international students maintain connections with loved ones thousands of kilometers away, replacing the once-difficult task of occasional mail or yearly visits with daily routines of calling friends and family back home.
# Bridging social capital

## Interaction with other international students

As previously discussed, bridging social capital refers to the connections and relationships that individuals or groups have with people from diverse backgrounds, social circles, or communities. It involves reaching out to individuals who are not necessarily similar to oneself in terms of identity, beliefs, or social affiliations. Bridging social capital is characterized by interactions that transcend local or close-knit networks, enabling individuals to access resources, information, and opportunities that they might not have within their immediate social circles. In regard with this research's objectives, this is considered the most important part of the study; it is related to interactions with "others" who are from different backgrounds.

An indicator of the density of bridging social capital is the number of new friends made during the stay in Morocco, a direct question is asked to participants whether they made new friends or acquaintances during their sojourn in Morocco and 98.6% responded positively. Even though the number of friends made comes second in terms of importance, since it is not the quantity of friendships that tells all about the quality of interactions and the resources it can provide in reference to theory.

The graph below shows the number of friends of all participants combined:
<figure><img src="image_14.png" /><figcaption>Number of friends from other countries.</figcaption></figure>

Figure 13: Number of friends from other countries. Source: questionnaire data.

As the results show, 74.4% of participants have a dense bridging network with more than 6 friends. It is important to note that among those students there are some of the first year, second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth and seventh, it is intuitively believed that the more time someone spend somewhere the more friends he is going to make. In this particular case, it is not the length of residency that determines the number of friends from different backgrounds but many factors that some of them had been discussed above.

The reasons of interactions are separated into four categories in the questionnaire:

1. Academic (classes, assignments...)

2. Information exchange (locations, services...)

3. Entertainment (sports, hanging out...)

4. Cultural activities (cinema, theater, musical concerts...)
The order remained the same as interactions with friends from the home country, as half of the participants affirmed that they always discuss academic subjects with their sub-Saharan peers, same goes for information exchange (it is to note that information exchange rate was very high among first-year students). Entertainment activities got equal responses for rarely and sometimes while 35.7% said they do it often, half of the participants affirmed that they never went to cultural activities. The table below show how the participants responded to the question about their interactions with their friends from other countries:

<figure><img src="image_15.png" /><figcaption>Figure 14: Interactions about academics (courses, assignments...). Source: questionnaire data.</figcaption></figure>
<figure><img src="image_16.png" /><figcaption>Figure 15: Entertainment interactions. Source: questionnaire data.</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_17.png" /><figcaption>Figure 16: Information exchange. Source: questionnaire data.</figcaption></figure>
International students often find it easier to interact with other international students than with local students due to a variety of factors, including linguistic, cultural, and social differences. The shared experience of being in a foreign country, dealing with culture shock, homesickness, language barriers, and adapting to a new educational system. This shared experience creates a sense of camaraderie and understanding that can lead to stronger connections among international students.

Language as a crucial factor of communication also contributes to this trend, in the context of this research a big part of sub-Saharan students from different countries speak languages and dialects in common. West Africa for example is an incredibly diverse linguistically with hundreds of languages spoken across the region. However, there are several major language families and some widely spoken languages that are used for communication across different ethnic groups. One of the best examples is the Niger-Congo family the largest language family in Africa including numerous languages spoken across West Africa. Within this family, there are several subfamilies and languages of significance such as the Mande language spoken in countries like Mali, Guinea, Sierra Leone, and Ivory Coast. In addition, International students often feel more comfortable interacting with people who share similar cultural backgrounds. This can lead to more relaxed conversations and a sense of belonging that might not be as readily felt when interacting with local students whose cultural references and norms are different. In relation with the last issue, it is seen as a challenge for them to among other challenges.

Another factor is the place of residency, in a city like Oujda per example, all university institutions exist in the same neighbourhood, and it is one of the largest university campuses in Morocco.
<figure><img src="image_18.png" /><figcaption>Figure 17: Aerial view of Mohammed I University Campus. Source: Snapshot from Microsoft Maps, Drawings by the author.</figcaption></figure>

As the map above shows, the University is on the edge of the city itself, surrounded by residential neighborhoods and the forest. The concentration of the institutions has made students of different faculties, higher schools, business and engineering schools share the same space on and off campus. Students live either in the university dorms, which exists within university campus, or in the neighborhoods around in which non-student migrants live also.
<figure><img src="image_19.png" /><figcaption>Figure 18: Mohammed I Campus and neighbouring residential areas. Source: Snapshot from Microsoft maps, drawings by the author.</figcaption></figure>

Zones marked in yellow are the neighborhoods where students of the university often rent, with the increasing number of international students and non-student migrants, a different set of dynamics was created in which the latter played a role of intermediate between newcomers students and Moroccan society. It also created an environment of comfort for students as they felt less foreigner in an African country. In most of other cities<fnref n="47" />, faculties and other institutions are separate. Consequently, students live also in separate areas in which they are less confronted to other students or non-student migrants.

Another “formal” way of interaction with other international students is throughout events organized by students’ unions and associations during the whole season. Under the label of “cultural days”, each community present its culture throughout conferences and presentations, artistic shows (traditional dances, music, singing…), gastronomy etc… Those events mainly

<footnote n="47">⁴⁷ Except for the city of Kenitra.</footnote>
take place at university campuses and attract audiences from different cultural backgrounds, in Oujda, it is a tradition for the CETASSO members to organize at least one cultural event each year for each community and it is a sort of a duty for other communities to attend. In an event organised by Guinea-Bissau students' association all other communities were asked to prepare something to present within the cultural day, Mauritanian students presented poetry praising Islam prophet in Arabic language and got the attention and the admiration of the audience, the point is everybody should be encouraged regardless of the content.

In general, all participants affirmed that they attended at least one event organized by another community, general participation is medium. When asked about the frequency of attendance to events organized by other associations/communities, embassies and other institutions more presence in cultural and sports events occurred than in academic/scholar events.

Some of those events are taking place with support from official institutions (mainly the university presidency or the faculty), which creates another networking opportunities for international students, especially those involved in students' associations. Actually, 64.3% of participants are involved in students' associations, even though the majority of them only contributes rarely to the associations' activities depending on their free time and how they can contribute.
IV.2.2 Interactions with Moroccan Students and the living together

Interactions with Moroccan students mainly take place in university campuses, at least in terms of first contact and getting to know each other. Unlike having sub-Saharan friends studying in other faculties and in different degrees, Moroccan friends tend more to be classmates only (at least in the first days or the first year of the international student). Participants were asked about how many Moroccan friends they have, they responded as the following:

* Fifteen percent said they do not have any Moroccan friends.

* Thirty-eight percent have from one friend to four friends.

* Fifteen percent have from five to ten friends

* Thirty percent have more than ten Moroccan friends

This diversity in numbers is due to many reasons, primarily is the character of the international student himself, his willingness to make new friends among Moroccan peers, and secondly comes objective factors such as his place of living, studying degree, the languages he speaks, his religious beliefs, social networks and preconceived notions. The reasons of interaction however are different, dominated by academic purposes and information exchange (which was the same for interactions with other international students). Moroccan students are more familiar with Moroccan higher education system's environment, how classes take places, what things to focus on, how to prepare for exams etc... it is an opportunity for international students to shortcut time by asking about all of this things especially for first-year students. The same thing goes for information exchange, asking a Moroccan student about locations, services, prices etc...

However, entertainment and cultural activities have far less interactions occurring, a student expressed part of the explanation of this during exploratory interviews, "*even though there might be a lot of interactions in university, there is no guarantee that it will continue outside university. When I am at the faculty I talk to Moroccan students all the time, once we finish*
classes it's like if we don't know each other". Certainly, the reason behind is that most Moroccan students who are classmates of sub-Saharan are physically away outside studying hours, they only share the faculty as a space and in order to go beyond that there must be a willingness from one side at least. Other Moroccan students with whom they share residential space such as neighbourhood or university dorms are more likely to interact in entertainment and cultural activities. The two figures below shows how the participants responded to questions related to interactions including Entertainment and Cultural activities:

<figure><img src="image_20.png" /><figcaption>Figure 19: Frequency of interactions with Moroccan students (Entertainment). Source: questionnaire data.</figcaption></figure>
<figure><img src="image_21.png" /><figcaption>Figure 20: Frequency of interactions with Moroccan students (Cultural activities). Source: questionnaire data.</figcaption></figure>

On the “formal” aspect of interactions with Moroccan students, 85 percent of participants affirmed that they attend to events organized by their Moroccan peers, either events organized by university clubs, associations etc. However, the general pattern was a weak attendance, half of participants said they rarely attend academic or orientation events, while attendance to charity and entertainment events is much less.

This could be explained in one hand by the lack of communication of the organizers of these events, the low attendance rate of international student is only a part of the general low attendance rate of Moroccan students themselves. It is important to note at this point that this is widely different from a university to another, in universities where students’ activism is high, most of the events have a political backgrounds and are a part of a students’ faction program or it takes the form of a protest. Even though the National Union of Students of Morocco defines itself as an organization that defends the rights of Moroccan students as well as international students in Morocco. Coordination with international students does not exist (at least in a formal
way) which creates this gap between the organizations, nevertheless to mention organizational problems within the Moroccan students' union itself, international students chose to remain neutral vis-à-vis political activism within university campus.

On the other hand, the main reason for the poor presence of sub-Saharan students is the language of the activity or the event. Among all the communities, only those coming from Mauritania, Chad, Sudan, are natively Arabic speakers, while few other students from countries like Nigeria and Mali are able to understand Arabic. Language is the number one difficulty in communication between sub-Saharan students and their Moroccan peers. Among 92% of participants who face difficulties in communicating, 62% of them consider language differences to be the first obstacle. Even though classes for most degrees<fnref n="48" /> are in French, which supposes that registered students are able to communicate in French, differences in accent and pronunciation make it harder to understand each other. For non-French speaking students it is even harder, either for communication or with studies. Not only in communication with other students, language difficulties represent a significant challenge that international students face in their journeys in general, impacting various aspects of their lives, including academic success, and overall well-being.

Cultural distance, which refers to the degree of difference in cultural habits, is also one of the factors prohibiting communication. As international students navigate unfamiliar customs, languages, and social norms, they encounter feelings of homesickness, frustration, and isolation. This is a worldwide-observed phenomenon strongly related to the first months of environment change, yet as times passes students gradually gain a deeper understanding of their new surroundings. It also depends on the personality of each student and his previous

<footnote n="48">⁴⁸ Except for some branches in the faculty of letters and human sciences and law in Arabic.</footnote>
experiences, per example students who have different religious beliefs may face a harder
cultural shock and feel more isolated or marginalized.

When asked about the nature of topics they discuss with their Moroccan peers, 25% of respondents never discuss subjects such political and socio-economic issues, Moroccan-African relations, cultural questions and subjects related to the youth in general. While 33% do it rarely or in certain occasions, only an average of 8% of participants is actually involved in this type of discussions in a regular basis. The lack of interest in these topics is especially those linked to politics is global and not only among African youth⁴⁹⁵⁰, either Moroccans<fnref n="51" /> or sub-Saharanians.

In addition to the obstacles of communication discussed before, a general “lack of knowledge of African environment [from the side of Moroccan students]” as expressed by a participant.

This statement reflects a partly the cause of the gap between North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa in the matter of belonging.

In general, and despite all the obstacles and difficulties, sub-Saharan students rate the quality
of their interactions and relationship with Moroccan students as good. A Likert-scale question
of five choices (Excellent – Good – Average – Weak – Bad) was asked to participants, 25% of
respondents said they have excellent interactions with their Moroccan peers, 33% qualified it
as good, 8% answered normal/average while the rest (33%) said it was either weak or bad.

<footnote n="49">⁴⁹ “Why Young People Aren’t Interested in Politics - and Why This Needs to Change,” Eastern Daily Press, March 18, 2018, https://www.edp24.co.uk/lifestyle/20812394.young-people-arent-interested-politics-needs-change/</footnote>

<footnote n="50">⁵⁰ "Most Young Lack Interest in Politics - Official Survey," *BBC News*, February 20, 2014, sec. UK Politics, https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-politics-26271935.</footnote>

<footnote n="51">⁵¹ Saloua Zerhouni, “Jeunes et politique au Maroc: Les motifs de la non-participation institutionnelle,” June 2019, https://doi.org/10.15366/reim2019.26.003.</footnote>
Living together

The term “living together” is not widely used in sociological literature, researchers often write concepts such as “coexistence” instead, which both refer to the ability of different groups of people to live together in peace and harmony, despite difference in their cultural, social, religious, and ethnic backgrounds within a shared geographical or social space. It involves individuals from various backgrounds interacting, collaborating, and sometimes even intermingling while maintaining their distinct identities and characteristics. The Dictionary of Social Sciences define coexistence as “*a state in which two or more groups are capable and willing to live together despite their different cultural, religious, and racial characteristics and abstract and physical values*<fnref n="52" />”.

Those definitions concern large social groups within a society whom numbers are relatively large and equal<fnref n="53" />, sub-Saharan students in this context may be considered a part of sub-Saharan migrants even though some of their living conditions, motivations and residency length is different. In general, it is possible to say that the shared space between Moroccans and sub-Saharan students fills the criteria for a healthy living together in matters of mutual respect and harmony, even though on the level of interaction and cooperation it stills weak and insufficient.

<footnote n="52">⁵² “Dictionary of the Social Sciences,” in *Dictionary of the Social Sciences* (Oxford University Press, 2002), https://www.oxfordreference.com/display/10.1093/acref/9780195123715.001.0001/acref-9780195123715.</footnote>

<footnote n="53">⁵³ Except for minorities.</footnote>
Conclusion

Studying abroad is a complex multi-dimensional experience, with implications on the international student himself as well as the host society. Researchers approached the topic from different scientific disciplines (economics, education, political science...), literature review however revealed a gap in terms of international students' social experience. Whereas previous studies focused almost exclusively on economic impact of international student mobility, and their academic integration rather than the dialectics of social interactions that occurs between the student and his new environment.

This study aimed to explore the social experience of international students in Morocco, how it
is shaped and what factors affect it positively and negatively. Based on the theory of social
capital and Jones Elspeth's analytical framework, the following research questions were raised:

* How sub-Saharan students' social experience affect the living together?

* What are the obstacles of social interactions and what encourages it?

The findings of this research reveal that for the majority of the participants the social networks tend to be relatively large and diverse, the analysis of these social networks held on two distinct but interconnected levels.

First level concerns bonding capital, it is found that 82% of participants maintained strong relationships with their friends and family members, regardless of how long they had been living in Morocco. Participants reported that they were often in contact with their friends and family members, through visits, activities, phone calls, and texting. The frequency of contact was similar for friends and family members living in Morocco and in the home country, except for some rare cases where participants had family members living in Morocco but did not contact them as often as their friends and family members living in the home country. The interactions between international students and their local friends in Morocco mainly focus on
academic purposes and information exchange. International students rely on their local friends to get along with the Moroccan higher education system. This is done through formal channels such as student unions and reception days, or through informal channels such as daily conversations.

Information exchange goes beyond academic affairs. It also includes administrative procedures, housing, transportation, markets, and finance. International students benefit from the advice and information of their more experienced local friends. Entertainment and cultural activities come after academics and information exchange in terms of frequency of interactions. This is understandable, as international students are primarily focused on their studies and have less time for social activities. This explains why half of the participants rarely or sometimes only go out with their peers.

The factors that contribute to international students' strong attachment to their bonding capital:

*   **Place of living:** International students often rent rooms or houses near their friends or in neighbourhoods where other migrants already live.

*   **Social media:** Plays a crucial role in helping international students stay connected with their bonding capital. They can use social media to stay in touch with friends and family members, find information about their new country...

Second level is bridging social capital, results shows that sub-Saharan students in Morocco have a dense bridging network with more than six friends. Similar to international students around the globe, sub-Saharan students in Morocco tend to interact more with other international students, language plays a crucial part for the Moroccan context since many countries from sub-Saharan Africa share common languages and local dialects. In addition to language, the place of residency also creates more opportunities for interaction with other international students, as it is the case of the Cité Universitaire Internationale in Rabat.
Interactions with Moroccan students are primarily centred on university campuses, especially during the initial stages of getting to know each other. In contrast to their relationships with sub-Saharan friends who may be enrolled in various faculties and pursuing different degrees, international students tend to establish Moroccan friends who are primarily their classmates, particularly during the early days or the first year of their study abroad experience.

The main obstacle found in this study is communication, whereas language is the corner stone. Difficulties in understanding different dialects and speaking French or English is prohibiting a good communication between sub-Saharan students and their Moroccan peers. Cultural distance is found to be an inheriting factor as well, even though Morocco is an African country it is largely different culturally from sub-Saharan Africa despite having Islam as a dominant religion in common.

In general, sub-Saharan students in Morocco tend to have a positive social experience as they form new social networks that extends their social capital, during the process and in addition to personal factors, institutional operators also contribute in different ways (financially throughout scholarships, French language courses, housing...). However, a potential of more satisfied experience and a better impact on the side of international students as well as Moroccan society is limited due to the difficulties mentioned above.

The answers this study provided may open doors to more reflexions on these difficulties and obstacles faced by international students in Morocco. It is suggested for scholars interested in this topic to investigate profoundly aspects that this work covered as well as to explore others such as the impact of international dorms, language classes, intercultural events, and partnerships with students' associations... Understanding these dynamics may efficiently contribute to a better decision-making and elaborating better inclusive policies.
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