<figure><img src="image_1.png" /></figure>

HAL
open science

# Phasing out energy intensive homes. Reflecting on the spatio-temporal features of a market-based policy for the energy transition

Catherine Grandclément, Alexandre Mallard

► To cite this version:

Catherine Grandclément, Alexandre Mallard. Phasing out energy intensive homes. Reflecting on the spatio-temporal features of a market-based policy for the energy transition. EGOS 2024, EGOS, Jul 2024, Milan, Italy. halshs-04887239

HAL Id: halshs-04887239

https://shs.hal.science/halshs-04887239v1

Submitted on 14 Jan 2025

HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access
archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci-
entific research documents, whether they are pub-
lished or not. The documents may come from
teaching and research institutions in France or
abroad, or from public or private research centers.

L'archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est
destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents
scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non,
émanant des établissements d'enseignement et de
recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires
publics ou privés.

<figure><img src="image_2.png" /></figure>

Distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License
# Phasing out energy intensive homes. Reflecting on the spatio-temporal features of a market-based policy for the energy transition

Paper presented at EGOS 2024 – Milan 4-6 July 2024

Session Sub-theme 47: Markets and their Spatio-Temporal Configurations: Organizing, Resisting, and Exploiting the Temporal and Spatial Dimensions of Markets

Catherine Grandclément

EDF R&D

catherine.grandclement@edf.fr

and

Alexandre Mallard

Mines Paris - PSL University, CSI, i3 UMR CNRS 9217

alexandre.mallard@minesparis.psl.eu

## Abstract

This paper explores the spatio-temporal dynamics of market-based government in the housing sector in the context of energy transition policies. This sector has long been a place where regulations, labels, quality signs and various economic incentive initiatives have been implemented. This public policy took a new turn in 2021, with the introduction of measures aimed at gradually banishing from the rental market a specific category of housing: ‘energy sieves, i.e. homes responsible for excessive energy consumption. This paper looks at how space and time have been taken into account in the design of this public policy, and how markets have reacted to this development.
# Introduction

Configuring the spatio-temporal dynamics of the economy is an increasingly important stake for contemporary public policy, particularly as it relates to the ecological transition and climate change. These challenges require us to drive change at a sustained pace, but also to transform the territorial scope of human activities, in other words, to manage time and space. At the same time, in a context in which public action relies centrally on the ability to mobilize market dynamics (Dubuisson-Quellier, 2016; Neyland et al, 2019; Frankel et al, 2019), this means renouncing to the framing of time and the control of space which are two quintessentially classic modalities of the work of government. Isn't it said that one of the attributes par excellence of the sovereign is to be "the master of the clocks", to have in hand the ability to decide when to trigger political action? And can we conceive of the very existence of modern states without considering the myriad spatial gridding processes that enable us to trace their borders, apprehend their divisions and organize their circulation routes? To govern by the market is, at the same time, to accept losing control, at least in part, over the temporality and spatiality of political action, i.e., to accept that they are partially produced by the market dynamic itself.

In this article, we propose to explore the spatio-temporal dynamics of government by the market on the basis of an emblematic case, which concerns the transformation of housing markets in the context of energy transition policies. For quite some time, this sector has been subject to processes of government by the market, notably through labels, signs of quality, information, economic incentives and so on. This public policy took a new turn in 2021, with the introduction of measures aimed at gradually banishing from the rental market a category of housing recently designated as such: "energy slums", i.e. homes responsible for excessive energy consumption<fnref n="1" />. Interestingly, this turning point has made visible the spatial and temporal dynamics by which markets are composed, and which have generated unexpected inequalities between dwellings, the inhabitants and owners of dwellings, and the places where these dwellings are located.

<footnote n="1">¹ Literally, they are called in French “energy sieves” that is a dwelling that let heat escape through holes.</footnote>
This policy is based on a specific market device (Callon et al, 2007; McFall, 2014), the Energy Performance Certificate (EPC): this instrument, which has been deployed in the real estate sector in Europe and France for some twenty years, is used to assess the energy performance of dwellings, on a scale graded from A to G (Grandclément and Mallard, 2021). Energy slums are individual homes or units in collective housing rated F and G on the EPC scale. The policy to exclude them from rental from 2025 on was conceived as a lever to encourage landlords to undertake renovation work. This policy is based on a reform that includes a revision of the technical characteristics of the EPC to make it more reliable, and the adoption of new provisions designed to strengthen its application framework.

The case presented here contributes to the understanding of ecological transition processes through the progressive phasing-out of goods (Koretsky et al, 2023). The study of phasing out processes is an emerging line of work which is part of the multi-level perspective on transition (Geels, 2002; Geels and Turnheim, 2022). Yet, these works have not specifically addressed the role of markets in steering the transition – even though markets are an identified component of the socio-technical regime that is the core motor of the normal mode of producing and reproducing technologies.

The case presented here enriches the understanding of ecological transition processes through the market, drawing on the knowledge acquired by market studies. Moreover, it deepens the contribution of market studies to transition by taking into account the spatio-temporal dynamics engaged by markets. While a recent article identifies the challenge of managing different forms of time in the extinction of carbon economy infrastructures (not only the short time of the decision but also the long time of the "maintenance" of the decision and of dismantling), (Joly et al., 2022), the spatial and temporal issues remain to be explored in greater depth and are part of the research program of the discontinuation approach to transition (Koretsky et al, 2023).

The case of the extinguishing of energy slums dwellings underlines the dynamics of the proliferation and interweaving of markets (Callon et al., 2007; Callon, 2021). Housing markets involve different types of investors like landlords and owners-occupiers, and also caters to tenants. These markets are strongly attached to specific locations. There is not one national housing market but a plurality of geographically arranged ones, shaped by economic dynamics such as those of employment or tourism and even properties themselves. These geographies of markets have no clear-cut boundaries, they overlap instead.
Adopting a constructionist approach to place and to time, we consider these dynamics not as unexpected byproducts of the working of markets but as shapeable components of market-making activities. Time and space come under a variety of guises and are actively constructed by a variety of actors and processes in which science in the case of time or planners and urbanists in the case of cities play a prominent role but are not the only and not always the dominant source of action involved (see works by Gieryn [2000], Farias and Bender [2009], Urry [2010], Adam [2010]). Our work is based on an extensive survey of the EPC reform in France and its unfolding effects, from 2019 to the present, carried out in the framework of the PREMOCLASSE project<fnref n="2" />.

In the first part of this article, we will examine the implementation of this system. We'll look at how the spatial and temporal effects of the EPC reform were constructed and anticipated at the time of its conception. In the second part of the text, we examine some effects of this reform, as they can be seen at present. We will see that it has strong effects, but that these are not the ones that were anticipated. Market dynamics combine temporal and spatial characteristics, leading to accelerated transaction flows in certain market segments, demonstrating the heterogeneity and complexity of markets. A notable aspect is that the temporal and spatial characteristics of these markets, due to the reform, also combine in specific spatio-temporal features. While the reform which was conducted through the market and was expected to smoothly trigger action to renovate properties, it actually triggered transactions, most notably in certain markets, as owners sought to get rid of properties whose value was set to decline, rather than renovate them in order to continue renting them out.

## A new time-space for the government of renovation

The reform aimed at gradually excluding the most energy-intensive housing from the rental housing market is the product of several initiatives:

<footnote n="2">² PREMOCLASSE is a 4.5-year multi-disciplinary research project that investigates the political effects of energy labels in buildings, improves technico-economic modelling of energy retrofits in the residential building sector and offers forecast scenarios of energy demand from dwellings. It receives funding from the French National Research Agency (grant ANR-19-CE22-0013-01). It is conducted in partnership between EDF R&D, Paris School of Mines (Center for the Sociology of Innovation) and CIRED (International Center on Environment and Development). The present paper is an outcome of project tasks 2.1. and 2.3. and is based on 18 interviews with stakeholders of the EPC reform as well as extensive documentary reviews.</footnote>
- an administrative reform of the instrument for measuring the energy quality of housing, the EPC, carried out in 2019.

- two pieces of legislation aimed at boosting the energy renovation of housing, one in 2019 (the "Energy and Climate" law) and the other in 2021 (the "Climate and Resilience" law).

When we speak here of "the reform" and its "designers", we are in fact referring to a multi-actor process that takes place in several arenas. It involves experts from the administration, members of ministerial cabinets, members of parliament, and so on. This reform involves a reordering of the spatio-temporal configurations in which market regulation must take place, which we shall now examine.

## Space and temporality of housing-related markets before the reform

Prior to this reform, the aim of public renovation policies was, on the one hand, to make the energy quality of housing visible through the EPC rating and, on the other, to support renovation with financial aid. Since 2011, with the mandatory display of the EPC in real estate classified ads, it was expected that the mechanical interplay of commercial interests would lead to a steady improvement in the energy quality of real estate. The EPC was intended to counteract the negative effects of uncertainty on quality, such as that highlighted by George Akerlof (1970) in relation to the second-hand car market (decline in quality, in particular). By showing the energy quality of homes, the EPC was intended to differentiate between good and bad homes in terms of energy efficiency, and to create a "green value": the value of the home's energy quality. It was expected that energy quality would have a value for the parties involved in the transaction, and that they would seek to increase this value by carrying out renovation work, aided by subsidies. The form of temporality underpinning this conception of policy is that of continuous improvement. We could go so far as to say that this is part of a classical vision of progress, dependent on a linear representation of time oriented towards a future that is always better than the past. In this vision, progress is also the driving force behind the market. Economic players, faced with old buildings, would necessarily like to modernize them and therefore climb the EPC ladder. One document is particularly emblematic of this spatio-
temporal conception of housing markets: the report on the "green value of housing" published annually by the French Chamber of Notaries. It provides a statistical analysis of the impact of DPE classification on property price variations (figure 1).

<figure><img src="image_3.png" /></figure>

Analyse détaillée — Novembre 2022

ÉTUDES STATISTIQUES IMMOBILIÈRES

La valeur verte des logements en 2021

France métropolitaine (hors Corse)

<figure><img src="image_4.png" /><figcaption>Figure 1: The Chambre des Notaires report on green value in 2021</figcaption></figure>

One of the objectives of this report is to produce a territorial map of the impact of the EPC classification on markets (figure 2). As can be seen from this representation, geographical space appears here as a stable framework within which a plurality of markets is identified, ordered and qualified.
<figure><img src="image_5.png" /><figcaption>Figure 2: Map of the ‘green value’ of housing on the French territory</figcaption></figure>

Controlling temporality as a modality of public action

The policy implemented in 2019 produces a completely different spatial and temporal ordering of market realities. Let us first examine temporality. The "Energy and Climate" law of 2019 calls on the government to define energy slums and formulates initial bans on rentals of the most energy-intensive housing. This timetable was shortened by the 2021 "Climate and Resilience" law, which was intended to translate the resolutions of the Citizens' Climate Convention, a broad exercise in participatory democracy on environmental transition (Giraudet et al., 2022). Where the Convention had called for mandatory renovations for all energy-hungry
housing, the law has, in fact, instituted rental bans for housing according to the following timetable:

<table><tr><td>Year</td><td>2025</td><td>2028</td><td>2034</td></tr><tr><td>Dwellings submitted to rental ban</td><td>G</td><td>F</td><td>E</td></tr></table>

The gradual phasing out of the "energy slums houses" is also part of a linear vision of time and the improvement that accompanies it. However, public authorities intervene by directly controlling the time frame of the market. Requirements are progressively tightened around three precise deadlines, spaced out over time. These deadlines constitute time horizons against which market players are supposed to set their expectations. The EPC scale is projected onto the time scale. Temporal action is therefore part of an energy performance metric which, for example, opens up the possibility of making prospective calculations on the number of million tons of carbon avoided in 2025, 2028 or 2034 thanks to this policy.

## Integrating spatial disparities into government action

When designing the new government system, public policy-makers are well aware that there are spatial disparities in the building stock, and that these are associated with differentiations in the associated markets. They will take particular account of space through the role of climatic variations in calculating energy performance. These variations are the subject of debate between the various stakeholders involved in the EPC overhaul scheduled for 2019.

Part of the discussion focused on how to mitigate the effect of climatic characteristics of the geographical area where the home is located in the EPC rating. The calculation of the EPC is based on an estimate of the dwelling's energy requirements. For example, buildings in Mulhouse (city in a cold region) "require" more energy to heat than those in Aix-en-Provence (city in a warm region), since it's colder there, and therefore fall into the lower EPC grades. As a result, homes in Mulhouse are more "easily" classified as more energy consuming, and renovation work is more demanding and costly if they are to achieve the right rating.

In the name of social justice, the 2019 law calls for an attenuation of these differences between cold zones, which are climatically disadvantaged, and warm zones, which are advantaged. The
aim is to neutralize the inequality in the qualification of energy slums resulting from their
location on the territory. The consultation process organized by the authorities to calculate the
new EPC has therefore addressed this request. To achieve this, a "climate modulation" was
envisaged. This involves introducing coefficients relating to climate and altitude into the
definition of classes, so that there can be, for example, the same proportion of Fs and Gs
throughout the country. For example, a home with a performance of less than
450 kWh/m2/year, which would be classified as G, would receive a better label than G in areas
with a harsh climate.

According to some players, this compensation for territorial inequality would cause housing
energy regulations to lose their qualities as a climate policy (to combat global warming). In
effect, it would mean having less efficient buildings in the North, where it's cold, than in the
South, where it's hot. These players believe that if the EPC is to retain its ability to indicate the
energy and climatic qualities of housing, it must not be used to serve a national housing and
land-use policy. It should remain a tool for energy policy, not for regional unification.

Interestingly, among the proponents of this position is an argument that explicitly mobilizes
market dynamics to refute the climate counter-modulation in the name of social justice. The
argument is that housing is not a single market in the national territory, but that the national
territory is made up of multiple disjointed local markets. Between these markets, goods are not
substitutable, so they don't have to be comparable. Indeed, people don't look for a home by
price or energy label, but primarily by location. For this reason, structural disparities in housing
energy requirements between North and South do not need to be compensated for on the
grounds that the social state is assuming responsibility for inequality. There is no injustice
between the inhabitants of the North and South in the name of housing energy needs. There are
known disparities between climates, which have repercussions on a number of aspects of
quality of life and standard of living, but which do not constitute an injustice that could justify
a claim for compensation. Inhabitants do not make their housing decisions between North and
South because low-energy housing would be cheaper in the South than in the North, and they
have no grounds for claiming compensation for the extra cost of low-energy housing in the
North.

However, this reasoning is based on a partial vision, considering only residents as market
players. Yet they are not the only players in the supply and demand of the housing market.
During the consultation, representatives of the social housing sector put forward a different
vision of climate counter-modulation, in which the national territory constitutes, if not a unified market, at least a set of situations that must be subject to proportionate requirements. Social landlords are builders and managers of real estate assets. They are able to compare buildings and costs across the country, and want to avoid seeing whole sections of their stock labeled as energy slums for what they consider to be an arbitrary reason, linked as it is to geographical location and not to the intrinsic qualities of the building.

In view of the various issues involved in taking these spatial disparities into account, the public authorities finally opted for a parameterization that provides a dose of modulation and therefore of territorial equity and flexibility in energy-climate targets, but without fully offsetting the effect of geographical zone. The concrete implementation of this parameterization is based on a division of the territory into 8 climate zones used in French regulations since 2012 and represented in the figure below (figure 3).

<figure><img src="image_6.png" /><figcaption>Figure 3: Climate zones for calculating the EPC</figcaption></figure>

Each of the 8 zones brings together departments with similar climatic characteristics (in relation to their average altitude, their location on the north/south axis, their proximity to the sea coast, etc.). In the new EPC definition, modulation was applied only to zones H1b, H1C, H2d and H2C, and led to a limited variation in the threshold above which a dwelling was classified as an energy slum.
# The effects of the reform

## Real estate markets on the move

The "Climate and Resilience" law was enacted in August 2021, and markets indeed adapted to this new context. Even though only two years have passed since this regulation came into force, and we are only at the very beginning of the agenda set out by the public authorities, it is already possible to sketch out some analyses of its effects. Interestingly, the changes are not as anticipated. On the one hand, we're not seeing an increase in the number of energy renovation services provided for low-energy homes, but rather an increase in the number of such properties being put up for sale. Secondly, the timing of this phenomenon is not linear and gradual, but abrupt.

Much to the surprise of observers, there was an influx of F, G and even E-rated homes on the market as early as autumn 2021. In major cities, the number of energy slums houses put up for sale is said to have risen by 20%. Le Monde, the leading French daily, even speaks of "panic" in the real estate sector. Owners anticipate a loss of value for these properties, which will no longer be able to be rented out in the near future, and are therefore looking to get rid of them. It should be pointed out that the provisions of the law were preceded by other less far-reaching measures that have already come into force, and that the idea of removing poorly-rated properties from the rental market has been mooted for some ten years now. In other words, the August 2021 law's provisions on energy slums appear credible and unlikely, unlike other provisions, not to be followed by the implementing texts that guarantee their effectiveness.

The phenomenon was confirmed in the following months. The number of F and G units put up for sale doubled, while the number on the rental market remained stable. This led to a fall in the sale price of energy slums houses, which was observed by real estate market professionals at the end of 2022. At the beginning of 2023, a number of articles indicate a drop in the supply of F and G class rentals, and even point to shortages of rental properties.

Another notable market development is the fact that the EPC class is becoming a quality feature of properties offered for sale. In addition to the long-standing obligation to display the EPC rating in classified ads, commercial intermediaries are now promoting the EPC rating as a desirable quality of the product they sell. For example, the leading real estate intermediary, the
"Se Loger" website, has added a "EPC letter" criterion to its search engine, and we regularly see the text of classified ads containing statements such as "benefiting from a very good EPC".

## Spatio-temporal reconfigurations

Very quickly, spectacular effects on the geographical variability of market dynamics were observed. These effects are quite strong, and only indirectly overlap with those anticipated when the policy to eradicate slums was conceived. We can examine two cases that are emblematic of these differences and of the very indirect link between forecasts and the reality of market transformations.

The first case concerns the Paris region, where the increase in the number of properties put up for sale is extreme, reaching 70%. Observers fear that a large proportion of the rental stock will disappear as bans on the rental of energy flats come into force. This would lead to housing difficulties (tenants dismissed, higher rents on new rental contracts) where demand is strongest in France. The second case is that of mountain resorts, where some analysts are concerned about the potential drop in property prices, in a context where the ban on renting E, F or G units could affect three-quarters of the market by 2034. In both cases, the quality of the buildings explains the large number of energy slums. The suburbs of Paris, for example, are home to a large number of older buildings, dating from the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s, of very poor thermal quality. Housing in mountain resorts is more recent. However, most of them were built in the 1970s as part of economic development plans for mountain areas which, because of their geographical location, did not benefit from the economic boom of the *Trente Glorieuses*. As a result, these resorts also feature buildings of poor thermal quality, often heated by electricity, which has a negative impact on the EPC rating.

The high proportion of E, F and G rated homes in areas such as Ile de France and mountain resorts is not just due to the age of the building. It is also due to the way in which the EPC is calculated. Direct electric heating achieves a significantly lower rating than network heating, wood-burning stoves or heat pumps. The calculation method is also biased against small surface apartments. Studios and small apartments are systematically rated more poorly than larger homes. And yet, tourist apartments in the mountains, like many dwellings in densely populated areas such as Paris and its suburbs, are small units.
Discussion

The regulation of the gradual eviction of low-energy buildings from the rental market has resulted in a strong movement in housing-related markets. Contrary to what had been programmed in the public policy plan, the reaction is not gradual, but seems to be expressed all at once, with marked differences from one geographical area to another. A classical reading might attribute this to social mimicry and runaway effects. A closer look at the granularity of the markets concerned reveals more, and makes the point more complex.

Firstly, it can be seen that the links between renovation transactions and housing exchange transactions were poorly anticipated when the measures to deal with "energy slums houses" were designed. The complexity, multiplicity and interlocking nature of housing-related markets were not fully grasped by the designers of the regulations. For example, a major effort has been made to examine the consequences of the law on relations between landlords and occupiers, in light of the need to renovate housing. However, the logic of portfolio management on the part of owners, and the fact that they may wish to get rid of their properties rather than renovate them, has not been fully anticipated. The role of the EPC as a market device at the crossroads of several markets has not been fully understood.

Secondly, the diversity of market players was not taken into account at the reform stage either. In particular, the role played here by real estate investors seems to have been overlooked. The complexity of real estate markets is partly due to the multiplicity of players and logics of action that coalesce around the housing good, which does not have the same value according to the different perspectives adopted (Robert and Nadaï, 2023).

Thirdly, these two blind spots in public policy have failed to reveal the diversity of spatio-temporal logics in housing-related markets. These markets have long been shaped by a variety of economic, geographic and architectural logics, as mentioned in the case of the Paris region and ski resorts. In fact, the regulatory system for heating leakage targets very specific markets that correspond to specific locations and eras. Yet it is real estate investors who, through their actions, activate the intakes of the regulatory system and create the spatio-temporal relief of the slum markets.
Conclusion

The case we have presented here clearly shows the importance, for market-based policies, of
controlling the spatial and temporal conditions in which market dynamics are activated. The
issues involved in controlling time and space may vary from one case to another. In our case,
controlling time means avoiding getting bogged down (a syndrome well identified in the
history of renovation policies) and avoiding major discontinuities (panic effects, for example).
The process of staggering action over time raises the question of the dynamics of anticipation.
Communication on public action timetables, as we have seen here, aims to structure these
anticipations with the idea of organising action in the economy. Behind these approaches is
often the idea of giving players time to learn and formulate strategies to meet policy objectives.
As far as control over space is concerned, the market process reveals spatial disparities that
were not necessarily conceivable before. For example, the mapping of the distribution of
energy slums is produced by the movement of the market. However, while public action on
energy-related deprivation considers the housing market as a single, relatively homogenous
entity where public action has more or less the same effect, the case shows that the markets for
energy-related deprivation are localised and react in very different ways. Finally, in situations
where several markets are linked (in this case, renovation and property rental), the difficulty
for public authorities is to prevent the regulation of one market from spilling over into the other.
Understanding how space and time are structured in related markets is a major challenge here.

References

Adam, Barbara. 'History of the Future: Paradoxes and Challenges'. *Rethinking History* 14, no. 3 (September 2010): 361–78. https://doi.org/10.1080/13642529.2010.482790.

Akerlof, G.A. « The market for lemons: qualitative uncertainty and the market mechanism ». *Quarterly Journal of Economics* 84 (1970): 488-500.

Callon, Michel, Yuval Millo, and Fabian Muniesa, eds. *Market Devices*. The Sociological Review. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2007.

Callon, Michel. *Markets in the Making: Rethinking Competition, Goods, and Innovation*. Edited by Martha Poon. Translated by Olivia Custer. Near Futures. Brooklyn, New York: Zone Books, 2021.
Chiapello, Eve, and Anita Engels. 'The Fabrication of Environmental Intangibles as a Questionable Response to Environmental Problems'. *Journal of Cultural Economy* 14, no. 5 (3 September 2021): 517–32. https://doi.org/10.1080/17530350.2021.1927149.

Chimenti, Gianluca, et Hans Kjellberg. « Mutable Mobiles? Making Space for an Access-Based Car Sharing Market ». *Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space* 54, n° 6 (septembre 2022): 1277-96. https://doi.org/10.1177/0308518X221092773.

Dubuisson-Quellier, Sophie. *Gouverner les conduites*. Paris: Presses de Sciences Po, 2016.

Frankel, Christian, José Ossandón, et Trine Pallesen. « The organization of markets for collective concerns and their failures ». *Economy and Society* 48, n° 2 (2019): 153-74.

Geels, Frank W. 'Technological Transitions as Evolutionary Reconfiguration Processes: A Multi-Level Perspective and a Case-Study'. *Research Policy*, no. 8 (2002): 1257–1274.

Geels, Frank W., and Bruno Turnheim. *The Great Reconfiguration: A Socio-Technical Analysis of Low-Carbon Transitions in UK Electricity, Heat, and Mobility Systems*. 1st ed. Cambridge University Press, 2022. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009198233.

Geiger, Susi, Debbie Harrison, Hans Kjellberg, and Alexandre Mallard. *Concerned Markets: Economic Ordering for Multiple Values*. Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar Pub, 2015.

Gieryn, T.F. 'A Space for Place in Sociology'. *Annual Review of Sociology* 26 (2000): 463–96. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.soc.26.1.463.

Giraudet, Louis-Gaëtan, Bénédicte Apouey, Hazem Arab, Simon Baeckelandt, Philippe Begout, Nicolas Berghmans, Nathalie Blanc, Jean-Yves Boulin, Eric Buge, et Dimitri Courant. « “Co-construction” in deliberative democracy: lessons from the French Citizens’ Convention for Climate ». *Humanities and Social Sciences Communications* 9, n° 1 (2022): 1-16.

Grandclément, Catherine, et Alexandre Mallard. « On the flowing boundaries of state-and-market entanglements. Energy performance classification and its consequences ». *IMSW 2021*, 2021.

Farias, Ignacio, and Thomas Bender, eds. *Urban Assemblages: How Actor-Network Theory Changes Urban Studies (Hardback) - Routledge*. Questioning Cities. London and New York: Routledge, 2009. http://www.routledge.com/books/details/9780415486620/.
Joly, Pierre-Benoît, Marc Barbier, and Bruno Turnheim. ‘Gouverner l’arrêt des grands systèmes sociotechniques’. In *Faire sans, faire avec moins: les nouveaux horizons de l’innovation*, 35–49. Sciences sociales. Paris: Mines ParisTech-PSL, 2022.

Koretsky, Zahar, Peter Stegmaier, Bruno Turnheim, and Harro Van Lente. *Technologies in Decline: Socio-Technical Approaches to Discontinuation and Destabilisation*. London and New York: Routledge / Earthscan, 2023. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003213642.

Laurent, Brice, and Alexandre Mallard, eds. *Labelling the Economy: Qualities and Values in Contemporary Markets*. Palgrave Macmillan, 2020. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-1498-2.

Neyland, Daniel, Véra Ehrenstein, and Sveta Milyaeva. *Can Markets Solve Problems?: An Empirical Inquiry into Neoliberalism in Action*. Goldsmiths Press / PER

Robert, Coralie, et Alain Nadaï. « La rénovation énergétique par les propriétaires bailleurs et le diagnostic de performance énergétique : une enquête sociologique ». Rapport ANR PROJET PREMOCLASSE, 2023.

Urry, John. ‘Speeding up and Slowing Down’. In *High-Speed Society: Social Acceleration, Power, and Modernity*, edited by Hartmut Rosa and William E. Scheuerman, 1 edition., 179–98. University Park, Pa.: Penn State University Press, 2010.