# "GRIOTS AS SOCIAL MEDIATORS: AN ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDY OF THEIR ROLE IN INTERPERSONAL CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN MALI"

Fatoumata Koné

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Fatoumata Koné. "GRIOTS AS SOCIAL MEDIATORS: AN ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDY OF THEIR ROLE IN INTERPERSONAL CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN MALI". 2025. hal-05078163

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"GRIOTS AS SOCIAL MEDIATORS: AN ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDY OF THEIR ROLE IN INTERPERSONAL CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN MALI"

# 1. PART ONE

## 1.1 Author and affiliation

KONE Fatoumata, PhD Student, Sociology of Culture, Department of Social Work, Institute of Social Sciences and Mass Communications, BELGOROD NATIONAL RESEARCH UNIVERSITY,

Email: konefatoumata200@gmail.com

Scientific Supervisor: Doctor of Sociological Sciences, Professor of the Department of Sociology ELMIRA NABERUSHKINA.

## 1.2 Abstract

This article explores the role of griots as social mediators in resolving interpersonal conflicts in Mali. Through a qualitative approach based on semi-structured interviews and field observations, the study highlights the discursive and symbolic strategies mobilized by griots to restore social harmony. The results reveal that "griotic" mediation, although rooted in tradition, remains dynamic and adapted to contemporary realities. However, it faces growing legitimacy challenges, particularly related to modernization, the diversity of community expectations, intergenerational tensions, and gender inequalities. By cross-referencing this data with anthropological and legal literature, the article shows that griots remain essential actors in social regulation, but that their role is undergoing a complete restructuring.

**Keywords:** Griots, community mediation, interpersonal conflicts, customary justice, symbolic speech, legal anthropology, Mali

## 1.3 Introduction

In Malian society, conflict management mechanisms have historically relied on a variety of actors, extending well beyond formal judicial mechanisms. Among them, griots, also known as “djéli” or “jali” in Mandingo in Mali, play a unique role. As essential mediators of social integration, these ambivalent guardians of culture are specialized in the praise and declamation of historical narratives and generally form an endogamous group [1]. In a hereditary manner, they collect centuries-old history during a long training as active witnesses of personal and social quality. "One does not become a "griot"; one is born a "griot" through special ties." This emblematic phrase of the famous Malian griot Habib Diabaté explains the heredity of "griotism." This master artisan of discourse has the capacity to make certain statements that other members of society considered honorable cannot pronounce. Isabelle Leymarie (1999) further specifies that the griot's story allow a distancing and a reappropriation of oneself through metaphor. They perceived solely as chroniclers of history or ceremonial figures. Isabelle Leymarie (1999) clarifies the psychological mechanisms underlying the performativity of griot discourses. Through praise at births, deaths, weddings, memorial gatherings involving all groups and families of a clan, village votive festivals, and national commemorations, the griot thus affirms the position of the individual or groups within a valued lineage from which they are inseparable. "He serves the recognition of others" (Camara, 1992) in a cultural environment where it is inappropriate to speak of oneself. Thus, according to Eugène Enriquez (1992), through precise genealogical description, the griot reminds us that the individual cannot be thought of and cannot think of himself as socially separate, detached, either from his ancestors or from his natural, imaginary, magical ecosystem. Sory Camara is one of the authors, who has provided the most insight into the place and evolution of griots over time. In his book Gens de la Parole (1992), he explains in detail the symbolic function of these figures, men and women, endowed with different attributes, omnipresent at every stage of the lives of members of West African communities. At once oral historians, poets, advisors and mediators, they constitute what Barbara G. Hoffman (2001) calls "agents of cultural and social mediation," capable of forging links between individuals and groups through socially invested speech. They are actors of social regulation whose authority is based on mastery of the word, presumed neutrality and knowledge of lineage and parental alliances. In a context where formal justice
is often considered expensive, inaccessible or distant from local realities, forms of customary
mediation appear as credible alternatives (Bierschenk and Olivier de Sardan, 2004). Thus, in several
regions of Mali, griots called upon to arbitrate family, marital or land disputes. This study examines
the current role of griots in interpersonal conflict resolution. It is part of the field of legal
anthropology, in order to explore non-state forms of justice. As Bako-Arifari (2001) points out,
"conflict management constitutes a place of expression of social order." Despite the recognized
importance of traditional practices in conflict management, few studies have specifically focused on
griots as social mediators, beyond their role as guardians of memory and interpreters of ritual speech.
However, in the Malian context, marked by the coexistence of several legal norms and by a
sometimes-limited trust in formal judicial institutions, these figures still play a central, often informal,
role in the prevention and resolution of everyday conflicts. Thus, it would be a question of
understanding the types of conflicts handled, the modes of intervention, the discursive strategies
mobilized, as well as the perception of their effectiveness by local communities. An empirical and
theoretical approach will allow us to highlight the symbolic and pragmatic dimension of the griots'
actions. This research therefore aims to shed light on the dynamics of legitimization, continuity, and
transformation of endogenous modes of conflict management.

## 2. PART TWO

### 2.1 Theoretical framework

Numerous studies have highlighted the role of griots in Malian society. These studies have granted griots the role of historical memory. Anthropological, historical, and sociological research conducted to shed light on this aspect of oral tradition. Amadou Hampâté Bâ (1991) was one of the first to emphasize the centrality of griots in the preservation and transmission of historical knowledge, emphasizing their role as "living libraries" in West African societies. It must be recognized that this conception dominated classical literature. Other researchers, such as Yves Person (1968) and Charles Bird (1972), have also highlighted the complexity of the griots' functions. Thus, this function would reach political, social, and educational dimensions and would not be solely narrative. For Cornelia Panzacchi (1994), the heart of the Griot's power of enunciation and validation lies in providing information on genealogy and reminding everyone of their place in this socially valued genealogy. However, these analyses have not addressed the management of interpersonal conflicts. Research by Jean-Pierre Olivier de Sardan (1995) and Benjamin Soares (2005) highlights the normative pluralism characteristic of Sahelian societies, where state law, Islam, and customary norms coexist. In this context, griots are mentioned, but not specifically. In terms of conflict resolution, studies of community mediation (Zartman, 2000; Lederach, 1995) emphasize the importance of legitimate third parties from the community. They highlight the role of social mediators without specifically indexing griots. In a historical and epic approach, (Youssouf Tata Cissé, Wâ Kamissoko, 1991) we can understand that griots transmit social values and are involved in the mechanisms of advice to chiefs. From these different works, it is necessary to recognize that literature recognizes the cultural and symbolic value of griots. Notwithstanding this, it leaves an analytical gap regarding their role in the resolution of interpersonal conflicts in Malian society. This study therefore aims to lift the veil on the mediation practices carried out by griots in the Malian context. This study combines a legal, sociological and mediation anthropological approach. Thus, the objective would be to understand the means used by traditional figures of history in the resolution of interpersonal conflicts in Malian society. In the field of legal anthropology, which studies the relationships between law, custom, society and power in specific cultural contexts, the role of griots can be interpreted as an expression of endogenous justice. We thus go beyond the framework of a folkloric or cultural reading of the role of griots. Paul Bohannan (1957), in his seminal study on the Tiv of Nigeria, distinguishes between "double laws": a formal law imported by colonization, and a customary law rooted in local social practices. The latter is based on uncodified and oral institutions, often embodied by figures of recognized wise men, chiefs, or griots. Conflicts are then managed according to mechanisms of negotiation, symbolic reparation, and maintenance of social ties, rather than sanction. In the same vein, Jean-Pierre Olivier de Sardan highlighted this logic of social regulation and normative pluralism (Olivier de Sardan, 1995). Position and social recognition, seniority thus confer this reference figure on the griot in order to ease tensions. This relational justice is based on speech, memory, and moral authority in the service of reconciliation. This study, from the perspective of legal anthropology,
allows us to consider griots as non-state agents of law. The community mediation approach is a
theoretical foundation in this process of managing interpersonal conflicts. Indeed, it mobilizes
legitimate actors from the community, unlike institutionalized or judicial mediation. The mediator
must inspire trust and embody collective values. The griot, through his seniority, knowledge, and
perceived neutrality, plays this role in many Malian communities during interpersonal conflicts.
Symbolic distribution, social cohesion, and the restoration of social ties are the foundations of this
approach. The work of John Paul Lederach (1995) and William Zartman (2000) on traditional
mediation in Africa has shown that African societies have endogenous instruments for conflict
resolution, rooted in social norms, customary hierarchy, and collective speech. These mechanisms rely
on intermediary figures recognized for their wisdom, impartiality, and ability to restore trust:
customary chiefs, elders, or even griots. Thus, this community mediator, the griot, in addition to
transmitting history and singing praises, promotes the principles of solidarity, recalls moral duties, and
defuses tensions. The performative speech of the griot restores the honor of the parties and promotes
compromise. This study then highlights the sociology of speech. Pierre Bourdieu's work on symbolic
power (Bourdieu, 1982) highlights the non-neutrality of the griot's speech because it derives its
legitimacy from the person who speaks it and the place he occupies in the social hierarchy. Thus,
using songs, proverbs, genealogies, and historical narratives, the griot uses a highly codified discursive
register, perceived as a bearer of wisdom and moral authority. In addition to describing the world, this
performative speech transforms and soothes. In this same vein, the author Amadou Hampâté Bâ
expressed himself by giving speech the power of negotiation (Hampâté Bâ, 1991). Speech would thus
be the matrix of traditional African society. In Sahelian societies, speech "binds," "unbinds," or
"connects," depending on how it is mobilized. This theoretical framework allows us to situate the griot
at the intersection of culture, power, and mediation. It facilitates the empirical analysis of his role in
resolving interpersonal conflicts in Mali.

## 2.2 Methodology

The methodology used in this study emphasizes a qualitative approach that prioritizes the collection of rich and contextualized data through direct observation, semi-structured interviews, and the analysis of oral narratives. Jean-Pierre Olivier de Sardan (1995), in his work on legal pluralism in Africa, adopted an ethnographic approach that combines participant observation, case narratives, and semi-structured interviews. This method was relevant for approaching the griot's speech as a tool of authority. Thus, through this method, we will be able to understand the depth of the role of griots in resolving interpersonal conflicts in Mali. This methodological choice is part of an ethnographic and interpretative perspective in order to understand social and cultural practices. Research on traditional forms of social regulation in West Africa has amply demonstrated the relevance of qualitative and field-based approaches. Sory Camara (Gens de la parole, 1976) and Jan Jansen (2000) are references on the condition and role of griots in Malian society. Their method of ethnographic analysis highlights the importance of direct observation and the analysis of oral narratives. From a more contemporary perspective, Barbara G. Hoffman (2001) used semi-structured interviews with local actors to analyze the contemporary recomposition of the role of griots in postcolonial Mali (Hoffman, 2001). This analysis draws on the theoretical frameworks of community mediation in order to articulate local knowledge with recognized concepts in the social sciences. In 2011, the NGO West African Network for Peacebuilding (WANEP) conducted a study on endogenous peace mechanisms in Mali. The participatory methodology allowed them to highlight the effectiveness of traditional mediators and define them as "social relays." Experiences reported by Afrique-Gouvernance.net (2012) and Bamada.net (2023) illustrate successful mediations led by griots, highlighting their role as bridges between families, generations, and sometimes even divided communities (Afrique-Gouvernance.net, 2012; Bamada.net, 2023). These various sources offer valuable data both empirically and methodologically. John Paul Lederach (1995), in his work on community mediation in post-conflict contexts, advocates action research rooted in local dynamics, where mediators are chosen for their cultural legitimacy rather than for formal training. His methodology is based on the observation of community interactions, the reconstruction of mediation narratives, and the analysis of discursive practices. Consistent with this work, this research is based on qualitative, contextual, and culturally sensitive methods. It uses participant observation, life stories and semi-structured interviews. With a view to critical continuity, this research uses ethnography and discourse analysis to understand, in
their complexity, the mediation practices carried out by griots during interpersonal conflicts. This study was conducted in two localities, namely the Badalabougou district (City of the Bamako district) and Niaréla (City of the Bamako district). Mediation practices are common occurrences in these two localities where social diversity, the richness of oral tradition, and the active presence of griots are perceptible. The choice of these localities was motivated by several criteria, namely the density of the "griotic" population, the existence of cases of conflicts recently resolved by traditional mediators, and the relative accessibility for conducting in-depth fieldwork. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews with 10 griots (men and women), aged 35 to 60, chosen using a reasoned selection method (local recognition, mediation experience, age and status diversity). The surveys took place between July and October 2024. We conducted interviews with community members (heads of household, women, and young people) who had used the services of griots in the process of resolving interpersonal conflicts. Through an interview, a sociologist shared with us the importance of "griotism" in Malian society. Direct observation of two sessions with the permission of the parties concerned allowed us to identify interactions, speaking strategies, and ritual gestures. The various interviews were mainly conducted in Bambara (Mali's national language) and were recorded with the oral consent of the participants, then transcribed and analyzed using a thematic grid inspired by content analysis (Bardin, 2007). These interviews complement the data from our online survey conducted in April 2025 with 150 people. After the interviews, the recurring themes identified are: the legitimacy of the griot as a mediator, the types of conflicts dealt with (family, land, marital, etc.), the effects of mediation on the parties concerned, the oratorical techniques used in mediation (songs, stories, proverbs). This methodology aims to understand the social and symbolic role of griots by analyzing the collected speeches. This method of analysis makes it possible to compare representations with the reality of actions carried out on the ground in order to highlight the specific role of griots in resolving interpersonal conflicts. Like any qualitative research, this study has certain limitations that should be acknowledged. Despite the use of rigorous tools (interview grid, field notebook, recordings), the analysis relies largely on a contextual and interpretative understanding of the discourses. As for the representativeness of the data, the limited number of interviews and the choice of two localities do not allow the results to be generalized to the whole of Mali. Notwithstanding these limitations, the data collected allows us to understand the social and symbolic logic of griots in interpersonal mediation.

## 2.3 Results

Analysis of interviews and field observations yielded several key findings regarding the role of griots in resolving interpersonal conflicts. First, griots are perceived as legitimate mediators within communities due to their historical status as guardians of speech and collective memory. The younger generation also recognizes this moral authority, which evokes kinship ties and shared values. Various concrete situations observed or reported in the field highlight the griots' extraordinary abilities. In Niarela, a dispute arose between two brothers over the inheritance of farmland. In his speech, the griot retraced their family history and emphasized the sacrifices of their shared ancestors. Through words, he revived the values of family solidarity through expressions such as: "When two brothers fight, it is not the judge who separates them; it is the one who knows their father's story." «To remind us that brotherhood takes precedence over material goods. This symbolic reminder helped put an end to the tensions and strengthen their kinship ties. This approach is consistent with the conception of customary justice as a mediation rooted in family memory, as described by Amselle (1990) in his work on the interpenetration of kinship and power in West Africa. The griot's words are invested with a strong symbolic charge through oral performance, proverbs, ancestral stories, and metaphors. Thus, it helps to pacify emotions, restore honor, and open a space for reconciliation. In an effort to facilitate an intergenerational dialogue in Badalabougou on a collective decision made by an elder without the approval of the young people, the griot was called upon. As a generational bridge, he reformulated the young people's expectations in respectful language, while explaining the foundations of customary decisions. Thus, he helped maintain community cohesion. The conflicts handled by griots can be intrafamily or even conflicts between neighbors. The griot is called upon first and confirms the primacy of endogenous settlement in the hierarchy of recourse. During a conflict between a husband and his in-laws, the latter was accused of contempt for his wife in Kabala. The griot publicly praised the husband, recalling his qualities, his merits, his belonging to a noble lineage, and his contribution to
the community. Thus, the griot was able to restore the husband's image and honor without direct confrontation. Subsequently, thanks to this codified and mastered gesture, the griot paved the way for a gentle reconciliation allowing the in-laws to reconsider their position, without mutual humiliation. During a dispute between two neighbors in Ségou over the use of the well, the griot sang a satirical song that spoke of selfishness and water sharing. "Everyone laughed, even me. But afterward, I realized he was talking about me. And that's when I agreed to talk," explained one of the parties. Undeniably, after the song, he de-dramatized the situation and opened up a peaceful space for both parties to speak. During their mediations, griots interact with other authority figures (village chiefs, elders, imams) to reinforce the impact of their words. This type of intervention embodies what Zempléni (1996) calls the "theatricalization of the social," where play, song, and humor create a distancing that facilitates resolution. Following a successful mediation around a cattle theft in Dioila, the griot led a reconciliation ceremony sealed with a symbolic speech promoting peace and unity. The village chief stated: "The griot is the cement. He doesn't judge, he reminds." » This statement aptly sums up the function of mediator of collective memory, a role that Jean Bazin (1996) describes as "justice of the relationship," as opposed to a justice of punishment. For Bazin, the griot does not decide, he reconstructs the relationship based on a shared narrative. The effectiveness of griots in resolving interpersonal conflicts is evident in surveys conducted among community members. The griot knows the knots of the past and only he can undo them without injury by touching the heart before convincing the head during local conflicts. The griot thus has a multitude of discursive, ritual, and social resources to restore peace. As part of this study, we conducted a survey in April 2025 with a representative sample of 150 people from different backgrounds and regions of Mali. The sample included 55% men and 45% women, aged 18 to 68, mostly from urban areas. When asked "Have you ever attended a mediation session led by a griot?", 63% of respondents answered yes, compared to 37% no. This high proportion shows an increased presence of griots in social conflict resolution mechanisms. The types of conflicts in which griots are most often called upon, according to those surveyed, are: Family conflicts: 70%; Marital conflicts: 55%; Land conflicts: 40%; Intergenerational conflicts: 20%, multiple answers were possible. Regarding the effectiveness of griots, 73% of respondents considered griots very effective, 17% considered their effectiveness average, and 10% considered their effectiveness ineffective. Regarding the question of trust placed in griots, 39% trust them completely, 35% moderately, 17% not very much and 11% not at all. The various assets cited include knowledge of traditions (81%), apparent neutrality in conflicts (67%), oratorical and symbolic power (58%). In addition, in terms of limitations, they highlighted the lack of official recognition (42%), limited impartiality in certain contexts (25%), and the absence of women in these roles (30%). Finally, 83% of those surveyed believe that the role of griots in conflict resolution should be officially recognized.

## 2.4 Discussion of results

The various data collected highlight the scope and richness of the griots' role in resolving interpersonal conflicts. Regardless of the form of the conflict, the griot manages to effectively play his or her role using narrative, symbolic, and social strategies. The griot's speech remains a central tool for peacemaking. As Amadou Hampâté Bâ (1960) notes, "speech is a living being" in African tradition. It repairs, binds, and restores balance between group members. The performativity of this speech is central to the effectiveness of the mediation process and constitutes one of the most valuable legacies of endogenous regulatory practices. Notwithstanding this fact, in the modern context, certain limitations are observable. In light of the theoretical frameworks used in legal anthropology and community mediation, the aim is to understand how "griotic" speech, beyond its immediate effects, contributes to maintaining social balance. This is consistent with the work of Jean Bazin (1996), for whom customary justice does not aim to punish but to readjust relationships through the reactivation of a shared memory. As a result, the griot embodies a function of guardian of the word that is the foundation of social ties. The diversity of conflicts dealt with (land disputes, marital tensions, disputes between neighbors or members of the same family) indicates that griots are not confined to a specific domain, but intervene in the relational space where the social bond is threatened. The data reveal a broad social recognition of the mediating role of griots, particularly in rural areas, where 63% of those surveyed say they have attended a mediation led by a griot. Griot mediation is based on shared cultural codes with roots in the collective. This is consistent with Zempléni's (1996) analysis of the
"dramatization of conflict," where the use of staging allows tensions to be externalized. J.L. Austin (1962) and Barbara G. Hoffman (2000) follow suit by describing the conditions for forgiveness and dialogue created by the griot through his poetic formulas. Despite legal modernization, the persistence of the griots' role demonstrates unparalleled resilience as community mechanisms. Merry's (1988) observations demonstrate that in many societies, informal justice systems persist not because they are archaic, but because they respond to logics of proximity, social trust, and procedural flexibility. Certain elements such as collective memory and intimate knowledge of family dynamics give the griots' interventions a deeply embodied and contextual character, difficult to reproduce in formal mediation or justice systems. The effectiveness of the griots' interventions is judged generally satisfactory by 73% of respondents. This figure is explained by their ability to restore dialogue in deadlocked situations, using proverbs, stories, and references to shared history. Nevertheless, some respondents doubt the griot's bias when linked to one of the parties. However, the data also shows limitations. The role of the griot appears less effective in urbanized contexts, where younger generations are challenging customary authority. Younger generations, increasingly educated and connected to modern legal values, sometimes challenge the legitimacy of customary knowledge, perceived as fixed, sexist, or hierarchical. This development raises the question of their adaptation and their possible articulation with official mechanisms (Tostan, 2016). Notwithstanding this, we find in both approaches a desire to preserve group cohesion, to restore ties rather than to punish. This observation reconsiders the role of griots as actors capable of adaptation. Some younger griots are indeed developing more inclusive hybrid forms of mediation. These vectors of social balance offer flexible, rooted solutions that are widely accepted by harmonizing relationships at the intersection of tradition and modernity. Our study also reveals gender inequalities in the practice of traditional mediation. Although some women, particularly among griots, play an active role in preventing or managing conflicts within families, their contribution often remains invisible or unrecognized. Griot women (or "djely mousso") suffer from invisibility in mediation processes. Fatou Sow's (2003) analyses highlight the difficulty women face in asserting themselves in customary spaces of power and speech due to patriarchal hierarchies. More inclusive mediation, recognizing the informal forms of regulation exercised by women, are necessary from a social justice perspective. In short, the results suggest that griots remain key actors in community mediation, but that their role is today affected by complex dynamics where tradition, social change, demands for equality and the recomposition of authority norms intersect.

## 2.5 Conclusion

This study of the role of griots in mediating interpersonal conflicts in Mali highlights a social practice rooted in oral tradition and community structures. These social mediators restore ties and reactivate collective memory through symbolic speech. Notwithstanding this, contemporary social changes resulting in generational tensions, gender inequalities, the rise of state law, and the education of younger generations call into question certain foundations of this traditional legitimacy. Thus, this form of mediation is based on the historical and relational legitimacy of griots while adapting their practices to contemporary social transformations, navigating between cultural heritage and modern demands. To this end, griots sometimes engage in hybrid conflict resolution mechanisms, collaborating with NGOs to demonstrate the complementarity between customary and formal justice. However, this study does not fully address the interactions between traditional mediation and formal justice. In terms of recommendations, we advocate strengthening the effectiveness and legitimacy of conflict resolution mechanisms in Mali. It would be wise to integrate griots into local peace mechanisms. Official recognition of their role, joint training with formal justice actors, and the promotion of collaboration that respects cultural specificities will be the foundations of this integration. Furthermore, it would be necessary to encourage the inclusion of women in traditional mediation practices to combat persistent gender inequalities. To deepen our understanding of the evolution of mediation practices in different social and geographical contexts, broader, longitudinal studies could be conducted. This research opens important perspectives on the complementarity between customary and institutional mediation in order to build hybrid systems better adapted to the complex realities of Malian societies. Thus, rethinking the place of griots in local peace and social cohesion policies would allow for a better integration of traditional actors.
## 3. PART THREE

### 3.1 Acknowledgments

The author sincerely thanks his thesis supervisor for her rigorous supervision, valuable advice, and constant availability during this research. The author wishes to express his deep gratitude to all the people he met in the field in Mali, particularly the griots, the sociologist, and members of the local communities who agreed to share their experiences and knowledge. Their trust and availability were a valuable resource for understanding the dynamics of customary mediation. The neighborhood chiefs, notables, and community leaders who facilitated access to the field also deserve special mention. Warm thanks also go to the Belgorod State National Research University for its logistical and academic support throughout this research, although this study did not receive any specific funding. The author would like to thank the survey respondents whose contributions helped anchor this research in a vibrant and pluralistic reality. Thanks also go to the anonymous reviewers for their constructive suggestions, which enriched the reflection developed in this article.

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