# Towards a history of metals and metallurgists in Ethiopia

Caroline Robion-Brunner, Hiluf Berhe Woldeyohannes, Alebachew Belay

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Caroline Robion-Brunner, Hiluf Berhe Woldeyohannes, Alebachew Belay. Towards a history of metals and metallurgists in Ethiopia. Annales d'Éthiopie, 2024, 35. hal-04810582

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Towards a history of metals
and metallurgists in Ethiopia

Abstract

Metallurgy holds a special place in human history because it is the activity in which the mastery of natural resources is the most advanced. It involves a long and complex operating chain during which the physical and chemical properties of raw materials change. Mastering of metallurgical processes means being able to produce materials with properties that do not exist in the natural state. These metals will find themselves used in all fields: agriculture, crafts, armament, ornamentation, and construction. The identification of these mechanisms is an essential issue in understanding the societies behind them and those that learn from others or consume the products of others societies. Research over the past 30 years demonstrates that the history of metals in Africa escapes any evolutionary perception, which would force each society to pass successively through the Copper, Bronze, and Iron Ages, as in Eurasia and thus obeying a technological determinism (Robion-Brunner, 2018). In Ethiopia, the archaeological and geological data currently available shows that ferrous and non-ferrous objects were used very early on (from the pre-Aksumite period, 8th to 4th c. BC) and that rich and diverse metal deposits are available. This diversity of uses and resources may have led to particular learning mechanisms among the craftsmen. No comprehensive account of the history of metals in this part of Africa has been established and thus we are not familiar with the interactions between societies and their environment, the processes of the invention, innovation, and diffusion of techniques, the social, ritual and symbolic dimensions of craftsmanship, the relationship between power and wealth production, or the networks and circuits of economic exchange, etc. In this paper, we propose to remedy this by drawing

<footnote>* Corresponding author: caroline.robion@univ-tlse2.fr</footnote>

<footnote>** CNRS,</footnote>

<footnote>Centre français des études éthiopiennes (UAR3137),</footnote>

<footnote>UMR5608/TRACES</footnote>

<footnote>‡ Mekelle University (Ethiopia), Collège de France (France)</footnote>

<footnote>§ Debre</footnote>

<footnote>Berhan University (Ethiopia)</footnote>
up a balance sheet to identify the subjects, periods, and spaces to be
investigated by future archaeologists and historians.

**Keywords:** Ethiopia, Archaeology, History, Metallurgies, Metallurgists

Résumé

La métallurgie occupe une place particulière dans l'histoire de l'huma-
nité car c'est l'activité dans laquelle la maîtrise des ressources naturelles
est la plus avancée. Elle implique une chaîne opératoire longue et
complexe au cours de laquelle les propriétés physiques et chimiques
des matières premières se modifient. Maîtriser les procédés métallur-
giques, c'est être capable de produire des matériaux dont les propriétés
n'existent pas à l'état naturel. Ces métaux se retrouveront utilisés dans
tous les domaines: agriculture, artisanat, armement, ornementation
et construction. L'identification de ces mécanismes est une question
essentielle pour comprendre les sociétés qui en sont à l'origine et celles
qui apprennent des autres ou consomment les produits des autres. Les
recherches menées depuis une trentaine d'années montrent que l'his-
toire des métaux en Afrique échappe à toute perception évolutionniste,
qui obligerait en quelque sorte chaque société à passer successivement
par les âges du cuivre, du bronze et du fer, comme en Eurasie, obéissant
ainsi à un déterminisme technologique (Robion-Brunner, 2018). En
Éthiopie, les données archéologiques et géologiques actuellement dis-
ponibles montrent que des objets ferreux et non ferreux ont été utilisés
très tôt (dès la période pré-Axoumite, entre le viiiᵉ et le xivᵉ siècle avant
notre ère) et que des gisements métalliques riches et diversifiés sont
disponibles. Cette diversité d'usages et de ressources a pu entraîner
des mécanismes d'apprentissage particuliers. Aucun récit exhaustif de
l'histoire des métaux dans cette partie de l'Afrique n'a réellement
été établi et cela ne nous permet pas de connaître les interactions
entre les sociétés et leur environnement, les processus d'invention,
d'innovation et de diffusion des techniques, les dimensions sociales,
rituelles et symboliques de l'artisanat, les relations entre pouvoir et
production de richesses, les réseaux et circuits d'échanges économiques,
etc. Dans cet article, nous proposons d'y remédier en dressant un bilan
des connaissances permettant d'identifier les sujets, les périodes et les
espaces à investiguer par les futurs archéologues et historiens.

**Mots-clés:** Éthiopie, Archéologie, Histoire, Métallurgies, Métallurgistes

Introduction

Metallurgy has a special place in human history because it allows the
production of materials with properties that do not exist in their natural state.
It is thus one of the human activities in which the control of natural resources
is the most advanced. It involves a long and complex chain of operations
during which the physical and chemical properties of several raw materials
are combined and modified. The properties of the various metals produced,
whether raw or alloyed, enable them to be used in all areas of life: agriculture,
crafts, armaments, ornamentation, and construction. Since the introduction
of metallurgy, craftsmen have constantly created new metal combinations,
modified their production techniques, and produced original objects. The
prism of metallurgy thus offers a unique opportunity to cross history and
territories by questioning the place of metallurgies and metallurgists in
societies and, in so doing, to follow the stages of invention, innovation, and
dissemination of metallurgy. The identification of these mechanisms is an
essential issue in the understanding of the societies where they originated them
and those that learn from others or consume the products of others societies.
Given the place of metallurgical production in the development of human
societies, studying this activity allows us to better understand the emergence
and affirmation of pre-state and state formations as well as the organization
of societies in Africa and their relations with each other. Although the role
of metallurgy in the development of societies is now accepted, its extent,
chronology, and diversity are still largely unknown.

In the African continent, the history of metals escapes any evolutionary
perception. It unfolds at a distance from a technological determinism that
would in some way force each society to pass successively through the
Copper, Bronze, and Iron Ages, as was the case in Eurasia. From the
point of view of the metals sought and their order of appearance in the
history of technology, the African continent can be divided into three areas
covering distinct histories (Robion-Brunner, 2018). Firstly, northern Africa,
spanning from the Mediterranean coast to the Red Sea coast, shows a
metallurgical evolution similar to that of Europe and Asia, albeit slightly
later. The history of metallurgy starts there with the use of native metals
(gold, silver, copper, meteoritic iron – meteoritic iron was used only in Egypt)
beginning in the middle of the fifth millennium BC, then a transformation
of copper ore into metal followed by a mastery of copper-based alloys
from the third millennium, and finally the introduction of iron in the
middle of the first millennium BC. Secondly, the Saharo-Sahelian zone
witnesses the simultaneous development of copper and iron metallurgy during
the first millennium BC, by populations belonging to different cultures
occupying distinct yet interconnected territories. Finally, sub-Sahelian Africa
has a completely original history of metallurgy. It also began in the first
millennium BC (perhaps earlier), but only with iron metallurgy and without
any other non-ferrous metallurgy having been established previously.

The aim of this paper is to define to which place the history of metals
in Ethiopia belongs. Our knowledge of metallurgy in this part of Africa is
quite limited and heterogenous compared to the rest of the continent. The
research gap on metallurgy is a regional issue in the Horn of Africa, although recent research highlights the importance of paleometallurgical studies (Iles & Lyaya, 2015). For this purpose, we have gathered the main archaeological, historical, and ethnological data at our disposal that refer to the production and use of metals and metallurgies in order to establish an overview of knowledge. Following a chronological plan, we have tried to analyze the history of metallurgy and metallurgists in this part of the African continent period after period and region after region (Fig. 1). Thanks to this synthesis, which enables the identification of the place and role of metallurgy, as well as the research gaps to be filled, we can propose several avenues of research to be followed in the years to come.

<figure><img src="image_1.png" /><figcaption>Figure 1. Map showing the localities alluded to in the text (Map by Robion-Brunner).</figcaption></figure>

## 1. The North as a consumer and then as a producer of metals

Since the early 20th c. AD, northern Ethiopia, where the pre-Aksumite (8th to 4th c. BC), proto-Aksumite (mid-4th to mid-2nd c. BC) and Aksumite (mid-2nd c. BC to early 7th c. AD) cultures flourished, has attracted the attention of many archaeologists (Fattovitch, 2004, 2010; Fattovitch & Bard, 2001). Their research focused more on elite structures in well-known centers
such as Yəha, Aksum, Hawulti, Mälazo, Mätära, Qohayto and Adulis, than on
the daily life and the rural environment (Hiluf Berhe, 2015). However, during
the archaeological excavations, large quantities of metal objects of different
forms and functions have been discovered (Littmann et al., 1913; Anfray, 1963;
De Contenson, 1963a, 1963b; Phillipson, 2000; Munro-Hay, 1991). Such objects
were inventoried and described, but their origin, history, and the techniques
used to make them remain unanswered.

1.1. *Pre-Aksumite Period (8th-4th c. BC)*

The pre-Aksumite sites were the earliest sites to yield metal objects. These
were found in temple enclosures or as funerary offerings. A wide range
of metals were used, and the morphological diversity of these objects is
remarkable. Nevertheless, their function is debatable because, although some
of them look like tools, they show no traces of use. They seem to be more votive
than utilitarian. Metal consumption was therefore important and varied at this
very early period. The abundance and diversity of metals at this time do not
correspond to a phase of emergence of metallurgical practices but rather to a
regular consumption of metal objects. Three scenarios can be proposed: either
imported metals were worked on-site, or finished objects were imported, or
a combination of both. In any case, the elites of society were buried with
rich, numerous, and varied metallic offerings. However, we lack tangible data
on the provenance of metals, the location of production workshops, and the
distribution networks to clarify the scenarios.

The archaeological sites of this period that yielded metal objects are Hawulti,
Yaha, and Säglamän. In Hawulti, coiled gold wires and several bronze ob-
jects including axes, sickles, identity marks, and a bracelet were uncovered
(De Contenson, 1963b). In Yaha, 17 rock-cut tombs were unearthed, contain-
ing several bodies buried with offering goods. More than 100 metal objects
were discovered. Among them were objects made of bronze (rings, sickles,
scissors, a needle, a weight, seals with Sabean characters, animal figurines),
gold (rings) and iron (scissors, blades, including a sword broken into several
pieces, a dagger, and an iron nail) (Anfray, 1963). Säglamän yielded a female
skeleton wearing iron shackles on her ankles (Sernicola, 2014; Sernicola et al.,
2017).

The exceptional nature of these objects and the places of their deposition
make it difficult to interpret the role of metals in the daily life of the pre-
Aksumite period. Only the figuration of animals with plow yoke on the
rock paintings of Amba Fəqada (Phillipson, 2012) and the Hawulti clay
figurines lead us to believe that iron implements were used in agriculture
(De Contenson, 1963b). Recently, in the vicinity of Aksum, several metal
objects including two bronze seals with zoomorphic motifs and a drinking
mug, probably made of bronze, were discovered on the surface by local people
around the village of Natka Blaʻ. Judging by the morphological similarity of the seals with those found at Yəha and Hawulti, they could be from the pre-Aksumite period. The precise location of these finds is called Şälim Bayta by the locals: the name refers to the presence of abundant iron slags littering the ground. Apart from this waste, which is currently undated, there is very little evidence of local production of the metals and metal objects mentioned above (Teklebrhan Berhane, 2018). The main reason for this is the lack of research with this purpose. However, remnants of ancient gold mining associated with pre-Aksumite period ceramics at Ancient ‘Ona near Asmara (present-day Eritrea) (Schmidt, 2009; Fattovitch, 2010) and Mai ‘Adraša, in western Təgray Slase (Asamerew Desie et al., 2002; Finneran, 2005) could mean pre-Aksumite mining activity in northern Ethiopia.

### 1.2. Proto-Aksumite period (mid-4th to mid-2nd c. BC)

Proto-Aksumite (intermediate) period sites are rare and not fully studied (Anfray, 1968). The most well-known is Bätä Giyorgis, northwest of Aksum. Phases of occupation are dated from about 360 BC to 800 AD (Fattovitch et al., 2000; Bard et al., 2014). Excavations yielded iron arrowheads, a human body with double bronze bracelets on each arm, seal, bracelets, bronze, and iron axes (Fattovitch & Bard, 2001). The presence of similarly made objects in different graves would suggest that they came from the same workshop or that they belonged to the same cultural area (Fattovich, 2008; Phillipson, 2012). So far, this transitional period has not been the object of sustained attention. This is unfortunate because it is impossible to record the evolution of metal production and use. However, it should be noted that the consumption of metal objects continued in later periods with a varied range of furniture.

### 1.3. Aksumite Period (mid-2nd c. BC to 7th c. AD)

Archaeological excavations in Aksum began in 1906, and were intensified from the 1950s onwards. They were carried out on habitation areas, church sites, megalithic sites and underground tombs. As a result, a large quantity of metal artefacts with diverse functions was documented. Their presence reveals that the Aksumite kingdom was a major consumer of metal objects for trade, warfare, agriculture, stone carving, and ornamentation (Hiluf Berhe, 2015). At the site of the ancient church of St. Mary of Aksum, a gilded bronze pendant on a colored glass pad and a gilded bronze wall lamp were uncovered (De Contenson, 1959). Hundreds of bronze and silver coins dated from 3rd to the 7th c. AD were also discovered. They were minted during the reigns of different Aksumite kings (De Contenson, 1963a). A bronze lion figurine, 4.9 cm long and 2.6 cm high, was found in Level II next to the old Maryam Şion cathedral: it was dated to the 4th-7th c. AD (Phillips, 2014). During the 1966-68 excavations of Dungur palace in Aksum, several coins of Aksumite
kings and numerous bronze and iron objects including scissors, pendants, ring, bracelets, chisel, metal clamps, nails, hooks, croissant-shaped tools, and others of unidentified function were unearthed (Anfray, 2012).

The British Institute in Eastern Africa (BIEA) excavations inside Aksum at 'Anda Səm' on THA/THC, and the Brick Vaulted Building yielded silver and copper beads and 178 silver and bronze Aksumite coins across its excavation units. A large quantity of gold, iron, silver, and copper/golden silver objects were found in tombs in the Gudit stelae field. They include personal ornaments, agricultural and domestic equipment, weapons, building objects, and animal and human figurines (De Chittick, 1974; Munro-Hay, 1989). Excavations in the tomb of Brick Arches from 1993 to 1997 revealed artefacts made of gold, silver, copper, iron, and copper alloys objects deposited in chambers A and B. What is striking is the deposit of nearly 40 kg copper-based alloys in chamber A. Other notable finds include a disc with a human face and Ge'ez scripts (Phillipson, 2000). Each excavation undertaken at sites of this period provides an impressive collection of metal furnishings and helps to show that the elites adorned themselves with metal, traded with metal coinage, built palaces, mausoleums, and tombs, and that their armies were equipped with metal weapons.

Iron clamps were used to interlock the large granite blocks of the monuments in Aksum center. Some traces of these fixings are still visible at the entrance to the tomb of False Door and on the slabs used to support the ceiling block of the grand Näfas Mäwča (Fig. 2). This technique was also observed on the slabs of Məstəh Wärqi. Six of the largest and decorated stelae at Aksum show traces of metal pegs on the top of their front side (Phillipson, 1997); it is thought that they once supported a disc (Munro-Hay, 1991). It is not ruled out that the broken disc with Ge'ez inscription found in the tomb of Brick Arches may have been previously attached to one of the largest stelae (Phillipson, 2000). The use of metal has been mentioned in the famous trilingual stone inscription of King Ezana: to celebrate his victory over the Bäqa people, Ezana erected statues of gold, of silver, and of bronze, to the glory of his god Ares (Munro-Hay, 1991: 224-5). The importance of metals in the manufacture of weapons during the Aksumite period has been demonstrated not only from their large numbers in tombs, but also through their representation on stelae and coins. On stela 4 in Aksum, two parallel spears were engraved on the front side and a shield on the back side. On the coins of the kings 'Aphilas of the early 4th c. and Mähadäyäs of the late 4th c./early 5th c. AD, the monarchs were depicted holding a spear (Munro-Hay, 1994, 1991, 1999; Munro-Hay & Juel-Jensen, 1995).

Despite their absence in archaeological collections, there is evidence for the use of metal agrarian tools such as the plough. Studies on subsistence economy of the Aksumite period from Bätä Giyorgis have demonstrated that "...cereals
<figure><img src="image_2.png" /><figcaption>Figure 2. Metal clamp at the Tomb of Flase Door (Photography by Hiluf Berhe).</figcaption></figure>

such as wheat, barley, and possibly *täff* were cultivated in Aksumite times by means of ox-drawn plows, very much as they are today" (Bard et al., 2000: 77). At Aksum, the discovery of a clay figurine representing a harnessed ox is indirect proof of this (Phillipson, 2000: 63-64). Outside Aksum, other sites have also yielded various metal objects. At the Wakarida site (eastern Təgray), artefacts including an iron blade, a metallic bracelet, a bronze ring, and coins dated to the 4th-7th c. AD have been unearthed (Gadja & Dugast, 2014). In the buildings uncovered during the excavations at Bätä Säma’ət, “Evidence for [...] small-scale metal and glass production [...] and coinage indicate both domestic and workshop activities, along with engagement in commercial activities” (Harrower et al., 2019: 1541). Bronze coins of Aksumite kings with dates ranging from early 4th to early 7th c. AD were discovered here. At ‘Addi Gälamo in eastern Təgray, a bronze votive tool bearing the name of Gadarat, an Aksumite king, in the Geez language was found (Bernand et al., 1991: 219-220, RIE 180). Iron fragments weighing 6.7 kg, a copper alloy cross, a dagger, and a gold foil saucer were reported from the site of Məfsas Bahri in southern Təgray (Gaudiello & Yule, 2017).

Outside the excavated sites, and particularly in central Təgray, artefacts
from surface collections have been recorded. Near Färäsmai, bronze bracelets
and iron nails have been found by the local people (Fig. 3) (Hiluf Berhe, 2011; Kifle Zerue & Alemseged Beldados, 2017). Based on their craftsmanship, it is assumed that they belong to the Aksumite period.

<figure><img src="image_3.png" /><figcaption>Figure 3. Iron objects from Fəlhat, Feresmai area (Photography by Hiluf Berhe).</figcaption></figure>

Around 25 km southwest of Aksum, local people collected five bronze bracelets (Fig. 4) and Aksumite coins during the construction of churches (Goitom Admasu, 2017). Coins have also been collected under the same circumstances north of Aksum, which has thus far been little prospected (Hiluf Berhe, 2004, 2005; Hadgu Zeru, 2015). According to the locals, the graves at Mäzabr yielded gold and bronze earrings and finger rings and bronze artefacts, some of which were inscribed. From the surrounding area of Mäzabr, several localities yielded bronze/copper bracelets, unidentified metal artifacts, and Aksumite coins (Hadgu Zeru, 2015). To conclude the survey of archaeological findings without context, we can also refer to the bronze bull figurine found at Mahbärä Dägo, 18 km southeast of Aksum (De Contenson, 1961).

The presence of these metal objects in several archaeological sites of different natures has prompted some scientific research to investigate their origin (Munro-Hay, 1989; Phillipson, 2012). Historical sources and geological studies indicate abundant sources of iron ore in Təgray (Pankhurst, 1961; Munro-Hay, 1989). Some artefacts such as the bronze disc with a human face,
<figure><img src="image_4.png" /><figcaption>Figure 4. Bronze bracelets from Bätä Čärqos (Photography by Goitom Admasu).</figcaption></figure>

inscribed with Ethiopic letters, and the bronze belt with Aksumite style cross, both found in the tomb of Brick Arches, seem to be local works (Munro-Hay, 1989: 177; Phillips, 2014).

Numismatic studies indicate that in the third quarter of the 3rd c. AD, the Aksumite kingdom began minting its own gold, silver, and bronze coins and that these coins circulated widely in international trade markets. It is even mentioned that it was the only independent African kingdom to mint its own coinage. The origin of the metals used is, however, unknown, although it is highly probable that at least a good part of them were under Aksumite control (Munro-Hay, 1991). Although archaeological and linguistic evidence of local iron production and gold mining is still tenuous, it does exist. In the Gobo Dura rock-shelter, a fragment of iron slag was found along with lithic artefacts and faunal remains (Phillipson, 1977). In Aksum, some place names refer to gold panning, such as Məstəh Wärqi in Təgrəña, meaning gold was spread out to dry on large stone slabs. Three sites with such slabs are known at Daʻro Maičäw, Gäza Märäčän, and Gumäla. In the northwest of Aksum, on the western foothill of Bätä Giyorgis, there is a cave called Baʻəti Haşin (metal cave) where iron ore may have been mined (Sutton, 2008). The BIEA excavations in Mälakä Aksum at the K2 trenches revealed iron slag and crucible fragments (Phillipson, 2000). However, there has been no analysis of whether the slag comes from smelting or smithing work. Around 1.2 km north of Aksum, at Bärik ‘Awdi, the Hamburg Archaeological Mission to Axum (HAMA) discovered a 1m high slag heap, as well as several metal objects including a seal or mold (Wendowski & Ziegert, 2003). Analysis of the slag shows that it is the waste product of smelting operations dating from 325 AD (Severin et al., 2011).

Our knowledge of the history of metallurgy in Təgray has been hampered because of lack of research coverage. Although evidence of metal production has begun to emerge, until recently, no serious project has been conducted.
One of the pioneering works, albeit only a cursory exploration, was that of University College London – Qatar, which carried out test excavations at Maryam Tāqot and Maryam Kādiḥ to see the stratigraphy of iron slag deposition and its nature. According to this preliminary report, artefacts associated with pottery sherds were collected and could be dated to the Aksumite and most likely pre-Aksumite period (Humphris, 2017). Māqällä University’s archaeological research at Gud Bahri, 1 km north of Wuqro Kəltä’Awla’əlo town, has shown that it is currently the largest known ironworks site in Ethiopia. This workshop was occupied from the pre-Aksumite to the post-Aksumite periods according to the radiocarbon dates. The deposition of iron slag over 150 cm deep indicates that a large quantity of metal was produced here. Excavations of a palace uncovered metal objects such as fasteners, nails, crosses, finger rings, pendants, and coins (Figs. 5 & 6). The locations of hearths and the presence of clay molds found inside the building suggest the existence of a metallurgists’ workshop. A preliminary geological study of iron ore from an outcrop close to the iron slag site shows that the metallurgists obtained their raw material near their workshop (Hiluf et al., 2020).

<figure><img src="image_5.png" /><figcaption>Figure 5. Iron slag from Gud Bahri (Photography by Hiluf Berhe).</figcaption></figure>

Another site located in the foothills of the Gär‘alta mountains revealed a concentration of iron slag, iron ore deposits, and crushing holes. In the village of Fräweini, at specific sites named Täkli and Säla‘ə, 18 km south of Hawzen, the presence of iron slag was reported. In the same village, near Micha’el Gundo and ‘Ənda Aba Gärima, a place named Dogol, and more precisely known as Hāri Hāčin (iron slag), is reported to have large blocks of iron slags weighing up to 40 kg (Fig. 7). Only two charcoal samples from Dogol were analyzed: they were dated to the 9th to 12th c. AD. However, the oldest levels have not yet been studied and could belong to the Aksumite period (Hailay Atsbeha, 2018, 2020). In the north of Aksum around Mäzabr, a survey has highlighted the existence of sites with dense concentration of iron slag
<figure><img src="image_6.png" /><figcaption>Figure 6. Metal objects from Gud Bahrī (Photography by Hiluf Berhe).</figcaption></figure>

and various metal objects (Fig. 8) (Hadgu Zeru, 2015). These sites are close to each other and they are all located near rivers in the forest area where wood was abundant. Although there is now some archaeological evidence for local iron production, we still lack data on the local or allogenous production of non-ferrous metals such as silver, copper, and bronze, as well as on their distribution networks.

<figure><img src="image_7.png" /><figcaption>Figure 7. Heap of iron slag from Şäbarit_TB04 (Photography by Hadgu Zeru).</figcaption></figure>

## 2. Three medieval worlds, three relationships to metals

With the medieval period, the archaeological knowledge on metals expands and extends beyond the north of Ethiopia to cover virtually the entire country. This period is marked by the partition of the space into three areas governed by different political and religious entities: the pagan, Christian, and Muslim worlds. These three worlds with distinct but connected territories emerged
<figure><img src="image_8.png" /><figcaption>Figure 8. Iron slag from Dogol
(Photography by Hailay Atsbeha).</figcaption></figure>

one after the other in some instances and simultaneously in others. One of
their main material features is the production of important and imposing rock
and megalithic monuments. The cutting of rock of all types was carried out by
manual work and the use of metal tools (Derat, 2003). The use of metals, as well
as their access and production, was therefore of primary importance to these
societies. A great deal of research has been devoted to studying the genesis
of rock-cut structures, but no significant investigation has been conducted
on the place of metals and metallurgy in society during this period apart
from passing remarks provided recently by researchers in the relevant fields
(Robion-Brunner et al., 2022).

2.1. *The Pagan world (10th to 15th c. AD)*

Although the phenomenon of Megalitism is not unique to the medieval
period and the ‘pagan’ world, it is an integral part of the material culture of the
traditional religious groups that predated and, in some instances, co-existed
with the neighboring Christian and Muslim kingdoms. Dated between the
10th and 15th centuries, these monumental works occupy both the space of the
central highlands and further east and south along the rift system (Fauvelle
& Poissonnier, 2016; Joussaume, 2014; Alebachew Belay, 2020). The various
archaeological research conducted there shows that little attention has been
paid to the role of metal tools, and thus little attention paid to the metals and
metallurgists involved in their production process and in that of the metal
objects deposited inside some of them. This is partly due to the fact that, until
now, these investigations have focused on the identification and description
of the sites, not their manufacture. Yet, in written sources, such as the *Acts of
Samuel*, the presence of blacksmiths and the use of metalworks for the military
and religious activities during the medieval kingdom of Damot (13th to 16th c.)
are mentioned (Bouanga, 2013). In the battles between the followers of a
pagan cult called *däsk* and troops of the Christian king Zär’a Ya’eqob, metal
weapons were used. According to the text, these were swords, spears, and
shields as well as bows and arrows. This hagiographical source also indicates
that metalworkers followed the troops carrying forge bellows and hammers. It
thus attests to the presence of advanced metallurgical practices in the kingdoms
of Ethiopia during the first half of the 1st millennium AD.

In the central highlands, where we have hundreds of megalithic sites,
particularly of tumuli, there is material evidence of the use of metal ornaments
by local people. During the excavations in the Mänz area at sites belonging to
the Shay Culture (dated between the 10th and 14th centuries), namely Meshalä
Maryam and Tätärgur, different types of metal ornaments made of gold, silver,
and copper, have been collected (Fauvelle & Poissonnier, 2016). They adorned
the buried bodies. Some of these ornaments, notably the silver spiral rings, have
also been found inside the Raré and Sourré Kabanawa tumuli in the Chercher
(Joussaume, 1980). Among the megalithic monuments, the monolithic stelae
have engraved decorations that could have been made with metal tools. Some
examples include those erected in the central highlands, Gadelomeda, and
the Ergotela area in Efrata-Gedem (Alebachew Belay, 2020; Tekle Hagos,
2000) (Fig. 9). Similarly, the holes and decorations engraved on stelae in the
Soddo region, including the Tiya World Heritage Site, probably involved the
use of metal tools. In addition to the use of metal tools to decorate stelae,
some figurative decorations represent metal objects. The stelae from Tiya in
central Ethiopia, as well as those from Tutofela and Chalbatutiti in the Gedeo
Zone of southern Ethiopia, have depictions of swords. These swords have
a morphology very similar to that of the iron bladed weapons found in the
Tätärgur and Meshalä Maryam burial mounds of the Mänz (Joussaume, 2007).
The fact that these swords, warrior emblems par excellence, are displayed on
imposing monuments may have a memorial function. Claude Tournemire
(2003: 93) has suggested that the authors of these graphic representations came
from "a hierarchical society of warriors, possibly invaders, who possessed iron
metallurgy and were therefore able to dominate the masses of helots" [free
translation].

2.2. *The Christian world (7th to mid-17th c. AD)*

In the northern and central highlands of Ethiopia, the early medieval
period is not particularly well known. The weakening of the Christian state as
embodied by the rulers of Aksum from the 4th century onwards led to a brutal
atony of documentation. Written production disappeared almost completely
for several centuries and archaeological data escapes us. Our knowledge of
the post-Aksumite period (7th to 12th century) is therefore quite limited. The
supply of precious metals and certain metallurgical practices appears to have
weakened; coinage and its local minting died out (Phillipson, 2012). On the
other hand, iron production continued in the medieval period, as shown by
archaeological research at the site of Gud Bahri near Wuqro (Hiluf Berhe et al.,
2020). Near Addi Gudem, also in the Təgray, an archaeological investigation
of the Maryam Nazaret site, architectural complexes of the 12th-century,
<figure><img src="image_9.png" /><figcaption>Figure 9. Collection of symbols depicted on the stelae of Ergotela (Photography by Alebachew Belay).</figcaption></figure>

reveals an undeniable use of metal in its construction (Derat et al., 2020). The same is true for the carvings on the pillars of the ruined church at the Məfsas Bahri site, located on the north-western side of Lake Hašange. Excavations at this building have also yielded several iron fragments (Arnold et al. 2014). Belonging to The Late Aksumite (c. 550-c. 700 CE), it is the southernmost site of this chronological period known to date in the region (Gaudiello & Yule (ed.), 2017).

It was not until the 12th century that a real renaissance of the Christian kingdom took place with the rule of the Zagwe dynasty. This resulted in the unification of various Christian regions under one authority and the excavation of numerous churches in the rock, sponsored and commissioned mainly by kings. These large-scale works were carried out by craftsmen belonging to the ecclesiastical world. Depending on their specialty, they formed guilds, including blacksmiths who made the tools of stonecutters and vellum tanners, crosses, door hinges, keys, etc. (Munro-Hay, 1991). To this end, the earliest extant examples of metalwork are liturgical artifacts, specifically processional crosses. Indeed, the best-studied objects made from gold and
silver are associated with the Ethiopian Orthodox church and include items such as processional crosses, hand crosses, pendant crosses, sistra, the finials of prayer sticks, chalices, and crowns (Gnisci, 2020; Silverman & Sobania, 2004). In the 1960s, Sandro Angelini carried out the first archaeological work in Lalibèla, a church complex whose development began in the 12th century. Digging into the area adjacent to Bätä Marqorewos uncovered fragments of ancient pottery, a large copper plate of Oriental origin (probably from India), and iron tethers for chaining prisoners (Angelini, 1967). Shimeles Taffesse (1983) also found metal artifacts during his excavation of the trenches around Bätä Amanuel and Bätä Gabre’el-Rufa’el (12th c). However, no details were provided on the nature and function of these artifacts (Shimeles, 1983). In addition, at sites near Lalibèla, such as Adefa, which is one of the sites related to royalty, metal artifacts have been found on the surface. Moreover, the production of metal objects continues to be a dynamic activity there (Finneran, 2012).

Iron objects are also present outside of the core zones in Lalibèla. Some of them were deposited in the tombs at Qedemt, located northwest of the churches and as shown by excavations carried out early in 2010 (Gleize et al., 2015). This implies proof of metal works not only located in the main area of the churches but also in the surroundings of Lalibèla. The exploration conducted on the Lalibèla rock-hewn church sites and their landscapes from 2009-2012 by the Ethio-French team led to locating traces of metallic artifacts (Bosc-Tiessé et al., 2014). From the survey conducted on soil heaps that are found on the parent rocks that surround the churches, the team verified the presence of blocks bearing marks made by metal tools. The use of this material in the tools of the stone carver is also visible in the decorative elements of the carpentry of Yimrehane Kristos. The doors of the churches of Yimrehane Kristos and Beta Gabre’el-Rufa’el have nails made of silver, copper, and gold (Mengistu, 2018). The crosses, especially the processional crosses (including the famous *afroaygeba*) (Fig. 10) were also made by goldsmiths. The earliest ones probably date from the twelfth century and were made of bronze. Brass once appears in the 15th century. Later examples were made of wood or silver, and very occasionally with gold parts. The most famous example of the latter type is the gold and brass cross in the Bätä Medhane Alam church in Lalibèla (Abbink, 2016).

Excavations and surveys around the Genete Maryam church in Lasta Woreda have uncovered metal artifacts such as iron nails, knives, coils, and concentrations of slag (Clark, 2015). Unfortunately, no specific analysis has been carried out on these wastes, and thus we cannot yet characterize the stage from which they came.

In addition to the history of metals related to monuments, we should also not forget the tools and parts used in the manufacture of religious manuscripts.
<figure><img src="image_10.png" /><figcaption>Figure 10. Afroaygeba Cross, Lalibela (Photography by Eyob Kenaw).</figcaption></figure>

It is not uncommon to find metal pegs dating from the medieval period fixing the edge of the backboard of manuscripts produced in the churches and monasteries such as Haik Astifanos (Nosnitsin, 2020). Further south, in the Menz highlands, excavations of a royal camp and the Meshalä Maryam and Gabre’el churches have led to the discovery of metal artifacts belonging to different stratigraphic units. This confirms the continuous use of metals for various functions during the medieval period and particularly in the 15th century (Derat & Jouquand, 2012). During this period, there was no permanent capital and kings were moving from place to place. Craftsmen, like other camp-followers, accompanied the court and army on their peregrinations. Alvares (c. 1465-1541?), a Portuguese Christian missionary and explorer, who witnessed this, notes that “all who practice the smith’s craft” had land allocated to them at camp. Their area was situated on either side of the market square,
and took up “a very big space” like a “large village.” This shows the significant role that blacksmiths had in the moving royal court (Pankhurst, 1992: 63).

Some of the metal objects used in this historical period were imported, such as plates from the Islamic world, Egypt, and Yemen. Several written sources indicate that some silver coins of foreign origin were melted down to recover the metal (Wion, 2020). Foreign travelers such as Alvarez, Almeida, Poncet, Bruce, etc., on the other hand, have reported the existence of several metal provenance areas along their itineraries from the north to the central parts of Ethiopia, as well as the circulation of metals in the Christian kingdoms. These networks were of different scales, both short and long distances (Pankhurst, 1961). This external contribution is not only material. Kings such as Aşe Ləbnä Dəngəl (r. 1508-1540) requested from Portuguese officials that smiths come to Ethiopia to work on the adornment of the church of Mäkanä Śəllase (Krebs, 2021). Likewise, the involvement of foreign craftsmen, particularly blacksmiths, became evident during the Gondarine period (1632-1769).

### 2.3. *The Islamic world (11th to 16th c. AD)*

From the 11th century onwards, Muslim communities settled on the Ethiopian high plateau, as evidenced by the presence of funerary stelae bearing Arabic inscriptions (Loiseau, 2020). Their expansion further south led to the emergence of a large state, the Ifat Sultanate, in the 13th century. Although it left many archaeological remains, research on its materiality is quite recent. So far, only three regions have been studied: the Harar area in eastern Ethiopia, the Yifât area in North Şäwa and adjacent zones, and a part of Togray, around Quiha. Some of these scientific works are still ongoing and they have delivered only few metallic artifacts (Fauvelle-Aymar & Hirsch, 2011). Excavations at the Nora sites have yielded small bundles of iron rods dated to the 14th century. These were used as currency, such as the *hakūna*, in areas furthest from the trade routes. The Nūr al-maʻārif (Light of Knowledge), a set of notes detailing the conditions of trade in Mecca and Abyssinia, collected in the late 13th century at the behest of a Rasūlid sultan, also mentions the occasional use of silver dirhams minted in Egypt by Muslim political elites (Chekroun & Hirsch, 2020). In addition, the widespread megalithic Islamic graves in Ifat (from the Kemisse area to the north down to Minjar-Shenkora) were composed of grooved symbols and inscriptions that were possibly made with metal tools (Hiluf Berhe et al., 2020; Kassaye, 2009).

In eastern Ethiopia, the site of Harlaa (13th to 15th c.) has yielded a large number of slags found on the surface and in different stratigraphic units. This waste is from the uncovered remains of a blacksmith's workshop. Iron, copper, and, silver objects were also found in the excavated dwellings. Nearby, at the Shagnila Toya site, traces of a furnace were revealed (Insoll
et al., 2014; Insoll, 2017). In addition to these metalworking workshops, others were also present for beadmaking, indicating that the craft in this area was diversified (Insoll, 2021). There are also references to the use of metal armaments during the highland-lowland conflicts in the 16th c, which include the use of iron armors, swords, helmets, and other military tools by the Muslim armies (Stenhouse & Pankhurst, 2003). Metal drinking vessels and copper drums were used to celebrate their victories. It is also indicated that horses had stirrups that were covered with iron caparison (Chekroun, 2013). The medieval Muslim world was oriented towards foreign and domestic trade. Moreover, the workmanship of the metal objects discovered seems to show that either they were imported into the territories of eastern Ethiopia or that foreign craftsmen produced them locally. At present, it is impossible to know the origin of the metals used and the impact of these new techniques and cultural habits on the local populations.

### 3. Disappearance, persistence and adaptation of metalworkers

The modern and contemporary periods (17th century to the present) are marked by major historical and political changes that have had a profound impact on Ethiopian societies. Craft production, and more specifically the production of metals and metal objects, did not escape political instability, strong centralization, and numerous political and economic interactions with Western colonial powers. Thanks to ethnological studies, our knowledge of the societies is strengthened. They allow us to approach the social organization and status of artisans, as well as their technical gestures, symbolism, and rituals (Haaland, 2004; Temesgen, 2016). For example, a fairly accurate reconstruction of the history of the ostracized artisans of the Ethiopian highlands (Quirin, 1998) and the techniques of objects related to Christian liturgy (Moore, 1971) has been proposed.

#### 3.1. *The irreducible metalworkers*

From the 17th century onwards, the metal production in Ethiopia is gradually counted. Increased trade with the outside world, especially with the Western world, resulted in the importation of foreign products, including metal products. The latter were used by the general population - rather the elite - or recycled by local craftsmen. The writings of foreign travelers and later the research of Ethiopian and European ethnologists and archaeologists provide us with a lot of information on the location of the last metal producing regions, the techniques used, and the rituals and symbolism surrounding these metallurgical activities. Silver was the first metal to face competition from foreign imports. One reason for this may be its marginal extraction in Ethiopia. In the second half of the 18th century, foreign merchants introduced Maria Theresa thalers. Named after the Austrian queen whose portrait appears on
the coin, this silver coin was used until the early 20th century for trade along the Red Sea and the Arabian Peninsula. Charles Johnston, who visited Šāwa in 1842-43, emphasized the importance of these coins for goldsmithing: "[...] all coin of this sort which enters Shoa ultimately finds its way into the crucible, except such as falls into the hands of the King" (Silverman, 2004: 346). From his writings we also know that Muslim and Christian women had different tastes in jewellery. The former wore silver bracelets "consisting of two or three thick silver wires, twisted upon each other, and finished at each extremity by a beaten square head" (ibid.). The latter wore anklets, and, for the wealthy Amhara women, earrings made of "masses of silver or pewter, resembling a pile of hand grenades, or the teething rattle employed in nurseries" (ibid.). Today, this piece is still worn as a pendant or made into bracelets or necklaces in villages around Bati (Amhara region) (Fig. 11) (Robion-Brunner et al., 2022).

<figure><img src="image_11.png" /><figcaption>Figure 11. Asha Ahmed wearing a necklace made by her father, Ahmed Sa'id in Aleyu Amba in the early 1990s. Note the two Maria Theresa thalers flanking a smaller coin (Photography by Paymond Silverman and Neal Sobania).</figcaption></figure>

Unlike silver, gold mining has been more resilient to external competition and is still relevant today. Most of Ethiopia's regions, including Tōgray, Benishangul Gumz, Gambella, Amhara and Oromia, still mine gold. In addition, the low technicality required for its extraction makes it an accessible activity. To extract gold from alluvial deposits, the heavy minerals in the alluvium or colluvium must be separated from the lighter minerals using water and the principle of gravimetric concentration. The miners dig canals on the alluvial terraces to divert the water from the streams to a basin or basins at the top of the mine. When the basin is full, the bung is removed so that the water can be forcefully discharged into a gutter. At the same time, the miners push the previously cut material into the stream. The heavy minerals are thus concentrated at the bottom of the gully. Sometimes makeshift sluices are installed to facilitate their collection. The final concentration is done using the beater in which the heavy minerals are collected. After drying, they are sorted by hand. This type of artisanal mining is still used today in parts of
Ethiopia (Smidt & Gebremichael, 2012). Beautiful photographs taken in 1903 by Lebedev during a visit to a gold mine in the Wollega region by Russian engineers perfectly illustrate the techniques outlined above and the importance and dynamism of this activity (Fontaine, 2020: 288-297). Indeed, the number of workers in action is impressive; in one photograph, over forty men are digging up the alluvium and transporting it to the river.

For iron, its local production gradually disappeared from the end of the 18th century. The reason for this eclipse is the introduction of foreign objects which, distributed in large numbers, offered and still offer blacksmiths the possibility of using a material by recycling it without having to produce it – a complex and difficult stage in the iron industry. However, a few metallurgists, established in remote regions or attached to their knowledge, have maintained all the stages of their activity until very recently. They are found in southwestern Ethiopia. In Wollega, for example, until the 1960s, two steel-making districts, Abee Dongoro in the north-east of the province and Aira-Gulliso in the south-west, were in operation. Temesgen's (2012) study shows that the smelters of these districts had different furnaces. In the first region, the metallurgists used an underground furnace. This consisted of a vessel dug into the ground in an inclined position over a length of more than 1 m and then lined with clay. Two long clay tuyères, to which small iron and then horn nozzles were attached, connected this underground structure to the bellows. To the south-west of Wollega, this was an overhead furnace with a chimney about 2 m high. There was an opening at the bottom of this column. Before smelting, two tuyères for the bellows were placed in this opening and sealed with clay. At the end of the process, the metallurgists removed the tuyères and opened this door to let the raw iron mass out. The Wollega metallurgists clearly associated the transformation of rock into metal with the act of human reproduction. Their furnaces were thus decorated with ears, breasts, and a vagina to give them the appearance of pregnant women. This link between metallurgy and procreation is common in Africa (Schmidt & Mapunda, 1997). Other Ethiopian metallurgists like the Tsara (Kafa region) share it. Thanks to Randi Haaland (2004), who was lucky enough to attend one of their last smelting operations in the village of Oska Dencha, the techniques and rituals of each stage can be reconstructed. What follows are some key moments of this production. The extraction of the ore took place below the village, along steep hills. Before digging the rock, the master smelter poured a local liquor on the ground as an offering to the ancestors, then took a few sips. The good pieces of ore were only reached after 3 m of depth. Back at the smelting area, the metallurgists made two types of tuyères: the large ones, 25 cm long, called *zeida* which means penis; the small ones, 12 cm long, called *tsole* which means the foreskin of the penis. In all, thirty tuyères were made. The large ones were attached to the base of the furnace with wet clay, while
the small ones were used to connect the opening of the pot bellows to the large tuyères. The furnace was built outside the village, in the bush, to prevent ritually impure people (mainly menstruating women) from interfering with the melting process. The furnace could be used several times because the mass of raw iron was extracted through the top opening of the furnace chimney and did not damage it. It had a 40 cm deep slag pit with an 80 cm high chimney. The chimney had a wall thickness of 12 cm and an internal diameter of 42 cm. The base of the furnace had fifteen small openings to accommodate the tuyères of five pot bellows. Each bellows had three tuyères. In order to ensure the success of the melting process, a goat was sacrificed and its blood poured outside the furnace. The only taboo related to the construction of the furnace was that women should not menstruate, as this ritual impurity was supposed to interfere with the melting process. When everything was in place, the master smelter poured the first load of charcoal into the furnace vessel and lit the fire. Then the assistant smelters started to operate the five bellows. When the charcoal was glowing, the master smelter put the first tray of iron ore into the furnace. Charcoal and ore were added continuously, at the rate of three trays of charcoal to one tray of ore. After 9 hours and based on the observation of the color of the flames and the noises coming from inside the furnace, the master smelter asked for the bellows to be stopped: the smelting was finished. The next day, when the iron had cooled, the mass was removed from the furnace. In order for this transformation of the material to be a success, a few taboos had to be respected, including that of abstaining from sexual intercourse during the melting process for the founders. To defy this prohibition was to expose oneself to the wrath of the ancestors because no one could be unfaithful to the furnace. The iron mass was taken out of the furnace and taken to the forge in order to be cleaned of the slag and coal it contained, compacted and then transformed into objects. In the same Omo Valley, a little further south, among the Dime, metallurgists practiced traditional iron production until the 1970s in furnaces of similar size, morphology and operation (Todd, 1985; Yamasue et al., 2010). Unfortunately, no research has yet been done to trace the history of these specialists, the diffusion of their techniques, the historical depth of their activity, and the breadth and scope of the exchange networks for their production. Fortunately, however, ethnological research allows us to appreciate the latter operations, whose observations are rich and unique.

### 3.2. *The role of smiths in the contemporary world*

Despite the disappearance of local metal production in favor of the recycling of foreign metal parts and objects, blacksmiths are still active in both northern and southern societies, both urban and rural. The production of processional crosses, for example, is still carried out by Ethiopian smiths (Harrison, 2022). Their role and occupation, however, are regularly transformed according to
the importance of their production in social life. Competing with the import of standardized objects made abroad and the inflation of the cost of raw materials, some change their trade, region, or innovate in their practices. However, one feature seems to characterize them: their alienation from mainstream social life (Tamari, 2012). Not new, shared throughout Ethiopia, but also in other parts of Africa, by other professional groups (tanners, weavers, potters, etc.), it translates into the adoption of certain behaviors and assumptions such as discrimination, restriction of commensality and the prohibition to marry outside one's group (endogamy).

But what are the reasons for such segregation, and more importantly, how long has it been in place? A comparative study of twelve societies in southwestern Ethiopia (Freeman & Pankhurst, 2003) has identified and understood the variations and differences in this phenomenon over time, space, and the type of marginalized group. Four categories stand out: respected non-polluters, sterile polluters, fertile polluters and dangerous polluters. The first are the least marginalized and stereotyped. They have all owned land prior to Menilek's conquest, and they are the only groups not to be considered as polluting or impure by the farmers. They do not live in separate villages or neighborhoods and do not have their own rituals or religious practices. Most of these groups claim some kind of northern ancestry, so they would be migrants from the north with their specialist status. Before iron was imported in bars from Jimma, or bought as scrap metal from car parts in the markets, some blacksmiths, like the K'emo in Kafa province, produced iron from locally mined ore. It is not known today whether they knew this smelting technique before they moved south or whether they developed or learned it in their new places of residence. The groups of smiths belonging to this category can be found in the north-eastern and north-western parts of southern Ethiopia, among the Gurage, Yem, Kafa, Shekacho, and Dawro.

The second are more marginalized because they are accused of eating unclean meat. Thus, farmers view them as being fairly polluting, and also not good for fertility. They are often thought to bring bad luck and death. They do not have their own rituals or religious practices. They have only recently been granted access to land. Many myths about the origins of this group state that their status as artisans was imposed on them by the king and that they originally belonged to the same group as the farmers. Blacksmiths of this category are found only in the south-east, among the Konso (Fig. 12).

The third category is marginalized. Its members do not own land and are considered extremely polluting because they allegedly eat unclean meat. However, they are associated with fertility and have their own rituals and religious practices. They are said to be former indigenous hunters conquered by a centralized power, indigenous or non-indigenous. No smiths belong to this category.
<figure><img src="image_12.png" /><figcaption>Figure 12. A blacksmith shop in the village of Gara (Konso zone, photography by Caroline Robion-Brunner).</figcaption></figure>

The fourth and final includes those who are the most marginalized. They are considered a radically different people; the most polluted of all the categories, they are avoided. They are thus forced to settle on the outskirts of the farming villages. Blacksmiths are particularly feared as they are believed to possess fantastic powers in relation to the transformation of natural materials. Some of them, like the Dime, continued to smelt iron ore well into the 20th century. The majority of this category claim to be conquered indigenous people. These artisans are all located in the general Gofa area of southwest Ethiopia.

This classification underlines the gradual and progressive nature of the processes of social enclosure. However, it is important not to exclude a priori the role of sudden reversals of fortune, of revolutions of all kinds, so well attested in societies whose past is known thanks to the abundance of written records. In this respect, we have the history of only one Ethiopian population, which in recent centuries has become endogamous and largely specialized in crafts. This is the Beta Israel, the present-day blacksmiths, weavers, and potters of northwestern Ethiopia, who practice an Old Testament-inspired religion (Quirin, 1998). According to written sources, they were initially cultivators organized in independent kingdoms during the 13th and 14th centuries, which were gradually integrated into the Christian kingdom of Ethiopia following a series of military defeats. From the 15th century onwards, the refusal of some of them to convert to orthodox Christianity resulted in the loss of their rights to their lands and, at the same time, to their incorporation into the
artisan group. In the early 17th century, following the establishment of the urban center of Gondar by the ruling Amhara dynasty, many landless artisans, including the Falasha, migrated there in search of work. During this period, these artisans managed to improve their livelihoods and status. They were even rewarded with titles and land rights. As they became integrated into Gondar's political and economic institutions, they increasingly defined themselves by their professional role in society as 'lower clans', rather than as an independent minority group. In the early 19th century, when imperial power declined during the 'Age of Princes', their position was affected. Their lands were again confiscated forcing them to return to their former craft occupations. At the same time, appointed to perform polluting tasks, such as amputating the limbs of convicted criminals, they became increasingly stereotyped. The rest of the population attributed to them the evil eye, and accused them of turning into hyenas at night to dig up corpses to eat them. From an underclass within the dominant society, they became a professional caste group in the early 20th century. The trajectory of the Falasha throughout history suggests that craft can be attributed to a group simply because of its political weakness. The practice of crafting confirms a devaluation that was initially based on other grounds. Like some blacksmiths in other parts of Africa, Falasha blacksmiths claim to belong to societies that once had their own kings.

Without modelling the Falasha historical process on that of other Ethiopian artisans, it would be complementary to undertake proper historical studies of other groups. This seems feasible given the long history of kingdoms in this country and the strong relationships between kings and craftsmen expressed in ceremonies and myths. In parallel, archaeological research in areas that appear to have hosted iron ore reduction sites, such as the provinces of Kafa and Gofa, should be conducted. This would help to measure the historical depth of these activities and determine the origin of their development.

## 4. Towards a history of metallurgies and metallurgists: achievements and perspectives

Thanks to this assessment of knowledge, it is definitively established that Ethiopia is an ancestral land of metallurgies and metallurgists. From the ancient period, exclusively present in the north of the country, we retain an abundance of metallic objects, especially those made from precious metals. These objects facilitated trade, strengthened constructions, and above all adorned the remains of the urban elite. The metals they are made from were produced locally and others were the result of medium and long-distance exchanges. In medieval times, metals were used in the three religious worlds that make up the Ethiopian space. Metallurgical production seems to be more limited to ornamentation and weaponry. Even if the Muslim communities are connected to spheres other than those of Africa, the perception of the diffusion
of foreign metallurgical techniques on Ethiopian soil is not obvious. The
metallic funerary furniture discovered in the pagan and Christian worlds is less
abundant, less varied, and of simpler construction than in the ancient period.
The use of metals may have been concentrated on the manufacture of tools
for digging churches and for building and decorating megalithic monuments.
The reopening of Ethiopia to the extra-African world in contemporary times
has left material traces in Ethiopian and especially Gondarian craft production.
European specialists joined the locals to build palaces and decorate secular and
religious buildings. The metals used came more and more from the recycling
of imported pieces. The manufacture of objects continues and evolves, but the
local production of metals is weakening. Only a few metallurgists established
in remote regions maintained their knowledge and their profane work until
the beginning of the second half of the 20th century. Their place in modern
societies is evolving, but their exclusion to very different degrees continues and
reflects the history of their settlement.

If we rely on the contemporary state of knowledge and attempt to answer
the question posed at the beginning of the article, the history of metals in
Ethiopia seems to belong to several spaces: that of the Christian north, where
objects of very good workmanship were first imported and then made locally
by foreign and/or local craftsmen, the metals were accessible locally or came
from regions further south; that of the Muslim east, where workshops for the
production of objects were set up by foreign craftsmen working with metals
whose origin seems to be extra-Ethiopian; and that of the pagan northeast
and south, where the production of iron dominates and where precious
metals or objects made of precious metals other than gold seem to have been
brought from time to time. However, this state of the art reveals large gaps in
knowledge. It is now clear that future research must investigate beyond known
urban centers, religious settlements, and burial sites to better understand the
history of metals. For example, environmental and geoarchaeological research
has suggested that the clearing of the Təgray Forest was due to population
growth, agricultural expansion, and settlement (Butzer, 1981; Bard et al., 2000).
Failure to include and understand the role of iron and metal tools in the
emergence of this phenomenon is detrimental. The development of the state
and kingdoms with the erection of complex buildings, monolithic stelae, and
subterranean and monumental tombs must have required a large quantity and
high quality of metal tools to cut stones. In turn, the production of metals
must have required a large quantity of charcoal, which led to an acceleration
of forest clearing. The return to the field must also be accompanied by close
collaboration with economic geologists in order to locate mining sites, identify
and characterize the type of workings developed, and to reconstruct the
networks of metal diffusion. It is also good to be interested in the excavation of
workshops such as what has been initiated at Maryam Təqot, Maryam Kädiḥ
and Gud Baḥri to characterize the techniques developed and their evolution. The objects also need to be better studied to define the technical knowledge and cultures of which they are the product. It is imperative, for example, to identify the origin of the metal from which the tools used to dig the churches of Lalibela were made, without which it will be difficult to place this architectural project in its territorial context. A better understanding of the techniques used to make *kalashas*, a phallus-shaped head ornament worn on the forehead by the Konso and Borana nobles, would provide new information on the history of the settlement of these peoples of southern Ethiopia. The perspectives are broad and exciting because they are new and promising. They will reveal other facets of Ethiopia’s ancient and recent history.

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**List of figures**

Figure 1. Map showing the localities alluded to in the text (Map by Robion-Brunner).

Figure 2. Metal clamp at the Tomb of Flase Door (Photography by Hiluf Berhe).

Figure 3. Iron objects from Fəlħat, Feresmai area (Photography by Hiluf Berhe).

Figure 4. Bronze bracelets from Bätä Čärqos (Photography by Goitom Admasu).

Figure 5. Metal objects from Gud Bahrı (Photography by Hiluf Berhe).

Figure 6. Iron slag from Gud Bahrı (Photography by Hiluf Berhe).

Figure 7. Iron slag from Dogol (Photography by Hailay Atsbeha).

Figure 8. Heap of iron slag from Şăbarit_TB04 (Photography by Hadgu Zeru).

Figure 9. Collection of symbols depicted on the stelae of Ergotela (Photography by Alebachew).

Figure 10. Afroaygeba Cross, Lalibela (Photography by Eyob Kenaw).

Figure 11. Asha Ahmed wearing a necklace made by her father, Ahmed Sa'id in Aleyu Amba in the early 1990s. Note the two Maria Theresa thalers flanking a smaller coin (Photography by Paymond Silverman and Neal Sobania).

Figure 12. A blacksmith shop in the village of Gara (Konso zone; Photography by Caroline Robion-Brunner).