# Caused accompanied motion in Bora

Frank Seifart

► To cite this version:

Frank Seifart. Caused accompanied motion in Bora. Caused Accompanied Motion, 134, John Benjamins Publishing Company, pp.43-56, 2022, Typological Studies in Language, 10.1075/tsl.134.02sei. hal-04851253

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# Caused accompanied motion in Bora*

Frank Seifart

*Leibniz-Zentrum Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft, Berlin*

## Abstract

The Amazonian language Bora uses a pair of deictically directed, but manner-neutral, *BRING* and *TAKE* verbs to express caused accompanied motion (CAM), but also an OBTAIN-type verb, and a number of manner-specific, but deictically neutral verbs, e.g. *CARRY* and *PULL*. When other verbs express CAM events, they often include directional verbal suffixes indicating associated motion, e.g. ‘go (and then do)’. Sources and goals are marked with spatial cases, but their overt expression (as well as that of themes) is syntactically optional. Phonological resemblance between the spatial case markers, the directional verbal suffixes, as well as the *BRING* and *TAKE* verbs indicate that they are historically related. The analyses in this chapter are based on a corpus of spoken Bora.

<footnote>* The research reported here was supported by three grants from the Volkswagen Foundation's Documentation of Endangered Languages Program: Documenting the Languages of the People of the Center Especially Bora and Ocaina (North West Amazon), 2005-2009 (PI Frank Seifart); Cross-linguistic patterns in the encoding of three-participant events, 2013-2017 (PIs Anna Margetts, Katharina Haude, and Nikolaus P. Himmelmann); Cross-linguistic patterns in the encoding of three-participant events - investigating *BRING* and *TAKE*, 2017-2020 (PIs Anna Margetts, Birgit Hellwig, and Sonja Riesberg). I am grateful for data coding by Lena Sell and for helpful comments from the editors of this volume and two anonymous reviewers.</footnote>
**Keywords:** Bora language (bora1263), caused accompanied motion, associated motion, spatial case

# 1 Introduction

## 1.1 Overview

This chapter describes how directed Caused Accompanied Motion (CAM-dir) events, most typically events of bringing and taking, are expressed in the Amazonian Bora language. Cross-linguistically, CAM-dir events are defined through four components: motion, causation, accompaniment, and directedness (see Hellwig et al., this volume), but languages differ in how these meaning components are expressed: Only some of them may be encoded in lexical verbs, and other, non-defining components may also be encoded in such verbs as well, including deixis, manner of causation, manner of motion, or theme features. In Bora, the two definitional components motion and causation are almost always expressed together. Therefore, in this chapter I use ‘caused motion’ where analyses of other languages use ‘causation’ and ‘motion’ separately.

The basic expressions of CAM-dir events in Bora are a pair of deictically-directed, but manner-neutral CAM-dir verbs, *BRING* and *TAKE*. They are only rarely attested with overt expression of a source location. In turn, there is an
OBTAIN-type verb which can occur with overt expression of the source
location, but only rarely with a goal location. There are a number of manner-
specific, but non-directional verbs expressing caused accompanied motion,
including CARRY and PULL, that can be used to refer to CAM-dir events,
especially if they co-occur with overt expression of a directionality, goal or
source. After an introduction to the language background (Section 1.2) this
chapter proceeds as follows: Section 2 introduces the relevant grammatical
background. Section 3 describes the two genuine Bora CAM-dir verbs, BRING
and TAKE. Section 4 describes various other verbal constructions that can be
used to refer to CAM-dir events in Bora, but that do not actually encode all
three required meaning components of CAM-dir verbs (caused motion,
accompaniment, and directedness).

1.2 *Language background*

The Bora language is spoken in the Colombian and Peruvian Amazon regions
by approximately 500 speakers. It belongs to the Boran language family,
together with its sister language Muinane (Seifart & Echeverri, 2015), but the
inclusion of this group in the Witotoan family remains contested (Aschmann,
1993; Echeverri & Seifart, 2016). Descriptive work on Bora has been carried
out by missionary linguist Thiesen (especially Thiesen & Thiesen, 1998;
Thiesen & Weber, 2012) and the current author (Seifart, 2005, 2015),
partially on the very close dialectal variant Miraña. Most data used in the
current chapter are taken from a language documentation corpus (Seifart, 2009), with references given to the annotation unit number and text/session name in the collection which is accessible online. Some additional examples are taken from a published dictionary (Thiesen & Thiesen, 1998). A few, mostly one-word examples without indication of source come from the current author's intuition. Data are represented in this chapter in the practical orthography in use in the Bora communities. Symbols used in this orthography correspond closely to IPA conventions except for the following, which reflect Spanish orthographic conventions: 〈c, k〉 – [k], 〈ch〉 – [tʃ], 〈h〉 – [ʔ], 〈i〉 – [h], 〈ll〉 – [dʒ], 〈ñ〉 – [ɲ], 〈v〉 – [β], 〈w〉 – [gʷ], 〈y〉 – [j], and 〈u〉 – [u]. Long vowels are represented by two identical vowel symbols, e.g. 〈aa〉.

## 2 Relevant grammatical background

### 2.1 Introduction

In addition to lexical verbs, two morphosyntactic subsystems play a crucial role in the expression of CAM-dir events in Bora: Spatial cases on nouns (Section 2.2) and associated motion suffixes on verbs (Section 2.3). Also relevant to CAM-dir events is how predicates and predication work (Section 2.4) and the distinction between arguments and adjuncts (Section 2.5).
## 2.2 Spatial, comitative, and other cases

For the expression of directionality, Bora uses two spatial cases, in addition to deictic verbs (see below). Noun phrases expressing goals are marked by the allative case suffix -vu ~ -u, while sources are marked by the ablative case suffix -tu. The theme is marked with accusative case -ke if animate and unmarked if inanimate, i.e. there is differential object marking. If a goal or source is animate, the allative or ablative marker is preceded by an additional suffix -di. There is also a dedicated comitative case -ma (which also marks instruments). Allative and ablative case markers often combine with locative nouns to further specify source or goal locations, e.g. *míiné pañé-vu* (canoe inside-ALL) ‘(to the) inside of the canoe’.

## 2.3 Associated motion suffixes

There are four directional verbal suffixes in Bora indicating associated motion, which is a common grammatical category in South American languages (Guillaume, 2016). The Bora directional suffixes consist of two forms expressing motion *prior* to the event expressed by the verb stem, -va ‘come (and then do)’ and -te ‘go (and then do)’, and two forms expressing motion *subsequent* to the event expressed by the verb stem, -je ‘come after doing (return)’, and -íñú ‘go after doing (leave)’ (Thiesen & Weber, 2012, pp. 118–120). There are no forms expressing motion *concurrent* to the event
expressed by the verb stem, which would more directly correspond to
encoding caused accompanied motion. The directional suffixes are
productively used with intransitive and transitive verbs. All four directional
suffixes express motion of the subject noun phrase (S or A), not the object
noun phrase (O), thereby following the predominant pattern in South
American languages (Guillaume, 2016).

In (1) and (2) with -va 'come (and then do)', the agent moves towards the deictic centre and then speaks or eats respectively. In (3) with -te 'go (and then do)', the agent moves away from the deictic centre and then kills something or someone.

(1) nee-vá

say-DIR.come

‘come to say’

(2) majchó-va

eat-DIR.come

‘come to eat’

(3) lliihyánú-teé

kill-DIR.go

‘go to kill’ (cntrs_10_Bora 11)

The suffixes -je ‘come after doing (return)’ and -íñú ‘go after doing (leave)’
also express motion associated with the event expressed by the verb but in the
reverse temporal order than the other two suffixes. In (4) with -je ‘come after
doing’ the agent eats and then moves towards the deictic centre. In (5) with -
íñú ‘go after doing’ the agent performs an action and then moves away from
the location of that action.

(4) majchó-je
eat-DIR.return
‘eat and return’

(5) lliihyánú-íñú
kill-DIR.leave
‘kill and leave’

Some text examples are given in (6) and (7).

(6) éébú-je-híjcya-lle
feed-DIR.return-REP-F.SG
‘She always fed (him) (and returned)’ (booake_idyone 042)

(7) o-ke méénu-íñu-ube
1-ACC hit-DIR.leave-M.SG
‘He hit me and then left’ (Thiesen & Weber, 2012, p. 119)

2.4 Predicates and predication

There are no serial verb constructions in Bora. Verbal predicates always
constitute one single lexical verb, and there is occasional nominal predication.
Many verbal roots in Bora combine with one out of a large set of verbal
number and transitivity markers which simultaneously mark singular vs.
multiple action and transitivity (transitive vs. intransitive vs. stative) (Seifart,
2015, p. 1494), as will be noted in many examples below (e.g. 9, 16).
However, this system does not interfere with the expression of caused
accompanied motion.

## 2.5 *Arguments and adjuncts*

It is notoriously difficult to differentiate arguments from adjuncts in Bora
given that, among other things, all noun phrases (except subject noun phrases
in certain constructions), are optional. The best candidates for arguments
(besides subjects) are accusative-marked (or bare, if inanimate) object noun
phrases (see Section 2.2). However, for allative- or ablative-marked goals or
sources, there appear to be no good reasons to consider them as arguments or
adjuncts. Therefore, the current chapter takes an agnostic approach to this
question.

# 3 BRING and TAKE verbs

## 3.1 Semantics of *BRING* and *TAKE* verbs

Bora lexicalizes the expression of basic CAM-dir events into two separate
deictically specific verbs, *BRING* and *TAKE*, which do not encode manner
information. Like English *bring* and *take*, the Bora verbs can thus be
characterized as (+ directional, + deictic, - manner). Both verbs contain a deictic component: *tsiva* ‘bring’ expresses CAM-dir events towards speaker or deictic centre (examples 8-11) and *tsajtye* ‘take’ indicates movement not towards speaker or deictic centre (examples 12-13).

(8) aa-ú=vá=a
CON-CLF.sphere=QUOT=REM

ihdyu
like this

**tsíva-lle,**
**bring-F.SG**

**i-tsívá-ne**
choocó-wu
**ehdu**

**3-bring-INAN**
slowly-DIM
**like that**

*cujúwá* úniú-vú *pícyo-híjcya-lle*

fire side-ALL put-REP-F.SG

‘And she brought it (sphere-shaped, i.e. egg), and after bringing (it), she put it carefully next to the fire’ (booake_idyone 020)

Both *tsiva* ‘bring’ and *tsajtye* ‘take’ take a theme argument marked by accusative case (if animate, otherwise unmarked, as is generally the case with accusative case marking in Bora). The goal of a CAM-dir event can be expressed by NPs in the allative case. There are very few instances of these verbs in combination with an overt source NP in the corpus. Commonly neither theme or goal (or source) are overtly expressed but are retrievable from context, as in line 2 in (8). If one of these participants is expressed, it is more commonly the theme than the goal, as in line 1 in (8). In (9) the goal is expressed but not the theme:
(9) íille-vu **tsiva** o ávóó-ve
here-ALL **bring.IMP** 1SG cover-SG.INTR

‘Bring (it) here so I can cover myself’ (inf_josrobetc3 57)

An example of the relatively rare case in which the source of the CAM-dir
event is expressed is given in (10):

(10) aa-né-jíí kiá-tú-a-na mááhou ó **tsíva-híjcya-á**
CON-INAN-NEG where-ABL-?-? casabe 1SG **bring-REP-FUT**

‘But from where am I supposed to bring casabe bread?’

(nEjke_kuriota 053)

Example (11) is one of the even rarer cases in which both the theme and the goal are expressed. Note that from the context of this example it is clear that the first person is not at the location of ‘my aunt’:

(11) méhé-di-vu d-úhjeté-ne-ma
aunt-ANIM-ALL 2SG.IMP-reach-INAN-BEN

óh-di-u óóveta u **tsíva**

1SG-ANIM-ALL food 2SG **bring**

‘When you arrive at my aunt, you will bring me food.’

(nEjke_kuriota 173)

The theme participants of *tsiva* ‘bring’ and *tsajtye* ‘take’ are typically
inanimate, as in the examples above, but they can also be animate. However,
even in these cases, the theme participants of these two verbs appear not to
be self-moving. From the context of example (12) it is clear that the boy is
being carried by parrots, i.e. he is not self-moving.
(12) aa-mé=vá=a **tsajtyé** dííbye-ke tsúúca
CON-PL=QUOT=REM **take** he-ACC already
ááméjú-hajtsí-vú=juco
downstream-CLF.clearing-ALL=AFIR

‘And they took him already to the clearing downriver’ (niivuwa 069)

Example (13) comes from the dictionary by Thiesen & Thiesen (1998) and no context is provided. However, in the environment where Bora is spoken, it is likely that the father would be taking the son along by boat, i.e. the theme would again not be self-moving.

(13) ... cááni dííbye-ke cóómí-vu **tsájtyé-tú-ne-ri**
father he-ACC village-ALL **take-NEG-INAN-INST**

‘... because the father would not take him (along) to the village’

(Thiesen & Thiesen, 1998, p. 254)

## 3.2 Etymology of BRING and TAKE verbs

The Bora verbs *tsiva* ‘bring’ and *tsajtye* ‘take’ bear phonological resemblances with a number of other deictic or spatial expressions of the language, which raises intriguing questions about their historical origin. It appears relatively clear that there is a historical relationship between the final syllables of *tsiva* ‘bring’ and *tsajtye* ‘take’ and the directional suffixes -va ‘come and then do’ and -te ‘go and then do’ respectively. Note that -tye is a regular allomorph of -te following instances of /a/ that historically derive
from /ai/ diphthongs, and that plain voiceless stops, e.g. t, can alternate with preaspirated stops, e.g. 〈jt〉 - [ʰt] (Seifart & Echeverri, 2015). However, synchronically the first syllables of these verbs, tsi- and tsa-, cannot occur on their own or with other suffixes, so these verbs must synchronically be considered monomorphemic.

Regarding the history of these verbs and suffixes, one possibility is that the suffixes originated as reduced forms of the verbs (note that there is one verbal suffix in Bora that likely originated from a free verb: the habitual aspect suffix -ijcjya is still homophonous with the free copula verb). If this was the case, the grammaticalized former verbs would have lost their meaning components of caused motion and accompaniment and only retained the meaning components specifying deictic directions. Another possibility is that tsiva 'bring' and tsajtye 'take' were historically formed with these suffixes which then lexicalized on these two verbs, while remaining productive suffixes in other contexts. If this was the case, there must have been contexts where the suffixes were compatible with an accompanied motion reading. This seems not unlikely given that there are synchronic uses of these suffixes that are compatible with readings as CAM-dir events, as discussed in the following section. Regarding possible etymologies of the first syllables of tsiva 'bring' and tsajtye 'take', note that there is a verb stem tsaa- (with a phonemically long vowel) in Bora which means 'come', but it seems unlikely that this stem would be related to tsiva 'bring' and/or tsajtye 'take' for two reasons: Firstly, tsaa- 'come' is deictically specific in the opposite direction as tsajtye 'take',
to which it is phonologically the closest; and secondly, the verb stem(s) from
which *tsiva* 'bring' and/or *tsajtye* 'take' would have been formed would
presumably not have been deictically specific, but would have meant roughly
'obtain', to which the suffixes would add the deictic component.

Note here also that the deictic elements in the BRING and TAKE verbs and in
the directional suffixes, *-te 'away from deictic center' and *-va 'towards
deictic center', also bear intriguing resemblances to the nominal spatial cases:
-tu 'ablative' and -vu 'allative' share their initial consonants and the
directionality meaning components with these, although they do not encode
deictic meaning components. This suggests again historical relatedness.
Finally, note that for all Bora forms discussed in this section there are regular
cognate forms with apparently identical functions in Bora's relatively close
sister languages Muinane (Walton et al., 2000), while there are no cognate
forms in the distantly, if at all, genealogically related Witotoan languages
(Echeverri et al., accepted). Historical reconstruction would therefore be of
no help to further elucidate the hypotheses discussed in this section.

4 Non-CAM-dir verbs referring to CAM-dir events

A number of Bora verbs encode some, though not all of the three required
meaning components of CAM-dir verbs (caused motion, accompaniment, and
directedness), but their use in context often allows for an interpretation of a
CAM-dir event, especially if they occur with overt expressions of source or
goal participants and/or with associated motion suffixes.

4.1 OBTAIN-type verb

The Bora verb *ujcu* covers meanings such as ‘obtain’, ‘procure’, ‘acquire’,
and is glossed as ‘fetch’ in the corpus. It expresses events where the agent
obtains control of the theme and does not pass it on to a third party. It thus
encodes caused motion, but not accompaniment or directedness. However, it
can be used in contexts that at least allow for an interpretation of a CAM-dir
event. There are several examples attested in the corpus where *ujcu* ‘fetch’
occurs with overt expression of a source, as in (14). From context, it can be
inferred that the event of fetching was followed by an event of accompanied
motion, even though this is not overtly expressed.

(14) *i-íjyú=ne*   *tahdi*   *llihíyó-mú*   *tsínúú-tu*   *ujcú*
this-CLF.day=REC   grandfather   father-PL   mesh Trap-ABL   fetch
*néébá*   *niivúwa-ke*
annatto   deer-ACC

‘Yesterday, grandfather, our parents fetched an annatto deer from the
trap.’ (niivuwa 045)

When *ujcu* ‘fetch’ is combined with a directional marker of (prior or
subsequent) associated motion, an interpretation as a directed CAM event is
even more likely, as in (15). But note that what is expressed here is directed
motion prior to the fetching event, while the subsequent accompanied motion
is implied in the sense that it is commonly understood that goods which had
been fetched would be brought home.

(15) náhjihe újcu-té-ébe
business fetch-DIR.go-M.SG

‘He went to get (commercial) goods.’ (cntres10_Bora 14)

While *tsiva* ‘bring’ and *tsajtye* ‘take’ are more often found with overt
expression of the goal than of the source, there are no examples attested in
the corpus where *ujcu* would occur with overt expression of a goal, suggesting
that the latter is clearly a source-oriented verb.

4.2 Manner-specific CAM verbs

There are a number of manner-specific verbs that express caused motion and
accompaniment, but not directedness. They rarely occur with overt
expression of a goal or source participant, but they often combine with
directional suffixes in contexts that allow for an interpretation as a CAM-dir
event. There are several CARRY verbs including *piichu* ‘put on back, carry on
back’, *íhbúcunu* ‘put on arms, carry in arms’, and *caañu* ‘transport various
times’. The form *piichu* ‘put on back, carry on back’, as in (16), is the most
common one in the corpus. In example (16) it includes a suffix expressing
accompanied motion away from the deictic centre *after* putting something on
the back, which almost necessarily leads to an interpretation of the
directionality of the carrying event.

(16) á-tsihdyú=ú botsí=i idyé tsiiñe idyé o
CON-then=REM finally=yet also again also 1SG
ímíjyú-jkímyeí-ñe o pííchú-cu-íñu-ne
joy-VBZ.behave-INAN 1SG carry-MULT.TR-DIR.leave-INAN

‘And then, at last, again, I happily carried it (lit. put it on my back
and moved away).’ (aakityeMM1_34)

For *íhbúcu-* ‘put on arms, carry in arms’ there is one text example in the
corpus used here with again a directional suffix, in addition to overt
expression of a goal participant, marked by the allative case. The example
even more clearly refers to a CAM-dir event.

(17) illu=ré=juco o ihbúcu-íñu-ne
so=REST=AFIR 1SG lift-DIR.leave-INAN
éh-néjcú-é-wajú-u=ré=juco
that-CLF side-PERT-CLF.irregular surface-ALL=REST=AFIR

‘So I carried (it) (lit. put it on my arms and moved away) to the slope
of the other side.’ (aakityeMM1_33)

The verb *caañu* ‘transport various times’ expresses caused motion and a
particular kind of manner, namely that the transporting event takes place
various times, but, again, not directedness. Similarly to *íhbúcu-* ‘put on arms,
carry in arms’, in (18) this verb occurs with an allative-marked goal. In the
absence of overt expression, or anything in relevant context, it is not clear
whether this example refers to accompanied caused motion, or whether the
agent remains still.

(18) pámee-ké=ré íjchi-vu cááñu-ube
all-ACC=REST here-ALL transport-3M.SG
‘He moved all of them here.’ (llijcu_ine_II1 280)

There is at least one LEAD-type verb, pátohcó ‘lead by the hand’, but it is not
attested in the corpus used here. In the case of (19), given as an isolated
sentence in Thiesen & Thiesen (1998) without context, it is not clear whether
it expresses a CAM-dir event because no goal or source is indicated.

(19) Taalléro-ke ó pátohcó
grandfather-ACC 1SG lead
‘I lead the grandfather holding his hand’ (Thiesen & Thiesen, 1998,
p. 227)

4.3 PUSH, PULL, and LIFT verbs

A number of PUSH, PULL, and LIFT verbs in Bora encode caused motion events
in a direction, however, the events referred to are not necessarily caused
*accompanied* motion, as the agent may or may not be moving along with the
theme. The verb *cátú-jcaáyo* expresses pushing events, as in (20). Note that
a goal is overtly expressed in this example, but it is only the theme participant
that moves towards this goal, not accompanied by the actor.
(20) aan-é=vá=a tee-ne í-ñe í-tsoróó-ho
CON-INAN=QUOT=REM 3-INAN this-INAN 3.POSS-chest-CLF-room
ih-dyu pevé-bájcú íjcya-ne cátú-jcaáyo-obe
this-CMPV empty-CLF.bone be-INAN push-SG.TR-M.SG
tee-ne i-píívyé nu-jpácyó pañé-u
3-INAN 3.POSS-growth water-CLF.liquid inside-ALL

‘And he threw his [= his enemy’s] whole chest, which was a single bone, into the water of his creation’ (lluuhii 033)

For *lliúcu* ‘pull’ interpretations as CAM-dir events appear to be more likely.

In (21) *lliúcu* ‘pull’ is followed by an overt goal NP. In (22) *lliúcu* ‘pull’ is an adverbial subordinate clause and the directionality of the caused-motion event is expressed by a causativized directional verb ‘cause to cross’. In both cases, it appears to be at least possible from the context that the agent is crossing to the other side along with the theme.

(21) Té-ijyú=u ihdyu ó lli-úcú té-hnéjcu-vú=jaco
3-CLF.time=REM like_this 1SG pull-SG.TR that-CLF side-ALL=AFIR
‘That time I did pull (it) to that side.’ (aakityeJP1 15)

(22) Aa-né=e botsí=i llí-úcú-neh ó pajtyé-tsó
CON-INAN=REM finally=yet pull-SG.TR-INAN 1SG cross-CAUS
‘And finally, by pulling, I moved it across (lit. I made it cross by pulling)’ (aakityeJP1 17)

Similarly to *lliúcu* ‘pull’, the caused motion verb *ihbu* ‘lift (with hands)’ expresses caused motion in a direction but not accompaniment. In (23) this
verb is used with an overt allative-marked goal, and, again, the context at least
allows for an interpretation as a CAM-dir event.

(23) ó páácyú-ne íllu=ré=juco o íhbúcu-íñú-né
1SG clean-INAN so=REST=AFIR 1SG lift-DIR leave-INAN
éh-néjcú-é-wajú-u=ré=juco
that-CLF side-PERT-CLF irregular surface-ALL=REST=AFIR
‘After cleaning, I carried (lit. lifted) it to the other side’
(aakityeMM1 33)

4.4 Accompaniment verbs and constructions

There are a number of ways to express accompaniment, but these verbs and
constructions are not used for the expressions of *caused* motion, which is a
defining component of CAM-dir events. Joint action, movement, or location
can often be expressed by dual or plural subject pronouns indicating more
than one referent in the agent role (example 24). In addition, there is a
dedicated comitative case (also marking instruments) and special verbs
expressing accompaniment. The comitative case can express joint motion
events but also stative accompaniment. These constructions express
accompanied motion but there is no clear sense of caused motion of the
theme.
(24) muha me-péé aatye áá-tsííme-ma
1PL.EXCL 1PL-go those 1SG.POSS-children-SOC
‘We (= I and my children) went with my children.’ (aakityeMM1
036)

Joint movement can also be expressed by special verbs of accompaniment including *nahbénú* ‘accompany’, *cámaave/cáhmaba* ‘become together, be together’, *ánúhoúcunu/ánúhójcatye* ‘be together’ (the two verb forms express verbal number, see Section 2.3). The verb *nahbénú* ‘accompany’ (lit. ‘to brother’) describes events where animate participants move or are located or act together. The accompanied person is marked with accusative case, the goal takes the allative case. Again, the constructions express accompanied but not caused motion of the theme.

(25) ó nahbénú tá-byeebé-ké éh-cóómi-vu
1SG accompany my-nephew-ACC that-village-ALL
‘I will accompany my nephew to that village’ (Thiesen & Thiesen, 1998, p. 193)

(26) ó pívajtsó tá-ñáhbe-ke úmihé-vú péé-be-ke
1SG accompany my-brother-ACC garden-ALL go.SUB-M.SG-ACC
‘I will accompany my brother going to the garden.’ (Thiesen &
Thiesen, 1998, p. 236)

(27) Tsíímene cáma-avé wáábyaá-vu
child become_together-SG.INTR hammock-ALL
i-ñáállé-wúu-dí-vu

3-sister-DIM-ANIM-ALL

‘The child put himself in the hammock next to his little sister.’

(Thiesen & Thiesen, 1998, pp. 72–73)

(28) Aatye ánúhoúcunú ápíhájcú déjúco-ri

they be_together beam bottom-LOC

‘They are together at the bottom of the beam.’ (Thiesen & Thiesen, 1998, p. 41)

## 5 Summary

In summary, the three meaning components of CAM-dir events (caused motion, accompaniment, and directedness) are lexicalized in Bora in a pair of deictically-specific, manner-neutral verbs, *BRING* and *TAKE*. A number of other Bora verbs are used in contexts that allow for interpretation as CAM-dir events, even though they do not encode directedness or accompaniment. Among these, an *OBTAIN*-type verb appears to function as the source-oriented counterpart of the mostly goal-oriented *BRING* and *TAKE* verbs. A number of manner-specific, non-directional CAM verbs, including various verbs for *CARRY*, are often used to refer to CAM-dir events, especially if they combine with one of the four associated motion suffixes, which contribute the directional meaning component in these cases.
## Abbreviations

1 - first person; 2 - second person; 3 - third person; ABL - ablative; ACC - accusative; AFIR - affirmative; ALL - allative; ANIM - animate; BEN - benefactive; CAUS - causative; CLF - classifier; CMPV - comparative; CON - connector pronoun; DIM - diminutive; DIR - directional; EXCL - exclusive; F - feminine; FUT - future; IMP - imperative; INAN - inanimate; INST - instrumental; INTR - intransitive; LOC - locative; M - masculine; MULT - multiple action; NEG - negative; PERT - pertinence; PL - plural; POSS - possessive; QUOT - quotative; REC - recent past; REM - remote past; REP - repeated action; REST - restrictive; SG - singular; SOC - sociative; SUB - subordination; TR - transitive; VBZ - verbalization.

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