kilometres south-west of the district centre, between 1,400 and 1,520 metres of altitude above sea level.

It was founded in the late 19th century in the site of an Armenian village abandoned since the 1770s.

The Turkish Ayrums inhabiting the settlement amounted to 168 in 1908,<fnref n="9" /> 230 in 1914,<fnref n="10" /> and 1,861 in 1976.<fnref n="11" />

## ARISU

Arisu extends on the south-facing slope of a gorge lying on the left bank of the left tributary of the river Shamkor, 11 kilometres south-west of the district centre, at an altitude of 1,420 to 1,500 metres above sea level.

<figure><img src="image_321.png" /><figcaption>ARISU. The village seen from the castle of Parisos</figcaption></figure>

It represents a settlement of Turkish Ayrums established in the early 20th century in the site of an Armenian village abandoned since the 1770s.

## ATAKHAL

The settlement is situated on the left bank of the river Zakam, 16 kilometres west of the district centre, between 1,170 and 2,080 metres of altitude above sea level.

In the early 20th century, several families of Turkish Ayrums arrived at the site of a derelict Armenian village which had been stripped of its population in the 1770s.

In 1908 Atakhal had 234 inhabitants,<fnref n="12" /> whose number had dropped to 146 by 1914.<fnref n="13" />

The newly-arrived stock-breeders totally obliterated all the vestiges of the local Armenian monuments.

## AYITALA

The village is located on the east-facing slope of a

gorge lying at the southern foot of Mount Ghezelghaya (1,719.9 metres), in the area of the source of the Aytali Jur, i.e. the left tributary of the river Shamkor, 3 kilometres south of the district centre, between 1,490 and 1,600 metres of altitude above sea level.

In the khans' times, it belonged to Charek Monastery and served as a winter encampment ("...a place called Aytala and comprising winter dwellings since earliest times...").<fnref n="14" />

The present-day settlement was founded in the late 19th century in the site of an Armenian village devasted and stripped of its inhabitants since the 1770s.

## BEYDEMIRLI

The village is situated on the west-facing slope of a gorge lying 32 kilometres north-west of the district centre, between 1,600 and 1,680 metres of altitude above sea level.

It traces back to the Soviet years.

## CHALBURUN

The village, which has an east-facing position, extends along the right bank of one of the left tributaries of the river Parisos for more than 2 kilometres and is situated 9 kilometres south-west of the district centre, between 1,380 and 1,460 metres of altitude above sea level.

Founded in the early 20th century, it had 640 Turkish inhabitants in 1914,<fnref n="15" /> and 1,385 in 1986.<fnref n="16" />

The remnants of some ancient buildings preserved in the neighbourhood of the settlement attest that once an Armenian village existed in its site.

## CHALDASH (CHALDAGH)

The village, which has an east-facing position, is located 11 kilometres south-west of the district centre, at an altitude of 1,460 to 1,550 metres above sea level.

After it had been stripped of its Armenian population in the 18th century, it served as a summer encampment for some cattle-breeders who took up permanent residence there in the early 20th century. In the 1890s, the ruins of a church and a cemetery were preserved in the area.<fnref n="17" />

The available data regarding the number of the local Turkish population represent the following picture: 220 inhabitants in 1908;<fnref n="18" /> 193 in 1914,<fnref n="19" /> and 888 in 1986.<fnref n="20" />

<footnote n="9">⁹ Caucasian Calendar for 1910, p. 188.</footnote>

<footnote n="10">¹⁰ Caucasian Calendar for 1915, p. 91.</footnote>

<footnote n="11">¹¹ SAE, vol. 1, p. 392.</footnote>

<footnote n="12">¹² Caucasian Calendar for 1910, p. 189.</footnote>

<footnote n="13">¹³ Caucasian Calendar for 1915, p. 92.</footnote>

<footnote n="14">¹⁴ National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 2634, p. 1.</footnote>

<footnote n="15">¹⁵ Caucasian Calendar for 1915, p. 204.</footnote>

<footnote n="16">¹⁶ SAE, vol. 10, Baku, 1987, p. 302.</footnote>

<footnote n="17">¹⁷ *Barkhutariants*, M. Artsakh, p. 308.</footnote>

<footnote n="18">¹⁸ Caucasian Calendar for 1910, p. 410.</footnote>

<footnote n="19">¹⁹ Caucasian Calendar for 1915, p. 204.</footnote>

<footnote n="20">²⁰ SAE, vol. 10, p. 302.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_322.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_323.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_324.png" /><figcaption>CHAREK CASTLE. The stronghold seen from the valley of the river Shamkor</figcaption></figure>

CHAREK CASTLE

**Location.** The stronghold towers on a rock that forms the end of a mountain branch extending like a cape at the confluence of the rivers Shamkor (Charek) and Getabak, at an altitude of 1,110 metres above sea level, and at an absolute altitude of 100 metres above the river bank.

**A Historical Introduction.** As attested by a record, in the year 1206 of the Armenian era (655), the princes Zakarian "...took the royal residence of Kars as well as Getabak and Charek..."<fnref n="21" /> The castle was liberated by Ivane Zakarian:

"And Ivane, a great war-lord famous for his courage, re-conquered Charek and put it under the sway of his relative Vahram's son Zakaria..."<fnref n="22" />

A record of 1224 mentions "...Ayrarat Province and Khachen up to Charek" as "belonging to Ivane the Atabak..."<fnref n="23" />

In the 13th century, Charek fell into the Mongols' dominion:

"...Charek, Getabak and Vardanashat... went to Ghatagha Noyin."<fnref n="24" />

While writing about these events, Gandzaketsy mentions "...Charek and Getabak..."<fnref n="25" /> among the other strongholds conquered by the Mongols.

The subsequent sources keep silence about the stronghold, which comes to suggest that with the Mongol conquest, it lost its strategic significance.

<footnote n="21">21 Vardan Vardapet, p. 138. Also see Hovhannissian, H. M. The Castles of Armenia. Venice, 1970, pp. 509-510, in Armenian.</footnote>

<footnote n="22">22 Vardan Vardapet, p. 140.</footnote>

<footnote n="23">23 Colophons, 13th century, p. 140.</footnote>

<footnote n="24">24 Vardan Vardapet, p. 144.</footnote>

<footnote n="25">25 Kirakos Gandzaketsy, p. 243.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_325.png" /><figcaption>CHAREK CASTLE. Partial views of the fortified walls of the citadel</figcaption></figure>

**Charek Castle in Topographical Works.** In the late 19th century, several topographers visited the castle, but they confined themselves to very brief descriptions of the monument, some of them making only passing reference to it. Below follows one of them:

"On a wooded rock located on the bank of the fast-flowing river Shamkhor, on the road leading from the monastery to Gandzak, within about two versts of this monument towers a castle. It is entirely built of red burnt brick and has high towers and solid ramparts. It

is named Shamkhor Castle after the river, but the Turks call it Mamur Kalasi..."<fnref n="26" />

The river flowing below the castle "...used to bear a stone bridge, whose arch has been replaced by some wood terrifying those walking on it. It is in a state of the utmost dilapidation and on the verge of collapse: no matter how slowly you walk on it, the entire bridge

<footnote n="26">²⁶ Smbat M. Antiquities in the Neighbourhood of Getabek. In: "Nor-Dar," 1893, No. 36, p. 2, in Armenian.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_326.png" /><figcaption>CHAREK CASTLE. Partial views of the fortified walls of the citadel</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_327.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_328.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_329.png" /><figcaption>CHAREK CASTLE. The right pier of the bridge of the stronghold</figcaption></figure>

shakes under your feet. I wonder what an unfortunate wretch is predestined to get drowned in the deep river after this ramshackle heap of wood collapses..."<fnref n="27" />

## CHAREK MONASTERY

**Location.** The monument is situated on the left bank of the river Shamkor, about 3.5 kilometres south-west of the confluence of this river and its left tributary Getabak (up the course of the former), within the same distance of Charek Castle, 7 kilometres south-east of the district centre, at an altitude of 1,070 metres above sea level.<fnref n="28" />

o'clock, when I started for the monastery of Charek following a path that extended along the left bank of the river (it flowed fast below the gorge) and was, probably, fit for only a donkey or a mule. In many parts of that so-called "road," you were frightened to death. My attention was caught by a waterfall resembling a magnificent fountain, its water cascading from the top of the mountain. In two places, it went below the rock but was further seen erupting right from inside it like a shower... Riding the horse carefully through dangerous blocks of stone, we reached the trough of a spring belonging to the cloister and called 'Siptak Jur.' Everything located below this place, including both forests and mountains, formed part of the monastic dominions. By the time we reached there we had seen only impregnable rocks and mountains belonging to the owner of the mine. The forest of the monastery was distinguished for its unusual thickness. Having already crossed the river, we were now on its right bank, passing through thickly-arrayed hazels and various other fruit trees towards an alley so shaded that bright sunlight could not penetrate it. We silently continued our way on the bumpy road where horse tracks could be seen. We could hear some voices above the wood, and my horse, which had grown even more impatient than me, was eager to reach those talking... These people, who turned out to be coal miners on mules and donkeys, were surprised to see a man wearing a priest's skullcap... After I had left them behind me, they asked Tzatur who I was, and my ingenious companion told them that I was the Very Reverend's friend and was going to see him. Upon hearing this, all of them came and deeply bowed before me... One of them, a man on donkey, came forward and said that he served in the monastery and had gone to do some shopping for the prior. The place where we dismounted the horses was the pass of a mountain chain called 'Ghali Oos.' We descended it in a south-easterly direction towards the river Shamkor and then turned south up the riverside, our destination being the cloister. To the north of where we were standing, on the left bank of the river soared high Mamrot Ghala, its brick walls shining with tints of red" (S. Kamalian Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, pp. 21-22).

<footnote n="27">²⁷ Ibid.</footnote>

<footnote n="28">²⁸ S. Kamalian provides an interesting description of the path leading from Getabek to Charek Cloister: "...it was raining at 6</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_330.png" /><figcaption>CHAREK MONASTERY seen from the south-west (1980)</figcaption></figure>

**A Historical Introduction.** The main buildings of the monastic complex, i.e. its church, gavit, belfry, chapel, enclosure, monks' dwellings as well as some annexes, were built in the 17th century. The sanctuary, that used to be a scriptorium and an educational centre, often underwent destruction and reconstruction, the activity of its conscientious and sometimes imprudent priors marking both ups and downs for it. After the Soviet takeover, Charek was reduced to a dwelling for a cattle-breeding Turkish family, while its large estates were confiscated and appropriated by the state.

According to Arakel Davrizhetsy, **the foundation of Charek Monastery** is attributed to Bishop David, a graduate of Tatev's Metz Anapat ('Great Cloister'):

> "And Bishop David, descending from the princely family of the Gharamaniants of Shamkor Gorge, came to the Great Cloister, but later returned to Shamkor Gorge, where he built a sanctuary called Monastery of the river Charek. It functions in accordance with firmly-established rules and has a large community of brethren. After Bishop David consigned his soul to God, his remains found eternal repose here..."<fnref n="29" />

A bull issued by Catholicos Karapet (1726 to 1729) in connection with rendering financial assistance to Charek Monastery (it had been plundered by the Caucasian mountaineers) hints that it was founded even earlier: "...Ganja's great, holy monastery of

Charek, famous all over the region as a pearl among the local sanctuaries, was erected in the first kings' times, under the Holy Pontiffs of blessed memory... and has a large community of monks leading an ascetic life and atoning for their sins. ... This unsurpassed sanctuary, possessing divine power and enjoying great fame, retains many relics and crosses..."<fnref n="30" />

Another bull issued by the same Catholicos in 1727 states, "...the renowned monastery of Charek, situated in the gorge of Shamkor in Gandzak, Aghvank, was built by princes Mamrut's and Gharaman's sons and grandchildren..."<fnref n="31" />

This is also attested by a bull Patriarch of Jerusalem Grigor the Archimandrite issued in 1730: "...the main monastery of the region, ... Charek situated in... This bull of blessing was written in the holy city of Jerusalem on 29 March 1730..."<fnref n="32" />

Charek Monastery received similar Patriarchal bulls from the predecessors of Catholicos Karapet as well, namely Catholicoses Pilippos (1632 to 1655); Hakob (1655 to 1680); Yeghiazar (1681 to 1691); Nahapet (1691 to 1705), and Alexandre (1706 to 1714).<fnref n="33" />

The name of the monastery derives from Charek Castle located 3 kilometres north of it (the available bibliographical records particularly mention the latter

<footnote n="29">²⁹ Arakel Davrizhetsy, p. 218.</footnote>

<footnote n="30">³⁰ National Archives of Armenia, fund 332, list 1, file 778.</footnote>

<footnote n="31">³¹ "Ardzagank," 1886, No. 23, pp. 330-331.</footnote>

<footnote n="32">³² National Archives of Armenia, fund 332, list 1, file 786.</footnote>

<footnote n="33">³³ National Archives of Armenia, fund 332, list 1, file 778.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_331.png" /><figcaption>The gavit of CHAREK MONASTERY (1980)</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_332.png" /></figure>

in connection with the events of the early 13th century). The same is also true of the river Shamkor: in the Middle Ages, the areas of its upper and middle courses were more known by the name of Charek (a historical record of a Lezghin invasion (1579) states that the enemy reached "...the river Charek...").<fnref n="34" />

The name of ‘charek’ is etymologized as ‘a quarter.’<fnref n="35" />

**Research on Charek Monastery.** Despite its solitude and isolation from inhabited areas, Charek always attracted topographers and investigators. The works some of them published after having conducted investigation into the monument mostly deal with its history, buildings and lapidary inscriptions. There also exist a number of archive documents, unpublished so far, which contain a wealth of information mainly regarding its estates and economic affairs.

The first scholar to publish a brief historico-philological work on Charek Cloister is S. Jalaliants,<fnref n="36" /> who provides a description of the monastic complex together with the decipherments of six inscriptions.

Russian researcher G. Tkachev, who visited the monastery in 1858, reports some valuable information

regarding its architectural features: "...the church, covered with grass and already showing signs of impending deterioration, is 20 sazhens long and 7 sazhens wide (42.67 x 14.93 metres). It is built of simple stone, except for its front, which is finely-cut. The monument is surrounded by different structures... Until 1855, several clergymen lived there, but it was abandoned shortly after its plunder and has been standing derelict ever since."<fnref n="37" />

In 1872 Father Superior of Targmanchats Monastery Archimandrite Theodoros Shirakuny published an article devoted to 10 of the inscriptions of the cloister.<fnref n="38" />

Kajikian is the author of a larger work on the monastery, which is the result of investigation conducted right on the spot.<fnref n="39" /> Unlike his predecessors and even

<footnote n="34">³⁴ Arakel Davrizhetsy, p. 459; Brief Chronicles, vol. 2, p. 242.</footnote>

<footnote n="35">³⁵ Land Deeds and Other Economic Documents compiled by Har. Abrahamian. Part 1, Yerevan, 1941, p. 182, note 20, in Armenian. Also see Avagian, S. A. Word Analysis of Lapidary Inscriptions. Yerevan, 1978, p. 30, in Armenian ("...the one-fourth part of a whole...").</footnote>

<footnote n="36">³⁶ Jalaliants, S., idem, part 1, pp. 163-166.</footnote>

<footnote n="37">³⁷ Tkachev, G., op. cit., p. 43 (the original reads, "...он зарос травою и уже обнаруживает некоторые признаки разрушения; церковь имеет 20 саж. в длину и 7 в ширину; передняя часть сделана из тесанаго камня, а другая из простаго. Кругом много различнаго вида и величины построек, названных, повидимому, для кел; все это обнесено высокою каменною оградою. По словам нашего проводника, монастырь построен в XVI ст. епископом Давидом. До 1855 года в нем жили несколько духовных лиц; но после разграбления разбойнической шайкою, он оставлен и находится в настоящее время в запустении...").</footnote>

<footnote n="38">³⁸ Archimandrite Theodoros Shirakuny. Charek Monastery. In: "Ararat," 1872, pp. 269-271, in Armenian.</footnote>

<footnote n="39">³⁹ Kajikian. Travelling Notes (a series of articles). In: "Ardzagank," 1886, No. 23, pp. 330-331; N 24, pp. 339-340, in Armenian.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_333.png" /><figcaption>CHAREK MONASTERY. The belfry of the monastery seen from the south-west; its dome of pillars; a weathered relief representing an angel playing the pipe, and the construction inscription of the belfry engraved on its western facade (1980)</figcaption></figure>

successors, he is distinguished for his professional treatment of a number of issues. He analyzes certain published and unpublished sources, providing skilled and exhaustive decipherments of the inscriptions.

Folklorist S. Kamalian, who visited Charek Monastery in the summer of 1890, wrote a work, unpublished so far, on its architectural peculiarities and economic condition, also providing the
<figure><img src="image_334.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_335.png" /><figcaption>CHAREK MONASTERY. Reliefs of angels decorating both sides of the window opening from the southern facade of the belfry.
Khachkars (1980)</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_336.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_337.png" /></figure>

decipherments of six inscriptions.<fnref n="40" />

The monastery and its inscriptions were studied by Mesrop Smbatiants as well,<fnref n="41" /> but his brief work provides only some slim information on the monument; moreover, his decipherments of four inscriptions abound in errors and distortions.

Bishop Makar, a prolific investigator of high merit, is another scholar to have conducted studies in Charek Monastery. He deciphered five inscriptions which, however, contain mistakes and contractions.<fnref n="42" />

Perhaps, Yervand Lalayan is the only researcher to have published newly-found data relating to the cloister after Th. Shirakuny and Kajikian. Apart from the

decipherments of six inscriptions, his large work reports the exterior dimensions of many buildings forming part of the monastic complex, together with a detailed description of each of them.<fnref n="43" /> For the first time in the history of Charek, he published a photograph representing a general view of the monastic complex.

In 1913 M. Ter-Movsissian published some material on the cloister, apparently, without having visited it previously.<fnref n="44" /> It, however, did not add anything new to the data already existing: surprising as it is, his article

<footnote n="40">⁴⁰ S. Kamalian Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, pp. 21-24.</footnote>

<footnote n="41">⁴¹ "Nor-Dar," 1893, No. 35, p. 3.</footnote>

<footnote n="42">⁴² *Barkhutariants, M.* Artsakh, pp. 313-314.</footnote>

<footnote n="43">⁴³ Lalayan, Yer. Gandzak District. In: "Azgagrakan Handes," Tiflis, 1899, No. 1, pp. 336-339. The same information is also found in a separate book (Gandzak District. Tiflis, 1899, pp. 128-131, in Armenian). Republished in Yerevan in 1988, pp. 312-314 (*Lalayan, Yer*. Works, vol. 2).</footnote>

<footnote n="44">⁴⁴ Bishop Mesrop Ter-Movsissian. Armenian Inscriptions. In: "Azgagrakan Handes," Tiflis, 1913, No. 2, pp. 74-75, in Armenian.</footnote>
entitled *Armenian Inscriptions* does not include a single inscription (several decades later, Ter-Movsissian re-published this material in a separate work).<fnref n="45" />

H. Voskian's brief history of the monastery (he did not visit it either)<fnref n="46" /> includes an important part of the material relating to it found in some periodicals.

In the Soviet years, Charek Monastery was consigned to total oblivion and was never mentioned in print until the year 1982, when an extensive work on the lapidary inscriptions of Karabakh was published, part of it devoted to Charek.<fnref n="47" /> Regretfully, however, that large-scale work did not provide the scientific world with any new information on the cloister (the scientific expeditions organized between 1960 and ‘64 simply ignored the epigraphs of the monument). Moreover, it did not make even a passing reference to Kajikian’s, Kamalian’s and M. Smbatiants’ decipherments, while those by Th. Shirakuny had been re-published without any reference to their source.

**The Monastic Complex of Charek.** In 1862 Prior Sargis spent 120 rubles for the repairs of the monastic complex.<fnref n="48" /> In 1879 Father Superior Astvatzatur called upon the former Armenian inhabitants of Shamkor, then already dwelling in Tiflis, to carry out the next overhaul: “...The prior would like to ask the residents of Tiflis’ Shamkor Quarter to extend a helping hand to Charek Monastery of their homeland, since its neighbourhood retains their forefathers’ remains.”<fnref n="49" />

The cloister continually suffered armed robbery, two acts of which were reported in 1893 and 1895, with the Father Superior having a narrow escape from death.<fnref n="50" />

Until 1989, the main buildings of the monastery sheltered some Turkish stock-breeders, with its rooms reduced to cattle-sheds (although in a state of total disrepair, they were mostly preserved standing).

<figure><img src="image_338.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_339.png" /><figcaption>CHAREK MONASTERY. The monastic enclosure and annexes</figcaption></figure>

On the whole, Charek was in a good state of preservation before the Soviet takeover.

**Sourb Astvatzatzin Church** represents a tri-nave basilica (exterior dimensions: 17.28 x 9.72 metres) dating back to the early 17th century (its walls bear donation inscriptions of 1617 and 1621). The vault, lying below a gable roof, is inwardly supported by two pairs of quadrangular pillars. In the east, i.e. to the left and right of the main apse, two vestries are located. The entrance of the church, which is built of undressed and roughly-finished stone and mortar, opens into the gavit adjoining the monument in the west.

**The gavit**, dating from 1684 and entirely built of yellow-greyish finely-finished stone, abuts on Sourb Astvatzatzin Church in the west and shares its compositional features. In the south, its facade is shaped like a portico with a three-arch opening. The northern nave of the building (exterior dimensions: 8.0 x 6.48 metres) is sustained by a pair of columns. The main door of the gavit opens into the portico, while the second one, closed for a long time, used to open from near the northern corner of its western facade. The tympanum of the southern entrance bears a construction inscription tracing back to 1684.

**The belfry**, erected in 1659, is located several metres north of the gavit and represents a square (6.12 x 6.12 metres), its only entrance opening from the western facade. It represents a building of undressed stone, brick and mortar, with a broach and eight circu-

<footnote n="45">45 **Archbishop Mesrop Ter-Movsissian.** The Churches and Monastic Buildings of Three Great Armenian Monasteries: Tatev, Haghartzin and Dadivank. Jerusalem, 1938, pp. 91-92, in Armenian.</footnote>

<footnote n="46">46 **Voskian, H.** The Monasteries of Artsakh. Vienna, 1953, pp. 166-176, in Armenian.</footnote>

<footnote n="47">47 Corpus..., part 5, pp. 267-268.</footnote>

<footnote n="48">48 National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3836, pp. 43-44.</footnote>

<footnote n="49">49 “Ararat,” 1879, p. 320. The following record (1890) reports interesting details relating to the economic condition of the monastery, “West of the belfry stand between 12 and 15 cells which are thoroughly preserved and serve as vestries for the Father Superior. Opposite them are 85 beehives as well as some ruined rooms, remnants of pipes and walls built of mortar. Several rooms standing intact in the south of the monastery serve as storehouses. Particularly remarkable is a long, arched building whose entrance opens from a large hall and which is, apparently, the refectory of the cloister. It has a vaulted ceiling of stone. ...The cloister, which enjoys all blessings, provides appropriate conditions for bee-keeping and animal husbandry” (S. Kamalian Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, pp. 22, 24).</footnote>

<footnote n="50">50 National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 160, pp. 1, 3, 4, 5, 9, 14. Also see “Ardzagank,” 1895, No. 105, p. 3. The plunder of 1893 was organized by Mamet Hasan Allahverdi oghli.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_340.png" /><figcaption>CHAREK MONASTERY. Harants Chapel (17th cent.) seen from the west</figcaption></figure>

lar solid pillars on the second floor. The finely-finished
stones placed above the entrance are engraved with a
construction inscription above which three khachkars
can be seen. The left and right sides of the window of
the southern facade are decorated with bas-reliefs rep-
resenting angels playing the pipe.

**The refectory** of the monastic complex represented a vaulted structure (exterior dimensions: 25.0 x 8.64 metres) of undressed stone and mortar, adjoined by **the kitchen** of the monastery. It was illuminated through some small narrow windows. By the late 19th century, its stone tables, extending in two rows, had been totally ruined.

The monastery of Charek also comprises about thirty vaulted rooms intended for the monks - a considerable part of them was built, or renovated in the second half of the 19th century - and a mill located within a solid enclosure. Its arched gateway, opening in the south, is engraved with a construction inscription of 1717. In 1847 "Within the fortified walls are eight rooms which are the monks' habitations and contain their belongings. Besides, the monastery also has a mill and a *jrating*."<fnref n="51" />

**A chapel** named **Harants** is situated at the top of a low hill rising north-west of the main buildings of the complex. It represents a small, vaulted structure of finely-finished stone tracing back to 1667. A khachkar, once

standing in front of its entrance but at present displaced,
is engraved with a memorial inscription of 1740.

Mention should also be made of some **graves** lying
below the eastern wall of Sourb Astvatzatzin Church as
well as around and inside the aforementioned chapel.

**Adjacent Monuments.** In the territory between Charek Monastery and the castle of the same name (on the left bank of the river Shamkor) are preserved the ruins of a medieval village site and a cemetery of cross-stones. As of 1981, it also retained a church, thoroughly built of finely-finished stone: despite its state of deterioration, it was still preserved standing.

Some other historical monuments could be found
on the right bank of the river Shamkor: "On two lofty,
wooded hills rising quite far from each other above the
monastery, on the other bank of the river, two semi-
ruined chapels are located, with vestiges of many cells
and dwellings near one of them. Here and there some
cross-stones can be seen, all of them bare of any
inscriptions. On the slope of a lofty mountain towering
near the cloister, a semi-destroyed church is preserved,
with some graves nearby: apparently, it was intended as
a summer residence for the monks..."<fnref n="52" />

Charek Monastery was one of the most famous and
prolific **scriptoria** in Northern Artsakh, but unfortunately, very few of the manuscripts copied, or repaired
there have come down to us.

<footnote n="51">51 National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3814, pp. 107-108.</footnote>

<footnote n="52">52 "Nor-Dar," 1893, No. 35, p. 3.</footnote>
In 1641 a certain Sargis, one of the monks of the
monastery, repaired a Gospel of 1496 there: “...The
Holy Gospel was mended by monk Sargis, a learner
gaining knowledge from the Holy Gospel, under the
spiritual leadership of Bishop David in the holy
monastery of Charek.”<fnref n="53" />

In 1655 a certain Mekhitar, probably, a member of
the monastic community, repaired another manuscript:

"Mended by wretched sinner Mekhitar in Sourb Astvatzatzin Church of Charek's holy monastery in the year 1104 (1655) of our era. May you remember me."<fnref n="54" />

In the same year, Priest Avetis completed a manu-
script he had started in Papajan Village of Verin Zakam
District:

"This manuscript was accomplished... in the renow-
ed monastery... of Charek..."<fnref n="55" />

Another manuscript, dating back to 1659, was cre-
ated "...in Shamkor's Charek Monastery having a mo-
nastic community of 70, under the leadership of Father
Sargis the Senior Teacher and Archbishop David, the
spiritual shepherd of Gardman District."<fnref n="56" />

In 1665 scribe and illustrator Grigor created a manu-
script for Father Superior Sargis the Archimandrite.<fnref n="57" />

The priors and monks of Charek Monastery who
also created manuscripts outside the walls of their
sanctuary did not spare efforts to enrich their reposito-
ry. Thus, in 1637 they purchased a manuscript:

"In the year 1637, we, Fathers Hakob, Barsegh and Archimandrite Aristakes, sold this book to Charek Monastery, represented by David the Paronter as well as Fathers Anton, Khachatur and others..."<fnref n="58" />

In the late 19th century, Aguletsots ('Of Agulis inhabitants') Church of Shushi retained a Gospel which had been created on the order of "Archimandrite Nerses of the holy monastery of Charek, Gandzak."<fnref n="59" />

While in Jerusalem, in 1704 Father Superior of
Charek Nerses created a Gavazanagirk (a chronologi-
cal list of church dignitaries with an account of their
lives and activities) whose colophon states, “May you
pray for Archimandrite Nerses of Charek Monastery...
who initiated this to his enjoyment in St. Hakob the
Apostle’s Monastery located in the holy city of Jerusa-
lem in the year 1704.”<fnref n="60" />

In 1715 scribe Hovhannes created a *Collection* in
Charek.<fnref n="61" />

In 1818 Archimandrite Baghdasar Jalaliants took a
manuscript from Charek Monastery to Gandzasar (at
present kept in the Matenadaran under N 4411).<fnref n="62" />

**The Epigraphy of Charek Monastery.** Below fol-
lows a list of the inscriptions of the cloister deciphered
and published by different researchers: two in the
church; five, one of them a cryptogram, in the gavit;
one in each of the belfry, the gateway and Harants
Chapel; five engraved on khachkars, and two on tomb-
stones, with a total of seventeen, six of which were
later republished by K. Kostaniants.<fnref n="63" /> The 5th part of
the Corpus Inscriptionum Armenicarum<fnref n="64" /> republished
eleven of them without any addition to the decipher-
ments already existing; moreover, it did not even offer
a thorough analysis either for those published before,
or the ones waiting for print.

Regretful as it is, when we visited Charek in 1980,
our skills of copying lapidary inscriptions were far
from satisfactory. Fortunately, the photographs we took
then enabled us to prepare the copies of the following
inscriptions:

"...engraved in the form of a cross" near a yerdik-shaped window:

Ստիր խաչս քարեխաս Մասուլի, քվ(հն)
ՈԿՁ (1617):

transl.: May this Holy Cross protect Manuel. In
the year 1617.

The Armenian original published in: "Ararat," 1872, p. 270; Corpus..., part 5, p. 268.

Engraved "...in a circular form..." on an anchor-shaped stone lying on the part of the roof covering the bema:

Ստիր խաչս քարեխաս Է Դալիր եպիկո-
պոսին հարին եւ ննջեցլեց, քվ(հն) Ո՛Հ(1621):

transl.: This Holy Cross is in memory of Bishop David ... and his dead relatives. 1621.

The Armenian original published in: "Ararat," 1872, p. 270; Corpus..., ibid.

5 lines in the Armenian original incised into the finely-cut face of a rectangular grave-stone decorated with a relief of verge:

Այս է տապաս ի Տ(է)ր Ս(ա)հակ վարդապետլին, որ փոխեց (աւ) տարբերոնս, քվին ՈՇ/իՓ(1674) ան:

<footnote n="53">53 Colophons, 17th century, vol. 3, p. 47. Also see **Barkhutariants, M.** Artsakh, p. 144; **Topjian, H.** A Catalogue compiled by Archimandrite Khachik Dadian (henceforward: **Topjian, H.**). Part 2, Vagharshapat, 1900, p. 45, all parts in Armenian.</footnote>

<footnote n="54">54 Colophons, 17th century, vol. 3, p. 663.</footnote>

<footnote n="55">55 Op. cit., p. 691.</footnote>

<footnote n="56">56 Op. cit., p. 876.</footnote>

<footnote n="57">57 A Catalogue of Armenian Manuscripts..., vol. 1, manuscript N 986, p. 452.</footnote>

<footnote n="58">58 **Archimandrite Nerses Akinian.** Armenian Catholicos Movses Tatevatsy III and the Period of His Patriarchate. Vienna, 1936, p. 161, in Armenian. Colophons, 17th century, vol. 2, p. 702.</footnote>

<footnote n="59">59 **Topjian, H.**, part 2, p. 45.</footnote>

<footnote n="60">60 Op. cit., part 1, Vagharshapat, 1898, p. 52.</footnote>

<footnote n="61">61 A Catalogue of Armenian Manuscripts..., vol. 2, manuscript N 8678, p. 792.</footnote>

<footnote n="62">62 **Yeganian, O. S.** The Collection of Gandzasar's Armenian Manuscripts. In: "Echmiatzin," 1971, No. 4, pp. 61-62, in Armenian.</footnote>

<footnote n="63">63 **Kostaniants, K.** A Chronological Catalogue of Armenian Lapidary Inscriptions. St. Petersburg, 1913, pp. 183, 187, 190, 196, 205, in Armenian (the author made use of Jalaliants' and Lalayants' works).</footnote>

<footnote n="64">64 Corpus..., part 5, pp. 267-268.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_341.png" /><figcaption>CHAREK MONASTERY. A traced copy of the construction inscription of the belfry (1659)</figcaption></figure>

transl.: In this grave reposes Archimandrite Sahak, who departed to Christ in the year 1674.
Published for the first time.

7 lines in the Armenian original carved on three finely-dressed stones set above the belfry entrance opening from the western facade:

Կամօրն Ա(ստուծո)յ շինեցաւ զանկակատունս յասուն ս(ուր)բ Հ(րե)շտ(ակապե)տացն Ահքայէլի եւ Գարիէլի, ի | հ(ա)յր(ա)պ(ե)-տութ(եա)ն Պետր(ո)սի սրբազան կաթողիկոսի ի տ]անս Աղուանից, յառաջ/նորդութեան) ս(ուր)բ ուխտիս եւ անապատիս Չարեքայ] Սարգիս վ(ա)րդ(ա)պ(ե)տի, ձեռնտո/ւթ(եամ)բ եւ աղօբիւթ Հ (70) միաբանիցս կատարումն] եղեւ ս(ուր)բ խս(ո)ր(ա)նիս, ի փառս Ա(ստուծո)յ։ Ար[ղ] | ես Ք(րիստոս)ի ծառա Ս(ա)րգ(ի)ս վ(ա)րդ(ա)պետ[ս եւ աղօբաոր երբարք]ս շին(ե)ց(ա)ք զս(ուր)բ կ(ա)ք(ո)ղ(ի)կէս ի փովութի(սն)] | [հոգ(ո)]ց մեր(ո)ց եւ ամ(ենայն) հ(ա)ւ(ա)տ(ա)ցելով, որր ընթեռնուր յիշեցէք զմեզ ի Ք(րիստո)ս, քվ(ի)[ն] | ՈՇ եւ Ը (1659):

transl.: By the grace of God, this belfry, dedicated to Holy Archangels Michael and Gabriel, was erected in the days of Aghvank Catholicos Petros, Sargis the Archimandrite, Father Superior of Charek's holy monastery, its holy apse being completed through the support and prayers of 70 monks for the eternal glory of our Lord. The local brethren and I, Christ's humble servant Sargis the Archimandrite, had the holy dome built for the

salvation of all believers' and our souls. May you who read this pray for the repose of our souls. 1659.

The Armenian original published in: "Ardzagank," 1886, No. 23, pp. 330-331; Jalaliants, S., idem, part 1, pp. 164-165; "Nor-Dar," 1893, No. 35, p. 3; Barkhutariants, M. Artsakh, p. 314; Lalayan, Yer. Gandzak District, p. 338.

Reference: S. Kamalian Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, p. 23.

Note: These sources published the inscription with some major and minor errors and distortions.

Incised inwardly into the “eastern” wall of Harants Chapel:

Ի քուականիս Հայոց ՈՇԺԶ (1667) ամիտեառն Պետրոսի կաթողիկոսին, ես Քրիստոսի ծառա Սարգիս վարդապետս կանգնեցիսուրբ խաչս ի լուսաուրութիւն հգույ իմոյ եւ ծնողացն իմ՝ տէր Յոհաննէսին եւ Եղիասաքէթին եւ միաքանցս, որր աստ են հանգուցեալ եւ ամենայն ողորմածաց մերոց ողորմեսցի ասացէք, Աստուած մեր լուսաուրեսց հգով եւ մարմնով աստ օրն դատաստանի մաէն, որր ընթեռնուր յիշեցէք ի Քրիստոս՝ Պաղտասարն եւ Սելքոն, կազմող սուրբ խաչս:

transl.: In the days of Catholicos Petros, in the year 1667 of the Armenian era, I, Christ's humble servant Sargis the Archimandrite, erected this Holy Cross for the salvation of the souls of my parents, Father Hovhannes and Yeghisabet [as well as] for the salvation of my soul, and in memory of the monks who died here. May you pray for the repose of their souls and may God be merciful to them on the Doomsday. May you who read this
<figure><img src="image_342.png" /><figcaption>CHAREK MONASTERY. The gravestone of Sahak the Archimandrite (1674)</figcaption></figure>

remember Melkon and Paghtasar, the sculptors of this Holy Cross.

The Armenian original published in: "Ardzagank," 1886, No. 23, p. 331; **Jalaliants, S.**, ibid, part 1, p. 166; **Barkhutariants, M.**, ibid; **Lalayan, Yer.**, idem, pp. 338-339; Corpus..., part 5, p. 268.

Note: Kajikian's ("Ardzagank") decipherment is the most exhaustive among all these sources.

Engraved on a gravestone "lying opposite the main apse of the church, outside it: probably, once a chapel stood over it by some ancient custom, but now it was reduced to ruins and buried in the earth. Removing the gravestone, we saw a pair of others, only one of which bore an epitaph":

Այս է հանգիստ Դայիթ եպիսկոպոսի, որ փոխեցաւ առ Քրիստո, ի թվին ՈՂԲ (1643):

transl.: In this grave reposes Bishop David, who departed to Christ in the year 1643.

The Armenian original published in: **Jalaliants, S.**, ibid; "Ararat," 1872, p. 270; "Ardzagank," 1886, No. 23, p. 330; "Bazmavep," 1891, p. 39; "Nor-Dar," 1893, No. 35, p. 3; **Kostanians, K.**, idem, p. 183; **Lalayan, Yer.**, idem, p. 339; **Akinian, N.** Movses G..., p. 92; Corpus..., ibid.

Reference: **S. Kamalian** Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, p. 23.

Note: Kamalian, who found this gravestone broken in two in 1890, writes, "In the east of the monastery lies its founder's grave, with its small tombstone broken in two fragments."

Incised into the entrance tympanum of the gavit:

Շնորհոբ Աստուծոյն ամենակալի կառուցաւ ի անուան Ամենափրկի վերնատունս տեղի հոգոյ Շշմարտի, եկեղեցիս սուրբ եւ գալիր գովելի ի հայրապետութեան... շինեցաւ սա ձեռամք տեառն Ներսիս հանդերձ Հ (70) երբարքք ամէն ի փրկութիւն հոգոց մերոց, որք ընթեռնույ, յիշեցեք ի Քրիստո, ամէն, թվ(ին) ՈՇԼԳ (1684):

transl.: By the grace of Almighty God, this gallery, holy church and fine gavit were built in the days of Catholicos... by Father Nerses and 70 brethren for the salvation of our souls. May you who read this pray for us. Amen. In the year 1684.

The Armenian original published in: **Jalaliants, S.**, idem, part 1,

<figure><img src="image_343.png" /><figcaption>CHAREK MONASTERY. An inscription carved on the tympanum of the gavit</figcaption></figure>

p. 165; "Ararat," 1872, p. 271; "Ardzagank," 1886, No. 23, p. 330; "Nor-Dar," 1893, No. 35, p. 3; **Barkhutariants, M.**, idem, p. 313; **Lalayan, Yer.**, idem, p. 337; Corpus..., part 5, p. 267.

Reference: **S. Kamalian** Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, pp. 22-23.

Note: "The name is not incised into the stone."

4 lines in the Armenian original engraved on the lower part of a cross-stone set a little below the western pediment of the gavit:

Սուրբ խաչս բարեխաս Տէր Մօվսէսին, Ներսէսին, Յօվսէփանին եւ Պարխոտարին, որք բազում սիրով ետուն շինել զգալիթ սուրբ եկեղեցույս, թվ(ին) ՈՇԼԳ (1684):

transl.: May this Holy Cross protect Fathers Movses, Nerses, Hovsepan and Parkhutar, who had the gavit of this holy church built with great devotion in the year 1684.

The Armenian original published in: **Jalaliants, S.**, ibid; "Ararat," 1872, p. 271; **Barkhutariants, M.**, idem, p. 314; **Lalayan, Yer.**, idem, pp. 337-338; Corpus..., ibid.

Incised above the tympanum of the southern entrance of the gavit:

Տէր, հատի զնեղութիւնս Տէր Մօվսէսի, Ներսիս, Օւէփանին եւ Պարխոտարի, ձեզ պահէ անփորձ աշխարհի:

transl.: My Lord, deliver Fathers Movses, Nerses, Osepan and Parkhutar from predicaments and save them from evil.

The Armenian original published in: "Ararat," 1872, p. 371; Corpus..., part 5, p. 268.

Note: The aforementioned 4 people are the builders of the gavit; therefore, the inscription may be traced back to 1684.

Engraved below a cross relief above the tympanum of a small door opening near the north-western corner of the gavit:

Ով բառաքեւ սուրբ Փրկչին եւ զինարան անմահ գառին, աւուր փառավոր արքային, թվի(ն) ՈՇԼԳ (1684):

transl.: To the four-winged Saviour and the abattoir of the immortal lamb, ...the glorious king. In the year 1684.

The Armenian original published in: "Ararat," 1872, p. 271.
A cryptogram engraved on the western facade of the gavit:

Ես Ներսիս:

transl.: *I Nerses.*

The Armenian original published in: "Ararat," 1872, p. 271.

Note: Presumably, the person alluded to is the Nerses mentioned in the construction inscription (1684) of the gavit; therefore, the inscription may be traced back to the end of the 17th century.

Incised "into one of the three small cross-stones encircling the southern window of the belfry":

Սր. խաչս քարեխոս Արգսին:

transl.: *May this Holy Cross protect Sargis.*

Reference: **S. Kamalian** Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, p. 23.

Note: Probably, the person alluded to is Archimandrite Sargis, who died in 1671; therefore, the inscription may be traced back to the 17th century.

Engraved on the gate opening in the south of the monastic enclosure:

Ի քուին ՈՇԿԳ (1717). ես Սկրոիչ վարդապետոս շինեցի պարիսպ, որ եղեւ խարջ :ԻԸ: (28) քուման, Օվանէս վարդապետն տուա Ժ (10) քուման, շինեցաւ իշխանուրեամք տրա:

transl.: I, Archimandrite Mkrtich, had these ramparts built at 28 tumans in the year 1717, under Archimandrite Ovanes, who donated 10 tumans.

The Armenian original published in: **Jalaliants, S.**, idem, part 1, pp. 165-166; **Barkhutariants, M.**, ibid; "Ardzagank," 1886, No. 26, p. 331; **Lalayan, Yer.**, idem, p. 338; Corpus..., ibid.

"...carved on a small khachkar":

Սր խաչս Վարդանին է:

transl.: *This Holy Cross stands for Vardan.*

Reference: **S. Kamalian** Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, p. 23.

Engraved on another cross-stone:

Սինասին վրապետ:

transl.: *To Archimandrite Minas.*

Reference: **S. Kamalian** Fund, ibid.

"Incised into a khachkar outwardly set in the southern wall":

Սուրբ (խաչս) քարեխաս Պետրում քէկին,
Սակասարին:

transl.: *May this Holy Cross protect Petrum Bey and Makasar.*

The Armenian original published in: "Ararat," 1872, p. 270; Corpus..., ibid.

3 lines in the Armenian original engraved on the cornice and lower part of a displaced cross-stone lying in front of the entrance of Harants Chapel:

[U(ուր)ք խ(ա)չ]ս ք(արե)խ(աւ)ս ... / որ է մայր Ս(ա)րգ(ի)ս վ(ա)րդ(ա)պ(ե)/տին, փոխ(ե)ց(աւ) ի Ք(րիսոն)ս, ՈՇՉԹ(1740):

transl.: *This Holy Cross is in memory of ... Archimandrite Sargis' mother, who consigned her soul to Christ in 1740.*

Published for the first time.

<figure><img src="image_344.png" /></figure>

Carved on a tombstone lying in the gavit:

Այս է հանգիստ Չարեքու անապատի
Սկրոիչ վարդապետին, քվ. Ո(Ճ)ՂԵ (1746):

transl.: *In this grave reposes Archimandrite Mkrtich of Charek Monastery. In the year 1(7)46.*

The Armenian original published in: **Barkhutariants, M.**, idem, p. 277; Corpus..., part 5, p. 250.

Note: The copy of the inscription misses the second part of the year indicating the hundred: we think it should have been deciphered as '1746.'

Incised into a gravestone lying near the southern door of the church:

Այս է տապան Դաիթ վարդապետին, որ փոխեցաւ ատ Քրիսոն, ի քվին Ո-ՄՀԵ (1826):

transl.: *In this grave reposes Archimandrite David, who departed to Christ in the year 1826.*

The Armenian original published in: "Ararat," 1872, pp. 270-271; "Nor-Dar," 1893, No. 35, p. 3; Corpus..., part 5, p. 268.

Note: Smbatiants deciphers the year as '1828.'

Charek Monastery used to possess large estates, including hayfields, pastures and mainly forests.

The stock-breeding Turkish tribes which had shifted to a sedentary life in the neighbourhood of the monastic dominions in the late 19th century often trespassed on these lands. In addition, in the late 1860s, the cloister entered into a conflict against the authorities, which eventually led to legal proceedings. After
<figure><img src="image_345.png" /><figcaption>CHAREK MONASTERY. The boundaries of the monastic estates before the late '10s of the 20th cent.</figcaption></figure>

some delay, the case was settled in behalf of the former.

A number of archive documents clearly set the boundaries of the monastic estates covering 3,000 dessiatinas. Thus, one of them (1857) states, "...its domains, consisting of woods, fields, meadows and pastures, extend up to the tributary Getabak merging into the river Shamkor in the east, and the tributary Aykyand, flowing at the foot of Ghlij Dagh, in the west. In the north, their boundaries stretch from Chaparlu Bulagh<fnref n="65" /> and reach the site of Aytala, where some ancient winter dwellings are located. These territories have comprised the indisputable dominions of the monastery since the times of the khans of Yelisavetpol..."<fnref n="66" />

Information regarding the boundaries of the monastic estates and cattle-sheds can also be found in an archive document of 1869: "By signing this document, I, Father Superior of Charek Monastery Archimandrite Sargis Davtiants, rent out the four

winter residences belonging to Charek Monastery, namely the sites of Mkoshants, Sablugh, Kyukyurt and Nerki, to you, Mirza Mirzakhan from Zaglik, by three years. The boundaries of these lands are marked by the river Getabek in the east; Chaparlu Bulagh and the mountain rising above it (it serves as a hayfield) in the west, and Ghlij Dagh in the south..."<fnref n="67" />

An archive document of 1877 reveals that the dispute over the determination of the boundaries between the monastic and court lands had aggravated:

"So far the spiritual powers and royal treasury have not come to an agreement concerning the domains of Charek Monastery and its large forest that is of great value."<fnref n="68" />

The complicated situation only played into the hands of the adjacent Turks who had started illegally felling trees in a section of the aforementioned wood called Dyuz-Yurt.<fnref n="69" />

<footnote n="65">65 'Bulagh' is the Turkish equivalent for 'spring.'</footnote>

<footnote n="66">66 National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 2634, p. 1.</footnote>

<footnote n="67">67 Idem, file 2882, p. 17.</footnote>

<footnote n="68">68 Idem, file 2882, p. 38.</footnote>

<footnote n="69">69 "Meghu Hayastani," 1879, No. 37, p. 3.</footnote>
In 1888 the monastic dominions comprised 5 winter residences that were as follows: Ojakhverdi, Kurt, Verin Sabghul, Nerkin Sabghul and Mokoshanots-Kizilkala.<fnref n="70" />

In 1890 S. Kamalian wrote the following about the estates of the cloister, “...the issue of the wood, that was raised in 1875, is about to be settled. The monastery, which holds possession of it, has its own forest-guard, two servants and nothing else.”<fnref n="71" />

As already mentioned above, the dispute over the monastic dominions eventually brought the parties before court. The final hearing of the case was scheduled for 1 July 1891, “the majority of the witnesses who were Turks giving testimony in behalf of the sanctuary.”<fnref n="72" />

An archive document of 1893 states the following about the domains of Charek Monastery, “Its forests and pastures occupy an area of three thousand dessiatinas, their boundaries running as follows: Klijdagh-Tapansu in the east and south (the latter merges into the river Shamkor); Karmir-Kap and Sazmazu up to Ghlij and down to Palchekhli Bulagh in the west; Satani Ser, the peak of Chakhmakhakar and Chabarlu Bulagh, that flows into the tributary Gatabek, in the north...”<fnref n="73" />

According to a press publication of 1894, “Late in October, the Provincial Court heard the case of the estates of Charek Monastery and settled it in behalf of the sanctuary...”<fnref n="74" />

The dispute, that had started in the late 1860s, was finally settled only in 1902: “...Charek Monastery holds complete possession of the ancient province of Gardman donated by the local feudal lords, i.e. the princes of Gardman, in eternal ownership since the Middle Ages. The Turkish witnesses swore that the story of that donation had been handed down to them from generation to generation. The case was not an easy one: it took the judicial bodies, from the Provincial Court of Gandzak to the Senate, about 20 years (1883 to 1902) to arrive at a certain conclusion respecting it. It was repeatedly heard and investigated, ... the land surveyors continually studying and measuring the monastic estates. In the long run, in April of this year, the Senate finally approved the domains of Charek as pertaining to that ancient monastery...”<fnref n="75" />

In the same year, the cloister suffered an armed robbery during which Prior Astvatzatur the Archimandrite was killed.<fnref n="76" /> That clergyman “...had

been selflessly serving the monastery for twenty years, from the very first day of his ordination. As reported by some trustworthy sources, it was thanks to his consistent, enthusiastic efforts that the Supreme Court of Petersburg settled the case in behalf of the monastery. Now the estates Charek has obtained surpass many of our monastic domains by their largeness, fertility and thickness of wooded lands.”<fnref n="77" />

In the same year (1902), Echmiatzin Synod ordered to prepare a map “...of the estates of Charek Monastery.”<fnref n="78" />

In 1910 the lands of the cloister occupied an area of 2,732 square dessiatinas.<fnref n="79" />

According to a register of the monastic domains of Gandzak Diocese, made up on 4 July 1910, the boundaries of Charek Monastery were as follows, “...In the east, the lands, covering about four versts, stretch up to Mount Gharadagh. Climbing its top together with my companion and some forest guards who were leading us, I saw a borderstone a land surveyor had placed there. In the west, they cover an area of about ten versts, and comprise the site of Jajili, Lake Tonghuz, the tributaries Aykend and Aytali as well as the mountain ridge of Sajin and Mount Aytal, which bears a border stone. In the north, the dominions include Chapar Bulagh, a high hill, the mountain ridge of Chakhmakh, Zakar Bulagh (the border stone is placed here), the site of Tsagia Yeri, the tributary Getabek and Mamrot Ghali (another borderstone lies below it), the entire area amounting to some six to seven versts in length. In the south, the domains of the cloister include the site of Gharadara, the gorge of Telegraph, Mounts Ghezelghaya and Kyukyurt as well as the tributary Tapan near the river Shamkor (here the borderstone lies), these forming an area of seven versts...”<fnref n="80" />

Despite the steps taken by Levon Ter-Avetikian, Manager General of the monastic estates, illegal felling, particularly for Getabek's copper mills, was still spread in these lands in 1913.<fnref n="81" />

Until 1918, the monastery regularly received the income yielded by its domains and mainly sent it to the Holy See. In the Soviet years, its derelict buildings sheltered some Turkish cattle-breeders who lived there until 1989 (perhaps, they still occupy it at present).

**Priors.** The first Father Superior of the cloister was its founder, Bishop David (1610s to 1643), who held

<footnote n="70">70 National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 2882, p. 37.</footnote>

<footnote n="71">71 S. Kamalian Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, p. 21.</footnote>

<footnote n="72">72 “Nor-Dar,” 1891, No. 116, p. 3.</footnote>

<footnote n="73">73 National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3892, p. 40.</footnote>

<footnote n="74">74 “Mshak,” 1894, No. 144, p. 2.</footnote>

<footnote n="75">75 “Mshak,” 1902, No. 199, p. 1.</footnote>

<footnote n="76">76 “Ararat,” 1902, pp. 1024-1025.</footnote>

<footnote n="77">77 “Luma,” 1902, No. 4, p. 256.</footnote>

<footnote n="78">78 “Ararat,” 1902, p. 761.</footnote>

<footnote n="79">79 “Ararat,” 1910, p. 57:</footnote>

<footnote n="80">80 National Archives of Armenia, fund 56, list 6, file 775, p. 16.</footnote>

<footnote n="81">81 “Mshak,” 1913, No. 126, p. 3.</footnote>
office for about 30 years (mentioned in 1637, 1641 and 1643).<fnref n="82" /> The Very Reverend David is buried below the eastern wall of the church.

Under *Archimandrite Sargis* (1643 to 1671), mentioned in 1659, 1660, 1665, 1667 and 1671 (the last year marks his death),<fnref n="83" /> the belfry of the monastic complex was built and manuscript writing flourished there. A manuscript created in Sevretsik Village mentions him in the following way, "...under Archimandrite Sargis of blessed memory, Prior of Charek Monastery who does not differ from his predecessors..."<fnref n="84" /> Archimandrite Sargis is buried in Harants Chapel.

The available information regarding Father Superior *Sahak the Archimandrite* (1671(?) to 1674) comprises the date of his death.<fnref n="85" /> His remains are interred in the aforementioned chapel.

In the days of *Archimandrite Nerses* (1675 to 1700s), mentioned in 1684 and 1704,<fnref n="86" /> the gavit of the monastery was built. His remains repose in the same chapel.

Through *Archimandrite Mkrtich's* (1710s to 1746) efforts, in 1717 the monastery was fortified by an enclosure. In 1730 Catholicos Karapet and Patriarch of Jerusalem Grigor respectively granted permit and issued a bull allowing fund-raising for the implementation of a major overhaul in the sanctuary, that had been plundered and dilapidated in the aftermath of a Lezghin invasion.<fnref n="87" />

Archimandrite Mkrtich is buried in the gavit of Karhan Monastery situated near Mirzik Village of Khanlar District (see his epitaph on page 427 of the present work).

Between 1817 and 1819, *Archimandrite David Jalaliants* (at least 1817 to 1826) studied "...reading, writing and interpretation of the Old and New Testaments..."<fnref n="88" /> in Charek Monastery. His teacher Sargis Davtiants later succeeded him in the post of Father Superior. He died in 1826⁸⁹ and was buried below the southern wall of the church.

*Archimandrite Sargis Davtiants* (1826(?) to 1867), still a celibate priest in 1839,<fnref n="90" /> is mentioned in 1844, when some Turks plundered the monastery.<fnref n="91" /> In 1862 the prior (according to his CV, he was born in 1790)<fnref n="92" /> carried out some repairs in the sanctuary at 120 rubles.<fnref n="93" /> Reference is also made to Sargis Davtiants in 1858, 1864⁹⁴ and 1869, the last year, probably, marking his death.<fnref n="95" />

*Archimandrite Grigoris Ter-Hakobiants* (1867 to 1869), born in Samaghar Village of Echmiatzin District in 1842, "...was appointed Prior of Charek Monastery by a Synod decision of 1 July 1867..."<fnref n="96" /> As attested by an archive document, in 1867 he sank into debts, but it is not clear whether the Father Superior himself or the monastery was in a financial predicament.<fnref n="97" /> Grigoris Ter-Hakobiants, who is also mentioned in 1869, died in 1912.<fnref n="98" />

*Archimandrite Yeprem Yenikolopian* served until 1875, but "...it was impossible to find any trustworthy details concerning his activity."<fnref n="99" />

Almost the entire period of the priory of *Archimandrite Astvatzatur Ter-Harutiuniants* (17 May 1875 to 21 August 1902), born in in 1850 Seghnakh City of Kakhet, Eastern Georgia having a large Armenian population,<fnref n="100" /> marked a heavy struggle for the restitution of the monastic estates that had been arrogated by the state (between 1887 and 1888, he was dismissed from office for a short time). As already mentioned above, some Turkish bandits killed him in the very year (1902) the court finally settled the case, delayed for so many years, in behalf of the monastery<fnref n="101" /> (the Turks of the neighbourhood called him *Red Sultan, or Hero of the gorges of Shamkor*).<fnref n="102" />

<footnote n="82">82 **Topjian, H.**, part 2, p. 46; *Archimandrite Nerses Akinian*, op. cit., p. 161; Colophons, 17th century, vol. 3, p. 47; *Arakel Davrizhetsy*, p. 218.</footnote>

<footnote n="83">83 Colophons, 17th century, vol. 3, p. 876. Patriarchal Documents, folder 1, document 79; A Catalogue of Armenian Manuscripts..., vol. 1, manuscript No. 986. The date carved on his gravestone is found only in Kajikian's notes ("Ardzagank," 1886, No. 23, p. 330).</footnote>

<footnote n="84">84 Patriarchal Documents, folder 1, document 79.</footnote>

<footnote n="85">85 "Ardzagank," 1886, No. 23, p. 330.</footnote>

<footnote n="86">86 **Topjian, H.**, part 1, Vagharshapat, 1898, p. 52; "Ardzagank," 1886, No. 23, p. 330.</footnote>

<footnote n="87">87 National Archives of Armenia, fund 332, list 1, file 778. Also see "Ardzagank," ibid.</footnote>

<footnote n="88">88 National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3831, p. 38.</footnote>

<footnote n="89">89 See his epitaph among the lapidary inscriptions of Charek Monastery.</footnote>

<footnote n="90">90 National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 457, .</footnote>

<footnote n="91">91 National Archives of Armenia, fund 56, list 1, file 1687, p. 1.</footnote>

<footnote n="92">92 National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3831, pp. 37-38.</footnote>

<footnote n="93">93 Idem, file 3836, pp. 43-44.</footnote>

<footnote n="94">94 Idem, file 3843, p.7.</footnote>

<footnote n="95">95 Idem, file 2882, p.17.</footnote>

<footnote n="96">96 "Ararat," 1912, p. 757.</footnote>

<footnote n="97">97 National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 8882, p. 18; file 2860, p. 8.</footnote>

<footnote n="98">98 "Ararat," 1912, p. 757.</footnote>

<footnote n="99">99 National Archives of Armenia, fund 56, list 6, file 775, p. 18; fund 53, list 1, file 2882, p. 38.</footnote>

<footnote n="100">100 "Ararat," 1902, p. 1024; "Mshak," 1902, No. 199, p. 1.</footnote>

<footnote n="101">101 "Mshak," 1902, No. 187, p. 2.</footnote>

<footnote n="102">102 "Meghu Hayastani," 1879, No. 37, p. 3. Once Archimandrite Astvatzatur heard that some Turks had illegally cut down trees in a forest located in one of the monastic estates called 'Dyuz-Yurt' and situated in the neighbourhood of Getabek. Accompanied by two people from Pib, he immediately went there to draw up a report of the incident on the spot. Noticing a Turk waiting in ambush for them with a gun in his hand, he made for him without a minute's hesitation, while the horror-stricken bandit proved unable to shoot at him.</footnote>
Astvatzatur Ter-Harutiunians kept the monastic buildings under constant care, always drawing attention to the problems of the cloister and settling them through fund-raising and petitions.<sup>103</sup> In 1877 Catholicos Gevorg IV gave him a breast cross in gratitude for his selfless devotion to his duties,<sup>104</sup> a bull of 1898 awarding him a chasuble embroidered with flowers.<sup>105</sup> Another bull of 1899 entitled Archimandrite Astvatzatur to continue serving in the same sanctuary.<sup>106</sup> He was buried in the court of the monastery, but until 1911 his grave was bare of any tombstone due to his successors' imprudence and carelessness.<sup>107</sup>

Archimandrite Anton Vardazarian (5 October 1887 to 24 October 1888) held office for a brief period of time: "On 5 October, the Synod decided to appoint Archimandrite Anton Vardazarian, then supervisor of a farm belonging to the Holy See, Father Superior of Charek Monastery."<sup>108</sup>

A year later, however, "on 24 October ...Archimandrite Anton Vardazarian was dismissed from his post at his own request..."<sup>109</sup>

The Catholicos accepted his resignation, for he was absolutely unprepared to pursue the case of the monastic domains in contrast to his predecessor, Archimandrite Astvatzatur, who was well-aware of all its details: "...during the survey of the monastic dominions, the authorities entered into a conflict against the sanctuary, and now it needs a person of wide experience in that affair. Archimandrite Anton, however, is unable to continue the legal proceedings without advice and instructions so that the religious powers have released him from his office of Father Superior, replacing him by Archimandrite Astvatzatur Ter-Harutiunian, who is well-acquainted with the case and has perfect knowledge of the boundaries of the monastic estates. Besides, what is even more important, he is familiar with the inhabitants of the adjacent villages who hold him in

high esteem. Given all these facts, firstly, Archimandrite Astvatzatur Ter-Harutiunian should receive a list of all the property and belongings of Charek Monastery from Archimandrite Anton in the presence of a representative of Yelizavetpol's Armenian spiritual powers, and resume office to protect the rights and interests of the sanctuary with the uttermost devotion, enthusiasm and responsibility... Secondly, the leader of Karabakh Diocese should appoint Archimandrite Anton Father Superior in one of the monasteries of the diocese..."<sup>110</sup>

Archimandrite Vahan Gevorgian (1902), who was appointed Prior in December 1902, manifested extreme carelessness during his short term of office. He condescended to arrive at the monastery only in February 1903, and even after that, he spent more time in Getabek than in Charek.<sup>111</sup>

In 1906 Echmiatzin Synod ordered the Armenian Consistory of Georgia and Imeret to sue Archimandrite Vahan "for having illegally sold timber from the monastic forest."<sup>112</sup>

Parish priest of Pib Hovhannes Voskanian Khojayants (1903) was appointed provisional guardian of Charek Monastery on 8 July 1903.<sup>113</sup>

Given the long distance separating Charek from Pib, as well as the latter's populousness and Hovhannes Khojayan's overburdened work, Gandzak's spiritual powers applied to Georgia and Imeret's Diocese Consistory with a petition to provisionally appoint Prior Theodoros Shirakuny (1903) of Khachakap's Targmanchats Monastery Father Superior of Charek.<sup>114</sup>

In compliance with a decision adopted by Echmiatzin Synod, in 1906 Archimandrite Anton, the former rural dean of Aparan (Aparan District, Yerevan Province), was appointed Prior of Charek Monastery.<sup>115</sup>

Presumably, when German archaeologist L. Haupt visited the monastery, he met this prior there (he does not mention him by name):

"The cloister, which stood abandoned like the others, had a solitary dweller, a monk who had some command of the German language and showed us to the large but derelict monastic structures and its underground basement serving as a refuge in case of escapes. Then we walked to the wild, neglected garden of the sanctuary where he treated us to tea, bread, butter and

<footnote n="103"><sup>103</sup> "Ararat," 1879, p. 320.</footnote>

<footnote n="104"><sup>104</sup> "Ararat," 1902, p. 1024.</footnote>

<footnote n="105"><sup>105</sup> "Ararat," 1898, p. 283.</footnote>

<footnote n="106"><sup>106</sup> "Ararat," 1899, p. 268.</footnote>

<footnote n="107"><sup>107</sup> National Archives of Armenia, fund 56, list 1, file 11365, p. 1. Of great interest are the details of S. Kamalian's meeting with Prior Astvatzatur:
> It was already getting dark when I reached the cloister. Having some rest on an ottoman in a garden opposite it for several minutes, I was called inside to see the father superior. His fears and suspicions concerning me soon dissipating, he showed me a kind hospitality by treating me to tea, vodka, wine and various dishes. We spent most of the night talking, and I learnt that divine service was held in the cloister only on Sundays when pilgrims visited it. It had two cows, and when I asked who tended and milked them, the prior answered, 'They are consigned to God's care. They go to the pasture and return all by themselves' (S. Kamalian Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, p. 21).</footnote>

<footnote n="108"><sup>108</sup> "Ararat," 1887, p. 509.</footnote>

<footnote n="109"><sup>109</sup> "Ararat," 1888, p. 721; National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3882, p. 37.</footnote>

<footnote n="110"><sup>110</sup> National Archives of Armenia, fund 56, list 18, file 160, p. 3. The list of the movable property of the monastery contains more than a hundred items, but unfortunately, unlike other similar documents, it does not mention when and by whom each of them was donated (idem, pp. 32-33).</footnote>

<footnote n="111"><sup>111</sup> "Ararat," 1902, p. 1018; "Mshak," 1903, No. 55, p. 2; "Ararat," 1903, p. 161; "Mshak," 1903, No. 124, pp. 1-2.</footnote>

<footnote n="112"><sup>112</sup> "Ararat," 1906, p. 802.</footnote>

<footnote n="113"><sup>113</sup> National Archives of Armenia, fund 461, list 1, file 12, p. 69; fund 53, list 1, file 1104, p. 18.</footnote>

<footnote n="114"><sup>114</sup> National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 1104, pp. 18-19.</footnote>

<footnote n="115"><sup>115</sup> "Ararat," 1906, p. 794; "Ararat," 1907, pp. 8, 10.</footnote>
lime honey that he himself had made under a lime-tree: after our exposure to the midday heat, the tea seemed especially delicious to us. Bee-keeping was that clergyman's main occupation: in prolific years he received some 50 to 60 poods of honey, that amount dropping to only 10 to 15 poods in years of poor harvest."<fnref n="116" />

A certain *Ter-Avetikov* (1910) is mentioned as Father Superior of the cloister in 1910.<fnref n="117" /> His days marked a period of total neglect for the monastery.<fnref n="118" />

**Charek Monastery as a Place of Exile.** The isolated position of the sanctuary turned it into a suitable place of repentance where Gandzak's spiritual powers generally sent clergymen found guilty of various wrongdoings. Thus, in 1871 "One of the priests of Gandzak, Stepanos Yeghiants, who had been defrocked due to debauchery and a corrupted mode of life, was sent to Charek to atone for his sins."<fnref n="119" />

Another clergyman, “Priest Khachatur Ter-Yeghiazariants of Kusapat Village of Karabakh Diocese was sent (22 January) into a long-term exile in Charek Monastery in punishment for the heavy crimes he had committed.”<fnref n="120" />

## CHAY-RASULLU

This Turkish settlement is situated on the west-facing slope of a gorge lying on the right bank of the river Akhenji, 32 kilometres north-west of the district centre, between 1,390 and 1,480 metres of altitude above sea level.

It was founded in the site of an ancient abandoned Armenian village in the Soviet years.

In 1986 it had a population of 818.<fnref n="121" />

## CHOBANKEND

The village is located on the east-facing slope of a gorge lying on the left bank of one of the right tributaries of the river Zakam, 2 kilometres south-west of the historical village site of Papajan, 19.5 kilometres west of the district centre, between 1,290 and 1,350 metres of altitude above sea level.

The present-day Turkish settlement, dating back to the Soviet years, was established in the site of an ancient village that had been stripped of its Armenian population in the 18th century. The remnants of some old buildings and a ruined mill can still be seen respectively in the village centre and at its eastern edge.

In 1986 the local population amounted to 1,013.<fnref n="122" />

## DAGHERMANDAGH

The village extends on the east-facing slope of a gorge lying 10 kilometres west of the district centre, between 1,450 and 1,520 metres of altitude above sea level.

In the late 19th century, the site of an ancient abandoned Armenian village was inhabited by some stock-breeding Turkish tribes which later changed to a sedentary life.

In 1908 the local people amounted to 55,<fnref n="123" /> this number growing to 205 by 1914.<fnref n="124" />

## DARYURT

The village is situated on the northwest-facing slope of a gorge lying 14 kilometres south-west of the district centre, between 1,440 and 1,510 metres of altitude above sea level.

In the late 19th century, the site of a once Armenian-populated village sheltered some Turkish herders who later shifted to a sedentary life.

The settlement had 139 residents in 1908,<fnref n="125" /> and 188 in 1914.<fnref n="126" />

## DAYA-GHARABULAGH (BALA-GHARABULAGH)

**Location.** The village lies 6 kilometres south of the district centre, at an altitude of 1,430 to 1,550 metres above sea level.

**Population.** Stripped of its Armenian inhabitants in the '70s of the 18th century, the abandoned village later served as a summer encampment for some stock-breeding Turkish tribes which eventually settled down there in the late 1880s.

Daya-Gharabulagh had 840 residents in 1914,<fnref n="127" /> and 1,031 in 1977.<fnref n="128" />

The neighbourhood of the village, whose historical Armenian name has sunk into oblivion, abounds in a wide variety of centuries-old Armenian monuments.

**A village site called Jokhtak Kamurj** (the Armenian equivalent for **A Couple of Bridges**) is situated at the confluence of the rivers Parisos and Shamkor, 3 kilometres south-east of Daya-Gharabulagh.

The historical name of the village, that was stripped of its Armenian population in the second half of the 18th century, remains obscure. In the late 19th century, it was known by the names of Jokhtak Kamurj among the nearby Armenians, and Ghosha-Kyopri, or Bayramli (also Ali-Bayramli) among the Turks.

<footnote n="116">116 Lehmann-Haupt C. F. Armenia in the Past and Today. Berlin, 1910, p. 133, in German.</footnote>

<footnote n="117">117 National Archives of Armenia, fund 56, list 5, file 250, p. 1.</footnote>

<footnote n="118">118 “Hovit,” 1913, No. 37, p. 590, in Armenian.</footnote>

<footnote n="119">119 “Ararat,” 1871, p. 316.</footnote>

<footnote n="120">120 “Ararat,” 1888, p. 129.</footnote>

<footnote n="121">121 SAE, vol. 10, p. 301.</footnote>

<footnote n="122">122 Idem, p. 370.</footnote>

<footnote n="123">123 Caucasian Calendar for 1910, p. 234.</footnote>

<footnote n="124">124 Caucasian Calendar for 1915, p. 115.</footnote>

<footnote n="125">125 Caucasian Calendar for 1910, p. 237.</footnote>

<footnote n="126">126 Caucasian Calendar for 1915, p. 116.</footnote>

<footnote n="127">127 Caucasian Calendar for 1915, p. 117.</footnote>

<footnote n="128">128 SAE, vol. 3, Baku, 1979, p. 394.</footnote>
The foundation of a new settlement in this place was due to the supply of timber, obtained in the Shamkor valley, for Getabak's copper-smelting mills. A saw mill and some warehouses that were built there at the very beginning became the basis of the future Turkish settlement of Bayramali established there to meet the growing needs of the people working there. It was mainly populated by the members of the cattle-breeding tribe of Bayramli who generally spent winters in several areas on the right bank of the river Kur (north-east of Ashaghi-Ayipli Village of present-day Touz District) and moved to the area of the upper course of the river Shamkor together with their large cattle for summers. In 1886 "seven Armenians who had recently converted to Islam arrived at Bayramli, got married there and took up residence in the village."<fnref n="129" />

In 1883 railway communication was established between Getabek and the newly-founded settlement which retained large reserves of wood and coal.<fnref n="130" /> Later, however, parallel with the exhaustion of copper ore in the mines, Bayramli lost its significance and was gradually stripped of its inhabitants. At present it serves as a summer encampment for some cattle-breeders.

In the late 19th century, a church was preserved on the slope of a gorge lying on the right bank of the river, in an area adjoining the village site of Jokhtak Kamurj (Bayramli). The earliest record bearing reference to it dates from 1890:

> "...to the left of the confluence of the two branches of the river Shamkor, near the wood reserves of the copper mine lies a gorge surrounded by lofty mountains on both sides. It leads to Ghosha Kyopri, where a monastery stands. That branch of the river is called Ghashkha-Chay..."<fnref n="131" />

Another visitor who travelled in the area almost during the same period writes, "On an elevation on the right bank of the stream, east of the railway terminus stands a church with its roof toppled."<fnref n="132" />

As the Armenian name of the village site itself suggests, it used to have two bridges:

> "...It is called Bayram-Ali, or Ghosha-Kyopri [Jukht Kamurj, i.e. 'A Couple of Bridges'], the toponym, probably, deriving from two local bridges, one of them still standing, but the other destroyed, with only a part of it preserved..."<fnref n="133" />

The other bridge was located in the village site of Chanakhchi, rather far from Jokhtak Kamurj; therefore, the latter might have had another bridge demolished later.

The village site of Tandzut (Dandzut, Chanakhchi) lies on the left bank of the river Shamkor, 4.5 kilometres south of Jokhtak Kamurj.

The toponym of 'Dandzut' is mentioned in the colophon of a manuscript Collection (1721) copied by scribe Sargis in Karatak Village on Arakel Danzuttsy's order.<fnref n="134" />

In the late 19th century, the site of the village which had been stripped of its Armenian population in the '70s of the 18th century, retained a church and a single-span vaulted bridge. The latter still stood intact in the 1980s.

The church was distinguished for its awesome dimensions:

> "...This bridge is adjoined by quite a large church resting on six pillars. One of its walls has collapsed together with most part of its roof, but the font and the rest of the monument are preserved."<fnref n="135" />

M. Barkhutarians, who travelled in Tandzut in the same years, provides more details about it:

> "The village site and its cemetery are quite large, to say nothing of the local church (it is 27 metres long and 15 metres 60 centimetres wide), whose magnificence enchants visitors. Resting on six columns, it has a bema, two vestries, two fine niches as well as two entrances opening in the south and north. At present its main apse, the arch of the left choir and some part of its north-western corner lie in dilapidation. The church is bare of inscriptions."<fnref n="136" />

Another site named **Pirnazar** comprised "...two ruined churches situated above Tandzut ..."<fnref n="137" />

## DIKDASH

The village is situated on the west-facing slope of a gorge lying on the right bank of the river Zakam, 14 kilometres north-west of the district centre, at an altitude of 1,070 to 1,100 metres above sea level.

In the late 19th century, the abandoned Armenian village was inhabited by some cattle-breeding Turks.

In 1907 Dikdash had a population of 35,<fnref n="138" /> whose number had grown to 239 by 1914.<fnref n="139" />

## DYUZ-RASULLU

The village lies in the valley of the right tributary of the river Akhenji, 31 kilometres north-west of the district centre, between 1,450 and 1,560 metres of altitude above sea level.

It was established in the Soviet years in the site of an abandoned Armenian village.

<footnote n="129">129 "Mshak," 1886, No. 89, p. 2.</footnote>

<footnote n="130">130 "Mshak," 1891, No. 60, p. 2.</footnote>

<footnote n="131">131 **S. Kamalian** Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, p. 24.</footnote>

<footnote n="132">132 **Barkhutarians**, M. Artsakh, p. 306.</footnote>

<footnote n="133">133 *Smbat M.*, op. cit., p. 3.</footnote>

<footnote n="134">134 A Catalogue of Armenian Manuscripts..., vol. 2, p. 440.</footnote>

<footnote n="135">135 *Smbat M.*, ibid.</footnote>

<footnote n="136">136 **Barkhutarians**, M. Artsakh, p. 305.</footnote>

<footnote n="137">137 Ibid.</footnote>

<footnote n="138">138 Caucasian Calendar for 1910, p. 379.</footnote>

<footnote n="139">139 Caucasian Calendar for 1914, p. 188.</footnote>
## DYUZ-YURT

The village is located 4 kilometres south-west of the district centre, between 1,550 and 1,600 metres of altitude above sea level.

In 1978 the local people amounted to 1,100.<fnref n="140" />

A site named **Ghuzi-Yurt** was situated within 7 versts of Getabek. “...Its territory is to be populated by some Russian immigrants...”<fnref n="141" />

## EMIR

This Turkish settlement extends on the southwest-facing slope of a mountain rising 12 kilometres west of the district centre, in an area among the historical villages of Metz (Greater) Gharamurat, Karkar and Heriknaz, at an altitude of 1,480 to 1,580 metres above sea level.

It was founded in the Soviet years in the site of an Armenian village abandoned in the 1770s (its historical name is consigned to oblivion).

## EYRIVANK

The village is situated in a deep gorge lying on both banks of the river Inekboghan, 19 kilometres south-west of the district centre, between 1,290 and 1,410 metres of altitude above sea level.

<figure><img src="image_346.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_347.png" /><figcaption>EYRIVANK. A general view of the village and its semi-ruined church (photo by courtesy of R. Abgarian)</figcaption></figure>

It represents a Turkish settlement tracing back to the early 20th century and established in the site of an Armenian village devastated and stripped of its inhabitants in the 1770s. The name of Eyrivank derives from a nearby medieval monastery and is etymologized as ‘A Leaning Monastery’ (‘vank’ is the Armenian equivalent for ‘monastery,’ and ‘eyri’ is the Turkish equivalent for ‘leaning’).

Until 1988 a semi-ruined church, built of undressed stone and mortar, was preserved at the southern extremity of the village. It represented a uni-nave vaulted structure.

The historical names of the village and church have fallen into oblivion.

## GETABEK (GETABAK)

**Location.** Getabek is situated “in a plain lying at the edge of the wide gorge of Charek,”<fnref n="142" /> 48 kilometres south-west of Gandzak, within 35 kilometres of Shamkhor in the same direction, between 1,380 and 1,500 metres of altitude above sea level.

The centre of the district of the same name, it has had the status of township since 1935¹⁴³ and comprises the once Armenian-populated villages of Hin Getabak in the west, and Hayi Getabak (also known as ‘Ghazakh,’ ‘Ghazakhli’ and ‘Ghazakhashen’) in the north.

**The Origin of the Toponym.** Presumably, the name of Getabek (originally, ‘Getabak’) derives from the confluence of the rivers Shamkor and Parisos:

> “Two of the tributaries of the river Shamkor, one flowing through Ghalakend, and the other from the other side of the mountain, merge together below. Probably, this explains the origin of the name of ‘Getabak’:<fnref n="144" /> the two tributaries coming from different sides give the area lying between them the appearance of a yard...”<fnref n="145" />

**A Historical Introduction.** The township dates back to the depth of many millennia, the tombs archaeologists V. Belk and A. Ivanovski unearthed in its territory (they date from the Bronze and early Iron Ages) proving this.

The available Armenian sources first mention ‘Getabak’ in the 7th century as the name of a castle. Escaping the persecution of Catholicos Yezr I Parazhnakerttsy (630 to 641), Archimandrite Hovhan Mayravanetsy, the guardian of St. Grigor Church of Dvin and an adherent of Chalcedonism, first found refuge in

<footnote n="140">140 SAE, vol. 3, p. 554.</footnote>

<footnote n="141">141 “Mshak,” 1901, No. 90, p. 2.</footnote>

<footnote n="142">142 Jalaliants, S., idem, part 2, Tpghis, 1858, p. 360.</footnote>

<footnote n="143">143 SAE, vol. 6, Baku, 1982, p. 76.</footnote>

<footnote n="144">144 ‘Get’ is the Armenian equivalent for ‘river,’ and ‘bak’ is that for ‘yard.’</footnote>

<footnote n="145">145 “Ardzagank,” 1888, No. 7, p. 86.</footnote>
Mayravank Cloister of Solak (the present-day village of Solak in Kotayk Marz of the Republic of Armenia). Later, however, "...he settled down in a remote place in the neighbourhood of Getabak Castle, where he spent his further life in prayers."<fnref n="146" />

Isolated from the outer world in Getabak, the sage "wrote three works which, however, remained anonymous, for their author was afraid lest people should accept them. One of them was entitled *Khrat Varuts*, the other *Hamatarmatar*, and the third one *No-yemak*.<fnref n="147" />

The castle of Getabak is also mentioned in connection with the events of the 13th century, when the Armeno-Georgian forces, led by Ivane and Zakare Zakarian, liberated the districts of North Armenia, including Getabak (1206), from the Seljuk-Turks: "...in the year 655, they took the royal residence of Kars, after which they reconquered Charek and Getabak..."<fnref n="148" />

Several decades later, the Mongol-Tartars invaded Transcaucasia and occupied the stronghold: "...started dividing up the most important places of the districts conquered, and the castle went to a noble prince named Noyin. They started for their domains and immediaely established their sway there... Ghatagha Noyin left for Charek, Getabak and Vardanashat."<fnref n="149" />

According to another source, the Mongols also "...attacked Gardman and some other forts, then under Vahram's rule... one of their commanders-in-chief, named Ghatagha Noyin, sieging Charek and Getabak."<fnref n="150" />

The sources of the subsequent period mention Getabak as a scriptorium: "...in ownership of the church, by worthless, sinful and humble Hovhannes, in Sourd Astvatzatzin and Sourd Herdzan of Gatapag Village, Shamkor, under Catholicos of Aghvank His Holiness Petros, whose seat was in Gandzasar, in the year 1659 of the calendar of Habet's family."<fnref n="151" /> (An extract from the colophon of a manuscript *Aysmavurk* (a book of the feast-days of different saints and martyrs also containing their hagiography) copied by scribe Hovhannes in the local church of Sourd Astvatzatzin in 1659).

The Armenians of Getabak took part in the struggle for the throne of the Supreme Pontiff that broke out immediately after Petros Catholicos's death. In 1691 Bishop David, Archimandrite Azaria as well as a certain

Tamraz and Khachatur signed "A Document of Agreement" in favour of Catholicos Yeremia together with the representatives of the other classes of the society, including "...Bishop David from Ketapak..., ...Archimandrite Azaria from Getabak Monastery..., Getabak inhabitant Grigor's son Tamraz..., ...Khachatur from Getabak..."<fnref n="152" />

In 1702 Persian Shah Husein I put Getabak Village, together with its population, farming lands and pastures, into the possession of Hovhannes Bey, an Armenian in origin, in gratitude for some service he had rendered to him. He also ordered the Governor of Gandzak to avoid ever trespassing on the newly-bestowed lands and annoying the bey "either by pen or through action." As for the local peasants, they were obliged to regard Hovhannes as their master and obey all his decisions.<fnref n="153" />

The available written sources do not contain any reference to Getabak until its devastation in the 1770s.

**The Revival of the Village.** In 1861¹⁵⁴ about twenty Armenian families from Kot, Ghalacha and Voskepar Villages of Ghazakh District<fnref n="155" /> took up residence in the site of the abandoned Armenian village. Later the newly-established settlement of Hayi (Nor) Getabek (Getabak) was more frequently referred to as 'Ghazakh-Getabek,' or simply 'Ghazakh' ('Ghazakhli').

**Population.** The existing statistical records concerning Getabak's Armenian inhabitants trace back to the period following the aforementioned resettlement.

In 1901/1902 their number plummeted down due to the fact that some of them moved from the village. Getabak used to be famous for its copper mines, but by the late 19th century the resources of the copper ore had been exhausted, as a result of which many mines had stopped working. The majority of Getabak Armenians being miners by trade, that brought them close to unemployment so that they started addressing petitions to the authorities for permission to move elsewhere. They viewed the ancient site of Mokoshanots, located within the estates of Charek Monastery, 3 kilometres of

<footnote n="146">146 *Kirakos Gandzaketsy*, p. 55.</footnote>

<footnote n="147">147 Universal History by *Stepanos Taronetsy the Asoghik*, p. 87; *Ormanian*, M. History of a Nation, vol. 1, Echmiatzin, 2001, pp. 801, 811-813, all volumes in Armenian.</footnote>

<footnote n="148">148 *Vardan Vardapet*, p. 138.</footnote>

<footnote n="149">149 Op. cit., p. 146; *Injijian, Gh*. A Historical Research into Ancient Armenia. Venice, 1822, pp. 339-340, in Armenian.</footnote>

<footnote n="150">150 *Kirakos Gandzaketsy*, pp. 242-243.</footnote>

<footnote n="151">151 Colophons, 17th century, vol. 3, p. 876. The manuscript is kept in the Matenadaran (No 4559).</footnote>

<footnote n="152">152 "Ararat," 1900, p. 320.</footnote>

<footnote n="153">153 Tbilisi's Collection of Persian Firmans, vol. 2. Compiled by *Todua, M. A.* and *Shams, I. K*. Tbilisi, 1989, pp. 34-35, all volumes in Russian.</footnote>

<footnote n="154">154 National Archives of Armenia, fund 56, list 6, file 889, p. 1. According to an archive document of 1912, the village was founded 51 years ago, namely in 1861. M. Barkhutarians traces its establishment back to 1863, stating that "first they settled down ... on the east-facing slope of a mountain in the east of Hin Getabak, but later moved to Nor Getabak on a Government order" (*Barkhutarians*, M. Artsakh, p. 313). It is, however, absolutely wrong to trace the village back to 1863, since the earliest available sources mentioning it as an Armenian-inhabited locality date from 1861.</footnote>

<footnote n="155">155 "Nor-Dar," 1889, No. 174, p. 3.</footnote>
their village, as a desirable place of resettlement.<fnref n="156" />

The statistical data regarding some years (1874, 1914) are slightly exaggerated, since they are based on the results of a population census carried out by the Government. In fact, they reflect the number of the entire population of the city and not only that of the Armenians.

Below follows a table indicating the changes the number of Getabak inhabitants underwent between 1861 and 1914:

<table><thead><tr><th>Year</th><th>Houses</th><th>Males</th><th>Females</th><th>Total</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>1861<sup>157</sup></td><td>18</td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>1866<sup>158</sup></td><td>18</td><td>96</td><td>58</td><td>154</td></tr><tr><td>1870<sup>159</sup></td><td></td><td>106</td><td>64</td><td>170</td></tr><tr><td>1872<sup>160</sup></td><td></td><td>147</td><td>109</td><td>256</td></tr><tr><td>1873<sup>161</sup></td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td>197</td></tr><tr><td>1874<sup>162</sup></td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td>653</td></tr><tr><td>1875<sup>163</sup></td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td>208</td></tr><tr><td>1876<sup>164</sup></td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td>225</td></tr><tr><td>1877<sup>165</sup></td><td></td><td>135</td><td>101</td><td>236</td></tr><tr><td>1878<sup>166</sup></td><td>20-25</td><td>137</td><td>99</td><td>236</td></tr><tr><td>1881<sup>167</sup></td><td></td><td>148</td><td>107</td><td>255</td></tr><tr><td>1882<sup>168</sup></td><td></td><td>151</td><td>110</td><td>261</td></tr><tr><td>1883<sup>169</sup></td><td></td><td>147</td><td>105</td><td>252</td></tr><tr><td>1885<sup>170</sup></td><td>23</td><td>150</td><td>125</td><td>275</td></tr><tr><td>1886<sup>171</sup></td><td>44</td><td>178</td><td>149</td><td>327</td></tr><tr><td>1887<sup>172</sup></td><td></td><td>172</td><td>150</td><td>322</td></tr><tr><td>1888<sup>173</sup></td><td></td><td>183</td><td>159</td><td>342</td></tr><tr><td>1889<sup>174</sup></td><td>23</td><td>188</td><td>169</td><td>357</td></tr></tbody></table>

<table><tbody><tr><td>1890<sup>175</sup></td><td>33</td><td>197</td><td>184</td><td>381</td></tr><tr><td>1891<sup>176</sup></td><td></td><td>215</td><td>202</td><td>417</td></tr><tr><td>1892<sup>177</sup></td><td></td><td>230</td><td>214</td><td>444</td></tr><tr><td>1893<sup>178</sup></td><td>30</td><td>243</td><td>225</td><td>468</td></tr><tr><td>1894<sup>179</sup></td><td></td><td>262</td><td>252</td><td>514</td></tr><tr><td>1897<sup>180</sup></td><td></td><td>309</td><td>297</td><td>606</td></tr><tr><td>1898<sup>181</sup></td><td></td><td>325</td><td>315</td><td>640</td></tr><tr><td>1899<sup>182</sup></td><td>33</td><td>329</td><td>318</td><td>647</td></tr><tr><td>1900<sup>183</sup></td><td></td><td>337</td><td>339</td><td>676</td></tr><tr><td>1901<sup>184</sup></td><td></td><td>359</td><td>347</td><td>706</td></tr><tr><td>1902<sup>185</sup></td><td></td><td>248</td><td>228</td><td>476</td></tr><tr><td>1905<sup>186</sup></td><td></td><td>250</td><td>230</td><td>480</td></tr><tr><td>1906<sup>187</sup></td><td></td><td>165</td><td>163</td><td>328</td></tr><tr><td>1907<sup>188</sup></td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td>327</td></tr><tr><td>1908<sup>189</sup></td><td>35</td><td>300</td><td>250</td><td>550</td></tr><tr><td>1909<sup>190</sup></td><td></td><td>265</td><td>241</td><td>505</td></tr><tr><td>1910<sup>191</sup></td><td></td><td>70</td><td>60</td><td>130</td></tr><tr><td>1912<sup>192</sup></td><td>74</td><td>280</td><td>243</td><td>523</td></tr><tr><td>1914<sup>193</sup></td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td>669</td></tr></tbody></table>

The environment in Getabak was highly polluted and dangerous for the local residents. A traveller who visited it in 1890 writes the following with this regard, “The mine was still far in the distance, but we could already feel the intolerable smoke so that when we entered the village we were almost suffocated to death. Woe betide the local people! Perhaps, it was due to that smoke and poor water that they seemed sick to me. The gardeners were mostly Turkish, but the outstanding inhabitants and shop-keepers were Armenians two of whom regularly received the “Nor-Dar” magazine.”<fnref n="194" />

In 1849 the brothers Mekhov, Greeks in origin, commenced “large-scale exploitation” of Getabak’s copper mines. Their company extracted and processed up to 10,000 poods (a pood is equal to 16,380 kgs, i.e.

<footnote n="156">156 National Archives of Armenia, fund 56, list 6, file 889, p. 1. According to a document of 1912, the village lands had grown barren in the previous 13 years. A record of the late 19th century states the following with this regard, “The village is constantly shrouded in smoke coming from the copper mine, and this inflicts formidable damage upon the local fields, for the ears of the near-by grain plants are burnt and those of the distant places are hindered from regular growth. This is the reason why the villagers who cannot find enough work in the mine have applied to the authorities with a request to be moved somewhere else” (Lalayan, Yer. Ganczak District, p. 328).</footnote>

<footnote n="157">157 National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3835, pp. 148-149.</footnote>

<footnote n="158">158 Idem, file 3848, p. 57.</footnote>

<footnote n="159">159 Idem, file 3857, pp. 49-50.</footnote>

<footnote n="160">160 Idem, file 3872, pp. 62-63.</footnote>

<footnote n="161">161 Idem, file 3864, pp. 40-41.</footnote>

<footnote n="162">162 Caucasian Calendar for 1886, p. 125.</footnote>

<footnote n="163">163 National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3866, pp. 44-45.</footnote>

<footnote n="164">164 Idem, file 3868, pp. 57-58.</footnote>

<footnote n="165">165 Idem, file 3869, pp. 54-55.</footnote>

<footnote n="166">166 Idem, file 3870, p. 22-23; “Mshak,” 1878, No. 145, p. 2.</footnote>

<footnote n="167">167 Idem, file 3873, pp. 27-28.</footnote>

<footnote n="168">168 Idem, file 3874, p. 30.</footnote>

<footnote n="169">169 Idem, file 3875, pp. 56-57.</footnote>

<footnote n="170">170 Idem, file 3877, p. 30.</footnote>

<footnote n="171">171 A Statistical Survey..., pp. 82-83, 88-89. The Turkish population of Getabak comprised 124 houses with 878 inhabitants, although another source reports only 23 houses (“Ardzagank,” 1888, No. 7, p. 86).</footnote>

<footnote n="172">172 National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3880, p. 74.</footnote>

<footnote n="173">173 Idem, file 3882, p. 132.</footnote>

<footnote n="174">174 National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3884, pp. 227-228; “Nor-Dar,” 1889, No. 201, p. 2.</footnote>

<footnote n="175">175 “Nor-Dar,” 1890, No. 148, p. 3; National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3887, p. 151.</footnote>

<footnote n="176">176 National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3889, p. 150.</footnote>

<footnote n="177">177 Idem, file 3891, p. 122.</footnote>

<footnote n="178">178 Idem, file 3895, pp. 78-79; “Nor-Dar,” 1893, No. 35, p. 3.</footnote>

<footnote n="179">179 Idem, file 3896, pp. 175-176.</footnote>

<footnote n="180">180 Idem, file 3899, pp. 148-149.</footnote>

<footnote n="181">181 Idem, file 3897, p. 170.</footnote>

<footnote n="182">182 National Archives of Armenia, fund 56, list 4, file 649, p. 1; fund 53, list 1, file 3903, pp. 127-128.</footnote>

<footnote n="183">183 National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3905, pp. 93-94.</footnote>

<footnote n="184">184 Idem, file 3906, pp. 99-100.</footnote>

<footnote n="185">185 Idem, file 3907, pp. 24-25.</footnote>

<footnote n="186">186 Idem, file 3912, pp. 267-268.</footnote>

<footnote n="187">187 Idem, file 3915, p. 24.</footnote>

<footnote n="188">188 National Archives of Armenia, fund 56, list 1, file 240, p. 2.</footnote>

<footnote n="189">189 National Archives of Armenia, fund 35, list 1, file 559, p. 12.</footnote>

<footnote n="190">190 National Archives of Armenia, fund 556, list 18, file 764, p. 118.</footnote>

<footnote n="191">191 National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3917, pp. 59-60.</footnote>

<footnote n="192">192 Idem, file 3919, pp. 63-64; fund 56, list 4, file 649, p. 4.</footnote>

<footnote n="193">193 Caucasian Calendar for 1915, p. 131.</footnote>

<footnote n="194">194 S. Kamalian Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, pp. 20-21.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_348.png" /><figcaption>GETABEK. A general view (reprinted from: Lehmann-Haupt, C. F. Armenien Einst und Jetzt, Berlin, 1910)</figcaption></figure>

163, 800 kgs) of copper ore per annum. Later, however, they severed their partnership due to some discrepancy. In 1864 the company, that had enough means for further activity, sold its rights to brothers Carl, Walter and Werner Siemens.<fnref n="195" />

According to a source, the mine had been previously exploited by the Armenians, and it was they who sold it to the aforementioned Germans:

"Twenty-five years ago, Getabek's copper mill belonged to some Armenians from Gandzak who exploited the mine through some antediluvian system, employing a pair of huge bellows, perhaps, handed down to them by their forefathers. Their organization of the work absolutely lacking any principles, they received but some meagre income..."<fnref n="196" />

A contemporary of Siemens Company left a record of great interest regarding its activity:

"A large copper mine belonging to Siemens & Comp. is located in a place named Getabek in Gandzak Province. It has numerous cutting-edge crucibles and

kilns, working by coal, wood and oil. It also owns many buildings intended for the miners and workers, its staff including specialists of all spheres, such as doctors, architects, etc. Siemens & Comp. has its own college, drug-store, telegraph-station, iron mill as well as a carpenter's workshop and a railway station both within the territory of the mill in Ghalakend and Bayram-Ali, where the store-houses of coal and wood are situated. Raw or black oil is received from Baku via the railway station of Dalyar, near which the company has an oil depository and a separate mill whence oil is taken first to the Armenian-populated village of Chardakhlu, located within 15 versts, and then to the mine on carts (there is another telegraph station on that route). We learnt that the miners' and other workers' salary totaled 25,000 to 30,000 rubles, excluding various other expenses which did not constitute a small sum."<fnref n="197" />

Between 1864 and 1914, the company extracted

<footnote n="195">195 Karapetian, S. The Mining District of Dashkesan as the only Economic Bulwark of the Territorial Integrity of Artsakh-Gardman. In: "Gardmank," November-December 1996, No. 3, p. 12, in Russian.</footnote>

<footnote n="196">196 "Nor-Dar," 1889, No. 174, p. 3. The interest of the company in this famous mine was due to the growing demand for copper in Germany, where it was used in machinery construction and war industry. It acquired wooded territories in the valleys of the rivers Zakam and Shamkor, and built a copper-smelting mill in Getabek (it functioned between 1865 and 1914). In 1883 the Germans founded another similar mill near the castle of Parisos, in the village of Ghalakend (it closed in 1906), and established a narrow-wheel railway connecting Getabak with Ghalakend and Bayram-Ali. In 1894 they put into operation an oil pipeline of two pumping stations extending at a distance of 45 kilometres between Dalyar and Getabak.</footnote>

<footnote n="197">197 "...The railroad of Getabek, extending within 31 versts, connects the copper mills of Getabak and Ghalakend with each other, and both of them with the forest of Shamkhor. It was built in 1883 for the purpose of supplying wood and coal for the aforementioned mills. It stretches through highly mountainous areas which comes to prove that mountains and railways can coexist without any problem..." ("Mshak," 1891, No. 60, p. 2). The miners comprised representatives of different nationalities, including Armenian artisans and ploughmen who were in rather grave financial conditions, especially, when "Manager of the mine Mr. Bernulu was succeeded by Wilhelm Richard Bolton. The latter started reducing their salary, imposing various taxes on them. This is the reason why the Armenians, who had very small plots of land and mainly lived on the payment received from the mine, could hardly eke out a bare existence" ("Nor-Dar," 1889, No. 201, p. 2). Also see "Ardzagank," 1888, No. 7, p. 86 & Lalayan, Yer. Gandzak District, pp. 279-281 for further information about the copper mines belonging to Siemens Company.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_349.png" /><figcaption>GETABEK. A house in the German quarter</figcaption></figure>

more than a million 700,000 tons of copper ore and smelted about 58,000 tons of copper of it.<fnref n="198" />

On the eve of World War I, Getabak was gradually exhausted of its copper resources, which compelled Siemens & Comp. to shift to the extraction of sulphur ore. It sold 100,000 poods of raw material to Nobel Oil Company of Baku per year.<fnref n="199" />

Among the mine managers of distinction, Bernuli (he held office until 1875),<fnref n="200" /> Wilhelm Richardovich Bolton (1875 to 1900)<fnref n="201" /> and Gustav Kelle (he assumed office in 1900)<fnref n="202" /> can be mentioned.

In the first years of Azerbaijan's Sovietization, Getabak's copper mine retained its status of one of the largest centres of sulphur extraction in Transcaucasia.<fnref n="203" /> Later it was included in Dashkesan's Mining and Industrial District, established on the basis of the administrative districts of Shahumian, Khanlar, Dashkesan and Getabek.<fnref n="204" /> As a result of the extension of production, Hayi (Nor) Getabak ceased existing as a separate

village and became part of the present-day district centre of Getabak together with Hin Getabak, that had been reduced to ruins still earlier.

Getabak had an Armenian parish school, which opened in 1894 and functioned as a one-year institution with a teacher and 30 male pupils.<fnref n="205" /> It closed on a Government order in 1896.<fnref n="206" /> The year of its re-opening is unknown, but it is reported as working in 1909.<fnref n="207" />

**The Armeno-Turkish Fights between 1905 and 1906.** Hayi Getabak was one of those Armenian-populated villages of Gandzak District that was totally plundered, ruined and burnt down by the Turkish mob of the adjacent settlements. The atrocities broke out on 17 November 1905, when some of the inhabitants of Parakend set alight 60 carts of grass belonging to Abbas Hajiyev, a wood-keeper from Getabak, to have a plea for attacking the local Armenians. Several days later, the priest of the Russian village of Frezevka told Al. Shepillo, a newly-appointed police officer then in Slavyanka, that the Turks were planning to mount an offensive against Getabak. On 22 November, the Turkish residents of Sogutlu, Miskinli and other villages encircled Ghazakh-Getabak and the local market: "...all the Armenians had closed their shops, the people having gathered near the Armenian church and waiting horrified for the enemy to attack. Meanwhile, the latter, who had divided up into large groups totaling 500 people, had fortified themselves in the market."<fnref n="208" />

The young inhabitants of Getabek, however, did not yield up to the huge Turkish throng and got into positions, putting up self-defence: "A group of young fellows who were small in number but did not lack courage fortified themselves amidst the stones of a cemetery lying between the market and the village. They succeeded in defending both places all day long despite the fact that the Turkish mob was gradually increasing, making the fighting still more and more difficult. Seeing that it was becoming impossible to repel the enemy from both places simultaneously, the young men returned to the village, that allowing the former to burst into the market in an insatiable longing for pilage."<fnref n="209" />

Finally, the avaricious throng that was growing larger with every passing hour managed to break the resistance of the Armenians who had appeared under siege but could not expect any outside help. Some of them had a narrow escape by somehow reaching Chardakhlu on

<footnote n="198">198 Karapetian, S., idem, in: "Gardmank," No. 3, p. 12. Between 1864 and 1917, about a hundred million poods of copper ore was extracted and nearly three million poods of copper smelted.</footnote>

<footnote n="199">199 Ibid.</footnote>

<footnote n="200">200 "Nor-Dar," 1889, No. 201, p. 2.</footnote>

<footnote n="201">201 "Mshak," 1900, No. 26, p. 3.</footnote>

<footnote n="202">202 Ibid.</footnote>

<footnote n="203">203 Apresov, S. The Prospects of Copper Industry in Getabek District. In: "Ekonomicheski Vestnik Azerbayjana," Baku, 1926, No. 10, p. 11, in Russian.</footnote>

<footnote n="204">204 Karapetian, S., idem, in: "Gardmank," 1996, No. 2, August-October, p. 15.</footnote>

<footnote n="205">205 National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3896, pp. 34, 175-176.</footnote>

<footnote n="206">206 Khudoyan, S., idem, p. 474.</footnote>

<footnote n="207">207 National Archives of Armenia, fund 35, list 1, file 482, p. 1.</footnote>

<footnote n="208">208 "Nor-Dar," 1889, No. 174, p. 3.</footnote>

<footnote n="209">209 A-Do, idem, pp. 349-350.</footnote>
foot, but many others lost their lives in the fighting.

According to some information provided by police officer Al. I. Shepillo,<fnref n="210" /> about 50 Armenians, including men, women and children, were burnt to death in their houses.<fnref n="211" /> The local Armenian church of St. Gevorg was plundered and devastated.<fnref n="212" />

The Turkish bandits chased the survivors of that carnage even on their way to Chardakhlu. Horrified at the atrocities they had committed, the inhabitants of Slavyanka showed a treacherous attitude to the Armenian refugees running away on foot and refused to give them carts.<fnref n="213" />

The tragedy that befell Getabek had been plotted and perpetrated by acting police officer Aliyev and a certain Mahed, the head of Miskinli Village.<fnref n="214" />

A. Oherny, a German mill owner, prepared quite a detailed report on the massacres of Getabak which was later published by archaeologist Lehmann Haupt. Although remarkable for rather a simplified approach and interpretation of some episodes (thus, murderer Aliyev is represented as a humane, peace-keeping official), it is, nonetheless, an important source for the study of those events.<fnref n="215" />

Some time later, seeing that the authorities did not

take any steps to punish the organizers and perpetrators of the aforementioned slaughter, the Armenians of

break of the conflict, he was to be replaced by an extremely inactive person who was completely unfamiliar with the area and had no command of the Tartar language: fortunately, however, Aliyev stayed in Getabek. The report goes as follows, 'On 18 November (according to the old calendar) 1906, the Tartar and Armenian inhabitants of Yelizavetpol entered into a heavy fighting, which extremely upset the people living here, for everybody realized that only a most insignificant incident would be enough to spark off blind national fanaticism in this district as well, since it had a mixed Armenian and Tartar population. According to a trustworthy source, the outbreak of the Armeno-Tartar massacres in Yelizavetpol was due to some rumours that spread in the city on the morning of 18 November, alleging that a great number of Tartar corpses had been found in its neighbourhood and below a bridge (this information has not been verified so far). Shortly afterwards, a Turkish throng burst into the Armenian shops and started killing the Armenian merchants by revolvers and daggers (the Tartars' shops were closed, since it was the Muslims' day off). After the stores had been burnt down, plunder and murders gradually assumed larger scale both among the Armenians and the Tartars. Unfortunately, the local servicemen, who were small in number, did not intervene at once, which facilitated the influx of still more Tartars into the city. Thus, the ravage was not prevented in due time so that most of the city was reduced to ruins within several days. The news of these events spread here and there at lightning speed. On the evening of 18 November, the Kurds living in the neighbourhood of Dallyar plundered the Armenian shops of the settlement, those in the colony of Annenfeld sharing that fate the following evening. Their owners either ran away or hid themselves somewhere, like the Armenians working for the German immigrants. The Tartar bandits enjoyed such an overwhelming majority and behaved so aggressively that neither the police officer with his policemen nor the German resettlers dared to intervene... The day following the fruitless Armeno-Tartar peace talks held on 20 November (Sunday) under Alayar-Bey Tsulgadarov's chairmanship, most of the workers and employees who had come to Getabek to earn their living left the village, the last of them returning after the following midday. Despite that, however, the village still had a number of Armenian families which lived on the stable income they received in the local mill, their houses and property being, naturally, located there. At 5:10 on 22 November, it had begun getting dark, but the mill continued working. Suddenly some shots were heard in its direction from the market and the yard of the Armenian church.

The Office of the Mill Administration rapidly closed. Suleyman Bey and Police Officer Aliyev, who were on their way to the market, came back, for they seemed to be the targets of the fire that kept intensifying. It had broken out after some cries for help had been heard from the market: as it turned out, some Tartars had attempted to seize an Armenian's gun there. The Armenians who had hidden themselves in the yard of the ancient Armenian church (they included many *humbis*, i.e. members of the Armenian Committee who had come from Turkey and were armed with modern guns) immediately opened fire in the direction of the market, whence their shots were incessantly answered.

Ten of the night guards and security workers of the mill who had gathered near a local memorial, instantaneously opened fire in the direction of the church, without having received any orders to do so (they thought the firing was aimed at themselves). They had already fired a minimum of thirty shots by the time the officials present managed to somehow put them to order. Meanwhile, the market still suffered incessant firing, the bullets continually whistling past the House of Administration and the gardens of the employees' dwellings, sometimes hitting their rafters. It was highly dangerous to leave houses at that time:

<footnote n="210">210 Al. Shepillo is the author of two important documents: a report written for Governor General of Gandzak on 7 December 1905 and published in the 22 January 1906 issue of the “Mshak” newspaper, and a letter addressed to the editorial staff of the “Tifliski Listok” and printed in its 28 May 1906 issue (later its translation into Armenian was republished in the 30 May 1906 number of the “Mshak.” In 1910 Kajberuny republished both documents in his series of articles entitled *The Destruction of Bada Village* (in: “Ararat,” June 1910, pp. 528-532; July, pp. 651-654, in Armenian). Al. Shepillo, who had been appointed Police Officer before the outbreak of the massacres, on 14 November, arrived in Getabak three days later. However, the intrigues plotted by acting police officer Aliyev hindered him from entering upon office immediately. Although he attempted to keep the situation under control, he proved unable to anyhow influence the further developments. Another account of the plunder and devastation perpetrated in Getabak is provided by engineer Adolf Ern, then Manager of the local copper-smelting mill and an eye-witness to all those events (“Mshak,” 1906, No. 59, 3 February, p. 2; N 69, 17 March, p. 3).</footnote>

<footnote n="211">211 “Ararat,” June 1910, p. 531.</footnote>

<footnote n="212">212 National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3764, p. 278.</footnote>

<footnote n="213">213 **A-Do**, op. cit., p. 354.</footnote>

<footnote n="214">214 “Ararat,” June 1910, p. 531.</footnote>

<footnote n="215">215 Below follows a translation of that report (translated from the German original into Armenian by *Ash. Hayruny* and published for the first time in: *Karpetian, S*. Northern Artsakh. Yerevan, 2004, in Armenian): “One day von Bolton took me to Alayar-Bey Tsulgadarov (later he [the bey] earned himself high repute for his, unfortunately, futile efforts to put an end to the atrocities committed in Getabek in 1906 due to the enmity between the Tartars and Armenians). A report that Mr. A. Oherny, the Manager of the local mill, sent to me from Getabek provides very important information about these formidable events. It should be pointed out that police officer Museib Aliyev, a Tartar whose name is frequently mentioned in that document, was a very active and daring person: within a short time, his strictness and objectivity earned him confidence among the Tartars, Russians and Armenians. At the out</footnote>
Bada, Chardakhlu and Ghazakh-Getabak decided to
take vengeance upon those Turkish brigands who had

particularly distinguished themselves for their brutaliti-
ty. On 1 January 1906, they laid siege to the village of

court investigator Lipski, who had come out of a hotel and was on
his way to the market, was shot dead (the following morning his
corpse was found behind a ruined store). In the meantime, some
220 mounted Tartars (according to some information, 180 of them
were from Ayipli, and 40 from Hilihanli) gathered in the market
and repelled the Armenians who were shooting and casting shells
from inside their houses (the explosion caused by the latter was
clearly distinguished from the reports). With the people's vexation
gradually growing, at 7:30 the first flames of fire appeared in the
market. The Armenians plundered and burnt down a store belong-
ing to a Persian named Alapker. The next victim of fire was mer-
chant Avetis Ohanesov's booth set alight with the Armenians' own
hands, the other Armenian shops sharing that fate together with a
number of Tartar ones. During that night of horror (22 to 23
November), gun-shots and explosion were incessantly heard from
the market-place, intertwined with loud cries and shouts. The
Tartars searched the local houses and workers' dwellings, killing
all those Armenians who had not managed to run away. I was
well-familiar with the victims who included merchants, crafts-
men, silversmiths, farriers, carpenters and their family members.
All the corpses, totaling 35, were thrown into a smelting chamber
and consigned to flames: it was only some weeks later that their
remains were found and buried. Old watch-maker Alexandre
Belakhkiants' dead body, with his neck severed, was found the fol-
lowing morning on the way leading to the city's Russian church.
The Tartars' corpses (their victims must have amounted to about
33) were immediately moved away: the following morning, only
a single dead Kurd lay in the centre of the market. At sunrise (23
November), some groups of Tartars came from the adjacent vil-
lages and started plundering first the abandoned Armenian houses
and then the employees' dwellings. The mills having stopped
working the previous evening, the Persian miners had fled to
Gerger, Miskinli and Karamurad Villages, while the Greeks and
Turks had moved to the foundry whence they accommodated
themselves in a workshop. Escaping the Tartar bandits, the super-
intendents and workers, living near the borehole cavity and in the
ore shop, entered the pit-face, leaving their dwellings in the hands
of the Tartar robbers. After Avetis Papiyev, the guardian of the
dynamite basement, had been killed early in the morning, the
enemy began plundering the Armenian houses located near
Werner's old bore. The Turks and Tartars living there ran away and
their belongings were stolen. Upon receiving that news, Police
Officer Aliyev rushed to the pit-face with several of his security
workers, chased away the bandits and charged 12 armed people
from the neighbouring village of Arokhamad with guarding the
place. Actively supported by Mamed and Rahim, the oldest inhab-
itants of Miskinli and Karamurad, Aliyev worked without sparing
efforts to forbid plunder: he even ordered to shoot many of the
bandits, constantly exposing himself to danger. On the second day
of the carnage, some messengers were sent to Yelizavetpol for
military aid. Given the current dangerous situation, after midday
all the officials moved to the House of Administration and House
N 2 together with their families, their dwellings being put under
guard. The Armenians who had stayed in the mill hoping to be
protected by these high-ranking people moved to the aforemen-
tioned two houses and adjacent buildings. We attempted to force
them into leaving for Ghazakhli, but in vain: they thought they
would be safer with us. On the morning of 24 November, large
multitudes of mounted Tartars arrived in Getabek and encircled
the mill. The workers' panic grew to the utmost, for nobody knew
what the Tartars had planned to do. Accompanied by his body-
guards, the police officer rushed to the ore workshop behind
which a mountain towered. After a long meeting convened on its
slope, the Tartars left for Ghazakhli and started chasing its former

inhabitants, now relegated to fugitives. They also began plunder-
ing the village, continuing their "work" even more unceremoni-
ously near the pit-face, in Getabek's market and the workers'
dwellings, the loot being carried away on carts. The robbers took
away even the doors and windows of the buildings, partly broken
by axe. It was almost at the risk of his life that Police Officer
Aliyev managed to somehow restrict the scale of pillage and keep
the bandits away from the mill (prior to that, he had mercilessly
shot dead the thieves who had stolen some oil resources). The
Armenian buildings still standing in the market were totally burnt
down after the aforementioned pillage (the hotel belonging to the
mill escaped both fire and plunder). The workers were in bad need
of bread, for most of the bakeries had been plundered and did not
function. The bread they baked in their dwellings was not suffi-
cient so that they had to order bread from Slavyanka. The situa-
tion of the Armenians who had found shelter in our houses aggra-
vated still further and further, for the Tartars kept demanding that
we should deliver them up.

Although we always firmly declared that the Armenians who had
found protection with us were immune from any persecution and
we were obliged to guarantee their safety even at the cost of our
lives, the Tartars seemed unwilling to put up with it and finally
informed us that they could no longer be responsible for our secu-
rity unless we delivered up "those captives." The Armenians were
now in a critical situation, facing still more and more serious prob-
lems. In the meantime, the workers of the mill had begun worry-
ing for their safety. Consulting the police officer, we came to the
conclusion that the only salvation of our so-called "hostages" was
to move them to an Armenian territory as soon as possible. Aliyev
expressed readiness to organize it under his own protection. Such
a settlement of the problem seemed particularly expedient given
the information received from Tiflis, Yelizavetpol and other places
about the strike of the railway, post-offices and telegraph-stations,
which thwarted all our hopes of getting immediate military aid. In
order to realize what we had planned to, we had to get the Tartars'
consent so that we invited the most influential of them to an
evening talk together with the local mullah. We conveyed the
request of all the workers of the mill, namely to allow the
Armenians to leave the settlement freely, to them. It was only after
lengthy talks held in the presence of the police officer that the
Tartars agreed not to hinder the realization of that plan. Despite
that, however, I found it expedient to visit the Armenians late in
the evening and suggest that the men run away at night, for the
transportation of the women and children would be, certainly, less
dangerous. My proposal being rejected, the Armenians decided to
start together the following morning under police control. At sun-
rise (25 November, Friday), three carts were prepared for some 40
to 45 Armenians, including women and children, who left the vil-
lage at 7:30 with Police Officer Aliyev, 8 security guards and the
heads of two Tartar villages (I accompanied them up to the road).
However, hardly had the carts reached the vicinity of the Russian
church when the carts became targets of some treacherous bullets
fired from an ambush. Totally horrified, those sitting on them
jumped down to save their lives by running away. The first victim
of that trap was carter Grigor (for several times, he had taken me
to Anet's meadow and other adjacent places), who fell down, with
his skull crumbled to pieces. Police Officer Aliyev fought the
murderers like a hero, shooting a bandit with his own hands. An
Armenian, a travelling salesman working for Zinger Company
who sought protection with Aliyev, was killed right in his arms.
Security worker Hambardzum Tumanov, carpenter Petros
Khachaturov and his old fellow craftsman Sargis Shahnazarov
were shot during their attempt to flee. The same fate befell
Khachatur Adamov, a boiler-man who died in the yard of a local
Sogutlu which was known as a den of criminals where the Turks had concentrated all their loot.<fnref n="216" />

The subsequent years marked revival and reconstruction in Getabak: the local school reopened, the church was renovated and life resumed its former course.

In 1908 the village was governed by Aghabek Aghasariants.<fnref n="217" />

In 1915 196 fugitives who had had a narrow escape

hospital. A woman fell victim to blind nationalism in front of the closed gates of the House of Administration. Many young boys ran away to a gorge lying below the road, trying to hide themselves below the bridge of the workshop: they, however, were found and cruelly killed. Old carpenter Amirov's 16-year-old daughter, who had found shelter below the bridge, was found and kidnaped. Her father managed to run away, but he was said to have been killed on the road leading to Barsum. Carpenters Melik Shah-nazarov, Alexandre Altumov and Amirhan had a narrow escape from that carnage: after three days of unspeakable torture, they found haven in Chardakhli. With bitter weeping, Police Officer Aliyev gathered the surviving women and children, about 30 in number, and took them to the hospital of the mill, where Dr. Rozen and his sister committed themselves to providing them with food (the hospital also gave refuge to several wounded Tartars). It was only on 26 November (Saturday) that the pillage stopped and the workers' dwellings were taken under guard. After midday on 29 November (Tuesday), some cavalry units reached Getabek, the entire population of the village meeting them near the Russian church. The disciplined, well-dressed cavalry troops made such an encouraging impression on these wretched people that many of the men stood weeping. The mill gradually resumed work, but the neighbouring villages, particularly Slavyanka, still suffered invasions of mounted Tartar hordes fighting under the red flag. Soon some troubling letters were received from Tiflis, where the situation was aggravating with every single passing day. That city had not escaped the bloody Armeno-Tartar fights which were expected to bring the country to the brink of total bankruptcy, revolt and wide-spread strikes. On 6 December 1906, the railway workers went on a general strike (permission for the use of the railway was granted by the Strike Office of the Russian Social-Democratic Workers' Party). It was only in the last days of the previous year that some passenger trains were allowed to resume work. Peace was not immediately restored in Getabek, this being proved by the regrettable fact that at New Year's night the Armenian side organized an armed attack against the neighbouring village of Sogutli located within 4 versts of Getabek. It was repelled only through the intervention of the cavalry troops which had accidentally stopped there for the night. Despite that, however, the Tartars suffered 30 fatalities, including 17 women and small children: besides, almost all their cattle had been driven away. The Armenians who somehow reached Sogutlu via the Dukhobors' village of Novo-Gorelovka had suffered about 17 losses. Since Getabek and the adjacent Russian villages, including Slavyanka and Novo-Gorelovka, were situated in the area between the districts of Yelizavetpol and Nor Bayazetshen, the Armenians were expected to attack the Tartar villages located on their way. On the other hand, the Armenian village of Chardakhli hindered the Tartars living in the plain from reaching the mountain pastures; that is why, we feared lest that should lead to another outbreak of fighting between the two enemy peoples, its prevention being possible only through the mediation of sufficient armed forces'" (Lehmann-Haupt, C. F., op. cit., pp. 150-154).

of the Genocide of the Armenians perpetrated in the Ottoman Empire found refuge in Getabak and were accommodated in about 25 houses.<fnref n="218" />

**St. Gevorg Church.** The Armenian resettlers of Nor Getabak did not have to build a church in their newly-founded village, for they found even two churches there:

> "Indeed, the Armenians who formed an awesome number together with the temporary dwellers of the settlement had spiritual needs: so many people could not do without a church and a priest. Fortunately, the village had two ancient churches: a small one located in the cemetery (the present-day church) and a larger one far in the east. The latter being in need of overhaul, they chose the former and had it consecrated under the leadership of the local spiritual powers, an itinerant priest from a remote village being appointed to serve them."<fnref n="219" />

The sanctuary, which functioned as a parish church in 1861, is mentioned as an unnamed stone building in the archive documents of 1861, 1877 and 1878.<fnref n="220" /> In 1885 it was referred to as "Ketabak's parish church of St. Gevorg."<fnref n="221" /> That "...centuries-old small church was located near the copper mill, a little far from the village..."<fnref n="222" />

In 1890 the roof of the monument, whose exact date of foundation remains vague, was in need of renovation.<fnref n="223" />

W. Bolton, the manager of the local mine, "...tiled the church roof through his own means and plastered its exterior and interior, spending at least 400 rubles... Early this year (i.e. 1900), he donated 50 rubles to the Armenian church for its further repairs and all possible needs."<fnref n="224" />

In the days of the November fighting in 1905, the Turks plundered and ruined the sanctuary. Given its inconsolable state, in 1908 the inhabitants of Hayi Getabak applied to Gandzak's spiritual authorities for permission to carry out its overhaul, spending 300 rubles out of its budget.<fnref n="225" />

Generally speaking, the managers of the local mines inflicted great damage on Getabak's Armenian antiquities. They regarded them as something unnecessary and neglected, often destroying centuries-old mo-

<footnote n="216">216 A-Do, idem, p. 354. See p. 288 of the present work for further information about the destruction of the criminal den of Sogutlu by the revengeful Armenians.</footnote>

<footnote n="217">217 National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 1274, p. 10.</footnote>

<footnote n="218">218 National Archives of Armenia, fund 56, list 6, file 1058, pp. 1,5.</footnote>

<footnote n="219">219 "Nor-Dar," 1889, No. 174, p. 3.</footnote>

<footnote n="220">220 National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3835, pp. 148-149; file 3870, pp. 22-23.</footnote>

<footnote n="221">221 Idem, file 3877, p. 29.</footnote>

<footnote n="222">222 "Mshak," 1878, No. 145, p. 2.</footnote>

<footnote n="223">223 "Nor-Dar," 1890, No. 148, p. 3.</footnote>

<footnote n="224">224 "Mshak," 1900, No. 26, p. 3. W. Bolton "...spent about 3,000 rubles and built a small but splendid Russian church. He held office for 25 years and passed away on 29 January 1900, being succeeded by his son-in-law Gustav Kelle.</footnote>

<footnote n="225">225 National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 1274, p. 14.</footnote>
numents to use their stones in the construction of vari-
ous buildings:

"...The ancient church, which is situated within the territory of the mill, is surrounded by large cemeteries where burials take place even today so that the old and new grave-yards form a single whole. In the south, it extends in a square where the market-place is located. Recently the manager of the mill caused heavy damage to a considerable part of the cemetery while constructing some buildings. A curious visitor can get convinced of this by seeing the cross-stones set in the corners of these buildings (they might have been engraved with epitaphs)..."<fnref n="226" />

Priests. At first the spiritual shepherd of Pib served the community of Getabak, but in 1869 *Movses Ter-Galstian Mamikonians* was ordained there.<fnref n="227" />

Between 1890 and 1903, *Shmavon Boriants* is men-
tioned.<fnref n="228" />

In December 1907, Gandzak's spiritual powers charged Mesrop Stepanossiants with performing priestly duties in Getabak's St. Gevorg Church. Upon assuming that post, he immediately unfolded large-scale activity to improve its inconsolable state, an archive document of 1908 stating the following with that regard, "...arriving at the village and seeing the miserable condition of our church, he started making every possible endeavour to reconstruct and improve it. He also submitted protests to the Consistory and Government against the trespasses the Turks and the manager of the mill had made on the church estates..., for which we are so very obliged to him."<fnref n="229" />

On 24 July 1917, the Synod granted permission for *Hamazasp Khachatrian* to be ordained priest in Getabak.<fnref n="230" />

A cemetery, extending in the south of Getabak, was of great historic value, the oldest of the local graves dating from at least the Middle Ages.

It was levelled with the ground between 1960 and 1970 and the TV Station of Getabek District was built in its site.

Sourb Astvatzatzin Church, that stood in the terri-

tory of Hin Getabak, was first mentioned in the colo-
phon of a *Haysmavurk* copied there in 1659.<fnref n="231" /> Without
having seen it, S. Jalaliants describes it as a “magnifi-
cent church resting on finely-built pillars.”<fnref n="232" />

In fact, however, it represented a simple, small
chapel<fnref n="233" /> (“1885. Sourb Astvatzatzin Church in an
ancient village site...”)<fnref n="234" />

In the early 20th century, Gustav Kelle had the mo-
nument demolished to use its stones in the construction
of some buildings.<fnref n="235" />

The oldest available record on **Getabak's St. Sargis Monastery** provides only a slim description of it:

"A forest in the vicinity of Getabak retains a small monastery known by the name of St. Sargis. Its neighbourhood has preserved the remnants of many houses."<fnref n="236" />

Without consulting the proper bodies, in 1883 the

aforementioned manager of the mines, W. Bolton, con-
ducted some overhaul in the sanctuary and appropriat-
ed its building, turning it into a site of pastime:

"A finely-built, cruciform, domed monastery can be seen standing in a small meadow, within an hour or two of the present-day copper mine, south of it. ...it has a large, fine entrance and a small wooden balcony, with its walls plastered and dome painted. The motive behind all this renovation becomes clear when you see the interior of the monument: it is plastered and paint-

<figure><img src="image_350.png" /><figcaption>GETABEK. St. Sargis Monastery in the early 20th cent. (reprint-
ed from: Lehmann-Haupt, C. F. Armenien Einst und Jetzt,
Berlin, 1910)</figcaption></figure>

<footnote n="231">231 Colophons, 17th century, vol. 3, p. 876.</footnote>

<footnote n="232">232 **Jalaliants**, *S.*, idem, part 2, p. 360.</footnote>

<footnote n="233">233 “Ardzagank,” 1888, No. 7, p. 86.</footnote>

<footnote n="234">234 National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3877, p. 29.</footnote>

<footnote n="235">235 **Barkhutariants**, *M*. Artsakh, p. 312; **Lalayan, Yer**. Gandzak District, p. 328.</footnote>

<footnote n="236">236 *Smbat M.*, idem, p. 3.</footnote>

<footnote n="226">226 “Nor-Dar,” 1889, No. 145, p. 3. Another visitor reports almost the same, “In the north of the buildings of Getabak’s copper mine stands an insignificant, small, vaulted Armenian chapel, with a large cemetery adjoining it, a fact proving that once it was populated by more Armenians than nowadays. Not far from the chapel, the ruins of a church can be found. It is not surprising at all that there are absolutely no vestiges of the dwellings of the people who handed down such a spacious grave-yard and so many sanctuaries. Probably, they were totally demolished due to the construction of the copper mills...” (“Ardzagank,” 1888, No. 7, p. 86).</footnote>

<footnote n="227">227 National Archives of Armenia, fund 56, list 1, file 5394, p. 10.</footnote>

<footnote n="228">228 **S. Kamalian** Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, p. 21; National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 1104, p. 17.</footnote>

<footnote n="229">229 National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 1274, p. 14.</footnote>

<footnote n="230">230 “Ararat,” 1917, p. 605.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_351.png" /><figcaption>GETABEK. St. Sargis Monastery seen from the west in 1980 and 1982 (during its destruction). The monastery from the north, and partial views of its interior</figcaption></figure>

ed like the exterior, but its altar, that was completely destroyed during the overhaul, has been replaced by a large, wooden table, covered with a clean cloth and surrounded with seats ...This major change is the handiwork of the German manager of the local copper mine: we saw him, accompanied by several ladies and young girls, arriving there in his own carriage after dinner. They started playing music and dancing inside the monastery... Let us complete the description of the monastery by adding that a wooden kitchen is annexed

to its south-eastern corner. Common people refer to it as 'The Director's Monastery,' totally indifferent to that shameless conduct... Foolish people! Perhaps, they might have learnt the true name of the sanctuary and its old age, had not its walls, probably bearing some inscriptions, been buried under plaster. These pivotal changes were made some 10 years ago..."<fnref n="237" />

Another visitor who saw the monastery almost dur-

<footnote n="237">²³⁷ “Ardzagank,” 1893, No. 124, p. 2.</footnote>
ing the same period writes, “St. Sargis represents a small chapel and a pilgrimage site located in a fine, elevated plain on the right of the gorge, in the east of Hin Getabak. It has a wooden hall and is surrounded by a forest. Once this monastery provided shelter for Archimandrite Hovhan Mayragometsy the Sage.”<fnref n="238" />

In the late 1900s, German archaeologist L. Haupt made passing reference to the monastery:

> “Getabek was permanently shrouded in thick smoke and vapour coming out of the furnaces that made breathing almost impossible. In its neighbourhood, however, you could find a place where you could enjoy pure mountain air, i.e. Anet’s Meadow, which was surrounded by woods and mountains and adjoined by an ancient Armenian chapel. Until recently, this meadow used to retain a huge oak held sacred among the nearby Armenians. When we reached Getabek, however, we found that big tree, once occupying an area of 4.26 metres, already lying on the ground. As we were later told, it had collapsed after having stood dried up and bare of foliage for three years. In front of it lay a stone completely blackened after so many candles had been lit on it. Evidently, it used to serve as a pagan altar which was later engraved with a cross and turned into a Christian sanctuary. As for the chapel, it was built in the neighbourhood of the aforementioned holy tree so that heathen people would come and worship it. This Christian sanctuary, however, never became an object of pious veneration like the pagan tree.”<fnref n="239" />

Sharing S. Jalaliants’ and M. Barkhutariants’ viewpoints, H. Voskian identifies the monument with Khertin Monastery,<fnref n="240" /> which is supposed to have provided refuge for Hovhan Mayravanetsy in the 7th century.<fnref n="241" />

Travelling in the territory of Northern Artsakh in 1980, we came across a corroded cruciform, domed church standing in a small plain surrounded by wooded mountains and located on the slope of a gorge lying on the right bank of the tributary Getabak, a kilometre south-east of the district centre of Getabek. Comparing it with the monument described by M. Smbatiants, M. Barkhutariants and “Ardzagank” correspondent Nuto, we come to the conclusion that they are identical. The church represents a uni-apse, domed structure cruciform both inwardly and outwardly, with its inner walls plastered. Its dome-bearing square is connected with the concha through pendentives, a technique applied in Armenian architecture since the 7th century. All the

<figure><img src="image_352.png" /><figcaption>GETABEK. The plan of St. Sargis Monastery</figcaption></figure>

facades of the monument, built of undressed stone and mortar, have narrow, extended windows. It is bare of inscriptions.

When we visited St. Sargis Church for the second and, unfortunately, last time in 1982, we found its octagonal tambour partly demolished.<fnref n="242" />

The archaeological monuments found in the neighbourhood of Getabek include a cyclopean castle which is described by Haupt:

> “A huge hill, at present covered with a dark forest and overgrown with shrubs, is surrounded by a cyclopean enclosure, sevenfold fortified and built of such immense blocks of stone that it is impossible to understand - just as is often the case with prehistoric structures - how a single block, if not hundreds of them, was raised and placed beside, or above, others. A road, strengthened by ramparts from two sides, extends north-southward through the entire structure. Besides, a secret, partly underground passage stretches from the east to the centre of the castle, the part where the hill grows steeper. It was impossible to find even the main entrance to that fortification: the horses were almost lost in the grass that reached their saddles; nor was it easy to advance in the territory within the enclosure. That structure, standing in the wild thicket, made an awesome and almost formidable impression on us.

> “On our way back, my companion showed me a number of tombs dating from the Bronze and early Iron Ages. He himself had unearthed them together with some bronze belts decorated with animal reliefs and hunting scenes. Virkhov later made them objects of study in a special academic work.”<fnref n="243" />

<footnote n="238">238 *Barkhutariants, M.*, idem, p. 313.</footnote>

<footnote n="239">239 *Lehmann-Haupt C. F.*, op. cit., pp. 130-131.</footnote>

<footnote n="240">240 *Jalaliants, S.*, idem, part 2, p. 360; *Voskian, H*. The Monasteries of Artsakh. In: “Handes Amsorea,” July to September 1952, p. 424, in Armenian.</footnote>

<footnote n="241">241 *Jalaliants, S.*, ibid; *Voskian, H.*, ibid; *Barkhutariants, M.*, ibid; *Lalayan, Yer.*, idem, pp. 347-348.</footnote>

<footnote n="242">242 “Gardmank,” 1996, No. 1, p. 8.</footnote>

<footnote n="243">243 *Lehmann-Haupt C. F.*, op. cit., pp. 133-134.</footnote>
## GHARABULAGH

The village is situated on the east-facing slope of a gorge lying on the left bank of the river Inekboghan, 14 kilometres north of the district centre, between 1,240 and 1,290 metres of altitude above sea level.

The vestiges of some ancient buildings preserved in its territory attest that it was Armenian-inhabited until the 1770s.

The present-day settlement, dating from the Soviet years, is populated by Turks leading a sedentary mode of life.

## GHARADAGH

The village is located on the left side of the highway of Getabek-Shamkhor, on the southeast-facing slope of a gorge lying at an altitude of 1,540 to 1,660 metres above sea level, 5 kilometres north of the district centre.

Stripped of its Armenian inhabitants in the 1770s, it served as a summer encampment for some cattle-breeding Turkish tribes until the late 19th century. In the early 20th century, they changed to a sedentary life and founded the present-day settlement.

In 1914 the local population amounted to 40.<fnref n="244" />

## GHARAMAMEDLI

The village extends on the right bank of the river Inekboghan, 2 kilometres north of the historical Armenian village of Metz Gharamurat once enjoying a large population, 14 kilometres north-west of the district centre, at an altitude of 1,240 to 1,310 metres above sea level.

Stripped of its Armenian population in the 1770s, it served as a summer encampment for some tribes of Turkish herdsmen until the late 19th century. After having shifted to a sedentary life in the early 20th century, they founded the present-day settlement.

It had 148 inhabitants in 1914,<fnref n="245" /> and 770 in 1977.<fnref n="246" />

## GHARAVULTOMBA

The settlement lies 10 kilometres south-west of the district centre, at an altitude of 1,480 to 1,530 metres above sea level.

It was founded in the site of an ancient abandoned Armenian village in the Soviet years.

## GHAREKEND

The village is located on the south-facing slope of a mountain rising 4.5 kilometres west of the district centre, between 1,590 and 1,640 metres of altitude above sea level.

It was founded in the site of an ancient derelict Armenian village in the Soviet years.

## GHOSHABULAGH (KORKH)

**Location.** The village is situated on the left bank of the river Legharak (Bada), 22 kilometres north of the district centre, between 1,220 and 1,350 metres of altitude above sea level.

**A Historical Introduction.** Folklorist S. Kamalian is the only topographer to have visited the site of this ancient village, which was stripped of its inhabitants in the 1770s (some of them resettled in Shulaver, i.e. the present-day township of Shahumian in Marneul District of the Republic of Georgia); that is why, we are presenting his most valuable records on Korkh without any abridgement: "Walking above the Azizians' dwelling sites and some demolished houses, we headed south-east through mountain slopes, pastures and a gorge and reached the village site of Korkh comprising some 8 to 10 Turkish families with their cattle (its former inhabitants lived in Shulaver). Korkh, that is located in a steep southeast-facing area, lies opposite Okuz Dara or Mount Yokizlu. It has a large, magnificent cemetery with fine grave-stones whose epitaphs, however, are distorted. Over a 100 years, the local tombstones, decorated with superb reliefs, have been serving as "trays" of salt for landowner Zulghadarov, who is in the habit of driving his cattle to this grave-yard and feeding them here. The following is what I managed to make out in the surviving epitaphs..."<fnref n="247" />

Carved on a cross-stone ("most of its epitaph is distorted"):

Կողակցին ինոյ պարոն Սա... քվ. ՈՒԳ (1574):

transl.: To my spouse, Mr. Ma... in the year 1574.

Reference: **S. Kamalian** Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, p. 14.

Incised into a tombstone "similarly decorated with reliefs, its epitaph distorted":

Թվ. ՈԼ. (1581):

transl.: The year 1581.

Reference: Ibid.

Engraved on another "...ornamented..." gravestone:

Այս... քարեխոս Երրոնին քվ. ՈԼ. (1581):

transl.: This...protect Yerkom in the year 1581.

Reference: Ibid.

"These lines are read on an ornate" tombstone:

Ես Սելիք Ծալալս իմ կողակից Խամ-փարս կ(ա)նկնեցինք ս(ուր)ք խաչս քարեխոս որուն մերոյ Թամուր խանին, քվ. ՈԼ.ք (1583):

<footnote n="244">244 Caucasian Calendar for 1915, p. 134.</footnote>

<footnote n="245">245 Idem, p. 135.</footnote>

<footnote n="246">246 SAE, vol. 3, p. 63.</footnote>

<footnote n="247">²⁴⁷ **S. Kamalian** Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, pp. 13-14.</footnote>
transl.: *My spouse Khampar and I, Melik Jalal, erected this Holy Cross in memory of our son, Tamur Khan, in the year 1583.*

Reference: Ibid.

Carved on "a horse-shaped tombstone bearing a relief representing a saddled horse with a man and some women":

Ես Սելիք Ծալալս կամովն Ա(սոոնոյ)յ կ(ա)նկնեցի ս(ուր)ք խաչս քարեխոս որդին իմ Ամի....

transl.: *By the will of God, I, Melik Jalal, erected this Holy Cross in memory of my son Ami....*

Reference: Ibid.

"On one of the sides of the road leading to the village, two splendid cross-stones stood on a firm pedestal. They had hardly escaped collapse firstly because they rose high and cattle could not reach them, and secondly, because they were unsurpassed specimens of the sculpture of the past century. Scratching the moss off the first one with the tip of the knife, I read the following on it":

Ա(ուր)ք խաչս քարեխոս է տեր Յակորին, Բեկում աղին, տեր Յակորս դնել ս(ուր)ք խաչս, կանգնոցինք քվ. ՈՁԳ (1634):

transl.: *This Holy Cross [stands] in memory of Father Hakob [and] Bekum Agha. I, Father Hakob, erected this Holy Cross in the year 1634.*

Reference: **S. Kamalian** Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, pp. 13-14.

Engraved on the other cross-stone:

Ա(ուր)ք խաչս քարեխաւս պարոն տեր Յովանի պ... իր հայր Դայիր քահանայն ծոնուացն Շիրագին, տեր Յ(ա)կ(ն)քին, Սիրքա եղեայ կազմողին Թվ. ՈՁԳ (1634):

transl.: *May this Holy Cross protect Father Hovan ... his father, Priest David, his parents Shiraz, Father Hakob, Mirza [and] sculptor Yeghia. In the year 1634.*

Reference: **S. Kamalian** Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, p. 14.

Note: "The white stone of these 3-arshin-high khachkars was brought from Gharaul Tapa. They are adjoined by a heap of stones, probably, the remnants of the cemetery chapel."

These epitaphs and a legend handed down from generation to generation among the local people led Kamalian to the following conclusion, "This much about the cemetery. Thus, Jalal was a famous prince in Korkh. Common people called him Agh Melik, obviously, due to the whiteness of his face skin. As legend has it, Jalal was a prominent wealthy person: according to the inhabitants of Legharak, he owned seven ploughs, his draft animals being of seven distinct colours. The villagers ascribed this fact to Hormat's family: probably, this was the name of Melik Jalal's family. His cattle, which generally grazed on the slopes of Mount Palttu (Kaghnut), was said to be so great in number that he found it senseless to drive them back to

the village every day. Instead, he built a clay pipeline (the local people showed me the underground pipes), through which the milk yielded by the animals reached his house, where it was churned and matzoon [sour clotted milk] was prepared. I attempted to make some inquiries about Agh Melik, but all that was known about him from the aforementioned legend was restricted to his tragic death.

"Once Agh Melik was having a talk with Keohna Ghalaum (he was either a sultan or khan: those telling me the legend were not sure about his rank) near Mount Memertlu. At that time, a Persian ambassador, who had arrived from Persia, came to introduce himself to the latter, but he mistakenly took Agh Melik for him and bowed before him. When the sultan (or khan) asked him why he had done so, he apologized for his mistake and said that anyone unacquainted with him could not remain indifferent to the magnificent appearance of the melik and, indeed, would not bow before the khan, leaving him aside. He also added that Keohna Ghalaum had better not receive guests in the melik's presence in the future. A short time later, the treacherous, envious sultan poisoned Melik Jalal. Nobody knew where his remains were interred. According to the common people, the person talking to him on that day was sultan Allahyar, Mamarzabek's father and the head of the Zulghadarovs' family. Mamarzabek was the grandfather of Allahyar Bey, whose father was Mamad."<fnref n="248" />

In the late 19th century, some cattle-breeding Turkish tribes shifted to a sedentary life in the village site of Korkh, serving them as a summer encampment, and founded the present-day settlement there.

In 1977 it had a population of 1,636.<fnref n="249" />

**The village of Azizank (Zada),** situated 3 kilometres north-east of Korkh, was stripped of its Armenian inhabitants in the 1770s (some of them moved to Shulaver, as attested by S. Kamalian): "Mounting the horses, we moved eastward from the mountain pasture of Ojagh Ghuli and arrived at the devastated village site of Azizants. Totally lying in ruins, it had some yards and a cemetery extending on the left of a road leading to a mine. The latter retained some cross-stones with their reliefs fragmented and epitaphs distorted. One of them, representing a magnificent white stone, had been broken to pieces by some savages."<fnref n="250" />

Carved on "...a huge cross-stone that has fallen off its pedestal":

Պարոն Սիրգէս կանգնեցի քարեխոս իմ h(o)րն ու մօրս, քվ. ՈՒՍ (1572):

<footnote n="248">248 Op. cit., pp. 14-15.</footnote>

<footnote n="249">249 SAE, vol. 3, p. 221.</footnote>

<footnote n="250">250 **S. Kamalian** Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, p. 12.</footnote>
transl.: I, Mr. Mirza, erected [this cross] in memory of my father and mother, in the year 1572.

Reference: **S. Kamalian** Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, p. 12.

"...in the centre of the grave-yard, two sculptures of horsemen ... can be seen: the riders have been either scraped away or ruined by the barbarians. One of the cross-stones reads":

Θυ. Ω-Λ(1581). u(ηρ)ρ ὑωζυ ρωρηφυ(ο)υ ἐ υορλι ὑηη ὑωυηλι:

transl.: In the year 1581. May this Holy Cross protect my mother Khan.

Reference: **S. Kamalian** Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, p. 12.

Kamalian goes on saying, "The Turks also refer to *Azizants* Village by the names of *Azizlu*, or *Zada*, but the Armenians call it *Azazandz*. The local people refer to Kalantar's family, now dwelling in Shulaver, by the name of *Ezank*, or *Ezants*: is it not a version of the word of *Azizank*? The inhabitants of Shulaver shorten Azizamia for Zamia in their curses. Probably, the ancestors of Kalantar's family emigrated from *Azizants* or *Azizlu* Village, or perhaps, they had a prominent relative named Aziz, for they were commonly referred to as fair-haired Aziz's family..."<fnref n="251" />

## GHURUDERE

The settlement is situated on the southeast-facing slope of a gorge lying on the left bank of the river Gharamurat, 8.5 kilometres south-west of the district centre, between 1,400 and 1,510 metres of altitude above sea level.

It was established in the Soviet years in the site of an Armenian village left derelict in the 1770s.

## GORELSK

The settlement is located on the southeast-facing slope of a gorge lying 7.5 kilometres north of the district centre, at an altitude of 1,570 to 1,640 metres above sea level.

It was founded in the Soviet years in the site of an ancient abandoned village.

## GREMU BAZAR

The location of this village remains obscure: it must have been situated either in the west of today's Getabek District or in the south of Touz District. In the aforementioned part of Getabek lies a village named *Kerimli* which we are inclined to identify with the historical village of Grem.

In the 17th century, Priest Grigor copied a manuscript "Gospel" in Gremu Bazar on a certain Paronter's order.<fnref n="252" />

Sharing the fate of the other purely Armenian villages of the district, it was stripped of its indigenous Armenian population in the 1770s.

## GYARGYAR (KARKAR)

**Location.** The village lies at the confluence of the rivers Shakarbek and Gharamurat, 7 kilometres west of the district centre, at an altitude of 1,470 to 1,560 metres above sea level.

**A Historical Introduction.** Its historical name is preserved in the colophon of a *Mashtots* copied by Priest Avetis in Serserut Village of Shamkhor District in 1656 ("Senior Priest of Karkar Village Hakob...").<fnref n="253" />

Stripped of its Armenian population in the second half of the 18th century, the derelict village served as a summer encampment for some stock-breeding tribes for about a century. Later they shifted to a sedentary mode of life and took up a permanent residence there between the '70s and '80s of the 19th century.

In 1908 Gyargyar had a Turkish population of 355²⁵⁴ and 378 in 1914.<fnref n="255" />

In the 1890s, Gyargyar retained "...a semi-ruined **church** and a **cemetery**"<fnref n="256" /> erected by its indigenous Armenian inhabitants.

## GYODAKDERE

The village is situated on the right bank of a stream of the same name, 8 kilometres north-west of the district centre, between 1,500 and 1,580 metres of altitude above sea level. It borders on the historical village of Shakarbek in the south.

Stripped of its Armenian inhabitants in the 1770s, it was later re-populated by some Turks who totally obliterated all the traces of material culture the indigenous Armenians had once created.

The present-day settlement was established in the Soviet years.

## HAJIALEKPERLI

This Turkish settlement, which is within the jurisdiction of the Village Council of Gargar (Karkar), is located west of the district centre.

<footnote n="251">251 Op. cit., p. 13.</footnote>

<footnote n="252">252 A Catalogue of Armenian Manuscripts..., vol. 2, manuscript N 7299, p. 502.</footnote>

<footnote n="253">253 Colophons, 17th century, vol. 3, p. 741.</footnote>

<footnote n="254">254 Caucasian Calendar for 1910, p. 224.</footnote>

<footnote n="255">255 Caucasian Calendar for 1915, p. 109.</footnote>

<footnote n="256">256 *Barkhutariants*, M., Artsakh, p. 308.</footnote>
It was founded in the early 20th century in the site of an ancient abandoned Armenian village.

In 1914 the local people amounted to 143.<fnref n="257" />

### HAJILAR

The village, whose historical name has sunk into oblivion, is situated on the west-facing slope of a gorge lying 2 kilometres east of the historical village of Metz Gharamurat, 13 kilometres west of the district centre, between 1,290 and 1,400 metres of altitude above sea level.

Stripped of its Armenian population in the 1770s, it served as a summer encampment for some stock-breeding Turkish tribes until the late 19th century, when they shifted to a sedentary life and founded the present-day Turkish settlement.

In 1986 it had a population of 576.<fnref n="258" />

### HERIKNAZ

The village extends on the south-facing slope of a gorge lying in the area of the source of the right tributary of the river Gharamurat, 12 kilometres north-west of the district centre, between 1,570 and 1,660 metres of altitude above sea level.

Stripped of its Armenian inhabitants in the 1770s, in the early 20th century, it was re-populated by some Turkish herdsmen leading a sedentary life.

In 1914 the local population totaled 173.<fnref n="259" />

### HEYDARLI

Heydarli lies at the southern foot of Mount Ghozgharali, in the area of the source of the right tributary of the river Shakarbek, 9 kilometres north-west of the district centre, at an altitude of 1,710 to 1,780 metres above sea level.

It represents a Turkish village established in the Soviet years in the site of an abandoned Armenian village.

### INEKBOGHAN (KOVAKHEGHD)

**Location.** The village is situated on the right bank of the river Inekboghan, 16 kilometres east of the district centre, between 1,230 and 1,360 metres of altitude above sea level.

**A Historical Introduction.** ‘Inekboghan’ derives from the literal translation of the village’s historical name of ‘Kovakheghd’ into Turkish: ‘kov’ is the Armenian equivalent for the Turkish word ‘inek,’ and ‘kheghdel’ is that for ‘boghan.’ One of the participants of a meeting convened by Catholicos Anania Mokatsy

(946 to 968) in Khachen was “Father Petros, a monk from Kovakheghd.”<fnref n="260" />

The remnants of a great number of ancient buildings preserved throughout the village attest that it enjoyed prosperity in the Middle Ages.

Stripped of its Armenian population in the 1770s, the derelict village served as a summer encampment for some cattle-breeding tribes for several decades. The present-day Turkish settlement was founded in the late 19th century.

The available data regarding the number of Inekboghan’s population represent the following picture: 199 inhabitants in 1908;<fnref n="261" /> 144 in 1914,<fnref n="262" /> and 1,444 in 1979.<fnref n="263" />

### JAFARLI

The village, whose historical name has fallen into oblivion, extends 14 kilometres south-west of the district centre, at an altitude of 1,380 to 1,440 metres above sea level.

In the early 20th century, some cattle-breeding tribes shifted to a sedentary life and established the settlement of Jafarli in the site of a once Armenian village which had been stripped of its Armenian inhabitants in the 1770s.

In 1914 it had 302 residents.<fnref n="264" />

### KESAMAN

The settlement is located 14 kilometres north-west of the district centre, between 1,220 and 1,300 metres of altitude above sea level.

It was founded in the site of an ancient abandoned Armenian village by some Turkish herdsmen who had shifted to a sedentary life in the late 19th century.

In 1914 the local population amounted to 204.<fnref n="265" />

### KHARKHAR (ALEXEYEVKA)

**Location.** The village lies at the right edge of the highway of Shamkhor-Getabek, 12 kilometres north of the district centre, between 1,450 and 1,550 metres of altitude above sea level.

**A Historical Introduction.** The remnants of some ancient buildings preserved in its centre attest that an Armenian village existed here even before the arrival of the Russian resettlers in the late 19th century. With its Armenian name forgotten after its devastation in the 1770s, the Russians renamed it Alexeyevka.

<footnote n="257">257 Caucasian Calendar for 1915, p. 106.</footnote>

<footnote n="258">258 SAE, vol. 10, p. 155.</footnote>

<footnote n="259">259 Caucasian Calendar for 1915, p. 213.</footnote>

<footnote n="260">260 The Rebellion of Aghvank by His Holiness Anania Catholicos of Armenians. In: “Ararat,” 1897, p. 134, in Armenian.</footnote>

<footnote n="261">261 Caucasian Calendar for 1910, p. 261.</footnote>

<footnote n="262">262 Caucasian Calendar for 1915, p. 128.</footnote>

<footnote n="263">263 SAE, vol. 4, Baku, 1980, p. 452.</footnote>

<footnote n="264">264 Caucasian Calendar for 1915, p. 119.</footnote>

<footnote n="265">265 Caucasian Calendar for 1915, p. 150.</footnote>
**Population.** The Russian immigrants totaled 199 in 1908,<fnref n="266" /> and 421 in 1914.<fnref n="267" /> In 1905 the village also had 5 Armenian houses.<fnref n="268" />

In the Soviet years, it was re-populated by Turks and renamed Kharkhar.

In 1986 the local people amounted to 1,187.<fnref n="269" />

## KILSYALI

This small Turkish village extends on the left bank of the river Akhenji, 33 kilometres north-west of the district centre.

It was established in the Soviet years in the site of an ancient derelict Armenian village. The toponym derives from a local Armenian church: ‘kilisa’ is the Turkish equivalent for ‘church.’

## KOMINTERN (MOLLALI)

**Location.** The village is situated 8 kilometres north-east of the district centre, at an altitude of 1,480 to 1,580 metres above sea level.

**Khunisavank** stood in the south of the village. A traveller who visited it in the early 1890s writes the following about it, "This small monastery is situated on the left bank of the tributary Getabak, in the east of Nor Getabak, in the neighbourhood of the Turkish village of Mollalu. It represents a fine domed building which, however, stands derelict at present."<fnref n="270" />

## KUMLU

This Turkish village, which almost adjoins the district centre in the north-east, is situated on the left bank of the Getabak, i.e. the left tributary of the river Shamkor, between 1,390 and 1,460 metres of altitude above sea level.

It was established in the site of an ancient abandoned Armenian village in the late 19th century.

The available data regarding the number of its inhabitants represent the following picture: 441 people in 1908;<fnref n="271" /> 589 in 1914,<fnref n="272" /> and 1,022 in 1977.<fnref n="273" />

## KUMLU ASHAGHI (LOWER)

The settlement extends on the south-facing slope of a small gorge lying opposite Kumlu, 2 kilometres north-east of the district centre, at an altitude of 1,320 to 1,370 metres above sea level.

It was founded in the Soviet years.

## KYOLAMAN

This small Turkish village lies in the area between the historical villages of Metz Gharamurat and Heriknaz, within 2 kilometres of each of them, and 12.5 kilometres north-west of the district centre.

It was established in the early 20th century in the site of an ancient derelict Armenian village.

In 1914 the local population totaled 197.<fnref n="274" />

## LESHKAR

Leshkar is located 2 kilometres south-east of the historical Armenian village of Pokr (Smaller) Gharamurat, 11 kilometres south-west of the district centre, between 1,340 and 1,400 metres of altitude above sea level.

The remnants of some unknown buildings scattered in its centre attest that its site used to be occupied by an Armenian village dating from at least the Middle Ages. With its total devastation in the 1770s, its historical name fell into oblivion.

At the end of the 19th century, the abandoned village became a place of permanent residence for some stock-breeding Turkish tribes.

The local people amounted to 267 in 1908,<fnref n="275" /> and 308 in 1914.<fnref n="276" />

## MAARIF

The settlement is situated on the right side of the highway of Getabek-Shamkhor, 8 kilometres north of the district centre, at an altitude of 1,510 to 1,550 metres above sea level.

It dates back to the early 20th century.

## METZ GHARAMURAT

**Location.** The village extends on the east-facing slope of a gorge lying on the left bank of the river Metz Gharamurat, 15 kilometres west of the district centre, between 1,200 and 1,270 metres of altitude above sea level.

**A Historical Introduction.** The remnants of a Bronze Age castle preserved in its neighbourhood attest that it has been inhabited since time immemorial.

A village of a remarkable history, Metz Gharamurat gradually grew to the status of village town and particularly prospered between the 16th and 17th centuries, when the monastery of Harants and the convent of Koosanats (17th century) were erected there (it also had two churches standing in its centre).

During the reign of Georgian King Heracle II, in the late 18th century, the Armenian inhabitants of Gandzak District were deported to Shulaver, i.e. the present-day

<footnote n="266">266 Caucasian Calendar for 1910, p. 178.</footnote>

<footnote n="267">267 Idem, p. 86.</footnote>

<footnote n="268">268 A-Do, op. cit., p. 378.</footnote>

<footnote n="269">269 SAE, vol. 10, p. 59.</footnote>

<footnote n="270">270 Barkhutariants, M., idem, p. 314.</footnote>

<footnote n="271">271 Caucasian Calendar for 1910, p. 230.</footnote>

<footnote n="272">272 Caucasian Calendar for 1915, p. 113.</footnote>

<footnote n="273">273 SAE, vol. 3, p. 272.</footnote>

<footnote n="274">274 Caucasian Calendar for 1915, p. 150.</footnote>

<footnote n="275">275 Caucasian Calendar for 1910, p. 310.</footnote>

<footnote n="276">276 Caucasian Calendar for 1915, p. 152.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_353.png" /><figcaption>METZ GHARAMURAT. The village from the north (seen from the side of Harants Monastery)</figcaption></figure>

township of Shahumian in Marneul District of the Republic of Georgia. As alleged by a source, however, about 25 families from Gyulambar and Gharamurat escaped that forced resettlement and established a village named Aygedzor (Ghulali) in Shamshadin District.<fnref n="277" /> Interestingly enough, more than a century after the complete devastation of the village, in 1890, a visitor wrote, “...truly, Gharamurat used to be a town and not just an ordinary village...”<fnref n="278" />

The stock-breeding tribes that later arrived at Metz Gharamurat "inherited" large territories once belonging to the indigenous Armenians: "...Turning westwards, we went past an elevation to a valley through which ran the fast-flowing stream Inag-Boghan. These areas, that comprised large plains and abundant rivers once belonging to Gharamurad Armenians, lay barren in the hands of the Ayrum barbarians."²⁷⁹

**Population.** When Metz Gharamurat was stripped of its inhabitants in the 1770s, part of them resettled in Shulaver and founded the quarter of Gharamuratetsots (i.e. 'Of Gharamurat Inhabitants'), as already mentioned above.

Uuntil the second half of the 19th century, the site of the abandoned Armenian village served as a summer encampment for the Ayrum cattle-breeders, who later shifted to a sedentary life and founded a settlement there.

According to H. Vardanian, "The Turkish residents of Gharamurad Village are Armenian Prince Gharamurad's descendants."<fnref n="280" />

<footnote n="277">277 **Gaspar H.** The Traditions of a Village. In: "Nor-Dar," 1889, No. 50.</footnote>

<footnote n="278">278 **S. Kamalian** Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, p. 28. Below follows an interesting account of the feelings and impressions of S. Kamalian and his companion Tzatur, who visited Metz Gharamurat in 1890, "...the monastery was located on the left bank of the river, quite near it. While dismounting the horse, I noticed Tzatur hurriedly approaching it and kissing its wall feverently. Instead of blessing his forefathers, however, he started cursing them for having abandoned that heavenly land with its sweet water and magnificent sanctuary and huddled up on the slope of this or that mountain. 'Why should this monastery be forsaken and left without anybody to take care of it? Why should it shelter buffaloes and cows and be filled with dirty dung? Why should the inhabitants of Legharak, I mean the grandchildren of Gharamurad, lose it in this way? Can't we do anything about this, my dear teacher?' Yes, Tzatur was really greatly upset and grief-stricken: he either swore and cursed his ancestors who had abandoned the monastery and their land or reproached the local Ayrum inhabitants who did not differ from animals and were absolutely unaware how to treat a house of God which should not be filled with dirt. I asked Tzatur some questions concerning the neighbourhood of Gharamurad. The village was located at the foot of a mountain which was called Tebelkhi. To the right of it rose another wooded mountain named Hasan Ali, behind which towered Mount Haza-Daya, with the peak of Gevog-urd west of it. A</footnote>

<footnote>mountain rising east of the forest of Hasan Ali was called Darvand. Some tributaries, flowing from a gorge lying between Hasan Ali and Darvand, merged with others, running from a ravine extending between Hasan Ali and Tebelkhi, and formed the river Gharamurad, whose last tributary was called Areghsan" (idem, p. 28). 279 Op. cit., p. 33.</footnote>

<footnote n="280">280 **Vardanian, H.**, op. cit., p. 2. Presumably, the author means the Ghara Murat mentioned in the undated colophon of a Haysmavurk of 1610.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_354.png" /><figcaption>METZ GHARAMURAT. A carpet with an Armenian piece of writing (1914) found in the house of a local Turkish inhabitant</figcaption></figure>

In 1886 the local community and the adjacent Ayrum-inhabited villages had 326 houses with 2,176 residents, including 1,296 males and 880 females.<fnref n="281" /> In contrast to this, in 1908 Metz (‘Beyuk’ in Turkish) Gharamurat alone had 205 inhabitants,<fnref n="282" /> whose number had grown to 395 by 1914.<fnref n="283" />

**Sourb Amenaprkich (Metz) Church.** As a populous village, Metz Gharamurat had several churches which aroused admiration among visitors:

“...I had already heard about the largeness and magnificence of Gharamurad’s church from the elderly people of Shulaver, but still, I could not hide my admiration when I saw it. It represented a splendid edifice whose construction had apparently cost quite large sums of money. Its interior was more impressive than the exterior: outwardly, it seemed a low building, for part of its finely-finished walls was buried under the soil. Its door, built in accordance with the cautionary measures that period of enemy invasions dictated, was comparatively smaller, but once you entered the huge church opened up before your eyes with 6 massive columns entirely decorated with finely-carved crosses. Those durable, solid pilasters had been supporting the high arches of the sanctuary for 3 to 4 sinister centuries.”<fnref n="284" /> Then the same traveller adds with bitter pain and sorrow, “From early spring till autumn, the present-day Ayrum inhabitants of Gharamurad drive their cattle into the church after dinner when it becomes especially hot. This is the reason why I found its interior filled with intolerable dirt and a sea of dung so that I could hardly reach the altar. The font was completely wet, and the lower parts of the inner walls were so damp that you could think you were in a bath-house, with water constantly dripping from them. The monument was totally stripped of all its interior decoration

<figure><img src="image_355.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_356.png" /><figcaption>METZ GHARAMURAT. The remnants of Sourb Amenaprkich Church (1980), and a cross-stone set inside its north-eastern vestry</figcaption></figure>

and only a long, hewn altar-stone could still be seen there, together with some finely-decorated khachkars in the left vestry, and some others, 3 *arshins* long, lying vertically, or horizontally in a wall inside the bema. Many of them were bare of any inscriptions... In the south, the church was adjoined by a smaller one having a font, an altar and a bema... The remnants of some walls indicated that these monuments used to be fortified by ramparts. The roof of the larger church was thoroughly preserved despite a thick layer of soil accumulated there: several stones had been displaced from the part covering the bema, as a result of which that section of the interior was exposed to rain.”<fnref n="285" />

<footnote n="281">281 A Statistical Survey..., pp. 76-77.</footnote>

<footnote n="282">282 Caucasian Calendar for 1910, p. 204.</footnote>

<footnote n="283">283 Caucasian Calendar for 1915, p. 99.</footnote>

<footnote n="284">284 **S. Kamalian** Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, p. 29.</footnote>

<footnote n="285">285 S. Kamalian writes the following regarding the fact that the church was reduced to a cattle house, “Several Ayrum inhabitants</footnote>
Bishop Barkhutariants, another visitor who had the opportunity of admiring the architectural peculiarities of the church, describes it as an "...extremely spacious and splendid..." building "...resting upon six pillars and having an altar stone..."<fnref n="286" />

The manuscripts created in Metz Gharamurat attest that it had a church even before 1634; this gives us grounds to suppose that the aforementioned monument was built in the site of another, which might have been lying in ruins in 1634.

The topographers who visited Sourd Amnaparkich succeeded in deciphering the following inscriptions:

Carved on the facade of the bema:

Ըինեցաւ ս(ուր)բ տաճարս ձեռամք անարթան ջուողայեցի ուստա Մուսէսին որդի Եսոկարին, զաւակ` Սողոմոնին հր(ա)մ(ա)ն(ա)ի Փիլիպոս կ(ա)ք(ո)լիկոսին եկի շինեցի սուր(բ) եկեղեցիս Ղարամուրադին հայոց բվին ՈՇԴ (1634) ին, ով որ կարդաք ողորմի Սուսի յիշեցէք ի Տ(է)ր Ա(սոտուա)ծ, ձեզ յիշէ անէն:

transl.: The holy church was built by Soghomon's son Yetkar's son Muses, a worthless usta from Jugha. On the order of Catholicos Pilippos, I came and built Gharamurad's holy church in the year 1634 of the Armenian era. May those who read this pray for Mose's soul and may God have mercy upon you. Amen.

Reference: **S. Kamalian** Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, p. 30.

The Armenian original published in: **Barkhutariants, M.** Artsakh, p. 309; **Lalayan, Yer.** Gandzak District, p. 326; Corpus..., part 5, p. 273.

of the village were gathered there. When I started reproving them for having filled the church with dirt and dung, an elderly woman came forward and said the following, 'Indeed, my agha, this is a house of God: it does not matter that it was built by the Armenians, does it? You know that poor, God-fearing people would never have the face to drive their cattle into the church. The first person to do so was the owner of this large house who possessed a great fortune and had many children. The word reached the police officer, who was an Armenian, and he came to see in what conditions the sanctuary was. Our people were convinced that he would give that wealthy man a good dressing down for the wrong he had committed, but he decided to consign him to the punishment of the church. In the course of years, all his family members were exterminated, while his property was left derelict after his death.'

"The old woman turned out to have told me the truth, for when I approached the vast hall of the house of the aforementioned rich Ayrum, I saw the once magnificent residence buried in animal droppings up to its highest corner. In fact, it was in a state even more deplorable than the interior of the church. The Ayrums present, however, did not want to admit that they had their own share of guilt in the defilement of the sanctuary. For several times they even attempted to interrupt the ingenuous woman to hinder her from praising the divine power of the Armenian church, but she did not pay any attention to them. Moreover, she strongly advised me to visit the fine monastery by all means..." (idem, pp. 30-31).

Note: According to Kamalian, "the inscription is adjoined by its cryptogram dating back to 1634 A.D."

Carved "on the facade of the left vestry" according to Barkhutariants, although Kamalian writes the following regarding it, "One of the walls of the bema was engraved with a long piece of writing whose upper lines were impossible to read due to the darkness and long distance separating us from it. What I did manage to discern is the following":

Թվին ՈՇԴ էր (1635) ... և եկեղեցի Սատիկն և հայր Վելիճանն և որդին Ղարամուրադն, Ղուկասն և դուստրն իւր Գուլադեն, Զարարի հայրն` Վելիջան, կողակիցն իւր` Գուլանէն, որդին իւր` Աջամն, Հ(ա)խնդ(ա)ք(ա)րն, Ովանէսն յիշեցէք և Ա(սոտուա)ծ ողորմի ասէք:

transl.: In the year 1635... and a church Sarik, her father Velijan and his son Gharamurad, Ghukas, his daughter Gulaghe, Zakar's father Velijan, his spouse Guldane, his son Ajam, Hakhnazar and Ovanes. May you pray for the repose of their souls.

Reference: **S. Kamalian** Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, p. 29.

The Armenian original published in: **Barkhutariants, M.**, ibid; **Lalayan, Yer.**, idem, p. 326; Corpus..., ibid.

Incised into the same wall, a little below the aforementioned one:

Ս(ուր)բ սեղանի քարն յիշատակ է ըՌստիմին, իւր եղքայր` Էվագին, Պարոնին, իրենցմայր` Խարոնին, թվ. ՈՇԴ (1635):

transl.: The holy altar stone lies in memory of Rstim, his mother Khatun as well as his brothers Evaz and Paron. 1635.

Reference: **S. Kamalian** Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, p. 29.

The Armenian original published in: **Barkhutariants, M.**, idem, p. 309; **Lalayan, Yer.**, ibid; Corpus..., ibid.

Carved on the wall right of the altar:

Ըինեցի ս(ուր)բ տաճարս յիշատակ Ղուկասին:

transl.: The holy church was built in memory of Ghukas.

Reference: **S. Kamalian** Fund, ibid.

Engraved on a khachkar placed inside the church:

Սիրգա կազմող:

transl.: *Sculptured by Mirza.*

Reference: **S. Kamalian** Fund, ibid.

Engraved on a cross-stone outwardly set in the window of the southern wall:

Ս(ուր)բ խաչս քարեխոս աղային ... Հանէսին, Ըահզադին:

transl.: May this Holy Cross protect Agha ... Hanes, Shahzad.

Reference: **S. Kamalian** Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, p. 30.

2 lines in the Armenian original carved on and below the cornice of a khachkar set in the bema:

<footnote n="286">286 **Barkhutariants, M.** Artsakh, pp. 308-309.</footnote>
U(ուր)ք խ(ա)չս քար(էխան) Խարունին, |
քվ(հն) ՈԿԷ (1618):

transl.: May this Holy Cross protect Khatun.
1618.

The Armenian original published in: Corpus..., part 5, p. 272.

Sourb Amenaprkich Church had a **scriptorium-repository** which retained both manuscripts copied on the spot and donated ones. In 1610 David Geghametsy and Priest Hovasap copied a manuscript there on a certain Aghabab's order:

"Written by worthless priest Hovasap and sinful, imprudent scribe David, who is allegedly a bishop, in Gharamurat Village of Zakam in the year 1610 of the Armenian era..."<fnref n="287" />

The manuscript also mentions Senior Priests Sargs and Stepanos:

"May you pray for Priest Sargs, senior priest of Gharamurat Village who initiated the creation of this manuscript but later consigned his soul to God, the work being completed by his son, Senior Priest Stepanos, who served in this village. May you also pray for the other priests..."<fnref n="288" />

Village head Arustam and some local inhabitants ransomed a manuscript and donated it to the church:

"We, hakhsakh of Zakam Alughuli, head of Metz Gharamurat Village Rustum as well as Vostan, Ghara Murat, Ghazar, Navasard, Amirpek and Aun's son Amirpek went ..., saved it from the hands of the brutal enemy and brought it with us. We, the people of Gharamurat, raised 8 tumans and saved it, donating it to Sourb Amenaprkich."<fnref n="289" />

In 1682 Priest Ghukas created another manuscript entitled Mashtots Dzerats.<fnref n="290" />

**The Smaller Church.** "Behind the church, some 20 to 25 steps northward can be seen the finely-finished walls and dilapidated roof of another church whose door opens in the west..."<fnref n="291" />

Presumably, the sanctuary meant is Sourb Khoran (Holy Apse) Church, built by a certain Mr. Aghabab and twice mentioned in a Haysmavurk of 1610.<fnref n="292" /> A versified colophon by David Geghametsy speaks about the construction of the church in a description of the period marking the Armenians' deportation (1605), Shah Abbas' victories against the Turks and the famine of 1606:

"The khans of many places
Embarked upon construction
And built many churches
Meeting the people's decision.
One of them was Aghabab,
Who built a cut-in-rock church
With an apse and two mills.
When the Turks left the area
They abandoned Chatakh
And arrived at Metz Gharamurat,
Leaving Nerkin Shen forsaken."<fnref n="293" />

Judging from this record, the monument was established between 1605 and 1610.

The colophon (1610) written by Aghabab mentions the church as a newly-erected and already consecrated building:

"This book, written in the newly-blessed church of Gharamurat Village, perpetuates Aghabab Agha's memory. Neither the locals nor the foreigners should dare to sell, steal, or appropriate this holy script."<fnref n="294" />

Sourb Khoran Church had the following inscription incised "...into the tympanum":

Ընորհիւ Ս(սոուծո)յ, ես Օհանէս վ(ա)ր-է(ա)պ(ե)սո, որդի ապ(ա)շխ(ա)րողի շինեցի զեկեղեցիս, արդեամք և տուիք ամ(ենայն) քրքսունէից յիշատակ ինձ և ծնողացն իմոց և ամ(ենայն) աշխատողաց, ի մայրապետու-քեան անապատիս Թագուհոյն և Կայինային, ի Ո-ԾԾ (1701) քվ.:

transl.: By the grace of God, I, Archimandrite Ohanes, the son of a sinner atoning for the wrong he has committed, had this church built through the means and efforts of many Christians in perpetuation of my parents' and my souls as well as in memory of all the workers, under Mothers Superior Taguhi and Kayina in the year 1701.

Reference: **S. Kamalian** Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, p. 30.

The Armenian original published in: **Barkhutariants, M. Artsakh, p. 309; Lalayan, Yer. Gandzak District, pp. 326-327; Corpus..., part 5, p. 273.**

Note: Many inscriptions, including this one, often use the Armenian equivalent for the word 'to build' in the sense of 'to repair.'

**Koosanats Convent**, "which was adjoined by a grave-yard and the remnants of some cells," was located "in a plain lying on the right bank of the tributary, east" of the village.

It was founded with the active participation and under the auspices of Catholicos of All Armenians Pilippos:

<footnote n="287">287 Colophons, 17th century, vol. 1, p. 363.</footnote>

<footnote n="288">288 Ibid.</footnote>

<footnote n="289">289 Colophons, 17th century, vol. 1, p. 364.</footnote>

<footnote n="290">290 A Catalogue of Armenian Manuscripts..., vol. 2, p. 200, manuscript No. 5868.</footnote>

<footnote n="291">291 **S. Kamalian** Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, p. 30. Barkhutariants provides us with a similar description of the monument, stating, "The ceiling of the smaller church has collapsed" (idem, pp. 308-309).</footnote>

<footnote n="292">292 **Karapetian, S.** The Historical Monuments of Northern Artsakh. In: "Lragir," 4 March 1995, p. 6; **Voskian, H.** The Monasteries of Artsakh. In: "Handes Amsorea," July to September 1952, p. 426.</footnote>

<footnote n="293">293 Colophons, 17th century, vol. 1, pp. 367-368.</footnote>

<footnote n="294">294 Idem, p. 363.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_357.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_358.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_359.png" /><figcaption>METZ GHARAMURAT. Harants Monastery seen from the north-east, east and north; a partial view of the southern facade of the church; the church seen from the north-east, and an eastward view of its interior</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_360.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_361.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_362.png" /></figure>

"Ever-blessed Supreme Pontiff Pilippos donated this Haysmavurk to Gharamurat's Koosanats Sourd Astvatzatzin in the year 1636 of the Armenian era, stating that whoever removed it be cursed by the Holy Pontiffs. Thus, the Holy Catholicos laid the foundations of the nunnery..., had it decorated and appointed Virgin Hripsime Mother Superior there..."<fnref n="295" />

The convent had a rich library established on the basis of numerous gifts, including a *Sharaknots* (a collection of Armenian motets) donated in 1636. Its colophon read, "This Sharaknots was donated to Gharamurat's nunnery in the days of Prioroess Hripsime and her righteous nuns in 1636."<fnref n="296" />

The sanctuary also retained a manuscript created in Sultanetsik Village of Verin Zakam in 1671:

"Receiving this Gospel, I donated it to Gharamurat's Sourd Astvatzatzin Church of Koosanats Convent."<fnref n="297" />

"...A long stone pillar lying on the ground bore a cross relief and a brief inscription":

### *Unipr Uirqhu:*

*transl.: Saint Sargis.*

The Armenian original published in: *Barkhutariants, M.*, ibid; *Lalayan, Yer.*, idem, p. 327; Corpus..., ibid.

<footnote n="295">295 Colophons, 17th century, vol. 2, p. 656. The manuscript is kept in the Matenadaran (N 1503).</footnote>

<footnote n="296">296 Op. cit., p. 669.</footnote>

<footnote n="297">297 *Barkhutariants, M.*, idem, pp. 281-282. In the 19th century, this Gospel was kept in St. Grigor Lusavorich Church of Banants. Later it was moved to Yerevan.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_363.png" /><figcaption>METZ GHARAMURAT. The belfry of Harants Monastery (the last two photos by courtesy of H. Zakarian)</figcaption></figure>

**The monastic complex of Harants** is situated on a hill rising between two small gorges, about a kilometre north-east of Metz Gharamurat.

Kamalian, who visited the monument in 1890, writes, "...A fine dome built of white finely-finished stone could be seen at the foot of Mount Dagirman: the Ayrums called that building a monastery. Indeed, the agreeable dome could attract anybody wandering amidst the ruins of that wild area so that I rode my horse in the direction of Mount Dagirmi, on the way to

which I came across some graves and ruined dwellings, certainly, once inhabited by the people who later moved to Shulaver. On the left bank of a clear stream flowing from the gorge was seen the edge of a forest which gradually grew denser, the wild trees being replaced by fruit-bearing ones with pomegranates, quinces, pears, apples, hazelnuts, walnuts, etc. Going deeper into the gorge, we saw smoke swirling up near some dilapidated walls that were the remnants of some large ancient ramparts. Right of them, a marshy lake
<figure><img src="image_364.png" /><figcaption>METZ GHARAMURAT. Cross-stones preserved in the walls of the church of Harants Monastery and its neighbourhood (photos Nos. 1, 3, 9 by courtesy of H. Zakarian)</figcaption></figure>
<figure><img src="image_365.png" /><figcaption>Harants Monastery. The inscribed parts of the khachkars dedicated to Vardan and Gizal</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_366.png" /></figure>

could be seen in what was the site of the former creamery. The church represented a spacious building of finely-finished stone, with its roof undamaged and two entrances opening in the west and north. The area abounded in khachkars, but they were bare of inscriptions: the inscribed ones seemed to have been deliberately broken by the savages. In the north of the church stood a magnificent belfry built of white and reddish ashlar: it was its dome that we had seen in the distance. We were told that its cross had been standing until recently, but the same Ayrum savages had displaced it together with its conical pedestal and thrown it somewhere in the vicinity. The high-rising dome of the belfry as well as a stone cross that was higher than life-size and stood amidst four finely-erected pillars in its lower floor still aroused admiration and attracted pious believers. I had never seen a cross so superb in any Armenian sanctuary: it represented a single piece of surprisingly well-dressed white stone rising at a height of two feet on a nicely-carved pedestal... You had to dip your feet into the dirty dung left by the cattle of the Ayrum barbarians in order to approach that unsurpassed work of art...<fnref n="298" />

Another interesting description<fnref n="299" /> of the monument is provided by Barkhutarians:

"Built of finely-finished stone, the standing monument (it is 15 metres 5 centimetres long and 9 metres 60 centimetres wide) rests upon two pillars. ...In its north-eastern corner, it has a double-storey belfry entirely built of finely-finished stone. The covering slabs of both the monastery roof and belfry have collapsed. The latter retains a life-size stone cross rising on a stepped pedestal on its first floor: it bears a striking resemblance to the wooden cross on which Christ was crucified."<fnref n="300" />

<figure><img src="image_367.png" /><figcaption>METZ GHARAMURAT. The plan of Harants Monastery</figcaption></figure>

The church of the monastic complex represents a tri-nave basilica with two entrances opening in the west and north, its vault lying below a gable roof and inwardly supported by a pair of square pillars and pilasters. A rectangular vestry is located on both sides of the semi-circular apse. All the vault-bearing arches are pointed. The sanctuary, whose windows open from its eastern (3), northern (2) and western (1) facades, is built of undressed and roughly-hewn stone and mortar. Its pillars, pilasters, vault-bearing arches and cornerstones are finely-finished. The walls bear some khachkars part of which is inscribed.

<footnote n="298">298 S. Kamalian Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, p. 31.</footnote>

<footnote n="299">299 M. Barkhutarians identifies Harants Monastery with the cloister of Khamshi situated in the district of Miapor (nowadays the basin of the river Getik) adjacent to Zakam District. This identification, however, is absolutely groundless.</footnote>

<footnote n="300">300 Barkhutarians, M., idem, pp. 309-310.</footnote>
About 20 metres north of the church stands its double-floor *belfry* entirely built of finely-finished stone. Its first floor (exterior dimensions: 4.0 x 4.0 metres) comprises four solid columns connected with each other through sagittate arches. The second one represents a rotunda with its broach supported by 8 cylindrical pillars.

The monastery also had some annexes intended for habitation and additional accommodation. They were erected through Prior Yeghia the Hermit's efforts in the mid-17th century ("...He had many buildings added to the monastery").<fnref n="301" />

Within the enclosure of the cloister, a large cemetery of khachkars used to be located. By our first visit (1980) to the monument, however, they had already been levelled with the ground. A Turkish inhabitant of Gharamurat had ploughed the territory of the monastery, breaking and displacing all the khachkars and tombstones as something unnecessary and arranging them on the new enclosure of his land.

**Harants Monastery as a Scriptorium.** The colophon of a Gospel created in 1659 states, "...The Gospel ... was completed by sinful Grigor, a priest in name only, on 20 March 1659 of the Armenian era... ...Mahtesy Yeghia the Hermit, who ... went to Gharamurat's holy monastery, stayed there for a time and ... went on pilgrimage to the holy city of Jerusalem on Prior Terun's order... Returning to his first sanctuary, ... he had a great number of buildings added to the monastery. Some time later ... on Father Superior Terun's order and by all the brothers' consent, he came to us with a request to have his sacred wish fulfilled. And I completed the Holy Gospel, gilded and illustrated it with various colours. ...May you please pray for Father Terun and the monks of the holy monastery, Bishop Grigor, Priest Karapet, Father Yeghia and others..."<fnref n="302" />

The colophon of another Gospel copied by Priest Avetis Kamaletsy in 1679 states, "The Holy Gospel was finely-written by sinful priest Avetis from Kamalu Village of Tavush in Harants Monastery of Gharamurat, Verin Zakam in sorrowful times, in the year 1679 of the Armenian era..."<fnref n="303" />

In 1682 Priest Ghukas copied a *Mashtots Dzerats* in the cloister.<fnref n="304" />

Below follow the inscriptions found in the sanctuary:

A single line in the Armenian original carved between the wings of the cross of a khachkar set in the eastern wall of the church:

ԹՎ(ա)կ(ան) ՈՀ (1621):

transl.: *The year 1621.*

Published for the first time.

A single line engraved on the cornice of a cross-stone, broken in two and lying inside the monument. The year is in embossed characters on both sides of the upper wing of the main cross:

U(ուր)ք խաչս քարքս(աւ)ս Վարդանին, |
քվ(հն) ՈՀ (1621):

transl.: *May this Holy Cross protect Vardan.*

1621.

Published for the first time.

A single line engraved on the cornice of a cross-stone, with the year of the inscription in embossed characters on both sides of the upper wing of the main cross:

U(ուր)ք խաչս քարքսաւ(ի)ս Գիզալլին, |
քվ(հն) ՈՀ/ՀԳ (1624):

transl.: *May this Holy Cross protect Gizal.*

1624.

Published for the first time.

Note: When we saw the cross-stone for the first time on 8 April 1980, it was broken in two, but when we visited the monument for the second time on 25 June 1980, its upper half had been broken into three fragments.

"Incised among the cross reliefs" of a winged cross:

ԹՎ(հն) ՈՀԹ (1640):

transl.: *In the year 1640.*

Reference: **S. Kamalian** Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, p. 31.

The Armenian original published in: **Barkhutariants, M. Artsakh, p. 310.**

Note: According to Barkhutariants, "Another stone located near the cross was engraved with a long inscription, but some Muslims had broken it in two pieces. We failed to find the other half to bring them together and copy it." He deciphers the year of the inscription as '1639,' but Kamalian thinks it is '1636.'

In 1960 the cross-stone, standing on the first floor of the belfry of Harants Monastery, was moved to Holy Echmiatzin and placed in the yard of the Patriarchate.

A single distorted line in the Armenian original carved on the facade-bearing stone of the church entrance:

Աւիր խաչս Սար...

transl.: *This Holy Cross stands in memory of Mar...*

The Armenian original published in: **Barkhutariants, M., idem, p. 310; Corpus..., part 5, p. 274.**

Note: The name can be deciphered as 'Margar,' 'Marian,' etc.

Engraved near the aforementioned one:

Աւիր խաչս Ամիր խաչնին:

transl.: *This Holy Cross to Amirkhan.*

The Armenian original published in: **Barkhutariants, M., ibid; Corpus..., ibid.**

A single line in the Armenian original carved on the cornice of a cross-stone set in the northern part of the western wall of the church:

U(ուր)ք խս(ա)չս ք(ա)ք(է)ս(աւ)ս Կար[ասկե-սին]

transl.: *May this Holy Cross protect Karapet...*

<footnote n="301">³⁰¹ Colophons, 17th century, vol. 3, pp. 851-852.</footnote>

<footnote n="302">³⁰² Op. cit.</footnote>

<footnote n="303">³⁰³ **Barkhutariants, M., idem, pp. 281-282.** The manuscript is kept in the Matenadaran (N 6708). **Voskian, H., idem, p. 427.**</footnote>

<footnote n="304">³⁰⁴ A Catalogue of Armenian Manuscripts..., vol. 2, p. 200, manuscript N 5868.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_368.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_369.png" /><figcaption>METZ GHARAMURAT. The winged cross-stone of the belfry of Harants Monastery (now in Holy Echmiatzin)</figcaption></figure>

The Armenian original published in: Corpus..., part 5, p. 272.

Note: The ending of the inscription is damaged.

Incised into the cornice of a cross-stone lying in the niche of the vestry:

...Գբէ[գոր]...

transl.:...Grigor...

The Armenian original published in: Corpus..., part 5, p. 273.

Engraved on the cornice and near the recessed cross of a khachkar set in the western wall of the church:

U(ուր)ք [սաչս] Ամբորիան / ... / ...

transl.: This Holy Cross [stands in memory of] Amir...

The Armenian original published in: Corpus..., part 5, p. 272.

Carved in embossed characters near the recessed cross of a khachkar set in the window of the bema:

...այ կազմող:

transl.: Sculptured by...

The Armenian original published in: Corpus..., part 5, p. 273.

## Gharamurat Armenians in Other Places of Residence.
As already mentioned above, in the late 1770s, part of the inhabitants of Gharamurat resettled in Shulaver, where they established a quarter after their abandoned village, i.e. Gharamuratetsots. In the late 19th century, eight families of Gharamurat Armenians were particularly famous there: the Ter-Vardanians ('Vrtanank' in the local dialect), Ghardashians ('Gherdashank'), Tzanians ('Tzanunk'), Zakarians ('Zanunk,' Arzumanians), Mkhitarians ('Ptrosank'), Balasanians ('Belsanank'), Kamalians ('Kmalank') and Aghbalians ('Gyorkhnank-Mushtunk').<fnref n="305" />

Some of the epitaphs of the first generation of these immigrants mention the birthplace of the person buried. Below follows one of them (1798) preserved in the cemetery of Metz Shulaver:

Այս է տապան Ղարայմուր/այդեցի Քասի որդի / S(է)ր Խաչատուր լուսայինքիան, / կարքաղ-ցոք դուր ողորմիք, / Ա(սոուա)ծ զձեզ ողորմի, / քվ(իան) ՈՄՍէ (1798):

transl.: In this grave reposes Father Khachatur of blessed memory, the son of Gharamurat inhabitant Kas. May you who read this pray for his soul and may God have mercy upon you. In the year 1798.<fnref n="306" />

Gharamurat Armenians occasionally worked in the adjacent and remote villages. With this regard, an inscription commemorating the overhaul implemented in Masruts Monastery, dating from the 9th to 10th centuries and located at the eastern edge of Dzoragyugh (formerly Shoghaga) Village of Gegharkunik Marz (Republic of Armenia), in 1611 is of special interest:

5 lines in the Armenian original engraved on the eastern wall of the monastery:

Յիշեցէք ի Քս. Ղար/ամուրատեցի Փան/ոսն, որ վասն հոգոյն / եւ իւր ծնողացն / եկեղեցուս նորոգելուն (նպաստեց):

<footnote n="305">³⁰⁵ Aslanian, S., Karapetian, S. Shulaver. Yerevan, 2002, p. 25.</footnote>

<footnote n="306">³⁰⁶ Idem, p. 43.</footnote>