Appendix

Table 5 lists some ideophones in Northern Amis, similar words in a few other Formosan languages, with their PAn cognates.

<table><thead><tr><th>NORTHERN AMIS</th><th>other FORMOSAN LANGUAGES</th><th>PAn (Blust 1988)</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'ak'ak 'to/a crow, raven'</td><td>Puyuma 'ak'ak '(a) crow'<br>Siraya ak-ak-ak '(a) crow'</td><td>*kak 'cackle' (1988: 101)</td></tr><tr><td>bek 'thud'</td><td></td><td>*bek 'pound, thud' (1988: 27, 38)</td></tr><tr><td>bengbeng 'bang'</td><td></td><td>*beng 'dull resounding sound'</td></tr><tr><td>bikbik 'flutter'</td><td>Puyuma bikbik 'shake off'<br>(Teng 2008: 36)</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>pikpik 'flap wings'</td><td></td><td>*pik 'click'<br>*pikpik 'sound of patting, tapping'</td></tr><tr><td>kapkap 'grope'</td><td></td><td>*kapkap 'feel in the dark, grope'<br>(1988: 103)</td></tr><tr><td>k(e)ris 'scratch'</td><td></td><td>*ris 'scratch a line' (1988: 147)</td></tr><tr><td>kingking 'ring, tinkle'</td><td></td><td>*kiŋ, *kiŋkiŋ₁ 'ringing sound'<br>(1988: 41)</td></tr><tr><td>kung 'sound of a big bell'<br>kungkung 'knock with hollow thump', 'beat a drum'</td><td>Seediq kung 'sound of a door being knocked'</td><td>*kungkung 'deep resounding sound', 'a slit-gong, a hollowed tree trunk used to send messages'</td></tr><tr><td>kiskis 'scrape, scratch'<br>kihkih 'scrape, scratch'</td><td></td><td>*kis 'scratch'<br>PMP *kihkih (Blust 2013: 643)</td></tr><tr><td>kutkut 'scrape, scratch'</td><td></td><td>*kutkut₂, kudkud 'scrape with metal' (Blust & Trussel)</td></tr><tr><td>pekpek 'pound, hammer'</td><td></td><td>*pek 'clap, slap, thump'<br>*pekpek 'beat, hit'</td></tr><tr><td>pukpuk 'beat & husk rice' (in a wooden tank)</td><td></td><td>*puk 'clap, slap, thump' (1988: 38)<br>*pukpuk 'hammer, pound, beat' (Blust & Trussel)</td></tr><tr><td>ritrit 'cut, reap' (grain)</td><td></td><td>*riC 'sound of ripping' (1988: 80)</td></tr><tr><td>tekiq 'clank'</td><td></td><td>*tekiq 'sound of rock hitting'</td></tr><tr><td>tektek 'hit a post in the ground'</td><td></td><td>*Tek 'light knocking sound' (1988: 81)</td></tr></tbody></table>
Appendix

Table 5 lists some ideophones in Northern Amis, similar words in a few other Formosan languages, with their PAn cognates.

<table><thead><tr><th>NORTHERN AMIS</th><th>other FORMOSAN LANGUAGES</th><th>PAn (Blust 1988)</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'ak'ak 'to/a crow, raven'</td><td>Puyuma 'ak'ak '(a) crow'<br>Siraya ak-ak-ak '(a) crow'</td><td>*kak 'cackle' (1988: 101)</td></tr><tr><td>bek 'thud'</td><td></td><td>*bek 'pound, thud' (1988: 27, 38)</td></tr><tr><td>bengbeng 'bang'</td><td></td><td>*beng 'dull resounding sound'</td></tr><tr><td>bikbik 'flutter'</td><td>Puyuma bikbik 'shake off'<br>(Teng 2008: 36)</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>pikpik 'flap wings'</td><td></td><td>*pik 'click'<br>*pikpik 'sound of patting, tapping'</td></tr><tr><td>kapkap 'grope'</td><td></td><td>*kapkap 'feel in the dark, grope'<br>(1988: 103)</td></tr><tr><td>k(e)ris 'scratch'</td><td></td><td>*ris 'scratch a line' (1988: 147)</td></tr><tr><td>kingking 'ring, tinkle'</td><td></td><td>*kiŋ, *kiŋkiŋ₁ 'ringing sound'<br>(1988: 41)</td></tr><tr><td>kung 'sound of a big bell'<br>kungkung 'knock with hollow thump', 'beat a drum'</td><td>Seediq kung 'sound of a door being knocked'</td><td>*kungkung 'deep resounding sound', 'a slit-gong, a hollowed tree trunk used to send messages'</td></tr><tr><td>kiskis 'scrape, scratch'<br>kihkih 'scrape, scratch'</td><td></td><td>*kis 'scratch'<br>PMP *kihkih (Blust 2013: 643)</td></tr><tr><td>kutkut 'scrape, scratch'</td><td></td><td>*kutkut₂, kudkud 'scrape with metal' (Blust & Trussel)</td></tr><tr><td>pekpek 'pound, hammer'</td><td></td><td>*pek 'clap, slap, thump'<br>*pekpek 'beat, hit'</td></tr><tr><td>pukpuk 'beat & husk rice' (in a wooden tank)</td><td></td><td>*puk 'clap, slap, thump' (1988: 38)<br>*pukpuk 'hammer, pound, beat' (Blust & Trussel)</td></tr><tr><td>ritrit 'cut, reap' (grain)</td><td></td><td>*riC 'sound of ripping' (1988: 80)</td></tr><tr><td>tekiq 'clank'</td><td></td><td>*tekiq 'sound of rock hitting'</td></tr><tr><td>tektek 'hit a post in the ground'</td><td></td><td>*Tek 'light knocking sound' (1988: 81)</td></tr></tbody></table>
<table><caption>**Table 5:** Ideophones and their PAn cognates.</caption><thead><tr><th>NORTHERN AMIS</th><th>other FORMOSAN LANGUAGES</th><th>PAn (Blust 1988)</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>tiktik 'pat, tap'</td><td>Puyuma tiktik 'hammer at' (Teng 2008: 36)</td><td>*Tik 'crack, click, tick, tock' (1988: 27, 38)</td></tr><tr><td>tuktuk 'sound of hitting'</td><td>Kavalan tuktuk 'knocking sound'<br>Seediq -tuk</td><td>*-tuk 'knock, pound, beat'<br>*tuktuk 'hit with a hammer'</td></tr></tbody></table>

<table><caption>**Table 6:** Smell ideophones in Amis and their PAn cognates.</caption><thead><tr><th>CaŋCVC roots<br>(North Amis)</th><th>PAn *(C)aŋ(e)CV(C)<br>(Blust 1988: 60)</th><th>baŋCVC roots<br>(North Amis)</th><th>PAn *baŋCVC<br>(Blust 1988: 60)</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>?anglis 'smell of fish'</td><td>*qaŋeRiS ; *qaŋ(e)seR<br>'stink as of urine'<br>*qaŋeSit 'stink of a skunk;<br>smell of some plants'</td><td>bangsit 'stench of<br>urine'</td><td>*baŋ(e)sit 'stench'</td></tr></tbody></table>
<table><caption>**Table 5:** Ideophones and their PAn cognates.</caption><thead><tr><th>NORTHERN AMIS</th><th>other FORMOSAN LANGUAGES</th><th>PAn (Blust 1988)</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>tiktik 'pat, tap'</td><td>Puyuma tiktik 'hammer at' (Teng 2008: 36)</td><td>*Tik 'crack, click, tick, tock' (1988: 27, 38)</td></tr><tr><td>tuktuk 'sound of hitting'</td><td>Kavalan tuktuk 'knocking sound'<br>Seediq -tuk</td><td>*-tuk 'knock, pound, beat'<br>*tuktuk 'hit with a hammer'</td></tr></tbody></table>

<table><caption>**Table 6:** Smell ideophones in Amis and their PAn cognates.</caption><thead><tr><th>CaŋCVC roots<br>(North Amis)</th><th>PAn *(C)aŋ(e)CV(C)<br>(Blust 1988: 60)</th><th>baŋCVC roots<br>(North Amis)</th><th>PAn *baŋCVC<br>(Blust 1988: 60)</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>?anglis 'smell of fish'</td><td>*qaŋeRiS ; *qaŋ(e)seR<br>'stink as of urine'<br>*qaŋeSit 'stink of a skunk;<br>smell of some plants'</td><td>bangsit 'stench of<br>urine'</td><td>*baŋ(e)sit 'stench'</td></tr></tbody></table>
# Ideophonic verb compounds in Archi

GILLES AUTHIER

ÉCOLE PRATIQUE DES HAUTES ÉTUDES – PSL

Submitted: 21/03/2023 Revised version: 07/09/2023

Accepted: 12/02/2024 Published: 12/06/2024

<figure><img src="image_24.png" /></figure>

Articles are published under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (The authors remain the copyright holders and grant third parties the right to use, reproduce, and share the article).

## Abstract

Archi is a one-village language (1,000 speakers) belonging to the Lezgic branch of East Caucasian. It has a large and productive class of compound verbs combining a light verb and ‘coverbs’ of nominal, adjectival, verbal or unknown origin. It stands out among its closest relatives in the way it has created, under the influence of Lak, a large class of compounds using the verb bos ‘say’. We consider all coverbs used with bos and its allomorphs to be ideophones and propose a semantic classification of all ideophonic verbal compounds: sound and speech verbs, verbs of non-auditory sensations, ingestion, movement, and effortful activities. All primary data were extracted with partial paradigms and some examples from Chumakina et al.’s Archi online dictionary. Their phonotactic shapes, not substantially different from other parts of speech, are examined, as well as borrowings and specific ‘children’s speech’ ideophones.

**Keywords:** East Caucasian; Archi; compound verbs; ideophones

## 1. Introduction

While all languages have symbolic uses of certain combinations of phonemes to suggest sounds or other sensations perceived by speakers, it is clear that not all languages use them with the same frequency. In some parts of the world, languages are known to make constant use of a variety of ideophones, while in other regions ideophones are much more discreet, or even difficult to find for descriptive linguists. More surprisingly, it happens that within the same language family, spoken in the
# Ideophonic verb compounds in Archi

GILLES AUTHIER

ÉCOLE PRATIQUE DES HAUTES ÉTUDES – PSL

Submitted: 21/03/2023 Revised version: 07/09/2023

Accepted: 12/02/2024 Published: 12/06/2024

<figure><img src="image_24.png" /></figure>

Articles are published under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (The authors remain the copyright holders and grant third parties the right to use, reproduce, and share the article).

## Abstract

Archi is a one-village language (1,000 speakers) belonging to the Lezgic branch of East Caucasian. It has a large and productive class of compound verbs combining a light verb and ‘coverbs’ of nominal, adjectival, verbal or unknown origin. It stands out among its closest relatives in the way it has created, under the influence of Lak, a large class of compounds using the verb bos ‘say’. We consider all coverbs used with bos and its allomorphs to be ideophones and propose a semantic classification of all ideophonic verbal compounds: sound and speech verbs, verbs of non-auditory sensations, ingestion, movement, and effortful activities. All primary data were extracted with partial paradigms and some examples from Chumakina et al.’s Archi online dictionary. Their phonotactic shapes, not substantially different from other parts of speech, are examined, as well as borrowings and specific ‘children’s speech’ ideophones.

**Keywords:** East Caucasian; Archi; compound verbs; ideophones

## 1. Introduction

While all languages have symbolic uses of certain combinations of phonemes to suggest sounds or other sensations perceived by speakers, it is clear that not all languages use them with the same frequency. In some parts of the world, languages are known to make constant use of a variety of ideophones, while in other regions ideophones are much more discreet, or even difficult to find for descriptive linguists. More surprisingly, it happens that within the same language family, spoken in the
same region and among cultures that are closely related, some languages use very few ideophones, while in others they are omnipresent. This is the case in the East Caucasian family, where most languages make only very limited use of ideophones. However, three geographically contiguous languages, two large ones (Dargwa and Lak) and one very small (Archi), belonging to three different branches of the family, have many verbal compounds, extremely frequent in all types of speech, which consist of the verb ‘say’ immediately preceded by and often merged with a ‘coverb’ whose expressive function is often but not always clear.

With about 1,000 speakers in total, Archi has also been one of the most studied and best described languages in this family, especially since Kibrik et al. (1977), Kibrik (1994) and Chumakina et al. (2007). It has also gained some fame for its rich verbal morphology, which Kibrik estimates to produce up to 1.5 million inflected and derived forms. Classified as a member of the Lezgic subfamily, Archi has no contact with its closely related cousins, from which it has been separated to the south by the Great Caucasus mountain range for at least one thousand years. This geographical separation positions Archi as a distinct northern outlier.

On the other hand, Archi has long been in contact with Lak in the northeast and with Avar in the west. Today the speakers identify as ethnic Avars, although Russian has replaced Avar as the language of instruction in the village school. Nevertheless, the use of ideophones in ‘say’-compounds bears witness to the earlier predominance of Lak, rather than Avar, on Archi. Figure 1 shows a map of Archi and surrounding languages.

<figure><img src="image_25.png" /><figcaption>**Figure 1:** Location of Archi and surrounding languages (courtesy of Y. Koryakov)</figcaption></figure>
same region and among cultures that are closely related, some languages use very few ideophones, while in others they are omnipresent. This is the case in the East Caucasian family, where most languages make only very limited use of ideophones. However, three geographically contiguous languages, two large ones (Dargwa and Lak) and one very small (Archi), belonging to three different branches of the family, have many verbal compounds, extremely frequent in all types of speech, which consist of the verb ‘say’ immediately preceded by and often merged with a ‘coverb’ whose expressive function is often but not always clear.

With about 1,000 speakers in total, Archi has also been one of the most studied and best described languages in this family, especially since Kibrik et al. (1977), Kibrik (1994) and Chumakina et al. (2007). It has also gained some fame for its rich verbal morphology, which Kibrik estimates to produce up to 1.5 million inflected and derived forms. Classified as a member of the Lezgic subfamily, Archi has no contact with its closely related cousins, from which it has been separated to the south by the Great Caucasus mountain range for at least one thousand years. This geographical separation positions Archi as a distinct northern outlier.

On the other hand, Archi has long been in contact with Lak in the northeast and with Avar in the west. Today the speakers identify as ethnic Avars, although Russian has replaced Avar as the language of instruction in the village school. Nevertheless, the use of ideophones in ‘say’-compounds bears witness to the earlier predominance of Lak, rather than Avar, on Archi. Figure 1 shows a map of Archi and surrounding languages.

<figure><img src="image_25.png" /><figcaption>**Figure 1:** Location of Archi and surrounding languages (courtesy of Y. Koryakov)</figcaption></figure>
1.1. Simplex verbs in East Caucasian, Lezgic and Archi

Within the East Caucasian family, western branches (Nakh, Avar, Andic, and Tsezic) have overall simpler verbal morphology than eastern branches (Dargwa, Lezgic and Khinalug), with Lak occupying an intermediate position on the complexity scale. This state of affairs correlates largely with a higher number of simplex verbs and a lower number of compounding strategies in the western branches as opposed to the inflectionally more complex eastern ones.

Within the Lezgic subgroup, some languages have many simplex verbs (several hundred in Rutul, Tabasaran or Budugh, each of which belongs to one of the three branches of the so-called Central Lezgic languages), while others have fewer than two hundred, such as Kryz (sister language of Budugh), Tsakhur (sister language of Rutul) or Udi (another outlier to the south), although this does not seem to be linked to their immediate relationship.

Archi is a northern outlier, and belongs to the second category, with only 163 simplex verbs according to Kibrik et al. (1977) via Chumakina and Corbett (2015: 102). These simplex verbs typically mark at least aspect and gender, as in (ex. 1; note that the ‘animate’ gender includes many inanimate referents, like ‘corner’ here, or ‘road’ in ex. 2a):

<table>
   <tr>
    <td>(1)</td>
    <td><i>to-w-mu</i></td>
    <td><i>χ:ʷalli-li-n</i></td>
    <td><i>mec:’e</i></td>
    <td><i>b-eq:’u.</i></td>
   </tr>
   <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>DIST-M-ERG</td>
    <td>bread-OBL-GEN</td>
    <td>corner(A)(NOM)</td>
    <td>A-bite.PF</td>
   </tr>
  </table>

‘He bit off a piece of bread.’ (Chumakina et al. 2007, as all further examples unless otherwise stated)

As in other Lezgic languages preserving the category of gender and gender/number agreement of verbs with the nominative argument (S or P), the morphology of Archi verb stems is complex, characterized by the irregular interplay of gender/number markers with aspect markers, with numerous verb classes. Archi also preserves a few traces of spatial prefixes (preverbs). In the paradigm of such verbs, when two forms appear in one cell, the former represents the fourth gender (N, for ‘non-animate’) form while the latter represents the third gender (A for ‘non-human animate’) form. For instance, ‘do’, ‘bite’, ‘become’ and ‘beat’ have the following principal parts (Table 1):
1.1. Simplex verbs in East Caucasian, Lezgic and Archi

Within the East Caucasian family, western branches (Nakh, Avar, Andic, and Tsezic) have overall simpler verbal morphology than eastern branches (Dargwa, Lezgic and Khinalug), with Lak occupying an intermediate position on the complexity scale. This state of affairs correlates largely with a higher number of simplex verbs and a lower number of compounding strategies in the western branches as opposed to the inflectionally more complex eastern ones.

Within the Lezgic subgroup, some languages have many simplex verbs (several hundred in Rutul, Tabasaran or Budugh, each of which belongs to one of the three branches of the so-called Central Lezgic languages), while others have fewer than two hundred, such as Kryz (sister language of Budugh), Tsakhur (sister language of Rutul) or Udi (another outlier to the south), although this does not seem to be linked to their immediate relationship.

Archi is a northern outlier, and belongs to the second category, with only 163 simplex verbs according to Kibrik et al. (1977) via Chumakina and Corbett (2015: 102). These simplex verbs typically mark at least aspect and gender, as in (ex. 1; note that the ‘animate’ gender includes many inanimate referents, like ‘corner’ here, or ‘road’ in ex. 2a):

<table>
  <tr>
    <td>(1)</td>
    <td><i>to-w-mu</i></td>
    <td><i>χ:ʷalli-li-n</i></td>
    <td><i>mec:’e</i></td>
    <td><i>b-eq:’u.</i></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>DIST-M-ERG</td>
    <td>bread-OBL-GEN</td>
    <td>corner(A)(NOM)</td>
    <td>A-bite.PF</td>
  </tr>
</table>

‘He bit off a piece of bread.’ (Chumakina et al. 2007, as all further examples unless otherwise stated)

As in other Lezgic languages preserving the category of gender and gender/number
agreement of verbs with the nominative argument (S or P), the morphology of Archi
verb stems is complex, characterized by the irregular interplay of gender/number
markers with aspect markers, with numerous verb classes. Archi also preserves a
few traces of spatial prefixes (preverbs). In the paradigm of such verbs, when two
forms appear in one cell, the former represents the fourth gender (N, for ‘non-
animate’) form while the latter represents the third gender (A for ‘non-human
animate’) form. For instance, ‘do’, ‘bite’, ‘become’ and ‘beat’ have the following
principal parts (Table 1):
<table><caption>**Table 1:** Inflection of simplex verb stems in the third and fourth gender in Archi
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>INF</th><th>IPF</th><th>PF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'do'</td><td>as/ ábas</td><td>ar/ bar</td><td>aw/ ábu</td><td>a/ ba</td><td>ámul/ bámul</td></tr><tr><td>'become'</td><td>kes/ bekés</td><td>ker/ bekér</td><td>ét:i/ ébt:i</td><td>ka/ baká</td><td>kummúl/ bukmúl</td></tr><tr><td>'beat'</td><td>dáχis/ dábχis</td><td>dárχir/ dábχir</td><td>dáχdi/<br>dábχdi</td><td>dáχi/ dábχi</td><td>dáχmul/<br>dábχmul</td></tr><tr><td>'bite'</td><td>éq:'as/ béq:'as</td><td>érq:'ur/ bérq:'ur</td><td>réq:'u/ béq:'u</td><td>éq:'a/ béq:'a</td><td>éq:'mul/ ébq:'mul</td></tr></tbody></table>

If we consider the situation in languages such as Budugh, Rutul and Tabasaran, it does not seem that the maintenance of a large number of simplex verbs correlates with simplification of the inflectional system, and therefore the reduction of the number of simplex verbs in Archi is not necessarily linked to the maintenance (or even the development) of a rich and complex verbal morphology.

Instead, contact with two major prestige languages, which are only distantly related to Archi, has undoubtedly favoured the renewal of its verbal lexicon, in the same way that Azeri has contributed to the replacement of many verbs in many Lezgic languages. Contact with Avar has even affected verbal inflection: for instance, the Avar prohibitive suffix -gi has replaced in Archi the equivalent prefix ma- attested in all other Lezgic languages.

## 1.2. Compound verbs in East Caucasian, Lezgic and Archi

Whatever the cause of the reduced number of simplex verbs in Archi, the language makes extensive use of compound verbs to compensate for this reduction. As in Kryz, Udi or Tsakhur, there are many more or less lexicalized and morphologically merged locutions in Archi combining the verbs as 'do' (ex. 2a and 2b), kes 'become' (ex. 3) with adjectives or 'stative verbs' (themselves a type of adjectives):

(2) a. χaballi deʻq' kut'a b-ar.
    talk.ERG road(A) short A-do.IPF
    'Conversation shortens the journey.'

b. χ:allu-r ṭ:anna bošor χala w-ar.
    bad.ATTR-F woman.ERG man(NOM) old M-do.IPF
    'A bad wife makes the husband old.'
<table><caption>**Table 1:** Inflection of simplex verb stems in the third and fourth gender in Archi
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>INF</th><th>IPF</th><th>PF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'do'</td><td>as/ ábas</td><td>ar/ bar</td><td>aw/ ábu</td><td>a/ ba</td><td>ámul/ bámul</td></tr><tr><td>'become'</td><td>kes/ bekés</td><td>ker/ bekér</td><td>ét:i/ ébt:i</td><td>ka/ baká</td><td>kummúl/ bukmúl</td></tr><tr><td>'beat'</td><td>dáχis/ dábχis</td><td>dárχir/ dábχir</td><td>dáχdi/<br>dábχdi</td><td>dáχi/ dábχi</td><td>dáχmul/<br>dábχmul</td></tr><tr><td>'bite'</td><td>éq:'as/ béq:'as</td><td>érq:'ur/ bérq:'ur</td><td>réq:'u/ béq:'u</td><td>éq:'a/ béq:'a</td><td>éq:'mul/ ébq:'mul</td></tr></tbody></table>

If we consider the situation in languages such as Budugh, Rutul and Tabasaran, it does not seem that the maintenance of a large number of simplex verbs correlates with simplification of the inflectional system, and therefore the reduction of the number of simplex verbs in Archi is not necessarily linked to the maintenance (or even the development) of a rich and complex verbal morphology.

Instead, contact with two major prestige languages, which are only distantly related to Archi, has undoubtedly favoured the renewal of its verbal lexicon, in the same way that Azeri has contributed to the replacement of many verbs in many Lezgic languages. Contact with Avar has even affected verbal inflection: for instance, the Avar prohibitive suffix -gi has replaced in Archi the equivalent prefix ma- attested in all other Lezgic languages.

## 1.2. Compound verbs in East Caucasian, Lezgic and Archi

Whatever the cause of the reduced number of simplex verbs in Archi, the language makes extensive use of compound verbs to compensate for this reduction. As in Kryz, Udi or Tsakhur, there are many more or less lexicalized and morphologically merged locutions in Archi combining the verbs as 'do' (ex. 2a and 2b), kes 'become' (ex. 3) with adjectives or 'stative verbs' (themselves a type of adjectives):

(2) a. χaballi deʻq' kut'a b-ar.
    talk.ERG road(A) short A-do.IPF
    'Conversation shortens the journey.'

b. χ:allu-r ṭ:anna bošor χala w-ar.
    bad.ATTR-F woman.ERG man(NOM) old M-do.IPF
    'A bad wife makes the husband old.'
<table><tr><td>c. ez</td><td>ja-t</td><td>kummul</td><td>aχ̃</td></tr><tr><td>(N)1SG.DAT</td><td>PROX-N</td><td>food(N)(NOM)</td><td>(N)enough</td></tr><tr><td>ker.</td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>(N)become.IPF</td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td colspan="4">'This (amount of) food is enough for me.'</td></tr></table>

This type of compound is known to all languages related to Archi, whether closely or distantly, but with a level of productivity that varies greatly across these languages, and is clearly inversely proportional to the number of simplex verbs they possess.

Archi differs notably from all other Lezgic languages in its use of verbal compounds with the verb ‘say’. This strategy, unknown in Avar, is widespread in Lak, as well as in all Dargwa dialects. Given the long-dominant position of Lak in the region and in spite of Dargwa speakers now outnumbering Lak speakers four to one, it is fairly certain that the development of ‘say’-compounds spread from Lak into the Dargwa dialects in the northeast and into Archi in the southwest.

Note that some Archi verbs corresponding to verbs often involving ideophones in other languages may not fall into this category. For instance, the verb meaning ‘laugh’ bears no trace of any light verb, and is indeed related, as seen in Table 2, to simplex verbs in other Lezgic languages. It was probably never a compound verb, and unlike all compound verbs formed with ‘say’, it takes gender/number prefixes. This, of course, does not rule out the possibility that the root ($χ̃a$) of this verb was originally an ideophone (cf. Russian *xoxotat*, etc).

<table><caption>**Table 2:** Principal parts of the verb ‘laugh’ in Archi
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>INF</th><th>IPF</th><th>PF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td rowspan="2">'laugh'</td><td>χ̃arás /</td><td>χ̃ar /</td><td>χ̃aráχ̃u /</td><td>χ̃aráχ̃a /</td><td>χ̃aráχ̃-mul /</td></tr><tr><td>baχ̃rás</td><td>baχ̃ár</td><td>baχ̃ráχ̃u</td><td>baχ̃ráχ̃a</td><td>baχ̃ráχ̃-mul</td></tr></tbody></table>

### 1.3. The verb ‘say’ in Archi, forms and external comparison

The verb ‘say’ in Archi is simple, with four out of five principal parts showing the onset *b*, while the imperfective (present tense) form starts with the consonant *w* (cf. Table 3).
<table><tr><td>c. ez</td><td>ja-t</td><td>kummul</td><td>aχ̃</td></tr><tr><td>(N)1SG.DAT</td><td>PROX-N</td><td>food(N)(NOM)</td><td>(N)enough</td></tr><tr><td>ker.</td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>(N)become.IPF</td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td colspan="4">'This (amount of) food is enough for me.'</td></tr></table>

This type of compound is known to all languages related to Archi, whether closely or distantly, but with a level of productivity that varies greatly across these languages, and is clearly inversely proportional to the number of simplex verbs they possess.

Archi differs notably from all other Lezgic languages in its use of verbal compounds with the verb ‘say’. This strategy, unknown in Avar, is widespread in Lak, as well as in all Dargwa dialects. Given the long-dominant position of Lak in the region and in spite of Dargwa speakers now outnumbering Lak speakers four to one, it is fairly certain that the development of ‘say’-compounds spread from Lak into the Dargwa dialects in the northeast and into Archi in the southwest.

Note that some Archi verbs corresponding to verbs often involving ideophones in other languages may not fall into this category. For instance, the verb meaning ‘laugh’ bears no trace of any light verb, and is indeed related, as seen in Table 2, to simplex verbs in other Lezgic languages. It was probably never a compound verb, and unlike all compound verbs formed with ‘say’, it takes gender/number prefixes. This, of course, does not rule out the possibility that the root ($χ̃a$) of this verb was originally an ideophone (cf. Russian *xoxotat*, etc).

<table><caption>**Table 2:** Principal parts of the verb ‘laugh’ in Archi
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>INF</th><th>IPF</th><th>PF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td rowspan="2">'laugh'</td><td>χ̃arás /</td><td>χ̃ar /</td><td>χ̃aráχ̃u /</td><td>χ̃aráχ̃a /</td><td>χ̃aráχ̃-mul /</td></tr><tr><td>baχ̃rás</td><td>baχ̃ár</td><td>baχ̃ráχ̃u</td><td>baχ̃ráχ̃a</td><td>baχ̃ráχ̃-mul</td></tr></tbody></table>

### 1.3. The verb ‘say’ in Archi, forms and external comparison

The verb ‘say’ in Archi is simple, with four out of five principal parts showing the onset *b*, while the imperfective (present tense) form starts with the consonant *w* (cf. Table 3).
<table><caption>**Table 3:** Principal parts of the verb ‘say’ in Archi</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>INF</th><th>IPF</th><th>PF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'say'</td><td><i>bos</i></td><td><i>war</i></td><td><i>bo</i></td><td><i>ba</i></td><td><i>bumul</i></td></tr></tbody></table>

This is a case of quasi-suppletion, but the *b/w* onset is probably a frozen animate gender marker, found with speech acts (these belong to the non-human animate gender in languages like Rutul or Kryz, cf. Authier 2009§ 4.3.1).

This verb has reflexes in all other Lezgic languages:

* Southern branch: Budugh perfective *y̌pa*, imperfective *yuʔu*, Kryz masdar (verbal noun) *lip-idž*, imperfective *lu-* or *li-*;

* Eastern branch: Lezgian masdar *luhu-n*, perfective *laha-*, Tabasaran masdar *pub*, Aghul infinitive *pas*;

* Western branch: Rutul infinitive (*hu*)xus, imperfective *ruxu-* or *ruxʷa-*, Tsakhur infinitive *ehes*, perfective *ivho*;

* Southern outlier: Udi masdar *pe-sun*.

These cognates allow one to reconstruct a root *hʷ* or *xʷ*. Anlauts with *l-* in Lezgian and Kryz probably feature a preverb meaning ‘on’ because this verb was used to express the meaning ‘bestow a name’. Those with a labial stop retain the frozen non-human animate gender prefix *b-* or *v* in Tsakhur. Agreement with an animate speech act is linked on this root with perfectivity. Imperfective forms lack it, and another, imperfective root *k* 'tell' is is attested in all three core branches (in Tsakhur, in Budugh, as well as in Tabasaran, where it acts as a suppletive root for imperfective tenses of 'say'.

## 1.4. Morphosyntax of the verb ‘say’ in Archi

The verb ‘say’ is a ditransitive verb: its Agent is marked with the ergative case, while its Patient (the speech content) can be a noun or a substantivized modifier in the unmarked nominative case, and the adressee takes the Archi contlative<fnref n="1" /> case, as in (ex. 3):

<footnote n="1">¹ Many East Caucasian languages have a series of spatial cases denoting ‘contact with a vertical landmark’, cf. Ganenkov (2005).</footnote>
<table><caption>**Table 3:** Principal parts of the verb ‘say’ in Archi</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>INF</th><th>IPF</th><th>PF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'say'</td><td><i>bos</i></td><td><i>war</i></td><td><i>bo</i></td><td><i>ba</i></td><td><i>bumul</i></td></tr></tbody></table>

This is a case of quasi-suppletion, but the *b/w* onset is probably a frozen animate gender marker, found with speech acts (these belong to the non-human animate gender in languages like Rutul or Kryz, cf. Authier 2009§ 4.3.1).

This verb has reflexes in all other Lezgic languages:

* Southern branch: Budugh perfective *y̌pa*, imperfective *yuʔu*, Kryz masdar (verbal noun) *lip-idž*, imperfective *lu-* or *li-*;

* Eastern branch: Lezgian masdar *luhu-n*, perfective *laha-*, Tabasaran masdar *pub*, Aghul infinitive *pas*;

* Western branch: Rutul infinitive (*hu)xus*, imperfective *ruxu-* or *ruxʷa-*, Tsakhur infinitive *ehes*, perfective *ivho*;

* Southern outlier: Udi masdar *pe-sun*.

These cognates allow one to reconstruct a root *hʷ* or *xʷ*. Anlauts with *l-* in Lezgian and Kryz probably feature a preverb meaning ‘on’ because this verb was used to express the meaning ‘bestow a name’. Those with a labial stop retain the frozen non-human animate gender prefix *b-* or *v* in Tsakhur. Agreement with an animate speech act is linked on this root with perfectivity. Imperfective forms lack it, and another, imperfective root *k* 'tell' is is attested in all three core branches (in Tsakhur, in Budugh, as well as in Tabasaran, where it acts as a suppletive root for imperfective tenses of 'say'.

**1.4. Morphosyntax of the verb ‘say’ in Archi**

The verb ‘say’ is a ditransitive verb: its Agent is marked with the ergative case, while its Patient (the speech content) can be a noun or a substantivized modifier in the unmarked nominative case, and the adressee takes the Archi contlative<fnref n="1" /> case, as in (ex. 3):

<footnote n="1">¹ Many East Caucasian languages have a series of spatial cases denoting ‘contact with a vertical landmark’, cf. Ganenkov (2005).</footnote>
(3) zari wa:-r-ši os č'at bo-qi.

1.ERG 2.SG.OBL-CONTLAT one word(N) say.PF-FUT

‘I will say a word to you.’

The class of ditransitive verbs is very large in most Lezgic languages and more broadly
in East Caucasian because it contains the large subclass of contact verbs which treat
body parts or instruments as the unmarked argument, in the nominative case (ex. 4
and 5), and even if these referents are omitted, the third (goal) argument, if animate,
retains its oblique marking (ex. 6).

(4) zari to-w-mu-s χ:ik' dabχdi.

1SG.ERG DIST-M-OBL-DAT fist(A)(NOM) A.hit.PF

‘I hit him with my fist.’

(5) zari to-w-mu-s χatum-l-a-k č'ele dabχdi.

1SG.ERG DIST-M-OBL-DAT chest-OBL-IN-LAT stone(A)(NOM) A.hit.PF

‘I hit him in the chest with a stone.’

(6) bošor-mu čanna-s darχir-ši i.

man-ERG woman.OBL-DAT hit.IPF-CV (N)COP

‘The husband is beating his wife.’

The verb ‘say’ is used in a somewhat similar manner, and many speech act expressions
registered in the dictionary, including combinations like these proverbs (ex. 7 and 8):

(7) e'nkdu-mmu-s q'e'jla akbar war-t'u.

deaf-OBL-DAT two_times azan(N) say.IPF-NEG

‘For a deaf person, one does not issue a call for prayer twice.’

(8) hara-χut mu-ttu-t war-ttu-mu muχara-χut

front-TRANS NICE-ATTR-N say.IPF-ATTR-ERG behind-TRANS

χ:allu-t war.

bad.ATTR-N say.IPF

‘He who says good things to his face says bad things behind his back.’
(3) zari wa:-r-ši os č'at bo-qi.

1.ERG 2.SG.OBL-CONTLAT one word(N) say.PF-FUT

‘I will say a word to you.’

The class of ditransitive verbs is very large in most Lezgic languages and more broadly
in East Caucasian because it contains the large subclass of contact verbs which treat
body parts or instruments as the unmarked argument, in the nominative case (ex. 4
and 5), and even if these referents are omitted, the third (goal) argument, if animate,
retains its oblique marking (ex. 6).

(4) zari to-w-mu-s χ:ik' dabχdi.

1SG.ERG DIST-M-OBL-DAT fist(A)(NOM) A.hit.PF

‘I hit him with my fist.’

(5) zari to-w-mu-s χatum-l-a-k č'ele dabχdi.

1SG.ERG DIST-M-OBL-DAT chest-OBL-IN-LAT stone(A)(NOM) A.hit.PF

‘I hit him in the chest with a stone.’

(6) bošor-mu čanna-s darχir-ši i.

man-ERG woman.OBL-DAT hit.IPF-CV (N)COP

‘The husband is beating his wife.’

The verb ‘say’ is used in a somewhat similar manner, and many speech act expressions
registered in the dictionary, including combinations like these proverbs (ex. 7 and 8):

(7) e'nkdu-mmu-s q'e'jla akbar war-t'u.

deaf-OBL-DAT two_times azan(N) say.IPF-NEG

‘For a deaf person, one does not issue a call for prayer twice.’

(8) hara-χut mu-ttu-t war-ttu-mu muχara-χut

front-TRANS NICE-ATTR-N say.IPF-ATTR-ERG behind-TRANS

χ:allu-t war.

bad.ATTR-N say.IPF

‘He who says good things to his face says bad things behind his back.’
Other lexicalized expressions, such as *kʷač’et bos* ‘lie’, are equally not ideophonic because they contain a nominal element which exists independently (the word *kʷač’et* is a noun in the nominative case; it has a plural *kʷač’et-mul* and other cases such as ergative singular *kʷač’et-li* and ergative plural *kʷač’et-mul-čaj*) and holds the status of syntactic constituent, since the unmarked nominative case is proper to any patient argument of a transitive verb. The combinations of such nouns or noun phrases with the verb *bos* are thus locutions, not compounds, as illustrated in Table 4.

<table><caption>**Table 4:** Non-ideophonic compounds with the verb ‘say’ in Archi
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>‘lie’</td><td>kʷač’et bos</td><td>kʷač’et war</td><td>kʷač’et bo</td><td>kʷač’et ba</td><td>kʷač’et bumul</td></tr><tr><td>‘greet’</td><td>warč’ámi bos</td><td>warč’ámi war</td><td>warč’ámi bo</td><td>warč’ámi ba</td><td>warč’ámi bumul</td></tr><tr><td>‘sing the azan’</td><td>akbár bos</td><td>akbár war</td><td>akbár bo</td><td>akbár ba</td><td>akbár bumul</td></tr><tr><td>‘thank’</td><td>bárka bos</td><td>bárka war</td><td>bárka bo</td><td>bárka ba</td><td>bárka bumul</td></tr><tr><td>‘tell the truth’</td><td>t’államat bos</td><td>t’államat war</td><td>t’államat bo</td><td>t’államat ba</td><td>t’államat bumul</td></tr></tbody></table>

## 1.5. Imperative words as coverbs

Archi also has “imperative interjections” like *ma!* ‘Take this!’ or *č’eb(a)!* ‘come!’ (ex. 9 and 10) which can be employed with the verb ‘say’:

(9) *latʷejwu* to-w-u č’eb + ba!
1PL.INCL.COM.M DIST-M-AND “come!” + say.IMPER
‘Ask him to come with us.’

(10) *w-ez* to-w za-tu *kino-li-tik*
M-1SG.DAT DIST-M 1.OBL-COM cinema-OBL-SUPEREL
č’eb + bo-s kł’an-ši w-i.
“come!” + say-INF want-CV M-COP
‘I want to ask him to come to the cinema with me.’

The principal parts of these combinations sometimes show no trace of morphonological modification of the light verb. Nevertheless, the proper imperative
Other lexicalized expressions, such as *kʷač’et bos* ‘lie’, are equally not ideophonic because they contain a nominal element which exists independently (the word *kʷač’et* is a noun in the nominative case; it has a plural *kʷač’et-mul* and other cases such as ergative singular *kʷač’et-li* and ergative plural *kʷač’et-mul-čaj*) and holds the status of syntactic constituent, since the unmarked nominative case is proper to any patient argument of a transitive verb. The combinations of such nouns or noun phrases with the verb *bos* are thus locutions, not compounds, as illustrated in Table 4.

<table><caption>**Table 4:** Non-ideophonic compounds with the verb ‘say’ in Archi
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>‘lie’</td><td>kʷač’et bos</td><td>kʷač’et war</td><td>kʷač’et bo</td><td>kʷač’et ba</td><td>kʷač’et bumul</td></tr><tr><td>‘greet’</td><td>warč’ámi bos</td><td>warč’ámi war</td><td>warč’ámi bo</td><td>warč’ámi ba</td><td>warč’ámi bumul</td></tr><tr><td>‘sing the azan’</td><td>akbár bos</td><td>akbár war</td><td>akbár bo</td><td>akbár ba</td><td>akbár bumul</td></tr><tr><td>‘thank’</td><td>bárka bos</td><td>bárka war</td><td>bárka bo</td><td>bárka ba</td><td>bárka bumul</td></tr><tr><td>‘tell the truth’</td><td>t’államat bos</td><td>t’államat war</td><td>t’államat bo</td><td>t’államat ba</td><td>t’államat bumul</td></tr></tbody></table>

## 1.5. Imperative words as coverbs

Archi also has “imperative interjections” like *ma!* ‘Take this!’ or *č’eb(a)!* ‘come!’ (ex. 9 and 10) which can be employed with the verb ‘say’:

(9) *latʷejwu* to-w-u č’eb + ba! 1PL.INCL.COM.M DIST-M-AND “come!” + say.IMPER ‘Ask him to come with us.’

(10) *w-ez* to-w za-tu kino-li-tik M-1SG.DAT DIST-M 1.OBL-COM cinema-OBL-SUPEREL č’eb + bo-s kł’an-ši w-i. “come!” + say-INF want-CV M-COP ‘I want to ask him to come to the cinema with me.’

The principal parts of these combinations sometimes show no trace of morphonological modification of the light verb. Nevertheless, the proper imperative
verb forms like (b-)oq’i ‘Give it to me!’ (a suppletive imperative form of the verb kłos ‘give’), used with ‘say’ as a compound verb meaning ‘request’, can be followed by either an unchanged form of the verb ‘say’ or, mainly in the imperfective, by a reduced form. Such a reduced form has grammaticalized as a ‘reportative’<fnref n="2" /> ending -er, which goes back to war, the full imperfective verb stem of bos ‘say’. Compare the direct and indirect constructions in (ex. 11a and 11b):

(11) a. os q’w̥et'u titrat oq'i-su!
one two.N notebook(N) give.IMPER-PLEASE
'Please give (me) one or two copybooks.'

b. jo-w-mu žu-s jamu-t surat
PROX-M.-ERG REFL.M.OBL-DAT PROX-N.SG picture(N)
oq’-er.
give_me.IMPER-RPRT
"Give me this photo," he says.'

Table 5 shows some such locutions based on an imperative form:

<table><caption>**Table 5:** Non-ideophonic compounds with frozen imperative words
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'offer'</td><td>má bos</td><td>má war</td><td>má bo</td><td>má ba</td><td>má bumul</td></tr><tr><td>' invite'</td><td>č'éba bos</td><td>č'ébuwar</td><td>č'éba bo</td><td>č'éb(a) ba</td><td>č'éba bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'request'</td><td>óq'i bos<br>/ b-óq'i bos</td><td>óq'i war / óq'er<br>bóq'i war / b-óq'er</td><td>óq'i bo<br>/ b-óq'i bo</td><td>óq'i ba<br>/ b-óq'i ba</td><td>óq'i bumul<br>/ b-óq'i bumul</td></tr></tbody></table>

**1.6. Proper and pseudo-ideophonic coverbs**

Ideophonic coverbs have been identified but not properly studied in the existing literature on Archi. They are coalescent words, never found without the verb ‘say’ (i.e. they do not constitute a lexical entry in their own right), with which they often

<footnote n="2">² On this reportative suffix, see Chumakina (2013).</footnote>
verb forms like (b-)oq'i 'Give it to me!' (a suppletive imperative form of the verb kłos 'give'), used with 'say' as a compound verb meaning 'request', can be followed by either an unchanged form of the verb 'say' or, mainly in the imperfective, by a reduced form. Such a reduced form has grammaticalized as a 'reportative'<fnref n="2" /> ending -er, which goes back to war, the full imperfective verb stem of bos 'say'. Compare the direct and indirect constructions in (ex. 11a and 11b):

(11) a. os q'w̥et'u titrat oq'i-su!
one two.N notebook(N) give.IMPER-PLEASE
'Please give (me) one or two copybooks.'

b. jo-w-mu žu-s jamu-t surat
PROX-M.-ERG REFL.M.OBL-DAT PROX-N.SG picture(N)
oq'-er.
give_me.IMPER-RPRT
"Give me this photo," he says.'

Table 5 shows some such locutions based on an imperative form:

<table><caption>**Table 5:** Non-ideophonic compounds with frozen imperative words
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'offer'</td><td>má bos</td><td>má war</td><td>má bo</td><td>má ba</td><td>má bumul</td></tr><tr><td>' invite'</td><td>č'éba bos</td><td>č'ébuwar</td><td>č'éba bo</td><td>č'éb(a) ba</td><td>č'éba bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'request'</td><td>óq'i bos<br>/ b-óq'i bos</td><td>óq'i war / óq'er<br>bóq'i war / b-óq'er</td><td>óq'i bo<br>/ b-óq'i bo</td><td>óq'i ba<br>/ b-óq'i ba</td><td>óq'i bumul<br>/ b-óq'i bumul</td></tr></tbody></table>

**1.6. Proper and pseudo-ideophonic coverbs**

Ideophonic coverbs have been identified but not properly studied in the existing literature on Archi. They are coalescent words, never found without the verb 'say' (i.e. they do not constitute a lexical entry in their own right), with which they often

<footnote n="2">² On this reportative suffix, see Chumakina (2013).</footnote>
fuse, especially with the imperfective form *war*: ‘yell’ *q’ašar* < *q’iš+war* and ‘cry’
(baby) *aʾngáʾr* < *aʾngáʾ+war*.

The root of the verb ‘say’ can take the form *bu-* or *mu-*, instead of *bo-*, as with the verb ‘cry’ in (ex. 12):

(12) ëmmu-li ja-r lo q’iš+bo-li.
cry + say.PF-EVID PROX-F child(NOM) yell + say.PF-EVID
‘The girl cried and screamed.’

In the perfective form ëmmuli (< *ën+bo-li*) both consonants at the morpheme break have assimilated. However, the coverb ën is as identifiable in ëmmuli as qiʾr is in qiʾr-boli. In both cases, the elements ën, qiʾr and others of the same type are likely to be ideophones from the outset. Compare in (ex. 13) the analytic verb forms of ‘cry’ with the synthetic forms of ‘laugh’:

(13) ën war-ma χʷär-gi, χär-ma
cry say.IPF-WHERE laugh.IPF-PROHIB laugh.IPF-WHERE
ën war-gi!
cry say.IPF-PROHIB
‘Where one cries, do not laugh! Where one laughs, do not cry!’

Among the verbs listed in the following sections, some form their masdar with the default masdar suffix *-mul*, which may be related to *-mu-s* < *-bus* < *bos*, while others use instead use a suffix *-t’i*, which is never found attached to roots of simplex verbs. This suffix is actually borrowed from Lak, where it is the masdar of the verb *t’un* ‘say’. It is a curious paradox that the masdar form of many compound verbs otherwise formed with a variant of *bos* shows no trace of the Archi verb *bos*.

Most of these verbs have semantics compatible with an origin as ideophones, encompassing a range of semantic subdomains, from intransitive sound verbs to monotransitive action verbs. Among these supposed ideophonic compounds of Archi, Chumakina (2015) identifies two main semantic classes: ‘verbs of speech and mouth activities’ and ‘ideophones’, adding: ‘However not all *-bos* verbs belong to these semantic classes, [and] the rest of them do not constitute a homogenous class.’ It seems necessary to continue the examination from a semantic perspective, before drawing conclusions as to the more formal aspects, in order to arrive at a more detailed description of this essential part of the Archi verbal lexicon.
fuse, especially with the imperfective form *war*: ‘yell’ *q’ašar* < *q’iš+war* and ‘cry’
(baby) *aʾngáʾr* < *aʾngáʾ+war*.

The root of the verb ‘say’ can take the form *bu-* or *mu-*, instead of *bo-*, as with the verb ‘cry’ in (ex. 12):

(12) ëmmu-li ja-r lo q’iš+bo-li.
cry + say.PF-EVID PROX-F child(NOM) yell + say.PF-EVID
‘The girl cried and screamed.’

In the perfective form ëmmuli (< *ën+bo-li*) both consonants at the morpheme break have assimilated. However, the coverb ën is as identifiable in ëmmuli as qiʾr is in qiʾr-boli. In both cases, the elements ën, qiʾr and others of the same type are likely to be ideophones from the outset. Compare in (ex. 13) the analytic verb forms of ‘cry’ with the synthetic forms of ‘laugh’:

(13) ën war-ma χʷaʾr-gi, χaʾr-ma
cry say.IPF-WHERE laugh.IPF-PROHIB laugh.IPF-WHERE
ën war-gi!
cry say.IPF-PROHIB
‘Where one cries, do not laugh! Where one laughs, do not cry!’

Among the verbs listed in the following sections, some form their masdar with the default masdar suffix *-mul*, which may be related to *-mu-s* < *-bus* < *bos*, while others use instead use a suffix *-t’i*, which is never found attached to roots of simplex verbs. This suffix is actually borrowed from Lak, where it is the masdar of the verb *t’un* ‘say’. It is a curious paradox that the masdar form of many compound verbs otherwise formed with a variant of *bos* shows no trace of the Archi verb *bos*.

Most of these verbs have semantics compatible with an origin as ideophones, encompassing a range of semantic subdomains, from intransitive sound verbs to monotransitive action verbs. Among these supposed ideophonic compounds of Archi, Chumakina (2015) identifies two main semantic classes: ‘verbs of speech and mouth activities’ and ‘ideophones’, adding: ‘However not all *-bos* verbs belong to these semantic classes, [and] the rest of them do not constitute a homogenous class.’ It seems necessary to continue the examination from a semantic perspective, before drawing conclusions as to the more formal aspects, in order to arrive at a more detailed description of this essential part of the Archi verbal lexicon.
The semantic fields to which coverbs used with ‘say’ belong correspond to those generally illustrated by ideophones in the other languages of the world where they are used. Whatever their origin, they cannot be used without the light verb ‘say’.

In the infinitive of such verb compounds, the light verb may appear in three somewhat integrated forms: *bos*, *-bus* and *-mus*, e.g.

* *hakl* bos ‘yawn’

* c’á-bus ‘drink cold liquids’,

* lám-mus ‘bite’ (child speech)

In what follows, we shall first consider as ideophones all coverbs used with *bos* or its bound variants (-bus and -mus) because in a language as phonologically rich as Archi, which contains no fewer than 70 consonants, it would be hazardous to decide a priori which phonemic combinations should be considered expressive. It shall therefore be assumed that all non-autonomous coverbs used with a form of the verb ‘say’ (*bos*, -bus or -mus) are essentially ideophonic.

The ideophonic compound verbs will be presented in turn and classified in the following semantic fields: first, sound verbs (oral, body-related, non-body-related) will be discussed in Section 2, followed by non-sound verbs (non-auditive sensations, movements, actions) in Section 3. Section 4 will focus on phonological issues, Section 5 will deal with derivation, Section 6 will present ideophones in children speech, Section 7 will address the treatment of loans, and finally, Section 8 will demonstrate, through external comparison, that some supposed ideophonic coverbs in fact have a non-ideophonic origin.

## 2. Sound verbs

This section will be devoted to verbs denoting the production of sound. It is divided into two subsections, the first dealing with sounds of the external, natural world, and the second all nuances of oral human sounds, i.e. speech verbs.

### 2.1. Weather and animal sound verbs

Weather and animal sound verbs are shown in Table 6; they comprise verbs for the sound of rain and thunder (ex. 14), the cries of wild and domestic animals (ex. 15 and following), as well as human cries addressing domestic animals (ex. 22). All these verbs
The semantic fields to which coverbs used with ‘say’ belong correspond to those generally illustrated by ideophones in the other languages of the world where they are used. Whatever their origin, they cannot be used without the light verb ‘say’.

In the infinitive of such verb compounds, the light verb may appear in three somewhat integrated forms: *bos*, *-bus* and *-mus*, e.g.

* *hakl* bos ‘yawn’

* c’á-bus ‘drink cold liquids’,

* lám-mus ‘bite’ (child speech)

In what follows, we shall first consider as ideophones all coverbs used with *bos* or its bound variants (-bus and -mus) because in a language as phonologically rich as Archi, which contains no fewer than 70 consonants, it would be hazardous to decide a priori which phonemic combinations should be considered expressive. It shall therefore be assumed that all non-autonomous coverbs used with a form of the verb ‘say’ (*bos*, -bus or -mus) are essentially ideophonic.

The ideophonic compound verbs will be presented in turn and classified in the following semantic fields: first, sound verbs (oral, body-related, non-body-related) will be discussed in Section 2, followed by non-sound verbs (non-auditive sensations, movements, actions) in Section 3. Section 4 will focus on phonological issues, Section 5 will deal with derivation, Section 6 will present ideophones in children speech, Section 7 will address the treatment of loans, and finally, Section 8 will demonstrate, through external comparison, that some supposed ideophonic coverbs in fact have a non-ideophonic origin.

## 2. Sound verbs

This section will be devoted to verbs denoting the production of sound. It is divided into two subsections, the first dealing with sounds of the external, natural world, and the second all nuances of oral human sounds, i.e. speech verbs.

### 2.1. Weather and animal sound verbs

Weather and animal sound verbs are shown in Table 6; they comprise verbs for the sound of rain and thunder (ex. 14), the cries of wild and domestic animals (ex. 15 and following), as well as human cries addressing domestic animals (ex. 22). All these verbs
are intransitive, and all preserve intact the form of the verb ‘say’ in the infinitive (bos),
except for two where it changes to -bus. However, the imperfective forms can be fused.

(14) dunil qubu.
sky(N) thunder + say.PF
'It thundered.'

(15) ak:ommis ḫeleku uriš?išt war.
dawn.DAT rooster(A) crow say.IPF
'The rooster crows in the morning.'

(16) ziz bo-nnu-b t'ant'-li imc:' a-r-t'u.
buzz say.PF-ATTR-A bee-ERG honey(N) (N)do-IPF-NEG
'Not every bee that buzzes makes honey.' (proverb)

(17) nošš ḫiḥir-ši b-i.
horse(A) whinny.say.IPF-CV A-COP
'The horse is whinnying.'

(18) χ:urk' bur-ši b-i.
pigeon(A) coo.say.IPF-CV A-COP
'A pigeon is cooing.'

(19) χ̥on bu bo
cow(A) moo say.PF
'A cow mooed.'

(20) gʷači i:qan ha'mpar-ši b-i.
dog(A) all_day bark.say.IPF-CV A-COP
'The dog barks all day.'

(21) nošš uh war-ši b-i.
horse(A) sigh say.IPF-CV A-COP
'The horse is sighing.'
are intransitive, and all preserve intact the form of the verb ‘say’ in the infinitive (bos),
except for two where it changes to -bus. However, the imperfective forms can be fused.

(14) dunil qubu.
sky(N) thunder + say.PF
'It thundered.'

(15) ak:ommis ḫeleku uriš?išt war.
dawn.DAT rooster(A) crow say.IPF
'The rooster crows in the morning.'

(16) ziz bo-nnu-b t'ant'-li imc:' a-r-t'u.
buzz say.PF-ATTR-A bee-ERG honey(N) (N)do-IPF-NEG
'Not every bee that buzzes makes honey.' (proverb)

(17) nošš ḫiḥir-ši b-i.
horse(A) whinny.say.IPF-CV A-COP
'The horse is whinnying.'

(18) χ:urk' bur-ši b-i.
pigeon(A) coo.say.IPF-CV A-COP
'A pigeon is cooing.'

(19) χ̥on bu bo
cow(A) moo say.PF
'A cow mooed.'

(20) gʷači i:qan ha'mpar-ši b-i.
dog(A) all_day bark.say.IPF-CV A-COP
'The dog barks all day.'

(21) nošš uh war-ši b-i.
horse(A) sigh say.IPF-CV A-COP
'The horse is sighing.'
(22) *uł-mi* ju bo č'abu.
shepherd-ERG ideoph say.PF sheep.PL.NOM
'The shepherd shouted to drive the sheep on.'

Verbs denoting animal sounds can be used metaphorically to describe a human being (ex. 23–25) or even an inanimate referent (ex. 26):

(23) *to-w* dogi bana haʔar-ši w-i.
DIST-M donkey(A) LIKE bray.say.IPF-CV M.-COP
'He brays like a donkey.'

(24) *te-b* χom č'irqir war-ši.
DIST-PL.NOM woman.PL.NOM chirp say.IPF-CV
'Those women chirp rather than talk.'

(25) *to-w* noq:'on bana c'arar-ši w-i.
DIST-M(NOM) mouse(A) LIKE squeak.say.IPF-CV M-COP
'He is squeaking like a mouse.'

(26) *dakł* c'arar-ši i.
door(N) creak.say. IPF-CV (N)COP
'The door is creaking.'

<table><caption>**Table 6:** Sample of ideophonic weather sound verbs and animal communication verbs in Archi (data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'thunder'</td><td>qúbus</td><td>qúr</td><td>qúbu</td><td>qú ba</td><td>qút'i</td></tr><tr><td>'pour' (rain)</td><td>wéʔž bos</td><td>wéʔž war</td><td>wéʔž bo</td><td>wéʔž ba</td><td>?</td></tr><tr><td>'chirp'</td><td>č'irqir bos</td><td>č'irqir war</td><td>č'irqir bo</td><td>č'irqir ba</td><td>č'irqirt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'buzz'</td><td>zíz bos</td><td>zíz war</td><td>zíz bo</td><td>zíz ba</td><td>zíz bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'bark'</td><td>haʔmp bos</td><td>haʔmpár</td><td>háʔmp bo</td><td>háʔmp ba</td><td>háʔmpt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'whinny'</td><td>ħiħí bos</td><td>ħiħi wár</td><td>ħiħí bo</td><td>ħiħí ba</td><td>ħiħi bumúl</td></tr><tr><td>'bray'</td><td>hóʔ bos</td><td>haʔár</td><td>hóʔ bo</td><td>hóʔ ba</td><td>hóʔt'i</td></tr><tr><td>urge sheep on'</td><td>jú bos</td><td>júwar</td><td>jú bo</td><td>jú ba</td><td>jú bumul</td></tr></tbody></table>
(22) *uł-mi* ju bo č'abu.
shepherd-ERG ideoph say.PF sheep.PL.NOM
'The shepherd shouted to drive the sheep on.'

Verbs denoting animal sounds can be used metaphorically to describe a human being (ex. 23–25) or even an inanimate referent (ex. 26):

(23) *to-w* dogi bana haʔar-ši w-i.
DIST-M donkey(A) LIKE bray.say.IPF-CV M.-COP
'He brays like a donkey.'

(24) *te-b* χom č'irqir war-ši.
DIST-PL.NOM woman.PL.NOM chirp say.IPF-CV
'Those women chirp rather than talk.'

(25) *to-w* noq:'on bana c'arar-ši w-i.
DIST-M(NOM) mouse(A) LIKE squeak.say.IPF-CV M-COP
'He is squeaking like a mouse.'

(26) *dakł* c'arar-ši i.
door(N) creak.say. IPF-CV (N)COP
'The door is creaking.'

<table><caption>**Table 6:** Sample of ideophonic weather sound verbs and animal communication verbs in Archi (data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'thunder'</td><td>qúbus</td><td>qúr</td><td>qúbu</td><td>qú ba</td><td>qút'i</td></tr><tr><td>'pour' (rain)</td><td>wéʔž bos</td><td>wéʔž war</td><td>wéʔž bo</td><td>wéʔž ba</td><td>?</td></tr><tr><td>'chirp'</td><td>č'irqir bos</td><td>č'irqir war</td><td>č'irqir bo</td><td>č'irqir ba</td><td>č'irqirt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'buzz'</td><td>zíz bos</td><td>zíz war</td><td>zíz bo</td><td>zíz ba</td><td>zíz bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'bark'</td><td>haʔmp bos</td><td>haʔmpár</td><td>háʔmp bo</td><td>háʔmp ba</td><td>háʔmpt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'whinny'</td><td>ħiħí bos</td><td>ħiħi wár</td><td>ħiħí bo</td><td>ħiħí ba</td><td>ħiħi bumúl</td></tr><tr><td>'bray'</td><td>hóʔ bos</td><td>haʔár</td><td>hóʔ bo</td><td>hóʔ ba</td><td>hóʔt'i</td></tr><tr><td>urge sheep on'</td><td>jú bos</td><td>júwar</td><td>jú bo</td><td>jú ba</td><td>jú bumul</td></tr></tbody></table>
## 2.2. Speech impairments and inarticulate oral expression

Equally formed by compounding are intransitive verbs denoting speech impairments as well as inarticulate human oral expression (cf. the verbs shown in Table 7, ex. 27–29):

<table><caption>**Table 7:** Ideophonic inarticulate oral expression verbs in Archi
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'stammer'</td><td>łáls bos</td><td>łáls war</td><td>łáls bo</td><td>łáls ba</td><td>łálst'i</td></tr><tr><td>'grumble'</td><td>dúmbum bos</td><td>dúmbum war</td><td>dúmbum bo</td><td>dúmbum ba</td><td>dúmbum bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'mumble'</td><td>búrbur bos</td><td>búrbur war</td><td>búrbur bo</td><td>búrbur ba</td><td>búrburit'i</td></tr><tr><td>'yell'</td><td>q'ib bos</td><td>q'asar</td><td>q'ib bo</td><td>q'ib ba</td><td>q'ubt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'cry' (baby)</td><td>a'ngá' bos</td><td>a'ngá'r</td><td>a'ngá' bo</td><td>a'ngá' ba</td><td>a'ngá't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'squeak; creak'</td><td>c'ir bos</td><td>c'arár</td><td>c'ir bo</td><td>c'ir ba</td><td>c'irt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'cry'</td><td>é'mmus</td><td>é'mmur</td><td>é'mmu</td><td>é'mma</td><td>é'mt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'crack (voice)'</td><td>kwsár bos</td><td>kwsár war</td><td>kwsár bo</td><td>kwsár ba</td><td>kwsár bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'sob'</td><td>sánk' bos</td><td>sánkár</td><td>sánk' bo</td><td>sánk' ba</td><td>sánk't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'croak; cry'</td><td>rá's bos</td><td>rá's war</td><td>rá's bo</td><td>rá's ba</td><td>rá's bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'whistle'</td><td>š:'ít' bos</td><td>š:'ítár</td><td>š:'ít' bo</td><td>š:'ít' ba</td><td>š:'ít'ti</td></tr><tr><td>'whistle softly'</td><td>š:'ít'qwsit' bos</td><td>š:'ít'qwsit' war</td><td>š:'ít'qwsit' bo</td><td>š:'ít'qwsit' ba</td><td>š:'ít'qwsitt'i</td></tr></tbody></table>

(27) **to-r** χ'e-kul-li e'm war-ši d-i.
DIST-F be_cold-MSD-ERG cry say.IPF-CV F-COP
'She is crying because she is cold.'

(28) **to-r** łonnol ac:'i-li q'ib bo.
DIST-F woman(F)(NOM) pain-ERG yell say.PF
'This woman cried out in pain.'

(29) **un** daki duna:la burbur war
2.SG.NOM why a.lot grumble say.IPF
'Why do you grumble so much?'

Compound verbs denoting manners of oral expression do not necessarily have a human subject; for instance, they can describe the speech itself (ex. 30):
## 2.2. Speech impairments and inarticulate oral expression

Equally formed by compounding are intransitive verbs denoting speech impairments as well as inarticulate human oral expression (cf. the verbs shown in Table 7, ex. 27–29):

<table><caption>**Table 7:** Ideophonic inarticulate oral expression verbs in Archi
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'stammer'</td><td>łáls bos</td><td>łáls war</td><td>łáls bo</td><td>łáls ba</td><td>łálst'i</td></tr><tr><td>'grumble'</td><td>dúmbum bos</td><td>dúmbum war</td><td>dúmbum bo</td><td>dúmbum ba</td><td>dúmbum bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'mumble'</td><td>búrbur bos</td><td>búrbur war</td><td>búrbur bo</td><td>búrbur ba</td><td>búrburit'i</td></tr><tr><td>'yell'</td><td>q'ik bos</td><td>q'asar</td><td>q'ik bo</td><td>q'ik ba</td><td>q'ik't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'cry' (baby)</td><td>a'ngá' bos</td><td>a'ngá'r</td><td>a'ngá' bo</td><td>a'ngá' ba</td><td>a'ngá't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'squeak; creak'</td><td>c'ir bos</td><td>c'arár</td><td>c'ir bo</td><td>c'ir ba</td><td>c'írt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'cry'</td><td>é'mmus</td><td>é'mmur</td><td>é'mmu</td><td>é'mma</td><td>é'mt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'crack (voice)'</td><td>kwsár bos</td><td>kwsár war</td><td>kwsár bo</td><td>kwsár ba</td><td>kwsár bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'sob'</td><td>sánk' bos</td><td>sánkár</td><td>sánk' bo</td><td>sánk' ba</td><td>sánk't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'croak; cry'</td><td>rás bos</td><td>rás war</td><td>rás bo</td><td>rás ba</td><td>rás bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'whistle'</td><td>š:'ít' bos</td><td>š:'ítár</td><td>š:'ít' bo</td><td>š:'ít' ba</td><td>š:'ít'ti</td></tr><tr><td>'whistle softly'</td><td>š:'ít'qwsit' bos</td><td>š:'ít'qwsit' war</td><td>š:'ít'qwsit' bo</td><td>š:'ít'qwsit' ba</td><td>š:'ít'qwsit'ti</td></tr></tbody></table>

(27) *to-r* χ'e-kul-li e'm war-ši d-i.
DIST-F be_cold-MSD-ERG cry say.IPF-CV F-COP
'She is crying because she is cold.'

(28) *to-r* łonnol ac:'i-li q'ik bo.
DIST-F woman(F)(NOM) pain-ERG yell say.PF
'This woman cried out in pain.'

(29) *un* daki duna:la burbur war
2.SG.NOM why a.lot grumble say.IPF
'Why do you grumble so much?'

Compound verbs denoting manners of oral expression do not necessarily have a human subject; for instance, they can describe the speech itself (ex. 30):
(30) *piriz-li* *su-mč'iš* *wit* č'at łals
paralysis-ERG hold.PF.M-COND 2.SG.GEN word(N) stammer
bo-qi.
say.PF-FUT

‘If you are stricken by paralysis, your speech will become impaired.’

Also, some verbs in the list are occasionally used with reference to animals (ex. 31):

(31) *s:ink* bo-li i-t'u baħri.
sob say.PF-CV (N)AUX-NEG stray_dog
'The stray dog did not sob.'

**2.3. Human speech and communication**

Most verbs referring to articulate speech acts are specific to human communication,
as seen in Table 8. Some of them are intransitive, as in (ex. 32–34):

(32) zon to-w-mu-łu kino-li-n ħaq'liq' ba:bu.
1SG.NOM DIST-M-OBL-COM film-OBL-GEN about talk + say.PF
'I was talking to him about films.'

(33) to-w t'inna č'ak'ar.
DIST-M a.little chatter.IPF
'He is a bit of a chatterbox.'

(34) to-w š:ʷit'qʷit' + war-ši qecəšecer-ši.
DIST-M(NOM) whistle + say.IPF-CV walk.IPF-CV
'He was walking up and down, whistling softly.'

Others are transitive, in that their construction has an agent in the ergative. The
nominative patientive argument can be the coverb itself, treated as a speech act (ex.
35 and 36):
(30) *piriz-li* *su-mč'iš* *wit* č'at łals
paralysis-ERG hold.PF.M-COND 2.SG.GEN word(N) stammer
bo-qi.
say.PF-FUT

‘If you are stricken by paralysis, your speech will become impaired.’

Also, some verbs in the list are occasionally used with reference to animals (ex. 31):

(31) *s:ink* bo-li i-t'u baħri.
sob say.PF-CV (N)AUX-NEG stray_dog
'The stray dog did not sob.'

**2.3. Human speech and communication**

Most verbs referring to articulate speech acts are specific to human communication,
as seen in Table 8. Some of them are intransitive, as in (ex. 32–34):

(32) zon to-w-mu-łu kino-li-n ħaq'liq' ba:bu.
1SG.NOM DIST-M-OBL-COM film-OBL-GEN about talk + say.PF
'I was talking to him about films.'

(33) to-w t'inna č'ak'ar.
DIST-M a.little chatter.IPF
'He is a bit of a chatterbox.'

(34) to-w š:ʷit'qʷit' + war-ši qecəšecer-ši.
DIST-M(NOM) whistle + say.IPF-CV walk.IPF-CV
'He was walking up and down, whistling softly.'

Others are transitive, in that their construction has an agent in the ergative. The
nominative patientive argument can be the coverb itself, treated as a speech act (ex.
35 and 36):
(35) *to-w-mu* za-r-ši šuš bo.
DIST-M-ERG 1.OBL-CONT-ALL whisper say.PF
‘He whispered to me.’

(36) zari š:wend’ bo-qi.
1.ERG whistle say.PF-FUT
‘I will whistle.’

In other transitive verbs of the same semantic class, the coverb is coalescent and
speech content (ex. 37) or an animate adressee (ex. 38–40) can be treated as the direct
object in the nominative case:

(37) zari marči g'abq'u-timme-s lagum χabu.
1.ERG everybody HPL.gather.PF-ATTR.PL-DAT song(N) sing + say.PF
‘I sang a song to everyone who had come.’

(38) nen marči zab bo oq-li-ti-k.
1.PL.EXCL.ERG everybody invite say.PF wedding-OBL-SUPER-LAT
‘We invited everybody to the wedding.’

(39) um-mu lo-bur hat bo.
father-ERG child-PL.NOM scold say.PF
‘The father scolded his children.’

(40) zari to-w a’? bo s:ašat wiklit’u-mi-t.
1.ERG DIST-M call say.PF hour(N) seven.N-OBL-SUPER
‘I invited him for seven o’clock.’

(41) w-is halmaχ-mu zon č’elle-ši a’? bo.
M-1SG.GEN friend-ERG 1SG.NOM outside-ALL call say.PF
‘My friend asked me to go out.’

The alternative construction attested in (ex. 42) is probably calqued on Russian
(zvonit' + DAT):
(35) *to-w-mu* za-r-ši šuš bo.
DIST-M-ERG 1.OBL-CONT-ALL whisper say.PF
‘He whispered to me.’

(36) zari š:ʷit' bo-qi.
1.ERG whistle say.PF-FUT
‘I will whistle.’

In other transitive verbs of the same semantic class, the coverb is coalescent and speech content (ex. 37) or an animate adressee (ex. 38–40) can be treated as the direct object in the nominative case:

(37) zari marči gʷabqʻ'u-timme-s lagum χabu.
1.ERG everybody HPL.gather.PF-ATTR.PL-DAT song(N) sing + say.PF
‘I sang a song to everyone who had come.’

(38) nen marči zab bo oq-li-ti-k.
1.PL.EXCL.ERG everybody invite say.PF wedding-OBL-SUPER-LAT
‘We invited everybody to the wedding.’

(39) um-mu lo-bur ḫat bo.
father-ERG child-PL.NOM scold say.PF
‘The father scolded his children.’

(40) zari to-w aʔ bo s:ɑ:at wiklitʻu-mi-t.
1.ERG DIST-M call say.PF hour(N) seven.N-OBL-SUPER
‘I invited him for seven o’clock.’

(41) w-is halmaχ-mu zon č'elle-ši aʔ? bo.
M-1SG.GEN friend-ERG 1SG.NOM outside-ALL call say.PF
‘My friend asked me to go out.’

The alternative construction attested in (ex. 42) is probably calqued on Russian (zvonit' + DAT):
(42) zari anži-l-aš tu-w-mi-ra-k aš? + bo.
1.ERG Makhachkala-OBL-INEL DIST-M-OBL-CONT-LAT call + say.PF
'I called him from Makhachkala.'

<table><caption>**Table 8:** Ideophonic speech act verbs in Archi
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'talk'</td><td>bá:bus</td><td>bá:bur</td><td>bá:bu</td><td>bá:ba</td><td>bá:bət'i</td></tr><tr><td>'chatter'</td><td>č'ák' bos</td><td>č'ak'ár</td><td>č'ák' bo</td><td>č'ák' ba</td><td>č'ák't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'brag'</td><td>žírq bos</td><td>žarqár</td><td>žírq bo</td><td>žírq ba</td><td>žírq bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'gossip'</td><td>šúšq'us bos</td><td>šúšq'us war</td><td>šúšq'us bo</td><td>šúšq'us ba</td><td>šúšq'us bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'whisper'</td><td>šúš bos</td><td>šušár</td><td>šúš bo</td><td>šwíš ba</td><td>šwíšt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'sing'/'play'</td><td>χábus</td><td>χar</td><td>χábu</td><td>χába</td><td>χát'i</td></tr><tr><td>'scold'</td><td>ħát bos</td><td>ħátar</td><td>ħátbo</td><td>ħátba</td><td>ħátbumul</td></tr><tr><td>'refuse'</td><td>út'u bos</td><td>út'u war</td><td>út'u bo</td><td>út'u ba</td><td>ut'u bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'invite'</td><td>záp:os</td><td>záb war</td><td>záp:o</td><td>záp:a</td><td>záp:umul</td></tr><tr><td>'say sharply'</td><td>q"wánt' bos</td><td>q'unt'ár</td><td>q"wánt' bo</td><td>q"wánt' ba</td><td>q"wánt' bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'forbid'</td><td>árdigi bos</td><td>árdig war</td><td>árdig bo</td><td>árdigbo</td><td>árdig bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'call, invite'</td><td>áš? bos</td><td>aš?á'r</td><td>áš?bo</td><td>áš?ba</td><td>áš?t'i</td></tr></tbody></table>

## 2.4. Non-expressive oral and body sounds

Non-spoken sounds, given in Table 9, produced by the mouth and the nose are spontaneous and usually involuntary, and although they may be interpreted as such, they do not serve a primarily expressive function, for instance the verbs for 'breathe' (loudly), 'yawn', or 'grit one's teeth'. Most of these predicates also form compounds with 'say' (ex. 43 to 49):

(43) un jamu k'ellejwu ha:har daki ?
2.SG.NOM PROX.M wholly.M breathe.say.IPF why
'Why are you panting so much?'

(44) un daki hakł'ar-ši w-i?
why 2SG.NOM yawn.say.IPF-CV M-COP
'Why are you yawning?'
(42) zari anži-l-aš tu-w-mi-ra-k aš? + bo.
1.ERG Makhachkala-OBL-INEL DIST-M-OBL-CONT-LAT call + say.PF
'I called him from Makhachkala.'

<table><caption>**Table 8:** Ideophonic speech act verbs in Archi
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'talk'</td><td>bá:bus</td><td>bá:bur</td><td>bá:bu</td><td>bá:ba</td><td>bá:bət'i</td></tr><tr><td>'chatter'</td><td>č'ák' bos</td><td>č'ak'ár</td><td>č'ák' bo</td><td>č'ák' ba</td><td>č'ák't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'brag'</td><td>žírq bos</td><td>žarqár</td><td>žírq bo</td><td>žírq ba</td><td>žírq bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'gossip'</td><td>šúšq'us bos</td><td>šúšq'us war</td><td>šúšq'us bo</td><td>šúšq'us ba</td><td>šúšq'us bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'whisper'</td><td>šúš bos</td><td>šušár</td><td>šúš bo</td><td>šwíš ba</td><td>šwíšt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'sing'/'play'</td><td>χábus</td><td>χar</td><td>χábu</td><td>χába</td><td>χát'i</td></tr><tr><td>'scold'</td><td>ħát bos</td><td>ħátar</td><td>ħátbo</td><td>ħátba</td><td>ħátbumul</td></tr><tr><td>'refuse'</td><td>út'u bos</td><td>út'u war</td><td>út'u bo</td><td>út'u ba</td><td>ut'u bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'invite'</td><td>záp:os</td><td>záb war</td><td>záp:o</td><td>záp:a</td><td>záp:umul</td></tr><tr><td>'say sharply'</td><td>q"wánt' bos</td><td>q'unt'ár</td><td>q"wánt' bo</td><td>q"wánt' ba</td><td>q"wánt' bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'forbid'</td><td>árdigi bos</td><td>árdig war</td><td>árdig bo</td><td>árdigbo</td><td>árdig bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'call, invite'</td><td>áš? bos</td><td>aš?á'r</td><td>áš?bo</td><td>áš?ba</td><td>áš?t'i</td></tr></tbody></table>

## 2.4. Non-expressive oral and body sounds

Non-spoken sounds, given in Table 9, produced by the mouth and the nose are spontaneous and usually involuntary, and although they may be interpreted as such, they do not serve a primarily expressive function, for instance the verbs for 'breathe' (loudly), 'yawn', or 'grit one's teeth'. Most of these predicates also form compounds with 'say' (ex. 43 to 49):

(43) un jamu k'ellejwu ha:har daki ?
2.SG.NOM PROX.M wholly.M breathe.say.IPF why
'Why are you panting so much?'

(44) un daki hakł'ar-ši w-i?
why 2SG.NOM yawn.say.IPF-CV M-COP
'Why are you yawning?'
(45) **to-w** qʻarš:ar-ši ewdi.
DIST-M grit.say.IPF-CV M.be.PST
‘He was gritting his teeth (with anger).’

(46) **to-w** iqna a'nša'r-ši ewdi.
DIST-M all_ay sneeze.say.IPF-CV M.COP.PAST
‘He was sneezing all the time.’

(47) **to-w** nibk'i-t χ:ank'ar.
DIST-M sleep.OBL-SUPER snore.say.IPF
‘He snores in his sleep.’

(48) **ak:ommi-tiš** χaraši is lagi q"urar-ši
dawn.OBL-SUPEREL since (N)my stomach(N) rumble.say.IPF-CV
i.
(N)COP
‘My stomach has been rumbling since this morning.’

(49) **b-is** gon č'irq' bo.
A-my finger(A) cracksay.PF
‘My finger joint cracked.’

Some of these verbs can take a voluntary agent, via a dedicated causative construction
with the auxiliary ‘do’, as in (ex. 50):

(50) **to-wmu** gon-nor č'irq'+ bo-s ar.
DIST-M.ERG finger-PL.NOM crack + say.INF (N)DO.IPF
‘He cracks his knuckles.’
(45) **to-w** qʻarš:ar-ši ewdi.
DIST-M grit.say.IPF-CV M.be.PST
‘He was gritting his teeth (with anger).’

(46) **to-w** iqna a'nša'r-ši ewdi.
DIST-M all_ay sneeze.say.IPF-CV M.COP.PAST
‘He was sneezing all the time.’

(47) **to-w** nibk'i-t χ:ank'ar.
DIST-M sleep.OBL-SUPER snore.say.IPF
‘He snores in his sleep.’

(48) **ak:ommi-tiš** χaraši is lagi q"urar-ši
dawn.OBL-SUPEREL since (N)my stomach(N) rumble.say.IPF-CV
i.
(N)COP
‘My stomach has been rumbling since this morning.’

(49) **b-is** gon č'irq' bo.
A-my finger(A) cracksay.PF
‘My finger joint cracked.’

Some of these verbs can take a voluntary agent, via a dedicated causative construction
with the auxiliary ‘do’, as in (ex. 50):

(50) **to-wmu** gon-nor č'irq'+ bo-s ar.
DIST-M.ERG finger-PL.NOM crack + say.INF (N)DO.IPF
‘He cracks his knuckles.’
<table><caption>**Table 9:** Ideophonic unvoluntary body noise verbs in Archi
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'breathe'</td><td>há'h bos</td><td>ha'hár</td><td>há'h bo</td><td>há'h ba</td><td>há'ht'i</td></tr><tr><td>'burp'</td><td>ςóp' bos</td><td>ςóp' war</td><td>ςóp' bo</td><td>ςóp' ba</td><td>ςóp't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'belch; hiccough'</td><td>hérq" bos</td><td>hérq"er</td><td>hérq" bo</td><td>hérq" ba</td><td>hérq"t'i</td></tr><tr><td>'pant, puff'</td><td>há'hčił bos</td><td>ha'hčiłá'r</td><td>há'hčił bo</td><td>há'hčił ba</td><td>há'hčił bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'cough'</td><td>uĥú bos</td><td>uĥúr</td><td>uĥú bo</td><td>uĥú ba</td><td>uĥút'i</td></tr><tr><td>'gnash, grit (teeth)'</td><td>q'árš bos</td><td>q'arš:ar</td><td>q'árš bo</td><td>q'árš ba</td><td>q'áršt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'clear one's throat'</td><td>áχ-bos</td><td>áχ-bontur</td><td>áχ-bontubu</td><td>áχ-ballituba</td><td>áχ-bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'yawn'</td><td>hákł' bo</td><td>hakł'ár</td><td>hákł' bos</td><td>hákł' ba</td><td>hákł' bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'sneeze'</td><td>a'nšá' bos</td><td>a'nšá' war</td><td>a'nšá' bo</td><td>a'nšá' ba</td><td>a'nšá' bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'snore'</td><td>χ:ánk' bos</td><td>χ:ank'ár</td><td>χ:ánk' bo</td><td>χ:ánk' ba</td><td>χ:ánk' bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'resound'</td><td>dé'j bos</td><td>di'já'r</td><td>dé'j bo</td><td>dé'j ba</td><td>dé'j bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'crack' (joints)</td><td>č'írq' bos</td><td>č'írq'ár</td><td>č'írq' bo</td><td>č'írq' ba</td><td>č'írq' t'i</td></tr><tr><td>'split, crack' (wood, skin)</td><td>pírq' bos</td><td>pírq' war</td><td>pírq' bo</td><td>pírq' ba</td><td>pírq't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'rumble' (stomach')</td><td>q"wsár bos</td><td>q"urár</td><td>q"wsár bo</td><td>q"wsár ba</td><td>q"wsárt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'trow up'</td><td>χáq" bos</td><td>χaq"ár</td><td>χáq" bo</td><td>χáq" ba</td><td>χáq"t'i</td></tr><tr><td>'fart'</td><td>c'íq' bos</td><td>c'aq'ár</td><td>c'íq"bo</td><td>c'íq' ba</td><td>-</td></tr><tr><td>'shit'</td><td>qíp:us</td><td>qapár</td><td>qíp:u</td><td>qíp:a</td><td>qípt'i</td></tr></tbody></table>

**2.5. Voluntary body noise verbs**

Voluntary noise verbs, given in Table 10, like 'spit', have their subject in the ergative case (ex. 51):

(51) zari č'ele-li-s tubu.
1.ERG stone-OBL-DAT spit + say.PF
'I spat on a stone.'
<table><caption>**Table 9:** Ideophonic unvoluntary body noise verbs in Archi
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'breathe'</td><td>há'h bos</td><td>ha'hár</td><td>há'h bo</td><td>há'h ba</td><td>há'ht'i</td></tr><tr><td>'burp'</td><td>ςóp' bos</td><td>ςóp' war</td><td>ςóp' bo</td><td>ςóp' ba</td><td>ςóp't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'belch; hiccough'</td><td>hérq" bos</td><td>hérq"er</td><td>hérq" bo</td><td>hérq" ba</td><td>hérq"t'i</td></tr><tr><td>'pant, puff'</td><td>há'hčił bos</td><td>ha'hčiłá'r</td><td>há'hčił bo</td><td>há'hčił ba</td><td>há'hčił bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'cough'</td><td>uħú bos</td><td>uħúr</td><td>uħú bo</td><td>uħú ba</td><td>uħút'i</td></tr><tr><td>'gnash, grit (teeth)'</td><td>q'árš bos</td><td>q'arš:ar</td><td>q'árš bo</td><td>q'árš ba</td><td>q'áršt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'clear one's throat'</td><td>áχ-bos</td><td>áχ-bontur</td><td>áχ-bontubu</td><td>áχ-ballituba</td><td>áχ-bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'yawn'</td><td>hákł' bo</td><td>hakł'ár</td><td>hákł' bos</td><td>hákł' ba</td><td>hákł' bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'sneeze'</td><td>a'nšá' bos</td><td>a'nšá' war</td><td>a'nšá' bo</td><td>a'nšá' ba</td><td>a'nšá' bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'snore'</td><td>χ:ánk' bos</td><td>χ:ank'ár</td><td>χ:ánk' bo</td><td>χ:ánk' ba</td><td>χ:ánk' bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'resound'</td><td>dé'j bos</td><td>di'já'r</td><td>dé'j bo</td><td>dé'j ba</td><td>dé'j bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'crack' (joints)</td><td>č'írq' bos</td><td>č'írq'ár</td><td>č'írq' bo</td><td>č'írq' ba</td><td>č'írq' t'i</td></tr><tr><td>'split, crack' (wood, skin)</td><td>pírq' bos</td><td>pírq' war</td><td>pírq' bo</td><td>pírq' ba</td><td>pírq't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'rumble' (stomach')</td><td>q"wsár bos</td><td>q"urár</td><td>q"wsár bo</td><td>q"wsár ba</td><td>q"wsárt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'trow up'</td><td>χáq" bos</td><td>χaq"ár</td><td>χáq" bo</td><td>χáq" ba</td><td>χáq"t'i</td></tr><tr><td>'fart'</td><td>c'íq' bos</td><td>c'aq'ár</td><td>c'íq"bo</td><td>c'íq' ba</td><td>-</td></tr><tr><td>'shit'</td><td>qíp:us</td><td>qapár</td><td>qíp:u</td><td>qíp:a</td><td>qípt'i</td></tr></tbody></table>

**2.5. Voluntary body noise verbs**

Voluntary noise verbs, given in Table 10, like 'spit', have their subject in the ergative case (ex. 51):

(51) zari č'ele-li-s tubu.

1.ERG stone-OBL-DAT spit + say.PF

'I spat on a stone.'
The sole argument of the verb ‘blow’ can be inanimate, and then takes the nominative case, as in (ex. 52):

(52) hawa hubu.
wind(N) blow + say.PF
‘The wind blew.’

If this verb takes an object, it is an indirect one, in the dative case, but the animate subject remains marked with the ergative case (ex. 53). This non-canonical valency type results from the incorporation of the ideophone *hu*:

(53) zari čaraχ-li-s / oc'-li-s hubu.
1.ERG lamp-OBL-DAT fire-OBL-DAT blow + say.PF
‘I blew the lamp out / on the fire.’

The same valency is found with other voluntary noise verbs (ex. 54 and 55):

(54) zari to-w-mu-s eχ:u-k ba? bo.
1.ERG DIST-M.-OBL-DAT cheek.SG.IN-LAT kiss say.PF
‘I kissed her on the cheek.’

(55) laha aq-ur-če-łu čwárχs bo.
child.ERG foot-PL-OBL.PL-COM stamp say.PF
‘The child stamped his feet.’

<table><caption>**Table 10:** Ideophonic voluntary body noise verbs in Archi (data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>‘blow’ (wind; person)’</td><td>húbus</td><td>hur</td><td>húbu</td><td>húba</td><td>hút’i</td></tr><tr><td>‘spit’</td><td>tú bus</td><td>tur</td><td>tú bus</td><td>tú ba</td><td>tút’i</td></tr><tr><td>‘kiss’</td><td>p’á? bos</td><td>p’a?ár</td><td>p’á? bo</td><td>p’á? ba</td><td>p’á?t’i</td></tr><tr><td>‘kiss’</td><td>bá? bos</td><td>bá? war</td><td>bá? bo</td><td>bá?-ba</td><td>bá? bumul</td></tr><tr><td>‘blow one’s nose’</td><td>ú’nš bos</td><td>u’nšár</td><td>ú’nš bo</td><td>ú’nš ba</td><td>ú’nšt’i</td></tr><tr><td>‘stamp, clap’</td><td>čwárχs bos</td><td>čurχár</td><td>čwárχs bo</td><td>čwárχs ba</td><td>čwárχst’i</td></tr></tbody></table>
The sole argument of the verb ‘blow’ can be inanimate, and then takes the nominative case, as in (ex. 52):

(52) hawa hubu.
wind(N) blow + say.PF
‘The wind blew.’

If this verb takes an object, it is an indirect one, in the dative case, but the animate subject remains marked with the ergative case (ex. 53). This non-canonical valency type results from the incorporation of the ideophone *hu*:

(53) zari čaraχ-li-s / oc'-li-s hubu.
1.ERG lamp-OBL-DAT fire-OBL-DAT blow + say.PF
‘I blew the lamp out / on the fire.’

The same valency is found with other voluntary noise verbs (ex. 54 and 55):

(54) zari to-w-mu-s eχ:u-k ba? bo.
1.ERG DIST-M.-OBL-DAT cheek.SG.IN-LAT kiss say.PF
‘I kissed her on the cheek.’

(55) laha aq-ur-če-łu čwárχs bo.
child.ERG foot-PL-OBL.PL-COM stamp say.PF
‘The child stamped his feet.’

<table><caption>**Table 10:** Ideophonic voluntary body noise verbs in Archi (data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>‘blow’ (wind; person)’</td><td>húbus</td><td>hur</td><td>húbu</td><td>húba</td><td>hút’i</td></tr><tr><td>‘spit’</td><td>tú bus</td><td>tur</td><td>tú bus</td><td>tú ba</td><td>tút’i</td></tr><tr><td>‘kiss’</td><td>p’á? bos</td><td>p’a?ár</td><td>p’á? bo</td><td>p’á? ba</td><td>p’á?t’i</td></tr><tr><td>‘kiss’</td><td>bá? bos</td><td>bá? war</td><td>bá? bo</td><td>bá?-ba</td><td>bá? bumul</td></tr><tr><td>‘blow one’s nose’</td><td>ú’nš bos</td><td>u’nšár</td><td>ú’nš bo</td><td>ú’nš ba</td><td>ú’nšt’i</td></tr><tr><td>‘stamp, clap’</td><td>čwárχs bos</td><td>čurχár</td><td>čwárχs bo</td><td>čwárχs ba</td><td>čwárχs’t’i</td></tr></tbody></table>
## 2.6. Non-body-related sound verbs

Sound verbs that do not involve any human or animal referent, given in Table 11, are nevertheless frequently formed with the light verb ‘say’. They are, of course, monovalent intransitives, with their sole argument in the nominative case, as in (ex. 56–58):

(56) b-is dump č'a'p:u.
A-my ball(A) burst + say.PF
‘My ball burst.’

(57) kabk č'a'p:u-li
glass(N) crack + say.PF-EVID
‘The glass (window) cracked.’

(58) dunil-li-n qu-t'i č'a'p-t'i i.
sky-OBL-GEN thunder-MSD strike-MSD (N)COP
‘The thunder resounded.’

<table><caption>**Table 11:** Ideophonic non-body-related noise verbs in Archi (data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>‘squelch (water in boots)’</td><td>wé'lč' bos</td><td>wé'lč'é'r</td><td>wé'lč' bo</td><td>wé'lč' ba</td><td>wé'lč't'i</td></tr><tr><td>‘eddy, babble, flow’ (spring)</td><td>k'úrk'ur bos</td><td>k'úrk'ur war</td><td>k'úrk'ur bo</td><td>k'úrk'ur ba</td><td>k'úrk'urt'i</td></tr><tr><td>‘drip’</td><td>k'ent' bos</td><td>k'ent'ér</td><td>k'ént' bo</td><td>k'ént' ba</td><td>k'éntt'i</td></tr><tr><td>‘burst, explode; shoot’</td><td>č'á'p:us</td><td>č'a'p'ár</td><td>č'á'p:u</td><td>č'á'p:a</td><td>č'á'p't'i</td></tr><tr><td>‘exchange fire’</td><td>č'á'p'-q'ap' bos</td><td>č'á'p'-q'ap'- bar</td><td>č'á'p'-q'ap'- bo</td><td>č'á'p'-q'ap'- ba</td><td>č'á'p'-q'ap't'i</td></tr><tr><td>‘sizzle’</td><td>číł bos</td><td>čałár</td><td>číł bo</td><td>číł ba</td><td>číł bumul</td></tr><tr><td>‘blow (trumpet)’</td><td>dú't' bos</td><td>du't'á'r</td><td>dú't' bo</td><td>dú't' ba</td><td>dú't' bumul</td></tr></tbody></table>
## 2.6. Non-body-related sound verbs

Sound verbs that do not involve any human or animal referent, given in Table 11, are nevertheless frequently formed with the light verb ‘say’. They are, of course, monovalent intransitives, with their sole argument in the nominative case, as in (ex. 56–58):

(56) b-is dump č'a'p:u.
A-my ball(A) burst + say.PF
‘My ball burst.’

(57) kabk č'a'p:u-li
glass(N) crack + say.PF-EVID
‘The glass (window) cracked.’

(58) dunil-li-n qu-t'i č'a'p-t'i i.
sky-OBL-GEN thunder-MSD strike-MSD (N)COP
‘The thunder resounded.’

<table><caption>**Table 11:** Ideophonic non-body-related noise verbs in Archi (data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>‘squelch (water in boots)’</td><td>wé'lč' bos</td><td>wé'lč'é'r</td><td>wé'lč' bo</td><td>wé'lč' ba</td><td>wé'lč't'i</td></tr><tr><td>‘eddy, babble, flow’ (spring)</td><td>k'úrk'ur bos</td><td>k'úrk'ur war</td><td>k'úrk'ur bo</td><td>k'úrk'ur ba</td><td>k'úrk'urt'i</td></tr><tr><td>‘drip’</td><td>k'ent' bos</td><td>k'ent'ér</td><td>k'ént' bo</td><td>k'ént' ba</td><td>k'éntt'i</td></tr><tr><td>‘burst, explode; shoot’</td><td>č'á'p:us</td><td>č'a'p'ár</td><td>č'á'p:u</td><td>č'á'p:a</td><td>č'á'p't'i</td></tr><tr><td>‘exchange fire’</td><td>č'á'p'-q'ap' bos</td><td>č'á'p'-q'ap'- bar</td><td>č'á'p'-q'ap'- bo</td><td>č'á'p'-q'ap'- ba</td><td>č'á'p'-q'ap't'i</td></tr><tr><td>‘sizzle’</td><td>číł bos</td><td>čałár</td><td>číł bo</td><td>číł ba</td><td>číł bumul</td></tr><tr><td>‘blow (trumpet)’</td><td>dú't' bos</td><td>du't'á'r</td><td>dú't' bo</td><td>dú't' ba</td><td>dú't' bumul</td></tr></tbody></table>
### 3. Non-sound verbs

The use of the verb ‘say’ in Archi verb compounds extends far beyond the domain of speech and noises. This section deals with predicates denoting events and actions that are not primarily sounds, nor are they produced by the vocal tract.

#### 3.1. Ingestion verbs

Ideophonic compounds cover all the range of ingestion verbs, given in Table 12, including two verbs for ‘drink’ (cold vs hot drinks), with the exception of the two Archi verbs for ‘eat’ (for which see section 9). Digestion verbs are transitive (ex. 59–64):

(59) zari semečka č'weč'ə bo.
1.ERG seed(A) nibble say.PF
'I nibbled on sunflower seeds.'

(60) laha gon-nor lamar-ši i.
child.ERG finger-PL.NOM lick + say.IPF-CV (M)COP
'The child licks its fingers.'

(61) b-olo gʷači-li leki ʷemʷer.
HPL-1.PL.GEN dog-ERG bone(N) gnaw + say.IPF
'Our dog is gnawing at the bone.'

(62) zari ak:ommis čij χ:ur.
1.ERG dawn.DAT tea(N) drink + say.IPF
'In the morning I drink tea.'

(63) zari lap i:zu-t diq' χ:ubu.
1.ERG very tasty.ATTR-N soup(N) drink + say.PF
'I had some very nice soup.'
### 3. Non-sound verbs

The use of the verb ‘say’ in Archi verb compounds extends far beyond the domain of speech and noises. This section deals with predicates denoting events and actions that are not primarily sounds, nor are they produced by the vocal tract.

#### 3.1. Ingestion verbs

Ideophonic compounds cover all the range of ingestion verbs, given in Table 12, including two verbs for ‘drink’ (cold vs hot drinks), with the exception of the two Archi verbs for ‘eat’ (for which see section 9). Digestion verbs are transitive (ex. 59–64):

(59) zari semečka č'weč'ə bo.
1.ERG seed(A) nibble say.PF
'I nibbled on sunflower seeds.'

(60) laha gon-nor lamar-ši i.
child.ERG finger-PL.NOM lick + say.IPF-CV (M)COP
'The child licks its fingers.'

(61) b-olo gʷači-li leki ʷemʷer.
HPL-1.PL.GEN dog-ERG bone(N) gnaw + say.IPF
'Our dog is gnawing at the bone.'

(62) zari ak:ommis čij χ:ur.
1.ERG dawn.DAT tea(N) drink + say.IPF
'In the morning I drink tea.'

(63) zari lap i:zu-t diq' χ:ubu.
1.ERG very tasty.ATTR-N soup(N) drink + say.PF
'I had some very nice soup.'
(64) χ:ɛ'elemi-s harak diq' χurk'ar-gi!
guest.OBL.PL-DAT in_front soup(N) slurp.say.IPF-PROHIB
'Do not slurp your soup when guests are around.'

<table><caption>**Table 12:** Ideophonic ingestion verbs in Archi (data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'gorge'</td><td>šámmus</td><td>ša'már</td><td>šámmu</td><td>šámma</td><td>šá'mšmul</td></tr><tr><td>'eat food made of dac'on'</td><td>χ:áχ:u bos</td><td>χ:áχ:or</td><td>χ:áχ:u bo</td><td>χ:áχ:u ba</td><td>χ:áχ:u bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'gnaw' (dogs)</td><td>κ'ému'ə bos</td><td>κ'ému'ər</td><td>κ'ému'ə bo</td><td>κ'ému'ə ba</td><td>κ'ému'ət'i</td></tr><tr><td>'overeat (animals), glut (people)'</td><td>t'ént'ə bos</td><td>t'ént'ər</td><td>t'ént'ə bo</td><td>t'ént'ə ba</td><td>t'ént'ə bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'nibble'</td><td>č'w'éč'ə bos</td><td>č'w'eč'ér</td><td>č'w'éč'ə bo</td><td>č'w'éč'ə ba</td><td>č'w'éč'ə bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'chew'</td><td>č'ámmus</td><td>č'a'már</td><td>č'ámmu</td><td>č'ámma</td><td>č'ámt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'champ, chew with open mouth'</td><td>č'úw bos</td><td>č'úw war</td><td>č'úw bo</td><td>č'úw ba</td><td>č'úwt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'eat too little, unwillingly'</td><td>sém bos</td><td>sém war</td><td>sém bo</td><td>sém ba</td><td>sémt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'swallow without chewing'</td><td>gúrq's bos</td><td>gurq'nár</td><td>gúrq's bo</td><td>gúrq's ba</td><td>gúrq'n't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'graze'</td><td>há'nč' bos</td><td>ha'nč'ár</td><td>há'nč' bo</td><td>há'nč' ba</td><td>há'nč't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'lick'</td><td>lammus</td><td>lamár</td><td>lámmu</td><td>lámma</td><td>lámmul</td></tr><tr><td>'lick clean' (plates)</td><td>čák' bos</td><td>čak'ár</td><td>čák' bo</td><td>čák' ba</td><td>čák't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'slurp'</td><td>χúrk' bos</td><td>χurk'ár</td><td>χúrk' bo</td><td>χúrk' ba</td><td>χúrk't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'sip smth hot'</td><td>χúbus</td><td>χur</td><td>χúbu</td><td>χúba</td><td>χút'i</td></tr><tr><td>'drink (cold)'</td><td>c'ábus</td><td>c'ár</td><td>c'ábu</td><td>c'á ba</td><td>c'át'i</td></tr></tbody></table>
(64) χ:ɛ'elemi-s harak diq' χurk'ar-gi!
guest.OBL.PL-DAT in_front soup(N) slurp.say.IPF-PROHIB
'Do not slurp your soup when guests are around.'

<table><caption>**Table 12:** Ideophonic ingestion verbs in Archi (data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'gorge'</td><td>šámmus</td><td>ša'már</td><td>šámmu</td><td>šámma</td><td>šá'mšmul</td></tr><tr><td>'eat food made of dac'on'</td><td>χ:áχ:u bos</td><td>χ:áχ:or</td><td>χ:áχ:u bo</td><td>χ:áχ:u ba</td><td>χ:áχ:u bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'gnaw' (dogs)</td><td>κ'ému'ə bos</td><td>κ'ému'ər</td><td>κ'ému'ə bo</td><td>κ'ému'ə ba</td><td>κ'ému'ət'i</td></tr><tr><td>'overeat (animals), glut (people)'</td><td>t'ént'ə bos</td><td>t'ént'ər</td><td>t'ént'ə bo</td><td>t'ént'ə ba</td><td>t'ént'ə bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'nibble'</td><td>č'w'éč'ə bos</td><td>č'w'eč'ér</td><td>č'w'éč'ə bo</td><td>č'w'éč'ə ba</td><td>č'w'éč'ə bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'chew'</td><td>č'ámmus</td><td>č'a'már</td><td>č'ámmu</td><td>č'ámma</td><td>č'ámt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'champ, chew with open mouth'</td><td>č'úw bos</td><td>č'úw war</td><td>č'úw bo</td><td>č'úw ba</td><td>č'úwt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'eat too little, unwillingly'</td><td>sém bos</td><td>sém war</td><td>sém bo</td><td>sém ba</td><td>sémt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'swallow without chewing'</td><td>gúrq's bos</td><td>gurq'nár</td><td>gúrq's bo</td><td>gúrq's ba</td><td>gúrq'n't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'graze'</td><td>há'nč' bos</td><td>ha'nč'ár</td><td>há'nč' bo</td><td>há'nč' ba</td><td>há'nč't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'lick'</td><td>lammus</td><td>lamár</td><td>lámmu</td><td>lámma</td><td>lámmul</td></tr><tr><td>'lick clean' (plates)</td><td>čák' bos</td><td>čak'ár</td><td>čák' bo</td><td>čák' ba</td><td>čák't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'slurp'</td><td>χúrk' bos</td><td>χurk'ár</td><td>χúrk' bo</td><td>χúrk' ba</td><td>χúrk't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'sip smth hot'</td><td>χúbus</td><td>χur</td><td>χúbu</td><td>χúba</td><td>χút'i</td></tr><tr><td>'drink (cold)'</td><td>c'ábus</td><td>c'ár</td><td>c'ábu</td><td>c'á ba</td><td>c'át'i</td></tr></tbody></table>
## 3.2. Sensation verbs

Archi verbs denoting non-auditive sensations are also ideophonic compounds. The compound verbs for ‘smell’, given in Table 13, are ambitransitive (ex. 65):

(65) a. s:unt' bo-li ha'smp bo-li.
smell say.PF-CV bark say.PF-CV
'sniffing and barking'

b. zari t'e'-tu s:unt' bo.
1.ERG flower-PL.NOM smell say.PF
'I smelled the flowers.'

Meanwhile all other verbs of this semantic class are intransitive (ex. 66–74):

(66) dunil wak' bo-li dati.
sky(N) clear say.PF-CV clear.PF
'The sky cleared.'

(67) dunil par bo.
sky(N) flash say.PF
'Lightning flashed (lit. 'the sky flashed').'

(68) oc' pirχ bo.
fire(N) blaze say.PF
'The fire blazed up.'

(69) χ:walli pirχ bo.
bread(A) blaze say.PF
'The bread is slightly burnt.'

(70) is aq guk:or-ši i.
(N)my foot(N) itch.say.IPF-CV (N)COP
'My foot is itching.'
## 3.2. Sensation verbs

Archi verbs denoting non-auditive sensations are also ideophonic compounds. The compound verbs for ‘smell’, given in Table 13, are ambitransitive (ex. 65):

(65) a. s:unt' bo-li ha'smp bo-li.
smell say.PF-CV bark say.PF-CV
'sniffing and barking'

b. zari t'e'-tu s:unt' bo.
1.ERG flower-PL.NOM smell say.PF
'I smelled the flowers.'

Meanwhile all other verbs of this semantic class are intransitive (ex. 66–74):

(66) dunil wak' bo-li dati.
sky(N) clear say.PF-CV clear.PF
'The sky cleared.'

(67) dunil par bo.
sky(N) flash say.PF
'Lightning flashed (lit. 'the sky flashed').'

(68) oc' pirχ bo.
fire(N) blaze say.PF
'The fire blazed up.'

(69) χ:walli pirχ bo.
bread(A) blaze say.PF
'The bread is slightly burnt.'

(70) is aq guk:or-ši i.
(N)my foot(N) itch.say.IPF-CV (N)COP
'My foot is itching.'
(71) is aq c'urar-ši i.
(N)my foot(N) ache.say.IPF-CV COP.N
‘My leg aches.’

(72) s:ol lah bo-li imc:'-i-s:-u
fox(NOM) hunger say.PF-EVID honey-OBL-DAT-AND
inχ:-i-s:-u χir.
butter-OBL-DAT-AND behind
‘The fox was craving for (lit. behind) more honey and butter.’

(73) zon ja-t ari a-s ḫuč' bo.
1SG.NOM PROX-N work(N) (N)do-INF be.lazy say.PF
‘I was too lazy to do this job.’

(74) jas:ana uχ k'ij bo-li.
this.year field(N) overripe say.PF-CV
‘This year our wheat was overripe...’

<table><caption>**Table 13:** Sample of deophonic sensation verbs in Archi
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>‘smell’</td><td>s:únt' bos</td><td>s:unt'ar</td><td>s:únt' bo</td><td>s:únt' ba</td><td>s:úntt'i</td></tr><tr><td>‘smoke; smell’</td><td>p'áh bos</td><td>p'ahár</td><td>p'áh bo</td><td>p'áh ba</td><td>p'áht'i</td></tr><tr><td>‘itch’</td><td>χ<sup>ws</sup>ár bos</td><td>χ<sup>ws</sup>urár</td><td>χ<sup>ws</sup>ár bo</td><td>χ<sup>ws</sup>ár ba</td><td>χ<sup>ws</sup>árt'i</td></tr><tr><td>‘be overdone’ (meat)</td><td>túr bos</td><td>turár</td><td>túr bo</td><td>túr ba</td><td>túr bumul</td></tr><tr><td>‘become sour’</td><td>q'ánc' bos</td><td>q'anc'ár</td><td>q'ánc' bo</td><td>q'ánc' ba</td><td>q'ánc't'i</td></tr><tr><td>‘ache’</td><td>c'úk' bos</td><td>c'úk' war</td><td>c'úk' bo</td><td>c'úk' ba</td><td>c'úk' bumul</td></tr><tr><td>‘throb (pain)’</td><td>wá<sup>rt</sup> bos</td><td>wá<sup>rtá</sup>ár</td><td>wá<sup>rt</sup> bo</td><td>wá<sup>rt</sup> ba</td><td>wá<sup>rt</sup> bumul</td></tr><tr><td>‘want to eat smth’</td><td>láhbos</td><td>lahár</td><td>láhbo</td><td>láhba</td><td>láht'i</td></tr><tr><td>‘be lazy, not hungry’</td><td>húč' bos</td><td>húč' war</td><td>húč' bo</td><td>húč' ba</td><td>húč't'i</td></tr></tbody></table>
(71) is aq c'urar-ši i.
(N)my foot(N) ache.say.IPF-CV COP.N
'My leg aches.'

(72) s:ol lah bo-li imc:'-i-s:-u
fox(NOM) hunger say.PF-EVID honey-OBL-DAT-AND
inχ:-i-s:-u χir.
butter-OBL-DAT-AND behind
'The fox was craving for (lit. behind) more honey and butter.'

(73) zon ja-t ari a-s ħuč' bo.
1SG.NOM PROX-N work(N) (N)do-INF be.lazy say.PF
'I was too lazy to do this job.'

(74) jas:ana uχ k'ij bo-li.
this.year field(N) overripe say.PF-CV
'This year our wheat was overripe...'

<table><caption>**Table 13:** Sample of deophonic sensation verbs in Archi
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'smell'</td><td>s:únt' bos</td><td>s:unt'ar</td><td>s:únt' bo</td><td>s:únt' ba</td><td>s:úntt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'smoke; smell'</td><td>p'áh bos</td><td>p'ahár</td><td>p'áh bo</td><td>p'áh ba</td><td>p'áht'i</td></tr><tr><td>'itch'</td><td>χ<sup>ws</sup>ár bos</td><td>χ<sup>ws</sup>urár</td><td>χ<sup>ws</sup>ár bo</td><td>χ<sup>ws</sup>ár ba</td><td>χ<sup>ws</sup>árt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'be overdone' (meat)</td><td>túr bos</td><td>turár</td><td>túr bo</td><td>túr ba</td><td>túr bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'become sour'</td><td>q'ánc' bos</td><td>q'anc'ár</td><td>q'ánc' bo</td><td>q'ánc' ba</td><td>q'ánc't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'ache'</td><td>c'úk' bos</td><td>c'úk' war</td><td>c'úk' bo</td><td>c'úk' ba</td><td>c'úk' bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'throb (pain)'</td><td>wá<sup>rt</sup> bos</td><td>wá<sup>rtá</sup>ár</td><td>wá<sup>rt</sup> bo</td><td>wá<sup>rt</sup> ba</td><td>wá<sup>rt</sup> bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'want to eat smth'</td><td>láhbos</td><td>lahár</td><td>láhbo</td><td>láhba</td><td>láht'i</td></tr><tr><td>'be lazy, not hungry'</td><td>ħúč' bos</td><td>ħúč' war</td><td>ħúč' bo</td><td>ħúč' ba</td><td>ħúč't'i</td></tr></tbody></table>
### 3.3. Intransitive movement verbs

Many intransitive movement verbs, as those given in Table 14, expressed by ideophonic compounds have inanimate subjects, as in (ex. 75–83):

(75) *bejraq* *parar-ši* i.
flag(N) fly + say.IPF-CV (N)COP
‘The flag is flying.’

(76) *haʿtəra* čaχ:ṣar-ši i.
river(N) flow.say.IPF-CV (N)COP
‘The river flows.’

(77) *dump* gugo:bo.
ball(a) roll + say.pf
‘The ball rolled (away).’

(78) *harq* čaχ:ṣar.
roof(N) leak.say.IPF
‘The roof leaks.’

(79) *deq*''s čirχ'' bo-li.
road(A) collapse say.PF-CV
‘The road was washed away...’

(80) *mišin-ni-t* daʿnkaʿr-ši i.
car-OBL-SUPER shake.say.IPF-CV (N)COP
‘The car is shaking.’

(81) *nokł* dimmu.
house(N)(NOM) collapse + say.PF
‘The house got destroyed.’

(82) *sot* gaʿrtar-ši i.
tooth(N) be.loose.say.IPF-CV (N)COP
‘The tooth is loose.’
### 3.3. Intransitive movement verbs

Many intransitive movement verbs, as those given in Table 14, expressed by ideophonic compounds have inanimate subjects, as in (ex. 75–83):

(75) *bejraq* *parar-ši* i.
flag(N) fly + say.IPF-CV (N)COP
‘The flag is flying.’

(76) *haʿtəra* čaχ:ʿar-ši i.
river(N) flow.say.IPF-CV (N)COP
‘The river flows.’

(77) *dump* gugo:bo.
ball(a) roll + say.pf
‘The ball rolled (away).’

(78) *harq* čaχ:ʿar.
roof(N) leak.say.IPF
‘The roof leaks.’

(79) *deq*’s čirχ’ bo-li.
road(A) collapse say.PF-CV
‘The road was washed away...’

(80) *mišin-ni-t* daʿnkaʿr-ši i.
car-OBL-SUPER shake.say.IPF-CV (N)COP
‘The car is shaking.’

(81) *nokł* dimmu.
house(N)(NOM) collapse + say.PF
‘The house got destroyed.’

(82) *sot* gaʿrtar-ši i.
tooth(N) be.loose.say.IPF-CV (N)COP
‘The tooth is loose.’
(83) *to-w-mu-n* aq *qʾart’* bo-li
DIST-M-OBL-GEN foot(N) dislocate say.PF-CV
‘He dislocated his foot.’

However, animal (ex. 84 and 85) or human subjects (ex. 86–94) are also well represented:

(84) *nošš* pars bo.
horse(A) start say.PF
‘The horse gave a start (in fright).’

(85) *parχ* bo-li oq’a-li noc’ laha-rak.
fly say.PF-CV (N)leave.PF-CV bird(N) child.OBL-CONTLAT
‘The bird flew to the child.’

(86) *nen* dimmu-li noġdorčej-ši oq’a.
1.PL.NOM.EXCL disperse.say.PF-CV house.PL.IN-ALL leave.PF.1.PL
‘We went off to our homes.’

(87) *olo* lo sanna *łurχ̣ar-ši-t’aw* i-t’u.
(N)our child(N) so.far crawl.say.IPF-CV-NEG.CV (N)COP-NEG
‘Our child is still only crawling (lit. is not yet not crawling)’.

(88) *zon* ak:ommis duwraz-l-a t’inna qecšec bo.
1SG.NOM dawn.DAT gate-OBL-IN a.little walk say.PF
‘I walked a bit in the yard this morning.’

(89) *zon* qer-ši w-i.
1SG.NOM dance.say.IPF-CV M-COP
‘I am dancing.’

(90) *duχ:ul-li-t:i-k* askar t’ank’ + bo-li.
village-OBL-SUPER-LAT squad jump.say.PF-EVID
‘A squad had attacked the village.’
(83) *to-w-mu-n* aq *q̥'s̥art' bo-li
DIST-M-OBL-GEN foot(N) dislocate say.PF-CV
'He dislocated his foot.'

However, animal (ex. 84 and 85) or human subjects (ex. 86–94) are also well represented:

(84) *nošš* pars bo.
horse(A) start say.PF
'The horse gave a start (in fright).'

(85) *parχ* bo-li oq'a-li noc' laha-rak.
fly say.PF-CV (N)leave.PF-CV bird(N) child.OBL-CONTLAT
'The bird flew to the child.'

(86) *nen* dimmu-li noğdorčej-ši oq'a.
1.PL.NOM.EXCL disperse.say.PF-CV house.PL.IN-ALL leave.PF.1.PL
'We went off to our homes.'

(87) *olo* lo sanna *kurχ'ar-ši-t'aw* i-t'u.
(N)our child(N) so.far crawl.say.IPF-CV-NEG.CV (N)COP-NEG
'Our child is still only crawling (lit. is not yet not crawling)'.

(88) *zon* akommis duwraz-l-a t'innα qecšec bo.
1SG.NOM dawn.DAT gate-OBL-IN a.little walk say.PF
'I walked a bit in the yard this morning.'

(89) *zon* qer-ši w-i.
1SG.NOM dance.say.IPF-CV M-COP
'I am dancing.'

(90) *duχ:ul-li-t:i-k* askar t'ank' + bo-li.
village-OBL-SUPER-LAT squad jump.say.PF-EVID
'A squad had attacked the village.'
(91) un os t'innna t'irk' ba!
2SG.nom one a.little speed.up say.IMPER
'Speed up a bit, we will be late.'

(92) muš-ši q'owq'i žular-gi!
fine-ADV sit.M.IMPER fidget.say.IPF-PROHIB
'Sit still, don't fidget!'

(93) imi-ši eši dur bo-li qʷali
there-ALL here walk.fast say.PF-CV (M)COME.PF-EVID
'He came here from over there walking fast.'

(94) dija q'or-če-ku kušar-ši w-i.
father(NOM) book.PL-OBL.PL-COM rummage.IPF-CV M-COP
'Father is rummaging through books.'

<table><caption>**Table 14.** Sample of ideophonic intransitive movement verbs in Archi
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'fidget, swarm'</td><td>žwál bos</td><td>žulár</td><td>žwál bo</td><td>žwál ba</td><td>žwál'ti</td></tr><tr><td>'crash, plump'</td><td>wáp' bos</td><td>wáp' war</td><td>wáp' bo</td><td>wáp' ba</td><td>wáp' bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'be loose' (tooth)</td><td>gártbos</td><td>gaštár</td><td>gártbo</td><td>gártba</td><td>gártbumul</td></tr><tr><td>'roll out'</td><td>gérgi bos</td><td>gérger</td><td>gérgibo</td><td>gérgi ba</td><td>gérgi bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'rock' (cot)</td><td>gérkibos</td><td>gérk'er</td><td>gérkibo</td><td>gérk'i ba</td><td>gérkə bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'go curly' (hair)</td><td>k'érkə bos</td><td>k'erk'er</td><td>k'érkə bo</td><td>k'érkə ba</td><td>k'érkət'i</td></tr><tr><td>'come apart' (hay; road)</td><td>čírχ̣ bos</td><td>čírχ̣ war</td><td>čírχ̣ bo</td><td>čírχ̣ ba</td><td>čírχ̣ bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'get stuck in marshy soil'</td><td>púrš bos</td><td>pušrá'r</td><td>púrš bo</td><td>púrš ba</td><td>púrš bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'dance'</td><td>qébus</td><td>qer</td><td>qébu</td><td>qé ba</td><td>qét'i</td></tr><tr><td>'jump'</td><td>t'ánk' bos</td><td>t'ank'ár</td><td>t'ánk' bo</td><td>t'ánk' ba</td><td>t'ánk't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'crawl'</td><td>łúrχ̣ bos</td><td>łurχ̣ár</td><td>łúrχ̣ bo</td><td>łúrχ̣ ba</td><td>łúrχ̣t'i</td></tr><tr><td>'shuffle one's feet'</td><td>łérχ̣ bos</td><td>łurχ̣ár</td><td>łérχ̣ bo</td><td>łérχ̣ ba</td><td>łurχ̣t'i</td></tr><tr><td>'fly'</td><td>párχ bos</td><td>parχár</td><td>párχ bo</td><td>párχ ba</td><td>párχt'i</td></tr></tbody></table>
(91) un os t'innna t'irk' ba!
2SG.nom one a.little speed.up say.IMPER
'Speed up a bit, we will be late.'

(92) mu-ši q'owq'i žular-gi!
fine-ADV sit.M.IMPER fidget.say.IPF-PROHIB
'Sit still, don't fidget!'

(93) imi-ši eši dur bo-li q'wšali
there-ALL here walk.fast say.PF-CV (M)COME.PF-EVID
'He came here from over there walking fast.'

(94) dija q'or-če-ku kušar-ši w-i.
father(NOM) book.PL-OBL.PL-COM rummage.IPF-CV M-COP
'Father is rummaging through books.'

<table><caption>**Table 14.** Sample of ideophonic intransitive movement verbs in Archi
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'fidget, swarm'</td><td>žwál bos</td><td>žulár</td><td>žwál bo</td><td>žwál ba</td><td>žwált'i</td></tr><tr><td>'crash, plump'</td><td>wáp' bos</td><td>wáp' war</td><td>wáp' bo</td><td>wáp' ba</td><td>wáp bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'be loose' (tooth)</td><td>gártbos</td><td>gaštár</td><td>gártbo</td><td>gártba</td><td>gártbumul</td></tr><tr><td>'roll out'</td><td>gérgi bos</td><td>gérger</td><td>gérgibo</td><td>gérgi ba</td><td>gérgi bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'rock' (cot)</td><td>gérkibos</td><td>gérk'er</td><td>gérkibo</td><td>gérk'i ba</td><td>gérkə bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'go curly' (hair)</td><td>k'érkə bos</td><td>k'erk'er</td><td>k'érkə bo</td><td>k'érkə ba</td><td>k'érkət'i</td></tr><tr><td>'come apart' (hay; road)</td><td>čírχs bos</td><td>čírχs war</td><td>čírχs bo</td><td>čírχs ba</td><td>čírχs bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'get stuck in marshy soil'</td><td>púrš bos</td><td>pušrár</td><td>púrš bo</td><td>púrš ba</td><td>púrš bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'dance'</td><td>qébus</td><td>qer</td><td>qébu</td><td>qé ba</td><td>qét'i</td></tr><tr><td>'jump'</td><td>t'ánk' bos</td><td>t'ank'ár</td><td>t'ánk' bo</td><td>t'ánk' ba</td><td>t'ánk't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'crawl'</td><td>łúrχs bos</td><td>łurχár</td><td>łúrχs bo</td><td>łúrχs ba</td><td>łúrχst'i</td></tr><tr><td>'shuffle one's feet'</td><td>łérχs bos</td><td>łurχár</td><td>łérχs bo</td><td>łérχs ba</td><td>łurχst'i</td></tr><tr><td>'fly'</td><td>párχ bos</td><td>parχár</td><td>párχ bo</td><td>párχ ba</td><td>párχt'i</td></tr></tbody></table>
### 3.4. Posture and attitude verbs

A small class of intransitives denote a change of state or a stative predicate (cf. Table 15, and ex. 95–100):

(95) *to-w* q'ač'-bo-tu-b kuc b-ak:u-ra?
DIST-M dress.up-say.PF-ATTR-A way(A) A-see.PF-Q
‘Can you see the way he dressed up?’

(96) qwat'i-li-tiš k'tara:ši ja't'i gerk:er-ši b-i.
tree-OBL-SUPEREL down.there snake(A) hang.over + SAY.IPF-CV A-COP
‘A snake is hanging down from the tree.’

(97) zon t'ina a little erdi.
1SG.NOM a.little lay + say.PF-CV F.BE.PST
‘I lay down for a short while.’

(98) ja-t lo k'ur + war-ši i-t'u.
PROX-N child(N) sleep + say.IPF-CV (N)COP-NEG
‘This child does not go to sleep easily.’

(99) wa-č:ut:-ib halmaχ-til q'ač + bo-na b-erq̣-u-qi.
2.OBL-COM-ATTR.PL friend-PL array + say.PF-CV HPL-walk-PF-FUT
‘Your friends will go dressed up.’

(100) *to-w* muq'u lobur-če-ku q'ec'er.
DIST-M small child.PL-OBL.PL-COM nag + say.IPF
‘He nags little children.’
### 3.4. Posture and attitude verbs

A small class of intransitives denote a change of state or a stative predicate (cf. Table 15, and ex. 95–100):

(95) *to-w* q'ač'-bo-tu-b kuc b-ak:u-ra?
DIST-M dress.up-say.PF-ATTR-A way(A) A-see.PF-Q
‘Can you see the way he dressed up?’

(96) qʷat’i-li-tiš kł’ara:ši jȁt’i gerk:er-ši b-i.
tree-OBL-SUPEREL down.there snake(A) hang.over + SAY.IPF-CV A-COP
‘A snake is hanging down from the tree.’

(97) zon t’i:nna k’ur + bo-li erdi.
1SG.NOM a.little lay + say.PF-CV F.BE.PST
‘I lay down for a short while.’

(98) ja-t lo k’ur + war-ši i-t’u.
PROX-N child(N) sleep + say.IPF-CV (N)COP-NEG
‘This child does not go to sleep easily.’

(99) wa-ł:ut:-ib halmaχ-til q’ač + bo-na b-erq̣-u-qi.
2.OBL-COM-ATTR.PL friend-PL array + say.PF-CV HPL-walk-PF-FUT
‘Your friends will go dressed up.’

(100) *to-w* muq̣*u* lobur-če-łu q’ec’er.
DIST-M small child.PL-OBL.PL-COM nag + say.IPF
‘He nags little children.’
<table><caption>**Table 15.** Ideophonic posture and attitude verbs in Archi
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'fall asleep'</td><td>k'úrk'ur bos</td><td>k'úrk'ur war</td><td>k'úrk'ur bo</td><td>k'úrk'ur ba</td><td>k'úrk'ur t'i</td></tr><tr><td>'take a nap'</td><td>k'úr bos</td><td>k'urár</td><td>k'úr bo</td><td>k'úr ba</td><td>k'úrt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'measure one's strength with smb'</td><td>qat' bos</td><td>qat' war</td><td>qat' bo</td><td>qat' ba</td><td>qat' bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'dress up'</td><td>q'áč' bos</td><td>q'ač'ár</td><td>q'áč' bo</td><td>q'áč' ba</td><td>q'áč't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'have doubts'</td><td>wás bos</td><td>wasár</td><td>wás bo</td><td>wás ba</td><td>wás bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'nag, bother'</td><td>q'éc' bos</td><td>q'éc'er</td><td>q'éc' bo</td><td>q'éc' ba</td><td>q'éc't'i</td></tr></tbody></table>

**3.5. Transitive movement verbs**

Some compound verbs of motion are ambitransitive and can also have an agent in the ergative (ex. 101 and 102) (Table16):

(101) a. *budraš* na'kł č'wars bo.
bucket.INEL milk(N) pour say.PF
'The milk poured out of the bucket.'

b. *zari* łan č'wars bo.
1.ERG water(N) pour say.PF
'I poured the water out.'

(102) a. *xeme-rši* bo χaraši daš bo-li.
woman.OBL.PL-CONT-ALL say.PF after turn say.PF-CV
'She said to the women, having turned back...'

b. *zari* katerte-q'a-k buc'i daš bo-qi.
1SG.ERG cattle-OBL-INTER-LAT cow.PL.NOM drive say.PF-FUT
'I will drive the cows to the herd.'

c. *q'amatu* eši temši daš bo-li.
hair(N) here there tousle say.PF-CV
'(She) tousled (her) hair.'
<table><caption>**Table 15.** Ideophonic posture and attitude verbs in Archi
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'fall asleep'</td><td>k'úrk'ur bos</td><td>k'úrk'ur war</td><td>k'úrk'ur bo</td><td>k'úrk'ur ba</td><td>k'úrk'ur t'i</td></tr><tr><td>'take a nap'</td><td>k'úr bos</td><td>k'urár</td><td>k'úr bo</td><td>k'úr ba</td><td>k'úrt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'measure one's strength with smb'</td><td>qat' bos</td><td>qat' war</td><td>qat' bo</td><td>qat' ba</td><td>qat' bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'dress up'</td><td>q'áč' bos</td><td>q'ač'ár</td><td>q'áč' bo</td><td>q'áč' ba</td><td>q'áč't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'have doubts'</td><td>wás bos</td><td>wasár</td><td>wás bo</td><td>wás ba</td><td>wás bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'nag, bother'</td><td>q'éc' bos</td><td>q'éc'er</td><td>q'éc' bo</td><td>q'éc' ba</td><td>q'éc't'i</td></tr></tbody></table>

**3.5. Transitive movement verbs**

Some compound verbs of motion are ambitransitive and can also have an agent in the ergative (ex. 101 and 102) (Table16):

(101) a. *budraš* na'kł č'wars bo.
bucket.INEL milk(N) pour say.PF
'The milk poured out of the bucket.'

b. *zari* łan č'wars bo.
1.ERG water(N) pour say.PF
'I poured the water out.'

(102) a. *xeme-rši* bo χaraši daš bo-li.
woman.OBL.PL-CONT-ALL say.PF after turn say.PF-CV
'She said to the women, having turned back...'

b. *zari* katerte-q'a-k buc'i daš bo-qi.
1SG.ERG cattle-OBL-INTER-LAT cow.PL.NOM drive say.PF-FUT
'I will drive the cows to the herd.'

c. *q'amatu* eši temši daš bo-li.
hair(N) here there tousle say.PF-CV
'(She) tousled (her) hair.'
Other verbs are strictly transitive (ex. 103–106), although the agent can be left out (ex. 107–109) or be in the nominative case in (ex. 110), which is a case of ‘binominative construction’ denoting a continuous activity<fnref n="3" />:

(103) *zari* *dump* χ:‘ološi lap:u.
1.ERG ball(A) upwards throw.say.PF
‘I threw the ball upwards.’

(104) *zari* q’*art’i-li χ:*walli* gergi bo.
1.ERG pin-ERG bread(A) roll.out say.PF
‘I rolled out bread with a rolling pin.’

(105) *zari* to-w ba*re-q*a-k χit’ bo.
1.ERG DIST-M lake.OBL-INTER-LAT push say.PF
‘I pushed him into the lake.’

(106) doba-mu tung-li-*łu* oł tarχ:ar-ši i
granny-ERG spindle-OBL-COM wool(N) twist.IPF-CV COP(N)
imkł*el-lur-če-s.
sock-PL-PL.OBL-DAT
‘The grandmother twists a woollen thread with a spindle to knit socks.’

(107) č’ut zerzer-gi!
jug(N) fill.say.IPF-PROHIB
‘Do not fill the jug to the brim.’

(108) olo duχriq’a-š os lo χap:u-li.
(N)our village.SG.INTER-EL one child(F) kidnap.say.PF-CV
‘Once a girl was kidnapped from our village.’

(109) č’abu dere bo-mχur
sheep.PL separate.lambs say.PF-TEMP2
‘when the ewes were separated from the lambs’

<footnote n="3">³ For binominative, aka biabsolutive, constructions, cf. Chumakina and Bond (2016).</footnote>
Other verbs are strictly transitive (ex. 103–106), although the agent can be left out (ex. 107–109) or be in the nominative case in (ex. 110), which is a case of ‘binominative construction’ denoting a continuous activity<fnref n="3" />:

(103) *zari* *dump* χ:’ološi lap:u.
1.ERG ball(A) upwards throw.say.PF
‘I threw the ball upwards.’

(104) *zari* q’*art’i-li χ:*walli* gergi bo.
1.ERG pin-ERG bread(A) roll.out say.PF
‘I rolled out bread with a rolling pin.’

(105) *zari* to-w ba’re-q’a-k χit’ bo.
1.ERG DIST-M lake.OBL-INTER-LAT push say.PF
‘I pushed him into the lake.’

(106) doba-mu tung-li-łu oł tarχ:ar-ši i
granny-ERG spindle-OBL-COM wool(N) twist.IPF-CV COP(N)
imkł’el-lur-če-s.
sock-PL-PL.OBL-DAT
‘The grandmother twists a woollen thread with a spindle to knit socks.’

(107) č’ut zerzer-gi!
jug(N) fill.say.IPF-PROHIB
‘Do not fill the jug to the brim.’

(108) olo duχriq’a-š os lo χap:u-li.
(N)our village.SG.INTER-EL one child(F) kidnap.say.PF-CV
‘Once a girl was kidnapped from our village.’

(109) č’abu dere bo-mχur
sheep.PL separate.lambs say.PF-TEMP2
‘when the ewes were separated from the lambs’

<footnote n="3">³ For binominative, aka biabsolutive, constructions, cf. Chumakina and Bond (2016).</footnote>
(110) to-r misgin eqiša kelkan č'ešp
DIST-F poor at.night until cot(A)
gerkir-ši erdi.
rock.say.IPF-CV F.BE.PST

‘She was rocking the cot until the evening, poor thing.’

<table><caption>**Table 16.** Sample of ideophonic transitive movement verbs in Archi
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>‘turn, squeeze’</td><td>q"wérq'ə bos</td><td>q"wérq'er</td><td>q"wérq'əbo</td><td>q"wérq'ə ba</td><td>q"wérq'ət'i</td></tr><tr><td>‘jam, crush, squash’</td><td>búrkł' bos</td><td>burkł'ár</td><td>búrkł' bo</td><td>búrkł' ba</td><td>búrkł't'i</td></tr><tr><td>‘push, cram, stuff in’</td><td>š: wélši bos</td><td>š: wélš:ér</td><td>š: wélši bo</td><td>š: wélši ba</td><td>š: wélši bumul</td></tr><tr><td>‘dig, take off a layer’</td><td>qért' bos</td><td>qért'er</td><td>qért' bo</td><td>qért' ba</td><td>qértt'i</td></tr></tbody></table>

**3.6. Other transitive action verbs**

Among other transitive action verbs involving the light verb ‘say’, most can be
conceived of as associated with a sound (cf. Table 17, ex. 111) or a movement (ex.
112 and 113):

(111) ert:i-ttur laha raš ašrqušr/.
F.become.PF-ATTR.F child.ERG clay break.say.IPF
evt:i-ttu laha daš’ q"wank' war.
M.become.PF-ATTR child.ERG door slam say.IPF

‘A grown daughter breaks the dishes, a grown son slams the door.’

(112) χ:ʷakə nen χ:uχ:ət'iki-li qʷat'i χ:uχ:u bo.
forest.IN 1.PL.EXCL.NOM saw-ERGt ree(A) saw say.PF

‘We cut down a tree in a forest with a saw.’
(110) to-r misgin eqiša kelkan č'ešp
DIST-F poor at.night until cot(A)
gerkir-ši erdi.
rock.say.IPF-CV F.BE.PST

‘She was rocking the cot until the evening, poor thing.’

<table><caption>**Table 16.** Sample of ideophonic transitive movement verbs in Archi
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>‘turn, squeeze’</td><td>q"wérq'ə bos</td><td>q"wérq'er</td><td>q"wérq'əbo</td><td>q"wérq'ə ba</td><td>q"wérq'ət'i</td></tr><tr><td>‘jam, crush, squash’</td><td>búrkł' bos</td><td>burkł'ár</td><td>búrkł' bo</td><td>búrkł' ba</td><td>búrkł't'i</td></tr><tr><td>‘push, cram, stuff in’</td><td>š: wélši bos</td><td>š: wélš:ér</td><td>š: wélši bo</td><td>š: wélši ba</td><td>š: wélši bumul</td></tr><tr><td>‘dig, take off a layer’</td><td>qért' bos</td><td>qért'er</td><td>qért' bo</td><td>qért' ba</td><td>qértt'i</td></tr></tbody></table>

**3.6. Other transitive action verbs**

Among other transitive action verbs involving the light verb ‘say’, most can be
conceived of as associated with a sound (cf. Table 17, ex. 111) or a movement (ex.
112 and 113):

(111) ert:i-ttur laha raš ašrqušr/.
F.become.PF-ATTR.F child.ERG clay break.say.IPF
evt:i-ttu laha daš’ q"wank' war.
M.become.PF-ATTR child.ERG door slam say.IPF

‘A grown daughter breaks the dishes, a grown son slams the door.’

(112) χ:ʷakə nen χ:uχ:ət'iki-li qʷat'i χ:uχ:u bo.
forest.IN 1.PL.EXCL.NOM saw-ERGt ree(A) saw say.PF

‘We cut down a tree in a forest with a saw.’
(113) dija-mu k'as:a is kart'i χ:art' bo.
father-ERG knife.ERG (N)my head(N) shave say.PF
'Father shaved my head with his knife.'

<table><caption>**Table 17.** Ideophonic transitive action verbs in Archi
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'saw'</td><td>χ'úχ:u bos</td><td>χ'úχ:or</td><td>χ'úχ:u bo</td><td>χ'úχ:u ba</td><td>χ'úχ:u bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'shave'</td><td>χ:árt' bos</td><td>χ:art'ár</td><td>χ:árt' bo</td><td>χ:árt' ba</td><td>χ:árt' bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'sew with short stitches'</td><td>qúc bos</td><td>qúc war</td><td>qúc bo</td><td>qúc ba</td><td>qúc bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'twist wool'</td><td>tárχ bos</td><td>tarχ:ár</td><td>tárχbo</td><td>tárχba</td><td>tárχt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'spin' (thread, wool)</td><td>qénz bos</td><td>qénzer</td><td>qénz bo</td><td>qénz ba</td><td>qénzt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'comb threads while weaving'</td><td>χ'wít' bós</td><td>χ'wít' war</td><td>χ'wít' bó</td><td>χ'wít' bá</td><td>χ'wít't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'shear sheep, trim hair'</td><td>q'énc' bos</td><td>q'enc'ér</td><td>q'énc' bo</td><td>q'énc' ba</td><td>q'énc't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'cut' (grass)</td><td>k'áž bos</td><td>k'azár</td><td>k'áž bo</td><td>k'áž ba</td><td>k'ážt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'break (crockery)</td><td>kérwə bos</td><td>kerwér</td><td>kérwə bo</td><td>kérwə ba</td><td>kérwət'i</td></tr><tr><td>'hew, grind smooth'</td><td>pálc' bos</td><td>palc'ár</td><td>pálc' bo</td><td>pálc' ba</td><td>pálc't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'roast grain'</td><td>sése bos</td><td>séser</td><td>sése bo</td><td>sése ba</td><td>séset'i</td></tr><tr><td>'rub hard (clothes)'</td><td>k'úž bos</td><td>k'úž war</td><td>k'úž bo</td><td>k'úž ba</td><td>k'úž bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'knock'</td><td>dárq bos</td><td>darqár</td><td>dárq bo</td><td>dárq ba</td><td>darqt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'pinch'</td><td>q'ént' bos</td><td>q'ént'er</td><td>q'ént' bo</td><td>q'ént' ba</td><td>q'ént' bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'stew (nettle); sputter'</td><td>pút bos</td><td>putár</td><td>pút bo</td><td>pút ba</td><td>pútt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'plough'</td><td>híj bos</td><td>hijár/hejár</td><td>híj bo</td><td>híj ba</td><td>híjt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'wash (oneself or clothes)'</td><td>čúčə bos</td><td>čúčor</td><td>čúčə bo</td><td>čúčə ba</td><td>čúčət'i</td></tr></tbody></table>

However, the origin of the coverbs contained in most of these compounds is not clearly ideophonic, and some may indeed have a different origin, like a coverbal form of a
(113) dija-mu k'as:a is kart'i χ:art' bo.
father-ERG knife.ERG (N)my head(N) shave say.PF
'Father shaved my head with his knife.'

<table><caption>**Table 17.** Ideophonic transitive action verbs in Archi
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'saw'</td><td>χ'úχ:u bos</td><td>χ'úχ:or</td><td>χ'úχ:u bo</td><td>χ'úχ:u ba</td><td>χ'úχ:u bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'shave'</td><td>χ:árt' bos</td><td>χ:art'ár</td><td>χ:árt' bo</td><td>χ:árt' ba</td><td>χ:árt' bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'sew with short stitches'</td><td>qúc bos</td><td>qúc war</td><td>qúc bo</td><td>qúc ba</td><td>qúc bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'twist wool'</td><td>tárχ bos</td><td>tarχ:ár</td><td>tárχbo</td><td>tárχba</td><td>tárχt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'spin' (thread, wool)</td><td>qénz bos</td><td>qénzer</td><td>qénz bo</td><td>qénz ba</td><td>qénzt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'comb threads while weaving'</td><td>χ'wít' bós</td><td>χ'wít' war</td><td>χ'wít' bó</td><td>χ'wít' bá</td><td>χ'wít't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'shear sheep, trim hair'</td><td>q'énc' bos</td><td>q'enc'ér</td><td>q'énc' bo</td><td>q'énc' ba</td><td>q'énc't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'cut' (grass)</td><td>k'áž bos</td><td>k'azár</td><td>k'áž bo</td><td>k'áž ba</td><td>k'ážt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'break (crockery)</td><td>kérwə bos</td><td>kerwér</td><td>kérwə bo</td><td>kérwə ba</td><td>kérwət'i</td></tr><tr><td>'hew, grind smooth'</td><td>pálc' bos</td><td>palc'ár</td><td>pálc' bo</td><td>pálc' ba</td><td>pálc't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'roast grain'</td><td>sése bos</td><td>séser</td><td>sése bo</td><td>sése ba</td><td>séset'i</td></tr><tr><td>'rub hard (clothes)</td><td>k'úž bos</td><td>k'úž war</td><td>k'úž bo</td><td>k'úž ba</td><td>k'úž bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'knock'</td><td>dárq bos</td><td>darqár</td><td>dárq bo</td><td>dárq ba</td><td>darqt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'pinch'</td><td>q'ént' bos</td><td>q'ént'er</td><td>q'ént' bo</td><td>q'ént' ba</td><td>q'ént' bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'stew (nettle); sputter'</td><td>pút bos</td><td>putár</td><td>pút bo</td><td>pút ba</td><td>pútt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'plough'</td><td>híj bos</td><td>hijár/hejár</td><td>híj bo</td><td>híj ba</td><td>híjt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'wash (oneself or clothes)'</td><td>čúčə bos</td><td>čúčor</td><td>čúčə bo</td><td>čúčə ba</td><td>čúčət'i</td></tr></tbody></table>

However, the origin of the coverbs contained in most of these compounds is not clearly ideophonic, and some may indeed have a different origin, like a coverbal form of a
basic intransitive verb used transitively<fnref n="4" /> or in causative periphrasis. This is certainly
the case for *gúk:ə bos* ‘scratch, to itch’, whose cognate in Kryz is the simplex verb *gugayc*
‘itch’, forming the causative compound *gugara aric* ‘scratch’, and of *š:ʷélš:i bos* ‘stuff,
cram’, a reduplicated form which in related languages has cognate simplex verbs based
on a root *š:ʷ*.

Still some other verbs, like *pút bos* ‘stew (nettle) < ‘sputter’ or *s:ús:je bos* ‘smear’, seem clearly ideophonic, and at least the verb *híj bos* ‘plough’ appears to derive from a construction denoting a speech act. Indeed, besides the construction where the object of this verb is ‘the field’ (ex. 114a and 114b), the texts feature cases where it seems to be constructed with draught animals as the object (ex. 115; these examples are taken from the Archi text corpus, Arkhipov et al. 2007):

(114) a. *nen* Ṱanna-t uχ hejar.
1.PL.NOM.EXCL spring.OBL-SUPER field(N) plough.say.IPF
‘We plough our field in the spring.’

b. uχ hij ba!
field plough say.IMPER
‘Plough the field!’

(115) imi-š eš:i hij bo-li uns-ur...
there-EL here.to “hey !” say.PF-CV bull-PL
‘From there, having driven / *ploughed the oxen here...’

The explanation for this unusual behaviour is provided by external comparison, as a
related periphrastic construction is found in Kryz, where the verb ‘do’ is used instead
of ‘say’ as a light verb. In Kryz, *haj aridž* means ‘send, let go’. In both languages, the
compound contains the exclamative *haj*, used primarily to hurry up large cattle and
horses. However, while in Kryz the derived meaning extends by including the horse
driver as the object, in Archi the animate object (the oxen) can be left out and the
resulting intransitive verb ‘drive’ is understood as ‘plough’ and can therefore take a
new, inanimate object (the field).

<footnote n="4">⁴ The important and difficult question of labile verbs, a.k.a ambitransitives, remains to be studied in Archi as well as in most languages of its family.</footnote>
basic intransitive verb used transitively<fnref n="4" /> or in causative periphrasis. This is certainly
the case for *gúk:ə bos* ‘scratch, to itch’, whose cognate in Kryz is the simplex verb *gugayc*
‘itch’, forming the causative compound *gugara aric* ‘scratch’, and of *š:ʷélš:i bos* ‘stuff,
cram’, a reduplicated form which in related languages has cognate simplex verbs based
on a root *š:ʷ*.

Still some other verbs, like *pút bos* ‘stew (nettle) < ‘sputter’ or *s:ús:je bos* ‘smear’, seem clearly ideophonic, and at least the verb *híj bos* ‘plough’ appears to derive from a construction denoting a speech act. Indeed, besides the construction where the object of this verb is ‘the field’ (ex. 114a and 114b), the texts feature cases where it seems to be constructed with draught animals as the object (ex. 115; these examples are taken from the Archi text corpus, Arkhipov et al. 2007):

(114) a. *nen* Ṱanna-t uχ hejar.
1.PL.NOM.EXCL spring.OBL-SUPER field(N) plough.say.IPF
‘We plough our field in the spring.’

b. uχ hij ba!
field plough say.IMPER
‘Plough the field!’

(115) imi-š eš:i hij bo-li uns-ur...
there-EL here.to “hey !” say.PF-CV bull-PL
‘From there, having driven / *ploughed the oxen here...’

The explanation for this unusual behaviour is provided by external comparison, as a
related periphrastic construction is found in Kryz, where the verb ‘do’ is used instead
of ‘say’ as a light verb. In Kryz, *haj aridž* means ‘send, let go’. In both languages, the
compound contains the exclamative *haj*, used primarily to hurry up large cattle and
horses. However, while in Kryz the derived meaning extends by including the horse
driver as the object, in Archi the animate object (the oxen) can be left out and the
resulting intransitive verb ‘drive’ is understood as ‘plough’ and can therefore take a
new, inanimate object (the field).

<footnote n="4">⁴ The important and difficult question of labile verbs, a.k.a ambitransitives, remains to be studied in Archi as well as in most languages of its family.</footnote>
## 4. The phonetic structure of ideophonic compounds

Ideophonic compounds show some interesting morphonological processes and phonotactic features.

### 4.1. Morphonology of ‘say’ as a light verb

The light verb part of ideophonic compounds can be affected in various ways. Seven configurations can be distinguished based on the distribution of surface forms of the light verb:

* the verb ‘say’ remains intact in all principal parts of the compound;

* the verb ‘say’ remains intact in all principal parts of the compound except for the masdar, which takes the suffix borrowed from Lak (-t’i, instead of *bumul*);

* the verb ‘say’ remains intact in all principal parts except the imperfective;

* the verb ‘say’ surfaces as a suffix -bus in the infinitive;

* the verb ‘say’ surfaces as a suffix -bus in the infinitive, and the imperfective is modified;

* the verb ‘say’ surfaces as a suffix -bus in the infinitive, the imperfective is modified and the masdar is in -t’i;

* the verb ‘say’ surfaces as a suffix -mus in the infinitive.

These types are illustrated in Table 18, arranged from phonetically most stable to most divergent:

<table><caption>**Table 18.** Phonetic shift gradient in Archi ideophonic compounds
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>‘buzz’</td><td>zíz bos</td><td>zíz war</td><td>zíz bo</td><td>zíz ba</td><td>zíz bumul</td></tr><tr><td>‘grumble, mumble’</td><td>búrbúur bos</td><td>búrbúur war</td><td>búrbúur bo</td><td>búrbúur ba</td><td><b>búrbúur</b>t’i</td></tr><tr><td>‘drizzle’</td><td>c’éc’ bos</td><td>c’éc’er</td><td>c’éc’ bo</td><td>c’éc’ ba</td><td>c’éc’ə bumul</td></tr><tr><td>‘bray’</td><td>hóʔ bos</td><td>haʔár</td><td>hóʔ bo</td><td>hóʔ ba</td><td><b>hóʔ</b>?t’i</td></tr><tr><td>‘growl’</td><td>húbus</td><td>hur</td><td>húbu</td><td>hú ba</td><td>hút’i</td></tr><tr><td>‘gorge’</td><td>šáʔmmus</td><td>šaʔmáʔr</td><td>šáʔmmu</td><td>šáʔmma</td><td>šáʔmšmul</td></tr><tr><td>‘cry’</td><td>éʔmmus</td><td>éʔmmur</td><td>éʔmmu</td><td>éʔmma</td><td><b>éʔmt</b>’i</td></tr></tbody></table>
## 4. The phonetic structure of ideophonic compounds

Ideophonic compounds show some interesting morphonological processes and phonotactic features.

### 4.1. Morphonology of ‘say’ as a light verb

The light verb part of ideophonic compounds can be affected in various ways. Seven configurations can be distinguished based on the distribution of surface forms of the light verb:

* the verb ‘say’ remains intact in all principal parts of the compound;

* the verb ‘say’ remains intact in all principal parts of the compound except for the masdar, which takes the suffix borrowed from Lak (-t’i, instead of *bumul*);

* the verb ‘say’ remains intact in all principal parts except the imperfective;

* the verb ‘say’ surfaces as a suffix -bus in the infinitive;

* the verb ‘say’ surfaces as a suffix -bus in the infinitive, and the imperfective is modified;

* the verb ‘say’ surfaces as a suffix -bus in the infinitive, the imperfective is modified and the masdar is in -t’i;

* the verb ‘say’ surfaces as a suffix -mus in the infinitive.

These types are illustrated in Table 18, arranged from phonetically most stable to most divergent:

<table><caption>**Table 18.** Phonetic shift gradient in Archi ideophonic compounds
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>‘buzz’</td><td>zíz bos</td><td>zíz war</td><td>zíz bo</td><td>zíz ba</td><td>zíz bumul</td></tr><tr><td>‘grumble, mumble’</td><td>búrbúur bos</td><td>búrbúur war</td><td>búrbúur bo</td><td>búrbúur ba</td><td><b>búrbúur</b>t’i</td></tr><tr><td>‘drizzle’</td><td>c’éc’ bos</td><td>c’éc’er</td><td>c’éc’ bo</td><td>c’éc’ ba</td><td>c’éc’ə bumul</td></tr><tr><td>‘bray’</td><td>hóʔ bos</td><td>haʔár</td><td>hóʔ bo</td><td>hóʔ ba</td><td><b>hóʔ</b>?t’i</td></tr><tr><td>‘growl’</td><td>húbus</td><td>hur</td><td>húbu</td><td>hú ba</td><td>hút’i</td></tr><tr><td>‘gorge’</td><td>šáʔmmus</td><td>šaʔmáʔr</td><td>šáʔmmu</td><td>šáʔmma</td><td>šáʔmšmul</td></tr><tr><td>‘cry’</td><td>éʔmmus</td><td>éʔmmur</td><td>éʔmmu</td><td>éʔmma</td><td><b>éʔmt</b>’i</td></tr></tbody></table>
These phonetic changes are observed in all semantic subcategories of ideophonic compounds, with no apparent functional correlations. For the morphemic variant t'i, which is a Lak borrowing, no clear motivation was found.

## 4.2. Phonotactics of ideophonic coverbs

The phonetic structure of ideophonic coverbs is monosyllabic and conforms to any possible syllable template of Archi nouns, i.e. involving no initial clusters and no occlusive clusters. By far the most frequent template is CVC, as illustrated in Table 19:

<table><caption>**Table 19.** Some CVC Archi ideophonic coverbs
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><tr><td>báʔ bos</td><td>'kiss'</td><td>pár bos</td><td>'stream, fly'</td></tr><tr><td>č́ł bos</td><td>'sizzle'</td><td>q'écʔ bos</td><td>'nag, bother'</td></tr><tr><td>hóʔʔ bos</td><td>'bray'</td><td>qíp̥r̥us</td><td>'defecate'</td></tr><tr><td>k'íŋ bos</td><td>'overripen (wheat)'</td><td>qúc bos</td><td>'sew with short stitches'</td></tr><tr><td>k'úr bos</td><td>'take a nap'</td><td>χʷsáʔ bos</td><td>'itch'</td></tr><tr><td>kłúr bos</td><td>'rub; rub oneself'</td><td>χʷit́ bós</td><td>'comb threads while weaving'</td></tr></table>

The second most frequent template is CVRC (Table 20):

<table><tr><td>búʔrtʔ bos</td><td>'rock' (baby); 'eat one's fill'</td></tr><tr><td>č́éʔntʔ bos</td><td>'squeeze, milk slowly; spit through one's teeth'</td></tr><tr><td>čʷáʔrχʔ bos</td><td>'stamp, clap'</td></tr><tr><td>dáʔnk bos</td><td>'pulse' (heart)</td></tr><tr><td>dáʔnk bos</td><td>'be shaken, shake'</td></tr><tr><td>dáʔrq bos</td><td>'knock'</td></tr><tr><td>gáʔrtbos</td><td>'be loose' (tooth)</td></tr><tr><td>haʔmp bos</td><td>'bark'</td></tr><tr><td>łáls bos</td><td>'stammer'</td></tr></table>

<table><caption>**Table 20.** Some CVRC Archi ideophonic coverbs
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><tr><td>łérχʔ bos</td><td>'shuffle one's feet (people)'</td></tr><tr><td>níʔwbos</td><td>'meow'</td></tr><tr><td>qʷankʔ bos</td><td>'slam' (door)</td></tr><tr><td>žírq bos</td><td>'brag'</td></tr><tr><td>gúrqʔ bos</td><td>'swallow without chewing'</td></tr><tr><td>háʔnčʔ bos</td><td>'graze'</td></tr><tr><td>χ́úrkʔ bos</td><td>'slurp'</td></tr><tr><td>súntʔ bos</td><td>'smell'</td></tr><tr><td>zímł bos</td><td>'break out in a rash'</td></tr><tr><td>zámqʔ bos</td><td>'become very cold (weather)'</td></tr></table>
These phonetic changes are observed in all semantic subcategories of ideophonic compounds, with no apparent functional correlations. For the morphemic variant t'i, which is a Lak borrowing, no clear motivation was found.

## 4.2. Phonotactics of ideophonic coverbs

The phonetic structure of ideophonic coverbs is monosyllabic and conforms to any possible syllable template of Archi nouns, i.e. involving no initial clusters and no occlusive clusters. By far the most frequent template is CVC, as illustrated in Table 19:

<table><caption>**Table 19.** Some CVC Archi ideophonic coverbs
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><tr><td>báʔ bos</td><td>'kiss'</td><td>pár bos</td><td>'stream, fly'</td></tr><tr><td>č́ł bos</td><td>'sizzle'</td><td>q'écʔ bos</td><td>'nag, bother'</td></tr><tr><td>hóʔʔ bos</td><td>'bray'</td><td>qíp̥r̥us</td><td>'defecate'</td></tr><tr><td>k'íŋ bos</td><td>'overripen (wheat)'</td><td>qúc bos</td><td>'sew with short stitches'</td></tr><tr><td>k'úr bos</td><td>'take a nap'</td><td>χʷsáʔ bos</td><td>'itch'</td></tr><tr><td>kłúr bos</td><td>'rub; rub oneself'</td><td>χʷit́ bós</td><td>'comb threads while weaving'</td></tr></table>

The second most frequent template is CVRC (Table 20):

<table><caption>**Table 20.** Some CVRC Archi ideophonic coverbs
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><tr><td>búʔrt̥ bos</td><td>'rock' (baby); 'eat one's fill'</td><td>łérχ̥ bos</td><td>'shuffle one's feet (people)'</td></tr><tr><td>č́éʔnt̥ bos</td><td>'squeeze, milk slowly; spit<br>through one's teeth'</td><td>níʔwbos</td><td>'meow'</td></tr><tr><td>čʷáʔχ̥ bos</td><td>'stamp, clap'</td><td>qʷank̥ bos</td><td>'slam' (door)</td></tr><tr><td>dáʔnk bos</td><td>'pulse' (heart)</td><td>žírq bos</td><td>'brag'</td></tr><tr><td>dáʔnk bos</td><td>'be shaken, shake'</td><td>gúrq̥ bos</td><td>'swallow without chewing'</td></tr><tr><td>dárq bos</td><td>'knock'</td><td>háʔnč̥ bos</td><td>'graze'</td></tr><tr><td>gáʔrtbos</td><td>'be loose' (tooth)</td><td>χ́úrk̥ bos</td><td>'slurp'</td></tr><tr><td>haʔmp bos</td><td>'bark'</td><td>súnt̥ bos</td><td>'smell'</td></tr><tr><td>łáls bos</td><td>'stammer'</td><td>zímł bos</td><td>'break out in a rash'</td></tr><tr><td></td><td></td><td>zámq̥ bos</td><td>'become very cold (weather)'</td></tr></table>
Other existing templates are shown in Table 21:

<table><tr><td>CV</td><td>q'ébus</td><td>'butt; stick in, thrust'</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>c'ábus</td><td>'drink (cold)'</td></tr><tr><td>VC</td><td>áχ bos</td><td>'clear throat and spit'</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>úw bos</td><td>'howl'</td></tr><tr><td>VCV</td><td>út'u bos</td><td>'refuse'</td></tr></table>

<table><caption>**Table 21.** Some Archi ideophonic coverbs with untypical templates
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><tr><td></td><td>uħú bos</td><td>'cough'</td></tr><tr><td>CVCV</td><td>hačá bos</td><td>'carry on one's back'</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>deré bos</td><td>'separate lambs'</td></tr><tr><td>VRC</td><td>ú'nš bos</td><td>'blow one's nose'</td></tr><tr><td>CVCVR</td><td>dítan bos</td><td>'caress' (a child)</td></tr></table>

The remaining templates are cases of reduplication or borrowed words.

### 4.3. Reduplication

A restricted number of Archi ideophones involve reduplication and exhibit a range of different shapes, as can be seen in Table 22:

<table><caption>**Table 22.** Some Archi ideophonic coverbs with reduplication
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><tr><td>CVC</td><td>c'éc' bos<br>wík bos</td><td>'drizzle'<br>'moo, bellow'</td></tr><tr><td>CVCV</td><td>ħiħí bos<br>sús:e bos</td><td>'whinny'<br>'coat, smear'</td></tr><tr><td>CVRCV</td><td>t'ént'ə bos<br>gérgi bos</td><td>'overeat (animals), glut (people)'<br>'roll out'</td></tr><tr><td>CVRCVR</td><td>k'úrk'ur bos<br>dúmkum bos</td><td>'purl, babble, flow' (spring); 'fall asleep'<br>'mumble, grumble'</td></tr><tr><td>others</td><td>šípq'ip bos<br>ur't'i?u' bos</td><td>'hurry sheep up'<br>'crow (rooster)'</td></tr></table>

### 5. Derivaton from ideophonic verbs

Ideophones acquire, via the light verb 'say', the ability to form lexicalized participles, as well as a few causatives or pseudo-causatives.
Other existing templates are shown in Table 21:

<table><tr><td>CV</td><td>q'ébus</td><td>'butt; stick in, thrust'</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>c'ábus</td><td>'drink (cold)'</td></tr><tr><td>VC</td><td>áχ bos</td><td>'clear throat and spit'</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>úw bos</td><td>'howl'</td></tr><tr><td>VCV</td><td>út'u bos</td><td>'refuse'</td></tr></table>

<table><caption>**Table 21.** Some Archi ideophonic coverbs with untypical templates
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><tr><td></td><td>uĥú bos</td><td>'cough'</td></tr><tr><td>CVCV</td><td>hačá bos</td><td>'carry on one's back'</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>deré bos</td><td>'separate lambs'</td></tr><tr><td>VRC</td><td>ú'nš bos</td><td>'blow one's nose'</td></tr><tr><td>CVCVR</td><td>dítan bos</td><td>'caress' (a child)</td></tr></table>

The remaining templates are cases of reduplication or borrowed words.

### 4.3. Reduplication

A restricted number of Archi ideophones involve reduplication and exhibit a range of different shapes, as can be seen in Table 22:

<table><caption>**Table 22.** Some Archi ideophonic coverbs with reduplication
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><tr><td>CVC</td><td>c'éc' bos<br>wík bos</td><td>'drizzle'<br>'moo, bellow'</td></tr><tr><td>CVCV</td><td>ħiħí bos<br>sús:e bos</td><td>'whinny'<br>'coat, smear'</td></tr><tr><td>CVRCV</td><td>t'ént'ə bos<br>gérgi bos</td><td>'overeat (animals), glut (people)'<br>'roll out'</td></tr><tr><td>CVRCVR</td><td>k'úrk'ur bos<br>dúmkum bos</td><td>'purl, babble, flow' (spring); 'fall asleep'<br>'mumble, grumble'</td></tr><tr><td>others</td><td>šípq'ip bos<br>ur't'i?u' bos</td><td>'hurry sheep up'<br>'crow (rooster)'</td></tr></table>

### 5. Derivaton from ideophonic verbs

Ideophones acquire, via the light verb 'say', the ability to form lexicalized participles, as well as a few causatives or pseudo-causatives.
## 5.1. Ideophonic adjectives from participles

In principle, any ideophonic verb can form (perfective) participles by adding attributive endings to the stem. For instance, the concrete, originally ideophonic meaning of áʔ bos 'invite' is preserved in its derivate áʔbotut, which means not only 'invited' but also 'loud'. As for q'ík bos 'cry', its derivate q'íkbotut possesses only the meaning 'loud'. There are instances where the participle is in fact more common than the verb. This seems to be the case of k'érkəbotut 'curly', more common than the verb k'érkə bos 'go curly', which probably only exists as a variant of k'úrk'ur bos 'eddy, swirl, babble, flow'. The case of kúrkʾbotut 'thick', derivate of kúrkʾ bos 'crowd, get squeezed, jammed', is similar, as the adjective is derived from the compound and not from the ideophone.

Some adjectives, like qwánkbotu- 'grown up, adult (women)' or wálbotut 'clear, articulate', are obviously derived from some ideophonic compound which seems to be no longer in use.

## 5.2. Ideophonic causatives and pseudo-causatives

Only a few intransitive ideophonic verbs have a regular transitivizing (causative) construction with the auxiliary 'do'. One of the verbs for 'drink' also uses this auxiliary to increase its valency by a secondary agent. Such pairs are shown in Table 23:

<table><caption>**Table 23.** Archi causativized ideophonic compounds with regular meanings (data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><tr><td>č'írq' bos</td><td>'dislocate; crack (knuckles)'</td><td>č'írq'bos as</td><td>'make crack' (knuckles)</td></tr><tr><td>dímmus</td><td>'disperse, be destroyed'</td><td>dímmus as</td><td>'destroy'</td></tr><tr><td>q'áč' bos</td><td>'dress up'</td><td>q'áč'bos as</td><td>'dress up' tr.</td></tr><tr><td>c'ábus</td><td>'drink'</td><td>c'ábus as</td><td>'make drink'</td></tr><tr><td>hárš bos</td><td>'boil'itr./tr</td><td>háršbos as</td><td>'let boil' tr.</td></tr></table>

The examples below show the use of the two verbs 'boil'. The underived one is ambitransitive (ex. 116 and 117) while the causative construction (ex. 118) implies an inadvertent, involuntary Agent:
## 5.1. Ideophonic adjectives from participles

In principle, any ideophonic verb can form (perfective) participles by adding attributive endings to the stem. For instance, the concrete, originally ideophonic meaning of áʔ bos 'invite' is preserved in its derivate áʔbotut, which means not only 'invited' but also 'loud'. As for q'ík bos 'cry', its derivate q'íkbotut possesses only the meaning 'loud'. There are instances where the participle is in fact more common than the verb. This seems to be the case of k'érkəbotut 'curly', more common than the verb k'érkə bos 'go curly', which probably only exists as a variant of k'úrk'ur bos 'eddy, swirl, babble, flow'. The case of kúrkłbotut 'thick', derivate of kúrkł bos 'crowd, get squeezed, jammed', is similar, as the adjective is derived from the compound and not from the ideophone.

Some adjectives, like qwánkbotu- 'grown up, adult (women)' or wálbotut 'clear, articulate', are obviously derived from some ideophonic compound which seems to be no longer in use.

## 5.2. Ideophonic causatives and pseudo-causatives

Only a few intransitive ideophonic verbs have a regular transitivizing (causative) construction with the auxiliary 'do'. One of the verbs for 'drink' also uses this auxiliary to increase its valency by a secondary agent. Such pairs are shown in Table 23:

<table><caption>**Table 23.** Archi causativized ideophonic compounds with regular meanings (data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><tr><td>č'írq' bos</td><td>'dislocate; crack (knuckles)'</td><td>č'írq'bos as</td><td>'make crack' (knuckles)</td></tr><tr><td>dímmus</td><td>'disperse, be destroyed'</td><td>dímmus as</td><td>'destroy'</td></tr><tr><td>q'áč' bos</td><td>'dress up'</td><td>q'áč'bos as</td><td>'dress up' tr.</td></tr><tr><td>c'ábus</td><td>'drink'</td><td>c'ábus as</td><td>'make drink'</td></tr><tr><td>há'rš bos</td><td>'boil'itr./tr</td><td>há'ršbos as</td><td>'let boil' tr.</td></tr></table>

The examples below show the use of the two verbs 'boil'. The underived one is ambitransitive (ex. 116 and 117) while the causative construction (ex. 118) implies an inadvertent, involuntary Agent:
(116) *ḳan* ḳl'ẹrkul-li *ha'rš:ar-ši* i.
water(N)(NOM) heat-ERG boil.IPF-CV (N)COP
'The water is boiling (Russian кипит) because of the heat.'

(117) *zari* *ḳan* *ha'rš-bo.*
1SG.ERG water(N)(NOM) boil-PF
'I brought some water to the boil.'

(118) *zari* *diq'* *ha'ršbo-s* *aw.*
1SG.ERG soup(N)(NOM) boil-INF (N)do.PF
'I brought the soup to the boil and let it boil (too long).'

The few other verbs derived with ‘do’ from ideophonic verbs, as can be seen in Table 24, show unpredictable shifts in meaning:

<table><caption>**Table 24.** Archi causativized ideophonic compounds with irregular meanings (data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><tr><td>č'á'p:us</td><td>'burst, explode; shoot'</td><td>č'á'p:us as</td><td>'blow up'<br>but also 'lie, tell lies'</td></tr><tr><td>č'é'nt' bos</td><td>'squeeze, milk slowly;<br>spit through one's teeth'</td><td>č'é'nt'bos as</td><td>'run over, squash'</td></tr><tr><td>gwár bos</td><td>'hurry, walk fast'</td><td>gwárbos as</td><td>'eat fast'</td></tr></table>

Finally, both *dárq bos* and its causative *dárqbos as* mean ‘knock’, while two verbs – *zít’bos as* ‘slap in the face’ (tr.) and *píłbos as* ‘make hissing noise’ (balloon,itr.) – do not have a corresponding non-auxiliarized form.

## 6. Ideophonic verb compounds in children's speech

One of the strengths of the Archi online dictionary is that it contains a large amount of ‘children’s vocabulary’, also known as ‘nursery words’, i.e. words used exclusively by children or by adults when talking to them. These child speech ideophones cover the same semantic fields, but their phonotactics and phoneme inventory are restricted: the second most common phonotactic type (CVRC(V)) is absent, as are
(116) *ḳan* *kł'eŕkul-li* *haŕš:ar-ši* i.
water(N)(NOM) heat-ERG boil.IPF-CV (N)COP
‘The water is boiling (Russian кипит) because of the heat.’

(117) *zari* *ḳan* *haŕš-bo.*
1SG.ERG water(N)(NOM) boil-PF
‘I brought some water to the boil.’

(118) *zari* *diq'* *haŕšbo-s* *aw.*
1SG.ERG soup(N)(NOM) boil-INF (N)do.PF
‘I brought the soup to the boil and let it boil (too long).’

The few other verbs derived with ‘do’ from ideophonic verbs, as can be seen in Table 24, show unpredictable shifts in meaning:

<table><caption>**Table 24.** Archi causativized ideophonic compounds with irregular meanings (data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><tr><td>č'á'p:us</td><td>'burst, explode; shoot'</td><td>č'á'p:us as</td><td>'blow up'<br>but also 'lie, tell lies'</td></tr><tr><td>č'é'nt' bos</td><td>'squeeze, milk slowly;<br>spit through one's teeth'</td><td>č'é'nt'bos as</td><td>'run over, squash'</td></tr><tr><td>gwár bos</td><td>'hurry, walk fast'</td><td>gwárbos as</td><td>'eat fast'</td></tr></table>

Finally, both *dárq bos* and its causative *dárqbos as* mean ‘knock’, while two verbs – *zít'bos as* ‘slap in the face’ (tr.) and *píłbos as* ‘make hissing noise’ (balloon,itr.) – do not have a corresponding non-auxiliarized form.

## 6. Ideophonic verb compounds in children's speech

One of the strengths of the Archi online dictionary is that it contains a large amount of ‘children’s vocabulary’, also known as ‘nursery words’, i.e. words used exclusively by children or by adults when talking to them. These child speech ideophones cover the same semantic fields, but their phonotactics and phoneme inventory are restricted: the second most common phonotactic type (CVRC(V)) is absent, as are
lateral consonants and uvular occlusives, which are acquired late; and only one verb (*dáp bos*) has a pharyngeal feature. A full list of these verbs is given in Table 25.

<table><caption>**Table 25.** Ideophonic compounds in Archi children's speech
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'bite'</td><td>Γámmus</td><td>Γamár</td><td>Γámmu</td><td>Γámma</td><td>Γámt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'suck; ache'</td><td>c'úk' bos</td><td>c'úk' war</td><td>c'úk' bo</td><td>c'úk' ba</td><td>c'úk' bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'pee'</td><td>číš bos</td><td>číš war</td><td>číš bo</td><td>číš ba</td><td>číšt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'walk, take steps'</td><td>géd bos</td><td>géd war</td><td>géd bo</td><td>géd ba</td><td>géd bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'fall over, strike, knock'</td><td>dúk bos</td><td>dúk war</td><td>dúk bo</td><td>dúk ba</td><td>dúkt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'fall'</td><td>dáp bos</td><td>dáp war</td><td>dáp bo</td><td>dáp ba</td><td>dáp bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'stand'</td><td>ćét' bos</td><td>ćét'er</td><td>ćét' bo</td><td>ćét' ba</td><td>ćét' bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'sit down'</td><td>dák' bos</td><td>dák' war</td><td>dák' bo</td><td>dák' ba</td><td>dák'ə bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'put on shoes'</td><td>čít bos</td><td>čít war</td><td>čít bo</td><td>čít ba</td><td>čítći</td></tr><tr><td>'carry on one's back'</td><td>hačá bos</td><td>hačá war</td><td>hačá bo</td><td>hačá ba</td><td>hačá bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'hit'</td><td>áh bos</td><td>áh war</td><td>áh bo</td><td>áh ba</td><td>áht'i</td></tr><tr><td>'roll'</td><td>gúgo: bos</td><td>gúgor</td><td>gúgo bo</td><td>gúgo ba</td><td>gúgo bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'sleep'</td><td>lalá bos</td><td>lalá war</td><td>lalá bo</td><td>lalá ba</td><td>(no masdar)</td></tr><tr><td>'toddle; leave'</td><td>datá bos</td><td>datáwar</td><td>datá bo</td><td>datá ba</td><td>datá bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'turn on (light)'</td><td>t'ík'a bos</td><td>t'ík'a war</td><td>t'ík'a bo</td><td>t'ík'a ba</td><td>t'ík'a bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'throw away'</td><td>báho bos</td><td>báho war</td><td>báho bo</td><td>báho ba</td><td>bahó bumul</td></tr></tbody></table>

The syntax of the available examples for these compounds does not show any peculiarities. Yet the absence of any gender/number agreement slot in ideophonic compounds in general makes their use particularly straightforward and probably accounts for their productivity in this semantic domain:

(119) laha ha'tər-če-q'a-k dump baho+bo.
child.ERG river-OBL-INTER-LAT ball(A) throw+say.PF
'The child threw the ball in the river.'
lateral consonants and uvular occlusives, which are acquired late; and only one verb (*dáp bos*) has a pharyngeal feature. A full list of these verbs is given in Table 25.

<table><caption>**Table 25.** Ideophonic compounds in Archi children's speech
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'bite'</td><td>Γámmus</td><td>Γamár</td><td>Γámmu</td><td>Γámma</td><td>Γámt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'suck; ache'</td><td>c'úk' bos</td><td>c'úk' war</td><td>c'úk' bo</td><td>c'úk' ba</td><td>c'úk' bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'pee'</td><td>číš bos</td><td>číš war</td><td>číš bo</td><td>číš ba</td><td>číšt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'walk, take steps'</td><td>géd bos</td><td>géd war</td><td>géd bo</td><td>géd ba</td><td>géd bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'fall over, strike, knock'</td><td>dúk bos</td><td>dúk war</td><td>dúk bo</td><td>dúk ba</td><td>dúkt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'fall'</td><td>dáp bos</td><td>dáp war</td><td>dáp bo</td><td>dáp ba</td><td>dáp bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'stand'</td><td>ćét' bos</td><td>ćét'er</td><td>ćét' bo</td><td>ćét' ba</td><td>ćét' bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'sit down'</td><td>dák' bos</td><td>dák' war</td><td>dák' bo</td><td>dák' ba</td><td>dák'ə bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'put on shoes'</td><td>čít bos</td><td>čít war</td><td>čít bo</td><td>čít ba</td><td>čítći</td></tr><tr><td>'carry on one's back'</td><td>hačá bos</td><td>hačá war</td><td>hačá bo</td><td>hačá ba</td><td>hačá bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'hit'</td><td>áh bos</td><td>áh war</td><td>áh bo</td><td>áh ba</td><td>áht'i</td></tr><tr><td>'roll'</td><td>gúgo: bos</td><td>gúgor</td><td>gúgo bo</td><td>gúgo ba</td><td>gúgo bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'sleep'</td><td>lalá bos</td><td>lalá war</td><td>lalá bo</td><td>lalá ba</td><td>(no masdar)</td></tr><tr><td>'toddle; leave'</td><td>datá bos</td><td>datáwar</td><td>datá bo</td><td>datá ba</td><td>datá bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'turn on (light)'</td><td>t'ík'a bos</td><td>t'ík'a war</td><td>t'ík'a bo</td><td>t'ík'a ba</td><td>t'ík'a bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'throw away'</td><td>báho bos</td><td>báho war</td><td>báho bo</td><td>báho ba</td><td>bahó bumul</td></tr></tbody></table>

The syntax of the available examples for these compounds does not show any peculiarities. Yet the absence of any gender/number agreement slot in ideophonic compounds in general makes their use particularly straightforward and probably accounts for their productivity in this semantic domain:

(119) laha ha'tər-če-q'a-k dump baho+bo.
child.ERG river-OBL-INTER-LAT ball(A) throw+say.PF
'The child threw the ball in the river.'
(120) lo š:ënt-li-t dak' + bo.
child(N) chair-OBL-SUPER.ESS sit + say.PF
'The child sat down on a chair.'

(121) zari un hača + bo-qi.
1.ERG 2.SG.NOM carry + say.PF-FUT
'I will carry you on my back.'

These specialized verbs can also be used in comparisons; for instance, to denote
childish behaviour:

(122) t'i-tu-t laha bana to-r-mi gon c'urar-ši b-i.
small-ATTR-N child.ERG like DIST-F-ERG finger(N) suck.IPF-CV A-COP
'She sucks her finger like a little child.'

7. Borrowings

A relatively large number of the coverbs used in ideophonic compounds appear to be
loans from languages with which Archi has been in direct or indirect contact in the
course of its history.

7.1. *Borrowing in Archi of the Lak masdar of ‘say’*

The following Lak proverbs (ex. 123 and 124) illustrate the use of ‘say’ in two Lak
ideophonic compound verbs:

(123) vajnna-l bivk'u-s:a t:uk:u-gu haʔ-t'-i
PROX.PL.OBL-GEN A.die.PF-ATTR donkey-ADD bray-say.IPF-MSD
b-a-ns:ar.
A-do.IPF-FUT.3
'They'll make a dead donkey bray.'

(124) daʿrʾu š:in-a-jn uf ma-t’-ra!
cold water-OBL-SUPLAT blow PROHIB-say.IPF-SG
‘Don’t blow on cold water.’
(120) lo š:ȅnt-li-t dak' + bo.
child(N) chair-OBL-SUPER.ESS sit + say.PF
'The child sat down on a chair.'

(121) zari un hača + bo-qi.
1.ERG 2.SG.NOM carry + say.PF-FUT
'I will carry you on my back.'

These specialized verbs can also be used in comparisons; for instance, to denote
childish behaviour:

(122) t'i-tu-t laha bana to-r-mi gon c'urar-ši b-i.
small-ATTR-N child.ERG like DIST-F-ERG finger(N) suck.IPF-CV A-COP
'She sucks her finger like a little child.'

7. Borrowings

A relatively large number of the coverbs used in ideophonic compounds appear to be
loans from languages with which Archi has been in direct or indirect contact in the
course of its history.

7.1. *Borrowing in Archi of the Lak masdar of ‘say’*

The following Lak proverbs (ex. 123 and 124) illustrate the use of ‘say’ in two Lak
ideophonic compound verbs:

(123) vajnna-l bivk'u-s:a t:uk:u-gu haʔ-t'-i
PROX.PL.OBL-GEN A.die.PF-ATTR donkey-ADD bray-say.IPF-MSD
b-a-ns:ar.
A-do.IPF-FUT.3
'They'll make a dead donkey bray.'

(124) daʿrpu š:in-a-jn uf ma-t’-ra!
cold water-OBL-SUPLAT blow PROHIB-say.IPF-SG
‘Don’t blow on cold water.’
It seems obvious that the Archi masdar ending -t'i, found in some but not all ideophonic compounds of this language with the same function as the native ending -mul, is a loan from Lak, where it belongs to the regular paradigm of the verb t'un 'say'. This morphological borrowing is a decisive argument in favour of an external influence on the development of ideophonic verbs in Archi.

## 7.2. Borrowed Lak ideophones in Archi

Lak uses ideophones in exactly the same manner as Archi, for the same semantic domains, and is probably at the origin of this areal feature. Archi also shares with Lak a limited number of ideophones, for instance (Table 26):

<table><caption>Table 26. Shared ideophonic coverbs between Archi and Lak
(Chumakina et al. 2007, Abdullaev 2018)</caption><thead><tr><th>Archi</th><th></th><th>cf. Lak</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>a'n'nga bos</td><td>'cry' (newborn baby)</td><td>o'nga t'un</td></tr><tr><td>a'n'shá' bos</td><td>'sneeze'</td><td>a'nča t'un</td></tr><tr><td>č'ú'w bos</td><td>'champ, chew with open mouth'</td><td>č'a'np'a t'un</td></tr><tr><td>qélt bos</td><td>'trot'</td><td>χalta t'un</td></tr><tr><td>s:unt' bos</td><td>'sniff'</td><td>s:unt'a t'un</td></tr><tr><td>t'ánk' bos</td><td>'jump'</td><td>t'ank'a t'un</td></tr><tr><td>ú'nš bos</td><td>'blow one's nose'</td><td>o'nša t'un</td></tr><tr><td>wás bos</td><td>'have doubts'</td><td>was t'un, cf. Arabic waswasa</td></tr><tr><td>χárt' bos</td><td>'shave'</td><td>cf. χárt'a t'un 'mow'</td></tr></tbody></table>

## 7.3. Integration of non-ideophonic loans as ideophones

Other Archi ideophones have mostly non-ideophonic cognates in languages other than Lak. As can be seen in Table 27, these words or roots are used in Archi with a non-reduced form of the verb 'say'.
It seems obvious that the Archi masdar ending -t'i, found in some but not all ideophonic compounds of this language with the same function as the native ending -mul, is a loan from Lak, where it belongs to the regular paradigm of the verb t'un 'say'. This morphological borrowing is a decisive argument in favour of an external influence on the development of ideophonic verbs in Archi.

## 7.2. Borrowed Lak ideophones in Archi

Lak uses ideophones in exactly the same manner as Archi, for the same semantic domains, and is probably at the origin of this areal feature. Archi also shares with Lak a limited number of ideophones, for instance (Table 26):

<table><caption>**Table 26.** Shared ideophonic coverbs between Archi and Lak
(Chumakina et al. 2007, Abdullaev 2018)</caption><thead><tr><th>Archi</th><th></th><th>cf. Lak</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>a'n'nga bos</td><td>'cry' (newborn baby)</td><td>o'nga t'un</td></tr><tr><td>a'n'shá' bos</td><td>'sneeze'</td><td>a'nča t'un</td></tr><tr><td>č'ú'w bos</td><td>'champ, chew with open mouth'</td><td>č'a'np'a t'un</td></tr><tr><td>qélt bos</td><td>'trot'</td><td>χalta t'un</td></tr><tr><td>s:unt' bos</td><td>'sniff'</td><td>s:unt'a t'un</td></tr><tr><td>t'ánk' bos</td><td>'jump'</td><td>t'ank'a t'un</td></tr><tr><td>ú'nš bos</td><td>'blow one's nose'</td><td>o'nša t'un</td></tr><tr><td>wás bos</td><td>'have doubts'</td><td>was t'un, cf. Arabic waswasa</td></tr><tr><td>χárt' bos</td><td>'shave'</td><td>cf. χárt'a t'un 'mow'</td></tr></tbody></table>

## 7.3. Integration of non-ideophonic loans as ideophones

Other Archi ideophones have mostly non-ideophonic cognates in languages other than Lak. As can be seen in Table 27, these words or roots are used in Archi with a non-reduced form of the verb 'say'.
<table><caption>**Table 27.** Loans used in Archi as ideophonic coverbs (Chumakina et al. 2007; Saidov 1967)</caption><thead><tr><th>Archi</th><th>meaning</th><th>origin</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>warč'ámi bos</td><td>'greet' = 'say hello'</td><td>= Avar 'Good morning' (to a man)</td></tr><tr><td>čúčə bos</td><td>'wash (oneself or clothes)'</td><td>Avar čur- (without reduplication)</td></tr><tr><td>čʷáru̯ bos</td><td>'flow out; pour out'</td><td>Avar čʷaχ--</td></tr><tr><td>čáχ̥ bos</td><td>'flow; leak'</td><td>Avar čʷaχ-</td></tr><tr><td>qúrš-bos</td><td>'slide, slip'</td><td>Avar qúrš- 'crawl'</td></tr><tr><td>kʷáš bos</td><td>'ransack, rummage'</td><td>Avar kʷer 'hand' instead of Archi kul (id.)</td></tr><tr><td>kʷáχ bos</td><td>'grope' (in darkness)</td><td>Avar kʷer 'hand' instead of Archi kul (id.)</td></tr><tr><td>k'érš bos</td><td>'nod, wag one's finger; yield'</td><td>Avar kiliš: 'finger'</td></tr><tr><td>árdigi bos</td><td>'forbid'</td><td>(dialectal) Avar 'don't do it!'</td></tr><tr><td>bíz bos</td><td>'appear' (grass, bristle, hair)</td><td>Turkic biz 'awl, prick'</td></tr><tr><td>k'ápu̯ us</td><td>'wrap up (blanket); cover' (clouds)</td><td>Turkic qap- 'shut'</td></tr><tr><td>guzmús bos</td><td>'mince (walk with short steps)'</td><td>gəzmiş, Azeri participle of gəzmək 'walk'</td></tr><tr><td>gulúrči bos</td><td>'fluff up' (pillow, mattress)</td><td>Azeri guluči 'handworker'</td></tr><tr><td>lánk' bos</td><td>'limp'</td><td>Persian lang 'lame', a regional wanderwort</td></tr><tr><td>híjt bos</td><td>'hug'</td><td>Arabic aḥat̥a 'surround, embrace' pres. yu-ḥi:t̥-u.</td></tr><tr><td>wás bos</td><td>'have doubts'</td><td>Arabic waswasa 'hesitate, to have doubts'?</td></tr></tbody></table>

These findings point to the linguistic dominance of Avar, an expected and widely acknowledged fact; more contact than usually assumed between speakers of Archi (male, travelling) and those of a non-adjacent language (Azeri); and some top-down diastratic influence of Arabic as the language of religion.

## 8. Non-ideophonic compounds in -bus and -mus

The etymological origin of the second element -mus as an allophone of -bus is as certain as the fact that -bus is a bound variant of the free form bos; but of the thirty-three verbs in -mus, only eight have their full paradigm bearing a trace of the verb 'say' and can be confirmed to be ideophonic. These are: éʿmmus 'cry', č'áʿmmus 'chew', lámmus 'lick', šáʿmmus 'gorge', Ṣámmus 'bite' (childish), dámmus 'blow up', dímmus 'disperse', kámmus 'throw'.

Other, more numerous verbs with infinitive in -mus and masdar in -mul, as well as a couple of verbs with infinitive in -bus and masdar in -mul, have no other principal part containing a trace of the verb 'to say'. Of these most probably non-ideophonic verbs, 25 have their infinitive in -mus. These are: árkʷmus 'scrape, hollow out', árt'mus 'gnaw', bá'kłmus 'press', árχmus '(get) spill(ed)', ásmus 'measure', cummús 'wash', č'uʿmmús 'press', c'ummús 'sift', dárt'mus 'lose weight', dá'shmus 'become overcast', ékł'mus 'perform ablution', éqʷmus 'get a splinter; search', érqʷsmus 'sink; hide', ét'mus
<table><caption>**Table 27.** Loans used in Archi as ideophonic coverbs (Chumakina et al. 2007; Saidov 1967)</caption><thead><tr><td>Archi</td><td>meaning</td><td>origin</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>warč'ámi bos</td><td>'greet' = 'say hello'</td><td>= Avar 'Good morning' (to a man)</td></tr><tr><td>čúčə bos</td><td>'wash (oneself or clothes)'</td><td>Avar čur- (without reduplication)</td></tr><tr><td>čʷáru̯ bos</td><td>'flow out; pour out'</td><td>Avar čʷaχ--</td></tr><tr><td>čáχ̥ bos</td><td>'flow; leak'</td><td>Avar čʷaχ-</td></tr><tr><td>qúrš-bos</td><td>'slide, slip'</td><td>Avar qúrš- ' crawl'</td></tr><tr><td>kʷáš bos</td><td>'ransack, rummage'</td><td>Avar kʷer 'hand' instead of Archi kul (id.)</td></tr><tr><td>kʷáχ bos</td><td>'grope' (in darkness)</td><td>Avar kʷer 'hand' instead of Archi kul (id.)</td></tr><tr><td>k'érš bos</td><td>'nod, wag one's finger; yield'</td><td>Avar kiliš: 'finger'</td></tr><tr><td>árdigi bos</td><td>'forbid'</td><td>(dialectal) Avar 'don't do it!'</td></tr><tr><td>bíz bos</td><td>'appear' (grass, bristle, hair)</td><td>Turkic biz 'awl, prick'</td></tr><tr><td>k'ápu̯ us</td><td>'wrap up (blanket); cover' (clouds)</td><td>Turkic qap- 'shut'</td></tr><tr><td>guzmús bos</td><td>'mince (walk with short steps)'</td><td>gəzmiş, Azeri participle of gəzmək 'walk'</td></tr><tr><td>gulúrči bos</td><td>'fluff up' (pillow, mattress)</td><td>Azeri guluči 'handworker'</td></tr><tr><td>lánk' bos</td><td>'limp'</td><td>Persian lang 'lame', a regional wanderwort</td></tr><tr><td>híjt bos</td><td>'hug'</td><td>Arabic aḥat̥a 'surround, embrace' pres. yu-ḥi:t̥-u.</td></tr><tr><td>wás bos</td><td>'have doubts'</td><td>Arabic waswasa 'hesitate, to have doubts'?</td></tr></tbody></table>

These findings point to the linguistic dominance of Avar, an expected and widely acknowledged fact; more contact than usually assumed between speakers of Archi (male, travelling) and those of a non-adjacent language (Azeri); and some top-down diastratic influence of Arabic as the language of religion.

## 8. Non-ideophonic compounds in -bus and -mus

The etymological origin of the second element -mus as an allophone of -bus is as certain as the fact that -bus is a bound variant of the free form bos; but of the thirty-three verbs in -mus, only eight have their full paradigm bearing a trace of the verb 'say' and can be confirmed to be ideophonic. These are: éʿmmus 'cry', č'áʿmmus 'chew', lámmus 'lick', šáʿmmus 'gorge', Ṣámmus 'bite' (childish), dámmus 'blow up', dímmus 'disperse', kámmus 'throw'.

Other, more numerous verbs with infinitive in -mus and masdar in -mul, as well as a couple of verbs with infinitive in -bus and masdar in -mul, have no other principal part containing a trace of the verb 'to say'. Of these most probably non-ideophonic verbs, 25 have their infinitive in -mus. These are: árkʷmus 'scrape, hollow out', árt'mus 'gnaw', bá'kłmus 'press', árχmus '(get) spill(ed)', ásmus 'measure', cummús 'wash', č'uʿmmús 'press', c'ummús 'sift', dárt'mus 'lose weight', dá'shmus 'become overcast', ékł'mus 'perform ablution', éqʷmus 'get a splinter; search', érqʷsmus 'sink; hide', ét'mus
‘tie’, éχmus ‘climb; hang’, úrkłmus ‘break free’, írχʷmus ‘work’, kummús ‘eat’, kúmmus ‘eat’ (animals), kłummús ‘pull’, Łummús ‘flee’, ókłmus ‘flee, drive out’, óqmus ‘make neck and sleeves’, óč’mus ‘wake up’, qwékmus ‘flay’, s:ummús ‘melt’, χ'éχ'mus ‘ferment’, χ:ummús ‘weave, knit’.

Table 28 shows the five non-ideophonic verbs in -bus as well as a sample of non-ideophonic verbs in -mus with their fourth and third gender agreeing forms:

<table><caption>**Table 28.** Some non-ideophonic Archi verbs with infinitives ending in -bus and -mus
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'boil'</td><td>s:ubús /<br>busbús</td><td>sal /<br>basál</td><td>seté /<br>besdé</td><td>sísi /<br>bisísi</td><td>s:ummúl /<br>busmúl</td></tr><tr><td>'roll over (tr), turn inside<br>out'</td><td>χ:ubús /<br>buχ: bús</td><td>χ:ar /<br>baχ: ár</td><td>χ:eté /<br>beχ'dé</td><td>χ:e /<br>beχ:é</td><td>χ:umúl /<br>buχ'múl</td></tr><tr><td>'take'</td><td>š:ubús /<br>bušbús</td><td>šur /<br>bušúr</td><td>š: e /<br>beš:é</td><td>χ:a /<br>baχ:á</td><td>š:ummúl /<br>bušmul</td></tr><tr><td>'paint'</td><td>łubús /<br>bułbús</td><td>łar /<br>bał: ár</td><td>łeté /<br>bełdé</td><td>łe /<br>bełé</td><td>łumúl /<br>bułmúl</td></tr><tr><td>'go in, enter; start doing<br>smth'</td><td>č'ubús /<br>buč'bús</td><td>č'ur /<br>buč':úr</td><td>č'eté /<br>beždé</td><td>č'e /<br>beč'é</td><td>č'ummúl /<br>č'ummúl</td></tr><tr><td>'eat' (human)</td><td>kummús/<br>bukmús</td><td>kwan/<br>bukán</td><td>kunné/<br>bukné</td><td>kwen/<br>bukén</td><td>kummúl/<br>bukmúl</td></tr><tr><td>'eat (animal); gorge'</td><td>kúmmus/<br>bukúmmus</td><td>kúkin/<br>bukúkin</td><td>kunné/<br>bukúnni</td><td>kúkin/<br>bukúkin</td><td>—</td></tr><tr><td>'be ticklish'</td><td>łorółmus/<br>bołrółmus</td><td>łorółin/<br>bołrółin</td><td>łorółni/<br>bołrółni</td><td>łorółin/<br>bołrółin</td><td>łorółmul/<br>bołrółmul</td></tr><tr><td>'melt'</td><td>s:ummús/<br>busmús</td><td>s:éms:in/<br>bes:éms:in</td><td>s:enné/<br>besné</td><td>s:éms:in/<br>bes:éms:in</td><td>s:émsmul/<br>bes:émsmul</td></tr><tr><td>'rise' (dough)</td><td>χ'éχ'mus</td><td>χ'éχ'in</td><td>χ'éχ'ni</td><td>χ'éχ'in</td><td>χ'éχ'mul</td></tr><tr><td>'pull, stretch'</td><td>kłummús/<br>bukłmús</td><td>kłan/<br>bekłén</td><td>kłenné/<br>bekłné</td><td>kłen/<br>bakłán</td><td>kłummúl/<br>bekłnékul</td></tr><tr><td>'knead'</td><td>š:u'mmú's /<br>bušmú's</td><td>š'é'mšin /<br>beš'é'mšin</td><td>š:e'nné's /<br>beš'sné's</td><td>š'é'mš:in /<br>beš'é'mš:in</td><td>š'é'mšmul /<br>beš'é'mšmul</td></tr><tr><td>'knit, weave'</td><td>χ:ummús/<br>buχmús</td><td>χ:émχ:in/<br>beχ:émχ:in</td><td>χ:enné/<br>beχné</td><td>χ:émχ:in/<br>beχ:émχ:in</td><td>χ:émχmul/<br>beχ:émχmul</td></tr></tbody></table>
‘tie’, éχmus ‘climb; hang’, úrkłmus ‘break free’, írχʷmus ‘work’, kummús ‘eat’, kúmmus ‘eat’ (animals), kłummús ‘pull’, Łummús ‘flee’, ókłmus ‘flee, drive out’, óqmus ‘make neck and sleeves’, óč’mus ‘wake up’, qwékmus ‘flay’, s:ummús ‘melt’, χ'éχ'mus ‘ferment’, χ:ummús ‘weave, knit’.

Table 28 shows the five non-ideophonic verbs in -bus as well as a sample of non-ideophonic verbs in -mus with their fourth and third gender agreeing forms:

<table><caption>**Table 28.** Some non-ideophonic Archi verbs with infinitives ending in -bus and -mus
(data from Chumakina et al. 2007)</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>‘boil’</td><td>s:ubús /<br>busbús</td><td>sal /<br>basál</td><td>seté /<br>besdé</td><td>sísi /<br>bisísi</td><td>s:ummúl /<br>busmúl</td></tr><tr><td>‘roll over (tr), turn inside<br>out’</td><td>χ:ubús /<br>buχ:’bús</td><td>χ:ar /<br>baχ:ár</td><td>χ:eté /<br>beχ’dé</td><td>χ:e /<br>beχ:é</td><td>χ:umúl /<br>buχ’múl</td></tr><tr><td>‘take’</td><td>š:ubús /<br>bušbús</td><td>šur /<br>bušúr</td><td>š.e /<br>beš:é</td><td>χ:a /<br>baχ:á</td><td>š:ummúl /<br>bušmul</td></tr><tr><td>‘paint’</td><td>łubús /<br>bułbús</td><td>łar /<br>bał:ár</td><td>łeté /<br>bełdé</td><td>łe /<br>bełé</td><td>łumúl /<br>bułmúl</td></tr><tr><td>‘go in, enter; start doing<br>smth’</td><td>č’ubús /<br>buč’bús</td><td>č’ur /<br>buč’:úr</td><td>č’eté /<br>beždé</td><td>č’e /<br>beč’é</td><td>č’ummúl /<br>č’ummúl</td></tr><tr><td>‘eat’ (human)</td><td>kummús/<br>bukmús</td><td>kwan/<br>bukán</td><td>kunné/<br>bukné</td><td>kwen/<br>bukén</td><td>kummúl/<br>bukmúl</td></tr><tr><td>‘eat (animal); gorge’</td><td>kúmmus/<br>bukúmmus</td><td>kúkin/<br>bukúkin</td><td>kunné/<br>bukúnni</td><td>kúkin/<br>bukúkin</td><td>—</td></tr><tr><td>‘be ticklish’</td><td>łorółmus/<br>bołrółmus</td><td>łorółin/<br>bołrółin</td><td>łorółni/<br>bołrółni</td><td>łorółin/<br>bołrółin</td><td>łorółmul/<br>bołrółmul</td></tr><tr><td>‘melt’</td><td>s:ummús/<br>busmús</td><td>s:éms:in/<br>bes:éms:in</td><td>s:enné/<br>besné</td><td>s:éms:in/<br>bes:éms:in</td><td>s:émsmul/<br>bes:émsmul</td></tr><tr><td>‘rise’ (dough)</td><td>χ’éχ’mus</td><td>χ’érχ’in</td><td>χ’éχ’ni</td><td>χ’éχ’in</td><td>χ’éχ’mul</td></tr><tr><td>‘pull, stretch’</td><td>kłummús/<br>bukłmús</td><td>kłan/<br>bekłén</td><td>kłenné/<br>bekłné</td><td>kłen/<br>bakłán</td><td>kłummúl/<br>bekłnékul</td></tr><tr><td>‘knead’</td><td>š:u’mmú’s /<br>buš’mú’s</td><td>š’é’mš’in /<br>beš:é’mš’in</td><td>š:e’nné’s /<br>beš’sné’s</td><td>š:é’mš:in /<br>beš:é’mš:in</td><td>š:é’mšmul /<br>beš:é’mšmul</td></tr><tr><td>‘knit, weave’</td><td>χ:ummús/<br>buχmús</td><td>χ:émχ:in/<br>beχ:émχ:in</td><td>χ:enné/<br>beχné</td><td>χ:émχ:in/<br>beχ:émχ:in</td><td>χ:émχmul/<br>beχ:émχmul</td></tr></tbody></table>
Most of these basic activity verbs, including the two verbs for ‘eat’ (for humans and animals respectively), have very clear cognates in other Lezgic languages and beyond. However, this topic will be left for another article.

## 9. Conclusion

Archi has a large class of more than 250 ideophones, which are a subclass of ‘coverbs’ (elements of complex verbs), used exclusively in verb compounds (and their non-inflecting derivatives), constructed with the verb ‘say’. These complex verbs, which outnumber the 163 or so simplex verbs, cover a broad range of semantic fields, including transitive action verbs, and are very common in all types of discourse. Many ideophones are semantically bleached and can be identified mainly on formal grounds because of their use with ‘say’ as a light verb.

The ubiquity of ideophonic compounds in Archi distinguishes it from the languages that are genetically closest to it: there are no such verbal compounds with the verb ‘say’ in any other Lezgic languages (except maybe Udi), where ideophones are rare in all types of speech.

Since no other member of the Lezgic branch shows such an expansive class of ideophonic coverbs, their etymology is hard to trace, but recent dictionaries will probably help identify some Archi ideophones as inherited. However, their combination with the light verb ‘say’ is a comparatively recent innovation due the influence of Lak and is still productive, as shown by the Avar loans used as coverbs with ‘say’. It should also be noted that Avar, the most widely spoken indigenous language of Daghestan and currently the dominant language in the region where Archi is spoken, has no ideophonic compounds of the Archi, Lak or Dargwa types, and ideophones are only marginally present in its lexicon. Yet the trend set by the adoption of this construction is likely to go further because the auxiliary ‘say’ is a productive tool for creating new, inflectionally manageable verbs in a language otherwise riddled with morphological complexity.

A proper study of Lak and Dargwa ideophonic compounds remains to be undertaken, and their comparison with our findings in Archi is likely to provide more insights into the history of these languages and their contacts.
Most of these basic activity verbs, including the two verbs for ‘eat’ (for humans and animals respectively), have very clear cognates in other Lezgic languages and beyond. However, this topic will be left for another article.

## 9. Conclusion

Archi has a large class of more than 250 ideophones, which are a subclass of ‘coverbs’ (elements of complex verbs), used exclusively in verb compounds (and their non-inflecting derivatives), constructed with the verb ‘say’. These complex verbs, which outnumber the 163 or so simplex verbs, cover a broad range of semantic fields, including transitive action verbs, and are very common in all types of discourse. Many ideophones are semantically bleached and can be identified mainly on formal grounds because of their use with ‘say’ as a light verb.

The ubiquity of ideophonic compounds in Archi distinguishes it from the languages that are genetically closest to it: there are no such verbal compounds with the verb ‘say’ in any other Lezgic languages (except maybe Udi), where ideophones are rare in all types of speech.

Since no other member of the Lezgic branch shows such an expansive class of ideophonic coverbs, their etymology is hard to trace, but recent dictionaries will probably help identify some Archi ideophones as inherited. However, their combination with the light verb ‘say’ is a comparatively recent innovation due the influence of Lak and is still productive, as shown by the Avar loans used as coverbs with ‘say’. It should also be noted that Avar, the most widely spoken indigenous language of Daghestan and currently the dominant language in the region where Archi is spoken, has no ideophonic compounds of the Archi, Lak or Dargwa types, and ideophones are only marginally present in its lexicon. Yet the trend set by the adoption of this construction is likely to go further because the auxiliary ‘say’ is a productive tool for creating new, inflectionally manageable verbs in a language otherwise riddled with morphological complexity.

A proper study of Lak and Dargwa ideophonic compounds remains to be undertaken, and their comparison with our findings in Archi is likely to provide more insights into the history of these languages and their contacts.
## Acknowledgements

This article could not have been written without the Archi online dictionary, from which almost all the information presented here has been extracted. Its main author, Marina Chumakina, deserves universal recognition for her outstanding work. I also wish to thank Steven Kaye, Murad Suleymanov, and the editors for English proofreading.

## Abbreviations

<table><tr><td>A</td><td>non-human animate gender</td><td>IPF</td><td>imperfective aspect</td></tr><tr><td>CONTLAT</td><td>'contlative'</td><td>LAT</td><td>lative</td></tr><tr><td>COP</td><td>copula</td><td>M</td><td>human feminine gender</td></tr><tr><td>CV</td><td>converb</td><td>MSD</td><td>masdar (action noun)</td></tr><tr><td>DIST</td><td>distal demonstrative</td><td>N</td><td>fourth 'inanimate' gender</td></tr><tr><td>F</td><td>human feminine gender</td><td>PF</td><td>perfective aspect</td></tr><tr><td>FUT</td><td>future tense</td><td>PROX</td><td>proximal demonstrative</td></tr><tr><td>IMPER</td><td>imperative</td><td>SEQ</td><td>sequential converb</td></tr><tr><td>IN</td><td>locative 'inside'</td><td>SUPER</td><td>locative 'on'</td></tr><tr><td>INF</td><td>infinitive</td><td></td><td></td></tr></table>

## References

Abdullaev, Isa. 2018. *Laksko-russkij slovar'*. IJaLI DNC RAN, ALEF, Makhachkala.

Arkhipov Alexandre, Daniel Michael, Khoroshkina Anna, Kibrik Aleksandr E., Kodzasov Sandro V., Olovyannikova Irina P. & Samedov Dzhalil S. 2007. Archi text corpus (1.0) [Data set]. Zenodo. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.8247597

Authier, Gilles. 2009. *Grammaire kryz, langue caucasique d'Azerbaïdjan*. Louvain: Peeters.

Chumakina, Marina, Dunstan Brown, Greville G. Corbett & Harley Quilliam. 2007. A *dictionary of Archi: Archi-Russian-English* (Online edition). University of Surrey. http://dx.doi.org/10.15126/SMG.16/2

Chumakina, Marina. 2011. Morphological complexity of Archi verbs. In Gilles Authier and Timur Maisak (eds) *Tense, aspect, modality and finiteness in East Caucasian languages* (Diversitas Linguarum 30), 1-24. Bochum: Brockmeyer.
## Acknowledgements

This article could not have been written without the Archi online dictionary, from which almost all the information presented here has been extracted. Its main author, Marina Chumakina, deserves universal recognition for her outstanding work. I also wish to thank Steven Kaye, Murad Suleymanov, and the editors for English proofreading.

## Abbreviations

<table><tr><td>A</td><td>non-human animate gender</td><td>IPF</td><td>imperfective aspect</td></tr><tr><td>CONTLAT</td><td>'contlative'</td><td>LAT</td><td>lative</td></tr><tr><td>COP</td><td>copula</td><td>M</td><td>human feminine gender</td></tr><tr><td>CV</td><td>converb</td><td>MSD</td><td>masdar (action noun)</td></tr><tr><td>DIST</td><td>distal demonstrative</td><td>N</td><td>fourth 'inanimate' gender</td></tr><tr><td>F</td><td>human feminine gender</td><td>PF</td><td>perfective aspect</td></tr><tr><td>FUT</td><td>future tense</td><td>PROX</td><td>proximal demonstrative</td></tr><tr><td>IMPER</td><td>imperative</td><td>SEQ</td><td>sequential converb</td></tr><tr><td>IN</td><td>locative 'inside'</td><td>SUPER</td><td>locative 'on'</td></tr><tr><td>INF</td><td>infinitive</td><td></td><td></td></tr></table>

## References

Abdullaev, Isa. 2018. *Laksko-russkij slovar'*. IJaLI DNC RAN, ALEF, Makhachkala.

Arkhipov Alexandre, Daniel Michael, Khoroshkina Anna, Kibrik Aleksandr E., Kodzasov Sandro V., Olovyannikova Irina P. & Samedov Dzhalil S. 2007. Archi text corpus (1.0) [Data set]. Zenodo. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.8247597

Authier, Gilles. 2009. *Grammaire kryz, langue caucasique d'Azerbaïdjan*. Louvain: Peeters.

Chumakina, Marina, Dunstan Brown, Greville G. Corbett & Harley Quilliam. 2007. A *dictionary of Archi: Archi-Russian-English* (Online edition). University of Surrey. http://dx.doi.org/10.15126/SMG.16/2

Chumakina, Marina. 2011. Morphological complexity of Archi verbs. In Gilles Authier and Timur Maisak (eds) *Tense, aspect, modality and finiteness in East Caucasian languages* (Diversitas Linguarum 30), 1-24. Bochum: Brockmeyer.
Chumakina, Marina. 2013. Periphrasis in Archi. In Marina Chumakina & Greville G. Corbett, *Periphrasis: The role of syntax and morphology in paradigms*. (Proceedings of the British Academy 180), 27-52. Oxford: British Academy and Oxford University Press.

Chumakina, Marina. 2015. Archi. In Peter O. Müller, Ingeborg Ohnheiser, Susan Olsen & Franz Rainer (eds), *Word formation: An international handbook of the languages of Europe* (Handbooks of Linguistics and Communication Science, HSK40). Berlin: de Gruyter Mouton.

Chumakina, Marina. 2019. Bound but still independent: quotative and verificative in Archi. In: Matthew Baerman, Oliver Bond and Andrew Hippisley (eds). *Morphological Perspectives. Papers in Honour of Greville G. Corbett*. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. 281-299.

Chumakina, Marina & Greville G. Corbett. 2015. Gender number marking in Archi: Small is complex. In Matthew Baerman, Dunstan Brown & Greville G. Corbett (eds), *Understanding and measuring morphological complexity*, 93-116. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Chumakina, Marina and Bond, Oliver. 2016. Competing controllers and agreement potential. In Oliver Bond, Greville G. Corbett, Marina Chumakina and Dunstan Brown (eds), *Archi: Complexities of agreement in cross-theoretical perspective*, 77-117. Oxford Studies of Endangered Languages. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Ganenkov, Dmitry. 2005. *Kontaktnye lokalizacii v naxsko-dagestanskix jazykax i ix tipologičeskie paralleli*. Doctoral dissertation, State University of Moscow.

Kibrik, Aleksandr. 1977. *Opyt strukturnogo opisanija archinskogo jazyka*. Moscow: Izdatel'stvo moskovskogo universiteta.

Kibrik, Aleksandr. 1994. "Archi". In R. Smeets (ed.). *Indigenous languages of the Caucasus*, 297-365, Vol. 3. New York: Caravan Books.

Saidov, Magomed Sajid. 1967. *Avarsko-russkij slovar'.* Moscow: Sovetskaya entsiklopedija

CONTACT

gilles.authier@gmail.com
Chumakina, Marina. 2013. Periphrasis in Archi. In Marina Chumakina & Greville G. Corbett, *Periphrasis: The role of syntax and morphology in paradigms*. (Proceedings of the British Academy 180), 27-52. Oxford: British Academy and Oxford University Press.

Chumakina, Marina. 2015. Archi. In Peter O. Müller, Ingeborg Ohnheiser, Susan Olsen & Franz Rainer (eds), *Word formation: An international handbook of the languages of Europe* (Handbooks of Linguistics and Communication Science, HSK40). Berlin: de Gruyter Mouton.

Chumakina, Marina. 2019. Bound but still independent: quotative and verificative in Archi. In: Matthew Baerman, Oliver Bond and Andrew Hippisley (eds). *Morphological Perspectives. Papers in Honour of Greville G. Corbett*. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. 281-299.

Chumakina, Marina & Greville G. Corbett. 2015. Gender number marking in Archi: Small is complex. In Matthew Baerman, Dunstan Brown & Greville G. Corbett (eds), *Understanding and measuring morphological complexity*, 93-116. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Chumakina, Marina and Bond, Oliver. 2016. Competing controllers and agreement potential. In Oliver Bond, Greville G. Corbett, Marina Chumakina and Dunstan Brown (eds), *Archi: Complexities of agreement in cross-theoretical perspective*, 77-117. Oxford Studies of Endangered Languages. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Ganenkov, Dmitry. 2005. *Kontaktnye lokalizacii v naxsko-dagestanskix jazykax i ix tipologičeskie paralleli*. Doctoral dissertation, State University of Moscow.

Kibrik, Aleksandr. 1977. *Opyt strukturnogo opisanija archinskogo jazyka*. Moscow: Izdatel'stvo moskovskogo universiteta.

Kibrik, Aleksandr. 1994. "Archi". In R. Smeets (ed.). *Indigenous languages of the Caucasus*, 297-365, Vol. 3. New York: Caravan Books.

Saidov, Magomed Sajid. 1967. *Avarsko-russkij slovar'.* Moscow: Sovetskaya entsiklopedija

CONTACT

gilles.authier@gmail.com
Appendix

A1. Complete lists of ideophonic sensation verbs in Archi:

<table><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'smell'</td><td>súnt' bos</td><td>sunt'ar</td><td>súnt' bo</td><td>súnt' ba</td><td>súntt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'smoke; smell'</td><td>p'áh bos</td><td>p'ahár</td><td>p'áh bo</td><td>p'áh ba</td><td>p'áht'i</td></tr><tr><td>'clear up'</td><td>wák' bos</td><td>wak'ár</td><td>wák' bo</td><td>wák' ba</td><td>wák't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'break out in a rash'</td><td>zímł bos</td><td>zímł war</td><td>zímł bo</td><td>zímł ba</td><td>zímł bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'itch'</td><td>χ<sup>ws</sup>ár bos</td><td>χ<sup>ur</sup>ár</td><td>χ<sup>ws</sup>ár bo</td><td>χ<sup>ws</sup>ár ba</td><td>χ<sup>ws</sup>árt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'scratch, itch'</td><td>gúkə bos</td><td>gukór</td><td>gúkə bo</td><td>gúkə ba</td><td>gúkət'i</td></tr><tr><td>'become cold (weather)'</td><td>zámq' bos</td><td>zamq'ár</td><td>zámq' bo</td><td>zámq' ba</td><td>zámq' bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'shrink, shiver, huddle up (cold)'</td><td>q'émq'i bos</td><td>q'emq'ér</td><td>q'émq'i bo</td><td>q'émq'i ba</td><td>q'émq't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'catch fire; get burnt' (food)</td><td>pírχ bos</td><td>parχár</td><td>pírχ bo</td><td>pírχ ba</td><td>pírχt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'be overdone' (meat)</td><td>túr bos</td><td>turár</td><td>túr bo</td><td>túr ba</td><td>túr bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'become sour'</td><td>q'ánc' bos</td><td>q'anc'ár</td><td>q'ánc' bo</td><td>q'ánc' ba</td><td>q'ánc't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'ache'</td><td>c'úk' bos</td><td>c'úk' war</td><td>c'úk' bo</td><td>c'úk' ba</td><td>c'úk' bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'throb (pain)'</td><td>wárt bos</td><td>wa<sup>rtá</sup>ár</td><td>wárt bo</td><td>wárt ba</td><td>wárt bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'want to eat smth'</td><td>láhbos</td><td>lahár</td><td>láhbo</td><td>láhba</td><td>láht'i</td></tr><tr><td>'be lazy, not hungry'</td><td>ħúč' bos</td><td>ħúč' war</td><td>ħúč' bo</td><td>ħúč' ba</td><td>ħúč't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'overripen (wheat)'</td><td>k'íj bos</td><td>k'ijár</td><td>k'íj bo</td><td>k'íj ba</td><td>k'íjt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'smoke (itr), become rich'</td><td>bú'r bos</td><td>bú'r war</td><td>bú'r bo</td><td>bú'r ba</td><td>bú'rt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'repent and reform; grow better (physically)'</td><td>hínq' bos</td><td>hínq' war</td><td>hínq' bo</td><td>hínq' ba</td><td>hínq' bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'appear' (grass, bristle, hair)</td><td>bíz bos</td><td>bíz war</td><td>bíz bo</td><td>bíz ba</td><td>bíz bumul</td></tr></tbody></table>
Appendix

A1. Complete lists of ideophonic sensation verbs in Archi:

<table><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'smell'</td><td>súnt' bos</td><td>sunt'ar</td><td>súnt' bo</td><td>súnt' ba</td><td>súntt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'smoke; smell'</td><td>p'áh bos</td><td>p'ahár</td><td>p'áh bo</td><td>p'áh ba</td><td>p'áht'i</td></tr><tr><td>'clear up'</td><td>wák' bos</td><td>wak'ár</td><td>wák' bo</td><td>wák' ba</td><td>wák't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'break out in a rash'</td><td>zímł bos</td><td>zímł war</td><td>zímł bo</td><td>zímł ba</td><td>zímł bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'itch'</td><td>χ<sup>ws</sup>ár bos</td><td>χ<sup>š</sup>urár</td><td>χ<sup>ws</sup>ár bo</td><td>χ<sup>ws</sup>ár ba</td><td>χ<sup>ws</sup>árt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'scratch, itch'</td><td>gúkə bos</td><td>guk:ór</td><td>gúkə bo</td><td>gúkə ba</td><td>gúkət'i</td></tr><tr><td>'become cold (weather)'</td><td>zámq' bos</td><td>zamq'ár</td><td>zámq' bo</td><td>zámq' ba</td><td>zámq' bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'shrink, shiver, huddle up (cold)'</td><td>q'émq'i bos</td><td>q'emq'ér</td><td>q'émq'i bo</td><td>q'émq'i ba</td><td>q'émq't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'catch fire; get burnt' (food)</td><td>pírχ bos</td><td>parχár</td><td>pírχ bo</td><td>pírχ ba</td><td>pírχt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'be overdone' (meat)</td><td>túr bos</td><td>turár</td><td>túr bo</td><td>túr ba</td><td>túr bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'become sour'</td><td>q'ánc' bos</td><td>q'anc'ár</td><td>q'ánc' bo</td><td>q'ánc' ba</td><td>q'ánc't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'ache'</td><td>c'úk' bos</td><td>c'úk' war</td><td>c'úk' bo</td><td>c'úk' ba</td><td>c'úk' bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'throb (pain)'</td><td>wárt bos</td><td>wa<sup>š</sup>rtár</td><td>wárt bo</td><td>wárt ba</td><td>wárt bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'want to eat smth'</td><td>láhbos</td><td>lahár</td><td>láhbo</td><td>láhba</td><td>láht'i</td></tr><tr><td>'be lazy, not hungry'</td><td>ħúč' bos</td><td>ħúč' war</td><td>ħúč' bo</td><td>ħúč' ba</td><td>ħúč't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'overripen (wheat)'</td><td>k'íj bos</td><td>k'ijár</td><td>k'íj bo</td><td>k'íj ba</td><td>k'íjt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'smoke (itr), become rich'</td><td>búr bos</td><td>búr war</td><td>búr bo</td><td>búr ba</td><td>búrt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'repent and reform; grow better (physically)'</td><td>hínq' bos</td><td>hínq' war</td><td>hínq' bo</td><td>hínq' ba</td><td>hínq' bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'appear' (grass, bristle, hair)</td><td>bíz bos</td><td>bíz war</td><td>bíz bo</td><td>bíz ba</td><td>bíz bumul</td></tr></tbody></table>
## A2. Complete lists of ideophonic weather sound verbs and animal communication verbs in Archi:

<table><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'thunder'</td><td>qúbus</td><td>qúr</td><td>qúbu</td><td>qú ba</td><td>qút'i</td></tr><tr><td>'pour' (rain)</td><td>wéž bos</td><td>wéž war</td><td>wéž bo</td><td>wéž ba</td><td>?</td></tr><tr><td>'drizzle'</td><td>c'éc' bos</td><td>c'éc'er</td><td>c'éc' bo</td><td>c'éc' ba</td><td>c'éc' a bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'screech' (owl)</td><td>c'ír bos</td><td>c'arár</td><td>c'ír bo</td><td>c'ír ba</td><td>c'úrt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'chirp'</td><td>č'írq'ir bos</td><td>č'írq'ir war</td><td>č'írq'ir bo</td><td>č'írq'ir ba</td><td>č'írq'irt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'buzz'</td><td>zíz bos</td><td>zíz war</td><td>zíz bo</td><td>zíz ba</td><td>zíz bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'bark'</td><td>ha'mp bos</td><td>ha'mpár</td><td>há'mp bo</td><td>há'mp ba</td><td>há'mpt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'howl'</td><td>úw bos</td><td>uwár</td><td>úw bo</td><td>úw ba</td><td>úw bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'bark'</td><td>wúp bos</td><td>wúp war</td><td>wúp bo</td><td>wúp ba</td><td>wúp bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'growl'</td><td>húbus</td><td>hur</td><td>húbu</td><td>hú ba</td><td>hút'i</td></tr><tr><td>'meow'</td><td>ní'wbos</td><td>ní'wá'r</td><td>ní'w bo</td><td>ní'w ba</td><td>ní'wt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'hiss, spit' (cat, snake)</td><td>kíłł bos</td><td>kłaćár</td><td>kíłł bo</td><td>kíłł ba</td><td>kłłt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'crow' (rooster)</td><td>urí'i'u bos</td><td>urí'i'u war</td><td>urí'i'u bo</td><td>urí'i'u ba</td><td>urí'i'u bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'whinny'</td><td>híhí bos</td><td>híhi wár</td><td>híhí bo</td><td>híhí ba</td><td>híhi bumúl</td></tr><tr><td>'sigh' (cow, horse)</td><td>úh bos</td><td>úh war</td><td>úhbo</td><td>úhba</td><td>úht'i</td></tr><tr><td>'bray'</td><td>hó's bos</td><td>ha'sár</td><td>hó's bo</td><td>hó's ba</td><td>hó'st'i</td></tr><tr><td>'moo, bellow'</td><td>wík bos</td><td>wakár</td><td>wík bo</td><td>wík ba</td><td>wík bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'coo; moo'</td><td>bú bos</td><td>búr</td><td>bú bo</td><td>bú ba</td><td>bú bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'bleat' (sheep)</td><td>má's bos</td><td>má's war</td><td>má's bo</td><td>má's ba</td><td>má's bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'bleat' (goat)</td><td>me?é bos</td><td>me?é war</td><td>me?é bo</td><td>me?é ba</td><td>me?é bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'hurry sheep up'</td><td>šípq'ip bos</td><td>šípq'ip war</td><td>šípq'ip bo</td><td>šípq'ip ba</td><td>šípq'ip bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'urge sheep on'</td><td>jú bos</td><td>júwar</td><td>jú bo</td><td>jú ba</td><td>jú bumul</td></tr></tbody></table>

## A3. Complete lists of ideophonic intransitive movement verbs in Archi:

<table><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'fidget, swarm'</td><td>žwál bos</td><td>žulár</td><td>žwál bo</td><td>žwál ba</td><td>žwált'i</td></tr><tr><td>'crash, plump'</td><td>wá'p' bos</td><td>wá'p' war</td><td>wá'p' bo</td><td>wá'p' ba</td><td>wá'p bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'dislocate' (joint)</td><td>q'sárt' bos</td><td>q'sárt'ár</td><td>q'sárt' bo</td><td>q'sárt' ba</td><td>q'sártt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'be loose' (tooth)</td><td>gá'rtbos</td><td>ga'rtá'r</td><td>gá'rtbo</td><td>gá'rtba</td><td>gá'rtbumul</td></tr><tr><td>'roll out'</td><td>gérgi bos</td><td>gérger</td><td>gérgibo</td><td>gérgi ba</td><td>gérgi bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'rock' (cot)</td><td>gérkibos</td><td>gérk'er</td><td>gérkibo</td><td>gérki ba</td><td>gérkə bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'go curly' (hair)</td><td>k'érk'ə bos</td><td>k'erk'er</td><td>k'érk'ə bo</td><td>k'érk'ə ba</td><td>k'érk'ət'i</td></tr><tr><td>'disperse, be destroyed'</td><td>dímmus</td><td>damár</td><td>dímmu</td><td>dímma</td><td>dímt'i</td></tr></tbody></table>
## A2. Complete lists of ideophonic weather sound verbs and animal communication verbs in Archi:

<table><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'thunder'</td><td>qúbus</td><td>qúr</td><td>qúbu</td><td>qú ba</td><td>qút'i</td></tr><tr><td>'pour' (rain)</td><td>wéž bos</td><td>wéž war</td><td>wéž bo</td><td>wéž ba</td><td>?</td></tr><tr><td>'drizzle'</td><td>c'éc' bos</td><td>c'éc'er</td><td>c'éc' bo</td><td>c'éc' ba</td><td>c'éc' a bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'screech' (owl)</td><td>c'ír bos</td><td>c'arár</td><td>c'ír bo</td><td>c'ír ba</td><td>c'úrt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'chirp'</td><td>č'írq'ir bos</td><td>č'írq'ir war</td><td>č'írq'ir bo</td><td>č'írq'ir ba</td><td>č'írq'irt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'buzz'</td><td>zíz bos</td><td>zíz war</td><td>zíz bo</td><td>zíz ba</td><td>zíz bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'bark'</td><td>ha'mp bos</td><td>ha'mpár</td><td>há'mp bo</td><td>há'mp ba</td><td>há'mpt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'howl'</td><td>úw bos</td><td>uwár</td><td>úw bo</td><td>úw ba</td><td>úw bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'bark'</td><td>wúp bos</td><td>wúp war</td><td>wúp bo</td><td>wúp ba</td><td>wúp bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'growl'</td><td>húbus</td><td>hur</td><td>húbu</td><td>hú ba</td><td>hút'i</td></tr><tr><td>'meow'</td><td>ní'wbos</td><td>ní'wá'r</td><td>ní'w bo</td><td>ní'w ba</td><td>ní'wt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'hiss, spit' (cat, snake)</td><td>kíłł bos</td><td>kłaćár</td><td>kíłł bo</td><td>kíłł ba</td><td>kłłt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'crow' (rooster)</td><td>urí'i'u bos</td><td>urí'i'u war</td><td>urí'i'u bo</td><td>urí'i'u ba</td><td>urí'i'u bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'whinny'</td><td>híhí bos</td><td>híhi wár</td><td>híhí bo</td><td>híhí ba</td><td>híhi bumúl</td></tr><tr><td>'sigh' (cow, horse)</td><td>úh bos</td><td>úh war</td><td>úhbo</td><td>úhba</td><td>úht'i</td></tr><tr><td>'bray'</td><td>hó's bos</td><td>ha'sár</td><td>hó's bo</td><td>hó's ba</td><td>hó'st'i</td></tr><tr><td>'moo, bellow'</td><td>wík bos</td><td>wakár</td><td>wík bo</td><td>wík ba</td><td>wík bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'coo; moo'</td><td>bú bos</td><td>búr</td><td>bú bo</td><td>bú ba</td><td>bú bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'bleat' (sheep)</td><td>má's bos</td><td>má's war</td><td>má's bo</td><td>má's ba</td><td>má's bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'bleat' (goat)</td><td>me?é bos</td><td>me?é war</td><td>me?é bo</td><td>me?é ba</td><td>me?é bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'hurry sheep up'</td><td>šípqip bos</td><td>šípqip war</td><td>šípqip bo</td><td>šípqip ba</td><td>šípqip bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'urge sheep on'</td><td>jú bos</td><td>júwar</td><td>jú bo</td><td>jú ba</td><td>jú bumul</td></tr></tbody></table>

## A3. Complete lists of ideophonic intransitive movement verbs in Archi:

<table><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'fidget, swarm'</td><td>žwál bos</td><td>žulár</td><td>žwál bo</td><td>žwál ba</td><td>žwált'i</td></tr><tr><td>'crash, plump'</td><td>wá'p' bos</td><td>wá'p' war</td><td>wá'p' bo</td><td>wá'p' ba</td><td>wá'p bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'dislocate' (joint)</td><td>q'sárt' bos</td><td>q'sartár</td><td>q'sárt' bo</td><td>q'sárt' ba</td><td>q'sártt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'be loose' (tooth)</td><td>gá'rtbos</td><td>ga'rtá'r</td><td>gá'rtbo</td><td>gá'rtba</td><td>gá'rtbumul</td></tr><tr><td>'roll out'</td><td>gérgi bos</td><td>gérger</td><td>gérgibo</td><td>gérgi ba</td><td>gérgi bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'rock' (cot)</td><td>gérkibos</td><td>gérk'er</td><td>gérkibo</td><td>gérki ba</td><td>gérkə bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'go curly' (hair)</td><td>k'érk'ə bos</td><td>k'erk'er</td><td>k'érk'ə bo</td><td>k'érk'ə ba</td><td>k'érk'ət'i</td></tr><tr><td>'disperse, be destroyed'</td><td>dímmus</td><td>damár</td><td>dímmu</td><td>dímma</td><td>dímt'i</td></tr></tbody></table>
<table><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'be shaken, shake'</td><td>dá'nk bos</td><td>da'nkár</td><td>dá'nk bo</td><td>dá'nk ba</td><td>dá'nk bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'come apart' (hay; road)</td><td>čírχ's bos</td><td>čírχ's war</td><td>čírχ's bo</td><td>čírχ's ba</td><td>čírχ's bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'boil' (itr; tr)</td><td>há'rš bos</td><td>ha'ršár</td><td>há'rš bo</td><td>há'rš ba</td><td>há'rš bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'flow; leak'</td><td>čáχ's bos</td><td>čaχ'sár</td><td>čáχ's bo</td><td>čáχ's ba</td><td>čáχ's't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'slide, slip'</td><td>qúrš-bos</td><td>quršár</td><td>qúrš-bo</td><td>qúrš-ba</td><td>qúrš't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'get stuck in marshy soil'</td><td>pú'rš bos</td><td>pu'ršá'r</td><td>pú'rš bo</td><td>pú'rš ba</td><td>pú'rš bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'blink; start, twitch'</td><td>pársbos</td><td>parsár</td><td>pársbo</td><td>pársba</td><td>párst'i</td></tr><tr><td>'collapse'</td><td>wárχ's bos</td><td>warχ'sár</td><td>wárχ's bo</td><td>wárχ's ba</td><td>wárχ's't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'crack' (wood)</td><td>wírq' bos</td><td>wírq' war</td><td>wírq' bo</td><td>wírq' ba</td><td>wírq' bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'break' (wood)</td><td>žírq' bos</td><td>žarqár</td><td>žírq' bo</td><td>žírq' ba</td><td>žírq's't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'draw out' (smoke)</td><td>c'úr bos</td><td>c'urár</td><td>c'úr bo</td><td>c'úr ba</td><td>c'úrt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'dance'</td><td>qébus</td><td>qer</td><td>qébu</td><td>qé ba</td><td>qét'i</td></tr><tr><td>'jump'</td><td>t'ánk' bos</td><td>t'ankár</td><td>t'ánk' bo</td><td>t'ánk' ba</td><td>t'ánk's't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'rummage'</td><td>χ:'ws'élt' bos</td><td>χ:'ult'ár</td><td>χ:'ws'élt'bo</td><td>χ:'ws'élt'ba</td><td>χ:'ws'élt't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'walk fast'</td><td>dúr bos</td><td>dúrár</td><td>dúr bo</td><td>dúr ba</td><td>dúrt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'mince steps'</td><td>guzmús bos</td><td>guzmús war</td><td>guzmús bo</td><td>guzmús ba</td><td>guzmús bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'speed up'</td><td>t'írk' bos</td><td>t'arkár</td><td>t'írk' bo</td><td>t'írk' ba</td><td>t'írk's't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'trot' (horses)</td><td>qélt bos</td><td>qélter</td><td>qélt bo</td><td>qélt ba</td><td>qélt't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'stroll, walk'</td><td>qéc-šec bos</td><td>qéc-šec war</td><td>qéc-šec bo</td><td>qéc-šec ba</td><td>qéc-šec bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'walk, run' (cars)</td><td>qéc bos</td><td>qécer</td><td>qéc bo</td><td>qéc ba</td><td>qéc bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'crawl'</td><td>łúrχ's bos</td><td>łurχ'sár</td><td>łúrχ's bo</td><td>łúrχ's ba</td><td>łúrχ's't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'shuffle one's feet'</td><td>łérχ's bos</td><td>łurχ'sár</td><td>łérχ's bo</td><td>łérχ's ba</td><td>łurχ's't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'fly'</td><td>párχ bos</td><td>parχár</td><td>párχ bo</td><td>párχ ba</td><td>párχ't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'stream, fly'</td><td>pár bos</td><td>parár</td><td>pár bo</td><td>pár ba</td><td>pár't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'go fast' (livestock)</td><td>qút bos</td><td>qút war</td><td>qút bo</td><td>qút ba</td><td>qút bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'limp'</td><td>lánk' bos</td><td>lankár</td><td>lánk' bo</td><td>lánk'ba</td><td>lánk's't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'wag one's finger; yield'</td><td>k'érš bos</td><td>k'érš'er</td><td>k'érš bo</td><td>k'érš ba</td><td>k'érš't'i</td></tr></tbody></table>
<table><thead><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr><tr><th></th><th>PF</th><th>IPF</th><th>INF</th><th>IMPER</th><th>MSD</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>'be shaken, shake'</td><td>dá'nk bos</td><td>da'nkár</td><td>dá'nk bo</td><td>dá'nk ba</td><td>dá'nk bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'come apart' (hay; road)</td><td>čírχ's bos</td><td>čírχ's war</td><td>čírχ's bo</td><td>čírχ's ba</td><td>čírχ's bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'boil' (itr; tr)</td><td>há'rš bos</td><td>ha'ršár</td><td>há'rš bo</td><td>há'rš ba</td><td>há'rš bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'flow; leak'</td><td>čáχ's bos</td><td>čaχ'sár</td><td>čáχ's bo</td><td>čáχ's ba</td><td>čáχ's't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'slide, slip'</td><td>qúrš-bos</td><td>quršár</td><td>qúrš-bo</td><td>qúrš-ba</td><td>qúrš't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'get stuck in marshy soil'</td><td>pú'rš bos</td><td>pu'ršá'r</td><td>pú'rš bo</td><td>pú'rš ba</td><td>pú'rš bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'blink; start, twitch'</td><td>pársbos</td><td>parsár</td><td>pársbo</td><td>pársba</td><td>párst'i</td></tr><tr><td>'collapse'</td><td>wárχ's bos</td><td>warχ'sár</td><td>wárχ's bo</td><td>wárχ's ba</td><td>wárχ's't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'crack' (wood)</td><td>wírq' bos</td><td>wírq' war</td><td>wírq' bo</td><td>wírq' ba</td><td>wírq' bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'break' (wood)</td><td>žírq' bos</td><td>žarqár</td><td>žírq' bo</td><td>žírq' ba</td><td>žírq's't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'draw out' (smoke)</td><td>c'úr bos</td><td>c'urár</td><td>c'úr bo</td><td>c'úr ba</td><td>c'úrt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'dance'</td><td>qébus</td><td>qer</td><td>qébu</td><td>qé ba</td><td>qét'i</td></tr><tr><td>'jump'</td><td>t'ánk' bos</td><td>t'ankár</td><td>t'ánk' bo</td><td>t'ánk' ba</td><td>t'ánk's't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'rummage'</td><td>χ:'ws'élt' bos</td><td>χ:'ult'ár</td><td>χ:'ws'élt'bo</td><td>χ:'ws'élt'ba</td><td>χ:'ws'élt't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'walk fast'</td><td>dúr bos</td><td>dúrár</td><td>dúr bo</td><td>dúr ba</td><td>dúrt'i</td></tr><tr><td>'mince steps'</td><td>guzmús bos</td><td>guzmús war</td><td>guzmús bo</td><td>guzmús ba</td><td>guzmús bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'speed up'</td><td>t'írk' bos</td><td>t'arkár</td><td>t'írk' bo</td><td>t'írk' ba</td><td>t'írk's't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'trot' (horses)</td><td>qélt bos</td><td>qélter</td><td>qélt bo</td><td>qélt ba</td><td>qélt't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'stroll, walk'</td><td>qéc-šec bos</td><td>qéc-šec war</td><td>qéc-šec bo</td><td>qéc-šec ba</td><td>qéc-šec bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'walk, run' (cars)</td><td>qéc bos</td><td>qécer</td><td>qéc bo</td><td>qéc ba</td><td>qéc bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'crawl'</td><td>łúrχ's bos</td><td>łurχ'sár</td><td>łúrχ's bo</td><td>łúrχ's ba</td><td>łúrχ's't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'shuffle one's feet'</td><td>łérχ's bos</td><td>łurχ'sár</td><td>łérχ's bo</td><td>łérχ's ba</td><td>łurχ's't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'fly'</td><td>párχ bos</td><td>parχár</td><td>párχ bo</td><td>párχ ba</td><td>párχ't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'stream, fly'</td><td>pár bos</td><td>parár</td><td>pár bo</td><td>pár ba</td><td>pár't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'go fast' (livestock)</td><td>qút bos</td><td>qút war</td><td>qút bo</td><td>qút ba</td><td>qút bumul</td></tr><tr><td>'limp'</td><td>lánk' bos</td><td>lankár</td><td>lánk' bo</td><td>lánk'ba</td><td>lánk's't'i</td></tr><tr><td>'wag one's finger; yield'</td><td>k'érš bos</td><td>k'érš'er</td><td>k'érš bo</td><td>k'érš ba</td><td>k'érš't'i</td></tr></tbody></table>