# Residential Stress and the Challenges of Care and Proximity: Green spaces in urban renewal

Yaneira Wilson, Yankel Fijalkow

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Yaneira Wilson, Yankel Fijalkow. Residential Stress and the Challenges of Care and Proximity: Green spaces in urban renewal. European network for housing research: Grand Paris 2025: Affordable Housing in Greening Cities, LAB-URBA; Université Paris Est-Créteil; Université Gustave Eiffel, Jun 2025, Paris, France. hal-05533582

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# Residential Stress and the Challenges of Care and Proximity: Green spaces in urban renewal

Yaneira Wilson

ESPI2R (Research in Real Estate). Center for Housing Research, LAVUE-CNRS, France. School of Architecture, Paris-Val de Seine. Paris, France. Orcid: 0000-0003-3730-2224. yaneira.wilson@paris-valdeseine.archi.fr

Yankel Fijalkow

Center for Housing Research, LAVUE-CNRS, France. School of Architecture, Paris-Val de Seine. Paris, France. Orcid: 0000-0002-2091-7145. yankel.fijalkow@paris-valdeseine.archi.fr

## ABSTRACT

This article studies two social housing projects undergoing urban renewal, exploring intersections and compatibilities between actors' ideas of proximity: the Cité Émile Dubois – La Maladrerie, a 1980s-era working-class green city neighborhood in Aubervilliers, on the outskirts of Paris, and a residence (2020) with shared green space in the northern fringes of Bourges, a neighborhood with high levels of social housing. Using the notion of care, it gives a domestic spatial analysis to better understand proximity and women's roles as major participants in local associative actions and initiatives, emerging as a response to residential stress sparked by the uncertainties of urban renewal. We thus observe how care-takers occupy key positions and responsibilities in activist spheres, giving them legitimacy in their support functions or their involvement in association networks. We also explore how stakeholders, whether residents' associations or landlords, use the notion of proximity to oppose, take action and repair their situation. The ability to use individual, collective and green spaces at residents' leisure, as well as to create strong social bonds, expresses the search for well-being and a healthier habitat, where residents feel they are taking care of themselves.

Key words: urban renewal, green spaces, residential stress, women, proximity, Care
# Residential Stress and the Challenges of Care and Proximity: Green spaces in urban renewal

Yaneira Wilson**, Yankel Fijalkow*

## Introduction

Reshaping the city from within occurs at different rates depending on the community and urban system (Roncayolo, 1996). Today, demolition and reconstruction form part of an ongoing process urban planners call “urban renewal” (Merlin and Choay, 1988). French urban renewal of the 1960s had traumatic effects (Coing, 1976), leading to the approach adopted in the 2000s regarding the demolition of large social housing ensembles (on the outskirts of cities, considered to be dormitory and transitory). Numerous researchers have studied how rehousing impacts the populations concerned, where processes of segregation (Lelévrier, 2014) intermingle with resident dynamics and their ability to act in the face of eviction (Deboulet and Lafaye, 2018), as well as political practices revealing the government’s discursive shortcomings (Epstein, 2013). The 2020s has brought yet another wave of urban renewal linked to thermal renovation, impacting buildings and undermining the lifestyles of those living there (Wilson and Fijalkow, 2024). Successive renovations are often carried out in so-called problem neighborhoods, on the outskirts of cities, where the aim is mostly to improve image, or deal with spatial inequalities that have become apparent in the local toponymy (Fijalkow, 2017). Thermal renovation plays into this, insofar as designating certain buildings as “thermal wastes” devalues their market value unless appropriate action is taken to repair them (Loi Climat et résilience 2021).

While image politics play a part in segregation mechanisms, attention must be paid to the context in which this occurs (Gilbert, 2011), with residential trajectories differing in large urban peripheral areas and in medium-sized towns. To tackle these issues, local resources tied to proximity are often called upon, mobilizing neighborhoods, public facilities, social centers and green spaces. Indeed, these practices are integral to the urban policy narrative (Genestier, 1999).

The idea of proximity has been much debated by sociologists (Chamboredon and Lemaire, 1970), reflecting values that encourage social diversity (Epstein and Kirszbaum, 2010). This concept, however, does not eliminate efforts pushing people to relocate (Dietrich-Ragon and Fijalkow, 2014). Nevertheless, in taking a critical look at public discourse that endorses the demolition of large housing ensembles, while simultaneously building a local narrative (Baudin* and Genestier, 2006), proximity measures and local
initiatives must be analyzed from the perspective of stakeholders, namely those who reside and participate
in the production of the city.

This article aims to show how different actors' ideas of proximity intertwine and/or complement one another when confronted with urban renewal. To this end, it examines the territory through the notion of care, to understand how proximity takes shape and why women are the main participants in these local actions or initiatives.

Care implies above all concern for others, as well as attention to human life and its perpetuation (Laugier, 2015). Fischer and Tronto suggest that the term “caring” be considered as a generic activity encompassing everything one does to maintain, perpetuate and repair one's “world”, such that it be experienced in the best possible way. This world includes our bodies, ourselves and our environment (Tronto, 2015). Thus, a particular focus can be placed on care-takers,<fnref n="1" /> the people who bear the burden of caring for others. Here, care-takers tend to be local associations, where women often play an important role in the care-supports we identify as third places; or the space in which care is provided and supported (Courbebaisse and Salembier, 2022). However, since perceptions of care differ from one actor to another, applying this notion in the field reveals a number of contradictions, both in terms of discourse and use. Further, in light of rapid urban transformation, it also seems interesting to observe how care-takers occupy certain key roles and responsibilities in activist spheres, giving them legitimacy in their support functions or their involvement in association networks (Arnoulet, 2023).

The notion of care arose in connection with research on health in housing, particularly mental health, which has been affected by urban renewal projects. This prompted questions: how do stakeholders, whether residents' associations or landlords, use the notion of proximity to oppose, take action and repair their situation when faced with urban renewal? What is the role of green spaces in these dynamics? To what extent are care actions part of this? What weakens or empowers care-takers and care-supporters confronted with urban renewal? Who are the women care-takers, and what role do they play in urban renewal?

To address these questions, this article examines two social housing sites involved in the Nouveau Programme National de Rénovation Urbaine (New National Urban Renewal Program; NPNRU).<fnref n="2" /> The first

<footnote n="1">¹ Based on the research “CTRL + H” (Care-taker/support: Résilience Laboratory of Housing) by researchers Audrey Courbebaisse and Chloé Salembier inspired by the work on Care by Berenice Fisher and Joan Tronto (1990). https://uclouvain.be/fr/instituts-recherche/lab/actualites/ctrl-h-care-taker-support.html</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² Launched in 2014 and supported by the Agence Nationale de Rénovation Urbaine (ANRU), the NPNRU plans to transform more than 450 priority urban neighborhoods, with a focus on housing. As with the PNRU, NPNRU projects must also achieve specific objectives in terms of household relocation, local urban management and social integration. https://www.anru.fr/le-nouveau-programme-national-de-renouvellement-urbain-npnru</footnote>
includes the Cité Émile Dubois – La Maladrerie, a working-class neighborhood built in the 1980s in Aubervilliers, on the outskirts of Paris, founded upon green city principles. The second is a new residence (2020) with shared green space in a neighborhood with a high proportion of social housing—most of which dates back to the post-war period— and a small number of working-class owned housing in the northern fringes of Bourges, a midsized town. These two neighborhoods are part of an urban renewal process that has created more controversy in Aubervilliers than in the north of Bourges. A comparison thus seems interesting, as both cases boast community projects run by different associations. Jardin à Tous les Étages (Gardens on Every Floor, JTE) focuses on preserving green apartment terraces, and the Maison des Pourquoi Pas is a participatory housing project led by elderly women. In both cases, residential stress among inhabitants has been identified due to uncertainties brought about by urban renewal projects.

In terms of methodology, some fifty interviews were conducted between 2020 and 2024 within the framework of research-action projects<fnref n="3" /> in Aubervilliers and Bourges.<fnref n="4" /> Educational cafés, individual interviews<fnref n="5" /> and focus groups revealed “critical situations” resulting from tensions between aggressive urban renewal (proposed demolitions, uncertainty over rehousing) and the maintenance of individual and collective well-being. This results in what is termed “residential stress” among residents, who find it difficult to make their housing a meaningful choice, to feel in control of their environment and to adapt to it sustainably (Wilson and Fijalkow, 2024). Interviews with tenants illustrate this, revealing varying levels of adaptation to their housing, with some even seeking refuge in “third places”, also referred to as care supports (spaces for care and support). These are often used by women caretakers in the neighborhood (Wilson and Fijalkow, 2024a) and are spaces in which residents partake in activities that give a sense of justice, developing a “micropolitics of the near” (Paperman and Laugier, 2020).

Three sections allow for an analysis of these sites, the first of which deals with care-support spaces. In Aubervilliers, these include the green terraces defended by the JTE association, along with the Aquarium, a transparent glass building used as an associative space working to overcome the invisibility of local women. In Bourges, an apartment provided by the social landlord serves as a common room for the Maison des Pourquoi Pas association. The second section presents portraits of the care-takers, including community

<footnote n="3">³ Program funded by USH, CDC in 2020, along with the SAPHIR program, funded by ARS-Île-de-France and led by Yankel Fijalkow and Yaneira Wilson.</footnote>

<footnote n="4">⁴ In the Paris region, we encountered a wide range of socio-professional groups: working women, volunteers, employees, executives, retirees, involved in the housing estate in a variety of ways, from women in charge of former tenants' associations (CNL), to more activist associations linked to architectural heritage (JTE), as well as women more involved in Assistance à la Maîtrise d'Ouvrage-AMO (Atelier Approches!), proximity coordinators, and also volunteer tenants who take responsibility for certain actions to improve their quality of life. In Bourges, the elderly residents of the Maison de Pourquoi Pas are no less involved in participatory housing.</footnote>

<footnote n="5">⁵ The full names of tenants and interviewees have been changed to preserve the confidentiality of their statements.</footnote>
organizers, local authority project managers and others, who encourage sociability, support communication and promote benevolence in the neighborhood. One of the aims is to address questions raised in work on gender dynamics surrounding skills perceived as inherently feminine, such as listening, mothering and empathizing (Bouysse-Mesnage et al., 2023), and the presence of women in analyses of the city and urban renewal (Denèfle, 2004; Raibaud, 2017). The third section analyzes the social landlords' views on the use of proximity and care.

# 1. Proximity, Residential Stress and Care in Urban Renewal

Proximity implies far more than Euclidean distance, involving both physical and moral density (Durkheim, 2004); i.e., the density of relationships and encounters. In neighborhoods, however, different approaches are adopted by social landlords and local actors, the former developing remote service tools and the latter relying on physical space. This is especially important given that the areas concerned are undergoing aggressive territorial transformations that affect both the environment and people, and especially women in terms of domestic economy and urban planning. This kind of violence ultimately hinges on extending domestic space into the public sphere, depicting women as mothers or child caretakers (Faure, González and Luxembourg, 2017). These imposed forms of assignment translate into fragility and even inequity at various levels of living, as the choice of neighborhood and the ability to move are unevenly distributed. Further, women's ability to take ownership of space and create a narrative is often curtailed by urban renewal operations, much like their ability to live in pleasant surroundings. Today, urban renewal gives rise to residential stress, with residents reacting to and expressing their basic needs and difficulties in finding solutions to critical situations. Consequently, residents are no longer able choose their homes in a meaningful way, feel in control of their environment, adapt to it over the long term, or respond to the demands of housing managers (Fijalkow and Wilson, 2023).

To address situations of residential fragility, care provides a way of analyzing local contexts and relationships among players. After all, it is understandable that users, residents and tenants actively strive to repair and remedy their situations, which can be situated as care in housing management. Laugier explains that care ethic urges for attention to be paid to that which stands directly before us, overlooked for lack of attention. Through ethics, she emphasizes that people look after one another, care about each other and thus contribute to the proper functioning of the world (Laugier, 2015). Care is therefore situated in a continuous movement from the outside in, from the public sphere into the private sphere, and vice versa. This tension underlines bonds with the other, or otherness, through the idea that one takes care of another and of oneself (Paperman and Laugier, 2020). When applied to the home, care implies developing practices grounded in concern for specific situations, such as daily living arrangements. In terms of housing, women
care-takers tend to see this as a means of asserting themselves, particularly financially, perhaps after a separation or retirement (Bonvalet, Dietrich-Ragon and Lambert, 2018). Associative actors can thus create inclusive spaces for participation, including green spaces, promoting the political socialization of residents who are usually excluded (Desroches, 2018).

## 2. Jardin à Tous les Étages, Aubervilliers: The periphery of the center

The Maladrerie is a historic heritage site under threat in the working-class suburbs of Paris. Located in a former industrial zone, it is currently undergoing redevelopment as part of the Greater Paris project, particularly regarding a major brownfield site.

This Brutalist architectural complex combining social and private housing was designed by a woman, Renée Gailhoustet (1929-2023). In May 2022, she received one of the most prestigious prizes in architecture from the Royal Academy for "her extraordinary contribution and inspirational approach to urban planning". A pioneering architect, teacher and, above all, creator of innovative solutions for social housing, she invented a new form of architectural writing guided by the idea of sharing and creating social ties (Chaljub, 2019). Renée Gailhoustet's distinctive architectural concept has often been associated with the garden city model, originally developed by Ebenezer Howard in the 19th century, as it reconnects urban dwellers with nature and provides them with the conditions for individual and collective well-being (Coudroy de Lille*, Crespo and Pouvreau, 2022). In the 1970s in Aubervilliers, Renée Gailhoustet designed the 800 social housing units and 51 home-ownership units at La Maladrerie, which features private gardens in which interior spaces open onto the exterior and vice versa. Communal gardens are joined by transitional or connecting zones, mixed with business and retail spaces, as well as socio-cultural facilities and 40 artist studios. Covering eight hectares, this allowed a true neighborhood to develop between existing community roads, with multiple pedestrian paths and green spaces created at the heart of each block. This "proliferating" green city architecture, both angular and curved, also includes large terraces and communal gardens.<fnref n="6" />

At the time of our survey in Aubervilliers, a NPNRU project piloted by the Agence Nationale pour la Rénovation Urbaine (National Agency for Urban Renewal; ANRU) was under discussion, sparking criticism surrounding its undermining of the Maladrerie's architectural cohesion by redesigning original spaces and forcing the demolition of part of the complex. Residentialization and the planned exit of line 15

<footnote n="6">⁶ Since 2022, we have participated in debates on urban renewal three times a year, organizing field visits to bring Renée Gailhoustet's work at La Maladrerie to a wider public.</footnote>
of the Grand Paris metro has also put the housing ensemble at risk of losing some of its original spatial quality.

<figure><img src="image_2.png" /><figcaption>Image 1 and 2: La Maladrerie in Aubervilliers © Authors, 2023 – 2024</figcaption></figure>

Nonetheless, this housing development on the outskirts of Paris has recently been praised, not least for its deliberate use of green terraces to encourage social interaction. These interlocking outdoor spaces nurture exchange between neighbors, either through shared gardening practices, or through a form of ownership specific to this architecture. This principle was championed by architect Katherine Fiumani (who worked with Renée Gailhoustet at the time) and her partner Gilles Jacquemot. After obtaining a heritage label from the French Ministry of Culture in 2014, they founded the association Jardin à Tous les Étages, which seeks to understand how garden terraces can be used, promoting and teaching the “art of living” at La Maladrerie through educational workshops. Within their activities, they also seek to implement an eco-citizen charter. Their defense of the terraces is in opposition to the renovation project, turning spatial issues into a subject of contention (Wilson, 2024). During our interviews, architect Fiumani mentioned the pervasive debate surrounding the neighborhood's lack of security and isolation, which the ANRU and the Office Public de l'Habitat (Public Housing Office; OPH) propose to resolve with the urban renewal project. Controlled access to the buildings is thus argued to be ensured through the creation of roadways and the residentialization of the area. This is a project she strongly rejects. “The arguments put forward by ANRU
are complete rubbish. Our neighborhood is a pedestrian zone. People come from all over. We see them! It's quiet and there are no cars."

<figure><img src="image_3.png" /><figcaption>Image 2: Focus Group at La Maladrerie, JTE association © SAPHIR, 2023</figcaption></figure>

For the JTE association, the ANRU project contradicts Renée Gailhoustet's vision of “an open, pedestrian city with meeting places where residents can exchange ideas, and above all, a city full of opportunities to wander” (Humanité, October 4, 2023). Completely disconnected from its original architectural aims, the residentialization project calls for closing off the housing ensemble to the outside world by various means. Thus, beyond heritage concerns, this renovation project also threatens its overall social balance. Residents consider the project to violate its founding principles of freedom of movement, forcing them to retreat and isolate from others. Despite the ANRU's goal of inclusion in the city, residents see the policy as a form of stigmatization.

Given the uncertainties about the development plan currently being addressed, the plethora of players involved and unclear construction schedules, residents feel anxiety about losing control over their housing
and way of life. Will the Maladrerie's green, maze-like neighborhood be able to function in the same way if closed off to the outside world? Will supervision for children playing in communal areas and gardens occur under the same conditions? Will friends still be able to meet in the same places?

These questions illustrate the residential stress experienced by residents when dealing with uncertainties surrounding the project, as expressed in numerous interviews. The terraces can thus be characterized as care-supports, i.e., third places beyond the inhabited unit where care and support are provided.

<figure><img src="image_4.png" /><figcaption>Image 3: Terraces in the Maladrerie district of Aubervilliers © Authors, 2023 - 2024</figcaption></figure>

In 2019, however, another care-support space emerged. The Aquarium is an abandoned gas station in Aubervilliers that has been rehabilitated and reinvested by and for women. Located outside the premises of La Maladrerie, its arrival can be understood as a response to current events. This unusual building was the focus of an action-study on gendered practices of public space by the Approches! urban planning studio, a collective of women (architects, urban planners, cultural project experts, social designers, illustrators). Their approach focuses on the ways in which the space is adopted, through workshops and a series of temporary installations designed to encourage the participation of local women. The Aquarium is a welcoming, friendly place where women can meet, exchange ideas and create, in which various activities are organized; i.e., embroidery and wellness workshops, flea markets and exhibitions, as well as tea and coffee get-togethers organized by the Bien Vivre Mon Quartier (Living Well in my Neighborhood) association.
<figure><img src="image_5.png" /><figcaption>Image 4: Care-support the Aquarium: Un lieu pour tout.es (a place for all) at La Maladrerie © Authors, 2024</figcaption></figure>

Here, the women encountered differ from the collective of architects fighting for the terraces. As an architect from Approches! explains:

The main question that arose was: how do we reach women? So, we undertook a full gender diagnosis in 2018, which gradually permeated our projects. The landlord hadn't thought of gender as a way of working. Following this assessment, we realized that if we wanted women to take ownership of public space, it couldn't be achieved through redesign alone, and that perhaps the best way to start would be to restore their self-confidence in an intimate space where they feel comfortable sharing ideas. This place would be non-mixed, or, if it were open to gender mixing, it would involve kind-hearted people. In the end, we approached the question of transitional urbanism, so we temporarily converted a former community center and gas station into the Aquarium (Architect, 35-year-old woman, Atelier Approches!, 2020).

Interviewing these women gave insight into meanings they attach to care and proximity initiatives, as well as green spaces in their neighborhoods. Naila has lived in La Maladrerie almost all her life; before 1990,
she lived in a low-standard social housing project run by Seine Saint-Denis Habitat. Originally from Algeria, and now in her 50s, she describes herself above all as a neighbor who cares about living well with others. “I like it when it's clean. We've got a beautiful neighborhood and we need to take care of it.” Firmly rooted in her community, she founded the Bien Vivre dans Mon Quartier association. This could not have existed without the help of a local authority, particularly a proximity worker from a local democracy department, Naima, who provided administrative and legal support to the association using the Fonds d'Initiatives Locales (FIL), an interesting tool provided to residents by the town. “This assistance gives me the funds I need to keep the association running smoothly”, explains Khadija. Her women's association, created for single women in the neighborhood, can use the Aquarium as a place to meet and exchange ideas, as well as engage in a variety of activities. Naima emphasizes the importance of these workshops, whether for sewing or well-being. “A neighborhood workshop where women are invited to take care of themselves may seem trivial, but it's actually quite powerful. It's about women. It really speaks to them!”

Another example is Catalina, a woman in her forties. Originally from Guadeloupe, she grew up in Caen, Normandy. After graduating from high school, she studied history at the Sorbonne, trained as a journalist and moved to Aubervilliers, where she has lived for the past twenty years. Her commitment to human values and social cohesion began as a volunteer with the Forum Social d'Aubervilliers association. “This was in the early days of these movements, which focus on collaborative practices, ecology and the social economy”, she explains. A friend then invited her to join the tenant representatives list (in third rank), until a series of coincidences led her to the top of the list, making her the main representative figure to assure contact with the landlord on behalf of tenants. Although she was surprised, she felt a strong sense of responsibility, as if this chance in life had sparked an ambition that had lain dormant until then. Meanwhile, she also created her own tenant assistance association, Gardens on Every Floor (JTE), Aubervilliers.

As a fierce defender of the right to information and support for tenants, she acts as much more than a simple spokesperson. Alternating between board member, municipal councilor and tenant, she navigates various discursive environments without ever abandoning her convictions. During Covid, for example, she set up a special Covid social emergency commission, comprised of social workers, the rental management director, tenant administrators and a Caisse d'Allocation Familiale (Family Allocations Office) representative. Its purpose is described as follows. “In cases where benefits were exhausted, or tenants were ineligible for social benefits or state assistance, the commission stepped in to help them cancel rent debts incurred during the crisis. A minor victory, but also a minor relief.” These efforts represented 70 out of 8,000 total claims examined, a figure that she believes falls short of reality. “We would have liked it to be a major relief, but we're just small players.” Throughout her career and associative experiences, she has played an active role on the municipal political scene, defending local mobilization and engagement. Her
involvement in the challenges facing La Maladrerie converges with her position as a local tenant. Despite being powerless amidst risks of transformations to her home, Catalina continues to believe in the institutions, influence and even potential role that the landlord could play in defending her property.

Through these players, the strategies of social landlords may also be examined, since they too are involved in urban renewal. For example, an analysis of the involvement patterns of residents that are most active demonstrates that the transfer of responsibilities between landlords and tenants primarily occurs amongst those who are most available–particularly housewives and retired people–whose inactivity is then used to benefit residential management. Thus, the social dispositions among the most committed care-takers combine sex-related characteristics with high local social capital, giving them leadership positions in the neighborhood. A typical profile of tenants quickly emerges: residents often involved in their living environment by assuming broader responsibilities, in many cases influenced by the landlord, to the point of becoming “ambassadors” of their living environment (Leclercq and Wilson, 2021). These residents are no longer just “simple tenants”, consumers of services, but become contributors and care-takers in the management of their homes, and in the provision of services to other residents.

Thus, the terminology of social innovation reveals a process whereby the status of tenant is professionalized. As such, residents are invited to develop their skills and influence, to become ambassadors of their living space, to engage in creating social ties, and even to establish themselves as real “mediators” with guardians and other players in rental management. This also allows them to tackle residential stress encountered in these situations. At first glance, this approach conveys a reformist aim: “to encourage experimentation with innovative solutions, aiming for their widespread adoption as a means of modernizing public policy” (Penven, 2015). The following excerpt from an interview with a social housing manager sheds light on his understanding of care, and the proximity that appears as necessary to managing relationships outside of apartment units.

> The moment tenants no longer feel at home outside their front door, when it comes to issues of cleanliness, security and neighborly relations, the whole system stops working. We need people to feel at home, not only in their homes, but also in the common areas, outdoor spaces and even public spaces. If people don't feel at home, they think of the rest as outside. Outside doesn't count, which means people can do whatever they please there, making it a lawless zone. So, the fact that people are taking an interest in their living environment, that alone is a positive thing for us (OPH manager, male, aged 56).

Ironically, despite the JTE association's location and commitment to preserving green spaces, to the “art of living” together, and its role in promoting the neighborhood to the outside world, the landlord does not
consider it to fulfill the care function outlined above. And while the Aquarium appears to satisfy these
criteria, it is worth highlighting its location outside the neighborhood, despite its efforts being directly aimed
within.

3. The Maison des Pourquoi Pas: The periphery of the periphery

In Bourges, the research is part of the Santé Paris Habitat Histoires Résidentielles (Paris Housing Health and Residential Narratives; SAPHIR) research-action program, focusing on the issue of health in housing, funded by the Agence Régional de Santé (Regional Health Agency; ARS) Ile-de-France. Its implementation involves a three-stage approach, starting with an educational café to inform residents of the research on housing and health in their building, offering them a leaflet inviting them to reflect on the subject. This ideally should lead to individual interviews (second stage) with residents. The third stage then involves a presentation of the interviews to the residents, highlighting places and issues (Wilson, Fijalkow 2024), which can then serve as care-supports.

Named after the association behind the project, the Maison des Pourquoi Pas is located on the fringes of the medium-sized town of Bourges (population 64,000), 15 minutes from the train station by public transport (which is free of charge since September 2023). This new building is on the edge of a major thoroughfare, lined with single-family homes and small 1950s social housing blocks, one of which is earmarked for demolition and reconstruction under the ANRU program. Rehousing the residents of the hundred or so social housing units targeted by the program seems to have been negotiated at length. And the rehabilitation of a shopping center and neighborhood facilities has also been planned.

In this neighborhood, some of the buildings have already been walled in. The Maison des Pourquoi Pas, however, stands out as a small, modest rental building, with fences here and there, featuring a small parking lot, a small public area and a communal green space.
<figure><img src="image_6.png" /><figcaption>Image 5: *The Maison des Pourquoi Pas* © Authors, 2024</figcaption></figure>

The collective at the Maison des Pourquoi Pas is a tenants' association created by residents who are well integrated in the community. Their aim is to promote a participatory, intergenerational, sustainable and supportive housing project, devised and designed with residents in mind. The France Loire social landlord, approached by elected representatives and tenants, integrated this fifteen-apartment project into its real-estate strategy by looking for a plot of land and acting as project manager. During the two-year design phase, tenants say they feel they were part of a collective adventure, meeting with the project's architect, and even obtaining an elevator (for a 3-story building). All apartments are therefore accessible to people with reduced mobility.

<figure><img src="image_7.png" /><figcaption>Image 6: Maison des Pouquoi Pas Common Area © Authors, 2023-2024</figcaption></figure>
The care-support center is an apartment used as a common room, allocated to the association by the landlord to develop social activities. Here, the collective meets regularly to discuss the rules of communal living in the residence and ideas for social interaction (compost management, waste sorting, gym sessions, etc.). The collective green space is managed by certain inhabitants of the residence and is essentially a small vegetable garden, with harvests that are “much envied by the neighbors”.

<figure><img src="image_8.png" /><figcaption>Image 7: Collective Green Space, Vegetable Garden © Authors, 2024</figcaption></figure>

The caretakers who set up the Maison des Pourquoi Pas Association are mainly elderly women who had already been living in the neighborhood. In fact, only one family with children was accepted to join the project. Their trajectories illustrate the relationship between care activities and the area, Cécile (72) being a case in point. As a former psychiatric nurse, member of the Socialist Party, daughter of local farmers, and president of the lacemaking association, she was one of the first people to initiate the project. While widowed and living alone in a single-family home, she brought her neighbors together after seeing a report on participatory housing. At the time, her house was too big and dark for her, but she wanted to keep a piece of land that she could look after. Although collective housing has been a big change in her life, it brings material and psychological support, as well as a sense of security.

Bernadette (70) also comes from Bourges. As a former early childhood educator, she is heavily involved in community work, particularly the Régie de Quartier, where she gives French lessons to immigrants. Before joining this community, Bernadette was living in an apartment block on the third floor with no elevator, which was beginning to make her daily life difficult (for example, bringing groceries up the stairs). As a result, she was already considering leaving her apartment to find a more suitable place to live in preparation
for her old age. She decided to return to Bourges when she retired, after some twenty years living elsewhere in France, choosing to live in a neighborhood that seemed close to the life she had known in the medium-sized town. “Everyone told me: Bourges Nord. Nobody wants to go to Bourges Nord. But I said, ‘I’m going there’”. During a conversation with Janine, the two neighbors came up with the idea of living in the same building, as if to perpetuate their shared lifestyle, watering each other’s plants, collecting the mail, and so on. Thus, Bernadette took Janine at her word and called on a municipal team to initiate the shared, intergenerational housing project, with an elevator and links to the town through its proximity to services (doctors, shops, etc.).

Delphine (80), mother of three, lost her husband ten years ago. This former agricultural cooperative accountant secretary grew up in the countryside. While married, she first lived in a low-income housing estate, then in a house that her husband had renovated. She is familiar with the neighborhood, since her husband was involved there as a local councilor. For her, the participatory housing project is linked to the idea of ageing well, especially considering that leaving her home was a big step for her and raised a lot of questions.

Hila is the daughter of Algerian parents, a mother of four, a housewife, and has worked in several trades (in the construction industry). She is particularly involved in community life (football association, Territoire Zéro Chômeur Longue Durée (Zero Long-Term Unemployment Area), etc.) and neighborhood life. First a tenant in a single-family home, she then moved to a social housing building in the Turly District, which was vacated for demolition as part of the urban renewal program. Pushed to be rehoused, she applied to live at the Maison des Pourquoi pas, which accepted her. She notes that staying in her neighborhood has been a real opportunity for her.

These women's backgrounds are strongly rooted in the local area, intersecting with other elderly immigrants from the Maghreb and Turkey. One of the youngest members of the Maison des Pourquoi Pas, Emma, is 52 years old. Diversity is seen as a shared guiding principle, in terms of generation, social origins and religious beliefs. For them, intergenerational and inclusive living provides security, as well as a place to make the best of a neighborhood undergoing major renewal. Describing their residence as a haven of peace, they are delighted to have seen their project through and to have found a true partner in the social landlord France Loire. Nevertheless, considering their old age, they worry about the sustainability of their housing model.

From the perspective of France Loire, the Maison des Pourquoi Pas Association is an important partner, having included this project in its Habitat Santé (Housing and Health) label program. As part of an integrated partnership with a major group of mutual benefit insurance companies, the intention is a program
fully accessible to people with reduced mobility, including the “innovative design of a staircase to encourage its use over the elevator”. Thermal questions are handled through reinforced external insulation and materials promoting comfort in hot weather. Further, the partnership with the Maison des Pourquoi Pas association embeds the project in a local dynamic, where the tenant association handles the everyday management of living rules.<fnref n="7" /> The landlord provides tenants with a health advisor employed by the organization, who monitors the association’s activities, offers them health services and supports them in their reflections on participatory housing (for example, by proposing a meeting with other housing organizations of the same type). Meanwhile, the social landlord offers tenants a range of services for the elderly, which can be transmitted to medical platforms via remote communication.

This home-automated building is equipped with networked, remote-controlled electrical appliances, which tenants have a hard time using. “The radiators are difficult to understand, to get them to work. Towel dryers are the same. You’d need a master’s degree to use them”. The thermodynamic double flow CMV (supplementary heating system in winter and air conditioning system in summer) used in these buildings is a source of confusion for the group of residents interviewed. They admit to being unfamiliar with how it works, and not knowing whether they have CMV or an air conditioning system in their apartment (Fijalkow and Maresca, 2019). Some residents resort to energy restriction and expense reduction strategies, cutting back on daily showers, modifying their diet (limiting meals or eating only cold meals), or using additional devices (electric blankets, etc.). Others accept the extra costs, leading to major financial difficulties and severe residential stress.

This research shows that residents take refuge in the care-support space, also known as the common room. For the landlord, contemporary housing has become a complex machine that can be managed remotely, complementing the local tools developed by the Maison des Pourquoi Pas association; i.e., daily, in-person meeting and exchange.

# 4. Conclusion and Discussion

Urban renewal in La Maladrerie and Bourges North districts can be seen as a source of adversity for residents, provoking situations of residential stress. This challenges their mental health, giving rise to care-support spaces ranging from areas to protect (such as the terraces in Aubervilliers) to third places (such as the Aquarium). In the two cases studied, these care-support spaces provide positive narratives in opposition to violent operations that downgrade the territory and its inhabitants, who are often strongly invested in the

<footnote n="7">⁷ To find out more: https://www.franceloire.fr/actualites/pose-de-1re-pierre-dun-habitat-participatif-bourges-18</footnote>
local community. In both cases, however, it seems that urban renewal ultimately reinforces the care-support dynamic through proximity.

Yet, care-takers are not considered in the same way depending on the context of urban renewal. In Aubervilliers, it seems to have been theorized by proponents of the Aquarium, where the aim is to take care of the environment and other tenants. For the social landlord and institutional players, care-takers in Aubervilliers represent tools for the governance of the housing estate, and undoubtedly, for urban renewal. In this neighborhood on the outskirts of Paris, where major development challenges exist, care-takers are unlikely to be considered anything other than social facilitators. In Bourges, participation and co-supervision were the main driving forces behind the creation of the Maison des Pourquoi Pas, where the social landlord is a partner. While the latter initiated the Habitat Santé label, this is secondary to tenants' actions. Care policy is therefore mobilized differently when we move from one site located on the outskirts of a major city, to one on the periphery of the periphery, in which the social dimension seems to take precedence over environmental and heritage protection. The two sites presented here illustrate different uses of the notion of proximity from the point of view of landlords and tenants.

In Aubervilliers, tenants use proximity to cope with urban renewal, which is disrupting social and spatial relationships. They focus particularly on the iconic terraces, which are both heritage elements and care-supports for local sociability. Although urban renewal is reducing the number of terraces, it also indirectly spawned the Aquarium, another care-support space. The social landlord is clearly interested in using the notion of proximity as expressed by tenants of the Aquarium, which is located outside the housing ensemble. The landlord's preference for this space over that of the JTE association stems from its opposition with regard to the defense of architecture and community life. This dialectic of proximity is less subtle in Bourges, where the landlord benefits from the existence of a local associative structure that manages the site without the need for a guardian-type servant. The common room, which acts as care-support, is also allocated by the landlord.

Similar results have already been demonstrated by Leclercq and Wilson (2021), who argue that this form of communal living represents a place of individual reparation in the face of neighborhood renewal and the processes of aging and isolation. However, the landlord justifies its Habitat Santé label by integrating home automation and remote services. This raises questions about how landlords imagine proximity with digital techniques and the “outlets” (Pattaroni, 2016) they offer residents to feel in control of their living space. However, in Bourges, this research shows that residents are less receptive to these tools, preferring to develop direct face-to-face interactions.
While urban renewal policies nowadays are applied consistently to all buildings, residential stress levels observed in both areas reflect spatial inequalities. Residents' perceptions and narratives reveal a range of attitudes towards care and proximity. For example, the ability to use individual, collective and green spaces at residents' leisure, as well as their capacity to create strong social bonds, expresses the search for well-being and a healthier habitat (Fijalkow and Wilson, 2024), where residents feel they are taking care of themselves.

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