Nella precedente legislatura (2004-2009), Gianni Pittella ha registrato:

* 51 interrogazioni parlamentari

* 8 proposte di risoluzione

* 3 dichiarazioni scritte

* 12 rapporti del Parlamento Europeo

* 1 Parere

* 36 interventi in seduta plenaria (Speeches in plenary)<fnref n="1" />.

In virtù delle sue attribuzioni, Gianni Pittella presiede numerose sedute plenarie del Parlamento Europeo, denotando in ciò una notevole esperienza. Deputato europeo dal 1999, l'on. Pittella è al terzo mandato, dopo aver svolto un'importante attività in qualità di consigliere locale e regionale. È laureato in medicina e chirurgia, specializzato in medicina legale e in medicina assicurativa.

Le sue principali direzioni d'azione nel Parlamento Europeo sono orientate in gran parte verso gli ambito delle **Commissioni e delle Delegazioni** di cui fa parte in qualità di membro e membro sostituto: Commissione per il Mercato interno e la Protezione dei Consumatori, Commissione per gli Problemi economici e monetari, Delegazione per le relazioni tra UE e Albania, Bosnia, Serbia, Montenegro e Kosovo, etc. <fnref n="2" />

I documenti promossi da Gianni Pittella mettono in evidenza una solida visione europea, realista e conseguente, costantemente orientata verso soluzioni pragmatice. Gianni Pittella è sostenitore di un'Unione Europea dotata di istituzioni forti ed efficienti, capaci di rispondere alle sfide poste dal XXI secolo e alle aspettative dei cittadini. In diverse occasioni, l'eurodeputato Pittella ha sostenuto il progetto costituzionale europeo<fnref n="3" />, il Trattato di Lisbona e la necessaria riforma delle istituzioni UE<fnref n="4" />. Gianni Pittella ha sostenuto con insistenza la ripartizione di risorse finanziarie sufficienti per l'efficace realizzazione delle politiche comunitarie, con l'obiettivo di realizzare un'Europa «utile, unita e competitiva»<fnref n="5" />. Come referente per il budget comunitario del 2006, come in molte altre occasioni, Gianni Pittella ha sostenuto la necessità di destinare somme sufficienti per la realizzazione della politica di coesione, per la crescita economica, per la ricerca scientifica, per l'educazione, lo sport e i giovani, come pure per la politica estera<fnref n="6" />.

Gianni Pittella sostiene, nell'ambito della **ricerca scientifica**, una politica europea di finanziamenti consistenti, in grado di incoraggiare la creazione di centri d'eccellenza, ma anche la partnership pubblico-privato, la diffusione dei risultati scientifici, la creazione di reti di cooperazione tra ricercatori. Il 7° Programma Quadro è uno strumento importante soltanto se supportato da un finanziamento adeguato. In assenza di un adeguato sostegno alla ricerca, un gran numero di ricercatori europei emigra verso gli Stati Uniti (circa 90.000 europei lavorano oggi in America nell'ambito della ricerca scientifica). L'UE deve percorrere una lunga strada per colmare il gap che la separa dai suoi

<footnote n="1">¹ EP, Gianni Pittella, Parliamentary activities – 6-th parliamentary term, in http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meps/en/4436/Gianni_PITTELLA.html</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² EP, Gianni Pittella, Parliamentary activities, http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meps/en/4436/Gianni_PITTELLA.html</footnote>

<footnote n="3">³ EP, Debate on Future of Europe..., 22 May 2007 – Strasbourg, http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?pubRef=-//EP//TEXT+CRE+20070522+ITEM-012+DOC+XML+V0//RO&language=RO&query=INTERV&detail=2-210</footnote>

<footnote n="4">⁴ EP, European Council meeting (8-9 March 2007) (debate), Wednesday, 14 March 2007 – Strasbourg, in http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?pubRef=-//EP//TEXT+CRE+20070314+ITEM-004+DOC+XML+V0//EN&language=EN&query=INTERV&detail=3-066</footnote>

<footnote n="5">⁵ EP, Policy challenges and budgetary means, Tuesday, 7 June 2005 – Strasbourg, http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?pubRef=-//EP//TEXT+CRE+20050607+ITEM-025+DOC+XML+V0//EN&language=RO&query=INTERV&detail=2-220 Raportor buget Tuesday, 6 September 2005 – Strasbourg, European Union general budget for 2006, http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?pubRef=-//EP//TEXT+CRE+20050906+ITEM-031+DOC+XML+V0//EN&language=RO&query=INTERV&detail=2-184</footnote>

<footnote n="6">⁶ EP, Draft general budget for 2006 (Section III) - Draft general budget for 2006 (Other sections), Wednesday, 26 October 2005 – Strasbourg, http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?pubRef=-//EP//TEXT+CRE+20051026+ITEM-002+DOC+XML+V0//EN&language=RO&query=INTERV&detail=3-007</footnote>
competitori diretti. L'UE spende soltanto l'1,9% del PIL per la ricerca, mentre il Giappone le destina il 3,1% e gli USA il 2,8%.<fnref n="1" />

L'investimento **nell'istruzione** e più in generale nei giovani, nella formazione del capitale umano deve diventare una priorità. Gianni Pittella ha sostenuto con insistenza la necessità di accrescere in modo consistente la quota destinata a programmi europei quali: Socrates, Erasmus, Leonardo da Vinci, e Youth in Action. Allo stesso tempo, ha promosso la creazione di nuovi programmi pilota, come l'Erasmus per giovani imprenditori e l'Erasmus per gli studenti liceali, con età comprese tra i 16 e i 18 anni<fnref n="2" />. Gianni Pittella ha sostenuto anche la necessità di un Patto Europeo per la Gioventù, con lo scopo di accrescere i finanziamenti per le attività di formazione professionale e imprenditoriale, l'apprendimento delle lingue straniere, l'accesso al mercato del lavoro<fnref n="3" />. I finanziamenti per le energie rinnovabili, per l'internet a banda larga, per le piccole e medie imprese, per la lotta alla povertà, hanno rappresentato per lui un'altra priorità.

Gianni Pittella ha sostenuto in continuazione l'esigenza di un'UE più estesa, in cui trovino un posto anche la Romania e i suoi cittadini. Egli si è affermato come un **amico della Romania** fin dalla fase di pre-adesione, sostenendone l'iter europeo. Nella precedente legislatura, Gianni Pittella è stato membro delle Commissioni di cooperazione parlamentare UE-Romania e UE-Moldavia. Attualmente, sostiene il diritto al lavoro e alla libera circolazione dei cittadini romeni e bulgari all'interno dello spazio comunitario, collaborando nei fori europei con i rappresentanti di Romania e Moldavia.<fnref n="4" />

Gianni Pittella sostiene la necessità di un'Europa unita quale **attore politico importante sulla scena internazionale**, pari al suo ruolo finanziario, tenendo conto soprattutto del fatto che l'UE è oggi il più grande donatore del mondo. «Europe must be a full player, not just a player», ha dichiarato Gianni Pittella nel corso di un incontro del luglio 2010 con il premier palestinese Salam Fayyad<fnref n="5" />.

Attento alle principali sfide geopolitiche con cui si confronta il Pianeta, Gianni Pittella esprime posizioni chiare e coraggiose, offrendo soluzioni basate sui valori comuni. Nel complesso contesto delle conseguenze della Primavera araba e della situazione iraniana e irachena, Gianni Pittella ha iniziato progetti di risoluzione a sostegno dei diritti umani e della protezione delle comunità cristiane sottoposte ad abusi e violenze. Tra i deputati che hanno firmato accanto all' Gianni Pittella ricordiamo qui: Elmar Brok, Ignacio Salafranca, Ioannis Kasoulides, Joseph Daul, Mario Mauro, Doris Pack, Ria Oomen-Ruijten, Hans-Gert Pöttering, Traian Ungureanu, Hannes Swoboda, Alexander Graf Lambsdorff, Charles Tannock. Il fatto che taluni progetti di risoluzione siano presentati a nome dei principali gruppi politici (socialista, popolare, liberale, conservatore) dimostra ancora una volta che l'attività degli eurodeputati si basa su **negociati e compromessi**, per il sostegno comune dei valori europei. Il deputato europeo si sa elevare al di sopra delle dispute tra partiti, per perseguire obiettivi superiori. Il deputato europeo deve avere una visione politica reale, che non si fermi alle frontiere delle regioni di sviluppo a cui appartiene, né a quelle del suo Paese o a quelle dell'Europa. La sua visione non deve fermarsi alle Alpi o ai Carpazi, al Mediterraneo o addirittura all'Atlantico.

Contemporaneamente, i rappresentanti delle istituzioni europee non rimangono chiusi in una torre d'avorio. L'attività dei membri del Parlamento Europeo ha come obiettivo **la soluzione dei problemi concreti dei cittadini**. In tal senso Gianni Pittella ha proposto nell'attuale legislatura la “Dichiarazione sulla necessità di un servizio d'emergenza 112 accessibile”, documento avviato in collaborazione con i deputati dei principali gruppi politici quali Marian-Jean Marinescu, Ádám Kósa,

<footnote n="1">¹ Ibidem, http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?pubRef=-//EP//TEXT+CRE+20051026+ITEM-002+DOC+XML+V0//EN&language=RO&query=INTERV&detail=3-007</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² Ibidem, http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?pubRef=-//EP//TEXT+CRE+20051026+ITEM-002+DOC+XML+V0//EN&language=RO&query=INTERV&detail=3-007</footnote>

<footnote n="3">³ EP, Commission's annual policy strategy for 2006, Debate, Tuesday, 12 April 2005 – Strasbourg, http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?pubRef=-//EP//TEXT+CRE+20050412+ITEM-031+DOC+XML+V0//EN&language=RO&query=INTERV&detail=2-326</footnote>

<footnote n="4">⁴ *** “Eveniment cultural la Bruxelles”, 27 April 2010, in http://www.timpul.md/articol/culorile-moldovei-la-parlamentul-european-22827.html</footnote>

<footnote n="5">⁵ http://www.europa-eu-un.org/articles/en/article_9945_en.htm</footnote>
Eva Lichtenberger, Gesine Meissner. La Dichiarazione è stata recentemente adottata – il 17 novembre 2011 – con la firma di 483 eurodeputati sui 736 totali, rappresentando dunque un evidente successo. L'iniziativa era necessaria, tenendo conto del fatto che attualmente il servizio 112 via voce esclude milioni di persone, come sono gli utilizzatori sordi, con deficienze auditive e linguistiche. La Dichiarazione sollecita che la Commissione presenti proposte legislative, di modo che l'112 sia pienamente accessibile a tutti, dando priorità ai servizi nel linguaggio dei segni che utilizzano tecnologie video e a quelli con contenuto sotto forma di testo, per assicurarne l'uso da parte delle categorie svantaggiate<fnref n="1" />. Ovviamente, tali misure saranno applicate anche a Lisbona, Talinn, Tîrgu-Mureş, a vantaggio di persone con disabilità.

Il 24 giugno 2010, in un'interrogazione firmata insieme a un gruppo di deputati (tra cui Rovana Plumb, Iliana Malinova Iotova, Pervenche Berès, Stephen Hughes, Alejandro Cercas), Gianni Pittella ha suggerito che la Commissione Europea incoraggi gli Stati dell'Europa occidentale a rimuovere le restrizioni temporanee che riguardano i **cittadini romeni e bulgari in merito all'accesso al mercato del lavoro** dell'Unione Europea. Il documento sottolinea come le barriere imposte alla libera circolazione dei lavoratori rischino di trasformare romeni e bulgari in cittadini europei di seconda categoria<fnref n="2" />.

Gianni Pittella si è espresso contro le misure del governo italiano tendenti a discriminare i cittadini di etnia rom, una parte dei quali provenienti dalla Romania. In una proposta di risoluzione del luglio 2008 Gianni Pittella, insieme ad altri eurodeputati (tra cui Jan Wiersma, Kristian Vigenin, Viktória Mohácsi, Marco Cappato, Sarah Ludford, Metin Kazak, Monica Frassoni, Elly de Groen-Kouwenhoven, Giusto Catania), chiedeva la sospensione delle misure del governo italiano destinate alla realizzazione di un censimento delle persone di etnia rom presenti in Italia attraverso la raccolta di impronte digitali, soprattutto in città come Roma, Milano e Napoli.<fnref n="3" /> Il Documento europeo criticava il Decreto del governo italiano del 21 maggio 2008 con il quale si dichiarava: «do stato di emergenza in merito alla situazione dei campi nomadi delle regioni Campania, Lazio e Lombardia»<fnref n="4" />, sulla base della Legge nr. 225 del 24 febbraio 1992 in merito alla protezione civile. I prefetti avrebbero ottenuto poteri speciali per l'applicazione di misure di espulsione dei rom dall'Italia. Chiedendo dall'interno delle strutture europee la revisione di tali misure, il documento firmato dall' Gianni Pittella reiterava l'opinione secondo cui: «le politiche che accentuino il fenomeno di esclusione non saranno mai efficienti nella lotta alla criminalità e non contribuiranno alla sua prevenzione» e alla creazione di un clima di sicurezza.<fnref n="5" />

La risoluzione sottolineava la necessità di una strategia a livello comunitario e nazionale «allo scopo di abolire la segregazione dei rom nell'educazione, di garantire un accesso uguale a un'istruzione di qualità per i bambini rom, di assicurare e migliorare l'accesso dei rom al mercato del lavoro, di assicurare un accesso uguale ai servizi medici e alle prestazioni sociali e di accrescere il tasso di partecipazione dei rom alla vita sociale, economica, culturale e politica».<fnref n="6" /> Attraverso i posti speciali riservati agli studenti di etnia rom, l'Università „Petru Maior” risponde a tali obiettivi.

<footnote n="1">¹ EP, Written Declaration on the need for accessible 112 emergency services Authors: Marian-Jean Marinescu, Ádám Kósa, Eva Lichtenberger, Gesine Meissner, Gianni Pittella, 17/11/2011, Text adopted: P7_TA(2011)0519, Number of signatories: 483 - 17/11/2011, in http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sidesSearch/search.do?-type=WDECL&language=RO&term=7&author=4436</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² EP, Subject: Free movement of workers - temporary restrictions affecting the Romanian and Bulgarian citizens on the European Union labour market. Question for oral answer to the Commission, Rule 115, Rovana Plumb, Iliana Malinova Iotova, Pervenche Berès, Stephen Hughes, Alejandro Cercas, Gianni Pittella, Jutta Steinruck, on behalf of the S&D Group, 24 June 2010, http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?pubRef=-//EP//TEXT+OQ+O-2010-0096+0+DOC+XML+V0//RO&language=RO</footnote>

<footnote n="3">³ EP, Motion for a Resolution, 7.7.2008, in http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?-pubRef=-//EP//NONSGML+MOTION+B6-2008-0348+0+DOC+WORD+V0//RO&language=RO</footnote>

<footnote n="4">⁴ Oficial Journal of Italy no. 122 din 26 mai 2008.</footnote>

<footnote n="5">⁵ Ibidem</footnote>

<footnote n="6">⁶ Ibidem</footnote>
Va sottolineato come le iniziative europeiste da Gianni Pittella abbiano registrato diversi successi, come dimostra il fatto che la strategia europea per i rom rappresenta oggi una preoccupazione concreta delle istituzioni di Bruxelles.

Gianni Pittella sostiene la necessità di combattere la crisi attraverso il ricorso alla solidarietà e alla coerenza europea, attraverso la regolamentazione dei mercati finanziari, attraverso investimenti nella crescita economica, nella ricerca e nell'istruzione. Dopo gli interminabili debattiti pubblici in merito alla crisi, il suo discorso del 22 giugno 2011 presenta una forza suggestiva fuori dal comune e un sicuro impatto mediatico: «L'Europa mi sembra quella squadra di calcio che sta perdendo 2-0 e i cui giocatori pensano di poter recuperare senza passarsi più il pallone e cercando di fare i gol da soli. Ma da soli non si vince nessuna partita. Nemmeno se ci fossero Maradona e Pelé vincerebbero da soli la partita della crisi. La crisi greca in principio era arginabile. Siamo invece andati avanti e siamo ad un punto difficilissimo, che va affrontato mettendo una volta per tutte da parte dannose gelosie e ricette economiche fallimentari.»<fnref n="1" />

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<footnote n="1">¹ EP, Discussioni Mercoledi 22 giugno 2011 - Bruxelles Preparazione della riunione del Consiglio europeo (24 giugno 2011) (seguito della discussione), in http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?pubRef=-//EP//TEXT+CRE+20110622+ITEM-014+DOC+XML+V0//IT&query=INTERV&detail=3-071-000</footnote>
# Britain and Europe: A Mountain to Climb

DR. COLIN SWATRIDGE

**Abstract:** Britain has always had reservations about its membership of the EU. The crisis in the eurozone has confirmed Britons in their suspicion of a union which began as a trading partnership, and that is evolving as a federation in order to maintain a currency of which most Britons want no part. The 'summit' meeting of heads of government that took place in Brussels on 8/9 December 2011 proved to be a test of the extent to which Britain is (in Churchill's phrase) 'with Europe, but not of it'. David Cameron's reasons for wielding the veto, and the press reaction to it – in Britain, France, and Germany – are indicative of what has been, and what may continue to be, a troubled relationship.

**Keywords:** Britain, Cameron, Europe, Euroscepticism, eurozone, Merkel, Sarkozy, Summit, Tobin tax, Veto.

<figure><img src="image_24.png" /></figure>

The word ‘sovereign’ comes from Latin *super*, above; from the Roman *superanus*, and the Old French *soverain*. (The ‘gn’ ending, as in ‘reign’ and ‘foreign’ is first found in c.1400). The term was first applied to states in 1595, and to the territory of an independent state, under a sovereign, in 1715, the year of Waterloo. For Britons, ‘sovereign’ is more or less synonymous with ‘monarch’ – Queen Elizabeth II, in her diamond jubilee year, is our ‘sovereign’; and since 1817, it is a word that we use to denote one pound sterling. (If this usage fell into abeyance in 1914, with the appearance of the paper pound note, it was revived with the minting of a ‘gold’ pound coin, bearing the sovereign’s head, in 1983). When all these meanings are wrapped up together in the abstract noun ‘sovereignty’, it is a gift to patriots, conservatives, and Eurosceptics, evoking Churchill, the White Cliffs of Dover, and 1940, our ‘finest hour’.

We are wont to divide reality into three: the continuum of British attitudes to Europe might be so divided, into those (rather few) who wish Britain to be ‘at the heart of Europe’, even, perhaps, to be one of the United States of Europe, who remain loyal to the vision of Schuman and Monnet; those who were content with the Europe of Nations – of sovereign states trading with each other in the single market (or the ‘common market’ before it was the Union), who regret the Treaty of Lisbon; and there are those, the heirs of the one third of the electorate who voted No to our membership of the EEC in the 1975 referendum, who would have Britain withdraw from the EU, and revert to a Swiss -(or Norwegian-)style ‘splendid isolation’.

These three categories of attitude are not coterminous with the views, official or otherwise, of the three main political parties. Only the Liberal Democrats, in the current coalition government, are consistent as a party in their positive attitude towards Europe; there are Europhiles and Eurosceptics (even Europhobes) in both main parties, the Conservatives (the majority party in the coalition), and the Labour Party in opposition. Europe was the anvil on which Margaret Thatcher's government was hammered; and it proved to be the undoing of John Major's hold on his party, likewise. Prime Minister David Cameron may or may not succeed in reconciling the views of his Liberal Democratic junior partners, and Europhile Conservatives like Kenneth Clarke, his Justice Minister, with back-benchers who, in common with Conservative (largely ‘tabloid’) newspapers, would like there to be a re-run of the 1975 referendum – one that they are confident would say No to Europe.

The European issue is complicated at the moment, of course, by the fragile state of the common currency, and the doubt that has been thrown on the potential of the euro to unite (or even to be a valid symbol of the unity of) a Europe whose members do not all box by the same rules, whose weight was unequal at the outset of the match, and whose outcomes are bloodily unequal in consequence. The fact that Britain obtained an opt-out from the obligation to adopt the euro – that the pound is still and will remain ‘sovereign’ – strengthens our insular determination to remain independent of the whole dubious enterprise.

I do not wish to survey, or comment upon, the problems of sovereign debt, credit-ratings, and competitiveness within the eurozone here, though; I shall take the events of the week ending 8/9
December 2011, (when European leaders met in Brussels to herald what President Sarkozy of France called a 'new economic age' in which countries would live within their means<fnref n="1" />, and David Cameron wielded his veto), as a case-study of the trouble that Britain has with Europe. In so doing, I shall also touch on the trouble that Europe has with Britain. I shall take as my source material representative press reaction to events, in the run-up to, and in the immediate aftermath of the 'summit' meeting.

## The Foothills

When does the story begin? Does it begin in 1988, in Bruges, when Mrs Thatcher turned her back on the vision of a federal Europe? Or in 1990, when, having chased socialism in Britain out of the front door, as she thought, she said 'No, no, no!' to the 'socialism by the back door' of the social chapter protecting workers' rights, promoted by the then commission president Jacques Delors? Does it begin with John Major's opt-out from the same social chapter at Maastricht, in 1991, or with Britain's ignominious exit from the Exchange Rate Mechanism (the precursor of the common currency), on 16 September 1992? These bruising quarrels with Brussels contributed to a growing Euroscepticism in Conservative ranks.

It was a Labour government, under Tony Blair, that signed the Treaty of Nice in December 2000. This smoothed the path towards EU expansion in 2004, and in so doing extended Qualified Majority Voting (QMV), in particular in the politically contentious area of industrial relations, working conditions and social exclusion<fnref n="2" />. Conservative unease grew, when Joschka Fischer, then the German foreign minister, was quoted as saying:

> The EU is on the brink of becoming a European Federation by the year 2010 (...) I feel sure that Britain will fall in line<fnref n="3" />.

Conservatives felt even less like falling in line with the Working Time Directive when that was promulgated, in 2003⁴. This was yet another initiative that seemed (to Conservatives) to privilege the rights of employees over those of employers – a caving-in to the unions whose powers Mrs Thatcher had done so much to curb.

Perhaps this particular story, though – the story of the 'summit' meeting in December 2011, and what we can learn from it about British attitudes – begins when David Cameron was elected leader of the Conservative Party in 2005. One of his first acts was to detach the party from its association with mainstream European centre-right parties (such as those led by Angela Merkel and Nicolas Sarkozy), and to align it with minority parties further to the right, like the Polish Law and Justice Party that no liberal Pole would want anything to do with<fnref n="5" />. From the start, then, Cameron advertised his hostility towards European integration and even a latent nationalism. As prime minister, in coalition with Europhile Liberal Democrats, he has had to repress these instincts and to disappoint the new intake of Eurosceptic back-benchers in his party who looked to him to repair what they thought of as the damage to Britain's sovereignty done by Blair.

It was acknowledged on all sides in Britain that concerted action would have to be taken at a high level to place the euro on a firmer footing, to calm the markets, and to ensure that Greece, Ireland, Portugal, Spain, and Italy would be able to pay their debts. France and Germany sought to introduce a financial transaction (or 'Tobin') tax across Europe; whilst Britain proposed that the European Central Bank (ECB) act as 'lender of last resort' for the eurozone. Cameron met Merkel in Berlin on 18 November – but there was no meeting of minds: Merkel did not persuade Cameron to back a Tobin tax (his understandable, but unrealistic condition being that it be applied globally); and Cameron failed to move Merkel in her implacable opposition to the ECB's printing money. From German's point of view, and very likely from the point of view of much of the eurozone, it looked as if Britain was

<footnote n="1">¹ Jason Groves and Peter Allen, *The Daily Mail* (2/12/11)</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² www.eurofound.europa.eu/areas/industrialrelations (30/11/10)</footnote>

<footnote n="3">³ www.civitas.org.uk/eufacts/FSTREAT/TR5.htm (undated)</footnote>

<footnote n="4">⁴ ec.europa.eu/social (16/12/11)</footnote>

<footnote n="5">⁵ Władysław Chlopicki, Jagiellonian University of Kraków, in a personal communication (17/12/11)</footnote>
resisting the Tobin tax out of naked self-interest. It is important to remember though, as ex-prime minister Sir John Major (1990-97) pointed out, that:

> If there were such a tax, about 80-85% of the yield would come from the City of London (...). We can't accept a financial transaction tax. I don't think we will have to, but the proposal adds to Euroscepticism<fnref n="1" />.

He compared the tax with a 'heat-seeking missile aimed at the City of London'. Clearly, Cameron could no more agree to a Tobin tax than Sarkozy could have agreed to a tax on wine, or Merkel to a tax on executive cars.

Two weeks later, on 2 December, Cameron hopped on a plane to Paris, to meet President Sarkozy. By now it was becoming plain that Berlin and Paris were determined to seize the reins and impose their own order on Europe's unruly horses. Sarkozy was quoted in *The Daily Mail* as saying:

> France and Germany, after so many tragedies, have decided to unite their destiny and look to the future together (...). There is a reality that everybody must understand, that everyone has to accept: sovereignty is only possible with others<fnref n="2" />.

This was just the kind of talk that enraged Conservative back-benchers, who were already calling on Cameron to seize the opportunity of the crisis in the eurozone, and of the 'Merkozy' drive to renegotiate the terms of the Lisbon Treaty, to repatriate powers ceded to Brussels by Tony Blair. Downing Street damped down talk of treaty change: all that was needed, senior government officials said, was a swift deal to prevent a new economic crisis; a guarantee that the ECB, or the IMF, or the European Financial Stability Facility (EFSF), or all three, would rescue stricken economies. These officials supposed that a treaty change would require a referendum in the UK – and, they knew, a referendum on ceding further powers to Brussels would turn in no time into one on Britain's very membership of the EU.

## The 'Summit'

Cameron faced a difficult choice as the all-important meeting of all 27 heads of state approached: either he could sign up to an EU-wide treaty that committed all members to unprecedented fiscal regulation (including the Tobin tax) – in which case his back-benchers would demand revocation of Qualified Majority Voting and the Working Time Directive (among other issues over which member-states had signed away their veto); or he could support, but make no contribution to, an agreement that applied only to the 17 members of the eurozone. This latter was the preferred option – but it was not without risk: the 17 might well agree to measures that would have implications for all EU member-states (a Tobin tax, for instance, would be levied on transactions effected in the City of London by eurozone banks), and where they didn't, Britain might find itself side-lined by France and Germany to the extent that it no longer had a seat at 'the top table'. The 'two-speed Europe' that had been much talked about would have arrived. Cameron decided to go to Brussels resisting demands on the part of the Paris-Berlin axis, and on the part of his Eurosceptic back-benchers: he would face down Commission President Barroso and his 'European Economic government', and EU President Van Rompuy and his 'fiscal federalism'<fnref n="3" />; and he would defy his back-benchers' demand that the UK renegotiate its relationship with the EU.

In an article in *The Times* of 7 December 2011 (headlined: 'Yes to treaty change – but only on our terms') Cameron wrote: 'Just as Germany and others have their requirements for treaty change to strengthen fiscal discipline, so Britain has its requirements for treaty change, too. If we are changing the treaty that applies to all EU countries and allowing the eurozone countries to have new rules, it is also important that there are rules to keep the single market fair and open for key industries for Britain, including financial services'<fnref n="4" />.

<footnote n="1">¹ Nicholas Watt, 'Tobin tax would hit City of London with missile, says Major', in *The Guardian* (19/11/11)</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² Jason Groves and Peter Allen, 'France and Germany must take charge of Europe, says Sarko', *The Daily Mail* (2/12/11)</footnote>

<footnote n="3">³ Daniel Hannan, 'We'll never get another chance like this...,', *The Daily Mail* (4/12/11)</footnote>

<footnote n="4">⁴ David Cameron, 'Yes to treaty change – but only on our terms', *The Times* (7/12/11)</footnote>
So, Cameron *was* prepared to countenance treaty change, after all – even one that applied to all 27 EU members; yet he envisaged that the ‘new rules’ referred to would apply only to the 17 countries of the eurozone. The political editor of *The Times*, Roland Watson, wrote in the same edition of the newspaper: ‘[Cameron] told his backbenchers not to expect any repatriation of employment or social law, on which they fought last year’s general election. His demands would instead be ‘practical and focused’<fnref n="1" />.

This seems to have been the position agreed between David Cameron and his Liberal Democrat deputy prime minister, Nick Clegg – a onetime Member of the European Parliament, and a fluent speaker of Dutch, German, French and Spanish, married to a Spaniard. Clegg could not have consented to any renegotiation of EU treaties in Britain’s exclusive favour; but nor could he have agreed to measures that would have a disproportionately negative effect on Britain’s financial services industry. It was a position, perhaps, that it was impossible to maintain; but did this make the veto inevitable, that Cameron wielded in the early hours of 9 December? Was unanimity impossible, given that all 27 EU member states have an interest in, at least, some degree of concerted fiscal discipline? Could Britain have dissuaded the other 26 from introducing the Tobin tax? There was talk of it being levied at as little as 0.01 per cent or less: would the revenue raised have been enough to nurse the ailing euro back to health; would it have been anything more than a minor check on finance-industry excesses? Wasn’t a significant check precisely what was needed?

## The Climb-Down

Nicolas Sarkozy was quoted in this connection, in *Le Monde*, on the morning of Friday 9 December:

„In order to agree to treaty reform affecting all 27 EU members, David Cameron asked us to insert a protocol in the treaty exempting the United Kingdom from a certain number of financial services regulations. All of us considered this to be unacceptable. It is our view, in fact, that a large part of the world’s economic problems arises from deregulation of the finance industry”<fnref n="2" />.

In articles in *Le Nouvel Observateur* ('The clash with Great Britain, whose interests are determinedly aligned with those of the City, realises the idea of a two-speed Europe')<fnref n="3" />, and *Le Figaro* ('It's a new Europe that Nicolas Sarkozy and Angela Merkel have imposed at the Brussels Summit. A Europe which has lost its unanimity with the spectacular isolation of Great Britain, but one which has gained in coherence')<fnref n="4" />, the emphasis was on the veto – on David Cameron's pressing the nuclear button – and its implications for a United Europe. *Der Spiegel* was uncompromising:

Following David Cameron's veto of EU treaty reform, there is plenty of frustration in Europe over Britain's stubborn attitude in the battle against the debt crisis. Prominent members of the European Parliament have strongly criticised the British prime minister and sent him a clear message: Europe doesn't need you<fnref n="5" />.

Matthias Krupa in *Die Zeit* was more nuanced; more even-handed:

„Who is responsible for the fork in the road? The British Prime Minister David Cameron who insisted on special clauses in the final resolution to protect the UK's financial sector – or indeed Angela Merkel, who put the treaty amendment at the top of the agenda? A bad hand of cards went to Cameron who is now on the sidelines, having achieved nothing for his country. Knowing the player that Merkel is, she will have factored this in<fnref n="6" />.”

‘On the sidelines’ is exactly where most Britons wanted Britain to be. The news of the veto came too late for publication on 9 December; so it was not until Saturday 10 December that British

<footnote n="1">¹ Roland Watson, ‘Cameron names his price,’ *The Times* (7/12/11)</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² ‘Zone euro: vers un accord à vingt-six?’, *Le Monde* (9/12/11)</footnote>

<footnote n="3">³ Dominique Nora, ‘Accord de Bruxelles indispensable, mais insuffisant’, *Le Nouvel Observateur* (9/12/11)</footnote>

<footnote n="4">⁴ Pierre Rousselin, ‘Les deux Europe’, *Le Figaro* (9/12/11)</footnote>

<footnote n="5">⁵ ‘Cameron is a coward: European politicians slam British EU veto’, *Der Spiegel* (9/12/11)</footnote>

<footnote n="6">⁶ Matthias Krupa, ‘Unity dearly bought’, *Die Zeit* (9/12/11)</footnote>
Only the position of Nigel Farage MEP, and leader of the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), is beyond any possibility of doubt: his party is predicated on British sovereignty outside the EU. UKIP is not represented in the House of Commons, but its influence as a home for disaffected Conservatives should not be underestimated. Many Britons will have agreed withedo when he lambasted Commission President Barroso, Council President Van Rompuy, and Economic Affairs Commissioner Olli Rehn, in the European Parliament, three weeks before the Brussels 'summit': 'None of you has any democratic legitimacy for the roles you hold. Into this vacuum steps Angela Merkel, and we are now living in a German-dominated Europe, something this EU was supposed to stop'."

It was undiplomatic of him to 'mention the war' (besides, France and Germany were staunch allies now); but in doing so,edo he united the left and the right in Britain. It is the centre that is divided.

It may well be that Cameron's veto was a trump card that he need not have played. Might it be the markets that will decide whether or not 'Merkozy' prevails, and a new fiscal discipline is imposed? Might it be that no 'pact' is acted upon by the 26 – that, for example, Hungary, or Sweden, or the Czech Republic, or other government proves to be as jealous of its 'sovereignty' as Britain is? Might it be that Britain is, after all, drawn into whatever talks are held, and arrangements are made, because it cannot not be? If anything is certain, it is that there will be other mountains to climb.

References:

1. *** 'Cameron is a coward; European politicians slam British EU veto', *Der Spiegel* (9/12/11)

2. *** 'The English outpatient', *The Guardian* (10/12/11)

3. *** 'Zone euro: vers un accord à vingt-six?', *Le Monde* (9/12/11)

4. Cameron, David, 'Yes to treaty change – but only our terms', *The Times* (7/12/11)

5. Chlopicki, Władysław, Jagiellonian University of Kraków, in a personal communication (17/12/11)

6. Costea, Simion, coordinator, *Culture, Elites and European Integration, Volume IV – International Relations and European Union Interdisciplinary Studies* (Preface by dr. Nicolae Paun), PARIS, Editions Prodifmultimedia (FRANCE), 2011, 300 pages.

7. ec.europa.eu/social (16/12/11)

8. Groves, Jason and Peter Allen, 'France and Germany must take charge of Europe, says Sarko', *The Daily Mail* (2/12/11)

9. Hannan, Daniel 'We'll never get another chance like this...,', *The Daily Mail* (4/12/11)

10. Jeory, Ted, 'End of EU is unstoppable', *The Sunday Express* (11/12/11)

11. Krupa, Matthias, 'Unity dearly bought', *Die Zeit* (9/12/11)

12. Labori, Michel et Costea, Simion, *Le Management des Politiques de l'Union Europeenne*, PARIS, Prodifmultimedia, (FRANCE), 2011, 300 pages.

13. Miliband, Ed, 'A weak and tragic choice', *The Guardian* (10/12/11)

14. Nora, Dominique, 'Accord de Bruxelles: indispensable, mais insuffisant', *Le Nouvel Observateur* (9/12/11)

15. Rousselin, Pierre, 'Les deux Europe', *Le Figaro* (9/12/11)

16. Stratton Allegra et al., 'Clegg backs PM but warns Eurosceptic Tories: "Be careful what you wish for"', *The Guardian* (10/12/11)

17. Watson, Roland, 'Cameron names his price', *The Times* (7/12/11)

18. Watt, Nicholas, 'Tobin tax would hit City of London with missile, says Major', *The Guardian* (19/11/11)

19. www.breakingnews.ie/ireland/british-mep-claims-europe-is-being-dominated-by-germany-528550.html (16/11/11)

20. www.civitas.org.uk/eufacts (undated)

21. www.eurofound.europa.eu/areas/industrialrelations (30/11/10)

<figure><img src="image_25.png" /></figure>

<footnote n="1">¹ www.breakingnews.ie/ireland/british-mep-claims-europe-is-being-dominated-by-germany-528550.htm (16/11/11)</footnote>
# LES AUTEURS/ The Authors

## Paolo AMOROSA

Is a graduate of the Advanced LLM programme in Public International Law of the Law Faculty of Leiden University (The Netherlands) and is currently a research assistant at the Tallinn Law School of Tallinn University of Technology (Estonia). His main fields of research are human rights law, law and religion and international legal theory.

## Dr. Didier BLANC

Est Maître de conférences, Université de Perpignan Via Domitia, membre du CERTAP (EA) 4216. Principaux ouvrages:

* Guide du droit de l'Union européenne (Ellipses – 2008),

* L'Union européenne, Aspects institutionnels et politiques (Ellipses – 2006).

## Dr. Belgacem BRAHIM

Docteur en histoire, Faculté des Sciences Humaines et Sociales de Tunis. (Boulevard du 9 Avril 1938). Membres du Laboratoire: Histoire économique et sociale, dirigé par le professeur Sadok Boubaker. Conférencier a L' Université Catholique de Lille, France (voir le Colloque « Printemps arabe et Union européenne », le 12 avril 2012).

## Archil CHOCHIA

Is a doctoral student at Tallinn University of Technology since 2008. He has been teaching Political Geography and Social Policy in the European Union at Institute of European Studies at TUT. He has graduated from Tbilisi Medical College in Georgia in 2001 and from Tbilisi State Medical University in Georgia in 2006, as well as he studied public health in winter school in 2004, in University of Scranton, PA, USA. He is one of the founders of non-governmental organization “Academy for Peace and Development”, in Tbilisi, Georgia. Currently he works at Tallinn Law School.

<figure><img src="image_26.png" /></figure>

**Dr. Adrian-Gabriel CORPĂDEAN** is a Teaching Assistant at the Faculty of European Studies, „Babeş-Bolyai” University Cluj-Napoca. He is teaching seminars of European Construction at the same Faculty and has published various articles on the Reform of the European Union and the Romanian Diaspora. He also specializes in communication and project cycle management at the Faculty of European Studies.

## Dr. Simion COSTEA (simion.costea@gmail.com)

Il est maître de conférence (Senior Lecturer/ Associate Professor) à l'Université "Petru Maior" de Târgu-Mureş, Roumanie, "Professeur Jean Monnet" d'intégration européenne.

Professeur invité à l'Université de Versailles (France), à l'Université de Miskolc (Hongrie) et à VUB (Free University of Brussels).

16 ans de carrière académique et universitaire.

Il est coordonnateur du Projet Jean Monnet (girée par l'UE) et membre du Centre Européen d'Excellence Jean Monnet (coordonné par l'Université de Cluj-Napoca).

Il est rédacteur en chef de "L'Europe unie" (Paris) - revue française d'études européennes.

Il est Docteur (Ph.D.) en Histoire Magna cum Laude (2003) et lauréate du Prix de l'Académie Roumaine (2006) pour son oeuvre d'historien de l'intégration européenne. Il a publié 40 études scientifiques, 6 livres et 6 courses universitaires (syllabi), concernant l'histoire de l'intégration européenne et les Relations Internationales.

Ancien Conseiller au Parlement Européen (2007-2010), Ancien Vice-doyen de la Faculté de Sciences et Lettres (2009-2012).

<figure><img src="image_27.png" /></figure>
## Livres publiés / Books published in CNCSIS accredited publishing houses:

1. Costea, Simion, *România și Proiectul Briand de Uniune Europeană / Romania and the Briand Project of European Union (La Roumanie et le Projet Briand d'UE)*, Tîrgu-Mureș, Petru Maior University Publishing House, 2004, 400 pages. ISBN 973-80-84-94-6. For this book the author received the „Nicolae Bălcescu” Award of the Romanian Academy on December 19, 2006.

2. Costea, Simion, *Ideea europeană și interesele statelor/ European Issue and State Interests (L'idée européenne et les intérêts des états)*, Cluj-Napoca, Napoca Star Publishing House, 2005, 280 pages. ISBN 973-647-254-X. Book published in the Jean Monnet Project-European Module.

3. Costea, Simion (coordinator), *“For a Stronger and Wider European Union”, Cluj-Napoca, Napoca Star Publishing House, 2005, 220 pages. ISBN 973-647-288. Book published in the Jean Monnet Project - European Module.*

4. Costea, Simion (coordinator with Maria Costea), *Integrarea României in UE: provocări și perspective/ Romania's Accession to the EU: Challenges and Perspectives (L'intégration de la Roumanie dans l'UE: défis et perspectives)*, Iași, European Institute, 2007, 300 pages. ISBN 978-973-611-446-5. Book published in the Jean Monnet Project-European Module.

5. Costea, Simion, (co-author in international team), *Public Policies of the European Union, coordinators Asztalos Zsófia and Pakozdy Csaba, "Petru Maior" University Publishing House, Tîrgu-Mureș, 2008, 266 pages. ISBN 978-973-7794-59-8.* Book published in the Erasmus EUPA Project.

6. Costea, Simion, (co-author in international team), *Institutions européennes, coordonnateurs Didier Blanc et Béatrice Boissard, Miskolc, Miskolc University Press (Hungary), 2008, 410pages. ISBN 978-963-661-807-0.* Book published in the Erasmus EUPA Project.

- International Conferences: Netherlands (Utrecht), Romania, Belgium (Brussels), France (Versailles, Lille), Hungary (Miskolc), Ukraine (Kiev). Study visits: Poland, Moldova, Russia, Germany, Austria, Italy.

<figure><img src="image_28.png" /><figcaption>### Dr. Nina DIDENKO</figcaption></figure>

Is Doctor in Science on Public Administration, Professor, Dean of the Faculty of Management, Head of Philosophy and Psychology Department, Donetsk State University of Management, UKRAINE. She is Jean Monnet Professor, Academic Coordinator of the Jean Monnet Module "European social policy and models of social partnership" (approved by European Commission), member of the Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence, Donetsk State University, member of the Eurasian Academy of Social Sciences and Philosophy and Economic Society in Ukraine. She has more than 140 publications. Her scientific interest is in: philosophy of management, philosophy of law, public administration, European social policy, social partnership. E-mail: ngdidenko@mail.ru

### Dr. Michel LABORI (michel.labori@wanadoo.fr)

Il est ancien Professeur Jean Monnet, Agrégé d'histoire, Docteur d'Etat en science économique, Docteur 3e cycle en aménagement du territoire et en Economie régionale, Professeur honoraire de l'Université de Franche Comté.

## CARRIERE

* 1967 – 1971 Professeur des Ecoles Européennes à Bergen (Pays-Bas)

* 1971 – 1996 Professeur de classes préparatoires à l'Ecole Spéciale Militaire de Saint-Cyr Coëtquidan (France)

* 1978 – 1990 Professeur enseignant à la Faculté de Droit de Dijon

* 1983 – 1992 Professeur de classes préparatoires commerciales ESC – HEC, Vesoul (France)

* 1990 – 1997 Professeur enseignant à la Faculté de Droit et de Sciences Economiques de Besançon (l'Université de Franche Comté)

* 1993 – 1995 Professeur chargé d'un cours Jean Monnet à l'Université Technologique de Sevenans (France)

* 1993 – 1997 Professeur chargé d'un cours Jean Monnet à la Faculté de Lettres de Besançon (l'Université de Franche Comté)

* 1997-present Professeur honoraire de l'Université de Franche Comté
Il est auteur/coauteur de plusieurs livres :

Michel LABORI, co-auteur avec Didier BOURDELIN

*L'Europe des Douze* – Paris - Editions ELLIPSES MARKETING – 1986 – 493 pages, ISBN 2-7298-8619-2

Michel LABORI, co-auteur avec Didier BOURDELIN

*Le Portugal au seuil du XXIe siècle* – Paris - Editions ELLIPSES MARKETING – 1990 – 143 pages, ISBN 2-7298-9045-9

Michel LABORI, *L'espace rural bourguignon* - Dijon - Cahiers de l'Institut Régional de Bourgogne Franche
Comté – Université de Bourgogne, janvier 1990 – 324 pages – ISBN 2-85637-001-2

Michel LABORI, co-auteur avec Jean-Marc TETIER

*Le fédéralisme industriel* – Paris – Editions SIDES – 1995, 144 pages, ISBN 2-86861-091-9

Michel LABORI, co-auteur avec Didier BOURDELIN

*De l'Europe des Quinze à l'Europe Continent* – Paris - Editions ELLIPSES MARKETING- 1996
– 192 pages, ISBN 2-7298-4668-9

Michel LABORI,

*Le Magreb et L'Union européenne* – Singelfinden - Editions LIBERTAS- 2000

Labori, Michel et Costea, Simion, *Le Management des politiques de l'Union européenne*, Paris, Ed. Prodifmultimedia, 2011.

## DECORATIONS

Chevalier de la Légion d'Honneur (2000)

Officier du Mérite

Commandeur des Palmes académiques

## ACTIVITES EUROPEENNES

Président du Mouvement Européen Nord (France)

Membre du « Team Europe » (UE-Bruxelles) de 1983 à 2007.

Conférences: Leipzig (Allemagne), Tournai (Belgique), Strasbourg, Marseille, Toulouse, Besançon, Lille (France), Timisoara, Alba-Iulia, Sibiu, Oradea, Târgu-Mures, Iasi (Roumanie)

Membre du jury du Baccalauréat Européen: Luxembourg, Bruxelles, Varèse, Munich, Mol, Karlsruhe (Allemagne), Culham (Royaume Uni), Bergen (Pays-Bas), Parma (Italie)

Directeur de la Revue d'Etudes européennes -*L'Europe Unie* (Paris), publiée par l'Université Catholique de Lille, Institut Catholique de Toulouse, Mouvement Européen Nord, l'Université de Târgu-Mureş

## Dr. Tatjana EVAS

Tatjana Evas, Dr. iur is an Associate Professor at the Tallinn Law School. Previously she was a senior researcher at the University of Bremen, Germany and Riga Graduate School of Law, Latvia as well as a research fellow at the Columbia Law School and Open Society Institute. In addition to academic research work and teaching on EU law she served as an expert on Estonia and Latvia for the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights and EU DG Employment, Social Affairs and Inclusion. Her recent publication is an edited volume Multilayered Representation in the European Union: Parliaments, Courts and the Public Sphere (together with C. Lord and U.Liebert), Nomos, 2012 and a forthcoming book Judicial Application of EU Law in post-Communist Countries, Ashgate, 2012.

## Dali GABELAIA

Is Master of Arts in Law, she graduated from Tallinn Law School, Tallinn University of Technology. Her main field of study is international and comparative law. Currently she works for Tallinn Law School as a research assistant.

## Tanel KERIKMÄE

Professor Kerikmäe is a well-known international lawyer and scholar in the region. Dr Kerikmäe is a Jean Monnet professor in European Law, a board member of Baltic Yearbook of International Law and an author of more than 100 articles and publications e.g. published by Ashgate, Martinus Nijhoff, Kluwer etc. He has been active as an expert for public and private institutions, international organizations (European Commission, ELFA, IALS). In 2009 - 2010, he has been working as EU expert in Central Asia as a head of the component of

<figure><img src="image_29.png" /></figure>
constitutional law. Prof. Kerikmäe also serves as a President of Estonian branch of European Community Studies Association with headquarters in Brussels, he is a main rapporteur for the FIDE conference 2012. Prof. Kerikmäe has been teaching and supervising at several universities (as permanent and ad hoc instructor and Erasmus exchange professor) e.g. in United Kingdom, Latvia, Switzerland, Kyrgyzstan and is related to international research cooperation networks. He has been invited speaker for several high level conferences in United States, Portugal, Hungary, New Zealand and elsewhere. Currently Prof. Kerikmäe is the Director of Tallinn Law School at Tallinn University of Technology.

## Anila NEPRAVISHTA

### Commissaire du Médiateur de l'Albanie

-Diplôme en Droit (1990-1994), Faculté de Droit, Université de Tirana, Albanie. *Travail de diplôme "Étude comparative des sanctions pénales selon la législation de la France, d'Italie et de l'Albanie"*.

-Master d'Études Européennes, (Ecole Postuniversitaire des Études Européennes Tirana Albanie), pendant 2003-2005. Travail de diplôme "Protection des droits des enfants: la législation actuelle albanais".

-Actuellement en train de la préparation de la thèse finale pour obtenir le titre "Docteur en Droit", Université de Tirana. *Travail en cours: "Les garanties procedurales de la législation penale albanais pour la protection speciale des enfants et les defis de l'harmonisation de la legislation dans le process de l'integration en UE".* Professor tuteur Prof.Skender Kaçupi-Dean de la Faculte du Droit, Tirana, Albanie.

<figure><img src="image_30.png" /></figure>

### Expérience du travail

-1994-1997 Lectrice du Droit Administratif, Faculté de Droit, Université du Shkodër, Albanie.

-1997-2000 Juriste-contrôleur, Institution du Contrôle suprême de l'État, Tirana, Albanie.

-2000-2010 Commissaire Adjoint du Médiateur Albanais.(Avocat du Peuple)

-Novembre 2010 Elu par le Parlement d'Albanie Commissaire de l'Avocat du Peuple (www.avokatipopullit.gov.al)

-Juin 2002-Certifié par l'Institut Raoul Wallenberg, Faculté du Droit, Lund- Suède "Course Avancé sur les Droits de l'Homme". Organisé et financé par la Faculté du Droit, Lund et SIDA (Agence suédoise de développement international).

-Novembre 2002-Spécialisation d'un mois "Cycle International spécialisée sur l'administration publique-La Médiation Institutionnelle- Organisé et financé par l'ENA (Ecole Nationale de l'Administration Publique)-Paris, France.

-Avril 2006-Training sur "Justice des Mineurs", organisée par l'Institut International des Droits des Enfants (IDE) et l'UNICEF, Sion-Suisse.

-Octobre 2007-Participation à la Conférence Annuelle de l'ENOC (Réseau européen des Médiateurs nationaux pour les enfants), à la qualité de l'observatrice. Barcelona-Espagne.

-Article "La Convention du CEDAW-un instrument clé pour la promotion et la protection des droits des femmes"- éditée par L'Initiative Légale pour les Droits des Femmes-Refleksione, Tirana, 2006

-Article "Les fondements des Droits des enfants a la législation internationale", Revue "Tribune Juridique", Nr.72 (3)-2008, Tirana

-Papier "L'activité du Médiateur de l'Albanie pour la protection des droits des enfants"- tenue à la Conférence "Le rôle des parlementaires pour la prévention et l'action contre l'exploitation sexuelle des enfants et des adolescents", organisée par le Parlement d'Albanie et L'Union Interparlementaire (IPU), Tirana 2008.

-Papier "La situation des droits des enfants, selon le Bureau du Médiateur de l'Albanie", a la Conférence pour la promotion du livre "Élimination des châtiments corporels-un obligation des droits des hommes pour les enfants de l'Europe"-organisée par le Conseil de l'Europe, Tirana, 2009.

-Article "La protection des enfants-une autre norme de l'État démocratique", Revue "Tribune Juridique", nr.78 (3), Anne XIV de l'édition, 2009, Tirana.

## Dr. Eric OLSZAK

Maitre de conférences en sciences économiques, Faculté Libre de Droit- C3RD et IDDR, Université Catholique de Lille, Chercheur associé au CLERSE, eric.olszak@icl-lille.fr

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**Dr. Marcello PIERINI**

Is Professor of European Law; Sport Law and Policies in the EU; Patent and Commercial law in the European Union. Professor Pierini is an author of more than 50 articles and publications. He has been active as an expert for public and private institutions: European Commission, Italian Presidency of Council, Marche Region. He has directed 14 post-graduate courses for students, officials and executives of public administration, teachers and practitioners of law, and 15 European research projects.

Since 1997 he is Director of the Europe Direct Marche Centre - University of Urbino "Carlo Bo". From 2010 the European Commission appoints him the Ad Personam Jean Monnet Chair with the following reason: "Professor Pierini has a distinguished CV, having held a Jean Monnet Chair and is engaged in numerous activities at various levels. Professor Pierini is a leading academic figure in Italy and beyond. His CV can be evaluated only in one way: a real and true European Professor. He is indeed one of the leading personalities of EU sports law, he has served for many years with great success as a Jean Monnet Professor, he has been an expert at academic and political level for the Commission, he is director of a renowned journal of European studies".

**Lelde PLÜKSNA**

Research assistant Lelde Plüksna, Tallinn Law School, Jean Monnet Chair of European Law, Tallinn University of Technology

**Dr. Olga POUPEROVÁ**

Is Ph.D., Assistant Professor, Department of Administrative Law and Administrative Science, Faculty of Law, Palacky University, Olomouc, Czech Republic.

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**Vira RATSIBORYNSKA** specializes in the European Neighbourhood Policy. Currently she is working on her PhD in international relations or more specifically on Eastern partnership, regional cooperation, Black Sea Synergy, multilateral and bilateral cooperation with the EU and energy policy at the Institute of Political Studies (Strasbourg, France). Ms. Ratsiborynska holds a Master of Arts in European Interdisciplinary studies from the College of Europe (Warsaw, Poland) and a Master's degree in political and social sciences from the Institute of Political Studies (Strasbourg, France). She has written the following articles: "The management of Russian-Ukrainian relations in the context of the European neighbourhood policy in 2010" (Studia Universitatis Petru Maior scientific journal, Romania, p.199-205), "Considérations sur la politique européenne de voisinage: les évolutions, les défis et les perspectives" (L'Europe Unie, Revue d'études européennes, numéro 5, Paris, p.11-16); "Progress towards the Lisbon objectives in education and training: indicators and benchmarks 2009" (Commission staff working document), "Monitoring of the Council of Europe: follow up procedure implementation" and "Peculiarities of diplomatic correspondence" (research works).

**Dr. Lehte ROOTS**

Is Dr. Iur., Head of the Chair of Public Law, Tallinn Law School, Tallinn University of Technology.
Lehte.roots@ttu.ee

**Dr. Hedi SAIDI**

Est docteur en Histoire. Il a dirigé plusieurs essais sur la mémoire de l'immigration et l'histoire coloniale. Conférencier à Team Europe, il est chevalier de la Légion d'Honneur. Il est d'abord professeur certifié d'histoire-géographie au collège Anne-Frank, établissement ZEP de Roubaix, puis chargé de cours et d'enseignement et membre du groupe d'études et de recherches en travail social (GERTS) à l'Institut social Lille Vauban, rattaché à la Fédération universitaire et polytechnique de Lille.

**Domaines de recherches**

* Histoire coloniale de la Tunisie ;

* Mémoire de l'immigration ;

* Interculturalité.
**Publications:**

* Rapports colons-colonisés en Tunisie 1880-1919. L'exemple de Dar Elbey (Enfidha), éd. Farjallah, Sousse, 2003

* L'immigration et les discriminations en débats, éd. La Voix du Nord, Lille, 2005

* Discriminations et mémoires, quelles histoires ?, éd. Le Geai Bleu, Lille, 2006

* Mémoire de l'immigration et histoire coloniale, éd. L'Harmattan, Paris, 2007

* Les étrangers en France et l'héritage colonial. Processus historiques et identitaires, éd. L'Harmattan, Paris, 2007

* La Tunisie oubliée...Une immigration face au colonialisme, éd. Le Geai Bleu, Lille, 2008

* Ethnicisation des rapports sociaux Enjeu et fonction des approches culturalistes (sous la direction de Hedi SAIDI)
Préface de Gilles Manceron, éd. L'Harmattan,Paris, 2009.

**Dr. Alexandr SVETLICINII**

Is Visiting Lecturer and Postdoctoral Researcher at the Tallinn University of Technology, Tallinn Law School. E-mail: alexandr.svetlicinii@eui.eu.

**Dr. Colin SWATRIDGE**

University of Nottingham, UK, tutor at The Open University, Milton Keynes, UK (1981-1996), then Visiting Senior Lecturer, University of Miskolc, and Karoli Gaspar Reformed University, Budapest, Hungary; Erasmus Lecturer, Krosno State College, Poland; Visiting Senior Lecturer, Petru Maior University, Targu Mures, Romania. Lecture subjects: Critical Thinking; British Studies; International Relations. Chief Examiner, UK School-Leaving Examination in General Studies. Author of:

* Delivering the Goods: Education as Cargo in Papua New Guinea, Melbourne University Press, 1985;

* General Studies: an A Level Coursebook (2nd Edn.), HarperCollins, 2000;

* A Country Full of Aliens: a Briton in Hungary (2nd Edn.), Corvina Kiadó, 2010.

**Dr. David Ramiro TROITIÑO**

Is PhD, Associate Professor, Tallinn University of Technology.

**Dr. Evhen TSYBULENKO**

Is Ph.D. in Law, Head of Human Rights Centre, Tallinn Law School, Tallinn University of Technology

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**Dr. Nicoleta VASILCOV SCHI**

Lecturer at University of Constanta

PhD at "Alexandru Ioan Cuza" University of Iasi, Romania, Doctoral School of Economics, with a thesis in Economic and Diplomatic International Relations. She has published two books on business communication (Comunicarea in Afacerile Internationale, Noul concept de bizcommunication, 3DARTE, Iasi, 2007 and Comunicarea Profesionala in Companiile Globale, Demiurg, Iasi 2009) and five poetry books. She has participated at several conferences and has published different articles on economics and international relations. Previously, Nicole has had several internships and scholarships in Norway, Spain, USA, France,

Luxembourg. In November 2006, she received the first prize at the National Olympiad for students in international business from Romanian universities. She is a member of Cygnus, Scientific and Cultural NGO, Suceava, Astra, Cultural Association, from Iasi, Romania and Mouvement Européen Nord, Lille, France. Some of Nicole's professors call her a worldwide young Romanian ambassador in International Relations, Business Communication, Culture. Nicoleta is giving during March- June 2011, at "Vasile Pogor" Museum in Iasi, the first class of Global Diplomacy.

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**Directeur de la publication/Publication director: Dr. Michel LABORI** – Docteur d'Etat en sciences économiques et Agrégé d'histoire, ancien Professeur Jean Monnet, professeur honoraire – Université de Besançon (France)

**Editeur/Editor: Prodifmultimedia Paris**

**Rédacteur en chef/Chief Editor: Dr. Simion COSTEA** – professeur Jean Monnet à l'Université « Petru Maior » de Târgu-Mureş et ancien conseiller au Parlement européen

**Secrétaire de rédaction: Dr. Adrian-Gabriel CORPĂDEAN** – enseignant, Université « Babeş-Bolyai » Cluj-Napoca, secrétaire de rédaction

**Comité de rédaction/Editorial Board:**

**Dr. Dragoş PĂUN** – assistant universitaire, Université « Babeş-Bolyai » Cluj-Napoca

**Dr. Eric OLSZAK** – enseignant-chercheur, Faculté Libre de Droit (FLD), Université Catholique de Lille, Membre de l'IDDR (Institut du développement durable et responsable)

**Dr. Bruno GUERMONPREZ** – enseignant-chercheur ISA Lille

**Dr. Boris GRÉSILLON** – maître de conférences à l'Université de Provence

**Dr. Emil DINGA** – professeur, ancien ministre de l'intégration européenne de Roumanie

**Dr. Dumitru BUDA** – enseignant, Université « Petru Maior » de Târgu-Mureş

**Dr. Flore POP** – professeur, Université « Babeş-Bolyai » Cluj-Napoca

**Dr. Lucia CATANĂ** – maître de conférences, Université « Dimitrie Cantemir » de Târgu-Mureş

**Florent VANREMORTERE** – ancien maître de conférences à l'I.E.P. de Lille

**Dr. Colin SWATRIDGE** – UK and University of Miskolc

**Conseil scientifique/Scientific Board**

**Dr. Placide MABAKA** – Professeur – Université Catholique de Lille (Faculté Libre de Droit C3RD)

**Dr. Nicolae PĂUN** – Professeur Jean Monnet, Doyen – Faculté d'études européennes, Université « Babeş-Bolyai » de Cluj-Napoca

**Dr. Didier BLANC** – Maître de conférences – Université de Perpignan « Via Domitia »

**Dr. Liviu MARIAN** – Doyen – Université « Petru Maior » de Târgu-Mureş

**Dr. Simion COSTEA** – Professeur Jean Monnet – l'Université « Petru Maior » de Târgu-Mureş

**Dr. Erol KULAHCI** – Agence universitaire de la Francophonie (Bruxelles)

**Dr. Ioannis PANOUSSIS** – Professeur – Université Catholique de Lille (Faculté Libre de Droit C3RD)

**Dr. Tanel KERIKMÄE** – Professeur Jean Monnet – directeur de l'École de droit de Tallinn, Université de technologie de Tallinn

**Dr. Licínia SIMÃO** – Professeur assistant – Université de Beira Interior, expert – Université de Coimbra, Portugal

**Dr. Lina WILLIATE-PELLITTERI** – Professeur – Université Catholique de Lille (Faculté Libre de Droit C3RD)

**Dr. Hedi SAIDI** – Professeur – Université de Tunis

**Dr. Amelia HADFIELD** – Professeur Jean Monnet – Free University of Brussels VUB, Institute for European Studies (IES)

« L'Europe Unie »/ „United Europe“ est une revue academique française et internationale d'études européennes, éditée à Paris par :

* Université Catholique de Lille (France)

* Faculté Libre de Droit de Toulouse (Institut Catholique, France)

* Mouvement Européen Nord (Lille, France)

* Association «Confrontations» (Paris, France)

* Université « Petru Maior » de Târgu-Mureş (Roumanie)

* Université « Babeş-Bolyai » de Cluj-Napoca (Roumanie)

* École de Droit de Tallinn, Université de Technologie de Tallinn (Estonie)

* Université de Beira Interior (Portugal)

* Jean Monnet Project (EU).

The sole responsibility lies with the authors (not with the EU institutions).
Faculté Libre de Droit Institut Catholique
de Toulouse
31 Rue de la Fonderie BP31068 Toulouse Cedex 7
Tél: 05 61 36 81 22 Fax: 05 61 36 81 37
E-mail: secr.univ2@ict-toulouse.asso.fr

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FACULTÉ
LIBRE DE
DROIT

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Mouvement Européen
France
Nord

Mouvement Européen Nord
219 bis, bd de la Liberté, BP 1134, 59 012 Lille Cedex, France
Tél. : 03 20 52 72 89, Fax : 03 20 97 73 60, E-mail: mouveuropeen@wanadoo.fr
http://www.mouvement-europeen.org/section/

Association «Confrontations» (Paris, France)
4 Place de Valois 75001 Paris, Tel. 0033142605241,
E-mail: courriel@confrontations.fr
www.confrontations.fr

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Confrontations
Association d'Intellectuels Chrétiens

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UNIVERSITATEA
Petru Maior
TÂRGU-MUREŞ

Université « Petru Maior » de Târgu-Mureş
Târgu-Mureş, str. Nicolae Iorga, nr. 1, cod 540088, jud. Mureş, România,
Tel./fax: +40 265 262275, E-mail: rectorat@upm.ro, www.upm.ro

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Babeş-Bolyai University
Faculty of European Studies
1, Mihail Kogalniceanu Street
RO-400084 Cluj-Napoca 0264 40.53.00 0264 59.19.06
www.ubbcluj.ro

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Tallinn Law School at Tallinn University of Technology
Akadeemia tee 3, 12618 Tallinn, Estonia
Tel.: 003726202430 Fax: 003726202429
E-mail: tls@ttu.ee, www.ttu.ee/tallinn-law-school

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1918
TALLINN UNIVERSITY OF
TECHNOLOGY

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TALLINN LAW SCHOOL

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Université de Beira Interior (Portugal)
Convento de Sto. António, 6201-001 Covilha
Tel:+351(275)319700 Fax:+351(275)319057, www.ubi.pt

ISSN: 0248-2851
EAN: 99782749700519

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