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# Routledge Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian International Relations

Mher Sahakyan

► To cite this version:

Mher Sahakyan (Dir.). Routledge Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian International Relations. Routledge, 1, 2024, 9781032573762. 10.4324/9781003439110. hal-04613402

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Routledge Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian
International Relations

Mher Sahakyan

► To cite this version:

Mher Sahakyan. Routledge Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian International Relations. 2024. hal-04613402

HAL Id: hal-04613402

https://hal.science/hal-04613402v1

Preprint submitted on 16 Jun 2024

HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access
archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci-
entific research documents, whether they are pub-
lished or not. The documents may come from
teaching and research institutions in France or
abroad, or from public or private research centers.

L'archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est
destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents
scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non,
émanant des établissements d'enseignement et de
recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires
publics ou privés.

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ROUTLEDGE
HANDBOOKS

<figure><img src="image_3.png" /></figure>

Routledge Handbook of
Chinese and Eurasian
International Relations

Edited by Mher Sahakyan
<figure><img src="image_2.png" /></figure>

ROUTLEDGE
HANDBOOKS

<figure><img src="image_3.png" /></figure>

Routledge Handbook of
Chinese and Eurasian
International Relations

Edited by Mher Sahakyan
In a world defined by turbulent interactions between multiple orders, China is emerging as a major hub for the flow of power, ideas, and practices of international political and economic relations. As Beijing's outreach is not only burgeoning in the world's remotest corners but also eyeing the depths of outer space, there is an urgent need for solid knowledge of its content, patterns, and trajectories. The *Routledge Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian International Relations* edited by Mher Sahakyan responds to this demand by offering a compelling, thoughtful, and granular analysis of the full spectrum of China's investments, initiatives, and infrastructure ventures across the Eurasian expanse. Stretching from the Euro-Atlantic to the Indo-Pacific, the contributions to Sahakyan's collection make a powerful case that it is in the complex Eurasian environments that China's ambitions simultaneously shape and are shaped by an array of local actors and external powers. Drawing on detailed case studies, commanding knowledge, and engaging research, the volume provides a detailed account of the current likely future directions of China's growing footprint around the world. Owing to its timely insights and impressive empirical scope, this handbook will be an invaluable resource for scholars, diplomats, business people, and students.

**Professor Emilian Kavalski**, NAWA Chair Professor of
*Complex Systems Centre for International Studies and Development*
*Jagiellonian University in Krakow, Poland. Book Series Editor for*
*Routledge's "Rethinking Asia and International Relations" series.*

The *Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian International Relations* provides a grounded analysis of the complex nuances and perspectives on the contentious and fluid geopolitics and political economy centring in the Eurasian continent's regions. The sections that contain contributions from locally based researchers are especially helpful. My congratulations to the editor, Dr Mher Sahakyan, and the expert contributors for adding a timely addition to the literature on this important dimension of international relations and development.

**Professor Linda Chelan Li,**
*Director, Research Centre for Sustainable Hong Kong,*
*City University of Hong Kong, China.*

It is critically important for decision-makers, businesses, scholars, and other international actors to understand the emerging Multipolar World Order 2.0, and the bold *Routledge Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian International Relations* makes an important contribution with its wide scope and timely analysis of China's emerging
In a world defined by turbulent interactions between multiple orders, China is emerging as a major hub for the flow of power, ideas, and practices of international political and economic relations. As Beijing's outreach is not only burgeoning in the world's remotest corners but also eyeing the depths of outer space, there is an urgent need for solid knowledge of its content, patterns, and trajectories. The *Routledge Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian International Relations* edited by Mher Sahakyan responds to this demand by offering a compelling, thoughtful, and granular analysis of the full spectrum of China's investments, initiatives, and infrastructure ventures across the Eurasian expanse. Stretching from the Euro-Atlantic to the Indo-Pacific, the contributions to Sahakyan's collection make a powerful case that it is in the complex Eurasian environments that China's ambitions simultaneously shape and are shaped by an array of local actors and external powers. Drawing on detailed case studies, commanding knowledge, and engaging research, the volume provides a detailed account of the current likely future directions of China's growing footprint around the world. Owing to its timely insights and impressive empirical scope, this handbook will be an invaluable resource for scholars, diplomats, business people, and students.

**Professor Emilian Kavalski**, NAWA Chair Professor of
*Complex Systems Centre for International Studies and Development*
*Jagiellonian University in Krakow, Poland. Book Series Editor for*
*Routledge's "Rethinking Asia and International Relations" series.*

The *Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian International Relations* provides a grounded analysis of the complex nuances and perspectives on the contentious and fluid geopolitics and political economy centring in the Eurasian continent's regions. The sections that contain contributions from locally based researchers are especially helpful. My congratulations to the editor, Dr Mher Sahakyan, and the expert contributors for adding a timely addition to the literature on this important dimension of international relations and development.

**Professor Linda Chelan Li,**
*Director, Research Centre for Sustainable Hong Kong,*
*City University of Hong Kong, China.*

It is critically important for decision-makers, businesses, scholars, and other international actors to understand the emerging Multipolar World Order 2.0, and the bold *Routledge Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian International Relations* makes an important contribution with its wide scope and timely analysis of China's emerging
role in Eurasian politics, economy, and high-technology spheres. The diversity of authors makes this handbook a reliable source, as it includes research of accomplished scholars from Western, Eastern, Northern, and Southern leading universities and think tanks.

Dr David Morris,
Vice Chair of the UN ESCAP Sustainable Business
Network for the Asia Pacific. Senior Fellow.
Center for China and Globalization.
role in Eurasian politics, economy, and high-technology spheres. The diversity of authors makes this handbook a reliable source, as it includes research of accomplished scholars from Western, Eastern, Northern, and Southern leading universities and think tanks.

Dr David Morris,
Vice Chair of the UN ESCAP Sustainable Business
Network for the Asia Pacific. Senior Fellow.
Center for China and Globalization.
ROUTLEDGE HANDBOOK
OF CHINESE AND EURASIAN
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

The *Routledge Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian International Relations* explores China's relations with the Eurasian continent's regions and countries in a multipolar era, providing an equal and balanced platform for scholars and practitioners from East, West, North, and South. This diversity enriches the contribution, giving it a dynamic ability to examine sources in different languages and cover a vast geography.

Divided into ten parts, this handbook analyses the major powers in a Multipolar World Order; China's political and economic interests in post-Soviet Eurasia, Middle East, Europe, Asia-Pacific, and Arctic; and China's relations with the US, Russia, Eurasian Economic Union, NATO and other players. International technology and environmental experts consider the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative, along with other international economic and transport corridors, and examine China's multilateral relations and Digital Silk Road and e-governance roles. The *Routledge Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian International Relations* also contains official documents detailing the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and several European and Asian states, making it an authoritative source on diplomatic affairs.

This groundbreaking book will be of interest to policymakers, businessmen, scholars, and students of international relations, area studies, cybersecurity and digitalization, economics and the politics of international trade, security studies, foreign policy, global governance, international organizations, and environmental studies.

**Mher Sahakyan** is the editor of *Routledge Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian International Relations* and *China and Eurasian Powers in Multipolar World Order 2.0: Security, Diplomacy, Economy and Cybersecurity*, which Routledge published in 2024 and 2023. He is the editor of *China and Eurasia: Rethinking Cooperation and Contradictions in the Era of Changing World Order*, published by Routledge in September 2021. He is the author of the book *China's Belt and Road Initiative and Armenia*, published in Armenian and Russian. It was shortlisted by the International
ROUTLEDGE HANDBOOK
OF CHINESE AND EURASIAN
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

The *Routledge Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian International Relations* explores China's relations with the Eurasian continent's regions and countries in a multipolar era, providing an equal and balanced platform for scholars and practitioners from East, West, North, and South. This diversity enriches the contribution, giving it a dynamic ability to examine sources in different languages and cover a vast geography.

Divided into ten parts, this handbook analyses the major powers in a Multipolar World Order; China's political and economic interests in post-Soviet Eurasia, Middle East, Europe, Asia-Pacific, and Arctic; and China's relations with the US, Russia, Eurasian Economic Union, NATO and other players. International technology and environmental experts consider the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative, along with other international economic and transport corridors, and examine China's multilateral relations and Digital Silk Road and e-governance roles. The *Routledge Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian International Relations* also contains official documents detailing the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and several European and Asian states, making it an authoritative source on diplomatic affairs.

This groundbreaking book will be of interest to policymakers, businessmen, scholars, and students of international relations, area studies, cybersecurity and digitalization, economics and the politics of international trade, security studies, foreign policy, global governance, international organizations, and environmental studies.

**Mher Sahakyan** is the editor of *Routledge Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian International Relations* and *China and Eurasian Powers in Multipolar World Order 2.0: Security, Diplomacy, Economy and Cybersecurity*, which Routledge published in 2024 and 2023. He is the editor of *China and Eurasia: Rethinking Cooperation and Contradictions in the Era of Changing World Order*, published by Routledge in September 2021. He is the author of the book *China's Belt and Road Initiative and Armenia*, published in Armenian and Russian. It was shortlisted by the International
Convention of Asia Scholars in Leiden, Netherlands, for its 2021 book prize. Mher is also the author of “The New Great Power Competition in Central Asia: Opportunities and Challenges for the Gulf”, a contribution published in 2021 by the Anwar Gargash Diplomatic Academy in the United Arab Emirates. Mher is the founder and director of the China-Eurasia Council for Political and Strategic Research, a foundation in Armenia. He is a 2024 LEWI Visiting Fellow at the David C. Lam Institute for East-West Studies at Hong Kong Baptist University. He holds a doctorate in international relations from China’s Nanjing University. Mher Sahakyan was an AsiaGlobal Fellow at the Asia Global Institute of the University of Hong Kong from 2020 to 2022. In 2023, the Ministry of Education and Science of Armenia’s Supreme Certifying Committee awarded him an associate professorship in political science. He is an elected advisory board member of the International Institute for Peace, Austria and the School of Liberal Arts & Humanities, Woxsen University, India. Mher is also a member of the International Political Science Association and the Author’s Licensing and Collecting Society. He is the founder of the Eurasian Research on Modern China and Eurasia annual international conference. Mher has received invitations to showcase his research as a keynote speaker at the Renmin University, Corvinus University of Budapest, University of Calicut and as a speaker at the University of Oxford, University of Cambridge, International Institute for Peace, Moscow State University, Eastern Economic Forum, University of Hong Kong, Shanghai University, University of Edinburgh, King’s College London, Academic Council on the United Nations System, Delegation of the EU to China, City University of Hong Kong, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Hong Kong Baptist University, Istanbul Gedik University, and several others.
Convention of Asia Scholars in Leiden, Netherlands, for its 2021 book prize. Mher is also the author of “The New Great Power Competition in Central Asia: Opportunities and Challenges for the Gulf”, a contribution published in 2021 by the Anwar Gargash Diplomatic Academy in the United Arab Emirates. Mher is the founder and director of the China-Eurasia Council for Political and Strategic Research, a foundation in Armenia. He is a 2024 LEWI Visiting Fellow at the David C. Lam Institute for East-West Studies at Hong Kong Baptist University. He holds a doctorate in international relations from China’s Nanjing University. Mher Sahakyan was an AsiaGlobal Fellow at the Asia Global Institute of the University of Hong Kong from 2020 to 2022. In 2023, the Ministry of Education and Science of Armenia’s Supreme Certifying Committee awarded him an associate professorship in political science. He is an elected advisory board member of the International Institute for Peace, Austria and the School of Liberal Arts & Humanities, Woxsen University, India. Mher is also a member of the International Political Science Association and the Author’s Licensing and Collecting Society. He is the founder of the Eurasian Research on Modern China and Eurasia annual international conference. Mher has received invitations to showcase his research as a keynote speaker at the Renmin University, Corvinus University of Budapest, University of Calicut and as a speaker at the University of Oxford, University of Cambridge, International Institute for Peace, Moscow State University, Eastern Economic Forum, University of Hong Kong, Shanghai University, University of Edinburgh, King’s College London, Academic Council on the United Nations System, Delegation of the EU to China, City University of Hong Kong, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Hong Kong Baptist University, Istanbul Gedik University, and several others.
ROUTLEDGE
HANDBOOK OF CHINESE
AND EURASIAN
INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS

Edited by Mher Sahakyan

ROUTLEDGE

<figure><img src="image_4.png" /></figure>

Routledge
Taylor & Francis Group

LONDON AND NEW YORK
ROUTLEDGE
HANDBOOK OF CHINESE
AND EURASIAN
INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS

Edited by Mher Sahakyan

<figure><img src="image_4.png" /></figure>

Routledge
Taylor & Francis Group

LONDON AND NEW YORK
Designed cover image: gettyimages.com

First published 2025

by Routledge

4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

and by Routledge

605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158

*Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business*

© 2025 selection and editorial matter, Mher Sahakyan; individual chapters, the contributors

The right of Mher Sahakyan to be identified as the author of the editorial material, and of the
authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

*Trademark notice:* Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

*British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data*

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

ISBN: 9781032573762 (hbk)

ISBN: 9781032573786 (pbk)

ISBN: 9781003439110 (ebk)

DOI: 10.4324/9781003439110

Typeset in Times New Roman
by codeMantra
Designed cover image: gettyimages.com

First published 2025
by Routledge

4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

and by Routledge
605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158

*Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business*

© 2025 selection and editorial matter, Mher Sahakyan; individual chapters, the contributors

The right of Mher Sahakyan to be identified as the author of the editorial material, and of the
authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

*Trademark notice*: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

*British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data*

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

ISBN: 9781032573762 (hbk)

ISBN: 9781032573786 (pbk)

ISBN: 9781003439110 (ebk)

DOI: 10.4324/9781003439110

Typeset in Times New Roman
by codeMantra
# CONTENTS

List of Figures xii

List of Tables xiv

List of Contributors xv

Preface in Chinese xxvi

by Kevin Lo
Preface in English xxvii

by Kevin Lo
Acknowledgements xxix

List of Abbreviations xxx

Introduction of Chinese Eurasian Relations 1
*Mher Sahakyan and Anahit Parzyan*

## PART 1

**Powers Play in Eurasia in a Multipolar World Order 2.0** 19

1 China's Position on Russo-Ukrainian War in a Multipolar World Order 2.0 21
*Mher Sahakyan*

2 US-China Competition in Eurasia: Actions and Reactions in a Multipolar World Order 2.0 40
*Greg Simons*
# CONTENTS

List of Figures xii

List of Tables xiv

List of Contributors xv

Preface in Chinese xxvi

by Kevin Lo
Preface in English xxvii

by Kevin Lo
Acknowledgements xxix

List of Abbreviations xxx

Introduction of Chinese Eurasian Relations 1

*Mher Sahakyan and Anahit Parzyan*

## PART 1

**Powers Play in Eurasia in a Multipolar World Order 2.0** 19

1 China's Position on Russo-Ukrainian War in a Multipolar World Order 2.0 21

*Mher Sahakyan*

2 US-China Competition in Eurasia: Actions and Reactions in a Multipolar World Order 2.0 40

*Greg Simons*
PART II

Central Asia 59

3 Empowering the Dragon: Strategic Competition of China and Russia in the Central Asian Natural Gas Sector 61
*Tamas Dudlak*

4 India's Engagement with Central Asia and Competition with China in a Multipolar World Order 2.0 76
*Srdjan Uljevic*

5 Belt and Road Initiative's and Central Asia's Challenges: Case Study Kazakhstan 89
*Ruslan Izimov*

6 Rethinking China-Kyrgyzstan Relations: Addressing Challenges and Imbalances 103
*Zamira Muratalieva*

PART III

Middle East 121

7 Turkey and China in the Eurasian Landmass: From Bilateral Relations to the Silk Road Cooperation 123
*Selçuk Çolakoğlu*

8 Iran's Look to the East Policy after US Withdrawal from Nuclear Deal: Chinese and Russian Directions 138
*Davoud Gharayagh-Zandi*

9 The GCC States and China: Asymmetric Relations in a Multipolar World Order 2.0 149
*Máté Szalai*

PART IV

Europe 165

10 Unpacking Germany's Contemporary Relationship with China: The Political and Economic Factors Driving the Hedge 167
*Maximilian Ohle, Richard J. Cook and Zhaoying Han*
PART II

Central Asia 59

3 Empowering the Dragon: Strategic Competition of China and Russia in the Central Asian Natural Gas Sector 61
*Tamas Dudlak*

4 India's Engagement with Central Asia and Competition with China in a Multipolar World Order 2.0 76
*Srdjan Uljevic*

5 Belt and Road Initiative's and Central Asia's Challenges: Case Study Kazakhstan 89
*Ruslan Izimov*

6 Rethinking China-Kyrgyzstan Relations: Addressing Challenges and Imbalances 103
*Zamira Muratalieva*

PART III

Middle East 121

7 Turkey and China in the Eurasian Landmass: From Bilateral Relations to the Silk Road Cooperation 123
*Selçuk Çolakoğlu*

8 Iran's Look to the East Policy after US Withdrawal from Nuclear Deal: Chinese and Russian Directions 138
*Davoud Gharayagh-Zandi*

9 The GCC States and China: Asymmetric Relations in a Multipolar World Order 2.0 149
*Máté Szalai*

PART IV

Europe 165

10 Unpacking Germany's Contemporary Relationship with China: The Political and Economic Factors Driving the Hedge 167
*Maximilian Ohle, Richard J. Cook and Zhaoying Han*
Contents

11 Relations between China and Italy in the Context of the Development of the World Market
*Orazio Maria Gnerre* 182

12 Czech-China Relations: Future Possibilities and Policy Shifts in a Multipolar World Order 2.0
*Šárka Waisová* 195

13 Analysing Comprehensive Strategic Partnership between China and Serbia: Political, Economic, and Military-Technical Relations
*Nenad Stekić* 214

14 Poland-China Relations: Policy Shifts, Economic, Educational, and Cultural Ties in a Multipolar World Order 2.0
*Elżbieta Proń* 228

15 China and Greece: Political, Economic, and Cultural Relations in the Multipolar World Order 2.0
*Gina Panagopoulou* 243

PART V

**Asia-Pacific** 255

16 Examining Hong Kong's Agency within Sino-American Relations
*Brian Wong Yue Shun and Jason Yip Wai Cheong* 257

17 US-China Competition: Framing New Security Architecture in the Asia-Pacific Region
*Ahmed Bux Jamali, Mehmood Hussain and Hongsong Liu* 276

18 Unpacking the Discursive Strategies and Drivers of Chinese Visions of an Alternative World Order: History and Emotions in the South China Sea Dispute
*Éric Pomès and Matthieu Grandpierron* 291

19 Exploring the Conditions for Settling the South China Sea Territorial Dispute between China and Malaysia
*Yulong Dai* 306
Contents

11 Relations between China and Italy in the Context of the Development of the World Market
*Orazio Maria Gnerre* 182

12 Czech-China Relations: Future Possibilities and Policy Shifts in a Multipolar World Order 2.0
*Šárka Waisová* 195

13 Analysing Comprehensive Strategic Partnership between China and Serbia: Political, Economic, and Military-Technical Relations
*Nenad Stekić* 214

14 Poland-China Relations: Policy Shifts, Economic, Educational, and Cultural Ties in a Multipolar World Order 2.0
*Elżbieta Proń* 228

15 China and Greece: Political, Economic, and Cultural Relations in the Multipolar World Order 2.0
*Gina Panagopoulou* 243

PART V

Asia-Pacific 255

16 Examining Hong Kong's Agency within Sino-American Relations
*Brian Wong Yue Shun and Jason Yip Wai Cheong* 257

17 US-China Competition: Framing New Security Architecture in the Asia-Pacific Region
*Ahmed Bux Jamali, Mehmood Hussain and Hongsong Liu* 276

18 Unpacking the Discursive Strategies and Drivers of Chinese Visions of an Alternative World Order: History and Emotions in the South China Sea Dispute
*Éric Pomès and Matthieu Grandpierron* 291

19 Exploring the Conditions for Settling the South China Sea Territorial Dispute between China and Malaysia
*Yulong Dai* 306
Contents

20 China's Belt and Road Initiative and Japan's Strategic Response through the AAGC, Quad, and FOIP 2.0
*Tony Tai-Ting Liu*

21 China's Belt and Road Initiative and Sri Lanka: A Geopolitical Perspective
*Asantha Senevirathna*

22 Mongolia and China's Belt and Road Initiative in Multipolar World Order 2.0
*Connor Judge*

PART VI

**Arctic** **363**

23 The Dragon and the Bear on the Polar Silk Road: The Impact of Sino-Russian Cooperation on the Great Power Competition in the Arctic
*Jan Železný*

PART VII

**China's Relations with the Eurasian Economic Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization** **379**

24 The Eurasian Economic Union – China Relations: Challenges and Prospects
*Gohar Barseghyan*

25 Analysing CPC's Image-Building for the EU and the US in the Context of NATO
*Armine Arzumanyan*

PART VIII

**Digitalization and International Relations** **403**

26 Legal Aspects of the Digital Silk Road: Trends and Challenges
*Magdalena Łagiewska*
Contents

20 China's Belt and Road Initiative and Japan's Strategic Response through the AAGC, Quad, and FOIP 2.0
*Tony Tai-Ting Liu*

21 China's Belt and Road Initiative and Sri Lanka: A Geopolitical Perspective
*Asantha Senevirathna*

22 Mongolia and China's Belt and Road Initiative in Multipolar World Order 2.0
*Connor Judge*

PART VI

Arctic 363

23 The Dragon and the Bear on the Polar Silk Road: The Impact of Sino-Russian Cooperation on the Great Power Competition in the Arctic
*Jan Železný*

PART VII

China's Relations with the Eurasian Economic Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization 379

24 The Eurasian Economic Union – China Relations: Challenges and Prospects
*Gohar Barseghyan*

25 Analysing CPC's Image-Building for the EU and the US in the Context of NATO
*Armine Arzumanyan*

PART VIII

Digitalization and International Relations 403

26 Legal Aspects of the Digital Silk Road: Trends and Challenges
*Magdalena Łagiewska*
<table><tr><td>27 Exploring the Competition and Technological Decoupling between the US and China: A Case Study of the Digital Silk Road and the EAEU States<br/>Lev M. Sokolshchik and Eduard Z. Galimullin</td><td>417</td></tr></table>

PART IX

<table><tr><td>Environmental Politics</td><td>433</td></tr></table>

<table><tr><td>28 Environmental Geopolitics: The Belt and Road Initiative and China's Global Influence<br/>Kevin Lo</td><td>435</td></tr></table>

<table><tr><td>29 Tackling Environmental Worries and Social Tensions in Italy and China through E-Government Systems<br/>Giorgio Caridi</td><td>448</td></tr></table>

PART X

<table><tr><td>Conclusion</td><td>467</td></tr></table>

<table><tr><td>30 Conclusion: The Eurasian Continent Is in a Multipolar World Order 2.0 Stage<br/>Mher Sahakyan</td><td>469</td></tr></table>

<table><tr><td>For More from Mher Sahakyan and Routledge Read</td><td>483</td></tr></table>

<table><tr><td>Index</td><td>487</td></tr></table>
<table><tr><td>27 Exploring the Competition and Technological Decoupling between the US and China: A Case Study of the Digital Silk Road and the EAEU States<br/>Lev M. Sokolshchik and Eduard Z. Galimullin</td><td>417</td></tr></table>

PART IX

<table><tr><td>Environmental Politics</td><td>433</td></tr></table>

<table><tr><td>28 Environmental Geopolitics: The Belt and Road Initiative and China's Global Influence<br/>Kevin Lo</td><td>435</td></tr></table>

<table><tr><td>29 Tackling Environmental Worries and Social Tensions in Italy and China through E-Government Systems<br/>Giorgio Caridi</td><td>448</td></tr></table>

PART X

<table><tr><td>Conclusion</td><td>467</td></tr></table>

<table><tr><td>30 Conclusion: The Eurasian Continent Is in a Multipolar World Order 2.0 Stage<br/>Mher Sahakyan</td><td>469</td></tr></table>

<table><tr><td>For More from Mher Sahakyan and Routledge Read</td><td>483</td></tr></table>

<table><tr><td>Index</td><td>487</td></tr></table>
FIGURES

<table><tr><td>I.1</td><td>Participants and guests are from a working meeting in Yerevan between the China-Eurasia Council for Political and Strategic Research and the Good-Neighbourliness, Friendship, and Cooperation Commission of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Yerevan, Armenia, 21 September 2023</td><td>5</td></tr><tr><td>I.2</td><td>CCAWAEC</td><td>7</td></tr><tr><td>I.3</td><td>“IV Eurasian Research on Modern China and Eurasia” Conference, China-Eurasia Council for Political and Strategic Research, Yerevan, Armenia, December 2 and 3, 2022</td><td>8</td></tr><tr><td>1.1</td><td>NELBEC</td><td>23</td></tr><tr><td>1.2</td><td>Battlefield situation</td><td>35</td></tr><tr><td>2.1</td><td>Recognition letter from Sweden to PRC. 1950</td><td>52</td></tr><tr><td>2.2</td><td>Recognition letter from Sweden to PRC. 1950</td><td>53</td></tr><tr><td>2.3</td><td>Telegram on the appointment of Swedish Chargé d'Affaires to the PRC. 1950</td><td>54</td></tr><tr><td>2.4</td><td>The PRC's letters to accept the Chargé d'Affaires from Sweden. 1950</td><td>55</td></tr><tr><td>3.1</td><td>Central Asia</td><td>72</td></tr><tr><td>4.1</td><td>The International North-South Transport Corridor and other Eurasian economic corridors.</td><td>81</td></tr><tr><td>6.1</td><td>(in Kyrgyz) Joint Communique on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations between the Republic of Kyrgyzstan and the PRC. 1992</td><td>113</td></tr><tr><td>6.2–6.3</td><td>(in Chinese) Joint Communique on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations between the Republic of Kyrgyzstan and the PRC. 1992</td><td>114</td></tr><tr><td>6.4</td><td>(in Russian) Joint Communique on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations between the Republic of Kyrgyzstan and the PRC. 1992</td><td>116</td></tr></table>
FIGURES

<table>
  <tbody>
    <tr>
      <td>1.1</td>
      <td>Participants and guests are from a working meeting in Yerevan between the China-Eurasia Council for Political and Strategic Research and the Good-Neighbourliness, Friendship, and Cooperation Commission of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Yerevan, Armenia, 21 September 2023</td>
      <td>5</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>1.2</td>
      <td>CCAWAEC</td>
      <td>7</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>1.3</td>
      <td>“IV Eurasian Research on Modern China and Eurasia” Conference, China-Eurasia Council for Political and Strategic Research, Yerevan, Armenia, December 2 and 3, 2022</td>
      <td>8</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>1.1</td>
      <td>NELBEC</td>
      <td>23</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>1.2</td>
      <td>Battlefield situation</td>
      <td>35</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>2.1</td>
      <td>Recognition letter from Sweden to PRC. 1950</td>
      <td>52</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>2.2</td>
      <td>Recognition letter from Sweden to PRC. 1950</td>
      <td>53</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>2.3</td>
      <td>Telegram on the appointment of Swedish Chargé d'Affaires to the PRC. 1950</td>
      <td>54</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>2.4</td>
      <td>The PRC's letters to accept the Chargé d'Affaires from Sweden. 1950</td>
      <td>55</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>3.1</td>
      <td>Central Asia</td>
      <td>72</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>4.1</td>
      <td>The International North-South Transport Corridor and other Eurasian economic corridors.</td>
      <td>81</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>6.1</td>
      <td>(in Kyrgyz) Joint Communique on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations between the Republic of Kyrgyzstan and the PRC. 1992</td>
      <td>113</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>6.2–6.3</td>
      <td>(in Chinese) Joint Communique on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations between the Republic of Kyrgyzstan and the PRC. 1992</td>
      <td>114</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>6.4</td>
      <td>(in Russian) Joint Communique on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations between the Republic of Kyrgyzstan and the PRC. 1992</td>
      <td>116</td>
    </tr>
  </tbody>
</table>
<table><tr><td>7.1</td><td>Compiled by the author with TurkStat data (Turkey's Trade with China (2012–2022))</td><td>130</td></tr><tr><td>9.1</td><td>Middle East</td><td>160</td></tr><tr><td>12.1</td><td>Letter of recognition of the independence of Czech Republic by PRC (in Chinese). 1992</td><td>206</td></tr><tr><td>12.2 – 12.3</td><td>Letter of recognition of the independence of Czech Republic by PRC (in Czech). 1992</td><td>207</td></tr><tr><td>13.1</td><td>Central and Eastern Europe</td><td>224</td></tr><tr><td>18.1</td><td>Southeast Asia</td><td>301</td></tr><tr><td>21.1</td><td>South Asia</td><td>340</td></tr><tr><td>22.1</td><td>Eastern Asia</td><td>357</td></tr><tr><td>29.1</td><td>(in Italian) Joint Statement of the Government of Italian Republic and of the Government of People's Republic of China on the establishment of diplomatic relations between Italy and China, 5 November 1970</td><td>461</td></tr><tr><td>29.2</td><td>(in French) Joint Statement of the Government of Italian Republic and of the Government of People's Republic of China on the establishment of diplomatic relations between Italy and China, 5 November 1970</td><td>462</td></tr><tr><td>29.3</td><td>(in Chinese) Joint Statement of the Government of Italian Republic and of the Government of People's Republic of China on the establishment of diplomatic relations between Italy and China, 5 November 1970</td><td>463</td></tr><tr><td>29.4</td><td>(in French) Declarations of the Italian and People's Republic of China's Representatives [with reference to the Joint Statement of the Government of Italian Republic and of the Government of People's Republic of China on the establishment of diplomatic relations between Italy and China], 5 November 1970</td><td>464</td></tr><tr><td>30.1</td><td>(in Chinese) Letter of recognition of the independence of Republic of Armenia by People's Republic of China, 27 December 1991</td><td>477</td></tr><tr><td>30.2</td><td>(in Russian) Letter of recognition of the independence of Republic of Armenia by People's Republic of China, 27 December 1991</td><td>478</td></tr><tr><td>30.3</td><td>(in Armenian) Letter of the Minister of Foreign affairs of Republic of Armenia to Minister of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China on establishment of diplomatic affairs</td><td>479</td></tr><tr><td>30.4</td><td>(in English) Letter of the Minister of Foreign affairs of Republic of Armenia to Minister of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China on establishment of diplomatic affairs</td><td>480</td></tr></table>
<table><tr><td>7.1</td><td>Compiled by the author with TurkStat data (Turkey's Trade with China (2012–2022))</td><td>130</td></tr><tr><td>9.1</td><td>Middle East</td><td>160</td></tr><tr><td>12.1</td><td>Letter of recognition of the independence of Czech Republic by PRC (in Chinese). 1992</td><td>206</td></tr><tr><td>12.2 – 12.3</td><td>Letter of recognition of the independence of Czech Republic by PRC (in Czech). 1992</td><td>207</td></tr><tr><td>13.1</td><td>Central and Eastern Europe</td><td>224</td></tr><tr><td>18.1</td><td>Southeast Asia</td><td>301</td></tr><tr><td>21.1</td><td>South Asia</td><td>340</td></tr><tr><td>22.1</td><td>Eastern Asia</td><td>357</td></tr><tr><td>29.1</td><td>(in Italian) Joint Statement of the Government of Italian Republic and of the Government of People's Republic of China on the establishment of diplomatic relations between Italy and China, 5 November 1970</td><td>461</td></tr><tr><td>29.2</td><td>(in French) Joint Statement of the Government of Italian Republic and of the Government of People's Republic of China on the establishment of diplomatic relations between Italy and China, 5 November 1970</td><td>462</td></tr><tr><td>29.3</td><td>(in Chinese) Joint Statement of the Government of Italian Republic and of the Government of People's Republic of China on the establishment of diplomatic relations between Italy and China, 5 November 1970</td><td>463</td></tr><tr><td>29.4</td><td>(in French) Declarations of the Italian and People's Republic of China's Representatives [with reference to the Joint Statement of the Government of Italian Republic and of the Government of People's Republic of China on the establishment of diplomatic relations between Italy and China], 5 November 1970</td><td>464</td></tr><tr><td>30.1</td><td>(in Chinese) Letter of recognition of the independence of Republic of Armenia by People's Republic of China, 27 December 1991</td><td>477</td></tr><tr><td>30.2</td><td>(in Russian) Letter of recognition of the independence of Republic of Armenia by People's Republic of China, 27 December 1991</td><td>478</td></tr><tr><td>30.3</td><td>(in Armenian) Letter of the Minister of Foreign affairs of Republic of Armenia to Minister of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China on establishment of diplomatic affairs</td><td>479</td></tr><tr><td>30.4</td><td>(in English) Letter of the Minister of Foreign affairs of Republic of Armenia to Minister of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China on establishment of diplomatic affairs</td><td>480</td></tr></table>
TABLES

<table><tr><td>3.1</td><td>Chinese natural gas imports (bcm)</td><td>66</td></tr><tr><td>7.1</td><td>FDI flows from 2015 to 2021</td><td>130</td></tr><tr><td>8.1</td><td>Main items of the Sino-Iran 25-year comprehensive cooperation document</td><td>142</td></tr><tr><td>9.1</td><td>Share of Arab countries in Chinese crude oil imports</td><td>154</td></tr><tr><td>9.2</td><td>The share of UNSC members and other Asian powers in the trade structure of GCC countries (percentage) (2021)</td><td>157</td></tr><tr><td>12.1</td><td>What drove the decline of Czech interest in building and cultivating relations with China?</td><td>197</td></tr><tr><td>15.1</td><td>Container throughput in Piraeus in million TEU (2013–2022)</td><td>246</td></tr><tr><td>15.2</td><td>China's exports to Greece (billion US$, 2021, 2022)</td><td>247</td></tr><tr><td>15.3</td><td>Greece's exports to China (million US$, 2021, 2022)</td><td>247</td></tr><tr><td>15.4</td><td>Exports, top five products (US$, 2022)</td><td>247</td></tr><tr><td>15.5</td><td>China's imports from Greece (million US$, 2021, 2022)</td><td>248</td></tr><tr><td>15.6</td><td>Greece's imports from China (billion US$, 2021, 2022)</td><td>248</td></tr><tr><td>15.7</td><td>Imports, top five products (US$, 2022)</td><td>248</td></tr><tr><td>19.1</td><td>List of six disputed maritime features by China and Malaysia</td><td>307</td></tr><tr><td>20.1</td><td>Japan's official development assistance to Central Asia Unit: billion yen</td><td>322</td></tr><tr><td>29.1</td><td>E-government's use and attitudes in Italian and Chinese Public Administrations</td><td>455</td></tr><tr><td>30.1</td><td>GDP growth (annual %)</td><td>471</td></tr></table>
TABLES

<table><tr><td>3.1</td><td>Chinese natural gas imports (bcm)</td><td>66</td></tr><tr><td>7.1</td><td>FDI flows from 2015 to 2021</td><td>130</td></tr><tr><td>8.1</td><td>Main items of the Sino-Iran 25-year comprehensive cooperation document</td><td>142</td></tr><tr><td>9.1</td><td>Share of Arab countries in Chinese crude oil imports</td><td>154</td></tr><tr><td>9.2</td><td>The share of UNSC members and other Asian powers in the trade structure of GCC countries (percentage) (2021)</td><td>157</td></tr><tr><td>12.1</td><td>What drove the decline of Czech interest in building and cultivating relations with China?</td><td>197</td></tr><tr><td>15.1</td><td>Container throughput in Piraeus in million TEU (2013–2022)</td><td>246</td></tr><tr><td>15.2</td><td>China's exports to Greece (billion US$, 2021, 2022)</td><td>247</td></tr><tr><td>15.3</td><td>Greece's exports to China (million US$, 2021, 2022)</td><td>247</td></tr><tr><td>15.4</td><td>Exports, top five products (US$, 2022)</td><td>247</td></tr><tr><td>15.5</td><td>China's imports from Greece (million US$, 2021, 2022)</td><td>248</td></tr><tr><td>15.6</td><td>Greece's imports from China (billion US$, 2021, 2022)</td><td>248</td></tr><tr><td>15.7</td><td>Imports, top five products (US$, 2022)</td><td>248</td></tr><tr><td>19.1</td><td>List of six disputed maritime features by China and Malaysia</td><td>307</td></tr><tr><td>20.1</td><td>Japan's official development assistance to Central Asia Unit: billion yen</td><td>322</td></tr><tr><td>29.1</td><td>E-government's use and attitudes in Italian and Chinese Public Administrations</td><td>455</td></tr><tr><td>30.1</td><td>GDP growth (annual %)</td><td>471</td></tr></table>
CONTRIBUTORS

**Armine Arzumanyan** is a lecturer of Political Science at the American University of Armenia. She holds a joint master's degree in Security, Intelligence, and Strategic studies from the University of Glasgow, Dublin City University, and Charles University, as well as a Bachelor of Law degree in International Politics from the Renmin University of China. In her dissertation at the University of Glasgow, she developed a new theoretical framework for analysing narrative building in strategic rivalry. She is an emerging researcher of security policy and has authored a number of publications on East Asian and Caucasian security. Her research focuses on great power politics, global security, and non-kinetic warfare. She is a former Senior Assistant to the Secretary of the Security Council of Armenia and a 2022 Young Leader research fellow at the Geneva Centre for Security Policy.

**Gohar Barseghyan** is the Minister in charge of Industry and Agriculture of the Eurasian Economic Commission. She has been director of the Integration Development Department, Eurasian Economic Commission, Eurasian Economic Union. Barseghyan was the Deputy Director of the Foreign Relations Department of the Office of the Commissioner for Human Rights in the Republic of Armenia, Assistant to the Vice Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia, and Deputy Director of the Integration Development Department of the Eurasian Economic Commission. She graduated from the Faculty of International Relations of the Yerevan State University and the Diplomatic Academy in Vienna (Austria). Gohar Barseghyan has been awarded the Honorary Diploma of the Vice Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia "For the conscientious performance of official duties" and the Honorary Diploma of the Eurasian Economic Commission "For a great personal contribution to solving the problems of forming and developing the Eurasian Economic Union". She has participated in more than 25 international conferences and forums in different countries.
CONTRIBUTORS

**Armine Arzumanyan** is a lecturer of Political Science at the American University of Armenia. She holds a joint master's degree in Security, Intelligence, and Strategic studies from the University of Glasgow, Dublin City University, and Charles University, as well as a Bachelor of Law degree in International Politics from the Renmin University of China. In her dissertation at the University of Glasgow, she developed a new theoretical framework for analysing narrative building in strategic rivalry. She is an emerging researcher of security policy and has authored a number of publications on East Asian and Caucasian security. Her research focuses on great power politics, global security, and non-kinetic warfare. She is a former Senior Assistant to the Secretary of the Security Council of Armenia and a 2022 Young Leader research fellow at the Geneva Centre for Security Policy.

**Gohar Barseghyan** is the Minister in charge of Industry and Agriculture of the Eurasian Economic Commission. She has been director of the Integration Development Department, Eurasian Economic Commission, Eurasian Economic Union. Barseghyan was the Deputy Director of the Foreign Relations Department of the Office of the Commissioner for Human Rights in the Republic of Armenia, Assistant to the Vice Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia, and Deputy Director of the Integration Development Department of the Eurasian Economic Commission. She graduated from the Faculty of International Relations of the Yerevan State University and the Diplomatic Academy in Vienna (Austria). Gohar Barseghyan has been awarded the Honorary Diploma of the Vice Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia "For the conscientious performance of official duties" and the Honorary Diploma of the Eurasian Economic Commission "For a great personal contribution to solving the problems of forming and developing the Eurasian Economic Union". She has participated in more than 25 international conferences and forums in different countries.
**Giorgio Caridi** is an adjunct professor of Social Media Marketing, Digital Marketing and e-Commerce Management, and corporate communication at E-Campus University and a professor of Public Relations: a cross-cultural perspective for the University of California Education Abroad Program in Rome. He holds a PhD in Communication, Intercultural Affairs and Complex Organizations, with an MBA in Management. He is a senior officer at the National Institute for Social Assistance – Inas, Italy, and a member of the Scientific Secretariat of the journal *Sindacalismo*. Among his recent publications: “BRI’s Digital Silk Road and the EU: The Role of Innovation and Communication Italian Case Study” in *China and the Eurasian Powers in a Multipolar World Order 2.0 Security, Diplomacy, Economy and Cyberspace* (Routledge, 2023), *EU GDPR: Specificities and Economic Impact* (2018), *Market Abuse in EU-Market and Strategies and EU Law Protection of Brands* (2017). His current research focuses on the growing Sino-EU relations, communication, and the impact of innovation on the Italian production system.

**Selçuk Çolakoğlu** received his BA from the Department of International Relations at Ankara University, obtained his MA from the Department of International Relations at Middle East Technical University (METU) in Ankara, and completed his PhD in the Department of International Relations at Ankara University in 2003. He worked as a visiting professor in the Department of Turkish Studies at Hankuk University of Foreign Studies (HUFS) in Seoul, South Korea (1999–2001). He became an associate professor of International Relations in 2008 in Turkey. He served as the Vice Dean of the Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences in Nazilli (2006–2007), the Chair of the Department of International Relations (2008–2012), and the Director of the Graduate School of Social Sciences (2011–2012) at Adnan Menderes University in Aydın, Turkey. He became a professor of International Relations at Yıldırım Beyazıt University in Ankara in 2013. He was a visiting research fellow at the Korea Foundation in Seoul in 2007, The Near East and South Asia (NESA) Center for Strategic Research at the National Defense University in Washington, D.C. in 2013, and the Korea Institute for International Economic Policy (KIEP) in Sejong in 2015. He was an advisor for the Center for Strategic Research (SAM) of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkey (2011–2013) and Vice-President of the International Strategic Research Organization (USAK) (2013–2016). He is also the Founding Director of the Turkish Center for Asia-Pacific Studies (APAC) in Ankara, Turkey. He currently is a faculty member of the Globalisation and Development Programme at Beijing Normal University – Hong Kong Baptist University United International College (UIC) in Zhuhai, China. His research interests include Foreign Policy, International Security, Globalization, Global Governance, the G20, BRICS, and MIKTA. Dr Çolakoğlu is a member of the Turkish Council of International Relations (UIK). Besides, he is a co-editor of the *Review of International Law & Politics*. His current/former editorial board memberships are at the *Turkish Journal of International Relations* (Uluslararası İlişkiler), the *Journal of Liberty and International Affairs*, the *Journal of Central Asian & Caucasian Studies*, the *Ankara Review of European Studies*, *Eurolimes*, and the *Perceptions*.
**Giorgio Caridi** is an adjunct professor of Social Media Marketing, Digital Marketing and e-Commerce Management, and corporate communication at E-Campus University and a professor of Public Relations: a cross-cultural perspective for the University of California Education Abroad Program in Rome. He holds a PhD in Communication, Intercultural Affairs and Complex Organizations, with an MBA in Management. He is a senior officer at the National Institute for Social Assistance – Inas, Italy, and a member of the Scientific Secretariat of the journal *Sindacalismo*. Among his recent publications: “BRI’s Digital Silk Road and the EU: The Role of Innovation and Communication Italian Case Study” in *China and the Eurasian Powers in a Multipolar World Order 2.0 Security, Diplomacy, Economy and Cyberspace* (Routledge, 2023), *EU GDPR: Specificities and Economic Impact* (2018), *Market Abuse in EU-Market and Strategies and EU Law Protection of Brands* (2017). His current research focuses on the growing Sino-EU relations, communication, and the impact of innovation on the Italian production system.

**Selçuk Çolakoğlu** received his BA from the Department of International Relations at Ankara University, obtained his MA from the Department of International Relations at Middle East Technical University (METU) in Ankara, and completed his PhD in the Department of International Relations at Ankara University in 2003. He worked as a visiting professor in the Department of Turkish Studies at Hankuk University of Foreign Studies (HUFS) in Seoul, South Korea (1999–2001). He became an associate professor of International Relations in 2008 in Turkey. He served as the Vice Dean of the Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences in Nazilli (2006–2007), the Chair of the Department of International Relations (2008–2012), and the Director of the Graduate School of Social Sciences (2011–2012) at Adnan Menderes University in Aydın, Turkey. He became a professor of International Relations at Yıldırım Beyazıt University in Ankara in 2013. He was a visiting research fellow at the Korea Foundation in Seoul in 2007, The Near East and South Asia (NESA) Center for Strategic Research at the National Defense University in Washington, D.C. in 2013, and the Korea Institute for International Economic Policy (KIEP) in Sejong in 2015. He was an advisor for the Center for Strategic Research (SAM) of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkey (2011–2013) and Vice-President of the International Strategic Research Organization (USAK) (2013–2016). He is also the Founding Director of the Turkish Center for Asia-Pacific Studies (APAC) in Ankara, Turkey. He currently is a faculty member of the Globalisation and Development Programme at Beijing Normal University – Hong Kong Baptist University United International College (UIC) in Zhuhai, China. His research interests include Foreign Policy, International Security, Globalization, Global Governance, the G20, BRICS, and MIKTA. Dr Çolakoğlu is a member of the Turkish Council of International Relations (UIK). Besides, he is a co-editor of the *Review of International Law & Politics*. His current/former editorial board memberships are at the *Turkish Journal of International Relations* (Uluslararası İlişkiler), the *Journal of Liberty and International Affairs*, the *Journal of Central Asian & Caucasian Studies*, the *Ankara Review of European Studies*, *Eurolimes*, and the *Perceptions*.
Dr Çolakoğlu published 5 books and 60 articles and book chapters. His books are *Turkey and China: Political, Economic, and Strategic Aspects of the Relationship* (2021); *Comparative Studies on Pandemic Control Policies and the Resilience of Society* with Zhao, Simon Xiaobin et al. (2023); *Northeast Asia in International Relations* (2009); *China in the World Order and Turkey-China Relations* (2012); *Korean Society, Culture, Politics* with Bengü Çolakoğlu (2008); *Global Expectations for Korean Unification* with Kim, Kyuryoon et al. (2014). His published articles are in journals including *East Asia, Korea Observer, Global Summit, Asian Communication Research, China Media Research, Studia Europaea, Studia Regionalia, Review of International Law & Politics, Journal of Central Asian & Caucasian Studies, Pakistan Muslim Perspectives, Turkish Yearbook of Asia-Pacific Studies, Ankara Review of European Studies, Bilig, Perceptions, and Uluslararası İlişkiler*.

**Richard J. Cook** is a postdoctoral research fellow at Nankai University. His research interests include China-United States relations, hierarchy in international relations, and international security.

**Yulong Dai** is a manager at the Office of International Affairs of ShanghaiTech University. He earned his PhD in History from Nanjing University (China). He was also a visiting scholar at New York University (USA) and a visiting research assistant at the International Institute for Strategic Studies - Asia (Singapore). As an administrator at ShanghaiTech University, Dr Dai is responsible for strategic investigation and surveys on international science and technology cooperation. He also manages the international research programme there. As a researcher, Dr Dai focuses on territorial disputes and associated security issues in East Asia, Southeast Asia, and South Asia.

**Tamas Dudlak** is a Doctor of International Relations based in Budapest, Hungary. He previously received degrees in History, Arabic, and Turkish and studied geopolitics. He is currently affiliated with the Eötvös Loránd University of Budapest, Hungary, as a researcher at the Contemporary Arab World Center. His main research interest lies in the Middle East and energy policy in the Eurasian continent (especially concerning China and Iran). His research focuses mainly on Turkey and its role in the Middle East in various fields: migration and refugees, domestic and foreign policy, and energy policy.

**Eduard Z. Galimullin** is a postdoctoral researcher at the Centre for Comprehensive European and International Studies at Higher School of Economics University (Moscow, Russia). Over the past years, he has attended a number of conferences in different cities of Russia and abroad (Finland, Kyrgyzstan, and Belarus). During his studies, he twice received the British Petroleum Scholarship as the best student. He received grant funding and organized scientific events at the international level. He earned his PhD in Political Science (2021) from the Russian Academy of National Economy and Public Administration.

**Davoud Gharayagh-Zandi** is an assistant professor at the School of Economics and Political Sciences at Shahid Behesti University, Tehran-Iran. Gharayagh-Zandi
Dr Çolakoğlu published 5 books and 60 articles and book chapters. His books are *Turkey and China: Political, Economic, and Strategic Aspects of the Relationship* (2021); *Comparative Studies on Pandemic Control Policies and the Resilience of Society* with Zhao, Simon Xiaobin et al. (2023); *Northeast Asia in International Relations* (2009); *China in the World Order and Turkey-China Relations* (2012); *Korean Society, Culture, Politics* with Bengü Çolakoğlu (2008); *Global Expectations for Korean Unification* with Kim, Kyuryoon et al. (2014). His published articles are in journals including *East Asia, Korea Observer, Global Summit, Asian Communication Research, China Media Research, Studia Europaea, Studia Regionalia, Review of International Law & Politics, Journal of Central Asian & Caucasian Studies, Pakistan Muslim Perspectives, Turkish Yearbook of Asia-Pacific Studies, Ankara Review of European Studies, Bilig, Perceptions, and Uluslararası İlişkiler*.

**Richard J. Cook** is a postdoctoral research fellow at Nankai University. His research interests include China-United States relations, hierarchy in international relations, and international security.

**Yulong Dai** is a manager at the Office of International Affairs of ShanghaiTech University. He earned his PhD in History from Nanjing University (China). He was also a visiting scholar at New York University (USA) and a visiting research assistant at the International Institute for Strategic Studies - Asia (Singapore). As an administrator at ShanghaiTech University, Dr Dai is responsible for strategic investigation and surveys on international science and technology cooperation. He also manages the international research programme there. As a researcher, Dr Dai focuses on territorial disputes and associated security issues in East Asia, Southeast Asia, and South Asia.

**Tamas Dudlak** is a Doctor of International Relations based in Budapest, Hungary. He previously received degrees in History, Arabic, and Turkish and studied geopolitics. He is currently affiliated with the Eötvös Loránd University of Budapest, Hungary, as a researcher at the Contemporary Arab World Center. His main research interest lies in the Middle East and energy policy in the Eurasian continent (especially concerning China and Iran). His research focuses mainly on Turkey and its role in the Middle East in various fields: migration and refugees, domestic and foreign policy, and energy policy.

**Eduard Z. Galimullin** is a postdoctoral researcher at the Centre for Comprehensive European and International Studies at Higher School of Economics University (Moscow, Russia). Over the past years, he has attended a number of conferences in different cities of Russia and abroad (Finland, Kyrgyzstan, and Belarus). During his studies, he twice received the British Petroleum Scholarship as the best student. He received grant funding and organized scientific events at the international level. He earned his PhD in Political Science (2021) from the Russian Academy of National Economy and Public Administration.

**Davoud Gharayagh-Zandi** is an assistant professor at the School of Economics and Political Sciences at Shahid Behesti University, Tehran-Iran. Gharayagh-Zandi
has several teaching assignments, including teaching A Cognitive Approach to the
Islamic Political Theory; Culture, Nationality, and Ethnicity in the Middle East; Re-
gional Studies; Iran's Relationships with the International Society; Iran's Relation-
ships with the Middle Eastern Countries; Global Security and Strategies of National
States; Middle Eastern Regional Security and International System at MA programme
and Security Issues of the Contemporary World in the Post-Cold Era and Research
Methods in Politics at PhD programme. His main research areas are Islamic Stud-
ies, Middle Eastern Regional Studies, Security Studies, and Iranian Foreign Policy.
He has also participated in conferences in Armenia, France, Russia, Germany, Italy,
Turkey, and Georgia. In addition, he has published many books and articles in his
interested fields in Persian, English, and Arabic.

**Orazio Maria Gnerre** is currently a PhD student at the University of Perugia. He deals with the philosophy of politics, international relations, and geopolitics. He is the author of several articles, chapters, and books, including “The strengthening of the Sino-Russian partnership in the era of the Multipolar World Order 2.0” in *China and the Eurasian Powers in a Multipolar World Order 2.0 Security, Diplomacy, Economy and Cyberspace* (Routledge, 2023) and *Prima che il mondo fosse. Alle radici del decisionismo novecentesco, Mimesis*, (2018).

**Matthieu Grandpierron** is the head of the Department of Political Science and a postdoctoral fellow at ICES. His research looks at the impact emotions, virile understanding of status and history have on foreign policy decision-making processes. His research has also focused on great power conflict, geopolitics, and area studies concerning EU security, including China, Taiwan, Russia, Lithuania, etc. He has published several articles investigating these impacts (with a number more currently being reviewed) and presented at more than a half-dozen international conferences. He is also one of BISA's 'International Relations as Social Sciences' working group co-conveners. He earned his PhD in Political Science from the Ecole Polytechnique in Paris. Before this, Dr Grandpierron graduated in 2015 from Leiden University, in the Netherlands, with an MA in Political Science and a specialization in Conflict and Cooperation. He was an invited research fellow at the University of Ottawa from 2018 to 2019 and also spent 2019-2020 on a research scholarship by Columbia University (CES-Alliance mobility program).

**Zhaoying Han** is a professor of International Relations at the Zhou Enlai School of Government, Nankai University. His research interests include China-United States relations, Chinese foreign policy, and theories of International Relations.

**Mehmood Hussain** is the assistant professor and coordinator of the Department of International Relations, University of Azad Jammu and Kashmir, Muzafarabad, Pakistan. He holds a PhD in International Relations from Jilin University, China. He has written extensively on China-Pakistan relations, BRI, CPEC, South Asian International Relations, and the Kashmir dispute.
has several teaching assignments, including teaching A Cognitive Approach to the
Islamic Political Theory; Culture, Nationality, and Ethnicity in the Middle East; Re-
gional Studies; Iran's Relationships with the International Society; Iran's Relation-
ships with the Middle Eastern Countries; Global Security and Strategies of National
States; Middle Eastern Regional Security and International System at MA programme
and Security Issues of the Contemporary World in the Post-Cold Era and Research
Methods in Politics at PhD programme. His main research areas are Islamic Stud-
ies, Middle Eastern Regional Studies, Security Studies, and Iranian Foreign Policy.
He has also participated in conferences in Armenia, France, Russia, Germany, Italy,
Turkey, and Georgia. In addition, he has published many books and articles in his
interested fields in Persian, English, and Arabic.

**Orazio Maria Gnerre** is currently a PhD student at the University of Perugia. He deals with the philosophy of politics, international relations, and geopolitics. He is the author of several articles, chapters, and books, including “The strengthening of the Sino-Russian partnership in the era of the Multipolar World Order 2.0” in *China and the Eurasian Powers in a Multipolar World Order 2.0 Security, Diplomacy, Economy and Cyberspace* (Routledge, 2023) and *Prima che il mondo fosse. Alle radici del decisionismo novecentesco, Mimesis*, (2018).

**Matthieu Grandpierron** is the head of the Department of Political Science and a postdoctoral fellow at ICES. His research looks at the impact emotions, virile understanding of status and history have on foreign policy decision-making processes. His research has also focused on great power conflict, geopolitics, and area studies concerning EU security, including China, Taiwan, Russia, Lithuania, etc. He has published several articles investigating these impacts (with a number more currently being reviewed) and presented at more than a half-dozen international conferences. He is also one of BISA's 'International Relations as Social Sciences' working group co-conveners. He earned his PhD in Political Science from the Ecole Polytechnique in Paris. Before this, Dr Grandpierron graduated in 2015 from Leiden University, in the Netherlands, with an MA in Political Science and a specialization in Conflict and Cooperation. He was an invited research fellow at the University of Ottawa from 2018 to 2019 and also spent 2019-2020 on a research scholarship by Columbia University (CES-Alliance mobility program).

**Zhaoying Han** is a professor of International Relations at the Zhou Enlai School of Government, Nankai University. His research interests include China-United States relations, Chinese foreign policy, and theories of International Relations.

**Mehmood Hussain** is the assistant professor and coordinator of the Department of International Relations, University of Azad Jammu and Kashmir, Muzafarabad, Pakistan. He holds a PhD in International Relations from Jilin University, China. He has written extensively on China-Pakistan relations, BRI, CPEC, South Asian International Relations, and the Kashmir dispute.
**Ruslan Izimov** is a Sinologist. He is the director of the Center for Chinese and Central Asia Studies «Sinopsis». In addition, Izimov is working as an Editor at the Central Asia Analytical Network and hosting the Podcast «China, Eurasia and others». Previously, he worked in such research institutes of Kazakhstan as IWEP under the Foundation of the First President of the Republic of Kazakhstan, the International Turkic Academy, the Department of Geopolitics and Regional Studies in the Library of the First President of the Republic of Kazakhstan, as well as the Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies under the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan (KazISS).

**Ahmed Bux Jamali** obtained his PhD from the School of International Relations and Public Affairs at Shanghai International Studies University, China. He also holds a master's degree in International Relations from Jilin University, China, and another master's degree from International Islamic University Islamabad Pakistan. His research interests include US-China Relations and Indo-Pacific Security affairs and India Foreign Policy. His papers have appeared in *Pacific Focus, Korean Journal of Defense Analysis, East Asia, and Asian Journal of Middle East and Islamic Studies, amongst others.*

**Connor Judge** is a fellow of the China Studies Post-doctoral Fellowship (CSPF) offered jointly by Ashoka University (India) and Harvard-Yenching Institute (US). He received a PhD in Chinese and Inner Asian Studies from SOAS, University of London and an MA in International Relations from the University of Nottingham, Ningbo, China. His research interests include contemporary and historical China-Mongolia Relations, Chinese investment, foreign policy, and international human rights. He has taught postgraduate courses in Chinese studies at SOAS, Somaiya Vidyavihar University, Mumbai, and Christ University, Bangalore. The Wolfson Postgraduate Scholarship funded parts of his current research (2016–2019).

**Magdalena Łągiewska** is an assistant professor at the University of Gdańsk (Department of Public International Law), a research associate in the "China, Law and Development" project at the University of Oxford, and a director of the Confucius Institute at the University of Gdańsk. She earned her PhD in Law from the University of Gdańsk in 2017 and her second PhD in Law from the East China University of Political Science and Law in Shanghai in 2020 (PhD thesis titled "The Effectiveness of the Arbitration Agreement under Chinese and Polish Law: A Comparative Study" written in Chinese). In addition to her legal education, she completed her master's degree in International Economic Relations with a specialization in International Finance and Banking (University of Gdańsk). She was granted a scholarship by the Shanghai Municipal People's Government to take part in the Shanghai Summer School 2015 (Belt and Road Countries Project) organized by the Shanghai International Studies University and another scholarship from the China Youth University for Political Sciences in Beijing. She gained practical experience in international commercial arbitration through her internship at the Shanghai International Economic and Trade Arbitration Commission (SHIAC). Her research focuses on international law, cultural heritage law, arbitration in
**Ruslan Izimov** is a Sinologist. He is the director of the Center for Chinese and Central Asia Studies «Sinopsis». In addition, Izimov is working as an Editor at the Central Asia Analytical Network and hosting the Podcast "China, Eurasia and others". Previously, he worked in such research institutes of Kazakhstan as IWEP under the Foundation of the First President of the Republic of Kazakhstan, the International Turkic Academy, the Department of Geopolitics and Regional Studies in the Library of the First President of the Republic of Kazakhstan, as well as the Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies under the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan (KazISS).

**Ahmed Bux Jamali** obtained his PhD from the School of International Relations and Public Affairs at Shanghai International Studies University, China. He also holds a master's degree in International Relations from Jilin University, China, and another master's degree from International Islamic University Islamabad Pakistan. His research interests include US-China Relations and Indo-Pacific Security affairs and India Foreign Policy. His papers have appeared in *Pacific Focus, Korean Journal of Defense Analysis, East Asia, and Asian Journal of Middle East and Islamic Studies, amongst others.*

**Connor Judge** is a fellow of the China Studies Post-doctoral Fellowship (CSPF) offered jointly by Ashoka University (India) and Harvard-Yenching Institute (US). He received a PhD in Chinese and Inner Asian Studies from SOAS, University of London and an MA in International Relations from the University of Nottingham, Ningbo, China. His research interests include contemporary and historical China-Mongolia Relations, Chinese investment, foreign policy, and international human rights. He has taught postgraduate courses in Chinese studies at SOAS, Somaiya Vidyavihar University, Mumbai, and Christ University, Bangalore. The Wolfson Postgraduate Scholarship funded parts of his current research (2016–2019).

**Magdalena Łągiewska** is an assistant professor at the University of Gdańsk (Department of Public International Law), a research associate in the "China, Law and Development" project at the University of Oxford, and a director of the Confucius Institute at the University of Gdańsk. She earned her PhD in Law from the University of Gdańsk in 2017 and her second PhD in Law from the East China University of Political Science and Law in Shanghai in 2020 (PhD thesis titled "The Effectiveness of the Arbitration Agreement under Chinese and Polish Law: A Comparative Study" written in Chinese). In addition to her legal education, she completed her master's degree in International Economic Relations with a specialization in International Finance and Banking (University of Gdańsk). She was granted a scholarship by the Shanghai Municipal People's Government to take part in the Shanghai Summer School 2015 (Belt and Road Countries Project) organized by the Shanghai International Studies University and another scholarship from the China Youth University for Political Sciences in Beijing. She gained practical experience in international commercial arbitration through her internship at the Shanghai International Economic and Trade Arbitration Commission (SHIAC). Her research focuses on international law, cultural heritage law, arbitration in
China, protection of intellectual property rights, and the legal dimensions of the
Belt and Road Initiative.

**Hongsong Liu** is a professor at the School of International and Public Affairs at Shanghai Jiao Tong University. He earned his PhD in International Relations from Fudan University, China. He has contributed immensely to diverse issues of International Relations. He is the author of *China's New Role in Global Governance: Shaping the Rules* (Routledge, forthcoming). His research is primarily focused on international organizations, global governance, and Chinese foreign policy and EU politics. He had also been a visiting senior research fellow at the Munk School of Global Affairs, University of Toronto, Canada; a visiting fellow at the Centre for the Study of Globalisation and Regionalisation, University of Warwick, UK; and a visiting fellow at the Centre for International Studies, London School of Economics and Political Science, UK. His publications have appeared in international peer-reviewed journals such as *Pacific Review*, *Pacific Focus*, *Mediterranean Politics*, and *India Quarterly*.

**Tony Tai-Ting Liu** is an assistant professor jointly affiliated with the Center for General Education and the Graduate Institute of International Politics, National Chung Hsing University in Taichung, Taiwan. He was a visiting fellow at the Stimson Center and the University of Tokyo. He is the lead translator of *Playing with Fire: The Looming War with China over Taiwan*, published in Chinese by Yuanzu Publishing in Taiwan. He holds a doctorate in international politics from National Chung Hsing University, Taiwan.

**Kevin Lo**, PhD (University of Melbourne), is the acting director of David C. Lam Institute for East-West Studies; associate professor at the Department of Geography, Hong Kong Baptist University; distinguished overseas professor at the Northeast Institute of Geography and Agroecology, Chinese Academy of Sciences; and founding editor of *Journal of Asian Energy Studies*. His main research expertise is in political geography, environmental governance, and climate policy. His research is supported by major competitive grants from the Research Grants Council of Hong Kong, including the Early Career Scheme and the General Research Fund. He has published in many leading journals, including *Renewable and Sustainable Energy Reviews*, *Energy Policy*, *Energy for Sustainable Development*, *Energies*, *Environmental Science & Policy*, *Cities*, *Habitat International*, and *Journal of Rural Studies*.

**Zamira Muratalieva** holds a PhD in Political Science, with a dissertation devoted to “Regional Policy of Russia and China in Central Asia and the SCO as a factor of interaction”. Author of the monograph *Russia and China in Central Asia*, she published over 50 articles. Currently, she works at the Institute for War and Peace Reporting as an editor of CABAR.asia analytical materials. She is a member of the Alliance of Central Asian Experts, an associate research fellow at the OSCE Academy in Bishkek, and a lecturer at the American University in Central Asia (AUCA),
China, protection of intellectual property rights, and the legal dimensions of the
Belt and Road Initiative.

**Hongsong Liu** is a professor at the School of International and Public Affairs at Shanghai Jiao Tong University. He earned his PhD in International Relations from Fudan University, China. He has contributed immensely to diverse issues of International Relations. He is the author of *China's New Role in Global Governance: Shaping the Rules* (Routledge, forthcoming). His research is primarily focused on international organizations, global governance, and Chinese foreign policy and EU politics. He had also been a visiting senior research fellow at the Munk School of Global Affairs, University of Toronto, Canada; a visiting fellow at the Centre for the Study of Globalisation and Regionalisation, University of Warwick, UK; and a visiting fellow at the Centre for International Studies, London School of Economics and Political Science, UK. His publications have appeared in international peer-reviewed journals such as *Pacific Review*, *Pacific Focus*, *Mediterranean Politics*, and *India Quarterly*.

**Tony Tai-Ting Liu** is an assistant professor jointly affiliated with the Center for General Education and the Graduate Institute of International Politics, National Chung Hsing University in Taichung, Taiwan. He was a visiting fellow at the Stimson Center and the University of Tokyo. He is the lead translator of *Playing with Fire: The Looming War with China over Taiwan*, published in Chinese by Yuanzu Publishing in Taiwan. He holds a doctorate in international politics from National Chung Hsing University, Taiwan.

**Kevin Lo**, PhD (University of Melbourne), is the acting director of David C. Lam Institute for East-West Studies; associate professor at the Department of Geography, Hong Kong Baptist University; distinguished overseas professor at the Northeast Institute of Geography and Agroecology, Chinese Academy of Sciences; and founding editor of *Journal of Asian Energy Studies*. His main research expertise is in political geography, environmental governance, and climate policy. His research is supported by major competitive grants from the Research Grants Council of Hong Kong, including the Early Career Scheme and the General Research Fund. He has published in many leading journals, including *Renewable and Sustainable Energy Reviews*, *Energy Policy*, *Energy for Sustainable Development*, *Energies*, *Environmental Science & Policy*, *Cities*, *Habitat International*, and *Journal of Rural Studies*.

**Zamira Muratalieva** holds a PhD in Political Science, with a dissertation devoted to “Regional Policy of Russia and China in Central Asia and the SCO as a factor of interaction”. Author of the monograph *Russia and China in Central Asia*, she published over 50 articles. Currently, she works at the Institute for War and Peace Reporting as an editor of CABAR.asia analytical materials. She is a member of the Alliance of Central Asian Experts, an associate research fellow at the OSCE Academy in Bishkek, and a lecturer at the American University in Central Asia (AUCA),
Department of Master of Arts in Central Asian Studies. In addition, she researches geopolitics, security, and regional cooperation in Central Asia and international organizations in the region.

**Maximilian Ohle** is a PhD candidate in Political Science at the Eberhard Karls University of Tübingen. His research interests include Sino-Russian relations, Chinese foreign policy, Russian foreign policy, integration processes in the former Soviet Union, and hierarchy and bargaining in International Relations.

**Gina Panagopoulou** is a postdoc researcher at the Department of International and European Studies, University of Piraeus, Greece, from which she has also received her PhD and her BA degree, both with "Excellent". During her undergraduate studies, Panagopoulou received awards and scholarships from the State Scholarships Foundation. She received her MA degree in Southeast European Studies from the University of Athens. During 2014–2015, she was a trainee at the South East Europe programme of the Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy. Panagopoulou has been a member of the Energy and Environmental Policy Laboratory at the University of Piraeus, and she has participated in conferences concerning international relations and the European Union. During 2019–2021, she was the Scientific Advisor of the "Environment and Energy" group of the Students' Association for International Affairs, Greece. Her research interests include international relations, rare earth, critical raw materials, energy, conflict, and climate change. Among her most recent work is "Eurasia and the Pacific as the 'Golden Apple of Discord' between the US and China: The Cases of Afghanistan, Ukraine, the Quad and the AUKUS" in Sahakyan, M., ed., 2023. *China and Eurasian Powers in a Multipolar World Order 2.0: Security, Diplomacy, Economy and Cyberspace*. Routledge.

**Anahit Parzyan** is an executive director of “The Nork Technology Center” and leads the implementation of Digital Transformation of Labor and Social Protection in Armenia. She earned her PhD from Nanjing University, China. She specializes in cybersecurity, digitalization, and GovTech. She has extensive experience developing digital strategies and operationalization initiatives for the Government of Armenia, focusing on national cybersecurity strategy on critical infrastructure. In 2016, she became the cyber security project leader at the China-Eurasia Council for Political and Strategic Research. Parzyan has received invitations to showcase her research at the University of Cambridge, Yerevan State University, College of Europe, Nanjing University, and the National Academy of Sciences. She is an author of academic publications at Routledge. She received the “Hakob Meghapart” medal from the Ministry of Diaspora of RA and Mekhitarist Congregation, Venice, as well as an Honorary Certificate from Nanjing University, China.

**Éric Pomès** is an associate professor in International Law and head of the Law Faculty of ICES-Catholic Institute of Vendée (France). He is also a former officer in the French army and a member of the Research Centre of the French Military Academy of
Department of Master of Arts in Central Asian Studies. In addition, she researches geopolitics, security, and regional cooperation in Central Asia and international organizations in the region.

**Maximilian Ohle** is a PhD candidate in Political Science at the Eberhard Karls University of Tübingen. His research interests include Sino-Russian relations, Chinese foreign policy, Russian foreign policy, integration processes in the former Soviet Union, and hierarchy and bargaining in International Relations.

**Gina Panagopoulou** is a postdoc researcher at the Department of International and European Studies, University of Piraeus, Greece, from which she has also received her PhD and her BA degree, both with "Excellent". During her undergraduate studies, Panagopoulou received awards and scholarships from the State Scholarships Foundation. She received her MA degree in Southeast European Studies from the University of Athens. During 2014–2015, she was a trainee at the South East Europe programme of the Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy. Panagopoulou has been a member of the Energy and Environmental Policy Laboratory at the University of Piraeus, and she has participated in conferences concerning international relations and the European Union. During 2019–2021, she was the Scientific Advisor of the "Environment and Energy" group of the Students' Association for International Affairs, Greece. Her research interests include international relations, rare earth, critical raw materials, energy, conflict, and climate change. Among her most recent work is "Eurasia and the Pacific as the 'Golden Apple of Discord' between the US and China: The Cases of Afghanistan, Ukraine, the Quad and the AUKUS" in Sahakyan, M., ed., 2023. *China and Eurasian Powers in a Multipolar World Order 2.0: Security, Diplomacy, Economy and Cyberspace*. Routledge.

**Anahit Parzyan** is an executive director of “The Nork Technology Center” and leads the implementation of Digital Transformation of Labor and Social Protection in Armenia. She earned her PhD from Nanjing University, China. She specializes in cybersecurity, digitalization, and GovTech. She has extensive experience developing digital strategies and operationalization initiatives for the Government of Armenia, focusing on national cybersecurity strategy on critical infrastructure. In 2016, she became the cyber security project leader at the China-Eurasia Council for Political and Strategic Research. Parzyan has received invitations to showcase her research at the University of Cambridge, Yerevan State University, College of Europe, Nanjing University, and the National Academy of Sciences. She is an author of academic publications at Routledge. She received the “Hakob Meghapart” medal from the Ministry of Diaspora of RA and Mekhitarist Congregation, Venice, as well as an Honorary Certificate from Nanjing University, China.

**Éric Pomès** is an associate professor in International Law and head of the Law Faculty of ICES-Catholic Institute of Vendée (France). He is also a former officer in the French army and a member of the Research Centre of the French Military Academy of
Saint-Cyr and the Center for Studies and Defense and Security Research (CERDES) of GEREDIC, from the University of Nice Sophia Antipolis. His research focuses on military robotics and the international law of the use of force applied to cyberspace. Eric Pomès also researches the evolution of international law and practices following the Chinese rise and Russian resurgence.

**Elżbieta Proń** is an assistant professor at the University of Silesia in Katowice (Poland) Institute for Political Science. She holds a doctorate in Contemporary Chinese Studies from the University of Nottingham (United Kingdom). Since 2019, Proń has been the principal investigator in the research grant “China’s New Silk Roads in Central Asia – policy means, strategies and actors of the Belt and Road Initiative” (grant no. 2018/31/D/HS5/03371) funded by Polish National Science Centre. In 2023, she was a visiting fellow at Harvard University Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies. Her research interests include China’s foreign policy towards Central Asia and Central & Eastern Europe, Belt and Road Initiative, and Central Asian intraregional cooperation.

**Mher Sahakyan** is the editor of *Routledge Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian International Relations and China and Eurasian Powers in Multipolar World Order 2.0: Security, Diplomacy, Economy and Cybersecurity*, which Routledge published in 2024 and 2023. He is the editor of *China and Eurasia: Rethinking Cooperation and Contradictions in the Era of Changing World Order*, published by Routledge in September 2021. He is the author of the book *China's Belt and Road Initiative and Armenia*, published in Armenian and Russian. It was shortlisted by the International Convention of Asia Scholars in Leiden, Netherlands, for its 2021 book prize. Mher is also the author of “The New Great Power Competition in Central Asia: Opportunities and Challenges for the Gulf,” a contribution published in 2021 by the Anwar Gargash Diplomatic Academy in the United Arab Emirates. Mher is the founder and director of the China-Eurasia Council for Political and Strategic Research, a foundation in Armenia. He is a 2024 LEWI Visiting Fellow at the David C. Lam Institute for East-West Studies at Hong Kong Baptist University. He holds a doctorate in international relations from China’s Nanjing University. Mher Sahakyan was an AsiaGlobal Fellow at the Asia Global Insitute of the University of Hong Kong from 2020 to 2022. In 2023, the Ministry of Education and Science of Armenia’s Supreme Certifying Committee awarded him an associate professorship in political science. He is an elected advisory board member of the International Institute for Peace, Austria, and the School of Liberal Arts & Humanities, Woxsen University, India. Mher is also a member of the International Political Science Association and the Author’s Licensing and Collecting Society. He is the founder of the Eurasian Research on Modern China and Eurasia annual international conference. Mher has received invitations to showcase his research as a keynote speaker at the Renmin University, Corvinus University of Budapest, University of Calicut, and as a speaker at the University of Oxford, University of Cambridge, International Institute for Peace, Moscow State University, Eastern Economic Forum, University of Hong Kong, Shanghai University, University of Edinburgh, King’s College London, Academic Council on the United Nations
Saint-Cyr and the Center for Studies and Defense and Security Research (CERDES) of GEREDIC, from the University of Nice Sophia Antipolis. His research focuses on military robotics and the international law of the use of force applied to cyberspace. Eric Pomès also researches the evolution of international law and practices following the Chinese rise and Russian resurgence.

**Elżbieta Proń** is an assistant professor at the University of Silesia in Katowice (Poland) Institute for Political Science. She holds a doctorate in Contemporary Chinese Studies from the University of Nottingham (United Kingdom). Since 2019, Proń has been the principal investigator in the research grant “China’s New Silk Roads in Central Asia – policy means, strategies and actors of the Belt and Road Initiative” (grant no. 2018/31/D/HS5/03371) funded by Polish National Science Centre. In 2023, she was a visiting fellow at Harvard University Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies. Her research interests include China’s foreign policy towards Central Asia and Central & Eastern Europe, Belt and Road Initiative, and Central Asian intraregional cooperation.

**Mher Sahakyan** is the editor of *Routledge Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian International Relations and China and Eurasian Powers in Multipolar World Order 2.0: Security, Diplomacy, Economy and Cybersecurity*, which Routledge published in 2024 and 2023. He is the editor of *China and Eurasia: Rethinking Cooperation and Contradictions in the Era of Changing World Order*, published by Routledge in September 2021. He is the author of the book *China's Belt and Road Initiative and Armenia*, published in Armenian and Russian. It was shortlisted by the International Convention of Asia Scholars in Leiden, Netherlands, for its 2021 book prize. Mher is also the author of “The New Great Power Competition in Central Asia: Opportunities and Challenges for the Gulf,” a contribution published in 2021 by the Anwar Gargash Diplomatic Academy in the United Arab Emirates. Mher is the founder and director of the China-Eurasia Council for Political and Strategic Research, a foundation in Armenia. He is a 2024 LEWI Visiting Fellow at the David C. Lam Institute for East-West Studies at Hong Kong Baptist University. He holds a doctorate in international relations from China's Nanjing University. Mher Sahakyan was an AsiaGlobal Fellow at the Asia Global Insitute of the University of Hong Kong from 2020 to 2022. In 2023, the Ministry of Education and Science of Armenia's Supreme Certifying Committee awarded him an associate professorship in political science. He is an elected advisory board member of the International Institute for Peace, Austria, and the School of Liberal Arts & Humanities, Woxsen University, India. Mher is also a member of the International Political Science Association and the Author's Licensing and Collecting Society. He is the founder of the Eurasian Research on Modern China and Eurasia annual international conference. Mher has received invitations to showcase his research as a keynote speaker at the Renmin University, Corvinus University of Budapest, University of Calicut, and as a speaker at the University of Oxford, University of Cambridge, International Institute for Peace, Moscow State University, Eastern Economic Forum, University of Hong Kong, Shanghai University, University of Edinburgh, King's College London, Academic Council on the United Nations
System, Delegation of the EU to China, City University of Hong Kong, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Hong Kong Baptist University, Istanbul Gedik University, and several others.

**Asantha Senevirathna** is a senior lecturer at the Department of Strategic Studies at General Sir John Kotelawala Defence University (KDU), Sri Lanka. He earned his BA (Hons) in Geography from the University of Peradeniya, Sri Lanka. Further, He has an MA in International Relations and a PhD in International Relations from the University of Colombo, Sri Lanka. Before joining KDU, he was the programme officer of the International Relations Division at the Bandaranaike Centre for International Studies (BCIS), Colombo, Sri Lanka. He has a special interest in the field of Geopolitics with a focus on global power politics. His upcoming edited book is titled *Geopolitics of India-Sri Lanka Relations: The Way Forward* to be published by KDU Press.

**Brian Wong Yue Shun** is an assistant professor of Philosophy at the University of Hong Kong. He is a Rhodes Scholar, geopolitical strategist, and advisor publishing extensively on Sino-American relations, statecraft in Asia, and the intersection of nascent technologies and public policy. He earned his doctoral degree in Politics from Balliol College, University of Oxford. He holds an MPhil in Politics (Theory) (Distinction) at Wolfson College and an MA in Philosophy, Politics, and Economics (First Class Honours), and he has taught undergraduate students at St. Anne's and Trinity Colleges, Oxford. His latest publication, co-authored with Joseph Chan (Princeton), is "How Should Liberal Democratic Governments Treat Conscientious Disobedience as a Response to State Injustice?: A Proposal", *Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement* (2022).

**Greg Simons** earned his PhD from the University of Canterbury in New Zealand. Currently he is an associate professor at the Department of International Relations, National Research University Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia, and a lecturer at the Department of Communication Sciences at Turiba University in Riga, Latvia. His research interests include changing political dynamics and relationships, mass media, public diplomacy, political marketing, forms of Organized Persuasive Communications, crisis management communications, media, and armed conflict. He also researches the relationships and connections between information, politics and armed conflict more broadly, such as the GWOT and Arab Spring, along with interpretations and representations of the transforming global geopolitical order.

**Lev M. Sokolshchik** is an associate professor at the School of International Regional Studies and a research fellow at the Centre for Comprehensive European and International Studies, International Laboratory on World Order Studies and the New Regionalism of the Faculty of World Economy and International Affairs at Higher School of Economics University, Moscow, Russia. He received a PhD in World History (Ural Federal University, Ekaterinburg, Russia) in 2016. His research interests
System, Delegation of the EU to China, City University of Hong Kong, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Hong Kong Baptist University, Istanbul Gedik University, and several others.

**Asantha Senevirathna** is a senior lecturer at the Department of Strategic Studies at General Sir John Kotelawala Defence University (KDU), Sri Lanka. He earned his BA (Hons) in Geography from the University of Peradeniya, Sri Lanka. Further, He has an MA in International Relations and a PhD in International Relations from the University of Colombo, Sri Lanka. Before joining KDU, he was the programme officer of the International Relations Division at the Bandaranaike Centre for International Studies (BCIS), Colombo, Sri Lanka. He has a special interest in the field of Geopolitics with a focus on global power politics. His upcoming edited book is titled *Geopolitics of India-Sri Lanka Relations: The Way Forward* to be published by KDU Press.

**Brian Wong Yue Shun** is an assistant professor of Philosophy at the University of Hong Kong. He is a Rhodes Scholar, geopolitical strategist, and advisor publishing extensively on Sino-American relations, statecraft in Asia, and the intersection of nascent technologies and public policy. He earned his doctoral degree in Politics from Balliol College, University of Oxford. He holds an MPhil in Politics (Theory) (Distinction) at Wolfson College and an MA in Philosophy, Politics, and Economics (First Class Honours), and he has taught undergraduate students at St. Anne's and Trinity Colleges, Oxford. His latest publication, co-authored with Joseph Chan (Princeton), is "How Should Liberal Democratic Governments Treat Conscientious Disobedience as a Response to State Injustice?: A Proposal", *Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement* (2022).

**Greg Simons** earned his PhD from the University of Canterbury in New Zealand. Currently he is an associate professor at the Department of International Relations, National Research University Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia, and a lecturer at the Department of Communication Sciences at Turiba University in Riga, Latvia. His research interests include changing political dynamics and relationships, mass media, public diplomacy, political marketing, forms of Organized Persuasive Communications, crisis management communications, media, and armed conflict. He also researches the relationships and connections between information, politics and armed conflict more broadly, such as the GWOT and Arab Spring, along with interpretations and representations of the transforming global geopolitical order.

**Lev M. Sokolshchik** is an associate professor at the School of International Regional Studies and a research fellow at the Centre for Comprehensive European and International Studies, International Laboratory on World Order Studies and the New Regionalism of the Faculty of World Economy and International Affairs at Higher School of Economics University, Moscow, Russia. He received a PhD in World History (Ural Federal University, Ekaterinburg, Russia) in 2016. His research interests
include transatlantic relations, US–Russia relations, US domestic politics, US foreign policy, and US sanction policy.

**Nenad Stekić** is a research fellow at the Belt and Road Center of the Institute of International Politics and Economics in Belgrade, Serbia. Since 2018, he has intensely focused on Sino-European relations, Serbia's involvement in the Belt and Road Initiative, and Chinese foreign and security policy in Eurasia. In addition to his research work, Nenad is the deputy editor-in-chief of the scientific journal *Review of International Affairs – RIA*. In addition, Stekić founded *Dialogues on China*, a format that facilitates international conferences, round tables, and other publishing activities. He earned his PhD from the University of Belgrade, Faculty of Security Studies at the Department for Strategic Studies. Furthermore, he has authored over 30 papers, which have been published in journals, conference proceedings, and edited volumes. He participated at the “Young Belt and Road Initiative” conference held in Hangzhou (2018), at the 4th High-level Think Tank Symposium at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences in Beijing (2017), while in 2022, he was in the Organizing Committee of the 8th High-Level Think Tank Symposium held in Belgrade. He edited several thematic volumes, including the most recent one titled *Chinese Development Trends: Changes and Projections*.

**Máté Szalai** is currently a Marie Skłodowska-Curie Cofund Fellow at Ca' Foscari University of Venice. He obtained his doctoral degree at Corvinus University of Budapest in 2019, where he also worked as an assistant lecturer, a senior lecturer, and later as an associate professor. Besides academic teaching, he worked as a researcher and the Middle East Research Program coordinator at the Hungarian Institute for Foreign Affairs and Trade between 2015 and 2022. His main fields of research include the international relations of the Gulf region and the foreign and security policy of small states in the context of the changing global order. Besides numerous journal articles, he is the author of the book entitled *The Foreign and Security Policy of Smaller Gulf States – Size, Power, and Regime Security in the Middle East*, published by Taylor & Francis in 2021.

**Srdjan Uljevic** is a lecturer at the American University of Central Asia (AUCA). Before joining AUCA, he taught EU-Asia relations at TUM Asia in Singapore. His research interests include the foreign policies of China and India, Indo-Russian relations, and the geopolitics of broader Eurasia. He has written on the topics of China in Central Asia and India's relations with China. He holds master's degrees from Central European University, Renmin University of China, and the National University of Singapore. He is currently pursuing a PhD in International Relations at the Brussels School of International Studies, University of Kent.

**Jason Yip Wai Cheong** is the CEO at MWYO, an independent “think & do” tank aspiring to become a thought leader on youth policy in Hong Kong. The office has been working on a broad spectrum of topics ranging from youth's employability and the HK social movement in 2019. Jason is also a veteran humanitarian with direct
include transatlantic relations, US–Russia relations, US domestic politics, US foreign policy, and US sanction policy.

**Nenad Stekić** is a research fellow at the Belt and Road Center of the Institute of International Politics and Economics in Belgrade, Serbia. Since 2018, he has intensely focused on Sino-European relations, Serbia's involvement in the Belt and Road Initiative, and Chinese foreign and security policy in Eurasia. In addition to his research work, Nenad is the deputy editor-in-chief of the scientific journal *Review of International Affairs – RIA*. In addition, Stekić founded *Dialogues on China*, a format that facilitates international conferences, round tables, and other publishing activities. He earned his PhD from the University of Belgrade, Faculty of Security Studies at the Department for Strategic Studies. Furthermore, he has authored over 30 papers, which have been published in journals, conference proceedings, and edited volumes. He participated at the “Young Belt and Road Initiative” conference held in Hangzhou (2018), at the 4th High-level Think Tank Symposium at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences in Beijing (2017), while in 2022, he was in the Organizing Committee of the 8th High-Level Think Tank Symposium held in Belgrade. He edited several thematic volumes, including the most recent one titled *Chinese Development Trends: Changes and Projections*.

**Máté Szalai** is currently a Marie Skłodowska-Curie Cofund Fellow at Ca' Foscari University of Venice. He obtained his doctoral degree at Corvinus University of Budapest in 2019, where he also worked as an assistant lecturer, a senior lecturer, and later as an associate professor. Besides academic teaching, he worked as a researcher and the Middle East Research Program coordinator at the Hungarian Institute for Foreign Affairs and Trade between 2015 and 2022. His main fields of research include the international relations of the Gulf region and the foreign and security policy of small states in the context of the changing global order. Besides numerous journal articles, he is the author of the book entitled *The Foreign and Security Policy of Smaller Gulf States – Size, Power, and Regime Security in the Middle East*, published by Taylor & Francis in 2021.

**Srdjan Uljevic** is a lecturer at the American University of Central Asia (AUCA). Before joining AUCA, he taught EU-Asia relations at TUM Asia in Singapore. His research interests include the foreign policies of China and India, Indo-Russian relations, and the geopolitics of broader Eurasia. He has written on the topics of China in Central Asia and India's relations with China. He holds master's degrees from Central European University, Renmin University of China, and the National University of Singapore. He is currently pursuing a PhD in International Relations at the Brussels School of International Studies, University of Kent.

**Jason Yip Wai Cheong** is the CEO at MWYO, an independent “think & do” tank aspiring to become a thought leader on youth policy in Hong Kong. The office has been working on a broad spectrum of topics ranging from youth's employability and the HK social movement in 2019. Jason is also a veteran humanitarian with direct
field experience in Afghanistan, Palestine, Myanmar, and others as the Delegate of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). He also worked in the organization's headquarters in Geneva to develop dialogue and mobilize resources with the member states to the Geneva Conventions. Jason also had extensive experience in emergency relief (e.g. Sichuan's earthquake in 2008 and the migrant crisis in the Andaman Sea in 2015), security analysis, and building dialogues with non-state military groups. In 2018, Jason was awarded a Medal of Honour by the HKSAR Government and was selected as one of the Ten Outstanding Young Persons by JCI HK. He was twice a TEDx speaker in Malaysia and Hong Kong. He was a 2020–2022 AsiaGlobal Fellow at the Asia Global Institute of the University of Hong Kong.

Šárka Waisová is an associate professor in the Department of Politics and International Relations at the Faculty of Philosophy and Arts, University of West Bohemia (Czech Republic), and international chair 2016/2017 and 2017/2018 at the Faculty of International and European Studies, National University of Public Service, Budapest (Hungary). She has received various research grants and fellowships such as the Canada-Europe Award and the Taiwan Fellowship (2012). She has published books and articles on human security, environmental peacebuilding, and Czech foreign policy. Since 2018, she supports the analytical unit of the Department of Economic Diplomacy, Czech Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Jan Železný is a PhD student of International Relations at the Department of Politics and International Relations, University of West Bohemia, Pilsen, Czech Republic. He conducts research on the formation and change in the international order with special attention to the US-China power rivalry in the Indo-Pacific. He also focuses on American and British foreign policy in Asia, Sino-Russian cooperation in the Arctic, and the issues of global political economy.
field experience in Afghanistan, Palestine, Myanmar, and others as the Delegate of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). He also worked in the organization's headquarters in Geneva to develop dialogue and mobilize resources with the member states to the Geneva Conventions. Jason also had extensive experience in emergency relief (e.g. Sichuan's earthquake in 2008 and the migrant crisis in the Andaman Sea in 2015), security analysis, and building dialogues with non-state military groups. In 2018, Jason was awarded a Medal of Honour by the HKSAR Government and was selected as one of the Ten Outstanding Young Persons by JCI HK. He was twice a TEDx speaker in Malaysia and Hong Kong. He was a 2020–2022 AsiaGlobal Fellow at the Asia Global Institute of the University of Hong Kong.

Šárka Waisová is an associate professor in the Department of Politics and International Relations at the Faculty of Philosophy and Arts, University of West Bohemia (Czech Republic), and international chair 2016/2017 and 2017/2018 at the Faculty of International and European Studies, National University of Public Service, Budapest (Hungary). She has received various research grants and fellowships such as the Canada-Europe Award and the Taiwan Fellowship (2012). She has published books and articles on human security, environmental peacebuilding, and Czech foreign policy. Since 2018, she supports the analytical unit of the Department of Economic Diplomacy, Czech Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Jan Železný is a PhD student of International Relations at the Department of Politics and International Relations, University of West Bohemia, Pilsen, Czech Republic. He conducts research on the formation and change in the international order with special attention to the US-China power rivalry in the Indo-Pacific. He also focuses on American and British foreign policy in Asia, Sino-Russian cooperation in the Arctic, and the issues of global political economy.
PREFACE IN CHINESE

中文序言

随着中国崛起、中美地缘政治紧张局势加剧、俄乌战争等地缘政治因素
的转变,中国与欧亚之间的关系正发生迅速而复杂的演变。一带一路倡议有
效地增进了中国与欧亚国家之间互联互通和经济合作。然而,社会各界对
于中国在欧亚地区不断增加影响力的现实仍存在各种各样的批评和质疑。
《Routledge Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian International Relations》对中国
与欧亚关系进行跨国界、跨学科的全面剖析。该书总共分为十个部分,包含
30个章节,集结了欧亚各国学者的努力共同探索”新的世界秩序下中国与欧亚
大陆向何处去”的主题。《Routledge Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian Interna-
tional Relations》可被视为劳特利奇(Routledge)出版的《China and Eurasian
Powers in a Multipolar World Order 2.0》的续作。两本书皆由亚美尼亚”中国—
欧亚战略研究中心”主任麦哈尔·萨哈基扬(Mher Sahakyan)博士主编,所
以主题和内容有相当的连贯性。新书不仅对原有主题进行了原创和及时的更
新,例如涉及中国在俄罗斯、乌克兰、中亚、南亚、东亚、东南亚、中东和
欧洲地区的利益和战略,还引入了许多新兴话题,包括环境治理和高科技发
展,使得新书更加全面和完整。这两本书共同构成了一本全面指南,非常适合
对中国与欧亚关系与一带一路感兴趣的国际关系研究人员,商人,外交人
员和决策人同时也可作为本科和研究生课程的教材。最后,衷心感谢麦哈尔·
萨哈基扬博士常年累月辛勤付出和出色领导,感谢研究团队的真诚贡献,同
时也要感谢劳特利奇出版集团的大力支持。

卢笛声(Kevin Lo)香港浸会大学地理系副教授,林思齐东西学术交流研究所所长,地理学博士
PREFACE IN CHINESE

中文序言

随着中国崛起、中美地缘政治紧张局势加剧、俄乌战争等地缘政治因素
的转变,中国与欧亚之间的关系正发生迅速而复杂的演变。一带一路倡议有
效地增进了中国与欧亚国家之间互联互通和经济合作。然而,社会各界对
于中国在欧亚地区不断增加影响力的现实仍存在各种各样的批评和质疑。
《Routledge Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian International Relations》对中国
与欧亚关系进行跨国界、跨学科的全面剖析。该书总共分为十个部分,包含
30个章节,集结了欧亚各国学者的努力共同探索”新的世界秩序下中国与欧亚
大陆向何处去”的主题。《Routledge Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian Interna-
tional Relations》可被视为劳特利奇(Routledge)出版的《China and Eurasian
Powers in a Multipolar World Order 2.0》的续作。两本书皆由亚美尼亚”中国—
欧亚战略研究中心”主任麦哈尔·萨哈基扬(Mher Sahakyan)博士主编,所
以主题和内容有相当的连贯性。新书不仅对原有主题进行了原创和及时的更
新,例如涉及中国在俄罗斯、乌克兰、中亚、南亚、东亚、东南亚、中东和
欧洲地区的利益和战略,还引入了许多新兴话题,包括环境治理和高科技发
展,使得新书更加全面和完整。这两本书共同构成了一本全面指南,非常适合
对中国与欧亚关系与一带一路感兴趣的国际关系研究人员,商人,外交人
员和决策人同时也可作为本科和研究生课程的教材。最后,衷心感谢麦哈尔·
萨哈基扬博士常年累月辛勤付出和出色领导,感谢研究团队的真诚贡献,同
时也要感谢劳特利奇出版集团的大力支持。

卢笛声(Kevin Lo)香港浸会大学地理系副教授,林思齐东西学术交流研究所所长,地理学博士
PREFACE IN ENGLISH

The relationship between China and Eurasia is entering a new phase as significant geopolitical events such as the rise of China, escalating geopolitical tensions between China and the United States, and the ongoing Russia-Ukraine conflict introduce unprecedented and multifaceted transformations to the continent. In particular, China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has played a significant role in enhancing connectivity and fostering economic cooperation between China and Eurasian countries. However, China's expanding influence in Eurasia has encountered a range of criticisms and skepticism from various segments of society, including concerns regarding financial sustainability, environmental harms, and socio-political consequences.

The *Routledge Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian International Relations* offers a timely and comprehensive analysis that transcends borders and disciplines to examine China's relations with Eurasia. The book showcases the collaborative work of scholars from Eurasia, encompassing ten sections and 30 chapters that provide a comprehensive exploration of the trajectory of China-Eurasia relations within the context of the new world order. The book can be seen as a sequel to *China and Eurasian Powers in a Multipolar World Order 2.0*, which was also published by Routledge. Dr. Mher Sahakyan, Director of the China-Eurasia Centre for Strategic Studies in Armenia, serves as the editor for both books, ensuring the logical coherence in their themes and content. The new book not only provides a timely update on the previously covered topics, such as China's interests and strategies in Russia, Ukraine, Central Asia, South Asia, East Asia, South-East Asia, the Middle East, and Europe, but also introduces several new topics. The inclusion of new subjects such as environmental governance and high-tech development significantly enhances the book's comprehensiveness. These two books, when considered together, provide a useful guide for a range of audiences, including international relations scholars, business professionals, diplomats, policymakers, as well as serving as valuable textbooks for undergraduate and graduate programs. Finally, I would like to extend my heartfelt gratitude to Dr. Mher Sahakyan for his dedicated efforts and exceptional leadership,
PREFACE IN ENGLISH

The relationship between China and Eurasia is entering a new phase as significant geopolitical events such as the rise of China, escalating geopolitical tensions between China and the United States, and the ongoing Russia-Ukraine conflict introduce unprecedented and multifaceted transformations to the continent. In particular, China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has played a significant role in enhancing connectivity and fostering economic cooperation between China and Eurasian countries. However, China's expanding influence in Eurasia has encountered a range of criticisms and skepticism from various segments of society, including concerns regarding financial sustainability, environmental harms, and socio-political consequences.

The *Routledge Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian International Relations* offers a timely and comprehensive analysis that transcends borders and disciplines to examine China's relations with Eurasia. The book showcases the collaborative work of scholars from Eurasia, encompassing ten sections and 30 chapters that provide a comprehensive exploration of the trajectory of China-Eurasia relations within the context of the new world order. The book can be seen as a sequel to *China and Eurasian Powers in a Multipolar World Order 2.0*, which was also published by Routledge. Dr. Mher Sahakyan, Director of the China-Eurasia Centre for Strategic Studies in Armenia, serves as the editor for both books, ensuring the logical coherence in their themes and content. The new book not only provides a timely update on the previously covered topics, such as China's interests and strategies in Russia, Ukraine, Central Asia, South Asia, East Asia, South-East Asia, the Middle East, and Europe, but also introduces several new topics. The inclusion of new subjects such as environmental governance and high-tech development significantly enhances the book's comprehensiveness. These two books, when considered together, provide a useful guide for a range of audiences, including international relations scholars, business professionals, diplomats, policymakers, as well as serving as valuable textbooks for undergraduate and graduate programs. Finally, I would like to extend my heartfelt gratitude to Dr. Mher Sahakyan for his dedicated efforts and exceptional leadership,
Preface in English

to the research team for their valuable contributions, and to Routledge for their pro-
fessional support throughout the process.

Kevin Lo, PhD in Geography, Associate Professor, Department of Geography
and Director, David C. Lam Institute for East-West Studies, Hong Kong Baptist
University
Preface in English

to the research team for their valuable contributions, and to Routledge for their pro-
fessional support throughout the process.

Kevin Lo, PhD in Geography, Associate Professor, Department of Geography
and Director, David C. Lam Institute for East-West Studies, Hong Kong Baptist
University
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

We thank the China-Eurasia Council for Political and Strategic Research in Armenia for launching the “IV Eurasian Research on Modern China and Eurasia” conference and for this handbook endeavour. Special thanks go to Mr Rob Sorsby, senior editor at Routledge, for proposing the creation of the *Routledge Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian International Relations*. A team consisting of accomplished scholars from Armenia, China, Croatia, Czechia, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iran, Italy, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan, Poland, Sri Lanka, Russia, Serbia, Sweden, Taiwan, China, Turkey, and the United States collaborated to create this contribution. They demonstrated that even in challenging international relations, it is possible to navigate together and find ways for further coexistence. We want to express our gratitude to all the authors of this book who have put in a lot of hard work and dedication to achieve this result. We want to thank Prof Kevin Lo, Prof Emilian Kavalski, Prof Linda Chelan Li, Dr David Morris, and the Routledge team, including numerous anonymous reviewers, for providing valuable suggestions, support, and constructive criticism.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

We thank the China-Eurasia Council for Political and Strategic Research in Armenia for launching the “IV Eurasian Research on Modern China and Eurasia” conference and for this handbook endeavour. Special thanks go to Mr Rob Sorsby, senior editor at Routledge, for proposing the creation of the *Routledge Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian International Relations*. A team consisting of accomplished scholars from Armenia, China, Croatia, Czechia, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iran, Italy, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan, Poland, Sri Lanka, Russia, Serbia, Sweden, Taiwan, China, Turkey, and the United States collaborated to create this contribution. They demonstrated that even in challenging international relations, it is possible to navigate together and find ways for further coexistence. We want to express our gratitude to all the authors of this book who have put in a lot of hard work and dedication to achieve this result. We want to thank Prof Kevin Lo, Prof Emilian Kavalski, Prof Linda Chelan Li, Dr David Morris, and the Routledge team, including numerous anonymous reviewers, for providing valuable suggestions, support, and constructive criticism.
ABBREVIATIONS

<table><tr><td>A2/AD</td><td>Anti-access and area-denial</td></tr><tr><td>AAGC</td><td>Asia-Africa Growth Corridor</td></tr><tr><td>ADB</td><td>Asian Development Bank</td></tr><tr><td>AI</td><td>Artificial Intelligence</td></tr><tr><td>AIIB</td><td>Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank</td></tr><tr><td>AKP</td><td>Justice and Development Party</td></tr><tr><td>APEC</td><td>Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation</td></tr><tr><td>ASEAN</td><td>Association of Southeast Asian Nations</td></tr><tr><td>ASEM</td><td>Asia-Europe Meeting</td></tr><tr><td>AUKUS</td><td>Australia, United Kingdom, United States</td></tr><tr><td>BCIMEC</td><td>Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor</td></tr><tr><td>BIS</td><td>Bank for International Settlements</td></tr><tr><td>BJP</td><td>Bharatiya Janata Party</td></tr><tr><td>BRF</td><td>Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation</td></tr><tr><td>BRI</td><td>Belt and Road Initiative</td></tr><tr><td>BRIGC</td><td>BRI Green Development Coalition</td></tr><tr><td>BTK</td><td>The Baku-Tbilisi-Kars railway</td></tr><tr><td>C+C5</td><td>China + Central Asia</td></tr><tr><td>C5+1</td><td>US + Central Asia</td></tr><tr><td>C5+J</td><td>Central Asia + Japan</td></tr><tr><td>CAC</td><td>Cyberspace Administration of China</td></tr><tr><td>CCAC</td><td>Central Cyberspace Affairs Commission</td></tr><tr><td>CCAWAEC</td><td>China-Central Asia-West Asia Economic Corridor</td></tr><tr><td>CDB</td><td>China Development Bank</td></tr><tr><td>CEEC</td><td>Central and Eastern European Countries Cooperation</td></tr><tr><td>CENTO</td><td>Central Treaty Organization</td></tr><tr><td>CETC</td><td>China Electronics Technology Group Corporation</td></tr><tr><td>China-CEEC</td><td>Cooperation China and Central and Eastern European Countries</td></tr></table>
ABBREVIATIONS

<table><tr><td>A2/AD</td><td>Anti-access and area-denial</td></tr><tr><td>AAGC</td><td>Asia-Africa Growth Corridor</td></tr><tr><td>ADB</td><td>Asian Development Bank</td></tr><tr><td>AI</td><td>Artificial Intelligence</td></tr><tr><td>AIIB</td><td>Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank</td></tr><tr><td>AKP</td><td>Justice and Development Party</td></tr><tr><td>APEC</td><td>Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation</td></tr><tr><td>ASEAN</td><td>Association of Southeast Asian Nations</td></tr><tr><td>ASEM</td><td>Asia-Europe Meeting</td></tr><tr><td>AUKUS</td><td>Australia, United Kingdom, United States</td></tr><tr><td>BCIMEC</td><td>Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor</td></tr><tr><td>BIS</td><td>Bank for International Settlements</td></tr><tr><td>BJP</td><td>Bharatiya Janata Party</td></tr><tr><td>BRF</td><td>Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation</td></tr><tr><td>BRI</td><td>Belt and Road Initiative</td></tr><tr><td>BRIGC</td><td>BRI Green Development Coalition</td></tr><tr><td>BTK</td><td>The Baku-Tbilisi-Kars railway</td></tr><tr><td>C+C5</td><td>China + Central Asia</td></tr><tr><td>C5+1</td><td>US + Central Asia</td></tr><tr><td>C5+J</td><td>Central Asia + Japan</td></tr><tr><td>CAC</td><td>Cyberspace Administration of China</td></tr><tr><td>CCAC</td><td>Central Cyberspace Affairs Commission</td></tr><tr><td>CCAWAEC</td><td>China-Central Asia-West Asia Economic Corridor</td></tr><tr><td>CDB</td><td>China Development Bank</td></tr><tr><td>CEEC</td><td>Central and Eastern European Countries Cooperation</td></tr><tr><td>CENTO</td><td>Central Treaty Organization</td></tr><tr><td>CETC</td><td>China Electronics Technology Group Corporation</td></tr><tr><td>China-CEEC</td><td>Cooperation China and Central and Eastern European Countries</td></tr></table>
Abbreviations

<table><tr><td>CIPEC</td><td>China-Indochina Peninsula Economic Corridor</td></tr><tr><td>CICA</td><td>Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia</td></tr><tr><td>CIS</td><td>Commonwealth of Independent States</td></tr><tr><td>CM</td><td>Port China Merchants Port Holdings Company Limited</td></tr><tr><td>CMREC</td><td>China-Mongolia-Russia economic corridor</td></tr><tr><td>CNOOC</td><td>China National Offshore Oil Company</td></tr><tr><td>CNPC</td><td>China National Petroleum Corporation</td></tr><tr><td>COMCAS</td><td>Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement</td></tr><tr><td>COSCO</td><td>China Ocean Shipping (Group) Company</td></tr><tr><td>CPC</td><td>Communist Party of China</td></tr><tr><td>CPEC</td><td>China-Pakistan Economic Corridor</td></tr><tr><td>CSGs</td><td>carrier strike groups</td></tr><tr><td>CSTO</td><td>Collective Security Treaty Organization</td></tr><tr><td>DLT</td><td>Distributed ledger technology</td></tr><tr><td>DPAs</td><td>Data Protection Authorities</td></tr><tr><td>DSR</td><td>Digital Silk Road</td></tr><tr><td>DTTI</td><td>Defense Trade and Technology Initiative</td></tr><tr><td>EAEU</td><td>Eurasian Economic Union</td></tr><tr><td>EEC</td><td>Eurasian Economic Commission</td></tr><tr><td>EEZ</td><td>exclusive economic zones</td></tr><tr><td>EIAAs</td><td>Environmental impact assessments</td></tr><tr><td>ERICEN</td><td>Economic Resilience Initiative in Central Asia</td></tr><tr><td>EU</td><td>European Union</td></tr><tr><td>Exim Bank</td><td>Export-Import Bank of China</td></tr><tr><td>FAO</td><td>Food and Agriculture Organization</td></tr><tr><td>FDI</td><td>foreign direct investment</td></tr><tr><td>FDP</td><td>Free Democratic Party</td></tr><tr><td>FECO</td><td>Foreign Environmental Cooperation Centre</td></tr><tr><td>FOIP</td><td>Free and Open Indo-Pacific</td></tr><tr><td>FTA</td><td>free trade agreement</td></tr><tr><td>GAC, PRC</td><td>General Administration of Customs of the People's Republic of China</td></tr><tr><td>GCC</td><td>Gulf Cooperation Council</td></tr><tr><td>GDI</td><td>Global Development Initiative</td></tr><tr><td>GDPR</td><td>General Data Protection Regulation</td></tr><tr><td>GIIP</td><td>Global Infrastructure Investment Partnership</td></tr><tr><td>GSI</td><td>Global Security Initiative</td></tr><tr><td>HSR</td><td>Health Silk Road</td></tr><tr><td>IAEA</td><td>International Atomic Energy Agency</td></tr><tr><td>ICBC</td><td>Industrial and Commercial Bank of China</td></tr><tr><td>ICT</td><td>Information and communications technology</td></tr><tr><td>IFAD</td><td>International Fund for Agricultural Development</td></tr><tr><td>IGCU</td><td>Institute for Global Cooperation and Understanding</td></tr></table>
Abbreviations

<table><tr><td>CIPEC</td><td>China-Indochina Peninsula Economic Corridor</td></tr><tr><td>CICA</td><td>Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia</td></tr><tr><td>CIS</td><td>Commonwealth of Independent States</td></tr><tr><td>CM</td><td>Port China Merchants Port Holdings Company Limited</td></tr><tr><td>CMREC</td><td>China-Mongolia-Russia economic corridor</td></tr><tr><td>CNOOC</td><td>China National Offshore Oil Company</td></tr><tr><td>CNPC</td><td>China National Petroleum Corporation</td></tr><tr><td>COMCAS</td><td>Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement</td></tr><tr><td>COSCO</td><td>China Ocean Shipping (Group) Company</td></tr><tr><td>CPC</td><td>Communist Party of China</td></tr><tr><td>CPEC</td><td>China-Pakistan Economic Corridor</td></tr><tr><td>CSGs</td><td>carrier strike groups</td></tr><tr><td>CSTO</td><td>Collective Security Treaty Organization</td></tr><tr><td>DLT</td><td>Distributed ledger technology</td></tr><tr><td>DPAs</td><td>Data Protection Authorities</td></tr><tr><td>DSR</td><td>Digital Silk Road</td></tr><tr><td>DTTI</td><td>Defense Trade and Technology Initiative</td></tr><tr><td>EAEU</td><td>Eurasian Economic Union</td></tr><tr><td>EEC</td><td>Eurasian Economic Commission</td></tr><tr><td>EEZ</td><td>exclusive economic zones</td></tr><tr><td>EIAS</td><td>Environmental impact assessments</td></tr><tr><td>ERICEN</td><td>Economic Resilience Initiative in Central Asia</td></tr><tr><td>EU</td><td>European Union</td></tr><tr><td>Exim Bank</td><td>Export-Import Bank of China</td></tr><tr><td>FAO</td><td>Food and Agriculture Organization</td></tr><tr><td>FDI</td><td>foreign direct investment</td></tr><tr><td>FDP</td><td>Free Democratic Party</td></tr><tr><td>FECO</td><td>Foreign Environmental Cooperation Centre</td></tr><tr><td>FOIP</td><td>Free and Open Indo-Pacific</td></tr><tr><td>FTA</td><td>free trade agreement</td></tr><tr><td>GAC, PRC</td><td>General Administration of Customs of the People's Republic of China</td></tr><tr><td>GCC</td><td>Gulf Cooperation Council</td></tr><tr><td>GDI</td><td>Global Development Initiative</td></tr><tr><td>GDPR</td><td>General Data Protection Regulation</td></tr><tr><td>GIIP</td><td>Global Infrastructure Investment Partnership</td></tr><tr><td>GSI</td><td>Global Security Initiative</td></tr><tr><td>HSR</td><td>Health Silk Road</td></tr><tr><td>IAEA</td><td>International Atomic Energy Agency</td></tr><tr><td>ICBC</td><td>Industrial and Commercial Bank of China</td></tr><tr><td>ICT</td><td>Information and communications technology</td></tr><tr><td>IFAD</td><td>International Fund for Agricultural Development</td></tr><tr><td>IGCU</td><td>Institute for Global Cooperation and Understanding</td></tr></table>
Abbreviations

<table><tr><td>IMF</td><td>International Monetary Fund</td></tr><tr><td>INSTC</td><td>International North-South Transport Corridor</td></tr><tr><td>Int+</td><td>“The Internet Plus”</td></tr><tr><td>IOR</td><td>Indian Ocean Region</td></tr><tr><td>IoT</td><td>Internet of Things</td></tr><tr><td>IPEF</td><td>Indo-Pacific Economic Framework</td></tr><tr><td>IPS</td><td>Indo-Pacific Strategy</td></tr><tr><td>IR</td><td>International Relations</td></tr><tr><td>IRGC</td><td>Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps</td></tr><tr><td>ISIS</td><td>Islamic State of Iraq and Syria</td></tr><tr><td>IT</td><td>International Technology</td></tr><tr><td>ITU</td><td>International Telecommunication Union</td></tr><tr><td>JCPOA</td><td>Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action</td></tr><tr><td>JICA</td><td>Japan International Cooperation Agency</td></tr><tr><td>JIMEX</td><td>Japan-India Maritime Exercise</td></tr><tr><td>LNG</td><td>Liquefied natural gas</td></tr><tr><td>m-CBDC</td><td>Multiple Central Bank digital currencies</td></tr><tr><td>MCC</td><td>Millennium Cooperation Challenge</td></tr><tr><td>MEEA</td><td>Ministry for Europe and Foreign Affairs</td></tr><tr><td>MFA</td><td>Ministry of Foreign Affairs</td></tr><tr><td>MIC 2025</td><td>“Made in China 2025”</td></tr><tr><td>Middle Corridor</td><td>Trans-Caspian East-West-Middle Corridor Initiative</td></tr><tr><td>MOFCOM,</td><td>PRC Ministry of Commerce, PRC</td></tr><tr><td>MOU</td><td>Memoranda of Understanding</td></tr><tr><td>MSR</td><td>21st Century Maritime Silk Road</td></tr><tr><td>NDB</td><td>New Development Bank</td></tr><tr><td>NDRC</td><td>National Development and Reform Commission</td></tr><tr><td>NEALB</td><td>New Eurasian Land Bridge</td></tr><tr><td>NPP</td><td>nuclear power plant</td></tr><tr><td>NSO</td><td>National Statistics Office</td></tr><tr><td>NSR</td><td>Northern Sea Route</td></tr><tr><td>OEC</td><td>Observatory of Economic Complexity</td></tr><tr><td>OECD</td><td>Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development</td></tr><tr><td>OSCE</td><td>Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe</td></tr><tr><td>OTS</td><td>Organization of Turkic States</td></tr><tr><td>PAIH</td><td>Polish Investment and Trade Agency Bureau</td></tr><tr><td>PAPF</td><td>People's Armed Police Force</td></tr><tr><td>PIPL</td><td>Personal Information Protection Law</td></tr><tr><td>PLAN</td><td>People's Liberation Army Navy</td></tr><tr><td>PPP</td><td>Private Public Partnership</td></tr><tr><td>PRC</td><td>People's Republic of China</td></tr><tr><td>PSR</td><td>Polar Silk Road</td></tr><tr><td>Quad</td><td>Quadrilateral Security Dialogue</td></tr><tr><td>RCEP</td><td>Comprehensive Economic Partnership</td></tr><tr><td>RIO</td><td>Rules-based International Order</td></tr></table>
Abbreviations

<table><tr><td>IMF</td><td>International Monetary Fund</td></tr><tr><td>INSTC</td><td>International North-South Transport Corridor</td></tr><tr><td>Int+</td><td>“The Internet Plus”</td></tr><tr><td>IOR</td><td>Indian Ocean Region</td></tr><tr><td>IoT</td><td>Internet of Things</td></tr><tr><td>IPEF</td><td>Indo-Pacific Economic Framework</td></tr><tr><td>IPS</td><td>Indo-Pacific Strategy</td></tr><tr><td>IR</td><td>International Relations</td></tr><tr><td>IRGC</td><td>Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps</td></tr><tr><td>ISIS</td><td>Islamic State of Iraq and Syria</td></tr><tr><td>IT</td><td>International Technology</td></tr><tr><td>ITU</td><td>International Telecommunication Union</td></tr><tr><td>JCPOA</td><td>Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action</td></tr><tr><td>JICA</td><td>Japan International Cooperation Agency</td></tr><tr><td>JIMEX</td><td>Japan-India Maritime Exercise</td></tr><tr><td>LNG</td><td>Liquefied natural gas</td></tr><tr><td>m-CBDC</td><td>Multiple Central Bank digital currencies</td></tr><tr><td>MCC</td><td>Millennium Cooperation Challenge</td></tr><tr><td>MEEA</td><td>Ministry for Europe and Foreign Affairs</td></tr><tr><td>MFA</td><td>Ministry of Foreign Affairs</td></tr><tr><td>MIC 2025</td><td>“Made in China 2025”</td></tr><tr><td>Middle Corridor</td><td>Trans-Caspian East-West-Middle Corridor Initiative</td></tr><tr><td>MOFCOM,</td><td>PRC Ministry of Commerce, PRC</td></tr><tr><td>MOU</td><td>Memoranda of Understanding</td></tr><tr><td>MSR</td><td>21st Century Maritime Silk Road</td></tr><tr><td>NDB</td><td>New Development Bank</td></tr><tr><td>NDRC</td><td>National Development and Reform Commission</td></tr><tr><td>NEALB</td><td>New Eurasian Land Bridge</td></tr><tr><td>NPP</td><td>nuclear power plant</td></tr><tr><td>NSO</td><td>National Statistics Office</td></tr><tr><td>NSR</td><td>Northern Sea Route</td></tr><tr><td>OEC</td><td>Observatory of Economic Complexity</td></tr><tr><td>OECD</td><td>Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development</td></tr><tr><td>OSCE</td><td>Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe</td></tr><tr><td>OTS</td><td>Organization of Turkic States</td></tr><tr><td>PAIH</td><td>Polish Investment and Trade Agency Bureau</td></tr><tr><td>PAPF</td><td>People's Armed Police Force</td></tr><tr><td>PIPL</td><td>Personal Information Protection Law</td></tr><tr><td>PLAN</td><td>People's Liberation Army Navy</td></tr><tr><td>PPP</td><td>Private Public Partnership</td></tr><tr><td>PRC</td><td>People's Republic of China</td></tr><tr><td>PSR</td><td>Polar Silk Road</td></tr><tr><td>Quad</td><td>Quadrilateral Security Dialogue</td></tr><tr><td>RCEP</td><td>Comprehensive Economic Partnership</td></tr><tr><td>RIO</td><td>Rules-based International Order</td></tr></table>
Abbreviations

<table><tr><td>ROC</td><td>Republic of China</td></tr><tr><td>SCO</td><td>Shanghai Cooperation Organization</td></tr><tr><td>SEATO</td><td>Southeast Asia Treaty Organization</td></tr><tr><td>SEZ</td><td>Special Economic Zone</td></tr><tr><td>Sinopec</td><td>China Petroleum and Chemical Corporation</td></tr><tr><td>SIPRI</td><td>Stockholm International Peace Research Institute</td></tr><tr><td>SLOCs</td><td>Sea Lanes of Communications</td></tr><tr><td>SPD</td><td>Social Democratic Party of Germany</td></tr><tr><td>SREB</td><td>Silk Road Economic Belt</td></tr><tr><td>SREF</td><td>Silk Road Economic Fund</td></tr><tr><td>SU</td><td>Soviet Union</td></tr><tr><td>SWIFT</td><td>Interbank Financial Telecommunication system</td></tr><tr><td>SWOT</td><td>Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities and Threats</td></tr><tr><td>TEN-T</td><td>Trans-European Transport Network</td></tr><tr><td>TEU</td><td>Twenty-Foot Equivalent Unit</td></tr><tr><td>TITR</td><td>Trans-Caspian International Transport Route</td></tr><tr><td>TVF</td><td>Turkey Wealth Fund</td></tr><tr><td>UAE</td><td>United Arab Emirates</td></tr><tr><td>UAV</td><td>Unmanned Airborne Vehicle</td></tr><tr><td>UNCLOS</td><td>United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea</td></tr><tr><td>UNSC</td><td>United Nations Security Council</td></tr><tr><td>UNSDGs</td><td>United Nations Sustainable Development Goals</td></tr><tr><td>USN</td><td>Navy US</td></tr><tr><td>WTO</td><td>World Trade Organization</td></tr><tr><td>XUAR</td><td>Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region</td></tr></table>
Abbreviations

<table><tr><td>ROC</td><td>Republic of China</td></tr><tr><td>SCO</td><td>Shanghai Cooperation Organization</td></tr><tr><td>SEATO</td><td>Southeast Asia Treaty Organization</td></tr><tr><td>SEZ</td><td>Special Economic Zone</td></tr><tr><td>Sinopec</td><td>China Petroleum and Chemical Corporation</td></tr><tr><td>SIPRI</td><td>Stockholm International Peace Research Institute</td></tr><tr><td>SLOCs</td><td>Sea Lanes of Communications</td></tr><tr><td>SPD</td><td>Social Democratic Party of Germany</td></tr><tr><td>SREB</td><td>Silk Road Economic Belt</td></tr><tr><td>SREF</td><td>Silk Road Economic Fund</td></tr><tr><td>SU</td><td>Soviet Union</td></tr><tr><td>SWIFT</td><td>Interbank Financial Telecommunication system</td></tr><tr><td>SWOT</td><td>Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities and Threats</td></tr><tr><td>TEN-T</td><td>Trans-European Transport Network</td></tr><tr><td>TEU</td><td>Twenty-Foot Equivalent Unit</td></tr><tr><td>TITR</td><td>Trans-Caspian International Transport Route</td></tr><tr><td>TVF</td><td>Turkey Wealth Fund</td></tr><tr><td>UAE</td><td>United Arab Emirates</td></tr><tr><td>UAV</td><td>Unmanned Airborne Vehicle</td></tr><tr><td>UNCLOS</td><td>United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea</td></tr><tr><td>UNSC</td><td>United Nations Security Council</td></tr><tr><td>UNSDGs</td><td>United Nations Sustainable Development Goals</td></tr><tr><td>USN</td><td>Navy US</td></tr><tr><td>WTO</td><td>World Trade Organization</td></tr><tr><td>XUAR</td><td>Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region</td></tr></table>
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<figure><img src="image_5.png" /></figure>

Taylor & Francis

Taylor & Francis Group

http://taylorandfrancis.com
# INTRODUCTION
OF CHINESE EURASIAN
RELATIONS

Mher Sahakyan and Anahit Parzyan

## Introduction

In the current Multipolar World Order 2.0, it is essential to investigate China's relations with other countries of the Eurasian continent. The following question arises: Why China? Why do we need to analyse and read about China's political and economic relations with the countries of Eurasia? The answer is that China is a young superpower and the second economy of the world, which, through its march westward, is growing its influence in the entire continent and, as a result, projecting economics and politics in several regions of Eurasia.

Why Eurasia? This continent is the centre of the world. In the Multipolar World Order 2.0 era, the main competition between Great Powers is happening for Eurasia and its regions. The power, which will impose its will here, will stand as the leading hegemon of the world.

In this process, China's BRI plays a crucial role, for which China has already invested US$265 billion, providing this money to modernise and construct Eurasian infrastructure. In the first phase of the BRI, from 2013 to 2020, China focused on completing groundwork projects that aimed to connect the East to the West and the North to the South. These projects are now operational. The BRI is enabling China to establish a distinct economic, political, and technological hub, uniting countries from Asia to Europe. This project also provides China with the chance to boost its export volume and support the growth of its own industries. China invests its financial resources in the participating countries through its own banks, resulting in profits and expanding its influence. The BRI is aimed at stabilising neighbouring regions and countries, creating a security zone around China. Beijing is becoming a crucial hub for global relations and economics during the BRI forums. Leaders from various countries and international organisations convene to discuss current events, establish new agreements, and foster relationships. These forums occurred
# INTRODUCTION
OF CHINESE EURASIAN
RELATIONS

Mher Sahakyan and Anahit Parzyan

## Introduction

In the current Multipolar World Order 2.0, it is essential to investigate China's relations with other countries of the Eurasian continent. The following question arises: Why China? Why do we need to analyse and read about China's political and economic relations with the countries of Eurasia? The answer is that China is a young superpower and the second economy of the world, which, through its march westward, is growing its influence in the entire continent and, as a result, projecting economics and politics in several regions of Eurasia.

Why Eurasia? This continent is the centre of the world. In the Multipolar World Order 2.0 era, the main competition between Great Powers is happening for Eurasia and its regions. The power, which will impose its will here, will stand as the leading hegemon of the world.

In this process, China's BRI plays a crucial role, for which China has already invested US$265 billion, providing this money to modernise and construct Eurasian infrastructure. In the first phase of the BRI, from 2013 to 2020, China focused on completing groundwork projects that aimed to connect the East to the West and the North to the South. These projects are now operational. The BRI is enabling China to establish a distinct economic, political, and technological hub, uniting countries from Asia to Europe. This project also provides China with the chance to boost its export volume and support the growth of its own industries. China invests its financial resources in the participating countries through its own banks, resulting in profits and expanding its influence. The BRI is aimed at stabilising neighbouring regions and countries, creating a security zone around China. Beijing is becoming a crucial hub for global relations and economics during the BRI forums. Leaders from various countries and international organisations convene to discuss current events, establish new agreements, and foster relationships. These forums occurred
in 2017, 2019, 2021 (online), and 2023. Moreover, in the second phase of the BRI, next to the mainland direction of the SREB and MSR, Beijing also initiated HSR and DSR.

HSR aims to spread Chinese medicine innovations and products across the world and promote traditional Chinese medicine. The HSR played a significant role during and after the COVID-19 pandemic. China initially used “mask diplomacy” to provide masks, tests, respiratory equipment, and medical teams to countries affected by the pandemic. China later produced various vaccines, including “Sinopharm” and “Coronavac”, which were approved by the World Health Organization. China also established joint vaccine production with multiple states. For instance, Sinopharm collaborated with UAE’s G42 Healthcare to produce Hayat-Vax (Janardhan, 2023, p.8). China’s Anhui Zhifei Longcom Biopharmaceutical cooperates with Uzbekistan on producing ZF-UZ-VAC2001 (Sahakyan, 2022a, p.100). These steps allowed China to distribute its vaccines globally and compete in the innovative pharmaceutical market. China has utilised “vaccine diplomacy” as a tool of its soft power, providing its vaccines as an aid to a number of developed and developing Eurasian states.

China has emerged as a vital hub for cutting-edge technology research and development in the 21st century. Through the implementation of AI, 5G networks, Big Data, and the IoT, China has excelled in economic investment, production, and export of goods. The country's technological advancements have enabled it to establish Smart Cities in various countries in Eurasia. To streamline this process, the DSR was formed under the BRI, allowing for the expansion of telecommunications infrastructure through fibre optic cables and the export of Chinese technologies across the Eurasian continent. China's governmental bodies and diplomacy are fully involved in the promotion of Chinese high-tech industry and its production in the Eurasian continent, which Mher Sahakyan conceptualises as “high-tech and digital diplomacy”. China realises that by establishing extensive high-tech and digital connectivity with Eurasian regions, it can increase its influence in the future.

Therefore, China within BRI offers investments to Eurasian states for developing mainland and maritime infrastructure, technologies, innovations, and vaccines. China does not ask instead for its investment's ideological reforms or institutional changes as the West is doing when it provides investments. As Yuntian Zheng (2023, p.219) mentioned, promoting BRI China provides a common platform for joint development “and is not meant to force upon other nations the CPC's political views on transforming the world”. This fact makes cooperation with China attractive for many Eurasian states, primarily for dozens of states from the Middle East, Central Asia, South Caucasus, Eastern Europe, and Asia-Pacific. In this list, we can also see the EU member states from Western and Central European states, such as Italy, Greece, Hungary, and others, in a case when Brussels announced that China is its “Systemic rival”. The EU is concerned about China's 16+1 format (for now 14+1), which includes also 9 EU member states. The format allows China to gain influence in the CEEC, creating competition with the EU. Nevertheless, despite political disagreements, China and the EU are increasing economic relations. In 2022, bilateral trade amounted to US$847, up US$19 billion from 2021, according to the GAC, PRC (2022).
in 2017, 2019, 2021 (online), and 2023. Moreover, in the second phase of the BRI, next to the mainland direction of the SREB and MSR, Beijing also initiated HSR and DSR.

HSR aims to spread Chinese medicine innovations and products across the world and promote traditional Chinese medicine. The HSR played a significant role during and after the COVID-19 pandemic. China initially used “mask diplomacy” to provide masks, tests, respiratory equipment, and medical teams to countries affected by the pandemic. China later produced various vaccines, including “Sinopharm” and “Coronavac”, which were approved by the World Health Organization. China also established joint vaccine production with multiple states. For instance, Sinopharm collaborated with UAE’s G42 Healthcare to produce Hayat-Vax (Janardhan, 2023, p.8). China’s Anhui Zhifei Longcom Biopharmaceutical cooperates with Uzbekistan on producing ZF-UZ-VAC2001 (Sahakyan, 2022a, p.100). These steps allowed China to distribute its vaccines globally and compete in the innovative pharmaceutical market. China has utilised “vaccine diplomacy” as a tool of its soft power, providing its vaccines as an aid to a number of developed and developing Eurasian states.

China has emerged as a vital hub for cutting-edge technology research and development in the 21st century. Through the implementation of AI, 5G networks, Big Data, and the IoT, China has excelled in economic investment, production, and export of goods. The country's technological advancements have enabled it to establish Smart Cities in various countries in Eurasia. To streamline this process, the DSR was formed under the BRI, allowing for the expansion of telecommunications infrastructure through fibre optic cables and the export of Chinese technologies across the Eurasian continent. China's governmental bodies and diplomacy are fully involved in the promotion of Chinese high-tech industry and its production in the Eurasian continent, which Mher Sahakyan conceptualises as “high-tech and digital diplomacy”. China realises that by establishing extensive high-tech and digital connectivity with Eurasian regions, it can increase its influence in the future.

Therefore, China within BRI offers investments to Eurasian states for developing mainland and maritime infrastructure, technologies, innovations, and vaccines. China does not ask instead for its investment's ideological reforms or institutional changes as the West is doing when it provides investments. As Yuntian Zheng (2023, p.219) mentioned, promoting BRI China provides a common platform for joint development “and is not meant to force upon other nations the CPC's political views on transforming the world”. This fact makes cooperation with China attractive for many Eurasian states, primarily for dozens of states from the Middle East, Central Asia, South Caucasus, Eastern Europe, and Asia-Pacific. In this list, we can also see the EU member states from Western and Central European states, such as Italy, Greece, Hungary, and others, in a case when Brussels announced that China is its “Systemic rival”. The EU is concerned about China's 16+1 format (for now 14+1), which includes also 9 EU member states. The format allows China to gain influence in the CEEC, creating competition with the EU. Nevertheless, despite political disagreements, China and the EU are increasing economic relations. In 2022, bilateral trade amounted to US$847, up US$19 billion from 2021, according to the GAC, PRC (2022).
Another critical moment in Beijing's relations with Eurasian states in a Multipolar World Order 2.0 is that China and the United States compete to spread their political and economic influence in Eurasian regions and struggle for these markets. The United States announced its strategy of turning to the Asia-Pacific region and created two mechanisms to contain China: the Quad, which includes the United States, Australia, India, and Japan, and AUKUS, where Australia, the UK, and the US are members. The United States also uses the issues of Taiwan, Xinjiang, Hong Kong, and Tibet against China, through which it tries to unite countries guided by a liberal value system against China, accusing the latter of violating human rights and fundamental freedoms. These continuously worsen bilateral relations between Western (the US) and Eastern (China) superpowers, which are the most crucial in the current world. Analysing the facts mentioned above, it is evident that the United States uses the Theory of Offensive Realism against China, through which it tries to hinder China's further development and isolate it. Washington aims to prevent Beijing from implementing Realism's Power Transition Theory and becoming the world's hegemonic power in its place.

The United States' pressure on China pushes Beijing closer to Moscow. China and Russia announced that their cooperation has no limit. China and Russia need each other. China is a state economy; now, it is the world's second-largest economy. It needs a reliable energy resource supplier to keep development and weapons for securing its political and economic system. In turn, Russia gets its finances mainly from the trade of energy resources and weapons, which provides it with an opportunity to keep stability and continue its war with Ukraine. Uniting their capabilities, they are getting an opportunity to implement a balance of powers in the Eurasian continent and compete with the United States (Sahakyan, 2021, p.85).

Another connecting link between China and Russia and other members of the EAEU (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Belarus, and Armenia) is that in 2015, China and Russia agreed to conjunct the EAEU and BRI. Moreover, in 2018, the EAEU member states and China signed an *Agreement on Trade and Economic Cooperation between the Eurasian Economic Union and its Member States of the One Part and the People's Republic of China of the Other Part*. It means China and Russia have chosen cooperation over competition in post-Soviet Eurasia.

In Central Asia, Moscow and Beijing agreed that the first is responsible for security and the second is responsible for economic growth. Nevertheless, time works for China, as it invests more in the region than Russia.

Central Asia is China's mainland conduit towards Europe; because of the Russo-Ukrainian war, transportation through Russian territory dropped by 40%. Actually, under the framework of the SREB's CCAWAEC, China and participant states of this direction have developed enough infrastructure for multimodal transportation. In Central Asia, Kazakhstan plays a vital role with its well-developed railways, ports, and highways. As Europe and China are interested in the growing quantity of transportation through this direction, there is a need to modernise and build additional transportation links, which will help transport the quantity of goods going through Russia's Trans-Siberian railway to Europe before the Ukrainian war. There are negotiations and a plan to build a China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan railway
Another critical moment in Beijing's relations with Eurasian states in a Multipolar World Order 2.0 is that China and the United States compete to spread their political and economic influence in Eurasian regions and struggle for these markets. The United States announced its strategy of turning to the Asia-Pacific region and created two mechanisms to contain China: the Quad, which includes the United States, Australia, India, and Japan, and AUKUS, where Australia, the UK, and the US are members. The United States also uses the issues of Taiwan, Xinjiang, Hong Kong, and Tibet against China, through which it tries to unite countries guided by a liberal value system against China, accusing the latter of violating human rights and fundamental freedoms. These continuously worsen bilateral relations between Western (the US) and Eastern (China) superpowers, which are the most crucial in the current world. Analysing the facts mentioned above, it is evident that the United States uses the Theory of Offensive Realism against China, through which it tries to hinder China's further development and isolate it. Washington aims to prevent Beijing from implementing Realism's Power Transition Theory and becoming the world's hegemonic power in its place.

The United States' pressure on China pushes Beijing closer to Moscow. China and Russia announced that their cooperation has no limit. China and Russia need each other. China is a state economy; now, it is the world's second-largest economy. It needs a reliable energy resource supplier to keep development and weapons for securing its political and economic system. In turn, Russia gets its finances mainly from the trade of energy resources and weapons, which provides it with an opportunity to keep stability and continue its war with Ukraine. Uniting their capabilities, they are getting an opportunity to implement a balance of powers in the Eurasian continent and compete with the United States (Sahakyan, 2021, p.85).

Another connecting link between China and Russia and other members of the EAEU (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Belarus, and Armenia) is that in 2015, China and Russia agreed to conjunct the EAEU and BRI. Moreover, in 2018, the EAEU member states and China signed an *Agreement on Trade and Economic Cooperation between the Eurasian Economic Union and its Member States of the One Part and the People's Republic of China of the Other Part*. It means China and Russia have chosen cooperation over competition in post-Soviet Eurasia.

In Central Asia, Moscow and Beijing agreed that the first is responsible for security and the second is responsible for economic growth. Nevertheless, time works for China, as it invests more in the region than Russia.

Central Asia is China's mainland conduit towards Europe; because of the Russo-Ukrainian war, transportation through Russian territory dropped by 40%. Actually, under the framework of the SREB's CCAWAEC, China and participant states of this direction have developed enough infrastructure for multimodal transportation. In Central Asia, Kazakhstan plays a vital role with its well-developed railways, ports, and highways. As Europe and China are interested in the growing quantity of transportation through this direction, there is a need to modernise and build additional transportation links, which will help transport the quantity of goods going through Russia's Trans-Siberian railway to Europe before the Ukrainian war. There are negotiations and a plan to build a China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan railway
link, which will be another alternative link for China to access Central Asian states. In sum, in coming years, we will see new Chinese investments in the region's infrastructure, as China needs this link to access not only European but also South Caucasian and Middle Eastern markets. China and Central Asian states will also develop the "Air Silk Road" in the BRI framework. China needs uninterrupted gas supplies to maintain the development of its economy, which is keeping more than 1.4 billion people. Central Asia is neighbouring China, so it is secure to get natural gas from it directly through the China-Central Asia gas pipeline. It means other Great Powers cannot create obstacles for the China-Central Asia gas pipeline, as all regional states are interested in this cooperation with China. For a long time, sides have discussed building the D line, which will bring more gas to China. Beijing will use it to continue its policy to replace coal, which harms the environment, and expand production with the help of gas, which will help to modernise the production sector and maintain economic growth. China also raises the quantity of imports of energy resources from Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan. Furthermore, China's opening after the COVID-19 lockdown will provide added impetus for growing economic relations. Therefore, the trade will grow in the coming years as well. Central Asia has a sizeable market of approximately 76 million young and fast-growing consumers. Chinese producers exploit this by selling various products, from technology to clothing and cars. e-commerce platforms, which have been built in the framework of the DSR, are also helpful. For instance, e-commerce increased by 95% if we compare 2021 with 2022. Thanks to the transportation infrastructure developed under the BRI, goods are transported more quickly than before 2013. China has also created digital and energy interconnection with this vital region. Through its smart cities and high technologies, China's DSR ties Central Asian states with Beijing strongly.

The SCO stands as the leading platform for non-western players, which are interested in Central Asian and neighbouring regions' security and interconnectivity. Of course, it is not an alignment or union as NATO or the EU. Moreover, several member states, observers, and dialogue partners have problems with each other, for instance, China and India, Pakistan and India, Armenia and Azerbaijan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, but still, it is providing opportunities to find ways to solve security issues and bust forward economic cooperation. In the framework of the SCO, China, step by step, increases its role as an investor and security guarantor, which has a positive impact in "the context of the stability of Afghanistan" (Proń, 2023, p.101). As a result, this organisation is expanding. During the last years, India, Pakistan, and Iran stood members. Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Qatar joined the ranks of dialogue partners, expanding SCO's geography in the Middle East and North Africa. Therefore, the SCO could create interest among different regions of Eurasia and even Africa. China and Russia lead this process.

In 2013, China's President announced the establishment of the Good-Neighbourliness, Friendship, and Cooperation Commission of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. It actively promotes people-to-people contact and NGO collaboration among SCO members, observers, and dialogue partners through public diplomacy. It means that the SCO also gives importance to soft power diplomacy.
link, which will be another alternative link for China to access Central Asian states. In sum, in coming years, we will see new Chinese investments in the region's infrastructure, as China needs this link to access not only European but also South Caucasian and Middle Eastern markets. China and Central Asian states will also develop the "Air Silk Road" in the BRI framework. China needs uninterrupted gas supplies to maintain the development of its economy, which is keeping more than 1.4 billion people. Central Asia is neighbouring China, so it is secure to get natural gas from it directly through the China-Central Asia gas pipeline. It means other Great Powers cannot create obstacles for the China-Central Asia gas pipeline, as all regional states are interested in this cooperation with China. For a long time, sides have discussed building the D line, which will bring more gas to China. Beijing will use it to continue its policy to replace coal, which harms the environment, and expand production with the help of gas, which will help to modernise the production sector and maintain economic growth. China also raises the quantity of imports of energy resources from Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan. Furthermore, China's opening after the COVID-19 lockdown will provide added impetus for growing economic relations. Therefore, the trade will grow in the coming years as well. Central Asia has a sizeable market of approximately 76 million young and fast-growing consumers. Chinese producers exploit this by selling various products, from technology to clothing and cars. e-commerce platforms, which have been built in the framework of the DSR, are also helpful. For instance, e-commerce increased by 95% if we compare 2021 with 2022. Thanks to the transportation infrastructure developed under the BRI, goods are transported more quickly than before 2013. China has also created digital and energy interconnection with this vital region. Through its smart cities and high technologies, China's DSR ties Central Asian states with Beijing strongly.

The SCO stands as the leading platform for non-western players, which are interested in Central Asian and neighbouring regions' security and interconnectivity. Of course, it is not an alignment or union as NATO or the EU. Moreover, several member states, observers, and dialogue partners have problems with each other, for instance, China and India, Pakistan and India, Armenia and Azerbaijan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, but still, it is providing opportunities to find ways to solve security issues and bust forward economic cooperation. In the framework of the SCO, China, step by step, increases its role as an investor and security guarantor, which has a positive impact in "the context of the stability of Afghanistan" (Proń, 2023, p.101). As a result, this organisation is expanding. During the last years, India, Pakistan, and Iran stood members. Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Qatar joined the ranks of dialogue partners, expanding SCO's geography in the Middle East and North Africa. Therefore, the SCO could create interest among different regions of Eurasia and even Africa. China and Russia lead this process.

In 2013, China's President announced the establishment of the Good-Neighbourliness, Friendship, and Cooperation Commission of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. It actively promotes people-to-people contact and NGO collaboration among SCO members, observers, and dialogue partners through public diplomacy. It means that the SCO also gives importance to soft power diplomacy.
<figure><img src="image_6.png" /><figcaption>*Figure I.1* Participants and guests are from a working meeting in Yerevan between the China-Eurasia Council for Political and Strategic Research and the Good-Neighbourliness, Friendship, and Cooperation Commission of the Shanghai Co-operation Organization, Yerevan, Armenia, 21 September 2023.</figcaption></figure>

China sees the Middle East as a valuable market for exporting its products, technologies, and investments while importing energy sources from the region. The Middle Eastern transportation infrastructure also plays a vital role in the SREB's CCAWAEC and MSR.

The critical moment is that Middle Eastern countries are among the crucial suppliers of energy sources to China. For this, China grows its strategic partnership with the member states of the GCC.

For instance, Saudi Arabia is the number 1 oil supplier to China from the Middle East and its Comprehensive strategic partner, which plays a vital role in the BRI. Narayanappa Janardhan (p.8) argues that not only oil but also AI stands as one of the main connecting factors between GCC and China, as GCC's "AI strategies are tied to the plans of the global leader in 5G infrastructure - China".

Economically and as an oil supplier, Iran is losing its attractiveness to China because the US sanctions limit Chinese business companies' involvement and harm the Iranian economy. Although in a geopolitical aspect, Tehran implements its *Look to the East* policy to strengthen its relations with Beijing and Moscow. China is interested in Iran's strategic location for its BRI interconnectivity in the region as Iran controls the Hormuz strait through which Beijing buys vast amounts of its oil from the Middle East. In March 2023, by the mediation of China, Saudi Arabia and Iran restarted negotiations and reopened embassies. This will bring stability to the entire Middle East and strengthen China's authority and influence in the region, where the United States is still mighty with its vast network of allies and military bases.

Turkey plays a crucial role in getting investments from China to modernise its transportation infrastructure. As a middle but ambitious power, Ankara, through its Middle Corridor, is vital in connecting the East with the West. Therefore, China tries to strengthen cooperation with this country and transport its goods through Turkey.
<figure><img src="image_6.png" /><figcaption>*Figure I.1* Participants and guests are from a working meeting in Yerevan between the China-Eurasia Council for Political and Strategic Research and the Good-Neighbourliness, Friendship, and Cooperation Commission of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Yerevan, Armenia, 21 September 2023.</figcaption></figure>

China sees the Middle East as a valuable market for exporting its products, technologies, and investments while importing energy sources from the region. The Middle Eastern transportation infrastructure also plays a vital role in the SREB's CCAWAEC and MSR.

The critical moment is that Middle Eastern countries are among the crucial suppliers of energy sources to China. For this, China grows its strategic partnership with the member states of the GCC.

For instance, Saudi Arabia is the number 1 oil supplier to China from the Middle East and its Comprehensive strategic partner, which plays a vital role in the BRI. Narayanappa Janardhan (p.8) argues that not only oil but also AI stands as one of the main connecting factors between GCC and China, as GCC's "AI strategies are tied to the plans of the global leader in 5G infrastructure - China".

Economically and as an oil supplier, Iran is losing its attractiveness to China because the US sanctions limit Chinese business companies' involvement and harm the Iranian economy. Although in a geopolitical aspect, Tehran implements its *Look to the East* policy to strengthen its relations with Beijing and Moscow. China is interested in Iran's strategic location for its BRI interconnectivity in the region as Iran controls the Hormuz strait through which Beijing buys vast amounts of its oil from the Middle East. In March 2023, by the mediation of China, Saudi Arabia and Iran restarted negotiations and reopened embassies. This will bring stability to the entire Middle East and strengthen China's authority and influence in the region, where the United States is still mighty with its vast network of allies and military bases.

Turkey plays a crucial role in getting investments from China to modernise its transportation infrastructure. As a middle but ambitious power, Ankara, through its Middle Corridor, is vital in connecting the East with the West. Therefore, China tries to strengthen cooperation with this country and transport its goods through Turkey.
It also has signed a Memorandum of understanding with Turkey for the conjunction of the BRI and the Middle Corridor. Of course, the earthquake has weakened Turkey, and it will try to get investments for reconstruction from its Western allies, but Ankara will also try to get this kind of investment from Beijing to keep the balance of powers.

South Caucasus plays a vital role in BRI's CCAWAEC, as its transportation infrastructure can be an alternative route for connecting China and Central Asia through Turkey with Europe. On July 31, 2023, China and Georgia agreed on a strategic partnership and “usage of Georgia’s transit infrastructure for smooth export of Chinese products to Western markets” (Government of Georgia, 2023). With this step, Georgia balances relations with the West, China, and Russia. In turn, China has got its first strategic partner in the South Caucasus, which can provide an opportunity to strengthen its influence in regional political and security issues. It is worth mentioning that before this, in 2018, Beijing and Tbilisi signed the Free Trade Agreement (Charaia & Lashkhi, 2021, p.149). China directly or through AIIB actively invests in Georgia and Azerbaijan to grow these states’ transportation capacities (Sahakyan, 2023b). China’s trade with all regional states is growing. In this sphere, Armenia is leading. In 2022, China’s bilateral trade with Armenia, Georgia, and Azerbaijan totalled US$1,421,549, US$1,408,469, and US$1,381,773, respectively (GAC, PRC, op. cit.) (Figure I.2).

India is a rising big power that plays an independent game, maintaining cooperation and contradiction with the United States and China. It is trying to strengthen its positions in South and Southeast Asia and find new regions to expand its influence further. It, step by step, gravitates towards Central Asia, South Caucasus, the Middle East, and Eastern Europe. For this, India uses INSTC, which it has initiated with Russia and Iran. The primary objective is to establish a connection between Indian ports situated in the Indian Ocean, Iranian ports located in the Persian Gulf, and Russian ports in the Baltic Sea. Compared with China's BRI, INSTC is built slowly, but its routes gradually transform into important conduits. Moscow will pay more attention to developing INSTC; because of the Russo-Ukrainian war and conflict with the West, Russia is trying to deepen its relations with Iran and India and does not stand very dependent on China. For this reason, on May 17, 2023, Russia and Iran signed an agreement for jointly building Rasht-Astara railway connection in the territory of Iran, which will complete the Western Route of the INSTC, strengthening interconnectivity between Russia, Azerbaijan, Iran and India (President of Russia, 2023). In addition to China, supplying energy to India, a large market in Asia ensures a consistent flow of income from energy resources for Russia. Military drones manufactured in Iran have been supplied to Russia for their deployment in the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. This move is seen as a way for Iran to implement its *Look to East policy* and generate income, and as a stance against NATO's expansion towards the East. Although the Russo-Ukrainian war and deterioration of the relations with the EU have made it nearly impossible for Russia to achieve its Greater Eurasian Partnership strategy, it aims to harmonise all integration projects in the Eurasian continent, including the EAEU, EU, BRI, ASEAN, and INSTC.
It also has signed a Memorandum of understanding with Turkey for the conjunction of the BRI and the Middle Corridor. Of course, the earthquake has weakened Turkey, and it will try to get investments for reconstruction from its Western allies, but Ankara will also try to get this kind of investment from Beijing to keep the balance of powers.

South Caucasus plays a vital role in BRI's CCAWAEC, as its transportation infrastructure can be an alternative route for connecting China and Central Asia through Turkey with Europe. On July 31, 2023, China and Georgia agreed on a strategic partnership and “usage of Georgia's transit infrastructure for smooth export of Chinese products to Western markets” (Government of Georgia, 2023). With this step, Georgia balances relations with the West, China, and Russia. In turn, China has got its first strategic partner in the South Caucasus, which can provide an opportunity to strengthen its influence in regional political and security issues. It is worth mentioning that before this, in 2018, Beijing and Tbilisi signed the Free Trade Agreement (Charaia & Lashkhi, 2021, p.149). China directly or through AIIB actively invests in Georgia and Azerbaijan to grow these states' transportation capacities (Sahakyan, 2023b). China's trade with all regional states is growing. In this sphere, Armenia is leading. In 2022, China's bilateral trade with Armenia, Georgia, and Azerbaijan totalled US$1,421,549, US$1,408,469, and US$1,381,773, respectively (GAC, PRC, op. cit.) (Figure I.2).

India is a rising big power that plays an independent game, maintaining cooperation and contradiction with the United States and China. It is trying to strengthen its positions in South and Southeast Asia and find new regions to expand its influence further. It, step by step, gravitates towards Central Asia, South Caucasus, the Middle East, and Eastern Europe. For this, India uses INSTC, which it has initiated with Russia and Iran. The primary objective is to establish a connection between Indian ports situated in the Indian Ocean, Iranian ports located in the Persian Gulf, and Russian ports in the Baltic Sea. Compared with China's BRI, INSTC is built slowly, but its routes gradually transform into important conduits. Moscow will pay more attention to developing INSTC; because of the Russo-Ukrainian war and conflict with the West, Russia is trying to deepen its relations with Iran and India and does not stand very dependent on China. For this reason, on May 17, 2023, Russia and Iran signed an agreement for jointly building Rasht-Astara railway connection in the territory of Iran, which will complete the Western Route of the INSTC, strengthening interconnectivity between Russia, Azerbaijan, Iran and India (President of Russia, 2023). In addition to China, supplying energy to India, a large market in Asia ensures a consistent flow of income from energy resources for Russia. Military drones manufactured in Iran have been supplied to Russia for their deployment in the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. This move is seen as a way for Iran to implement its *Look to East policy* and generate income, and as a stance against NATO's expansion towards the East. Although the Russo-Ukrainian war and deterioration of the relations with the EU have made it nearly impossible for Russia to achieve its Greater Eurasian Partnership strategy, it aims to harmonise all integration projects in the Eurasian continent, including the EAEU, EU, BRI, ASEAN, and INSTC.
CCAWAEC

<figure><img src="image_7.png" /><figcaption>Figure 1.2 CCAWAEC.</figcaption></figure>

Source: Sahakyan, 2022b., p.109.
CCAWAEC

<figure><img src="image_7.png" /><figcaption>Figure 1.2 CCAWAEC.</figcaption></figure>

Source: Sahakyan, 2022b., p.109.
Considering the abovementioned facts and having Routledge's Senior Editor, Mr Rob Sorsby's advice, we decided to work on *the Routledge Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian International Relations*. To start consultations and discussions, on December 2 and 3, 2022, we organised the “IV Eurasian Research on Modern China and Eurasia” conference in Yerevan (China and Eurasia Council, 2023) (Figure I.3).

In 2023, we united accomplished scholars and practitioners in the fields of international relations, political economy, area and technology studies from Armenia, China, Croatia, Czechia, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iran, Italy, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan, Poland, Sri Lanka, Russia, Serbia, Sweden, Taiwan, China, Turkey, and the United States. For tying and connecting all chapters, we used Multipolar World Order 2.0 Concept (Sahakyan, 2023a, pp.1–4), which has been developed and introduced in *China and Eurasian Powers in a Multipolar World Order 2.0 Security, Diplomacy, Economy and Cyberspace* book published by Routledge on March 31, 2023. For most chapters, the second tying link is the Realism approach. However, it is worth mentioning that each chapter, authored by an expert, represents their personal opinions and does not necessarily reflect the views of the other contributors. This book is also the logical continuation of *China and Eurasia: Rethinking cooperation and contradictions in the era of changing world order* book (Sahakyan & Gärtner, 2021) and *China and Eurasian powers in a multipolar world order 2.0: Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace* (Sahakyan, op. cit.), published by Routledge.

The main aim of this study is to research and make recommendations on Chinese and Eurasian international relations. This study delves into various topics, including the effects of China's stance on the Russo-Ukrainian conflict, the rivalry between the United States and China and how it affects the Eurasian continent, as well as China's connections with post-Soviet Eurasian, Middle Eastern, Asia-Pacific, and European countries. It explores the impact of the BRI, INSTC, Middle Corridor, and

<figure><img src="image_8.png" /><figcaption>Figure I.3 “IV Eurasian Research on Modern China and Eurasia” Conference, China-Eurasia Council for Political and Strategic Research, Yerevan, Armenia, December 2 and 3, 2022.</figcaption></figure>
Considering the abovementioned facts and having Routledge's Senior Editor, Mr Rob Sorsby's advice, we decided to work on *the Routledge Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian International Relations*. To start consultations and discussions, on December 2 and 3, 2022, we organised the “IV Eurasian Research on Modern China and Eurasia” conference in Yerevan (China and Eurasia Council, 2023) (Figure I.3).

In 2023, we united accomplished scholars and practitioners in the fields of international relations, political economy, area and technology studies from Armenia, China, Croatia, Czechia, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iran, Italy, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan, Poland, Sri Lanka, Russia, Serbia, Sweden, Taiwan, China, Turkey, and the United States. For tying and connecting all chapters, we used Multipolar World Order 2.0 Concept (Sahakyan, 2023a, pp.1–4), which has been developed and introduced in *China and Eurasian Powers in a Multipolar World Order 2.0 Security, Diplomacy, Economy and Cyberspace* book published by Routledge on March 31, 2023. For most chapters, the second tying link is the Realism approach. However, it is worth mentioning that each chapter, authored by an expert, represents their personal opinions and does not necessarily reflect the views of the other contributors. This book is also the logical continuation of *China and Eurasia: Rethinking cooperation and contradictions in the era of changing world order* book (Sahakyan & Gärtner, 2021) and *China and Eurasian powers in a multipolar world order 2.0: Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace* (Sahakyan, op. cit.), published by Routledge.

The main aim of this study is to research and make recommendations on Chinese and Eurasian international relations. This study delves into various topics, including the effects of China's stance on the Russo-Ukrainian conflict, the rivalry between the United States and China and how it affects the Eurasian continent, as well as China's connections with post-Soviet Eurasian, Middle Eastern, Asia-Pacific, and European countries. It explores the impact of the BRI, INSTC, Middle Corridor, and

<figure><img src="image_8.png" /><figcaption>Figure I.3 “IV Eurasian Research on Modern China and Eurasia” Conference, China-Eurasia Council for Political and Strategic Research, Yerevan, Armenia, December 2 and 3, 2022.</figcaption></figure>
Northern Sea Route on transportation connectivity between eastern, western, north-
ern, and southern parts of the Eurasian continent. This handbook analyses China's
cooperation and contradictions with NATO, the EU, and the EAEU. This handbook
highlights China's digital responsibility, e-governance, and environmental concerns
in the context of international relations in Eurasia.

An Overview of the Book

The *Routledge Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian International Relations* is divided
into ten parts.

Part I of the handbook is entitled “Powers Play in Eurasia in a Multipolar World Order 2.0”. It argues that we are in a Multipolar World Order 2.0 stage where the interests of Great powers collide in Europe and Asia, and the Russo-Ukrainian war stood as the number 1 security issue in the Eurasian continent. It explains that because of the war, China is having obstacles to implementing its BRI. For this reason, it tries to find a political solution.

In Chapter 1, Mher Sahakyan explains China's interest in Russia and Ukraine and analyses China's position on the Russo-Ukrainian war in a Multipolar World Order 2.0. Sahakyan argues that China is losing politically and economically due to the war. Despite its attempts at neutrality, it is standing hard to implement a balancing act. Therefore, Beijing is trying to find a political solution for this comprehensive issue, which imposes threats towards nuclear, food, and transportation security. The Russo-Ukrainian War created problems for trade and transportation between China and Europe through Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus in the framework of the BRI. Sahakyan also examines China's contradictions with NATO in this war and argues that China is not interested that the Western Pole is integrating Ukraine into its camp. For this, China opposes NATO's expansion towards the East and continues to strengthen economic relations with Russia that the last one keeps its internal stability and military capabilities to resist NATO in this indirect war with it. China will be interested in seeing Ukraine as a neutral state where it can develop its BRI and gain economic and political influence.

Greg Simons, in Chapter 2, analyses the US-China competition in Eurasia in a
Multipolar World Order 2.0. According to his argument, the current global order is no
longer US-centric and moving towards a multipolar and non-Western-centric system.
Simons explains that the Russo-Ukrainian war began during an era of heightened
tensions between China and the West, which resulted in the division of the world
into multiple blocs. He also explains that Washington initiated the US *Pivot to East*
strategy to deter China. As Simons concludes, with the help of Quad and AUKUS
formats, the United States threatens China and tries to stop its further development
so that the last one would not be able to challenge its world hegemon's weakened
positions.

Part II examines China’s interests and politics in Central Asia, cooperation and contradictions with Russia, India, and other powers. It argues that, although Russia still has a significant influence in this resource-reach region, India and other powers are also strengthening their positions, but time is working for China. In Chapter 3,
Northern Sea Route on transportation connectivity between eastern, western, north-
ern, and southern parts of the Eurasian continent. This handbook analyses China's
cooperation and contradictions with NATO, the EU, and the EAEU. This handbook
highlights China's digital responsibility, e-governance, and environmental concerns
in the context of international relations in Eurasia.

An Overview of the Book

The *Routledge Handbook of Chinese and Eurasian International Relations* is divided
into ten parts.

Part I of the handbook is entitled “Powers Play in Eurasia in a Multipolar World Order 2.0”. It argues that we are in a Multipolar World Order 2.0 stage where the interests of Great powers collide in Europe and Asia, and the Russo-Ukrainian war stood as the number 1 security issue in the Eurasian continent. It explains that because of the war, China is having obstacles to implementing its BRI. For this reason, it tries to find a political solution.

In Chapter 1, Mher Sahakyan explains China's interest in Russia and Ukraine and analyses China's position on the Russo-Ukrainian war in a Multipolar World Order 2.0. Sahakyan argues that China is losing politically and economically due to the war. Despite its attempts at neutrality, it is standing hard to implement a balancing act. Therefore, Beijing is trying to find a political solution for this comprehensive issue, which imposes threats towards nuclear, food, and transportation security. The Russo-Ukrainian War created problems for trade and transportation between China and Europe through Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus in the framework of the BRI. Sahakyan also examines China's contradictions with NATO in this war and argues that China is not interested that the Western Pole is integrating Ukraine into its camp. For this, China opposes NATO's expansion towards the East and continues to strengthen economic relations with Russia that the last one keeps its internal stability and military capabilities to resist NATO in this indirect war with it. China will be interested in seeing Ukraine as a neutral state where it can develop its BRI and gain economic and political influence.

Greg Simons, in Chapter 2, analyses the US-China competition in Eurasia in a
Multipolar World Order 2.0. According to his argument, the current global order is no
longer US-centric and moving towards a multipolar and non-Western-centric system.
Simons explains that the Russo-Ukrainian war began during an era of heightened
tensions between China and the West, which resulted in the division of the world
into multiple blocs. He also explains that Washington initiated the US *Pivot to East*
strategy to deter China. As Simons concludes, with the help of Quad and AUKUS
formats, the United States threatens China and tries to stop its further development
so that the last one would not be able to challenge its world hegemon's weakened
positions.

Part II examines China’s interests and politics in Central Asia, cooperation and contradictions with Russia, India, and other powers. It argues that, although Russia still has a significant influence in this resource-reach region, India and other powers are also strengthening their positions, but time is working for China. In Chapter 3,
Tamas Dudlak analyses the strategic “coopetition” between Russia and China con-
cerning Central Asian natural gas resources. He argues that China needs natural gas
from Central Asia to develop its national economy, enabling Beijing to increase its
regional influence and geopolitical status. Dudlak explains that China has had no
significant challenges working in the Central Asian energy sector because China and
Russia have prioritised partnership over the competition in this region. Additionally,
Russia lacked the capacity to tap into the vast Central Asian natural gas resources.
For these reasons, China could quickly gain an advantage in the geopolitical competi-
tion over energy resources.

In Chapter 4, Srdjan Uljevic discusses India's increasing involvement in Central Asia and its competition with China in a Multipolar World Order 2.0. As he introduces, after 2015, India actively worked on growing its role in Central Asia. For this reason, New Delhi invested in the Iranian Chabahar port to access Central Asia without passing Pakistan. He argues that India still needs more capabilities to compete in this region with China, which has already built enough infrastructure in Central Asia through its BRI. Nevertheless, as he explains, step by step, India aims to increase its influence in Central Asia, where countries seek new partners to balance amidst the Russo-Ukrainian conflict. Uljevic concludes: "...India has little choice but to engage Central Asia. Being absent from the heart of Eurasia is not an option".

In Chapter 5, Ruslan Izimov focuses on BRI's challenges and its impact on Central Asian economics and politics. He also argues that, step by step, China strengthens its involvement in Central Asian security. As he mentioned, “scenario in which the CSTO or some other political-military organization would be involved in stabilizing the situation in the Central Asian region is no longer in China's interests”. Izimov implements a case study on Kazakhstan, arguing that it became a crucial transportation hub for China to continue its Eurasian westward march through BRI. However, as he recommends, Astana needs to calculate its steps not to stand dependent on China and implement a multi-vector foreign policy, which is standing harder in a Multipolar World Order 2.0.

Zamira Muratalieva, in Chapter 6, examines the dynamics of relations between China and Kyrgyzstan. As she argues, China gradually increased its influence in this Central Asian country. The Kyrgyz Republic's debt to China is the primary issue in their bilateral relations, causing occasional tension among the Kyrgyz public. Nevertheless, as Muratalieva mentions, because of the Russo-Ukrainian war and Moscow's economic decline, time works for China, as its investments in Kyrgyzstan's and Central Asian infrastructure create economic and digital interconnectivity. In conclusion, she recommends strengthening cooperation between China and Kyrgyzstan in the fields of green energy, environmentally friendly products, and high-tech, among others.

In Part III, the authors analyse China’s relations with Middle Eastern countries.
The main argument is that in a Multipolar World Order 2.0, China’s consistent im-
plementation of its BRI in the Middle East brings economic and political benefits.

Selçuk Çolakoğlu, in Chapter 7, analyses Sino-Turkish bilateral relations. As he explains, Turkey joined the construction of the BRI, connected its Middle Corridor with a Chinese initiative, and, as a result, received vast investments from China.
Tamas Dudlak analyses the strategic “coopetition” between Russia and China con-
cerning Central Asian natural gas resources. He argues that China needs natural gas
from Central Asia to develop its national economy, enabling Beijing to increase its
regional influence and geopolitical status. Dudlak explains that China has had no
significant challenges working in the Central Asian energy sector because China and
Russia have prioritised partnership over the competition in this region. Additionally,
Russia lacked the capacity to tap into the vast Central Asian natural gas resources.
For these reasons, China could quickly gain an advantage in the geopolitical competi-
tion over energy resources.

In Chapter 4, Srdjan Uljevic discusses India's increasing involvement in Central Asia and its competition with China in a Multipolar World Order 2.0. As he introduces, after 2015, India actively worked on growing its role in Central Asia. For this reason, New Delhi invested in the Iranian Chabahar port to access Central Asia without passing Pakistan. He argues that India still needs more capabilities to compete in this region with China, which has already built enough infrastructure in Central Asia through its BRI. Nevertheless, as he explains, step by step, India aims to increase its influence in Central Asia, where countries seek new partners to balance amidst the Russo-Ukrainian conflict. Uljevic concludes: "...India has little choice but to engage Central Asia. Being absent from the heart of Eurasia is not an option".

In Chapter 5, Ruslan Izimov focuses on BRI's challenges and its impact on Central Asian economics and politics. He also argues that, step by step, China strengthens its involvement in Central Asian security. As he mentioned, “scenario in which the CSTO or some other political-military organization would be involved in stabilizing the situation in the Central Asian region is no longer in China's interests”. Izimov implements a case study on Kazakhstan, arguing that it became a crucial transportation hub for China to continue its Eurasian westward march through BRI. However, as he recommends, Astana needs to calculate its steps not to stand dependent on China and implement a multi-vector foreign policy, which is standing harder in a Multipolar World Order 2.0.

Zamira Muratalieva, in Chapter 6, examines the dynamics of relations between China and Kyrgyzstan. As she argues, China gradually increased its influence in this Central Asian country. The Kyrgyz Republic's debt to China is the primary issue in their bilateral relations, causing occasional tension among the Kyrgyz public. Nevertheless, as Muratalieva mentions, because of the Russo-Ukrainian war and Moscow's economic decline, time works for China, as its investments in Kyrgyzstan's and Central Asian infrastructure create economic and digital interconnectivity. In conclusion, she recommends strengthening cooperation between China and Kyrgyzstan in the fields of green energy, environmentally friendly products, and high-tech, among others.

In Part III, the authors analyse China’s relations with Middle Eastern countries.
The main argument is that in a Multipolar World Order 2.0, China’s consistent im-
plementation of its BRI in the Middle East brings economic and political benefits.

Selçuk Çolakoğlu, in Chapter 7, analyses Sino-Turkish bilateral relations. As he explains, Turkey joined the construction of the BRI, connected its Middle Corridor with a Chinese initiative, and, as a result, received vast investments from China.
He argues that in addition to economic benefits, Turkey uses the “Chinese card” to get concessions from its Western allies and an opportunity to implement a balancing act. However, as Çolakoğlu concludes, Turkey is a NATO member state, and its economic growth also depends on political relations with the West. Therefore, in the era of Multipolar World Order 2.0, Turkey’s deep interdependence with the West in security, political, and economic matters will prevent a final alignment with China, despite the strategic autonomy it gains from its relations with China.

In Chapter 8, Davoud Gharayagh-Zandi analyses *Iran's Look to the East Policy*. As he describes, Iran finally pivoted towards China and Russia when the United States withdrew from the JCPOA in 2018. He explains that it is the best time for Iran's *Look to the East Policy* since Eastern countries are also interested. Therefore, Iran joined China's BRI and AIIB and strengthened cooperation with the Russian-led EAEU. Tehran's cooperation fortifies the positions of Beijing and Moscow in the Middle East, providing them with more opportunities for navigation. Gharayagh-Zandi notes that the Russo-Ukrainian war further cemented ties between Iran and the Sino-Russian tandem. Nevertheless, he concludes that in a Multipolar World Order 2.0, it is better for Iran to remain neutral without aligning with either the East or the West.

Máté Szalai discusses the impact of asymmetric relations between GCC member states and China in Chapter 9. He argues that as China strengthens its position in the Middle East, the GCC states will gain more opportunities to maintain a balance of power between the West and East and implement a more independent foreign policy. Szalai concludes that interdependent relations between Superpower China and the GCC's middle and small powers contribute to the stability in the entire region, providing an opportunity to jointly work on the normalisation of relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran, work on the political settlement of Yemen's crisis, and discuss territorial disputes between Iran and the UAE.

Part IV examines China's relations with several Western, Central, and Eastern European states. It argues that in a Multipolar World Order 2.0, European states cannot avoid choosing between the West and the East. In this respect, membership in NATO or the EU will play a crucial role.

In Chapter 10, Maximilian Ohle, Richard J. Cook, and Zhaoying Han analyse current relations between Germany and China. They explain that the powers in the German coalitional government have different attitudes towards economic and political relations with China. Chancellor Olaf Scholz aims to maintain normal relations with China and continue trade. At the same time, Minister of Foreign Affairs Annalena Baerbock opposes this policy by criticising and severing ties with China. Ohle, Cook, and Han conclude that as Germany is an important player in the US-led Western Pole, it will be difficult for Berlin to try to continue to hedge for getting economic benefits from Beijing, as in the era of a Multipolar World Order 2.0, “the space to do so has considerably shrunk”.

In Chapter 11, Orazio Maria Gnerre examines Sino-Italian relations on which, as he argues, historical interconnectivity and trade have great influence. Italy is one of the few Western European countries that has not only declared its intention to join China's BRI but is also actively working towards it. The Italian port of Trieste plays
He argues that in addition to economic benefits, Turkey uses the “Chinese card” to get concessions from its Western allies and an opportunity to implement a balancing act. However, as Çolakoğlu concludes, Turkey is a NATO member state, and its economic growth also depends on political relations with the West. Therefore, in the era of Multipolar World Order 2.0, Turkey’s deep interdependence with the West in security, political, and economic matters will prevent a final alignment with China, despite the strategic autonomy it gains from its relations with China.

In Chapter 8, Davoud Gharayagh-Zandi analyses *Iran's Look to the East Policy*. As he describes, Iran finally pivoted towards China and Russia when the United States withdrew from the JCPOA in 2018. He explains that it is the best time for Iran's *Look to the East Policy* since Eastern countries are also interested. Therefore, Iran joined China's BRI and AIIB and strengthened cooperation with the Russian-led EAEU. Tehran's cooperation fortifies the positions of Beijing and Moscow in the Middle East, providing them with more opportunities for navigation. Gharayagh-Zandi notes that the Russo-Ukrainian war further cemented ties between Iran and the Sino-Russian tandem. Nevertheless, he concludes that in a Multipolar World Order 2.0, it is better for Iran to remain neutral without aligning with either the East or the West.

Máté Szalai discusses the impact of asymmetric relations between GCC member states and China in Chapter 9. He argues that as China strengthens its position in the Middle East, the GCC states will gain more opportunities to maintain a balance of power between the West and East and implement a more independent foreign policy. Szalai concludes that interdependent relations between Superpower China and the GCC's middle and small powers contribute to the stability in the entire region, providing an opportunity to jointly work on the normalisation of relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran, work on the political settlement of Yemen's crisis, and discuss territorial disputes between Iran and the UAE.

Part IV examines China's relations with several Western, Central, and Eastern European states. It argues that in a Multipolar World Order 2.0, European states cannot avoid choosing between the West and the East. In this respect, membership in NATO or the EU will play a crucial role.

In Chapter 10, Maximilian Ohle, Richard J. Cook, and Zhaoying Han analyse current relations between Germany and China. They explain that the powers in the German coalitional government have different attitudes towards economic and political relations with China. Chancellor Olaf Scholz aims to maintain normal relations with China and continue trade. At the same time, Minister of Foreign Affairs Annalena Baerbock opposes this policy by criticising and severing ties with China. Ohle, Cook, and Han conclude that as Germany is an important player in the US-led Western Pole, it will be difficult for Berlin to try to continue to hedge for getting economic benefits from Beijing, as in the era of a Multipolar World Order 2.0, “the space to do so has considerably shrunk”.

In Chapter 11, Orazio Maria Gnerre examines Sino-Italian relations on which, as he argues, historical interconnectivity and trade have great influence. Italy is one of the few Western European countries that has not only declared its intention to join China's BRI but is also actively working towards it. The Italian port of Trieste plays