only intellectual reasons for doing so, but also patriotic ones: supporting the publication of the intellectual and artistic achievement of one of its subjects would bring honor to the French nation.<fnref n="77" /> However rhetorical this turn may actually have been, the use of patriotic reasons for the publication of a work such as Plumier’s is interesting, at least in that Bloch was not the first to mobilize it. It is worth considering now the reception that Plumier’s work enjoyed within France: in this regard, the fortunes of the original corpus of manuscripts—its changing locations and materiality—can help us understand how the place of seventeenth-century natural knowledge, and the use of visual representation within it, changed over time.

## The fortunes of an archive: Plumier’s papers on the move

After the death of Plumier, his bundle of notes, drawings, and sketches moldered for more than six decades in the Parisian Minim convent at Place Royale. At some point during the first third of the eighteenth century, the historiographer and traveler Jean-Aymar Piganiol de la Force (1673-1753) visited the convent and caught some glimpses of it in his colossal, eight-volume *Description de Paris* (1742). With the descriptive eye of an antiquarian, Piganiol gave a dreary and detailed account of the history, architecture, and artistic treasures in the church and convent of the Minims, minutely transcribing the inscriptions over the tombs of the temple. He devoted several pages to the library, which he said was composed “of twenty thousand volumes, printed as well as manuscript.”<fnref n="78" /> Among the latter, the letters of Father Mersenne (“correspondent and intimate friend of Descartes”) attracted his attention, but he also discovered “with surprise and admiration, a manuscript entitled *Herbarium vivum*, and containing a description of all the rare plants Father Charles Plumier, a Minim friar with a resolute passion for Botany, observed in different parts of the world, and particularly in America.”<fnref n="79" /> This manuscript, says Piganiol

<footnote n="77">⁷⁷ Bloch, *Histoire naturelle des poissons*, 128: “Mais ce que j’aimerois le mieux, c’est que quelqu’un se chargeât de publier tout le manuscrit, avec les poissons qui s’y trouvent, et que je n’ai pas encore décrits. Ce seroit surtout un honneur pour la nation française, à laquelle nous devons tant d’excellens écrits sur l’histoire naturelle, si elle vouloit contribuir à la publication de cet ouvrage.”</footnote>

<footnote n="78">⁷⁸ Jean-Aymar Piganiol de la Force, *Description de Paris, de Versailles, de Marly, de Meudon, de S. Cloud, de Fontainebleau, et de toutes les autres belles maisons & châteaux des environs de Paris*, 10 vols. (Paris: chez Charles-Nicolas Poirion, 1742), vol. 4, 359: “La Bibliothèque est d’environ vingt mille volumes tant imprimés que manuscrits.”</footnote>

<footnote n="79">⁷⁹ Piganiol de la Force, *Description de Paris*, vol. 4, 360: “Entre les manuscrits, sont les originaux des lettres qu’on écrivoit de toutes parts au P. Mersenne, le correspondant & l’ami intime de Descartes. . . . On voit aussi dans cette Bibliothèque, avec surprise & avec admiration, un manuscrit intitulé *Herbarium vivum* qui contient une description de toutes les platnes rares que le P. Charles Plumier, Religieux Minime qui avoit un goût déterminé pour la Botanique, avoit vues en différentes parties du monde, surtout en Amerique.”</footnote>
de la Force, was composed “of fifteen or sixteen folio volumes”: “nothing more exact,” he praises, “than the descriptions this father offers, and nothing more properly drawn than the figures, which are all of his hand.” Its author, no doubt, was “one of the most knowledgeable Botanists of the last two centuries.”<fnref n="80" />

Several catalogs of the library were successively made during the eighteenth century, and they confirm that Plumier’s manuscripts were kept in the convent.<fnref n="81" /> In an alphabetical catalog from 1725, the only item mentioned under the entry of the naturalist was a mysterious “Voiages de ce R. P. Minime” in two folio volumes (a title to which no extant manuscript corresponds) that was placed among the “Miscellanea.”<fnref n="82" /> But another inventory from two years earlier listed no less than twenty four documents attributed to Plumier: eight volumes of what probably was an herbarium (“Plantes desseichées”), three of his printed books (the *Description* and the *Fougères* among the medical books, the *Art de tourner* among the mathematical),<fnref n="83" /> and nineteen other manuscript items, most of them composed of one single volume and corresponding to extant documents.<fnref n="84" /> Another

<footnote n="80">⁸⁰ Piganiol de la Force, *Description de Paris*, vol. 4, 360-4: “Rien de plus exact que les descriptions que ce père en donne, ni rien de plus proprement dessiné que les figures, qui sont toutes de sa main. Ce manuscrit composeroit quinze ou seize volumes *in folio*. . . . J’ai déjà parlé du P. Charles Plumier, un des plus scavans Botanistes de ces deux derniers siècles.”</footnote>

<footnote n="81">⁸¹ For a useful reflection on catalogs as a source for the history of early modern monastic libraries, see Bernard Dompnier and Marie-Hélène Froeschlé-Chopart, eds. *Les religieux et leurs livres à l'époque moderne* (Clermont-Ferrand: Presses Universitaires Blaise Pascal, 2000), esp. 9-18, although they focus mainly on revolutionary inventories.</footnote>

<footnote n="82">⁸² Maz. MS 4148 “Catalogue alphabétique des différents auteurs et pièces différentes qui se trouvent reliefz ensemble dans nos recueils, sous différentes lettres” [1725], unpaginated: “Voiages de ce R. P. Minim, fol. 2 F (red)/20/20.”</footnote>

<footnote n="83">⁸³ One of the items listed was a quarto volume entitled “Nova plantar. americanar. genera,” but included among the “Manuscripta.” In another catalog (Maz. MS 4149 “Index generalisium omnia librorum bibliothecae conventus patrum minimorum Parisiensi” [1776], unpaginated), a section entitled “Nomina et opera Patrum ordinis minimorum composita vel traducta alphabetici distributa,” in which only printed books were listed, included the *Description*, the *Traité des fougères*, and the *Art de tourner* in the same sections previously mentioned, but not the *Nova genera*. Perhaps a draft of the subsequently printed book, this manuscript is now lost.</footnote>

<footnote n="84">⁸⁴ Maz. MS 4147 “Catalogue alphabétique de la bibliothèque des Minimes de la Place royale, à Paris” [1722], fol. unpaginated: “Nova plantar. americanar. genera in 4º 1 - 1/J(r)/189; Penu botanicum in fol. 6 v. 7/J(r)/477 44; Botanographia americana in fol 1 3 /L(r)/70 54; Les desseins du Tour, et cours de l'architecture de vitruve in fol. 1 v. 3/L(r)/74 55; Figures originaires du Tour in fol. 1 v. 3/L(r)/74 55; Botanographia americana in fol. 1 v. 7/J(r)/469 30; Descriptiones Plantar. ex americana in fol. 1 v. 7/J(r)/466 27; Synopsis botanica plantar. jam cognitar. in fol. 1 v. 1/J(r)/170 31; Plantes desseichées in fol. 8 v. 1/J(r)/172 33; Dictionnaire botanique in 12º 1 v. 1/J(r)/17; Description des plantes de l'amerique in fol. 1 v. 6/D(r)/11; Res herbariae in fol. 2 v. 7/J(r)/483 47; Traité des fougères de l'amérique in fol. 1 v. 6/D(r)/58; Botanicum medicum in fol. 2 v. 1/J(r)/185 49; L'art de tourner in fol. 1 v. 8/B(r)/13; Livre des oyseaux in fol. 1 v. 3/L(r)/45 29; 31. Pisces et volatilia in fol. 1 v. 3/L(r)/47; 30. Quadrupedia et volatilia americana in fol. 1 v. 3/L(r)/46; 51. Description des plantes de l'Amérique avec les figures in fol. 1 v. 3/J(r)/67; 49. Icones plantar. in fol. 1 v. 3/J(r)/65; 50. Filicetum americanum in fol. 1 v. 3/J(r)/66; 36. Pisces et aves in fol. 1 v. 3/L(r)/54; 35. Volucre in fol. 1 v. 3/L(r)/50; 32. Pisces et conchilia in fol. 2 v. 1/L(r)/48.”</footnote>
catalog, this one undated, gave virtually the same list.<fnref n="85" /> More interesting is a later catalog, dated 1776: by the time this last catalog was drawn up, most of Plumier’s manuscripts had been seized from the convent on the orders of the king. The catalog lists the materials that remained in the convent: his printed books, the drafts and original drawings of the *Art de tourner* (now at the Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal), two collections of manuscript drawings (one on plants, the other on birds), whose whereabouts today can only be speculated on, and a collection of drawings originally by botanist Jacques Barrelier (1606-1673), seemingly ordered and corrected (“ordine alphabetico & congestae”) by Plumier.<fnref n="86" />

The rest of the friar’s papers had left the convent a decade before. In December 1767, the Count of Saint-Florentin, Secretary of State of the King’s House, ordered the *correcteur* or head of the Minim house, a certain Father Rousset, to have all of Plumier’s papers sent to the Bibliothèque du roi in rue Richelieu. The transfer of the corpus into the hands of the state was supervised by Hugues-Adrien Joly (1718-1800), guard of the king’s Cabinet of Prints (“Cabinet des estampes et planches gravées”) from 1750 onwards. A figure who was well connected to connoisseurs and amateurs of art and prints in Paris as remarkable as the Count of Caylus and Pierre-Jean Mariette, Joly not only reorganized the department of prints at the Bibliothèque du roi and established a system of classification still in use today; he also oversaw a series of important acquisitions and legacies that tripled the size of the collection.<fnref n="87" /> Probably conceived by Joly himself, the integration of Plumier’s papers into the royal collection of prints was

<footnote n="85">⁸⁵ Maz. MS 4150 “Catalogue de la bibliothèque du couvent des Minimes à la Place Royale” [n.d.]. Only one item was missing: a folio volume entitled “Botanographia americana” and placed among the numismata “3/L (red)/70 54.” But another “Botanographia americana,” another folio volume among the “Manuscripta” (“7/J (red)/469 30”) was listed in both catalogs.</footnote>

<footnote n="86">⁸⁶ AN LL 1569 “Deuxième tome du catalogue de la bibliothèque des Minimes” [1776]. The books by Plumier remaining in the library were in the class “Numismatum” and the subsection “Simbola et iconess”: “24. Icones rariorum plantarum R. P. Jacobi Barlerii ord. Praedicat. Botanii . . . à R. P. Carolo Plumier ord. Minimorum ordine alphabetico & congestae – Paris, 1693; 27. Livre des oiseaux peints par le R. P. Plumier Minime [s.l.s.d.]; 32. Théatre des instructions Mathématiques et Méchaniques par Jac. Besson. – Les figures du Tour, du P. Plumier – Lyon, 1578; 40. Icones Plantarum P. Plumier; 41. Filicetum Americanum P. Plumier – Paris, 1703; 42. Description des plantes de l’Amérique avec les figures par le P. Plumier – Paris, 1693; 45. Filicetum Americanum P. Plumier; 46. Figure originaire du Tour du P. Plumier. Livre des mors de chevaux.” I have not found the first volume of this catalog. The shelf numbers vary on occasion from those in the alphabetical catalogs at the Bibliothèque Mazarine. On the two collections of manuscript drawings, the one on plants, with the title “Icones plantarum” in the catalog, could be the BCMNHN MS 3355, which entered the collections of the Muséum in a later period to the rest of Plumier’s papers. It mostly consists of proof engravings of the *Description* with manuscript corrections.</footnote>

<footnote n="87">⁸⁷ [Laure Beaumont-Maillet], “Les Gardes et directeurs du département des Estampes de 1720 à 2006,” BNF, 2010, 5. http://www.bnf.fr/documents/directeurs_estampes.pdf and Rémis Mathis, “Pratiques quotidiennes de travail au Cabinet des Estampes dans les décennies 1750 et 1760,” *Revue de la Bibliothèque nationale de France* 47 (2012), 52-57.</footnote>
part of this program of expansion. On December 14, 1767 Joly received thirty-eight folio volumes on "Natural History, Botany and Mathematics, drawn and described by late Father Plumier, Minim friar and Royal Pensioner (Pensionnaire du Roi) and made by him in America and other places where he was on the orders of the King." The volumes were handed to Joly by the librarian and the apothecary of the house, a certain Father Vigès, as well as Father Rousset himself. A year after the appropriation, Saint-Florentin issued an indemnification in the Minims' favor consisting of thirty volumes of religious texts printed by the Imprimerie royale.<fnref n="88" /> The indemnification was not in exchange of the papers, but "in consideration of having conserved the manuscript since the year 1704." The crown, Joly was saying, was not buying Plumier's folders, but claiming its property and graciously rewarding the Minims for their service.

We can only speculate about the exact motives for the crown's sudden interest in Plumier's hitherto forgotten archive. Perhaps it was not so much the crown in itself who had an interest in those papers as the Bibliothèque du roi itself, and the Joly in particular, in the context of its politics of expansion of the collections at the Cabinet of prints. But we can also hypothesize that, by 1760s, the role that scientific exploration could play in connection with the state's imperial and commercial interests overseas had probably become more clear than to the eyes of the monarchy it was half a century before.<fnref n="89" /> The idea of an "enlightened monarchy" inspired by the *esprit philosophique* had taken hold during the second third of the eighteenth century, and notions of the honor of the nation came to have greater sway in the link between state and scientific enterprise, especially in

<footnote n="88">⁸⁸ AN F¹⁷ 1096, dossier 5 “Minimes de la Place Royale à Paris, 1768-1769,” piece 47 “Reconnaissance au sujet des legs du R. P. Plumier 14 De[cem]bre 1767”: “Je, Garde du Cabinet des Estampes et Planches gravées de la Bibliothèque du Roi, soussigné reconnois que le Révérend père Roussau Correcteur des Minimes de la Place Royale et le père Bibliothécaire de cette maison, m’ont remis, suivant les ordres qu’ils ont reçus de Monseigneur le Comte de S. Florentin, la quantité de trente huit volumes in-folio, étant les travaux d’Histoire naturelle, Botanique et mathématique, dessinés et décrits par feu le sçavant Père Plumier Religieux minime et Pensionnaire du Roi, qu’il a fait tant en Amérique que ailleurs où il étoit allé par ordre du Roi: j’ai reçu lesdists volumes comme étant les surplus du choix de ceux qui en a été fait ci devant par l’académie royale des sciences, et m’en suis chargé pour le Cabinet des Estampes de Sa Majesté.” Piece 48 “Donation par le Roy de 30 volumes en dédomagement des ouvrages du P. Plumier, Janvier 1769” [January 19, 1769]: “Il est juste, Mon R. P. que le Roi dédommge votre Maison du présent qu’elle a fait, en remettant au Cabinet des Estampes de sa Majesté, les trente volumes manuscripts de Botanique du P. Plumier.” BNF Est. Réserve YE 27 Pet Fol, unpaginated: “Le Roy a fait présent à la Bibliothèque de la maison de la Place Royale, en considération de ce qu’ils ont gardés ces manuscripts depuis l’année 1704, époque de la mort du P. Plumier, jusqu’à ce jour, d’une collection de livres imprimés à l’Impri. Royale reliés aux armes de S. M.”</footnote>

<footnote n="89">⁸⁹ As argued by Rob Iliffe in “Science and Voyages of Discovery,” in *The Cambridge History of Science*, vol. 4: *Eighteenth-Century Science*, ed. Roy Porter (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 618-45.</footnote>
the wake of the royally supported expeditions to determine the Earth's curvature in the
1730s and 1740s.<fnref n="90" />

Joly drew two catalogs of the pieces composing Plumier's corpus when this entered
the Cabinet of Prints. In one of these catalogs, Joly listed up to twenty-two portfolios
(*portefeuilles*): the first, nowadays lost, makes the inventory of some of Plumier's
correspondence; the other twenty-one, for the most part conserved today at the Muséum
national d'histoire naturelle in Paris, included a few volumes of proofs and corrections of
some of his printed works, some bundles gathering single sheet drawings, and several
thematic collections of drawings on shells, fishes, and birds. Joly noted in his catalog,
once more, that the volumes of manuscripts were seized from the Paris convent on the
orders of the king ("rétirés par ordre du Roi"). The second catalog inventories thirty-six
portfolios: those included in the first one plus other manuscripts related to the
preparation of the *Art de tourner's* text and engravings. In his catalog, Joly also remarked
that eight other tomes of even "more finished drawings" were missing, since the Minims
had previously provided them to the Academy of Sciences (those from which the Dutch
and London copies were probably made), and he urged Secretary of State Saint-Florentin
to take measures so as to have those eight bundles join the rest of the botanist's papers in
the Bibliothèque du roi.<fnref n="91" />

Those eight volumes took on a life of their own in the decade prior to the
Bibliothèque du roi's appropriation of the rest of Plumier's manuscripts, and they are

<footnote n="90">⁹⁰ The idea of “enlightened monarchy” was shared across different European states of the time, but it was probably in Spain where it became more clearly articulated around such an expression. For a comparision, see the debates about the foundation of a cabinet of natural or the funding of José Celestino Mutis’s botanical expedition to New Granada in terms of the nation’s and monarchy’s honor studied by Juan Pimentel in “Across Nations and Ages: The Creole Collector and the Many Lifes of the Meghaterium,” in Schaffer *et al.*, eds., *The Brokered World: Go-Betweens and Global Intelligence, 1770-1820* (Sagamore Beach, MA: Science History Publications, 2009), 321-53 and the second part of his *The Rhinoceros and the Meghaterium: An Essay in Natural History* (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2017). On the expeditions for measuring the Earth’s curvature, see Neil Safier, *Measuring the New World: Enlightenment Science and North America* (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2008) for La Condamine’s expedition to South America, and Mary Terrall, *The Man Who Flattened the Earth: Maupertuis and the Sciences of the Enlightenment* (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2002) for Maupertuis’s journey to Lapland.</footnote>

<footnote n="91">⁹¹ BNF Est. Réserve YE 27 Pet Fol, fol. 1-9: “Ces Religieux minimes ont prisé huit autres volumes, dont les dessins, du même père Plumier, sont plus terminés, à MM. de l’Académie des sciences. Comme ces volumes ne sont point encore rendus, il seroit nécessaire que M. le comte de S. Florentin, ministre de la Maison du Roi, ordonna que ces huits volumes fussent réünis avec les autres, et qu’il fut donné une expedition auxdits minimes de ce dernier arrangement.” Johannes Burman also noted, in the preface to his 1755-1760 edition of Plumier’s drawings, that the Minim’s manuscripts were at that point in the Minim convent and the Academy of Sciences, both in Paris: *Plantarum Americanarum*, sig. [**v]: “Et quot non supersunt summi hujus Viri labores, indefessa opera confecti, suâque manu scripsa Volumina, quae in modo in Regiae Scientiarum Academiae, sed etiam in R.R.P.P. Minorum Caenobil Parisiensibus adservantur Bibliothecis.”</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_110.png" /></figure>

Fig. 6.9. Bernard de Jussieu smuggling in his hat a seedling of the Lebanese cedar out of England. Even more remarkable than his participation in the international contraband of vegetables were Bernard's efforts as an editor of illustrated botanical works by French scholars of the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century. His pains to bring out a lavish edition of Plumier's unpublished drawings never came to fruition, but they reflect well his efforts to integrate the Minim friar within both a national and institutional lineage of French botanists around the Academy of Sciences. (Bibliothèque interuniversitaire de Santé, Paris.)

definitively worth a detour in our story. At some point during the second quarter of the eighteenth century, the Paris Academy of Sciences was proposed to sponsor the publication of these eight volumes of manuscript drawings of American flora and fauna by the Minim naturalist. The advocate of the project was Bernard de Jussieu (1699-1777), sous-demonstrateur of botany at the Jardin du roi from 1722, member of the Academy from 1725, and brother of Joseph and Antoine de Jussieu, distinguished and influential botanists themselves (fig. 6.7).<fnref n="92" /> Although Bernard de Jussieu was not a prolific author himself, he had published a revised and augmented edition of Tournefort's *Histoire des plantes qui naissent aux environs de Paris* in two octavo volumes.<fnref n="93" /> He later presented to the learned company the "motives and plan for the edition of a manuscript work on Botany

<footnote n="92">⁹² Since several members of the Jussieu family are discussed in these pages, I refer to each of them by their given name. On the Jussieu family, see Louise Audelin, "Les Jussieu: une dynastie de botanistes au XVIIIᵉ siècle" (Archivist-paleographer diss., École nationale de chartres, 1987).</footnote>

<footnote n="93">⁹³ Joseph Pitton de Tournefort, *Histoire des plantes qui naissent aux environs de Paris, avec leur usage dans la Medecine. ... Second édition revue & augmentée par M. Bernard de Jussieu*, 2 vols. (Paris: chez Jean Musier, 1725).</footnote>
by R. F. Plumier, very interesting for the perfection of this science.”<fnref n="94" /> It consisted of a selection of nothing less than 900 plants “observed on our islands . . . drawn from his hand and in the field” (*sur les lieux*), and accompanied by “no less exact” Latin descriptions indicating the distribution and the local names of the plants in question.<fnref n="95" />

In his attempt to persuade his colleagues to sponsor such a high-priced project, Bernard gave several reasons. The first was one of responsibility: by accepting the donation of the eight manuscript volumes made by the Minims, he argued, the Academy had committed to revising and correcting the work with a view to publication.<fnref n="96" /> Second, there was the intrinsic “merit of the work,” both intellectual and artistic: the friar described “a number of plants that were hitherto unknown, and of which there were neither figures nor descriptions”; they had been made “with such an exactness in the pictures that simple line drawings allow us to recognize the plants.”<fnref n="97" /> Third, the interest of such a monumental work was far from restricted to the community of practitioners, for “the taste (*goût*) [for botany] seems to increase from day to day among the public”—a recurrent idea that was also to be found, for a famous example, along the pages of the *Encyclopédie*.<fnref n="98" /> Finally, there was a commemorative—even patriotic, as it were—dimension to the project: Plumier’s manuscripts on the natural history of the American flora and fauna was, for Bernard, one of those “monuments” of the glory of Louis XIV’s reign

<footnote n="94">⁹⁴ Bernard de Jussieu, “Motifs et plan de l’édition [in-4⁹] d’un ouvrage manuscript de botanique du R. P. Plumier, très intéressant pour la perfection de cette science” [n.d.], BCMNHN Ms. 1176, fol 1-7. These volumes may well correspond to four volumes now at the Bibliothèque de l’Institut de France: BIF MS 979 “Historia plantarum per America insulas, annis 1680-1697 observatarum a R. P. Car. Plumier,” and MSS 980-2 “Americanarum plantarum icones,” 3 vols. The drawings in these volumes amount to 1,058 according to my own count (370, 203, 232, and 253 respectively).</footnote>

<footnote n="95">⁹⁵ B. de Jussieu, “Motifs et plan,” fol. 2: “C’est une collection de près de 900 plantes observées dans nos isles dans ses trois différents voyages depuis l’année 1689 jusqu’en 1697, dessinées de sa main, sur les lieux, et dont il a accompagné les figures de descriptions latines.”</footnote>

<footnote n="96">⁹⁶ B. de Jussieu, “Motifs et plan,” fol. 3: “Les R. P. Minimes en remettant à l’académie, ce manuscript se sont fattés qu’elle voudroit bien en faire la revision pour la mettre en état de paroistre au jour, et l’académie à semblé en l’acceptant s’estre en quelque façon engagée à ce travail.”</footnote>

<footnote n="97">⁹⁷ B. de Jussieu, “Motifs et plan,” fol. 2: “Le mérite de cet ouvrage consiste dans un nombre de plantes qui avant ce temps n’avoient point été connues et dont on n’avoit encore ny figures ny descriptions dans une exactitude des figures qui avec la simplicité d’un seul trait, ne laissent pas de faire reconnoistre d’abord les plantes.”</footnote>

<footnote n="98">⁹⁸ B. de Jussieu, “Motifs et plan,” fol. 3: “il ne peut resulter qu’un grand avantage en faveur d’une science qui fait un de ses objets et dont le goût paroist s’augmenter de jour en jour, dans le public.” On the fashion of botany, see Roger L. Williams, *Botanofilia in Eighteenth-Century France: The Spirit of the Enlightenment* (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2001). See also the unsigned entry “Histoire naturelle,” in *Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers*, ed. Denis Diderot and Jean le Rond d’Alembert, vol. 8 (Neufchâtel: Samuel Faulche & Compagnie, 1765), 228: “Dans le siècle présent la science de l’*Histoire naturelle* est plus cultivée qu’elle ne l’a jamais été; non seulement la plupart des gens de lettres en font une object d’étude ou de délassement, mails il y a de plus en goût pour cette science qui est répandu dans le public. . . . Le goût pour les sciences abstraites a succédé au goût pour la science des antiquités; ensuite la Physique expérimentale a été plus cultivée que les sciences abstraites; à present l’Histoire naturelle occupe plus le publique que la Physique expérimentale & que toute autre science.”</footnote>
that had never seen the light of day. The scientific and artistic achievement of Plumier, Frenchman and royal botanist, were to be published not only with the aim of celebrating the Bourbons's longstanding commitment to the advancement of knowledge, but also so as to make "France enjoy the glory that is hers."<fnref n="99" /> The academician, however, made no secret of the fact that there were more newly pressing motives for getting Plumier's drawings and descriptions into print, for they were being "used and could still be used . . . [by] foreign authors who had the manuscripts in communication."<fnref n="100" /> The most recent among these foreign authors in exploiting the unpublished materials was Dillenius, who used several of the images in the eight volumes of the Academy for his *Hortus Elthamensis* (Plants of Eltham), published at his own expense in 1732.<fnref n="101" /> Bernard probably addressed his project to the Academy during the 1750s, and the report suggests that he may have been aware of the edition that Johannes Burman was preparing in Amsterdam of some of Plumier's manuscripts and unpublished drawings.

Bernard proposed his own services for editing the friar's manuscripts, yet with the "approval, auspices, and advices of the Academy."<fnref n="102" /> He suggested a publication in three parts. The first would include the descriptions and images of the manuscript but, instead of its actual arrangement, Jussieu would organize them in the order prescribed by Plumier himself in his *Nova genera*. The second part would consist of a catalog of the same plants according to Tournefort's *Institutions*, "an order that Father Plumier adopted himself in the catalog of plants of America, and that constituted the second part of the book on the new genera." The third and last section of the work would be an inventory of the plants in the manuscript "that were neither in the institutions of Mr de Tournefort, nor in the book of the new genera of Father Plumier."<fnref n="103" /> Furthermore, he

<footnote n="99">⁹⁹ B. de Jussieu, “Motifs et plan,” fol. 2 and 4: “Quelque quantité, qu’il y ait d’ouvrages imprimés, qui servent de monuments, pour apprendre à la posterité, ce que Louis 14ᵉ a fait de grand, et de glorieux pour la perfection des sciences et des arts; on peut dire, qu’il y en a presque autant, qui n’ont pas encor vus le jour, et qui n’attendent qu’une main favorable que des circonstances pour estre rendus publics.”</footnote>

<footnote n="100">¹⁰⁰ B. de Jussieu, “Motifs et plan,” fol. 4: “Outre ces motifs qui invitent à mettre au jour cet ouvrage, il y en a de nouveaux qui semblent nous obliger à en hater la publication, si nous sommes jaloux que la France jouisse de la gloire qui pourroit luy en revenir. La principal est l’usage qu’ont deja fait et que pourroient encore faire de plusieurs de ces figures et de ses descriptions, divers autheurs et étrangers qui ont eu en communication ce manuscript, entr’autres Mr Dillenius qui en a déjà donné quelques unes dans son *Hortus Elthamensis* nouvellement imprimé à Londres.”</footnote>

<footnote n="101">¹⁰¹ Dillenius, *Hortus Elthamensis*.</footnote>

<footnote n="102">¹⁰² B. de Jussieu, “Motifs et plan,” fol. 3: “j’ay formé le projet de donner une edition de cet ouvrage avec l’agrement, sous les auspices et avec les conseils de l’académie, si elle me juge capable de m’en tirer avec honneur.”</footnote>

<footnote n="103">¹⁰³ B. de Jussieu, “Motifs et plan,” fol. 4-5: “La loy que je me suis imposée dans cette édition est de ne point suivre l’arrangement de ces plantes, tel qu’il est dans le manuscript, qui seroit sujet à de tres grands inconvenients; mais de m’assujetir à l’ordre que l’autheur luy mesme s’étoit prescrit dans son</footnote>
listed in his report a series of corrections and “new observations with which Botany has been enriched since the death of the author.”<fnref n="104" /> For the descriptions, the botanist proposed to relate them to the accounts of the same species by other authors like Hans Sloane in his history of Jamaican plants; to develop the explanations of their medical properties as they had been studied by subsequent authors (including Surian, who accompanied Plumier on his first journey, and the Jesuit Father Le Breton); to complete Plumier’s list with those plants unknown to him and discovered in the meantime; and finally to revise their names, including their local, Caribbean designations.<fnref n="105" /> Moreover, he conceived a bilingual edition: the original Latin text by Plumier would be placed side by side with a French translation by the academician, for “it was important that the work was accessible to all French people, especially those on our islands.”<fnref n="106" /> More important still, Bernard was contemplating a quarto format, though the original drawings were in folio size, not only on the grounds that the costs of production of a folio edition were prohibitive—all the more so given that the project included nine hundred plates—but

<footnote>ouvrage des nouveaux genres de plantes. Ce qui fera la première partie de celuyci. / Dans la seconde j'emploiray toutes les plantes de ce manuscript dans l'ordre que Mr de Tournefort les a placés dans ses instituts, ordre que le Père Plumier luymesme a adopté dans le catalogue des plantes d'Amérique, et qui fait la seconde partie du livre des nouveaux genres dont je viens de parler. Et je feray une troisième partie qui ne sera composée que des plantes de ce manuscript, qui ne se trouvent ny dans les instituts de Mr de Tournefort, ny dans le livre des nouveaux genres du père Plumier. / Enfin j'auray soin de rapporter les espèces des plantes de ce manuscript, qui ont été oubliées par cet autheur dans son livre des nouveaux genres et dans son catalogue des plantes americaines, et de placer ces espèces à la suite de celles auxquelles elles conviennent.”</footnote>

<footnote n="104">¹⁰⁴ B. de Jussieu, “Motifs et plan,” fol. 3: “Il m’a paru avoir besoin d’un certain ordre qui y manque, de corrections qui sont necessaires, et d’observations nouvelles, dont la botanique a été enrichie depuis la mort de cet autheur.”</footnote>

<footnote n="105">¹⁰⁵ B. de Jussieu, “Motifs et plan,” fol. 4: “Une autre addition qui y est tres intéressante est celles des rapports que celles de ces plantes qui n’étoient point connues ont avec les figures et les descriptions qui depuis le père Plumier ont été données des mesmes plantes par différentes autheurs de botanique, comme par Mr Sloanes dans celles de la Jamaique. / Enfin comme l’utilité principale de la connaissance des plantes consiste dans celle de leurs usages en medecine et dans les arts, rien n’est plus necessaire que d’indiquer dans elles cy ce qu’on en peut sçavoir et ce qui l’on en a appris depuis la mort du P. Plumier par les différents mémoires et par les relations qui m’ont été communiquées de ceux qui ont parcourus les memes isles tels que Surian, Mr Fraisier, et feu le père Lebreton jésuite. / L’ouvrage mesme seroit incomplet si a chaque description on ne joignoit les noms Caraibes de ces plantes, tirés de ces mémoires et surtout du dictionnaire qu’en a donné en cette langue le dernier de ces autheurs.”</footnote>

<footnote n="106">¹⁰⁶ The title considered by Bernard was “Historia plantarum in Americanis insulis a R. P. Carolo Plumier ordinis minimorum, &c. observatraum quas manu propria delineavit et descriptionibus illustravit. Bernardo Dejussieu gallico versa, emendata in meliorum ordinem ad rei herbariae institutionum normam redacta, animardversionis, observationibusque necesariis illustrata” (History of plants observed by Reverend Father Charles Plumier, from the order of Minims &c., and illustrated by drawings of his own hand and descriptions. Modified, emendated in a better order, reduced to the norm of the Botanical Institutions, and illustrated of the necessary critiques and observations by Bernard de Jussieu, Frenchman).</footnote>
also due to “the uniformity it will have with works of the Academy and in particular with the institutions of Mr Tournefort, and with the book of the new genera.”<fnref n="107" />

Another sort of correction regarded the figures: “however exact they were in their simplicity,” Plumier’s images seemed too spare (“assez seches”) to his eyes because, as the Minim himself had noted in his *Descriptions*, they were simple line drawings in the style of Leonhart Fuchs’s figures so as to allow readers to have them illuminated. Bernard therefore proposed to revise Plumier’s original drawings by comparing them with the living specimens—at least for those species that could be found at the Jardin du roi—in order to “give them the perfection that is missing.”<fnref n="108" /> At the time he presented his project to the Academy, he already had several images engraved on copperplates in the format of the edition he had in mind (fig. 6.10).<fnref n="109" /> Plumier’s original images were the size of one of his folio books printed at the Imprimerie royale—as with his *Description* and *Ferns*, so likewise he may have aspired to put them into print as a *recueil d’images* worth the glory of the king. In contrast, the material characteristics of the edition proposed by Bernard anticipated to have them integrate the scientific and editorial heritage of the Academy.

All in all, Bernard’s program for the edition of the manuscripts by Plumier that were in the hands of the Academy must be considered within a broader movement of “nationalization,” as it were, of the country’s scientific past—a process of which the transfer of the friar’s corpus to the Bibliothèque du roi is another example and the culmination. The term “nationalism” is taken here in the sense developed by David A. Bell, who distinguished it from national sentiment and defined it as “a political program which has as its goal not merely to praise, or defend, or strengthen a nation, but actively

<footnote n="107">¹⁰⁷ B. de Jussieu, “Motifs et plan,” fol. 5: “Pour ce qui est de la forme de l’édition je me suis persuadé que l’inquarto etoit la plus convenable, non seulement par la diminution des frais auxquels l’infolio qui est celle des figures pourroit engager, amis encore par l’univermité qu’elle aura avec les ouvrages de l’académie et en particulier avec les instituts de Mr Tournefort, et avec le livre des nouveaux genres.”</footnote>

<footnote n="108">¹⁰⁸ B. de Jussieu, “Motifs et plan,” fol. 3: “Quelque bien qu’y soient les figures des plantes, comm’elles n’y sont dessinnées que par de simples traits de la manière dont Fuchs donna autrefois les siennes dans la vüe de les faire enluminer, et que cette manière, quelque exacte qu’elle soit dans sa simplicité, est assez seche: on peut d’après les plantes de ce recueil, qui se trouvent actuellement dans le jardin du Roy, donner aux figures du P. Plumier la perfection qui leur manque.” Plumier, *Description des plantes de l’Amérique, avec leurs figures* (Paris: de l’Imprimerie royale, 1693), sig. [â3v]: “On sera peut-estre surprise que je n’en donne que le simple trait presque sans ombre, mais j’ay esté bien aise de les graver de manière, qu’on y pust ajoûter le coloris plus facilement, comme nous voyons dans tous les ouvrages de Fuchsius, qui sont gravez de mesme a simple trait, & dont la pluspart sont enluminez.”</footnote>

<footnote n="109">¹⁰⁹ The imprints of twenty of these engravings are conserved today in BCMNHN MS 1176, fig. 1-20. They are not signed by any carver.</footnote>
to construct one.”<fnref n="110" /> Although the term “nationalism” was not coined until the late 1790s, Bell argues, political programs that deserve such a name emerged during the late eighteenth century on the basis of concepts like the nation itself and *patrie*, or fatherland, elaborated since the decades around 1700. Bell’s hypothesis on the development of a cult of the nation in eighteenth-century France serves as a plausible background for the process by which Plumier’s work came to be seen as a property of the state only from the mid-century onwards. As we have seen, Hugues-Adrien Joly highlighted the Minim’s status as “Pensionnaire du Roi” and the fact that his peregrinations in the Caribbean were done “on the orders of the King.” Bernard de Jussieu, in turn, did not fail to remark to his colleagues in the Academy that Plumier’s work was not only a monument “to show posterity what Louis XIV has done of great and glorious for the perfection of the arts and the sciences,” but also an achievement to be associated with that entity known as France.<fnref n="111" /> While Plumier’s manuscripts languished for half a century in the convent at Place Royale and the Academy, the acts of royal patronage at their origin substantiated now (and only now) their conception as patriotic accomplishments. This revision of the relationship between Plumier and the monarchy legitimated claims like those of the Bibliothèque du roi over the legacy of botanist: his link to the state came to be seen as more close and clearer. Honors such as the title of Royal Botanist took a fully new significance, one that was to last a long time.

Bernard's project to publish the manuscripts of Plumier kept in the Academy never came to fruition. To the traditional difficulties of publishing an illustrated account of natural history with 900 engravings, intellectual concerns were added now: botany had changed substantially since the death of the Minim. On August 28, 1740, Bernard wrote to Linnaeus from Paris to update the Swedish botanist on his brother Joseph's journey of natural exploration to Peru, as well as on his own projects, among which was the edition of Plumier's drawings: "The works of Plumier, which I was desirous of publishing, have not yet appeared, nor can they be given to the publick till they are properly arranged, on the principles of natural classification."<fnref n="112" /> The problem, therefore, was to adapt the iconographic corpus of Plumier to the now widely prevailing Linnean system. According to Bernard, the American genera and species depicted by Plumier required deep revision from the point of view of taxonomy: "a friend of mine, resident in the French West

<footnote n="110">¹¹⁰ David A. Bell, *The Cult of the Nation in France: Inventing Nationalism, 1680-1800* (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001), 3.</footnote>

<footnote n="111">¹¹¹ AN F¹⁷ 1096, dossier 5, piece 47, and Jussieu, “Motifs et plan,” fol. 2.</footnote>

<footnote n="112">¹¹² B. de Jussieu to Carl Linnaeus, Paris, July 20, 1740, quoted in Linnaeus, *Correspondence*, vol. 2, 209-10.</footnote>
Indian islands, has devoted himself entirely to this object.” The friend in question, the Frenchman wrote to Linnaeus, “follows your principles, having, at the first sight of your system, become a Linnean, tough originally a Tournefortian.”<fnref n="113" />

We cannot know with certainty whether the request made in 1767 by the head of the Cabinet of Prints to Secretary of State Saint-Florentin to have the manuscripts at the Academy transferred to the Bibliothèque du roi was satisfied. Perhaps these correspond to those volumes of Plumier’s drawings nowadays kept at the library of the Institut de France, the institution that inherited the collections of the old French academies. Four volumes are conserved nowadays, one of descriptions and three of images.<fnref n="114" /> The first, entitled “Historia plantarum per Americas insulas,” gathers almost four hundred pages of descriptions in Latin organized in tomes, from the second to the seventh—the first part was seemingly that edited by Johannes Burman between 1755 and 1760 in Amsterdam.<fnref n="115" /> The volume is said to have compiled observations of the second and third trips of Plumier to the American islands between 1689 and 1697, and to have been transcribed from the original manuscripts by Antoine de Jussieu (1686-1758), brother of Bernard and, like him, member of the Academy of Sciences. Antoine was also a tireless traveler and member of the Royal Society of London, and he had succeeded Tournefort as professor or *démonstrateur* of botany at the Jardin du roi soon after the accidental death of the latter.<fnref n="116" /> Each of the descriptions is identified with a numerated reference to the work of Plumier (e.g., “Plumier 81”), but does not follow the order of this numeration. They occasionally allude to other works by the Minim (“vid. Descripti.” for the *Descriptions* or “Hist. Fil.” for the *Fougères*), as well as by other authors (“vid. Iconem et Descript. In Paradi. Germ.”). Some of the plants are identified with the nomenclature of Plumier’s *Nova genera*, like the Ian-Raia, the Begonia, and the Pisonia. Moreover, they usually refer

<footnote n="113">¹¹³ B. de Jussieu to Linnaeus, Paris, July 20, 1740, Linnaeus, *Correspondence*, vol. 2, 209. On the reception of Linnean ideas in France, see Pascal Duris, *Linné et la France: 1780-1850* (Geneva: Droz, 1993).</footnote>

<footnote n="114">¹¹⁴ BIF MSS 979-82.</footnote>

<footnote n="115">¹¹⁵ The complete title is “Historia plantarum per Americanas insulas annis 1689 1697 observatarum a R. P. Car. Plumier inedita partem primam a Burmanno editam continuant, ex auctoris manuscriptis in Bibliothecâ musaei Parisiensis osservatis transcripta manu Ant. De Jussieu” (History of plants observed through the American islands from the year 1689 to 1697 by the Reverend Father Charles Plumier, unpublished, continuing the first part edited by Burman, and transcribed by the hand of Antoine de Jussieu from the manuscripts of the author consulted at the library of the Parisian museum). The reference to the originals being kept at the “Parisian museum”—I assume this refers to the Muséum d’histoire naturelle— suggests that the title was written after the first third of the nineteenth century. Other references *within* the volume (e.g., “Plantae rariores excerptae ex Penu Botanico R. P. Caroli Plumier Minimi et Botanici Regi, manuscripto et servato in Bibliothecâ P.P. Minimi, Platea Regiae Parisiis”) indicate that the corpus at the convent of Minims had been consulted before their transfer to the Bibliothèque du roi.</footnote>

<footnote n="116">¹¹⁶ Tournefort died after being run over by a carriage. He was succeeded by Antoine-Tristan Danty d’Isnard, who resigned a few months afterwards: he was replaced by Antoine de Jussieu.</footnote>
the species of the plant in question to the catalog of plants described and drawn by him in America and printed along his *Nova genera*.<fnref n="117" /> The last six pages of the volume of manuscript descriptions held at the Bibliothèque de l'Institut de France includes a list of the “most strange plants extracted from the 'Penu Botanico,' by Charles Plumier . . . manuscript and conserved at the library of the Fathers Minims in the Royal Square in Paris.” The remark suggests that scholars like Antoine de Jussieu had access to Plumier's manuscript corpus while this was still held at the library of the Minim convent.

The other three volumes kept at the library of the Institut de France, entitled “Historia plantarum icones,” are compilations of manuscript images, each of which contains between 200 and 250 fifty images. The figures refer to the volume of descriptions transcribed by Antoine de Jussieu, and each of them is identified by the tome and number. If the descriptions were copied by Antoine, the three volumes of images were likely those eight tomes donated by the Minims of Place Royale to the Academy, rearranged and collated by Antoine in three new volumes. These constitute a sort of atlas of Plumier's images: they are on sheets of sometimes slightly different type and size that are pasted onto the pages of the three large elephant folio volumes. To the name of the plant written on the original sheet, probably by Plumier, has been added the new denomination according to the post-Linnean botanical nomenclature—occasionally, too, a reference to Burman's edition of Plumier's *Plantarum Americanarum*. The Linnean nomenclature partly reemployed the names given by the Minim to the genera that he had discovered in America and presented in his *Nova genera*, with updates made by Linnaeus himself—Plumier's *Coa* in honor of Hippocrates of Cos, for instance, became Linnaeus's *Hippocratea*, and the *Pittonia* originally dedicated by the Minim to Tournefort turned into *Tournefortia*. The representational style of the drawings in these volumes also corresponds to the images Bernard de Jussieu intended to publish: as typical for Plumier, the images consist of simple line drawings in ink. A very reduced number of pictures include colors and, when they do, these re limited to small sections so as to indicate the tones of specific relevant parts of the plants (mostly the flowers and the fruits), without covering the entire figures. As in the rest of the Minim's botanical representations, chiaroscuro has been used as a visual strategy for the identification of the plants, and anatomical and microscopic details abound.

<footnote n="117">¹¹⁷ Plumier, “Catalogus plantarum Americanarum, quarum genera in Institutionibus rei herbariae jam nota sunt, quasque P. Carolus Plumier Minimus, Botanicus Regius, descripsit & delineavit in Insulis Americanis,” in *Nova plantarum Americanarum genera* (Paris: apud Joanem Boudot, 1703): pagination and signatures are different from the body of the book and the engravings.</footnote>
Although Bernard's editorial project in the mid-eighteenth century never materialized, a new attempt to get the Academy's manuscripts of Plumier into print was made several decades afterwards by Bernard's nephew, Antoine-Laurent de Jussieu (1748-1836). Antoine-Laurent became a renowned botanist himself, influential in the very same institutions that made the glory of his uncles: he took up the position of *démonstrateur* at the Jardin du roi in 1770 and was elected member of the Academy of Sciences three years later.<fnref n="118" /> His correction and edition of Plumier's corpus was, as a matter of fact, one of the Academy's projects which was interrupted by the promulgation of a decree by the National Convention on August 8, 1793, by which the academies were suppressed.<fnref n="119" /> Two days after the decree was issued, the illustrious chemist Antoine de Lavoisier (1743-1794), then treasurer of the Academy of Sciences, sent a report to the National Convention's Committee on Public Instruction in an attempt to avoid the complete dissolution of the institution.<fnref n="120" /> In the report, Lavoisier listed a series of editorial projects "undertaken in the name of the nation" which justified, in his view, the continuity of the Academy—partly because some sums had already been invested in their publication. Among these were the standardization of weights and measures, the work on comparative anatomy by Félix Vicq d'Azyr, the botanical engravings resulting from René Louiche Desfontaine's journey to the Barbary Coast, and the printing of "some precious manuscripts held in the library [of the Academy] after a long time, notably the work of Father Charles Plumier, Minim, famous botanist of the beginning of this century." What Lavoisier was attempting to do was to unfasten the tie that linked these projects—and the Academy by and large—to the extinct monarchy: in the case of Plumier's drawings, that very bond was the one that Bernard de Jussieu had been trying to fasten to ensure the publication of the friar's 900 pictures. According to Lavoisier, Plumier's manuscript, whose correction had been entrusted to "Citizen Jussieu," was supposed to be rendered to the printer in September of that same year.<fnref n="121" />

<footnote n="118">¹¹⁸ On Antoine-Laurent's botanical thought, see Peter F. Stevens, *The Development of Biological Systematics: Antoine-Laurent de Jussieu, Nature, and the Natural System* (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994).</footnote>

<footnote n="119">¹¹⁹ "Decret portant suppression de toutes les académies & sociétés littéraires, pattentées ou dotées par la nation," August 8, 1793, in *Collection générale des décrets rendus par la Convention nationale... Août 1793* (Paris: Baudouin, 1793), 56-7.</footnote>

<footnote n="120">¹²⁰ Antoine de Lavoisier, "Second lettre de Lavoisier au Comité d'Instruction Publique," Paris, August 10, 1793, in *Procès-verbaux du Comité d'Instruction publique de la Convention nationale*, ed. M. J. Guillaume, vol. 2 (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1894), 314-7, and Roger Hahn, *The Anatomy of a Scientific Institution: The Paris Academy of Sciences, 1666-1803* (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1971), 245-6.</footnote>

<footnote n="121">¹²¹ Lavoisier, "Second lettre," 315: "[L']'Académie a arrêté que quelques manuscripts précieux qui sont depuis longtemps dans sa bibliothèque, notamment l'ouvrage du Père Plumier, minime, célèbre botaniste</footnote>
This Jussieu, Antoine-Laurent (Bernard's nephew), also failed at bringing Plumier's manuscripts into print, since their scholarly status as well as symbolic significance had decreased by then. The rest of the corpus, originally transferred from the Minim convent to the Bibliothèque du roi, shows how this was only aggravated as the nineteenth century progressed. In November 1834, the Bibliothèque du roi and the Muséum d'histoire naturelle—the inheritor of the old Jardin du roi after the Revolution—reached an agreement by which the manuscripts of Plumier kept by the former were exchanged for two other illustrated works of natural history: *The Birds of America* by the English naturalist and painter John Audubon (1785-1851), a colossal collection of splendidly colored engravings published in London between 1827 and 1830, and thirty-two miniatures on vellum, the famous “Vélins du Roi” or king’s vellums, painted by several seventeenth-, eighteenth- and nineteenth-century French artists like Aubriet, Françoise Basseporte (1701-1780), and Pierre-Joseph Redouté (1759-1840).<sup>122</sup> The corpus of Plumier’s manuscripts transferred to the Muséum, on the other hand, consisted of thirty-seven volumes roughly corresponding to the materials seized from the Minims at Place Royale in the mid-eighteenth century. Their materiality, however, was slightly transformed in the meantime: most of the drawings had been reorganized and pasted onto the pages of volumes bound in scarlet Morocco leather bearing Napoleon I’s coat of arms.<sup>123</sup>

The exchange between the Bibliothèque du roi and the Muséum d'histoire naturelle became controversial some years afterwards. Both parts of the exchange were originally valued at 3,600 French francs, but the royal library complained that Audubon's volumes were incomplete. The Muséum denied this and denounced, in turn, that Plumier's manuscripts were far less valuable than Audubon's and the *vélins*, for "they are not in part but copies of manuscripts that the Library of the Muséum already possesses, and in part works made before the trip of Plumier to America, and therefore they do not have any other interest than completing the opus of a naturalist in the specialized library of natural history."<sup>124</sup> Moreover, the herbarium had "an insignificant value" (*la moindre valeur*), for it

<footnote>du commencement de ce siècle, seraint imprimés. Le citoyent Jussieu s'occupe de la correction du
manuscript, qui doit être livré à l'imprimeur au 1er septembre."</footnote>

<footnote n="122">122 BCMNHN MS AM 612 “Bibliothèque royale, échange de vélins contre 37 volumes de Plumier, 1834,” pieces 1-4.</footnote>

<footnote n="123">123 Thase are the thirty-seven volumes now conserved at BCMNHN MSS 1-37.</footnote>

<footnote n="124">124 BCMNHN MS AM 612, piece 2: “Les vélins d’Aubriet valent plus de 50 [French francs] chacun; et les manuscrits de Plumier sont très loin d’avoir une valeur de 3,600 puisque il ne sont en partie que des copies de manuscrits que la Bibliothèque du Muséum possède déjà, et en partie des travaux faits avant le</footnote>
was composed of “plants collected in the south of France and most of them are in very bad conditions.” The administration of the Muséum went further: one of the volumes composing Plumier’s corpus was missing (“le n° 1326”) and the funds of the library, in any case, did not permit the addition of any further item to the exchange, particularly for a “work of an utterly secondary utility.”<fnref n="125" />

By the 1830s, the reading of Plumier’s manuscript drawings had shifted significantly from when, a century earlier, Jussieu sought to publish what he saw as a “monument” to France’s glorious scientific past. Those old papers were now historical documents rather than reliable or necessary sources for the knowledge of West Indian nature, even though scholars like Bloch or the great Cuvier consulted them from time to time to clarify obscure, minor details on the anatomy of very specific species. Their beauty, which once allured savant and curious audiences alike, could also not contend now with an impressive enterprise such as Audubon’s massive, hand-colored plates of the *The Birds of America*. The scientific and aesthetic value of Plumier’s corpus, by then more than one hundred years old, had evaporated to a large extent. With yet another transfer from the Bibliothèque du roi to the Muséum, Plumier’s drawings became food for historians.

## Conclusion

Michel de Certeau once wrote that “only the end of an age makes it possible to say what made it live, as if it had to die in order to become a book.”<fnref n="126" /> In tracing the multiple tortuous lives of Plumier’s visual archive over nearly a century and a half after their production, this chapter aimed at making the point that any history of a corpus such as the one we have in hand is crucially determined by the operations that mediated over time our own reading of them. It also gave new evidence, I hope, to sustain my claim that images, as texts, are appropriated by means of material gestures: copying, cutting, pasting, binding. Plumier’s images changed many times, as did their materiality itself did. They were mostly a confused bunch of papers for nearly sixty years while in the library of the Parisian convent of Minims. They were rearranged after entering the Bibliothèque du

<footnote>voyage de Plumier en Amérique et en conséquence que sans autre intérêt scientifique que de compléter dans notre bibliothèque spécialisée d'histoire naturelle les travaux d'un naturaliste."</footnote>

<footnote n="125">¹²⁵ BCMNHN MS AM 612, piece 2: “L’herbier n’a pas la moindre valeur et se compose de plantes recueillies dans la midi de la France et la plupart en fort mauvais état. . . . Un des volumes manque (le n° 1326) ce qui décomplète une des sections de l’ouvrage. Mais sans avoir égard à cette considération, le Muséum n’a point entendu fournir à cet échange un supplément en argent, la mendicité des fonds attribués à la Bibliothèque ne le permet pas surtout pour un ouvrage d’une utilité tout à fait secondaire.”</footnote>

<footnote n="126">¹²⁶ Michel de Certeau, *The Practice of Everyday Life*, vol. 1 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988 [1980]), 198.</footnote>
roi in 1767, and beautifully bound in uniform, solemn volumes at some point during
Napoleon I's rule. Some were published by d'Agoty with the new technique of color
intaglio printing. Manuscript copies were made and sent to Leiden and Oxford. Burman
edited some of these copies, published them, and dedicated them to his own benefactors,
as he had done before with Rumphius's work. Petiver completely reshaped them, in form
and size, and in line with his previous paper museums; he erased any trace of their author
and made a new object out of them, an object of his own social and intellectual
networks. Bernard de Jussieu tried to print them in a reduced form, so as to make them
part and parcel of a now endangered institution, the Academy of Sciences, to which
Plumier actually never belonged. The Bibliothèque du roi in Paris claimed them because
they were no longer by a friar whose possessions were actually his congregation's, but the
work of an agent of the crown. In summary, those drawings traveled quite a lot, in space,
time, and form. With each act of appropriation, Plumier's drawings—and with them,
their meaning—were “retold,” so to speak; they actually became a bit less his, and a bit
more his readers'.
Conclusion

The initial ambition of this dissertation was to offer an account of a virtually
untapped corpus of sources and of their rather obscure author. The life of the Minim
friar, king's botanist, fern-lover, and adventurous traveler Charles Plumier, and the story
of the sheer mass of drawings on the West Indies' nature that he composed at such great
cost, is highly compelling in itself. This, along with the relatively little attention paid by
the history of French science to the period between the Renaissance and the
Enlightenment, seemed like a good enough reason for an inquiry such as "Nature in
Draft." More specifically, however, this dissertation tackled Plumier's corpus as its very
own object of analysis, and not only as its main cluster of sources. My purpose was to
trace the fortunes of the archive from the Caribbean field to the Parisian libraries, from
the printing house to the afterlives of manuscripts and books long after the death of their
author. In proposing what we could call an "object study" of Plumier's corpus, my aim
was twofold. First, I wanted to approach visual representations in natural history from
the double standpoint of their—often changing—materiality (and their materiality's
social and intellectual effects) and of the practices by which they were composed,
circulated, and put to use. Second (and partly as a consequence), my aim was to relocate
the much-debated question of "scientific images" into a history of the role that
inscriptions (manuscript and printed images and texts of any kind, from written lists to
copperplates, and from sketches to books) played in the making, transmission, and socio-
cultural advancement of natural history in late seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century
France.

Approached in this way, Plumier's papers have presented the opportunity to explore
a series of topics on the history of natural history around 1700, namely its intellectual
contours and methodological foundations as a field of knowledge, its place in the culture
of absolutism, the material parallels between observation and reading, the modalities of
the classification of information, the tortuous paths of image printing, and the ways in
which physical mutations prompt shifts in meaning. More importantly, the study has
contributed, in my view, to substantiate three main, broad arguments: first, the power of
the case study for nuancing, and sometimes even disavowing, deceptively clear and linear
historical narratives; second, the plural and fluid significations of any work, be it textual,
graphic, or both; and third, the centrality of what we could call "non-narrative"
discursive forms in the worlds of early modern scholarship. I would like to review these
three themes as they have been elaborated in the previous pages: I highlight them by way of summary and conclusion, but also in order to point to those aspects of my research that remain a work in progress.

Turning to the first of these considerations, this study on Plumier has shed light on the state's sponsorship of natural historical enterprises overseas around 1700, and demonstrated the difficulties to align stories such as that of the friar and *botaniste du roi* along a straight narrative on the role that science played over time in European regimes' imperial ambitions overseas. As it has been suggested here, the significance of natural history was fragile and its utility uncertain for the French crown. At some point, Plumier's images of the West Indian nature became, in the eyes of Louis XIV's ministers and high officers, objects with the potential of serving not any specific colonial ambition, but the glorification of the monarchy. They could only fulfill this purpose effectively in the form of *recueils d'images*, or collections of prints, rather than as a manuscript archive. This, and not their capacity to capitalize specific information on colonial natures, was the reason for the crown's sponsorship of Plumier's transatlantic journeys. Hence the expectation of the friar's patrons that he would not travel any further (to Guinea or to the Americas again) after his third trip, but would rather work on the printing of his images. And this despite the crucial fact that the state became decreasingly able to invest in lavish editorial projects and in the scholarly and artistic celebration of the crown by and large as its financial resources depleted. However, the capability of Plumier's images to work along the grain of the monarchy's program of cultural self-celebration did probably not predate their making. The initiative for Plumier's and Surian's 1687 journey to the West Indies did not come from the crown or its officers, and their support to the enterprise (for which Surian had to fight long and hard) was probably due to other considerations (such as, perhaps, Surian's chemical knowledge in a moment in which the Academy of Sciences cultivated some interest in such an approach to the study of plants).

The political or symbolic utility of Plumier's iconographic archive of the West Indies' flora and fauna (a utility that was actually never completely clear in the minds of the government officers) evaporated altogether by the turn of the eighteenth century for more than sixty years. Yet it somehow resurfaced half a century later, when Hughes-Adrien Joly, keeper of the royal cabinet of prints, succeeded in having Plumier's corpus seized from the Minim convent at Place Royale and brought to the king's library. Times had changed, or so mid-eighteenth-century educated Frenchmen believed. The place of
scientific travel within imperial and commercial interests overseas was becoming more transparent by the 1760s. The requisition of Plumier's papers for the Bibliothèque du roi may be seen as part of an attempt to construct the genealogy of a newly forged equation between science and empire, and of the Bourbon's longstanding support for scholarly enterprises overseas. Joly stressed Plumier's being a royal pensioner in new ways (closer to our dear notion of "agents of the king") and strengthened the link between the monarchy and the traveling naturalist. Significantly, the crown indemnified the Minims at Place Royale not in exchange for the papers, but for "having kept" the king's property for sixty years. The relationship between the crown and Plumier's enterprise in the West Indies had already been recast about a decade earlier by Bernard de Jussieu at the Academy of Sciences, also on the basis of the friar's papers and drawings. Bernard's (failed) project for the edition of Plumier's images in the form of a publication by the Academy was an attempt, after all, to integrate the friar into an institutional tradition he was refused during his lifetime. At a broarder and deeper level, Bernard's was an attempt to align the friar into a freshly forged, Enlightened narrative about science and the French nation. All in all, it seems to me that deeply contextualized studies are still needed to understand the social, political, and cultural routine practices through which natural history took shape as a field of knowledge in Louis XIV's France. The case of naturalists in the short but remarkably rich period from the 1680s to the 1710s offers a still largely uncharted space to build historical accounts that are equally distant from quests for the origins of the Enlightenment and narratives that overemphasize the explanatory role attributed to the state in the development of science.

The second aspect I wanted to review here is that of circulation and reception. I have traced not only the making of Plumier's images and their (often tortuous) peregrinations from the field to his Parisian convent to the printing house, but also how this bunch of papers were rearranged and relocated, copied and plagiarized, used or ignored during and after their author's lifetime. Approaching the friar's archive from the standpoint of their changing materiality has proved important for two reasons. In the first place, the friar's archive reveals the complex, shifting relationships established between the material forms of his iconographic work and the expectations and concerns of its various audiences. Bégon's illuminated copy of the *Description* or Bernard de Jussieu's plan for a quarto edition of his drawings are some meaningful examples of the subtle but critical processes by which Plumier's corpus (or parts of it) were appropriated and the plural, often divergent meanings that different actors gave to it. Even more
significant are the friar's manipulation of the engravings originally included in his
*Description* for publication in the *Traité des fougères*. Plumier and those engaged in the
production of his books (Anisson, the director of the royal press, for instance) were well
aware of the multilayered readings of the friar's depictions. Once placed in the context of
the Imprimerie royale and in relation to the role this played in the cultural propaganda of
the monarchy, Plumier's printed images appear under a new light. A small but significant
example regards the involvement of the scientific author in the crafting of his own
copperplates. Such a phenomenon has recurrently been interpreted in the history of
science as an attempt by scholars to exert direct control over the printing of their images:
their purported intention was to avoid professional carvers' potential blunders that could
stain their scientific credit and authority. I hypothesized, however, that if Plumier ended
up etching a good number of his plates on ferns—and perhaps himself manipulating
some the *Description's* engravings to embellish them, too—it probably was because of the
difficulties to bring such an editorial enterprise into fruition during the later years of the
century. Incidentally, a review of Plumier's constraints as a “naturalist-author”—as he
underwent the multiple determinations that organized both book production and the
state's support of natural historical enterprises overseas—has allowed me to slightly
nuance the picture on the role of images in the making of natural history. Plumier's
exceptional reliance on graphic representations may have had deep epistemic roots, but it
was, after all, one of the main reasons—if not *the* actual stimulus—for why he became a
funded traveler and published image-maker.

The problems of circulation and reception appear also as the *sine qua non* of our own
understanding, as historians, of any graphic and textual form. Issues of dissemination and
appropriation are not limited to whether or not images like Plumier's were seen and used,
but hint also at the different meanings they were given over time up to the point we
historians now stand. To what extent is our own gaze on an archive like Plumier's
affected by both the material transactions and intellectual interpretations that reshaped it
over time? The very material form in which we can access Plumier's corpus at the
present time has been crucially modelled by the operations that brought it to us. At some
point or another during the second half of the eighteenth century, or perhaps the early
nineteenth century, someone took quill and paper and set about organizing that assorted
heap of papers into folders; he (it is unlikely this was a woman) included for each group
an unornamented frontispiece indicating the content: “Birds drawn by Father Plumier,”
“Tetrapods drawn by Father Plumier,” “Fishes and shells drawn by Father Plumier.” The
anonymous librarian or archivist might have also been operating selections and exclusions. We cannot know for sure if Plumier’s drawings that were “copied” from printed books were consciously set aside at that point by a somewhat disappointed librarian (“this is not at all a work by father Plumier[!]”). Yet the fact that his *enchiridia* are today one of the few documents by Plumier that are not included in the consecutive folders conserved the Muséum national d’histoire naturelle is significant—especially if we agree with Michel Foucault in that authorship is based on a selection of those texts that can be assigned to the “author-function” from all the traces produced by an individual. What seems clear is that our eighteenth-century archivist was not only giving new order—and thus new meanings—to the papers of that skillful, but rather minor scholar. He was actually creating a tight link between an author, an intellectual work, and a physical object.

This leads to the third and last of the considerations listed at the beginning of this conclusion: the crucial importance of “non-narrative” discursive forms in the daily work of naturalists and scholars in general. One of the main consequences of analyzing Plumier’s visual materials without isolating them a priori from the rest of his corpus has been to highlight that there was a whole world of paper underneath the surface of printed books and beautifully colored depictions. For natural historians like Plumier (as for most scholars of any time), knowing was an impalpable reality that, to a very large extent, entailed a *mise en papier*—one, moreover, that was not necessarily or exclusively driven by the goal of publication. First of all, this allows us to trace the contours of a manuscript organization of natural knowledge. The question is a key one if only because while historians have, indeed, been actively dismantling the bond between print and (scientific) modernity in the last two decades, they have achieved so by charting the social determinations of the culture of print, rather than by investigating what came to be known, somehow demeaningly, as “scribal scholarship.”

The engagement of natural historians with the manuscript medium between 1650 and 1750 went well beyond correspondence, authors’ drafts of their printed books, and Tournefort’s inventory of his linen. One of the most compelling examples we can draw from Plumier’s corpus is that of his graphic and textual practices of observation and reading (two gestures that, I argued, need to be taken side by side). By exploring in parallel both Plumier’s field notes and sketches (or what we believe are inscriptions likely to have been produced, at least partly, in the field), on the one hand, and the abridgments and excerpts derived from his “reading” of printed texts and images, on the other, we
can make a compelling case for the weight of bookish practices in the culture of early
modern empiricism, as well as for the mediating role of note-taking in selecting,
stockpiling, and arranging both textual and graphic information from either the “little
books” of men and the “great book” of nature. In particular, Plumier’s “reading
notebooks” or *enchiridia* give us the chance to circumvent modern conceptions of
authorship and originality that were mostly coined during the mid- and late eighteenth
century. I regret that I was not able to place Plumier’s *enchiridia* within a broader picture
of the place that copying and abridging by hand from printed books occupied in the
working habits of contemporary naturalists and antiquarians. Yet Plumier’s selections
from the images and texts printed in Tournefort’s *Élémens* and the *Historia naturalis
Brasiliae* and his own manipulation of the original plates of the *Description* are two very
different, but equally telling examples of the malleability of printed materials.

All in all, surprising sources such as the *enchiridia* open exciting lines of research on
the working methods of European scholars in the early modern period. While writing
this conclusion, however, I preferred the expression “non-narrative” tools to
“manuscript culture” because I came to realize that the management of information on
flora and fauna beyond the realms of print was often carried out by more unexpected
means. The role of the herbarium, in particular, as a filing system for the storage, sorting,
and speedy identification and retrieval of botanical knowledge still needs a
comprehensive history. Plumier’s period may well have been pivotal in this regard: as we
have seen, the world “herbarium” (*herbier*), in the sense of an *hortus siccus*, is commonly
attributed to Tournefort. More importantly, the description of Tournefort’s herbarium
by his executors as a collection of dried plants well arranged into four closets bears
striking similarities with furniture used at the period for storing and wielding notes and
slips. Herbaria, series of images, printed and manuscript dictionaries of synonyms or
equivalences of botanical names, catalogs of plants within delimited geographical areas,
*enchiridia* and similar forms of reading notation, and so forth, all constitute a cluster of
largely unexplored sources, which opens fascinating paths for further inquiry.

In passing, this issue brings us back to my initial contention that an overemphasis on
the visual aspects of Plumier’s corpus could, ironically, mislead us about the real
significance of images in his project for a history of an overseas nature. The sheer
number of visual representations in Plumier’s archive, the fact that contemporary
enterprises of natural research overseas (such as Tournefort’s to the Levant) resulted in
equally abundant graphic material, and the various ways in which these images were
often (but not always) put to use and appreciated by scholars and patrons at the time, all
this does not account in itself for a predominantly visual epistemology. The abundance
of images among the materials collected overseas by Plumier and other French
naturalists seems rather one of the symptoms of, first, the social space occupied by
natural history in France and, second, the methodical foundations on which the study of
nature stood at the time—a good number of which were, as I argued, shared across our
current disciplinary boundaries. Our eyes, like Lister's while he was perusing the folders
of papers heaped in the friar's cell, are unavoidably drawn to the exquisitely colored
figures of American shells and plants, or the skillful anatomical drawings of beasts as
exceptional and exotic as crocodiles, snakes, and turtles. Plumier's iconographic archive
was, no doubt, an extraordinary feat. But, as I argued through this dissertation, we can
gain much insight on the role (often central, sometimes marginal) that images played in
the early modern enterprise of natural history by inscribing them within the manifold
worlds of paper in which naturalists then plied their trade.
<figure><img src="image_111.png" /></figure>
# Appendixes

I use the following editorial conventions: linebreak `/`; folio number and editorial commentaries `[]`; authorial insertion `<>`; authorial deletion `—`, and marginal annotation `{}`.

## 1. Preface to “Synopsis botanica” (BCMNHN MS 10)

[24] Synopsis botanica/ plantarum iam cognitarum tum genera quam species complectens/ opera P. Caroli Plumier Minimi Botanici Regii/ Ann. 1703

[25] Praefatio

Postquam macies, et noua febrium, terris incubuit/ cohors, callidi serpentis fraude malâ gentibus illata, post/ quam scilicet malignantium spirituum invidiâ, mors/ introivit in orbem terrarum, omni potentis ac miserentis Dei/ benignâ providentiâ factum est, ut innumeris morbis, qui-/bus in dies impugnatur humana mortalitas, innumera/ etiam succurrerent medicamina, e regno vegetabilium/ potissimum desumpta: Unde plantarum orta scientia,/ Botanice, seu Res Herbaria communiter dicta; quae/ quidem in universum duobus comprehenditur capitibus, uno/ nomina, et formas plantarum monstrante, allero/ ipsarum vives et usus docente. Hoc medicos, illud/ pharmacopaeos spectat; Medicorum etenim est aegrotos/ medicaminibus sanare, pharmacopaeorum vero medi-/camina ipsa ex Medicorum praescripto parare. Utris-/que Ergo convenit invicem convenire, ne dissentientibus/ qui pro quo (ut aiunt) oriantur, magnum saepissime/ humanae vitae discrimen. Antea nefas ut Medicus phar-/macopaeo, pharmacopaeus medico consentiret, dum sci-/licet unica planta ob innumerabilium Botanicorum/ confusas sententias, centenariis synonimis assignabatur,/ alio nempe Brassicam, alio Raphanum, alio tandem/ napum asserente. Non sic; si male olim erat, nunc est/ summovit informes et turbidas Botanicorum tenebras/ splendidus fulgor Botanicus Turnafortius noster, clarissimis/ institutionibus suis, quae quidem tam medicis et phra-/macopaeis necessariae sunt, quam mathematicis et geo-/graphis circuli maioris in 360 partes aequales divisio,/ primique meridiani apud insulam ferro dictam consti-/tutio. His Ergo clarissimis institutionibus solis se/ [25v] dedant, solasque institutiones sequantur, omnes ii,/ qui non modo stirpium, sed et reliquorum simplicium/ medicamentorum doctrinam et facultatem consequi/ peroptant. His etenim dirigentibus unius labii si-/tient et medicus et pharmacopaeus, qui prius mil-/lium labiorum, unus vinum postulabat, alter ol-/eum porrigebat. Maxime itaque congruum maximeque/ fuit necessarium, pro maiori et faciliori inter medicos/ et pharmacopaeus consensu ut singulae plantarum/ species saltem apud singulas respective nationes uni-/ca ac determinatâ designarentur
nomenclatura, potis-/simum vulgatiores etin medicinis usitationes plantae,/ quas quidem simplici et unica voce denominavi per./optarem. V.G. ut Alsine vulgaris solo nomine/ Alsine non per ly Alsine media appellaretur,/ Caprifolium vulgare solo nomine Caprifolium non/ per ly caprifolium Germanicum et sic de caeleris/ vulgatioribus plantis, pro recipe facilius et com-/modius ordinandis. Methodum existimem seme per/ quam commodam in illis saltem regionibus ubi vul-/gatiores et usitatiores in medicinis plantae in singulis/ locis communes nascuntur, apud Galliam V. G., ubi/ certum est Alsinem vulgarem et caprifolium vulgare/ in omnibus Galiae locis nasci. Quâ quidem methodo plan-/tas vulgatiores seu officinales facilius addiscent pharmacopaei; sua recipe commodius praescribent me-/dici; utrique tandem ob mutuam et commune/ nominum plantarum doctrinam, erronea periculosaque/ qui pro quo ex discordi utrorumque cognitione oriri/ solita, tutius declinabunt. Methodum adiuvabunt/ exactae plantarum icones; quae quia apud paucos/ authores Botanicos salis genuinae ac plantam suffici-/enter repraesentantes difficile reperiuntur; vix Botanicem/ praelibaveram ut ipsas quam melius potui, exacte de-/lineare, totum dederim animum, formarum descrip-/tionem, generumque characterem ex institutionibus/ Turnafortianis addendo, uti in tractatu plantarum/ officinalium seu vulgariorum et usitatiorum, quem jam/ [26'] summo favendo <numine> ad finem deduxi, patebit in hoc vero/ opusculo solos generum iam cognitarum <characteres> singulasque/ omnium generum species iam etiam cognitas, quae/ scilicet tam in institutionibus et corollario Turnafortianis/ quam in meis novis plantarum Americanarum gene-/ribus continentur, in unum corpus colligere consilium/ fuit quasdamque voces Botanicas, quibus scilicet rei herba-/riae scriptores communiter utuntur, tam verbis quam/ figuris seu formis explanare, pro ampliori terminorum/ apud Botanicos vulgatiorum, collustatione./

Botanices definitio et etymologia/

Botanices est scientia de nominibus et virtutibus plan-/tarum pertractans. A voce autem Graeca Βοτάνη, Her-/ba, nomen desumpsit: Βοτάνη αβοτος, esca βοτος/ tandem αβώω pasco, originem duxere. Omnia namque/ animalia mediate aut immediate ab Herbis pascuntur/ et nutriuntur. Equi, Boves, caeteraque iumenta herbas/ aut fructus comedunt, quibus immediate vivunt. Leones,/ tigres, aliaque animalia carnivora mediate herbis vescun-/tur, cum animalia devorent quorum immediata esca/ sciunt herbae. Homines vero mediate et immediate ab ipsis/ Herbis alimenta sumunt, nam pane, vino, oleribus/ aliisque fructibus vivunt et insuper animalium carni-/bus, ab ipsis Herbis immediata nutritorum./ Plantae definitio/
Planta est corpus organicum primo e terra germi-/nante productum, terrae radicatum in terra nutritum <++>{+et vivens}, se-/menque in se habens, quo sibi simile corpus producere/queat. Dicitur 1º corpus organicum nam ex senten-/tia praestantissimarum philosopharum Malpighi et/ Turnefortii certum est in plantis inesse fibras, musculos,/ venas, arterias, fistulas et vesiculas, quibus tamquam ex/ [illegible] seu instrumentis, alimenta et aer suscipiantur, hu-/morum circulatis [?] fiat, et alimenta tandem veluti in [illegible]/ [26'] concrescant. Dicitur 2º e terra germinante primo pro- /duct<um>. Certum namque etiam est omnes quascumque plan-/tas e terra sola immediate produci, nullatenus vero ex/ aquis. Videntur equidem quaedam plantae immediate ex/ aquis produci, quales sunt lenticularum palustrium/ species aliaequae quaedam plantae palustrium aquarum/ superficiem occupantes, in quibus nullae apparent radices/ cum fundo palustrium locorum communicantes. Sed/ non sic. Nam illae quaecumque plantae palustres, in/ limo fundi immediate <primo> germinant, deinde ob mulis/ levitatem, radicularumque breustatem et exiguitatem/ ad aquarum superficiem elevantur, ibidemque ex ipsis aquis/ nutriuntur, radiculas in ipsis sed brevissimas vixque quam/ doque conspicuas agunt et incrementum accipiunt. Aquis/ namque virtus inest plantas nutriendi et pisis incrementum/ praestandi. Abscindatur ramusculus menthae vulgaris/ hortensis, eius in sima pars intra phialam aquae plenum/ imponatur; Pars illa inferior aquae immersa in ipsa/ aqua radices aget; Pars vero extra phialam elevate/ ramos producet, tandemque in molem deveniet fere/ aequaelem plantae, unde defumplus fuit. Dicitur 3º/ semen in se habere, quo sibi simule corpus producere valeat./ Ad rei autem intelligentiam sciendum est semen <++> {Plantae, esse illud omne a quo <primo> producitur aliqua planta; et/ semen sic sumptum &c.} aliud/ esse primarium, aliud vero secundarium. {seminis defin.} Semen primarium/ dico, aggregatum quoddam ex spiritu, sulphure et sale/ cum certa quadam proportione in terrae visceribus conten-/tum, et certa quodam aquae quantitate dilutum, unde/ certa quaedam nascatur planta primaria, quae deinde ad/ perfectum statum exaltata, semen quod secundar<i>um dico,/ generabat, quo intra terram mandato, planta quae se-/cundaria dici potest, eiusdem speciei producetur. Verissi-/mum autem est illa primaria semina intra terram con-/tineri ex virtute sibi a Deo creante indita, cum dixit/ {Gen. 1º} "Germinet terra herbam virentem et facientem semen, et/ "lignum pomiferum faciens fructum iuxta genus suum/ "cuius semen in seme ipso sit super terram. Quia vero/ infinitae possent fieri proportiones particularum spiritus/ sulphuris et salis: ideo inde infinita orta sunt plantarum/ [27'] genera, infinitaeque species, in quibus omnibus semina conti-/nentur
secundaria, aut sallem primariis seminibus iam/ dictis, analoga; qualia forte. Sunt semina muscorum/ Fungorum, tuberum plurimarumque plantarum in qui-/bus nullum sensibile semen apparet. Quod maxime pro-/babile videtur si attendatur illa tam grandis fungorum es-/culentorum copia quae toto fere anno super pullo illos/ fimetarios exsurgit, Hortulanorum industria praeparatus./ Nec dicatur dari generationem spontaneam plantarum,/ nullo praeexistente semine ex plantis earumdem specie-/rum producto. Si quae datur supponit aliquod praece-/dens principium, quod quidem semen primarium erit. Sin/ aliter, esset potius creatio quam generatio. Creatio au-/tem nulla fit virtute solius naturae, sed sola Dei poten-/tia, ad cuius imperium, omnium plantarum genera/ ex seminibus primariis jam dictis a Deo primo et calis in/ initio mundi terra parens produxit. Dicendum ergo in omnibus plantis cuiuscumque/ sint generis aut cuiuscumque speciei, semen aliquod aut primarium aut secundarium/ contineri potens plantam producere eiusdem generis et/ eiusdem speciei, <ac in illo semine secundario eamdem esse propor-/tionem particularum spiritus, sulphuris et salis, qualem in primario.>

Universa plantarum summa ex communi omnium/ Botanicorum consensu in quatuor distribuitur classes, ar-/borum scilicet, fruticum, suffruticum et herbarum./ Arbor definiri solet planta perennis, simplici, lignoso ac/ ramoso caudice assurgens. Quam quidem ergo definitionem/ mimis strictam censeo, ut pote non omnes plantas quae/ vera arbores sunt complectentem, quales sunt omnes/ palmarum species quae nullos ramos sed solummodo/ costas producunt. Et papayarum species etiam quae/ neque ramos neque costas sed tantum folia in caudi-/ce ut plurimum ferunt. De ramorum autem essentia/ est ut sint pars caudicis continua, a caudice ipso pro-/ducta et a caudice nullatenus separabilis sine ipsius/ caudicis laesione. Costae vero et folia ab ipso caudice se-/parantur, caudice remanente illaeso. Sed tantum nota quadam costae aut folii prae ariditate decidentium, signato/ [27v] unde crediderim Arborem rectius sic definiri/ posse. Arbor est planta perennis, caudicem a radice/ emittens <lignosum> aut ramos, aut costas, aut folia, producentem./

{inst. 673} Frutex ex Clariss. Turnefortio dicitur plan-/ta perennis et gemmipara, trunco ut plurimum mul-/tiplici, quae ad iustam magnitudinem arboris non assur-/git ut malus punica, Rosa, Nerion, caeteraeve id ge-/nus./ {inst. 676} Suffrutex ex eodem Clariss. Turnefortio est pl-/antae perennis, dura, lignosa, frutice humilior non/ gemmipara, ut Thymus, salvia, lavandula, stoechas &c./
{inst. 673} Herba ex eod. Clariss. Turnefortio est plantae/ genus, cuius caulis singulis annis perit novo deinde re-/nascente vel ab radice foliato ut in lactucis, verbascis/ &c. vel nudo ut in iuncis, scirpis, et alus quam plu-/rimis plantis, in quibus neque ad radicem neque cir-/ca caulem nascuntur folio ut sunt quaedam <++> {+ quae dicuntur in opuntis et melocatis folia, potius rami sunt/ quam folia. Flores namque et fructus in ipsis nascuntur/ et terrae plantati, plantam producunt aut in plantam /evehuntur eiusdem molise [?] formae et speciei} opuntiorum et melocactorum <++> <Aphyllanthes &c.> species, nulla omnino folia/ producentes. His addi etiam debent omnes illae planta/ quae folia tantum et flores aut fructum sine ullo caule/ statim ab ipsa radice fundunt ut sunt Carlinae Acaulos,/ primulae veris, et Bedidum plurimae species, quae nullum/ caulem producunt ut carlinae acaulos, aut tantum sim-/plices pediculos tenues, singulos florem aut fructum/ sustinentes ab radice immediate emittunt <ut Bellis &c.>/

Ex praedictis duo mihi occurrunt dicenda/ primo de illis plantis quae ut plurimum proprio semine/ non seruntur, sed tantum ex aliqua alia sui parte pro-/pagantur, ut aut ex quadam portione radicis, aut ex/ quadam portione caudicis aut rami, uti in quam plu-/rimis plantis quotidiana demonstrat praxis. Ad quod/ respondeo, providentiam Dei fuisse ut in ipsis plantis/ alia quaedam esset propagativa virtus praeter semina-/lem, qua plantae citius in plantas perfectas ado-/lescerent, citiusque ipsarum perciperentur fructus./

Secundo. Questionem movet Rdus P. Terterius ad/ quamnam classem referenda sit planta illa, musa/ ab authoribus, vulgo vero Bananier Apud Americam/ nuncupata (cui et Bihai vulgo Balisier apud eamdem/ [28'] Americam, ediungam). Resp. ad Herbarum classem/ ambas esse reponendas; cum ab radice folia primo/ producant, deinde caulem emittant neque lignosum/ neque perennem, sed tenerum, non diu durabilem/ foliorumque initiis seu pediculis veluti vaginosis/ omnino circumvestitum./

Plantarum, cuiusque sint classis seu ordinis, semen/ secundo modo superius acceptum, praecipua pars semper/ existimandum; cum tota planta in ipso formaliter contine-/atur. Ex ipso namque radix, caudex, folia, flores et fruc-/tus procedunt. Illud antem vel nudum est aut vestitum./ Nudum dico in solo perianthio seu sola cute tenui aut/ crassa contectum, ut sunt semina umbelliferarum,/ valentianarum, ranunculorum &c. vestitum vero intra fruc-/tus, siliquas, folliculos aut ossicula conclusum, ut sunt/ semina pyrorum, fabarum, papaverum, Alkekengi, amyg-/dalarum &c. Nudum sit aut
vestitum, e tribus ut plurimum/ componitur partibus, germine scilicet, lobis aut lobo,/ et cuticula seu perianthio ipsum peritus contegente./

Germen est illa pars ovulo similis intra lobos ipsos/ ut plurimum loculata, aut lobis ipsis peritus adhaerepens./ Ex ipso, tota planta procedit, primum radix, secundo folia/ seminalia seu prima, deinde pluma, primordium scilicet cau-/dicis aut cautis, ex quibus omnibus paulatim vegetantibus/ tota planta perfectum incrementum acquivit./

Lobus aut lobi sunt illa pars carnosa, candida,/ germen ipsum continens, in duas partes ut plurimum sese/ explicans et nascenti plantulae lac, tanquam ex duo-/bus uberibus subministrans./

Cuticula est involucrum seu indumentum lobos vel/ lobum contegens immediate. Sive illa sit tenuis, mollis, membranacea aut dura, secundinam appellat Clariss. Malp./

Post semen, radix <plantae> secundas occupat. Ut pote prima/ ex germinis inferiori parte promanans, radicula tunc nun-/cupata, deinde varias crescendo adipiscens formas con-/sistentias et moles, prout sert ipsius plantae natura,/ exiguas scilicet aut ingentes, carnosas, lignosas, fibrosas,/ fibratas, capillaceas, napiformes, grumosas, tuberosas,/ squamosas, bulbosas, sphaericas, ovatas et palmatas;/ [28⁷] {radicis defini. Institut. 675} quamcumque tandem sortiatur molem consistentiam et/ formam semper definienda venit, plantae pars, terrae ut/ plurimum affixa, a qua nutrimentum foliis, cauli, ramalis,/ caeterisque partibus per quosdam quasi tubulus im-/pertitur./

Radicem subsequitur in herbis folium; in arboribus/ fruticibus, et suffruticibus caudex. In herbis namque pri-/mo folia seminalia sola e germinis superiori parte/ nascuntur; in arboribus vero fruticibus et suffruticibus/ pluma (caudex deinde futura) cum duobus foliolis se-/minalibus elevatur. In arboribus tandem fruticibus ex/ suffruticibus succedunt caudici folia, flores, deinde/ fructus; in herbis vero post folia erumpit caulis, et/ in caule deinde flores et fructus <+> {+ interdum etiam folia, quod er saepissime}, producuntur./

{Folii defin.} Folium est pars plantae aut radici, aut caudici, cauli,/ ramis, aut costis adhaerens, singularis, ut plurimum virens,/ et ut plurimum longa, lata, parum profunda seu/ tenuis, diversimode figurata, et radicem, caudicem, cau-/lem, ramos, et costas relinquens sine ipsorum detrimento./ Dicitur primo singularis scilicet una in se et non ex/ plurimis individuis constans. Videntur equidem quaedam/ folia e plurimis foliis constare ut in millefolio/ vulgari; sed non; nam, quod vulgo dicitur in illo folio/ non est proprie folium unum, sed plurima folia tenui-/ssime dissecta tamen, uni costae affixa. Dicitur 2º ut/ plurimum virens et ut plurimum longa, lata et parum/ profunda seu tenuis.
Quaedam etenim in sunt folia, in/ quibusdam plantis rubra, in quibusdam albentia etin/
aliis variis coloribus suffusa. In quibusdam plantis adis crassa sunt et carnosa ut in
Asclepiade Africana aizoides/ Insitut. 94 in Ficoidibus, plurimisque aliis plantis, ut fere/
tam profunda sint quam lata scilicet omnino ferentia/ attamen vera dicenda sunt folia,
cum ex radice, caudice, / caule, ramis et costis nascantur et ipsos aliquando relin-/quant
sine ipsorum detrimento./

{Quid/ candex et/ causis/ ex Turnat./ Instit. 669} Caudex, vocatur Arborum truncus; Caulis vero herbarium/ "virga illa a radice emergens, quae foliis floribusque donari so-/ "let. Hoc inter caulem et caudicem interest inquit Ruelius/ "ut cautis ad herbas, caudex ad fruticet et arbores duntaxat/ pertineat. Caudex itaque est corpus simplex a radice pro-/manans, supra terram elevantum, ut plurimum cylindraceum/ salis crassum, fractu contumax, lignosum et durabile. Caulis/ [29⁷] vero est corpus implex, a radice immediate proveniens/ et super terram elevatum, mediocriter crassum non lingo-/sum; fractu facile et brevi periturum. Caudicis autem/ species sunt, caudex ramosus et caudex non ramosus, / seu simplex et uniformis. Caudex ramosus ut quercus, / ilicis, nucis in glandis &c. qui ramos sibi continuos pro-/ducit, nullatenus ex se seu caudice avellendos, nisi ipsius caudicis laesi-/one uti superius dixi. Nen ramosus sed potius dicen-/dus costosus et foliosus ut palmarum et papayarum/ &c. qui uti etiam superius dixi costas tantum et folia/ emittunt quondam sive caudicis laesione decidentia, aut/ si avellantur nullatenus caudicem laedentia. Caulis etiam/ multiplici differentia considerandus venit. Caulis scilicet/ dicendus, cum moles eius satis spectabilis est, ut verbasci/ vulgaris, sclarearum et campanularum plurimarum, <&c.> eatt/ cauliculus vero seu coliculus, cum humilis et tenuis, ut/ Gallii cruciatae, auriculae ursi &c. Caulis et caulicu-/lus seu coliculus alii sunt ramosi alii vero non ra-/mosi seu uniformes. Non ramosi denique alii sunt/ nudi ut cyperi vulgaris, Butoni &c. alii vero ves-/titi seu foliosi, ut digitalis, antirrhini &c. nudos, / virgas aut virgulas, pro molis quantitate dicendos vel-/lem, vestitos vero seu foliosos, thyrsos aut thyr-/sulos appellarem, si potissimum plurimis foliis ves-/titi <sint> ac plurimis floribus onustati ut sunt carduus/ ille polyacantha vulgaris dictus inst. 441 et cam-/panula illa Alpina echioides pyramidata dicta/ inst. r. herb. 109./

Caudex ut plurimum cortice et ligno constat./ {Cortius definitio} Cortex est dura quaedam et sicca materia lignum incrus-/tans et a ligno tamen separabilis. Quae si crassa est/ proprie cortex dicenda, sivero tenuis, tunica aut mem-/brana. Interdum cortex geminus est, exterior scilicet/ qui et crassior, interior vero qui et tenuis, lignum im-
/mediate vestiens, et liber propriae dictus; quod antiqui/ ipso tanquam papyro utebantur ad libros conscri-/bendos. {Ligni defin.} Lignum est, totius caudicis corpus et summa;/ ut plurimum materia dura et fissilis, cuius pars interna/ durior et lignum proprie dictum; externa vero seu cor-/tici propinquior, molior et Alburnum nuncupata, eo/ quod interdum corde ipso ligni albidior, <de> [?] veluti Adeps" {inst. 667}/ [29'] {Alburni definitio} "arborum a nonnullis existimatum<a> haec autem est me/ materia quot annis ligno per intra susceptionem ad-/veniens, quae quamdiu recens <est> mollis et corruptio-/ni obnoxia, successu vero temporis indurescens et/ difficile corrumpenda./

{Rami defin.} Ramus est pars caudicis et/ caulis, ipsi caudici et cauli continua, extra peripheriam caudicis et caulis pro-/tensa, et sine caudicis et caulis laesione ab ipsis nus-/quam separanda; ad differentiam costarum et foli-/orum quae licet sint partes caudicis et caulis, ipsis/ tamen tantum sunt ut plurimum contiguae, ut pole/ ab ipsis sine ipsorum laesione separabiles./

Jam flores et fructus restant explicandi, tam-/quam ultimi plantarum termini existentes. Tota/ namque planta pro ipsis elaborandis omnes vires,/ nervos, ac munia sua contendit, tum ad animalibus/ in serviendum, tum ad se ipsam seminis ab ipsas pro-/ducti, ope perennandam./

Florem itaque quidam definiunt Gaudium arborum/ Herbarumque. {Raius Hist. 16} Alii partem plantae tenuiorem, figura/ et colore insignem, fructui praeviam, ipsius rudimento/ plerumque ad haerentem, ipsumque tenellum foven-/tem. Magis arridet Turnefortiana definitio. Flor-/em scilicet esse plantae partem coloribus propriis"/ persaepe insignem, fructuique nascendi plurumque ad"/ haerentem; cui primum alimentum ad tenerrimas"/ ejus partes explicandas ministrare videtur. Ad cu-"/ ius intelligentiam sciendum, ex Eiusdem Turnefortii/ {insti. r. h.. 68} sententia, omnes fere floris partes totidem inesse/ vasa ac viscera, pro quantitate alimenti tenello/ embryoni propria et apta paranda ac pro quantita-/te eiusdem alimenti debilia [?] ministranda; quod saepe/ nimis damnosa probat experientia; cum scilicet in-/tempestivis imbribus, nebulis et caloribus laeduntur/ flores, tum laeduntur et ipsi tenelli fructus, deflu-/entes ac evanescentes debito non sumpto alimento./

"Floris igitur proprium munus est nutricandi tenerum/"fructum, quod maxime praestabit si nulla noceat/ gravis tempestas, sed benigna foveat usque ad debitam/ tenelli embryonis aetatem./

Definitioni non obstat, quod in quarundam plantarum/ [30'] generibus, praeter flores fertiles reperiantur etiam et flores/ steriles, in una et eadem planta, ut in plantis
cucurbitaceis; quod in aliis generibus, flores ab embryonibus in una/ et eadem planta, ab invicem separentur, ut in nucibus, quercubus et aliis; quod tandem in quibusdam generi-/bus embryones sint in una planta et flores in alia ut/ in populis, salicibus et &c.. Haec (inquam) omnia phaeno-/mena definitioni allatae non obstant; illi namque flo-/res revera non sunt steriles neque omnino inutiles/ cum Deus et natura nihil fecerint frustra ex omnium/ philosopharum effatu. Pulvisculus ille, quo replentur/ talium florum embryonibus carentium, apices, vegetati-/oni et faecunditati embryonum, florum aliorum, aut/ embryonum floribus nudatorum, maximae inserviunt./ Rustici bene norunt de foelici et infoelici future/ segete fructum talium plantarum ominare, iulos/ illarum V.G. quercum corylorum, castanearum &c./ cumbene au cum male se habeant, percipientes. Unde non/ vana omnino est illorum authorum opinio, asse-/rentium in plantis diversos inesse sexus sicut et in/ animalibus; quippe qui longa observatione docti/ fuerint, fructus tum ma-/gis praestantes, tum magis faecundos fieri, si pulvisculo illo intra florum/ embryonibus carentium, contento, tempestive tem-/pore aventis disperso, affundantur. Rem confir-/mat clariss. Turnefortius <+> {+ inst. r. herb. 69} ipsam scicitatus a quo-/dam legato Tripolitano ad Regem Chrstianissimum,/ asserente et declarante, ramulum floris palmae maris"/ in spatham palmae faeminae inseri, quo tempore"/ spatha hiare solet. Flos enim explicatus pulverem"/ fundit, sine cuius affectione dactyli acerbi forent"/ et insuaves. Imo et ossiculis carerent, camelis tamtum et iumentis exhibendi, non male Ergo in"/ mares et faeminas a quibusdam distinguntur plan-/tarum illae species, quarum uni fructus, alteii vero [?]/ flores tantum innascuntur, marem illam appel-/lando, quae flores, faeminam vero illam, quae/ solos producit fructus, aut semina proprie dicta, ulti-/mos scilicet plantarum terminos, ad quos tandem/ pertingendos et perficiendos omnis plantarum labor/ contendit, de semine iam superius satis diximus./ Nunc tellat de fructu dicendum, in universum esse/ seminis quodcumque conceptaculum, cuiuscumque male/ [30'] materiae aut formae sit illud; carnosum scilicet, lig-/nosum, membranaceum, molle, durum, siccum, succo-/sum, folliculosum, siliquosum, oblongum, globosum,/ turbinatum, falcatum et millium tandem aliorum/ modorum, quos omnes recensere nimis longa esset/ ambages et Historia. Sciendum tamen, ex omnibus/ in universum fructibus, alios esse simplices, unico scilicet/ membro constantes ut sunt malus, pyrus faba &c./alios vero compositos ex plurimis scilicet membris,/ capitibus aut partibus separabilibus constatos [?]: ut/ sunt Helleborus, paeonia, aquilegia &c. Ex sim-/plicibus alii dicuntur unicapsulares unico scilicet/ aut plurimis seminibus in unica cavitate contentis,/ praegnantes; alii vero multicapsulares, si
intus/ plures habeant cavitates abinvicem separatas uno/ vel pluribus seminibus repletas. Dicuntur etiam/ multiloculares, si plurimis loculamentis intus distinguatur,/ ut sunt pyrus, cyodnia &c. biniloculares tandem/ si duobus tantum loculamentis divisi. Casulae autem/ et loculamenta cellulae quaedam sunt seminibus repletae,/ intra fructus meditullium ut plurimum ordinatae, interdum/ sacculorum aut marsupiorum instar ex omni parte con-/clusae, seu sextis quibusdam inter mediis separatae, interdum/ vero veluti totidem fossulae excavatae et communi/ aditu anterius patefactae./

Haec pauca et quidem paucissima, si dignitas/ et profunditas Botanices attendatur. Praestantiora, am-/plioraque quae desiderantur, suppeditabunt clarissimi/ Bauhini, Turnefortius, Raius, caeterique rerum/ Botanicarum magistri maximi; inter quos Ego Bota-/nicus Minimus Frater Carolus Plumier hoc opuscu-/lum ceu enchiridion, aut mihi manuale, confeci, Pari-/siis in conventu Minimorum, ad plateam Regiam,/ anno reparatae salutis 1703.

## 2. Preface to “Solum, Salum, Coelum Americanum” (BCMNHN MS 23)

[1r] D· O· M

Solum, Salum, Coelum/ Americanum/ seu/ Plantarum, Piscium, Uolucrumque/ Insulis Antillanis Et Sandominicana / naturalium / Icones Et Descriptiones/ Authore/ Patre Carolo Plumier Ordinis Minimorum/ Phisico-Botanico/ nec non/ Parisiensis Conuentus Alumno

Botanicis et Curiosis

Eodsem licet exantlauerint [sic: exanclauerint] labores, iisdemque insudauerint operibus no[n]/ pauci rerum naturalium perscrutatores sagacissimi, eorum tamen accensus/ studiis, me fragilem truci committere pelago, montes adire, ualles, siluasque/ americanas peragrare non horrui.. ut in iis enascentium tum plantarum/ tum animalium mirabiles formas perlustrarem, spectandasque oculis/ [1v] omnium exhiberem.. de uitae humanae breuitate, deque naturae operium in-/numerabilitate certior factus [est].. utpote que nec multi insimul uiri quam tum liber/ studiosi per totum uitae curriculum perfecte tractare potentes usquam ex-/istant. Huic sententiae me ex insulis antillanis minima confirmat solidatque, tot etenim tantarumque rerum mirabilium ferax conspicitur ut/ in ipsis discutiendis post multos adhibitos labores uita unius uiri non suff-/iciat. Tantorum igitur uirorum longe quam abhorrerem ob insudationes,/ quin potius magis ac magis pro mea uirili parte his totus incumbere dec-/reuerim.. Sperans fore ut aliquando et ipse noua incuderem, noua tamen/ incudenda posterioribus ac superstitibus relicturus quibuslibet
quamuis/ insumptis lucubrationibus. Quid tum, ipsius Lucii Annaei Senecae sen-
/tentiam effari liceat, qui praecesserunt non mihi praeripuisse uidetur quae/ dici
poterant, sed aperuisse.. Crescit enim in dies material, et inuenturis in-/ uenta non
obstant. Contestatus fuerit quantumuis sapientissimus rex/ Salomon nihil sub sole
nouum usquam existere.. Contrariis tamen/ confirmamur experientiis, de nouo
quotidiana exoririr noua. Aristoteles,/ Plinius, Hipocrates, Galenus, Dioscorides,
innumeri tandem sapientissimorum alii: tum uegetabilium, tum animalium naturae
inuestigandae penitus incubue-/rint, attamen noua in dies insurgere ipsis omnino
incognita demiramur.

Mathiolus, Bahuinus [sic], Paena, Lobel, ac ipse Clusius curas omnes/ rebus
naturalibus insumpserint; innumera tamen nobis pertractanda reliq-/uerunt. Testes huius,
aetatis nostrae insignes Botanicos, Bocconum, Raium,/ Hermandum aduoco,
potissimum uero illustrissimos quos Gallia nostra/ oblectando reueretur ac intuetur,
Fagonum dico et Tournafortium, alt-/erum Reginae Protomedicum nec non hortus regii
praefectum, alterum uero/ regium botanicum ac demonstrandarum in Regio hortu
parisiensi planta-/rum publicum proffessorem. Quasnam, quotque num/ nobis plantas
denouo ob oculos ab ipsis met detectas exponent, quibus/ se doctissimis quibusque
demirandos demonstrant. Parcant ergo faue-/antque precor rerum perscrutatores
diligentissimi ac me Botanicis inse-/rant. Me nec tam patiens Lacedemon, nec tam
larissae percussit campus/ opimae quam gelidum nemus plantarumque decor, pro quibus
bis patiar/ mori. Uerum enim ut fatear tantus meis exarsit uiseribus rerum/
Botanicarum fervor ut me neque noricus ensis, nec saeuus ignis, nec/ mare naufragum
deterreret; dunc audax omnia perpeti uisam brit-/annos hospitibus seros et laetum
equino sanguine concanum, uisam/ pharetratos gelonos et scithicum inuiolatus amnem.
Non obtusa adeo/ gestamus pectora, casus mihi cogniti tam illustrium uirorum quibus,/
toto post Botanica pectore anhelantibus, nullique parcentibus labori/ dii tandem noua
detegenda uendiderunt. Nec mihi nouercari deos cre-/ diderim qui pro Botanicis
potissimum magnas obeuntia terras tot maria/ intraui, penitusque repostas indorum
gentes. Fauete ergo Doctissimi/ quique, meosque labores benigne accipite: fateor
equidem tum in/ horto parisiensi, tum in horto malabarico satis spectanda reperiri/
quibus abunde ingeniis uestris satisfiat: attamen unum dicam, suis/ sicilicet Americam
decorari mirabilibus, aeque ac Europam et Asiam suis. Non pigeat ergo americanos
labores perscrutari, licet eadem/ forte quae in hortis parisiensi, scilicet et malabarico
uisuntur, conspicia-/ tis, noua tamen poteritis demirari, tum florum in planta eiusdem
speciei/ ordinatione, tum foliorum incisuris, ac tandem fructum configuratione/ [2¹] quae
quodammodo forte diuersa nouum aliquid oculis uestris demirandum/ subiicient.

Favete ergo Doctissimi uiri, meosque minimos labores / benigne adspicite. Ego namque pro benigno fauore, dum memor / ipse mei, dum spiritus hos reget artus, perque undas, perque inuia / saxa adnabo, ut naturam laboriose euiscerando mirabilia sua oculis / uestris satisfaciendo detegam; nouaque diis auspicibus, diuorum et matre / secunda detegendo beneuolentiae uestrae satisfaciam.

Studiorum ac uirtutum uestram cliens humillimus

Fr. Carolus Plumier Minimus.

3. Copies of books with Plumier's ex libris

*The library classmarks of the copies listed here are given between brackets.<fnref n="1" />*

Real Biblioteca, Palacio Real, Madrid

Piso, Willem. *Gulielmi Pisonis medici Amstelaedamensis De Indiae utriusque re naturali et medica libri quatuordecim, quorum contenta pagina sequens exhibet*. Amsterdam: Louis and Daniel Elzevier, 1658. [VIII/15228]

Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid

Worm, Ole. *Museum Wormianum. Seu historia rerum rariorum, tam naturalium, quam artificialium, tam domesticarum, quam exotica rum; quae Hasniae Danorum in aedibus authoris servantur. Adornata ab Olæo Worm, Med. Doct. & in Regiâ Hasniensi Academiâ, olim Professore publico. Variis & accuratis Iconibus illustrata*. Leiden: Jean Elzevier, 1655. [3/50374]

Biblioteca Histórica Marqués de Valdecilla, Universidad Complutense, Madrid

Scilla, Agostino. *La vana speculazione disingannata dal senso. Lettera risponsiva circa i corpi marini, che petrificati si trovano in varii luoghi terrestri*. Naples: Andrea Colicchia, 1670. [BH MED 2584]

Bibliothèque centrale, Muséum nationale d'histoire naturelle, Paris

Linger, Louis. *La culture parfait des jardins fruitiers et potagers avec des dissertations sur des fausses maxims que plusieurs auteurs on établies jusqu'icy sur la taille des Arbres. Par le Sieur Louis Linger, d'Auxerre.* Paris: Damien Beugnié, 1702. [80 Res 764]

Lauremberg, Peter. *Petri Laurembergii Rostochiensis, Apparatus plantarius primus: Tributus in duos libros. I. De plantis bulbosis. II. De plantis tubosis. Quibus Exhibentur praeter nomenclaturas, multiplices earum differentiae & species; Vires; Usus tam culinarius quam Medicus: Cultura sive ratio eas plantandi, conservandi, propagandi. Itemque quae Poetae, Philologi, Philosophi, sacrae litterae, &c. de iis memoratu digna annotarunt. Adiunctaesunt plantarum quarumdam novarum nova Ichonographiae, & descriptiones.* Frankfurt am Main: Matthäus Merian, [1632] (bound with Faber, *Strychnomania*). [9596-2]

<footnote n="1">¹ I am very grateful to Fernando Bouza, who found Plumier’s copies of Piso’s *De Indiae utriusque re naturali et medica* and Worm’s *Museum*, and so rightly insisted that I should immerse myself in Spanish libraries in the search of copies of Plumier’s books and works with his ex libris.</footnote>
Faber, Johann Matthäüs. *Strychnomania explicans strychni manici antiquorum, vel solani furiosii recentiorum, historiae monumentum, indolis nocumentum, antidote documentum.* Quam, occasione stragis, quâ crebritate, quâ celeritate, quâ gravitate mirabiliter noxiferae, ac miserabiliter neciferae, in Ducali Würtemberg, sede, quae est Nostadij ad Cocharum, obortae, Año 1667. prid. Kal. Septembris Styl. Jul. Memoriae cantelae, Medelae gr. Public bono dedicat, Johannes Matth. Faber, August. M.D. Sereniss: suae Celsit. ibid. à Consil. Med. atque nunc Imperialis Heilbronnae Poliat. Primar. Augsburg: Theophilus Goebel and Johann Schönig, 1677 (bound with Lauremberg, *Apparatvs plantarivs primvs*). [9596-2]

Aristotle. De historia animalium libri IX. De partibus animalium & earum causis libri IIII. De generatione animalium libri V. Theodoro de Gaza interprete. De communi animalium gressu liber I. De communi animalium motu liber I. Petro Alcyonio interprete. Paris: Simon de Colines, 1524. [Fol Res 98]

Sibbald, Robert. *Scotia illustrata sive prodromus historiae naturalis in quo regionis, incolarum ingenia & mores, morbi iisque medendi methodus, & medicina indigena accuratè explicantur: et multiplices naturae partus in triplice ejus regno, vegetabili scilicet, animali & minerali per hancce borealem magnae Britaniae partem, quae antiquissimum Scotiae regnum constituit, undiquaque diffusi nunc primum in lucem eruuntur, & varii eorum usus, medici praesertim & mechanici, quos ad vitae cum necessitatem, tum commoditatem praestant, cunctis perspicuè exponuntur: cum figuris aeneis. Opus viginti annorum serenissimi domini regis Caroli. II. magnae Britanniae, &c. monarchae jussu editum. Auctore Roberto Sibbaldo M.D. equite aurato, medico & geographo region, & regii medicorum collegii apud Edinburgum socio. Edinburg: Jacob Knibloe, Joshua Solingensius, John Colmar, 1684. [25 218]

La Brosse, Guy de. *De la nature, vertu, et utilité des plantes. Divisé en cinq livres. Le I. traicte, de l'excellente nature des plantes. Le II. definit & divise les plantes en leurs generales especes, d'autre sorte que celles des anciens, & cherbe leurs vertus. Le III. est un traicté general de la chimie, contenant son ordre & ses parties, monstrât qu'elle est science, qu'elle a des principes & maximes comme les autres sciences; & que mettant la main à l'oeuvre elle est un art tres-excellent, enseignant le moyen de connoistre les qualitez, facultez & vertus des plantes. Le III. discount des proprietez generales des plantes. Le V. est de l'usage generale des plantes. Par Gvy de La Brosse, conseiler & medecin ordinaire du Roy.* Paris: chez Rollin Baragnes, 1628. [80 Res 1065]

Bock, Hieronymus. *Hieronymi Tragi, De stirpium, maxime earum, quae in Germania nostra nascuntur, usitatis nomenclaturis, propriisq[ue] differentiis, neq[ue] non temperaturis ac facultatibus, commentariorum libri tres, Germanica primum lingua conscripti, nunc in Latinam conuersi, interprete Davide Kybero Argentinensi.* Strasbourg: Wendelin Rihel, 1552. [80 Res 347]

Belon, Pierre. *De la nature et diuersité des poissons, auec leurs portraicts, representez au plus pres du naturel. Par Pierre Belon du Mans. A Monseigneur le Reverindiss. Cardinal de Chastillon.* Paris: Charles Estienne, 1555. [80 Res 75]

Bibliothèque interuniversitaire de Santé, pôle médecine-odontologie, Paris

Caldesi, Giovanni. *Osservazioni anatomiche di Giovani Caldesi, Aretino, intorno alle tartarughe marittime, d'acqua dolce, e terrestri. Scritte in una lettera all'illvstriss. sig. Francesco Redi.* Florence: Piero Matini, 1687. [5547]
<figure><img src="image_112.png" /></figure>
Abbreviations

<table><tr><td>AAE</td><td>Archives des Affaires étrangères, La Courneuve</td></tr><tr><td>AAS</td><td>Archives de l'Académie des sciences, Paris</td></tr><tr><td>AN</td><td>Archives nationales, Paris</td></tr><tr><td>ANOM</td><td>Archives nationales d'outre-mer, Aix-en-Provence</td></tr><tr><td>Ars.</td><td>Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, BNF, Paris</td></tr><tr><td>BCMHN</td><td>Bibliothèque centrale of the Muséum national d'histoire naturelle, Paris</td></tr><tr><td>BHMV</td><td>Biblioteca Histórica Marqués de Valdecilla, Universidad Complutense, Madrid</td></tr><tr><td>BIF</td><td>Bibliothèque de l'Institut de France, Paris</td></tr><tr><td>BIUM</td><td>Bibliothèque interuniversitaire de Santé, pôle médecine-odontologie, Paris</td></tr><tr><td>BL</td><td>British Library, London</td></tr><tr><td>BMM</td><td>Bibliothèque municipale, Marseille</td></tr><tr><td>BNE</td><td>Biblioteca nacional de España, Madrid</td></tr><tr><td>BNF</td><td>Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris</td></tr><tr><td>BNF Est.</td><td>BNF, Estampes et photographie, site Richelieu, Paris</td></tr><tr><td>BNF Mss.</td><td>BNF, Département des manuscrits, site Richelieu, Paris</td></tr><tr><td>Bodl.</td><td>Bodleian Library, Oxford</td></tr><tr><td>BR</td><td>Biblioteca Real, Madrid</td></tr><tr><td>CUL</td><td>University Library, Cambridge</td></tr><tr><td>LSLA</td><td>Linnean Society Library and Archives, London</td></tr><tr><td>Maz.</td><td>Bibliothèque Mazarine, Paris</td></tr><tr><td>MMC</td><td>Médiathèque Michel-Crépeau, La Rochelle</td></tr><tr><td>NHM</td><td>Natural History Museum Library, London</td></tr><tr><td>SHDR</td><td>Service historique de la Défense, section Sudouest, Rochefort</td></tr></table>
<figure><img src="image_113.png" /></figure>
# Works Cited

## 1. Primary Sources – Manuscript

### Aix-en-Provence, Archives nationales d'outre-mer (ANOM)

Correspondence of Governor the count of Blénac. Col. B<sup>8A</sup> 9, B<sup>8B</sup> 2.

Secretary of State of the Navy. Departure correspondence, 1645-1715. Col. B<sup>14</sup>.

Ancien Regime colonial personnel. Col. E337<sup>bis</sup>.

### La Courneuve, Archives des Affaires Étrangères (AAE)

Mémoire du Père Plumier sur St Domingue, 1690. Mémoires et documents, 5 (Amérique 2), 1661-1690.

### La Rochelle, Médiathèque Michel-Crépeau (MMC)

"Catalogus Bibliothecae Begonianae secundum scientias et artes digestus." MS 425.

Collection manuscrite A. Bouyer. MS 656.

Copies of correspondence between Charles Plumier and Michel Bégon. MS 867.

### London, British Library (BL)

Manuscript copy of the descriptions and drawings of Plumier's *Nova plantarum Americanarum genera*. Add MS 28609.

"C. Plumier. A Description of American Plants. Manuscript English translation of Plumier's Description des plantes de l'Amérique." Sloane MS 2337.

"Delineationes plantarum Americanarum." Sloane MS 4017.

Correspondence of Sir Hans Sloane. Sloane MSS 4020, 4036-39, 4059-60, 4062-64, 4067.

### London, Linnean Society Library and Archives (LSLA)

"Tracings from unpublished drawings of Plumier in the Library of the Botanic Garden, Oxford." MS No. 635.

### London, Natural History Museum Library and Archives (NHM)

Watercolours and pen-and-ink drawing of plants copied from originals by Plumier. 5 vols. Bauer Unit Shelf H 1-5.

### Marseille, Bibliothèque municipal (BMM)

"Flore américaine, redigée en Latin," or "Icones plantarum." MS 913.

"Catalogus librorum bibliothecae massiliensis minimorum." MS 1485.

### Oxford, Bodleian Library (Bodl.):

Correspondence of Martin Lister. MS Lister 2, 36-7.

Correspondence of Edward Lhuyd. MS Lister 1829, MS Ashmole 1814-17a.
### Paris, Archives de l'Académie des sciences (AAS):

Claude Perrault, "Projet pour les Expériences et observations Anatomiques," *Procés verbaux de l'Académie royale des sciences*, vol. 1: "Registres de physique: 22 décembre 1666-avril 1668," fol. 22-30.

### Paris, Archives nationales (AN):

Jardin du roi. Edicts and regulations, 1618-1793. AJ¹⁵ 501.

Jardin du roi. Journeys and missions. AJ¹⁵ 511.

Public Instruction. Minim convent at Place Royale, 1768-1769. F¹⁷ 1096.

Chapter registers of the Minim convent at Place Royale. LL 1566.

"Index generalissimus omnium librorum bibliothecae conventus patrorum minimorum parisiensium. Tom. 2." 1776. LL 1569.

Navy. Orders and dispatches. MAR B2 66.

Letter of the Minister of the King's House to Jean-Paul Bignon on Tournefort's journey to the Levant. O¹ 44, piece 95.

Navy of the West. Dispatches, 1687. O¹ 61.

Navy of the West. Dispatches, January-June 1689. O¹ 69.

Navy of the West. King's orders and dispatches, January-June 1704. O¹ 178.

"Mémoire que Monseigneur a dressé touchant la publication des ouvrages où il y a des planches gravées." 1670. O¹ 1964² cotte 2.

Jardin du roi. Royal decisions, edicts, land patents, staff, etc., 1635-1708. O¹ 2124.

### Paris, Bibliothèque centrale du Muséum national d'histoire naturelle (BCMNHN)

Exchange of a vellum collection for 37 volumes of drawings by Plumier between the Bibliothèque du roi and the Muséum d'histoire naturelle. AM 612.

Charles Plumier, "Filicetum Americanum seu historia Filicum in insulis Americanis nascentium. Authore Patre Carolo Plumier Ordinis Minimorum Provinciae Franciae. Ab anno 1689 usque annum 1697. Adumbrationes plantarum 197 continet illud volume." MS 1.

Charles Plumier, "Area umbelliferarum Horti Regii Parisiensis, seu plantae umbelliferae quas in Horto Regio demonstrabat Clariss.[imus] D.[ominus] Ios.[ephus] Pitton Tournefort." MS 16.

Charles Plumier, "Hortus Botanicus ex singularis plantarum generibus ad leges Institutionum Rei Herbariae constitutes singulari ex vulgatiori specie consitus. Area prima . . . anno s. 1702. . . . Area secunda . . . An.[no] D.[omini] 1703. 1704." MSS 17-18.

Charles Plumier, "Solum, salum, coelum Americanum, seu plantarum, piscium, volucrumque Insulis Antillanis et Sandominicana naturalium icones et descriptiones." MS 23.

Drawings of fishes, birds, lizards, snakes and insects by Plumier. MS 24.

Charles Plumier, "Conchilia Americana. Authore Patre Carolo Plumier Minimo." MS 26.

Charles Plumier, "Ornithographia Americana, quadrupedia et volatilia continens. Authore R. Patre Carolo Plumier Ordinis Minimorum Provinciae Franciae et Botanico Regio." MS 27.
Drawings of birds by Plumier. MS 29.

Drawings of “tetrapods” by Plumier. MS 30.

Drawings of fishes and shells by Plumier. MS 31.

Diverse notes by Plumier. MS 33.

Charles Plumier, “De naturalibus Antillarum, Authore Patre Carolo Plumier Ordinis Minimorum Provinciae Provencae. Tomus primus.” MS 35.

“Herbier d’Amérique, du Père Plumier.” Colored drawings on velum. MS 37.

Joseph Pitton de Tournefort, “Demonstrations de botanique.” MS 76.

“Dissections de divers poissons faites sur les costes de France pendant les années 1679 et 1680.”
MS 224.

Tournefort's register: catalog of his books, of his collection of portraits, state of his linen, expenses from his journey to Spain in 1687, list of plants, list of seeds sent to Portugal, Strasbourg, Montpellier, Siam, etc., names and addresses of his correspondents, etc. MS 253.

“Description des plantes de l’Amérique par le Père Le Breton, avec une lettre de ce Religieux.”
MS 667.

Observations on American plants, with figures, by Adrien Le Breton, S.J. MS 668.

Botanical descriptions made in Egypt by Augustin Lippi, and letters from him to Fagon. 1704.
MS 944.

Joseph Pitton de Tournefort, “Journal de botanique du Levant,” with letters from him. MS 998.

Bernard de Jussieu, “Motifs et plan de l'édition [in-4°] d'un ouvrage manuscript de botanique, du R.P. Plumier, très intéressant pour la perfection de cette science.” MS 1176.

Botanical descriptions made in Egypt by Augustin Lippi, with figures. MS 1299.

Sébastien Vaillant, “Journal du voyage que j'ay fait, avec Mr Danty d'Isnard, sur les costes de Normandie, pour la recherche de plantes, par l'ordre de Mr Fagon.” MS 1346.

“Tableau élémentaire de botanique.” MS Jus 30/58.

### Paris, Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, BNF (Ars.)

Plumier's notes, abridgements, and excerpts from Tournefort's *Élémens de botanique* and Bourdon's *Nouvelle description anatomique*. MS 2502.

“Descriptions des plantes de l'Amérique.” Manuscript draft of the images and texts in the printed book. MS 2875.

“Index generalissimus omnium librorum bibliothecae conventûs partrum minimorum parisiensium. Tom. I.” 1730. MS 6203.

### Paris, Bibliothèque de l'Institut de France (BIF)

“Historia plantarum per Americas insulas, annis 1689-1697 observatarum a R. P. Car. Plumier.”
MS 979.

Charles Plumier, “Americanarum plantarum icones.” 3 vols. MS 980-2.
Aubert Aubert du Petit-Thouars. "Flore des Îles de France et Bourbon. Ptérographie ou description et histoire des fougères qui croissant dans ces îles, consacrée à la mémoire du R. P. Plumier, qui le premier a porté la lumière dans cette famille intéressante." MS 1824.

"Lettre des Minimes de la Trinité-du-Mont à Louis XIII lui demandant sa protection," 1620. MS Fonds Godefroy 268.

### Paris, Bibliothèque Mazarine (Maz.)

"Catalogue de la bibliothèque des Minimes Place Royale." MS 4146.

"Catalogue alphabétique pour la bibliothèque de RR.PP. Minimes de la Place Royale, dont les livres doivent se trouver un jour rassemblez dans un seuil vaisseau, selon l'ordre que l'on va marquer, et qui se trouvent maintenant dispersez selon le même ordre, sous le titres suivants." 1722. MS 4147.

"Catalogue alphabétique des différents auteurs et pièces différentes qui se trouvent relies ensemble dans nos recueils, sous différentes lettres fait par l'ordre du Reverend Pere Provinciale en 1725." Alphabetical catalog of the library of the Minim convent in Place Royale. MS 4148.

"Index generalissimus omnia librorum bibliothecae conventus partrum minimorum Parisiensium. Tom. III." 1776. MS 4149.

"Catalogue de la bibliothèque du couvent des Minimes à la Place Royale." MS 4150.

### Paris, BNF, Département des Estampes et photographie (BNF Est.)

Collection of 47 engravings of ferns and other plants. Ad-3-Pet. Fol.

Collection of plates from Filippo Bonanni's *Ricreatione dell'occhio e della mente* (some of them coloured) with Plumier's comments and some additional manuscript drawings. JB-68-4.

"Catalogue en forme d'inventaire du cabinet d'estampes de Mr Bégon, acquis par le roy le 23 avril 1770." Ye-25-4.

"Catalogue de portefeuilles du père Plumier remis en 1767 au garde des Estampes du Roi." Réserve Ye-27-Pet. Fol.

### Paris, BNF, Département des Manuscrits (BNF Mss.)

Papers of Jean-Paul Bignon. Français 22225, 22229.

Collection of manuscript images of plants attributed to Plumier. Latin 18497.

"Annales de l'ordre des Religieux Minimes, et en particulier de la Province de France, où se trouve l'abrégé de la vie de St François de Paul son Fondateur, les généraux de l'ordre, les vingt huit couvents de la Province de France, les Provinciaux qui les ont gouvernées, et en particulier les Mémoires chronologiques du Convent des Minimes de Paris, ou de la Place Royale, par le fr. J. F. D. R. M.," 1758. MS 23126.

## 2. Primary Sources – Printed

*A Catalogue of the Botanical and Natural History Part of the Library of the Late John, Earl of Bute. Including his Lordship's Noble Collection of Coloured Drawings in Natural History*. London: printed by the authors, 1794.
Acosta, José. *Histoire naturelle et moralle des Indes, tant Orientales qu'Occidentales*. . . *Composé en Castillan par Joseph Acosta, & traduite en François par Robert Regnault Cauxois*. Paris: chez Marc Orry, 1606.

Bacon, Francis. *The Essayes or Counsels, Civill and Morall, of Francis Lo. Verulam, Viscount of St. Alban. Newly Written*. London: printed by John Haviland for Hanna Barret, and Richard Whitaker, 1625.

—. *The Works of Francis Bacon*. Edited by James Spedding, Robert L. Ellis, and Douglas D. Heath, 14 vols. London: Longmans, 1857-74.

Baudelot de Dairval, Charles César. *De l'utilité des voyages et de l'avantage que la recherche des antiquitez procure aux scavans*, 2 vols. Paris: chez Pierre Ausoïn et Pierre Emery, 1696.

Bauhin, Gaspard. ΦΙΤΟΠΙΝΑΞ [Phytopinax] seu enumeratio plantarum ab Herbarijs nostro seculo descriptarum, cum earum differentijs. Basel: per Sebastianum Hericpetri [1596].

—. *Theatrum anatomicum novis figuris aeneis illustratum et in lucem emissum opera & suptibus Theodori de Bry p. m. relicta vidua & filiorum Ioannis Theodori & Ioannis Israelis de Bry*. Frankfurt: typis Matthaei Beckeri, 1605.

—. *Catalogus plantarum circa Basileam spontè nascentium cum earumdem Synonymiis & locis in quibus reperiuntur*. Basel: Johan Jacobi Genathii, 1622.

—. Πίναξ [Pinax] Teatri Botanici Caspari Bauhini Basileens. Archiatri & Professoris Ordin. sive Index in Theophrasti Dioscoridis Plinii et Botanicorum qui à seculo scripserunt opera: Plantarum circiter ex millium ab ipsis exhibitarum nomina cum earundem synonymiis & diferentiis. Basel: suptibus & typis Ludovici Regis, 1623.

Belon, Pierre. *Les observations de plusieurs singularités et choses memorables, trouvées en Grece, Asie, Iudée, Egypte, Arabie, & autres pays estranges, redigées en trois livres*. Paris: en la boutique de Gilles Corrozet, 1553.

—, L'histoire de la nature des oyseaux, avec leurs descriptions, & naifs portraits retirez du naturel. Paris: en la boutique de Gilles Corrozet, 1555.

—. *La nature & diversité des poissons, avec leur pourtraicts, representez au plus pres du naturel*. Paris: chez Charles Estienne, 1555.

Bianchini, Francesco. *La istoria universal provata con monumenti e figurate con simboli degli antichi*. Rome: stampata à spese dell'Autore nella Stamperia di Antonio di Rossi, 1697.

Blegny, Nicolas. See Abraham du Pradel.

Bloch, Marcus Elieser. *Histoire naturelle des poissons, avec les figures dessinées d'après nature*. 10 vols. Paris: Imprimerie de Crapelet, 1800.

Blois, Théodore de. *Histoire de Rochefort, contenant l'établissement de cette ville, de son port et arsenal de marine, et les antiquitez de son château*. Paris: chez Briasson, 1733.

Bonanni, Filippo. *Observationes circa viventia, quae in rebus non viventibus reperiuntur. Cum micrographia curiosa sive rerum minutissimarum observationibus, quae ope microscopii recognitae ad vivum exprimuntur*. Rome: Typis Dominici Antonii Herculis, 1691.

—. *Ricreatione dell'occhio e della mente nell'osservation' delle chiocciole, proposta à curiosi delle opere della natura dal P. Filippo Buonanni dell'Compagnia di Giesù. Con quattrocento, e cinquanta figure di testacei diversi, sopra cui si spiegano molti curiosi problemi*. Rome: per il Varese, a spese di Felice Cesaretti, 1691.
—. *Numismata summorum pontificum templi vaticani fabricam indicantia. Chronologica ejusdem fabricae narratione, ac multipli eruditione explicata, atque uberiori numismatum omnium pontificiorum lububrationi vleuti prodromus praemisa.* Rome: sumptibus Felicis Caesaretti, & Peribeni, typis Dominici Antonii Herculis, 1696.

—. *Musaeum Kircherianum sive musaeum a P. Athanasio Kirchero In Collegio Romano Societatis Jesu jam pridem incooptum nuper restitutum, auctum, descriptum, & Ionibus illustratum.* Rome: Typis Giorgii Plachi, 1709.

Borch, Ole. *Hermetis, Aegyptiorum, et chemicorum sapientia ab Hermanni Conringii animadversionibus vindicata.* Copenhagen: sumptibus Petri Hauboldi, Reg. Acad. Bibl., 1674.

Bosse, Abraham. *Traicté des manières de graver en taille-dovce svr l'airin.* Paris: chez ledit Bosse, 1645. Reedited as *De la manière de graver à l'eau forte et au burin.* Paris: Charles-Antoine Jombert, 1745.

Bourdon, Amé. *Nouvelles tables anatomiques. Ou son représentées au naturel toutes les parties du Corps humain, toutes les nouvelles découvertes, le cours de toutes les humeurs, les lieux où elles déposent leurs excrements. On y a joint un petit livre qui en fait la description et en explique clairement les Usages, avec ordre et en peu de mots. Le tout defsiné et compose par Amé Bourdon, medecin.* Cambrai: chez l'autheur; Paris: chez Laurens d'Houry, 1678.

—. *Nouvelle description anatomique de toutes les parties du corps humain, & de leurs usages, avec le cours de toutes les humeurs. Sur le principe de la circulation, & conformément aux nouvelles découvertes. Le tout représenté au naturel sur plusieurs grandes Tables, reduit en un tres-bel ordre, expliqué en peu de mots, & d'une manière tres-lisible.* Paris: de l'Imprimerie de Jacques Langois, 1679.

Boyle, Robert. "General Heads for a Natural History of a Countrey, Great or small, imparted likewise by Mr. Boyle." *Philosophical Transactions* 1 (1665): 186-9.

—. *The correspondence of Robert Boyle, edited by Michael Hunter, Antonio Clericuzio and Lawrence M. Principe.* London: Pickering & Chatto, 2001.

Brice, Germain. *Description nouvelle de la ville de Paris, ou recherché curieuse des choses les plus singulières & les plus remarquables qui se trouvent à present dans cette grande ville,* 2 vols. Paris: Nicolas Le Gras, Nicolas Le Clerc, Barthelemy Girin, 1698.

Burton, Robert. *The Anatomy of Melancholy*. 1621. 3 vols. New York: Sheldon and Company, 1862.

Caldessi, Giovanni. *Osservazioni anatomiche di Giovanni Caldessi Aretino intorno alle tartarughe marittime, d'acqua dolce, e terrestre. Scritte in una lettera all'illustriss. sig. Francescro Redi.* Florence: per Piero Matini, 1687.

*Catalogue de feu M. Danty d'Isnard, Medecin, Ancien Professeur Royal des Plantes au Jardin du Roy; & de l'Académie royale des sciences.* Paris: Gabriel Martin, 1744.

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*Catalogue des livres de la bibliothèque de feu C. L. L'Héritier de Brutelle.* Paris: chez Guillaume Debure, l'aîné, 1802.

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—. *Exoticorum libri decem*. Leiden: Officina Plantiniana, 1605.

Colbert, Jean-Baptiste, *Lettres, instructions et mémoires de Colbert. Publiés d'après les ordres de l'empereur sur la proposition de son excellence M. Magnet, ministre secrétaire d'État des finances*. Edited by Pierre Clément. 8 vols. in 10. Paris: Imprimerie impériale, 1861-82.

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Costa, Cristóvão da. *Tractado de las drogas, y medicinas de las Indias orientales, con sus plantas debuxadas al bivo por Christoval Acosta medico y cirujano que las vio ocularmente*. Burgos: por Martín de Victoria, 1578.

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Cuvier, Georges. "Sur les différentes espèces de crocodiles vivans et sur leurs caractères distinctifs." *Annales du Muséum national d'histoire naturelle, par les professeurs de cet établissement* 10 (1807).

—. *Histoire des sciences naturelles, depuis leur origine jusqu'à nous jours, chez tous les peuples connus, proféssé au Collège de France*, ed. Magdelaine de Saint-Agy, 5 vols. Paris: Fortin, Mason, et Cie. Libraires, 1841-5.

Cyrano de Bergerac, Savinien de. *The Comical History of the States and Empires of the Worlds of the Moon and Sun*. Translated by A. Lovell. London: Henry Rhodes, 1687.

Daléchamps, Jacques. *Historia generalis plantarum*. Lyon: apud Guglielmum Rovillium, 1586.

Defoe, Daniel. *An Essay on the Regulation of the Press*. London: n. p., 1704.

Defournier, Esprit. *Discours des admirables qualitez et vertus des eaux minérales retrouvées dans le terroir de la ville de Baignolz... Distillées par le Ministere de F. Jean Germain, religieux de l'ordres des Minimes*. Lyon: Louys Odin, 1636.

"Décret portant suppression de toutes les académies & sociétés littéraires, pattentées ou dotées par la nation." August 8, 1773. In *Collection générale des décrets par la Convention nationale... Août 1793*, 56-7. Paris: Baudoin, 1793.

*Description anatomique d'un cameléon, d'un castor, d'un dromadaire, d'un ours, et d'une gazelle*. Paris: chez Frédéric Léonard, 1669.

Dezallier d'Argenville, Antoine-Joseph. *L'histoire naturelle éclaircie dans deux de ses parties principales, la lithologie et la conchyliologie, dont l'une traite des pierres et l'autre des coquillages*. Paris: chez Du Bure l'Aîné, 1742.

*Dictionnaire de la Provence et du Comté-Venaissin... par une société de gens de lettres*. Marseille: Jean Mossy, Pere & Fils, 1787.

*Dictionnaire des monogrammes chiffrés, lettres initiales, logogryphes, rébus, &c. sous lesquels les plus célèbres peintres, graveurs & dessinateurs ont dessiné leurs noms*. Paris: Sébastian Jorry, 1750.
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Dillenius, Johann Jakob. *Catalogus platnarum sponte circa Gissam nascentium*. Frankfurt-am-Main: J. Maximilianum à Sande, 1719.

—. *Hortus Elthamensis*. London: sumptibus auctoris, 1732.

Dionis, Pierre. *L'anatomie de l'homme suivant la circulation du sang, & les dernières découvertes*. Paris: chez Laurent d'Houry, 1690.

"Directions for Sea-Men, Bound for Far Voyages." *Philosophical Transactions* 1 (1665): 140-3.
Translated into French as "Extrait du journal d'Angleterre, contenant des instructions pour ceux qui ont à faire de long voyages sur mer." In *Journal des scavans*, 193-6. Paris: chez Jean Cusson, 1666.

Dodart, Denis. *Mémories pour servir à l'histoire naturelle des plantes*. Paris: de l'Imprimerie royale, 1676.

Du Laurens, André. *Discorsi della conservation della vista, delle malattie melanconiche, dell'catarri, e della vecchiaia, composti in lingua francesca dal sig. Andrea Lorenzo, medico fisico. ... Tradotti in lingua italiana, e commentate, da Fr. Gio. Germano*. Naples: per Lazzaro Scorigio, 1624.

—. *Historia anatomica humani corporis et singularum eius prtium multis controversy & observationibus novis illustrata*. Frankfurt: apud Matthaeum Bekerum impensis Theodorici de Bry viduae et duorum filiorum, [1599?]. Translated by François Sizé as *Histoire anatomique, en laquelle toutes les parties du corps humain sont amplement declarées: enrichie de controverses & observations nouvelles*. Lyon: Simon Rigaud, [1631].

Du Tertre, Jean-Baptiste. *Histoire générale des isles de S. Christophe, de la Guadeloupe, de la Martinique et autres dans l'Amérique*. Paris: chez Jacques Langlois et Emmanuel Langlois, 1654.

—. *Histoire générale des Antilles habitées par les François*. 3 vols. Paris: chez Thomas Jolly, 1667-71.

Ellis, John. *An Essay Towards a Natural History of the Corallines* (London: printed for the author, and sold by A. Millar, 1755.

"Eulogio di P. Philippo Buonanni." *Giornale de' letterati d'Italia* 37 (1725): 360-88.

*Extrait d'une lettre écrite à Monsieur de La Chambre, qui contient les observations qui ont été faites sur un grand poisson dissequé dans la bibliothèque du roy, le ving-quatrième juin 1667* [with *Observations qui ont été faites sur un lion dissequé dans la bibliothèque du roy, le ving-huictième juin 1667*. Tirées d'une lettre à Monsieur de La Chambre]. Paris: chez Frédéric Léonard, 1667.

[Fernández de Oviedo y Valdés, Gonzalo.] *La Historia general de las Indias con privilegio real*. [Seville: Juan Cromberger, 1535].

Feuillée, Louis. *Journal des observations physiques, mathématiques, et botaniques*, 3 vols. Paris: chez Pierre Giffart, 1714-1725.

Fontenelle, Bernard Le Bovier. "Éloge de M. de Tournefot." In *Histoire de l'Académie royale des sciences. Année MDCCVIII*, 143-54. Paris: par la Compagnie des Libraires, 1708.

Furetière, Antoine. *Dictionnaire universel, contenant généralement tous les mots français, tant vieux que modernes, & les termes de toutes les sciences et les arts*. 3 vols. The Hague and Rotterdam: chez Arnout & Reinier Leers, 1690. 2nd edition, 1701.

Garidel, Pierre-Joseph. *Histoire des plantes qui naissent aux environs d'Aix, et dans plusieurs autres endroits de la provence*. Aix-en-Provence: Joseph David, 1715.
Germain, Jean. *Breve e sustantiale trattato intorno alle figure anathomiche delli piu principali Animali terestri, Aquatili, et Volatili, con la simpatia et convenienza che hanno, o in parte, on in tutto, con il corpo humano con maturi et succinti discorsi dalle loro naturali proprietà di Geroglifichi, et moralità piu curiosi, cavati.* *Composto da F. Gio. Germano Fràcese Medico Chirurgico, et al presente Religioso minimo del ordine di S. Francisco di Paola.* Naples: per Domenico Maccarino, 1625.

—. *La parfaite quint-essence de la chirurgie reduite en cinq parties.* Lyon: chez Simon Rigaud, 1630.

Gessner, Conrad. *Catalogus plantarum Latinè, Graecè, Germanicè, & Gallicè.* Zurich: apud Christoph. Froschouerum, 1542.

Grew, Nehemiah. *The Anatomy of Plants. With an Idea of a Philosophical History of Plants.* London: printed by W. Rawlins, for the Author, 1682. Translated by Louis Le Vasseur as *Anatomie des plantes qui contienent une description exacte de leurs parties & de leurs usages, & qui fait voir comment elles se forment, & comment elles croissant.* Paris: Lambert Roulland, 1675.

—. *The Comparative Anatomy of Trunks, Together with an Account of their Vegetation grounded thereupon; in Two Parts.* London: printed by J. M. For Walter Kettilby, 1675.

—. *Musaeum Regalis Societatis. Or A Catalogue & Description of the Natural and Artificial Rarities Belonging to the Royal Society.* London: printed by W. Rawlins, for the Author, 1681.

Hermann, Paul. *Schola botanica, sive Catalogus plantarum.* Amsterdam: apud Henricum Wetstenium, 1689.

—. *Paradisus Batavus: continens plus centum plantas affabrè aere incisas & descriptionibus illustratas.* Leiden: apud Abrahamum Elzevier, 1698.

*Histoire de l'Académie royale des sciences, année 1700. Avec les Memoires de Mathematiques & de Physique, pour la même année. Tirés des Registres de cette Academie.* Paris: apud Joannem Boudot, 1703.

Hooke, Robert. *Micrographia: or some physiological descriptions of minute bodies made by magnifying glasses.* London: printed by Jo. Martyn and Jo. Allestry, 1665.

Labat, Jean-Baptiste. *Nouveau voyage aux isles de l'Amérique, contenant l'histoire naturelle de ces pays, l'origine, les mœurs, la religion & le gouvernement des habitans anciens & modernes.* 6 vols. La Haye: chez P. Husson, T. Johnson, P. Gosse, J. van Duren, R. Alberts, & C. Le Vier, 1724.

Lavoisier, Antoine-Laurent de. "Seconde lettre de Lavoisier au Comité d'Instruction Publique," Paris, 10 August 1793, in *Procès verbaux du Comité d'Instruction publique de la Convention Nationale*, ed. M. J. Guillaume, vol. 2. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1894: 314-17.

Le Clerc, Jean. "Monsieur Le Clerc's Character of Mr Lock's Method with his Advice about Use of Common-places." In John Locke, *A New Method of Making Common-Place-Books*. London: printed for J. Greenwood, 1706.

*Le dictionnaire de l'Académie française, dedié au Roy*, 2 vols. Paris: chez la veuve de Jean Baptiste Coignard, et chez Jean Baptiste Coignard, 1694.

Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm. *Oeuvres de Leibniz, publiées pour la première fois d'après les manuscripts originaux*, edited by Louis-Alexandre Foucher de Careil, vol. 1. Paris: Librairie de Firmin Didot Frères, Fils et Cie., 1859.

Leméry, Nicolas. *Traité universel des drogues simples, mises en ordre alphabétique.* Paris: chez Laurent d'Houry, 1698.

Linnaeus, Carl. *Genera plantarum eorumque caracteres naturales secundum numerum, figuram, situm, & proportionem ómnium fructificationes partium.* Leiden: apud Conradum Wishoff, 1737.
—. *Sytema naturae, per regna tria naturae, secundum classes, ordines, genera, species, cum characteribus, differentiis, synonymis, locis*. 10th ed. 2 vols. Stockholm: Impensis Direct. Laurentii Salvii, 1758.

—. *A Selection of the Correspondence of Linnaeus, and Other Naturalists, from the Original Manuscripts*. Edited by James Edward Smith. 2 vols. London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown, 1821.

—. *The “Critica Botanica” of Linnaeus*. Translated by Arthur Hort. London: Ray Society, 1938.

—. *The Linnaean Correspondence*. http://linnaeus.c18.net.

Lister, Martin. *A Journey to Paris in the Year 1698*. London: printed for Jacob Tonson, 1699.

Mabillon, Jean. *Traité des études monastiques*. Paris: chez Charles Robustel, 1691.

Magnol, Pierre. *Botanicum Monspeliense. Sive plantarum circa Monspelium nascentium index. In quo plantarum nomina meliora seliguntur: loca, in quibus plantae spontè adolescent, tum à prioribus Botanicis, tum ab Authore observata indicantur: & praecipuae facultates traduntur*. Montpellier: ex officina Danielis Pech, 1686.

Maignan, Emmanuel. *Perspectiva horaria, sive de horographia gnomotica tum theoretica, tum practica libri quatuor*. Rome: Philippi Rubei, 1648.

Malpighi, Marcello. *Anatome plantarum*, 2 vols. London: impensis John Martyr, Regiae Societatis Typographi, 1675.

Marcgraf, Christian. "The Biography of Georg Marcgraf (1610-1643/4) by his brother Christian, translated by James Petiver." Edited by P. J. P. Whitehead. *Journal of the Society for the Bibliography of Natural History* 9, no. 3 (1979): 301-14.

[Marcgraf, Georg, and Willem Piso.] *Historia naturalis Brasiliae, auspicio et beneficio illustriss. I. Mauritii Com. Nassau illius provinciae et maris summi prafecti adornata, in qua non tantum plantae et Animalia, sed et indigenarum morbi, ingenia et mores describuntur et iconibus supra quingentas illustrantur*. Leiden: apud Franciscum Hackium; Amsterdam: apud Lud. Elzevirium, 1648.

Mariette, Pierre-Jean. *Abecédario de P. J. Mariette et autres notes inédites de et auteur sur les arts et les artistes*, 2nd ed. Paris: J. B. Dumoulin, 1858-1859.

Ménestrier, Claude-François. *Les recherches du blason. Seconde partie de l'usage des armoires*. Paris: chez Estienne Michallet, 1673.

Mentzel, Christian. *Πίναξ Βοτανώνυμος Πολύγλωσσος Κατολικός* [Pinax Botanonymos Polyglottos Katholikos] *Index nominum plantarum universalis*. Berlin: Officina Rungiana, 1682.

Molière. *Le malade imaginaire*. 1673. In *Oeuvres complètes*, edited by Georges Couton. Paris: Gallimard, 1988.

Molinet, Claude du. *Le cabinet de la bibliothèque de Sainte Genevieve*. Paris: chez Antoine Dezallier, 1692.

Montfaucon, Bernard de. *Diarium italicum. Sive monumentorum veterum, bibliothecarum, musaeorum, &c. Notitiae singulares in itinerario collectae, additis schematibus ac figuris*. Paris: apud Joannem Anisson. *Typographiae Regiae Praefectoum*, 1702.

—. *L'antiquité expliquée et représentée en figures*. 10 vols. Paris: chez Florentin Delaulne, Hilaire Foucault, Michel Clousier, Jean-Geoffroy Nyon, Etienne Ganeau, Nicolas Gosselin, et Pierre-François Giffart, 1710. Translated by David Humphreys as *Antiquity explained, and represented in sculptures, by the learned father Montfaucon*. 5 vols. London: printed by J. Tonson and J. Watts, 1721-2.
Morison, Robert. *Plantarum umbelliferarum distributio nova, per tabulas cognationis et affinitatis ex libro Naturae observata & detecta*. Oxford: E Theatro Sheldoniano, 1672.

Nadal, Jerónimo. *Evangelicae historiae imagines: ex ordine Evangeliorum quae toto anno in missae sacrificio reicantur in ordinem temporis vitae Christi digestae*. Antwerp: n.p. 1593.

—. *Adnotationes et meditationes in evangelia quae in sacrosanto missae, sacrificio toto anno leguntur; cum evangeliorum concordantia historiae integritati sufficienti*. Antwerp: excudebat Martinus Nutius, 1595.

Nicéron, Jean-François. *La perspective curieuse, ou magie artificielle des effets merveilleux de l'optique, par la vision directe; la catoptrique, par la reflexion des miroirs plats, cylindriques & coniques; la dioptrique, par la refraction des crystaux*. Paris: chez Pierre Billaine, 1648.

[Noël, François, and Joseph Planche.] *Éphémérides politiques, littéraires et religieuses. 3<sup>rd</sup> ed.* Paris: chez Le Normant et H. Nicolle, 1812.

Orta, Garcia da. *Colóquios dos simples e drogas e cousas mediçinais da India*. Goa: por João de Endem, 1563.

Perrault, Charles. *Les hommes illustres qui ont paru en France pendant le XVII siècle*. 2<sup>nd</sup> ed. 2 vols. Paris: chez Antoine Dezallier, 1701.

[Perrault, Claude, ed.] *Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire naturelle des animaux*. Paris: de l'Imprimerie royale, 1671. Translated [by Alexander Pitfield] as *Memoir's for a Natural History of Animals, Containing the Anatomical Description of Several Creatures Dissected by the Royal Academy of Sciences at Paris*. London: printed for John Clarke, 1701.

Perrault, Claude. *Essais de physique, ou recueil de plusieurs traitez touchant les choses naturelles*. Paris: chez Jean Baptiste Coignard, 1680.

Petiver, James. *Musei Petiveriani centuria prima, rariora naturae*. London: ex officina S. Smith & B. Walford, 1695.

—. "A Catalogue of Some Guinea-Plants, with Their Native Names and Virtues." *Philosophical Transactions* 19 (1695-1697): 677-86.

—. *Brief Directions for the Easie Making, and Preserving Collections of all Natural Curiosities*. London: n.p. [1709?]*

—. *Pteri-graphia Americana icones continens plusquam 400 filicum variarum specierum. Viz. Arborescentes, scandentes, spinosas, floriferas, aliasque perraras; nec non muscos, lichenes, fungos, corallia, spongias, aliaq. Non pauca submarina cui adiiciuntur crustacea, testacea, aliaque animalia ferè omina ex insulis nostris Charibbaeis viz Antego Barbados, St. Christophers, Nevis, Jamaica, & figuris Aenaeis, Folio incisis. XX Tabulis. A Jacopo Petiver, Soc. Regal. S. Lond.* [London: n. p., 1712].

—. *Jacobi Pettiveri Opera, Historia Naturalem Spectantia: Containing Several Thousand Figures of Birds, Beasts, Fish, Reptiles, Insects, Shells, Corals, and Fossils*. London: printed for John Millan, 1767.

Piazza, Carlo Bartolomeo. *Euseuologio romano*. Rome: Felice Cefaretti et Paribeni, 1698.

Piganiol de la Force, Jean-Aymar. *Description de Paris, de Versailles, de Marly, de Meudon, de S. Cloud, de Fontainebleau, et de toutes les autres belles maisons & châteaux des environs de Paris*, 10 vols. Paris: chez Charles-Nicolas Poirion, 1742.

Piso, Willem. *Indiae utriusque re naturali et medica libris quatuordecim. Quorum contenta pagina sequens exhibirent*. Amsterdam: apud Ludovicum et Danielem Elzeverios, 1658.

Pliny, *Natural History*. Edited and translated by W. H. S. Jones, vol. 7. London: Heinemann, 1966.
Plukenet, Leonard. *Almagestum botanicum, sive phytographiae Plukenetianae onomasticon method sintheticâ digestum*. London: Sumptibus autoris, 1696.

Plumier, Charles. *Description des plantes de l'Amérique avec leurs figures*. Par le R. P. Charles Plumier, *Religieux Minime*. Paris: de l'Imprimerie royale, 1693.

—. *L'art de tourner, ou de faire en perfection toutes sortes d'ouvrages au tour*. Dans lequel outre les principes & élemens du Tour qu'on y enseigne méthodiquement pour tourner tant de bois, l'ivoire &c. que le fer & tous les autres métaux, on voit encore plusieurs belles machines à faire des Ovales, tant simples que figures de toutes grandeurs; la manière de tourner le globle parfait, le rampane, l'excentrique, les pointes de diamant, les facettes, le panier ou échiquier, la couronne ondoyante, la rose à raiseau, les manches de couteaux façon d'Angleterre, les ovaires, la torse à jour ondée & goderonnée, les globes concentriques, la massuë à pointes, les tabatieres barlongues de toutes figures, le baton rompu, les cannelures, les écailles &c. & généralement toutes les méthodes les plus secretes de cet art, avec la disposition des Tours, etc. Ouvrage très curieux, et très nécessaire à ceux qui s'exercent au Tour. Composé en François & en Latin en faveur des Etrangers, & enrichi de près de quatre-vingt Planches. Par le R. P. Charles Plumier, *Religieux Minime*. Imprimé à Lion, & se vend à Paris: chez Jean Jombert. Reedited as L'art de tourner, ou de faire en perfection toutes sortes d'ouvrages au tour dans lequel, outre les principes & les élemens du Tour qu'on y enseigne pour Tourner tant le bois & l'ivoire, que le fer & les autres métaux, on voit encore plusieurs belles Machines à faire des Ovales, tant simples que figurées, de toutes grandeurs; la manière de Tourner le globe parfait, le rampant, l'excentrique, les pointes de diamant, les facettes, le panier ou échiquier, la couronne ondoyante, la rose à raiseau, les manches de couteaux façon d'Angleterre, les ovaires, la tourse à jour ondée & goderonnée, les globes concentriques, la massuë à pointes, les tabatieres barlongue de toutes figures, le bâton rompu, les cannelures, les écailles, &c. & généralement toutes les méthodes les plus secretes de cet Art. Ouvrage très curieux et très-necessaire à ce qui s'exercent au Tour. Composé en François & en Latin en faveur des Etrangers, & enrichi de quatre-vingt Planches. Par le R. P. Charles Plumier, *Religieux Minime*. Nouvelle edition, corrigée & augmentée*. Paris: chez Charles-Antoine Jombert, 1749. Translated as *Die Kunst zu drechseln, oder alle Arten von Arbeit auf der Drehbank vollkommen zu verfertigen, ehemals in franzsischer und lateinischer sprache vom hrn. P. Carl Plümier, aus dem Orden der Minimen, abgefaßt, nun neben der französischen Urschrift mit einer deutschen Uebersetzung, einigen Anmerkungen, Zusäßen und Kupfern vermehrt herausgegeben von einem Liebhaber der Drehkunst. Mit vier und achtzig Rupfertafeln*. Lepizig: verlegts Bernhard Christoph Breitkopf und Sohn, 1776.<fnref n="1" />

—. *Filicetum Americanum, seu filicum, polypodiorum, adiantorum, &c.* in *America nascentium, icones*. Paris: E. Typ. Regia, 1703.

—. *Nova plantarum Americanarum genera*. Authore P. Carolo Plumier Ordinis *Minimorum in Provincia Franciae, & apud Insulas Americanas Botanico Regio*. Paris: apud Joannem Boudot, 1703.

—. "Réponse du P. C. Plumier Minime, à une lettre de Mr Baulot écrite de la Rochelle." In *Mémoires pour l'Histoire des Sciences & des beaux Arts*. Recueillis par l'Ordre de Son Altesse Sérénissime Monseigneur Prince Souverain de Dombes. Septembre 1702, 112-128. Trévoux: de l'Imprimerie de S. A. S. à Trévoux, et se vendent à Paris, chez Jean Boudot, 1704.

—. "Réponse du R. P. Plumier à diverses questions d'un Curieux sur le Crocodile, sur le Colubri, & sur la Tortuë." In *Mémoires pour l'Histoire des Sciences & des beaux Arts*. Recueillis par l'Ordre de Son Altesse Serenissime Monseigneur Prince Souverain de Dombes. Janvier 1704, 165-75. Trévoux: de l'Imprimerie de S. A. S à Trévoux, et se vend à Paris, chez Jean Boudot, 1704.

<footnote n="1">¹ I have only included here those of editions of Plumier's books that I actually used. For a comprehensive list of all the editions of Plumier's books that I have been able to trace, see fig. 5.1.</footnote>
—. *Tractatus de Filicibus Americanis. Authore R.P. Carolo Plumier, Ordinis Minimorum in Provincia Franciae, & apud Insulas Americanas Botanico Regio/Traité des fougères de l'Amérique. Par le R.P. Charles Plumier, Minime de la Province de France, & Botaniste du Roy dans les Isles de l'Amérique.* Paris: de l'Imprimerie royale, 1705.

—. "Observation XI. Concernant les soruds, & sur l'oreille de la tortue, par le R. P. Charles Plumier, de l'Ordre des PP. Minimes & Botaniste du Roi." Edited by Jacques-Fabien Gautier, or Gautier d'Agoty. In *Observations sur l'histoire naturelle, sur la physique et sur la peinture* 1, no. 3 (1752): 131-8.

—. *Plantarum Americanarum fasciculus primus [-decimus], continens plantas, quas olim Carolus Plumierius, Botanicorum Princeps detexit, eruitque, atque in Insulis Antillis ipse depincit. Has primum in lucem edidit, concinnis descriptionibus, & observationibus, aeneisque tabulis illustravit Joannes Burmannus, M. D. Athenaei illustris, & in Horto Medico Amstelaedamensi Professor Botanices, Academiae Caesareae Naturae Curiosorum Socius.* Published by the author [Burman]; sold in Amsterdam: Botanic Garden and Widow and son of S. Schouten, and Leiden: Gerard Potuliet and Theodore Haak, 1755-60.

Pomet, Pierre. *Droguier curieux ou catalogue des drogues simples et composées, 2nd ed.* Paris: chez Laurent d'Houry, 1709.

Pradel, Abraham du [Nicolas du Blegny]. *Le livre commode des addresses de Paris pour 1692*. 1692. Edited by Édouard Fournier, 2 vols. Paris: Paul Daffis, 1878.

Ramusio, Giambattista. *Delle Navigationi e viaggi*. Venice: nella stamperia de Giunti, 1556.

Ray, John. *Catalogus plantarum circa Cantabrigiam nascentium*. Cambridge: excudebat J. Field, 1660.

—. *Observations Topographical, Moral, & Physiological; Made in a Journey Through part of the Low-Countries, Germany, Italy, and France*. London: printed for John Martyn, 1673.

—. *Catalogus plantarum Angliae, et insularum adjacentium: tum indígenas, tum in agris passim cultas complectens*. London: typis Andr. Clark, impensis Joh. Martyn, 1677.

—. *Historia plantarum*, 3 vols. London: typis Mariae Clark, prostant apud Hernicum Faithorne & Joannem Kersey (vol. 3 apud Sam. Smith & Benj. Walford), 1686-1704.

—. *Styrpium Europaeaearum extra Britannias nascentium sylloge. Quas partim observavit ipse, partim è Car. Clusii Historia, C. Bauhini Prod. & Cat. Bas. F. Columnae Ecphrasi, Catalogis Hollandicar. A. Commelini, Altorsinarum M. Hofmanni, Sicularum P. Bocconi, Monspeliensium P. Magnoli collegit.* London: prostant apud Sam. Smith & Benj. Walford, Societatis Regiae Typographos, 1694.

—. *The Correspondence of John Ray*. Edited by Edwin Lankester. London: printed for the Ray Society, 1848.

Recchi, Nardo Antonio. *Rerum medicarum Novae Hispaniae Thesaurus, seu plantarum, animalium, mineralium Mexicanorum historia ex Francisci Hernandez*. Rome: ex Typographeio Vitalis Mascardi, 1651.

Richelet, César-Pierre. *Dictionnaire françois, contenant les mots et les choses, plusieurs nouvelles remarquees sur la langue françoise*. Geneva: chez Jean Herman Widerhold, 1690.

Rochefort, Charles. *Histoire naturelle et morale des îles Antilles de l'Amérique*. Rotterdam: chez Arnoud Leers, 1658.

Rondelet, Guillaume. *Libri de piscibus marinis, in quibus verae piscium efigies expressae sunt*. Lyon: apud Matthiam Bonhomme, 1554.
[Rooke, Lawrence?] "Directions for Sea-Men, Bound for Far Voyages." *Philosophical Transactions* 1 (1665-6): 140-3.

Ruinart, Thierry. *Abrégé de la vie de dom Jean Mabillon*. Paris: chez la veuve François Muguet et Charles Robustel, 1709.f

Rumphius, Georg Eberhard. *Herbarium Amboinense, plurimas complectens arbores, frutices, herbas, plantas terrestres & acquaticas*, edited by Johannes Burman. 6 vols. Amsterdam: Franciscum Changuion, Joannem Catuffe, Hermannum Uytwerf; The Hague: Petrum Gosse, Joannem Neaulme, Adrianum Moetjens, Antonium van Dole; Utrecht: Stephanum Neaulme, 1741-1755.

Saint-Simon, Louis de Rouvroy, Duke of. *Mémoires*, edited by Arthur de Boislisle, vol. 8. Paris: Hachette, 1891.

Saugrin, Claude-Marin. *Code de la librairie et imprimerie de Paris*. Paris: aux dépens de la Communauté, 1744.

Sloane, Hans. *Catalogus plantarum quae in insula Jamaica sponte proveniunt, vel vulgo coluntur, cum earundem synonymis & locis natalibus*. London: impensis D. Brown, 1696.

—. *A voyage to the islands Madera, Barbados, Nieves, S. Christophers and Jamaica, with the natural History of the Herbs and Trees, Four-footed Bees, Fishes, Birds, insects, Reptiles, &c. of the last of those Islands*. London: printed by B. M. for the author, 1707-1725.

Spanheim, Ezechiel. *Dissertatio de praestentia et usu numismatum antiquorum*. Rome: apud Blaisum Deversin, & Felicem Cesarettum, typis Fabii de Falcho, 1667.

[Spon, Jacob, or Jacques.] *Recherche des Antiquités et curiosités de la ville de Lyon, ancienne colonie des Romains & capitale de la Gaule Celtique. Avec un mémoire des principaux antiquaires & curieux de l'Europe*. Lyon: de l'Imprimerie de Jacques Faeton, 1673.

Stuart, John, third Earl of Bute. *Botanical Tables, containing the different families of British plants*. N.p., 1785.

Tournefort, Joseph Pitton de. *Élémens de botanique, ou méthode pour connoître les plantes. Par Mr Pitton de Tournefort de l'Académie Royale des Sciences, & Professeur en Botanique au Jardin Royal des Plantes*. 3 vols. Paris: de l'Imprimerie royale, 1694.

—. *Histoire des plantes qui naissent aux environs de Paris*. Paris: de l'Imprimerie royale, 1698.

—. *Institutiones rei herbariae. Editio altera, gallica longe auctior, quingentis circiter Tabulis aeneis adornata*. 3 vols. Paris: E Typographia Regia. 1700.

—. *Corollarium institutionum rei herbariae, in quo plantae 1356 munificiencia Ludovici Magni in orientalibus regionibus observatae recensentur, & ad genera sua revocantur*. Paris: E. Typ. Regia, 1703.

—. *Relation d'un voyage du Levant, fait par ordre du Roy*. 2 vols. Paris: de l'Imprimerie royale, 1717.

Tyson, Edward. *Orang-Outang, sive Homo Sylvestris: or, the Anatomy of a Pygmy Compared with that of a Monkey, an Ape, and a Man. To Which is Added, A Philological Essay concerning the Pygmies, the Cynocephali, the Satyrs, and Sphinges of the Ancients. Wherein it Will Appear that They Are All either Apes or Monkeys, and not Men, as Formerly Pretended*. London: printed for Thomas Bennet and Daniel Brown and are to be had of Mr. Hunt, 1699.

Vaillant, Sébastien. *Botanicon Parisiense. Operis majoris prodituri prodromus*. Leiden: apud Petrum vander Aa, 1723.

Vesalius, Andrea. *Humani corporis fabrica Libri septem*. Basel: [ex officina Ioannis Oporini,] 1543.
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