a crucial role in China’s MSR vision. With Italy’s assistance, the Chinese trade navy has a platform in Western Europe. Italy continues to independently cultivate its relations with China. However, according to Gnerre, in the future, these relations will mostly be influenced by the global political situation due to the Multipolar World Order 2.0. He means further development of relations between NATO and China and EU and China, which are turbulent due to international relations.

Šárka Waisová, in Chapter 12, analyses relations between the Czech Republic and China. She argues that these relations have gone through ups and downs in the 21st century. If Czech politicians and the public had a positive attitude towards China in the 2010s, this has changed in the 2020s. The relationship is now at its worst and highly politicised in Czechia’s internal politics. Waisová explains that there are two main reasons for this. Firstly, Czechia had expected vast investments from China within the framework of 16+1 (now 14+1), which did not materialise. Secondly, in the era of Multipolar World Order 2.0, when the interests of the West collide with China, Czechia, as the US ally and NATO member state, takes the side of its main political, security, economic, and military partners.

In Chapter 13, Nenad Stekić examines the comprehensive strategic partnership between China and Serbia. As he argues, before the emergence of Multipolar World Order 2.0, Serbia was implementing a multivectoral foreign policy and simultaneously developing its relations with the EU, Russia, the United States, and China, but now is standing hard, as Great powers pressure Serbia to take a side. Nevertheless, Serbia still aims to stand as an EU member; it does not impose sanctions on Russia and sees China as its “ironclad partner”. According to Stekić, Beijing sees Serbia as a state in the Western part of Eurasia through which it can strengthen its position in Europe. Therefore, the two sides want to strengthen their comprehensive strategic partnerships in the Multipolar World Order 2.0 era.

In Chapter 14, Elżbieta Proń analyses relations between Poland and China. According to Proń, Warsaw and Beijing have developed political, economic, and educational ties in the framework of the BRI and the former 16+1 format (now 14+1). However, the confrontation between the United States and China and the Russo-Ukrainian war has significantly impacted Polish foreign policy and its relations with China. As she argues, in a Multipolar World Order 2.0, Poland must implement its duties as a NATO member and a US ally. Therefore, it is evident that Warsaw is standing with its allies over strengthening its relationship with China.

Gina Panagopoulou, in Chapter 15, examines relations between Greece and China. As she explains, both countries are interested in developing their political, economic, and cultural cooperation. China is interested in Greece’s strategic location for developing its BRI in Eastern Europe. In this regard, the Piraeus port in Greece, controlled by Chinese COSCO, plays a crucial role. According to Panagopoulou, in the Multipolar World Order 2.0 era, China and the United States attempt to increase their influence in Greece. In turn, Athens tries to work with both of them, considering the limits it has as a member of NATO and EU, which see China as a systemic rival.

Part V examines China’s politics within the Asia-Pacific region. It also analyses Beijing’s cooperation and contradictions with other Great Powers in this region for geopolitical influence, maritime routes, natural resources and other issues. The main
a crucial role in China’s MSR vision. With Italy’s assistance, the Chinese trade navy has a platform in Western Europe. Italy continues to independently cultivate its relations with China. However, according to Gnerre, in the future, these relations will mostly be influenced by the global political situation due to the Multipolar World Order 2.0. He means further development of relations between NATO and China and EU and China, which are turbulent due to international relations.

Šárka Waisová, in Chapter 12, analyses relations between the Czech Republic and China. She argues that these relations have gone through ups and downs in the 21st century. If Czech politicians and the public had a positive attitude towards China in the 2010s, this has changed in the 2020s. The relationship is now at its worst and highly politicised in Czechia’s internal politics. Waisová explains that there are two main reasons for this. Firstly, Czechia had expected vast investments from China within the framework of 16+1 (now 14+1), which did not materialise. Secondly, in the era of Multipolar World Order 2.0, when the interests of the West collide with China, Czechia, as the US ally and NATO member state, takes the side of its main political, security, economic, and military partners.

In Chapter 13, Nenad Stekić examines the comprehensive strategic partnership between China and Serbia. As he argues, before the emergence of Multipolar World Order 2.0, Serbia was implementing a multivectoral foreign policy and simultaneously developing its relations with the EU, Russia, the United States, and China, but now is standing hard, as Great powers pressure Serbia to take a side. Nevertheless, Serbia still aims to stand as an EU member; it does not impose sanctions on Russia and sees China as its “ironclad partner”. According to Stekić, Beijing sees Serbia as a state in the Western part of Eurasia through which it can strengthen its position in Europe. Therefore, the two sides want to strengthen their comprehensive strategic partnerships in the Multipolar World Order 2.0 era.

In Chapter 14, Elżbieta Proń analyses relations between Poland and China. According to Proń, Warsaw and Beijing have developed political, economic, and educational ties in the framework of the BRI and the former 16+1 format (now 14+1). However, the confrontation between the United States and China and the Russo-Ukrainian war has significantly impacted Polish foreign policy and its relations with China. As she argues, in a Multipolar World Order 2.0, Poland must implement its duties as a NATO member and a US ally. Therefore, it is evident that Warsaw is standing with its allies over strengthening its relationship with China.

Gina Panagopoulou, in Chapter 15, examines relations between Greece and China. As she explains, both countries are interested in developing their political, economic, and cultural cooperation. China is interested in Greece’s strategic location for developing its BRI in Eastern Europe. In this regard, the Piraeus port in Greece, controlled by Chinese COSCO, plays a crucial role. According to Panagopoulou, in the Multipolar World Order 2.0 era, China and the United States attempt to increase their influence in Greece. In turn, Athens tries to work with both of them, considering the limits it has as a member of NATO and EU, which see China as a systemic rival.

Part V examines China’s politics within the Asia-Pacific region. It also analyses Beijing’s cooperation and contradictions with other Great Powers in this region for geopolitical influence, maritime routes, natural resources and other issues. The main
argument of this part is that China and the United States compete in this region for every country, and the decoupling of the two superpowers is not due to the national interests of regional states and entities.

In Chapter 16, Brian Wong Yue Shun and Jason Yip Wai Cheong analyse Hong Kong's evolving role and navigation in the relationship between China and the United States. As they explain, Hong Kong's status as a special administrative region of China has given it the agency to serve as a crucial bridge connecting the vast markets of China and the United States for a long time. Nevertheless, the current competition between the United States and China, including economic and technological decoupling, negatively impacts Hong Kong's privileged and autonomous role in these relations. As Wong and Yip suggest, for world economics, it is crucial that the two superpowers try to keep the special role of Hong Kong for keeping Asia-Pacific's supply chains and trade operational. Nevertheless, as they recommend, to create a balance with the US market, which is becoming increasingly difficult to access, Hong Kong should develop economic relations with other regions of the Eurasian continent.

Ahmed Bux Jamali, Mehmood Hussain, and Hongsong Liu examine the security architecture of the Asia-Pacific region in Chapter 17, focusing on the impact of Sino-American competition. As they argue, this region is significant for China and the United States. The first collaborates mostly with Pakistan to address security concerns in the Asia-Pacific region under the Multipolar World Order 2.0. In contrast, the second focuses on developing cooperation with India as part of its *Pivot to Asia* strategy. India is already a member of Quad, which aims to deter China. Considering the tense situation in the Asia-Pacific region, Bux Jamali, Hussain, and Liu recommend taking steps to strengthen peace and security. They suggest that China and the United States need to select cooperation over competition. They must play a crucial role in solving India and Pakistan's problems. For instance, they recommend establishing a special mechanism for strategic communication on the Indo-Pakistan dispute, which will help to find a political solution. They also emphasise the importance of the United States' further collaboration with Pakistan for stabilising Afghanistan.

Chapters 18 and 19 provide conflicting views from France and China on the South China Sea dispute. Understanding both perspectives is important for a complete picture.

Éric Pomès and Matthieu Grandpierron, in Chapter 18, introduce their findings on discursive strategies and drivers of the Chinese vision of an “Alternative World Order” having a case study of the South China Sea Dispute’s History. As they argue:

> Chinese discourses are based on a discursive framework built on both strong emotional narratives and the use of ‘hero-villain-victim’ narrative to expel the US from Asia. These narratives also interact with a specific mobilisation of History that is conceived as an instrument of political legitimacy against international legal norms.

As they mention, in the Asia-Pacific region, China, Russia, Japan, South Korea, and others use their historical narrative to promote and defend their national interests.
argument of this part is that China and the United States compete in this region for every country, and the decoupling of the two superpowers is not due to the national interests of regional states and entities.

In Chapter 16, Brian Wong Yue Shun and Jason Yip Wai Cheong analyse Hong Kong's evolving role and navigation in the relationship between China and the United States. As they explain, Hong Kong's status as a special administrative region of China has given it the agency to serve as a crucial bridge connecting the vast markets of China and the United States for a long time. Nevertheless, the current competition between the United States and China, including economic and technological decoupling, negatively impacts Hong Kong's privileged and autonomous role in these relations. As Wong and Yip suggest, for world economics, it is crucial that the two superpowers try to keep the special role of Hong Kong for keeping Asia-Pacific's supply chains and trade operational. Nevertheless, as they recommend, to create a balance with the US market, which is becoming increasingly difficult to access, Hong Kong should develop economic relations with other regions of the Eurasian continent.

Ahmed Bux Jamali, Mehmood Hussain, and Hongsong Liu examine the security architecture of the Asia-Pacific region in Chapter 17, focusing on the impact of Sino-American competition. As they argue, this region is significant for China and the United States. The first collaborates mostly with Pakistan to address security concerns in the Asia-Pacific region under the Multipolar World Order 2.0. In contrast, the second focuses on developing cooperation with India as part of its *Pivot to Asia* strategy. India is already a member of Quad, which aims to deter China. Considering the tense situation in the Asia-Pacific region, Bux Jamali, Hussain, and Liu recommend taking steps to strengthen peace and security. They suggest that China and the United States need to select cooperation over competition. They must play a crucial role in solving India and Pakistan's problems. For instance, they recommend establishing a special mechanism for strategic communication on the Indo-Pakistan dispute, which will help to find a political solution. They also emphasise the importance of the United States' further collaboration with Pakistan for stabilising Afghanistan.

Chapters 18 and 19 provide conflicting views from France and China on the South China Sea dispute. Understanding both perspectives is important for a complete picture.

Éric Pomès and Matthieu Grandpierron, in Chapter 18, introduce their findings on discursive strategies and drivers of the Chinese vision of an “Alternative World Order” having a case study of the South China Sea Dispute’s History. As they argue:

> Chinese discourses are based on a discursive framework built on both strong emotional narratives and the use of ‘hero-villain-victim’ narrative to expel the US from Asia. These narratives also interact with a specific mobilisation of History that is conceived as an instrument of political legitimacy against international legal norms.

As they mention, in the Asia-Pacific region, China, Russia, Japan, South Korea, and others use their historical narrative to promote and defend their national interests.
In Chapter 19, Yulong Dai focuses his research on the South China Sea territorial dispute between China and Malaysia, mentioning that China's position is stronger in the context of international customary laws and treaties. He argues that the South China Sea situation is not easy, and there are many disputes because of the non-regional powers' involvement, which try to get benefits from regional states' conflicts. Dai explains that even if China and Malaysia have territorial disputes over some parts of the Spratly Islands, they coexist peacefully, as they strengthen bilateral relations and cooperation in the framework of the MSR without involving others in their conflict.

In Chapter 20, Tony Tai-Ting Liu focuses on Sino-Japanese competition in the era of Multipolar World Order 2.0. He describes it as a historical clash between land (China) and maritime (Japan) powers, which is going on in continental Eurasia and Indo-Pacific maritime routes. He also warns that if China and Japan stand in opposite conflicting poles, it will harm regional security and economics "by redefining old problems and giving life to new issues".

Asantha Senevirathna, in Chapter 21, argues that China significantly strengthened its positions in Sri Lanka, investing money in the country's Colombo and Hambantota ports in the framework of its BRI. As he explains, India and the United States try to create a counterbalance and prevent Sri Lanka's final pivot towards China's Eastern Pole. Therefore, the geopolitical struggle for Sri Lanka persists in the era of the Multipolar World Order 2.0. China has an advantage thanks to its investments in the economy and infrastructure of the country, which make Sri Lanka a crucial hub in the MSR.

In Chapter 22, Connor Judge explains Mongolia's role in China's BRI in a Multipolar World Order 2.0 era. He argues that Mongolia is one of the most "receptive" and "connected" countries in China's mega initiative. As Judge argues, Mongolia is not just following China but trying to integrate its national strategies, such as *Vision 2050* and *New Revival Policy*, with Chinese development strategies. As he concludes, the strengthening interconnectivity between Mongolia and China provides security guarantees and reduces Russia's influence on Ulaanbaatar. It is possible that this development could be a reason for Mongolia bandwagoning itself with China, which would further enhance China's position in the Asia-Pacific region.

Jan Železný analyses in Part VI how the collaboration between China and Russia affects the competition between major powers in the Arctic, a region with extensive untapped resources. He argues that China and Russia need each other to work in the Arctic. China is not a regional state, but it strives to have a stake in the Arctic and utilise its maritime routes for the BRI's PSR as an alternative conduit for connectivity with the European market. Due to the Ukrainian crisis, Russia lacks the resources to invest in the Arctic. As a result, they are seeking financial assistance from China to develop the gas and oil fields in the region. Based on his analysis, Železný concludes that in today's Multipolar World Order 2.0 era, Russia and China are working closely together in the Arctic region. This partnership allows them to compete against the Western countries for control over the Northern Sea Route and the area's valuable natural resources. Cooperation between China and Russia in the Arctic aligns with Russia's Greater Eurasian Partnership strategy.
In Chapter 19, Yulong Dai focuses his research on the South China Sea territorial dispute between China and Malaysia, mentioning that China's position is stronger in the context of international customary laws and treaties. He argues that the South China Sea situation is not easy, and there are many disputes because of the non-regional powers' involvement, which try to get benefits from regional states' conflicts. Dai explains that even if China and Malaysia have territorial disputes over some parts of the Spratly Islands, they coexist peacefully, as they strengthen bilateral relations and cooperation in the framework of the MSR without involving others in their conflict.

In Chapter 20, Tony Tai-Ting Liu focuses on Sino-Japanese competition in the era of Multipolar World Order 2.0. He describes it as a historical clash between land (China) and maritime (Japan) powers, which is going on in continental Eurasia and Indo-Pacific maritime routes. He also warns that if China and Japan stand in opposite conflicting poles, it will harm regional security and economics "by redefining old problems and giving life to new issues".

Asantha Senevirathna, in Chapter 21, argues that China significantly strengthened its positions in Sri Lanka, investing money in the country's Colombo and Hambantota ports in the framework of its BRI. As he explains, India and the United States try to create a counterbalance and prevent Sri Lanka's final pivot towards China's Eastern Pole. Therefore, the geopolitical struggle for Sri Lanka persists in the era of the Multipolar World Order 2.0. China has an advantage thanks to its investments in the economy and infrastructure of the country, which make Sri Lanka a crucial hub in the MSR.

In Chapter 22, Connor Judge explains Mongolia's role in China's BRI in a Multipolar World Order 2.0 era. He argues that Mongolia is one of the most "receptive" and "connected" countries in China's mega initiative. As Judge argues, Mongolia is not just following China but trying to integrate its national strategies, such as *Vision 2050* and *New Revival Policy*, with Chinese development strategies. As he concludes, the strengthening interconnectivity between Mongolia and China provides security guarantees and reduces Russia's influence on Ulaanbaatar. It is possible that this development could be a reason for Mongolia bandwagoning itself with China, which would further enhance China's position in the Asia-Pacific region.

Jan Železný analyses in Part VI how the collaboration between China and Russia affects the competition between major powers in the Arctic, a region with extensive untapped resources. He argues that China and Russia need each other to work in the Arctic. China is not a regional state, but it strives to have a stake in the Arctic and utilise its maritime routes for the BRI's PSR as an alternative conduit for connectivity with the European market. Due to the Ukrainian crisis, Russia lacks the resources to invest in the Arctic. As a result, they are seeking financial assistance from China to develop the gas and oil fields in the region. Based on his analysis, Železný concludes that in today's Multipolar World Order 2.0 era, Russia and China are working closely together in the Arctic region. This partnership allows them to compete against the Western countries for control over the Northern Sea Route and the area's valuable natural resources. Cooperation between China and Russia in the Arctic aligns with Russia's Greater Eurasian Partnership strategy.
Part VII of the handbook delves into China's relations with the EAEU and NATO. The conjugation of China's BRI with the EAEU contributes to China's shift towards post-Soviet Eurasia. On the contrary, China and NATO conflict with each other. China perceives NATO's expansion towards the East as a challenge, while NATO has declared China as a challenge to its security, interests, and values.

In Chapter 24, Gohar Barseghyan explains the cooperation between the EAEU and China. She argues that the current situation in these relations provides opportunities for further implementing the conjugation of the EAEU and the BRI, which fully correspond to the Russian Greater Eurasian Partnership strategy. She observes that under the present geo-economic circumstances, numerous opportunities are emerging for collaboration between the EAEU and China. It is crucial to take advantage of these opportunities in a "timely and progressive manner" to contribute to further developing a Multipolar World Order 2.0.

Armine Arzrumanyan, in Chapter 25, analyses CPC's image building for the EU and the United States in the context of NATO. Armine Arzumanyan explains that CPC understands the United States and NATO as a challenge to its national security, but this narrative differs from its attitude towards the EU. China proclaims that the EU is not a rival but a partner. Arzrumanyan's analysis suggests that Chinese official discourse characterises NATO as a tool for the United States to gain "absolute military dominance". In contrast, the EU is portrayed as having minimal impact on this arrangement, functioning only as a reluctant junior partner.

Part VIII of *Routledge Handbook of Chinese and International Relations* is entitled "Digitalization and International Relations". The main argument is that the Great powers struggle for Eurasian Cyberspace, and China has enough capabilities to compete and win in several Eurasian regions. Magdalena Łagiewska, in Chapter 26, explains the legal aspects of China's DSR and Beijing's geopolitical aspirations in cyberspace. As she argues, canonising its laws and rules regarding cyberspace and digitalisation and spreading its high technologies and innovation through DSR, China aims to stand as Eurasia's digital superpower. Furthermore, in the Multipolar World Order 2.0 era, it aims to establish dominance over worldwide cyberspace or at least exert a significant influence in this area of global affairs.

Lev Sokolshchik and Eduard Galimullin, in Chapter 27, analyse Sino-American competition for the Eurasian high technology market and introduce their finding on DSR's role in the EAEU member states. As they argue, technology decoupling, which is happening between China and the United States in the era of Multipolar World Order 2.0, creates problems for the other Eurasian states, which will have to choose between these two superpowers. Sokolshchik and Galimullin explain that in the EAEU, China has more chances to grow its digital presence through its DSR than the United States, as in 2015, China and Russia agreed to conjugate the EAEU and BRI. Moreover, in 2018, EAEU member states and China signed an agreement for economic, trade and technology cooperation, where high technologies, innovations and R&D are emphasised as priorities. Additionally, the United States sanctioned Russian and Belarusian high-tech sectors, pushing them towards China. In turn, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan are continuously increasing their cooperation with China in the framework of the DSR.
Part VII of the handbook delves into China's relations with the EAEU and NATO. The conjugation of China's BRI with the EAEU contributes to China's shift towards post-Soviet Eurasia. On the contrary, China and NATO conflict with each other. China perceives NATO's expansion towards the East as a challenge, while NATO has declared China as a challenge to its security, interests, and values.

In Chapter 24, Gohar Barseghyan explains the cooperation between the EAEU and China. She argues that the current situation in these relations provides opportunities for further implementing the conjugation of the EAEU and the BRI, which fully correspond to the Russian Greater Eurasian Partnership strategy. She observes that under the present geo-economic circumstances, numerous opportunities are emerging for collaboration between the EAEU and China. It is crucial to take advantage of these opportunities in a "timely and progressive manner" to contribute to further developing a Multipolar World Order 2.0.

Armine Arzrumanyan, in Chapter 25, analyses CPC's image building for the EU and the United States in the context of NATO. Armine Arzumanyan explains that CPC understands the United States and NATO as a challenge to its national security, but this narrative differs from its attitude towards the EU. China proclaims that the EU is not a rival but a partner. Arzrumanyan's analysis suggests that Chinese official discourse characterises NATO as a tool for the United States to gain "absolute military dominance". In contrast, the EU is portrayed as having minimal impact on this arrangement, functioning only as a reluctant junior partner.

Part VIII of *Routledge Handbook of Chinese and International Relations* is entitled "Digitalization and International Relations". The main argument is that the Great powers struggle for Eurasian Cyberspace, and China has enough capabilities to compete and win in several Eurasian regions. Magdalena Łagiewska, in Chapter 26, explains the legal aspects of China's DSR and Beijing's geopolitical aspirations in cyberspace. As she argues, canonising its laws and rules regarding cyberspace and digitalisation and spreading its high technologies and innovation through DSR, China aims to stand as Eurasia's digital superpower. Furthermore, in the Multipolar World Order 2.0 era, it aims to establish dominance over worldwide cyberspace or at least exert a significant influence in this area of global affairs.

Lev Sokolshchik and Eduard Galimullin, in Chapter 27, analyse Sino-American competition for the Eurasian high technology market and introduce their finding on DSR's role in the EAEU member states. As they argue, technology decoupling, which is happening between China and the United States in the era of Multipolar World Order 2.0, creates problems for the other Eurasian states, which will have to choose between these two superpowers. Sokolshchik and Galimullin explain that in the EAEU, China has more chances to grow its digital presence through its DSR than the United States, as in 2015, China and Russia agreed to conjugate the EAEU and BRI. Moreover, in 2018, EAEU member states and China signed an agreement for economic, trade and technology cooperation, where high technologies, innovations and R&D are emphasised as priorities. Additionally, the United States sanctioned Russian and Belarusian high-tech sectors, pushing them towards China. In turn, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan are continuously increasing their cooperation with China in the framework of the DSR.
Part IX of the handbook deals with environmental issues and their impact on Eurasian International Relations. In Chapter 28, Kevin Lo analyses the impact of China's global influence by examining the BRI in the context of environmental geopolitics. In his contribution, Lo provides several recommendations. He suggests that Beijing should implement measures to improve environmental monitoring for projects related to resource extraction and infrastructure investment under the BRI. The goal should be to promote the export of green technologies in BRI projects while collaborating with BRI participants to further sustainability and environmental protection efforts. As Lo recommends, the Chinese government should enhance the capabilities of institutions like BRIGC and FECO, which are responsible for transnational environmental governance, to effectively execute their duties. He concludes, "China must become a global leader in environmental protection and contribute to a more sustainable future".

Giorgio Caridi, in Chapter 29, implements a comparative analysis of e-government systems' role in resolving environmental and social conflicts in Italy and China. He explains that environmental issues of the current Multipolar World Order 2.0 bring social tensions. To address this question and find solutions, he interviewed different companies responsible for public services in Italy and China and highlighted the impact of e-government. As Caridi concludes: "Implementing e-government is not just an economic decision, but a specific political choice too. Through its means, the Italian and Chinese governments will be able to improve the economic system's efficiency while decreasing social discontent and environmental problems".

In Part X, Mher Sahakyan provides concluding remarks on the current Eurasian Multipolar World Order 2.0 and the role of China and other centres. He also implements case studies on multipolarity 2.0 in Eurasian international relations, in the high-technology sphere, financial sphere, and weapons distribution. He also discusses potential future developments and challenges related to the Eurasian Multipolar World Order 2.0. Sahakyan argues that China and other Eurasian states, the non-Eurasian United States, and international organisations must rely on diplomacy to strengthen and reform the United Nations to stabilise the situation and avoid a nuclear Third World War.

## References

* Charaia, V. and Lashkhi, M., 2021. 'Strategic cooperation between China and the South Caucasia' Countries, in Sahakyan, M. and Gärtner, H., eds., *China and Eurasia: Rethinking cooperation and contradictions in the era of changing world order*. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.145-162.

* China and Eurasia Council, 2023. *Plenary session, IV Eurasian Research on Modern China and Eurasia*. [Video online] Available at: <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SwDWjXcrY6U&t=5407s> [Accessed 24 July 2023].

* GAC, PRC, 2022. (2)2022 Nian 12 yue jin chukou shangpin guo bie (diqu) zong zhi biao (meiyuan zhi) [(2) December 2022 import and export commodity country (region) total value table (dollar value)]. Available at: <http://fuzhou.customs.gov.cn/customs/302249/zfxxgk/2799825/302274/302277/302276/4807727/index.html> [Accessed 22 June 2023].

* Government of Georgia, 2023. *Joint Statement of the People's Republic of China and Georgia on establishing a strategic partnership*. Available at: <https://www.gov.ge/en/news/363187> [Accessed 14 August 2023].
Part IX of the handbook deals with environmental issues and their impact on Eurasian International Relations. In Chapter 28, Kevin Lo analyses the impact of China's global influence by examining the BRI in the context of environmental geopolitics. In his contribution, Lo provides several recommendations. He suggests that Beijing should implement measures to improve environmental monitoring for projects related to resource extraction and infrastructure investment under the BRI. The goal should be to promote the export of green technologies in BRI projects while collaborating with BRI participants to further sustainability and environmental protection efforts. As Lo recommends, the Chinese government should enhance the capabilities of institutions like BRIGC and FECO, which are responsible for transnational environmental governance, to effectively execute their duties. He concludes, “China must become a global leader in environmental protection and contribute to a more sustainable future”.

Giorgio Caridi, in Chapter 29, implements a comparative analysis of e-government systems' role in resolving environmental and social conflicts in Italy and China. He explains that environmental issues of the current Multipolar World Order 2.0 bring social tensions. To address this question and find solutions, he interviewed different companies responsible for public services in Italy and China and highlighted the impact of e-government. As Caridi concludes: “Implementing e-government is not just an economic decision, but a specific political choice too. Through its means, the Italian and Chinese governments will be able to improve the economic system's efficiency while decreasing social discontent and environmental problems”.

In Part X, Mher Sahakyan provides concluding remarks on the current Eurasian Multipolar World Order 2.0 and the role of China and other centres. He also implements case studies on multipolarity 2.0 in Eurasian international relations, in the high-technology sphere, financial sphere, and weapons distribution. He also discusses potential future developments and challenges related to the Eurasian Multipolar World Order 2.0. Sahakyan argues that China and other Eurasian states, the non-Eurasian United States, and international organisations must rely on diplomacy to strengthen and reform the United Nations to stabilise the situation and avoid a nuclear Third World War.

## References

* Charaia, V. and Lashkhi, M., 2021. ‘Strategic cooperation between China and the South Caucasia’ Countries, in Sahakyan, M. and Gärtner, H., eds., *China and Eurasia: Rethinking cooperation and contradictions in the era of changing world order*. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.145–162.

* China and Eurasia Council, 2023. *Plenary session, IV Eurasian Research on Modern China and Eurasia*. [Video online] Available at: <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SwDWjXcrY6U&t=5407s> [Accessed 24 July 2023].

* GAC, PRC, 2022. (2)2022 Nian 12 yue jin chukou shangpin guo bie (diqu) zong zhi biao (meiyuan zhi) [(2) December 2022 import and export commodity country (region) total value table (dollar value)]. Available at: <http://fuzhou.customs.gov.cn/customs/302249/zfxxgk/2799825/302274/302277/302276/4807727/index.html> [Accessed 22 June 2023].

* Government of Georgia, 2023. *Joint Statement of the People's Republic of China and Georgia on establishing a strategic partnership*. Available at: <https://www.gov.ge/en/news/363187> [Accessed 14 August 2023].
Janardhan, N., 2023. Gulf economic diversification gets real with Artificial Intelligence. *AGDA Insights*. Abu Dhabi: Emirates Diplomatic Academy. [pdf] Available at: <https://www.agda.ac.ae/research/publications-multimedia-events/publication-details/gulf-economic-diversification-gets-real-with-artificial-intelligence> [Accessed 1 September 2023].

President of Russia, 2023. *Ceremonija podpisanija mezhpravcoglashenija s Iranom o sotrudnichestve po sozdaniju zheleznoj dorogi Resht – Astara* [Signing ceremony of the intergovernmental agreement with Iran on co-operation on the establishment of the Resht-Astara Railway]. Available at: <http://www.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/71144/videos> [Accessed 16 August 2023].

Proń, E., 2023. 'China in Central Asia: The Shanghai Cooperation Organization, new developments and roles in 2013–2021', in Sahakyan, M., ed., *China and Eurasian powers in a multipolar world order 2.0: Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace*. London: Routledge, pp.93–104.

Sahakyan, M., 2022a. 'China's Belt and Road Initiative and Central Asia', in Arase, D. and Amakasu Raposo de Medeiros Carvalho, P.M., eds., *The Belt and Road Initiative in Asia, Africa, and Europe*. London/New York: Routledge, pp.90–106.

Sahakyan, M., 2022b. 'China's Belt and Road Initiative, the Middle East, and Iran', in Arase, D. and Amakasu Rapos de Medeiros Carvalho, P.M., eds., *The Belt and Road Initiative in Asia, Africa, and Europe*. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.107–125.

Sahakyan, M., ed., 2023a. *China and Eurasian powers in a multipolar world order 2.0: Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace*. Abingdon/New York: Routledge.

Sahakyan, M., 2023b. 'China's Belt and Road Initiative and South Caucasus in the era of the Ukraine war and Multipolar World Order 2.0', in Sahakyan, M., ed., *China and Eurasian powers in a multipolar world order 2.0: Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace*. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.105–128.

Sahakyan, M., 2021. 'The Sino-Russian tandem in Eurasia and the changing world order: The dawn of the EAEU and the BRI's complementary cooperation and development', in Sahakyan, M. and Gärtner, H., eds., *China and Eurasia: rethinking cooperation and contradictions in the era of changing world order*. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.77–98.

Sahakyan, M. and Gärtner, H., eds., 2021. *China and Eurasia: Rethinking cooperation and contradictions in the era of changing world order*. Abingdon/New York: Routledge.

Zheng, Y., 2023. 'Comprehensive analysis of Resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the Major Achievements and Historical Experience of the Party over the past century', in Sahakyan, M., ed., *China and Eurasian powers in a multipolar world order 2.0: Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace*. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.212–225.
Janardhan, N., 2023. Gulf economic diversification gets real with Artificial Intelligence. *AGDA Insights*. Abu Dhabi: Emirates Diplomatic Academy. [pdf] Available at: <https://www.agda.ac.ae/research/publications-multimedia-events/publication-details/gulf-economic-diversification-gets-real-with-artificial-intelligence> [Accessed 1 September 2023].

President of Russia, 2023. *Ceremonija podpisanija mezhpravcoglashenija s Iranom o sotrudnichestve po sozdaniju zheleznoj dorogi Resht – Astara* [Signing ceremony of the intergovernmental agreement with Iran on co-operation on the establishment of the Resht-Astara Railway]. Available at: <http://www.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/71144/videos> [Accessed 16 August 2023].

Proń, E., 2023. 'China in Central Asia: The Shanghai Cooperation Organization, new developments and roles in 2013–2021', in Sahakyan, M., ed., *China and Eurasian powers in a multipolar world order 2.0: Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace*. London: Routledge, pp.93–104.

Sahakyan, M., 2022a. 'China's Belt and Road Initiative and Central Asia', in Arase, D. and Amakasu Raposo de Medeiros Carvalho, P.M., eds., *The Belt and Road Initiative in Asia, Africa, and Europe*. London/New York: Routledge, pp.90–106.

Sahakyan, M., 2022b. 'China's Belt and Road Initiative, the Middle East, and Iran', in Arase, D. and Amakasu Rapos de Medeiros Carvalho, P.M., eds., *The Belt and Road Initiative in Asia, Africa, and Europe*. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.107–125.

Sahakyan, M., ed., 2023a. *China and Eurasian powers in a multipolar world order 2.0: Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace*. Abingdon/New York: Routledge.

Sahakyan, M., 2023b. 'China's Belt and Road Initiative and South Caucasus in the era of the Ukraine war and Multipolar World Order 2.0', in Sahakyan, M., ed., *China and Eurasian powers in a multipolar world order 2.0: Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace*. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.105–128.

Sahakyan, M., 2021. 'The Sino-Russian tandem in Eurasia and the changing world order: The dawn of the EAEU and the BRI's complementary cooperation and development', in Sahakyan, M. and Gärtner, H., eds., *China and Eurasia: rethinking cooperation and con-tradictions in the era of changing world order*. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.77–98.

Sahakyan, M. and Gärtner, H., eds., 2021. *China and Eurasia: Rethinking cooperation and contradictions in the era of changing world order*. Abingdon/New York: Routledge.

Zheng, Y., 2023. 'Comprehensive analysis of Resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the Major Achievements and Historical Experience of the Party over the past century', in Sahakyan, M., ed., *China and Eurasian powers in a multipolar world order 2.0: Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace*. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.212–225.
# Introduction of Chinese Eurasian Relations

Charaia, V. and Lashkhi, M., 2021. 'Strategic cooperation between China and the South Caucasus' Countries, in Sahakyan, M. and Gärtner, H., eds., China and Eurasia: Rethinking cooperation and contradictions in the era of changing world order. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.145-162.

China and Eurasia Council, 2023. Plenary session, IV Eurasian Research on Modern China and Eurasia. [Video online] Available at:

<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SwDWjXcrY6U&t=5407s> [Accessed 24 July 2023].

GAC, PRC, 2022. (2)2022 Nian 12 yue jin chukou shangpin guo bie (diqu) zong zhi biao (meiyuan zhi) [(2) December 2022 import and export commodity country (region) total value table (dollar value)]. Available at:

<http://fuzhou.customs.gov.cn/customs/302249/zfxxgk/2799825/302274/302277/302276/4807727/index.html> [Accessed 22 June 2023].

Government of Georgia, 2023. Joint Statement of the People's Republic of China and Georgia on establishing a strategic partnership. Available at: <https://www.gov.ge/en/news/363187> [Accessed 14 August 2023].

Janardhan, N., 2023. Gulf economic diversification gets real with Artificial Intelligence. AGDA Insights. Abu Dhabi: Emirates Diplomatic Academy. [pdf] Available at:

<https://www.agda.ac.ae/research/publications-multimedia-events/publication-details/gulf-economic-diversification-gets-real-with-artificial-intelligence> [Accessed 1 September 2023].

President of Russia, 2023. Ceremonija podpisanija mezhpravcoglashenija s Iranom o sotrudnichestve po sozdaniju zheleznoj dorogi Resht – Astara [Signing ceremony of the intergovernmental agreement with Iran on co-operation on the establishment of the Resht-Astara Railway]. Available at: <http://www.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/71144/videos> [Accessed 16 August 2023].

Proń, E., 2023. 'China in Central Asia: The Shanghai Cooperation Organization, new developments and roles in 2013-2021', in Sahakyan, M., ed., China and Eurasian powers in a multipolar world order 2.0: Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace. London: Routledge, pp.93-104.

Sahakyan, M., 2022a. 'China's Belt and Road Initiative and Central Asia', in Arase, D. and P.M. Amakasu Raposo de Medeiros Carvalho, eds., The Belt and Road Initiative in Asia, Africa, and Europe. London/New York: Routledge, pp.90-106.

Sahakyan, M., 2022b. 'China's Belt and Road Initiative, the Middle East, and Iran', in Arase, D. and P.M. Amakasu Rapos de Medeiros Carvalho, eds., The Belt and Road Initiative in Asia, Africa, and Europe. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.107-125.

Sahakyan, M., ed., 2023a. China and Eurasian powers in a multipolar world order 2.0: Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace. Abingdon/New York: Routledge.

Sahakyan, M., 2023b. 'China's Belt and Road Initiative and South Caucasus in the era of the Ukraine war and Multipolar World Order 2.0', in Sahakyan, M., ed., China and Eurasian powers in a multipolar world order 2.0: Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.105-128.

Sahakyan, M., 2021. 'The Sino-Russian tandem in Eurasia and the changing world order: The dawn of the EAEU and the BRI's complementary cooperation and development', in Sahakyan, M. and Gärtner, H., eds., China and Eurasia: rethinking cooperation and contradictions in the era of changing world order. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.77-98.

Sahakyan, M. and Gärtner, H., eds., 2021. China and Eurasia: Rethinking cooperation and contradictions in the era of changing world order. Abingdon/New York: Routledge.

Zheng, Y., 2023. 'Comprehensive analysis of Resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the Major Achievements and Historical Experience of the Party over the past century', in Sahakyan, M., ed., China and Eurasian powers in a multipolar world order 2.0: Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.212-225.
# Introduction of Chinese Eurasian Relations

Charaia, V. and Lashkhi, M., 2021. 'Strategic cooperation between China and the South Caucasus' Countries, in Sahakyan, M. and Gärtner, H., eds., China and Eurasia: Rethinking cooperation and contradictions in the era of changing world order. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.145-162.

China and Eurasia Council, 2023. Plenary session, IV Eurasian Research on Modern China and Eurasia. [Video online] Available at:

<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SwDWjXcrY6U&t=5407s> [Accessed 24 July 2023].

GAC, PRC, 2022. (2)2022 Nian 12 yue jin chukou shangpin guo bie (diqu) zong zhi biao (meiyuan zhi) [(2) December 2022 import and export commodity country (region) total value table (dollar value)]. Available at:

<http://fuzhou.customs.gov.cn/customs/302249/zfxxgk/2799825/302274/302277/302276/4807727/index.html> [Accessed 22 June 2023].

Government of Georgia, 2023. Joint Statement of the People's Republic of China and Georgia on establishing a strategic partnership. Available at: <https://www.gov.ge/en/news/363187> [Accessed 14 August 2023].

Janardhan, N., 2023. Gulf economic diversification gets real with Artificial Intelligence. AGDA Insights. Abu Dhabi: Emirates Diplomatic Academy. [pdf] Available at:

<https://www.agda.ac.ae/research/publications-multimedia-events/publication-details/gulf-economic-diversification-gets-real-with-artificial-intelligence> [Accessed 1 September 2023].

President of Russia, 2023. Ceremonija podpisanija mezhpravcoglashenija s Iranom o sotrudnichestve po sozdaniju zheleznoj dorogi Resht – Astara [Signing ceremony of the intergovernmental agreement with Iran on co-operation on the establishment of the Resht-Astara Railway]. Available at: <http://www.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/71144/videos> [Accessed 16 August 2023].

Proń, E., 2023. 'China in Central Asia: The Shanghai Cooperation Organization, new developments and roles in 2013-2021', in Sahakyan, M., ed., China and Eurasian powers in a multipolar world order 2.0: Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace. London: Routledge, pp.93-104.

Sahakyan, M., 2022a. 'China's Belt and Road Initiative and Central Asia', in Arase, D. and P.M. Amakasu Raposo de Medeiros Carvalho, eds., The Belt and Road Initiative in Asia, Africa, and Europe. London/New York: Routledge, pp.90-106.

Sahakyan, M., 2022b. 'China's Belt and Road Initiative, the Middle East, and Iran', in Arase, D. and P.M. Amakasu Rapos de Medeiros Carvalho, eds., The Belt and Road Initiative in Asia, Africa, and Europe. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.107-125.

Sahakyan, M., ed., 2023a. China and Eurasian powers in a multipolar world order 2.0: Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace. Abingdon/New York: Routledge.

Sahakyan, M., 2023b. 'China's Belt and Road Initiative and South Caucasus in the era of the Ukraine war and Multipolar World Order 2.0', in Sahakyan, M., ed., China and Eurasian powers in a multipolar world order 2.0: Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.105-128.

Sahakyan, M., 2021. 'The Sino-Russian tandem in Eurasia and the changing world order: The dawn of the EAEU and the BRI's complementary cooperation and development', in Sahakyan, M. and Gärtner, H., eds., China and Eurasia: rethinking cooperation and contradictions in the era of changing world order. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.77-98.

Sahakyan, M. and Gärtner, H., eds., 2021. China and Eurasia: Rethinking cooperation and contradictions in the era of changing world order. Abingdon/New York: Routledge.

Zheng, Y., 2023. 'Comprehensive analysis of Resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the Major Achievements and Historical Experience of the Party over the past century', in Sahakyan, M., ed., China and Eurasian powers in a multipolar world order 2.0: Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.212-225.
China's Position on Russo-Ukrainian War in a Multipolar World Order
2.0

Arase, D., 2022. 'The Belt and Road Initiative as geostrategy', in Arase, D.M. and P.M.

Amakasu Raposo de Medeiros Carvalho, eds., The Belt and Road Initiative in Asia, Africa, and Europe. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.260–280.

Asia Society Hong Kong, 2022. US-China relations and the Taiwan Dilemma. [video online]

Available at: <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RvhGFGEgZ8A&t=928s> [Accessed 16 January 2022].

CGTN, 2022. Xi holds virtual summit with leaders of France, Germany. [online] 9 March.

Available at: <https://news.cgtn.com/news/2022-03-08/Xi-holds-video-summit-with-Macron-Scholz-18eLQfrEO0E/index.html> [Accessed 16 June 2023].

CGTN, 2023. Live: China's special envoy Li Hui meets journalists in Beijing. [online] 2 June.

Available at: <https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-06-02/Live-China-s-special-envoy-Li-Hui-meets-journalists-in-Beijing-1kiQgpdKiyY/index.html> [Accessed 18 June 2023].

Cheng, E., 2022. Russia-Ukraine conflict has a limited impact on China's food prices. CNBC, [online] 2 March. Available at: <https://www.cnbc.com/2022/03/03/russia-ukraine-conflict-has-a-limited-impact-on-chinas-food-supply-analysts-say.html> [Accessed 30 June 2023].

Donnelly, J., 2008. 'The ethics of realism', in Reus-Smit, C. and Snidal, D., eds., The Oxford Handbook of international relations. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp.150–187.

Embassy of Ukraine in PRC, 2022. Political relations between Ukraine and China. Available at: <https://china.mfa.gov.ua/en/partnership/political-relations-between-ukraine-and-china> [Accessed 2 July 2023].

EU External Action, 2023. Deputy Secretary-General Enrique Mora meets special envoy of the Chinese Government for Eurasian Affairs Li Hui. Available at:

<https://www.eeas.europa.eu/eeas/ukraine-deputy-secretary-general-enrique-mora-meets-special-envoy-chinese-government-eurasian_en> [Accessed 16 June 2023].

GAC, PRC, 2021. (2)2021 Nian 12 yue jin chukou shangpin guo bie (diqu) zong zhi biao (meiyuan zhi) [(2) December 2021 import and export commodity country (region) total value table (dollar value)]. Available at:

<http://www.customs.gov.cn/customs/302249/zfxxgk/2799825/302274/302277/302276/4127455/index.html> [Accessed 22 June 2023].

GAC, PRC, 2022. (2)2022 Nian 12 yue jin chukou shangpin guo bie (diqu) zong zhi biao (meiyuan zhi) [(2) December 2022 import and export commodity country (region) total value table (dollar value)]. Available at:

<http://fuzhou.customs.gov.cn/customs/302249/zfxxgk/2799825/302274/302277/302276/4807727/index.html> [Accessed 22 June 2023].

Gärtner, H., 2023. 'Foreword: Great power conflict', in Sahakyan, M., ed., China and Eurasian powers in a multipolar world order 2.0: Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace.

Abingdon/New York/London: Routledge, pp.xxiii–xxvi.

Korolev, S.A., 2023. 'Political and economic security in Multipolar Eurasia: English school perspective', in Sahakyan, M., ed., China and Eurasian powers in a multipolar world order 2.0:

Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace. Abingdon/New York/London: Routledge, pp.11–25.

Kuhrt, N., 2023. 'Russia and China', in Gill, G., ed., Routledge handbook of Russian politics and society. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.568–578.

Lin, B., 2023. Can China thread the needle on Ukraine? Beijing struggles to balance its ties to Russia and Europe. Foreign Affairs. Available at: <https://www.foreignaffairs.com/china/can-china-thread-needle-ukraine> [Accessed 2 July 2023].

Lukonin, S., 2023. 'Russo-Chinese trade and economic cooperation: Achievements and challenges', in Sahakyan, M., ed., China and Eurasian powers in a multipolar world order 2.0:

Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace. Abingdon/New York/London: Routledge, pp.64–76.

Ma, B., 2021. 'Problems and prospects of the transportation infrastructure connectivity between China and Eurasia: A case study on the China Railway Express', in Sahakyan, M. and Gärtner, H., eds., China and Eurasia: Rethinking cooperation and contradictions in the era of changing world order. Abingdon/New York/London: Routledge, pp.57–73.

MEAE, France, 2023. China – meeting with the Special Representative of the Chinese Government on Eurasian Affairs - Statement by the ministry for Europe and foreign Affairs
China's Position on Russo-Ukrainian War in a Multipolar World Order
2.0

Arase, D., 2022. 'The Belt and Road Initiative as geostrategy', in Arase, D.M. and P.M.

Amakasu Raposo de Medeiros Carvalho, eds., The Belt and Road Initiative in Asia, Africa, and Europe. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.260–280.

Asia Society Hong Kong, 2022. US-China relations and the Taiwan Dilemma. [video online]

Available at: <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RvhGFGEgZ8A&t=928s> [Accessed 16 January 2022].

CGTN, 2022. Xi holds virtual summit with leaders of France, Germany. [online] 9 March.

Available at: <https://news.cgtn.com/news/2022-03-08/Xi-holds-video-summit-with-Macron-Scholz-18eLQfrEO0E/index.html> [Accessed 16 June 2023].

CGTN, 2023. Live: China's special envoy Li Hui meets journalists in Beijing. [online] 2 June.

Available at: <https://news.cgtn.com/news/2023-06-02/Live-China-s-special-envoy-Li-Hui-meets-journalists-in-Beijing-1kiQgpdKiyY/index.html> [Accessed 18 June 2023].

Cheng, E., 2022. Russia-Ukraine conflict has a limited impact on China's food prices. CNBC, [online] 2 March. Available at: <https://www.cnbc.com/2022/03/03/russia-ukraine-conflict-has-a-limited-impact-on-chinas-food-supply-analysts-say.html> [Accessed 30 June 2023].

Donnelly, J., 2008. 'The ethics of realism', in Reus-Smit, C. and Snidal, D., eds., The Oxford Handbook of international relations. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp.150–187.

Embassy of Ukraine in PRC, 2022. Political relations between Ukraine and China. Available at: <https://china.mfa.gov.ua/en/partnership/political-relations-between-ukraine-and-china> [Accessed 2 July 2023].

EU External Action, 2023. Deputy Secretary-General Enrique Mora meets special envoy of the Chinese Government for Eurasian Affairs Li Hui. Available at:

<https://www.eeas.europa.eu/eeas/ukraine-deputy-secretary-general-enrique-mora-meets-special-envoy-chinese-government-eurasian_en> [Accessed 16 June 2023].

GAC, PRC, 2021. (2)2021 Nian 12 yue jin chukou shangpin guo bie (diqu) zong zhi biao (meiyuan zhi) [(2) December 2021 import and export commodity country (region) total value table (dollar value)]. Available at:

<http://www.customs.gov.cn/customs/302249/zfxxgk/2799825/302274/302277/302276/4127455/index.html> [Accessed 22 June 2023].

GAC, PRC, 2022. (2)2022 Nian 12 yue jin chukou shangpin guo bie (diqu) zong zhi biao (meiyuan zhi) [(2) December 2022 import and export commodity country (region) total value table (dollar value)]. Available at:

<http://fuzhou.customs.gov.cn/customs/302249/zfxxgk/2799825/302274/302277/302276/4807727/index.html> [Accessed 22 June 2023].

Gärtner, H., 2023. 'Foreword: Great power conflict', in Sahakyan, M., ed., China and Eurasian powers in a multipolar world order 2.0: Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace.

Abingdon/New York/London: Routledge, pp.xxiii–xxvi.

Korolev, S.A., 2023. 'Political and economic security in Multipolar Eurasia: English school perspective', in Sahakyan, M., ed., China and Eurasian powers in a multipolar world order 2.0:

Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace. Abingdon/New York/London: Routledge, pp.11–25.

Kuhrt, N., 2023. 'Russia and China', in Gill, G., ed., Routledge handbook of Russian politics and society. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.568–578.

Lin, B., 2023. Can China thread the needle on Ukraine? Beijing struggles to balance its ties to Russia and Europe. Foreign Affairs. Available at: <https://www.foreignaffairs.com/china/can-china-thread-needle-ukraine> [Accessed 2 July 2023].

Lukonin, S., 2023. 'Russo-Chinese trade and economic cooperation: Achievements and challenges', in Sahakyan, M., ed., China and Eurasian powers in a multipolar world order 2.0:

Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace. Abingdon/New York/London: Routledge, pp.64–76.

Ma, B., 2021. 'Problems and prospects of the transportation infrastructure connectivity between China and Eurasia: A case study on the China Railway Express', in Sahakyan, M. and Gärtner, H., eds., China and Eurasia: Rethinking cooperation and contradictions in the era of changing world order. Abingdon/New York/London: Routledge, pp.57–73.

MEAE, France, 2023. China – meeting with the Special Representative of the Chinese Government on Eurasian Affairs - Statement by the ministry for Europe and foreign Affairs
spokesperson. Available at: <https://www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/en/country-files/china/news/article/china-meeting-with-the-special-representative-of-the-chinese-government-on> [Accessed 16 June 2023].

MFA, PRC, 2022. Wang Yi expounds on China-U.S. peaceful coexistence. Available at: <https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/zxxx_662805/202209/t20220924_10770956.html> [Accessed 31 May 2023].

MFA, PRC, 2023a. China's position on the political settlement of the Ukraine Crisis. Available at: <https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/zxxx_662805/202302/t20230224_11030713.html> [Accessed 31 May 2023].

MFA, PRC, 2023b. Xi Jinping meets with Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin. Available at: <https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/zxxx_662805/202305/t20230528_11084869.html> [Accessed 31 May 2023].

MFA, PRC, 2023c. President Xi Jinping meets with Russian President Vladimir Putin. Available at: <https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/topics_665678/xjpdelsjxgsfw/202303/t20230321_1104549_6.html> [Accessed 31 May 2023].

MFA, PRC, 2023d. President Xi Jinping speaks with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy on the phone. Available at: <https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/zxxx_662805/202304/t20230426_11066785.html> [Accessed 2 June 2023].

MFA, PRC, 2023e. Remarks by China's permanent representative to UN Ambassador Zhang Jun at the UN Security Council briefing on Ukraine. Available at: <https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/wjb_663304/zwjg_665342/zwbd_665378/202301/t20230117_11009965.html> [Accessed 2 June 2023].

MFA, PRC, 2023f. Remarks by China's permanent representative to the UN Ambassador Zhang Jun at the UN Security Council briefing on Ukraine. Available at: <https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/wjb_663304/zwjg_665342/zwbd_665378/202302/t20230223_11030077.html> [Accessed 3 June 2023].

MFA, PRC, 2023g. Xi Jinping: China ready to issue a joint call with France for Political Settlement of the Ukraine Crisis. Available at: <https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/zxxx_662805/202304/t20230406_11055500.html> [Accessed 3 June 2023].

MFA, PRC, 2023h. Special representative of the Chinese Government on Eurasian Affairs Li Hui visits Ukraine. Available at: <https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/wjbxw/202305/t20230530_11086121.html> [Accessed 16 June 2023].

MFA, PRC, 2023i. Special representative of the Chinese Government on Eurasian Affairs Li Hui holds talks with State Secretary of the German Foreign Ministry Andreas Michaelis. Available at: <https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/wjbxw/202306/t20230612_11095104.html> [Accessed 16 June 2023].

MFA, PRC, 2023j. Special representative of the Chinese Government on Eurasian Affairs Li Hui holds meetings and talks with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and others. Available at: <https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/wjbxw/202305/t20230530_11085801.html> [Accessed 18 June 2023].

MFA, PRC, 2023k. The global security initiative concept paper. Available at: <https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/wjbxw/202302/t20230221_11028348.html> [Accessed 21 June 2023].

MFA, Poland, 2023. Deputy Minister Wojciech Gerwel met the Special Envoy of the Chinese Government for Eurasian Affairs. Available at: <https://www.gov.pl/web/diplomacy/deputy-minister-woiciech-gerwel-met-the-special-envoy-of-the-chinese-government-for-eurasian-affairs> [Accessed 16 June 2023].

MFA, Russia, 2023. On the meeting of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation S.V. Lavrov with the Special Representative of the Government of the People's Republic of China for Eurasian Affairs Li Hui. Available at: <https://www.mid.ru/ru/foreign_policy/news/1872644/> [Accessed 16 June 2023].

NATO, 2022. NATO 2022 Strategic concept. [pdf] Available at: <https://www.nato.int/strategic-concept/> [Accessed 21 June 2023].

NATO, 2023a. Joint press conference by NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg with Prime Minister of Estonia, Kaja Kallas and President of the European Commission, Ursula von
spokesperson. Available at: <https://www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/en/country-files/china/news/article/china-meeting-with-the-special-representative-of-the-chinese-government-on> [Accessed 16 June 2023].

MFA, PRC, 2022. Wang Yi expounds on China-U.S. peaceful coexistence. Available at: <https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/zxxx_662805/202209/t20220924_10770956.html> [Accessed 31 May 2023].

MFA, PRC, 2023a. China's position on the political settlement of the Ukraine Crisis. Available at: <https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/zxxx_662805/202302/t20230224_11030713.html> [Accessed 31 May 2023].

MFA, PRC, 2023b. Xi Jinping meets with Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin. Available at: <https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/zxxx_662805/202305/t20230528_11084869.html> [Accessed 31 May 2023].

MFA, PRC, 2023c. President Xi Jinping meets with Russian President Vladimir Putin. Available at: <https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/topics_665678/xjpdelsjxgsfw/202303/t20230321_1104549_6.html> [Accessed 31 May 2023].

MFA, PRC, 2023d. President Xi Jinping speaks with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy on the phone. Available at: <https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/zxxx_662805/202304/t20230426_11066785.html> [Accessed 2 June 2023].

MFA, PRC, 2023e. Remarks by China's permanent representative to UN Ambassador Zhang Jun at the UN Security Council briefing on Ukraine. Available at: <https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/wjb_663304/zwjg_665342/zwbd_665378/202301/t20230117_11009965.html> [Accessed 2 June 2023].

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Sahakyan, M., 2022a. 'China's Belt and Road Initiative and Central Asia', in Arase, D. and P.M. Amakasu Raposo de Medeiros Carvalho, eds., The Belt and Road Initiative in Asia, Africa, and Europe. London/New York: Routledge, pp.90–106.

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Brooks, S. and Wohlforth, W., 2016. America abroad: The United States' global role in the 21st century. New York: Oxford University Press.

Brzezinski, Z., 1997. The grand chessboard. New York: Basic Books.

Brzezinski, Z., 2012. Strategic vision: America and the crisis of global power. New York: Basic Books.

Chen, X. and Fazilov, F., 2018. Re-centring Central Asia: China's "New Great Game" in the old Eurasian heartland. Palgrave Communications, 4(71). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-018-0125-5

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Cooley, A. and Nexon, D., 2020. Exit from hegemony: The unravelling of the American global order. New York: Oxford University Press.

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Harper, T., 2017. Towards an Asian Eurasia: Mackinder's heartland theory and the return of China to Eurasia. Cambridge Journal of Eurasian Studies, 1, pp.1–27.

He, Z., 2022. 'The role of the United States in Central and Eastern Europe and implications for China-CEE cooperation', in Zakic, K. and Mitic, A., eds., Cooperation between China and Central and Eastern European Countries in the context of global changes. Belgrade: Institute of
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Jia, F. and Bennett, M.M., 2018. Chinese infrastructure diplomacy in Russia: The geopolitics of project type, location, and scale. Eurasian Geography and Economics, 59(3–4), pp.340–377.

Jiang, P., 2023. Geostrategic psychology and the rise of forbearance. London: Routledge.

Karpovich, O. and Manoilo, A., 2015. Colour revolutions: Techniques in breaking down modern political regimes. Bloomington, IN: Author House.

Klieman, A., ed., 2015. Great powers and geopolitics: International affairs in a rebalancing world. Cham: Springer.

Knutsen, T., 2014. Halford J. Mackinder, geopolitics, and the heartland thesis. The International History Review, 36(5), pp.835–857.

Liu, Z., Dunford, M. and, Liu, W., 2021. Coupling national geopolitical economic strategies and the Belt and Road Initiative: The China-Belarus Great Stone Industrial Park. Political Geography, 84, pp.1–13.

Lonsdale, D., 1999. Information power: Strategy, geopolitics, and the fifth dimension. The Journal of Strategic Studies, 22(2–3), pp.137–157.

Löffmann, G., 2016. The pivot between containment, engagement, and restraint: President Obama's conflicted grand strategy in Asia. Asian Security, 12(2), pp.92–110.

Mackinder, H.J., 1904. The geographical pivot of history. The Geographical Journal, 23(4), pp.421–437.

Neuman, D., 2014. Qualitative research in educational communications and technology: A brief introduction to principles and procedures. Journal of Computing in Higher Education, 26, pp.69–86.

Organski, A.F.K., 1958. World politics. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.

Pan, Z., 2014. Silk Road Economic Belt: A dynamic new concept for geopolitics in Central Asia. China International Studies, 47, pp.33–43.

Pickering, S., 2017. Understanding geography and war: Misperceptions, foundations, and prospects. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.

Sahakyan, M., ed., 2023. China and Eurasian powers in a multipolar world order 2.0: Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace. London: Routledge.

Sahakyan, M. and Gärtner, H., eds., 2021. China and Eurasia: Rethinking cooperation and contradictions in the era of changing world order. London: Routledge.

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Empowering the Dragon

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Garcia, Z., 2022. China's western frontier and Eurasia. The politics of state and region-building. Abingdon/New York: Routledge.

Gleason, G., 2011. 'China, Russia, and Central Asia: Triangular energy politics', in Currier, C.L. and Dorraj, M., eds., China's energy relations with the developing world. London: The Continuum International Publishing Group, pp.83–100.

Griffiths, R.T., 2017. Revitalising the Silk Road. China's Belt and Road Initiative. Leiden: HIPE Publications.

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Levine, I., 2016. US Policies in Central Asia. Democracy, energy, and the war on terror. Abingdon/New York: Routledge.

Lubina, M., 2017. Russia and China. A political marriage of convenience - stable and successful. Opladen/Berlin/Toronto: Barbara Budrich Publishers.

Mayer, M., 2018. Rethinking the Silk Road. China's Belt and Road Initiative and emerging Eurasian relations. Singapore: Palgrave Macmillan.

Meidan, M., 2020. China's energy policies in the wake of COVID-19: Implications for the next Five Year Plan. Oxford: Oxford Energy Comment.

Omelicheva, M.Y. and Du, R., 2018. Kazakhstan's multi-vectorism and Sino-Russian relations. Insight Turkey, 20(4), pp.95–110.

Paik, K.-W., 2015. Sino-Russian gas and oil cooperation: Entering into a new era of strategic partnership. Oxford Institute of Energy Studies Paper: WPM 59.

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## India's Engagement with Central Asia and Competition with China in a Multipolar World Order 2.0

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Sahakyan, M., 2023. China and Eurasian powers in a Multipolar World Order 2.0: Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace. Abingdon/New York: Routledge.

Sari, Y., 2022. 'Energy diplomacy and foreign policy choice: Turkmenistan's relations with China', in Ari, T., ed., Inter-state and intra-state conflicts in global politics. From Eurasia to China. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, pp.235–248.

Siddi, M. and Kaczmarski, M., 2021. 'The EU and China in Central Asian energy geopolitics', in Bossuyt, F. and Dessein, B., eds., The European Union, China and Central Asia. Global and regional cooperation in a new era. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.161–177.

Skalamera, M., 2018. The Silk Road between a rock and a hard place: Russian and Chinese competition for Central Asia's Energy. Insight Turkey, 20(4), pp.45–65.

Smedley, M., 2018. China's Central Asia imports up 13% in 2017. Natural Gas World, [online] 6 March. Available at: <https://www.naturalgasworld.com/chinas-central-asia-imports-up-13-in-2017-57926> [Accessed 6 May 2023].

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Kavalski, E., 2010. 'India and Central Asia: The no influence of the look north policy', in Kavalski, E., ed., The new central Asia: The regional impact of international actors. Singapore: World Scientific, pp.239–260.

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Ogden, C., 2018. Tone shift: India's dominant foreign policy aims under Modi. Indian Politics & Policy, 1(1), pp.3–23.

Peri, D., 2021. India is deeply engaged with Russia in expanding our economic and trade ties: Indian ambassador Venkatesh Varma. The Hindu, [online] 29 August. Available at: <www.thehindu.com/news/national/india-is-deeply-engaged-with-russia-in-expanding-our-economic> [Accessed 6 April 2023].

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Schweller, R.L., 1999. 'Managing the rise of great powers: History and theory', in Johnston, A.I. and Ross, R.S., eds., Engaging China: The management of an emerging power. New York: Routledge, pp.1–31.

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## Belt and Road Initiative's and Central Asia's Challenges

Atatüre, S., 2023. 'The US and China as main powers in the Multipolar World Order 2.0 A case study, Turkey and the Middle East', in Sahakyan, M., ed., China and Eurasian powers in a multipolar world order 2.0: Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace. Abingdon/New York/London: Routledge, pp.35-47.

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Sibal, S., 2022. Central Asian countries to get stake in Chabahar port, says Kyrgyz Republic envoy Isaev. WION, [online] 8 February. Available at: <www.wionews.com/videos/central-asian-countries-to-get-stake-in-chabahar-port-says-kyrgyz-republic-envoy-isaev-exclusive-452350> [Accessed 17 February 2023].

Sibal, S., 2023. India hosts first meeting on Chabahar port development with Central Asia nations. WION, [online] 13 April. Available at: <https://www.wionews.com/india-news/india-hosts-first-meeting-on-chabahar-port-development-with-central-asia-581779> [Accessed 13 April 2023].

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Umarov, T., 2020. China looms large in Central Asia Carnegie Moscow. Available at: <https://carnegiemoscow.org/commentary/81402> [Accessed 10 March 2023].

Umarov, T., 2022. Kazakhstan is breaking out of Russia's grip. Foreign Policy. Available at: <https://foreignpolicy.com/2022/09/16/kazakhstan-russia-ukraine-war/> [Accessed 5 April 2023].

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Vinokurov, E.Y., Ahunbaev, A. and Zaboev, A.I., 2022. International North-South Transport Corridor: Boosting Russia's "pivot to the south" and trans-Eurasian connectivity. Russian Journal of Economics, 8(2), pp.159-173.

Wohlforth, W.C., 2010. 'Realism', in Reus-Smit, C. and Snidal, D., eds., The Oxford handbook of international relations. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp.131-150.

World Bank, 2023a. GDP (current US$) - China, India. Available at: <https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.MKTP.CD?end=2021&locations=CN-IN&start=1985> [Accessed 20 March 2023].

World Bank, 2023b. Military expenditure (current USD) - China, India. Available at: <https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/MS.MIL.XPND.CD?end=2021&locations=CN-IN&start=1989&view=chart> [Accessed 20 March 2023].

## Belt and Road Initiative's and Central Asia's Challenges

Atatüre, S., 2023. 'The US and China as main powers in the Multipolar World Order 2.0 A case study, Turkey and the Middle East', in Sahakyan, M., ed., China and Eurasian powers in a multipolar world order 2.0: Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace. Abingdon/New York/London: Routledge, pp.35-47.

CAAN, 2019. Ruslan Izimov o strategii Kitaya v Czentral'noj Azii: analiz novy'kh podkhodov I trendov [Ruslan Izimov on China's strategy in Central Asia: Analysis of new approaches and trends]. [online] 27 June. Available at: <https://www.caa-network.org/archives/17410> [Accessed 18 March 2023].

CAAN, 2020. Eshhe odin +S5? (o mekhanizme regulyarny'kh vstrech ministrov inostranny'kh del «Kitaj+Czentral'naya Aziya») [Another +C5? (On the mechanism of regular meetings of foreign ministers "China + Central Asia"]). [online] 23 July. Available at: <https://www.caa-network.org/archives/20237> [Accessed 22 April 2023].

CAAN, 2021. Kak koronavirus povliyal na proekty' «Poyasa i puti» v Czentral'noj Azii: vzglyad iz Kitaya [How Coronavirus affects Belt and Road Projects in Central Asia: A view from China].
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Kazakh Invest, 2022. Stroitel'stvo kazakhstansko-kitajskikh investproektov budet vestis' v sootvetstvii s zakonodatel'stvom Kazakhstana [The construction of Kazakh-Chinese investment projects will be carried out in accordance with the laws of Kazakhstan]. [online] 19 September. Available at: <https://invest.gov.kz/ru/media-center/press-releases/stroitelstvo-kazakhstansko-kitayskikh-invest-proektov-budet-vestis-v-sootvetstvii-s-zakonodatelstvom/> [Accessed 11 May 2023].

Kazinform, 2016. SE'Z «Khorgos Vostochny'e vorota» obespechit realizacziyu e'ksportno-tranzitnogo potencziala Kazakhstana v evrazijskom regione ["Khorgos Eastern Gate" will ensure the implementation of the export and transit potential of Kazakhstan in the Eurasian region]. [online] 29 October. Available at: <https://informburo.kz/stati/sez-horgos-vostochnye-vorota-obespechit-realizaciyu-eksportno-tranzitnogo-potenciala-kazahstana-v-evraziyskom-regione.html> [Accessed 22 April 2023].

Lu, C., 2019. Yidai yilu jianshe zhongde zhongya minzu wenti fenxi [Analysis of Central Asian ethnic issues in the construction of "One Belt and One Road"). [online] 13 August. Available at: <https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/CP3NlcoSkAR8bUqe9w4C3Q> [Accessed 16 January 2023].

MFA PRC, 2023. The global security initiative concept paper. Available at: <https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/wjbxw/202302/t20230221_11028348.html> [Accessed 12 May 2023].

Oxus Society, 2022. Central Asia protest tracker. 2022. Available at: <https://oxussociety.org/viz/protest-tracker/> [Accessed 16 March 2023].

Parzyan, A., 2023. 'China's Digital Silk Road: Empowering capabilities for digital leadership in Eurasia', in Sahakyan, M., ed., China and Eurasian powers in a Multipolar World Order 2.0: Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.177–192.

President of Russia, 2022. Sovmestnoe zayavlenie Rossijskoj Federacii i Kitajskoj Narodnoj Respubliki o mezhdunarodny'kh otnosheniyakh, vstupayushhikh v novuyu e'pokhu, i global'nom ustoichivom razvitii [Joint Statement by the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China on international relations entering a new era and global sustainable development].

Available at: <http://kremlin.ru/supplement/5770> [Accessed 14 February 2023].

President of Russia, 2023. Sovmestnoe zayavlenie Rossijskoj Federacii i Kitajskoj Narodnoj Respubliki ob uglublenii otnoshenij vseob'emlyushhego partnyorstva i strategicheskogo vzaimodejstviya, vstupayushhikh v novuyu e'pokhu [Joint Statement by the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China on deepening comprehensive partnership and strategic cooperation, entering a new era]. Available at: <http://kremlin.ru/supplement/5920> [Accessed 15 February 2023].

Rumer, E., 2007. 'The United States and Central Asia: In search of a strategy', in Rumer, E., Trenin, D. and Zhao, H., eds., Central Asia: Views from Washington, Moscow, and Beijing. London: Routledge, pp.35–48.

Sahakyan, M., 2021. 'The Sino-Russian tandem in Eurasia and the changing world order: The dawn of the EAEU and the BRI's complementary cooperation and development', in Sahakyan, M. and Gärtner, H., eds., China and Eurasia: Rethinking cooperation and contradictions in the era of changing world order. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.77–98.

Sahakyan, M., 2023. 'Introduction: China, Eurasia, and the Multipolar World Order 2.0', in Sahakyan, M., ed., China and Eurasian Powers in a Multipolar World Order 2.0: Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.1–7.

Silu xin guan cha, 2023. Yif dai yilu shinian. Zhongguo yu zhongya nongyu chanye hezuo weilai keqi [Ten Years of the Belt and Road China and Central Asia's agricultural industry cooperation can be expected in the future]. [online] 20 February. Available at:
[online] 23 February. Available at: <https://www.caa-network.org/archives/21493/kak-koronavirus-povliyal-na-proekty-poyas-i-put-v-czentralnoj-azii-vzglyad-iz-kitaya> [Accessed 04 March 2023].

DKnews, 2022. Okno v Kitaj [Window to China]. [online] Available at: <https://dknews.kz/ru/okno-v-kitay> [Accessed 11 January 2023].

Huang, R., 2023. Yidai yilu zhi zhouniande Chenggong jingyan he xin tiaojian [Successful experience and new challenges of the 10th anniversary of the "Belt and Road" Initiative]. [online] 27 February. Available at: <https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/JjVZXsvpdJacRwBlGX2svA> [Accessed 12 April 2023].

Izimov, R. and Muratalieva, Z., 2020. 'China's Belt and Road Initiative: Impacts and effects for Central Asia', in Lukin, A., ed., The "Roads" and "Belts" of Eurasia. Singapore: Palgrave Macmillan, pp.83–101.

Kazakh Invest, 2022. Stroitel'stvo kazakhstansko-kitajskikh investproektov budet vestis' v sootvetstvii s zakonodatel'stvom Kazakhstana [The construction of Kazakh-Chinese investment projects will be carried out in accordance with the laws of Kazakhstan]. [online] 19 September. Available at: <https://invest.gov.kz/ru/media-center/press-releases/stroitelstvo-kazakhstansko-kitayskikh-invest-proektov-budet-vestis-v-sootvetstvii-s-zakonodatelstvom/> [Accessed 11 May 2023].

Kazinform, 2016. SE'Z «Khorgos Vostochny'e vorota» obespechit realizacziyu e'ksportno-tranzitnogo potencziala Kazakhstana v evrazijskom regione ["Khorgos Eastern Gate" will ensure the implementation of the export and transit potential of Kazakhstan in the Eurasian region]. [online] 29 October. Available at: <https://informburo.kz/stati/sez-horgos-vostochnye-vorota-obespechit-realizaciyu-eksportno-tranzitnogo-potenciala-kazahstana-v-evraziyskom-regione.html> [Accessed 22 April 2023].

Lu, C., 2019. Yidai yilu jianshe zhongde zhongya minzu wenti fenxi [Analysis of Central Asian ethnic issues in the construction of "One Belt and One Road"). [online] 13 August. Available at: <https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/CP3NlcoSkAR8bUqe9w4C3Q> [Accessed 16 January 2023].

MFA PRC, 2023. The global security initiative concept paper. Available at: <https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/wjbxw/202302/t20230221_11028348.html> [Accessed 12 May 2023].

Oxus Society, 2022. Central Asia protest tracker. 2022. Available at: <https://oxussociety.org/viz/protest-tracker/> [Accessed 16 March 2023].

Parzyan, A., 2023. 'China's Digital Silk Road: Empowering capabilities for digital leadership in Eurasia', in Sahakyan, M., ed., China and Eurasian powers in a Multipolar World Order 2.0: Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.177–192.

President of Russia, 2022. Sovmestnoe zayavlenie Rossijskoj Federacii i Kitajskoj Narodnoj Respubliki o mezhdunarodny'kh otnosheniyakh, vstupayushhikh v novuyu e'pokhu, i global'nom ustojchivom razvitii [Joint Statement by the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China on international relations entering a new era and global sustainable development].

Available at: <http://kremlin.ru/supplement/5770> [Accessed 14 February 2023].

President of Russia, 2023. Sovmestnoe zayavlenie Rossijskoj Federacii i Kitajskoj Narodnoj Respubliki ob uglublenii otnoshenij vseob'emlyushhego partnyorstva i strategicheskogo vzaimodejstviya, vstupayushhikh v novuyu e'pokhu [Joint Statement by the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China on deepening comprehensive partnership and strategic cooperation, entering a new era]. Available at: <http://kremlin.ru/supplement/5920> [Accessed 15 February 2023].

Rumer, E., 2007. 'The United States and Central Asia: In search of a strategy', in Rumer, E., Trenin, D. and Zhao, H., eds., Central Asia: Views from Washington, Moscow, and Beijing. London: Routledge, pp.35–48.

Sahakyan, M., 2021. 'The Sino-Russian tandem in Eurasia and the changing world order: The dawn of the EAEU and the BRI's complementary cooperation and development', in Sahakyan, M. and Gärtner, H., eds., China and Eurasia: Rethinking cooperation and contradictions in the era of changing world order. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.77–98.

Sahakyan, M., 2023. 'Introduction: China, Eurasia, and the Multipolar World Order 2.0', in Sahakyan, M., ed., China and Eurasian Powers in a Multipolar World Order 2.0: Security, diplomacy, economy and cyberspace. Abingdon/New York: Routledge, pp.1–7.

Silu xin guan cha, 2023. Yif dai yilu shinian. Zhongguo yu zhongya nongyu chanye hezuo weilai keqi [Ten Years of the Belt and Road China and Central Asia's agricultural industry cooperation can be expected in the future]. [online] 20 February. Available at:
<https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/_ppkoo1Gft09X2B2iVEYcg> [Accessed 07 March 2023].

Soros Kazakhstan, 2018. "V nezhny'kh ob'yatiyakh drakona» «Myagkaya sila» Kitaya v Kazakhstane ["In the gentle embrace of the dragon". China's Soft Power in Kazakhstan].

Almaty, pp.47–78. <https://www.soros.kz/wp-

content/uploads/2018/12/%D0%9A%D0%B8%D1%82%D0%B0%D0%B9-%D0%B2-%D0%9A%D0%B0%D0%B7%D0%B0%D1%85%D1%81%D1%82%D0%B0%D0%BD%D0%B5-.pdf> [Accessed 07 May 2023].

Tengrinews, 2020. Kazakhstan napravil notu protesta Kitayu [Kazakhstan sent a note of protest to China]. [online] 14 April. Available at: <https://tengrinews.kz/news/kazakhstan-napravil-notu-protesta-kitayu-398653/> [Accessed 20 April 2023].

Tikhomirova, O., 2020. Pompeo v Kazakhstane prizy'vaet pomoch' musul'manam v Kitae [Pompeo in Kazakhstan urges to help Muslims in China]. Deutsche Welle, [online] 2 February.

Available at:

<https://www.dw.com/ru/%D0%BF%D0%BE%D0%BC%D0%BF%D0%B5%D0%BE-%D0%B2-%D0%BA%D0%B0%D0%B7%D0%B0%D1%85%D1%81%D1%82%D0%B0%D0%BD%D0%B5-%D0%BF%D1%80%D0%B8%D0%B7%D1%8B%D0%B2%D0%B0%D0%B5%D1%82-%D0%B2%D1%81%D1%82%D1%83%D0%BF%D0%B8%D1%82%D1%8C%D1%81%D1%8F-%D0%B7%D0%B0-%D0%BC%D1%83%D1%81%D1%83%D0%BB%D1%8C%D0%BC%D0%B0%D0%BD-%D0%B2-%D0%BA%D0%B8%D1%82%D0%B0%D0%B5/a-52230365> [Accessed 23 January 2023].

Vlast, 2022. Kitaj budet vsegda podderzhivat' Kazakhstan v zashhite territorial'noj celostnosti, zayavil Si Czzin'pin [China will always support Kazakhstan in protecting its territorial integrity, Xi Jinping said]. [online] 14 September. Available at: <https://vlast.kz/novosti/51669-kitaj-budet-vsegda-podderzivat-kazakhstan-v-zasite-territorialnoj-celostnosti-zaavil-si-czinpin.html> [Accessed 23 January 2023].

## Rethinking China-Kyrgyzstan Relations

Akchabar, 2021. Otsrochka vyplat Kitayu po dolgam obojdetsya byudzhetu KR v $3.8 mln [Postponement of payments to China on debts will cost the budget of the Kyrgyz Republic US$3.8 million]. [online] 6 October. Available at: <https://www.akchabar.kg/ru/news/otsrochka-vyplat-kitayu-obojdetsya-byudzhetu-kyrgyzstana-v-38-mln/> [Accessed 10 April 2023].

Akchabar, 2023. Raskhody Kyrgyzstana na obsluzhivanie gosbolga v 2023 godu vyrastut na 23% [Kyrgyzstan's spending on public debt service to grow by 23% in 2023]. [online] 15 September. Available at: <https://www.akchabar.kg/ru/news/rashody-kyrgyzstana-na-obsluzhivanie-gosbolga-v-2023-godu-vyrastut-na-23/> [Accessed 10 April 2023].

Beishenbekov, K. and Tolkanov, B., 2021. Kuda delis' $ 50 mlrd? Pochemu otlichayutsya dannye tamozhni Kyrgyzstana i Kitaya [Where did the US$50 billion go? Why are the customs data of Kyrgyzstan and China different?]. Sputnik Kyrgyzstan, [online] 15 December. Available at: <https://ru.sputnik.kg/20190208/kyrgyzstan-china-import-tovary-raznica-1043246379.html> [Accessed 10 April 2023].

CGTN, 2023. Tovarooborot mezhdu Kitaem i Kyrgyzstanom prevysil $4 mlrd. [Trade turnover between China and Kyrgyzstan exceeds US$4 billion]. [online] 13 March. Available at: <https://russian cgtn.com/news/2023-03-13/1635165959770845186/index.html> [Accessed 10 April 2023].

Embassy of the PRC in the KR, 2020. Students of Kyrgyzstan are awarded scholarships from the Government of China. Available at: <http://kg.china-embassy.gov.cn/rus/zyxxfb/202007/t20200724_1302349.htm> [Accessed 7 June 2023].

Eurasianet, 2023. Kitaj-Central'naya Aziya: torgovlya ili sploshnaya kontrabanda? [China-Central Asia: Trade or smuggling?] [online] 24 January. Available at: <https://russian.eurasianet.org/kitай-центральная-азия-торговля-или-сплошная-контрабанда> [Accessed 10 April 2023].

Investment Portal Kyrgyz Republic, 2022. Programma po privlecheniju investicijv Kyrgyzskuju Respubliku na 2022–2026 gody [Investment attraction program to the Kyrgyz Republic for 2022–2026]. [pdf] Available at: <https://clck.ru/348CsC> [Accessed 10 April 2023].
<https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/_ppkoo1Gft09X2B2iVEYcg> [Accessed 07 March 2023].

Soros Kazakhstan, 2018. "V nezhny'kh ob'yatiyakh drakona» «Myagkaya sila» Kitaya v Kazakhstane ["In the gentle embrace of the dragon". China's Soft Power in Kazakhstan].

Almaty, pp.47–78. <https://www.soros.kz/wp-

content/uploads/2018/12/%D0%9A%D0%B8%D1%82%D0%B0%D0%B9-%D0%B2-%D0%9A%D0%B0%D0%B7%D0%B0%D1%85%D1%81%D1%82%D0%B0%D0%BD%D0%B5-.pdf> [Accessed 07 May 2023].

Tengrinews, 2020. Kazakhstan napravil notu protesta Kitayu [Kazakhstan sent a note of protest to China]. [online] 14 April. Available at: <https://tengrinews.kz/news/kazakhstan-napravil-notu-protesta-kitayu-398653/> [Accessed 20 April 2023].

Tikhomirova, O., 2020. Pompeo v Kazakhstane prizy'vaet pomoch' musul'manam v Kitae [Pompeo in Kazakhstan urges to help Muslims in China]. Deutsche Welle, [online] 2 February.

Available at:

<https://www.dw.com/ru/%D0%BF%D0%BE%D0%BC%D0%BF%D0%B5%D0%BE-%D0%B2-%D0%BA%D0%B0%D0%B7%D0%B0%D1%85%D1%81%D1%82%D0%B0%D0%BD%D0%B5-%D0%BF%D1%80%D0%B8%D0%B7%D1%8B%D0%B2%D0%B0%D0%B5%D1%82-%D0%B2%D1%81%D1%82%D1%83%D0%BF%D0%B8%D1%82%D1%8C%D1%81%D1%8F-%D0%B7%D0%B0-%D0%BC%D1%83%D1%81%D1%83%D0%BB%D1%8C%D0%BC%D0%B0%D0%BD-%D0%B2-%D0%BA%D0%B8%D1%82%D0%B0%D0%B5/a-52230365> [Accessed 23 January 2023].

Vlast, 2022. Kitaj budet vsegda podderzhivat' Kazakhstan v zashhite territorial'noj celostnosti, zayavil Si Czzin'pin [China will always support Kazakhstan in protecting its territorial integrity, Xi Jinping said]. [online] 14 September. Available at: <https://vlast.kz/novosti/51669-kitaj-budet-vsegda-podderzivat-kazakhstan-v-zasite-territorialnoj-celostnosti-zaavil-si-czinpin.html> [Accessed 23 January 2023].

## Rethinking China-Kyrgyzstan Relations

Akchabar, 2021. Otsrochka vyplat Kitayu po dolgam obojdetsya byudzhetu KR v $3.8 mln [Postponement of payments to China on debts will cost the budget of the Kyrgyz Republic US$3.8 million]. [online] 6 October. Available at: <https://www.akchabar.kg/ru/news/otsrochka-vyplat-kitayu-obojdetsya-byudzhetu-kyrgyzstana-v-38-mln/> [Accessed 10 April 2023].

Akchabar, 2023. Raskhody Kyrgyzstana na obsluzhivanie gositolga v 2023 godu vyrastut na 23% [Kyrgyzstan's spending on public debt service to grow by 23% in 2023]. [online] 15 September. Available at: <https://www.akchabar.kg/ru/news/rashody-kyrgyzstana-na-obsluzhivanie-gositolga-v-2023-godu-vyrastut-na-23/> [Accessed 10 April 2023].

Beishenbekov, K. and Tolkanov, B., 2021. Kuda delis' $ 50 mlrd? Pochemu otlichayutsya dannye tamozhni Kyrgyzstana i Kitaya [Where did the US$50 billion go? Why are the customs data of Kyrgyzstan and China different?]. Sputnik Kyrgyzstan, [online] 15 December. Available at: <https://ru.sputnik.kg/20190208/kyrgyzstan-china-import-tovary-raznica-1043246379.html> [Accessed 10 April 2023].

CGTN, 2023. Tovarooborot mezhdu Kitaem i Kyrgyzstanom prevysil $4 mlrd. [Trade turnover between China and Kyrgyzstan exceeds US$4 billion]. [online] 13 March. Available at: <https://russian cgtn.com/news/2023-03-13/1635165959770845186/index.html> [Accessed 10 April 2023].

Embassy of the PRC in the KR, 2020. Students of Kyrgyzstan are awarded scholarships from the Government of China. Available at: <http://kg.china-embassy.gov.cn/rus/zyxxfb/202007/t20200724_1302349.htm> [Accessed 7 June 2023].

Eurasianet, 2023. Kitaj-Central'naya Aziya: torgovlya ili sploshnaya kontrabanda? [China-Central Asia: Trade or smuggling?] [online] 24 January. Available at: <https://russian.eurasianet.org/kitай-центральная-азия-торговля-или-сплошная-контрабанда> [Accessed 10 April 2023].

Investment Portal Kyrgyz Republic, 2022. Programma po privlecheniju investicijv Kyrgyzskuju Respubliku na 2022–2026 gody [Investment attraction program to the Kyrgyz Republic for 2022–2026]. [pdf] Available at: <https://clck.ru/348CsC> [Accessed 10 April 2023].
Kamchybekova, I., 2022. Kitajskaja kompanija postroit na Issyk-Kule GJeS na 500 MVt [Chinese company to build a 500 MW hydroelectric power station in Issyk-Kul]. Kabar, [online] 31 March. Available at: <https://kabar.kg/news/kitaiskaia-kompaniia-postroit-na-issyk-kule-ges- na-500-mvt/> [Accessed 10 April 2023].

Kant.kg, 2023. Import iz Kitaja v Kyrgyzstan v 2022 godu vpervye prevysil $4 mlrd [Imports from China to Kyrgyzstan in 2022 for the first time exceeded US$4 billion. [online] 17 February.

Available at: <https://kant.kg/2023-02-17/import-iz-kitaya-v-kyrgyzstan-v-2022-godu-vpervye- prevysil-4-mlrd/> [Accessed 10 April 2023].

Kopytin, Y., 2023. Miting torgovcev rynkov. K sobravshimsya vyshel zampred kabmina. [Rally traders markets. The Deputy Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers came out to the audience] 24Kg, [online] 10 March Available at:

<https://24.kg/obschestvo/260457_miting_torgovtsev_ryinkov_ksobravshimsya_vyishel_zampre d_kabmina/> [Accessed 10 April 2023].

Kudayarov, B., 2022. Germaniya reshila prostit' dolg Kyrgyzstanu v 14,9 mln evro. No est' uslovie [Germany decided to forgive a debt of 14 million euros to Kyrgyzstan. But there is a condition]. Kaktus.media, [online] 15 May. Available at:

<https://kaktus.media/doc/459897_germaniia_reshilaprostit_dolg_kyrgyzstany_v_149_mln_evro._no_est_yslovie.html> [Accessed 10 April 2023].

Kudryavtseva, T., 2023a. Glava kabmina ob"yasnil, pochemu Kyrgyzstan ne mozhet pogasit' vneshnij dolg sejchas. [The head of the Cabinet explained why Kyrgyzstan cannot pay off its external debt now] 24Kg, [online] 25 February. Available at:

<https://24.kg/vlast/259391_glava_kabmina_obyyasnil-pochemu_kyirgyizstan_nemojet_pogasit_vneshniy_dolg_seychas/> [Accessed 10 April 2023].

Kudryavtseva, T., 2023b. Export of electricity to China. Where does Kyrgyzstan get extra kilowatts from? [Eksport elektroenergii v Kitaj. Otkuda u Kyrgyzstana lishnie kilovatty?] 24Kg, [online] 23 May. Available at:

<https://24.kg/ekonomika/266171_eksportElektroenergii_vkitay_otkuda_ukyirgyizstana_lishnie_kilovattyi/> [Accessed 10 April 2023].

Masalieva, J., 2020. 33% of direct investments in Kyrgyzstan attracted from China. Available at:24.kg, [online] 10 February.

<https://24.kg/english/143138_33_of_direct_investments_in_Kyrgyzstan_attracted_from_China/ > [Accessed 15 July 2023].

Maslova, D., 2016. NPZ "Dzhunda" otchitalsya o prodelannoj rabote -3,5 mlrd somov v vide nalogov [Junda refinery reported on the work done -3.5 billion soms in the form of taxes].

Kaktus, [online] 7 July. Available at:

<https://kaktus.media/doc/341191 NPZ_djynda_otchitalsia_o_prodelannoy_rabote_35_mlrd.so mov_v_vide_nalogov.html> [Accessed 5 June 2023].

Ministry of Justice of the Kyrgyz Republic, 2022. Strategija upravlenija gosudarstvennym dolgom Kyrgyzskoj Respubliki na 2022-2024 gody [Strategy management of the public debt of the Kyrgyz Republic for 2022-2024]. [pdf] Available at: <http://cbd.minjust.gov.kg/act/view/ru- ru/159314?cl=ru-ru> [Accessed 10 April 2023].

Ministry of Labour. Social Security and Migration, Kyrgyzstan, 2022. Ministr truda obsudil podderzhku Kitaya novoj programme preodoleniya bednosti [Labor minister discusses China's support for new poverty alleviation program]. Available at:

<https://mlsp.gov.kg/2022/11/15/ministr-truda-obsudil-podderzhku-kitaya-novoj-programme- preodoleniya-bednosti/> [Accessed 10 April 2023].

MOFCOM, PRC, 2022. Podpisano Investicionnoe soglashenie v celjah neobhodimosti povyshenija jenergeticheskoj bezopasnosti KR [An Investment Agreement was signed in order to improve the energy security of the Kyrgyz Republic]. Available

at:<https://mineconom.gov.kg/ru/post/7734> [Accessed 10 April 2023].

Muratalieva, N., 2023. Soft Power of China in Kyrgyzstan: Impediments and limitations. OSCE Academy in Bishkek. [pdf] Available at: <https://www.osce- academy.net/upload/file/Policy_brief_84.pdf> [Accessed 5 June 2023].

Muratalieva, Z.T., Esenbekova, A.T. and Tatkalo, N.S., 2022. China in the shadow of Russia: Covert tools for expanding China's influence over Kyrgyzstan's security. India Quarterly, 78(1), pp.88-103.

Musuralieva, Dzh, 2023. Stala izvestna primernaya stoimost zheleznoj dorogi Kitaj - Kyrgyzstan – Uzbekistan [Approximate cost of China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan railway became known].

Kaktus, [online] 28 April. Available at:
Kamchybekova, I., 2022. Kitajskaja kompanija postroit na Issyk-Kule GJeS na 500 MVt [Chinese company to build a 500 MW hydroelectric power station in Issyk-Kul]. Kabar, [online] 31 March. Available at: <https://kabar.kg/news/kitaiskaia-kompaniia-postroit-na-issyk-kule-ges- na-500-mvt/> [Accessed 10 April 2023].

Kant.kg, 2023. Import iz Kitaja v Kyrgyzstan v 2022 godu vpervye prevysil $4 mlrd [Imports from China to Kyrgyzstan in 2022 for the first time exceeded US$4 billion. [online] 17 February.

Available at: <https://kant.kg/2023-02-17/import-iz-kitaya-v-kyrgyzstan-v-2022-godu-vpervye- prevysil-4-mlrd/> [Accessed 10 April 2023].

Kopytin, Y., 2023. Miting torgovcev rynkov. K sobravshimsya vyshel zampred kabmina. [Rally traders markets. The Deputy Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers came out to the audience] 24Kg, [online] 10 March Available at:

<https://24.kg/obschestvo/260457_miting_torgovtsev_ryinkov_ksobravshimsya_vyishel_zampre d_kabmina/> [Accessed 10 April 2023].

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