<figure><img src="image_1.png" /></figure>

**Abstract**

The health impact of music is an emerging interest of research, although few studies have attempted to understand what it might be specifically about popular music that momentarily lifts people and gives them an immediate sense of wellbeing. This paper proposes some basic ideas in this area, using Daft Punk's Get Lucky to explore how such experiences might be facilitated from an artistic and production standpoint. Features the song and its performance scenarios are related to Deleuzian ideas on affect. It is suggested that the physical characteristics of musical sound contribute an important auditory ingredient to affective intensities; mobile energies emerging from force encounters within assemblages of humans and non-humans. These intensities might be experienced as 'feeling states'; somatically registered vibes and passions that flow through songs, environments and listeners alike. Through the registering of lyrical and other meanings, these feeling states might then slide into consciously known attitudes and emotions.

**Key Words** affect, Daft Punk, music, non-representational theory, place, wellbeing

# A Force from the Beginning: Wellbeing in the Affective Intensities of Pop Music

GAVIN J ANDREWS

**Introduction**

Everything [in popular music] was so angular, so preset and so defaulted. The first time we put out something that felt festive and celebratory it was like...[pauses] ..the way people have reacted to it! You know, they don't have to, but the fact that they have sort of confirms that there is a shift and people just want to be happy again. And I'm just happy to be a punctuation in the sentence of the history of this year. [Pharrell Williams GQ Awards Interview, Sept 2013]

A traditional but modernised disco jam, Get Lucky is co-written and co-performed by cult house music duo Daft Punk (Thomas Bangalter and Guy-Manuel de Homem-

Christo), musician/producer Nile Rodgers, and singer/producer/musician Pharrell Williams. The song was released in April 2013 and, after gaining extensive radio play, rapidly emerged as a worldwide phenomenon. It eventually peaked at the top of the record sales charts in over 20 countries, sold well over eight million units in official downloads and hard copies, and was viewed over 200 million times on YouTube. Get Lucky was, 'the song' of the summer. It was, for a time, difficult to get away from, yet it was liked by broad sections of the general public and hard-nosed music critics alike (winning two Grammys for 'record of the year' and 'best pop performance'). Important to this success, as Pharrell mentions in the interview extract shown above, Get Lucky possess a positivity feeling and message that resounded with listeners in the context of a post-recession world.

The positivity aspect of Get Lucky is a critical motivation for its consideration in the current paper. As the following review will explain, although the health and wellbeing impacts of music are a growing interest of academic research, few studies have investigated how they might emerge in
everyday songs, situations and environments. Get Lucky, as a recent and a quite famous example of a 'feel good' song, is well suited as a starting point to investigate this specifically from an artistic/production perspective. Aspects of the song, and the way it is presented and performed, are framed in the paper by Gilles Deleuze's concept on 'affect'; particularly its onflow as environment, and movement to and from emotion.

## Music, health, and wellbeing

A range of disciplines have, over the last two decades, explored the relationships between health, wellbeing and music.[1-3] The health sciences have demonstrated how music can be utilized quite practically in caring situations and contexts establishing, for example, its efficacy as a therapeutic and technical tool in medical research, diagnosis and treatment across various clinical specialities including psychiatry,[4,5] audiology and hearing medicine,[6,7] obstetrics and gynaecology,[8-9] oncology,[10,11] palliative and end-of-life care,[12,13] cardiology,[14,15] general surgery,[16,17] and dentistry[18-19]. Moreover they have also focused on its efficacy for treating particular demographic and client cohorts such as children (in neonatology and paediatrics),[20,21] older people (in gerontology and geriatrics),[22,23] and people with physical and intellectual disabilities (in community health)[24,25]. In terms of benefits, it has been argued that through its positive impact on both the body and mind, music can help reduce pain, blood pressure, stress, depression and tiredness, as well as help increase emotional strength and resilience, confidence, contentment, attention and relaxation.[26-29] Notably, many of the interventions on which these observations are based involve the specific use of 'music therapy'; an holistic modality of complementary medicine integrated into conventional health care settings in various ways and to various degrees.[30-31]

Music, of course, is not always part of treatment and exists, for the most part, outside and 'upstream' of medicine where it potentially impacts on public health positively or negatively (or does not impact at all). In a basic cause-and-effect sense, relationships exist, for example, between dancing and fitness levels [32-33], and performing/listening to music and physical and emotional injuries [34-35]. Most relationships are however not so clear or deterministic, and are relative to political and cultural contexts. For example, public health interventions have explored how certain genres of music can be helpful in enhancing and delivering public health messages to youth[36] and investing them more generally in health-related initiatives, practice and research.[37] On the other hand, musical cultures might also be aligned to, but

not necessarily cause, poor health and wellbeing outcomes particularly in the contexts of drug use,[38-39] degrading and stigmatizing imagery,[40] urban crime and violence,[41] unrealistic expectations and negative self-perceptions,[42] high risk sexual behaviour[43] and even extremist political movements[44-45].

Outside medicine and public health, longstanding relationships exist between music and the idea of 'social wellbeing' (i.e. the meeting of human rights, needs and security on a collective, community level) through musicians addressing social causes in their songs, performances, activism and other activities[46] and this, in turn, influencing their listeners[47]. Andrews et al.[1,48] note that a first phase such activity spanned the 1930s to 1950s, when popular gospel, blues and jazz musicians began to publicise threats to human rights and liberties. A second phase spanned the 1960s and 1970, when big name rock artists and bands more firmly cemented the tradition of musicians focusing on broad societal problems such as vulnerability and inequality, injustice and oppression, marginalization and exclusion, deprivation and conflict - in various forms and scales.[49] A third and long-running current phase arrived during the mid-1980s. Here, although the concerns of the first and second phase continued[50-51] - particularly through a new generation of Hip Hop artists[52] - on another level they have also become more pragmatic, reactive and emergency focused, grounded in the vast Band Aid/Live Aid/ Live8 activities of 1984-2005 and their focus on the survival, health and prosperity of populations in Sub-Saharan Africa. Notably, as part of the current phase, the most famous of musicians have emerged as powerful agents able to exert direct leverage at the global scale.[48,53-55] Whilst they have embarked upon various activities (from musical events to direct involvement in organizations, financial initiatives and politics) and have achieved many of their goals (particularly in terms of debt relief, boycott, policy change, fundraising and public awareness) a critique of their 'celebrity diplomacy' has also emerged, that helps balance opinion. This raises concerns with the accuracy, simplification, contradiction, hypocrisy and partiality in their arguments and projects.[48,55-59]

Beyond celebrity, in the last twenty years musical activity on social wellbeing has diversified considerably, involving many different kinds of musically-led activities, activism and social commentary - often at more modest local and regional scales - and different kinds of group agencies, cohesions and identities. Festival attendance and culture, for example, has exploded in popularity across the globe; festivals being times and spaces existing outside 'normal life', that are attached to
various social causes, spiritualism, globalism and utopianism, and wider commercial interests.[60-61] Another growing phenomenon is 'community music therapy' as a way groups work in their own local cultural contexts to communicate, articulate and overcome their members' common challenges, and increase their collective wellbeing.[62-63] Meanwhile a 'post-Live Aid' grass-roots phenomenon has solidified whereby the important, yet often understated, activism of the many thousands of amateur and more modestly profiled professional musicians is gaining recognition. Their diverse concerns for social wellbeing have spanned not only developing world contexts and issues but have also evolved within developed world urban cultures.[64-65]

In addition to the varied, yet relatively specialist and prescribed situations dealt with in the above literatures, wellbeing can also be part of peoples' everyday experience of popular music. Indeed, as Ansdell[66] outlines, at one level the everyday consumption of popular music can have potentially profound personal impacts and consequences such as helping people build and negotiate their own identities and identities with other people and things, helping them establish and maintain relationships in non-verbal ways, and find moments of transcendence and meaning that might promote change in their lives. Moreover, at another level, as most people 'know' to be the case, music simply makes them feel good and just a little bit better as they go about their regular lives (which is a big part of why they purchase and listen to it). In terms of understanding how and why these things occur at both levels, various explanations have been proposed. Whilst there are those that focus on underlying biochemical and physiological responses in bodies,[67] others are more psycho-social in orientation. Of the latter, most recently for example, De Nora[68] draws on the work of Goffman and Foucault, and suggests music is used as a 'technology of the self'; a very brief encounter and aesthetic experience through which individuals can work on themselves - in that moment and thereafter - to reinforce their actions, identities and capacities in an ever institutionalised world. Notably, both within this particular post-structuralist understanding and more generally, listeners' emotions are known to play an important and intricate role,[69-73] as do their specific listening situations and practices[52,74-79] in facilitating positive memories, feelings and outlooks - including empowerment, hope and utopian desires for a better way of being.

In terms of understanding how wellbeing is worked specifically into the form of popular music, far less research has been conducted and even less is known. Scholars

have noted how particular genres and styles of music are purposefully aligned to particular wellbeing feelings and experiences - including, for example, popular jazz and ambient music with simplistic therapeutic moments,[80-81] rock songs and venues with hope, healing, realism and escapism[82-83] - but an opportunity remains to dig far deeper. To pick apart and consider far more fundamentally the basic structures, techniques, processes and performance aspects of popular music and how they might, through their combined unfolding in environments, help give rise to wellbeing experiences. Indeed, as Pharrell commented himself in The Guardian Newspaper on 9th March 2014 "I always want to put something medicinal into my music. To always have some nutrients. It can't be just shan't, you know what I mean?". Looking for these nutrients, and the challenges this poses, raises the potential of 'affect' as an investigatory and explanatory concept.

## Affective environments

Affect is a capacity and transitioning of the body; for it to be affected by bodies, to modify and then to affect other bodies. As Thrift[84] notes, affect has a diverse philosophical precedent and grounding in the work of such eminent scholars as Plato, Kant and Rousseau, but importantly, still has no single common understanding. A number of different explanations exist that span hundreds of years of academic thought including phenomenological and social interactionist (emphasizing embodied practices that create visible actions), psychoanalytical (emphasizing practices that emerge from and as human drives), Darwinian (emphasizing expressions of emotions that are similar across species). It is however a fourth explanation, a specifically naturalistic one, that has been most influential in recent years, which this paper draws on to the greatest degree. Originating in Spinozas Ethics and his early philosophical reasoning of mind, body and nature, the naturalistic explanation was later developed and articulated more extensively in Deleuzian critical theory,[85-86] most recently re-emerged across sociology and human geography, in the latter discipline as a key testing concept in the turn towards Non-Representational Theory, and approaches to understand the 'taking place' of the active world.[87] In much geographical research it is argued that the 'affective environment' is affect's collective manifestation and transhuman happening in space-time involving interactions between all physical things assembled and moving (from atoms and molecules, to the more complex forms of matter, to complete human bodies and non-human objects [88-89]). The result being an intensity that is experienced amongst people (transpersonally) less-
than-fully consciously as a sensation or 'feeling state'. This manifests to them on a somatic register, as a vague yet intense vibe or passion.[90-91] Hence, one might think of the overall affective process and experience as a highly variable yet constantly occurring part of peoples' lives in which they participate. A part that is endlessly streaming situated in-between, but complexly related to, what is physically happening, and what they observe, reason and know to have happened.

Because affect implies a transition from one experiential state of the body to another, it potentially impacts on wellbeing, in either positive or negative ways, through it having a bearing on people's energy, and their capacity for engagement and involvement. Spinoza and Deleuze[85] argue that whilst negative affection (a sorrowful or sad affect) acts like a toxin that weighs people down and reduces their capacity to operate physically and mentally, positive affection (a joyful or euphoric affect) acts as a nutrition that carries people forwards and increases their capacity to operate physically and mentally (whether they participate in the affective environment by chance or due to conscious decisions [e.g. 92-94]). These processes suggest a fundamental rethink of what should be the starting point and basic unit of analysis in studies of health and wellbeing; a movement from a focus on the 'body-with-organs' to a focus on far broader assemblages [95] and the environments within which they unfold and make [92]. In sum then, given these impacts, affect works in two particular ways with regard to wellbeing. At one level, impacting on a person's capacity, it leads to positive or negative feeling states associated with enhanced or degraded engagement in itself (being able or unable to undertake activity A, B or C or being able to undertake activity A, B or C with more or less ease). At another level, it enhances or limits engagements in specific types of activities which themselves produce specific positive affective feeling states (the affective experience of actually doing activity D, E or F). Notably, for some of these activities, a range of more fully-conscious and traditionally measurable positive health outcomes also exist in unison (such as cardiovascular health through forms of fitness, and tangible wellbeing outcomes through forms of work/income, leisure, social contact and political involvement).

Although certain affects might arise from relatively 'natural' social or physical conditions and situations (such as persons entering an untouched natural landscape), reflecting the situations people most typically find themselves in throughout their lives, the majority exist as part of human designs (even if the designer is not concerned to affect per-se). As Thrift[84]

argues, affects are often created by self-interested parties that purposefully provide certain textured feels to the things people do and places where they reside. Music, for example, is a highly engineered sound that potentially contributes to affect in the place within which it is played. On the one hand, it helps create the immediate affective experience of being in that place.[74-76] On the other hand, if it reoccurs and is predictably present, it helps create a particular 'affective possibility'; somewhere that is known for particular feeling states, that people might be attracted to and seek out. Moreover, because value is attached by people to particular affective feeling states and things (such as music) that help create them, one might talk about markets for affects, whereby financial resources are distributed and exchanged in their production and consumption.[96]

Notably two significant methodological challenges persist when investigating affect. The first is the involvement of the researcher's own emotions and other judgement filters when attempting to make sense of affect - something that they do not fully cognitively experience. As Pile[97] explains, a researcher, like any individual, might witness, experience or add to an affective state but any later contemplation of this state inevitably involves their full cognition and their personally, socially and historically affixed interpretations which provide a false consciousness of it.[96,98] Thus, affect cannot be truly recalled. The second challenge is related to representation and the fact that the researcher's written words, no matter how expressive and colourful they might be, can never directly expose a vibrant sensory happening, and will inevitably change and deaden it. Thus, affect cannot be written. In response, researchers can recognise these constraints and employ a number of mitigating strategies including, in terms of data collection, a heightened awareness and use of their own senses during observations, and also providing other access points to the object of focus (such as audio, video and photographs).[99-101] In terms specifically of writing, they might and select words and phrases that are as true and honest as possible to the event that unfolded, and attempt to provide detailed description of the energy and momentum of what happened.[98,102] In short, all this might be done, so legitimate attempts are made at 'relaying', 'conveying' and 'presenting' empirical realities more than (re)representing them. These strategies are used in the following study of Get Lucky, which employs structural analysis of the song, video and video analysis, personal observation and reflection, reflections of a second person, and a scan of blogs and fan sites.
## Onflows of basic and technical sound

"Daft Punk and I were on unified plane of grooviness"
(Nile Rogers in The Telegraph, 30th June, 2013)

Link One: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=h5EofwRzit0

Affect commences with a particle physics that turns social; atomic and molecular processes that cannot be observed with the human eye yet are continually at play, unremittingly forming and moving the materiality of everyday life.[88] Those associated with heat, light, kinetics are all important to affect, and those that underlie sound contribute an important auditory component. As Andrews et al.[92] remind us, all sound is structured and delivered by soundwaves; longitudinal pressure waves formed by vibrating objects that disturb air molecules causing them to move. The result is a pulsating motion of air, its molecules rebounding off objects or vibrating them; the sound heard being the variation in density/pressure picked up by the human ear (and its own biological molecules). Soundwaves vary in frequency (the number of back and forth vibrations in a given time), the sensation of frequency being pitch (whereby the higher the frequency of the wave, the higher the pitch). Soundwaves also have intensity (energy transported through time and space) which can be picked up by the human ear, and/or measured mechanically or electronically in decibels, as loudness. Musical soundwaves in particular possess certain characteristics. Whereas non-musical sound is a mixture of frequencies whereby no regular mathematical relationships exist between them (often neutral, unremarkable or even unpleasant to the ear), musical sound is a mixture of frequencies whereby regular mathematical relationships do exist between them (often noticeable, engaging and pleasant to the ear). Beats meanwhile occur within much musical sound as regular short bursts at a noticeably higher decibel level, and notify the tempo (speed) of the music. In addition, with most musical sound, multiple sources of sound result in multiple simultaneous and complementary frequencies - and often constructive interference and/or harmony (whereby two wavelengths combine to positive acoustic effect). In Get Lucky, this sound energy comes through in particular, technically manipulated, forms (see link one).

Get Lucky is played in the key of F-Sharp, runs at a tempo of 116 Beats Per Minute with a Chord structure (Bm7-D-F#m7-E) that does not vacillate. These facets give the song a consistency, and drive it straight through its four minutes and eight seconds within minimal change. They also act as a solid base upon which a range of more specific techniques and content are placed. From the outset in Get

Lucky two introductory bars, each with four riffs, present a simple rhythm that showcases the entire song to come. All instruments - guitar, bass, drums and various keyboards and electronics - enter the fray at once, yet it is the bars played on a lightly effected Stratocaster guitar, that immediately stand out. The riff, constituted of eight or so quick strums, is immediately infectious and begs you to move with it, to be part of it (the listeners' inner voice mimics "der de, der de, der de, de de der der...."). Rogers' crisp 'funky' movements and each of his strums, is responsible for the song's immediate momentum. It is a momentum, like with much classic funk, that is constituted of hundreds of tiny moments, with just a micro-second of anticipation and expectation for the next moment to come. As Pharrell explains in the song 'the present has no rhythm'. Indeed, rhythm is always leaping towards, and commencing, the next moment. The song continues, rolling seamlessly through a basic verse-chorus-verse-chorus-bridge-chorus format (order ABABCB), only the bridge being distinct, with its heavier synthesized sounds and repeating 'robot' vocals (yet still overlaying the hooks/melodies from the chorus and pre-chorus). In most of the song it is the more organic sounds of drums, guitar, bass guitar that dominate, with digital sounds and effects placed subtly in the background (making the song contemporary without making a conscious point about it).

Get Lucky has a consistency and thus 'catchiness' that results from two specific structural features. Firstly, refrains (regular repetition) are a key element of the song (notably as with much other music and its affective qualities[103]). The riff, for example, is repeated 100 times in three very close varieties in four chord loops, and the words "up all night to get lucky", for example, 40 times in two styles (including once 18 times consecutively, once eight times consecutively and twice four times consecutively). Secondly, Get Lucky possess an ongoing and unresolved harmonic tension.[104] It does not contain or rely on a 'build' (which common in much dance music to increase intensity and take listeners onwards and forwards to a 'higher level'), but instead generates positive energy throughout by simply never settling to a 'home chord'. This sets up an underlying anticipation in the song which is never resolved or released, just recycled and set back in motion.[104] All is not perfect however and, as we know well as listeners, just as refrains have the potential to engage us by providing a consistent familiar experience, they also have the potential to annoy us in the longer term, for example if we are overexposed to a song being cyclically repeated. Harmonic tension can potentially mitigate negative experiences of overexposure. Indeed because listeners have never reached
the song's destination (because one never emerges from the tension), they are forever exploring its journey (which does not so easily wear thin or 'get old' for them). However, despite this mitigating quality of harmonic tension, its capacity is not limitless in this regard, and a certain degree of overexposure will inevitably lead to negative experiences. 'The gift keeps on giving', but certainly not forever.

## Body and object happenings

As described, the physical and technical features of popular music are important to its affect, yet just as crucial is where and how music is played, experienced and interacted with. Indeed amongst a complex set of inter-relationships that can be described between sound, affect and space, is the reality that both sound and affect are dependent on space. Both need to literally 'take-place' - emerge in space/time within an active assemblage of humans (bodies) and non-humans (objects) - in order to exist.

So how might this work? Affect brings attention to the body's relational capacities to act and interact with other things. In terms of process, a shift in an individual's energy and capacity emerges as their body becomes affected within a local assemblage of bodies and objects.[105] This is a rapid, continually repeating and open process. Within bodies, physical reactions and adjustments might be obvious (such as audible sounds or rapid full limb movements) or subtle (such as a tremble, eye or mouth movement). In turn, these reactions become visible to other bodies that are affected, and so on.[97] These relationships are modulated by the presence, and relative positioning and movement of objects (which might be large, small or minute; noticeable, not so noticeable or invisible), the numerous physical 'things' that surround bodies and interact with them to various degrees. In this sense, affective environments can therefore be thought of as the taking place of force-encounters; as the happening of the ebbs, swells and flows of intensities passing between bodies with objects.[106] Ultimately the result is a 'trans-human' experience, whereby bodies experience themselves expansively as more than themselves; as part of a greater physical happening.[107]

Such coming together of, and interactions between, bodies also necessitates a rethink of the fundamental nature of human togetherness. Whilst traditional forms of togetherness based on personally and collectively known social positioning and identity (for example in terms of class, gender or taste) will always be important to many aspects of human life, it might be that togetherness can arise prior to this, through affect,

in different forms. As Thrift[108] posits, affect introduces the possibility that togetherness might also be about quite subtle and less conscious forms of human binding and harmony that arise between individuals through their gathering and their parts and exchanges in immediate and continual shifting spatial positioning.[108-109] Indeed, while traditional forms of togetherness are communicated through language and a conscious reading of other bodies, 'affective togetherness' occurs prior to any such communications [84]. Thus affective togetherness is about what people are doing with other people in places energetically in moments, at the point at which who they are is not apparent and does not yet matter.

Of course, these points in mind, Get Lucky might contribute towards an affect almost anywhere it is played (whether this be, for example, a night club, a bedroom, a train, in a shop etc). Not only is each context unique, each individual occasion is unique, and thus the experiential possibilities are almost endless. Three illustrations - from countless millions around the world - are the song's official promotional video, one of the researcher's own experiences, and one of his family member's experiences. Whilst the former showcases the purposeful production of an affective environment by the artist and record company, the latter showcase the emergence of more organic and random events.

## *The first illustration*

The video starts with a close up shot of Roger's transparent Stratocaster. Whilst one might consciously register the make, perhaps more important is that the guitar is itself moving up and down as Rogers strums and dances. It is creating the auditory rhythm, but has its own physical movements and rhythm. The camera soon pans out to reveal Roger's smiling head which is also dipping and bobbing in time. Rogers might be operating the guitar, yet he too has his own physical movement and rhythm.

Next coming into view are the two Daft Punk 'robots', one on the bass guitar, the other on drums. Their helmets present them as shiny faceless bodies; neutral, clean, without personality. Their gloved hands hit drums and play notes, and they are also moving; both creating rhythm and being rhythm. They are a moving anonymity, a moving blank, a modernist machine spectacle, that entices.

The camera turns to Pharrell. He is moving and dancing but is more expressive and purposeful with his gestures. A subtle smile here and there, a point and look up "to the Stars". A cheeky bite of his lip, then sweep of the arm "coming to far". A subtle fist pump "to get some". A pull on his lapel, "to get
lucky". This might choreographed, but you don't think about that. He's enjoying himself, moving, getting into it.

Eventually we see the entire band. Its only them, on their own, in black against a black background. Yet this emptiness seems only to enhance their collective energy and movement. Their suits glitter in the studio lights creating human mirrorballs. Stars sparkle and twinkle in time behind them; a flash here a flicker there. The camera is also moving around, circling and going in and out, participating with the band.

### The second illustration

It's an early summers evening and I'm driving through Toronto on my way back home, after visiting a museum with son. I hadn't heard Get Lucky before. My radio is off, only the hum of the engine and the various city noises can be heard, as we travel along Bloor Street – horns, shouts, drills and other sudden bursts of sound. It's was a good day, visiting dinosaurs, but we are both tired now a little bit bored...

My son asks, like he often does, for me to put the radio on. I agree to his request, and the sounds of a well known Toronto alternative rock station fill the car. Nothing playing motivates us or moves us at this point, the sound of mainstream jangly indie guitar riffs, youth voices and adverts – that we have heard hundreds of times – provides at least some noise, a backdrop at least, and a slight increase in energy.

Then a tune comes on the radio; funky guitars and an instantly catchy groove. I start to move. I'm tapping my hand against the steering wheel, rat tat tat tat tat, tapping my left foot in the foot well. I'm nodding my head to the beat. I'm suddenly smiling, and for some reason looking more intensely at the people on the street, as if they can hear. I'm even starting to enjoy the movement of the car, the speed that it is picking up along the street. The thumping and vibrations of the street car tracks add to the sensation, thump, thump, thump, thump, seemingly in time with the music. I'm engaged, smiling and for some reason I briefly look at my son. He is also nodding his head but in an even more exaggerated motion than myself, smiling and tapping his foot. We say nothing, just move in time together, increase our movements, enjoying the moment. The song continues to the end but, even thereafter, we feel lifted, less tired. We talk and laugh our way up Avenue road, continuing on our way home.

### The third illustration

A summer barbeque by the lake, the sun has gone down, its final warm red glow now past. The volume of the music increases on the stereo so it now stimulates the ears physically

and its vibration is felt through the body. Friends start to dance, one-by-one on the deck, to various tunes. The beat of the music is increasingly stamped onto, and felt, through the wooded planks. The makeshift dance floor becomes even fuller as Get Lucky comes on, each body adding volume to a single mass of human movement. The energy increases as the Guitar strums, and the bass vibrates. A little more effort is exerted by the mass, braver moves showing left and right. Uplifting feelings and smiles emerge, all as one.

It is within affective moments like these where music comes together in an overall performance event; a complex and changing mix of sound, objects and bodies whereby traditional dichotomies and binaries, such as 'production' and 'consumption', make less sense. It is here where the affective wellbeing feel and experience initially surfaces. Moreover, as the above examples illustrate, whilst affects arise, other processes arise beyond them whereby the mind becomes more consciously involved in the experience. This might be through the forming of opinion on the music, actively relating oneself to specific aspects of the musical content, or more simply through being aware of oneself or others involved in the sound and sensation of movement. This more conscious participation brings us to the subject of music and meaning.

### Enter meanings

"It [Get Lucky and the album Random Access Memories] brilliantly captures the melancholic beauty of the nightclub, the feeling that the party must inevitably end, with moments of reflection and a sense of space" (Hodgkinson, The Times, May 2013).

Although a variety of musical content can be responsible for bringing a song's meaning into focus, lyrics are a powerful and direct way of communicating it. Whilst lyrics, like instrumentation, do not have to be thought about by the listener and can easily be ignored, they might be and often are. Whenever this occurs, the listener moves beyond affect and their emotions – which are necessary to unlock and make personal sense of meaning – come into play. On this subject, Pile [97], outlines a three stage process. The first stage is the non-cognitive action of affect; the purely physical interactions and energies that occur within assemblages of bodies and objects. The second stage is a less-than-fully conscious, pre-personal, affective feeling state; how these physical interactions are tacitly picked up, yet not consciously registered. The third stage is consciously known and felt emotion; the way affective experiences can be later fixed on, or compared to, personal knowledge and known social categories. Although the process might stop at the first
or second stage, a one-way rapid advancement typically takes place through from the first to the third stage, always crossing an involving the second stage [97]. Thus, an affective feeling state is always a forerunner to, and influence, on any emotion pertaining to a person's immediate situation. In a song, these three stages - movement, vibe and meaning - might transition back and forth and re-circulate rapidly, rather depending on the immediate circumstance/assemblage, and the listener; the extent to which they are listening and with what purpose, and their current and broader life situations and contexts.

As Bailey [104] explains, a relationship exists between the musical structures and lyrics in Get Lucky which assists transitions to emotions; specifically whereby the musical structures encourage the listener to, at key times, notice specific lyrics and lyrical meaning. Bailey observes, in particular, that the chorus of Get Lucky is composed of twenty bars, each with four beats. The only lyrics actually sung 'on the beat' are sung on the fourth and final beat of each bar. This creates a situation whereby the listener is paying more attention to these specific words. Moreover, on six of the twenty bars, the final 'on beat' word has two-syllables - "Iu-cky" - (as opposed to one syllable in the other fourteen) which makes it stand out even further. The sounding of a hi-hat cymbal and changed pitch of the robot voice on the word lucky, add even more to the emphasis [104]. Further emphasis is placed on the meaning of some lines in the song by the extension and higher pitch of certain words within them; making the entire sentence slower and clearer. For example in the pre-chorus "we---ve, come to fa-----ar, to give u------p, who we ar-------re" and in the chorus "I'm up all night to get so------me, she's to all night for good fu---un". This approach is combined with well placed pauses throughout the song and emphasis words possessing positivity such as 'stars' 'sun' 'giving' and 'winning'. Indeed, these types of techniques structurally connect the affective and meaningful emotional levels of Get Lucky.

Thinking beyond the aforementioned three stages, after a song is listened to, both the affective and emotional feelings involved can be recalled and ascribed meaning (even though the former has no meaning in itself). Thus both affect and emotions both have a longer-term resonance in terms of the meanings people ascribe to music. In the emotional realm of popular music lies connections to vast social and cultural realities (such as gender relations, fashion, work, education etc). Get Lucky is specifically about having fun and meeting people whilst partying. It is also about gendered differences in experiences and expectations regarding sex in these situations (although Pharrell has often gone to lengths

to argue that 'getting lucky' can mean things other than having sex, such as getting along with friends, and meeting new acquaintances). In terms of wider social meaning and identity then, Get Lucky is to the second decade of the twenty-first century what Wham's 'Club Tropicana' was to the 1980s [110], or Destiny's Child's 'Jumpin Jumpin' was to the early 2000s (noting many alignments across other genres of popular music – such as Pulp's 'Sorted for Ez and Whiz' and The Specials 'Nite Klub').

Finally, based on and looking beyond social realities, music holds potential for the release of hopes, dreams and fantasies. Millions of possibilities exist, each personal and each relational to each listener. This 'imaginary landscape', reached through affect and emotion (the latter often involving escapist visualization) is critical to popular music's feel good factor. A music website and blog included the fan comment: "I get this feeling of love being something that you can't deny, and being part of that, pushing that idea thought when the song is on". For the author of this paper, now in his mid 40s, the song evokes momentary nostalgic reflections on the feelings and circumstances of his 20s; of past times and places long gone. Occasionally these might be specific and focused, but often they are general and vague. It also evokes a smile when thinking of the generation younger than himself and all the personal fun, trials, tribulations and changes they must be going through. The song, in a way, connects his own history to their present.

## Conclusion

Think about an occasion when you have entered a dance venue of any kind... the affective quality of the space in which bodies move is never only something personal – it is a product of a complex mix between music, light, sound, bodies and gesture. What is clear is that this affective intensity is felt – you can feel it in your gut and that this felt sense can be modulated by changes in the level of those factors... [If asked] you might articulate this feeling through identifying a specific emotion – 'I feel happy'. This designation would make sense because we have a collective – if vague – understanding of what it means to feel an emotion such as happiness.[111 p 1827-8]

As McCormack describes above, affect is a reasonably abstract, yet strangely familiar phenomenon. An average participant, whilst recognizing affective feeling states, would probably never ever talk directly about the 'concept' of affect. Moreover, by the same token, it is highly doubtful whether musicians ever specifically engineer and create music based on an academic understanding of affect. However, both parties undoubtedly value particular vibes and atmospheres in music and musical performances. Indeed, although
abstract, the processes by which affect works, and its flows into emotion, seem to speak greatly to the passions we intuitively know to come hand-in-hand which music, and the ways in which we experience and feel music.

In particular, the analysis of Get Lucky illustrates how understanding the affective qualities of music potentially broadens our understanding of the dynamics between music, health and wellbeing. As the initial literature review noted, a substantive volume of research published across disciplines has firmly established the many ways that music can be used to directly promote health and wellbeing, whether this be in social, political, institutional or everyday contexts. Affect does not necessarily conflict with any of these explanations, and might be thought of as something that initiates prior to, and works more broadly and environmentally alongside, them. Starting off with atoms and molecules, then involving energetic interactions within assemblages of human bodies and non-human objects, affect emerges as part of a musical event (rather than after it, or as a result of it).

Get Lucky is just one song, part of one particular genre of popular music with specific affective qualities, connecting to specific cultures and evoking specific types of emotions. In future many other types of music could be examined in terms of their affects and connections to health and wellbeing. In this endeavour attention could be paid, not only to musicians and their songs, but to other people and roles involved including listeners/fans, their practices and experiences. Music is an energy and force that flows throughout peoples' lives. It is commonplace in their movements, actions, thoughts and feelings, and the places they frequent and make. To not engage more thoroughly with music's immediacy and emergence as environment, would be a missed opportunity for critical health research.

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Contact Information for Author:
Gavin J. Andrews, Ph.D.
Professor
McMaster University
Faculty of Social Sciences
Department of Health, Aging, and Society
1280 Main Street West
Hamilton, Ontario, L8S 4M4
Canada
Email: andrews@mcmaster.ca