I.032/B. *Liang zhigong tu*

後強大，征其旁國，破波斯、盤盤、罽賓、烏纏、龜茲、疏勒、于闐、句般等國，開地千里。

Growing powerful in the course of time, [the Hua] succeeded in conquering the neighbouring states such as Bosi, Panpan, Jibin, Wuchang [i.e. UESCO, a state not mentioned in the parallel passage in LS 54], Qiuci, Shule, Yutian and Gouban, and expanded their territory by a thousand li.

[Note Grenet] Yu's idea (2012, 90) about the Yeda (= Hephthalites) driving out the Jiduoluo (= Kidarite Kushanshahs) from Tokharistan in about 438-440 is impossible: the Hephthalites appear on the stage only in 457, the year of their embassies to the Northern Wei and their involvement in the Sasanian throne succession. Then they capture Balkh (Balaam in Priscus, Text IX.008/D) in 467. On Balaam, see also my note on Text I.014.

[Note Ching] Khotan, Kucha, Karashahr and Aksu were probably safe from the threat of the Yeda around 477; see the next entry.

I.033. Shi Fǎxiàn's Pilgrimage in the *Gaoseng zhuan* 高僧傳

Gaoseng zhuan, j. 13, pp. 488-89. Translated by Ching Chao-jung. Here Shi Fǎxiàn 釋法獻 (?-498) is a Chinese monk later than the famous Fǎxiǎn 法顯 referred to in Chapter I.1.2.

釋法獻。姓徐，西海延水人。

SHI Fǎxiàn. His surname was XU. He was from Yanshui of Xihai [i.e. the Juyan River, Gansu].

先隨舅至梁州，乃出家。至元嘉十六年方下京師，止定林上寺。

Previously, he followed his maternal uncle to Liangzhou, where he became a Buddhist monk.
In the 16th year of the Yuanjia reign [439], he went south to the [Jin] capital and stayed at the
Upper Dinglin Monastery.

博通經律，志業強捍，善能匡拯，眾許修葺寺宇。

Being knowledgeable about [various] sūtras and vinayas, he had a strong mind and practiced [Buddhism] rigorously. He was excellent in adjusting and promoting [plans], so the saṃgha committed him to build/reform [a?] monastery.

先聞猛公西遊，備曬靈異，乃誓欲忘身，往觀聖迹。以宋元徽三年發踵金陵，西遊巴蜀，路出河南，道經芮芮。

Formerly, having heard about [Zhi]meng's journey to the West, [in the course of which Zhimeng] saw a lot of miracles, he made a vow to devote his life to pilgrimage. In the third year of the Yuanhui reign [475], he departed from Jinling [Nanjing], went westward to Bashu [Sichuan], took his route through the south of the Yellow River [i.e. the Tuyuhun's territory] and then passed through [the territory of] the Ruirui [= the Ruanruan].
既到于闐，欲度葱嶺。值棧道斷絕，遂於于闐而反。獲佛牙一枚、舍利十五身，并觀世音滅罪呪及調達品。又得龜茲國金鎚鏤像，於是而還。其經途危阻，見其別記。

After arriving in Yutian [Khotan], he was going to cross the Congling. But this was a time when the plank road was broken, so he turned back from Yutian, [where] he obtained a piece of Bud-dha's [canine] tooth, fifteen pieces of śarīra, together with the *Guanshiyin miezui zhou* and the Devadatta Chapter [of the Lotus Sutra]. He further obtained a golden statue from Qiuci [Kucha], through which he passed during his return journey. The dangers and obstacles of his path are to be found in a special note [bieji 別記].

佛牙本在烏纏國，自烏纏來芮芮，自芮芮來梁土。獻齋牙還京，師十有五載，密自禮事，餘無知者。至文宣感夢，方傳道俗。

The Buddha's tooth was originally in Uḍḍiyāna. It came from Uḍḍiyāna to the Ruirui, and then from the Ruirui to the land of the Liang Dynasty [Southern China]. [Fǎ]xiàn brought the tooth back to the [Liang] capital [Nanjing] and secretly worshipped it for 15 years without informing anyone. [One day] Wenxuan saw this in his dream, therefore it was finally exhibited to [the public, including both] monks and laymen.

**Liangzhou 梁州:** Most probably a scribal error for Liangzhou 涼州 (Wuwei, Gansu).

**Guanshiyin miezui zhou** 觀世音滅罪呪: A text not found in Taishō. Its title literally means *Avalokiteśvara-eliminating-sin-Dhāraṇī*, possibly a text close to T.1035, 1047 or 1053.

**Wenxuan** 文宣: Namely XIAO Ziliang 蕭子良 (460-494), son of Emperor Wudi of the Southern Qi (Chen 1963, 55). His biography and the fate of the reliquary is further seen in the *Fayuan zhulin* 法苑珠林 (compiled in 668) with some corruption (T. 2122(LIII)380a4-b28). Its beginning is translated by Ching as follows:

In the era of the Wenxuan Emperor of the Qi [sic!], there was a reverend master called Tongshang¹ whose family lived in Liangzhou (Wuwei). At the age of 13², he made an oath to go to the West. In the fifth month of the third year of the Yonghui reign of the Song dynasty (475), he finally departed from the capital. In the fifth year (477), he reached the state of the Rui[rui]. Then he entered Khotan. When he was about to depart [from Khotan], a monk showed him a copper box in a secret chamber and then gave it to him, saying, "In this box, there is a Buddha's [canine] tooth [being] 1 tsun (c. 2.3-2.5 cm) in width and 3 tsun in length. You may bring it back to the South[ern China] and spread its benefit and merit." The master received it by prostrating himself, so happy as he were seeing the Buddha's body. Then the monk said: "I took this Buddha's tooth from the state of Uḍḍiyāna so difficultly." [The master] also obtained a copper seal with a king on its obverse side to seal this box. Afterwards, the master heard rumours (lit. 'communal discussion') among many [Khotanese?] monks that "The

<footnote>i An informal title of Fǎxiàn, see Ching (2019).</footnote>

<footnote>ii Very probably an error for 53 due to a scribal error of writing zhi 至 "toward, in" for wu 五 "five." See Ching (2019).</footnote>
state of Uḍḍiyāna lost the Buddha's tooth. Which country would have the fortune to obtain and worship it?" Having heard this, the master hid his happiness deeply in his heart and worshipped it with much more respect. Then he brought it back to Zhongshan (Nanjing) [and kept it secretly] for 15 years. None of his disciples knew this treasure no matter how close they were with him.<fnref n="1" />

In this text, the Wenxuan crown-prince of the Southern Qi is mistaken as Emperor Wenxuan of the Northern Qi (GAO Yang 高洋, 526–559), but it clearly puts the year of Fǎxiàn's arrival in Khotan as 477 CE.

[Note Ching] The biography of Fǎxiàn was briefly treated by Matsuda (1970, 156) in order to argue that in the 470s Shanshan was controlled by the Tuyuhun rather than by the Rouran. Whichever be the case, I assume that Fǎxiàn's failure may betray a serious traffic disruption between Khotan and Swat, perhaps due to the invasion of the Hephthalites or the Alkhans (probably as the southern wing of the Hephthalite confederation, cf. Text I.054 and La Vaissière 2015a, 183) into Swat, because the breaking of a single wooden path would not be of such consequence if the other routes were not also cut, which might point to a general turmoil. This assumption permits one to elaborate on Rong's analysis of 97TSYM1:13–5 + 13–4 (unearthed from Tomb 1 of the Yanghai cemetery, Turfan), a fragmentary record of people and horses dispatched by the Gaochang government in order to escort foreign envoys to and back from the Rouran court. Rong's translation (2018, 60–61) about Uḍḍiyāna and Indian (poluomen, i.e. *brāhmaṇa*) envoys is quoted below with slight modification:

ll.5–6 ‘On the 2nd day, 12th month of the 9th year [of the Yongkang reign] (c. Jan. 475), to escort envoys of Wuchang to Yanqi, 118 people [and each person] sent one horse, 85 people from Gaoning, 26 people from Wandu, 7 people from Qianyang.’ii

ll. 10–11 ‘On the 14th day, 3rd month of the 10th year [of the Yongkang reign] (spring of 475), to escort envoys of Poluomen to Yanqi, 84 people from Gaoning, 46 people from Hengjie, 36 people from Baiji, 16 people from Tiandi, in total 182 people; [each person sent] one horse.’iii

In Rong's view, Uḍḍiyāna and the unidentified Indian state probably sent envoys to the Rouran in order to plead for help because they were “perhaps feeling the threat of the Hephthalites”

<footnote n="1">¹ 齊文宣皇帝時，有先師統上，家世涼州。年至十三，發誓西行。至宋元徽三年五月，遂發京師，至五年，方到芮國，進到于闐，臨發之日，有一僧於密室之中出銅函一枚，手授先師曰：「此函有佛牙，方一寸，長三寸。可將還南方，廣作利益。」先師歡喜頂受，如覩佛身。此僧又云：「我於烏纏國取此佛牙，甚為艱難。」又獲銅印一枚，國王面像，以封此函。先師後聞諸僧共議云：「烏纏國失却佛牙，不知何國福德僧當獲供養？」先師聞已，私懷密喜，倍加尊敬，於是齎還鍾山，十有五載。雖復親近，而弟子莫知。According to the following episode of this text, he once showed the relic to his colleague Faying 法穎 and a Kuchean monk around Nanjing, but they were unable to judge its genuineness, so Fǎxiàn did not dare to show it anymore. The flowery text describing Wenxuan's dream in 489 and the following reliquary exhibition in public is omitted here.</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² 九年十二月二日送烏葦使向鄆耆，百一十八人；[每人]出馬一足。高寧八十五人、万度廿六人、乾養七人。</footnote>

<footnote n="3">³ 十年三月十四日，送婆羅門使向鄆耆，高寧八十四人、橫截冊六人、白芳卅六人、田地十六人，合百八十二人；[每人出馬]一足。</footnote>
(Rong 2007, 14; Eng. 2018, 81). If so, then given that these envoys passed through Turfan in
the spring of 475 on their return from the Rouran court to their home countries via Yanqi
(Karashahr), the two states may have felt the threat before the summer of 474, i.e. the beginning
of the surviving fragments from the Turfan tomb.

In other words, I assume that when Fǎxiàn departed from Nanjing in 475, he was still unaware
of the threat of those nomadic invaders, although people around Swat had started to seek diplo-
matic or military intervention from the Rouran, very possibly through the route of the Upper
Indus. When he arrived Khotan in 477, the “plank road” (cf. Text I.004) to Swat was said to be
broken, perhaps either due to wars between Uḍḍiyāna and the invaders or a defensive strategy
of Khotan and its mountainous neighbours. Regardless of whether the secret handover of the
reliquary was a sign of Buddhists fleeing from Swat to Khotan (or alternatively from the Pamirs
to Khotan, cf. Text I.004 on the “Buddha’s tooth” in Jiecha), it seems that the Tarim Basin was
more or less safe in the 470s from the Yeda’s expansion, so that Fǎxiàn could still make his way
back to southern China. Unfortunately, the “special note” on his pilgrimage is lost<fnref n="1" />, so it is im-
possible to reconstruct what he saw or heard about the road(s) to Swat (on the traffic network
between Tashkurgan and Swat, cf. Kuwayama 2002, esp. Fig. 16 and 17).

Being inspired by Rong's edition of the Turfan document (2007), Yoshida (2013b, 383 with n. 29) modified the *terminus ante quem* of the Upper Indus Sogdian inscriptions from the 450s or 460s (cf. Grenet 2010, 272; La Vaissière 2005, 20) to the second half of the fifth century. If my combination with Fǎxiàn's record makes sense, then it may be further limited to the 470s. This may shed light on the expansion progress of the Hephthalites and other Hunnic peoples, and the tribute payment from Juduoluo, etc. (Text I.018/C) to the Northern Wei, arriving in Dai around October 477, is very possibly a sign of the last struggles of these states.

I.6.4. Population

I.034. Records from the Northern Dynasties

I.034/A. *Original Weishu* 102

眾可十萬。

Their total number is around a hundred thousand.

I.034/B. *Suishu* 83 (on the Yida)

勝兵者五六千人。俗善戰。

<footnote n="1">¹ Possibly the *Foyaji* 佛牙記 “Record of the Buddha’s tooth” collected by Sengyou 僧祐 (445–518), once mentioned in Zhisheng’s catalogue *Kaiyuan shijiaolu* 開元釋教錄 (T.2154(LV)536b3, j. 6) in 730.</footnote>
They have an army of five to six thousand men. They are reputed to be good warriors.

[Note La Vaissière] The number of 100,000 persons is obviously approximate but not impos-
sible: it can be estimated as 20,000 households (taking 1 household = 5 persons) and roughly
6,000 soldiers (taking 1 soldier per 3 households) regarding the data in the Turkic period.

[Note Grenet] But there is a problem: does the figure in the *Suishu* apply to the Hephthalites in Tokharistan in their “imperial period,” or to the residual Hephthalite kingdom in the Eastern piedmonts after 565? One could also consider that “100,000” in the *Weishu* applies to the Hephthalite army (not to the population) before the Turkish conquest.

[Note Ching] Perhaps the army of 100,000 strong is counted in the *Suishu* as belonging to Tuhuoluo (Tokharistan); see Text I.037/E. Nevertheless, in the *Tang Huiyao*, j. 99, the number of fighters in Tuhuluo/Tuhuoluo is 50,000 (Li and Yu 2009, 235).

I.6.5. Royal court, political system, economy and natural environment

I.035. Records from the Northern Dynasties

I.035/A. *Original Weishu* 102

無城邑，依隨水草，以氈為屋，夏遷涼土，冬逐暖處。分其諸妻，各在別所，相去或二
百、三百里。其王巡歷而行，每月一處，冬寒之時，三月不徙。王位不必傳子，子弟堪
任，死便授之。其國無車有輿。多駝馬。

Without cities and towns, they follow water and grass, using felt to make houses, moving to cool places in summer, to warm ones in winter. [Their king] separates his wives and keeps each of them in a separate place, so that they are 200 or 300 *li* apart from one another. The king travels around and changes place every month, but in the cold of winter stays in one place for three months without moving. The throne is not always passed on to the [elder] son, the [other] sons and younger brothers might also be appointed and conferred [the throne] when the king dies. They have no *che* 車 but use *yu* 輿. They have many camels and horses.

[Note Ching] Miyazaki (1931a, 89) emphasized the difference between the Yeda and the Gaoju
高車 (lit. 'high chariot,' see Text I.093) based on the difference between their languages (Text
I.039/A) and the passage that "[The Yeda] have no *che* 車 (lit. chariot, wheeled vehicle)." While
Chavannes (1905, 403 n. c) and La Vaissière (2007, 130 n. 21) suggested that both *che* and *yu*
mean chariots and this passage might be corrupted, I would remark that in classical usage *yu* 輿
often denoted a wheelless vehicle, e.g. a palanquin or sedan chair.
Translation by Max Deeg, with contributions by Imre Galambos and Ching Chao-jung.

十月之初至噉噉國。

At the beginning of the tenth month [of the year 519], they arrived in the state of the Yeda.

土田庶衍，山澤彌望，居無城郭，游軍而治。以氈為屋，隨逐水草。夏則隨涼，冬則就溫。

The land and the fields are extensive, and there are numerous mountains and marshes. [The Yeda] do not live inside city walls, [but the king] rules while roaming around with his army. They live in houses made of felt and follow [the availability of] water and grass. During the summer they go where it is cool, during the winter they go where it is warm.

王張大斵帳，方四十步，周迴以礮俞為壁。王著錦衣，坐金床，以四金鳳凰為床脚。見大魏使人，再拜跪，受詔書。至於設會，一人唱則客前，後唱則罷會，唯有此法，不見音樂。

[...]i The king pitches a large felt tent, forty paces square, the walls are made of wool rugs. The king wears robes made of brocade and sits on a golden bench-throne the feet of which are four golden phoenixes. When he beheld the envoy of the Great Wei he kowtowed twice before he received the imperial letter. He arranged for an audience during which one man calls out and then the guests step in front [of the ruler], and later when the man calls out again, the audience is over; they only have it this manner, and use no music.

噉噉國王妃亦著錦衣，垂地三尺，使人擎之。頭帶一角，長八尺，奇長三尺，以玫瑰五色裝飾其上。王妃出則輿之，入坐金床。以六牙白象四獅子為床。自餘大臣妻皆隨，傘頭亦似有角，團圓垂下，狀似寶蓋。觀其貴賤，亦有服章。

The wife [or wives] of the Yeda king also wears robes made of brocade, which fall on the ground three *chi* long so that people have to hold them up. On her head she wears a horn-shaped [headgear], eight *chi* long, the extreme three *chi* adorned with the five colours of precious stones. When the wife of the king goes out, she is carried on a palanquin. When she enters [the tent], she sits on a golden bench, and the bench is in the shape of a white six-tusked elephant and four lions. All the other wives of the officials follow her in shading their heads also by [a headdress] that looks like a horn, is round and hangs down, so that it looks like a bejewelled cover [of the head]. They also have dresses and accessories to distinguish nobles from common people.

*Meigui wuse* 玫瑰五色: Lit. 'the [precious stone] meigui in five colours.' Zhou Zumo (1987 ed.) reconstructed the text with *zhu* 珠 "bead(s), pearl(s)" by taking *wusezhu* 五色珠 "beads in five colours" from the *Weishu* entry on Bosi (Text I.019). His reconstruction was followed by Yang Yong, but in Yang's edition *zhu* 珠 was misprinted as *qiu* 球 "orbit, ball."

<footnote>i The text omitted here is given in Texts I.039/B, I.037/B, I.041 and the first paragraph of I.046/A.</footnote>
Zi yu dachen qi jie sui 自餘大臣妻皆隨 “All the other wives of the officials follow her”: Here the punctuation follows Zhou’s edition, while both Fan Xiangyong (1978 ed.) and Yang Yong (2006 ed.) give 自餘大臣，妻皆隨傘，頭亦似有角，團圓垂下，狀似寶蓋，which can be translated as follows: “As to the ministers, their wives are all followed by [servants who hold] parasols (i.e. rather than being carried on palanquins); there are also horn-like [headgears] on [these women’s] heads, which are adorned with round hanging objects that look like a bejewelled cover.” Because art-historical evidence is scarce concerning noble women’s processions in sixth-century Tokharistan (cf. Note Grenet on Text I.037/H), neither punctuation can be ruled out. Still, the “bejewelled cover” (baogai 寶蓋) here might be linked to the image of a stūpa’s top; cf. T.200(IV)236c12–13 “Then [the leader of merchants] covered the top of the [four] stūpas by the ‘thought-gem’ (cintāmaṇi), made a vow and left” (即以摩尼寶珠，蓋其塔頭，發願而去)。

## I.036. Description in the Liangshu

土地溫暖，多山川樹木(NS: 少樹木; ZG: 少林木)，有五穀。國人以麩(NS: 麵; ZG: 魚)及羊肉為糧。

The land is warm and has many mountains, rivers and trees [NS: has few trees; ZG: has few forests], and produces the five grains. The people of the state rely on fried flour [NS/ZG: rely on flour] and mutton as their staple.

其獸有(ZG: 獸有)師子、兩腳駱駝，野驢有角。

Their animals include lions and two-legged [two-humped?] camels. The wild asses have horns.

無城郭，壇屋為居，東向開戶。其王坐金牀(ZG: 床)，隨太歲轉，與妻並坐接客(ZG: 接賓客)。......無職官。

[...] They have no walled cities, live in houses made of felt, which have doors facing east. Their king sits on a golden bench-throne which rotates following the position of the Jupiter star. He sits together with his queen when receiving guests [...] They have no official posts.

[Note La Vaissière and Grenet] The cult of the planet Jupiter among the Hephthalites might be an imitation of Sasanian royal astral ideology. However, there is a chronological problem, as the latter’s revolving throne is attested only under Khosrow II (591–628), cf. Grenet (2018, esp. 241–42), which is later than the Liang dynasty (502–557) in Southern China.

<footnote n="1">¹ The text omitted here is given in the first paragraph of Text I.040.</footnote>
I.6.6. Social and cultural characteristics of ordinary people

I.037. Records from the Northern Dynasties, the Sui and the Tang

I.037/A. *Original Weishu 102

衣服類胡，加以纓絡。頭皆剪髮。

Their clothing is similar to that worn by other *hu* barbarians, [but] with the addition of tassels.
They all cut their hair.

用刑嚴急，偷盜無多少皆腰斬，盜一責十。

[...] Corporal punishments are severe and quick; regardless of the magnitude of theft, the thief is severed at the waist, and if one steals, ten are punished.

I.037/B. Qielanji 5

禮教俱闕。

Their etiquettes and moral are deficient.

I.037/C. Zhoushu 50

刑法、風俗，與突厥畧同。其俗又兄弟共娶一妻。夫無兄弟者，其妻戴一角帽；若有兄弟者，依其多少之數，更加帽角焉。其人兇悍，能戰鬪。

Its penal laws and customs are roughly the same as those of the Tujue. It is their custom that brothers share the same wife. If a man is without brothers, his wife wears a hat with one horn; if he has brothers, she wears as many horns as there are brothers. Its people are fierce and violent, and make able warriors.

I.037/D. Suishu 83

兄弟同妻。婦人有一夫者，冠一角帽，夫兄弟多者，依其數為角。

Brothers share the same wife. If a woman has one husband, she wears a hat with one horn, if he has brothers, she wears as many horns as there are brothers.

I.037/E. Suishu 83 (on Tuhuoluo)

Suishu, j. 83, pp. 1853–1854.

吐火羅國，都葱嶺西五百里，與挹怛雜居。都城方二里。勝兵者十萬人，皆習戰。其俗奉佛。兄弟同一妻，迭寢焉，每一人入房，戶外挂其衣以為志。生子屬其長兄。其山穴中有神馬，每歲牧牝馬於穴所，必產名駒。
The state of Tuhuoluo has its capital 500 *li* west of the Congling [Pamirs] and its inhabitants are intermixed with the Yida. The capital is a walled city of 2 *li* square. Their army is a hundred thousand strong, all experienced fighters. It is their custom to revere the Buddha. Brothers share the same wife and alternate sleeping with her; whoever is with her in the bedchamber, he hangs his clothes outside the door as a sign. When children are born, they belong to the eldest brother. In the mountains there are divine horses and every year [the people] place a mare in a cavern, and it will inevitably give birth to a fine foal.

I.037/F. *Tongdian* 193 (on Tuhuoluo)

吐火羅國，......與挹怛維居。勝兵十萬人，皆習戰。俗奉佛。多男，少婦人，故兄弟通室。婦人五夫，則首飾載五角，十夫載十角。男子無兄弟者，則與他人結為昆季，方始得妻，不然終身無婦矣。生子屬其長兄。

In the state of Tuhuoluo [...] the inhabitants are intermixed with the Yida. Their army is a hundred thousand strong, all experienced fighters. It is their custom to revere the Buddha. As they have more men and fewer women, brothers share the same wife. If a woman has five husbands, she wears on her head five horns; if she has ten husbands, then ten horns. If a man has no brothers, he then makes a pact with other men to become brothers, and only then can he have a wife; otherwise he lives all his life without a woman. When children are born, they belong to the eldest brother.

I.037/G. *Xin Tangshu* 221 (on the Yeda)

俗類突厥。

Their customs are similar to those of the Tujue.

I.037/H. *Tongdian* 193 (on the Yeda)

俗同吐火羅。

Their customs are the same as those of the Tuhuoluo.

[Note Grenet] There is only one item of iconographical evidence, a painting in the Buddhist monastery at Faiaz-tepe (Termez), showing a female donor with two horns. See the last discussion by Lo Muzio (2017, 203–4, esp. Pl. 7.6), who tentatively dates it the 4th–6th centuries. Surprisingly, the many female seals known in the Hephthalite period show no horned cap. A two-horned cap worn by royal spouses or concubines is shown on a Sasanian seal from the late fourth century. (Lo Muzio 2017, Fig 7.18) and a Sasanian silver plate from the fifth century, but this might belong to a different tradition.
I.038. Description in the *Liangshu*

人皆善射(NS: 善騎射)，著小袖長身袍，用金玉為帶。女人被裘，頭上刻木為角，長六尺，以金銀飾之。少女子，兄弟共妻。i

Their people are good at shooting with a bow [NS: good at shooting with a bow while riding], they wear long gowns with short sleeves, and use gold and jade as belt [buckles]. The women are dressed in fur coats and on their head wear horns carved out of wood, six chi in length, adorned with gold and silver. Brothers share the same wife.

I.6.7. Language and script

I.039. Records from the Northern Dynasties

I.039/A. *Original *Weishu* 102

其語與蠕蠕、高車及諸胡不同。

Their speech is different from that of the Ruanruan, Gaoju and other *hu*.

[Note Ching] The same passage is found in TD 193 on the Yeda without mentioning the local script(s). However, it is noteworthy that in the entry on Tuhuoluo (Tokharistan) in TD 193 (p. 5277), the local script is said to be more or less similar to the one used in Khotan (wenzi yu Yutian lüe tong 文字與于闐略同).

I.039/B. *Qielanji* 5

鄉土不識文字，

In their original land they had no writing.

I.040. Description in the *Liangshu*

無文字，以木為契（ZG：以木為契，刻之約物數）。與旁國通，則使旁國胡為胡書，羊皮為
紙。

They have no writing and use wood [tallies] for contracts. [ZG: They have no writing and use wood [tallies] for contracts, on which they carve [notches] to mark the quantity of items.] They are in contact with adjacent countries and so they make the *hu* of adjacent countries to write [on their behalf] in the *hu* script, using sheepskin as paper.

<footnote>i ZG: 人善騎射，著小袖長身袍，金玉為絡帶，(如)[for 婦 or 女]人被裘，頭上刻木為角，長六尺，金銀飾之。少女子，兄弟共妻。</footnote>
其言語待河南人譯然後通(ZG: 通焉)。

[...]i Their language can only be understood through the translation of people from Henan [i.e. the Tuyuhun].

[**Note Sims-Williams**] The discovery of numerous Bactrian documents in Greek script, some of them written on behalf of Hephthalite rulers or their vassals (see Chapter V.3), perfectly confirm these observations regarding writing on sheepskin in “the *hu* script.” The Bactrian documents also include a number of wooden tallies with notches, exactly as described here, though those which survive are undated and do not necessarily belong to the Hephthalite period. No documents in the Hephthalite language are known, although the attempt has been made to identify words of possible Hephthalite origin which survive as loanwords in other languages of the region (Yoshida 2004).

[**Note Grenet**] Why are the Tuyuhun the best interpreters with the Hephthalites? Either the original language of the Hephthalites was close to theirs, or, if not, they knew the Hephthalite language because they had for long traded with them. It is to be noted, however, that the “Tibetan” ambassadors (probably in fact Tuyuhun) depicted on the “Ambassadors’ Painting” at Samarkand in c. 660 are shown using an interpreter to communicate with Turkish officers, who presumably speak either Turk or Sogdian.

[**Note Ching**] Interestingly, the embassy directed by SONG Yun from the Northern Wei (Xianbei) court also took the Tuyuhun road to the West (Matsuda 1970, 154). It may be premature to define precisely the nature of the Tuyuhun language in the early sixth century (presumably an Altaic one, cf. Shimunek 2017, esp. Fig. 5), but at any rate, I think the languages spoken by those envoys are not necessarily identical to the ones of the ruling class that they represented. For instance, in the *Liang zhigong tu*, the envoy sent by Kucha has a Sogdian surname *Kang 康* (for Samarkand), the same as the one sent by the Yeda Queen (Text I.072/B). Maybe the Liang court could not understand the Yeda envoys simply because it lacked good official translators or interpreters for guests from the “Western Regions.” It is remarkable that after 516, the year of the first embassy from the Yeda, the Liang Empire started to train Tuyuhun interpreters/translators in the region where they conducted trade (around today’s Sichuan, cf. LS 54, pp. 810–811).

[**Note La Vaissière**] The Hephthalites turned Bactrian. This is very possibly also true in a linguistic aspect, see La Vaissière (2007, 122–23 with n. 13). Accordingly, the effective communication between the Hephthalites and the Tuyuhun can be understood quite simply: there was an extensive trade in horses between the Tuyuhun and Bactria, as described in the Chinese sources, so that some Tuyuhun would have known Bactrian. One should note that for these nomadic peoples, the language question was not a major one, but it was a common historiographical bias both of Chinese and Western historiography.

<footnote>i The text omitted here is “They have no official posts” in Text I.036, followed by I.043/A and I.045/A.</footnote>
I.6.8. Calendar

I.041. Information in the *Luoyang Qielanji*

陰陽轉運，莫知其度。年無盈閏，月無大小，用十二月為一歲。

They do not know the system of the changes of yin and yang. They do not have intercalary years, their months have no [distinction of being] great and small, and their year is made up of twelve months.

I.6.9. Religion and cults

I.042. Records from the Northern Dynasties and the Sui

I.042/A. *Qielanji* 5

不信佛法，多事外神。煞生血食，器用七寶。

They do not believe in the *dharma* of the Buddha but mostly venerate heretic deities. They kill living beings and eat bloody meat. To make utensils they use the seven precious items.

[Note Deeg] xueshi 血食“eat bloody meat” can also mean “make bloody sacrifices.”

I.042/B. *Suishu* 83

多寺塔，皆飾以金。

There are many monasteries and *stūpas*, all decorated with gold.

I.043. Records from the Southern Dynasties

I.043/A. *Liangshu* 54

事天神、火神，每日則出戶祀神而後食。其跪一拜而止。

They worship the Spirit of Heaven and the Spirit of Fire. Each day they leave their house and give offerings to the spirits before eating. When kneeling, they only bow once.

I.043/B. *Liang zhigong tu*

事天神，每日則出戶祀神而後食。其跪一拜而止，止即鳴其王手足。賤者鳴王[衣]。
They worship the Spirit of Heaven. Each day they leave their house and give offerings to the spirits before eating. When kneeling, they only bow once, then they kiss the king's hands and feet. People of lower status kiss the king's [clothing].

## I.6.10. Funeral

### I.044. Description in the *Weishu*

*Original Weishu, j. 102, cf. Text I.081.*

死者，富者累石為藏，貧者掘地而埋，隨身諸物，皆置冢內。

As for the dead, if he was rich, a chamber made of stones is constructed; if he was poor, a grave is dug and he is buried in the ground. All their belongings are put in the tomb.

### I.045. Records from the Southern Dynasties

#### I.045/A. Liangshu 54

葬以木為檻。父母死，其子截一耳，葬訖即吉。

For burials, they use an outer coffin made of wood. When his parents die, the son cuts off one ear. The whole ceremony is finished as soon as the body is buried.

#### I.045/B. Liang zhigong tu

[葬]以木為檻。父母死，其子截一耳，葬已即去。

[For burials,] they use an outer coffin made of wood. When his parents die, the son cuts off one ear, and he leaves as soon as the body is buried.

## I.6.11. International Status

### I.046. Records from the Northern Dynasties

#### I.046/A. Qielanji 5

受諸國貢獻，南至牒羅，北盡勑懇，東被于闐，西及波斯；四十餘國，皆來朝賀。

[The Yeda] receive tribute from many states; their territory stretches to Dieluo [Zabul] in the south, extends until Chiqin (?) in the north, encompasses the land up to Yutian [Khotan] in the
east, and reaches to Bosi [Persia] in the west. There are over forty states that come to court to pay tribute and express their respect.

四夷之中，最為强大。

[...]i Among the four barbarians they are the most powerful ones.

諸國奉獻，甚饒珍異。

[...]ii Since all states have been giving them tribute, expensive and rare items are available in abundance.

[Note Ching] Two old copies of Qielanji have Chile 敕勒 (i.e. the Gaoju) in the place of Chiqin 鞏愨 “Tägin,” cf. Qielanji, j. 5, p. 226 n. 76. The former supports the opinion of Chavannes (1903b, 404), and was therefore adopted by Zhou Zumo, while both Fan and Yang preferred to read it as Chiqin. From a historical point of view, Chile was more likely the original word in this sentence (see also Matsuda 1970, 213, 217, 437; Yu 2012, 159), before it was contaminated by the mention of Chiqin in the section on Gandhāra (Text I.054/B).

I.046/B. Weishu 102

The first sentence may be from the Zhoushu, see Texts I.083 and I.084.

西域康居、于闐、沙勒、安息及諸小國三十許皆役屬之，號為大國。與蠕蠕婚姻。

In the Western Regions, they control Kangju, Yutian, Shale and Anxi, as well as more than thirty smaller states. They claim to be a great kingdom. They have marital relations with the Ruanruan.

I.046/C. Zhoushu 50

于闐、安息等大小二十餘國，皆役屬之。

Yutian, Anxi and other states, large and small, altogether more than twenty, are all their subject.

[Note Grenet] Here Anxi 安息 denotes Merv, where numismatic evidence indicates an inter-
ruption of Sasanian coinage between 484 and 505, suggesting a temporary Hephthalite control.

I.047. Description in the *Liang zhigong tu*

所降小國，使其王為奴隸。

Whenever they conquer a smaller state, they make their king a slave.

<footnote>i The text omitted here is given in the final two paragraphs in Text I.035/B concerning the Yeda king and his wife(/wives).</footnote>

<footnote>ii The text omitted here is given in Text I.042/A.</footnote>

<footnote>iii BS: 諸小國三十許，皆役屬之，</footnote>
[Note Ching] This passage may imply that those kings were only forced to submit themselves to Hephthalite rule like a servant or slave, without significantly transforming the local administrative system, so that this newly rising power was described as not having their own official posts (Text I.036).

## I.6.12. The states subjugated by the Yeda

The text cited in Chapter I.6.12 from Weishu (j. 102) and Beishi (j. 97) is based on the latest Zhonghua shuju edition, i.e. WS 102 《列傳第九十・西域》(pp. 2474–2475) and BS 97 《列傳第八五・西域》(pp. 3232–3233).

## I.048. Zhuju 朱居

WS 102, cf. Qielanji 5, p. 210.

朱居國，在于闐西。其人山居。有麥，多林果。咸事佛。語與于闐相類。役屬嚥嚧。

The state of Zhuju is west of Yutian [Khotan]. The people live in the mountains and [the land] has many trees and fruits. The people all revere the Buddha; their language is similar to that of Yutian. They are subjects of the Yeda.

## I.049. Kepantuo 渴槃陁

WS 102, cf. Qielanji 5, p. 210.

渴槃陁國，在蔥嶺東，朱駒波西。河經其國，東北流。有高山，夏積霜雪。亦事佛道。附於嚥嚧。

The state of Kepantuo is situated east of the Congling [Pamirs] and west of Zhujubo [i.e. Zhuju in Text I.048]. The rivers that traverse the state flow towards the northeast. There are high mountains that are covered with frost and snow even in the summer. The people also revere the way of the Buddha. They are controlled by the Yeda.

## I.050. Bohe 鉢和

WS 102, cf. Qielanji 5, p. 210.

鉢和國，在渴槃陁西。其土尤寒，人畜同居，穴地而處。又有大雪山，望若銀峯。其人唯食餅麩，飲麥酒，服蘆裘。有二道，一道西行向嚥嚧，一道西南趣烏萵。亦為嚥嚧所統。

<footnote>i BS: 咸事佛，語與于闐相類，役屬嚥嚧。</footnote>

<footnote>ii BS: 河經其國東北流，有高山，夏積霜雪。亦事佛道，附於嚥嚧。</footnote>

<footnote>iii BS: 又有大雪山，望若銀峯。其人唯食餅麩，飲麥酒，服蘆裘。</footnote>
The state of Bohe is situated west of Kepantuo. As the land is particularly cold, the people live together with their livestock in holes dug in the ground. Moreover, there are high snowy mountains that from a distance resemble silver peaks. The people only eat bread and fried flour, drink alcoholic beverages made from barley/wheat and wear felt coats. There are two routes, one leading west towards the Yeda, the other leading south to Wuchang [UESCO]. [Bohe] is also under Yeda control.

I.051. Bozhi 波知

WS 102, cf. Qielanji 5, p. 210.

波知國，在波知之南。山居。不信佛法，專事諸神。亦附嚮嚡。東有鉢盧勒國，路嶠(BS: 險)，緣鐵鎖而度，下不見底。熙平中，宋雲等竟不能達。

The state of Bozhi is located south-west of Bohe. The land is narrow, the people are poor and depend on the mountain valleys, and so the king is unable to exercise control over them. There are three lakes and according to local legends the large lake is inhabited by the dragon king; the second lake by the dragon [king's] wife, and the small lake by the dragon son. When travellers pass through here, they can only proceed after having performed a sacrifice. Those who do not sacrifice are often stranded by wind and snow.

I.052. Shemi 賒彌 and Bolule 鉢盧勒

WS 102, cf. Qielanji 5, p. 210.

賒彌國，在波知之南。山居。不信佛法，專事諸神。亦附嚮嚡。東有鉢盧勒國，路嶠(BS: 險)，緣鐵鎖而度，下不見底。熙平中，宋雲等竟不能達。

The state of Shemi is located south of Bozhi. [The people] live in the mountains; they do not believe in the teachings of the Buddha but solely worship the spirits. [Shemi] is also controlled by the Yeda. In the east lies the state of Bolule but the road leading there is perilous; [the mountains] have to be crossed by relying on iron latches, while one cannot see the bottom of the void below. During the Xiping reign [516-518], SONG Yun and others were in the end unable to reach [Bolule].

<footnote>i BS: 不祭，多遇風雪之困。</footnote>
I.053. Wuchang 烏萇

I.053/A. *Weishu* 102

烏萇國，在賒彌南。北有葱嶺，南至天竺。婆羅門胡為其上族。婆羅門多解天文吉凶之數，其王動則訪決焉。土多林果，引水灌田，豐稻麥。事佛，多諸寺塔，事極華麗(BS: 多諸寺塔，極華麗)。人有爭訴，服之以藥，曲者發狂，直者無恙。為法不殺，犯死罪唯徙於靈山。西南有檀特山，山上立寺，以驢數頭運食，山下無人控御，自知往來也。

The state of Wuchang is south of Shemi. To the north are the Congling and in the south it reaches Tianzhu [India]. The brahmin *hu* form its upper clan. The brahmins mostly divine fortune by interpreting the stars and when the king travels, he consults them for a prediction. The land has many trees and fruits, the water is channelled to irrigate the fields, and thus there is an abundance of rice and wheat/barley. [The people] worship the Buddha and there are many monasteries and *stūpas*; their services are magnificent to the extreme [BS: there are many monasteries and *stūpas*, which are magnificent to the extreme]. When people are involved in litigation, they drink a potion, as a result of which the crooked one goes mad, whereas the just one sees no harm. Their law knows no death penalty and whenever someone commits a capital crime, he is merely expelled to Mount Ling. In the south is Mount Tante, and on that mountain is a monastery; food is delivered there with several donkeys which are not led or driven by anyone, they know the way by themselves as they go back and forth.

I.053/B. *Youyang Zazu*

*Youyang Zazu* 《酉陽雜俎•續集》,j. 8, p. 279.

西域厥達國有寺戶，以數頭驢運糧上山，無人驅逐，自能往返，寅發午至，不差晷刻。

In the Western Regions, in the state of the Yeda there are people providing for monasteries, who ship provisions up the mountain using several donkeys. Even though no one chases them, they go back and forth of their own accord; they leave in the hour of the Tiger [i.e. 3–5 am] and arrive in the hour of the Horse [i.e. 11 am–1 pm], without fail.

I.053/C. *Qielanji* 5

國王精食菜食長齋。晨夜禮佛，擊鼓，吹貝，琵琶、笙、箏、笙簫備有。日中已後，始治國事。

The king [of Wuchang] eats refined vegetarian food and is completely abstinent. From morning to evening he worships the Buddha, while drums are beaten and conches are blown, and lutes,

<footnote>i BS: 豐稻、麥。</footnote>

<footnote>ii BS: 以驢數頭運食山下，無人控御。</footnote>
harps, reed-pipes and flutes are sounded. [It is not until] after midday [that the king] begins to attend to the matters of the state.

假有死罪，不立殺刑，唯從空山，任其飲啄。事涉疑似，以藥服之，清濁則驗，隨事輕重，當時即決。

Even if there is a capital crime, death penalty will not be imposed but [the culprit] is sent to the deserted mountains to make a living on his [own]. If a case is doubtful, [they make the accused] take a drug to find out if he is guilty or innocent, and the decision is then made immediately according to the weight of the crime.

土地肥美，人物豐饒。百穀盡登，五果繁熟。夜聞鍾聲，遍滿世界。土饒異花，冬夏相接。道俗採之，上佛供養。

The land is fertile and the people are prosperous. All kinds of grain are harvested, and the five fruits grow in abundance. Bells are heard ringing during the night, [and their sound] fills the realm. The land is abundant with wonderful flowers blossoming continuously in both summer and winter. Monastics and laypeople collect and offer them to the Buddha.

國王見宋雲，云大魏使來，膜拜受詔書，聞太后崇奉佛法，即面東合掌，遙心頂禮，遣解
魏語人，問宋雲曰：「卿是日出人也？」宋雲答曰：「我國東界，有大海水，日出其中。實如
來旨。」王又問曰：「彼國出聖人否？」宋雲具說周孔、莊老之德，次序蓬萊山上銀闕金堂，
神僊、聖人並在其上，說管輅善卜、華陀治病、左慈方術，如此之事分別說之。王曰：「若
如卿言即是佛國。我當命終，願生彼國。」

When the king met SONG Yun and was told that he came as the envoy of the Great Wei, he saluted [with the gesture of] *mobai* and received the imperial letter, and when he heard that the empress dowager venerated the *dharma* of the Buddha, he faced eastward, put his palms together and prostrated himself in veneration of the distant [ruler]. He sent a man who understood the language of the Wei to ask SONG Yun: "Are You from [the region] where the sun rises?" SONG Yun answered: "On the eastern border of our empire<fnref n="1" /> is a great ocean from which the sun rises. It is indeed as you have expressed." The king asked again: "Do great sages originate from that empire?" SONG Yun explained all the virtues of [the Duke] of Zhou, Kong[zi] [Confucius], Zhuangzi and Laozi, and then [spoke] about the silver tower and the golden hall on top of mount Penglai where immortals and sages resided. He explained about the superb divination of GUAN Lu, the healing art of HUA Tuo, and the magic skills of ZUO Ci. He explained such matters to him in details. The king said: "If it is as You say, [your country] is truly a Buddha land. When I pass away I wish to be born in that country."

[Note Deeg] On *mobai* 膜拜, see GUO Pu's 郭璞 (276-324) commentary on *Mutianzi zhuan* 穆天子傳, a text discovered in 281 CE: 今之胡人禮佛, 舉手加頭, 稱南膜拜者, 即此類也。
"When today the barbarians greet the Buddha, they raise their hands to their head and speak the salutation 'namo'-in this way it is [done]." *Mo* is an abbreviation of *nanmo*, Skt. *namo*

<footnote n="1">¹ Cf. Text I.054/B where we translate "Imperial letter," "Our emperor," etc.</footnote>
(namah), “veneration to ...,” cf. Hanyu da cidian (Luo 1990 s. v.); Wang Yi-t’ung (1984, 229 n. 125).

I.054. Qiantuo 乾陀

I.054/A. Weishu 102

乾陀國，在烏萵西，i本名業波，為嚢嚠所破，因改焉。其王本是敕勒，臨國已二世矣。

The state of Qiantuo [Gandhāra] is west of Wuchang [Uddiyāna]. It had originally been called _Yebo_ but was destroyed by the Yeda, which is why it changed [its name]. The royal clan was originally _Chile_ and has already been on the throne for two generations.

好征戰，與罽賓鬭，三年不罷，人怨苦之。有鬭象七百頭，十人乘一象，皆執兵仗，象鼻縛刀以戰。

They like waging war and since their war with Jibin [Kashmir] has not stopped for three years, all the people loathe and abhor it. They have 700 war elephants, each of which carries ten armed soldiers and has blades fastened to its trunk in order to fight with those.

所都城東南七里有佛塔，高七十丈，周三百步，即所謂「雀離佛圖」也。

Seven li south of the capital city is a Buddhist stūpa 70 zhang in height and 300 steps in circumference; it is called Stūpa of the Oriole.

**Yebo** 業波(EMC ŋiap-pa): Assuming that ye 業 is a scribal error for *che* 車, *ji* 基, or *ji* 寄 and *po* 波 is a scribal error for *tai* 汰, *tuo* 陀, or *duo* 多, Enoki considered the counterpart in *Qielanji* (Text I.054/B), Yeboluo 業波羅 (EMC ŋiap-pa-la), a corrupted form of Jiduoluo 寄多羅 or a variant thereof, that is, Gandhāra before the Hephthalite conquest. ii Yu (2003, 129) at one point followed Matsuda's view (1970, 168, 396) in identifying Yeboluo with Zabul (Diefuluo 疊伏羅, Text I.018/C), but now he (2015, 110) agrees with Enoki that Yebo and Yeboluo are very likely scribal errors for Jiduoluo. However, Pelliot's hypothesis of *Yavana* is worthy of more attention; see Note Deeg on Text I.054/B.

**Chile** 敕勒 (EMC trʰik-lək): Another name of the Gaoju, cf. Text I.093. Here it is very likely a scribal error for Teqin 特勤 ‘Tägin’ (EMC dək-gin), given as Chiqin 酷懌 (EMC tʰrik-gin) in most copies of the *Qielanji*, see Text I.054/B. Nevertheless, Matsuda (1970, 396) presumed the original *Weishu* text had Chile 敕勒 by seeing it as a transcription of “Türk.”

I.054/B. Qielanji 5

至正光元年四月中旬入乾陀羅國。

<footnote>i BS: 乾陀國, 在烏萵西。</footnote>

<footnote>ii On other solutions up to the 1950s, see Enoki's review (1958, 18, Eng. 1969, 25–26).</footnote>
In the middle of the fourth month of the first year of the Zhengguang reign [520], [the party] arrived in the state of Qiantuoluo.

土地亦與烏場國相似。本名業波羅國。為噉噉所滅，遂立勅懃為王。治國以來已經二世。立性凶暴，多行殺戮，不信佛法，好祀鬼神。

The land is similar to the state of Uchang. Originally it was called the state of Yeboluo, but it was defeated by the Yeda who eventually installed a *chiqin* as [their vasal] king; they have ruled the state for two generations. [The present king's] character is fierce and brutal, and he often commits massacres and does not believe in the *dharma* of the Buddha but prefers to offer sacrifices to the spirits.

*Chiqin* 勅懇(EMC *thrik-gin*): According to Marquart (1901, 211ff.) and Chavannes (1903b, 416 n. 4), *chiqin* is a transliteration for *tägin*.

國中人民悉是婆羅門種，崇奉佛教，好讀經典。忽得此王深非情願，自恃勇力與罽賓爭境，連兵戰鬪已歷三年。

The population of the state are all of *brāhmaṇa* caste who venerate the teaching of the Buddha and like to read the *sūtras*. When they all of a sudden had this king, they were deeply resentful. He was so self-confident of his courage and power that he summoned his troops for a war over a border conflict with Jibin [Kashmir] which has [now] already been going on for three years.

王有鬭象七百頭，一負十人，手持刀楂，象鼻縛刀，與敵相擊。王常停境上，終日不歸。師老民勞，百姓嗟怨。

The king has seven hundred battle elephants, each carrying ten men who hold swords and [wooden] sticks in their hands, while the elephants have blades tied to their trunks, with which they attack the enemy. The king always stays at the border and never returns [to the capital], [so that] the troops are worn out, the men are fatigued, and the ordinary people are complaining.

宋雲詣軍通詔書，王凶慢無禮，坐受詔書。宋雲見其遠夷不可制，任其倨傲，莫能責之。王遣傳事，謂宋雲曰：「卿涉諸國，經過險路，得無勞苦也？」宋雲答曰：「我皇帝深味大乘，遠求經典。道路雖險，未敢言疲。大王親總三軍，遠臨邊境，寒暑驟移，不無頓弊？」王答曰：「不能降服小國，愧卿此問。」宋雲初謂王是夷人，不可以禮責，任其坐受詔書，及親往復，乃有人情，遂責之曰：「山有高下，水有大小，人處世間亦有尊卑。噉噉、烏場王並拜受詔書。大王何獨不拜？」王答曰：「我見魏主則拜。得書坐讀，有何可怪？世人得父母書，猶自坐讀。大魏如我父母，我一坐讀書，於理無失。」雲無以屈之。

SONG Yun went to where the army was to submit the imperial letter, but the king was rude, arrogant, and displayed no etiquette, receiving the imperial letter while seated. SONG Yun recognized that these distant barbarians could not be controlled, so he tolerated his arrogance and did not reprimand him. The king sent a messenger to tell SONG Yun: "You have passed through many kingdoms, taken perilous roads; do you not suffer from exhaustion?" SONG Yun replied: "Our emperor is [so] deeply delighted by the Mahāyāna [that he sent us] to distant lands in search of *sūtras*. Although the roads were dangerous I still do not dare to say that I am exhausted.
[You], oh great king, are personally staying with the army to control the distant border. [Since] heat and cold alternate quickly, are you not exhausted?” The king answered: “I cannot [even] subjugate [this] small kingdom; Your question makes me feel ashamed.” SONG Yun first had thought that as a barbarian, the king could not be reprimanded for not having etiquette and so had tolerated that he had accepted the imperial letter while seated. While having personal inter-action [with him he found] that [the king] had human feelings and hence reprimanded him: “Mountains are high or low, rivers are big or small; in the world inhabited by humans there are also superiors and inferiors. The kings of the Yeda and of Udyāna both courteously received the imperial letter—why does only the great king not act courteously?” The king answered: “If I meet the ruler of the Wei [personally], I will honour [him]. Why should it be strange if I receive the letter and read it while seated? Even [when] people receive letters from their parents they still read them while seated. [The ruler of] the Great Wei is like my parents, [so] there is nothing wrong with reading his letter while seated.” [SONG] Yun could not convince him.

[Note Deeg] Yeboluo 業波羅 is assumed by Hori Kentoku 堀謙德 (followed by Zhou Zumo and Wang Yi-t'ung) to be a transliteration of Sanskrit Gopāla, obviously with a presumption that this had something to do with the famous nāga of the cave of the Shadow of the Buddha up in the Kabul Valley. The place is described in the same text in a passage inserted from the travelogue of Daoyao (or Daorong) who uses a different transliteration. For another interpreta-tion, see Chavannes (1903b, 416 n. 2), reading ye as she and identifying it with the famous self-sacrificing king Śibi/Śivi from the Jātakas. Since many of the names in the text are corrupted, I suggest that Pelliot's solution Yavana (1933, 96 n. 4; 1934, 26ff n. 2) is more plausible within the historical context of the region, because it was, for a long time, dominated by Greek (Skt. yavana) culture. Since we have witness of the region being called Yebo 葉波, it may well be that—through miswriting ye 葉 as ye 業 and the frequent transliterational na 那 as luo 羅—in Yeboluo we have a reflection of an original Yebona 葉波那 (or Yepona 葉婆那 as in T. 2090(LI)997b15) = Skt. Yavana. Or is the name related to Yapala on a Brāhmī seal legend (cf. Falk in Lerner and Sims-Williams 2011, 124)?

[Note Ching] While Chiqin 勅懇 is widely accepted as the correct form in this episode about Gandhāra, the two old copies which give Chile 敕勒 in Text I.046/A both have Chile 敕懇 here (cf. Qielanji, p. 234, n. 140). In the corresponding part of the Beishi and Weishu (Text I.054/A), the text has Chile 敕勒, too. Taking Chile as an early transliteration of the name of Turks, Matsuda (1970, 396) argued that the ruling class of Gandhāra around 520 was Turkic. Never-theless, one cannot rule out the possibility that in those two copies, it was the variant Chile in the part on the Yeda (Text I.046/A) that caused scribe's confusion of Chiqin 勅懇 with Chile 敕懇 in this episode. Here, in I.054/B, Chiqin is perfectly acceptable if one takes it as a marker of “royal clan” among the nomads in the north.<fnref n="1" />

<footnote n="1">¹ Tägin had occurred in Chinese sources as a title in the upper class of Tuoba Xianbei (zhiqin 直勤) and Rouran (tiqin 提懇, etc.), cf. Luo (2009, 80–107, 155–65). Identifying yiqin 宜勤 (Yulan, j. 598), name of a slave of di 狗 origin who was originally a prince of the hu (hu wangzi 胡王子) but finally bought by SHI Chong 石崇 (249–300 CE), as an</footnote>
[Note Inaba] The essential problem is how we combine SONG Yun's record with the presence of Alkhan rulers in northwestern India evidenced in numismatic studies. As far as we see from the inscriptions, Mihirakula, son of Toramāņa, was ruling northern and central India when SONG Yun visited Puşkarāvatī (Chārsada) in Gandhāra. Accordingly, the question arises, why did SONG Yun use the same designation for the ruler on the northern side of the Hindu Kush and the prince/ruler on the southern side of the same mountains? At present, there seems to be no good solution, unless we, for instance, imagine that “eastern” Tukharistan (especially Baghlān-Ghori plain) and Gandhāra were ruled by the same polity (the Alkhans) at that time. In this case, the transcription “Yeda” chosen by SONG Yun still needs to be explained. As an alternative solution, we may imagine that the rule of (the Genuine) Hephthalites extended to Gandhāra, but in this case, one should pay attention to the fact that so far no Genuine Hephthalite coin is known from south of the Hindu Kush.

## I.055. Baiti 白題 and other states adjacent to Hua in the Liangshu

LS 54 《梁書・列傳第四十八・諸夷》 (pp. 812–813). Translation based on Yu (2014a, 548–50).

周古柯國，滑旁小國也。普通元年，使使隨滑來獻方物。

The state of Zhouguke [Karghalik]: it is a small state near Hua. In the first year of the Putong reign [520] it sent envoys, following [the envoys of] Hua, to present its local products.

呵跋檀國，亦滑旁小國也。凡滑旁之國，衣服容貌皆與滑同。普通元年，使使隨滑使來獻方物。

The state of Hebatan [Kabadiyan]: it is also a small state near Hua. For all states that are near Hua, the clothes and appearance [of the residents] are the same as those of Hua. In the first year of the Putong reign it sent envoys, following the envoys of Hua, to present its local products.

胡蜜丹國，亦滑旁小國也。普通元年，使使隨滑使來獻方物。

The state of Humidan [Kumedh]: it is also a small state near Hua. In the first year of the Putong reign it sent envoys, following the envoys of Hua, to present its local products.

白題國，王姓支名史稽毅，其先蓋匈奴之別種胡也。漢灌嬰與匈奴戰，斬白題騎一人。今在滑國東。去滑六日行，西極波斯。土地出粟、麥、瓜菓，食物略與滑同。普通三年，遣使獻方物。

The state of Baiti: its king's clan name is ZHI, and his name is Shijiyi. Its ancestor descended from a branch of Xiongnu. When he fought with the Xiongnu during the Han period, GUAN Ying killed a Baiti cavalryman [cf. Text I.028/B]. At present, the state is to the east of the state

<footnote>error for zhiqin 直勤, Luo (2009, 89) argued that Tägin was also used by other hu around Bingzhou 并州 (approx. today's Taiyuan and Datong) including the jie 羯 tribes. In his opinion (op. cit. 93–94), Tägin was not merely an official title but essentially a mark of the blood of “Royal clan” [sic] among several nomadic peoples in Early Medieval Inner Asia.</footnote>
of Hua at a distance of six days' journey. To the west it extends as far as Bosi [Persia]. The land produces millet, wheat, watermelons and other kinds of fruit. Their food more or less resembles those of Hua. In the third year of the Putong reign [522], it sent envoys to present its local products.

**Baiti** 白題: Probably a Chinese transcription of Balkh (Yu 2005, 409 Comm. 88; Eng. 2014a, 550). See also Note Sims-Williams on Text I.024.

## I.6.13. Conflicts between the Rouran, Gaoju and Yeda

The Gaoju ruler Mi'etu 彌俄突, his successor Yifu 伊匋, as well as the Rouran ruler Poluomen 婺羅門 were supported by the Yeda during the long-term conflict as seen in the extracts below.

## I.056. Doulun's succession to the Rouran throne in 485 CE and the split of the Gaoju from the Rouran

### I.056/A. Weishu 103 (on the Ruanruan)

WS 103 《列傳第九十一・蠕蠕》(pp. 2494–2495) ~ BS 98 《列傳第八十六・蠕蠕》(p. 3256).

九年，予成死，子豆嶮立，號伏古敦(BS: 伏名敦)可汗，魏言恒也。自稱太平元年。

In the ninth year [of the Taihe 太和 reign] [485], Yucheng died and his son Doulun succeeded him, calling himself Fugudun [BS: Fumingdun] Qaghan, which in Chinese means Eternal. He changed the reign title to the first year of Taiping.

### I.056/B. Weishu 103 (on the Gaoju)

WS 103 《列傳第九十一・高車》(pp. 2508–2509) ~ BS 98 《列傳第八十六・高車》(pp. 3273–3274).

先是，副伏羅部為蠕蠕所役屬，豆嶮之世，蠕蠕亂離，國部分散，副伏羅阿伏至羅與從弟窮奇俱統領高車之眾十餘萬落。

Prior to this, the Fufuluo tribes were subjugated by the Ruanruan. During the reign of Doulun, the Ruanruan were scattered [by the Wei] and the various tribes of the state dispersed. Afuzhiluo of the Fufuluo and his younger cousin Qiongqi together led the Gaoju troops, numbering over one hundred thousand tents.

太和十一年，豆嶮犯塞，阿伏至羅等固諫不從，怒，率所部之眾西叛，至前部西北，自立為王，國人號之曰「候婁匈奴勒」，猶魏言大天子也。窮奇號「候倍」，猶魏言儲主也。二

<footnote>i BS: 副伏羅部為蠕蠕所役屬。</footnote>

<footnote>ii BS: 怒率所部之眾西叛。</footnote>

<footnote>iii BS: 自立為王。</footnote>
人和穆，分部而立，阿伏至羅居北，窮奇在南。豆嶠追討之，頻為阿伏至羅所敗，乃引眾東徙。

In the eleventh year of the Taihe reign [487], Doulun attacked the [Wei] border. As he did not listen to Afuzhiluo's advice, Afuzhiluo was infuriated and led the troops under his command westward to rebel. When he reached the northwest of the Nearer [Jushi], [i.e. Turfan], he erected himself as king and the people of the state called him *Houloufule*, which in Chinese means 'Great Son of Heaven.' Qiongqi was called *Houbei*, which in Chinese means 'Heir Apparent.' The two of them were on amicable terms, they divided the tribes under their control, Afuzhiluo ruling the north, Qiongqi the south. Doulun went in pursuit to punish them but, having been repeatedly defeated by Afuzhiluo, withdrew his troops eastward.

十四年，阿伏至羅遣商胡越者至京師，以二箭奉貢，云：「蠕蠕為天子之賊，臣諫之不從，遂叛來至此而自豎立。當為天子討除蠕蠕。」

In the 14th year [of the Taihe reign, i.e. 490], Afuzhiluo sent a *hu* merchant called Yuezhe to the capital [of Wei], presenting to the throne two arrows with the words "The Ruanruan rebelled against Your Majesty, because [Doulun] did not listen to my advice, I moved here and established myself. I shall eradicate the Ruanruan on behalf of Your Majesty."

**Afuzhiluo** 阿伏至羅 (EMC ?a-buwk-teiʰ-la): Cunningham's attempt to identify him with Ephthalanus was rejected by Miyazaki (1931b). The original form of this name, as well as that of Fufuluo, are still obscure. At any rate, Emperor Gaozu did not approve Afuzhiluo's proposal; cf. WS 103, p. 2509.

*In the eleventh year of the Taihe reign (Taihe shiyi nian)* 太和十一年, 487 CE): See Text I.057.

## I.057. Wars between Doulun and Afuzhiluo before Nagai's succession to the Ruanan throne

WS 103 (on the Ruanruan): WS 103 《列傳第九十一・蠕蠕》(p. 2495) ~ BS 98 《列傳第八十六・蠕蠕》(p. 3257)

十六年八月，高祖(BS: 孝文)遣陽平王頤、左僕射陸叡並為都督，領軍斛律桓等十二將七萬騎討豆嶠。部內高車阿伏至羅率眾十餘萬落(BS: 十餘萬)西走，自立為主。豆嶠與叔父那蓋為二道追之，豆嶠出自浚稽山北而西，那蓋出自金山。豆嶠頻為阿伏至羅所敗，那蓋累有勝捷。

In the eighth month of the 16th year [492], Emperor Gaozu [BS: Emperor Xiaowen] sent Prince of Yangping [YUAN] Yi and *zuo puye* LU Rui as military governors, and twelve generals including commander-in-chief HULÜ Huan led a cavalry of seventy thousand against Doulun. Within

<footnote>i BS: 以二箭奉貢。云：「蠕蠕為天子之賊，臣諫之不從，遂叛來至此，而自豎立，當為天子討除蠕蠕。」</footnote>

<footnote>ii BS: 豆嶠與叔父那蓋為二道追之。</footnote>
the [Ruanruan] tribes Afuzhiluo of the Gaoju fled with troops numbering over a hundred thousand tents [BS: over a hundred thousand] to the west, where he established himself as ruler. Doulun and his father's younger brother Nagai went in pursuit from two directions, Doulun moving westward from the northern side of Mount Junji/Xunji and Nagai setting off from the Altai Mountains. Doulun was repeatedly defeated by Afuzhiluo but Nagai proved victorious on several occasions.

眾乃殺豆嶠母子，以屍示那蓋，那蓋乃襲位。

[...] The troops then killed Doulun and his mother and showed their corpses to Nagai who then assumed the throne.

那蓋號候其伏代庫者可汗，魏言悅樂也。自稱太安元年。

Nagai was called Houqifudaikuzhe Qaghan, which in Chinese means Joyous. He changed the reign title to the first year of Taian [492].

**The 16th year** (*shiliu nian* 十六年): Possibly an error for the 11th year (487) as remarked by Feng (1957, 36–48), cf. Text I.056/B. Matsuda (1956, 209–11) further argued that 487 is inexact: according to his analysis of the *Weishu*, *Beishi*, *Nan Qishu* 南齊書 and *Zizhi Tongjian* 資治通鑑, the revolt might have happened at the end of 485 or at latest by the beginning of 486. He (1938, 19) noted that according to the *Weishu*, *j*. 101, the Gaoju had supported ZHANG Mengming 張孟明 to become the king of Gaochang (Turfan) in 481. So before Afuzhiluo's decision to separate from the Rouran, the Gaoju had taken root in Turfan. On the other hand, Yu (2005, 626 Comm. 61; Eng. 2014a, 813) followed Feng (1957, 36–41) regarding the dating of the enthronement of ZHANG, who believed that the year 481 ([太和]五年) given in the *Beishi*, *j*. 97 in the history of Gaochang was a scribal error for 491 ([太和]十五年). Presently, the widely accepted theory is that of Shirasu Jōshin. Dating the independence of the Gaoju to the eighth month of the 11th year (4 Sep. – 2 Oct. 487) or slightly later, he puts the enthronement of ZHANG in 488, on the basis of Chinese documents unearthed from Turfan and other sources. His view has been advanced by Wang Su (1998, 266–81).

## I.058. Death of Qiongqi and Afuzhiluo and the Yeda intervention to support Qiongqi's son Mi'etu

WS 103 (on the Gaoju): 《列傳第九十一・高車》(p.2509) ~ BS 98 《列傳第八十六・高車》(p. 3274).

窮奇後為嚙噠所殺，虜其子彌俄突等，其眾分散，或來奔附，或投蠕蠕。

Later on, Qiongqi was killed by the Yeda who also captured his son Mi'etu and others. The troops dispersed, some joining [the Wei], others fleeing to the Ruanruan.

<footnote>i BS: 以尸示那蓋，乃襲位。</footnote>

<footnote>ii BS: 虜其子彌俄突等。</footnote>
阿伏至羅又殘暴，大失眾心，眾共殺之，立其宗人跋利延為主。

[...] As for Afuzhiluo, because he was cruel and violent, he was greatly abhorred by his people who eventually killed him, establishing his clansman Baliyan as the ruler.

歲餘，嚥噠伐高車，將納彌俄突，國人殺跋利延，迎彌俄突而立之。

In a bit over a year the Yeda attacked the Gaoju and freed Mi'etu, and the people of the state [of the Gaoju] killed Baliyan, inviting Mi'etu to their throne.

Later on, Qiongqi was killed by the Yeda (Qiongqi houwei Yeda suo sha 窮奇後為嚥噠所殺): Matsuda (1956, 214–15) dated Qiongqi's death to around 490–497, since he thought that Qiongqi was still alive when the Gaoju paid tributes to the Northern Wei in 490. In his theory, Qiongqi's death was the result of the Hephthalite invasion of the Tarim Basin just before QU Jia's succession (Text I.031) to the Gaochang throne around 497. Duan (1988, 239) assumed that Qiongqi's death was slightly after QU Jia's enthronement, most probably between 498 and 500, yet the date of his enthronement has been recently revised to 501; cf. Wang Su (1998, 324–26). Yu (1986) did not treat this problem in depth but now he (2012, 172 n. 6) dates Qiongqi's death to 507 or a bit earlier.

In a bit over a year (sui yu 歲餘): Matsuda (1956, 214–15) dated Mi’etu’s stepping on the throne to the spring of 508 or the preceding year, since the Gaoju paid tributes to the Northern Wei three times in 508. Henceforth, he (1956, 216) assumed that the Hephthalites attacked the Gaoju in 507 or 508 in order to support Mi’etu’s succession.

## I.059. Emperor Shizong’s decree to Mi’etu in 508 CE

WS 103 (on the Gaoju): 列傳第九十一・高車》(p. 2509) ~ BS 98 《列傳第八十六・高車》(p. 3274). Here our translation follows Shirasu’s reconstruction (1984) of the original Weishu based on the Tongdian (j. 197, p. 5400) and the Wenxian Tongkao (j. 342, p. 2686).

彌俄突既立，復遣朝貢，又奉表獻金方一、銀方一、金杖二、馬七匹、駝十頭。詔使者慕容坦賜彌俄突雜綵六十匹。世宗(BS: 宣武)詔之曰：

After Mi'etu had assumed the throne, he sent tributes to the [Wei] court, and he also presented [to the court] one golden plaque, one silver plaque, two golden staffs, seven horses and ten camels. An imperial decree ordered the envoy MURONG Tan to give to Mi'etu 60 bolts of colour brocade. Emperor Shizong [BS: Xuanwu] decreed:

「卿遠據沙外，頻申誠款，覽揖忠志，特所欽嘉。蠕蠕、嚥噠、吐谷渾所以交通者，皆路由高昌(TD/WXTK: 高昌國)，犄角相接。今高昌內附，遣使迎引，蠕蠕(TD/WXTK: 蠕蠕既與吐谷渾)往來路絕，姦勢。(Shirasu: 姦勢亦沮。於卿彼蕃，便有所益。行途經由，宜相供俟。)不得妄令羣小敢有陵犯，擁塞王人，罪在不赦。」

<footnote>i BS: 將納彌俄突。</footnote>

<footnote>ii BS: 遣使迎引。</footnote>
“You control the distant region beyond the desert, time and time again you have demonstrated your honest goodwill. I am aware of your loyal heart and highly appreciate it. The Ruanruan, the Yeda and the Tuyuhun are in contact with each other via Gaochang [TD/WXTK: the state of Gaochang] where they join forces. Now the people of Gaochang wish to settle within [our lands] so we will send envoys to welcome and guide them here. Since contacts between the Ruanruan [TD/WXTK: the Ruanruan and the Tuyuhun] were severed, their joint schemes [Shirasu: their joint schemes also became blocked. This is also to your advantage, therefore you should offer provisions for those who pass through your land]. You should not let bandits harass them. If the people [of Gaochang] under my care are obstructed, I will never forgive you your crime.”

## I.060. Futu's succession to the Ruanruan throne and his death after attacking Mi'etu in 508 CE

Futu's death is dated to 508 CE by Matsuda (1956, 215). His theory is followed by Duan (1988, 243–44) and others.

### I.060/A. Weishu 103 (on the Ruanruan)

WS 103《列傳第九十一・蠕蠕》(p. 2495) ~ BS 98《列傳第八十六・蠕蠕》(p. 3257).

那蓋死，子伏圖立，號他汗可汗，魏言緒也。自稱始平元年。

When Nagai died, his son Futu succeeded the throne; he was called Tahan *Qaghan*, which in Chinese means ‘Succession’ [lit. ‘thread’]. He changed the reign title to the first year of Shiping [506].

伏圖西征高車，為高車王彌俄突所殺，子醜奴立，號豆羅伏跋豆伐可汗，魏言彰制也。自稱建昌元年。

[...] When Futu led a military campaign westward against the Gaoju, he was killed by Mi'etu, the king of the Gaoju. His son Chounu assumed the throne; he was called Douluofubadoufa *Qaghan*, which in Chinese means ‘Displaying Order.’ He changed the reign title to the first year of Jianchang [508].

### I.060/B. Weishu 103 (on the Gaoju)

WS 103《列傳第九十一・高車》(pp. 2509–2510) ~ BS 98《列傳第八十六・高車》(pp. 3274–3275)

彌俄突尋與蠕蠕主伏圖戰於蒲類海北，為伏圖所敗，西走三百餘里。伏圖次於伊吾北山。先是，高昌王麴嘉表求內徙，世宗(BS: 宣武)遣孟威迎之，至伊吾，蠕蠕見威軍，怖而遁走。彌俄突聞其離駭，追擊大破之，殺伏圖於蒲類海北，割其髮，送於孟威。

<footnote>i BS: 宣武遣孟威迎之。</footnote>
Soon Mi'etu engaged in a battle with Futu, the Ruanruan ruler, north of Lake Pulei [Barköl], and was defeated by Futu. He fled west for more than 300 li. Futu temporarily camped in the mountains north of Yiwu [Hami]. Prior to this, Qu Jia, the king of Gaochang, submitted a memorial requesting to settle inland [on Wei territories] [cf. Text I.031/A], and Emperor Shizong [BS: Xuanwu] sent MENG Wei to welcome his people. When [MENG] Wei arrived in Yiwu and the Ruanruan saw his army, they were terrified and fled. Hearing about their chaotic dispersal, Mi'etu went in pursuit and inflicted heavy losses on them. He killed Futu on the northern side of Lake Pulei, cut his hair and presented it to MENG Wei.

## I.061. Mi'etu's death around 516 after his defeat by the Ruanruan ruler Chounu

### I.061/A. Weishu 103 (on the Gaoju)

WS 103《列傳第九十一・高車》(p. 2510) ~ BS 98《列傳第八十六・高車》(p. 3275)

肅宗(BS: 明帝)初,彌俄突與蠕蠕主醜奴戰敗被禽,醜奴繫其兩腳於驚馬之上,頓曳殺之,漆其頭為飲器。其部眾悉入嚥噠。

At the beginning of the reign of Emperor Suzong [r. 515–528] [BS: Emperor Ming], Mi'etu was defeated and captured by Chounu, the Ruanruan ruler. Chounu tied his feet to inferior horses and had them kill him by pulling him apart. Then he painted [Mi'etu's] skull and made a drinking vessel out of it. [Mi'etu's] tribes were all incorporated into the Yeda.

### I.061/B. Weishu 103 (on the Ruanruan)

WS 103《列傳第九十一・蠕蠕》(p. 2495) ~ BS 98《列傳第八十六・蠕蠕》(p. 3257)

熙平元年,西征高車大破之,禽其王(BS: 主)彌俄突,殺之,盡并叛者,國遂強盛。

In the first year of the Xipingi reign [516], [the Ruanruan] attacked the Gaoju in the west and inflicted a crushing defeat on them, captured their king [BS: their ruler] Mi'etu and killed him. They completely united the rebels and subsequently the state became strong and prosperous.

## I.062. Yifu's succession to the Gaoju throne by the summer of 522

WS 103《列傳第九十一・高車》(p. 2510) (on the Gaoju) ~ BS 98《列傳第八十六・高車》(p. 3275)

經數年,嚥噠聽彌俄突弟伊匋還國。伊匋既復國,遣使奉表,於是詔遣使者谷楷等拜為鎮西將軍、西海郡開國公、高車王。

<footnote>i BS: 戰敗, 被禽。</footnote>
After several years, the Yeda allowed Yifu, the younger brother of Mi'etu, to return to his home country. Once Yifu restored his state, he sent an embassy [to Wei] and submitted a memorial. Therefore, the Emperor sent GU Kai and others as envoys to confer the titles zhenxi jiangjun [General of Controlling the West], Xihaijun kaiguo gong [State-Founding Duke of Western Lake Commandery] and King of the Gaoju.

[Note Ching]: According to the *Weishu*, j. 9, p. 278, the titles were conferred in the fourth month of the third year of the Zhengguang reign (522), where his name is given as Fuluo Yifu 覆羅伊甸 (EMC *pʰu wʰ-la-ʔi-bu w k*). Fuluo may be a corrupted form of Fufuluo 副伏羅 (EMC *pu wʰ-bu w k-la*), cf. Text I.056/B.

I.063. The Rouran prince Anagui's refuge in the Northern Wei in 520–521

WS 103 《列傳第九十一・蠕蠕》(p. 2496-2498) (on the Ruanruan) ~ BS 98 《列傳第八十六・蠕蠕》(p. 3258)

初，豆嶮之死也，那蓋為主，伏圖納豆嶮之妻候(or: 俟)呂陵氏，生醜奴、阿那瓌等六人。

Initially, after Doulun died and Nagai became the ruler, Futu married Doulun's wife of the Houlüling [or: Silüling] clan, who gave him six children, including Chounu and Anagui.

正光初......又阿至羅侵醜奴,醜奴擊之,軍敗。還,為母與其大臣所殺,立醜奴弟阿那瓌。立經十日,其族兄俟力發示發卒眾數萬以伐阿那瓌,阿那瓌戰敗,將弟乙居伐輕騎南走歸國。尋封阿那瓌朔方郡公、蠕蠕王,二年正月,阿那瓌等五十四人請辭,。

[...] At the beginning of the Zhengguang reign [520] [...] the Azhiluo once again invaded Chounu['s state]. Chounu attacked them but was defeated. When he returned home, he was killed by his mother and his grand minister, who established Chounu's younger brother Anagui on the throne. Ten days after being on the throne, his elder cousin Shifa, the Silifa [Iltäbär], led tens of thousands of troops to attack Anagui, and Anagui was defeated in battle, so he took his younger brother Yijufa with him and went into exile, riding southward to [Wei] territory. [...] [In the tenth month, after Anagui arrived in the Wei court] he was soon conferred the titles of Duke of Shuofang and King of Ruanruan [...] In the first month of the second year [521], 54 men including Anagui left [the Wei court. ...]

Azhiluo 阿至羅: Another name of the Gaoju, which derives from the name of the aforementioned leader Afuzhiluo 阿伏至羅. Here 'the Azhiluo' refers to King Yifu.

<footnote>i BS: 軍敗還，為母與其大臣所殺，立醜奴弟阿那瓌為主。</footnote>

<footnote>ii BS: 阿那瓌立經十日，其族兄俟力發示發率眾數萬以伐，阿那瓌戰敗，將弟乙居伐輕騎南走歸魏。</footnote>

<footnote>iii Here a lengthy list of the Emperor's gifts is omitted.</footnote>
## I.064. Poluomen's succession to the Ruanruan throne

WS 103 (on the Ruanruan): WS 103 《列傳第九十一・蠕蠕》(p. 2499) ~ BS 98 《列傳第八十六・蠕蠕》(p. 3261).

阿那瓌來奔之後，其從父兄俟力發婆羅門率數萬人入討示發，破之。

After Anagui came over [to the Wei], his paternal elder cousin Poluomen, the Silifa [Iltäbär], led tens of thousands of troops against Shifa and defeated him.

推婆羅門為主，號彌偶可社句可汗，魏言安靜也。

[... The Ruanruan] elected Poluomen as their ruler; he was called Mioukesheju Qaghan, which in Chinese means ‘Tranquil.’

婆羅門殊自驕慢，無遜避之心，

[...] Poluomen was exceedingly arrogant and haughty and had no intention to yield the throne [to Anagui].

阿那瓌慮不敢入，表求還京。

[...] Anagui was concerned and dared not to come back. He requested permission to return to the [Wei] capital.

## I.065. Yifu's attack on Poluomen

### I.065/A. Weishu 103 (on the Gaoju)

WS 103 《列傳第九十一・高車》(p. 2510) ~ BS 98 《列傳第八十六・高車》(p. 3275).

伊匋復大破蠕蠕，蠕蠕主婆羅門走投涼州。

When Yifu also crushed the Ruanruan [like his elder brother Mi'etu], the Ruanruan ruler Poluomen fled to Liangzhou.

### I.065/B. Weishu 103 (on the Ruanruan)

WS 103 《列傳第九十一・蠕蠕》(pp. 2499-2500) ~ BS 98 《列傳第八十六・蠕蠕》(pp. 3261-3262).

會婆羅門為高車所逐，率十部落詣涼州歸降，於是蠕蠕數萬相率迎阿那瓌。

Just at that time [when Anagui hesitated to enter the land of the Ruanruan], Poluomen was pursued by the Gaoju, and he led ten tribes to Liangzhou to seek refuge. Accordingly, tens of thousands of Ruanruan troops assembled together and invited Anagui [to restore his power].

<footnote>i BS: 詣涼州歸降。於是蠕蠕數萬，相率迎阿那瓌。</footnote>
十二月，詔安西將軍、廷尉元洪超兼尚書行臺，詣敦煌安置婆羅門。

[...] In the twelfth month [beginning of 522], YUAN Hongchao, who held the titles of Anxi jiangjun [General of Pacifying the West] and tingwei [Chamberlain for Law Enforcement], was conferred by imperial decree the concurrent title of shangshu xingtai, [as part of his mission] to visit Dunhuang and settle Poluomen [in Xihai jun 西海郡 around Juyan Lake].

## I.066. Poluomen's attempt to flee to the Yeda and his death in 524 in China

WS 103 《列傳第九十一・蠕蠕》(pp. 2500–2501) (on the Ruanruan) ~ BS 98 《列傳第八十六・蠕蠕》(pp. 3262–3263)

婆羅門尋與部眾謀叛投嚮嚮，嚮嚮三妻，皆婆羅門姊妹也。仍為州軍所討，禽之。

Soon after that, Poluomen planned to rebel and join the Yeda with his followers, as the three wives of the Yeda [ruler] were all his sisters. Yet he was attacked and captured by the prefectural troops [of the Wei].

五年，婆羅門死於洛南之館。

[...] In the fifth year [524], Poluomen died in his residence at Luoyang.

## I.6.14. Final days of the Yeda

### I.067. General account of the history of the Yeda

#### I.067/A. Zhoushu 50 (on the Yeda)

ZS 50 《列傳第四十二・異域下》(p. 918) ~ BS 97 《列傳第八十五・西域》(p. 3231) Cf. Transl. of BS in La Vaissière (2007, 126).

後為突厥所破，部落分散，職貢遂絕。

Later [the Yeda] were smashed by the Tujue. The tribes dispersed and thus stopped paying tribute.

#### I.067/B. Suishu 83 (on the Yeda)

SS 83 《列傳第五十・異域下》(p. 1854) Cf. Transl. of BS in La Vaissière (2007, 126).

先時國亂，突厥遣通設字詰強領其國。

<footnote n="1">¹ BS: 婆羅門尋與部眾謀叛投嚮嚮。</footnote>
Formerly the state [of the Yeda] fell into turmoil, and the Tujue sent *Tong Shad Zijie*, who forcibly took possession of the state.

I.068. General account of the history of the Turks

I.068/A. *Zhoushu* 50 (on the Tujue)

ZS 50 《列傳第四十二・異域下》(p. 909) ~ BS 99 《列傳第八十七・突厥》(p. 3287).

俟斤一名燕都，狀貌多奇異，面廣尺餘，其色甚赤，眼若瑠璃。性剛暴，務於征伐。乃率兵擊鄧叔子，滅之。叔子以其餘燼來奔(BS: 奔西魏)。

Sijin (Irkin) was also called Yandu. He had many extraordinary features. His face was more than a foot wide, his complexion was completely red, his eyes were like lapis lazuli [*liuli*]. By nature he was tough and fierce and regarded military expeditions as his primary task. [BS: By nature he was tough and fierce, brave and knowledgeable, and regarded military expeditions as his primary task.] Thus he led troops to attack Dengshuzi and annihilated him. [Deng]shuzi with his surviving followers fled to [Wei][BS: fled to the Western Wei].

俟斤又西破嚙嚙(BS: 嚙嚙)，東走契丹，北并契骨，威服塞外諸國。

Sijin also defeated the Yeda in the west, dispersed the Qidan [Khitans] in the east, annexed the Qigu [Qırqız] in the north, subjugating the states beyond the [Northern Zhou] frontier.

其地東自遼海以西，西至西海萬里，南自沙漠以北，北至北海五六千里，皆屬焉。

His territory stretched for ten thousand *li* from the Sea of Liao in the east to the Western Sea in the west, for five-six thousand *li* from the deserts in the south to the Northern Sea in the north.

I.068/B. *Suishu* 84 (on the Tujue)

SS 84 《列傳第四十九・北狄》(p. 1864).

木杆勇而多智，遂擊茹茹，滅之，西破挹怛，東走契丹，北方戎狄悉歸之，抗衡中夏。

Mugan [Muqan] was brave and had much wisdom. He subsequently attacked the Ruru and annihilated them. He defeated the Yida in the west and dispersed the Khitans in the east. All northern barbarians submitted to him and he became a rival of the Chinese.

<footnote>i BS: 狀貌奇異，面廣尺餘，其色赤甚，眼若瑠璃，剛暴，勇而多知，務於征伐。</footnote>

<footnote>ii In BS 99, p. 3287, the text is given as 其地，東自遼海以西，至西海，萬里；南自沙漠以北，至北海，五六千里：皆屬焉。 This does not, however, alter the English translation offered here.</footnote>
I.6.15. Yeda tribute payments to China

I.069. Tribute payments to the Northern Wei court

I.069/A. A General review in the *Weishu*, *j*. 102

WS 102 《列傳第九十・西域》(p. 2473) ~ BS 97 《列傳第八十五・西域》(p. 3231) (Cf. Transl. of BS in La Vaissière 2007, 125).

自太安以後，每遣使朝貢。正光末，遣使貢(BS: 遣供)師子一，至高平，遇万俟醜奴反，因留之。醜奴平，送京師。永熙以後，朝獻遂絕。

From the Tai'an reign [455–459] onward, they frequently dispatched envoys to pay tribute. At the end of the Zhengguang reign [520–525], they dispatched an envoy to present a *lion* as tribute. When he arrived at Gaoping [today's Guyuan], MOQI Chounu rebelled, so the envoy was detained by Chounu. Once Chounu was defeated, the envoy was sent on to the capital. From the Yongxi reign [532–534] on, they stopped bringing tribute.

A lion (*shizi yi*) 師子一: The year of this tribute was 530, see Text I.069/M. Yu (2005, 490 Comm. 403, 404; Eng. 2014a, 648–50) thought, referring to the *Qielanji*, *j*. 3, that the lion was originally a Persian king’s gift to the Yeda: 永橋南道東有白象、獅子二坊。白象者，永平二年乾陀羅國胡王所獻。......獅子者，波斯國胡王所獻也。為逆賊万俟醜奴所獲，留於寇中。永安末，醜奴破滅，始達京師。“South of the Eternal Bridge were the White Elephant and Lion Quarters. The white elephant was presented by the *hu* King of Qiantuoluo in the second year of the Yongping reign (509). [...] The lion was presented by the *hu* King of Bosi. It was captured by the rebel MOQI Chounu and kept by his bandit gang. Only when MOQI Chounu was defeated at the end the Yong'an reign (528–530) did it finally reach the capital.”

I.069/B. 456 CE

WS 5 《高宗紀第五・太安二年(456 CE)》(p. 138), cf. BS 2, p. 68.

十有一月......嚙噠、普嵐國並遣使朝獻。

In the eleventh month [Dec. 456-Jan. 457] [...], the Yeda and the state of Pulan both sent envoys to the court to present tribute.

[Note Ching] Pulan 普嵐 may designate either Roman Orient or Khulm (X. Rong, p. c., 31 Dec. 2017). If it means Khulm, the Yeda were probably still restricted to the east of Khulm before the departure of their first emissary to China in 456. See also Note Grenet to Text I.032/B.
WS 8 《世宗紀第八・景明三年(502 CE)》(p. 234).

是歲，疏勒、罽賓、婆羅捺、烏萇、阿喻陁、羅婆、不崙、陁拔羅、弗波女提、斯羅、嚠舍、伏耆奚那太、羅槃、烏稽、悉萬斤、朱居槃、訶盤陁、撥斤、厭昧、朱沴洛、南天竺、持沙那斯頭諸國並遣使朝貢。

This year, the states of Shule [Kashgar], Jibin, Poluona, Wuchang, Ayutuo, Luopo, Bulun, Tuobaluo, Fubonüti, Siluo, Dashe, Fuqixinatai, Luopan, Wuji, Ximanjin [Samarkand], Zhujupan [i.e. Zhuju, cf. Text I.048], Hepantuo [i.e. Kepantuo, cf. Text I.049], Bojin, Yanwei, Zhuliluo, Southern Tianzhu and Chishanasitou all sent envoys to present tribute.

**Yanwei** 厭昧: According to the editors of the Zhonghua shuju edition, this is a scribal error for Yeda 嘬噠. See also Yu (2005, 490 Comm. 403; Eng. 2014a, 648).

WS 8 《世宗紀第八・正始四年(507 CE)》(pp. 244–245).

冬十月丁巳，高麗、半社、悉萬斤、可流伽、比沙、疏勒、于闐等諸國並遣使朝獻。......
辛未，嚠噠、波斯、渴槃陁、渴文提不那杖狃杖(CF，j. 969: 伏)提等諸國，並遣使朝獻。

In the winter, on the *dingsi* day of the tenth month, the states of Gaoli, Banshe, Ximanjin [Samarkand], Keliujia, Bisha, Shule and Yutian [Khotan] all sent envoys to present tribute. [...] On the *xinwei* day, the states of the Yeda, Bosi [Persia], Kepantuo, Kewentibunazhangniu-zhangti [CF: -futi] all sent envoys to present tribute.

WS 8 《世宗紀第八・永平二年(509 CE)》(p. 247).

二年春正月......丁亥，胡密、步就磨、狃密、槃是、悉萬斤、辛豆那、越拔狃諸國並遣使朝獻。壬辰，嚠噠、薄知國遣使來朝，貢白象一。

On the *dinghai* day [...] of the first month of the second year, the states of Humi, Bujiumo, Niumi, Panshi, Ximanjin, Xindouna and Yuebaniu all sent envoys to present tribute. On the *renchen* day, the Yeda and the state of Bozhi(?) sent envoys to present tribute, offering *a white elephant*.

**Baixiang yi** 白象一“**A white elephant**”: Identifying the elephant as the one mentioned in the *Qielanji*, j. 3 (cf. Text I.069/A), Yu (2005, 490) thought that this tribute paid by “the Bozhi state under Yeda rule” (rather than “the Yeda and the state of Bozhi”) was originally the Gandhāran king’s gift to the Yeda. Sims-Williams (2016, 276–77) suggested that Bozhi 薄知 (EMC *bak-tri/triǎ*) implied a Sogdian form *vāxč* (< OP *Bāxtri-*) or a derived gentilic *vāxčī* (cf. OP *Bāxtriya-*).
I. Chinese Sources

I.069/F. 511 CE

WS 8 《世宗紀第八・永平四年(511 CE)》(p. 252).

九月甲寅......嚥嚠、朱居槃、波羅、莫伽陁、移婆僕羅、俱薩羅、舍彌、羅樂陁等諸國並遣使朝獻。

On the *jiayin* day of the ninth month [...] the states of the Yeda, Zhujupan, Boluo, Mojiatuo, Yipopuluo, Jusaluo, Shemi and Luoletuo all sent envoys to present tribute.

I.069/G. 512 CE

WS 8 《世宗紀第八・延昌元年(512 CE)》(p. 254).

冬十月......嚥嚠、于闐、高昌及庫莫奚諸國並遣使朝獻。

In the winter, in the tenth month [...] the states of the Yeda, Yutian, Gaochang and Kumoxi all sent envoys to present tribute.

I.069/H. 513 CE

WS 8 《世宗紀第八・延昌二年(513 CE)》(p. 255).

秋八月......庚戌，嚥嚠、于闐、槃陁及契丹、庫莫奚諸國並遣使朝獻。

In the autumn, on the *gengxu* day [...] of the eighth month, the states of the Yeda, Yutian, Pantuo, Qidan and Kumoxi all sent envoys to present tribute.

I.069/I. 517 CE

WS 9 《肅宗紀第九・熙平二年(517 CE)》(p. 270).

夏四月甲午，高麗、波斯、疏勒、嚥嚠諸國並遣使朝獻。

In the summer, on the *jiawu* day of the fourth month, the states of Gaoli, Bosi, Shule and the Yeda all sent envoys to present tribute.

I.069/J. 518 CE

WS 9 《肅宗紀第九・神龜元年(518 CE)》(p. 272).

二月戊申，嚥嚠、高麗、勿吉、吐谷渾、宕昌、疏勒、久末陁、末久半(for 朱久半)諸國，並遣使朝獻。

On the *wushen* day of the second month, the states of the Yeda, Gaoli, Wuji, Tuyuhun, Dangchang, Shule, Jiumotuo and Mojiuban [for Zhujiuban, i.e. Zhujuban] all sent envoys to present tribute.
I.069/K. 519 CE

WS 9 《肅宗紀第九・神龜二年(519 CE)》(p. 274), cf. BS 4, p. 147.

夏四月乙丑，嚥嚦國遣使朝貢。

On the *yichou* day of the fourth month, in the summer, the state of the Yeda sent envoys to present tribute.

I.069/L. 524–525 CE

WS 9 《肅宗紀第九・正光五年(524 CE)》(pp. 281–284), cf. BS 4, p. 151.

閏二月癸巳，嚥嚦國遣使朝貢。……十有二月……嚥嚦、契丹、地豆于、庫莫奚諸國並遣使朝貢。

On the *guisi* day of the intercalary second month [Mar.-Apr. 524], the state of the Yeda sent envoys to the court to present tribute. [...] In the twelfth month [Jan.-Feb. 525] [...], the states of the Yeda, Qidan, Didouyu and Kumoxi all sent envoys to present tribute.

I.069/M. 530 CE

WS 10 《孝莊紀第十・永安三年(530 CE)》(p. 313), cf. BS 5, p. 165.

六月戊午，嚥嚦國獻師子一。

On the *wuwu* day of the sixth month, the state of the Yeda presented [to the court] a lion.

I.069/N. 532 CE

WS 11 《廢出三帝紀第十一・太昌元年(532 CE)》(p. 334), cf. BS 5, p. 171.

六月......丙寅，蠕蠕、嚥嚦、高麗、契丹、庫莫奚國並遣使朝貢。......癸酉，蠕蠕、嚥嚦國遣使朝貢。

On the *bingyin* day [...] of the sixth month, the Ruanruan, the states of the Yeda, Gaoli, Qidan, Kumoxi all sent envoys to present tribute. [...] On the *guiyou* day, the Ruanruan and the state of the Yeda sent envoys to present tribute.

I.070. Tribute payments to the Western Wei and Northern Zhou courts

I.070/A. General review in the Zhoushu, j. 50

ZS 50 《列傳第四十二・異域下》(p. 918) ~ BS 97 《列傳第八十五・西域》(p. 3231) Cf. Transl. of BS and ZS in La Vaissière (2007, 125–26).
大統十二年(BS: 至大統十二年)，遣使獻其方物。魏廢帝(BS: 廢帝)二年，明帝(BS: 周明帝)二年，並遣使來獻(BS: 朝獻)。後為突厥所破，部落分散，職貢遂絕。

In the twelfth year of the Datong reign [of Western Wei, i.e. 546], an envoy was dispatched to present native products. In the second year of the Deposed Emperor of the [553] [Western] Wei [BS: the Deposed Emperor] and in the second year of Ming Emperor [558] [BS: the Ming Emperor of the [Northern] Zhou], other envoys were sent with tribute. Later, [the Yeda] were defeated by the Tujue. The tribes dispersed and thus stopped presenting tribute.

I.070/B. 558 CE

ZS 4 《帝紀第四・明帝二年(558 CE)》(p. 55).

六月癸亥，嚙嚙遣使獻方物。

On the *guiyou* day of the sixth month, the Yeda sent envoys to present native products.

I.071. Tribute payments to the Sui court

SS 83 《列傳第五十・異域下》(p. 1854) ~ BS 97 《列傳第八十五・西域》(p. 3231) Cf. Transl. of BS and SS in La Vaissière (2007, 125, 126–27).

大業中，遣使貢方物。(BS: 至隋大業中，又遣使貢方物。)

During the Daye reign [605–617], they dispatched an envoy with native products. [BS: During the Daye reign of the Sui, again they dispatched an envoy with native products.]

I.072. Tribute payments to the Liang court

I.072/A. General review in the *Liangshu*, j. 54

LS 54 《列傳第四十八・諸夷》(p. 812) ~ NS 79 《列傳第六十九・夷 Vo 下》(p. 1984).

自魏、晉以來，不通中國，至天監十五年，其王厭帶夷栗陁始遣使獻方物。普通元年，又遣使獻黃師子、白貂裘、波斯錦等物。七年，又奉表貢獻。

From the Wei [213–265] and Jin [265–420] periods onward, no envoys came to China. It was in the 15th year of the Tianjian reign [516] that King Yandaiyilituo first sent envoys to the court to present native products. In the first year of the Putong reign [520], he again sent envoys to the court to present a yellow lion, a white marten fur coat, Persian brocade and other items. In the seventh year [526] he sent tributes to the court once again.

<footnote>i NS: 不通中國。</footnote>
I.072/B. Liang zhigong tu

魏、晉以來，不通中國。天監十五年，國王姓厥帶名夷栗陁始使蒲多達□獻[延？]賔□粦名織杯。普通元年，又遣富何了獻黃師子、白貂裘、波斯□子錦。王妻□□亦遣使康符真同貢物。其使人羣頭剪髮，著波斯錦褶、□錦袴、朱麋皮長壅韉，其語言則河南人重譯而通焉。

From the Wei and Jin periods onward, no envoys came to China. It was in the 15th year of the Tianjian reign [516] that the king, whose surname was YANDAI and given name was Yilituo, first sent the envoy [called] Puduoda [1 damaged character] to present *yan(?)bin* [1 damaged character] *mao* called *xiebei*. In the first year of the Putong reign [520], he again sent the envoy Fuheliaoliao to the court to present a yellow lion, a white marten fur coat and Persian [1 damaged character] brocade. The king's wife [2 damaged characters] also sent the envoy KANG Fuzhen along to present tributes. These envoys had curly short hair, and wore a pleat made from Persian brocade, [1 damaged character] brocade trousers, long boots made of vermillion elk skin. Their language could only be understood when re-translated by the Tuyuhun.

[Note Ching] The damaged name Puduoda seems to be a Buddhist one, e.g. Buddhadatta or Buddhadāsa.

I.072/C. 520 CE

LS 3 《武帝紀第三・普通元年(520 CE)》(p. 63), cf. NS 7, p. 201.

三月丙戌，滑國遣使獻方物。

On the *bingxu* day of the third month, the state of Hua sent envoys and presented native products.

I.072/D. 526 CE

LS 3 《武帝紀第三・普通七年(526 CE)》(p. 70), cf. NS 7, p. 204.

七年春正月......丁卯，滑國遣使獻方物。

On the *dingmao* day [...] of the first month of the seventh year, the state of Hua sent envoys and presented native products.

I.072/E. 535 CE

LS 3 《武帝紀第三・大同元年(535 CE)》(p. 79), cf. NS 7, p. 211.

三月辛未，滑國王安樂薩丹王遣使獻方物。

On the *xinwei* day of the third month, the king of Hua, king Anlesadan 安樂薩丹 [EMC ?an-lak-sat-tan] sent envoys and presented native products.
LS 3 《武帝紀第三・大同七年(541 CE)》(p. 85), cf. NS 7, p. 216.

三月乙亥，......高麗、百濟、滑國各遣使獻方物。

On the *yihai* day of the third month [...] the states of Gaoli, Baiji and Hua sent envoys and presented native products.

### I.6.16. Analysis of the entry on the Yeda in the *Weishu*

The entry on the Yeda in the extant version of the *Weishu*, j. 102 was analysed by Funaki (1954), whose opinion has been largely followed by Matsuda (1960), Uchida (1972a), Yu (1986; 2005; 2012; 2014a) and others. See also La Vaissière (2007) for a separate analysis. Here the passages in the extant version that are safe to be taken as the ones from the original *Weishu* are marked with ⭐; the ones from the *Zhoushu* or the *Suishu* with ♂; the ones open to discussion with ‡.

#### I.073. Part A ‡

嚙噠國，大月氏之種類也，亦曰高車之別種，其原出於塞北。自金山而南，

The state of the Yeda: its people are descendants of the Great Yuezhi, also said to be a division of the Gaoju. They originated from the region north of the Chinese frontier. They came down south from the Altai Mountains. [Cf. Text I.027/A.]

#### I.074. Part B ♂ (from the *Zhoushu*)ii

在于闐之西，

[The state] is in the west of Yutian [Khotan]. [Cf. Text I.030/A.]

#### I.075. Part C ♂ (from the *Suishu*)iii

都烏許(BS: 滸)水南二百餘里，

Its capital is 200 *li* or more south of the river Wuhu [Oxus]. [Cf. Text I.030/B.]

<footnote>i BS: 亦曰高車之別種。</footnote>

<footnote>ii Cf. Funaki (1954, 60), followed by Uchida (1972b, 67) and others. As Yu (2012, 190) explained, in the ZS the entry on the Yeda is placed next to the one on Yutian. La Vaissière (2007) also analysed it as a passage from the ZS. Yet both Matsuda (1960) and Enoki (1965a, 6) took it as text derived from the original WS.</footnote>

<footnote>iii Funaki (1954, 64–65); Uchida (1972b, 67); Yu (2012, 190). As Funaki explained, the text in Part C and D is contradictory to Part H, and the calculation of the distance according to river systems is unique to the *Suishu*.</footnote>
I.076. Part D † (from the Zhoushu) i

去長安一萬一百里。其王都拔底延城，蓋王舍城也。其城方十里餘，

It is at a distance of 10,100 li from Chang'an. The royal capital is the walled city of Badiyan, which probably means "the walled city in which the king resides." The walled city is more than ten li square. [Cf. Text I.030/A.]

I.077. Part E † (from the Suishu)

多寺塔，皆飾以金。

There are many monasteries and stūpas, all decorated with gold. [Cf. Text I.042/B.]

I.078. Part F † (from the Zhoushu)

風俗與突厥略同。其俗兄弟共一妻，夫無兄弟者其妻戴一角帽，若有兄弟者依其多少之數，更加角焉。ii

The customs [of its people] and those of the Tujue are roughly the same. It is their custom that brothers share the same wife. If a man is without brothers his wife wears a hat with one horn; if he has brothers, she wears as many horns as there are brothers. [Cf. Text I.037/C.]

I.079. Part G ★

衣服類加以纓絡(TD: 衣服類胡, 加以纓絡)。頭皆剪髮。其語與蠕蠕、高車及諸胡不同。
眾可十萬。(BS: 眾可有十萬, )

They add tassels to their clothing [TD: Their clothing is similar to that worn by other hu barbarians, [but] they add tassels]. They all cut their hair. [Cf. Text I.037/A.] Their speech is different from that of the Ruanruan, Gaoju and other hu. [Cf. Text I.039/A.] Their total number is about a hundred thousand. [Cf. Text I.034/A.]

I.080. Part H ★

Data most probably collected by SONG Yun and his companions.

無城邑，依隨水草，以氈為屋，夏遷涼土，冬逐暖處。

Without cities and towns, they follow water and grass, using felt to make houses, and moving to cool places in the summer, to warm ones in the winter. [Cf. Text I.035/A.]

<footnote>i Funaki (1954, 65); Uchida (1972b, 67); Yu (2012, 190). As Funaki explained, the calculation of the distance from Chang'an is a feature of the Zhoushu.</footnote>

<footnote>ii BS: 其俗，兄弟共一妻，夫無兄弟者，妻戴一角帽，若有兄弟者，依其多少之數更加帽角焉。</footnote>

<footnote>iii BS: 衣服類加以纓絡,頭皆剪髮。</footnote>
I.081. Part I ★

分其諸妻，各在別所，相去或二百、三百里。其王巡歷而行，每月一處，於冬寒之時，三月不徙。王位不必傳子，子弟堪任(BS: 堪者)，死便授之。其國無車有輿。多駝馬。用刑嚴急，偷盜無多少皆腰斬，盜一責十。死者，富者(BS: 富家)累石為藏，貧者掘地而埋，隨身諸物，皆置冢(BS: 塚)內。

[Their king?] separates his wives and keeps each of them in a separate place, so that they are 200 or 300 *li* apart from one another. The king travels around and changes place every month, but in the cold of winter stays in one place for three months without moving. The throne is not always passed on to the [elder] son, the [other] sons and younger brothers might also be appointed and conferred [the throne] when the king dies. They have no *che*車 but use *yu*輿. They have many camels and horses. [Cf. Text I.035/A.] Corporal punishments are severe and quick; regardless of the magnitude of theft, the thief is severed at the waist, and if one steals, ten are punished. [Cf. Text I.037/A.] As for the dead, if he was rich [BS: if he was from a rich family], a chamber made of stones is constructed; if he was poor, a grave is dug and he is buried in the ground. All their belongings are put in the tomb. [Cf. Text I.044.]

I.082. Part J † (from the Zhoushu)

其人兇悍，能鬭戰。(BS: 其人凶悍，能鬭戰，)

Its people are fierce and violent, and make able warriors. [Cf. Text I.037/C.]

I.083. Part K ‡ (from the Zhoushu?)

西域康居、于闐、沙勒、安息及諸小國三十許皆役屬之，號為大國。

In the Western Regions, they control Kangju, Yutian, Shale and Anxi, as well as more than thirty small states. They claim to be a great kingdom. [Cf. Text I.046/B.]

I.084. Part L ★

與蠕蠕婚姻。自太安以後，每遣使朝貢。正光末，遣使貢(BS: 遣貢)師子一，至高平，遇万俟醜奴反，因留之。醜奴平，送京師。永熙以後，朝獻遂絕。

They have marital relations with the Ruanruan. [Cf. Text I.046/B.] From the Tai'an reign [455–459] onward, they frequently dispatched envoys to pay tribute. At the end of the Zhengguang reign [520–525], they dispatched an envoy to present a lion as tribute. When he arrived at Gaoping, MOQI Chounu rebelled, so the envoy was detained by Chounu. Once Chounu was

<footnote>i BS: 每月一處。</footnote>

<footnote>ii BS: 其國無車，有輿，多駝、馬。</footnote>

<footnote>iii BS: 諸小國三十許，皆役屬之，</footnote>
defeated, the envoy was sent on to the capital. From the Yongxi reign [532–534] on, they stopped bringing tribute. [Cf. Text I.069/A.]

I.085. Part M † (from the *Suishu*)

其國南去漕國(BS: 其國去漕國)千五百里，東去瓜州六千五百里。

In the south, they are at a distance of 1,500 *li* from the state of Cao; in the east, they are 6,500 *li* from Guazhou. [= Text I.030/B.]

I.7. Legends about Mihirakula in Chinese Buddhist texts

I.086. Legend about Mihirakula in Xuanzang's records

Xuanzang, *j*. 4, pp. 354–62 on the state of Zhejia 磋迦 (Takka). English translation based on Max Deeg’s keynote speech “Chinese travelogues and what they have to say (and not to say) about the situation in the NW of India between the beginning of the 5th century and the first half of the 6th century” (Budapest, 31 Aug. 2017). The commentarial annotations within this excerpt were most probably made by Xuanzang himself or his disciples, e.g. Bianji 辯機 or Huili 慧立.

大城西南十四五里，至奢羯羅故城。垣堵雖壞，基趾尚固，周二十餘里。其中更築小城，
周六七里。居人富饒，即此國之故都也。

Fourteen or fifteen *li* to the southwest of the great city [of the state of Zhejia, one] arrives at the old city of Shejieluo [EMC çia-kiat-la, Skt. Śākala]. Although the city walls have already collapsed, their foundations are still solid and have a circumference of more than twenty *li*. Inside of them a smaller city was built with a circumference of six or seven *li*. The people are wealthy, [because] this is the old capital of the kingdom.

數百年前，有王號摩醯邏矩羅，{唐言大族。}都治此城，王諸印度。有才智，性勇烈，鄰境諸國，莫不臣伏。機務餘閑，欲習佛法，令於僧中推一俊德。時諸僧徒莫敢應命。少欲無為，不求聞達。博學高明，有懼威嚴。

Some hundred years ago there was a king called Moxiluojuluo {in the language of the Tang [this means] ‘Great Clan’}. He ruled from this city as his capital and was the sovereign of the whole of India. He was able and wise, was brave by nature, and all the kingdoms in the neighbourhood submitted to him. In his spare time, when he was not attending to state affairs, he strived to study the dharma of the Buddha, and asked the saṅgha to recommend an able and virtuous monk. At that time none of the monks was confident to undertake the task [to teach him], and the ones with few desires [following the path of] non-action did not seek honour and fame. Those who were widely learned and eminent were afraid of his power.
**Moxiluojuluo** 摩醯邏矩羅 (EMC ma-xej-laʰ-kuš'-la): Very probably stands for *Mahirakula*. Xuanzang's Chinese translation *dazu* 大族 is hereafter given consistently as “Great Clan.”

是時王家舊僮染衣已久，辭論清雅，言談贍敏，眾共推舉，而以應命。

At that time there was an old servant from the king's household who had long ago taken the coloured robes, whose eloquence was refined, whose speech was informative and clever, and whom the whole community recommended to comply with the request [of the king].

王曰：「我敬佛法，遠訪名僧，眾推此隸，與我談論。常謂僧中賢明肩比，以今知之，夫何敬哉！」於是宣令五印度國，繼是佛法並皆毀滅，僧徒斥逐，無復子遺。

The king said: "I venerate the *dharma* of the Buddha and look for famous monks in distant places, and now the community recommended this slave to lead discussions with me. It is usually said that among the monks [there are] numerous wise [ones], but since I know him now, how can I show respect to him?" He thereupon issued an order to the kingdoms of the Five Indias that [all who] followed the *dharma* of the Buddha should be destroyed, and that the monks were to be expelled, so that none of them was left.

摩揭陀國婆羅阿迭多王，{唐日幼日。} 崇敬佛法，愛育黎元。以大族王淫刑虐政，自守疆場，不恭職貢。時大族王治兵將討，幼日王知其聲問，告諸臣曰：「今聞寇至，不忍聞其兵也，幸諸僚庶赦而不罪，賜此微軀，潛行草澤！」言畢出宮，依緣山野。國中感恩慕從者數萬餘人，棲棲海島。

The king of the state of Magadha, **Poluoadieduo** {in the language of the Tang this means 'Youthful Sun'}, highly respected the *dharma* of the Buddha, and loved and supported his people. Because of king 'Great Clan's severe and atrocious punishments and his tyranny, ['Youthful Sun'] himself protected his land and did not observe the obligation of paying tribute. Thereupon king 'Great Clan' summoned his troops and was about to launch a punitive expedition. King 'Youthful Sun' heard about this and said to his officials: "Now I have heard that the invader has arrived, and I am unable to resist his army. I hope that he will spare my officials who are without fault, and that you will grant this inferior person [permission] to hide away in the wilderness." Having said this he left the palace and took refuge in a remote highland. Tens of thousands of grateful followers fled with him to an island in the ocean.

**Poluoadieduo** 婆羅阿迭多 (EMC ba-la-ʔa-dɛt-ta): Xuanzang's transliteration of Skt. Bālāditya.
His translation *youri* 幼日 is hereafter given consistently as “Youthful Sun.”

[Note Deeg] King 'Youthful Sun's path is slightly illogical: first he wants to flee into the marshland (caoze 草澤), then is said to take refuge in a remote highland (shanye 山野), and finally ends up on an island in the ocean (haidao 海島)—which does not fit to the geographical setting of the story at all. It could, however, refer to the fact that Bālāditya had to retreat to Bengal, fleeing from Mihirakula's invasion of Magadha. The highland may have crept in from the story of the exile of king 'Great Clan' later in the story.
大族王以兵付弟，浮海往伐。幼日王守其阨險，輕騎誘戰，金鼓一震，奇兵四起，生擒大族，反接引現。

King 'Great Clan' entrusted the army to his younger brother and embarked on the sea in order to attack him. King 'Youthful Sun' defended the narrow gateway [to the island], lured ['Great Clan's'] light cavalry into battle, and, at one big bang of the battle drums, the surprise force came over them from four directions, captured 'Great Clan' alive, locked his hands behind the back and led him in front [of 'Youthful Sun'].

大族王自愧失道，以衣蒙面。幼日王踞師子床，羣官周衛，乃命侍臣告大族曰：「汝露其面，吾欲有辭。」大族對曰：「臣主易位，怨敵相視，既非交好，何用面談？」再三告示，終不從命。於是宣令數其罪曰：「三寶福田，四生攸賴，苟任豺狼傾毀勝業？福不祐汝，見擒於我。罪無可赦，宜從刑辟。」

[Because] king 'Great Clan' was ashamed that he had lost the Way, he concealed his face with his clothes. King 'Youthful Sun' squatted on his lion seat, guarded by the crowd of officials, and ordered his courtiers to tell 'Great Clan': "Uncover your face, I want to speak to you!" 'Great Clan' replied: "Subject and ruler have exchanged position, [and now we] see each other as foes; so since we are not on friendly terms, why should I talk face to face [with you]?" He was ordered two or three times but did not comply with the order. Thereupon ['Youthful Sun'] ordered his crimes to be listed, and he said: "The Three Jewels are the field of merit on which the four kinds of living beings rely, how could I allow a wicked person [like you] to destroy the superb karma! You had no merit protecting you, [therefore] you were captured by me. Your crimes are unfor-givable, and you should receive the capital sentence."

時幼日王母博聞強識，善達占相，聞殺大族也，疾告幼日王曰：「我嘗聞大族奇姿多智，欲一見之。」幼日王命引大族至母宮中，幼日母曰：「嗚呼，大族，幸勿恥也！世間無常，榮辱更事，吾猶汝母，汝若吾子。宜去蒙衣，一言面對。」大族曰：「昔為敵國之君，今為俘囚之虜，隳廢王業，亡滅宗祀，上愧先靈，下慚黎庶，誠恥面目，俯仰天地。不勝自喪，故此蒙衣。」王母曰：「興廢隨時，存亡有運，以心齊物，則得喪俱忘；以物齊心，則毀譽更起。宜信業報，與時推移。去蒙對語，或存軀命。」大族謝曰：「苟以不才，嗣膺王業，刑政失道，國祚亡滅，雖在縰紼之中，尚貪旦夕之命。敢承大造，面謝厚恩！」於是去蒙衣，出其面。王母曰：「子其自愛，當終爾壽。」

At that time the mother of king 'Youthful Sun,' who was very learned, had deep knowledge and was well versed in divination [zhanxiang 占相], heard that 'Great Clan' was to be executed, and immediately said to king 'Youthful Sun': "I have heard that king 'Great Clan' was of peculiar appearance and very resourceful, and I want to meet him once." King 'Youthful Sun' ordered king 'Great Clan' to be led to his mother's palace, and 'Youthful Sun's' mother said: "Oh, 'Great Clan,' you should not be ashamed! The world is impermanent, and honour and disgrace alternate; I am like your mother, and you are like my son. You should [now] lift the concealing clothes and have a word [with me] face to face." 'Great Clan' said: "Formerly I was the ruler of the enemy kingdom, now I am a prisoner, have abandoned my royal duties, have discontinued the worship of the ancestors; above I have disgraced the spirits of my ancestors, and below I
have brought humiliation to my people, [and therefore] I am truly embarrassed to show my face to heaven and earth. I cannot bear my demise, and therefore conceal [my face] with these clothes." The king's mother said: "Rise and fall is a matter of timing, life and death are [bound] by fate; the mind controls the external world, neither gains nor losses matter. But if the external controls the mind, then [thoughts of] ruin and fame will rise in succession. You should believe in the retribution of your karma and adapt to the circumstances. Bare your face and talk to me, then you may be able to preserve your life." 'Great Clan' apologized and said: "Without possessing abilities I inherited the royal duties, but my governance has lost the Way, the royal legacy has been discontinued, and although I am tied in ropes now, I still cling on to this short bit of life. I am indebted to [you for this] great favour, and face to face thank you for your great kindness!" Then he removed his clothes and showed his face. The king's mother said: "You should take care of yourself and I will [make sure] that you live on."

已而告幼日王曰：「先典有訓，宥過好生。今大族王積惡雖久，餘福未盡。若殺此人，十二年中，菜色相視。然有中興之氣，終非大國之王，當據北方，有小國土。」

Thereafter she told king 'Youthful Sun': "In the codes of old there is a rule to forgive faults and to respect life. Now although king 'Great Clan' has accumulated evil for a long time, the remainder of [his former] merits has not been exhausted. If you kill this man, then there will be famine for twelve years. Since there are signs of restoration [of his rulership], he never again should be the king of a great kingdom but should be given a small kingdom in the north."

幼日王承慈母之命，愍失國之君，娉以稚女，待以殊禮，總其遺兵，更加衛從。未（for來？）出海島。大族王弟還國自立。大族失位，藏竄山野，北投迦濕彌羅國。

King 'Youthful Sun' followed the instruction of his beloved mother, had mercy on the ruler who had lost his kingdom, gave his own daughter in marriage to him, treated him with all honours, assembled his remaining troops, adding [his own] military escort, [and then] sent him off from the island [of 'Youthful Sun)]. [But] the younger brother of king 'Great Clan' had returned home and established himself [as the ruler]. 'Great Clan' had lost his throne and hid in exile in the highlands, fleeing to the kingdom of Kashmir in the north.

**Wei chu haidao** 未出海島: In several versions of the text this is given as *lai chu haidao* 來出海島 "departed from the island" and so adapted by Ji et al. (1985). However, *wei* 未 is found in certain early copies including the one reprinted by and kept in Kyoto University, cf. Ji et al. (1985, 359 n. 35). While Ji argues that *lai chu haidao* 來出海島 is logical because it is in concert with *Mahirakula's* exile in the highlands, other scholars, including Xiang Da 向達, prefer the other variant.

[Note Ching] If *wei chu haidao* is the original text, then the full sentence may be read as follows: "When *Mahirakula* was going to leave the island but not yet [crossed its border], his younger brother returned to their country and assumed the throne (未出海島, 大族王弟還國自立)." In this case, his choice is similar to Anagui's (Text I.064) in the sense that both dared not return to their homeland but sought refuge in foreign countries.
迦濕彌羅王深加禮命，愍以失國，封以土邑。歲月既淹，率其邑人，矯殺迦濕彌羅王，而自尊立。乘其戰勝之威，西討健馱邏國，潛兵伏甲，遂殺其王。國族大臣，誅鋤殄滅。毀窣堵波，廢僧伽藍，凡一千六百所。兵殺之外，餘有九億人，皆欲誅戮，無遺噍類。

The king of Kashmir treated him with great honour and granted him a title and, pitying him for the loss of his kingdom, bestowed a fiefdom upon him. After some years had passed, he took command of the people of his fiefdom, incited them to kill the king of Kashmir, and put himself on the throne. He wielded his military power and [moved] westward to engage in war with the kingdom of Gandhāra; he ambushed and killed its king. He wiped out and annihilated the high officials of the leading clans of the kingdom, destroyed the stūpas and demolished altogether one thousand six hundred monasteries. Beside the ones who fell in battle, there were more than nine hundred million people whom he wanted to kill so that nobody was left of this race.

時諸輔佐咸進諫曰：「大王威懾強敵，兵不交鋒，誅其首惡。黎庶何咎？願以微躬，代所應死。」王曰：「汝信佛法，崇重冥福，擬成佛果，廣說本生，欲傳我惡於未來世乎？汝宜復位，勿有再辭！」於是以三億上族臨信度河流殺之，三億中族下沈信度河流殺之，三億下族分賜兵士。於是持其亡國之貨，振旅而歸。曾未改歲，尋即徂落。于時雲霧冥晦，大地震動，暴風奮發。時證果人愍而歎曰：「枉殺無辜，毀滅佛法，墮無間獄，流轉未已！」

At that time all governmental advisers [of Gandhāra] pleaded with him: "The great king has [already] powerfully subdued a formidable enemy, the armies do not cross swords anymore, and you have put to death the principal culprits. Why do you blame the common people? May you take us inferior ones as the ones who must die instead." The king said: "You believe in the *dharma* of the Buddha, venerate the merits in the yonder world, intend to achieve the fruit of Buddhahood and extensively expound the former existences [of the Buddha], and now you want to transfer my evil to the future? You should return to your seats and should not make any further statements!" Thereupon three hundred million of upper clans were killed, facing the River Indus, three hundred million of middle clans were killed by drowning them in the River Indus, and three hundred million of lower clans were distributed to his soldiers [as slaves]. Then he, taking away the wealth of the defeated kingdom, ordered his army to return. [But] before the beginning of the new year he passed away. At that time it became cloudy, misty, dark and gloomy, a heavy quake shook the earth, and a fierce storm arose. Thereupon, the ones who had realized sainthood [arhats] sighed with grief: "[Because of] the unjust killing of innocent people and the destruction of the *dharma* of the Buddha he has fallen into the 'Without Space hell' [wujianyu 無間獄, Skt. avīci-naraka], and will be roaming therein endlessly."

## I.087. Legend about Mihirakula in the Fu fazang yinyuan zhuan 付法藏因緣傳

*Fu fazang yinyuan zhuan, j. 6 (T.2058(L)321c11-18); English translation by Max Deeg.*

於是已後，次有尊者名鶴勒那夜奢，出興於世。受付囑法，廣宣流布；福德深遠，才明淵博。化世迷惑，令就正路。所作已訖，然後捨身。
Thereafter a respected one called *Helenayeshe* [EMC γak-lək-na'-jiaʰ-eia] was active in the world. He inherited the *dharma* and spread it widely; his merit and virtues were profound, his understanding deep and wide. He converted the world from confusion and led it towards the right path. After having done all this, he gave up his life.

復有比丘，名曰師子。於罽賓國大作佛事。時彼國王名彌羅掘，邪見熾盛，心無敬信。於罽賓國毀壞塔寺，殺害眾僧。即以利劍用斬師子。頂中無血，唯乳流出。相付法人，於是便絕。

After [him,] there was another bhikṣu called Shizi [lit. 'Lion,' probably for Skt. *Simha*]. He lavishly performed Buddhist ceremonies in the kingdom of Jibin. At that time the king of this kingdom was called Miluojue [EMC *mji-la-gu[a]t*, for Mi[hi]rakula], full of false views and without faith in his heart. He destroyed the *stūpas* and monasteries in Jibin and killed the [members] of the *saṅgha*. He then beheaded Shizi with a sharp sword, [but] instead of blood only milk flowed out of his head, which he bestowed on the lawful people, and then he died.

[Note Deeg] Later texts reduce the name of this “patriarch” to Helena (without -yeshe). The standard reconstructed underlying name is *Haklenayaśas*, but there is no Sanskrit word *haklena*. My tentative reconstruction is *Hariṇayaśas*, taking the final guttural /k/ of the EMC pronunciations of *he* and *le* as indicators of a preceding short vowel.

[Note Inaba] The translation date of this text presents a problem. It is usually considered that it was translated into Chinese in 472, but this predates the supposed date of Mihirakula (son of Toramāṇa) who was active in the first half of the sixth century. By referring to Maspero (1911), Yamada (1963, 56) suggests that the text was composed and edited by several Buddhist scholars in the Northern Wei period, and in this case, it implies that the information about Mihirakula was added later.

[Note Ching] In a posthumous work, Pelliot (2002, 3 n. 3) took Helenayeshe ("le pseudo-Haklenayaśas") as an error for Ratnayaśas. In fact, the name Helenayeshe is only found in this text and later "patriarchy" lists of Chinese Chan Buddhism.¹ The difficulty to date the monk Shizi also stems from the fact that before 472, this name was already known in China. In the *Sapuodoji* 薩婆多記 "Record of Sarvāstivāda [School]" compiled by Sengyou (445-518) himself (cf. *Jiji*, *j*. 12, pp. 466-70), an Arhat called Shizi was counted as the 25th Patriarch, whereas Nāgārjuna was the 34th and Fotuoxian 佛馱先 (*Buddhasena*, a monk in Jibin who taught Zhiyan智嚴 before 417, cf. *Gaoseng zhuan*, *j*. 3, pp. 98-100) was the 52nd. In another old list (*Jiji*, *j*. 12, pp. 470-74) provided by Fodabatuoluo 佛大跋陀羅 (*Buddhabhadra*, ?-429, a Sarvāstivādin master in Jibin who accompanied Zhiyan when the latter came back to China), Shizi appeared as the 21st, and *Buddhasena* (Fodaxian 佛大先) as the 49th. In other words, if (a very speculative if) Shizi could be identified as one and the same master, then he was far earlier than Sengyou's

<footnote>i In two copies of such lists found in Dunhuang, numbered as T. 2016 *Lidai fabao ji* 曆代法寶記 and compiled no earlier than the late 8th century, the king's name is written as Miduoluojue 彌多羅掘 (EMC *mji-ta-la-gu[a]t*), which is possibly a scribal error.</footnote>
time; and if there was only one Mihirakula who invaded northwest India, then his life story
might be anachronistically conflated with that of Shizi. The problem becomes more complicated
when more Indian sources, especially the Rājataraṅgīnī (Chapter X.1.), are taken into consid-
eration.

I.088. Legend about Mihirakula in the *Lianhuamian jing* 蓮華面經

Lianhuamian jing, j. 2 (T.386(XII)1075c4–15) translated in 586 CE, cf. Lévi (1905, 298). English translation by Max Deeg.

佛告阿難：「於未來世罽賓國土，當作如是大法之會。阿難！彼五天子滅度之後，有富蘭
那外道弟子，名蓮花面，聰明智慧，善解天文二十八宿五星諸度，身如金色，此大癡人，
已曾供養四阿羅漢，當供養時作如是誓：『願我未來破壞佛法，以其供養阿羅漢故，世世
受於端正之身。』於最後身，生國王家，身為國王，名寐吱曷羅俱邏，而滅我法。此大癡
人破碎我鉢，既破鉢已，生於阿鼻大地獄中。此大癡人，命終之後，有七天子次第捨身，
生罽賓國，復更建立如來正法，大設供養。阿難！此佛碎鉢以佛力故，亦是眾生善根感
故，我此碎鉢自然還復如本不異，於後不久我鉢即於閻浮提沒，現於娑伽龍王宮中。」

The Buddha told Ānanda: "In the future, in the country of Jibin there will be such a great as-
sembly of the *dharma*. Oh, Ānanda! After those five sons of Heaven will have entered nirvāṇa,
there will be the follower of the heretic Fulanna [*Purāṇa*], called Lotus-Faced [*Lianhuamian*],
clever and wise, who has fully understood all the measures of astronomy, such as the 28 stellar
constellations and the five fix-stars. His body will [shine] like gold. This great madman had
already made earlier offerings to the four *arhats*, and when he had made the offerings, he had
made a vow: 'In the future I wish to destroy the *dharma* of the Buddha, and because of the
offerings to the *arhats* I will gain a good-looking body in each rebirth.' In his last reincarnation
he will be born into a royal family, will become a king himself called Meizhiheluojuluo [EMC
mjiʰ-tei-ɣat-la-kuə-la] who will destroy my *dharma*. This great madman will smash my alms
bowl, and after having smashed the alms bowl he will be reborn in the Avīci hell. After the death
of this great madman, seven sons of Heaven will give up their lives in the kingdom of Jibin and
will again rebuild the true *dharma* of the Tathāgata and make great offerings [to the saṅgha].
Oh, Ānanda! The smashed alms bowl of the Buddha will, through the power of the Buddha and
also because of the response of the good roots of the living beings, by itself regain its former
unchanged shape, and not long after this, it will disappear from Jambudvīpa and appear in the
palace of the nāga king Sāga[ra]."

[Note Deeg] If there is no mistake in the transliteration Meizhiheluojuluo—the EMC pronunci-
ation of the syllable zhi having no direct correspondence in the name Mihirakula and therefore
to be deleted—the underlying form of the name may be an “Iranized” *Miθrakula* (-heluo- often
representing in Chinese transliterations a more “expressive,” uvular r). Lévi (1905, 300), sus-
pecting a Turkic origin of the name and not having seen the correspondence of Mihira and Ir.
Mihra, reconstructed Mijira or Migira for the first part of the name.
## I.8. Legends about Himatala in Chinese Buddhist texts

### I.089. Legends about Ximodaluo recorded by Xuanzang

#### I.089/A. *Da Tang xiyuji*, *j*. 3

Xuanzang, *j*. 3, pp. 338–40 on the state of Jiashimiluo 迦濕彌羅 (Kashmir). English translation based on Max Deeg’s keynote speech “Chinese travelogues and what they have to say (and not to say) about the situation in the NW of India between the beginning of the 5th century and the first half of the 6th century” (Budapest, 31 Aug. 2017). The commentarial annotations within this excerpt were most probably made by Xuanzang himself or his disciples, e.g. Bianji 辯機 or Huili 慧立.

迦膩色迦王既死之後，訖利多種復自稱王，斥逐僧徒，毀壞佛法。

After king Kaniṣka [EMC *kīa-nriḥ-şik-ka*] had died, the Qiliduo [EMC *kit-liḥ-ta*, Skt. *Krīta*] pro-claimed themselves kings again, expelled the *saṅgha*, and destroyed the *dharma* of the Buddha.

覩貨邏國呌摩咀羅王，{唐言雪山下}。其先釋種也，以如來涅槃之後第六百年，光有疆土，嗣膺王業，樹心佛地，流情法海。聞訖利多毀滅佛法，招集國中敢勇之士，得三千人，詐為商旅，多賫寶貨，挾隱軍器，來入此國。此國之君，特加賓禮。商旅之中，又更選募得五百人，猛烈多謀，各袖利刃，俱持重寶，躬賫所奉，持以獻上。

The king [of?] *Ximodaluo*, {in the language of the Tang this means ‘Beneath the Snow Mountains’}, is [the king] of the state of *Duhuoluo*. His ancestors were from the clan of the Śākya, in the sixth century after the *nirvāṇa* of the Tathāgata; [once he ruled over] a vast territory, he continued the royal duty by planting his heart into the Buddha’s soil, and pouring his feelings into the ocean of the *dharma*. When he heard that the Krītas had destroyed the *dharma* of the Buddha, he summoned brave soldiers in his kingdom, up to three thousand; they pretended to be merchants and, carrying a lot of precious merchandise, hiding their weapons under their arms, entered this kingdom. The ruler of this kingdom paid special courtesy to his guests. [The king ‘Beneath the Snow Mountains’] further chose from the [group] of merchants five hundred fierce and cunning [individuals], each of them [concealing] a sharp blade in his sleeve and carrying precious jewels as gifts to be offered in person.

**Duhuoluo** 観貨邏 (EMC *tə'-xwah-lah*): Xuanzang’s transliteration of Skt. *Tukhara/Tokhara*, approximately the historical Tokharistan/Bactria. In the Chinese annals, the latter is transliterated alternatively as Tuhuluo 吐呼羅 (WS, BS) and Tuhuoluo 吐火羅 (SS, XTS, TD).

**Ximodaluo** 呌摩咀羅 (EMC *xwi-ma-tat-la*): For Skt. *Himatala*, which Xuanzang translated as *xueshanxia* 雪山下 “Beneath the Snow Mountains.” It is taken by Marquart (1901, 239) as the Sanskritized name *Hēmatāla* of the Hephthalites.

時雪山下王去其帽，即其座，訖利多王驚幬無措，遂斬其首，令群下曰：「我是観貨邏國雪山下王也。怒此賤種，公行虐政，故於今者誅其有罪。凡百眾庶，非爾之辜。」然其國
輔宰臣遷於異域。既平此國，召集僧徒，式建伽藍，安堵如故。復於此國西門之外，東面而跪，持施眾僧。

At that time the king ‘Beneath the Snow Mountains’ removed his hat and approached the throne. The king of the Krītas was seized by fear and did not know what to do, [so eventually the king ‘Beneath the Snow Mountains’] chopped off his head and ordered his subordinates: “I am king ‘Beneath the Snow Mountains’ of the kingdom of Tokhara. I am enraged that this inferior clan publicly exercised tyranny. Therefore I now have punished the guilty one. You common people are not at fault.” The ministers and officials of this kingdom had to move to foreign regions. Once [the king] had pacified this country, he summoned the monks, built monasteries according to the rules [for them] to live in peace as before. And again outside of the western gateway of the capital he knelt down in eastern direction and donated [the kingdom] to the saṅgha.

[Note Deeg] The last sentence seems to refer to a kind of pañcavārṣika ceremony during which the king bestows his property and the kingdom on the saṅgha, which have to be redeemed by his ministers.

其訖利多種，屢以僧徒覆宗滅祀，世積其怨，嫉惡佛法。歲月既遠，復自稱王，故今此國不甚崇信。外道天祠，特留意焉。

Since the monks had repeatedly disrupted their lineage and eradicated their ancestral sacrifices, this clan of the Krītas amassed resentment against them and harboured jealousy and hatred against the *dharma* of the Buddha. After a long time they proclaimed themselves kings again, and therefore nowadays this state does not pay much reverence to [the *dharma*], but the heretics and the *deva*-temples are particularly revered there.

I.089/B. *Da Tang xiyuji*, j. 6

Xuanzang, j. 6, p. 517 on the state of Kapilavastu in Central India.

四人被逐北趣雪山。一為烏仗那國王。一為梵衍那國王。一為呌摩咀羅國王。一為商彌國王。奕世傳業，苗裔不絕。

Having been banished, the four men [of the Śākya clan who fought with King Prasenajit]¹ went north towards the Snowy Mountains. One became the king of Wuzhangna [Uḍḍiyāna], one of Fanyanna [Bayana], one of Ximodaluo [Himatala], and one of Shangmi. They transmitted their rulership for generations and their descendants continued without end.

**Shangmi** 商彌: It is unclear whether this name designates the same place as Shuangmi in Text I.020.

<footnote>i See Xuanzang, *j*. 6, pp. 516–517 for the whole story about the fall of the Śākyas in India.</footnote>
Xuanzang, j. 12, p. 969 on the state of Ximodaluo 呶摩咀羅, over 200 li to the west of Boduochuangna (Badakhshan). Translation by Imre Galambos.

呶摩咀羅國，覩貨邏國故地也，周三千餘里。

The state of Ximodaluo is located on the former territory of the state of Duhuoluo. It is over three thousand li in circumference.

山川邏廻，土地沃壤。宜穀稼，多宿麥。百卉滋茂，眾菓具繁。氣序寒烈，人性暴急，不識罪福。形貌鄙陋，舉措威儀，衣氈皮褐，頗同突厥。

It is criss-crossed with mountains and winding rivers. The soil is rich, well suited for growing grains; there is especially much perennial barley/wheat. The vegetation is luxuriant and the fruits are also plentiful. The seasons are cold and intense, the people are violent and short-tempered by nature and do not distinguish between good and bad actions. They look rough and uncouth but behave in a dignified manner. They wear coarse clothes made of felt and leather, very much like the Tujue.

其婦人首冠木角，高三尺餘。前有兩岐，表夫父母，上岐表父，下岐表母，隨先喪亡，除去一岐。舅姑俱沒，角冠全棄。

Their wives wear on their head a wooden horn over three chi in length. It has two branches at the front, representing the husband's parents; the branch on the top signifies his father and the one below his mother. Whichever dies first, they remove the corresponding branch. When both of them are dead, the entire headdress with the horn is abandoned.

其先強國，王，釋種也。葱嶺之西，多見臣伏。境隣突厥，遂染其俗，又為侵略，自守其境。故此國人流離異域，數十堅城，各別立主。穹廬毳帳，遷徙往來。

Their ancestors had a strong kingdom and the king was of the Śākya clan. Most of the peoples west of the Pamirs were their subjects. Their land neighbours that of the Tujue and so they adopted some of their customs. They were also invaded by them and had to defend their land themselves. Because of this, the people of this state scattered into different regions where they established several tens of fortified cities, setting up a king in each of these. They live in domed felt tents and move from place to place.

西接訖栗瑟摩國。

On the west, the country is adjacent to the state of Qilisemo.
I.9 The legend of Xinnie in the seventh and eighth
centuries

The Chinese texts in this subchapter are based on the translation and comments provided by Inaba Minoru.

I.090. King Xinnie in the *Jiu Tangshu*

JTS 198《列傳第一百九十八・西戎》，pp. 5309–10.

圉賓國，在葱嶺南，去京師萬二千二百里。常役屬於大月氏。

The state of Jibin lies to the south of the Congling mountains, 2,200 li from the capital [of Tang]. It had been continuously subordinated to the Great Yuezhi.

其地暑濕，人皆乘象，土宜杭稻，草木凌寒不死。其俗尤信佛法。

The climate of this land is hot and humid. All the people ride elephants; the soil is good for rice, and foliage does not die during the winter. The custom [of the local people] in general is believing Buddhism.

隋煬帝時，引致西域，前後至者三十餘國，唯罽賓不至。

In the time of the Emperor Yang of the Sui [605–618 CE], more than thirty states of the Western Regions [Xiyu] sent envoys one after the other [615–617], only Jibin did not send any.

貞觀十一年，遣使獻名馬，太宗嘉其誠款，賜以繒綵①。十六年，又遣使獻褥特鼠，喙尖而尾赤，能食蛇，有被蛇螫者，鼠輒嗅而尿之，其瘡立愈。

In the eleventh year of the Zhengguan reign [637], [Jibin] sent envoys to present a fine horse. Emperor Taizong praised their sincere generosity and awarded them silk fabrics. In the 16th year [642], a *rute* rat<sup>ii</sup> was presented as a tribute. It had a pointed snout and a red tail. It could eat

<footnote>i Taizong's words after receiving this tribute payment are found in XTS, j. 221, p. 6241: "When I succeeded the throne, some people suggested that if the Emperor tried to flaunt his military force, the barbarians in the four directions would tremble with fear. However, WEI Zheng advised me to cultivate intellectual pursuit and morality, to pacify Zhongxia (Central China). Now Zhongxia is pacified and then people in distant countries have submitted. In the present time, the world under heaven is in great peace, and all the leaders of barbarians of the four directions come [to my court] with tributes. This is [the result of] Zheng's efforts." (朕始即位,或言天子欲耀兵,振伏四夷,惟魏徵勸我脩文德,安中夏;中夏安,遠人伏矣。今天下大安,四夷君長皆來獻,此徵力也。) Then he dispatched HE Chuluoba 何處羅拔, Commandant of Courageous Garrison, and others to convey rich grants to that country and to maintain a good relation with India. Moreover, instead of mentioning the tribute payment during Emperor Yang's reign during the Sui dynasty, the *Xin Tangshu* records that in the 2nd year of the Wude reign (619), Jibin dispatched an envoy and presented "a jewelled belt, a golden chain, a crystal cup, and a jujube fruit-like crystal as tributes" (寶帶、金鎖、水精釀、頗黎狀若酸棗).</footnote>

<footnote>ii This animal, in all the probability the mongoose, is given as *noute rat* (*nouteshu* 羌特鼠) in THY, j. 99, where the tribute is dated to 651.</footnote>
[poisonous] snakes. If one was bitten by a snake, the rat would sniff [the wound] and urinate on it, then the wound would be immediately cured.

顯慶三年，訪其國俗，云「王始祖馨孽，至今曷擷支，父子傳位，已十二代」。其年，改其城為修鮮都督府。

In the third year of the Xianqing reign [658], when [Tang envoys] investigated the customs of this state, people said: "From Xinnie, the founder of royal house, up to the present [king] Hexiezhi, the throne has been passed from father to son, [and by now] there have been twelve generations." In the same year, the city was established as the Xiuxian Area Command.

龍朔初，授其王修鮮等十一州諸軍事兼修鮮都督。

At the beginning of the Longshuo reign [661–662], the king [of Jibin] was invested with the title Military Administrator of Xiuxian and eleven prefectures, and Xiuxian Commander-in-chief.

開元七年，遣使來朝，進天文經一夾、祕要方并蕃藥等物，詔遣冊其王為葛羅達支特勒。
二十七年，其王烏散特勒灑以年老，上表請以子(THY: 以嫡子)拂秣罽婆嗣位，許之，仍降使冊命。

In the seventh year of the Kaiyuan reign [719], [Jibin dispatched] envoys to the [Tang] court, who offered up a book of an astrological text, secret medical recipes, together with foreign medicines and other things. An imperial edict was issued to bestow on the king [of Jibin] the title Geluodazhi Tele [for Tegin 特勒]. In the 27th year [739], the king Wusan Tele Sa [for Khorāsān Tegin Shāh] submitted a memorial requesting that due to his old age, his son [THY: his son born of the legal wife], Fulin Jipo [for Jisuo 爾娑] may succeed him on the throne. The emperor agreed and dispatched an envoy in order to confer the king's title on him through an imperial edict.

天寶四年，又冊其子勃匋準為襲爾賓及烏萇國王，仍授左驍衛將軍。

In the fourth year of the Tianbao reign [745], another imperial edict was issued to make his [i.e. Fulin Jiso/From Kesar's] son Bo Fuzhun succeed him on the throne as the king of Jibin and Wuchang. He was conferred the title General of Left Stalwart Guard.

乾元元年，又遣使朝貢。

In the first year of the Qianyuan reign [758], [the state] again dispatched envoys and presented tributes.

Jibin 爾賓: “Jibin” for the Tang was identical with the state called Cao 淦 by the Sui. The latter was known to designate the Kāpiśī-Kābul region, or the region along the Kābul river

<footnote>i THY, j. 99: "The founder of the royal family was Xinnie, and the present ruler is called Hexiezhi. The throne was passed from father to son, [and by now] there have been twelve generations."王始祖馨孽。今王曰曷擷支。父子傳位已十二代。XTS, j. 221: "All the people of the state [of Jibin] claim that the founder of the royal family was Xinnie, and that down to Hexiezhi, there have been twelve generations."國人共傳王始祖曰馨孽,至曷擷支傳十二世。</footnote>

<footnote>ii 爾賓，隋漕國也。Literally: “Jibin. The state of Cao in the Sui period” (XTS, j. 221, p. 6240).</footnote>
(Kuwayama 2002, 203–5). In the *Tang Huiyao*, the geography and custom of this state is described a little differently: “Jibin lies the south of the Congling mountains. River(s) run through that country. All the waters flow to the south and pour into the southern ocean. The people all ride elephants. The soil is good for growing rice. Sugar canes and grapes are in abundance. Vegetation survives the cold without perishing. They enthusiastically worship Buddhism. It lies to the north of Shewei (Śrāvastī) at a distance of 3,500 li.”i

**Xinnie** **馨孽** (EMC *xεjη-ηiat*, LMC *xjiajη-ηiat*): This name is identified with Khiṅgila by Petech (1964, 288).

**Hexiezhi** **曷擷支** (EMC *γat-γiet-teěe*, LMC *xhat-xhjiat-tṣi*): Original form unknown. Yoshida (2013a, 62) suggested that this could be the Chinese transcription of “Alkhis,” which appears in the Bactrian inscription found at Tang-e Safedak in northern Hazārajāt as a name of a person who established a Buddhist temple in that region.ii However, since the temple itself was constructed in 715, Hexiezhi and Alkhis of the Tang-e Safedak inscription might be different persons. According to Yoshida, they may be grandfather and grandson.

**Xiuxian** **dudufu** **修鮮都督府**: The *Tang Huiyao* says: “On the second day of the fifth month of the third year [of the Xianqing reign], the Anxi Protectorate was moved to Qiuci (Kucha), ... as the Western Regions were being subjugated, envoys were dispatched to Kangguo (Samarqand) and Tuhuoluo (Tokharistan) to investigate the situation, the products of those states, as well as the history of the creation and abolition [of prefectures and counties]. They submitted drawings and plates as reports of their missions, which were utilized by the officers to compile the sixty juans of the *Xiyu tuzhi* **西域圖志**.”iii This mission was to prepare the foundation for setting up the sixteen *dudufu* (Area Commands) to the west of the Pamirs. The phrase *fang qi guosu* **訪其國俗** “investigated the custom of this state” in this paragraph must have corresponded to the phrase *fang qi fengsu wuchan* **訪其風俗物產** in the *Tang Huiyao*.

**Geluodazhi Tele** **葛羅達支特勒** (*XTS*: **Geluodazhi Tele** **葛邏達支特勒**; *THY*: **Geluozhi Tele** **葛羅支特勒**, where the imperial edict is dated to 720): Most likely a scribal error for Gedaluozhi Teqin **葛達羅支特勒** found in *CF* j. 964. This name (EMC *kat-dat-la-teěe*, LMC *kat-that-la-tṣi*), together with the name of the state of Hedaluozhi **訶達羅支** (see next entry), was discussed by Petech (1964, 293), who linked Gedaluozhi and Hedaluozhi with the Turkish tribe of Khalaj. Petech did not explain the second consonant -d, but it can be explained when one juxtaposes it with the legend of the so-called Tegin Shahi coins, which Yoshida (2003) read as *hitivira kharalāča*, instead of *hitivira kharalāva* given by Humbach (1961). *Kharalāča* is most probably the Indian rendering of Khalaj, while *hitivira* is that of *iltābär*. In the same year, i.e. 720, the ruler of Xieyu **謝颺** (*Zābulistān*) was conferred the title Gedaluozhi Xielifa **葛達羅支頡利發**

<footnote>i 父賓。在慈嶺之南。其地川瀆。水皆南流。注於南海。人皆乘象。土宜種稻。多甘蔗葡萄。草木凌寒不死。尤信佛法。南去舍衛國三千五百里。(THY, j. 99, p. 1776)</footnote>

<footnote>ii On the inscription and other finds from Tang-e Safedak, see Lee and Sims-Williams (2003).</footnote>

<footnote>iii 至三年五月二日，移安西都護府於龜茲國......西域既平。遣使分往康國及吐火羅國。訪其風俗物產。及古今廢置。盡圖以進。因令史官撰西域圖志六十卷。(THY, j. 73, p. 1323)</footnote>
(XTS, j. 221, p. 6253), in which *xielifa* is known to be a Chinese transcription of the Turkish title *iltābär*. Therefore, *hitivira kharalāča* on the coin and Gedaluozhi Xielifa in Chinese sources stand for the same phrase that can be traced back to *Khalaj Iltābär* (Inaba 2005, 6–8). If this is indeed the case, Gedaluozhi Tegin can be reconstructed as *Khalaj Tegin*. However, these Turkish Kābulshāh represented a dynasty different from the former one in Kāpiśī, which had been founded by Xinnie.

**Fulin Jipo** 拂秣罽婆: Scribal error for Fulin Jisuo 拂秣罽娑 “From Kesar.” On the ruler bearing the title “From Kesar” on coins, see Humbach (1961).

**Bo Fuzhun** 勃匍準: All the sources have this form, except for THY, j. 99, which gives Bo Puzhun 勃匍準. The original form is unknown.

[Note Inaba] If Xinnie, the ancestor and founder of Hexiezhi's family, is identical with Khiṅgila on the Alkhan coins, or with Khiṅgila on the copper scroll, then this may be explained as a sequel to an event which may have produced the coins of Alkhan-Nezak crossover, that is, certain people of the Alkhan group returned west of the Khybar Pass and conquered or merged with the local dynasty which had been issuing Nezak coins (Göbl 1967, ii: 70–72; cf. Vondrovec 2014, 459–60, 485). If this identification holds true, we can list the following rulers with the name Khiṅgila (and the likes):

1. Khiṅgila who issued the Alkhan coins (Appendix.002/A).

2. Khīngīla mentioned in the copper scroll of the Schøyen collection (Text X.030), tentatively dated to the end of the fifth century.

3. Xinnie mentioned in Tang Chinese sources as having lived twelve generations earlier than the king of Jibin in 660.

4. Khiṅkhila as a second name of Narendrāditya, the ruler of Kashmir in an indeterminate period (Rājataraṅgīnī, Text X.014/F).

5. Khiṅgāla who appears in the inscription of the marble Gaṇeśa statue allegedly from Gardez (Text X.043), dated by Kuwayama to the mid-eighth century.

6. Khinkhil (<Khiṅgila) referred to by al-Yaʻqūbī in the reign of the ‘Abbasid Caliph al-Mahdī (r. 775–785).

7. al-Iṣṭakhrī and al-Muqadassī mention a town in southern Afghanistan with the name *Khingilābād*. جنکلاباد or پکربان respectively. These names can be reconstructed as *Khingilābād*.

After the emergence of the copper scroll of the Schøyen Collection, there has been an argument whether #1 and #2 were the same person. However, it should be noted that we are not sure about the date of #2 because it is not known if Khiṅgila was still alive when his name was inscribed on the scroll (Melzer 2006; La Vaissière 2012).

As to #3, counting back from 660, twelve generations could be more than 120 years if we allot each ruler an average of 10 years of reign. For instance, if we tentatively calculate twelve generations as 150 years, it takes us back to 510, which is rather close to the date of the copper scroll. Therefore, there is a possibility that #3 also falls in the same time frame as #1 and #2.
The dates of #5 and #6 also look rather close. As described in the *Xin Tangshu* and *Jiu Tangshu*, Bo Fuzhun succeeded his father as Kabulshah around 745, so Khiṅgila in the mid-eighth century must be this Bo Fuzhun or his successor. Ma (2011) argued that Zhantan Huli旃檀忽哩 described in the biography of Wukong (a Chinese monk who visited Gandhāra in the early 760s) as a brother of the king could be the successor of Bo Fuzhun. However, neither Bo Fuzhun nor Zhantan Huli sound anything like Khiṅgila.

As to #7, it was Marquart who suggested the reconstruction of کنکارباد or بکریاد in Arabic geographical sources to خنکارباد (Marquart and De Groot 1915, 276–77). Petech (1964, 289) refuted this idea as the location of the town was far to the south from Kāpiśī-Kabul where traces of Khiṅgila are the most prominent. However, if the naming of Tegīnābād (Kandahar), which appears in Persian sources of the pre-Mongol period, is relevant to the Kābulshāhs (especially Khorāsān Tegin Shāh, whose reign was from c. 680 to 738), it would not be unfeasible if a small city nearby was named after another Kābulshāh (in this case, he would be Khiṅgila of the mid-eighth century). Needless to say, there could be more Khiṅgilas in the area and period in question. Cf. Inaba (2013).

## I.091. Xiuxian *dudufu*修鮮都督府 and other Area Commands in the *Jiu Tangshu*

JTS 40《志第二十・地理三・十道郡國》, p. 1649. See also XTS 43《志第三十七下・地理七下・羈縻州》, p. 1135–1137 and the discussion of the sixteen area commands in Inaba (2015, esp. 107–10).

龍朔元年，西域諸國，遣使來內屬，乃分置十六都督府，州八十，縣一百一十，軍府一百二十六，皆隸安西都護府，仍於吐火羅國立碑以紀之。

In the first year of Longshuo reign [661 CE], the states in the Western Regions sent envoys with the aim of subordinating [to the Tang]. Therefore sixteen area commands, eighty prefectures, one hundred and ten counties and one hundred twenty six garrisons were established by dividing [this broad region into the Tang prefecture-county system]. All of them were under the command of the Anxi Protectorate [Kucha], and a stele was erected in the state of Tuhuoluo [Tokharistan] as a memorial to this event.

月氏(XTS: 月支)都督府 於吐火羅國所治遏換城置，以其王葉護領之。於其部內分置二十四州，都督統之。

**Yuezhi Area Command:** established in Ehuan City [Qal'a-ye Zāl], capital of the state of Tuhuoluo. It is governed by its king Yehu [Yabgu]. His domain/tribes [bu 部] are divided into twenty-four prefectures, and these are under the control of the Area Commander-in-Chief.

**太汗(XTS: 大汗)都督府** 於嚵嚵部落所治活路城置，以其王太汗領之。仍分其部署十五州，太汗領之。
Taihan [XTS: Dahan/Taihan] Area Command: established in Huolu City [Ghori, i.e. Baghlān], capital of the Yeda tribes [buluo 部落]. It is governed by their king Taihan [Tarqan]. His tribes/domain are divided into fifteen prefectures, all of them are still governed by him.

條枝(XTS: 條支)都督府 於訶達羅支國所治伏寶瑟顛城置,以其王領之。仍於其部分置八州。

Tiaozhi Area Command: placed in Fubaosedian City [Fulijistān], capital of the state of Hedaluozhi. It is governed by its king, and his domain/tribes are divided into eight prefectures.

高附都督府 於骨咄施國所治妖沙城置,以其王領之。仍分其部置三州。

[...] Gaofu Area Command: placed in Yaosha City [error for Shiwosha 施沃沙], capital of Guduoshi [error for Guduo 骨咄, i.e. Khuttal]. It is governed by its king, yet his domain/tribes are divided into three prefectures.

修鮮都督府 於罽賓國所治遏紇城置,以其王領之。仍分其部置十一州。

Xiuxian Area Command: established in Ehe City, capital of the state of Jibin [Kāpiśī]. It is governed by its king, yet his domain/tribes are divided into eleven prefectures.

寫鳳都督府 於失苑延國所治伏戾城置,以其王領之。仍分其部置四州。

Xiefeng Area Command: established in Fuli City, capital of the state of Shiyuanyan [Bamyan]. It is governed by its king, yet his domain/tribes are divided into four prefectures.

悅般都督府(XTS: 悅般州都督府) 於石汗那國所治豔城置,以其王領之。仍分其部置雙糜州。

Yueban Area Command [XTS: Yuebanzhou Area Command]: established in Yan City, capital of Shiwanna [Chaghāniyān]. It is governed by its king, and Shuangmi Prefecture is established within his domain/tribes.

奇沙州(XTS: 奇沙州都督府) 於護特健國所治遏密城置。仍分其部置沛薄、大秦二州。

Qisha Prefecture [XTS: Qishazhou Area Command]: placed in Emi City, capital of the state of Hutejian [Gūzgān]. Two prefectures, Pebo and Daqin, are established within its domain/tribes.

## Supplement: The Yueban and Gaoju in the Weishu

### I.092. The Yueban 悅般

WS 102 《列傳第九十・西域》(pp. 2459–2460) ~ BS 97 《列傳第八五・西域》(pp. 3219–3220).
Translation based on Yu (2014a, 606–10).

悅般國，在烏孫西北，去代一萬九百三十里。

The state of the Yueban: it is located to the northwest of the Wusun, and it is 10,930 li from Dai.
其先，匈奴北單于之部落也。為漢車騎將軍竇憲所逐，北單于度金微山，西走康居，其羸弱不能去者住龜茲北。地方數千里，眾可二十餘萬。涼州人猶謂之「單于王」。

Their forebears were a horde of the Northern Chanyu of the Xiongnu. Pursued by the Han General of Chariots and Cavalry, DOU Xian, the Northern Chanyu crossed the Jinwei [Altai] Mountains and went west to Kangju. Those who were too exhausted and weak to attempt this journey remained north of Qiuci. [Nowadays,] their territory is stretching for several thousand li. Their population is over 200,000. The residents of Liangzhou still call [the Yueban ruler] 'Chanyu King.'

其風俗言語與高車同，而其人清潔於胡。俗剪髮齊眉(Tongzhi and Huanyuji: 而其人清潔。倣胡俗剪髮齊眉)，以醞醎(BS: 飯餠)塗之，昱昱然光澤，ii日三澡漱，然後飲食。

Their customs and speech resemble those of the Gaoju, but the people are more devoted to cleanliness than [other] hu peoples. By custom they clip their hair and even their eyebrows [Tongzhi/Huanyuji: but the people are (more) devoted to cleanliness (than the Gaoju). They imitate the hu custom of clipping their hair and even their eyebrows] and smear clarified butter over it to make it bright and lustrous. They bathe three times a day, and only drink and eat afterwards.

其國南界有火山，山傍石皆燋鎔，流地數十里乃凝堅，人取以為藥(BS: 人取為藥)，即石流黃也。

On the southern boundary of their country is a volcano, which heated and melted all the adjacent rocks which flowed for several tens of li before they solidified. People gather them for medicine, as it is crude sulphur.

與蠕蠕結好，其王嘗將數千人入蠕蠕國，欲與大檀相見。入其界百餘里，見其部人不浣衣，不絆髮，不洗手，婦人舌舐(BS: 口舐)器物，王謂其從臣曰：「汝曹誑我入此狗國中！」乃馳還。大檀遣騎追之不及，iii自是相仇讎，數相征討。

They [once] established friendly relations with the Ruanruan. Their king, leading several thousand men, entered the state of the Ruanruan to meet Datan [r. 414~?]. More than 100 li into their territory, he saw that the tribal people did not wash their clothes, tie their hair, or wash their hands. Their women licked the utensils [clean]. The king said to his attendants, "You tricked me into coming to a country of dogs." Thereupon he galloped back. Datan dispatched cavalry to urge him [to stay], but it was too late. From then on they became enemies, and attacked each other.

<footnote>i BS: 北單于度金微山西走康居，其羸弱不能去者，住龜茲北。地方數千里，眾可二十餘萬，涼州人猶謂之單于王。</footnote>

<footnote>ii BS: 昱昱然光澤。</footnote>

<footnote>iii BS: ...婦人口舐器物。王謂其從臣曰：「汝曹誑我，將我入此狗國中。」乃馳還。大檀遣騎追之，不及。</footnote>
真君九年，遣使朝獻。并送幻人......又言其國有大術者，蠕蠕來抄掠，術人能作霖雨狂風大雪及行潦，蠕蠕凍死漂亡者十二三。是歲再遣使朝貢，求與官軍東西齊契討蠕蠕。世祖(BS: 太武)嘉其意......襲蠕蠕。自後每使貢獻(BS: 朝貢)。

In the ninth year of the [Taiping] zhenjun reign [448], [the Yueban] sent envoys to present tribute, also sending a magician with them [...] [The magician] further said, "There are great necromancers in their country, and when the Ruanruan come on a robbing raid, the necromancers unleash continuous heavy rains, fierce winds, heavy snow and great floods, and the Ruanruan people, in two or three cases out of ten, are either frozen to death or carried away [by the floods]." In the same year, [the Yueban] once again sent envoys to pay tribute, and they sought the support of [Wei] imperial troops to attack the Ruanruan from east and west. Emperor Shizu praised their suggestion [...] and attacked the Ruanruan [in 449]. [...] From that point onward, they often sent envoys to present tribute.

[Note Ching] The description at the beginning is anachronistic: those who went west to Kangju were the Zhizhi Chanyu and his men in 36 BCE, and those who crossed the Altai were the Northern Xiongnu in 91 CE (Matsuda 1970, 189). It is also problematic to describe the Yueban as a people to the northwest of the Wusun in the Northern Wei period. At any rate, before 437, they had replaced the Wusun in the Yulduz and Naryn valleys (Matsuda 1970, 195–204, esp. 201, see also Text I.009). The basic reason is that 10,930 li equals the distance from Dai to Chigu, the ancient capital of Wusun situated northwest of Kucha: 10,930 = 610 (Chigu—Wunsu) + 270 (Wunsu—Gumo) + 8,150 (Gumo—Chang'an) + 1,900 (Chang'an—Dai). So the people whom DONG encountered at Chigu must have been the Yueban.

## I.093. The Gaoju 高車

The history of the Gaoju is given in the respective entry in WS 103 《列傳第九十一・高車》(pp. 2505–2508); until the beginning of Text I.056/B it is extracted as follows.

高車，蓋古赤狄之餘種也，初號為狄歷，北方以為敕勒，諸夏以為高車、丁零。

其語略與匈奴同而時有小異，或云其先匈奴之甥也。

The Gaoju are probably the remaining tribes of the ancient Chidi [lit. 'the red Di)]. Initially they were called Dili. People in the north called them Chile, whereas people in China proper called them Gaoju or Dingling.

Their language is roughly the same as that of the Xiongnu but at times has minor differences from that. Some say that their ancestors were the nephew of [i.e. indirectly related to] the Xiongnu.

俗云匈奴單于生二女，姿容甚美，國人皆以為神。單于曰：「吾有此女，安可配人，將以與天。」乃於國北無人之地，築高臺，置二女其上，曰：「請天自迎之。」經三年，其母

<footnote>i BS: 又言：其國有大術者，蠕蠕來抄掠，術人能作霖雨、盲風、大雪及行潦，</footnote>

<footnote>ii BS: 是歲，再遣使朝貢。</footnote>
欲迎之，單于曰：「不可，未徹之間耳。」復一年，乃有一老狼晝夜守臺嚵呼，因穿臺下為空穴，經時不去。其小女曰：「吾父處我於此，欲以與天，而今狼來，或是神物，天使之然。」將下就之。其姊大驚曰：「此是畜生，無乃辱父母也！」妹不從，下為狼妻而產子，後遂滋繁成國，故其人好引聲長歌，又似狼嚵。

[...] According to legends, the Xiongnu Chanyu had two daughters, both extremely beautiful. The people of the country all thought them to be spirits. The Chanyu said: "How could I find husbands for my daughters! I am going to give them to Heaven." Thereupon, at a desolate place in the north part of the country, he erected a high platform and placed his two daughters on the top, saying: "Oh Heaven, please come and receive them yourself!" After three years, their mother wanted to bring them back but the Chanyu said: "You may not, their time is not up yet." After another year, there was an old wolf who guarded the platform day and night, howling. It dug a hole underneath the platform and would not leave for a long time. The younger daughter said: "Our father put us here, wanting to give us to Heaven. Now this wolf came here, it is probably a heavenly being, sent by Heaven." She was about to descend the platform and approach the wolf but her elder sister said in horror: "This is a beast! Do not bring disgrace to our parents!" The younger sister did not listen to her, she descended and became the wolf's wife and gave birth to children. Later on, they multiplied and formed a state. This is why their people like to sing long songs in a drawn-out voice, similar to the howling of wolves.

無都統大帥，當種各有君長，為性麤猛，黨類同心，至於寇難，翕然相依。鬪無行陳，頭別衝突，乍出乍入，不能堅戰。

They have no supreme ruler. Each tribe has its own chief. Their nature is rough and fierce. Being of the same race, they have common sentiments, and when there is an occasion for marauding or responding to an external threat, they combine forces. When they fight, they have no regular formations or order, but each man rushes in and out against the enemy on his own and they cannot maintain a firm line of battle.

俗不清潔。喜致震霆，每震則叫呼射天而棄之移去。至來歲秋，馬肥，復相率候於震所，埋殺羊，然火，拔刀，女巫祝說，似如中國祓除，而羣隊馳馬旋繞，百币乃止。人持一束柳楳，回堅之，以乳酪灌焉。婦人以皮裹羊骸，戴之首上，縈屈髮鬢而綴之，有似軒冕。

[...] They are unclean in their habits. They like bringing [sic] thunder. Whenever there is thunder [flash of lightning?], they shout and shoot arrows at the sky, then abandon the place and move away. The next year in the fall, when the horses are fat, they gather again and watch at the place where the thunder struck. They bury a black wether [or a goat], light a fire and draw their swords. A female shaman makes incantations, just like in exorcist rituals in China. In a mass they gallop on their horses in circles a hundred times before stopping. The men take bundles of willow branches and plant them around the spot and pour curdled milk over them. The women wrap sheep bones in skin and wear those on their heads, intertwining them with their hair, so that they look like the cap of a Chinese high official.
其死亡葬送，掘地作坎，坐屍於中，張臂引弓，佩刀挾稍，無異於生，而露坎不掩。時有震死及疫癘，則為之祈福。若安全無他，則為報賽。多殺雜畜，燒骨以燎，走馬遶旋，多者數百币，男女無小大皆集會，平吉之人則歌舞作樂，死喪之家則悲吟哭泣。

Their method of burying the dead is to dig a pit in the ground and place the seated corpse in it. They stretch out the arms [as if] drawing a bow, suspend a sword from the belt and place a spear under the arm, just as in life. They leave the pit open and uncovered. When someone dies by lightning or by pestilence, they pray for his good fortune. If the death is peaceful, as a result of natural causes, they offer thanks. They kill many animals and burn their bones in a pyre. They race their horses around as many as several hundred times. Men and women, young and old, all gather. Those who have not suffered bereavement, sing and dance and show their joy. The family that is in mourning cries and laments.

其遷徙隨水草，衣皮食肉，牛羊畜產盡與蠕蠕同，唯車輪高大，幅數至多。

They migrate in search of grass and water. They dress in skins and eat meat. Their cattle and sheep are just like those of the Ruanruan. But the wheels of their carts are high and have many spokes.

後徙於鹿渾海西北百餘里，部落強大，常與蠕蠕為敵，亦每侵盜于國家。太祖親襲之，大破其諸部。

After [an obscure period from their legendary era], they moved to a place over a hundred *li* northwest of Luhun Lake. Their tribes were strong and large, and were often at war with the Ruanruan. They also sometimes raided the [Xianbei] state. Emperor Taizu personally led a military campaign against them and greatly defeated their tribes.

蠕蠕社崔破敗之後，收拾部落，轉徙廣漠之北，侵入高車之地。

[...] After Shelun [?(?410)] of the Ruanruan was defeated, he gathered his remaining tribes and moved north of the Gobi Desert, invading the land of the Gaoju.<fnref n="1" />

太祖時，分散諸部，唯高車以類粗獷，不任使役，故得別為部落。

[...] During his reign [r. 386–409], Emperor Taizu scattered the various tribes and only the Gaoju, who were rough and boorish, did not submit to him, and thus they remained a separate tribe.

<footnote n="1">¹ The invasion occurred approximately in 394–402 CE, cf. Duan (1988, 208–9).</footnote>
## II. Khotanese Sources

Mauro Maggi

<figure><img src="image_9.png" /></figure>
### Overview of sources

The Khotanese ethnonym *huna-* (also *hūna-* in Late Khotanese) occurs in:

(a) a fifth-century Old Khotanese literary source;

(b) two early ninth-century interrelated Late Khotanese official letters; and

(c) a late ninth-century Late Khotanese diplomatic report.

The term, like Sogdian *xwn* and Sanskrit *hūṇa-*, could be applied to any nomadic people coming from Mongolia (cf. La Vaissière 2005) and refers to different peoples: the Tuyuhun 吐谷渾, the Ruanruan 蠼蠕, or the Hephthalites (White Huns) in the fifth century and the Uighurs both in the early ninth century upon their first appearance in Khotan (Yoshida 2009, 352) and occasionally still in the late ninth century, when the Uighurs had become well known and where called *hvehva:ra-* and the like in Late Khotanese (cf. Yoshida 2009, 352).

On Huns in Khotanese texts, see Bailey (1982, 91–92; 1985, 25).

### II.001. *Book of Zambasta* 15.5–10

The *Book of Zambasta* is a fifth-century didactic poem in Old Khotanese on Mahāyāna Buddhism. Of chapter 15—on the importance of faith—only lines 1 to 12 are completely preserved in folio 271 of the seventh-century main manuscript of the work. Text and translation from Emmerick (1968, 228–29), additions in brackets. Facsimile: Konow (1914, pl. xxxv as fol. 371, *recte* 271). Other editions and translations: Konow (1914, 22–24, plates xxxiii–xxxv); Leumann (1936, 206–9, as 16.5–10).

<footnote>[5] ṣṣadu vara ttrāmu baysā—re dākṣāṇya biśyau diśyau jsa samu kho mura kīśśāña bā—śa tcamāña hīyāra pharāka</footnote>

<footnote>[6] ka va ggaṃjsa ttamḍya āya. ṣṣei ne batu kye hve' aṣṣaddä. aṣṣadye hvā'ndä tta seittä balysä paranärväte (n)ä(śt)ä 6</footnote>

<footnote>[7] ttāna cu aysu balysu nä daimä pharu ttä hära cu hälysda īndi aṣṣaddä nä hāḍe nä daiyä kho rro prīya ūtco ne dai(n)dä 7</footnote>

<footnote>[8] aṣṣadda ju hvandä ne oysārā ttatatā ṣṭānye jīyä cīyä ttū pyūṣḍe karma jyāre khäjätä lāstanu yīndä 8</footnote>

<footnote>[9] māṃkuya rro īndä heinā-kho—cai u huna ciṃgga supīya kye nä hvatāna-ḳṣīru bajo—ttāndä ttu ju ye gāvu ne oysde.</footnote>

<footnote>[10] balysä ṣṣai aštä cī pyūṣḍe. varī oysde aṣṣaddä cau ka—rma cu tä yiḍe haysgu ku jso aštä ṣṣäru mā vaska 10</footnote>

<footnote>i Emmerick has heinā khoca as two words following Leumann (1936, 209) and Konow (1939, 35), but it is preferable to regard heinā-khoca, with Bailey (1967, 428), as a single word, namely, a possessive compound meaning “having red faces, the Red-faced Ones, the Red-Faces.”</footnote>
[5]Venerable men from all directions so frequent a believer as birds a dense garden in which there are many fruits. [6]If there should be a great fault, it would not be small even for one who was an unbelieving man. To an unbelieving man it appears thus: "The Buddha has not become *parinirvrta* [completely extinguished], [7]because I cannot see the Buddha." Many are those things which are present but the unbeliever does not see them, just as the Pretas do not see the water. [8]Unbelieving men are not angry: "Wealth here disappears." When he hears this: "*Karmas* [actions] disappear," he is troubled. He causes a dispute. [9]There are Māṃkuyas, Red-faces [Emmerick: Red Khocas] and Huns, Chinese, Supīyas, who have harmed our Khotanese land. For a time one has not been angry about this. [10]When he hears: "The Buddha does indeed exist," the unbeliever is angry at once. What are your *karmas*? Why did it cause you trouble? Whence is there good for us?

The people name *huna* in line 9 appears as one of five foreign groups who have ruined Khotan. Unlike the mention of the mythicised *śśakaunä* ... *yavanä palvalä* (Śakas, Yavanas and Pahlavas) as invaders of India in *Book of Zambasta* 24.393, the list of actual invaders of Khotan in 15.9 is likely to refer, in this literary source, to recent events.

Among the invaders of Khotan, Sten Konow (1939, 35) identified the *heinā-khoca* 'Red-faces' with the Tibetans because Tibetan *gdong dmar can* 'Red-faced Ones' denotes the Tibetans for instance in the *Li'i yul lung bstan pa* ('Prophecy of Khotan') almost certainly translated from Khotanese (see the translation by Thomas 1935, 78–85; see also Bailey 1967, 428–29, who abandoned his previous translation and identification 'Red-hatted' = Red Huns (cf. Bailey 1954, 19–20); Bailey (1985, 87) Nattier (1991, 188, 191 n. 108), who pointed out that Tibetan *gdong dmar can* is an exonym originated in Khotan to denote the Tibetans; and van Schaik 2016, 48–52). Reference to the Tibetans has been used as the main argument for a seventh-century date of composition of the *Book of Zambasta* (Konow 1939, 32–36; van Schaik 2016, 41, 51 n. 21) or part of it (U. Sims-Williams 2001, 168). Such a dating relies on Chinese accounts of the first appearance of the Tibetans in the Tarim basin in the seventh century (cf. Beckwith 1987, 11–54). I, however, have argued for a fifth-century date and a unitary composition of the *Book of Zambasta*, supported by the survival of a folio from a fifth/sixth-century copy of the work (Maggi 2004). If the Red-faces are the Tibetans, a fifth-century dating does not necessarily contrast, in my opinion, with the presence of Tibetans in Khotan as occasional looters, unless one is prepared to deny the *Book of Zambasta* its importance as a first-hand source for local history. Alternatively, Étienne de La Vaissière (letters of 14 July and 28 November 2017) suggests identification of the Red-faces with the Tuyuhun, that is, the Xianbei 鮮卑 tribes who settled in the eastern Tibetan plateau (Qinghai) at the beginning of the fourth century bringing with them the Xianbei fashion to paint the face red, known from a fifth-century tomb in northeastern China (Zhijiapu, Shanxi) and eighth-century tombs in Guolimu (Qinghai) and possibly not originally a Tibetan one (see Tong and Wertmann 2010, 209–10 and cf. Liu and Gao 2005; doubts by Heller 2013a, 118, 135 n. 12; 2013b, 21). The Tuyuhun raided Khotan in 445 and killed the king and thousands of people, as is witnessed by the Chinese dynastic histories (on the Tuyuhun in Khotan, see Molè 1970, xv, 10, 27, 96–97 n. 104, 129 n. 252 and Yu 2014a, 585–87, 803–4).
## II. Khotanese Sources

As for the *huna* in the *Book of Zambasta*, the idea that “[t]he *Hiung-nu* [匈奴] dominated Khotan in the fourth century” (Bailey 1985, 25) is not supported by the Chinese sources (Ching Chao-jung, letter of 7 November 2017) and the fifth century is too late a period for the presence of Xiongnu proper in the Tarim Basin (cf. Skjærvø 2002, lxv n. 4: ‘Xiongnu?’): rather, the *huna* may allude here to raids by one of the following peoples:

(1) the Tuyuhun (445), if these are not the ‘Red-faces’ (see also Li 2017, 114–15);

(2) or the Ruanruan (probably between 466 and 468), whose attack caused the king of Khotan to seek the Northern Wei’s help (Ching, letters of 7 and 27 November 2017; for the Chinese sources on the Ruanruan in Khotan, see Li 2017, 115–116; Matsuda 1931, 42; 1970, 158–61 and Yu 2014a, 585–86; but notice that Matsuda takes the Ruanruan in this event as a misnomer for the Hephthalites);

(3) or even the Hephthalites, if the *Book of Zambasta* is from the end of the fifth century (La Vaissière, letter of 30 October 2017; for the Chinese sources on the Hephthalites [= Hua滑, Heda/Yeda 嚼噠 and Yeda 嚼噠] in Khotan, see Texts I.032, I.033—with Ching’s note dating the Hephthalites’ presence in Khotan to after 477—and I.046 in this volume).

### II.002. Hedin 20

Text after Skjærvø (2016, 14–15), with line numbering after Bailey (1961a, 33–34); translation from Skjærvø 2016: 14–16, slightly modified, with additions in brackets. Facsimile: Skjærvø (2008, 143). Other editions and translations with commentary: Bailey (1961a, 33–34, 121–25); Skjærvø (2008, 124–25).

### II.002/A. Letter a

<footnote>[^10]: [spāta s]u[dārrjāṃ tta pa]r[ī] — [s]p[āta vid]y[adattä vara ??]</footnote>

<footnote>[^11]: [ttāṃjeri māś]t[i] 20 (1/2/3)mye haḍai vā miṣḍāṃ gyastäna parau ā tsīṣī spāta sudārrjāṃ va-</footnote>

<footnote>[^12]: [ra vañā v]ātci thūe lūnä ha'bä śi'rä āstaṃna hvāṣṭa pastāṃdä si paḍāṃda ttā</footnote>

<footnote>[^13]: [lūnä] tcabi ysaṃgä pāḍaki hauḍi si cigä lä thihä tcyěnä ttā hamjsiṣḍä hvam kṣīra</footnote>

<footnote>[^14]: [hī]na bāyi dvī ysārä ca jsāṃ vā mu-ṣve khyeṣvā āna lūnä tcabi ysaṃgä hauḍi</footnote>

<footnote>[^15]: [ ] pīḍakä ā si huna ttā khyeṣvā ttumgaśeṃ parrya şi' haḍi va ni ye camḍa</footnote>

<footnote>[^16]: [v]y[a] u kāmye haḍai vā parrya khu parau pva'hvaṃḍä u stūra biśi phemāñā kītha tva-</footnote>

<footnote>[^17]: [śdya] ttī jsāṃ au au parau paśa ci ttye stūra buḍa īde khvaṃ ttuśā kītha ni tvaśdīṃ-</footnote>

<footnote>[^18]: [dä u] tty[e] stūra ni īde śūje hāyarä jsārū jsa tvaryari 30 6mye kṣuṇä</footnote>

<footnote>[^19]: [braṃ]khaysji 20mye haḍai ttā parau tsve SUi</footnote>

<footnote>i Simplified *su* as Sudārrjum’s signature.</footnote>
[0] [[The General [spāta] Sudārrjāṃ orders as follows.—To the General Vidyadatta.(?)]] [1] [[Of the] month [[of Ttuṃjārā?]] the 21st/22nd/23rd day an order came to us from the gracious Lord: To the Prefect [cishi 刺史] General Sudārrjāṃ:

[2] [[Now], moreover, thūe [= ?] Councillor Ha'bāśi'rā and the other Masters [= the Tibetans] have ordered as follows:

A while ago, [3-5] Councillor Tcabi Ysaṃgä gave a missive to the effect that the Chinese Lā thihä Tcyěnä was about to lead an army of 2000 to Khotan [where you are]. But a letter that Councillor Tcabi Ysaṃgä sent last night at Kashgar [khyeṣvā 'among the Kāṣas'] has arrived saying: 'The Huns [= Uighurs] have passed Ttuṃgaśeṃ at Kashgar [going] in your direction,' but it did not say how many [6] they were or on what day they had passed. When you hear the order, transfer all the men and pack-animals to the city of Phema. [7] Then, send the order to all the towns. Whoever's pack-animals have been carried off, if they do not transfer them empty [= unloaded] to the city [8-9] [[and]] they have no pack-animals; [then] help(?) one another and bring the grain with you.

On the 20th day of Braṃkhaysjā in the 36th regnal year the order went out to you. Su[dārrjum]

II.002/B. Letter *b*

[10] [s]p[ā]ta sudārrjum tta parī — spāta vidyadattā vara u pha-

[11] [rṣa] sādarā vara u hamīḍa hārvāṃ vara khu parau pvī'rau ttye nva parau biśi

[12] [hvaṃ]ḍā kītha tvaśdyarā u jsārū jsāṃ parīya buḍā ttuśā stūra ma ha-

[13] [ysyar]ā kaṃtha paṃmarīrau neri pūra kīṃtha nā'yīdā u daha hvaṃḍā jsā

[14] tvarīdā khu ttā a hīsūṃ khu ra tta śau hvaṃḍā byehīme pa'jsa daula

[15] [hva]ryari braṃkhaysji 20 2mye haḍai ttā parau tsue 副 khu ttā parau hīśti

[16] [tt]ī kūsi ka'jarā tta haḍi ma yaṃ khu aḍārye vyauli yuḍāṃda SU

[10] General Sudārrjum orders as follows.—To General Vidyadatta and [11] Sāṃdarā the magistrate [pharṣa] and all the merchants. When you hear the order, according to that order, [12] transfer all the men into the city, and order their grain to be taken away! Do not [[send]] the pack-animals [to the city if] empty [= unloaded]! [13] Inform the city that they should place the women and children in the city and bring the adult men [14] for when I arrive! And if I find a single man [left], you will get a solid beating.

[15] On the 22nd day of Braṃkhaysjā the order went out to you. Copy [fu 副].

When the order reaches you, [16] then beat the drum! But don't do it so that you will have alarmed someone else! Su[dārrjum]

The two early ninth-century official letters contained in *Hedin 20* (letters *a* and *b*) concern the same historical event as *Or. 11344/17* (see below). The two documents mention the *huna* in line 5 and line a4 respectively (Bailey 1982, 91). The term *huna* refers here to the Uighurs who ousted the Tibetans from Kashgar in 802 and threatened Khotan, then under Tibetan rule
(Yoshida 2009, 352–53). The letters *Or. 11252/12* and *18* are also concerned with this event though they do not name the *huna* (*Skjærvø* 2016, 13–19).

## II.003. *Or. 11344/17*

Text and translation after Skjærvø (2013 No. 265), slightly modified, with additions in brackets.
Other editions and translations: Bailey (1969, II/38); Skjærvø (2002, 115; 2008, 126; 2016, 17–18). See *Hedin 20* above on the mention of *huna* in line a4.

[a1]‖ spāta sudārrjum tta parī| [ va?]-

[a2]rä auva-hamdasti sudattä vara u pa' suda[ttä vara

[a3]vaña vā miḍāṃ gyastäna parau ā si × [

[a4]kīthi vā ysamgauñā huna parrya khu parau pvī'rau svī paś[ā]' [

[a5]mara āju[m]yarä paḍāṃdara ttā parau tsve khu vā ttina × [

[a6]spāta mirāñū himi u daula hamdara skarähverä mā[śt- × ×mye]

[a7]haḍai hamdāmamci parau [b] [

[b1]sāṃdari vara [

[a1]The General Sudārrjum orders thus.—[2]To [[Sāṃdara]], the village *hamdasta* Sudatta and Suda[[tta?]] from Pa'.

[3]And now the order has come from the gracious Lord that [[...]] [4]the Huns [= Uighurs] passed the ...s of the town [coming] hither.

When you hear the order, tomorrow evening [5]bring [[...]] here.

An order went out to you previously [= a while ago]. And when by that [[...]] [6]the general and you will [all] have to die, and [there will be] other beatings [i.e. punishments].

[[On the x-th]] day of the month of Skarihvāra [7]the ... order [went out to you]. Copy.

[b1][[To be delivered]] to Sāṃdara.

## II.004. *Pelliot chinois 2741 (= P 2741)*

Text from Bailey (1968, 61–62); translation from Bailey (1968, 64–65). Facsimile: Bailey (1961b, xxxix–xlviii). Editions: Bailey (1948, 319–23; 1969, II/87–92). Editions with translation and commentary: Bailey (1949; 1968, 61–67). Only the first third of the document is reproduced here with a few additions in brackets and minor editorial adjustments, including quotation marks added for the sake of clarity.

[1]‖ rrvī vī aurāsä haṣḍā - ñaśä bīsä thyai padā tsā .

[2]‖ khu vā ñaśä bīsä pa'sa mistye ysarrnīṃje jänave vī āna ysa kṣmācū

[3]vāṣṭā ysarrnai parau nātem . khu garvā hva:māla āvamdūṃ dasau

[4]haḍā cimuḍāṃ biṃdā hamḍryi vya tsvāṃdūṃ . cā cumuḍāṃ hamḍryi vya mistye bāḍā hīya
[5]padaṃja ṣā' biśā tcerai hamya . khu ṣacū āvaṃdūṃ . viri vā didye

[6]haḍai si-khūṃ cā śvāṃ-śī' haṣte si tvī kṣmācū vāṣṭā thyau närāṃañā

[7]hame . cu ciṃga kṣī'ra bisā haḍā ṣṭāre tti viña ni tsva hamāre .

[8]khū miri ṣacū āvaṃdūṃ haudamye haḍai vā kṣmācū ṣaṇa stṇācū

[9]ā u barbajīyāṃ hīya sūlya . ttīvī ñaśa bīsa brraṣṭāṃdūṃ si kṣmācū

[10]va bāḍā khu ṣće . u ttā vā hve si kṣmācū va āphāji ṣṭāre . cu thyauttanāṃjsī

[11]ha:ṇā ye și' parye . u cu jsāṃ hā viña ttrūkā bayarkāta u

[12]sahā:ṇā au'ga ttūkā ha:ṇā ṇe'stāṃdā . ttū jsāṃ āṃ va ttarrdāśāṃ

[13]u še au'ga u bīrūkāṃ āṣṭaṇa dirsā dirsā hvamḍā pape'sā' kiṃ'dā si khu ttrūkvāṣṭā ni pahaištā

[14] . u ttī jsāṃ va kaṃthi straihā : ṣaṇaṇā ṣće . ñaśā bīsā skarhve'ri māśti

[15]28 mye haḍai ṣacū ṣaṇa kṣmācū vāṣṭā niramḍūṃ . rrāha:ji

[16]māśtā paṃjsūsa haḍai kṣmācu āvaṃdūṃ . u didye haḍaivāṃ ha:ṇā

[17]pyamtsā bāstāṃdā . u cu maṃ ha:ṇā va rrvīyi mu'sdā ya tvā hā nva parau

[18]hauḍeṃ u svaṃna kalai hā au'gavāṃ vīrāṣṭā parauta hauḍeṃ u mu'sdi

[19] . u khu busta si bāḍā hävī kīrä dāše . ttī vā ttuḍīsā saḍācī

[20]ttāttāhā : nāma bīrūkā tsve cu ñaśe bīsā hīvī kalātcyarai ye

[21]u maṃgalī chārä ttāttāhā : u cīṇā ttāttāhā : . ttam vā ttā tta parau pastāṃdā

[22]si dasamye haḍaive āṃ närāṃañā hame bu'ysā maṃ nä mūṃdā yaṃ

[23]māñāṃ maṃ drrāma āphāji ṣṭāre cu ri maṃ hvehva:rāṃ ṇe'stā va ṣaṃdā ništā

[24]viri hā ñaśā bīsā haṣdi yuḍeṃ si khū vā aurmaysdi guṣprrīsaṃcā bisā

[25]ttuṃśīyi bāsteṃ u raṇṇīmje mistye jänave vī bisā thimśīya .

[26]u khu tti haḍi urmaysdi guṣprrīsaṃcāṣṭā nä paśā yinīme . ysi

[27]ysarrnai mistye haurā pyamtsāṣṭā hā aurāsā haṣdi khu yine . u ttā

[28]vā hvāmdā si cve maṃ haṇdana bisai parau hamāte ttūve ttā svī dāthiḍai

[29]paryāṃ . cu haḍi ṣṭāre ttā ri nä spāṣṭā yaṃ . tti viña ttākye bāḍā vī phari

[30]ništi si cu bāḍā niraṇḍā hamāre . tvī rraysgā vī ga'sāñā hame .

[31]ttī vā kaji māštā beraji vī kalātcyarai bīrūkā dīšti parau pastāmdā si

[32]viña āṃ ga ūhū:ysā au'ga u barsā au'ga āṣṭaṇa hauda au'gava nya tsīmdā

[33]u hauda bīrūka cu āṃ gūkāmi'na ṣaṇa ṣacū-paṭāṃ jsa bāḍā paḍīmāre

[34]u tvī pā tsūñai hame . khu rraysgā vī ysarrnai bāḍā vīrāṣṭā pharā ga'ste

[35]u ttī vā ṣacū ṣaṇa mājā hvamḍā pīḍakā hajsāṃdāmdā si ṣacū-paṭā āṃ maṃ na

[36]tta tti hūñīmdā si khu vā kṣmācū ṣaṇa thyai paḍā tsā hīštā u cu maṃ ttikyāṃ

[37]āṣṭaṇa haḍā iṇḍe daṇḍa i'he'jāṃ kuṣṭi buri vā mājā haḍi ni hīṣiṇḍe

[38]cu jsāṃ va gyaśi hīya dyāma ya tvā vālai hūnvāṣṭā hajsāmdāmdā u pa'jsā

[39]maṃ sāḍa-aysmvā ṣṭāre . ttī ñaśā bīsā ttū pīḍakā hau ni niśāveṃ . u

[40]ūhū:jsiysā au'ga mi biśāṣṭā gurṣće u ttī vā hve si ñaśā bīsā rrvīyi

[41]mu'sdā' pa'jsā pharāka nā yuḍeṃ cu ṣacū bisā salāta ṣṭāre tti hauta ṣṭāre

[42]viña ttikye paṇḍā mūṇa u ñaśā bīsai hā ttā hveṃ si śveri tta ṣacū bisā salāva

[43] . dva paciḍa ma ciṃga kṣī'rāṣṭā haḍi ṣṭāre u kuṣṭi bura mari kṣmācū

[44]aṇa viḍāṣṭā nä hajsāmdā yinīme ni tsva hame . ...
Letter of information to the Court [of Khotan]. The humble servant Thyai Paḍā-tsā.

When I, the humble servant, as envoy, received the Golden [= Imperial] Order from the Great Golden Land [= Khotan] [to go] to Kamcū [Ganzhou 甘州 = Zhangye 張掖], when we came to Hva:māla among the Garas we came for ten days among the Cimuḍas. That which is the practice of the Great Land among the Cumuḍas had to be carried out.

When we came to Ṣacū [Shazhou 沙州 = Dunhuang 敦煌], there on the third day the minister of public works Cā Śvāṃ-śī' sent, saying, “You must go at once to Kamcū. Those who are the envoys of the Chinese land cannot now go.” When we came here to Ṣacū, on the seventh day Stanäcū came from Kamcū and the secretaries of the tribute-carriers(?). Then we, the humble servants, asked him, saying, [10]“How is the Kamcū land?” And he said, “At Kamcū there are disturbances. He who was the former Khan has passed away. And those who are now the Türk Bayarku and Sayun ügä have placed the new Khan. Thirty men each of the Tarduš and of the one ügä and of the officers guard him at night so that he does not flee to the Turks. And then the city is in a difficult case.”

I the humble servant went to Kamcū on the twenty-eighth day of the month Skarhvāra [third winter month]. We came to Kamcū on the fifteenth day of month Rrāhaja [fourth winter month]. And on the third day they conducted us to the presence of the Khan. And what I had as royal favour for the Khan, that I presented according to the order. And next day in the morning I gave the orders directed to the ügäs and the favour. And when they understood that the state business was finished, then the officer named Ttuḍīśä Saḍäcī ttāttāhä: [tutug] came [20]to me. [He w]ho was you[r] humble servant's officer, and Maṃgalī Chārä ttāttāhä: and Cīnä ttāttāhä:, they so gave the order, saying, “You must depart on the tenth day; you cannot stay here long; for our people here there are such disturbances, because also here there is no land for the Uighurs' settlement.” There I, the humble servant, made a statement to them, saying, “Since I have conducted the eastern envoys of the sunrise [= east] and the Court envoys of the Great Land of Jade, and since I cannot send these envoys to the sunrise [= east], how am I to send a letter of information to the Great Golden [= Imperial] Lord?” And they said to me, “What order of the Inner Office here there may be for you, that we shall condescend to transmit to-morrow. Those who are envoys you can see [the negative deleted]. Accordingly now in this [30]land [or at this time?] the talk is not, ‘What time they may be able to go.’ You must at once return.” Then on the first day of month Kaja [second month of spring] they put an order into the hand of [my] officer, stating, “Now seven ügäs, Ūhūysä ügä and Barsä ügä and [five] others, are going [or coming?], and seven officers who are setting up a government with men of Ṣacū in Gūkämīnä [the Jade Gate]. And you must next go so that promptly the report may return to the Golden [= Imperial] Land [= Khotan].” And then our men brought a letter from Ṣacū, stating, “The men of Ṣacū spoke with me so saying, ‘When Thyai Paḍā-tsā comes from Kamcū and the envoys and the others who are here we will so long detain until our envoys arrive. That which was the gift of

<footnote>i birūka- = buyruq, see Kumamoto (1995, 237).</footnote>
the queen, that they brought here [to be sent] to the Huns [= Uighurs], but they [40]remained very cold-minded.’’ Then, I, the humble servant, did not mention that letter, but I called Ūhūysä ügä to my house and then he said, “The humble servant has not been able to accept many royal favours. The rumours in Şacū are talk. Now continue on this path.” And I, the humble servant, said, “Explain these rumours in Şacū. Here are envoys of two kinds [to go] to the Chinese land, but as long as I cannot bring them further from Kamcū here, I cannot go.” ...

The official letter contained in P 2741 (summary in Skjærvø 2016, 26) is a draft of a diplomatic report written by a Khotanese envoy called Thyai Paḍā-tsā from Shazhou 沙州 (=Dunhuang 敦煌) to the Khotanese court presumably in 866 (Zhang and Rong 1984, 25–27; cf. Kumamoto 1991, 101–3 with further references). It concerns an embassy from Khotan to the Uighur khan in Ganzhou 甘州 (= Zhangye 張掖) and describes movements of military groups of several peoples in western and central Gansu 甘肃 (on this and connected texts see Hamilton 1977, 370–72 [superseded dating]; Hamilton 1984, 49–53; Kumamoto 1991; Skjærvø 2016, 22–26). Huns are mentioned in l. 38 (*hūnvāṣṭā*, lit. ‘to the Huns’) in an unclear passage (see the note at the end of the translation), where *hūna-* may still refer to the Uighurs, though these were by then well known to the Khotanese and are named elsewhere, including this manuscript, *hvehva:ra-* (23, 109), *hve:hvara-* (68–69, 86, 110), *hve:hva:ra-* (52) and *hvehvu:ra-* (56–57).

<footnote n="1">¹ 38 cu jsām va gyaśti hīya dyāma ya tvā vālai hūnvāṣṭā hajsāmdāmdā is translated by Bailey (1949, 34) “As to the Royal sight (picture?), they brought that ... (vālai?) to the Hūnas;” Bailey (1979, 384) s.v. vālai: “that which was there the gift (distribution) of the queen, that they brought here towards the Hūna people;” (165) s.v. dyāma: “what was there the gift of the devī-queen;” and (444) s.v. hajsāmda-: “they sent that (gyaśti hīya dyāma queen’s gift) towards the Hūna men.”</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_10.png" /></figure>
III. Pahlavi Sources

Frantz Grenet

<figure><img src="image_11.png" /></figure>
Introduction

Pahlavi (otherwise called Middle Persian) was the official language of Sasanian Iran and subsequently of the Zoroastrian church. Surprisingly, the surviving corpus of Pahlavi sources pertaining to the Huns is limited to two short passages in later religious texts, none of them very informative, for they do not tell anything not known in other sources. The bulk of the official information about the wars of the Sasanians on their Eastern front, almost never ending since the mid-fourth century, is lost in Pahlavi. It was preserved only in Arabo-Persian reflections of the Xwadāy-nāmag (see Chapter VIII.1), and also in the contemporary chronicle of Joshua the Stylite (Text VII.001), extremely well informed, though perhaps deformed by Biblical models.

III.001. Zand ī Wahman Yasn 4.58.

Text from Carlo G. Cereti (1995, 139); translation from Cereti (1995, 157) with slight changes.

[4.58]ud xwādāyīh ud pādixšāyīh ō anērān-bunīgān rasēd, čiyōn hyōn (ud) turk ud (:<xazar:) ud tōbīd, čiyōn (:<hindūg:) ud kōfyār ud čīnīg ud (:<kābūlīg:) ud (:<sugdīg:) ud hrōmāyīg ud (:<karmīr>:)-hyōn ud spēd-hyōn, pad ērān dehān ī man (ohrmazd dād) (:<pādixšā>:) bawēnd, framān ud kāmag ī awēšān pad gēhān rawāg be bawēd, [59]pādixšāyīh az awēšān dawāl-kustīgān ud tāzīgān ud hrōmāyīgān be ō awešān rasēd.

[4.58]And lordship and sovereignty will go to those of non-Iranian stock, such as the Huns, the Turks, the Khazars(?), the Tibetans, such as the Indians, the Highlanders, the Chinese, the Kabulis, the Sogdians, the Rumis, the Red Huns, the White Huns; they will be rulers over the Iranian lands which I, (Ohrmazd, have created); their commands and desires will be current in this world. [59]Sovereignty will go from those Leather-belted and Arabs and Rumis, to them.

* The fundamental contribution for the identification of the peoples in this list was made by H. W. Bailey (1954).

* Khazars: hypothetical because it supposes a strong emendation.

* “Highlanders” (*kōfyār*): possibly mountain people in Baluchistan (cf. the *Oritai* in Alexander’s campaigns).

* Chinese: perhaps an allusion to the battle on the Talas (751), which opposed Chinese and Umayyad armies; but čīnīg can also designate Xinjiang or Semeretchie.

* hyōn “Huns” is most probably an adaptation of the genuine form *hūn under the influence of hiiaona- which designates some hostile people in the Avesta. Hence Greek Chionitai (with a Greek plural), Latin Chionitae.”

* “Red Huns” (*karmīr-hyōn*): if the emendation is justified, it calls to mind the *Kermichiones Procopius mentions as a tribe incorporated in the Turkish empire in 563*. Identified by Bailey as the *Hārahūna/Hālahūna* (“plundering Huns”) of Indian sources. Grenet (2002, 206–7 n. 5; 2010, 270 n. 18) has tentatively suggested to recognize the genuine Altaic form in *alxon* (“Red Huns”) or *alxan* (“Red Khans”). See the critical discussion by Sims-Williams (2010 No. 17). Could *Hālahūna* be an Indian folk-etymology?
* “White Huns” (*spēd-hyōn*): cf. *Svetahūna* in Indian sources, *Leukoi Hunnoi* in Byzantine sources, specific designations of the Hephthalites.

* “Leather-belted” (*dawāl-kustīgān*): an epithet generally applied to Eastern nomadic invaders in Zoroastrian literature. In *ZWY* 6.6 it is associated more specifically with “Turks,” in a context which seems to hint to the Zibatrah battle (838) fought on the Euphrates, by the Caliphal army comprising contingents from Central Asia.

* All in all, this eclectic list draws together allusions to various periods of Iranian history:

* “Red Huns”: possibly Chionites and/or “Alchon” of the 4th–5th centuries?

* “White Huns”: Hephthalites;

* “Sogdians”: perhaps as contingents serving in the Hephthalite armies in c. 480–550, but perhaps also in the context of the rebellions against the Umayyads in c. 720–750. To this last chronological horizon seem to belong the Khazars, Tibetans, Chinese, Indians, Kabulis and “Highlanders” (cf. the difficult campaigns against the kingdom of Kābul-Zābul in this period).

### III.002. *Bundahišn* 33, 17–19

Text and translation from Carlo G. Cereti (2010). Manuscript TD₁ published in Anonymous (1970); Manuscript DH published in Anonymous (1971).

[17]andar xwadāyīh <î:/> pērōz ī yazdagardān 6 sāl wārān nē būd mardōm anāgīh ud saxtīh ī garān <āmad> [18]did xašnawāz ī <hēftālān> xwadāy āmad ud pērōz ōzad ud kawād {ud} xwah ud ataxš-ē pad grawān ō hēftālān burd [19]andar xwadāyīh <î:/> kawād mazdak ī bāmdādān ō paydāgīh mad ud dād ī mazdakīh nihād kawād frēft <î:ud:/> wiyābān kard zan ud frazand ud xwāstag pad hamīh ud hambazīh abāyēd dāštan framūd ud dēn ī mazdēsnān az kār dāštan tā anōšag-ruwān husraw ī kawadān ō purnāyīh mad mazdak ōzad dēn ī mazdēsnān winnārd awēšān <xyōnān> kē-šān asp-tāg ō ērānšahr hamē kard spōxt ud widarg bast ud ērānšahr abēbīm kard

[17]During the reign of Pērōz son of Yazdagard there was no rain for six years. The people suffered severe harm and trouble. [18]Then came Xašnawāz King of the Hēftāls and killed Pērōz. And Kawād brought [his] sister and a fire to the Hēftāls as pledge. [19]During the reign of Kawād Mazdak son of Bāmbād came out in the open and established a Mazdakite law. He deceived and misled Kawād, and ordered that women, children and properties should be shared together and that the Mazdean religion should be abandoned. Until Husraw Anōšag-ruwān, son of Kawād, came of age, killed Mazdak, restored the Mazdean religion, rejected those Xyōns who had continuously raided Ērānšahr on horseback, closed [their] path and freed Ērānšahr of fear.

Cereti (2010, 69–70) comments that, since the hypothesis that the ethnonym of the Hephthalites preserved in *Zand ī Wahman Yasn* 4.58 is not established beyond doubt, this passage of the *Bundahišn* may be the only occurrence of the name in Pahlavi literature. Both manuscripts preserve similar corrupt spellings for Hēftāl and Xyōn. In its first occurrence Hēftāl is written
### III. Pahlavi Sources

hypt'l'n in TD₁ and hspt'l'n' in TD₂ and DH; in the second occurrence TD₁ has hyspyn'l'n and in TD₂ and DH have hspyn'l'. For Xyōn both manuscripts read hdywn'n. Notwithstanding these difficulties, the readings proposed are the only ones which make sense in this context. The word asp-tāg, of uncertain meaning, written 'yspt'k in TD₁ and 'spt'k in TD₂ and DH, could be yet another misspelling of the name of the Hephthalites.<fnref n="1" />

<footnote n="1">¹ Transliterations and TD2 readings supplied by Samra Azarnouche.</footnote>
# IV. Sogdian Sources

Nicholas Sims-Williams

<figure><img src="image_12.png" /></figure>
IV.1. Letters

IV.001. Ancient letter No. 2

Written in Western China, probably in June/July 313 CE, and addressed to a correspondent in Samarkand. Text and translation from Sims-Williams (2001). In lines 10–19 the writer describes the devastation of China by the Huns/Xiongnu (Sogdian *xwn*) including the destruction of the city of Ye in 307 CE and of the imperial capital Luoyang in 311 CE. For the dating of the letter and the identification of these events see Grenet and Sims-Williams (1987).

[1] 'D βγw xwt'w (:<.βrz'kkw:) nnyδβ''rw k'n'kk 1LP βrywr ŠLM

[2] nm'cyw sp'tz'(n)ky 'Y(KZY) ZKyḤM(w) βγ''n(w β)yrт pyšt MN xypδ βntk

[3] nnyβntk 'PZYš xwt'y(nβ)[]šyr myδ ZKZYβn (ḤZY)H š'tyxw 'pwr'β

[4] ḤRZYβn xwt'ynβ 'xšth 'L(H) δ(r)wt'twh ḤRZY ZNH γrywh (nw)šk(w)

[5] my'n'm ḤRZY xwt'ynβ 'rm't(s)['](c) (c)wcny δrw'k 'yncy ḤRZY 'rs'c

[6] kc'ny δrw'k 'yncyy (Ḥ)[R]ZY xwt'(yn)β 'st (ii)i srδ 'YKZY MN cntry

[7] s'r swγδyk

[8] 'ḤRZY 't kwr'ynk s'r wy'trt 'ḤRZYcn nwkry nyδk

[9] np'ys'w MNZKyḤMw swγδyk'nw (ZK)[ZY c]ntry s'r wy'trt kwyδ'tn

[10] krt'y'nt kt'mw ZYn n'pw p(r)[']'γt 'y'nt 'ḤRZY xwt'ynβ ZNH

[11] prβtm βγpwr m'd w'β'nt M(N) δβz' 'pr's't MN srγ 'ḤRZYš

[12] 'LZK š'yknw 'PZY 'LZK knδh (,'tw)h wγt 'ḤRZY swγt 'xw

[13] š'ykn 'PZY 'xh knδh w×[ ]'ḤRZY ms L' srγ L' 'nkp

[14] 'ḤRZY ms (ZN)H [ xw](n)'nw 'ḤRZYšn

[15] 'xwmt(')[n ] m'[]δ 'PZYš[w δ]'r'nt k(y×)[ 't ]n'(y)n'y(c)h prmw

[16] 'PZY 't 'nkp' prmw my x[w]n [ZK](Z)Y 'zyy myδ βγpwr xypδ wl'tnt

[17] 'ḤRZY xwt'ynβ L' z'n'ymn k[t'rw] ZYn ZNH wy'prγt'kw cyn

[18] ZNH xwn šk'r(t)w wn'y'nt[ MN 'x](w)m'tn \cymn cynstn/ 'WZY(n)n ZNH p'r'kw (n)'pw

[19] ny's'y'nt 'ḤRZ(Y)[ ](x)[ 's]t 100

[20] sm'rknδc ('×××)m(h) kn'x(w)s×[ ]y [']st \[ ](×× δ)ry'ny/ (20–20) mrtyy

[21] 'ḤRZYβ(n) x(wt)[t'ynβ]( MN ×××'kr×)[ 'ḤRZY 's](t) iii srδ

[22] 'Y(MT)w MN cnt(r)[y s'r ](t) (L') (k)[r](t)h 'ḤRZY MN

[23] δrw"n 't kmzy(n) pr(mw) pr( x) [ ]y(k) pr"(δt)y kynpwyn'k δβn'k

[24] šwtt 'ḤR(Z)Y (k)y' 'st( n')kr(t)[h '](WZ)Y (r)γ(z)k (n'βwrt) n(') "(y)t 'ḤRZY(cn)

[25] pr'd(t)[ wys](pw) '(p)[ ]× 'ḤRZY xwt'ynβ m'xnc w'prmw

[26] ZNH w't δ'r'(y)mn ZKZY MN k[mzyn ]'t δrw"n prmw 'skwtt

[27] c'prmw ZYn ZNH syskwny zw"t 'ḤRZY p'pδy 'wβy 'PZY m'sk

[28] 'PZY mrkyn'k 'ḤRZYn 'YMTw ZNH L' 't 'ḤRZYβn pyšt L' "m(yn')[w]

[29] np'xšt 'YKZYn m'xnc β'ymnyy 'ḤRZYβn xwt'ynβ 'YMTw wyspw

[30] sxwn np'ys'w 'YKZY ZNH cynstn krt 'ḤRZY p'r zyrmh 'ḤRZYβn
IV. Sogdian Sources

[31] cn prγ'w nyst ḪRZY xwt'ynβ 'st iiii–iiii srδ 'YKZYm pryšt

[32] cntry s'r s'γr'k 'PZY prn"γ[t] ḪRZYšy 'st iii srδ 'YKZYmnc

[33] pcβnt 'βy'rt ḪRZY šyr'(w)δ×[ ](s) (')nt ḪR[Z]Y 'YK ZNH prβtm

[34] βyz krt ḪRZYnc nwkry pcβn(t)[L](') βyr'm kwyδ'wtn krt'y'nt

[35] ḪRZYm ms \'st iiii srδ/ pryšt 'n(y) mrty 'rtyxw-βntk n'm 'Y(K)ZY MN kc"n

[36] s'rth wyt'rt ḪRZY wr wxwš['](k)[k ]'xw m'×[ ](w)m't ḪRZY 'YK

[37] 't srγ pr"γt('n)t ḪRZY wr '(w)[βy ](kt) 'PZY 'yntkwt 'PZY swγδyk-t

[38] ḪRZY MN δβz wysp mrt'nt (')[ḤRZYm ](p)ryšt Z(K) nsy(')n 't δrw"n

[39] ḪRZY 'nztt (β)yky ḪRZY tγ(t) ḪRZY ms nwkry 'nztt n'prs c'm(k)

[40] ḪRZYšy mz'y(x)ch ptwh wmt 'ḤRZY 'wy kr"cyh ptxwst zyt

[41] ḪRZYm xwt'y βrz'kk 'xw mšt(t) 'nwtt t'βk kwyt xwt'w ḪRZYmc

[42] δ'rt 'LH pysk δrw'spβntk [ ] [ ](s) iiii styrch ḪRZYšy pr

[43] sk"nk krt L' p(rβ)'rnyk ḪRZ[Yš](w) tyw δ'ry [ ](cn)wkry tβt

[44] 'PZY n'prsw (s)[ ]y[ ](δrw)'s(βn)[tk xwt']y (nnyδβ")r βrz'kky ptpr'wy

[45] 'PZY 'tw sk'[n]kw (')nzβr't Ḫ(R)[ZYšw] ptšmryδy ḪRZYšw 'YMTw

[46] xyδ δ'r't k'm ḪRZY ZK wrtw'(L)[Z](K) m'skh 'pδr'yyδy ḪRZYšw pr

[47] [ ] prβ'rnykw pwstk wnyδy [']ḤRZYšw ms βrz'kky δβryy ḪRZY

[48] 'YMTw m'δ s'ckw mynδ 'PZYšw xyδ L' δ'r't ḪRZYšw "syδy

[49] ḪRZYšw 'nyy δβr'yδy ky'wt xw(t)y s'ckw mynδ 'PZY 'LH KSP pr(t)r

[50] β't 'LZK 'PZY n'y 'yw s'ywk [ ] w'r'(nx) ZNH zmnh 'PZY 'YMTw

[51] zw'y 'PZYn srδy pr"γt β'y 'PZYš 't 'ny 'nwt nyst 'YKZY kyt'yδ

[52] KSP ḪRZY nnyδβ"r 'xšt't 'PZY tkwt 'NwZK βγ' 'pn'wt ḪRZYmβt

[53] ZK βγ' pytδ'r 'nt 'PZY 'xw 'BY rw"n 'PZY 'YMTw txs'yc-βntk mz'y(x)k

[54] β't ḪRZYšy wδwh δβr' ḪRZYšw cyty γrywyh L' w'cy ḪRZYnnc

[55] ZK mrtk βrxs'm pn'wt 'my( )[ ](')LZK 'PZY myδ myδ ZNH myδrw

[56] p(c)p'(ym)n 'PZY wmrzw ḪRZYβn 'Y(M)[Tw] z(γ)'mk γw"t ḪRZY cn KSP

[57] "sy kt'rw 1LP s 'WZY ii 1LP s ḪRZYm prst't wnrzmk 't δrw"n

[58] 20–10–ii yxsyh tkwty xypδ 'PZYšn t'βk prstyy ḪRZY 'YK pr'βyr't

[59] ḪRZYšw pnc y'tk wny ḪRZYcn iii y'tk txs'yc-βntk "sy 'PZY

[60] pys"kk 'yw y'tk 'PZY 'yw y'tkw tγw

Verso

[61] ḪRZY ZNH δykwh krt 'YKZY

[62] cyrδsw"n MR'Y 10-iii (s)rδ (w)m'tw

[63] pr tγm'ycw m'xw

To the noble lord Varzakk [son of] Nanai-thvar [of the family] Kanakk, a thousand [and] ten thousand [times] blessing [and] [2]homage on bended knee, as is offered to the gods, sent by his servant [3]Nanai-vandak. And, sirs, [it is] a good day for him who sees you happy [and] free from illness; [4]and, sirs, [news of] your [good] health having been heard [by me], I consider myself immortal!
[^5]: And, sirs, Armat-sach in Jiuquan 酒泉 [is] safe [and] well and Arsach [^6]: in Guzang 姑臧 [is] safe [and] well. And, sirs, it is three years since [^7]: a Sogdian came from “inside” [i.e. from China]. I settled(?) Ghotam-sach, and [he is] safe [and] well. [^8]: He has gone to kwrʻynk, and now no-one comes from there so that [^9]: I might write to you about the Sogdians who went “inside,” how [10]: they fared [and] which countries they reached. And, sirs, the [11]: last emperor—so they say—fled from Luoyang 洛陽 because of the famine, and [12]: fire was set to his palace and to the city, and the [13]: palace was burnt and the city [destroyed]. Luoyang [is] no more, Ye 鄰 [is] no more! [14]: Moreover, the ... Huns(?), and they [15]: ... Changan 長安, so that they hold(?) it(?) ... as far as nʻynʻych [16]: and as far as Ye—these [same] Huns [who] yesterday were the emperor’s [subjects]! [17]: And, sirs, we do not know [whether] the remaining Chinese [18]: were able to expel the Huns [from] Changan, from China, or [whether] [19]: they took the country beyond(?). And [20]: in ... there are] a hundred freemen [from Samarkand ... in [...] *dryn* there are forty men. [21]: And, sirs, your [... it is] three years [22]: since [... came] from “inside” ... unmade [cloth(?)]. And from [23]: Dunhuang 敦煌 up to Jincheng 金城 in ... to sell, linen cloth [24]: is going [= selling well?], and whoever has unmade [cloth(?)] or *raghzak* [which is] not [yet] brought [to market(?)], not [yet] taken, [25]: [can(?)] sell [all(?)] of it ... And, sirs, as for us—[26]: whoever dwells [in the region] from Ji[uncheng(?)] up to Dunhuang—we [only] survive [lit. ‘have breath’] [27]: so long as the ... lives, and [we are] without family(?), both old [28]: and on the point of death. If this were not [so], [I would] not be ready(?) [29]: to write to you [about] how we are. And, sirs, if [30]: I were to write to you everything [about] how China has fared, [it would be] beyond(?) grief: [31]: there is no profit for you [to gain] therefrom. And, sirs, it is eight years since I sent [32]: Saghrak and Farn-aghat “inside” and it is three years since I [33]: received a reply from there. They were well ..., [but] now, since the last [34]: evil occurred, I do [not] receive a reply from there [about] how they have fared. [35]: Moreover, four years ago I sent another man named Artikhu-vandak. When [36]: the caravan departed from Guzang, Wakhush[akk] the ... was there, and when [37]: they reached Luoyang, [both the ...] and the Indians and the Sogdians there [38]: had all died of starvation. [And I] sent Nasyan to Dunhuang, [39]: and he went “outside” [i.e. out of China] and entered [Dunhuang], [but] now he has gone without [obtaining] permission from me, [40]: and he has [received] a great retribution and was struck dead in the ...

[41]: Lord Varzakk, my greatest hope is in your lordship! [42]: Pesakk [son of] Dhruwasp-vandak holds ... 4 staters from me and he [43]: put it on deposit(?), not to be transferred, and you should hold [it ...] sealed from now [on], [44]: so that without [my] permission ... Dhruwasp-van[dağ] ...

[Lord] Nanai-thvar, you should remind Varzakk [45]: that he should withdraw(?) this deposit(?), and you should [both] count [it], and if [46]: the latter is to hold it, then you should [both] add(?) the interest to the capital and [47]: put it in a transfer document, and you [Nanai-thvar] should give this too to Varzakk. And [48]: if you [both] think [it] fit that the latter should not hold it, then you should [both] take it [49]: and give it to someone else whom you do think fit, so that this money [50]: may thereby become more. And, behold, [there is] a certain orphan ... dependent(?) on this income(?), and if [51]: he should live and reach adulthood [lit. ‘years’], and he has no hope of
[anything] other than this [52]money, then, Nanai-thvar, [when] it should be heard that Takut has departed(?) to the gods—[53]the gods and my father’s soul [will] be a support(?) to you!—and when Takhsich-vandak is an adult [lit. ‘big’], [54]then give him a wife and do not send him away from yourself. [55]Mortal(?) gratification(?) has departed(?) hence(?) in the ..., because [from] day [to] day [56]we expect murder(?) and robbery. And if [the two of] you should need cash, then [57]you [Nanai-thvar] should take either 1,000 staters or 2,000 staters out of the money. And Wan-razmak sent to Dunhuang for me [58]32 [vesicles of] musk belonging to Takut so that he might deliver them to you. When they are handed over [59]you should make five shares, and therefrom Takhsich-vandak should take three shares, and [60]Pesakk [should take] one share, and you [should take] one share.

[61]This letter was written [lit. ‘made’] when [62]it was the year 13 of Lord Chirth-swan [63]in the month Taghmich.

IV.002. Fragmentary letter

A fragmentary letter from a woman to her husband found at Loulan (L.M.II.ii.09 = Or.8212/1823), of similar date to Ancient Letter No. 2. So far published only in facsimile (Stein 1928 Pl. CXXIV). In line 5 the Huns (Sogdian xwn) are mentioned without any usable context.

[ ] xwn wyťrt ʿHRZYm ʾβyʾrt

[...] the Hun(s?) went, then I obtained it.

IV.2. Miscellaneous References

IV.003. Personal name xwn in inscriptions

xwn 107, 276, 584

xwn ZK 538

xwn ZK ʿpkwtrkʾ ×...× 362

xwn ZK βrz’kk BRY 380, 528

xwn ZK βrz’kk 451, 535

xwn ZK (βwδr×...×t) ×...× 607

xwn ZK nnyβntk B<RY> ×...× 44

(x)wn (Z)K nyw(’kk) BRY 87

xwn ZK tʾw(’kk) (BRY) ×...× 289

xwn ZK tʾwc BRY 46

x(wn)[ ] (Z)K ×...× [ 462

xwn’k(k) 624
In the inscriptions of the Upper Indus, which chiefly consist of the names and patronymics of visiting Sogdian merchants, xwn ‘Hun’ (once also hypocoristic xwn’kk) is well-attested as a personal name. All instances are listed in Sims-Williams (1992, 80), and again in Lurje (2010, II/8:441–43), where references are also given to later occurrences of these names as well as of xwnz’k and xwnyz’tk, both meaning literally ‘Hunnish child.’ La Vaissière (2005, 81–83) has drawn attention to the fact that the name xwn in these inscriptions occurs only in the formula “xwn son of N.,” never “N. son of xwn,” deducing that the latest Upper Indus inscriptions belong to a period when this name had only recently become popular amongst the Sogdians. Since the name could hardly have come into fashion until some considerable time after the Huns had taken possession of Sogdiana, La Vaissière suggests the first half of the fifth century as the likely date of the inscriptions cited here, while Yoshida (2013b, 380–83) argues rather for the second half of that century.

IV.004. xwn in later texts

In later texts such as the early eighth-century documents from Mt Mug, Sogdian xwn is used as a designation of the Turks (cf. Grenet 1989).
# V. Bactrian Sources

Nicholas Sims-Williams

<figure><img src="image_13.png" /></figure>
V.1. Payment of taxes to the Hephthalites

These are three Bactrian contracts dated in the Bactrian era and referring to taxes payable to the Hephthalites. Text and translation from Sims-Williams (2012, 44–55). If the Bactrian era is in fact a Sasanian era beginning in 223/4 CE as argued by Sims-Williams and de Blois (2018), the first two contracts (I and Ii) were written in 283 CE, a year before the final victory of Hephthalites over the Sasanian emperor Peroz (cf. also Text V.004), while the third (J) was written in 517 CE during the Hephthalite supremacy.

V.001. Doc. I

Dated Aban 260, probably Feb./March 483.

[ΙΙ] [χ]β[ον]ο σ΄ ξ΄ μᾶο αἶβανο καλδο[·]

[ΙΙΙ] [ πισο εμ]ουανο αζαδοβορ[γανο

[ΙΙΙ] [ αρμαστ]ινδο οτηνο[·]

[ΙΙΙ] [ ἀταίο πανδο[κανο·]

[ΙV] [ πιδο μο χοβο σιν[δο·]

[ΙV] [ γο ριζδο αβφαγο ια[μβο·]

[ΙV] [ ὅτηνο αβο ηβ[οδαλαγγο τωγο·]

[ΙV] [ ασ]ιδο αβο ι ηβ[οδαλαγγο τωγο·]

[ΙV] [ οαραζο]χαγο παδ[ουαμονδο·]

[ΙV] [ x...x·]

[ΙV] [ x...x·]

[ΙV] [ ]ζ[ ]μ×...×[ ]ο αβο γ[αζνο·] ωρο]-

[ΙV] [ μοζδο πορδογο βοοαμο[·]

Verso

[IV 1-2] ζα[νδοκο] ραμογ[ολο]

Γ

[It was] the year 260, the month Aban, when [[this sealed document ... was written ... in the presence of]] [these freemen [[... who]] [were [[present ...]] and [who] [[have placed their seals hereupon ...: namely in the presence of ...]] [tay Pand[[ukan, when this declaration was made by me, Zanduk, and by me, Ram-gul son of Zanduk]], [at [our] own wish, [[and by me, Ormuzd son of Sasan, whose estate]] [is called [[...]]n, to you, Ya[[msh ...]]]

I

<footnote>[7] And they [[have charged me gold and sheep]] for the Heph[[thalite tax, and I had no other assets]]</footnote>

<footnote>[8] which [[might have been paid]] towards the Heph[[thalite tax ...]] [ Waraz]-khag [is] the
[[boundary]] ...</footnote>
... [[we shall pay ...]] to the [[...]] [[treasury, and I, Zanduk, and I, Ram-gul, and I, Or]][2]muzd, shall be owing [[and shall pay the same fine to the opposite party]].

I Verso

Za[[nduk]] [and] Ram-g[[ul]] [seal A].

V.002. Doc. Ii

Dated Latter Aban 260, probably 21–25 March 483.

<table><thead><tr><th></th><th></th><th></th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>[Ii1]</td><td>[ ]χβονο σ΄ ξ΄ μαο ανιαβανο καλδο [</td><td>αβι]-</td></tr><tr><td>[Ii2]</td><td>[ιο ]ανδαγο ασιδο ιαμαργο ριζδο πισο εμογ[ανο</td><td>αρ]-</td></tr><tr><td>[Ii3]</td><td>[μαστ]ινδο οτηνο αβο μασκο μολρο ταβδο οαρ[</td><td>]-</td></tr><tr><td>[Ii4]</td><td>νδο ιαμβανο οδο πισο ωρομοζδο γαροβιδα[νο</td><td>]</td></tr><tr><td>[Ii5]</td><td>[μ]ανο ζινδοκο οδο μανο ραμογολο ι ζινδ[οκο πορο</td><td>]</td></tr><tr><td>[Ii6]</td><td>[ωρο]μοζδο πιδοοιησιμο ι σασανο πορο μαλ[ριγο</td><td>ηβο]-</td></tr><tr><td>[Ii7]</td><td>δαλαγγο τωγγο ζαρο οδο ποσο αβαυαγαδδιμο[</td><td>ηβοδαλα]-</td></tr><tr><td>[Ii8]</td><td>γγο τωγγο τογαδδηιο ασιδομηνο ωσο αγγι[τινδο</td><td>]</td></tr><tr><td>[Ii9]</td><td>[ μασκ]ο ναβιχτιγο ζαρανο [ ζ ]×βαγ[</td><td>]</td></tr><tr><td>[Ii10]</td><td>[ ]λο ραμανο αβ[ο ]ρ[xx]γ[ο] νισαρο ο[</td><td>κο]-</td></tr><tr><td>[Ii11]</td><td>σοκο φριαχοδαρο οδαλο κοσοκο κιμβδαρο[</td><td>παδο]-</td></tr><tr><td>[Ii12]</td><td>υαμονδο ιαβαβοδαχμο παδουαμονδο[</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>[Ii13]</td><td>[νημο]ρωσοβαρο χοαβαο[ανδο</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>[Ii14]</td><td>[ ζ ]ωνο ι πορ[</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>[Ii15]</td><td>χοαρο ιασπαλ[</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>[Ii16]</td><td>[ ]παδουαμονδ[ο</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>[Ii17]</td><td>[ ]ταοι ιαμβ[ο</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>[Ii18]</td><td>[ ]×απ[</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>[Ii19]</td><td>[ ]αιο κι[</td><td>παδο]-</td></tr><tr><td>[Ii20]</td><td>[α]χβανηιο μ[</td><td>]-</td></tr><tr><td>[Ii21]</td><td>γδο ιθαο ατ[ο</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>[Ii22]</td><td>[ ]δανο [</td><td></td></tr></tbody></table>

[It was] the year 260, the month Latter Aban, when [[this sealed document ... was written here in the city ... , in the]] [2]borough which is called Yamarg, in the presence of these [[freemen ... who]] [3]were [[present ...]] and [who] have placed [their] seals hereupon [[... : namely in the presence of]] [4] [[...]]nd Yamshan, and in the presence of Ormuzd Garbidan, [[... when this declaration was made]] [5]by me, Zinduk, and by me, Ram-gul [[son of]] Zind[[uk, and by me, Ormuzd son of Sasan, inhabitants of Malr. And I, [6]Or]]muzd son of Sasan, [[inhabitant of]] Malr, make [this] declaration [[... to you, Yamsh ...]]

[And they] [7]have charged me gold and sheep [[for the Hephth]]alite tax, [[and I had no other assets which]] [8]might have been paid [[towards the Hephthalite]] tax. But now, [[the price]] has
been received by us ... [9]the ... described [[herein]] ... [10][[...]]l Raman ... [[either]] [11]a little more
or a little less ... [12]the boundary [[is]] the boundary of the dried-up stream ... [13]further south the
owner ... [16]boundary ... [17]you, Yamsh, ... [20]you have authority ... [21]so that ...

V.003. Doc. J

Dated Siwan 295, probably Nov./Dec. 517.

[J1]αχφονο σ΄ φ΄ ε΄ μαυο σιοανο καλδο ναβιχτο μολραγο μαχιρσοβωστι

[J1]αχφονο σ΄ φ΄ ε΄ μαυο σιοανο καλδο ναβιχτο μολραγο μαχιρσοβωστιγο

μαλο αβο μ[α]λραγγο

[J2]φαυρο αβο χαρανο αλβαρο

πισο ιατακο

μαλο αβο μαλραγγο

φαυρο αβο χαρανο αλβα

[J2]ρο πισο ιατακο

σιβοκανο οδο πισο μιροφαβορο ιωλαβανο οδο πισο [J3]βαγοοανινδο μαφανο
σιβοκανο οδο πισο μιροφαβορο ιωλαβανο οδο πισο βαγοοανινδο μαφανο

οδο πισο μανδαρουανισο αζαδοβοργανο οιγαλφανο κιδο οαλ[ο]π[ι]δο [J4]
οδο πισο μανδαρουανισο αζα [J3]δοβοργανο οιγαλφανο κιδο οαλο πιδο

μιλανο αρμαστινδο

οτηνο αβο μασκο μολρο ταβδο

μιλανο αρμαστινδο οτασιμο ιερο ζανινδο οτηνο αβο μασκο μολρο ταβδο

καλδο πιδοοιησαδο χογαμο χοσινδο μανο οιη{μ} [J5]μο βορζομιυρο πορο
καλδο πιδο [J4]οιησαδο χογαμο χοσινδο μανο οιημο βορζομιυρο πορο

οδο μανο βαγορημαρηγο βορο πορο μαλριγο φαυο μαρηγο κιδομηνο [J6]βονο
οδο μανο βαγορημαρηγο βορο πορο μαλριγο φαυο μαρηγο κιδομ [J5]ηνο βονο

καδγο οιηφοοαραζανο ριζδο πιδοοιησιμο αβαφαγο ριβτακο οαραζοφαβορο
καδγο οιηφοοαραζανο ραζινδο πιδοοιησιμο αβαφαγο ριβτακο οαραζοφαβορο

πορο οδο αβαφ[J7]αγο οαραζοφαβορο βορζομιυρο πορο μαλριγο φαβορο
πορο οδο αβαφαγο οαραζοφ [J6]αβορο βορζομιυρο πορο μαλριγο φαβορο

βαβορανο μαρηγο

μισιδο μανο

βαβορανο μαρηγο κιδδηνο βονο καδγο βορζομιυρανο ραζινδο μισιδο μανο

οιημο οδο μανο [J8]βαγορηιομαρηγο ασκωρο οδο οαρηβοστο ωζαμο

[J7]οιημο οδο μανο βαγορημαρηγο ασκωρο οδο οαρηβοστο ωζα{α}μο

οτομηνο ηβοδαλοχηροοανο τωγο αστοργο ασταδο

αστοργο ασταδο

οτομηνο ηβοδαλαγγο

τωγο ασο καδγο αστοργο σαχσαδο το [J8]γδο

αβο [J9]καδγο ταδομο αβο καδγο ανδαρο σαγισο ταοι νιστο

ταδομηνο αβο καδγο ανδαρο σαγισο ταοι νιστο ασταδο

ασο κοαδομηνο τογδδηιο ασιδομηνο αστ[J10]ο μαληλο

ασιδομηνο

αβο ηβοδαλαγγο τωγο λαδδηιο

ασιδομηνο αστο μαληλο

μαληλο
αβο μαλρο αγγαργο παροιαβιγο χοβομο βοναγο πιδοριφτο ειο
[Ι9] αβο μαλρο αγγαργο παροιαβιγο χοβομηνο βοναγο πιδοριφτο ειο

αγγαργο ασιδο σαγγινο ριζδο αστο μ [ΙΙΙ] ασκο ναβιχτιγο

αγγαργο ασιδο σαγγινο ριζδο οτο εμο αβο μασκο ναβιχτιγ[ο] [Ι10]

αγγαργο πιδο ιαοι παραγανο λοχσο ζ΄ αλο κασοκο φριαχοδαρο οδαλο
αγγαργο

κασοκο καμβοδαρο ασο [Ι12] κοαδο εμο παδουαμονδδιγινδο ασο μιρῶσανο
παδουαμονδδιγινδο ασο μιροασανο

κινο ταχμο παδουαμονδο οδο πιδοβιλδο ταοιηλο ριβτακο
κινο ταχμο οδο παροκινο αρλο παδουαμονδο οδο πιδοβιλδο ταοιηλο ριβτακο

[Ι13]χοβο αγγαργο οδο παροκινο οαραζοχαγο ροζγο οδασο μιροναφρανο
χοβο [Ι11] αγγαργο οδασο μιυροναφρανο

φαυοπανδαγο παδουαμονδο οδασο αβαχ [Ι14] ρανο φαυοπανδαγο οδο πιδο-
φαυοπανδαγο παδουαμονδο οδασο αβαχρανο φαυοπανδαγο οδο πιδο-

βιλδο ταοιηλο ριβτακο χοβο αγγαργο παδουαμονδο οδασο νημορωσο
βιλδο ταοιηλο ριβτακο χορ [Ι12] βο αγγαργο παδουαμονδο οδασο νημορωσο

φαυραβανο α [Ι15] γγαργο παδουαμονδο ταδομο ωσο παραλαδο ι μασκο
φαυραβανο αγγαργο παδουαμονδο ταδομο παραλαδο

ναβιχτιγο αγγαργο μανο οιημο οδο μανο βαγορηιομαρηγο
μανο οιημο οδο μανο βαγορ [Ι13] ημαρηγο ι μασκο

<

ναβιχτιγο αγγαργο σαγονδο πιδο παδουαμονδδιγανο ναβιχτιγινδο

φα [Ι16] ραφαγο ριβτακο οδο φαρα[φα]γο οαραζοφαβορο αβο ζαροζιδαγο
φαραφαγο ριβτακο οδο φαραφαγο οαραζο [Ι14] βαβορο αβο ζαροζιδαγο

δδιναρο η΄ οτομηνο αγγιτινδο οαυαγο οισπο ασπορο οτο κι [Ι17] ρδαμο φαδο
δδιναρο η΄ οτομηνο αγγιτινδο οαυαγο οισπο ασπορο οτο κιρδαμο φαδο

οδο υονοσινδο οταλο φρογαοαμο ασιδο ναλο μιυγαρο ταδο ωσο ασο
οδο υονοσινδο οδαλο φρ [Ι15] ογαοαμο ασιδο ναλο μιυγαρο ταδο ωσο ασο

μανδορονιγο ρωσο παρσο μαβαρο ζαμα [Ι18] { α } νο ι μασκο ναβιχτιγο αγγαργο
μανδορονιγο ρωσο παρσο μαβαρο ζαμανο ι μασκο ναβιχτιγο αγγαργο

σαγονδο πιδο παδουαμονδδιγανο ναβιχτιγινδο ιαββο οδο πανδαγο
σαγονδο πιδο [Ι16] παδουαμονδδιγανο ναβιχτιγινδο ιαββο οδο πανδαγο

ασιδο οαρο ναυαγγο ταδο [Ι19] ταοι ριβτακο οδο ταοι

ασιδο οαρο αβο αγγαργο ναυαγγο ταδο ταοι ριβτακο οδο ταοι
οαραζοφαβορο οδο τωμαχο βραδο οδο τωμαχο πορο οδο τωμαχο
οαραζοφα[17]βορο οδο τωμαχο βραδο οδο τωμαχο πορο οδο τωμαχο

φροζανδανο χοβο οδο χο[120]ζο αβοδδηιο ασο μωσο αβο ιαοιηδανο ζοριγο
φροζανδανο χοβο οδο χοζο αβοδδηιο ασο μωσο αβο ιαοιηδανο ζορι[18]γο

αβηιουαργο αβηιοτωγο αβηιουαγγο αβηιοαβφαγγο κοαδδηνο υαρσο κι[21]σο
αβηυαργο αβητωγο αβηχοανδο αβηοισαρο κοαδδηνο υαρσο κισο

οιζανδογαρο μαβοδδηιο οτο ναπαδοαχρανιμο αζο οιημο οδο ναζο
οιζανδογαρο μαβοδδηιο οτο ναπαδοαχρανιμο αζο οι[19]ημο οδο ναζο

βαγορημαρηγο πιδο μασκο ναβιχτιγο
βαγορημαρηγο οδο ναιαμαχο φροζανδανο κιδο πιδο μασκο ναβιχτιγο

αγγαργο σαγι[22]σο σαχοανο οδο οισαρο νιστο οτο καλδο
αγγαργο μισο σαγισο χοανδο οδο οισαρδο [20]αβζιενδδηιο οτο καλδο

ιθαο¯ασταδο οτασο μανδορονιγο ρωσο παρσο μαβαρο ζαμανο αζο οιημο
ιθαο ασταδο \ο/τασο μανδορονιγο ρωσο παρσο μαβαρο ζαμανο αζο οιημο

οδο ναξ[23]ο βαγορημαρηγο οδο ναιαμαχο βραδο οδο ναιαμαχο πορο
οδαλαξο βαγορημαρηγο οδαλο [21]ιαμαχο βραδο οδαλο ιαμαχο πορο

οδαλο ιαμαχο φροζανδανο κιδο πιδο μασκο ναβιχτιγο αγγαργο [24]σαγισο
οδαλο ιαμαχο φροζανδανο πιδο μασκο ναβιχτιγο αγγαργο σαγισο

χοανδο οδο οισαρδο αβζιμαμο οδαλδο αβο τωμαχο αβο λαδο οδαβο
χοανδο οδο οισαρδο αβζιμαμο [22]οδαλδο αβο τωμαχο αβο λαδο αβο

ραζογολο οιηλαμο οδαλδο ιθαο¯χοηναμο
ραζογολο οιηλαμο οδαλδο ιαγγαργο πιδοκαρλαμο οδαλδο ιθαο¯χοηναμο

κοαδομη[25]νο μασκο ναβιχτιγο αγγαργο φαρο τωμαχο νιστο παραλαδο
κοαδομηνο ι μασκο ναβι[23]χτιγο αγγαργο φαρο τωμαχο νιστο παραλαδο

οτομηνο οαυαγο οισπο ασποριγο νινδο αγγιτο ταδομηνο χοα[26]νδο οισαρο
οτομηνο οαυαγο οισπο ασπορο νινδο αγγιτο ταδομηνο χοανδο οισαρο

υαρσο αβο λαδο οαοαρο μαβοδδηιο οτο μισο τωζαμο ταοανο
αβ[24]ο λαδο υαρσο οαοαρο μαβοδδηιο οτο μισο τωζαμο ταοανο

αβο γαζνο αβο φαυαγανο ζαροζιδαγο δδιναρο κ΄ [27]οδο κ΄ δδιναρο
αβο γαζνο αβο φαυαγανο ζαροζιδαγο δδιναρο κ΄ οδο κ΄ δδιναρο [25]

φαρο παδοιαρλιγο τωζαμο οτο καλδο ανδαρισο κισο ασταδο κιδο μασκο
φαρο παδοιαρλιγο τωζαμο οτο καλδο ανδαρισο κισο ασταδο κιδο μασκο

ναβιχτιγο αγγαργο πιδοκαρλαδο οταβο [28]τωμαχο αβο λαδο οδαβο
ναβιχτιγο αγγαργο πιδοκαρλαδο οταβο τωμαχο αβο λαδο ο[26]δαβο
ραζογολο οιηλαδο ταδαζο οιημο οδαζο βαγορημαρηγο οδο ιαμαχο
ραζογολο οιηλαδο ταδαζο οιημο οδαζο βαγορημαρηγο οδο ιαμαχο

φροζανδανο αβο λαδο λαδο φοα[129]μο οτο αβηβινδο κιραμο ασο \ι/
φροζανδανο αβο λαδο λαδο φοαμο οτο αβηβινδο κιραμ[127]ο ασο

παδοιαρλιγο οδαλδο αβο λαδο λαδο ναφοαμο οτο αβηβινδο νακιραμο ασο
παδοιαρλιγο οδαλδο αβο λαδο λαδο ναφοαμο οτο αβηβινδο νακιραμο ασο

παδοιαρλιγο {οδαλδο} [130] {αβο λαδο λαδο ναφοαμο οτο αβηβινδο νακιραμο
παδοιαρλιγο

ασο παδοιαρλιγο} ταδο δαραφηλο ταοανο τωζαμο σαγονδαβο μασκο [131]
ταδο δαραφηλο ταοανο τωζαμο σαγο [128]νδαβο μασκο

ναβισιδο οτο μολραγο μαχιρσοβωστιγο χοζο οδο οαοαρο αβοδδηιο ασιδαβο
ναβισιδο οτο μολραγο μαχιρσοβωστιγο χοζο οδο [ο]αοαρο αβοδδηιο ασιδαβο

οιγαλφανο αβιστανο μαβοδδηιο
οιγαλφανο αβιστανο μαβοδδηιο

Verso

[Jv1]οιημο

[Jv2]βαγορημαρηγο

[Jv3]ιατακο σιβοκανο

[Jv4]μιροβαβορο ιωλαβανο

[Jv5]βαγοοανινδο μαβαγο

J

[It was] the year 295, the month Siwan, when [this] sealed document, this purchase contract, was written here in the [2]city of Malr, at the court of the *khars*, in the presence of Yatak Sibukan, and in the presence of Mir-Shabur Yolaban, and in the presence of [3]Bag-wanind Mashan, and also in the presence of the other freemen [and] witnesses who [4]were present there amongst [them] and [who] have placed [their] seals hereupon, when [this] declaration was freely [and] willingly made by me, Wyem [5]son of Burz-mihr, and by me, Bag-re-mareg son of Bur, inhabitants of Malr, servants of the king, we whose [6]estate is called Wyeshwarazan. I make [this] declaration to you, Rishtak son of Waraz-shabur, and to you, [7]Waraz-shabur son of Burz-mihr, inhabitants of Malr, servants of Shabur Shaburan.

Now: I, Wyem, and I, [8]Bag-re-mareg, [have] a serious and ... liability, and the Hephthalite lords' tax on our house was large, [9]and I have no other assets [left] in the house from which the Hephthalite tax might have been paid by us. But we have [10]a disposable property here in Malr, my own ancestral estate, this [same] property which is called Sangin.

[This] is [11]the property described herein, [of a size requiring] seven *lukhs*—either a little more or a little less—for sowing with grain, in respect of [12]which these are the boundaries: to the east
the irrigation ditch [is] the boundary, and beyond [it] the property belonging to you, Rishtak, [13]and on the farther side of the ditch the vineyard Waraz-khag; and to the west the royal road [is] the boundary; and to the north [14]the royal road and beyond [it] the property belonging to you, Rishtak, [is] the boundary; and to the south the property of the satraps [15][is] the boundary.

Thus the property described herein has now been sold by me—by me, Wyem, and by me, Bag-re-mareg—[16]to you, Rishtak, and to you, Waraz-shabur, for eight dinars of struck gold; and the price has been received by us all complete, and [17]we have become satisfied and content and are profited and not subject to loss.

So now, from tomorrow [and] for [all] future time, [18][as for] the property described herein, just as has been stated with reference to the boundaries, [and] the water and path which [are] adjacent thereto—then [19]may it belong properly and well to you, Rishtak, and to you, Waraz-shabur, and to your brothers and your sons and your descendants, [20]from now to eternity, without dues, without tax, without exaction, without deduction, so that no-one [21]may be able to cause injury to you. And I, Wyem, do not have [any] authority [over it], nor I, Bag-re-mareg; in respect of the property described herein [22][we] do not have any claim or argument; and if it should so happen that from tomorrow [or] at [any] future time, I, Wyem, nor I, [23]Bag-re-mareg, nor our brothers, nor our sons, [n]or [any of] our descendants<fnref n="1" /> who [24]might continue to claim or argue [over] anything in respect of the property described herein, or if we should take you to court and to the royal tribunal, or if we should claim thus, that [25]the property described herein has not been sold by us to you and [that] the price has not been received by us all complete, then our claim [26][and] argument shall not be valid in court in any way, and also we shall pay a fine to the royal treasury of twenty dinars of struck gold, [27]and we shall pay twenty dinars to the opposite party. And if there should be anyone else who might withhold the property described herein, and [28]might take you to court and to the royal tribunal, then I, Wyem, and I, Bag-re-mareg, and our descendants shall go to lawsuit [after] lawsuit [29-30]and shall cause [the property to be] detached from the opposite party; and if we do not go to lawsuit [after] lawsuit and do not cause [the property to be] detached from the opposite party, then we shall pay the same fine as [31]is written herein.

And may [this] sealed document, this purchase contract, be [considered] good and valid, and
may there be no inconvenience to the witnesses.

J'

[It was] the year 295, the month Siwan, when [this] sealed document, this purchase contract, was written here in the city of Malr, at the court of the khars, [2]in the presence of Yatak Sibukan, and in the presence of Mir-Shabur Yolaban, and in the presence of Bag-wanind Mashan, and also in the presence of the other [3]freemen [and] witnesses who were present there amongst [them], and [who] bear witness concerning this matter, and [who] have placed [their] seals hereupon, when [4][this] declaration was freely [and] willingly made by me, Wyem son of Burz-mihr,

<footnote n="1">¹ The series of negatives in this version seems to be due to a confusion of two alternative constructions.</footnote>
and by me, Bag-re-mareg son of Bur, inhabitants of Malr, servants of the king, we whose [5]estate they call Wyeshwarazan. I make [this] declaration to you, Rishtak son of Waraz-shabur, and to you, Waraz-shabur [6]son of Burz-mihr, inhabitants of Malr, servants of Shabur Shaburan, you whose estate they call Burzmihran.

Now: [7]I, Wyem, and I, Bag-re-mareg, [have] a serious and ... liability, and the Hephthalite tax on our house has been assessed to be paid [at] a large [sum], [8]and we had no other assets [left] in the house which might have been given by us towards the Hephthalite tax. But we have [9]a disposable property here in Malr, our own ancestral estate, this [same] property which is called Sangin.

And these [10]are the boundaries of the property described herein: to the east [is] the irrigation ditch and on the farther side of the ditch [is] the boundary, and beyond [it] the property belonging to you, Rishtak; [11]and to the west the royal road [is] the boundary; and to the north the royal road and beyond [it] the property belonging to you, Rishtak, [12][is] the boundary; and to the south the property of the satraps [is] the boundary.

Thus the property described herein has been sold by me—by me, Wyem, and by me, Bag-re-[13]mareg—just as has been stated with reference to the boundaries, to you, Rishtak, and to you, Waraz-[14]shabur, for eight dinars of struck gold; and the price has been received by us all complete, and we have become satisfied and content and [15]are profited and not subject to loss.

So now, from tomorrow [and] for [all] future time, [as for] the property described herein, just as [16]has been stated with reference to the boundaries, [and] the water and path which [are] adjacent thereto, to the property—then may it belong properly and well to you, Rishtak, and to you, Waraz-shabur, [17]and to your brothers and your sons and your descendants, from now to eternity, [18]without dues, without tax, without claim, without argument, so that no-one may be able to cause injury to you. And I, Wyem, do not have [any] authority [over it], [19]nor I, Bag-re-mareg, nor [any of] our descendants who might continue to claim or argue [over] anything else in respect of the property described herein; [20]and if it should so happen that from tomorrow [or] at [any] future time I, Wyem, or I, Bag-re-mareg, or [21]our brothers, or our sons, or our descendants, should continue to claim or argue [over] anything in respect of the property described herein, [22]or if we should take you to court, to the royal tribunal, or if we should withhold the property, or if we should claim thus, that the property described herein [23]has not been sold by us to you and [that] the price has not been received by us all complete, then our claim [and] argument [24]shall not be valid in court in any way, and also we shall pay a fine to the royal treasury of twenty dinars of struck gold, and we shall pay twenty dinars [25]to the opposite party. And if there should be anyone else who might withhold the property described herein, and might take you to court and [26]to the royal tribunal, then I, Wyem, and I, Bag-re-mareg, and our descendants shall go to lawsuit [after] lawsuit and shall cause [the property to be] detached [27]from the opposite party; and if we do not go to lawsuit [after] lawsuit and do not cause [the property to be] detached from the opposite party, then we shall pay the same fine as [28]is written herein.