* Stein (1900, I: 82–83): the name of Toramāṇa is found on a species of Kashmir copper coins ... must belong in their earliest issues to the fifth or sixth century of our era ...

* [if this Toramāṇa is the father of Mihirakula then] we should, indeed, have to charge Kalhaṇa with having placed the father some seven hundred years after the son. But it must be remembered that as far as our present knowledge goes, Kashmir may well have known another and later ruler bearing the name Toramāṇa. The name, though unusual and probably of Turkish origin, can be shown from Kalhaṇa's narrative to have been borne by a Hindu Ṣāhi prince of Gandhāra as late as the tenth century.

* Toramāṇa died in captivity, his son Pravarasena left Kashmir for a tour of pilgrimages (3:123).

* Between Hiraṇya and Pravarasena II: the poet Māṭrgupta

* sent to Kashmir by King Harṣa-Vikramāditya of Ujjayinī, who was the father of Śīlāditya-Pratāpaśīla (3:330)

X.014/H. Pravarasena II

* received the news of Vikramāditya's death and Māṭrgupta's abdication when he was in Trigarta or Kāngra marching against Kashmir to recover the kingdom of his forefathers (3:285 sqq.)

* expedition in the course of which he vanquished the inhabitants of Surāṣṭra and recovered for Śīlāditya-Pratāpaśīla the throne of his father Vikramāditya (3:330 sq.); Stein I. p. 84: Hiuen Tsiang tells us that Śīlāditya was on the throne of Mālava sixty years before his own time, i.e. about 580 CE

* founded Pravarapura on the site of modern Śrīnagar

vitastāyāṃ sa bhūpālo brhatsetum akārayat 3.364ab

This king had the ‘Great Bridge’ built on the Vitastā.

bhittvā tam aśmaprāsādaṁ jagāhe vimalaṁ nabhaḥ॥ 3.374cd

... he [Pravarasena] ... breaking through that palace of stone [i.e. the temple of Pravarasena] entered the spotless sky.

<footnote>[102] Then his [Śreṣṭhasena's] two sons Hiraṇya and Toramāṇa, holding the position of sovereign and yuvarāja [respectively], delighted the earth. [103] Suppressing the undue abundance of [coins] struck by ...i, Toramāṇa put in circulation coins [dīnnārāḥ] struck in his own [name].</footnote>

<footnote>[104] “How did this [Toramāṇa dare to] make display as if he were king, disregarding me?” Thus thought in anger the king his elder brother, and placed him in prison.</footnote>

<footnote>i Stein refrained from translating the expression balāhatānāṃ, as he could not find an appropriate sense for it.</footnote>
Bilhaṇa's *Vikramāṅkadevacarita* describes⁵ the Pravarasena temple in Pravarapura as "showing to this day a gap above resembling the gate of heaven, through which King Pravara bodily ascended to heaven."

* Stein (1900, I: 85): coins of Pravarasena, both in gold and silver, show close connection on the one hand with the Kashmir Toramāṇa coins, and on the other hand with the coinage of the 'Kidāra' Kuṣāṇas

### X.014/I. Laḥkhaṇa Narendrāditya

padmāvatyāṁ sutas tasya narendrāditya ity abhūt|
laḥkhanāparanāmā yo narendrasvāminaṁ vyadhāt|| 3.383

His [Yudhiṣṭhira II's] son from [queen] Padmāvatī was Narendrāditya, who bore a second name, Laḥkhaṇa, and who built the temple of Narendrasvāmin.

Stein ad loc.: cf. silver coin [rā]ja laḥkhaṇa udayāditya,

* resembling the coin of Deva Śāhi Khiṅgila, + copper coins showing the name Narendra

### X.014/J. Alakhāna

uccakhānālakhānasya saṃkhye gūrjarabhūbhujaḥ|
baddhamūlāṃ kṣaṇāl lakṣmīṃ śucaṃ dīrghām aropayat|| 5.149
tasmai dattvā ṭakkadeśaṃ vinayād aṅgulīm iva|
svaśarīram ivāpāsīn maṇdalaṃ gūrjarādhipaḥ|| 5.150

[149] The firmly rooted fortune of Alakhāna, king of Gūrjara, he [King Śaṃkaravarman ii] uprooted in battle in a moment, and made long grief rise [in its place]. [150] The ruler of Gūrjara gave up to him humbly the Ṭakka-land, preserving [hereby] his own country, as [if he had saved] his own body [at the sacrifice] of a finger.

* The name of Alakhāna may be connected to Laḥkhaṇa and/or to the term Alchon.

* Gūrjara comprised "the upper portion of the flat Doāb between the Jhelam and Cināb rivers south of Dārvābhisāra, and probably also a part of the Panjāb plain further east" (Stein 1900, I: 99).

* Stein's note ad 150: Ṭakka-land is presumably identical to Xuanzang's Tseh-kia [see Text I.086], bordering in the east on the Vipāśā (Biās) and in the west on the Indus; its capital was Śākala. Stein (1900, I: 99): Ṭakka-land was probably a tract adjoining the lower hills east of the Cināb.

<footnote>i 18.28cd, yad yātasya pravaranṣpater dyāṃ śarīreṇa sārdhaṃ svargadvārapratimam upari cchidram adyāpi dhatte||</footnote>

<footnote>ii R. 883–902 CE (Stein 1900, I: 99).</footnote>
* Verse 155 further on adds that the illustrious Lalliya Śāhi of Udabhāṇḍa was Alakhāna's supporter (alakhānāśrayaḥ). Udabhāṇḍapura was the capital of Gandhāra, Waihand in Albērūnī (Stein 1900, II: 337).

### X.1.4. Miscellaneous references to Hūṇas

#### X.015. Raghuvamśa of Kālidāsa, 4:70–71 in Vallabhadeva’s version

Dominic Goodall and Harunaga Isaacson (eds.), *The Raghupañcikā of Vallabhadeva, Being the Earliest Commentary on the Raghuvamśa of Kālidāsa*. Vol. I. Egbert Forsten, Groningen, 2003.

vinītādhvaśramās tasya vaṅkṣutīraviveṣṭanaiḥ |
dudhuvur vājinaḥ skandhāṁl lagnakuṅkumakesarān||70||

{[Vallabha:]raghor aśvā aṃsān adhunvan| saktaghusṛṇakiñjalkān| tatsamparkaḥ kuta ityāha| vaṅkṣvākhyanadīpulinaparivartanair ativāhitamārgakhedāḥ| aśvānāṃ mārgakhedo nivartate viveṣṭanena||}

His horses, having relieved their fatigue of the road by rolling on the banks of the Oxus, shook their shoulders onto which filaments of saffron were stuck.

* Later commentators, except Śrīnātha and Vaidyaśrīgarbha, read Sindhu- (Indus) instead of Vaṅkṣu- (Oxus).

tatra hūnāvarodhānāṃ bhartṛṣu vyaktavikramam|
kapolapāṭanādeśi babhūva raghuceṣṭitam||71||

{[Vallabha:]uttarāpathe hūnākhyajanapadāntaḥpurāṇāṃ raghor vyāpāras tadbhartṛmāraṇātmakaḥ| gaṇḍayor nakhādibhir vikartanakāri| patiṣu hūneṣu prakaṭā śaktisampad yasya, tacceṣṭitena teṣāṃ vyāpāditatvāt| pativadhāc ca bhāryā socantī kucakacakapolān nakhair dārayati||}

There Raghu’s exploits, the force of which had been demonstrated on the husbands of the royal Hūṇa ladies, gave the command of cutting their cheeks.

{[Vallabha:]Because her husband has been killed, the mourning wife splits her breasts, hair and cheeks with her nails.}

* Later commentators read -pāṭalādeśi in place of -pāṭanādeśi, meaning that their cheeks become flushed, rather than cut.
X.016. *Harṣacarita* of Bāṇa

X.016/A. *Harṣacarita*, *Ucchvāsa* 4

Text from P. V. Kane (1965, 1); translation from E. B. Cowell and F. W. Thomas (1897, 101).

teṣu caivam utpadyamāneṣu krameṇodapādi hūṇahariṇakesarī sindhurājajvaro
gurjaraprajāgaro gāndhārādhipagandhadvipakūṭapākalo lāṭapāṭavapāṭaccaro
mālavalakṣmīlatāparaśuḥ pratāpaśīla iti prathitāparanāmā prabhākaravardhano nāma
rājādhirājah.

The line so proceeding, there was born in course of time a king of kings named Prabhākaravardhana, famed far and wide under a second name Pratāpaśīla, a lion to the Hūṇa deer, a burning fever to the king of the Indus land, a troubler of the sleep of Gujarat, a bilious plague to that scent-elephant the lord of Gāndhāra, a looter to the lawlessness of the Lāṭas, an axe to the creeper of Mālava's glory.

X.016/B. *Harṣacarita*, *Ucchvāsa* 5

Text from P. V. Kane (1965, 19); translation from E. B. Cowell and F. W. Thomas (1897, 132).

atha kadācid rājā rājyavardhanam kavacaharam āhūya hūṇān hantum hariṇān iva harir
hariṇeśakiśorakam aparimitabalānuyātam cirantanair amātyair anuraktaiś ca mahāsāmantaiḥ
kṛtvā sābhisaram uttarāpatham prāhiṇot.

Subsequently the king one day summoned Rājyavardhana, whose age now fitted him for wearing armour, and, as a lion despatches his whelp against the deer, placed him at the head of an immense force and sent him attended by ancient advisers and devoted feudatories towards the north to attack the Hūṇas.

X.016/C. *Harṣacarita*, *Ucchvāsa* 6

Text from P. V. Kane (1965, 36); translation from E. B. Cowell and F. W. Thomas (1897, 165).

hūṇanirjayasamaraśaravranabaddhapaṭṭakair dīrghadhavalaiḥ
samāsannarājyalakṣmīkaṭākṣapātair iva śabalīkṛtakāyam [...]

Long white bandages, bound about arrow-wounds received in battle while conquering the Hūṇas, dotted [Rājyavardhana's] form like side-glances from his approaching royal glory.
X.017. Kuvalayamālā of Uddyotana Sūri, p. 282. vv. 6–7

Text from A. N. Upādhye (1959); translation from Christine Chojnacki (2008).

tīrammi tīya payaḍā pavvaīyā ṇāma rayaṇa-sohillā|
jattha ṭṭhieṇa bhuttā puhaī siri-torarāeṇa||
tassa gurū hariütto āyario āsi gutta-vaṃsāo|
tīě ṇayarīě diṇṇo jeṇa ṇiveso tahiṁ kāle||

tīrammi tīya] atthi P • payaḍā] payaḍā purīṇaṃ P • jattha ṭṭhieṇa bhuttā] jatthathi ṭhie bhuttā J • jattha]
tattha P • siri-torarāeṇa] siritorasāneṇa P (ed.: sāneṇa can be read as māneṇa) • hariütto] hariyatto P • tīě
ṇayarīě] tīya ṇayarīya J • diṇṇo jeṇa ṇiveso tahiṁ kāle] dinno jiṇanivosā tahiṁ kālo P

Sur sa [= Candrabhāgā] berge, il y a la célèbre Parvatikā. Dans cette ville embellie de joyaux résidait l’illustre Tora qui régnait sur la terre. Le roi avait pour maître spirituel le maître Harigupta, de la lignée des Gupta. Dans la ville, il lui donna un emplacement à cette époque.

See page 278 for a discussion and an English translation by Hans Bakker.

X.018. Nītivākyāmṛta of Somadeva Sūri, Durgasamuddeśa 8.

Dated Śaka 881. Text from Rāmcandra Mālavīya (1972).

śrūyate kila hūṇādhipatiḥ paṇyapuṭavāhibhiḥ subhaṭaiḥ citrakūṭaṃ jagrāha.

According to hearsay, the Hun king captured Citrakūṭa with his soldiers who carried baskets full of merchandise(?).

X.019. Pādatāḍitaka of Śyāmilaka, a Hunnish horse

A play of the second half of the fifth century, set in Ujjayinī. Edited by G. H. Schokker (1966, 89); text and translation from Csaba Dezső and Somadeva Vasudeva (2009, 50–51).

aye kasya khalv ayam ahūṇo hūṇamaṇḍanamaṇḍita āryaghoṭakaḥ pāṭaliputrikāyāḥ puṣpadāsyā bhavanadvāram āviṣkaroti? (nirvarṇya) ā jñātam! ebhir
ihābaddhaśvetakāṣṭhakaṇnikāprahasitakapoladeśair baddhakarair asajjam apy asakṛt sajjam iti sāñjaliprativādibhir lāṭaḍiṇḍibhiḥ sūcitaḥ senāpateḥ senakasyāpatyaratnaṃ bhaṭṭi-makhavarmā bhaviṣyati.

Whose is this Aryan horse which marks the door of Puṣpadāsī from Pāṭaliputra? It is not a Hun horse, yet it is decorated with Hunnish ornaments. (looking) Ah! I know! It must be Bhaṭṭi Makhavarman, the excellent son of general Senaka. He is given away by these cynic ascetics

<footnote>i Dasharatha Sharma (1957, 20–21) identified Makhavarman with the son of the senāpati Dharasena I of the Maitraka dynasty of Valabhī (end of the fifth century).</footnote>
from Lāṭa¹ whose cheeks laugh with white wooden earrings,² who join their hands in supplication and incessantly protest that something is ready though it is not. It is impossible to pass by without speaking to him. By ignoring him I would show indifference to friendship. Let's go closer then.

## X.020. Cāndravṛtti of Candragomin, I.2.81 *parokṣe liṭ*

Text from Bruno Liebich (1918, XIII. 521 S).

parokṣe ca lokavijñāte prayoktur darśanaviṣaye darśanayogyatvāt parokṣatvasyāvivakṣāyāṃ laṅ bhavaty eva: ajayaj jarto hūṇān iti.

To express [a past action] which was not directly perceived [but] which is known to the people and which could have been seen by the speaker, if one does not intend to express the fact that it was not directly experienced, we do indeed use [not perfect but] imperfect, e.g. “Jarta defeated the Hūṇas.”

* Variae lectiones: *japto, jarto*

* Skandagupta's victory soon after 465?

* Yaśodharman's in 544?

* Atreyi Biswas (1973, 124): Kielhorn, Hoernle and Konow regard the word *jarto* as the ancient name of the Jāṭs; that is Yaśodharman who was probably a Jāṭ.

* Saletore (1943, 484): it refers to Rājyavardhana in the seventh century

* *Mahābhārata* 8,30.14: *jartikā nāma bāhlīkās teṣāṃ vṛttaṃ suninditam*

## X.021. *Subhāṣitas*

### X.021/A. A Hunnish woman: *Subhāṣitaratnakoṣa* 924

= *Saduktikarṇāṃṛta* 1:367. Attribution: Aparājitarakṣita; also quoted in *Śṛṅgāraprakāśa* 9. Text from Kosambi and Gokhale (1957, 168) translation by Ingalls (1965, 277)

udgarbhahūṇataruṇīramaṇopamarda-iii
bhugnonnatastananiveśanibhaṃ himāṃśoḥ|
bimbaṃ kaṭhorabisakāṇḍakaḍāragaurair
viṣṇoḥ padaṃ prathamam agrakarair vyanakti||

<footnote>i It is noteworthy that the “cynics” (Diṇḍins) are associated here with the Lāṭa country in southern Gujarat, where Kārohaṇa was located, the place of origin of the Pāśupata sect where Śiva’s four *avatāras* took place in the four yugas. Diṇḍi or Diṇḍimuṇḍi (or °muṇḍa) was Śiva’s incarnation in the second (Tretā) yuga (cf. Bisschop 2006, 33).</footnote>

<footnote>ii The colour associated with laughter is white. On the other hand the *viṭa* might consider these earrings laughable because they are made of wood instead of ivory (cf. Schokker, note ad loc., p. 209).</footnote>

<footnote>iii V. l. *uddarpa*.</footnote>
The cool-rayed moon is swollen and pressed flat

like the breast of a pregnant [v.l. proud] Hunnish woman pressed against her lover.

With its rays pale yellow as full-grown lotus stems

it opens to our sight the whole extent of earth.

The poetician Vāmana, after quoting the above verse (in Kāvyālaṅkārasūtra 4,2.2) quotes a line
in which an orange is likened to the shaved chin of a Hun, sadyomuṇḍitamattahūṇacibuka-
praspardhināraṅgakam (Jhā 1971, 138).

X.021/B. A Hunnish woman: *Saduktikarṇāmṛta* 3:1483

Attribution: Ācāryagopīka. Text from S. C. Banerji (1965, 400).

pītvā sāndratamaṁ tamas timirahā devaḥ prasūte yamaṁ
kālindīṁ ca śanaiścaraṁ ca timirāhārānusārād iva|
tejas tv asya punar virodhivasudhāpālāṅganākajjalāny
ācāmad gurugarbhahūṇataruṇīgaṇḍāvadātaṁ yaśaḥ||1483||

After consuming the densest gloom, the darkness-slaying god [the Sun] generates Yama, and
likewise [generates] Kālindī and Saturn seemingly because he has partaken of darkness. But as
for this one, his blaze sips of the kohl on the eyes of enemy kings' wives [before giving rise to]
glory that is white like the cheek of a heavily pregnant Hunnish damsel.

Yama is the mythological first man; Kālindī is a wife of Kṛṣṇa. Both, as well as the planet Saturn, are thought of as children of the Sun. All three are characterised by a dark colour (Kālindī perhaps through being equated to the river Yamunā, which the name also signifies), said here to be caused by the fact that the Sun drinks darkness. In contrast, the heroic prowess of the unnamed king praised in the stanza generates a thoroughly luminous thing—his reputation—even though it consumes the dark eyeliner of his enemies' wives (who stop wearing makeup upon being widowed, or whose tears over the loss of their husbands wash off their kohl).

X.022. Hunnic script in the *Mahāvastu*, Chapter 7

‘The Great Chapter.’ Core c. 1st century BCE/CE; later additions until 5th–6th century CE; gradual development; no Chinese translation. Text and translation as cited by Karttunen (2015, 267–68), originally edited by Senart (1882–97, I. 135) and translated by Jones (1949–56). Recent study and partial edition in Tournier (2017), on the Hūṇa script see pp. 119–21. Passage listing the 32 styles of writing Siddhārtha learns at school.<fnref n="1" />

<footnote n="1">¹ Pāṇini Aṣṭādhyāyī 3.2.21 only mentions *lipi* in general. Salomon (1998, 8–10): the older Jaina *lipi*-lists do not include a Hūṇa script.</footnote>
yā vā imā loke saṃjñā brāhmī puṣkarasārī kharostī yāvanī brahmavāṇī puṣpalipī kutalipī śaktinalipī vyatyastalipī lekhalipī mudrālipī ukaramadhuradaradacīṇa **hūṇāpīrā** vaṅgā sīphalā tramidā dardurā ramaṭhabhayavaicchetukā gulmalā hastadā kasūlā ketukā kusuvā talikā jajarideṣu akṣabaddhaṃ sarvā eṣā bodhisattvānāṃ nīti.

All the names of the styles of writing known in the world have been mastered by Bodhisattvas. These are the Brāhmī style, the Puṣkarasārī, the Kharosti, the Greek, the brahmavāṇī, the puṣpā, the kutā, the śaktinā, the vyatyastā, the lekhā, the mudrā, the style of Ukara,ii of Madhura,iii that of the Daradas, of the Chinese, of the Hūṇas, of the Abhīras, and of the Vaṅgas, the sīphalā style, the Dravidian, the Dardura, the Ramaṭha, the bhayā, the vaicchetukā, the gulmalā, the hastadā, the kasūlā, the ketukā, the kusuvā, the talikā, the jajarideṣu, and the akṣabaddhā.

## X.023. Hunnic script in the *Lalitavistara*, Chapter 10

‘The Extensive Narration of the Play [of the Buddha],’ c. 3rd–4th century CE; first Chinese translation 308 CE; gradual development. Text from Lefmann (1902). Translation from Bays (1983, 189–90), using the French translation of Foucaux (1884–92) and the Tibetan translation. Study in Salomon (1998, 8–10). The chapter containing the excerpt bears the title ‘Seeing the Writing-school.’iv Passage listing the 64 styles of writing Siddhārtha learns at school.v

atha bodhisattva uragasāracandanamayaṃ lipiphalakam ādāya divyārṣasuvarṇatirakaṃ samantān maṇiratnapratyuptaṃ viśvāmitram ācāryam evam āha| katamāṃ me bho upādhyāya lipim śikṣāpayasi| brāhmīkharoṣṭīpuṣkarasārim angalipim vaṅgalipim magadhalipim maṅgalyalipim angulīyalipim śakārilipim brahmavalilipim pāruṣyalipim drāviḍalipim kirātalipim dākṣiṇyalipim ugralipim saṃkhyālipim anulomalipim avamūrdhalipim daradalipim khāṣyalipim cīnalipim lūnalipim **hūṇalipim** madhyākṣaravistaralipim puṣpalipim devalipim nāgalipim yakṣalipim gandharvalipim kinnaralipim mahoragalipim asuralipim garuḍalipim mṛgacakralipim vāyasarutalipim bhaumadevalipim antarīkṣadevalipim uttarakurudvīpalipim aparagoḍānīlipim pūrvavidehalipim utkṣepalipim nikṣepalipim vikṣepalipim prakṣepalipim sāgaralipim vajralipim lekhapratilekhalipim anudrutalipim śāstrāvartām gaṇanāvartalipim utkṣepāvartalipim nikṣepāvartalipim pādalikhitalipim dviruttarapadasaṃdhilipim yāvaddaśottarapadasaṃdhilipim madhyāhāriṇīlipim sarvarutasaṃgrahaṇīlipim vidyānulomāvimiśritalipim ṛṣitapastaptām rocamānām dharaṇīprekṣiṇīlipim gaganaprekṣiṇīlipim sarvauṣadhiniṣyandām sarvasārasaṃgrahaṇīm sarvabhūtarutagrahaṇīm| āsām bho upādhyāya catuṣṣaṣṭīlipīnām katamām tvam śiṣyāpayiṣyasi|

<footnote>i em. Senart; yonārī MS. Edgerton (1953, 448) suggests yonānī.</footnote>

<footnote>ii Jones: Uttarakuru.</footnote>

<footnote>iii Jones: Magadha.</footnote>

<footnote>iv lipiśālāsaṃdarśanaparivarto daśamaḥ.</footnote>

<footnote>v There are actually 65 items in the list.</footnote>
The Bodhisattva took up an exquisitely colored writing tablet made of the essence of Uraga sandalwood, strewn with gold dust and decorated all around with precious stones, and spoke to his teacher Viśvāmitra: “Well, master, which of the sixty-four scripts will you teach me?”

“The Brāhmī, Kharoṣṭhī, Puṣkarasāri scripts? Or the scripts of Aṅga, Vaṅga, or Magadha? Or the Maṅgalya, Mānuṣya, or Aṅgulī scripts? Or the scripts of Śakāri, Brahmavalī, Drāviḍa, Kināri, Dākṣiṇa, or Ugra? Or the scripts known as Saṅkhyā, Anuloma, or Ardhadanus? Or the scripts of Darada, Khāṣya, Cīna, Lūṇa or Hūṇa? Or those known as Madhyākṣaravistara or Puṣpa? Or the scripts of the Devas, Nāgas, Yakṣas, Gandharvas, Kinnaras, Mahoragas, Asuras, or Garuḍas? Or the scripts known as Mṛgacakra or Cakra? Or the scripts of the Vāyumaruts, Bhaumadevas, or the Antarīkṣadevas? Or the scripts of Uttarakurudvīpa, Aparagoḍāna, or Pūrvavideha? Or the scripts known as Utkṣepa, Nikṣepa, Vikṣepa, Prakṣepa, Sāgara, Vajra, or Lekhapratilekha? Or the scripts Anudrutā, Śāstrāvarta, Gaṇanāvarta, Utkṣepāvarta, Nikṣepāvarta, Pādalikhita, or Dviruttarapadasaṃdhi? The Yāvaddaśottarapadasaṃdhi, Madhyāhāriṇī, Sarvarutasaṃgrahaṇi, Vidyānuloma, or Vimiśrita scripts? Or the scripts known as Ṛṣitapastapta, Rocamānadhāraṇīprekṣaṇa, Gaganaprekṣiṇī, or those known as Sarvauṣadhiniṣyanda, Sarvāsarasaṃgrahaṇi, or Sarvabhūtarutagrahaṇi?

Which of these sixty-four scripts will you teach me?”

### X.024. Hārahūṇas in the *Purāṇas*

References from Upendra Thakur (1967, 53). See also Text X.002/B.

* BrahmāṇḍaP 45:109–136: hārahūṇakāḥ

* MārkaṇḍeyaP 57:37b: hārabhūṣikāḥ

* BrahmaP 27:46b: hārabhūṣikāḥ

* VāyuP 45:116d: hārapūrikāḥ

* MatsyaP: hāramūrttikāḥ

* others: hāramūṣikāḥ

### X.025. Hārahūra in the *Arthaśāstra* 2:25,24–25.

Text from GRETIL<fnref n="1" /> (digitised by Muneo Tokunaga et al. based on the edition of R. P. Kangle 1969); translation from Patrick Olivelle (2013, 156).

mṛdvīkāraso madhu| tasya svadeśo vyākhyānam kāpiśāyanam hārahūrakam iti|

Madhu is the juice of grapes. The explanation for its names “Kāpiśāyana” and “Hārahūraka” is their places of origin.

<footnote n="1">¹ http://gretil.sub.uni-goettingen.de/gretil/1_sanskr/6_sastra/5_artha/kautil_u.htm</footnote>
Olivelle's note: Kapiśa was an area around Kabul; Hārahūra may be a name of a people or region in the northwest of the subcontinent; see Kangle's note and Scharfe (1993, 279). Its connection to the Hūṇas has been disproven by Trautmann (1971, 183–84).

See also page 276 for Hans Bakker's arguments against identifying Hārahūṇas as a Hunnic people.

## X.026. Hārahaura in the *Brhatsamhitā*

Text from GRETIL<fnref n="1" /> (digitised by Michio Yano and Mizue Sugita based on the edition of A. V. Tripāṭhī 1968). Translation from V. Subrahmanya Sastri and M. Ramakrishna Bhat (1946).

vargair āgneyādyaiḥ krūragrahapīḍitaiḥ krameṇa nṛpāḥ|
pāñcālo māgadhikaḥ kāliṅgaś ca kṣayam yānti|| 14:32

āvanto 'thānarto mṛtyuṃ cāyāti sindhusauvīraḥ|
rājā ca hārahauro madreśo 'nyaś ca kaunḍindah|| 14:33

When these groups of asterisms beginning with Krittika are hurt by malefic planets, the kings of the following countries will in their order be destroyed: Panchala, Magadha, Kalinga, Avantee, Anarta, Sindhusauveera, Harahaura [Hārahūṇa?], Madra and Kuninda.

<footnote n="1">¹ http://gretil.sub.uni-goettingen.de/gretil/1_sanskr/6_sastra/8_jyot/brhats_u.htm</footnote>
X.2. Epigraphic Sources

Hans Bakker

Since the texts below are cited for reference, their orthography has been normalised silently. Verse numbers and commas are editorial additions. *Daṇḍas* ( | ) for verse punctuation have been inserted by the editor in accordance with standard convention.

X.027. Bhitari stone pillar inscription of Skandagupta

The text presented here is based on the editions by Fleet in CII III (1888, 52–56) and Sircar in SI I (1965, 321–24). Translation by Fleet (op. cit. 54–56); verse 8 retranslated by Hans Bakker.

[...]

prathitapṛthumatisvabhāvaśakteḥ, prthuyaśasaḥ prthivīpateḥ prthuśrīḥ |
pi(tṛ)pa(ri)gatapādapadmavartī, prathitayaśāḥ prthivīpatiḥ suto 'yam||1||

jagati bhu(ja)balā(ḍhyo:) guptavaṃśaikavīraḥ,
prathitavipuladhāmā nāmataḥ skandaguptaḥ |
sucaritacaritānāṃ yena vṛttena vṛttam,
na vihatam amalātmā tāna(dhīdā)vinītaḥ||2||

vinayabalasunītair vikrameṇa krameṇa,
pratidinam abhiyogād īpsitaṃ yena la(bdhv)ā |
svabhimatavijigīṣāprodyatānāṃ pareṣāṃ,
praṇihita iva le(bhe sa)ṃvidhānopadeśaḥ||3||

vicalitakulalakṣmīstambhanāyodyatena,
kṣititalaśayanīye yena nītā triyāmā |
samuditaba(la)koṣān (yudhy amitrāṃś ca ji)tvā,
kṣitipacaraṇapīṭhe sthāpito vāmapādaḥ||4||

prasabham anupa(mai)r vidhvastaśastrapatāpair,
vina(yasa)mu[citaiś ca] kṣāntiśaur(yai)r nirūḍham |
caritam amalakīrtter gīyate yasya śubhraṃ,
diśi diśi parituṣṭair ākumāraṃ manusyaiḥ||5||

pitari divam upe(te)viplutāṃ vaṃśalakṣmīṃ,
bhujabalavijitārir yaḥ pratiṣṭhāpya bhūyaḥ |
jitam iti paritoṣān mātaraṃ sāsranetrāṃ,
hataripur iva kṛṣṇo devakīm abhyupe(ta)ḥ||6||

(svai)r da(ṇḍaiḥ) — — — t pracalitaṃ vaṃśaṃ pratiṣṭhāpya yo,
bāhubhyām avaniṃ vijitya hi jiteṣv ārteṣu kṛtvā dayām |
notsikto (na) ca vismitaḥ pratidinaṃ saṃvardhamānadyutir,
gītaiś ca stutibhiś ca vandakajano yaṃ (prā)payaty āryatā(m)॥7॥

hūṇair yasya samāgatasya samare dorbhyāṃ dharā kampitā,
bhīmāvartakarasya śatruṣu śarā – – – – – – |
– – – – – – – – <:viracitaṃ:> prakhyāpito (dīptidā),
na <:dyo:>ti ~ na – ~ lakṣyata iva śrotreṣu śārṅgadhvaniḥ॥8॥

[...]

1 Puṣpitāgrā • 2–6 Mālinī • 7–8 Śārdūlavikrīḍita

2a °balāḍhyo] em. Fleet, Sircar : °balāḍyo ins. • 4c yudhy amitrāṃś ca jitvā] conj. Divekar, Mirashi, Bakker : puṣyamitrāṃś ca jitvā Fleet, Sircar (uncertain) • 5b vinayasamucitaiś ca] conj. Sircar : vina ~ ~ mu ~ – – Fleet • 7a ~ – – – – t] Sircar : ~ ~ ra(?)tyu – t conj. Fleet • 7d vandakajano] ins. : vandakaja(?)no(?) Fleet, Sircar • 8c dīptidā] conj. Sircar : – i ~ i – Fleet • 8d dyoti ~ na – –] Sircar : dyo(?)ti ~ nabhī(?)ṣu conj. Fleet • 8d śārṅgadhvaniḥ] Sircar : gāṅgadhvaniḥ Fleet

[The inscription gives the Gupta genealogy up to Skandagupta in prose.]

[1] The king [son of Kumāragupta], who was renowned for the innate power of [his] mighty in-
tellect [and] whose fame was great, [is] this [present] king, by name **Skandagupta**, who pos-
sesses great glory; who subsisted [like a bee] on the wide-spreading waterlilies which were the
feet of [his] father; whose fame is spread far and wide; [2] who is amply endowed with strength
of arm in the world; who is the most eminent hero in the lineage of the **Guptas**; whose splendour
is spread far and wide; by whom, practising [good] behaviour, the conduct of those who perform
good actions is not obstructed; [and] who is well disciplined in the understanding of musical
keys(?); i

[3] [Skandagupta], by whom,—having, with daily intense application, step by step attained his object by means of good behaviour and strength and political conduct,—instruction in the art of disposition [or resources]ii was acquired, [and] was employed as the means of [subduing his] enemies,iii who had put themselves forward in the desire for conquest that was so highly welcome [to them]; [4] by whom, when he prepared himself to restore the fallen fortunes of [his] family, a [whole] night was spent on a couch that was the bare earth; and then having defeated in battle his enemies,iv who had developed great power and wealth, he placed [his] left foot on a foot-stool which was the king [of that tribe himself]; [5] the resplendent behaviour of whom,

<footnote>i Sircar notes: “Possibly, ‘modest owing to his knowledge of the object of senses.’”</footnote>

<footnote>ii Sircar notes: “saṃvidhānopadeśa is ‘instruction in execution.’”</footnote>

<footnote>iii Sircar notes: “pareṣāṃ praṇihite is ‘in the application against enemies.’” Maybe the phrase could be rendered as: “after having obtained the (position) he had desired ..., he obtained instruction in applying it against his enemies ...”</footnote>

<footnote>iv Fleet’s translation “having conquered the Puṣyamitras” modified to follow the reading proposed by Divekar and accepted here in the text. See also the commentary below.</footnote>
possessed of spotless fame,—inherent, [but increased] by ... and patience and heroism,¹ which are emphatically unequalled, [and] which destroy the efficacy of the weapons [of his enemies],— is sung in every region by happy men, even down to the children.ii

[6] [Skandagupta] who, when [his] father had attained the skies, conquered [his] enemies by the strength of [his] arm, and established again the ruined fortunes of [his] lineage; and then, crying, “the victory has been achieved,” betook himself to [his] mother, whose eyes were full of tears from joy, just as Kṛṣṇa, when he had slain [his] enemies, betook himself to [his mother] Devakī;

[7] who, with his own armies, established [again] [his] lineage that had been made to totter ..., [and] with his two arms subjugated the earth, [and] shewed mercy to the conquered peoples in distress, [but] has become neither proud nor arrogant, though his glory is increasing day by day; [and] whom the bards raise to distinction with [their] songs and praises.

[8] When he [Skandagupta] joined in close conflict with the **Hūṇas**, the earth was made to tremble due to [the power of] his arms, since he caused a terrible whirlpool among the enemy by ... of arrows; the brilliant ... is proclaimed ..., [which] sounds like the twanging of [his] bow [śārṅga] in [their] ears.

[The inscription concludes with four verses in which the installation of an image of Śārṅgin (Viṣṇu) and a donation of a village are recorded. For this part of the inscription see Bakker (2005).]

The purport of the *Bhitari Stone Pillar Inscription of Skandagupta* is the foundation of a Viṣṇu temple in Bhitari, possibly called the Kumārasvāmin Temple, in memory of Skandagupta's father Kumāragupta, to whom the merit of the construction is bestowed (Bakker 2005).

According to Mirashi (1982) the verses presented here refer to three major conflicts in which the young Skandagupta was involved.

The first conflict took place in the last years of the reign of Kumāragupta, Skandagupta's father; the verses 3 to 5 refer to this stage. Skandagupta was not the legal heir of Kumāragupta but a boy from the harem. Verse 3 seems to refer to his rise to a position of power and verse 4 relates his conflict with anonymous enemies and his successful restoration of Gupta authority. Rather than the unknown 'Puṣyamitras' (Fleet's reading), the enemy (*amitra*) was, according to Mirashi, the Vākāṭaka king Pravarasena II (Skandagupta's nephew on his father's side), who had crossed the boundary river Narmadā in c. 445 (Mirashi 1982, 69; Bakker 1997, 25ff; 2006, 178; see also Gai and Chhabra in Fleet and Bhandarkar 1981, 315). The Junagadh inscription suggests that the Vākāṭakas joined the revolt of the Nāgas in Malwa (see below, p. 320).

Verses 6 and 7 refer to the war of succession after Kumāragupta had died in the early fifties of the fifth century. The adversary was Skandagupta's paternal uncle Ghaṭotkaca, viceroy in Vidiśā. Support for this theory is obtained from the *Kevala Narasiṃha Temple Inscription*

<footnote>i According to the conjecture proposed by Sircar and accepted here, this phrase could be translated: “and whose good conduct implies endurance and valour commensurate to his discipline ...”</footnote>

<footnote>ii Or “up to Kumāra,” i.e. his father Kumāragupta.</footnote>
(Bakker and Isaacson 1993; Bakker 1997, 27ff; 2006, 172–79). Verse 6 reports that Skandagupta
came out victoriously and verse 7 may refer to his accession to the Gupta throne in c. 454.

Shortly after this success Skandagupta was confronted with Hunnic power, referred to in verse 8. His adversaries may have been the Kidarites and Alchons, who had settled in Gandhāra and the Punjab by the middle of the fifth century (Bakker 2017).

X.028. Junagadh rock inscription of Skandagupta

The text presented here is based on the editions by Fleet in CII III (1888, 56–65) and Sircar in SI I
(1965, 307–16). The translation is by Hans Bakker.

[...]
nṛpatiguṇaniketaḥ skandaguptaḥ pṛthuśrīḥ,
caturu(dadhijal)āntāṃ sphītaparyantadeśām|
avanim avanatārir yaḥ cakārātmasaṃsthāṃ,
pitari surasakhitvaṃ prāptavaty ātmaśaktyā||3||

<:api:<> ca jita(m e)va tena, prathayanti yaśāṃsi yasya ripavo 'pi|
āmūlabhagnadarpā, [nirvacanā] mlecchadeśeṣu||4||

krameṇa buddhyā nipuṇaṃ pradhārya,
dhyātvā ca kṛtsnān guṇadoṣahetūn|
vyapetya sarvān manujendraputrāṃ1,
lakṣmīḥ svayaṃ yaṃ varayāṃcakāra||5||

[...]]

3 Mālinī • 4 Āryā • 5 Upajāti

2a **śaśvat śrī**°]n.: śaśvac chrī° emends Sircar • 3ab °śrīḥ catu°]n.: °śrīś catu° emends Sircar • 4a **api ca**] conj.: āpi ca Fleet (unmetrical), āpa ca Sircar (unmetrical) (typo?) • 4d nirvacanā] conj. Fleet (accepted by Sircar)

[Verse 1 is in praise of the god Viṣṇu, and verse 2 glorifies Skandagupta as an emperor who defeated “serpents,” i.e. the Nāga Kings of Malwa.]

<footnote>[³]When his father had won the company of the gods, he, **Skandagupta** of great glory and possessed of kingly virtues, forced his enemies to their knees and conquered the earth up to the borders of the four oceans by his own power, [making also] the border territories thrive.</footnote>

<footnote>[⁴]Moreover, even his enemies spread his fame in **Mleccha countries**, signalling his veritable victory—not through words, [but] through the eradication of their pride. [⁵]Lakṣmī [Fortune] has chosen him [Skandagupta] as her husband of her own accord, dismissing all the [other] royal</footnote>
princes,<fnref n="1" /> after she had balanced [them] one by one, carefully and wisely, by considering their dispositions to perfection and imperfection.

[The inscription continues with the appointment of Parṇadatta as governor of Surāṣṭra and the repairs made to the dam of the Sudarśana reservoir by his son Cakrapālita.]

The inscription consists of two parts. The first part records the restoration of the embankment of the reservoir Sudarśana at the foot of the hill Ūrjayat near Junagadh (= Girinagara/Girnār) in Kathiawad (Gujarat). This embankment had burst due to monsoon rains in the Gupta Year 136 (455 CE) and was restored by Cakrapālita in the Gupta Year 137 (456 CE). The first part of the epigraph dates to 456 CE. The second part records the foundation by Cakrapālita of a Viṣṇu temple on Mount Ūrjayat, the Cakrabṛt Temple, in the Gupta Year 138 (457/58 CE).

Cakrapālita was the son of Parṇadatta, who had been appointed governor of Surāṣṭra by Skandagupta after his accession to the imperial throne, which took place before 455.

The first part of the inscription seems to refer to the same three conflicts that are mentioned in the Bhitari inscription.

Verse 2 refers to Skandagupta's conflict with the Nāgas, whose revolt may have been joined by the Vākāṭaka king Pravarasena II, son of the Nāga/Gupta queen Prabhāvatī, who we think (Bakker 1997, 25–28; 2006, 172–81; 2014, 25ff) was meant by the anonymous “enemies whose wealth and power had increased” (verse 4 of the Bhitari inscription). This conflict took place when Kumāragupta was still alive and it launched Skandagupta's rise to power.

The second conflict, the war of succession, is mentioned in verse 3. It resulted in the establishment of Skandagupta's authority throughout the empire and involved a (third) conflict with the Mlecchas. The latter conflict, which may have been solved immediately after Skandagupta's enthronement, is mentioned in verse 4. It is generally assumed that the Mlecchas of the Junagadh inscription are the same as the Hūṇas of the Bhitari inscription. This military success confirmed Skandagupta's sovereignty, expressed in verse 5.

It is difficult to assign a definitive chronological order to the two inscriptions. The immediate cause of the Bhitari inscription is to commemorate the death of Kumāragupta by building a temple; that inscription may therefore by slightly earlier than the Junagadh inscription; but the two inscriptions could also both date to 456. The conflict with the Hūṇas (Kidarites?) may have taken place in 455.

## X.029. Inscription on a silver bowl from Swat

The text edition is by Bakker (2020).

kh(i)ṅg(i) 200 6 ka

<footnote n="1">¹ Sircar observes: “*manujendraputra* may simply indicate ‘princes,’ but it may also refer to other Gupta princes who might have struggled with Skandagupta for the imperial throne after Kumāragupta’s death.”</footnote>
khi]] conj. Bakker : kha Allan, va Falk. • ngi]] conj. Bakker : ngā Falk, nti or mbhi Allan • 200 6]] conj. Balogh, Bakker : nurī Göbl, nuga Allan

<figure><img src="image_23.png" /><figcaption>Figure 2. The inscription punched on the Swat Bowl</figcaption></figure>

This silver bowl was recovered when “during a flood on the Swat River part of the bank was washed away.” It is presently in the British Museum (BM 1963,1210.1). The BM website gives the following details: weight 819.3 g, diameter 15.7 cm, height 5.7 cm, volume 630 ml.

The uppermost rim of the bowl's frieze (Figure 2), directly underneath the edging, seems to have been difficult to punch for some reason, as a consequence of which the top vowel signs appear truncated. I conjecture that the intended reading of the first two *akṣaras* is *khiṅgi*, a name of an Alchon king, well-known from coins and short-hand for Khiṅgila.

The number 206 may refer to a year in an unspecified era. In view of the stylistic and palaeo-
graphic dating of the bowl to the first half of the fifth century, this era could be the Bactrian Era,
which started in CE 223, the year of the foundation of the Sasanian Empire by Ardashir I. If this
is correct, it would give a date to the bowl of CE 428/9, which date implies that Prince Khiṅgi
of the bowl with curly hair cannot be the same as the Alchon king Khiṅgila with elongated skull
or the Devaṣāhi Khiṅgila of the coinage. Khiṅgi(la) was a common name among the Hunnic
peoples, like other names known from coins such as Javūkha and Mehama.

Or, if we read *ka* and not (truncated) *ki* (which could stand for Kidara) at the right side of the head, the numerical symbols may refer to the weight in silver: 206 *ka*, viz. *karṣāpaṇa*.

John Allan (1914) reckons with a standard of 1 *karṣāpaṇa* of silver being between 32 to 36 grains (Troy), which is again equivalent to 2.07 to 2.33 gram. This would yield a silver content
of the bowl of 426 to 480 g, far short of the weight of the bowl as given on the BM website of
819.3 g.

The British Museum bowl from the Swat Valley testifies to the historic view of Hunnic warlords
taking possession of Northwest India in the first half of the fifth century. Its iconography shows
a joint hunting party of four Hunnic princes belonging to two different groups, the Kidara and
Alchon. The bowl may have been the possession of a prince who is depicted in the central me-
dallion and whose name is given in the inscription, Khiṅgi(la).

For a more detailed treatment of this bowl see Bakker (2020).

X.030. Schøyen copper scroll

The text presented here follows the reconstructed text of Gudrun Melzer 2006. It takes this recon-
struction as body text checked against the readings (from photo) by Dániel Balogh. The translation
is by Melzer, except for verses 7 to 10, which have been re-translated by Hans Bakker.

[...]

[32]saṃvatsare aṣṭāṣaṣṭiṭa[33]me 60 8‖ kārttikamāsaśuklatithau saptamyām, atra divase pratiṣṭhāpito 'yaṃ tathāgatacaityo dhātugarbha[ḥ] [34]mahāvihārasvāminā opandaputreṇa tālagānikadevaputraṣāhī × × × × × × × [pā][35][rthi]vena sārdhaṃ pitrā opandena,
sārdhaṃ patnyā sāradaṣāhiduhitrā buddh × × × × ×,
[sārdhaṃ ma][36]hāvihārasvā<mi>:nyā arccavāmanāyāḥ,
sārdhaṃ pitrā ho× gayena mātrā mahād[e]vy[ā] × ×,
[37]sārdhaṃ kalyāṇamitreṇa ācāryaratnāgamena,
sārdhaṃ mahāṣāhikhīngīlena,
sārdhaṃ devarājena [38]toramānena|
sārdhaṃ mahāvihārasvāminyās sāsāyāḥ,
sārdhaṃ mahāṣāhimehame[na]|
sārdhaṃ [39]sādavīkhena,
sārdhaṃ mahārāje[na] javūkhena sādavīkhaputreṇa|
**mehamarājye vartamāne**|
yasyādyāpi (tu)ṣārahārakumuda<spa>:ṣṭhīkṛśaṇkhaprabhaiś, chatrodārani(rū)ḍhavedikadharaiś cañcatpatākajvalai<ḥ:>
stūpair bhāti mahī dharādharanibhais trailokyapūjyārcitai<s:>, taṃ mūrdhnā namate nṛmaulimukuṭavyālīḍhapādaṃ jinam||4||
saṃkalpā[n yān bibhrati kecit] suviśuddhān,
pūryantā<:ṃ:> te prāṇ<:a:>bhṛtām aśu ja<:ga:>d vaḥ|
[yan] nistriṃśodbhrā<:nta:>śarāpātavimuktam,
kṣipraṃ bhūyād brāhmasurāvāsasamāmam||5||
śāntiṃ gatasya sugatasya śarīrabhrdbhi<:ḥ:>,
stūpair iyaṃ vasumatī pratip[ū]ritā yaiḥ|
tiṣṭhantu dāmanakṛtapramukhāni tāni,
kalpaṃ yathācalapa[ti]ḥ surarājajuṣ<:ṭa:>ḥ||6||

buddhyāśrayam etad yasmi[ṃ] śucivṛddhaṃ,
gātraṃ mama deśe deśaḥ sa śivasthaḥ|
durbhikṣabhr[śādh]ivyādhipravimukto,
muktaś ca vivādaiḥ śāntiṃ samupaitu||7||

stūpaiḥ śāradameghavrṇdasadrśair ākṣiptasā – – = ,
– vārkāṃśusahasr(a)śodhitamukhaiḥ padmākarair bhūṣitah|
asmajjanmanidhānahetur iha yaḥ [kṣetrah] sa (dhan)yo mahān,
āryagrāma udāra<:sattva:>caritaḥ syāt svargatulyaḥ sadā||8||

satyāṃbu(snāta)dehaḥ para – – yaratis tyaktasaṃgas titikṣur,
hiṃsādoṣāpavṛttaḥ kharapiśunavacovibhramāt saṃnivṛttaḥ|
śraddhādhī – – – (s.e priya)vacanarataḥ prāptasāmyas trivargaḥ,
<:so:> 'yaṃ śārdīysavāsī ciram avikhalitaḥ syā – – – [mā]rgaḥ||9||

ṛdhyantāṃ tyāgaśūrāḥ kulabala[vinayair ītayo] yāntu nāśam,
vardh(y)antāṃ dakṣiṇīyā guṇaga(ṇa)nicayaiḥ sasyasaṃpattir astu|
pūjyantāṃ dhā<tu>garbhājva – – – – – – – – dīrgharātram,
dharmātmā dātṛrājā praśamasukhabhujaḥ – – – – – –||10||

4 Śārdūlavikrīḍita • 5 Mattamayūrī • 6 Vasantatilaka • 7 Maṇimālā • 8 Śārdūlavikrīḍita • 9 Sragdharā • 10 Sragdharā

33 °garbhaḥ] conj. Melzer • 34 °ṣāhī] ins. : °ṣāhi conj. Melzer • 34–35 °pārthivena] conj. Balogh • 35 patnyā] em. Melzer : ṣatnyā ins.; sārdhaṃ ma°] conj. Melzer 36 svāminyā] em. Melzer : svāsinyā ins.; °devyā] conj. Melzer • 38 mehamena] conj. Melzer • 39 rājena] conj. Melzer

4a tuṣāra°] Balogh : dhaṣāra° Melzer; °spaṣṭhīkr°] em. Melzer : °sspasṭhīkr° ins. : °sphāṣṭikya conj. Balogh • 4b °nirūḍha°] ins. : °nigūḍha° conj. Balogh; °jvalaiḥ] . em. Melzer • 4c °ārcitais] em. Melzer • 5a saṃkalpān yān bibhrati kecit] conj. Bakker : saṃkalpān ye bibhrati kecit] conj. Balogh : saṃkalpā.ye.i~ ti ke.it/n Melzer • 5b pūryantāṃ] em. Melzer; prāṇabhrtām] em. Balogh : prāṇibhrtām Melzer • 5c yan] conj. Balogh, Bakker : – Melzer • 6a bhṛdbhiḥ] em. Melzer • 6b pratipūritā] conj. Melzer • 6c °patiḥ] conj. Melzer; juṣṭaḥ] em. Melzer : juṣṭhaḥ ins. • 7a buddhyāśrayam] ins. : buddhāśrayam conj. Melzer; yasmiṃ] em. Melzer • 7c °bhṛśādhi°] em. Melzer • 8b °sahasra°] conj. Melzer; kṣetraḥ] conj. Balogh : deśaḥ Yokochi • dhanyo] conj. Bakker : tulyo Melzer • 8d °sattva°] conj. Melzer : °saśva° ins. • 9a satyāṃbusnāta] conj. Balogh : satyāṃbuṃbhāta or °bhīta Melzer • 9d so] em. Melzer : sau ins. • 10a °vinayair ītayo] conj. Balogh : ° va[ya]vairī (ca) yo Melzer (emending va to ca) • 10b vardhyantāṃ] ins. : vardhantāṃ conj. Melzer
[The scroll begins with an invocation to the Buddha and the saṅgha, and continues with passages taken from the Śrīmatībrāhmaṇīparipṛcchā Sūtra.]

In the sixty-eighth year (Year 68); on the seventh day of the bright half of the month Kārttika [corresponding to October–November]. On this day this caitya of the Realized One [tathāgata] containing relics was established by:

1) the lord of the great monastery, the son of Opanda, the Tālagānika-Devaputra-Ṣāhi ... [king],i

2) together with [his] father Opanda,

3) together with [his] wife, the daughter of Sārada-Ṣāhi, [named] Buddh ...,

4) together with the mistress of a great monastery Arccavāmanā,

5) together with [her] father Ho...gaya,

6) [and] with [her] mother, the queen ...,

7) together with the spiritual friend, the religious teacher Ratnāgama,

8) together with the great Ṣāhi **Khīngīla**,

9) together with the god-king **Toramāna**;

10) together with the mistress of a great monastery Sāsā,

11) together with the great Ṣāhi **Mehama**;

12) together with Sādavīkha,

13) together with the great king **Javūkha**, the son of Sādavīkha;

during the reign of **Mehama**.

[4] Whose stūpas even today light up the earth—mountain-like [stūpas] resembling the colour of white frost, pearl necklaces, white water lilies, crystals,ii and conch-shells, raised high by parasols and possessing railings,iii with flames made up of waving flags, and worshipped by those who are worthy of being honoured by the three worlds—one bows down with the head before this Victorious One, He, whose feet are touched by the crowns [i.e. by the rays of jewels on the crowns] of men.

[5] May the honest vows made by some come to fruition: let thanks to you the world of living beings be quickly freed from the brandishing of swords and shooting of arrows, [so that] it soon becomes like the celestial abode of the gods [i.e. paradise].iv

<footnote>i Based on the conjecture of Dániel Balogh.</footnote>

<footnote>ii Melzer notes: “spaṣṭīkṛ metri causa for spaṣṭīkṛt (‘making clear’).” Balogh conjectures sphāṣṭikya = sphāṭikya (‘made of crystal’).</footnote>

<footnote>iii Balogh proposes to read nigūḍha and translates: “bearing railings covered by the excellent parasols.”</footnote>

<footnote>iv The translation of this verse, tentatively restored by Balogh, is by Bakker.</footnote>
[6] May the *stūpas* by which the earth is filled up, [the *stūpas*] containing relics of the Sugata, who has attained tranquillity, headed by one/those made by Dāmana (?), stand for a *kalpa*, as long as the Lord of the Mountains [i.e. Meru], inhabited by the king of gods.

[7] May my **homeland**,i in which land this pure and exalted body,ii the basis for understanding,iii is located, be happy and, freed from famine, severe illness and diseases as well as freed from dissension, may it attain peace.

[8] Here where our native soil is, iv which is adorned with stūpas resembling a mass of [white] autumn clouds, ..., [and] lotus ponds, the surface of which has been purified by thousands of [...] sunrays, that fortunate and great place—a commune of noble beings that is constantly frequented by exalted spirits—may that always be like another heaven.

[9] The one whose body is bathed by the nectar/water of truth, who delights in ..., who is free of attachment and is forbearing, who has turned away from the fault of violence and desists from the error of [using] harsh and malignant words, who ... his mind on/to faith, who is dedicated to friendly words and whose three constituents [triguṇa] have reached equilibrium, may that resident of Śārdīysa for a long time, without stumbling [aviskhalitaVI], remain [on the path towards] ....

[10] May the champions of liberality prosper with respect to family, strength and virtuous conduct; let [their] tribulations come to an end. May those who are worthy of respect be made to prosper in their collecting of a host of merit; let there be an abundance of grains. May the relics ... be worshipped ...; [let] ... for a long time. The righteous donor king, vii [may he cause] ... who are enjoying peace and happiness.

The Copper Scroll is a charter in which the foundation of a Buddhist *caitya* (*stūpa*) is recorded. It is dated in the Year 69 of an unnamed era. According to Gudrun Melzer, the editor of the scroll, there are two possibilities: if corresponding to the Kaniṣka Era, 495/96 CE, or if corresponding with the Laukika Era, 492/93 CE; Melzer goes for the second, earlier date, I think the Kaniṣka Era to be most likely.

<footnote>i It has been argued by Bakker (2018) that the speaker in these verses, to whom “my homeland” refers, is the wife (*patnī*) of the King of Tālagāna, the actual donor, said to be the daughter of the king of Sārada named Buddh… Sārada may be (the later) *śār(a)da*, the Neelum Valley, where the famous Śāradā Temple is, i.e. Kashmir.</footnote>

<footnote>ii This “body,” *gātra*, may imply the exalted entities (*kāyas*) invoked in the first three stanzas: the Buddha and the Stūpa, containing the relics (vv. 4–6).</footnote>

<footnote>iii Melzer suggests to emend to *buddhāśraya* and takes *gātra* to refer to the *dharmakāya*.</footnote>

<footnote>iv Melzer notes ad 8c: “The exact meaning of °nidhāna° is not sure. Could it stand for nidāna?” Harry Falk suggested to understand nidhāna as referring to the “depositing” of the mortal remains, either the body or the ashes. I take it in the meaning of “receptacle,” i.e. “locus.”</footnote>

<footnote>v Melzer: “Śārdīysa must be the name of the village or town where the *stūpa* was built. It could not be identified so far.” See Bakker (2018) and p. 326 below.</footnote>

<footnote>vi Melzer: “*avikhalitaḥ* is metri causa for *aviskhalitaḥ*.”</footnote>

<footnote>vii An ambiguous expression. The king of Tālagāna as principal, statutory donor may be styled ‘donor king’ or ‘king of the donors’ (dāṭrāja), unusual as this epithet might be, but he is also the royal consort (rāja) of ‘the one who commissioned the donation’ (dāṭr), whom we think was the Princess of Sārada, the queen of Tālagāna.</footnote>
The scroll quotes extensively from the Mahāyāna Sūtra Śrīmatībrāhmaṇīparipṛcchā, in addition to two verses from Nāgārjuna's *Mūlamadhyamakakārikās*. These passages are left out here.

The findspot of the inscription is unknown, but the text features three toponyms Tālagāna, Sārada and Śārdīysa. Melzer proposes to identify Tālagāna with Ṭālaqān in Bactria, 70 km east of Qunduz, in Afghanistan north of the Hindukush (Melzer 2006, 256). This identification has been rejected by Étienne de La Vaissière (2012), who proposes to identify the place with the town of Tālagang in the Punjab, 50 km north of Kurā. Bakker (2018) argues that, if the place is not the present Tālagang, it has yet to be looked for in West Punjab, rather than north of the Hindukush.

The scroll records the names of four Alchon kings who seem to be contemporaries, a quadrumvirate that may have formed a sort of confederacy: Khīngīla, Toramāna, Mehama and Javūkha. The site of the *stūpa* seems to have been under the control of King Mehama at the time of the foundation (*mehamarājye vartamāne*).

The statuary donor of the *stūpa* is the king (Devaputra Ṣāhi) of Tālagāna, the son of Opanda, who is the director (*svāmin*) of a *mahāvihāra*, presumably in Tālagāna. An important part of the inscription is devoted to specifying other people involved in the donation/foundation, including the queen of Tālagāna named Buddh..., who is said to be the daughter of the king (*ṣāhi*) of Sārada. There is nothing in the inscription to suggest that the king and queen of Tālagāna belonged to the Alchon. The title Devaputra rather indicates a Kuṣāṇa descent of the king.

The place where the new *stūpa* was founded is said to be the village of Śārdīysa. Bakker (2018) argues that this may be the native town of the Princess of Sārada and that it may be looked for in the Neelum Valley, identifiable with the modern Śārdi, home of the (Sanskritized) Goddess Śāradā, who gave her name eventually to the script of the country, which became known as Śāradābhūmi (i.e. Kashmir).

The home institution of the new foundation may have been the *mahāvihāra* in Tālagāna, directed by the king and Arcavāmanā, the *mahāvihārasvāminī*. The beneficiary institution seems to have been the *mahāvihāra* directed by the *mahāvihārasvāminī* Sāsā in Śārdīysa.

## X.031. Kurā stone inscription of the time of Toramāṇa Ṣāhi

The text presented here is based on the editions by Sircar in *SI I* (1965, 422–24) and Bühler (1892), and the reading (from photo) by Dániel Balogh. The translation is by Bühler, with minor changes.

<footnote>[1][rājādhi]rāja-mahārājātoramāṇaṣāh(i)jaū(ḥkhasyā)[bhivardha](mānarājye) × × [saṃvatsare]</footnote>

<footnote>[2]× × × × me mārgaśiramāsaśukladvitīyāyām, cāndra(magra)[haṇa] × × × gaga[na][3](care ca) varaśuciśā<:nta:>:dhyānādhyayanamokṣacittānukūle prad(iṣṭa) × × × × × × × [na][4]kṣatre, bhagavato buddhasya devātidevasya sarvapāpaparikṣīṇasarvapuṇyasamudgata(sya)</footnote>

<footnote>[5]tīrṇasa<:ṃ>:sārārṇava[sya] sattvānāṃ tārayitā daśabalabalina[ś] catu[r]vaiśāradyacatasrapratisaṃ<:vida:>: [6]aṣṭādaśāveṇīkādbhutadharmasamanvāgatasya</footnote>
sarvasattvavatsalamahākāruṇikasya, bu[7]ddhapramukhacāturdiše bhikṣusaṅghe, deyadharmo 'ya(:<m:) vihāra(<ḥ:) pratiṣṭhāpana **naścīrapatipraśastā**[8]dāritanāmadheyaviṣeṣavṛddhiḥ **roṭṭajayavṛddhi**-anekavihārasvāmino satputreṇa|

yad atra puṇyaṃ tad bhavatu [9](mā)tāpi(<:troḥ:) ā(<:pyā:)yakapoṣakacitrasya jambudvīpasya darśayitāro agrebhāvapratyaṃśatāyās tu, tathā vihārasvāmino [10]roṭasiddhavṛddhi sarveṣāṃ bhrātarāṇāṃ bhaginīnāṃ patnīnāṃ putrāṇāṃ duhitṛṇāṃ, mahārājatoramāṇaṣāhajaū(ḥkha)ḥ sa[11]rveṣāṃ devīnāṃ rājaputrāṇāṃ rājaduhitānāṃ ca sarvasattvānāṃ anuttarajñānāvaptaye|

ayam puna[r] vihārasyo[12]pakaraṇa cāturdiše bhikṣusaṅghe parigrahe
ācārya(ma)hīś(āsakānāṃ),|

(sāddhakapu) × × treṇa × × (ācārya) ... [13] ...

1 **rajādhi**°]] conj. Fleet, Bühler, Sircar; jaūḥkhasyā°]] Melzer 2006, 261 : jaūvlasyā° Fleet, Bühler, Sircar; °bhivardha°]] conj. Bühler, Sircar; saṃvatsare]] conj. Bühler, Sircar 2 °magrahaṇa°]] conj. Sircar; gagana°]] conj. Sircar • 3 °care ca]] Sircar : ×× Bühler; °śānta°]] Bühler (?), Bakker : °śāṃta° conj. Sircar; na°]] conj. Bühler, Sircar • 5 °saṃsārā°]] em. Sircar : °sasārā° ins.; °ārṇavasya°]] conj. Sircar : °ārṇava ins.; tārayitā]] ins. : tārayituḥ conj. Sircar; °balinaś]] em. Bakker : °balinaḥ conj. Sircar, °balina° ins.; catur°]] em. Sircar : catu° ins., catva° conj. Bühler; °catasra°]] ins. : °catuḥ° conj. Sircar; °saṃvida]] conj. Balogh, Bakker : °saṃvidā ins. • 7 'yaṃ]] em. Sircar : °ya ins.; °ṣṭhāpana]] ins. : °ṣṭhāpitah conj. Sircar • 8 °višeṣavṛddhiḥ]] ins. : °višeṣavṛddhinā conj. Sircar, °višeṣavṛddheḥ conj. Bühler; °jayavṛddhi]] ins. : °jayavṛddheḥ conj. Sircar • 9 °pitroḥ]] em. Sircar : °pitro ins.; āpyāyaka°]] em. Sircar : āpāyaka° ins.; °poṣaka°]] ins. : °poṣakayoh conj. Sircar; darśayitāro]] ins. : darśayitro conj. Sircar; agrebhāvapratyaṃśatāyās]] ins. : agrabhāgapratyaṃśatāyai (or °śāya) conj. Sircar; tu]] ins. : astu conj. Sircar • 10 bhrātarāṇāṃ]] ins. : bhrātṛṇāṃ conj. Sircar; °ṣāha°]] ins. : °sāhi° conj. Sircar; °jaūḥkhah] Melzer 2006, 262 : °jaūvlaḥ Bühler, °jaūvlasya conj. Sircar 11 °duhitānāṃ]] ins. : °duhitṛṇāṃ conj. Sircar; punar]] em. Sircar : puna ins. • 12 karaṇa]] ins. : karaṇaḥ conj. Sircar; ācārya°]] ins. : ācāryāṇāṃ conj. Sircar

In the prosperous reign of the king of kings, the great king **Toramāṇa** Ṣāhi [Jaūḥkha];i in the ...
year, on the second [lunar day] of the bright half of the month of Mārgaśiras. Under the ...
nakṣatra, which is propitious for pure, tranquil meditation, study and reflection on salvation ...
this appropriate and meritorious gift [deyadharma], the erection of a vihāra for the congregation
of the monks of divine Buddha, the god of gods, freed from all sins and endowed with all holi-
ness, who has crossed the ocean of births,ii the saviour of beings, who possesses the power of
the ten powers, who has attained the four subjects of confidence, the four analytical sciences,
the eighteen independent conditions, the supernatural condition, who cherishes all creatures and
is most compassionate,—of which congregation Buddha is the chief and which comes from the
four quarters of the world—[this gift has been made] [by Viśeṣavṛddhi, H.T.B.], whose name
is praised and honoured by the lord of Naścīra, the virtuous son of Rotṭṭa-Jayavṛddhi, who is

<footnote>i For the title Jaūḥkha, reading proposed by Gudrun Melzer (2006, 261), see Sims-Williams (2007, 215), Glossary s.v. ἰαβγο: ἡβοδαλο ἰαβγο, “the yabghu of Hephthal.” Chinese xihou, Turkish yabyu. Cf. Bosworth 2012.</footnote>

<footnote>ii The translation follows Sircar’s emendation. Bühler reads this *in composito* with *sattvānām*.</footnote>
the lord of many *vihāras*.¹ Whatever merit [there is] in the [act], may it be for the attainment of supreme knowledge by:

1) [my] parents, who are guides to Jambudvīpa, which grows and nourishes in manifold ways, ii [their] share being a preferential one; moreover,

2) the lord of the *vihāra* **Roṭa-Siddhavṛddhi** [and] all his brothers, sisters, wives, sons and daughters;

3) the great king **Toramāṇa** Ṣāhi Jaūḥkha [and] all his queens, princes and princesses;

4) all creatures.

But this benefaction by a *vihāra* [is] for the congregation of the monks of the four quarters, for the acceptance of the teachers, the Mahīśāsakas. By the son of Sāddhaka ...

The inscription, whose date has been lost, records the donation of a monastery to the monks of the Buddhist Mahīśāsaka division (*hīnayāna*) by Viśeṣavṛddhi, who is the son of Roṭṭa-Jayavṛddhi. The latter is “Master of several *vihāras*.” The intended master of the newly founded monastery may have been Roṭa-Siddhavṛddhi, whom Bühler (1892, 239) mistook for the donor.

The foundation is made under the reign of king (ṣāhi) **Toramāṇa**, who, in addition to his royal titles, holds the title Jaūḥkha (see above, n. i on p. 327). The location of the founded monastery is not given, unless it is Naścīra, whose lord (*pati*) is said to honour the donor Viśeṣavṛddhi. It might have been somewhere in West Punjab, in the region of the Salt Range, where the inscription was recovered.

Just as in the Schøyen Copper Scroll, a list is given of people who will share in the merit of the benefaction: the parents of the donor, the family of the donee, and the household of the reigning King **Toramāṇa**.

## X.032. Eran stone boar inscription of the time of Toramāṇa

The text presented here is based on the editions by Fleet in *CII III* (1888, 158–61) and Sircar in *SI I* (1965, 420–22). The translation is the one given by Fleet (*op. cit.* 160ff), with minor changes.

<footnote>i There is something wrong with this strange sentence. Bühler translates: “(Jayavṛddhi), whose name, praised and honoured by the lord of Naścīra, (indicates a) particularly (great) prosperity.” Sircar’s conjecture °viśeṣavṛddhinā seems to imply that he takes it as a proper name of the son of Jayavṛddhi: Viśeṣavṛddhi. This makes more sense, but an emendation may not be warranted. The inscription gives several times the names of the protagonists in the narrative where a genitive or instrumental is expected: tārayitā (l. 5), viśeṣavṛddhiḥ (l. 8), darśayitāro (l. 9), roṭasiddhavṛddhi (l. 10), toramāṇaṣāhijaūḥkhaḥ (l. 10). That the donor is Viśeṣavṛddhi (and not Siddhavṛddhi, as supposed by Bühler) seems to be confirmed by the mentioning of Roṭa-Siddhavṛddhi and his family among those who benefit (ll. 10f.). It is not known to which country Naścīra refers.</footnote>

<footnote>ii The translation follows Sircar's emendation. Bühler translates: “the instructors of Jambūdvīpa that is famous for nurses and nourishers.” Bühler explains: “The meaning of the phrase seems to be that, though India possesses many tender mothers and dutiful fathers, yet all can learn something from the donor's parents.”</footnote>
om||

jayati dharanуuddharaṇe, ghanaghoṇāghātaghūrṇitamahīdhraḥ|
devo varāhamūrtis, trailokyamahāgṛhastambhaḥ||1||

varṣe prathame prthivīm prthukīrtau prthudyutau|
mahārājādhirājaśrītoramāṇe praśāsati||2||

phālgunadivase daśame, ity evaṃ rājyavarṣamāsadinaiḥ|
etasyāṃ pūrvāyāṃ, svalakṣaṇair yuktapūrvāyām||3||

[3]svakarmābhiratasya kratuyājino dhītasvādhyāyasya viprarṣer maitrāyaṇīyavṛṣabhasyendraviṣṇoḥ prapautrasya, [4]pitur guṇānukāriṇo varuṇaviṣṇoḥ pautrasya, pitaram anujātasya svavaṃśavṛddhihetor **hariviṣṇoḥ** putrasyātyantabhagavadbhaktasya vidhātur icchayā [5]svayaṃvarayeva rājalakṣmyādhigatasya catuḥsamudraparyantaprathitayaśasaḥ akṣīṇamāna(dh) anasyānekaśatrusamarajiṣṇoḥ mahā<:(rā:)jamāṭrviṣṇoḥ [6]svargatasya bhrātrānujena tadanuvidhāyinā tatprasādaparigṛhītena **dhanyaviṣṇunā** tenaiva (sa)hāvibhaktapuṇyakriyeṇa mātāpitroḥ [7]puṇyāpyāyanārtham eṣa bhagavato varāhamūrter jagatparāyaṇasya nārāyaṇasya śilāprās(ādaḥ) svaviṣay(e) 'sminn **airikiṇe kāritah**

[8]svasty astu gobrāhmaṇapurogābhyaḥ sarvaprajābhya (i)ti||

1 Āryā • 2 Śloka (unmetrical)i • 3 Āryā

5 *mahārāja*°]] em. Fleet, Sircar • 6 °*parigṛhītena*]] there is a (cross)-mark after this wordii

Om!

[1]Victorious is the god [Viṣṇu], who has the form of a Boar, who, in the act of lifting up the earth [out of the waters], caused the mountains to tremble with the blows of [his] hard snout; [and] who is the pillar [for the support] of the great house which is the three worlds!

[2]In the first year; while the *mahārājādhirāja*, the glorious *Toramāṇa*, of great fame [and] of great lustre, is governing the earth; [3]on the tenth day of the [month] Phālguna—on this [lunar day], [specified] as above by the regnal year and month and day, [and] invested as above with its own characteristics—

By the younger brother of the *mahārāja Māṭrviṣṇu*, *Dhanyaviṣṇu*, obedient to him [scil. Māṭrviṣṇu] [and] accepted with favour by him—

[Māṭrviṣṇu], who has gone to heaven, who was excessively devoted to the Divine One, who, by the will of [the god] Vidhāṭr [i.e. Brahmā, the Creator], was approached [in marriage-choice] by the goddess of sovereignty [Lakṣmī], as if by a maiden choosing [him] of her own accord [to

<footnote>i To be a regular *bha vipulā* the fourth syllable in *pāda* a should have been long (*prathāme*). Fleet noted: “This sentence is in prose, though it commences like a verse in the *āryā* metre.”</footnote>

<footnote>ii Fleet (1888, 160 n. 2) thinks that it “indicates that tenaiva sahāvibhaktapuṇyakriyeṇa should have stood here, before dhanyaviṣṇunā.” Balogh believes it may be a deletion sign pertaining to tatprasādaparigṛhītena.</footnote>
be her husband], whose fame extended up to the borders of the four oceans, who was possessed of unimpaired honour and wealth, [and] who was victorious in battle against many enemies,— who was the son of the son's son of **Indraviṣṇu**, who was attentive to his duties, who celebrated sacrifices, who practised private study [of the scripture], who was a Brāhmaṇ saint, [and] who was the most excellent [of the followers] of the Maitrāyaṇīya [śākhā],—who was the son's son of **Varuṇaviṣṇu**, who imitated the virtuous qualities of [his] father [Indraviṣṇu],—[and] who was the son of **Hariviṣṇu**, who was the counterpart of [his] father [Varuṇaviṣṇu] in meritorious qualities, [and] was the cause of the advancement of his race—

[By this Dhanyaviṣṇu], accomplishing, in unison with [the previously expressed wishes of] him [i.e. his brother Māṭrviṣṇu], a joint deed of religious merit, for the sake of increasing the religious merit of [his] parents, this stone temple of the [god] Nārāyaṇa, who has the form of a Boar [and] who is entirely devoted to [the welfare of] the universe, has been caused to be made in this his own viṣaya of Airikiṇa.

Let prosperity attend all the subjects, headed by the cows and the Brāhmaṇs!

The inscription records the completion of a project that had begun under the emperor Budhagupta by a local feudatory Māṭrviṣṇu and his younger brother, Dhanyaviṣṇu, namely the building of a religious complex on the south banks of the River Bina, dedicated to Viṣṇu, the Gupta Empire's tutelary deity. Here the two brothers, had erected a twin temple guarded by a thirteen-metre-high pillar,<fnref n="1" /> the "Column of Janārdana" (i.e. Viṣṇu/Kṛṣṇa). ii It supported the image of Viṣṇu's emblem (ketu), Garuḍa, corresponding with the imperial standard. Under the eye of the Imperial Eagle the first battle of Eran (Airikiṇa) was fought, and lost. Dhanyaviṣṇu survived the dramatic events and was given a choice: accept the sovereignty of the Alchon conqueror Toramāṇa or die. He chose the former, as the present inscription attests. The inscription is found on the c. 3.5 m high, theriomorphic image of Varāha (an incarnation of Viṣṇu Nārāyaṇa), which Dhanyaviṣṇu was evidently allowed to complete in the first year of Toramāṇa's reign.

## X.033. Mandasor inscription of Gauri

The text presented here is based on the edition by Sircar (1954, 127–32). The translation is by Bakker.

[jitaṃ bhaga](vatā te)na garutma<:dra:>thayāyinā| trailokyām(a) ~ ~ = [viṣṇunā cakra]pāṇinā||1|| jitvā ripubalaṃ saṃ<:khye:> ramyaṃ pura[ṃ] daśā[hvayam]

<footnote n="1">¹ Cunningham in *ASI Reports* 10 (1880, 87 Plates XXV, XXVI). This twin temple was probably dedicated to Vāsudeva and Saṃkarṣaṇa, alias Kṛṣṇa and Balarāma. For a similar twin temple on the Rāmagiri see Bakker (1997, 30).</footnote>

<footnote>ii Described as janārdanasya dhvajastambhaḥ in line 9 of the *Eran Stone Pillar Inscription of Budhagupta* (Fleet 1888, 88–90).</footnote>
[praśāsati] (na)ravyāghre narendrādityavardhane||2||
āsīn māna ~ — ~, ≅ ≅ ≅ ~ vardha<:na:>:h|
rāṣtravardha<:na:>:satpu<:tro:>: yaśogupto narā[dhipaḥ]||3||
≈ ≅ ≅ ≅ [ta](nū)jena śrīmahārājagauriṇā||4||
yasya mātāmahaḥ śr(ī)[mān] ≅ ≅ ≅ (pratā)pavān|
hariś(ū)reti vikhyātā jananī ca pativra(t)ā||5||
≈ ≅ ≅ ≅ samāsādya taptvā tapam anuttamam|
dattvā dānam dvijebhya(h) [sā] ≅ ≅ ≅ divaṃ gatā||6||
yena k(ū)pās taṭākāni maṇḍapāś ca mano(harāḥ)|
≈ ≅ ≅ ≅ ~ vṛddhyarthaṃ grāmeṣu nagareṣu ca||7||
tenedaṃ nagarābhyā(se) [mātuḥ puṇyābhi]vṛddhaye|
khāni<:tas:>: sa(rvasattvānāṃ) sukhape(yo ja)lā[śayah]||8||
[ ] prada [ ] teva mātāpitro [ ]

1–8 Śloka

1a **jitaṃ bhagavatā tena**] conj. Sircar • 1b °madratha°] em. Sircar : °maratha° ins. 1c viṣṇunā **cakrapāṇinā**] conj. Sircar • 2a **saṃkhye**] em. Sircar : saṃkkhe ins. • 2b **puraṃ daśāhvayam**] conj. Sadhu Ram : **puraṃ daśādikam** conj. Sircar, puradaśā~ ≅ ins. • 2c **praśāsati**] conj. Sircar (his alternative suggestion, pālayati is unmetrical) • 3a **māna**°] em. : mānavagotrasya conj. Sircar • 3b °vardhanaḥ] em. Sircar : °vardhaṇaḥ ins. • 3c °vardhana°] em. Sircar : °vardhaṇa° ins. • 3d °putro**] em. Sircar; **narādhipaḥ**] conj. Sircar • 4a °tanū°] conj. Sircar (suggesting tasyānena tanūjena) • 5a **śrīmān**] conj. Sircar • 6a ≅ ≅ ≅] ins. : vaidhavyañ ca or vārddhakyañ ca conj. Sircar • 6d **sā**] conj. Sircar • 7c ≅ ≅ ≅ ~] ins. : kāritāḥ puṇya° conj. Sircar • 8a **tenedaṃ**] ins. : tenāyaṃ conj. Sircar • 8b **mātuḥ puṇyābhi**°] conj. Sircar • 8c **khānitas**] em. Sircar : khānitaṃs ins. 8d **jalāśayaḥ**] conj. Sircar

[1]Victory has been obtained by that Lord, the Rider of Garutmat, ... of the universe, Viṣṇu, whose hand wields the discus!

[2]At the time that King Ādityavardhana, tiger among men, was ruling the beautiful town of Daśa[pura],¹ after having obtained a victory over the army of his enemies in battleii—[³]There was a king Yaśogupta, worthy son of Rāṣtravardhana, who increased ... of the Mānava family.

[4]... by [his] son, the illustrious *mahārāja Gauri* [5]— whose maternal grandfather was the illustrious and powerful ..., and whose pious mother was named **Hariśūrā**; [6]after the latter had

<footnote>i Daśapura is the modern city of Mandasor in western Malwa.</footnote>

<footnote>ii Sircar (1954, 129) observes: "The use of the seventh case-ending (*bhāve saptamī*) in verse 2 in lines 2–3 suggests that the author is going to describe an event that happened during the reign of a ruling king mentioned in it. The event in question, however, is referred to in a stanza in lines 9–10 about the end of the epigraph and the intervening stanzas deal with facts which relate to the ancestors of the person responsible for the said event and mostly happened before the reign of the ruler referred to in verse 2."</footnote>
obtained [widowhood?], had practised severe asceticism, and had made donations to the brah-
mins, she ... has gone to heaven!—

[7]by that [Gauri], [after he had constructed] wells, ponds, and beautiful pavilions to increase ..., in villages and towns [8], this tank here, whose waters bring happiness to all living beings when they drink it, has been excavated on the outskirts of the town in order to increase [the merit of his mother].

[...]

The stone slab containing this inscription was found in 1946 on the banks of the River Shivna at Mandasor after a heavy flood. It opens with a maṅgala verse dedicated to “the Rider of Garutmat,” i.e. Viṣṇu. This is followed by a reference to the reigning King Ādityavardhana in an locative absolute construction, who is said to rule the town of Daśapura after having slain his enemy in battle. The devotion to Viṣṇu expressed in the first verse naturally accrues to Ādityavardhana in the second. It is syntactically impossible to identify Ādityavardhana with *mahārāja* Gauri, whose pedigree follows in the verses 3 to 6.

King Gauri, who belongs to the family of the Mānavāyaṇis, is known from the *Choṭī Sādrī Inscription*, dated to the Mālava Era year 547 (491 CE), in which Gauri testifies to his devotion to the Goddess, without any reference to an overlord. ii Gauri is the son of Yaśogupta and Hariśūrā and grandson of Rāṣtravardhana. The *Choṭī Sādrī Inscription* informs us that his great-and great-great-grandfathers were Rājyavardhana and Puṇyasoma.

The purport of the inscription is to record the excavation by Gauri of a tank near Daśapura for
the merit of his mother Hariśūrā, who had just died.

The reason to include this inscription among the epigraphic Sanskrit sources related to the Hūṇas, is the featuring of King Ādityavardhana in it. Despite his name ending in °vardhana, an ending that is widespread within the dynasties of Daśapura of the fifth and sixth centuries (see Salomon 1989, 14ff), it is not possible to link this king positively to any of those lineages. The fact that he is said to rule Daśapura after a victory on the battlefield also points to a conqueror from outside the area.

Only one conqueror of western Malwa in the last decade of the fifth century is known from
history: the Alchon Toramāṇa (see Text X.034 below). There are some other reasons to connect
Ādityavardhana with Toramāṇa.

The first element of his name, Āditya, reminds us of Prakāśāditya, the title used by Toramāṇa
on the reverse of his gold dinars.iii The dedication to the “Rider of Garutmat” reminds us of the

<footnote>i Sircar (1954, 129) observes: “This abrupt introduction (in parenthesis as it were) of the king’s mother as the daughter of his maternal grandfather is due to the fact that the tank in question was apparently excavated for the merit of the queen mother who was then dead.”</footnote>

<footnote>ii Sircar (1954, 124–26).</footnote>

<footnote>iii Pankaj Tandon (2015, 2018) has restored conclusively the legend on the obverse of these coins: “The Lord of the Earth, Toramāṇa, having conquered the earth, wins heaven” (*avanipatitoramā(ṇo), vijitya vasudhāṁ divaṁ jayati*).</footnote>
Garuḍadhvaja on the same dinars. An identification of Ādityavardhana with Toramāṇa can therefore no longer be excluded.¹ If Ādityavardhana is not Toramāṇa himself, he might have been a figurehead installed by him.

The obvious interpretation of both inscriptions of Gauri in tandem is that, between the *Choṭī Sādrī Inscription* of 491 and the *Mandasor Inscription*, Daśapura had been conquered by Ādityavardhana, and as a result Gauri had lost his independence. This may explain why he stopped using the Mālava (Vikrama) Era and does not refer to his own devotion to the Goddess in the *Mandasor Fragmentary Inscription*.

## X.034. The Sanjeli charters

The text presented here is based on the editions by R. N. Mehta and A. M. Thakkar (1978; below: M & Th) and K. V. Ramesh 1986 (1986; below: R), with readings checked from new photos by Dániel Balogh. The translation is by Bakker.

### X.034/A. Charter 1, Year 3

[1][saṃvat]sa[re] 3 śrāva śu di 2,
paramabhaṭṭārakamahārājādhirājaśrī[toramāṇe prthivīm anuśāsati, tatprasādād viṣayapati[2][mahā](rā)jabhūtasya śivabhāga(:<p>:ure bhujyamānake, vadrapālyāḥ pūrvasyāṃ diśi etadrājamāt(<:ur>: vīrāḍhyikākārita[3](ka)devajayasvāmipādānāṃ balicarusattradhūpagandhapuṣpadīpatailakhaṇḍasphuṭitapratisaṃskāraṇ(:<o>:payogyam, [4]ātmanaḥ puṇyābhivṛddhaye, caturdiśābhyāgatakavaideśyavāṇijakāḥ vastavyāḥ poṭṭalikāputrāś ca lekhayanti|

[5]yatra guḍalavaṇakarpāsabhāṇḍabharakeṣu, ācandrārkārṇavakṣitisthitisamakāl(ī)yaṃ, daśaviṃśopa[6]kīnakaḥ|

[...]

[10]evaṃ cāsya pramāṇaṃ vāṇijakāḥ svahastena lekhayanti[11]
dā(<:ś>:apuravāstavya gomikavematta| māthurasaṃnihi[11]tamāthurikavāstavya senavarmā| kanyaku(<:bj>:āka pitṛyaśa cirāyuṣa| aujjenaka ..śū ra)bhaśśama| varuṇodarīvāstavya poṭṭa[12]likāputra droṇa somabhakkala| mahiṣahradaka bhannitya dhruvabhakṣaṇa agniśarma|

[...]

<footnote>i On this issue see the discussion in Salomon (1989, 21), who tends to identify Gauri and Ādityavardhana; Sircar (1954, 130ff) and Balogh (2019, section A8).</footnote>

<footnote>ii Ramesh treats the entire following list as a compound, but the nouns were probably intended as separate nominatives in spite of their lack of a case ending (Balogh).</footnote>
[15]atraiva cākṣayaṇīhetoḥ vāṇija[16]ka ṣaṣṭhi grhavastu ceti||

1 *saṃvatsare*] conj. M & Th, R • 2 °mahārāja°] conj. M & Th, R; °bhāgapure] em. M & Th, R:
°bhāgamure ins.; °mātur] em. R : °mātu° M & Th • 3 °kadeva°] R : °svadeva° M & Th; °kāraṇopa°] em.
M & Th, R : °kāraṇāpa° ins. • 10 *dā(ś)apura*°] em. Bakker : dāgapura° ins. • 11 *kanyakubjāka*] em. R :
kanyakuldāka ins., *kanyakulyāka* M & Th; °ka ..śūra°] Balogh, Bakker : °kaṃgghuśūra° R, °kaṃ gḍhuśūe°
M & Th • 12 *bhannitya*] ins. : vāṇija conj. Bakker • 16 °ka ṣaṣṭhi grhavastu ceti] ins. : °kaṣaṣṭhigṛhe vastu
* ceti* conj. Bakker, °kaṣaṣṭhigṛhavāstu ceti conj. R, °ka ṣaṣṭhi grhavastuveti conj. M & Th

In the third year of the reign of the supreme lord *mahārājādhirāja*, the illustrious Toramāṇa,
thanks to whose grace **Śivabhāgapura** is ruled by *mahārāja Bhūta* as district governor—

In order to provide for the renewing of that which is broken and torn, and the services of food
[bali], boiled rice [caru], charity [sattra], incense, perfumes, flowers, lamps and oil for the sake
of the revered god Jayasvāmin, who has been installed by Vīrāḍhyikā, the mother of this king
[Bhūta], to the east of **Vadrapāli**—and for the increase of their own merit—foreign merchants
residing [here], coming from all quarters of the world, as well as travelling traders confirm in
writing:

[That] here a tenfold ‘twentieth’ [viṃśopakīnaka] [is levied] on loads of merchandise [bhāṇḍa],
cotton, salt and molasses—for as long as moon, sun, ocean and earth exist.

[Here follows a specification of the ten imposts.]

The merchants have ratified this ordinance accordingly also with their own signatures:

Gomika Vematta'i from **Daśapura**,

Senavarman living in Māthurika near **Mathurā**,

Cirāyuṣa Pitryaśas from **Kanyakubja**,

..śūra Bhaśśama from **Ujjayinī**,

the travelling traders [poṭṭalikāputra] Droṇa and Somabhakkala [Somabhakṣaka] living at
**Varuṇodarī** [the shore of the ocean?],

the merchants [vāṇija] Dhruvabhakṣaṇa and Agniśarman from **Mahiṣahrada** [Māhiṣmatī?].

[Here follows a long list of proper names and toponyms that are unknown.]

[Laid down in writing] here in this [charter], as well as ratified in the house of the merchant
Ṣaṣṭhi[datta] for permanent agreement.ii

<footnote>i The weaver, vemaka?</footnote>

<footnote>ii Or perhaps rather: “And a house and estate of the merchant Ṣaṣṭhi is to serve as a permanent endowment for this very purpose.” Cf. the summary of the omitted section of Text X.034/B below. (Balogh).</footnote>
[1] svasti | śivabhāgapurāt paramabhaṭṭārakapādānudhyāto mahārājamatṛdāsas tatputra mahārājabhūtas tatputra mahārājamatṛdāsaḥ [2] kusalī sarvān eva svān āyuktakān adhikaraṇaṃ ca samājñāpayati |

astu vo viditaṃ yathā mayā vadrapalyāṃ pūrvasyāṃ diśi
rājñi [3] pitāmahikāyikāpādakārāpitakadevakulasvāminārāya (:<ṇa>: devapādānāṃ
saṃgamapallikāgr(:<ā>:maḥ, pitāmahikāyikāpādānāṃ [4] puṇyāpyāyanārtham,
ācandrārkārṇavasthitikṣītisamakāl(>:īṇo>: gandhapuṣpadhūpadīpatailabalicarusattropayojyaḥ
khaṇḍa [5] sphuṭitapratisaṃskāraṇārthaṃ cātisṛṣṭa [ḥ] |

[...]

[6] saṃvatsare 10 9 caitra śuddha di 5 ||

[...]

2 rājñi°]] ins. : rājñī° em. R, M & Th (silently) • 3 °pādakārāpitaka°]] ins. : °pādakārārpitaka° conj.
Bakker; °nārāyaṇa°]] em. R, M & Th (silently) : °nārāyaṇe ins.; °grāmaḥ]] em. R, M & Th (silently) :
°gramaḥ ins. • 4 °kālīno]] em. : °kāliṇa ins., °kālīṇa conj. M & Th, °kālīṇaḥ conj. R • °ṣṛṣṭaḥ]] em. : °ṣṛṣṭa
ins.

Hail! From Śivabhāgapura,i mahārāja Māṭṛdāsa [II], son of mahārāja Bhūta, grandson of mahārāja Māṭṛdāsa [I], who is in good health, who has been authorized by the revered supreme lord, issues a command to the administration and all his officials:

Let it be known to you that by me, to magnify the merit of the august state [kāyikāpāda] of [my] grandmother,ii the village Saṃgamapallikā has been handed over to the revered god Svāmin Nārāyaṇa, whose temple, at the east side of Vadrapāli, has been consigned [arpita] to the service [kāra] of the august state of the queen grandmother, in order to provide for services of perfumes, flowers, incense, lamps, oil, food [bali], boiled rice [caru] and charity [sattra], and for the renewing of that which is broken and torn, for as long as the moon, sun, ocean and earth remain.

[The inscription continues with warnings not to interfere with the servants of the god.]

In the Year 19, on the 5th of the bright half of the month of Caitra.

[The inscription concludes with some imprecatory verses, and a statement concerning the (tax) conditions of the land donation.]

The three Sanjeli copper plate charters, found in 1974 in a field on the outskirts of the town of Sanjeli, centre on a complex of temples at the east side of the town of Vadrapāli. The oldest one, the Jayasvāmin Temple, was founded by Queen Vīrāḍhyikā, probably during the reign of her husband, King Māṭṛdāsa I. The first charter of a group of merchants endowed this Viṣṇu temple

<footnote>i This may be the district or an eponymous town.</footnote>

<footnote>ii This is *mahārāja Bhūta*'s mother Vīrāḍhyikā.</footnote>
with the twentieth part of the taxes imposed on merchandise passing the city during the reign of
Vīrāḍhyikā’s son, Bhūta.

In the second charter, king Bhūta endowed this temple, referred to as the “Sanctuary of the Revered Lord” (bhagavatpādāyatana), with the income from two villages, during the lifetime of his mother, the founder of this temple. This charter mentions also some other shrines in the vicinity of the main temple, which are said to have been built by Bhūtila: two Āditya (= Sūrya?) shrines and a mātṛgṛha (a shrine dedicated to the Mothers?).

The third Copper plate of Year 19, records an endowment made by Bhūta's son, King Mātrdāsa II, to the Svāmin Nārāyaṇa Temple, which seems to have been a memorial temple of his grandmother Vīrāḍhyikā, which had been built to increase her merit after her death.

There are two major issues connected to these three charters.

1) The first charter is dated in the year 3 of the reign of *mahārājādhirāja* Toramāṇa, thus testifying to the conquest of Rajasthan and Gujarat by the Alchon king in the first years of his monarchy. King Bhūta is a governor installed by him in the district of Śivabhāgapura.

The second and third charters are dated in years 6 and 9, while the supreme ruler of those years is only referred to as *paramabhaṭṭāraka*. Mehta & Thakkar and Ramesh have little doubt that these years refer also to the reign of Toramāṇa, and this seems to fit the chronology of this king who is recorded to have been beaten by Prakāśadharman of Daśapura in 515 (below, p. 341). So the reign of Toramāṇa spanned at least 19 years, from c. 495 to 515. Soon after 515 he was succeeded by his son Mihirakula. No other *paramabhaṭṭāraka* ruling Rajasthan and Gujarat during this period is known. Therefore Toramāṇa is the most likely candidate. Why he is not mentioned by name in the last two charters is everybody's guess. But note that also the *bhagavatpāda* temple mentioned in the second charter is not called by name. A possible explanation could be that these three charters have belonged together from the beginning and no need was felt to repeat what was known at the time.

2) The location of Śivabhāgapura and Vadrapāli are uncertain. Mehta & Thakkar think that the southern border of the district of Śivabhāgapura was the River Orsang, which runs along Saṅkheda before it joins the River Hiran. The northern border is unclear. Ramesh identifies Śivabhāgapura with Shivarajpur, 26 km north of Sankheda.

Ramesh observes that “Vadrapālī has been wrongly identified by Mehta and Thakkar with Varuṇḍa lying 8 kms to the west of Sanjeli. The place should be properly identified with modern Vaḍphalī in the north-western extremes of West Khandesh, about 50 kms to the south-east of Saṅkheda” (Ramesh 1986, 180). We think that both identifications are wrong and that it is most likely that Vadrapāli is Sanjeli, the findspot of the copper plates.

From an historical point of view the first Sanjeli charter is the most informative. It testifies to
the important role of the town of Vadrapāli/Sanjeli in the trade along the route that ran from

<footnote n="1">¹ Ramesh 1986, 182 thinks this is a temple different from the Jayasvāmin Temple mentioned in the first charter.</footnote>
Mathurā to the Arabian Sea. Sanjeli’s unique physical geography, being set within a series of
natural fortifications in the form of low, rocky mountains, made it a strategic caravanserai on
the road to the coast. Toramāṇa succeeded in installing a governor in Vadrapāli—a thousand
kilometres south of his homeland in the Punjab—which testifies to his strategic and organisa-
tional talents. The places of origin of the “foreign” merchants who signed the charter give an
impression of the extent of Toramāṇa’s realm: from Kanyakubja in the Ganges Plain to Ujjayinī
and the coast (Varuṇodarī) in the south-west.

X.035. Eran pillar inscription of Goparāja

The text presented here is based on the editions by Fleet in CII III (1888, 91–93) and Sircar in SI I
(1965, 345–46). The translation is by Fleet (ibid.).

[1]om| saṃvatsaraśate ekanavatyuttare śrāvaṇabahulapakṣasa(pta)my(āṃ) | [2]saṃvat 100 90 1
śrāvaṇa ba di 7||

≈ (lakṣa)vaṃśād utpanno ≈ rājeti viśrutah|

tasya putro 'tivikrānto nāmnā rājātha mādhavaḥ || 1 ||

goparāja(ḥ) sutas tasya śrīmān vikhyātapauruṣaḥ|

śarabharājadauhitraḥ svavaṃśatilako ('dhunā) || 2 ||

śrībhānugupto jagati pravīro, rājā mahān pārthasamo 'tiśūraḥ|

tenātha sārdhaṃ tv iha gopar(ājo), mitrānu(gatyena) kilānuyātaḥ || 3 ||

kṛtvā [ca] (yu)ddhaṃ sumahatprak(ā)śaṃ, svargaṃ gato divyana(rendrakalpaḥ)|

bhaktānuraktā ca priyā ca kāntā, bh(āryāva)la(gn)ānugatā(gni)r(ā)śim || 4 ||

1–2 Śloka • 3–4 Indravajrā

1 *om*]] Fleet : *siddham* expressed by symbol • 1a *lakṣa*°]] Fleet : ≈ *kla*° Sircar 1b ≈ *rāje*°]] Fleet : Sircar
notes : "The two letters containing the name cannot be read. There are possibly traces of a subscript *r* sign
which may suggest that the name was something like Dhruvarāja, or Goparāja?" • 2d'*dhunā*]] conj. Sircar :
*dhunā* Fleet 3d *mitrānugatyena*]] Sircar : *mitrānuvatyāra* Fleet (uncertain) • 4a *ca*]] inserts Fleet, Sircar

In a century of years, increased by ninety-one; on the seventh lunar day of the dark fortnight of
[the month] Śrāvaṇa; the dark fortnight; the day 7: —

[1] [There was] a king, renowned under the name of ...rāja, sprung from the ... lineage; and his
son [was] that very valorous king [who was known] by the name [of] Mādhava. [2] His son was
the illustrious **Goparāja**, renowned for manliness; the daughter’s son of the Śarabha king; who
is [even] now(?) the ornament of his lineage. [3] There is the glorious **Bhānugupta**, the bravest
man on earth, a mighty king, equal to Pārtha [i.e. Arjuna], exceedingly heroic; and Goparāja,
following [his] friend, came here along with him. [4] And having fought a very famous battle, he

<footnote>i The translation follows Sircar’s reading.</footnote>
[i.e. Goparāja], who was equal to the celestial king [i.e. Indra],<fnref n="1" /> [died and] went to heaven; and
[his] devoted, attached, beloved, and beauteous wife, in close companionship, accompanied
[him] onto the funeral pyre.

The historical importance of this inscription ensues from the great battle that is mentioned to
have taken place in Eran in the Gupta Year 191, 510 CE. Neither Goparāja nor Bhānugupta are
known from any other sources and the relationship of Bhānugupta with the family of the impe-
rial Guptas, if any, is not clear. He is, though a great hero, without royal titles and may have
belonged to the local elite of Vidiśā, the once western capital of the empire. Gopa-rāja may, as
suggested by Dániel Balogh, be the king of Gopa-giri, i.e. Gwalior, where Toramāṇa's son
Mihirakula had a garrison stationed (see Text X.037).

This inscription seems to testify to the definite end of the Gupta empire. It is found on a memo-
rial stone, converted into a liṅga, on the south bank of the Bina River, marking the spot where
the cremation of Goparāja has taken place, c. 1100 m east-south-east of the Varāha image. The
fate of Bhānugupta is unknown, but the odds are that he too fell in this battle. Goparāja's wife
committed suttee (satī).

The *Eran Stone Boar Inscription* (Text X.032) testifies to the first battle of Eran (Airikiṇa); it
took place in the last years of the fifth century. This battle resulted in a consolidation of the rule
of Toramāṇa. Māṭrviṣṇu lost his life, but his younger brother accepted the new regime (see the
commentary to that text). This second battle shows that not all resistance against the Alchon
conqueror had been quelled. It has generally been accepted, though the enemy is not mentioned
by name, that it was again Toramāṇa who hammered the final nail in the coffin of the Gupta
Empire.

## X.036. Rīsthal inscription of Prakāśadharman

The text presented here is based on the edition by Richard Salomon (1989). The translation is by
Salomon, except verses 16–18, 24 and 28, which have been re-translated by Bakker.

[...]

kṣitipatitilaka(sya) tasya b(ā)hu-
draviṇanipītasamagraśatrudīptiḥ|
sucaritaghaṭitaprakāśadharmā,
nṛpatilalāma sutaḥ **prakāśadharmā**॥13॥
amalinayaśasāṃ prabhāvadhāmnāṃ,
sakalajaganmahanīyapauruṣāṇāṃ|
avitathajanatānurāgabhā(j)āṃ,
sthitipadavīm anuyāti yo gurūṇām॥14॥

<footnote n="1">¹ Fleet: “[who was little short of being equal to] the celestial [king (Indra)].”</footnote>
yah svānvayakramaparamparayopayātām,
āropitāṁ guṇarasā(p)ahṛtena pitrā|
lokopakāravidhaye na sukhodayāya,
rājaśriyaṁ śu(bhapha)lodayinīm bibharti||15||

ā toramāṇanṛpater nṛpamauliratna-
jyotsnāpratānaśabalīkṛtapādapīṭhāt|
**hūṇādhipasya** bhuvi yena gataḥ pratiṣṭhām,
nīto yudhā vitathatām adhirājaśabdah||16||

saṃgrāmamūrdhani vipāṭhanipātitānāṃ,
tasyaiva yena madavārimucāṃ gajānām|
āy(ām)idantaghaṭitāni taponidhi(bhyo),
bhadrāsanāni rucimanti niveditāni||17||

tasyaiva c(ā)havamukhe tarasā jitasya,
yenāvarodhanavarapramadāḥ pramathya|
lokaprakāśabhujavikramacihnahetor,
viśrāṇitā bhagavate vrṣabhadhvajāya||18||

rājñe pitāmahavibhīṣaṇavardhanāya,
ślāghyānubhāvagurupuṇyaphalaṃ nivedya|
vistāri bindusarasaḥ pratibimbabhūtam,
etad vibhīṣaṇasaras samakhāni tena||19||

etac ca nṛttarabhasaskhalitendulekhā-
vāntāṃśuvicchuritamecakakaṇṭhabhāsaḥ|
sthāṇos samagrabhuvanatrayasṛṣṭihetoh,
prāleyaśailataṭa(ka)lpam akāri sadma||20||

sadvyabdasaptatisamāsamudāyavatsu,
pūrṇeṣu pañcasu śateṣu vivatsarāṇām|
grīṣme 'rkatāpamṛditapramadāsanātha-
dhārāgṛhodaravijṛmbhitapuṣpaketau||21||

**lakṣma bhāratavarṣasya** nideśāt tasya bhūkṣitah|
akārayad daśapure prakāśesvarasadma yaḥ||22||

tasyaiva ca purasyāntar brahmaṇaś cāru mandiram|
unmāpayad iva vyoma śikharair ghanarodhibhiḥ||23||

āśrayāya yatīnām ca sāṅkhyayogābhiyog(in)ām|
vyadhatta kṛṣṇāvasathaṁ bujjukāvasathaṁ ca yaḥ||24||

sabhākūpamaṭhārāmān sadmāni ca divaukasām|
yo 'nyāṃs cānyāyavimukho deyadharmān acīkarat||25||
tenaiva nṛpates tasya pūrvajāmātyasūnunā|
rājasthanīyaḥbhedāvadṛṣeṇādoṣaṇḍinā||26||
etaj jalanidhihrepi viśālam khānitam sarah|
idaṃ ca jaladollekhi śūlinas sadma kāritam||27||
kisalayaparivartī vīrudhāṃ vāti yāvat,
surabhikusumagandhāmodavāhī nabha(svān)|
sara i(da)m abhirāmaṃ sadma śambhoś ca tāvad,
vihataduritamārge kīrtivistāriṇī stām||28||
iti tuṣṭūṣayā tasya nṛpateḥ puṇyakarmaṇaḥ|
vāsulenoparacitā pūrveyaṃ kakkasūnunā||29||

13–14 Puṣpitāgrā • 15–21 Vasantatilaka • 22–27 Śloka • 28 Mālinī • 29 Śloka

13d °lalāma] ins. : °lālama Salomon (unmetrical) (typo) • 28d °vistāriṇī] ins. : °vistariṇī Salomon (unmetrical) (typo?) • 29a tuṣṭūṣayā] ins. : tuṣṭūṣayā Salomon (typo) • 29d pūrveyaṃ] Bakker : pūrvveyaṃ ins., purvveyaṃ Salomon (typo)

[The inscription begins with an invocation to Pinākin [Śiva], followed by praise of the ruling king Prakāśadharman. In verses 3 to 12 the lineage of the Later Aulikara kings is given from Drapavardhana to Prakāśadharman.]

[13] The son of that most eminent king [Rājyavardhana] is **Prakāśadharman**, a crest of kings, who by the power of his arms seized away all of his enemies' fame, and created with his great deeds a quality of glory [prakāśadharmā]. [14] He equals the level of stature of his elders, who were of stainless glory, abodes of power whose manly valour was celebrated throughout the world, and who enjoyed the sincere love of the populace. [15] He bears the royal glory, which brings auspicious results, in order to benefit the world and not to increase [his own] pleasure. This [royal glory] came to him in due course according to the order of his lineage, bestowed upon him by his father who was captivated by the sweetness of his virtues.

[16] By whom the title ‘Overlord’ [adhirāja] of the **Hūṇa** commander [adhipa] was nullified in battle, [though it] had been firmly established on earth by the time of king **Toramāṇa**, whose footstool had glittered with the sparkling jewels in the crowns of kings [that had bowed at his feet] [17],i by whom auspicious seats were offered to the ascetics, splendid ones, made of the long

<footnote>i Salomon (1989, 10) remarks about this verse: "The verse is [...] not entirely free of ambiguities, and other plausible interpretations could be offered. In particular, the singular form of *hūṇādhipasya*, which cannot be in apposition with *ā toramāṇanr pater* (ablative), is disturbing." Salomon refers to the interpretation of this verse as presented by Ramesh and Tewari (1983, 97), who (wrongly) claim that *ā toramāṇanr pater* literally means 'from Toramāṇa onwards.' Cf. Speijer (1886, 168): "ā always agrees with the ablative, and is put before its noun. It serves to denote the boundary or limit, either the terminus *a quo* or the terminus *ad quem*, mostly the latter." I do not see the case disagreement of *hūṇādhipasya* and *ā toramāṇanr pater* as disturbing, because, while the latter refers to one historical individual, viz. King Toramāṇa, the former refers to the Hūṇa ruler in general, Toramāṇa as well as other Hūṇa commanders (*adhipa*) before him who may have claimed to be *adhirāja*. That claim was nullified.</footnote>
tusks of that same [commander's] elephants, whose rut was dripping [from their temples] while they were being shot down by [his] arrows at the battle front [18], and by whom were carried off a choice of ladies of the harem of that same [commander],<sup>i</sup> whom he had defeated by his vigour in the thick of battle, after which he offered them to Lord Vṛṣabhadhvaja [Śiva] to mark the strength of the arms of the 'Light of the World' [Lokaprakāśa, i.e. Prakāśadharman].

[19]That [King Prakāśadharman][had] constructed this broad **Vibhīṣaṇa Lake**, which is a mirror image of the Bindu Lake, dedicating to his grandfather, King **Vibhīṣaṇavardhana**, its great meritorious fruit of excellent dignity [20], and he also built this temple, which resembles the slopes of the snowy mountains [the Himālayas], of Sthāṇu [Śiva], the source of the creation of the entire three worlds, whose dark throat shines with the mingling of the rays poured forth by the crescent moon that has slipped down [from his head] in the violence of his dance.ii

[21]When five hundred years, to which is added seventy years plus two more, had passed [i.e. in the year 572 of the Mālava or Vikrama Era, corresponding to 515 CE], in the summer when Puṣpaketu [Kāma] was blooming within the fountain rooms that were peopled by young women who were overcome by the heat of the sun, [22]he [Bhagavaddoṣa] had constructed in **Daśapura** the **Prakāśeśvara Temple**, the ornament of **Bhāratavarṣa** [India], at the command of that King [Prakāśadharman], [23]and, within that same city, a beautiful house of Brahman, measuring out, so it seemed, the sky with its spires that block the clouds.iii

[24]And to accommodate ascetics who are engaged in Sāṃkhya and Yoga he [Bhagavaddoṣa] set up the Kṛṣṇa and Bujjuka Institutesiv; [25] being averse to wrongdoing, he [also] had built assembly halls, wells, monasteries and gardens, as well as temples to [various] gods and other pious gift—[26]it was by this Viceroy [rājasthānīya] **Bhagavaddoṣa**, who was attached to virtue [adoṣa], the son of the minister [amātya] of the senior [i.e. father] of that king [Prakāśadharman] v, [27] that this broad lake which puts to shame the ocean was excavated,vi and that this temple of Śūlin [Śiva] which scrapes the clouds was caused to be constructed.vii

<footnote>i tasyaiva refers to Toramāṇa (as in the preceding verse). As was customary, the Hūṇa king brought (some of) his wives with him in the army train. Prakāśadharman claims that he seized that train and the ladies in it were offered to Śiva, that is to say, they were handed over to his temple to work as devadāsīs.</footnote>

<footnote>ii This must be the temple which, like the Vibhīṣaṇa tank, was actually built by the rājasthānīya in the king's name, as becomes clear from verses 26–27.</footnote>

<footnote>iii It is not entirely clear what is meant by brahmaṇaś cāru mandiram. Temples dedicated to the creator god Brahmā are rare. cāru as a qualification of a temple is also not usual. At least it must have been a tall building. Maybe this brahma-mandira was a sort of mansion (mandira) of brahmins.</footnote>

<footnote>iv Salomon translates: “He built a shrine to Kṛṣṇa and one to Bujjuka as a refuge for ascetics...” I don’t think that we are here concerned with shrines, but rather with schools or colleges (avasatha), in which of course there may have been shrines of the deities mentioned (cf. Willis 2009, 105f.). Bujjuka is unknown, however. Possibly these colleges were named after a famous ascetic in the tradition of the yatis.</footnote>

<footnote>v This refers to Prakāśadharman’s father Rājyavardhana and his minister Ravikīrti (father of Bhagavaddoṣa), who was married to Bhānuguptā, possibly the sister of the hero Bhānugupta who fought Toramāṇa in Eran in 510 (see above, p. 339).</footnote>

<footnote>vi This is the Vibhīṣaṇa Tank (saras) (see verse 19).</footnote>

<footnote>vii This is the Śiva temple said to have been founded by Prakāśadharman in verse 20.</footnote>
[28] May [both monuments], the Temple of Śambhu and this beautiful [Vibhīṣaṇa] Tank [saras], continue to block the path of evil and spread the glory, as long as the wind blows, twirling the leaves of the vines and wafting the scents of fragrant flowers.

[29] The preceding [eulogy] was composed by Vāsula, son of Kakka,¹ with the desire thus to praise that King of virtuous acts.

For the history of the Alchon invasions into India the present inscription is of capital importance, marking a turning point in the Hunnic wars at 515 CE. If the facts reported in it reflect the historic truth, Toramāṇa was badly beaten and forced to retreat to his home country in West Punjab. He must have been an old man, having ruled as monarch for at least 20 years.

To celebrate his victory and regained independence, Prakāśadharman of Daśapura had a Śiva temple and (adjacent?) tank constructed. Balogh (2019, section A9) argues convincingly that this temple and tank are to be looked for near the findspot of the inscription in the village of Rīsthal. The Prakāśeśvara Temple was founded in Daśapura itself, probably in what is now the fort area in the present city of Mandasor, where a large image of Śiva Śūlapāṇi was discovered.

The inscription also provides information about the power relations in the Daśapura kingdom, as it assigns the executive power to Bhagavaddoṣa, who is known from the *Mandasor Stone Inscription* (Text X.038) to be a member of the family of merchants (Naigama), who acted as *rājasthānīyas* or viceroys of the Later Aulikara dynasty for three generations.

For a detailed analysis of the contents of this inscription see Salomon (1989) and Balogh (2019, section A9).

## X.037. Gwalior stone inscription of Mihirakula

The text presented here is based on the editions by Fleet in *CII III* (1888, 161–64) and Sircar in *SI I* (1965, 424–26), with readings checked from old photos by Dániel Balogh. The translation is by Bakker.

[ja](ya)ti jaladavāladhvāntam utsārayan svaiḥ,
kiraṇanivahajālair vyoma vidyotayadbhiḥ|
u[daya](giri)taṭāgra(m) maṇḍayan yas tura(m)gaiḥ,
cakitagamanakhedabhrāntacaṃcatsaṭāntaiḥ||1||
udayag(iri)~ – – grastacakro 'rtihartā,
bhuvanabhavanadīpaḥ śarvarīnāśahetuḥ|
tapitakanakavarṇair aṃśubhiḥ paṅkajān(ā)m,
abhinavaramaṇīyaṃ yo vidhatte sa vo 'vyāt||2||

<footnote>i The same Vāsula, son of Kakka, composed the *Sondhni Pillar Inscription* of Prakāśadharman’s successor, king Yaśodharman, about 20 years later (see Text X.039). He therefore must have been a young man when he worked on the present inscription.</footnote>
śrītora(māņa) i)ti yaḥ, prathito [bhūcakra]paḥ prabhūtaguṇaḥ|
satyapradānaśauryād, yena mahī nyāyata[ḥ] śāstā||3||

tasyoditakulakīrteḥ, putro 'tulavikramaḥ patiḥ pṛthvyāḥ|
mihirakuleti khyāto, 'bhaṅgo yaḥ paśupatim (a)[vanataḥ]||4||

(tasmin rā)jani śāsati, pṛthvīṃ pṛthuvimalalocane 'rtihare|
abhivardhamānarājye pañcadaśābde nṛpavṛṣasya||5||

śaśiraśmihāsavikasitakumudotpalagandhaśītalāmode|
kārttikamāse prā<:(pte:), gagana[patau](ni)rmale bhāti||6||

dvijagaṇamukhyair abhisamṛstute ca puṇyāhanādaghoṣeṇa|
tithinakṣatramuhūrte, saṃprāpte supraśastadine||7||

māṭṛtulasya tu pautraḥ, putraś ca tathaiva māṭṛdāsasya|
nāmnā ca māṭṛceṭaḥ, parva[tadurg](ānu)vāstavyaḥ||8||

nānādhātuvicitre gopāhvayanāmni bhūdhare ramye|
kāritavān śailamayaṃ bhānoḥ prāsādavaramukhyam||9||

puṇyābhivṛddhihetor, mātāpitros tathātmanaś caiva|
vasatā[ṃ] ca girivare 'smi[n], rājñah ~ ~ ~ (sā)dena||10||

ye kārayanti bhānoś, candrāṁśusamaprabhaṁ gṛhaprava<:(ram:)|
teṣāṁ vāsaḥ svarge, yāvat kalpakṣayo bhavati||11||

bhaktyā raver viracitaṃ, saddharmakhyāpanaṃ sukīrtima<:(yam:)|
nāmnā ca keśaveti, prathitena ca ~ ~ — tyena||12||

yāvac charvajaṭākalāpagahane vidyotate candramā,
divyastrīcaraṇair vibhūṣitataṭo yāvac ca merur nagaḥ|
yāvac corasi nīlanīradanibhe viṣṇur vibharty ujjvalāṃ,

śrīṃ tāvad girimūrdhni tiṣṭhati [śilāprā]sādamukhyo rame||13||

1–2 Mālinī • 3–12 Āryā • 13 Śārdūlavikrīḍita

1a **jayati**]] conj. Fleet, Sircar; **jaladavāla**°]] Fleet : jaladavelā° conj. Sircar, jaladakāla° conj. Bakker • 1c **udayagiri**°]] conj. Fleet, Sircar • 2a **giri**° — — **grasta**°]] Fleet : girivanāntagrasta° conj. Sircar • 3b **bhūcakra**°]] conj. Fleet, Sircar • 3c °**pradāna**°]] ins. : °pradhāna° conj. Fleet • 4d **paśupatim avanataḥ**]] conj. Bakker : paśupatim — Fleet, paśupatim arccayati conj. Sircar (unmetrical), paśupatim upanataḥ conj. Balogh 5a tasmin rājani]] conj. Fleet, Sircar • 6c prāpte]] em. Fleet, Sircar : prāpta ins. 8d parvatadurgānu°]] conj. Sircar (printing : parva[tadug*][ānu°] typo(?) (unmetrical)) : parva[ta] ... Fleet, parvatagopapura° or parvatagopāhva° conj. Balogh • 10c vasatāṃ]] conj. Fleet, Sircar; 'smin]] conj. Fleet, Sircar • 10d ~ sādena]] Sircar (Sircar conj. °prasādena) : ... pādena conj. Fleet • 11b °pravaram]] em. Sircar : °pravaram ins., Fleet • 12b kīrtimayam]] em. Sircar : kīrtimayam ins., Fleet • 12d — °tyena]] ins. : °dityena conj. Fleet, Sircar; number and quantity of missing syllables uncertain • 13d **śilāprāsāda**°]] conj. Sircar, Fleet
[1]He is victorious, the one who dispels the darkness of the clouds [of the rainy season] by the dense fabric of his rays that lightens the sky, and whose horses ornament the high slopes of the Sunrise Mountain, when their startling gait makes their tossing manes dishevel and fly, [2] who is the lamp in the edifice of the world causing the night to vanish, and who takes away the pain, when the wheels [of his chariot] swallow the ... of the Sunrise [Mountain?], and who restores a delightful freshness to the lotus flowers by the lustre of his beams which shine like refined gold—may that [Sun] favour you. i

[3]There was a ruler of the earth of great excellence, renowned by the name of the illustrious **Toramāṇa**, by whom the world was governed with justice thanks to his heroism, largesse and truthfulness—[4]that one, who had raised his family to fame, had a son of unequalled prowess, a lord of the earth whose name was **Mihirakula**, and who, [though] unbent, [was bending to] Paśupati. ii

[5]While that king with large, bright eyes ruled the earth, alleviating pain—in year 15 of the prospering reign of [this] bull among kings, iii [6]when the month of Kārttika had arrived with its cool fragrances of sweet-smelling lotuses and waterlilies burgeoning by the laughing [i.e. white] rays of the moon, and [this] lord of the sky was shining brightly, [7]when a very favourable solar-day had arrived, and the lunar-day, lunar-house and moment had been loudly declared auspicious by a most prominent group of brahmins—[8]the grandson of Māṭṛtula and son of Māṭrḍāsa, named **Māṭṛceṭa**, living in the Hill [Fort], iv [9]has built a most excellent stone temple of Bhānu [i.e. the Sun] on [this] beautiful mountain that is rich in minerals and is known by the name of **Gopa**, [10]for the sake of increasing the merit of his father and mother, as well as of himself, and of those who live on this excellent mountain due to the ... [grace] of the king. v

[11]Those who commission the building of an excellent house of Bhānu [Sun], brilliant like the [white] rays of the moon, they live in heaven till the end of the world-period.

[12][This] proclamation of the good law so full of glory has been done out of devotion to the Sun by the renowned ..., also known by the name of Keśava.

[13]As long as the moon shines in the thicket that is Śarva's [Śiva's] crown of matted hair, as long as the slopes of Mount Meru are adorned by the feet of celestial women, and as long as Viṣṇu's

<footnote>i In view of the historic Iranian background of the Alchon Huns it may not come as a big surprise that a Sun Temple was erected on the site which housed a garrison of Mihirakula's forces.</footnote>

<footnote>ii This is the first unambiguous profession of Śaivism by an Alchon king. Cf. Pfisterer (2013, 163): "Auf den Münzen Mihirakulas spiegelt sich deutlich seine auch inschriftlich und literarisch überlieferte Neigung zum Kult Śivas wieder."</footnote>

<footnote>iii Cf. the 'bull' symbolism on Mihirakula's coins: *jayatu vrṣadhvaja, jayatu vrṣa* (Pfisterer 2013, 163).</footnote>

<footnote>iv This translation is based on Sircar's conjecture in 8d: *parvatadurgānuvāstavyaḥ*. Gwalior Hill (Gopagiri) served as a fort for the troops of Mihirakula, who, it seems, are being remembered with a part of the merit of the benefaction in v. 10cd.</footnote>

<footnote>v Despite the fact that half of 10d is missing, I think that this hemistich refers to King Mihirakula's troops quartered in the hill fort. Among them there might have been Sun worshippers, given the contacts of the Alchons with the Iranian hinterland.</footnote>
breast, dark like a rain-cloud, bears the radiant Śrī, so long [this] most excellent temple of stone
will stand on top of [this] lovely hill.

The inscription yields valuable information about Mihirakula. It calls him the son of Toramāṇa,
whose last epigraphical attestation was the *Rīsthal Inscription* of 515 CE (Text X.036). The
present inscription belongs to Year 15 of Mihirakula’s reign and may thus date from c. 530.
Mihirakula’s titles are less exalted than those of his father, which evinces that the Alchons had
lost strength.

In the years between the *Rīsthal Inscription* and this *Gwalior Inscription* the Alchons recovered
from the blow dealt to them by Prakāśadharman and rallied round Toramāṇa’s son.

The findspot of the inscription in a Sun Temple in the fort on Gwalior Hill, in the inscription
referred to as Mount Gopa (i.e. Gopagiri), seems significant for tracing the history of the
Alchons under Mihirakula.<fnref n="1" /> The inscription testifies to people living on this hill due to the king
(v. 10), which may imply that the Alchon king had a garrison stationed on the hill, and Māṭrceṭa
probably belonged to it (v. 8). The fort of Gopagiri (Gwalior Hill) controlled the entrance to the
Betwā Valley, in which Toramāṇa fought at least two battles (Eran). It thus seems that
Mihirakula followed in the footsteps of his father in order to recover lost Indian territory.

Worship of the sun by members of the Alchon garrison does not come as a surprise, since some
of them may have had an Iranian (family) background. Significant is that the Alchon king had
embraced Śaivism and insisted that his devotion to Paśupati was officially declared in his rec-
ords. It meant a break with the religious affiliation of his father, of whom only Buddhist and
Vaiṣṇava documents are known.

## X.038. Mandasor stone inscription of Yaśodharman

The text presented here is based on the editions by Fleet in *CII III* (1888, 150–58) and Sircar in *SI I* (1965, 411–17). The translation is by Bakker (verses 5–11, 22–28) and Fleet (verses 18–21).

[...]

atha jayati janendraḥ śrīyaśodharmanāmā,
pramadavanam ivāntaḥ śatrusainyaṃ vigāhya|
vraṇakisalayabhaṅgair yo 'ṅgabhūṣāṃ vidhatte,
taruṇatarulatāvad vīrakīrtīr vināmya||5||
ājau jitī vijayate jagatīṃ punaś ca,
śrīviṣṇuwardhananarādhipatiḥ sa eva|
prakhyāta aulikara-lāñchana ātmavaṃśo,
yenoditoditapadaṃ gamito garīyah॥6॥

<footnote n="1">¹ Gopagiri is situated in the western part of Cedi (Bundelkhand), the western boundaries of which are formed by the Chambal and its tributary the Kalisindh river.</footnote>
prāco nṛpān subṛhataś ca bahūn udīcaḥ,
sāmnā yudhā ca vaśagān pravidhāya yena|
nāmāparaṃ jagati kāntam ado durāpaṃ,
rājādirājaparameśvara ity udūḍham||7||

snigdhaśyāmāmbudābhaiḥ sthagitadinakṛto yajvanām ājyadhūmair,
ambho meghyaṃ maghonāvadhiṣu vidadhatā gāḍhasampannasasyāḥ|
saṃharṣād vāṇinīnām kararabhasahrṭodyānacūtāṅkurāgrā,
rājanvanto ramante bhujavijitabhuvā bhūrayo yena deśāḥ||8||

yasyotketubhir unmadadvipakaravyāviddhalodhradrumair,
uddhūtena vanādhvani dhvaninadadvindhyādrirandhrair balaiḥ|
bāleyacchavidhū(sa)reṇa rajasā mandāṃśu saṃlakṣyate,
paryāvṛttaśikhaṇḍicandraka iva dhyāmaṃ raver maṇḍalam||9||

tasya prabhor vaṃśakṛtāṃ nṛpāṇāṃ
pādāśrayād viśrutapuṇyakīrtiḥ|
bhṛtyaḥ svanaibbhṛtyajitāriṣaṭka
āsīd vaśīyān kila ṣaṣṭhidattah||10||

himavata iva gāṅgas tuṅganamraḥ pravāhaḥ,
śaśabhṛta iva revāvārirāśiḥ prathīyān|
param abhigamanīyah śuddhimān anvavāyo,
yata uditagarimnas tāyate naigamānām||11||

[...]

praṇidhidṛganugantrā yasya bauddhena cākṣṇā,
na niśi tanu davīyo vāsty adṛṣṭaṃ dharitryām|
padam udayi dadhāno 'nantaram tasya cābhūt,
sa bhayam abhayadatto nāma vi(ghna)n prajānām||18||

vindhyasyāvandhyakarmā śikharataṭapatatpāṇḍurevāmburāśer,
golāṅgulaiḥ sahelaplutinamitataroḥ pāriyātrasya cādreḥ|
ā sindhor antarālaṃ nijaśucisacivādhyāsitānekadeśaṃ,
rājasthānīyavṛttyā suragurur iva yo varṇinām bhūtaye 'pāt||19||

vihitasakalavarṇāsaṃkaraṃ śāntaḍimbaṃ,
kṛta iva kṛtam etad yena rājyaṃ nirādhi|
sa dhuram ayam idānīm doṣakumbhasya sūnur,
guru vahati tadūḍhām dharmato dharmadoṣaḥ||20||

svasukham anabhivā(ñcha:)n durgame 'dhvany asaṅgām,
dhuram atigurubhārām yo dadhad bhartur arthe|
vahati nṛpativeṣaṃ kevalaṃ lakṣmamātraṃ,
valinam iva vilambaṃ kambalaṃ bāhuleyaḥ||21||
upahitahitarakṣāmaṇḍano (<:jā:>)tiratnair,
bhuja iva prthulāṃsas tasya **dakṣaḥ kanīyān**|
mahad idam udapānaṃ khānayāmāsa bibhrac,
chrutihṛdayanitāntānandi **nirdoṣanāma**||22||
sukhāśreyacchāyaṃ pariṇatihitasvāduphaladaṃ,
gajendreṇārugṇaṃ drumam iva kṛtāntena balinā|
pitṛvyam proddiśya priyam **abhayadattam** prthudhiyā,
prathīyas tenedaṃ kuśalam iha karmoparacitam||23||
pañcasu śateṣu śaradāṃ yāteṣv ekānnanavatisahiteṣu|
mālavagaṇasthitivaśāt kālajñānāya likhiteṣu||24||

[...]

nirmāpito 'yam||26||

[...]

dhīmān **dakṣo** dakṣiṇaḥ satyasamḍho
hrīmāñ chūro vrddhasevī kṛtajñah|
baddhotsāhaḥ svāmikāryeṣv akhedī
**nirdoṣo** 'yaṃ pātu dharmam cirāya||28||

utkīrṇā govindena||

5 Mālinī • 6–7 Vasantatilaka • 8 Sragdharā • 9 Śārdūlavikrīḍita • 10 Indravajrā • 11 Mālinī • 18 Mālinī • 19 Sragdharā • 20–22 Mālinī • 23 Śikhariṇī • 24 Āryā • 26 Mālinī • 27 Sragdharā • 28 Śālinī

9a °dhūsareṇa]] conj. Sircar : dhūmareṇa Fleet • 18d vighnan]] conj. Sircar : cinvan Fleet • 19b sahela°]]
Sircar : sahelaṃ Fleet • 19c °deśaṃ]] ins. : °deśāṃ Fleet (typo?) • 20c dhuram]] ins. : metri causa for
dhurām • 21a anabhi°]] Sircar : anati° Fleet; °vāñchan]] conj. Fleet, Sircar : °vācchan ins. • 21b dhuram]]
ins. : metri causa for dhurām • 22a jāti°]] ins., Fleet : jñāti° conj. Sircar • 22c khānayāmāsa]] Sircar :
khātayāmāsa Fleet (typo?) • 26a kampayan]] conj. Sircar : rāmayan Fleet 27a °samudayāsaṅga°]] conj.
Sircar : °samudayam saṅga° Fleet

[Verses 1 to 4 contain a prayer to Śiva and a request to preserve the well whose excavation is recorded in this inscription.]

[5] And victorious is the illustrious King **Yaśodharman**! When he plunges into the army of his foes as if it were a pleasure grove and bends down the fame of heroes as if they were delicate tendrils of a tree, he adorns his body with wounds that are like shattered shoots. [6] Furthermore, that same illustrious King **Viṣṇuwardhana**, who raises his renowned dynasty, whose mark is 'Aulikara,' to an ever higher state of dignity, wins the world, as he is a winner in war.
[^7]: After having subjugated by peaceful means and by force the eastern kings and the many, very powerful northern ones [respectively],[^1] he bore as his second name ‘Rājādhirāja Parameśvara,’ that [title] desirable, [but] difficult to obtain in the world.[^8] After he had conquered many countries on earth by [the power of] his arms, these [countries] enjoy the government of a just monarch: [in these countries] the sun is obscured by the smoke—black as thick rain clouds—of clarified butter offered [in the fire] by sacrificers; their crops are abundant thanks to Maghavan, who supplies [the land] within their borders with [sufficient] water in the form of clouds; and in [these countries] the fresh shoots of the mango trees in the parks are plucked eagerly by the hands of wanton women in excitement.[^9] At the time that his [i.e. Yaśodharman’s] forces marched through the jungle with their banners raised, and the infuriated elephants of the army tossed the *lodhra* trees about with their tusks, [producing] a noise that made the crevices of the **Vindhya Mountains** resound, then, by the dust—grey like the skin of an ass—that was thrown up by [his forces], the rays of the sun became dimmed and the orb seemed blotted out, as if it were the eye in a peacock’s tail reversed.[^iii]

[^10]: There once was a servant of the dynastic ancestors of that lord [Yaśodharman], **Ṣaṣṭhidatta**, whose self-control was very great indeed and who had conquered the six foes by his own resolution;[^iv] the glory of his virtuousness was wide-spread thanks to his respectful attachment to those kings.[^11] Like the water-mass of the Revā River flows forth from the moon,[^v] or that of the Gaṅgā from the Himavat, streaming downwards from the top and branching off, so descends the noble lineage of the **Naigamas** from him [i.e. **Ṣaṣṭhidatta**], from his lofty dignity, [a lineage] whose company is most sought-after.

[In verses 12 to 17 the lineage of the Naigamas (‘Merchants’) is given, who served during five generations as chief minister or viceroy (rājasthānīya) under the dynasty of the Later Aulikaras of Daśapura. See the commentary.]

<footnote>[^1]: It has been argued by Bakker (2014, 39ff) that the Aulikara king led what seems to have been a coalition of Indian kings against their common “northern enemy,” the Hūṇas. The “eastern kings,” to whom the inscription refers, the ones who were won over by “peaceful means,” most likely were the Maukharis of Kanauj (see the *Jaunpur Inscription* and the *Haraha Inscription* below, Texts X.040 and X.041).</footnote>

<footnote>[^2]: The verse conveys the orthodox Brahmanical view on the world: (1) If the king (*kṣatriya*) does his traditional duty of protecting the country and bringing peace, (2) the brahmins are able to fulfil their tasks and offer the required sacrifices (*dharma*), which (3) brings prosperity into the land in the form of abundant crops etc. (*artha*), and this again (4) enables the population to enjoy love (*kāma*).</footnote>

<footnote>[^3]: If there is any historic truth underlying this verse, it may refer to Yaśodharman’s campaign with his “Eastern” allies against the “Northern” enemies, the Hūṇas. As we know from the Gwalior inscription of Mihirakula, the Alchons kept a stronghold at the entrance of the Betwā valley (see p. 346 above, and Map 7 in Bakker 2020). The two powers, Aulikara and Maukhari, may have united somewhere in this valley. In order to come there Yaśodharman’s army had to cross the Vindhya Mountains (Bakker 2014, 52). In this valley, in all likelihood, a decisive battle was fought, which resulted in Yaśodharman’s victory and the consequent blessings to his country as described in the preceding verse (8).</footnote>

<footnote>[^4]: The “six foes” (*ariṣṭaḍvarga*) are according to the *Arthaśāstra* 1.6.1: *kāma, krodha, lobha, māna, mada, harṣa* (Kane 1930–62, III/52ff; Fleet 1888, 156 n. 5): “desire, wrath, covetousness, bewilderment, pride and envy”).</footnote>

<footnote>[^5]: *Raghuvaṃśa* 5.59 calls the Narmadā (=Revā) “Somodbhavā.” Vallabhadeva ad loc.: *narmadā somād āvirbhūtety āgamaḥ*.</footnote>
[18] And after him [i.e. Bhagavaddoṣa]i there came that [well known] Abhayadatta, maintaining a high position on earth, dispellingii the fear of [his] subjects—by whose eye of intellect, which served him like the eyes of a spy, no trifle, however remote, remained undetected, [even] at night—[19][Abhayadatta], of fruitful actions, who like [Brhaspati] the preceptor of the gods, to the advantage of those who belonged to the [four recognized] castes, with the functions of a Rājasthānīya protected the region, containing many countries presided over by native governors, [the region] which lies between the Vindhya [mountains], from the slopes of the summits of which there flows the pale mass of the waters of [the river] Revā, and the mountain Pāriyātra, on which the trees are bent down in [their] frolicsome leaps by the long-tailed monkeys, [a region that stretches] up to the [Western] Ocean [Sindhu].iii

[20] Now he, Dharmadoṣa, the son of Doṣakumbha,—by whom this kingdom has been made, as if [it were still] in the Kṛta-age, free from any intermixture of all the castes, [and peaceable through] having hostilities allayed, [and] undisturbed by care,—in accordance with justice proudly supports the burden [of government] that had [previously] been borne by him [i.e. Abhayadatta];— [21][Dharmadoṣa], who,—not being eager about his own comfort [and] independently bearing the very heavily weighted burden [of government] on the difficult path [of administration] for his lord’s sake—wears royal apparel only as mark of distinction [and not for his own pleasure], just as a bull carries a wrinkled pendulous dewlap.

[22] The broad-shouldered younger brother of that [Dharmadoṣa], ‘the dexterous one’/Dakṣa, who bears the name of Nirdoṣa/‘the faultless one,’ which is very pleasant to the ear and the heart—he who is as it were like the arm [of his elder brother], for he [too] wears a protective ornament studded by jewels, namely his relativesiv—he has excavated here this big well. [23] This very great and skilful work was accomplished by that broad-minded [Nirdoṣa] for his beloved paternal uncle Abhayadatta, who had been [struck down] by mighty Death, like a tree is pulled down by an elephant, [although] it [still] gives wholesome and sweet fruits when ripened and its shade is a pleasant place to be.

[24] After five-hundred plus eighty-nine autumns had elapsed, written according to the practice of the Mālava people by reason of calendar,v

[Verses 25–26 give a flowering description of the season in which the well was excavated.]

[26] this [well] was caused to be constructed.

<footnote>i Bhagavaddoṣa served as rājasthānīya under King Prakāśadharman, predecessor (and probably father) of Yaśodharman. He founded the Prakāśeśvara Temple in Daśapura (above, p. 342).</footnote>

<footnote>ii I follow Sircar’s conjecture; Fleet: “collecting (in order to dispel it) the fear of (his) subjects (?).”</footnote>

<footnote>iii Sircar (1965, 416 n. 1) comments: “Abhayadatta is claimed to have been ruling the land between the Vindhya and the Pāriyātra and stretching as far as the Arabian Sea, as viceroy of Yaśodharman surnamed Viṣṇuwardhana.” Regarding the Pāriyātra Mountains Sircar remarks (1965, 204 n. 1): “Pāriyātra = the Aravelly and Western Vindhyas.”</footnote>

<footnote>iv The bracelet that ornaments the arm (of his elder brother) serves as a protective amulet (rakṣā), being studded with jewels (ratnair); Nirdoṣa is compared to this arm since he too is enveloped by a “protective ornament,” namely the protection of his brother/kinsmen (jñāti).</footnote>

<footnote>v The Mālava Era coincides with the Vikrama Era. The year 589 corresponds to 532 CE.</footnote>
[...]

[28] May this Nirdoṣa protect the law [dharma] for a long time to come, ['the faultless one'] who is wise and dexterous/Dakṣa, able, attached to the truth, modest, heroic, respectful towards his elders, grateful, whose strength is solid, and who is never tired of services to his master. i

[This inscription] has been engraved by Govinda.

The stone-tablet in which the present lengthy inscription in accomplished kāvya style is en-
graved was found (in 1885 CE) in an old well within the fort of Mandasor, ancient Daśapura
(Fleet 1888, 150). It may thus have been at or near the site where it originally was placed to
memorize the pious act of Nirdoṣa, who had a well excavated in 532 for his deceased uncle, the
Naigama rājasthānīya Abhayadatta.

Nirdoṣa, alias Dakṣa, belonged to the family of the Naigamas, which supplied high officials to the House of the Later Aulikara kings for five generations. The inscription at issue gives the family pedigree of these Naigamas or ‘Merchants’ (Figure 3). ii The event that occasioned the recorded benefaction was the (recent) sudden death of Abhayadatta. Nirdoṣa’s elder brother Dharmadoṣa (see pedigree below) had succeeded his uncle in the office of rājasthānīya.

<figure><img src="image_24.png" /><figcaption>Figure 3. The Naigama family</figcaption></figure>

The inscription contains some valuable historic information. Although it does not mention the
Huns/Alchons by name, we suspect that they are referred to in verse 7 by the phrase “the many,
very powerful northern kings.” These kings were defeated by King Yaśodharman, it seems, in
alliance with the “eastern kings,” which we suspect to have been the Maukharis of Kanauj, more

<footnote>i Rather than King Yaśodharman, Nirdoṣa’s immediate superior (svāmin) might have been meant here, his elder brother, the viceroy Dharmadoṣa, to whom also the dharma mentioned in pāda d may refer in a double-entendre. In verse 21b King Yaśodharman as lord of Dharmadoṣa is referred to as bhartṛ.</footnote>

<footnote>ii See also ‘The Naigamas’ in Balogh (2019) for an alternative reconstruction of the genealogy.</footnote>
in particular Īśvaravarman. The inscription describes Yaśodharman as a great conqueror who brought peace and prosperity to his country (v. 8), which could only have happened if the Alchons had been defeated.

In verse 9 reference is made to the campaign of King Yaśodharman, whose army is said to have crossed the Vindhya mountains. A decisive battle with Mihirakula may therefore have taken place in the Betwā Valley, where also two earlier battles with his father Toramāṇa had been fought (Eran).

## X.039. Sondhni pillar inscription of Yaśodharman

The text presented here is based on the editions by Fleet in CII III (1888, 142–50) and Sircar in SI I (1965, 418–20). The translation is by Bakker.

vepante yasya bhīmastanitabhayasamudbhrāntadaityā digantāḥ,
śrṅgāghātaiḥ sumeror vighaṭitadrṣadah kandarā yaḥ karoti|
ukṣāṇam tam dadhānaḥ kṣitidharatanayādatta(pañcāṅgulā)ṅkam,
drāghiṣṭhaḥ śūlapāṇeh kṣapayatu bhavatāṃ śatrutejāṃsi ketuḥ||1||
āvirbhūtāvalepair avinayapaṭubhir laṅghitācāramārgair,
mohād aidamṣyugīnair apaśubharatibhiḥ pīḍyamānā narendraiḥ|
yasya kṣmā śārṅgapāṇer iva kaṭhinadhanurjyākiṇāṅkaprakoṣṭhaṃ,
bāhum lokopakāravratasaphalaparispandadhīram prapannā||2||
nindyācāreṣu yo 'smin vinayamuṣi yuge kalpanāmātravṛttyā,
rājasv anyeṣu pāṃsuṣv iva kusumabalir nābabhāse prayuktaḥ|
sa śreyodhāmni samrāḍ iti manubharatālarkamāndhāṭrkalpe,
kalyāṇe hemni bhāsvān maṇir iva sutarāṃ bhrājate yatra śabdah||3||

ye bhuktā guptanāthair na sakalavasudhākrāntidrṣṭapratāpair,
nājñā hūṇādhipānām kṣitipatimukuṭādhyāsinī yān praviṣṭā|
deśāṃs tān dhanvaśailadruma(:<ga:>)hanasaridvīrabāhūpagūḍhān,
vīryāvaskannarājñah svagṛhaparisarāvajñayā yo bhunakti||4||
ā lauhityopakaṇṭhāt talavanagahanopatyakād ā mahendrād,
ā gaṇgāśliṣṭasānos tuhinaśikhariṇaḥ paścimād ā payodheḥ|
sāmantair yasya bāhudraviṇahṛtamadaiḥ pādayor ānamadbhiś,
cūḍāratnāṃśurājivyatikaraśabalā bhūmibhāgāḥ kriyante||5||
sthāṇor anyatra yena praṇatikṛpaṇatām prāpitam nottamāṅgaṃ,
yasyāśliṣṭo bhujābhyām vahati himagirir durgaśabdābhimānam|
nīcais tenāpi yasya praṇatibhujabalāvarjanakliṣṭaṃūrdhnā,
cūḍāpuṣpopahārair mihirakulanṛpeṇārcitaṃ pādayugmam||6||
[gā]m evonmātum ūrdhvaṃ vigaṇayitum iva jyotiṣāṃ cakravālaṃ,
nirdeṣṭuṃ mārgam uccair diva iva sukṛtopārjitāyāḥ svakīrteḥ|
tenākalpāntakālāvadhir avanibhujā śrīyaśodharmaṇāyaṃ,
stambhaḥ stambhābhirāmasthirabhujaparigheṇocchritiṃ nāyito 'tra||7||

(ślā)ghye janmāsya vaṃśe caritam aghaharaṃ dṛśyate kāntam asmin,
dharmasyāyaṃ niketaś calati niyamitaṃ nānunā lokavṛttam|
ity utkarṣaṃ guṇāṇāṃ likhitum iva yaśodharmaṇaś candrabimbe,
rāgād utkṣipta uccairbhuja iva rucimān yaḥ pṛthivyā vibhāti||8||

iti tuṣṭūṣayā tasya nṛpateḥ puṇyakarmaṇaḥ|
vāsulenoparacitāḥ ślokāḥ kakkasya sūnunā||9||

1–8 Sragdharā • 9 Śloka

4c °gahana°] em. Fleet, Sircar : °śahana° ins. • 7a gām evo°] conj. Fleet, Sircar : dhāmevo° conj. Balogh • 9] cf. v. 29 of the Rīsthal Inscription of Prakāśadharman (above, p. 341) • 1. 9] cf. the Mandasor Stone Inscription of Yaśodharman/Viṣṇuvardhana, Year 589 (above, p. 348)

[1] May [this] very tall column [ketu] of Śūlapāṇi [i.e. Śiva] destroy the forces of your enemy, the column that bears the Bull marked by the prints of the five fingers of the daughter of the mountain [i.e. Pārvatī], that [bull] whose terrific bellowing makes the quarters vibrate, bewildering the demons with fear, and whose pounding horns make the rocks in the valleys of Mount Sumeru crack.

[2] Oppressed by kings of the present [Kali] age of blatant haughtiness who lacked any love for the good, i whose delusion made them violate the path of proper conduct and who were cruel due to a total lack of decency—this earth took refuge to the arm of him, [Yaśodharman]—an arm which steadily brings observances to completion for the benefit of the world and whose lower part shows the calluses caused by the hard string of his bow, just as [the earth finds succour in the likewise] marked [fore]arms of the Wielder of the Bow [Śārṇgapāṇi, i.e. Viṣṇu].

[3] “Emperor,” which designation shone just as little as a flower-offering on a dunghill, when it, in this age destitute of decency and by a fit of imagination alone, was applied to other kings whose conduct was reprehensible, ii that [designation] perfectly shines in him, [Yaśodharman], who is a storehouse of goodness and a spitting image of Manu, Bharata, Alarka and Māndhāṭr, iii just like a jewel shines in a beautiful golden mounting.

[4] After having overpowered their kings by his prowess, [Yaśodharman now] reigns—with the same ease as he rules his own house—over countries which are clasped by the arms of heroes,

<footnote>[9] utkīrṇā govindena||</footnote>

<footnote>i From this and other inscriptions it is clear that the Hūṇa kings are meant.</footnote>

<footnote>ii This again may be a sneer at Toramāṇa or Mihirakula.</footnote>

<footnote>iii Celebrated kings of yore.</footnote>
rivers, jungle, forests, mountains and deserts—countries that were not [even] controlled by the **Gupta** emperors, whose glory was displayed by their invasion of the entire earth, and countries that the command of the **Hūṇa** captains [*adhipa*] had not reached, [though] it had affected many a royal crown.

[5] Feudatories who were bowing to the feet of this [Yaśodharman] made the ground/land divisions to become dappled/mixed-up when the beams that radiate from the jewels in their crests spread over it are/were blending, [feudatories]—from the borders of the Lauhitya River to the foot of the Mahendra Mountain with its impenetrable palmyra woods, from the Snow Mountains [Himālaya] whose tablelands are embraced by the Gaṅgā River up to the Western Ocean—whose pride had been taken away by the power of his arm. i

[6] **Mihirakula**, whose head had never been forced to bow in humility by anyone save Sthāṇu [i.e. Paśupati/Śiva], ii and the embrace of whose arms gave the Himālaya Mountain the illusion of being “impregnable,” iii even by that king the feet of this [Yaśodharman] were humbly worshipped with an offering of flowers [fallen from] his crest, when the strength of his arms bent that [Hūṇa] monarch’s head painfully down into deference.

[7] **Yaśodharman**, who reigns the earth with a steady, club-like arm as beautiful as a column, by that illustrious (king) this column that will last till the end of the Age has been erected here, as if to measure the earth from above, to count the multitude of stars, and to point out to the highest skies, as it were, the path of his glory achieved by his heroic deeds.

[8] [A column] that is, as it were, a raised arm of the earth, iv erected out of love, and that, endowed by splendour, radiates widely, as if to write the excellences of **Yaśodharman's** qualities on the disk of the moon, so that it may be known: “He is of noble birth, of behaviour, charming and purifying of sin, and the abode of Dharma, controlled by whom the conduct of the people does not falter.”

[9] This eulogy was composed by Vāsula, son of Kakka, with the desire thus to praise that King of virtuous acts. v

[This inscription] has been engraved by Govinda. vi

<footnote>i This extravagant claim spans the whole Indian subcontinent. As Sircar (1965, 419 n. 3) rightly remarks, it “refers to *digvijaya*, which the king claims to have performed, and gives the conventional boundaries of the *cakravartikakṣetra*.”</footnote>

<footnote>ii This seems to be a rejoinder to Mihirakula's boast in his Gwalior Inscription (above, p. 345).</footnote>

<footnote>iii This refers to the home country of Mihirakula, the Punjab and Kashmir.</footnote>

<footnote>iv Cf., for instance, Samudragupta's *Allahabad Stone Pillar Inscription*, lines 29ff (Fleet 1888, 8ff).</footnote>

<footnote>v This same Vāsula, son of Kakka, composed the *praśasti* of King Prakāśadharman, c. 30 years earlier, after his victory over Toramāṇa (above, n. i on p. 343). He is not mentioned as the author of Yaśodharman’s Mandasor Stone Inscription of 532 CE, but to judge by the style this could have been a composition by him as well. Vāsula was a fairly good kāvya poet at the court of the Later Aulikara kings of Daśapura, to whom we owe a great deal of our knowledge of the two Hunnic wars in India.</footnote>

<footnote>vi The same Govinda engraved the Mandasor Stone Inscription of 532 CE (above, p. 348).</footnote>
The inscription is engraved on a victory column (raṇastambha) found near a village known as Sondhni, at 2.7 km south-east of Mandasor Fort. This site preserves two such columns, both containing an inscription. Due to damage the text of the second inscription is only partly preserved, but from what remains of it (Fleet 1888, 149ff), it is clear that it consists of exactly the same text as the one presented here in full; it is also engraved by Govinda.

Both columns are made of sandstone and therefore must have come from elsewhere. One of the columns may have been meant for another location, but this plan was not executed for reasons unknown.

The pillars are about 13.5 m high, but the finished columns must have been significantly higher, since the statue that stood on the summit is missing. In view of the opening verse, in which Śiva's Bull (*vṛṣabha*) is mentioned, it seem reasonable to assume that the pillar was once crowned by an image of this emblem (*ketu*).

From the contents of the inscription it is evident that these columns were made after King Yaśodharman's victory over the Alchon king Mihirakula. That victory is also referred to in this king's *Mandasor Stone Inscription, Year 589* (532 CE, Text X.038), but the inscribed column seems somewhat later than the Mandasor inscription; hence our tentative dating of the pillar to c. 534 CE.

The importance of the inscription cannot easily be overrated. It informs us of the end of Mihirakula's exploits in India. The Alchon Huns may have retreated to their stronghold in West Punjab around Sialkot. The eulogy suggests that after this victory Yaśodharman became recognized as supreme ruler by the kings of the subcontinent, but for this there is no supportive evidence. On the contrary, after this inscription nothing is heard anymore of Yaśodharman or the dynasty of Later Aulikaras of Daśapura. The reason for this is unknown, but one explanation could possibly be that the region had been hit by a strong earthquake in the mid thirties of the sixth century. This could explain at least the unfinished character of the Sondhni site.

## X.040. Jaunpur inscription of Īśānavarman

The text presented here is based on the editions by Fleet in *CII III* (1888, 228–30) and Bakker (2009). The translation is by Bakker.

... °gam॥1॥
dorbhyām (ā)tmabhuvo dhanuḥ sahabhuvā kṣatreṇa labdhātmanā,
vistārī विस्तारी नहीं तत् सत् वि भूमिर्गमय
॥२॥
(u)dayini **mukharāṇām** bhūbhujām anvavāye|
Īśvaravarman was the last king mentioned, a conclusion also reached by Sircar, though on other grounds.<fnref n="1" /> Both *praśastis*, however, are independent compositions and it is difficult to say with certainty which one is the older, though the *Haraha Inscription* seems to be slightly more ornate and therefore may be somewhat later; this would give a *terminus ante quem* of 554 CE to the Jaunpur inscription.

The importance of this inscription for the study of the Hunnic Wars in India is the reference in verse 7 to “the arrival of cruel people.” We think it plausible that this refers to the Hunnic people of the Alchons, and Mihirakula in particular. Mihirakula may have been the enemy of the father of Īśānavarman, King Īśvaravarman (vv. 6–7), who had entered into a strategic alliance with the Later Aulikara king of Daśapura, Yaśodharman (above, p. 349 with n. i; below, p. 359).

## X.041. Haraha inscription

The text edition presented here is based on the editions by H. Sastri (1918) and Sircar in *SI I*, (1965, 385–89). The translation is by Bakker.

[...]

tenāpīśvaravarmaṇah kṣitipateḥ kṣatraprabhāvāptaye,
janmākāri kṛtātmanah kratugaṇeṣv āhūtavṛtradviṣaḥ|
yasyotkhātakalisvabhāvacaritasyācāramārgaṃ nṛpā,
yatnenāpi yayātitulyayaśaso nānye 'nugantum kṣamāḥ||8||

nītyā śauryaṃ viśālaṃ suhṛdam aku<sup>1</sup>:<sup>2</sup>tile:<sup>3</sup>no[ta]meccām kulena,
tyāgaṃ pātreṇa vittaprabhavam api <sup>1</sup>:<sup>2</sup>hri:<sup>3</sup>yā yauvanaṃ saṃyamena|
vācaṃ satyena ceṣṭāṃ śrutipathavidhinā praśrayeṇottamarddhiṃ,
yo badhnan naiva khedaṃ vrajati kalimayadhvāntamagne 'pi loke||9||

yasyejyāsv aniśaṃ yathāvidhi hutajyotirjvalajjanmanā,
dhūmenāñjanabhaṅgamecakarucā dikcakravāle tate|
āyātā navavāribhāravinamanmeghāvalī prāvṛḍ ity,
unmādoddhatacetasaḥ śikhigaṇā vācālatām āyayuḥ||10||

8, 10 Śārdūlavikrīḍita • 9 Sragdharā

9a **akuṭileno°**] em. Sastri, Sircar : *akuṭhimeno°* ins.; °nottamecchāṃ] em. Sircar : °nomecchāṅ ins., °nottamorvvīṅ conj. Sastri • 9b **hriyā]** em. Sircar, (Sastri)ii : *hriyā* ins. • 9d **khedaṃ]** Sastri : *khadaṃ* Sircar (typo); **kalimaya°]** Sastri : *kalimaye* Sircar

<footnote n="1">¹ Sircar (1964, 129). Cf. Fleet (1888, 229): "But the lacunae in the following lines are so extensive, that it is impossible to say whether the historical information given in them refers to Īśvaravarman, or to one of his descendants."</footnote>

<footnote>ii Intended reading, but unmetrical according to Sastri *op. cit.* p. 116. Sircar *op. cit.* p. 387 accepts *hriyā* and notes: "The syllable before *pra*, *hra*, *bra* and *kra* was optionally regarded as short."</footnote>
[The inscription begins with praise of Śiva, then that of the dynasty and of its progenitor Harivarman, followed by his son Ādityavarman.]

[8]By him [Ādityavarman] was begotten, destined to gain the power of nobility, the lord of the earth Īśvaravarman, whose soul was well-disciplined and who invoked the Enemy of Vṛtra [i.e. Indra] in many sacrifices; other kings, no matter how they tried, were unable to match his way of conduct, he whose deeds eradicated the very nature of the Kali Age and who equalled Yayāti in fame. [9][Īśvaravarman], who did not despair, not even in [these days] that the Kali Age had plunged the world into darkness, since he curbed great heroism by polity, friendship by honesty, high ambition by noble descent, liberality by worthy recipients, might of wealth by modesty, youth by discipline, speech by truthfulness, action by the injunctions of the revelation, and af-fluence by humility. [10]When the firmament was covered by smoke, the dark-blue lustre of which was like powdered antimony, [smoke] that rose from the blazing sacrificial fires in which he [Īśvaravarman] incessantly offered oblations in accordance with the prescripts—flocks of peac-cocks became noisy, since their minds became intoxicated by the thought that the rainy season had arrived with its banks of clouds that hang low due to their loads of fresh water.

[The inscription continues with the birth and deeds of Īśānavarman and his son Sūryavarman.]

[21]At the time that the illustrious Īśānavarman, who had overthrown his enemies, was lord of the earth, when six-hundred autumns had become increased by eleven, [verse 22 is a poetic description of the monsoon season. The end of the inscription records the name of the poet Raviśānti and the engraver Mihiravarman.]

This Maukhari inscription records the renovation of a Śiva temple by a son of Īśānavarman, Sūryavarman, in the year 611 (Vikrama Era) corresponding to 554 CE. The *praśasti* describes the reigns of the Maukhari kings and their achievements in the usual panegyric style. Three of the verses are concerned with King Īśvaravarman, whose rule can be dated to the second quarter of the sixth century on account of this inscription. The inscription does not directly refer to the Hūṇas or Mihirakula, but it emphasizes the dark days of the reign of Īśvaravarman, who had to face the full brunt of the Kali Age. I am inclined to take this as a covert reference to the Hunnic Wars: “the arrival of cruel people” as mentioned in the Jaunpur Inscription (above, p. 356).

## X.042. Aphsad inscription of Ādityasena

The text presented here is based on the editions by Fleet in CII III (1888, 200–208) and Sircar in SI II (1983, 44–49). The translation is by Bakker.

[...]

prakhyātaśaktim ājiṣu puraḥsaraṃ śrīkumāraguptam iti|
ajanayad ekam sa nṛpo hara iva śikhivāhanam tanayam||7||
utsarpadvātahelācalitakadalikāvīcimālāvitānaḥ,
prodyaddhūlījalaughabhramitagurumahāmattamātaṅgaśailaḥ|
bhīmaḥ śrīśānavarmakṣitipatiśaśinaḥ sainyadugdhodasindhur,
lakṣmīsaṃprāptihetuḥ sapadi vimathito mandarībhūya yena||8||

śauryasatyavratadharo yaḥ prayāgagato dhane|
ambhasīva karīṣāgnau magnaḥ sa puṣpapūjitah||9||

śrīdāmodaragupto 'bhūt tanayas tasya bhūpateḥ|
yena dāmodareṇeva daityā iva hatā dviṣaḥ||10||

yo maukhareḥ samitiṣūddhataḥūṇasainyā,

valgadghaṭā vighaṭayann uruvāraṇānām|

saṃmūrchitaḥ surava<:dhūr:> varayan mameti,

tatpāṇ(i)paṅkajasukhaspa<:ri:>śād vibuddhaḥ||11||

guṇavaddvijakanyānā[ṃ] nānālaṃkārayauvanavatīnām|

pariṇāyitavān sa nṛpaḥ śataṃ nisṛṣṭāgrahārāṇām||12||

[...]

7 Āryā • 8–9 Vasantatilaka • 10 Śloka • 11 Vasantatilaka • 12 Āryā

9b dhane] ins. : dhanī conj. Sircar • 11c °vadhūr] em. Fleet, Sircar : °vadhur ins. 11d °spariśād] em. Sircar : °sparśād ins. (unmetrical) • 12a °kanyānāṃ] em. Fleet, Sircar : °kanyānā ins.

[The inscription gives the genealogy of the Later Gupta kings of Magadha, beginning with Kṛṣṇagupta, Harṣagupta and Jīvitagupta.]

[7]Just as Hara [i.e. Śiva] begat [the war god] who rides the peacock [i.e. Skanda/Kumāra], that king [Jīvitagupta] begat a son named **Kumāragupta**, the illustrious one, whose power was renowned and who was leading in battle; [8] [Kumāragupta] who, after he had become Mount Mandara, [a dasher] as it were, quickly churned the formidable milk-ocean that was the army of the illustrious moon among kings **Īśānavarman**, i [an ocean] in which the spreading undulating rings were the banners, easily waving in the rising wind, and in which the rocks were the massive, aggressive war-elephants, which were played round by the water-mass that was the dust that flew up—[this ocean] that was the source from which [his royal] fortune/Lakṣmī was obtained; [9] who, faithful to his word and prowess, has gone to Prayāga in state, and, plunging [himself] into a fire of dry cow-dung, as if into water, became adorned with flowers.ii

[10]The son of that king was the illustrious **Dāmodaragupta**, who killed his enemies just as Dāmodara [i.e. Kṛṣṇa] the Daityas [demons]. [11]While he was rendering asunder the stepping array of the mighty elephants of the **Maukhari**, which had in [earlier] battles thrown aloft the

<footnote>i This is the Maukhari king of Kanyakubja (Kanauj) Īśānavarman, son of Īśvaravarman. The Maukharis and Later Guptas had a long history of rivalry, fighting over what is now Uttar Pradesh and Bihar (Magadha) (see Bakker 2014, 57–62, 130–33).</footnote>

<footnote>ii This seems to refer to the religious suicide of Kumāragupta in Prayāga (Bakker 2014, 61).</footnote>
army of the **Hūṇas**, i [Dāmodaragupta] fainted and, by the sweet caresses of the lotus-hands of
the ladies of heaven, regained consciousness, taking his choice: “mine!” ii

[12]That king has given away in marriage a hundred daughters to virtuous brahmins, [daughters] who possessed youth and all kinds of ornaments and who were dowered with tax-free land [agrahāra].

[The inscription continues with Mahāsenagupta, son of Dāmodaragupta, Mādhavagupta and Ādityasena. The purpose of the inscription is to record the building of a Viṣṇu temple by Ādityasena and a religious college (maṭha) and tank by his mother Koṇadevī (Bakker 2014, 131).]

This inscription was found in Aphsad, also known as Jafarpur on the right bank of the Sakarī
River in the Gayā District (Bihar) (Fleet 1888, 201). It is undated, but we possess a date of
Ādityasena: (Harṣa) saṃvat 66 = 672 CE. iii Ādityasena considered himself the successor of
Harṣavardhana of Kanauj. The bombastic language of the Aphsad inscription, composed by
Sūkṣmaśiva of Gauḍa, reports on the antagonism of the Maukharis and the Later Gupta dynasty
of Magadha. Its significance for the present collection is that it confirms the victory of the
Maukharis over the Hūṇas, which we think may refer to Īśvaravarman's war with Mihirakula,
an historical event of such a magnitude that it is still remembered in an inscription of a rivalling
dynasty more than a century later.

X.043. Kabul inscription of Ṣāhi Khiṅgāla

The text presented here is based on the edition of D. C. Sircar (1963, 44–47), supplemented with
observations (from photo) by Dániel Balogh and the readings of Kuwayama (1991; 2002, 249–59).
The first reading was given by Tucci (1958, 328). The translation is by Sircar.

[1](siddham)॥
sa(ṃ)vatsare aṣṭatame saṃ 8 jyeṣṭhamāsaśuklapakṣati(:<th>:)au tra(yo)daśyāṃ śudi 10 3
(:<r>:)k(ṣ)e vi(śā)khe śubhe si(ṃhe) ci(traka)[2](m) mahat pratiṣṭhāpitam idaṃ mahāvināyaka
paramabhaṭṭārakamahārājādhirājaśrīṣāhi khiṃg(ā)lautyātaṣāhipadai(ḥ)॥

1 **siddham**] "Expressed by symbol" Sircar : oṃ Tucci • aṣṭatame] ins. : aṣṭame em. Sircar • °tithau] em. Sircar : °tilau ins. • ṛkṣe] em. Sircar : jikṣe ins., rikṣe Tucci, Kuwayama **citrakam**] conj. Sircar : citrakarmma "may not be impossible" Sircar, **citrake** Kuwayama • 2 °vināyaka] ins. : °vināyaka-bimbaṃ conj. Sircar • °khiṅgālautyāta°] conj. Sircar (Sircar : "the letters read as *t* may be *n* also") : °khiṃgalotyāna° Tucci, °khiṃgālauḍyāna° Kuwayama

<footnote>i This may refer to the second Hunnic war in the second quarter of the sixth century, in which the Maukhari king Īśvaravarman allied with the Aulikara king Yaśodharman of Daśapura against Mihirakula (above, p. 349, n. i on p. 349.)</footnote>

<footnote>ii Evidently Dāmodaragupta was killed in a battle against the Maukharis, either still under Īśānavarman or his son, Śarvavarman, around the middle of the sixth century.</footnote>

<footnote>iii Fleet (1888, 208ff); Bakker (2014, 130).</footnote>
May it be well! In the eighth year—year 8—on the thirteenth *tithi* of the bright half of the month of Jyeṣṭha—bright day 13—in the constellation Viśākha [and] the auspicious Siṃha, this lovely [and] big [image of] Mahā-Vināyaka has been installed by the illustrious *paramabhaṭṭāraka mahārājādhirāja Ṣāhi Khiṅgāla* [alias] Otyāta-Ṣāhi.¹

The marble image of Gaṇeśa (c. 71 cm in height) that carries this two-line inscription on its pedestal was reportedly “discovered somewhere at Gardez (famous for its fortress called Bala Hissar) about 70 miles (113 km) to the south of Kabul and that image was removed to Kabul where it was being worshipped by the Hindu residents of the city at Dargāh Pīr Ratan Nāth near the Pamir Cinema. At Gardez, however, the local people could not confirm the story of the discovery of the image at that place.”ii Palaeographically the inscription is thought to belong to “the sixth or seventh century A.D.” (Sircar 1963, 44), or “the end of fifth and beginning of sixth century” (Tucci 1958, 328). Dhavalikar (1971, 332) dates the Gaṇeśa statue “on stylistic grounds to the latter half of the fifth century or early sixth century.”

<figure><img src="image_25.png" /><figcaption>Figure 4. The sculpture of Gaṇeśa from Gardez</figcaption></figure>

<footnote>i Tucci (1958, 328) suggests that the reading could be *odyāna* and connects this with Uḍyāna, Uḍḍiyāna, i.e. the Swat Valley; this is thought to be doubtful by Sircar. Tucci is followed by Kuwayama (2002, 252) who also reads *odyāna* and takes this as a reference to Oḍiyāna or Uḍḍiyāna, i.e. Swat. He translates: “the king of Oḍyāna.” Sircar (1963, 46) takes ‘Otyāta-shāhi’ as a second name of Shāhi Khiṅgāla. °autyātaṣāhipadaiḥ may be a formula of respect, if °autyāta° could be read/emended to °odyata° in the meaning of ‘elevated’ (*udyata*). An alternative translation would run: “By his venerable Majesty (*udyataṣāhipadaiḥ*), the illustrious King Khiṅgāla, Supreme Sovereign and Lord of Lords.”</footnote>

<footnote>ii Sircar (1963, 44). The image has been briefly described by Tucci (1958, 328).</footnote>
The question of the date of the image and inscription hinges on the identification of King Khiṅgāla, in whose eighth regnal year it was installed. If the early date of the fifth century is correct, this king Khiṅgāla could plausibly be identified with the Alchon Ṣāhi Khiṅgila known from numerous coins (Pfisterer 2013, 59–100). He may be the same as the Mahāṣāhi Khīṅgīla mentioned in the Schøyen Copper Scroll (Text X.030).

Kalhaṇa's *Rājataraṅgiṇī* refers to a Narendrāditya, son of Gokaraṇa, king of Kashmir in the line of Mihirakula, whose second name is said to have been Khiṅkhila; he founded the Bhūteśvara Temple.<fnref n="1" /> This Narendrāditya is usually identified with the Kashmir king Narendra. His numerous coins with the legend *jayatu śrīnarendra* never, to my knowledge, carry the name Khiṅkhila (Pfisterer 2013, 157–60). Identification of King Khiṅgāla of the Gaṇeśa statue with this *narendra* cannot be excluded, though.

Kuwayama (2002, 257) argues for a later date of the image and king Khiṅgāla: “The king bearing the name Śrī Ṣāhi Khiṅgāla in the inscription is a definite personality in the eighth century, perhaps one of the Turk Shahis in the Kabul Valley, or the Kabul Shahis.”

The donor king may have been one of the Alchon-Nezak rulers of Kapiśī of the seventh century (personal communication of Minoru Inaba), as implied by two reasons: 1) the name Khiṅgala/Khiṅgāla is Alchon, and 2) the Indian titles *paramabhaṭṭāraka* and *mahārājādhirāja* may have been considered by the later Alchons as part of their dynastic legacy ever since Toramāṇa in the Sanjeli Inscription of year 3. See also Note Inaba to Text I.090.

<footnote n="1">¹ Rājataraṅgiṇī I.347 (see Text X.014/F); Tucci (1958, 328); Sircar (1963, 46).</footnote>
## X.3. Seals from India

Dániel Balogh

### X.044. Seal impressions excavated at Kauśāmbī

Two presumably Hunnic sealings were reportedly discovered in the excavation of the Ghoṣitārāma Buddhist monastery (Thaplyal 1972, 61–64). One is inscribed *toramana*, the other bears the legend *hūṇarāja* (G. R. Sharma 1960, 21, 37). The stratum in which these seals were found witnesses “large-scale destruction” and large quantities of a particular type of arrowhead (K1) not characteristic of other strata (G. R. Sharma, ibid.). The sealing inscribed with *hūṇarāja* is also reported in IAR 1954–55, 18, but the writing is illegible in the accompanying photograph (Plate XXXIIB).

The discovery of a seal of Mihirakula in Kauśāmbī is mentioned by Chattopadhyaya (1958, 197; 1968, 238), but this is probably a mistake; such a seal does not appear to be reported anywhere.

### X.045. Seal impressions with a fragmentary genealogy from Nālandā

Two fragments of seal impressions in terracotta were excavated in Nālandā in the second or third decade of the 20th century. The seal is an oval, divided by a thick horizontal line. The upper field appears to have borne an image of Viṣṇu riding Garuḍa, while the lower field is inscribed with a genealogy phrased like that on Maukhari seals. The characters are palaeographically appropriate to the sixth century. One fragment is broken vertically and comprises roughly the left half of the device and text; nothing of the tenth line is discernible in this. The other fragment comprises parts of the first halves of lines 5–10. Reported by Hirananda Sastri (1942, 70–71) with photograph (Plate XC-d) and discussed by A. Ghosh (1943). Text re-edited by Dániel Balogh from published photographs of both fragments. Restored text is based on analogy with the Sohnag Seal of Avantivarman (Vats 1948).

<footnote>[1][catu]ssamudrātikrāntakīrtti(ḥ pra)[tāpānurāgopanatānyarājo va]</footnote>

<footnote>[2][rṇāśra](ma)vyavasthāpanapra(vṛtta)cakkra[ś cakkradhara iva prajānām artti]</footnote>

<footnote>[3][ha]raḥ śrīmahārājala(v)khāṇapu[ttras tatpādānudhyātaḥ parama]</footnote>

<footnote>[4][bhāga](va)to **mahārājādhirājaśrī(ta)** ××× [tasya puttras tatpā]</footnote>

<footnote>[5][dā](nu)dhyātaḥ śrīdevyā(ṃ) vittavvade[vyām utpannaḥ paramabhāga]</footnote>

<footnote>[6][va]to **mahārājaśrīja(u)v(kha)**[s tasya puttras tatpādānu]</footnote>

<footnote>[7](dh)yātaḥ śrīdevyāṃ melyāde[vyām utpannaḥ parama]</footnote>

<footnote>[8][bhā](ga)vato **mahārājādhirāja(śrī)** ×××</footnote>

<footnote>[9]tas[y]a p(u)t(tr)as (t)atpādā(nu)[dhyātaḥ śrīdevyāṃ]</footnote>

<footnote>[10]××× (v)[y](ā)m ut(panno) ××××</footnote>

<footnote>[11]...</footnote>
The progenitor's name in line 3 was tentatively read as *lakṣmaṇa* by Sastri (1942). His editor suggests the correction *lavkhāṇa*; Ghosh (1943) concurs and notes the similarity of the name to *lakhana/lakhāna* *udayādit(y)a* known from a Hunnic silver drachm.<fnref n="1" /> The reading *lakhāṇa* seems likewise possible. No editor proposes any reading for the mostly lost name of the *mahārājādhirāja* in line 4, but the consonant *t* seems fairly certain from the extant left side of this character. For the name in line 6, Sastri reads *jarā...*, which his editor corrects to *jarāvva*. Ghosh proposes to read *jarīva*, referring to coins with the legend *ṣāhi jara/jari* (Cunningham 1894 Pl. VII Nos 11, 12) and noting that the second character looks different from other specimens of *rā* in these seals. I suggest that the character (on the sealing, and perhaps also on the coins) may be a form of *u* or *ū* rather than *rā* or *rī*. The third character does not appear to be *vva*, as its subscript component lacks a bottom stroke; *nga* may be possible, but the most plausible readings are *vkha* or *hkha*, yielding the familiar name *jau(v/h)kha*. Previous editors read nothing of the 10th line, but the vestiges suggest the reading given above. This implies that there must have been a short 11th line, and that the king to whom the seal belonged probably did not bear the title *paramabhāgavata*.

The seal yields the following genealogy:

*mahārāja* La(v/h)khāṇa

his son *mahārājādhirāja* T... = Queen Vittavvadevī

their son *mahārāja* Jau(v/h)kha = Queen Melyādevī

their son *mahārājādhirāja* ... = Queen ...

their son ...

<footnote n="1">¹ Göbl type 79 (Vondrovec 2014, 323–24), belonging to the later part of the Alchon issues.</footnote>
# Appendix: Numismatic and Sigillary Evidence

Robert Bracey

<figure><img src="image_26.png" /></figure>
## Relevant publications

The coinage of the Central Asian Huns is loosely defined as those issued by rulers of Hunnic affiliations (whether understood in a political, ethnic, or tribal sense). These rulers appear to have been part of dynasties formed by nomadic elites, from the Kidarites in the late fourth century CE to the Western Turks in the sixth/seventh centuries. Numismatically the most pronounced common feature is a dependence on Iranian prototypes<fnref n="1" />. The series was originally defined by Robert Göbl as ‘Iranian’ Huns for this reason in a corpus published in 1967. Göbl himself subsequently expanded his own listings, and these have been further extended in sylloges based on the Aman ur Rahman (K) and Jean-Pierre Righetti (P) collections. Cribb and Khan have published additional material without employing the numbering system commenced in G67. The principal publications are:

ACW Michael Mitchiner, *Ancient and Classical World* (Mitchiner 1978)

C Joe Cribb, 'The Kidarites, the Numismatic Evidence' (Cribb 2010)

G67 Robert Göbl, *Dokumente zur Geschichte der Iranischen Hunnen in Baktrien und Indien* (Göbl 1967)

G83 Robert Göbl, 'Supplementa Orientalia I' (Göbl 1983)

G87 Robert Göbl, 'Supplementa Orientalia II' (Göbl 1987)

G93 Robert Göbl, 'Supplementa Orientalia III' (Göbl 1993)

K Nasim M. Khan, Elizabeth Errington and Joe Cribb, *Coins from Kashmir Smast: New Numismatic Evidence* (Khan, Errington, and Cribb 2008)

P Matthias Pfisterer, *Hunnen in Indien* (Pfisterer 2013)

V Klaus Vondrovec, *Coinage of the Iranian Huns and their Successors from Bactria to Gandhara* (Vondrovec 2014)

The criteria for which coinage is Hunnic and which is not are ill-defined (see below). Some Kidarite coins are included in G67, K, and P, but some are not. Authors disagree over whether the Kidarites were ethnically or politically associated with the Huns (more specifically the Alchons). Likewise G67 included a number of coins definitely not issued by Hunnic rulers, and some coins issued under Toramāņa and Mihirakula are excluded, though most of their issues are included.

## The Göbl numbers

Robert Göbl's original list (G67) presented the coins in an approximate chronological order associating coins which belonged to the same series. G83, G87, G93, P and V have supplemented the numbers. Supplements are achieved by adding new numbers (the original list ends at 297 and supplements begin at 301) or by extending the system of suffixes employed in G67:

<footnote n="1">¹ The coinages depend on a range of prototypes (Kushan, Gupta, Kota, Indo-Parthian(?)) current in the areas the Huns ruled, though Iranian prototypes were prioritised in the seminal work of Robert Göbl, even to the exclusion of some coins issued by Hunnic rulers.</footnote>
A, B, C ... A new type can be added to the listing by adding a suffix letter if it is closely associated with a previous type.

F is used as a suffix in V to indicate both modern and contemporary forgeries. Strictly speaking it would be better if F were used exclusively to indicate a contemporary forgery (such as an impression or jeweller's cast).

Var.# Where a type by Göbl is subsequently found to consist of several different types, such as 150, these can be broken up by adding a *var* suffix.

E Numbers prefixed by an E were initially used in G67 and extended, but were abandoned from G93 onwards.

G Numbers prefixed by a G followed by a letter indicating a general dynastic affiliation (K for Kidarite or A for Alchon) were introduced in V as a supplementary system to handle the many new types of copper coins discovered at Kashmir Smast.

These conventions are not universally followed. C employs a different hierarchical classification which partially overlaps. In some cases authors have changed a number used by Göbl (for example E5 is classified as 37B, and E12 as 307A by V). In some cases there have been reclassifications. For example G67 indicates three coins under type 36. These should not be the same type, as the first has a *tamga* before the king's face missing on the others. So P reclassified the latter two coins as 36A. Unfortunately little consistency has been maintained in the use of a letter suffix (A, B, C...) and varieties (var.) so both are used for very similar purposes. The former (letter suffixes) are probably better practice in general.

The expansion from the original list is considerable. Though an exact count of types is difficult due to ambiguities in what counts and what does not, the original list (G67) contains approximately 279 entries, with subsequent publications raising that number to about 587.

## Issues for consideration

### Definitional

The use of Göbl numbers is not a fundamentally bad system. As a listing it does not encode the kind of minting structure information a list such as that provided by Cribb does but that may be an advantage when such reconstructions are not widely accepted.

More problematic is the lack of a firm definition of what precisely constitutes a Hunnic coin. The list includes two groups (Hephthalite and Western Turk) who may not qualify as Huns (depending on definition). It also omits many series which may have been issued by Hunnic rulers. Göbl's original criteria (in G67) were numismatic: he was attempting to trace connections between coins that look similar. However, the listing has often been subsequently read as representing the coins issued by particular groups which are linked ethnically or politically.

Of the omissions, the most egregious are all of those coins which depend upon Kushan (and occasionally Gupta) prototypes. This means that only a section of the coins issued by the Kidarites
is usually considered, and several relatively common copper, silver and gold types which can firmly
be associated with the Mihirakula and Toramāņa are usually excluded.

<figure><img src="image_27.png" /><figcaption>Figure 5. BM 1894,0506.246, issue in the name of Shahi Mihiragula (ACW 3779–3781)</figcaption></figure>

In terms of major series, the coinage of Kashmir is not covered in G67, though the numbers
166 to 170 and 194 to 197 are set aside for images of some of the associated types. From the fifth
century Kashmir coinage seems to be broadly derivative of Kidarite designs, though accurate at-
tribution of coinage to a particular region remains difficult.

Likewise the whole series of Sind gold coinage, in which there is another issue of Mihirakula,
is not included in G67 or any subsequent publication, though it shares many numismatic character-
istics with other Hunnic series (particularly a strong association with Sasanian coinages).

On the other hand the list in G67 includes many types which would not make sense in a
listing based on issuer (particularly a number of Sasanian issues, much later coinages, and the coins
of the Kotas).

What coins can (and cannot) tell us about history...

It is important to remember that coins as evidence mostly tell us about coins, particularly about
how mints operated, how coins were used and how they travelled, what iconographies they adopted
etc. To move from numismatically interesting observations to observations with wider historical
value requires some care.

One of the things coins should be able to provide is a king list. Coins tend to (but do not
always) carry the name of the issuing authority, and usually (but not always) an image of the figure-
head (and often principal authority) of a political unit. There are issues with different rulers using
the same name, or the conservative tendency of coins leading to a name being used long after the
individual it refers to had died (immobilisation). So since the relative order of issue can be estab-
lished by numismatic criteria the coins ought to be able to provide a list of names of the kings of
various political units, and the order in which they succeeded to each other.

By the same token where coins were made, and where they are found, should provide firm
evidence as to the political units over which kings exercised authority and the extent of the political
units. The failure to establish these basic historical facts so far is partly due to lack of evidence
(there are relatively few finds of these coins with good provenance) but is mostly due to a lack of
study, and in part due to the failure to establish firm agreement over which coins are Hunnic and
exactly what in the inscriptions constitutes a name.

What these coins cannot tell us is very much about ethnic identity. The designs on the coins reflect designs on other coins, with Sasanian influence being the most marked element but Kushan and Indian elements clearly present. The imitative tendency of the coins indicates that they rested more on familiarity for the authority they needed to circulate than on reference to the identity/power claims of the authorities who issued them.

## The state of numismatic research

Whether a clear answer can be given on numismatic questions tends to depend more on the depth of study the corpus has been subject to than the extent of that corpus. The current corpus has been subject to only a fraction of the research that has been invested in broadly contemporary issues (for example the Kushan, Sasanian, Gupta, series) with a single type catalogue (G67) and two more recent sylloges of particular collections (P and V).

## The Lists

The first concordance lists all of the numbers associated with Hunnic coins in numerical order (those with letter prefixes come last). For each it indicates which of the principal publications it appears in (see above for abbreviations) with page, listing, or alternative type numbers where appropriate.

An inscription index is also offered here, but is subject to two important caveats. First, that various authors dissent substantially in both reading and transcription practice. For example for type 7 (Cribb A2b) C transcribes the Pahlavi *ky varhran k...*, while P offers *kdy wlhl'n ZY k-wš'n MLK(A)* (the latter half assumed rather than read) and G67 gives *kd' wrhr'n ZY k...* which does not agree with either P or C. On the same type C offers *nandaka* for the Brahmi inscription while P offers *na>daka*. Neither looks correct, examining Göbl's two examples the second coin has a clearer inscription and it shows neither an *anuṣvāra* above nor a conjunct, so *nadaka* would better represent the actual inscription. The second caveat is that this list is not systematic in whose reading it follows, nor has it been checked or validated.

## Other abbreviations:

* AU Gold

* AR Silver

* AE Copper

* Bi Billon

* BM An example of the type is in the British Museum
List 1. Main list

1B (AR) V (p. 54), P, C (B1a).

1A (AR) G87, V (p. 53), P, C (B1b) (Göbl 1981).

No number C (B1b).

1 (AR) G67, V (p. 52), C (B1c). BM.

2A V (p. 93), K (185ff).

2 (AR) G67.

3 (AR) G67, V (p. 55), C (C1a).

3A V (p. 56), C (D1).

No number C (D2).

4 (AR) G67, P, C (C1b).

No number C (C1c).

No number C (C2a).

5 (AR) G67, P, C (A1). BM.

6 (AR) G67, P, C (A2a).

7 (AR) G67, P, C (A2b).

8 (AR) G67, V (p. 57), P, C (A2c). BM.

9 (AR) G67, V (p. 58), P, C (A2d). BM.

10 (AR) G67, V (p. 59), P, C (A2e). BM.

10A (AR) P (Göbl 1981).

11 (AR) G67, V (p. 60), P, C (C2b). BM.

11A (AR) V (p. 62), P, C (D3).

12 G67, C (C2c).

12A (AR) V (p. 63), P.

13 G67, C (D5a). BM.

13A (AR) P, C (D5b).

14 (AR) G67, V (p. 64), P, C (B3). BM.

15 var.1 (AR) G67, P, C (B4a). BM.

15 var.2 (AR) G67, V (p. 66), P, C (B4b). BM.

16 (AR) G67, V (p. 67), P, C (D4a). BM.

16A C (D4c). BM.

17 (AR) G67, P, C (D4b). BM.

18 (AR) G67, V (p. 68), P, C (C3). BM.

18B (AR) V (p. 70), P, C (D6).

18A (AR) P.

19A (AR) V (p. 74), P, C (B2). BM.

19 (AR) G67, G87, V (p. 72), P, C (E1). BM.

20 (AR) G67. BM.

21 (AR) G67, V (p. 75), C (D7). BM.

22 (AR) G67.

23 (AE) G67, V (p. 113). BM. Cribb 2010, no.69.

24 (AR) G67, V (p. 76), P, C (E2).

1 to 24 broadly cover Kidarite silver in Sasanian style which forms only a part of Kidarite issues—see C for a broader context of the previous metal coinage.
Appendix: Numismatic and Sigillary Evidence

<table>
  <tr>
    <td>25 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 375).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>26 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>27 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 376).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>28 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67, P.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>28A (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>29 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>30 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>31 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>32 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 392).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>32A (AR)</td>
    <td>V (p. 393).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>32B (AR)</td>
    <td>V (p. 394).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>32C (AR)</td>
    <td>V (p. 395).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>32D (AR)</td>
    <td>V (p. 396).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>33 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, P.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>34 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 228).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>34/35 (AE)</td>
    <td>P.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>35 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 229).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>36 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, G87, V (p. 230).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>36A (AR)</td>
    <td>G87, P.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>37 (AE)</td>
    <td>V (p. 231).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>37A var.1 (AE)</td>
    <td>V (p. 232).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>37A var.2 (AE)</td>
    <td>V (p. 232).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>37B (AE)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 233), P, K (289).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>38 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 234), P.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>39 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>40 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 235).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>41 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 236), P.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>42 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>43 (AE)</td>
    <td>V (p. 237), P.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>43A (AE)</td>
    <td>V (p. 238).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>43B (AE)</td>
    <td>V (p. 239).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>44A (AE)</td>
    <td>V (p. 240).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>44B (AE)</td>
    <td>V (p. 241).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>44C (AE)</td>
    <td>V (p. 242).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>44 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 291), P.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>45 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 243), P.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>45A (AE)</td>
    <td>V (p. 244).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>46A (AE)</td>
    <td>V (p. 245), K (290).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>46B var.1 (AE)</td>
    <td>V (p. 246).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>46B var.2 (AE)</td>
    <td>V (p. 246).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>46B var.3 (AE)</td>
    <td>V (p. 246).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>46B var.4 (AE)</td>
    <td>V (p. 246).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>46B var.5 (AE)</td>
    <td>V (p. 246).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>46B var.6 (AE)</td>
    <td>V (p. 246).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>46B var.7 (AE)</td>
    <td>V (p. 246).</td>
  </tr>
</table>
Appendix: Numismatic and Sigillary Evidence

<table><tr><td>46B var.8 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 246).</td></tr><tr><td>46B var.9 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 246).</td></tr><tr><td>46 (AR)</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>47 (AE)</td><td>G67, P.</td></tr><tr><td>48 (AE)</td><td>G67, V (p. 248), P.</td></tr><tr><td>48A (AE)</td><td>V (p. 249).</td></tr><tr><td>49</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>50 (AR)</td><td>G67, V (p. 318), P.</td></tr><tr><td>51 (AR)</td><td>G67, V (p. 320).</td></tr><tr><td>52 (AR)</td><td>G67, V (p. 328), P.</td></tr><tr><td>52A (AR)</td><td>P.</td></tr><tr><td>53</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>54 (AE)</td><td>G67, V (p. 292).</td></tr><tr><td>55 (AE)</td><td>G67, V (p. 252).</td></tr><tr><td>55B (AE)</td><td>V (p. 253).</td></tr><tr><td>55A (AE)</td><td>V (p. 371).</td></tr><tr><td>56 (AR)</td><td>G67, P.</td></tr><tr><td>57 (AR)</td><td>G67, V (p. 294), P.</td></tr><tr><td>58 (AR)</td><td>G67, V (p. 308).</td></tr><tr><td>59A (AR)</td><td>V (p. 295).</td></tr><tr><td>59 (AR)</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>60 (AR)</td><td>G67, V (p. 301), P.</td></tr><tr><td>61 (AR)</td><td>G67, V (p. 296), P.</td></tr><tr><td>61 F (modern fake)</td><td>V (p. 297).</td></tr><tr><td>61A (AR)</td><td>V (p. 298), P.</td></tr><tr><td>62 (AR)</td><td>G67, V (p. 309), P.</td></tr><tr><td>63 (AR)</td><td>G67, V (p. 310).</td></tr><tr><td>64 (AR)</td><td>G67, P.</td></tr><tr><td>65 (AR)</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>66 (AR)</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>67 (AR)</td><td>G67, V (p. 302).</td></tr><tr><td>67A var.1 (AR)</td><td>V (p. 303).</td></tr><tr><td>67A var.2 (AR)</td><td>V (p. 303).</td></tr><tr><td>68 (AR)</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>69 (AR)</td><td>G67, V (p. 325), P.</td></tr><tr><td>69A (AR)</td><td>V (p. 326).</td></tr><tr><td>70 (AR)</td><td>G67, V (p. 304), P.</td></tr><tr><td>70A (AR)</td><td>P.</td></tr><tr><td>71 (AR)</td><td>G67, V (p. 311).</td></tr><tr><td>71A (AR)</td><td>P.</td></tr><tr><td>72 (AE)</td><td>G67, V (p. 261).</td></tr><tr><td>73 (AR)</td><td>G67, V (p. 312), P.</td></tr><tr><td>73A (AR)</td><td>V (p. 313).</td></tr><tr><td>74 (AR)</td><td>G67, V (p. 314), P.</td></tr><tr><td>74 (bracteate) (AR)</td><td>V (p. 315).</td></tr></table>
Appendix: Numismatic and Sigillary Evidence

75 (AR) G67, P.

75C (AR) P.

76 (AR) G67, V (p. 335), P.

76A (AR) V (p. 336).

76B (AR) P.

77 (AR) G67, V (p. 329), P.

78 (AR) G67, P.

79 (AR) G67, V (p. 323), P.

80 (AR) G67, P.

81 (AR) G67, V (p. 300), P.

82 (AR) G67, V (p. 321), P.

83 (AR) G67, V (p. 306).

84 (AU) G67, V (p. 148), P. Göbl (1984, 733–40)

84B (AU) V (p. 151).

Peroz V (p. 152).

84A (AU) V (p. 153).

85 (AU) G67, G87, V (p. 154), P.

85A (AU) V (p. 155), P.

84 to 85

Cover a variety of gold coins whose treatment in G67 is substantially under-developed. There is additional treatment which overlaps but is not comprehensive in C and Göbl 1984.

<table><thead><tr><th></th><th>C Classification</th><th>Hun no.</th><th>Göbl 1984</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Varahran Kushanshah</td><td>1A-1C</td><td></td><td>748-752</td></tr><tr><td>Kidarite in name of Varahran</td><td>2A-2B</td><td></td><td>713-713A, 718, 754</td></tr><tr><td>Kidarite Peroz</td><td>3A-3C</td><td></td><td>714-717, 756-757</td></tr><tr><td>Kidarite Kidara</td><td>4A-6E</td><td>84</td><td>718-737</td></tr><tr><td>Peroz Shahanshah</td><td>7A-7B</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>Post Peroz types</td><td>6F-6G</td><td></td><td>739-740</td></tr><tr><td>Mehama</td><td></td><td>84A</td><td></td></tr><tr><td></td><td></td><td>84B</td><td>741</td></tr><tr><td>Adomano</td><td></td><td>85, 85A</td><td></td></tr></tbody></table>

The treatment of this is also indicative of the inconsistent way in which Kidarite coinage in general is handled in the list, see also 1–24.

86 (AR) G67, V (p. 349), P.

87 (AR) G67, P.

88 (AR) G67, V (p. 350).

88A (AR) P.

89 (AR) G67.

90 (AR) G67, V (p. 358), P.

91 (AR) G67, V (p. 351), P.

92 (AR) G67, V (p. 352), P.

93 (AR) G67, P.

94 (AR) G67, P.
Appendix: Numismatic and Sigillary Evidence

<table>
  <tr>
    <td>95 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>96 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 353).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>96A (AR)</td>
    <td>P.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>97 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>98 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, P.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>99 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 354), P.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>100 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>101 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>102 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>103 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>104 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, P.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>105 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, P.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>106 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, P.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>106A (AR)</td>
    <td>P.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>107 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 355).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>108 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, P.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>109 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>110 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>111 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 356).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>111A (AR)</td>
    <td>V (p. 359), P.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>112 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 307).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>113 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 357), P.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>114 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>115 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, P.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>116 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>116A (AR)</td>
    <td>P.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>117 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 322).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>118 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>118A (AR)</td>
    <td>P.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>119 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>120 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67, P.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>121A (AE)</td>
    <td>V (p. 372).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>122 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>122B (AE)</td>
    <td>P.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>123 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>124 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>125A (AE)</td>
    <td>V (p. 380).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>126 (AE)</td>
    <td>J. BM.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>127 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>128 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>129 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>130 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>130A (AE)</td>
    <td>P.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>131 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>132 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
</table>
Appendix: Numismatic and Sigillary Evidence

<table><tr><td>132A (AE)</td><td>P.</td></tr><tr><td>133 (AE)</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>134 (AE)</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>134A (AE)</td><td>G87.</td></tr><tr><td>135A (AE)</td><td>V (p. 377).</td></tr><tr><td>135 (AR)</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>136 (AR)</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>137 (AR)</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>138 (AR)</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>139A (AR)</td><td>V (p. 332), P.</td></tr><tr><td>139 (AR)</td><td>V (p. 360), P.</td></tr><tr><td>140 (AR)</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>141A (AR)</td><td>V (p. 364).</td></tr><tr><td>142 (AR)</td><td>G67, P.</td></tr><tr><td>142A (AR)</td><td>P.</td></tr><tr><td>143A (AR)</td><td>V (p. 365). BM.</td></tr><tr><td>143B (AR)</td><td>V (p. 366).</td></tr><tr><td>143C (AR)</td><td>V (p. 367).</td></tr><tr><td>143 (AR)</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>144A (AR)</td><td>V (p. 368).</td></tr><tr><td>144 (AR (Billon))</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>145 (AR)</td><td>V (p. 369), P.</td></tr><tr><td>145A (AR)</td><td>P.</td></tr><tr><td>146 (AR)</td><td>V (p. 361), P.</td></tr><tr><td>v.146 (AR)</td><td>P.</td></tr><tr><td>147A (AR)</td><td>V (p. 370).</td></tr><tr><td>147 (AR)</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>148 (AR)</td><td>G67, V (p. 362).</td></tr><tr><td>149 (AR)</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>150 var.1 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 338), P.</td></tr><tr><td>150 var.2 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 340), P.</td></tr><tr><td>150 var.3 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 346), P.</td></tr><tr><td>150 var.4 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 348).</td></tr><tr><td>150A (AR)</td><td>P.</td></tr><tr><td>151 (AR)</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>152 (AE)</td><td>G67, V (p. 379), P.</td></tr><tr><td>152</td><td>The assumption that 152 no.46 (BM 1889,1203.38) depicts a simplified bull seems unsound. At the very least it represents a later degraded design or imitation, and so ought to receive a 152A designation.</td></tr><tr><td>153 (AE)</td><td>G67. BM.</td></tr><tr><td>154 (AE)</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>155 (AE)</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>156 (AE)</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>157 (AE)</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>158 (AE)</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>159 (AE)</td><td>G67, P.</td></tr></table>
Appendix: Numismatic and Sigillary Evidence

160 (AE) G67.

161 (AE) G67.

162 (AE) G67.

163 (AE) G67.

164 (AE) G67.

165 (AE) G67, V (p. 264), P.

165A (AE) V (p. 266).

**166 to 170 and 194 to 197:** these numbers were removed from G67 after the list was compiled, and were originally intended to cover various Kashmir types related to the Kidarites and Alchons. Contemporary coinages of the fourth to sixth century, usually attributed to Kashmir and derivative of Kidarite types are (like Sind and coinages derived from Indian prototypes) not fully represented in these lists.

171 (AE) G67.

172 (AE) G67.

173 (AE) G67.

174B (AE) V (p. 381), P.

174 var.a (AE) G67.

174 var.b (AE) G67.

175 (AE) G67.

176 (AE) G67.

**177 to 189** are coins of the Kotas. Judging by weight these were issued parallel with Kushan currency from the period of Kaniṣka II to Shaka (c. 230 – 350 CE), probably in the upper Gangetic valley. Though their designs may have influenced Hunnic types in the Punjab they are not themselves Hunnic coins and have been eliminated.

193 (AE) G67.

**190–193** The Kota coins precede a small group in G67, the most common of which (type 192a and 192b) have the Brahmi inscription *jiṣnu*. Though superficially similar to Kota coins (issued c. 250 to 350 CE in the Punjab) they are closer in weight and design to a group published by Michael Mitchiner in *ACW* (1978, 496; Nos. 3800–02). Mitchiner associates that group with type 159 (*ACW* 3807), type 152 (*ACW* 3808–12), coins of Kashmir in the name of Toramāṇa (*ACW* 3792–99), (also 124 = *ACW* 3800–02, and 122 = *ACW* 3804–06), and a group deriving from Kushan prototypes (with a seated Ardochsho reverse<fnref n="1" />). The last are clearly Hunnic issues but are not listed in G67, probably because they derive specifically from a Kushan prototype. Mitchiner identifies two main types based on the inscription, *ACW* 3779–81 and *ACW* 3782–83².

For **194 to 197** see note above relating to 166 to 170.

198 (AR) G67, V (p. 475).

198 F V (p. 477). modern forgeries.

199 (AE) G67.

200 (Bi) G67, V (p. 598).

200A (Bi) G67, V (p. 599).

201 (Bi) G67, V (p. 600).

202 (AE) G67.

203 (AE) G67, V (p. 601).

<footnote n="1">¹ The particular model are the debased late gold staters of Shaka and Kipunadha rather than the local copper imitations which continued to be issued for several decades after the end of Kushan power.</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² Mistyped as 3682–3 in Mitchiner.</footnote>
Appendix: Numismatic and Sigillary Evidence

<table>
  <tr>
    <td>204 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 602).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>204A</td>
    <td>V (p. 608).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>205 (Bi)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 618).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>206 (Bi)</td>
    <td>G67, G87, V (p. 648).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>207 (Bi)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 650).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>208 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 656).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>209 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>210 (Bi)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 657), K (659–661).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>210A</td>
    <td>V (p. 659).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>210B</td>
    <td>V (p. 660).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>211 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>212 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>213 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>214 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>215 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>216 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 669).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>216A (AE)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 671).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>216B</td>
    <td>V (p. 672).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>217 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 462).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>218 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 463).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>218A</td>
    <td>V (p. 464).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>219A</td>
    <td>V (p. 465).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>219 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>220 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 466).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>220A</td>
    <td>V (p. 467).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>220B</td>
    <td>V (p. 468).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>221 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 469).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>222 (early) (AR)</td>
    <td>V (p. 472). Equivalent to I-III, and VI.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>222 (late) (AR)</td>
    <td>V (p. 474). Equivalent to IV and V.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>222/I (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>222/II (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>222/III (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>222/IV (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>222/V (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>222/VI (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>222</td>
    <td>Classified differently by V than in G.<br>222 early = I,II,III, VI<br>222 late = IV, V</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>223</td>
    <td>G93, V (p. 611).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>223A</td>
    <td>V (p. 612).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>224</td>
    <td>G93.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>224A</td>
    <td>V (p. 470).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>224B</td>
    <td>V (p. 471).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>225 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 490).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>226 (Bi)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 492).</td>
  </tr>
</table>
Appendix: Numismatic and Sigillary Evidence

<table>
  <tr>
    <td>227 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 493).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>228 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>229 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 494).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>230 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>231 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 495).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>232 (Bi)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 497).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>233 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 498).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>234 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 499).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>235 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 500).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>236 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 572).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>237 (Bi)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 574).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>238 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 575).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>239 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 577).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>239A</td>
    <td>V (p. 579).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>240 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 651).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>240A</td>
    <td>V (p. 654), K (603).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>241 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 613).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>242 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 614).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>243 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 615).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>243A</td>
    <td>V (p. 616).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>243B</td>
    <td>V (p. 617).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>244 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 643).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>244B</td>
    <td>V (p. 645).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>244A</td>
    <td>V (p. 681).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>245 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 661).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>245A (AE)</td>
    <td>G87.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>245B</td>
    <td>V (p. 663).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>245C</td>
    <td>V (p. 664).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>245D</td>
    <td>V (p. 665).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>245E</td>
    <td>V (p. 666).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>245AA</td>
    <td>V (p. 667).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>246 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 668).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>246A (AE)</td>
    <td>G87.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>247 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, G85, V (p. 674).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>247A (AR)</td>
    <td>G85.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>247B (AR)</td>
    <td>G85.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>247C (AR)</td>
    <td>G87.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>248 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>249 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>250 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 675).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>251 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>251A</td>
    <td>G87.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>251C</td>
    <td>V (p. 678). Where is B?</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>252 (Bi)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 581).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>253 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 583).</td>
  </tr>
</table>
Appendix: Numismatic and Sigillary Evidence

<table>
  <tr>
    <td>254 (Bi)</td>
    <td>G67, G87, V (p. 621).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>254AA</td>
    <td>V (p. 625).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>255 (Bi)</td>
    <td>G67, G87, V (p. 622).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>255A</td>
    <td>V (p. 623).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>255B</td>
    <td>V (p. 624).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>255C</td>
    <td>V (p. 626).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>256 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 627).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>256B</td>
    <td>V (p. 682).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>256A (AE)</td>
    <td>G67, G87. G67 lists a Pahlavi inscription but G87 offers a Bactrian one, are these two different types?</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>257 (Bi)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 585).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>258 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 586).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>258A</td>
    <td>V (p. 587), K (637-643).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>259 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, G87, V (p. 683).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>259A</td>
    <td>V (p. 685).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>260 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>261A (AR)</td>
    <td>V (p. 437).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>261 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>262 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>263 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 628).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>264 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>265 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, G87, V (p. 630).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>265A</td>
    <td>V (p. 632).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>266 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 633).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>266A (AR)</td>
    <td>G87, V (p. 634).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>266B</td>
    <td>V (p. 635).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>267A</td>
    <td>V (p. 603).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>267 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 604).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>268 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 606).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>269 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 607).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>270 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67, G87, V (p. 609).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>270A (AR)</td>
    <td>G87, V (p. 610).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>270B (AE)</td>
    <td>G87, V (p. 636).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>271 (AE)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 605).</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>271A</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>272 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>273 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>274 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>274A</td>
    <td>G87.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>275 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>276 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>277 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>278 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>279 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>280 (AR)</td>
    <td>G67, V (p. 640).</td>
  </tr>
</table>
Appendix: Numismatic and Sigillary Evidence

281A V (p. 641).

281 (AR) G67

282 to 286 are Sasanian issues which Göbl included because they have countermarks probably applied under the Hephthalites.

pre-287 (AR) V (p. 408).

287 (AR) G67, V (p. 409).

287 F (AR) V (p. 411).

287A (AR) V (p. 412).

287B (AR) V (p. 413).

287C (AR) V (p. 414).

288 var.1 (AR) G67, V (p. 415).

288 var.2 (AR) G67, V (p. 416).

289 (AR) G67, V (p. 418).

290 (AR) G67, V (p. 431).

291 to 294 included a wide range of varieties most of which are of ‘Indo-Sasanian’ type but also included coins of the Pratiharas. Though Hunnic coinage was an important route through which elements of Sasanian coin design spread into Indian in the eighth to tenth centuries none of these coins are actually Hunnic so are excluded from this list.

295 var.1 (AR) V (p. 432).

295A (AR) V (p. 435).

295 var.2 (AR) V (p. 432).

295 var.3 (AR) V (p. 432).

296 G67.

297 G67.

301 G85, V (p. 639).

302 (AE) G85.

303 (AR) G87.

304 G93, V (p. 71), C (E3) 1.

305 (AR) G93, V (p. 327), P.

306 (AR) G93, V (p. 77), P.

307 (AR) G93, P.

307A (AR) G67, V (p. 333), P.

307B (AR) V (p. 334).

308 (AR) G93, P.

309 (AE) G93, V (p. 262).

309A (AE) V (p. 263).

310 (AE) G93, V (p. 378), P.

311 G93.

312 G93.

313 G93, V (p. 589), K (629–636).

313A V (p. 591), K (625–626).

313B V (p. 594), K (616–620).

313C V (p. 597).

314 G93, V (p. 619).

314A V (p. 637).
Appendix: Numismatic and Sigillary Evidence

<table><tr><td>314B</td><td>V (p. 638).</td></tr><tr><td>315</td><td>G93, V (p. 689).</td></tr><tr><td>316 (AR)</td><td>V (p. 317).</td></tr><tr><td>317 (AR)</td><td>V (p. 316), P.</td></tr><tr><td>318 (AR)</td><td>V (p. 299).</td></tr><tr><td>320 (AR)</td><td>V (p. 337).</td></tr><tr><td>321 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 382).</td></tr><tr><td>323 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 383).</td></tr><tr><td>324 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 384).</td></tr><tr><td>325 (AR)</td><td>V (p. 330).</td></tr><tr><td>326 (AR)</td><td>V (p. 331).</td></tr><tr><td>327 (AR)</td><td>V (p. 676), P.</td></tr><tr><td>327A</td><td>V (p. 677).</td></tr><tr><td>328</td><td>V (p. 673).</td></tr><tr><td>329</td><td>V (p. 646).</td></tr><tr><td>329A</td><td>V (p. 647).</td></tr><tr><td>330</td><td>V (p. 679).</td></tr><tr><td>331</td><td>V (p. 686).</td></tr><tr><td>331A</td><td>V (p. 687).</td></tr><tr><td>331B</td><td>V (p. 688).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-K 1 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 79).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-K 2 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 81), K (266).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-K 2A (AE)</td><td>V (p. 93), K (185–193, 229).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-K 3 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 83), K (196ff) Göbl (1984 no. 1113).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-K 4 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 87), K (352ff).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-K 5 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 89), K (362ff).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-K 6 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 90), K (253ff).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-K 7 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 92).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-K 8 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 95), K (303).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-K 9 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 96), K (304ff).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-K 9A (AE)</td><td>V (p. 97).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-K 10 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 98).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-K 11 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 100).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-K 12 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 101), K (268).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-K 13 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 103), K (332ff).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-K 14 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 106), K (246ff).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-K 15–1 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 108).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-K 15–2 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 108).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-K 15–3 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 108).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-K 16 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 109), K (230ff).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-K 17 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 111).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-K 18 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 112).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-K 19 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 114).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-K 20 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 115), K (292ff).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-K 21 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 117).</td></tr></table>
Appendix: Numismatic and Sigillary Evidence

GC-K 22 (AE) V (p. 118), K (291).

GC-K 23 (AE) V (p. 119).

GC-K 24 (AE) V (p. 120).

GC-K 25 (AE) V (p. 122).

GC-K 26 (AE) V (p. 123).

GC-K 27 (AE) V (p. 125).

GC-K 28 (AE) V (p. 126). See also G67 type 23.

GC-K 29 (AE) V (p. 127), K (316–317).

GC-K 30 (AE) V (p. 129).

GC-K 31–1 (AE) V (p. 130).

GC-K 31–2 (AE) V (p. 130).

GC-K 31–3 (AE) V (p. 130).

GC-K 31–4 (AE) V (p. 130).

GC-K 31–5 (AE) V (p. 130).

GC-K 31–6 (AE) V (p. 130).

GC-K 31–7 (AE) K (285).

GC-K 32 (AE) V (p. 132).

GC-K 33 (AE) V (p. 133), K (321).

GC-K 34 (AE) J.

GC-K 35 (AE) V (p. 135).

GC-A 1 (AE) V (p. 267), K (503–504).

GC-A 2 (AE) V (p. 268), K (507).

GC-A 3 (AE) V (p. 269), K (510).

GC-A 4 (AE) V (p. 270).

GC-A 5 (AE) V (p. 271), K (502).

GC-A 6 (AE) V (p. 272), K (506–508).

GC-A 7 (AE) V (p. 273).

GC-A 8 (AE) V (p. 274).

GC-A 9 (AE) V (p. 275), K (505).

GC-A 10 (AE) V (p. 276).

GC-A 11 (AE) V (p. 277).

GC-A 12 (AE) V (p. 278).

GC-A 13 (AE) V (p. 280).

GC-A 14 (AE) V (p. 281).

GC-A 15 (AE) V (p. 282).

GC-A 16 (AE) V (p. 283).

GC-A 17 (AE) V (p. 284).

GC-A 18 (AE) V (p. 285), K (483, 541).

GC-A 19 (AE) V (p. 286), K (556).

GC-A 20 (AE) V (p. 287), K (308–309).

GC-A 21 var.1 (AE) V (p. 289).

GC-A 21 var.2 (AE) V (p. 289).

GC-A 21 var.3 (AE) V (p. 289).

GC-A 21 var.4 (AE) V (p. 289).

GC-A 21 var.5 (AE) V (p. 289).
Appendix: Numismatic and Sigillary Evidence

<table><tr><td>GC-A 21 var.6 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 289).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-A 22 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 373).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-A 23 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 374).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-S 1 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 442).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-S 2 (AE)</td><td>V (p. 443).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-S 3</td><td>V (p. 445).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-S 4 var.1</td><td>V (p. 446).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-S 4 var.2</td><td>V (p. 446).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-S 4 var.3</td><td>V (p. 446).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-WT 1</td><td>V (p. 690), K (655).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-WT 2</td><td>V (p. 691), K (644–645).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-WT 3</td><td>V (p. 692).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-WT 4</td><td>V (p. 694), K (655).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-WT 5</td><td>V (p. 695).</td></tr><tr><td>GC-WT 6</td><td>V (p. 696).</td></tr><tr><td>E1</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>E2</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>E3</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>E4</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>E5</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>E6</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>E7</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>E8</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>E9</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>E10</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>E11</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>E12</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>E13</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>E14</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>E15</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>E16</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>E17</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>E18</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>E19</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>E20</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>E21</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>E22</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>E23</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>E24</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>E25</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>E26</td><td>G67.</td></tr><tr><td>E27</td><td>G87.</td></tr><tr><td>E28</td><td>G87.</td></tr></table>
List 2. Bactrian inscriptions

The Bactrian inscriptions are presented twice, once (as in G67) with upper case Greek character, and once in lower case.

<table><tr><td>ΡΑΙΟ</td><td>Ραιο</td><td>74 (bracteate)</td></tr><tr><td>ΡΑΝΟ</td><td>βανο</td><td>67A var.1</td></tr><tr><td>ΡΑΟ ΑΛΧ</td><td>βαο αλχ</td><td>112</td></tr><tr><td>ΡΑΟΟ</td><td>βαοο</td><td>67A var.2</td></tr><tr><td>ΡΟΙΟ ΑΛΧΑΝΟΝΟ</td><td>βοιο αλχανονο</td><td>83</td></tr><tr><td>ΡΟΝΟ ΑΛΧΑΝΟ</td><td>βονο αλχανο</td><td>60</td></tr><tr><td>ΡΟΝΟ ΑΛΧΑΝΟ</td><td>βονο αλχανο</td><td>67</td></tr><tr><td>ΡΟΝΟ ΑΛΧΑΝΟ</td><td>βονο αλχανο</td><td>70</td></tr><tr><td>ΡΟΝΟ ΑΛΧΑΝΟ</td><td>βονο αλχανο</td><td>70A</td></tr><tr><td>ΡΟΥΟ ΟΛΧΟΝΟ</td><td>βονο ολχονο</td><td>68</td></tr><tr><td>ΑΔΟΜΑΝΟ ΜΙΙΡΟ ΣΑΝΟ ΡΑΟ</td><td>αδομανο μιμρο σανο βαο</td><td>85</td></tr><tr><td>ΑΔΟΜΑΝΟ ΜΙΙΡΟ ΣΑΝΟ ΡΑΟ</td><td>αδομανο μιμρο σανο βαο</td><td>85A</td></tr><tr><td>ΑΔΟΜΑΝΟ ΜΙΙΡΟ ΣΑΝΟ ΡΑΟ</td><td>αδομανο μιμρο σανο βαο</td><td>87</td></tr><tr><td>ΑΔΟΜΑΝΟ ΜΙΙΡΟ</td><td>αδομανο μιμρο</td><td>116A</td></tr><tr><td>ΑΔΟΜΑΝΟ ΜΥΡΟ ΣΑΝΟ ΡΑΟ</td><td>αδομανο μυρο σανο βαο</td><td>86</td></tr><tr><td>ΑΛΚΑ</td><td>αλκα</td><td>34</td></tr><tr><td>ΑΛΚΑ</td><td>αλκα</td><td>35</td></tr><tr><td>ΑΛΚΑΝ</td><td>αλκαν</td><td>45</td></tr><tr><td>ΑΛΚΑΝΝΟ</td><td>αλκαννο</td><td>36</td></tr><tr><td>ΑΛΚΑΝΝΟ</td><td>αλκαννο</td><td>36A</td></tr><tr><td>ΑΛΚΑΝΝΟ</td><td>αλκαννο</td><td>40</td></tr><tr><td>ΑΛΚΑΝΝΟ</td><td>αλκαννο</td><td>41</td></tr><tr><td>ΑΛΚΑΝΟ</td><td>αλκανο</td><td>43</td></tr><tr><td>ΑΛΚΟ</td><td>αλκο</td><td>43B</td></tr><tr><td>ΑΛΧΑΝΝΑΝΟ</td><td>αλχαννανο</td><td>44</td></tr><tr><td>ΑΛΧΑΝΝΟ</td><td>αλχαννο</td><td>33</td></tr><tr><td>ΑΛΧΑΝΟ ΧΙΠΓΙΛΟ</td><td>αλχανο χιγγιλο</td><td>59A</td></tr><tr><td>ΑΛΧΑΝΟ</td><td>αλχανο</td><td>80</td></tr><tr><td>ΑΛΧΟ</td><td>αλχο</td><td>34/35</td></tr><tr><td>ΑΛΧΟΝΟ ΡΟΥΟ ΖΟΟΒΛ</td><td>αλχονο βονο ζοοβλ</td><td>59</td></tr><tr><td>ΑΛΧΟΝΟΝΟ</td><td>αλχονονο</td><td>47 (P reads this as unclear)</td></tr><tr><td>ΑΛΧΟΝΟΝΟ</td><td>αλχονονο</td><td>66</td></tr><tr><td>ΒΑΓΟ ΜΗΝΑΜΟ</td><td>βαγο μηναμο</td><td>84A</td></tr><tr><td>ΒΑΧΛΟ</td><td>βαχλο</td><td>287</td></tr><tr><td>ΒΑΧΛΟ</td><td>βαχλο</td><td>288 var.1</td></tr><tr><td>ΒΑΧΛΟ</td><td>βαχλο</td><td>288 var.2</td></tr><tr><td>ΒΟΡΖΟ</td><td>βοφζο</td><td>E27</td></tr><tr><td>ΒΟΙΟ ΚΙΔΑΡΟ ΟΟΖΟΡΚΟ ΚΟΡΟΝΟ</td><td>βοιο κιδαρο οοζορκο κοφονο βαο</td><td>84</td></tr><tr><td>ΡΑΟ</td><td></td><td></td></tr></table>
Appendix: Numismatic and Sigillary Evidence

<table><tr><td>ΓΟΡΙΓΟ ΡΟΥΟ ΟΜΒΙΡΟ</td><td>γοριγο ρονο ομβιρο</td><td>273</td></tr><tr><td>ΓΩΖΟΓΟΝΟ</td><td>γωζογονο</td><td>248</td></tr><tr><td>ZABΟΧΟ ΜΙΙΡΟ ΣΑΝΟ ΦΑΟ</td><td>ζαβοχο μιιρο σανο βαο</td><td>106A</td></tr><tr><td>ZABΟΧΟ ΜΙΙΡΟ ΣΑΝΟ ΦΑΟ</td><td>ζαβοχο μιιρο σανο βαο</td><td>96A</td></tr><tr><td>ZABΟΧΟ ΜΙΙΡΟ ΣΑΝΟ ΦΑΟ</td><td>ζαβοχο μιιρο σανο βαο</td><td>97</td></tr><tr><td>ZABΟΧΟ ΜΙΙΡΟ ΣΑΝΟ ΦΑΟ</td><td>ζαβοχο μιιρο σανο βαο</td><td>98</td></tr><tr><td>ZABΟΧΟ ΜΥΡΟ ΣΑΝ</td><td>ζαβοχο μυρο σαν</td><td>107</td></tr><tr><td>ZABΟΧΟ ΜΥΡΟ ΣΑΝΟ ΦΑΟ</td><td>ζαβοχο μυρο σανο βαο</td><td>96</td></tr><tr><td>ZABΟΧΟ</td><td>ζαβοχο</td><td>100</td></tr><tr><td>ZABΟΧΟ</td><td>ζαβοχο</td><td>101</td></tr><tr><td>ZABΟΧΟ</td><td>ζαβοχο</td><td>102</td></tr><tr><td>ZABΟΧΟ</td><td>ζαβοχο</td><td>103</td></tr><tr><td>ZABΟΧΟ</td><td>ζαβοχο</td><td>99</td></tr><tr><td>ZΟΛΟΟΟΟ</td><td>ζολοοο</td><td>209</td></tr><tr><td>HB</td><td>ηβ</td><td>pre-287</td></tr><tr><td>HB</td><td>ηβ</td><td>287, 288 var.1, 288 var.2</td></tr><tr><td>HBO</td><td>ηβο</td><td>287A</td></tr><tr><td>HBO</td><td>ηβο</td><td>287B</td></tr><tr><td>ΙΟΟΜΟ</td><td>ιοομο</td><td>289</td></tr><tr><td>ΚΟΡΜΟ ΖΟΟΟ</td><td>κορμο ζοοο</td><td>272</td></tr><tr><td>ΚΩΜΟ</td><td>κωμο</td><td>34</td></tr><tr><td>ΜΗΟ</td><td>μηο</td><td>62</td></tr><tr><td>ΟΜΒΙΡΟ</td><td>ομβιρο</td><td>274A</td></tr><tr><td>ΟΜΒΙΡΟ</td><td>ομβιρο</td><td>281</td></tr><tr><td>ΟΟΟ ΣΟΡΒΟ ΣΟΒΟΓΟ ΟΟΟ ΙΝΟ ΒΟΤΙΝΟΟ</td><td>οοο σορβο σοβογο οοο ινο βοτινοο</td><td>247B</td></tr><tr><td>ΟΟΟ ΣΟΡΒΟ ΣΟΒΟΓΟ ΥΟΖΙΝΟ ΒΟΤΙΝΟΟ</td><td>οοο σορβο σοβογο υοζινο βοτινοο</td><td>247A</td></tr><tr><td>ΟΟΟ ΣΟΡΒΟ ΣΟΒΟΓΟ ΥΟΖΙΝΟ ΒΟΤΙΝΟΟ</td><td>οοο σορβο σοβογο υοζινο βοτινοο</td><td>247C</td></tr><tr><td>ΠΙΡΟΖΟ ΦΑΟ</td><td>πιροζο βαο</td><td>19</td></tr><tr><td>ΤΟΒΑΖΙΝΙ ΦΑΟ</td><td>τοβαζινι βαο</td><td>32</td></tr><tr><td>ΤΟΒΑΖΙΝΙ</td><td>τοβαζινι</td><td>32A</td></tr><tr><td>ΤΟΒΑΖΙΝΙ</td><td>τοβαζινι</td><td>32B</td></tr><tr><td>ΤΟΒΑΖΙΝΙ</td><td>τοβαζινι</td><td>32C</td></tr><tr><td>ΦΡΟΜΟ ΚΗΟΣΟΡΟ ΒΟΓΟ ΧΟΟΟΗΟ</td><td>φρομο κησορο βογο χοοοηο</td><td>248</td></tr><tr><td>ΦΡΟΜΟ ΚΗΣΑΡΟ ΒΟΓΟ ΧΟΟΟΗΟ ΚΙΟΟΙ ΒΟΓΟ ΖΙΚΙΝΟ ΧΟΟΗΟ</td><td>φρομο κησαρο βογο χοοοηο κιοοι βογο ζικινο χοοηο</td><td>247C</td></tr><tr><td>ΦΡΟΜΟ ΚΗΣΟΡΟ ΒΟΓΟ ΧΟΟΟΗΟ ΚΙΟΟΙ ΒΟΓΟ ΖΙΚΙΝΟ ΧΟΟΗΟ</td><td>φρομο κησορο βογο χοοοηο κιοοι βογο ζικινο χοοηο</td><td>247A</td></tr></table>
Appendix: Numismatic and Sigillary Evidence

<table><tr><td>ΦΡΟΜΟ ΚΗΣΟΡΟ ΒΟΓΟ ΧΟΟΟΗΟ<br>KIOOI<br>ΒΟΓΟ ΖΙΚΙΝΟ</td><td>φρομο κησορο βογο χοοοηο κιοοι<br>βογο ζικινο</td><td>247B</td></tr><tr><td>ΦΡΟΜΟ ΚΗΣΟΡΟ</td><td>φρομο κησορο</td><td>249</td></tr><tr><td>ΧΙΣΤΙΛΟ ΟΧΟΝΟ</td><td>χιστιλο οχονο</td><td>61</td></tr><tr><td>ΧΙΠΓΙΛΟ ΑΛΧΑΝΟ</td><td>χιγγιλο αλχανο</td><td>61A</td></tr><tr><td>ΧΜΟΙΟΔΟ ΒΟΙΟΝΟ</td><td>χμοιοδο βοιονο</td><td>39</td></tr><tr><td>ΧΟ ... ΧΟ</td><td>χο ... χο</td><td>32D</td></tr><tr><td>Corrupt or only traces of inscription:</td><td colspan="2">84B, 24, 48, 64, 104, 220A, 220B, 270, 287C, GC-K 1</td></tr></table>
List 3. Brahmi inscriptions

<table><tr><td>[ ]gilaḥ</td><td>132A</td></tr><tr><td>alakha</td><td>11</td></tr><tr><td>bānabharaja prāyata</td><td>55</td></tr><tr><td>baysāra jaya</td><td>110</td></tr><tr><td>bhalo</td><td>146</td></tr><tr><td>bra</td><td>120</td></tr><tr><td>buddhami</td><td>18</td></tr><tr><td>cu</td><td>42</td></tr><tr><td>dara</td><td>95</td></tr><tr><td>dekha</td><td>44C</td></tr><tr><td>deva ṣāhi khiṅgila</td><td>81</td></tr><tr><td>deva ṣāhi</td><td>65</td></tr><tr><td>dhama jaya</td><td>111A</td></tr><tr><td>dhama jaya</td><td>306</td></tr><tr><td>dhama jayatu</td><td>307</td></tr><tr><td>dhama jayatu</td><td>307A</td></tr><tr><td>dharma</td><td>GC-K 12</td></tr><tr><td>drade śrī</td><td>324</td></tr><tr><td>ja</td><td>GC-A 14</td></tr><tr><td>jā</td><td>163</td></tr><tr><td>jaṇadeva</td><td>55B</td></tr><tr><td>java mahama (P reads ṣāhi mahama)</td><td>317</td></tr><tr><td>java</td><td>76</td></tr><tr><td>java</td><td>GC-K 33</td></tr><tr><td>jaya ṣa hy avamazha</td><td>75C</td></tr><tr><td>jaya ṣāha</td><td>52</td></tr><tr><td>jaya ṣāha</td><td>52A</td></tr><tr><td>jaya ṣāhi javūkhaḥ</td><td>82</td></tr><tr><td>jaya ṣāhi</td><td>53</td></tr><tr><td>jaya ṣahyabhi manyu (P reads [jaya ṣahy a] vamazha(?))</td><td>75</td></tr><tr><td>jayatu [ ]kula</td><td>137</td></tr><tr><td>jayatu baysāra</td><td>109</td></tr><tr><td>jayatu marakula</td><td>135A</td></tr><tr><td>jayatu mihirakula</td><td>135</td></tr><tr><td>jayatu mihirakula</td><td>136</td></tr><tr><td>jayatu mihirakula</td><td>310</td></tr><tr><td>jayatu naraṇa</td><td>138</td></tr><tr><td>jayatu śrī nare</td><td>176</td></tr><tr><td>jayatu śrī narendra</td><td>174 var.b</td></tr><tr><td>jayatu śri narendra</td><td>174B</td></tr><tr><td>jayatu vrṣadhvaja</td><td>134</td></tr><tr><td>jayatu</td><td>321</td></tr><tr><td>jayatu</td><td>v.146</td></tr></table>
Appendix: Numismatic and Sigillary Evidence

<table><tr><td>jişnu</td><td>193</td></tr><tr><td>kheṅgi</td><td>54</td></tr><tr><td>khigi</td><td>57</td></tr><tr><td>khigi</td><td>66</td></tr><tr><td>khigila</td><td>44</td></tr><tr><td>khiṅgila va ṣāhi</td><td>318</td></tr><tr><td>kidara kuṣāna ṣā</td><td>11</td></tr><tr><td>kidara kuṣānaṣā hi</td><td>14</td></tr><tr><td>kitī</td><td>58</td></tr><tr><td>kṣatrapa tarīka</td><td>25</td></tr><tr><td>kṣatrapa tarīka</td><td>26</td></tr><tr><td>kṣatrapa tarīka</td><td>27</td></tr><tr><td>kṣatrapa tarīka</td><td>28</td></tr><tr><td>kuja</td><td>GC-A 22</td></tr><tr><td>kujaṇa</td><td>GC-K 13</td></tr><tr><td>kujaṇa</td><td>GC-K 20</td></tr><tr><td>kujānasya</td><td>GC-K 8</td></tr><tr><td>kujānasya</td><td>GC-K 9</td></tr><tr><td>kula</td><td>154</td></tr><tr><td>laja [ ] kha</td><td>46</td></tr><tr><td>ma</td><td>GC-K 28</td></tr><tr><td>maha nada</td><td>GC-K 4</td></tr><tr><td>maha nada</td><td>GC-K 5</td></tr><tr><td>maha</td><td>GC-K 14</td></tr><tr><td>maha</td><td>GC-K 19</td></tr><tr><td>mahadana kujaṇasya</td><td>GC-K 35</td></tr><tr><td>mehama</td><td>74 (bracteate)</td></tr><tr><td>mepama ṣaha</td><td>71</td></tr><tr><td>mepama</td><td>73A</td></tr><tr><td>mepama (P reads mehama)</td><td>74</td></tr><tr><td>mihiradata</td><td>157</td></tr><tr><td>ṇa</td><td>202</td></tr><tr><td>naṃ</td><td>3</td></tr><tr><td>naṃ</td><td>4</td></tr><tr><td>naṃ</td><td>5</td></tr><tr><td>naṃdaka</td><td>7</td></tr><tr><td>nan</td><td>6</td></tr><tr><td>nanda</td><td>9</td></tr><tr><td>nandaya</td><td>8</td></tr><tr><td>o</td><td>217</td></tr><tr><td>pa</td><td>171</td></tr><tr><td>pa</td><td>222 (early)</td></tr><tr><td>paja (P reads jaya)</td><td>139A</td></tr><tr><td>pe</td><td>6</td></tr><tr><td>peruşa(?)</td><td>GC-K 2A</td></tr></table>