# Economic relations between the regions of the Arabian Peninsula in the Ancient History

Mohammed B Salma

► To cite this version:

Mohammed B Salma. Economic relations between the regions of the Arabian Peninsula in the Ancient History. International Journal of Economic Performance -, -, 2022 5 (2), https://www.asjp.cerist.dz/en/article/206519. hal-03904730

HAL Id: hal-03904730

https://cnrs.hal.science/hal-03904730

Submitted on 17 Dec 2022

HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access
archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci-
entific research documents, whether they are pub-
lished or not. The documents may come from
teaching and research institutions in France or
abroad, or from public or private research centers.

L'archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est
destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents
scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non,
émanant des établissements d'enseignement et de
recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires
publics ou privés.

<figure><img src="image_1.png" /></figure>

Distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License
<figure><img src="image_2.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_3.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_4.png" /></figure>

# Economic relations between the regions of the Arabian Peninsula in the Ancient History

<figure><img src="image_5.png" /></figure>

Salma MOHAMMED B.HOSAWI

shosawi@ksu.edu.sa

College of Humanities and Social Sciences
King Saud University- Saudi Arabia

Submitted:31/08/2022

Accepted:27/09/2022

Published:04/12/2022

## Abstract:

The Arabian Peninsula witnessed a prosperous economic activity during antiquity, considering that economic exchange was the backbone of human life. This research aims to present an analytical study on the economic relations between the regions of the Arabian Peninsula in the light of the Marxist theory that supports the decisive role of the economic factor in history, especially since the regions of the Arabian Peninsula are rich in multiple products, which led to the diversity of aspects of economic activity "agricultural, animal and industrial". In turn, it was reflected in the internal economic relations between the regions of the Arabian Peninsula through the routes and cities of the trade caravans. The external interventions (Ptolemaic and Roman) negatively affected the internal relations between the south and north of the Arabian Peninsula. The economic aspect was the basis on which the relations between the south and north of the Arabian Peninsula were built, and the economic theory of Karl Marx was applied to it, as economic cooperation contributed to its development and growth, and also caused its transformation or end.

**Keywords:** Economic, Arabian Peninsula, relations, Marxist theory, roads.

**JEL Classification Codes:** A11 ; B14 ; D51 ; F43.
**Introduction**

It is worth mentioning that the economic factors have an effective impact on the course of the events of history, as the natural wealth of a country determines the type of agricultural and industrial production, the type of trade exchange and the extent of its activity, the method of distributing natural wealth or money and the extent of its concentration in the hands of a particular class or classes, or the level of its distribution among It affects the internal policy of a country, the system of government, the level of prosperity or poverty, the life of society in general, and the relationship of its sects to each other. It affects the level of urbanization and the rise or decline of civilization. Economic conditions affect the relationship of the state With the outside world, whether in purely economic terms or in political relations, it affects the level of its military power and its position in the international community (Morishima 1973: 38).

This research aims to present an analytical study on the economic relations between the regions of the Arabian Peninsula in the light of the Marxist theory that supports the decisive role of the economic factor in history, especially since the regions of the Arabian Peninsula are rich in multiple products, which led to the diversity of aspects of economic activity "agricultural, animal and industrial". In turn, it was reflected in the internal economic relations between the regions of the Arabian Peninsula through the routes and cities of the trade caravans (Akhdari and Nouri 2017: 1).

**1.Factors that contributed to the consolidation of economic relations between the regions of the Arabian Peninsula:**

**1.1.Geographical location and terrain:**

The location of the Arabian Peninsula between the economic regions of the ancient world contributed to its relations with its neighbours, especially since the Mediterranean and the Indus Valley produced different crops that the two parties needed in the process of trade exchange, which was carried out through the Arabian Peninsula, its ports, and the internal caravan cities (Abdullah 1999: 18). The inhabitants
of the Arabian Peninsula added the imported materials from the commercial regions surrounding the Arabian Peninsula, their most famous products, which were in great demand, such as frankincense, balsam, incense and myrrh (Al-Naeem 1992: 204).

The Arabian Peninsula* possesses a variety of natural resources, which were a natural product of the climatic variation and the great terrain between its parts, which in turn affected the civilizational pattern that characterized the region since the Stone Ages. Mountains and hills of varying height, the most important of which is the Al-Sarat mountain range, which extends from Syria in the north to the south of the Arabian Peninsula, where it reaches its maximum height, while descending sharply towards the west, punctuated by a group of valleys and oases, followed by the Najd plateau, which reaches a height of 2500 feet interspersed with several chains. The highest mountain ranges are the Aja, Salma and Tuwaiq Mountains, in addition to the oases that are concentrated near groundwater sources such as wells and wells, while a strip of low lands extends along the western, eastern, southern and northern coasts, which are plain areas rich in groundwater that appear in the form of springs and wells.

In the same context, the desert areas can be divided according to their composition into three sections, namely the Nafud area, which extends in the northern part of the Arabian Peninsula, and it is an area suitable for grazing thanks to the rainfall that helps the growth of herbs and plants, and the second section consists of Al-Dahna or red land, also known as Al-Ahqaf, and extends from influence in the north until it reaches the Empty Quarter, along with the third section, which consists of Al-Harra or Al-Harat, which are lands Covered by black volcanic stones, this section extends in the western region (Al-Naeem 1995: 31-42).

<footnote>* The regions of the Arabian Peninsula: The Arabian Peninsula is divided into different regions and geographic regions, and Arab geographers have divided it into two main parts, the Tihama region, the Hejaz region, the Al-Arid region, the Najd region, and the Yemen region. The Arabian Peninsula has three sections, the rocky Arabia Petraea or Arabia Petrix, located in the north of Arabia, southwest of Badia al-Sham, where the Nabatean kingdom is, Arabia Felix, meaning the country of Yemen or the green land, the desert country of Arabia Deseria, and it was It is called Badia al-Sham, then its name included the vast desert and the desert areas that were inhabited by tribes in the entire Arabian Peninsula (Al-Askari 2011: 29; Al-Husseini 1952-1953: 101-102 and Hawqal 2011: 29).</footnote>
**1.2.Population's density:**

The need for trade exchange has increased due to the increase in population density and the availability of natural resources and various industries in the regions of the Arabian Peninsula (Feng 2010: 610). Communication networks between East and West after the conquests of Alexander the Great 323-332 BC, and the emergence of states in the Arabian Peninsula in the first half of the first millennium BC, and this, in turn, was reflected in the prosperity of the economies of those countries, given that trade was the profession in which many inhabitants of the peninsula worked. The Arabian Peninsula, in addition to the reliance on the multiple land routes, on the roads the commercial caravan cities were established, which provided markets, freshwater, and places for rest and eating, and the domestication of camels since the second millennium BC are important factors too that helped the land trade flourish as well (Al-Naeem 1992: 206-207).

**1.3.Livestock:**

The Arabian Peninsula possesses a variety of livestock, which formed a pillar of the economy. The diversity of animals was linked to climatic conditions, as the region went through a wet phase during the period between (8000-5000 BC) that affected the prevailing environmental pattern, where the remains of lakes were found in the areas The central and southern parts of the Arabian Peninsula contributed to the diversity of vegetation and animal cover (Inezan 1999: 22). The remains of wild and other domesticated animals belonging to this era were found, including: (wild bull, domesticated bull, buffalo, ibex, and zebra) in the Saada region in the south of the Arabian Peninsula, in the north of the Empty Quarter and Tihama (Madiha, and Inezan, 2007: 71). These animals also appeared in the rock drawings that were found in separate areas of the Arabian Peninsula, dating back to the Neolithic period. In the Kilwa area in the northwestern section, samples of rock drawings were found showing different animals "such as bulls, ibex, hyenas and wild cows" (Al-Naeem 1995: 239).

<figure><img src="image_6.png" /></figure>
And in the north of Sanaa, rock drawings of animals that lived during the wet period and became extinct, such as (buffalo, wild bull, big cats, lion, tiger and leopard) were found.

And the climatic change that occurred in the region led to the extinction or decline in numbers of some animals that need dense vegetation cover and high water resources, while new animals have appeared that are more able to adapt to the dry environment "such as horses and one-humped camels" (Madiha, and Inezan, 2007: 100-101)

Two types of animals can be distinguished that spread in separate areas of the Arabian Peninsula during the dry era of the fourth millennium BC and beyond, which are domesticated animals such as cows, goats, sheep, camels, horses, mules, donkeys, birds and wild animals such as deer, wild cows, tigers, lions, and ostriches (Al-Naeem 1992: 175-87-161).

## 1.4. Precious stones:

Gemstones are considered one of the most important wealth enjoyed by the Arabian Peninsula, and these stones are formed naturally in the ground, and are characterized by their beauty, lustre and rarity, and have the ability to face erosion factors, and are mostly used for decoration (Sims 2007: 52), so they were known as ornamental minerals (As well 2003: 95), and the history of the use of precious stones dates back to the fourth millennium B.C. Birth, where samples of beads made of precious stones were found in the tombs of Umm al-Nar in the eastern part of the Arabian Peninsula (Shaker 2005: 16), and then topped the lists of commercial goods at the beginning of the first millennium BC, where a text dating back to the Assyrian king "Sennacherib" (705-681 BC) was found. in which he mentions that he received a gift from the Shebaan king "Karb El" on the occasion of the establishment of (Beit Akitu) consisting of gold and precious stones (Naimat, and Malaabh 1999: 642), and it was also mentioned in the lamentations of the Prophet "Ezekiel" (27-22) which talks about the ruin of Tyre, where he mentioned that the Sabaeans brought into the images all kinds of precious stones and gold
(Grumman1995: 12), as referred to by the classic writers such as Strabo, who mentioned it while describing the wealth of the Sabaeans (Estrabun 2017: 121), and Plinius, who spoke about different types of precious stones and gave details about their shape, colour and components, which proves their spread in most of the Arabian Peninsula (Pliny 2017: 206).

**1.5. Construction of roads and hotels:**

In the same context, the economic establishments represented an important aspect of the economic activity that characterized the Arabian Peninsula, as it was the distinct manifestation of the trade exchange between it and the peoples of other countries from the East and West. They also provided public roads, public bathrooms (Hopwood 2016: 78), whether in cities or outside them, with water taps, so that the passerby could get his water (Seton 1957: 195).

**2. Economic Relations between the South and North of the Arabian Peninsula:**

The history of economic relations between the south and north of the Arabian Peninsula goes back to pre-history, and despite the difficulty of determining a specific date, the archaeological evidence of these relations may date back to the second half of the second millennium BC, based on the civilizational influences that appeared in the south of the Arabian Peninsula. Under the influence of civilizations bordering the northern borders, which resulted in the entry of the region into the historical era with the emergence of writing in the southern section (Maigret 1999: 51).

In the absence of physical evidence for this contact, and according to the data that show the vitality of the land trade route linking the two regions since the twelfth century BC, these indicators made us imagine the existence of economic relations between the two parties since that period, especially since archaeological evidence indicates the existence of a human settlement in The northern region and its inhabitants engaged in grazing and trade (Al-Naeem 1995: 424).
The flourishment of the trade route was one of the factors that contributed to the
formation of tribal conglomerates in the northern regions that seemed clear since the
ninth century BC and were subject to leaders in charge of managing their public affairs,
which must have witnessed a kind of prosperity and recovery as a result of their
establishment on the sides of the trade route, which they were fully aware of. With its
economic return on the region, and according to the Marxist theory, this economic
prosperity leads to the existence of political and military ambitions (Sobhi 1999: 159-160,
and Zenati, 2007: 37), which provoked the ambitions of Assyrian influence and
prompted him to try to penetrate the desert and control these paths, as the Kingdom of
Kedar (853 BC), located on the borders of Syria, emerged to assume the task of
defending the Arabs and their economic interests away from the Assyrian control, so it
was forced to break out of its isolation and enter into political alliances with the
neighbouring regions against the Assyrians (Al-Turki 2010: 33-34).

According to the materialist theory which says: There is a permanent dialectical
relationship in which societies exchange economic communication with each other for
the continuity and the growing development of each people (Davar 2016: 129). This
applies in the first indications that talk about commercial cooperation between Sheba
(800 BC-525 AD) and Tayma (738 BC). In the texts of the King of Sukho and Mari
"Ninurta Kodori Usur" at the beginning of the eighth century BC. The text refers to the
king's followers making a surprise attack on a caravan from Taima and Sheba, trying to
avoid paying the tax, but it fell into the king's grip, with all the goods it carried
(Hausletter 2010: 210).

It seems clear from the text that Saba and Tayma participated in the trade caravan, as
evidence of the existence of economic and commercial cooperation between the two
parties in that early period of the first millennium BC. BC, in which the commercial
leadership moved from Sheba to Mu'in (1300-650 BC), located to the northwest of Sheba
(Rubin2010: 82).

<figure><img src="image_7.png" /></figure>
It seems that the political conditions in the region at that time, shifted in favour of Mu'in, who was part of the Sabian alliance that controlled the incense trade throughout the eighth and seventh centuries BC, and it is still a small kingdom that controls Qrnaw and the surrounding agricultural lands. The sixth century BC had disturbed the balance of power in the region and endangered its trade, especially after Sheba's attack on a northern convoy, which prompted Mu'in to form a tribal union to stand in the face of Sheba's ambitions. The union may have included most of the southern Jawf regions, including Najran as stated by the inscription (Mu'in 9) which indicates that Saba lost control of the cities of Al-Jawf Al-Janoub, which formed the kingdom of Mu'in since that time (Arbash 2014: 85).

Since the sixth century BC, the Kingdom of Mu'in adopted the task of supervising the trade route extending to the north, and as a result, trading centres or specific settlements were established along the road in the centre and north of the peninsula, as well as extensive economic relations with the kingdoms of the north and northwest, and this is proven by the specific inscriptions. It was found in Najran, Dadan and Lehyan (900 BC-150 AD), and Al-Faw (4th century BC to the 4th century AD), which date back between the sixth and first centuries BC (Rubin 2010: 82).

Karl Marx considers that the economic interests between peoples require cooperation together in maintaining the security and safety of trade routes, especially in the conditions of wars and crises, because they serve as a lifeline for those peoples from destruction and annihilation, and their time is better than any political or social matters (Morishima 1973: 76).

This was evident in our study, which also believes that The economic interests in that period were represented in maintaining the security and safety of the trade route, and the relations between the two sides were strengthened, as we note the growth of these relations from the specific side since the fourth century BC, when this relationship took a social character, and a number of specific texts refer to the phenomenon of the association of individuals from The people of Mu'in with foreign women, including
women from Kedar, Yathrib, Dedan, Lehyan, and Wadi al-Qura. These texts date back to the fourth century BC, including, for example, the text of Mu'in: (Mu'in 93 C/ 1-2), (Al-Saeed 2002: 56). This shows the growth of economic relations between the two parties and their reaching of the level of influence and social fusion, and in the light of the materialist theory, we did not see this until after providing economic security on both sides (Morishima 1973: 80).

Here, it must be made clear that the impact of the economic relations between the two sides did not stop at the social aspect, but reached the stage of political control at the end of the third century BC, when the Mu'in kingdom had a kind of dominance over Lihyan in the northwest, which also enjoyed corresponding economic prosperity. It is located on the trade route, and its economic relations with Mu'in have been documented since the fifth century B.C. However, the third century B.C. witnessed the growth of Mu'in influence within Lahyan, where the Mu'in community dominated the economic side, and a chief was appointed to look after its interests, standing side by side with the local ruler. Thanks to the early relations between Mu'in and Lihyan, the Southern Musnad script moved to Lihyan, from which the Lihyani script was derived, and it is one of the first fonts in which the northern texts were written (Saleh: 83-84).

In the same context, Qatban had a share in commercial relations with the northwest of the Arabian Peninsula, where an Athenian "Greek" coin was found in southern Qatban, dating back to after 196 BC, on which was written the name of the Qatban king "Shahr Hilal" (second century). BC) in Lehayn letters (Mahmoud 2004:85).

Karl Marx believes that strong economic nations always seek to impose their political control and obtain influence in more than one region (Ellwood 1911: 86), and this applied to the Kingdom of Sheba, which also had settlements in the north or at least communities that looked after the interests of the mother country. In Tawilan, north of Petra, large quantities of A large collection of Shebaan pottery, seals and coins, dated between the eighth and sixth centuries BC, suggesting the establishment of a Sabaean community in the region (Mahmoud 2004:85).
It is worth noting that the Nabataeans (312 BC-106 AD) during the sixth and fifth centuries BC were nomads, as the classical historian "Diodorus the Sicilian" indicated that the Nabataeans, at the beginning of the fourth century, were still in the stage of nomadism and mobility (Sicilian 2017: 133), and had not yet become accustomed to a life of stability, and in the middle of the fourth century BC, the Nabataean community began to witness a kind of stability as a result of their involvement in agriculture, and their work as commercial brokers, exploiting their position on the trade route linking the south of the peninsula and the regions of the Mediterranean basin, as the products of the south of the peninsula reach their hands by land through the incense route And by sea through the port of Ayla and Loki Komi, then the Nabateans transport it and distribute it to foreign markets (Strabo 1954-1961, 16: 4: 18: 116-117).

We must point out here that the economic relations that linked the Nabataeans to the kingdoms of southern Arabia coincided with the state of instability that the southern kingdoms were experiencing, as a result of conflicts, both inside and outside the Kingdom of Sheba with other entities, and as a result of that conflict, the decline of Sheba's commercial dominance over the department The North and its confinement to the internal land trade routes, and the seaports that fall within its territory, and the process of transporting goods took place on one of the coastal islands south of the Red Sea, where the Nabataeans gathered there to receive goods and then transport them to the North (Mahmoud 2004:87), which highlighted the importance of trade exchange and its impact on relations between Countries (Morishima 1973: 84), as this exchange contributed to a kind of commercial cooperation between the two parties and its development and expansion at a later stage to what resembles an alliance as a result of the political conditions that the region was exposed to after the advent of the Ptolemies (332 BC) (Farah 2007: 30), and their cooperation with the Lihyans and their allies, the specific enemies of the Sabaeans in that period from Date (Ali 1993: 89).

What reinforces Marx's economic vision and his interest in the aspect of trade exchange and its impact on relations between countries, is that the Nabataean specific relations
from the fourth century BC until the first century AD, were economic relations based mostly on a trade exchange, as a man-made head was found in the Khawlan region in the south. It is made of copper that resembles the faces printed on the Nabataean coin, which dates back to the first century BC, and this indicates the existence of a Nabatean commodity that reached the southern lands through trade exchange (Ali 1993: 302), and from another angle, the state of turmoil between the two parties negatively affected its relations with the Mu'in state in the south. The Nabataeans faced fierce competition from the Ptolemaic side, especially with regard to maritime trade, and in turn, this competition was what drew its relations with the Kingdom of Lihyan, which was affiliated in that period of history to the southern kingdom of Mu'in, where it joined the side of the Ptolemaic influence against the Nabateans, and the trade convoys began to move directly from the Kingdom of Hayyan crossed the port of Agra (Al-Wajh) to the western coast of the Red Sea, where the Ptolemaic influence, which led to the stop of the passage of trade convoys through the Nabataean lands (Saleh: 83-84).

In the same context, Sheba, which was at odds with Mu'in, rushed to strengthen its commercial relations with the Nabateans, especially since their commercial influence in the Red Sea increased after the Ptolemaic control of Egypt, and they began to control the southern Red Sea and monopolized eastern trade, and they began to threaten the Ptolemaic interests in the Red Sea by cooperating with the Nabataeans (Al-Nasiri 1984: 410-414).

According to the Marxist principle of controversy, which states that there is a state of controversy and ups and downs in the conditions of states due to the economic situation, when the Ptolemaic influence on the eastern coast of the Red Sea began to decline during the first half of the second century BC, due to their defeat against the Seleucids in Syria (Farah 2002: 63),† the Nabataeans rushed to expand along This coast, and they seized the Kingdom of Lihyan, and succeeded in reaching and destroying the

<footnote>† A port or settlement established by Ptolemy Philadelphus on the eastern coast of the Red Sea to transport goods directly to the port of Meos Hermos without passing through the Nabatean lands (Kamal 1979: 202).</footnote>
Ptolemaic port of Ambilioni, and reconstructing it or building next to it the port of "Loki Kumi"‡, and they linked it with Yathrib. This led to the collapse and fall of the Kingdom of Lihyan, and the shift of the center of cultural gravity to Al-Hijr, which retained its position due to its strategic location on the trade caravan route until the fall of the Nabataean Kingdom in 160 AD, its transformation into a Roman state during the reign of the Roman Emperor Trajan (98-117 AD) (Abdel Halim 1993: 469 and Mahmoud 2004 : 67).

In another reference to the Marxist controversy when the Sabean and Nabataean trade relations declined as a result of the Romans appearing on the scene of events, and their closer relationship with the Nabataeans, which developed with time and went beyond the stage of peace to cooperation between the two parties, where the Nabataeans supported the project of Octavius (27 BC - 14 AD) which It aims to secure and monopolize the eastern trade routes, and the Nabataeans supported the Romans in achieving their policy of turning the Red Sea into a Roman lake (Abu Ras 2004: 46), which threatened Sheba's commercial interests, especially after the Romans adopted a military solution towards the Kingdom of Sheba, which until that time monopolized a large part of the trade of incense (Strabo 1954-1961, 16: 4: 18: 124), Were the Romans directed a campaign to the south of the Arabian Peninsula, "Aleus Galius" 25-24 BC.

Marx suggests that most of the military campaigns and wars throughout history came to serve economic interests in the first place (Morishima 1973: 54).

Where the Nabataeans contributed a thousand soldiers in addition to the Minister "Silaios"§ (end of the first century BC) the role of the guide for the campaign, and there

<footnote>‡ Loki Komi Port (White Village): It is the main port of the Nabateans, located on the eastern coast of the Red Sea. The Nabateans preferred it to the port of Ayla, located at the head of the Gulf of Aqaba. For more (Al-Naeem 1992: 253).</footnote>

<footnote>§ He is known in the inscriptions as Akha (the king), which is a metaphorical brother that means that he is the right hand of the king, and his personality may have overshadowed the personality of the king, and he played a vital role in most of the events that characterized the second cult era. For more on the personality of Selayus (Abbas 1987 : 51).</footnote>

<footnote>In addition, the Romans used the Nabataean minister, Saleh or Syllaeus, to be their guide in the paths, and to him the reason for the failure of the campaign, as mentioned by the contemporary geographer Strabo of this campaign (Strabo 1954- 1961: 16, 4-24, 357-363; Lawlor 1974: 91-101; Hammond 1973: 22-26; Starcky 1955: 94-97 and Josephus 1981: 93-114).</footnote>
were conflicting opinions about the minister's goal of this support, where Strabon mentioned that His aim was to exploit the expedition to explore the region and impose his control over it in order to exploit it economically (Strabo 1954-1961, 16: 127).

While some believe that the minister's goal in this is to gain the confidence of the Romans in order to allow him to ascend the Nabataean throne after the second worship (8-30 BC), or, at the very least, appointing him as their representative over the southern Arabian Peninsula (Abbas 1987: 57).

and it is likely that the political conflict which the region was suffering from had a negative impact on its economy in general, and its impact extended to the Nabatean economy, which prompted the Nabataeans to support the Roman campaign, which believed that it could restore stability to the region and thus return the trade routes to their previous status (Al-Theeb 2005: 52).

The experiences of the Nabataeans with the Ptolemies in the past also contributed to the formulation of their policy with the Romans, as they found that the policy of alliance with them might be more effective in light of the expansion policy pursued by the Romans towards the region, and on the other hand, their commercial interests were affected as a result of the conflict in the south, so the Romans were the means by which they could Through it, the revival of trade or obtaining some influence in the region, with evidence that the Nabataeans later sought, as a result of the failure of the campaign and the decline of the Sheba power, to consolidate their economic relations with the donkeys of the new power that began to flourish on the ruins of the Kingdom of Sheba, although the latter is still struggling to survive and it continued until it finally surrendered in the fourth century AD (Bafaqih 1985: 137-142).

Marx believes that the dominance of religious ideas and their dominance over the economy would weaken the country's economic power (Morishima 1973: 86), when the

<footnote>However, Kammerer mentioned that treason was not among the accusations leveled against the Nabataean minister when he was sent by the Romans to the capital, Rome, for his trial, which ended with his execution in 5 BC, after twenty years of the Roman campaign in southern Arabia (Kammerer 1929:206, and Otaibi 2005: 137).</footnote>
Nabataean connection to Himyar was through the ports of the southern coast to the port of Loki Komi in the north, during the period of the spread of the aromatic trade at the time due to the increasing demand for it in the Roman market (Mahmoud 2004:90), where The spread of the Christian and Jewish monotheistic religions, and the difference in burial traditions of the dead, as they no longer require quantities of incense, and this situation caused the latest type of economic depression that greatly affected its commercial dealings in the region and this profitable trade declined since the third century AD, due to the low demand for it as it no longer requires quantities of these materials, in addition to all of this the general weakness of the Roman Empire, which was accompanied by a state of economic depression that greatly affected its commercial dealings in the region (McLaughlin 2014:153-157).

And this deterioration that affected the incense trade affected the region in general and its internal relations, so the south of the Arabian Peninsula entered a state of weakness and deterioration due to the external occupation "Abyssinian, Roman, and Persian. The commercial weight during the fifth and sixth centuries AD to the west of the Arabian Peninsula, where Mecca adopted the task of commercial mediation between the south and north of the Arabian Peninsula, and its organization through the system of feasting held by the Quraish with the donkeys and Negus king of Abyssinia in the south, and with the Byzantines, and the Sassanids in the north and north-west (Salama 1994: 231-212).

### 3. Economic relations between the east, north and south of the Arabian Peninsula:

Throughout the historical periods, the eastern coast of the Arabian Peninsula witnessed distinguished commercial activity. Several seaports and commercial cities appeared in it, which had an important role in the trade of the ancient world. The nature of this region motivated the population to head towards the Arabian Gulf and invest its resources to compensate for the poverty of the internal environment with some economic resources (Al-Shammari 2004: 43), such as: agricultural commodities such as
barley, vegetable oils, animal ghee, wool, wheat and sesame, and manufactured goods such as clothing and textiles (al-Samarrai 2017: 77-78).

The cultural and economic role of eastern Arabia was not limited to coastal areas only; Rather, the interior regions had an effective role by participating in the making of the history of the region. The residents of eastern Arabia and the Persian Gulf made better use of their distinct regions' locations as a meeting place between the three continents "Asia, Africa and Europe." This is supported by the texts of the neighboring regions, which clarified the region's effective economic role in the path of global trade at the time. Agricultural villages spread out in the oases of eastern Arabia along the land trade routes: Al-Ahsa, Qatif, Hofuf, Buraimi, Liwa; And the Al Batinah Plain and in Oman, and valleys such as: Wadi Samael and Wadi Al-Jazi, and in the highlands such as the Green Mountain and the Dhofar (Al-Hazani 2007: 56) Highlands to supply land convoys (Al-Abd Al-Jabbar and Al-Madilawi 2012: 119).

Since the third millennium BC, the provinces of Dilmun and Majan were considered among the most important economic regions of eastern Arabia. They formed an economic alliance between them. The reader of cuneiform texts does not find a mention of Dilmun except with Majan (they are linked) with each other as a result of the influence of important factors, including (Al-Jumaili 2014: 276).

The two regions are adjacent and are the most famous political entities in the region, as evidenced by the written evidence in Mesopotamia (Al-Hazani 2007: 56)

In the era of King Sargon of Akkadian (2371-2316 BC. M), he was proud to have the ships of Dilmun and Majan dock in his port: "Majan ships, Dilmun ships, he made (her) dock In the port of Bilad Akkad (Al-Turki 2014: 12).

- Economic integration between Dilmun and Majan; Majan surpassed Dilmun in that its lands contained many raw materials, especially minerals, which Mesopotamia and the interior regions of the Arabian Peninsula needed, while Dilmun outperformed Majan in the transit trade in the region (Al-Hazani 2007: 56).
Among the interior regions of eastern Arabia are Qatif (which was called in Greek Ketos) and Hofuf. These two cities enjoyed fertile soil and abundant water, which made them one of the areas inhabited by settlement long ago. The two cities are considered important commercial stations in eastern Arabia, as they are directly connected to the Arabian Gulf and are located on roads Trade destined for Oman in the south and central Arabian Peninsula. Among the indications of the existence of economic relations between the east of the island and Palmyra in the north of the Arabian Peninsula is the finding of a statue in the form of Palmyra features (Al-Naeem 1992: 226).

Also, in Qatif were found tombstones with inscriptions written on it, including a tombstone on which was written: The tomb of Elijah bin Yeni bin Sassar of the Sahem family, from the Feth of Dithal of the Saoudab tribe, and it is likely that it belonged to a merchant who settled in Qatif (Al-Saeed 2002: 128).

In the same context, the city of Al-Jarha in the tenth century BC, which was an important commercial center in the Arabian Peninsula, being a meeting place for land convoys from within the Arabian Peninsula, and a trading port on the coast of the Arabian Gulf, receiving ships loaded with various commercial goods from India and the coasts of Africa, and then exporting them to the interior of the Arabian Peninsula, especially its west, all the way to For the Mediterranean and Egypt, products from the south of the Arabian Peninsula were also arriving at Al-Jarha and then re-exported to the north and west of the Arabian Peninsula (Al-Tikriti 1982: 14-16), through the land caravan cities that lie along the trade routes in the Arabian Peninsula that connect Al-Jarha in the north of the Arabian Peninsula, from which, as Pliny mentioned "Jabba", which is located in the south of Dumat al-Jandal, through which al-Jarha' was able to form economic relations in the north of the Arabian Peninsula (Al-Abd Al-Ghani 1419: 139), and the economic relations between al-Jarha' and the Ma'in people in the south of the Arabian Peninsula (Sicily 1984: 85) were characterized by the trade of incense and aromatic products through the land routes that reach the north of the Arabian Peninsula (Strabo 1954-1961, 16: 114)
One of the most important cities in the east of the Arabian Peninsula is Thaj, which is helped by its geographical location, through which three main trade routes pass, the first heading towards the center of the Arabian Peninsula, the second heading south to the Buraimi Oasis, and then to the coasts of Oman to the south of the Arabian Peninsula, and the third road heading north to Mesopotamia (Al-Naeem 1992: 226-227).

A number of Arabic inscriptions were found in Thaj, which were recorded in the Southern Musnad script, as well as two monuments inscribed in the Musnad script, and this is evidence of the establishment of relations between the two regions Including the economic relations that were strengthened by the trade routes between Thaj and the south of the Arabian Peninsula, especially with the Qatbanids (1000-25 BC) who sought to trade with Thaj and set up commercial stations for caravans through the roads leading to them, including the regular Umm station, which is located on the road coming from Aden and heading towards Taman and Ma'rib (Al-Saeed 2002: 127-128).

In the same context, there is also the village of Kahl "Al-Faw", a city and a commercial station on the commercial caravan route heading towards the Arabian Gulf from the south of the Arabian Peninsula, and it had a great commercial role in the internal trade of the Arabian Peninsula due to the presence of parts of imported goods that were found in the excavations of Al-Faw from different regions of the world. The Arabian Peninsula (Al-Naeem 1992: 226), and the village of "Al-Faw" is considered the linking point on the trade route from the south of the Arabian Peninsula through Yamama to the Arabian Gulf and then the north of the Arabian Peninsula. Al-Faw was distinguished by the formation of economic relations with the east, south and north of the Arabian Peninsula, and it became an economic center as it mediates the Arabian Peninsula during its era. Golden from the fourth century BC to the fourth century AD (al-Ansari and Tayaran 2008: 97).

In the north of the Arabian Peninsula, the Nabataeans took advantage of their strategic location, being a transit area for international trade in that period of history between the south of the Arabian Peninsula, the Levant and Egypt, and they took several measures
to regulate the conduct of commercial land convoys and protect them in return for
rewards paid to the owners of trade, and developed methods of trade and moved from
a situation Mediation and movement to trading and imposing taxes on merchants, and
as a result their economy grew and prospered (Shaath 2005: 148), and after they spread
south to the city of Al-Hijr and controlled the way of the Persian Gulf and southern
Arabia, and were able to control the land caravans, as Ajarkhides indicated "the second
century BC" that the Ma'inites and the Jarhais They used to send their trading caravans
to Petra loaded with various goods such as spices and receive from them the trade in
Dadan (Mahmoud 2004:26).

The economic relations of the Nabateans with eastern Arabia seem clear from the
beginning of the third century BC, as they were making deals for large quantities of
incense including the Mu'in and jerhi that are recorded in Moab and Petra, and the
presence of several early Nabataean tools from the first century BC in the northeast of
Hail on the trade road between Jarha and Tayma, Nabatean pottery and many incense
burners similar to what was found in Thaj and Ain Jawan in eastern Arabia and Petra
(Al-Ajlouni 2003: 232), as well as many shards and fragments of Nabatean pottery that
was distinguished by its thinness and accuracy and it is likely that it moved to Failaka
Through the Nabatean merchants during their long journeys (Al-Dala'in 2009: 213), the
Nabatean merchants were able to reach the city of Kharaks, which was considered their
port at the far end of the Arabian Gulf through the city of Euphrates (Pliny 2017: 1).

The Nabateans traded with the east of the Arabian Peninsula with several products, the most important of which were pearls and oysters, in exchange for several Nabatean products such as gold, silver and sesame oil (Salam: 4).

Also in the north of the Arabian Peninsula, the Kingdom of Al-Hira established
economic relations with several cities and regions in the Arabian Peninsula, including
Bahrain and Oman in the east of the Arabian Peninsula, where the trade convoys were
heading from Al-Hira to Palmyra and the Levant loaded with goods and products from
India, Bahrain and Oman, and Al-Hira merchants set out on sea trips. Trade from the coast of the Persian Gulf to Oman and India (Ismail 1997: 356).

**Conclusion:**

Based on previous data; The study found:

The history of economic relations between the south and north of the Arabian Peninsula dates back to the late second millennium BC, based on the prosperity of the trade route, and the emergence of civilizational influences that moved from Syria to the south of the Arabian Peninsula, which suggests that there was a previous contact between them.

The external interventions (Ptolemaic and Roman) negatively affected the internal relations between the south and north of the Arabian Peninsula, for example the Nabatean-Lihyani hostility due to the Ptolemaic intervention, and the decline of the Sabaean-Nabataean relations due to the Roman intervention.

The economic aspect was the basis on which the relations between the south and north of the Arabian Peninsula were built, and the economic theory of Karl Marx was applied to it, as economic cooperation contributed to its development and growth, and also caused its transformation or end, for example the Nabataean Sabaean relations that were based on cooperation. It ended as a result of the weakness that afflicted the economy of the Kingdom of Sheba.

We also deduce from the above that the economic activity of the cities of eastern and northern Arabia varied between several wealth owned by those cities, and along the trade route between the cities of the eastern and northern Arabian Peninsula, economic relations were established, represented in the trade exchange with the various wealth that both parties need from the other, whether they were Local or imported wealth through the ports, which is transported to the cities of the internal trade caravans in the Arabian Peninsula.

<figure><img src="image_8.png" /></figure>
Referrals and references:

- Al-Abd Al-Jabbar, A. A, Al-Madilawi, A.R.,(2012), *Trade Routes in Majan during the third and second millennium BC*, King Abdul-Aziz House Magazine, Issue/1.

- Abdullah, M. S. (1999), *The commercial activity of the peoples of the Arabian Peninsula during the period from the beginning of the first millennium BC until the middle of the sixth century AD*, unpublished PhD thesis, Egypt, Zagazig University.

- Al-Abd Al-Ghani, M.(1419), *Al-Jarha and its Role in the Ancient Arab Trade*, Al-Waha Magazine, Issue/13.

- Abbas, I. (1987), *History of the Nabataean State, 1st Edition* / Amman, Dar Al-Shorouk for Publishing and Distribution.

- Abdel Halim, A. M. (1993), *The Relations of the Nabateans in Egypt through the Nabataean Inscriptions on the Rocks of the Hijaz and the Eastern Desert of Egypt*, a group of research published in Arab and European periodicals entitled The Red Sea and its Back in Antiquity, Alexandria, University Knowledge House.

- Al-Ajlouni, A. (2003), *The Civilization of the Nabataeans through their Inscriptions*, Petra, Nabataean House.

- Akhdari, S. and Nouri, S. (2017), *Economic Activity in the Eastern Arabian Peninsula before Islam*, unpublished master's thesis, Al-Wadi University.

- Al-Askari, I.Mu.( 1961), *Paths and Kingdoms*, investigated by Muhammad Jaber Al-Hini, Cairo.

- al-Ansari, A, Tayaran, S. (2008), *Qaryat al-Faw, "The City of Temples"*, Adomato Magazine.

- Arbash, M. (2014), *The origin of the Ma'inites and the history of the emergence of a certain kingdom in the south of the Arabian Peninsula through a new inscription from the eighth century BC. Studies in the archeology and inscriptions of the Levant and the Arabian Peninsula*, Editing, Zaidan Kafafi, Muhammad Marqutan.
- As well, M. M (2003), *Precious Stones and Metals*, Cairo, Ibn Sina Library for Printing and Publishing.

- Baeza, A. V. (2020), *Labor Productivity and Marxist Theory of Labor Value*, World Review of Political Economy, Vol. 11, No. 3.

- Bafaqih, M. A. (1985), *The History of Ancient Yemen*, Beirut, The Arab Foundation for Studies and Publishing.

- Al-Dala'in, M. A. (2009), *Industrial Production in the Kingdom of the Nabataeans*, Egypt, Annals of the Arts of Ain Shams, vol. / 37.

- Davar, E. (2016), *Marx and Input-Output Analysis and General Equilibrium Theory*, World Review of Political Economy, Vol. 7, No. 1.

- Ellwood, C. (1911), *Marx's "Economic Determinism" in the Light of Modern Psychology*, American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 17, No. 1.

- Estrabun, (2017), *Estrabun and the Arabian Peninsula*, Editing, Abdullah Al-Abd Al-Jabbar, translation, Mr. Gad, commentary, Misfer Al-Khathami, Riyadh, King Abdulaziz House, (16:4).

- Farah, Y. (2002), *History of Egypt in the Ages of the Ptolemies and Romans*, I/1, Egypt, Ain for Human and Social Studies and Research.

- Kamal, A.M. (1979), "*The Arabian Peninsula's Trade with Egypt in Aromatic Materials in the Greek and Roman Periods*" Studies in the History of the Arabian Peninsula, Book Two Riyadh, College of Arts, King Saud University.

- Farah, Y. (2007), *The Near East in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods*, Dammam, Al-Mutanabbi Library.

- Ali, J. (1993), *The Detailed History of the Arabs Before Islam*, c/2, i/2, University of Baghdad.

- Feng, J. (2010), INPUT OUTPUTTABLEAU OF MARX'S REPRODUCTION THEORY, World Review of Political Economy, Vol. 1, No. 4.

- Grumman, A. (1995), *Mineral Resources and Mines in the Country of Yemen*, translation, Kamel Al-Rashahi, Yemen, Sana'a University, College of Arts, Al-Ikleel Magazine.
- Hawqal, A. N. (2011), *Image of the Earth*, Beirut, Al-Hayat Library.

- Al-Husseini, A. M. (1952-1953), *Geographical Sections of the Arabian Peninsula*, Alexandria University, Journal of the Faculty of Arts, Volume 6.

- Hausletter, A. (2010), "Tayma Oasis", *Trade Routes*, Riyadh, Saudi Commission for Tourism and Antiquities.

- Al-Hazani, B. A. (2007), *The Economy of Eastern Arabia and the Arabian Gulf during the Third Millennium BC- Ingredients and Effects in: Studies in the History and Civilization of the Arabian Peninsula*, Riyadh: Ministry of Culture and Information.

- Mahmoud, Z. (2004), *Nabatean Relations with Neighboring Countries and Peoples*, Higher Institute of Near Eastern Civilizations, Zagazig University, unpublished Ph.D. thesis.

- Hammond, P.G. (1973), *The Nabataeans-Their History, Culture and Archaeology*, P.C.Hammond.

- Hopwood, D. (2016), *The Arabian Peninsula: Society and Politics*, Routledge Library Editions.

- Inezan, M. (1999), *The First Man in the Arabian Peninsula, Yemen in the Land of the Queen of Sheba*, translation, Badr Al-Din Al-Ardouki, Damascus, Al-Ahali House.

- Ismail, H. M. (1997), *The Ancient Arab East and Its Civilizations*, Mesopotamia, the Levant, and the Ancient Arabian Peninsula, Alexandria, University Youth Foundation.

- Al-Jumaili, A. H. (2014), *Commercial Relationships between the Sumerians and Commercial Centers in the Arabian Gulf (Dilmun) and (Magan-Magan) as a model*, Adab Al-Farahidi Magazine, Issue / 19.

- Josephus, (1981), *The Jewish War*, translated by G.A.Williamson, *Revised With A newintroduction*, Notes and Appendixes, by E.Mary Smallwood, Penguin Books, New York.

- Kammerer, A. (1929), *Petra et la Nabataean*, Librairie Orientaliste Geuthner, Paris.
- Lawlor, J. I. (1974), *The Nabataeans in Historical Perspective*, Baker Book House Company, Printed in the United States of America.

- Madiha, R. and Inezan, M. (2007), *The Art of Rock Paintings and the Settlement of Yemen in Prehistoric Times*, Sana'a, French Center for Archeology and Social Sciences.

- Maigret, A. (1999), "*The Dawn of History in the Interior Regions of Yemen*", *Yemen in the Country of the Queen of Sheba*, translation, Badr Al-Din Al-Ardouki, Damascus, Dar Al-Ahali.

- McLaughlin, R. (2014), *Rome and the Far East*, translation, Fahd Al-Otaibi, Riyadh, King Saud University Press.

- Morishima, M. (1973), *Marx's Economics: A Dual Theory of Value and Growth*. London: Cambridge University Press.

- Al-Naeem, N. A. (1992), *The Economic Situation in the Arabian Peninsula from the Third Century B.C. to the Third Century C.E.*, Riyadh, Dar Al-Shawaf.

- Al-Naeem, N. A., (1995), Antiquities of Prehistory and Its Dawn in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, translated by Abdul Rahim Khaybar, 1st Edition, Riyadh: Al-Jeraisy Foundation for Distribution and Advertising.

- Naimat, S. and Malaabh, N. (1999), *Trade Commodities in Southwest Arabia (Yemen) in the Period Between the First Century B.C. and the Third Century A.D.*, Jordan, Journal of Human and Social Sciences.

- Pliny, (2017), *Pliny and the Arabian Peninsula*, Editing, Abdullah Abdul-Jabbar, translation, Ali Abdul-Jaid, commentary, Ziyad Al-Salameen, Riyadh, King Abdulaziz House, (12:36).

- Al-Nasiri, S.A.(1984), *The Conflict over the Red Sea in the Ptolemaic Era, Studies in the History of the Arabian Peninsula*, Book Two, i/1, Riyadh, King Saud University.

- Otaibi, F. (2005), *Rome and Nabataean: Post-occupation and the writing of history*, PHD thesis, Manchester University.

- Abu Ras, Sh. (2004), *The Nabataeans and their Relationship to the Roman Empire*, (30 BC - 106 AD). College of Arts, Sana'a University, unpublished master's thesis.

<figure><img src="image_9.png" /></figure>
- Rubin, C. . (2010), *Ancient Trade Routes, Masterpieces of Antiquities of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Riyadh, Saudi Commission for Tourism and Antiquities*.

- Salam, A. O, *The Relationship of the Nabataean Kingdom with its Neighbors*, Egypt, The Arab Journal of Social Sciences, vol. 2 issue/3.

- Salama, A. (1994), *Quraish before Islam*, Riyadh, Dar Al-Marikh Publishing.

- Al-Samarrai, A.M. (2017), *Trade between Dilmun and the ancient Babylonians 1759 BC*), Al-Watha magazine.

- Saeed Fayez Al-Saeed, (2002), *The Foreign Wives of Certain Persons in the Light of New Texts*, Adomato Magazine, Issue 5.

- Saleh, A. *History of the Arabian Peninsula in Its Antiquity*, Egypt, Anglo-Egyptian Library.

- Seton, F. (1957), "*The Transformation Problem*" *The Review of Economic Studies*, Volume 24, Issue 3.

- Sicilian, D. (2017), *Diodorus the Sicilian and the Arabian Peninsula*, Editing, Abdullah Al-Abdul-Jabbar, translation, Ahmed Ghanem, commentary, Rahma Al-Sinani, Riyadh, King Abdulaziz House.

- Sims, R. F. (2007), *Rocks and Minerals*, translation, Muhammad Al-Naqrashi, Egypt, Nahdet Misr for Printing and Publishing.

- Shaker, M. (2005), *Encyclopedia of the History of the Arab Gulf*, Jordan, Dar Osama.

- Shaath, Sh. (2005), *Caravan Cities in the Arabian Peninsula and the Levant as Stations for the Exchange of Goods, Ideas, Arts, Customs and Traditions*, Tunisia, The Arab Journal of Culture, Volume/24, Issue/47.

- Al-Shammari, M. H. (2004), *Ports of the Arabian Peninsula and their Impact on Maritime Trade Activity before Islam*, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Baghdad.

- Sobhi, A. M. (1999), *In Philosophy of History*, Alexandria, University Culture Foundation.

- Starcky, J. (1955), *The Nabataeans: A Historical Sketch*, The Biblical Archaeologist, Vol.18, No.4.BA.

<figure><img src="image_10.png" /></figure>
- Strabo, (1954, 1961), *The Geography of Strabo*, 16, With an English Translation by Horace Leonard Jones, London, Harvard University, Printed in Great Britain, First printed 1930, Reprinted.

- Al-Theeb, A. (2005), *The First Roman Campaign on Southwest Arabia, I/1, Riyadh, King Fahd National Library*.

- Al-Turki, H. (2010), *The Kingdom of Kedar, A Study in Political and Civilized History during the First Millennium BC*, Riyadh, King Fahd National Library.

- Al-Turki, Q. M. (2014), *Iraqi-Gulf political relations in the third millennium BC*, University of Basra, Journal of Historical Studies.

- Al-Tikriti, S. T. (1982), *The Arab Resistance in the Persian Gulf*, Damascus.

- Zenati, A. M. (2007), *History of History and Interpretation Trends*, Cairo, Anglo-Egyptian Library.

<figure><img src="image_11.png" /></figure>