# Slipping as a Narrative Device in Irish

Uáitéar Mac Gearailt

*St Patrick's College, Dublin City University*

## RÉSUMÉ

Cet article fournit des exemples de slipping basés sur une recherche portant sur la littérature narrative irlandaise. Les exemples ont été trouvés dans des textes tels que *Recension II* du conte appartenant au cycle de Ulster et intitulé *Táin Bó Cúailnge*, l'adaptation en irlandais médiéval de l'histoire de Troie, *Togail Troí*, ainsi que dans des textes historiographiques tels que le comte-rendu – datant du douzième siècle – de la campagne de Brian Bórama contre les Vikings, *Cogadh Gaedhel re Gallaibh*. Les résultats suggèrent que, bien qu'utilisé peu fréquemment, le slipping était un outil narratif bien connu, et dont l'utilisation a permis la reconnaissance de certaines conventions. Le slipping semble être plus fréquent dans des textes de traduction comme le texte en irlandais médiéval *Togail Troí* et le texte du quinzième siècle, intitulé *Lorgaireacht an tSoidhigh Naomhtha*. Aucun exemple n'a été trouvé dans les textes de lois considérés dans le cadre de cette recherche. Cependant, il existe des exemples pertinents dans les contes ainsi que dans deux textes de « parlement » du dix-septième siècle, *Pairlement Chloinne Tomáis* et *Párliament na mBan*. En général, les exemples présentés ici sont conformes aux types identifiés dans d'autres recherches ainsi qu'à la définition généralement acceptée du slipping.

In this brief survey, covering prose works from Old Irish (600-900 A.D.), Middle Irish (900-1200), and Early Modern Irish (1200-1650), I will give a sample of instances of slipping from native tales, historiographical literature, and translations. In general the examples presented conform to types identified in other literatures and to the accepted definition of slipping<fnref n="1" />.

## 1. EARLY IRISH TALES<fnref n="2" />

Slipping is relatively uncommon in early Irish and, perhaps not surprisingly, has received little attention from scholars, including editors of texts in which it occurs.

<footnote n="1">¹ For instance Richman (1986).</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² Passages containing slipping are numbered and indented, those without slipping only indented. Examples of slipping not quoted as here may be found in the Appendix.</footnote>
## 1.1. TOCHMARC ÉMIRE

The four instances below occur in the Old Irish tale of Cú Chulainn's wooing of Emer, *Tochmarc Emire* (TE). The surviving texts reflect textual development from the eighth to the eleventh century (van Hamel 1933, pp. 16 ff.). The instances of slipping cited here occur in quite distinct syntactic contexts: with an introductory conjunction, example (1), at a clause boundary with conjunction, example (3), and at a clause boundary with a new clause, examples (2) and (4). The passage containing example (4), which includes an independent pronoun, reflects linguistic modernisation. In each case there is an identificatory tag (*ol sí* « said she »).

(1) Asbert Macha ná tibred dóib. « Ar ní ó ráthaib tucus, » ol sí, « acht is i rráe catha ar écin. » (van Hamel 1933, § 30)

Macha said she would not give it [kingship] to them. « For it is not by securities I have won it, » she said, « but on the battlefield by force. »

(2) Adidgládastar in ingen é, 7 feraid fáilti fris. « Fochen do thíchtu, a Chú Chulainn, » ol sí. (van Hamel 1933, § 64)

The girl addressed him and welcomed him. « Welcome, Cú Chulainn, » she said.

(3) Asbertseom can baí dia aichne. Asbertsi batar comaltai carthanacha dib línaib la hUlbecán Saxae, « dia mbámmar mad tú les oc foglaim bindiusa, » ol sí. (van Hamel 1933, § 64)

He asked where she knew him from. She said they were loving fosterchildren with Ulbecán Saxae, « when we were both in his care learning sweet speech, » she said.

(4) Asbertsi íarom indí Aífe ba torrach 7 is mac do bérad. « Cuirfedsa íarom dia secht mblíadan co hÉrinn é, » ol sí, « 7 fácaibse ainm dó. » (van Hamel 1933, § 76)

Then Aífe said she was pregnant and that she would bear a son. « I will send him to Ireland when he is seven years, » she said, « and you [now] leave a name for him. »

In these instances, we see the basic characteristic of the device, described by Watkin (1958, pp. clxxii-clxxiii), in reference to examples in the Welsh *Bevis*, as « cymysgu araith union ac araith anunion » (mixing direct and indirect speech) and as « fadein »
by Davies<fnref n="3" />. All four instances, but particularly examples (1) and (4) illustrate how a switch to direct speech highlights and gives focus to the words in question, or « the significant words which bear most emotional stress » (Roberts 1983, p. 172).

## 1.2. FLED BRICREND

The following two instances occur in the twelfth-century Lebor na Huidre (LU) text of *Fled Bricrend* (FB), the story of how the Ulster warrior Cú Chulainn proved himself to be worthy of the champion's portion. Its textual history may stretch back as far as that of *Tochmarc Emire* and doubtless it too underwent considerable change. A later scribe, the Interpolator, H, supplied some text, but both of the instances noted are in the hand of one of the two main scribes, Mael Muire (†1106)<fnref n="4" />.

(5) *Dorrími Sencha iarom in caingin immá tullatár, i. im chomuaill in trír chaurad immá curathmír ocus im chomúaill na m-ban immá tússigecht isna fledaib, úair ní rodmatár a m-brethugud innách baliu aili acht ocut-su* » (Henderson 1899, § 56)<fnref n="5" />

Sencha then told the matter about which they had come, that is the rivalry of the three warriors concerning the Champion's Portion and the rivalry of the women concerning their status at feasts, « for they would not allow themselves to be judged in any other place than in your presence. »

Causal *úair* (example 5) and *ar* (example 1) « for » occur frequently in Irish as connectives introducing direct speech in such contexts. Another frequently attested connective, *acus* « and », occurs in example (6). Indirect speech leads into the actual words of Cú Roí mac Dáire's wife to Cú Chulainn and his two rivals, telling them that they would be guarding Cú Roí's fort in turn and in order of seniority, as Cú Roí has instructed. Seen from the writer's point of view, transferring to the wife's actual words is a more convenient and economical way to indicate that these were Cú Roí's instructions.

(6) *O thánic dóib iarom co dérgud, asbert in ben friú iar sudiu, cach fer díb a aidchi do fhairi na cathrach, co tissad Cúruí, « ocus dano ,» or si, « is amlaid atrubairt Cúruí, a fari dúib íar naesaib. »* (Henderson 1899, § 60)

<footnote n="3">³ Davies (1995, p. 240) ; following Tannen's definition : « an indirect quotation fades into a direct one ».</footnote>

<footnote n="4">⁴ Cf. diplomatic edition of LU (Best & Bergin 1929).</footnote>

<footnote n="5">⁵ Examples, including punctuation, from Henderson edition (1899) ; cf. LU 8745, 9050 (Best & Bergin 1929). My translations ; úair is not translated by Henderson in example (5).</footnote>
> When it was time for them to go to bed, the woman told them each of them would have a night watching the fort until Cú Roí would come, « and, » she said, « this is what Cú Roí said, you should guard it in order of seniority. »

### 1.3. TÁIN BÓ CÚAILNGE-RECENSION I

TE and FB are much shorter than the great Ulster Cycle epic, *Táin Bó Cuailnge* (TBC). The history of this tale may be traced back to the seventh century and the earliest composition relating to the theme, *Verba Scáthaige* (Henry 1990). The *Táin* as we know it survives in two complete recensions, the first being a compilation of materials composed in various periods up to the mid-eleventh century, the second a complete Middle Irish version from the eleventh century. Recension I is found in LU and Recension II in another twelfth-century Ms, the Book of Leinster (LL). A text found in the seventeenth-century Ms RIA (Stowe) C VI 3 represents a version referred to as Recension IIb. It is very close to that of LL but descends from an earlier stage in their textual line.

The *Táin* consists to a large degree of polished, free-flowing dialogue. Even taking this into account the incidence of slipping is remarkably low. A passage in Recension I may indicate, even if it may not itself qualify as an example of slipping, that the contributor in question was aware of the device. In the *Macgnímrada* (« boyhood deeds ») of Cú Chulainn, Fiacha describes how the young hero set off for the first time in the chariot he had received from the king of Ulster. He commands (*cotnéicnigedar*) his charioteer to bring him along the road so that he can greet the other boys. A second objective is added in his own words: « and so that the boys might wish me well ».

> Téit ón dano in t-ara 7 cotnéicnigedar Cú Chulaind iar sudiu co dáirled forsin slige do chelebrad dona maccaib, « ocus condam bennachtaís in meic. » (TBC I, O'Rahilly 1976, l. 660)

> The charioteer drove off and Cú Chulainn made him go along the road that he might greet the boys, « and so that the boys may wish me well. »

The vagaries of the textual transmission of Recension I make it difficult to say with any certainty when or how direct speech arose here. The 1st sg. infixed pronoun may be for earlier 3rd sg., but the 1st sg. infix is supported in both Stowe and LL, where Fiacha's anecdote is told as direct speech between Cú Chulainn and his charioteer, Ibar<fnref n="6" />.

<footnote n="6">⁶ Cf. « Léic na eochu ar férgeilt ifechtsa, a meic bic, » ar Ibar. « Romoch sin béus, a Ibair, » ar in mac bec. « Tair round ar co mbennachat in maccrad dam-sa, indiu mo chétlá do gabáil arm. » (TBC-LL, O'Rahilly 1967, l. 981) « Let the horses go to their pasture now, little boy, » said Ibar. « It is too soon yet, Ibar, » said the little boy. « Come on so that the boys may wish me</footnote>
1.4. TÁIN BÓ CÚAILNGE-RECENSION II

Of the instances of slipping in Recension II four occur in both LL and Stowe, albeit with some interesting differences. The first instance concerns Fergus and his role as guide to the Connacht army. The change to direct speech is reflected in the switch to the present tense (*atá/ go bfuil*). In LL O'Rahilly places the opening quotation mark before the trademark boundary word *acus*. This does not occur at this point in Stowe and the wording is slightly different. O'Rahilly sees the direct quotation beginning earlier in this case, with the other typical connective in slipping, causal *úair* « for », as the opening word. Direct speech continues in Stowe beyond the point at which it ends in LL, but the words highlighted particularly in both are the same.

(7.1) ... & atbertsat combad é Fergus, ar bíth ba slúagad bága dó in slúagad, dáig is é boí secht mbliadna i rrígu Ulad 7 iar marbad mac nUsnig fora fhaísam 7 fora chomairgi, tánic estib, « 7 atá secht mbliadna déc fri Ultu ammuig ar longais 7 bidbanas. » Is aire sin bad chomadas a dul ria cách do eólas. (TBC-LL, O'Rahilly 1967, 1. 361)

... and they said that it should be Fergus, because the hosting was a hostile hosting for him, for he had been seven years in the kingship of Ulster, and when the sons of Usnech had been slain in despite of his guarantee and surety, he had come from there, « and he has been seventeen years in exile and in enmity away from Ulster. » Therefore it would be fitting that he should go before all to guide them.

(7.2) Adubratar uile gurbo he Fergus badh coir ann, uair ba sluaighedh buadha dhó an sluaigedh sin, « uair is e do bí seacht mbliadna i rrighi nUladh goro gab Concobar an righi fair 7 ro marp mic Uisnigh ara comairci asa haithle, go bfuil secht mbliadna dec ar ionnarbadh i ffegmuis Uladh, conadh aire sin as comadhas do dul d'eolus re ccach. » (TBC-St, O'Rahilly 1961, 1. 373)

They all said it should be Fergus, for that hosting was a victorious hosting for him, « for it is he who was seven years in the kingship of Ulster until Conchobor seized the kingship from him and then killed the sons of Uisnech despite his surety, so that he is seventeen years cast out away from Ulster, and that is why it is appropriate that he go before all to guide them. »

well, for to-day is the first day I took arms. » ; « Maith a mic bic, » ar Iobar, « lec na heocha ara n-ingelt festa. » « Romoch fós, a Ibhair, » ar in mac bec, « tar romainn timchioll na hEamhna co mbendacait an macradh dam-sa aniú mo cetla-so ic gabail arm gorab buaidh n-eangnama damh. » (TBC-St O'Rahilly 1961, 1. 1013).
Like (7.1) and (7.2), examples (8.1) and (8.2) were probably in the common source of the LL and Stowe texts. There is no significant difference between the two versions. Both have direct speech beginning with *acus* followed by the imperative, a combination which occurs quite frequently in Irish in association with slipping. As in the case of the not dissimilar example (6) from FB, the imperative here offers a more convenient option for the writer. But no doubt he will also have been conscious of its effect in this context, that is to highlight Fergus' frustration at the manner in which Cú Chulainn has run from a single warrior.

(8.1) ... & rádis Fergus fri Fiachu mac Fir Aba ar co ndigsed do acallaim Con Culaind. « Ocus ráid-siu friss fial dó bith forsna slúagaib cian gar dorigéni gnímrada gaile forro & ba féile dó a immfholach oldás teched ria n-óenláech díb. » (TBC-LL, O'Rahilly 1967, 1. 1718)<fnref n="7" />

... And Fergus told Fiacha mac Fir Febe to go and speak with Cú Chulainn. « And tell him it was seemly for him to hunt the hosts as long as he performed deeds of valour against them, but that it were fitter for him to hide himself rather than to flee before a single warrior from among them. »

In the next passage common to LL and Stowe the difference between them shows how the narrative might be developed in one textual line. The verb which leads into direct speech in both, « takes counsel », may not fit the definition of a verb of saying to introduce indirect speech, but the overall shape of the passage seems relevant. In the later text a series of verbal nouns, *i. teacht ... do caithemh ... do chur ... do diogail*, convey what Íliach proposes to do. His speech, immediately following this, begins with *agus*: « *Agas is cuma mo thuitim fén no mo thecht* », *ar sé* (« And I do not care if I fall myself or die, » he said). In LL his speech begins with the question *Cid bad fherr dam-sa in chomairle dogénaind ná ... ?* (« What better plan could I devise than to ... ? »), which includes a series of verbal nouns corresponding to those in Stowe. This kind of wording is typical of LL. It may be however that Stowe better reflects the common source and that a scribe in the LL textual tradition inserted the question and modified the passage.

(9.1) ... & ra midair-sium a chomairle aice rea muntir. « Cid bad fherr dam-sa in chomairle dogénaind ná techta d'fhúapairt fer nHérend 7 mo choiscur do chur díb remum 7 ainech Ulad do tharrachtain, 7 is cumma géa rafóethus féin assa aithle. » (TBC-LL, O'Rahilly 1967, 1. 3898)<fnref n="8" />

... and he took counsel with his people. « What better plan could I devise than to go and attack the men of Ireland and win victory over

<footnote n="7">⁷ For Stowe see Appendix. Cf. TBC I, O'Rahilly 1976, 1. 1428.</footnote>

<footnote n="8">⁸ Cf. TBC I, O'Rahilly 1976, 1. 3367.</footnote>
them and avenge the honour of Ulster ? It matters not if I myself fall
thereafter. »

(9.2) *Do-roinne-simh comairle ina menmain 7 lena muintir ann sin .i. teacht d'ionnsaighi fer nErenn 7 a nert do caithemh riú 7 a coscar 7 a commaoidhemh do chur roimhi diob 7 oinech Uladh do diogail ortha. « Agas is cuma mo thuitim fén no mo thecht », ar sé<fnref n="9" />. (TBC-St, O'Rahilly 1961, 1. 3850)*

He then took counsel in his mind and with his people, that is to go and
attack the men of Ireland, use his strength against them, win victory
over them, and avenge the honour of Ulster. « And I do not care if I
fall myself or die. »

Example (10) is a straightforward instance of slipping, but again Stowe may be more
faithful to the common source. In indirect speech we are told that Cú Chulainn
instructed his charioteer to yoke the chariot. Then follows an explanation in Cú
Chulainn's own words, with causal úair « for » as connective. In LL, Cú Chulainn's
command is in indirect speech and then repeated in direct speech. The simpler style
of Stowe may be earlier, as suggested in respect of example (9). The LL passage may
reflect stylistic modifications by a contributor in its textual line, developing
stylistically the text in his exemplar with phraseology (*Maith, a gillai ...*) and stylistic
features (repetition : *geib ar n-eich...*) typical of that version.

(10.1) ... 7 it-bert fria ghiolla ara n-indledh a carpat 7 ara ngabadh a eocha. « Uair is moch erghess an laoch tic inar ndail .i. Fer Diad. » (TBC-St, O'Rahilly 1961, 1. 2839)

... and he told his servant to yoke his chariot and harness his horses.
« For the warrior who is coming against us rises early, that is Fer
Diad. »

(10.2) ... ra gab láim ara araid ara ngabad a echo 7 ara n-indled a charpat. « Maith, a gillai, » bar Cú Chulaind, « geib ar n-eich dún 7 innill ar carpat dáig is mochérgech in láech ra dáil 'nar ndáil, Fer Diad mac Damáin meic Dáre .» (TBC-LL, O'Rahilly 1967, 1. 2839)

... he bade his charioteer harness his horses and yoke his chariot.
« Good my lad, » said Cú Chulainn, « harness our horses for us and
yoke our chariot, for an early riser is the warrior appointed to meet us,
namely, Fer Diad mac Damáin meic Dáire. »

<footnote n="9">⁹ On *techt* cf. O’Rahilly (1961), *Glossary*, s.v.</footnote>
The following examples of slipping occur only in Stowe, a text which reflects modernisation, mainly linguistic, carried out in the fourteenth or fifteenth century. If the instances it has in common with LL may be traced back to the common source, the following may also descend from that source. In example (11), however, with causal úair « for » as connective, a moderniser replacing old verbal forms like that in the corresponding LL passage, dasficfad, 3rd sg. conditional of tic « comes », with infixed pronoun, would readily see direct speech and slipping as a convenient substitute for his time:

(11.1) ... 7 do raidh re feraib Erenn faitces do dhenamh : « Uair ticfaid in leoman leadarthach 7 in brath biodbadh ... .i. Cu Culainn mac Subhaltaigh. » (TBC-St, O'Rahilly 1961, 1. 408)

... and he told the men of Ériu to be on their guard : « For there will come the slashing lion and the doom of enemies, that is Cú Chulainn mac Subaltaig. »

(11.2) ... & ra ráid ra firu Hérend fatchius do dénam. Dáig dasficfad in leom letarthach 7 in bráth bidbad ... .i. Cú Chulaind mac Sualtaim. (TBC-LL, O'Rahilly 1967, 1. 394)

... and he told the men of Ériu to be on their guard. For there would come the slashing lion and the doom of enemies ... that is Cú Chulainn mac Sualtaim.

Of course, if the common source had slipping, as in Stowe, LL's conditional (dasficfad) would have been substituted for a future by a contributor in the LL textual line, both in example (11) and in the very similar example (12)<fnref n="10" />.

Example (13), with causal úair as connective, is not in LL due to the loss of a page. Again slipping can be seen functioning, to quote Richman (1986, p. 283), « as a technique for controlling and adjusting emphasis and meaning », in this case to highlight the view of the hero Cú Chulainn in the camp of the men of Ireland as a mere youth and not worthy of being challenged by a mature warrior. This instance seems likely to have been in the eleventh-century common source.

(13) Tangatar in bantract rempa ar amus Con Culainn co n-ebertitar fris ulcha smerthain do gabail fair : « Uair ní fuil la daglaoch isin loncphort techt do comrac frit 7 tú gan ulchain. » (TBC-St, O'Rahilly 1961, 1. 2011)<fnref n="11" />

<footnote n="10">¹⁰ See Appendix.</footnote>

<footnote n="11">¹¹ Cf. TBC I, O'Rahilly 1976, 1. 1899.</footnote>
> The women came towards Cú Chulainn and told him to put on a false beard. « For no good warrior in the camp thinks it worth his while to go and fight with you while you are beardless. »

As these instances show, slipping was known and used in Middle Irish. However, as remarked already, the number of instances found in these texts is extremely small. Numerous other early tales apparently do not contain instances, for example *Compert Con Culainn, Brislech Mór Maige Murthemni, Mesca Ulad, Tochmarc Ailbe, Táin Bó Fraích*, and *Cath Ruis na Ríg*.

## 2. HISTORIOGRAPHY AND HAGIOGRAPHY

### 2.1. CAITHRÉIM CHELLACHÁIN CHAISIL

Historiographical and hagiographical texts account for a large part of early Irish prose. Texts such as *Cogadh Gaedhel re Gallaibh*, the Middle Irish account of the triumphs of Brian Bórama (ob. 1014 A.D.) against the Vikings, bear similarities in style, phraseology and vocabulary to the tales of the period. *Cogadh* itself has very little direct speech of any kind and no instance of slipping. But a similar composition from the same period, *Caithréim Chellacháin Chaisil*, concerning another Munster king, has more direct speech and the following instances of slipping.

(14) *A dubairt Donnchad nach leicfitis leo ider he. Or is d'iarraid bur righ 7 da chosnam thiagmait ne 7 ni beram tusa linn acht an oc imcoimhead an tire.* (Bugge 1905, § 49)

Donnchad said that they would not let him go with them under any conditions. « For it is in search of your king and for his defence that we go, and we will not take you but remain and protect the country. »

In example (15) the connective is *ocus* « and », although Bugge translates as « But » :

(15) *Adobairt Donnchad nach aislogadh iat gumad saithech in-sluag dibh 7 ni beramne linn a-beg dar bhfuigheall áir ni ba crich gan crogh in crich a ragham.* (Bugge 1905, § 53)

Donnchad replied that he would not restore them, before the host had been satisfied from them. « But we shall not take with us the least of our leavings ; for it will not be a country without cattle to which we shall come. ».
## 2.2. BEATHA AODHA RUAIDH UÍ DHOMHNAILL

Though much later than these Middle Irish compositions, the biography of the seventeenth-century chieftain Aodh Ruadh Ó Domhnaill (ob. 1602) is not dissimilar in style. It has almost no direct speech, but two similar instances of slipping do occur. In both cases Ó Domhnaill is addressing his army. Direct speech begins in the same way in both, with the copula and the adverb *imne* « thus » followed by a verb, and with a clear contrast in syntax with what precedes.

(16) ... 7 *atbert gurbhót cédluithigh toghaóthaigh tingheallta Gall* .... *Bidh imne doghenatt fribhsi an ionbaidh bus teirci bhar ccongaibh chatha* .... (Walsh 1948, § 68)

... and he said that the promises of the English were always vain and deceitful ... « It is thus they will act towards you when your implements of war and conflict are few ... ».<fnref n="12" />

Regarding hagiography, passions, homilies, apocryphal texts and so on, no doubt they too contain instances of slipping similar to those noted already. However, no instances were noted, for example, in *Betha Mhuire Eigiptacdha* (Freeman 1936), *The Passions and the Homilies from Leabhar Breac* (Atkinson 1887), the Liber Flavus Fergusiorum infancy narrative (McNamara, Breatnach et al. 2001), and the infancy narrative of the Leabhar Breac and related manuscripts (McNamara, Breatnach et al. 2001). It may be noted too that slipping does not occur in the Irish version of the Gospel of Nicodemus (Hughes 1991) at the point at which Poppe (this volume) found instances in the Welsh version. The passions and homilies contain a great deal of direct speech. However, individual statements are tagged with clockwork regularity and consistency, by means of *Ro ráid x* « x said » etc. A wider search of the large surviving corpus of religious literature, with some forms of tagging being deemed admissible, will in all likelihood yield an incidence of slipping not dissimilar to that observed in other genres; many religious texts remain to be searched, both from early and modern Irish, including sixteenth- and seventeenth-century devotional works for the Catholic and Protestant laities. However, it may be that in Irish religious works precise direct quotations and clear identification of speakers were considered desirable and that slipping, of which Irish authors were aware, was favoured even less than usual.

<footnote n="12">¹² Example (17), from Walsh edition (1948, § 118), given in full in Appendix.</footnote>
3. EARLY MODERN IRISH TALES

As regards incidence of slipping in Early Modern tales, one would not expect any
significant difference between them and older tales, whether the themes be native or
foreign.

Early modern Ulster tales represent continuity from Old and Middle Irish versions in terms of structure and narrative content to a greater extent than is generally acknowledged. Features of style and diction also endure in later texts to a quite surprising extent. The Stowe version of the *Táin*, which we have seen can represent the eleventh-century common source more faithfully than the twelfth-century LL text, is a good illustration. The late version of the story of the battle of Ross na Ríg, *Cath Ruis na Ríg*, which is found in Mss of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, has been shown to reflect the lost eleventh- or early twelfth-century archetype better than the twelfth-century LL text (Mac Gearailt 1991).

3.1. *OIDHEADH CON CULAINN*

In a paper soon to be published (Mac Gearailt 2004), I suggest that the early modern Irish version of the story of the death of Cú Chulainn, *OIDheadh Con Culainn*, is descended from a Middle Irish forerunner and bears a similarly close relationship to it in style and content as do the Early Modern *Cath Ruis na Ríg* and *Táin* to their twelfth-century forerunners. Like that of the late texts of *Cath Ruis na Ríg*, the Middle Irish forerunner to *OIDheadh Con Culainn* has not survived. The fragmentary Old / Middle Irish text *Brislech Mór Maige Murthemni* (LL 13763-14295) tells the same story to a large extent but is nevertheless quite different in content and style. Neither it nor the Early Modern *Cath Ruis na Ríg* contains slipping, but there are instances in *OIDheadh Con Culainn*.

Conchobor's instruction to the poets in example (18) is reported in indirect speech, which then, beginning with another causal connective dóigh « for », breaks into direct speech, in which the king assures the poets that Cú Chulainn will not refuse them :

(18) *adubairt Conchubar re filedbí 7 re hollamnaib na hEmna ... * « Dóig is orraibh-si ná tabrasan érad ná eittech ... » (van Hamel 1933, § 10)

Conchubar said to all the poets of Emain ... « For he will not refuse you ... ».

This text also contains an example with *agus* as connective. There is a clear switch in
pronominal reference, as Cú Chulainn emphasises that the visions, which we are
informed in indirect speech he had been describing, were not the same as those he has
just seen.
(19) *do innis Cú Chulainn na taidbhsionna taidbhredh dó do Chathfad, « 7 ní hinand so 7 na taidbsena do chonnac ó chianibh ... »* (van Hamel 1933, § 29)

Cú Chulainn told Cathfad of the visions that he had seen, « and these are not the same as the visions I saw a while ago ... ».

In the following passage direct speech issues not from indirect speech but a description of Badhbh, daughter of Cailitín. The switch to her words does *not* constitute slipping, however, the manner in which *agus* is used at the boundary suggests that the writer was consciously adapting its use:

*Is é richt a ndechaidh a richt eóin ar eittillaig annsan áer ósa chind, 7 « má tásan beó, marbhfaidh sé misi ... 7 má tá marbh, do-gén túrnamh ara chomair, 7 do cluinfid sibhsi mo chomarc. »* (van Hamel 1933, § 42)

The shape in which he went was that of a bird fluttering in the air over his head, and « if he is alive, he will kill me ... and if he is dead I will descend before him, and you will hear my cry ».

## 3.2. EACHTRA CHLOINNE RÍGH NA HIORUAIDHE

Some instances of slipping occur in the story of the adventures of the children of the King of Norway, *Eachtra Chloinne Rígh na hIoruaidhe* (ECRI). Hyde notes in his edition of 1899 that it « has always been a great favourite with Irish scribes ». It is a romantic tale, with « marvellous and romantic themes » which became popular in the thirteenth century, probably through the influence of the newly arrived Normans. Hyde suggests that it was composed by the fourteenth century (1899, p. xiv)<fnref n="13" />.

Typical features in example (20), such as causal óir « for » as connective and a change in tense, do not require comment. But this example gives a good illustration of a key function of slipping, of which the author may have been conscious, that of highlighting an established point of information, in this case a law or rule relating to a geis or prohibition, and presenting it in such a way as to suggest accuracy and fidelity to tradition itself:

<footnote n="13">13 It may be noted that a romantic tale composed around 1650, *Tóruigheacht Gruaidhe Griansholus* (TGG), an Ulster tale apparently modelled on ECRI (O'Rahilly 1924), does not contain slipping. A modern Irish folk version, *Sgéal Chú Chulainn ag Cuan Cárn*, which is based on the literary tale and which was published in *Irisleabhar na Gaedhilge* in 1902, might also be searched, as indeed might other modern folktales.</footnote>
(20) Adubhairt an inghean nach raibh, « óir na geasa do cuirthear de dhruim uisge, ní chuirthear ar gcúl iad go bráth. » (Hyde 1899, p. 120)

The girl said that there was not, « for the geasa that are imposed on the top of water, they are never rescinded ».

Hyde's positioning of the opening quotation mark in example (21) seems deliberate, for he places it at the corresponding point in his translation, after Adubhairt « said » and before nach, the present negative form of the copula required in indirect speech, and 3rd sg. conditional do dhéanfadh, both of which can only belong to an indirect statement. Direct speech actually begins with agus ní thiubhrad, with agus as connective, and a switch in pronominal references (air : mo, mé, duit-se) and tense (conditional : future), indicating unmistakably direct speech.

(21) Adubhairt an t-athach nach raibh fonn air sgéala d'innsin ... agus ní thiubhrad níos mó de mo sgéalaibh duit-se ... (Hyde 1899, p. 134)

The giant answered that he had no mind to tell tidings ... « and I will give to you no more of my tidings ».

### 3.3. STAIR NUADAT FIND FEMIN

I am indebted to Dagmar Bronner of the University of Marburg for pointing out three examples in this late tale attributed tentatively by Quin to the fifteenth-century Connacht scribe Uilliam Mac an Leagha. Other compositions are also in his hand, particularly in his Ms TCD H.2.7. In the introduction to his edition of another Mac an Leagha text from the same Ms, Stair Ercuil ocus a Bás, Quin points out « characteristic words and phrases » in H.2.7 texts and in the aforementioned Irish life of Mary of Egypt, Betha Mhuire Eigiptacdha, from another Ms. Such common traits led him to conclude that Mac an Leagha himself translated Stair Ercuil, the Irish lives of Guy and Bevis, and Betha Mhuire<fnref n="14" />. Such closely related compositions will be of interest in a study of slipping, to see if, for instance, there is a higher incidence of the technique or resistance to it.

Each of the straightforward instances in Stair Nuadat has clear switches in pronominal reference and agus as connective. But only in example (22) does the editor place agus after the opening quotation mark as part of the character's remarks. Example (24) has an identificatory tag.

(22) Atpert in ri conach muirfed iat ... « 7 dogébfuid mór fálte uaim 7 bethighi am thedhlach co n-airmidin 7 co n-anoir. » (Müller-Lisowski 1920, § 4)

<footnote n="14">14 On Betha Mhuire see Poppe (1996).</footnote>
Der König versprach, sie trotz ihrer großen Schuld nicht zu töten ...
« und sie sollen von mir ehrenhaften Empfang und Unterhalt in
meiner Gefolgschaft in Ehren und Ansehen haben ».

4. PAIRLEMENT CHLOINNE TOMÁIS, PÁRLIAMENT NA MBAN

The seventeenth-century compositions *Pairlement Chloinne Tomáis* (PCT) and *Párliament na mBan* (PárlBan) are similar in type and in setting but quite different in subject matter. Regarding the former, one has to distinguish between two versions. PCT I, a fierce satirical attack on social and cultural change in Ireland, was written between 1610 and 1615. According to Williams (1981, p. xxii), it was written by someone who considered his class to have suffered particularly from these changes, most likely a professional man of learning educated in a school of poetry and historiography. He had a complete command of the literary language taught in the schools, a high level of competence as a writer and stylist, and a thorough knowledge of conventional early modern Irish tales, historiographical texts, and storytelling. Williams (1981, p. xxvii) points out parallels in his composition with late medieval European literature on the peasants and quite recent works in English. Some of these, he suggests, may show that the author spent some time in England. If, as he suspects, he was associated with the Gaelic chieftain Mac Cárthaigh Mór, whose territory corresponded to modern south Kerry and who was detained in London in the period referred to above, the author of PCT I was probably a member of the Ó Duinnín family, professional historiographers in that area, and may have accompanied his lord to London.

4.1. PAIRLEMENT CHLOINNE TOMÁIS-II

It is in PCT II that Williams notes some relevant instances of switching from indirect to direct speech. Notwithstanding parallels with PCT I, he argues that PCT II is an independent composition written in the midlands sixty years later. Making the case for separate, later authorship, he comments on features in PCT II which point to the author's different background and education, and a less thorough acquaintance with classical Irish. He refers to points of style, language, and vocabulary, and the use of English loanwords and dialectal forms. He remarks on how the author « changes from reported speech in the third person to direct speech in the second without a word of warning », seeing this as a stylistic failing of which the earlier author would not have been guilty : « PCT I with its more skilful narrative is wholly devoid of solecisms of this kind » (Williams 1981, p. xxxvi).

In one example cited by Williams there is a switch from 1st pl. present (*bímaoid dá mhuigheamh* « we boast ») to 1st sg. future (*racha mise* « I will go »), with the conjunction *go* « that » at the boundary, but placed after the quotation mark.
(25) ... bímaoid dá mhuigheamh « ... go racha mise chum do mhnása agas chum h'inghine ... » (Williams 1981, 1. 1462)

... boasting as follows: « I'll have a go with your wife and daughter ... ».

The same conjunction forms a similar boundary in example (26). In *adubhairt sé gur* ... « he said that ... » it is placed before the quotation mark. Direct speech might actually begin at that point, the first of four items of clothing, or at any item up to the fourth, where changes in pronominal reference begin (*ar* « our »):

(26) *adubhairt sé gur « Casóga fada ... 7 caipínibh ... uim ar gceannuibh*
... » (Williams 1981, 1. 1687)

saying: « Long jackets ... and caps ... on our heads ... ».

No doubt because of the change of tense which it marks, Williams sees direct speech beginning in example (27) at *bhíos ag glamaoighil* « who shout », although *7 mar an gcéadna* ... « and similarly ... », further down, which offers syntactical contrast, a switch in pronominal reference, and *agus* as a convenient connective, might have been intended:

(27) *Do-rín Raghnall ... casaoid mhór ... go raibhe an maithios poiblighe*
*agá lot go mór ag daoinibh ... « ... Bhíos ag glamaoighil ... 7 mar an*
*gcéadna fiadhuithe ... ag glaadhaigh 7 ag feadghail, 7 ag cur*
*bhuaidhridh oruinn an aimsir bídh do chathamh dhúinn ... »*

(Williams 1981, 1. 1843)

Raghnall ... made a great complaint ... that the public weal was being greatly damaged by idle people ... « ... Who shout ... and similarly, huntsmen ... who shout and whistle, and who bother us while we're eating ... ».

Direct speech begins in example (28) with *agus má théid* ... « and if ... go ». Later, the 1st pl. prepositional pronoun *aguinne* « at us », before the identificatory tag, confirms that Sir Domhnall Ó Pluburnáin is still speaking:

(28) *do-rin Sir Domhnall 7 an chuid eile don phairlement acht .i. an*
*ríoghbhodach 7 an fleasgach go comhchoitchionn ... « Agas má théid*
*beirt nó triúr do Chluinn Tomáis ar marga ... 7 leis sin biaidh an*
*gabháltas aguinne », ar siad. (Williams 1981, 1. 1854)

Sir Domhnall and the rest of the parliament enacted thus: the cottier-royal and the churls collectively ... « And if two or three of Clan
Thomas go to market ... and at that point the property will become
ours », they said.

In example (29) we see an imperative once more at the beginning of direct speech, marking a clear syntactical contrast with the preceding sentence: *Bíodh* « Let there be ». Here we see direct speech adopted to highlight a law, in this case with a strong element of satire and mockery :

(29) D'órduigheadur ... « Bíodh dias dá bhur gcine féin do láthair an am ceanguil bhur gcunnartha lé bhur dtighearna ... » (Williams 1981, 1. 1882)

They ordered ... « Let two of your own race be present when you make your contract with your lord ... ».

## 4.2. PÁRLIAMENT NA MBAN

In writing *Párlament na mBan* « The Parliament of Women » (PárlBan), about 1670, Domhnall Ó Colmáin of Cork was no doubt aware of and probably influenced by PCT. But parliaments of women published in England earlier in the seventeenth century may also have served as models (Ó Cuív 1977, p. xxxiv). Essentially didactic in nature, PárlBan contains parliamentary enactments relating to social and moral questions such as prayer, lust, backbiting, and drunkenness (Ó Cuív 1977, p. xxx).

As already seen in PCT and other texts, slipping as a technique lends itself to highlighting. PárlBan has numerous parliamentary enactments whose key clauses it serves to emphasize. One of the rules of conduct of the parliament, that concerning secrecy, is emphasized by switching to what appears to be the actual words of a decree, which we can imagine began with *Orduigheamaoid* « We ordain ». There is no alternative to the positioning of initial quotation marks in Ó Cuív's edition, which leaves us with conditional *do-dhéanadh* rather than the future, which might be expected.

(30) d'orduígheadar gan aon bhean do labhairt aonfhocail ... « 7 aonbhean do-dhéanadh craobh-sgaoileadh ar aoinní dá ccuirfiom a ccrích ... » (Ó Cuív 1977, 1. 511)

they ordered that no woman should speak a word ... « And any woman who would disclose anything that we arrange ... ».

Direct speech begins with a verb in examples (31) and (32). In the former there is a switch to the direct statement form of the negative particle and the present (*Ní bhfuil*) :
(31) adúbhradar gur mhithid dóibh labhuirt ... « Ní bhfuil amharas gur gúnnaoi parliament is cóir dúinn do bheith oruinn ann so ... » (Ó Cuív 1977, 1. 518)<fnref n="15" />

they said it was time for them to speak ... « There is no doubt we should put on parliamentary robes here ... ».

The conjunction *ionnas nách* « so that ... not » begins direct speech in example (33). The present forms *nách fuil*, *gur (taithnníghe)*, *is*, and *nách cuirid* reflect the switch. The overall effect is to bring what the speaker is saying more clearly into focus :

(33) adúbhairt gur léigeadar na fir an léigheann a bhfaillith cómh mór sin, « ionnas nách fuil tora ná beann aco air annsa ríoghacht so na hÉirionn ... » (Ó Cuív 1977, 1. 622)

she said men had neglected learning so much, « that they do not pay it heed or attention in this kingdom of Ireland ... ».

Direct speech begins once more with *ionnas nách* in examples (34) and (35), although in the latter it is preceded by *agus* and there is a pronounced syntactic contrast with the foregoing reported speech.

Example (36) is another instance of change in sentence-type and marked focus on the words of the speaker :

(36) adubhairt leó dá madh maith leó <deighchrích> do chur ar an bPárliament ... « 7 chum sin do dhéanamh is riachtanas dibh ... » (Ó Cuív 1977, 1.681)<fnref n="16" />

she said to them if they wished to end the proceedings of the Parliament on a good footing... « and to do that you must ... ».

The verb *d'órduígheadar* « they ordained » may be taken to be the same in effect as *adubhradar re* « they told, said to » etc. in examples (37) and (38), and to represent reporting of speech, as in PCT II, example (29). Again direct speech begins in both with *agus*.

(37) d'órduígheadar a cclann inghion go huile do chuir ar sgoil ... « 7 iar mbeith clisde isna healadhnaibh sin, tiocfam lé haimsir chum bheith ní as foghlamtha nā na fir ... » (Ó Cuív 1977, 1. 2699)

<footnote n="15">15 Cf. Ó Cuív 1977, 1. 1301 ; cf. 3163. My translation in all cases from this text and from *Togail Troí*.</footnote>

<footnote n="16">16 Cf. Ó Cuív 1977, 1. 2733 ; 1. 3064.</footnote>
they ordered all their daughters to be sent to school ... « And on being skilled in those arts, we will in time come to be more learned than the men ... ».

In example (39) the switch to direct speech coincides with the naming of the first of many sins to be avoided and has the effect of giving it particular focus:

(39) *adúbhairt go raibh mórán peacuidhe <eile> ann budh chóir dóibh do sheachnadh. « 7 an chéad uair an bhladuireacht ... »* (Ó Cuív 1977, 1. 1505)

she said there were many other sins which they should avoid. « And in the first flattery ... ».

In example (40), a Latin quotation from the Book of Proverbs, with Irish translation, might be taken as the speaker's first words<fnref n="17" />. However, what follows it conforms to typical examples already cited, beginning with *agus*:

(40) *adubhairt gur pheacamhuil an ní mar an ccéadna an maga ... « 7 budh chóir dúinn go léir an peaca so do sheachna ... »* (Ó Cuív 1977, 1. 1725)

[she] said that mocking was likewise sinful ... « And we should all avoid this sin ... ».

PárlBan also has an instance with a causal connective, *ór* « for ». In example (41) Gormlaith explains in direct speech what she has just said about St Paul's teaching concerning women in assemblies:

(41) *et adubhairt nār chóir dhóibh eagla do bheith ortha ... ór is ar an Eagluis trāchtas sé san áit sin* (Ó Cuív 1977, 1. 2431)

and she said they should not be afraid ... « for it is about the Church he speaks in that place ».

The imperative is prominent again in example (42). Direct speech begins with the *gidheadh* « but, however », followed by imperative *meabhruighmaois* « let us call to mind ». The syntactical contrast with what precedes is marked and the emphasis effected by the switch quite clear:

<footnote n="17">17 Some of the many Latin citations in the passions and homilies might also be so interpreted.</footnote>
(42) adúbhairt go modh éidir nacharbh orcheas don bhanndacht as dual
do na mnáibh do bheith ionnta ... « Gidheadh meabhruighmaois na
bríathra atá ag Solamh ... » (Ó Cuív 1977, 1. 2474)

[she] said it probably did not befit the womanliness that is proper to
women ... « But let us call to mind the words of Solomon ... ».

5. TRANSLATIONS

5.1. TOGAIL TROÍ-LL

The LL text of *Togail Troí* is a fragment of a much-developed Middle Irish version of what was originally a translation of the quite brief Latin telling of the story of the destruction of Troy, *De Excidio Troiae Historia*, which has been attributed to the Pseudo-Dares Phrygius. This Irish version is very different from the *Historia* in style and content. It has a great deal of dialogue, including instances of slipping, whereas the Latin text has none.

Causal *ar* « for » at the boundary between indirect and direct speech is again
found in this text :

(43) Is ed ra ráid bá saethar n-espa dóib ... ar ní fhil d'ócaib ná d'anrathaib fer mbetha ... (Best & O'Brien 1965, 1. 31073)

He said it was futile for them ... « for no warriors or champions in the
world ... ».

Acus as connective also occurs :

(44) ro raid dobérad buaid ... Acus is ass deimnigimsea sein ... (Best & O'Brien 1965, 1. 31679)

He said he would be victorious ... « And this is why I declare this
... ».

The highlighting function of the device is seen in the latter and in example (45.1), in
which *acus* is followed by imperative *fácaibseo* « leave ». Telemon speaks to Antenor
and then orders him to leave his kingdom :

(45.1) Ra ráid Talemon frisseom ... 7 fácaibseo in tír (Best & O'Brien 1965, 1. 31604)

Telemon told him ... and « leave the land ... ».
Note that slipping does not occur in passages corresponding closely to this:

(45.2) *ro raid ris. Ba dánatus 7 ba drochcíall direcra do Throiannaib tichtain ... 7 ra fhuacair dó ascnam ond fherund 7 fácbáil in phuirt*
(Best & O'Brien 1965, 1. 31595)

« he told him it was daring and irresponsible of the Trojans to come
... and he ordered him to depart from the territory and leave the
place ».

The imperative is also prominent in example (46), but this time with preceding *acht*
« but ». There is also an identificatory tag :

(46) *Ra ráid Ióib ríu nach bérad breith etarru ... Acht eirggid ar se ar Ioib co Alaxandir ... (Best & O'Brien 1965, 1. 31695)*

Jove told them he would not pass judgement on them ... « But go, » he
said, said Jove, « to Alexander ... ».

Slipping into direct speech and thereby highlighting a crucial moment is also seen in
example (47). Cassandra's prophecy of the consequences of the Trojan expedition, in
indirect speech, is completed with her actual words :

(47) ... *Ra thairchanastar in n-iartaigi no biad dóib de ... Bid é sin iartaigi in turaissin. ar Cassandra da n-erntar hé.* (Best & O'Brien 1965, 1. 31752)

She made a prophecy concerning its consequences for them ... « That
will be the consequence of that journey, » said Cassandra, « if it be
carried out ».

A similarly deft zooming in from description and report to the actual words and the
actual moment being spoken of is effected by means of slipping in example (48) :

(48) *ra gabsaide ica chomdidnad. 7 ica imnertach na dernad brón na merten ... Dagentar th'einech 7 ní bia ní di mebuil duitsiu and ...*
(Best & O'Brien 1965, 1. 31884)

The latter began to console him and encourage him not to be
sorrowful or downhearted ... « Your honour will be restored and there
will be no cause for disgrace to you in this ... ».
The break to direct speech is not flagged so formally in example (49) as in the preceding two instances, but that it takes place, with *acus* and the conjunction *co n-* at the boundary, is clear from the change of pronominal reference (*dúinne* « to us »):

(49) *ra ráid Priaim... 7 co tarta Essiona dúinne...* (Best & O'Brien 1965, 1. 31647)

Priam said ... and « so that Helen would be given to us ... ».

A more abrupt switch to direct speech in example (50), again with the conjunction *co n-* at the boundary, seems nevertheless to constitute slipping:

(50) *Atubairt Hercoil snim mór fora menmain cona leic longud na ligi dam*
... (Best & O'Brien 1965, 1. 31326)

Hercules said there was great worry on his mind, « so that ... does not let me eat or sleep ».

The passage leading into direct speech in example (51), with *rucsatar atlugud* « they gave thanks », is very similar in effect to indirect speech:

(51) *rucsatar atlugud budi dona deib ... Bermait a budi dona deib ...* (Best & O'Brien 1965, 1. 31787)

they gave thanks to the gods .... « We thank the gods ... ».

## 5.2. IMTHEACHTA AENIASA

The Irish version of Vergil's *Aeneid* comprises approximately 100 pages of printed text. It is found in a Ms of the Early Modern period but may be descended from a translation originally composed in the Middle Irish period. Two of the three instances of slipping noted belong to the type with causal *úair* « for » as connective.

(52) *Doraidset foirend do Grecaib ... uair ni her ar ngrad-ni ...* (Calder 1907, 1. 6)

Some of the Greeks said ... « for it was not for love of us ... ».

(53) *roraid risna Rudulltaib ...* « uair is e Ioib ros-ruc a longa ona Troiandaib ar maithib rimsa ... » (Calder 1907, 1. 2020)

he told the Rutulians ... « for it is Jove who has taken their ships from the Trojans for my benefit ... ».
In the clause which leads into direct speech in example (54) *acainidh* « he bewails » is similar in effect to *ro ráid* « he said » etc., in much the same way as *rucsatar atlugud* in *Togail Troí*, example (51). Nothing specific is reported as being bewailed or said. Direct speech does not therefore pick up where reported speech ends, as in other examples cited here. There is no connective. The opening words of direct speech appear to coincide with the beginning of the character's speech :

(54) *acainidh fris a ndernaid Dido. « In bean, » ar se « da tucus-sa inad cathrach ... »* (Calder 1907, 1. 745)

he bewailed to him what Dido had done. « The woman, » he said, « to whom I gave a site for a town ... ».

Another text of *Togail Troí*, reflecting an earlier stage of textual development, might also be searched for instances of slipping. So too might a later, unpublished version closer to the LL-text, or other substantial translation works from the late Middle Irish period, such as *In Cath Catharda*, the Irish version of Lucan's *Pharsalia*, *Togail na Tebe*, which is based on Statius' *Thebaid*, or *Scéla Alaxandair*, the story of Alexander the Great.

### 5.3. STAIR ERCUIL OCUS A BÁS

*Stair Ercuil ocus a Bás* (SE) is one of three translations attributed to Uilliam Mac an Leagha. It is based on Caxton's English version of Raoul Lefevre's *Recueil des Histoires de Troyes*, which was published in 1478. It follows the *Recueil* faithfully in structure and general content, but throughout the 66 pages of Quin's edition (1939) it can be seen at the same time to conform in style, diction, and phraseology to traditional Irish narrative. In addition, Mac an Leagha frequently uses archaic forms.

The five examples of slipping from this text are all of the type with *agus* « and » as connective, for instance :

(55) *Adubhairt in t-oglac co roibh se a farradh Aitilais ... « Ocus ataim-si ag dul uadha, » ar se, « do tinol slogh ... »* (Quin 1939, 1. 983)

The warrior said that he was with Atlas ... « and I am going by his orders, » said he, « to collect the armies ... ».

### 5.4. STAIR FORTIBRAIS

I have noted one instance of slipping in the Irish *Fierabras*, a fourteenth- or fifteenth-century abridged version of the Old French *chanson de geste*, *Fierabras*. This substantial text, entitled *Stair Fortibrais*, which tells of Charlemagne's search for the crown of Christ and the relics of the saints, consists to a very large degree of
dialogue. But only very rarely, probably only in the passage cited here, do we find slipping. Here again, in example (60), *agus* as connective occurs :

(60) *adubairt ris dul docum Admiranduis ... 7 doberumne a tiagernus fen
dó ...* (Stokes 1898, § 222)<fnref n="18" />

he told him to go to Admirandus ... « and we will give him his own
lordship ... ».

### 5.5. BEATHA BIBHUIS O HAMTUIR

The following instance, once more with *agus* as connective and no doubt not the only
one in this work, comes from the fifteenth-century translation of the Lives of Guy and
Bevis, entitled *Beatha Bibhuis o Hamtuir*. This composition has been attributed by
Quin to Uilliam Mac an Leagha.

(61) *roinnis di co tangadur techta da hiarraidh do ri na Damaisci* ; « 7
dober-sa do tú, » *ar-se* (Robinson 1908, § 9)<fnref n="19" />

[he] told her that messengers had come to seek her for the king of Damascus ; « and I will give you to him, » he said.

### 5.6. LORGAIREACHT AN TSOIDHIGH NAOMHTHA

A version of the twelfth-century French tale of the quest of the Holy Grail, *La Queste del Saint Graal*, was translated into Irish in the fifteenth century from an English source. From the fragments of *Lorgaireacht an tSoidhigh Naomhtha* contained in the vellum Mss RIA (Stowe) D IV 2, Rawlinson B 512, and Franciscan Ms. 10 Falconer (1953) has produced a text of some 4,500 lines. According to her, « it has been written in a deliberately archaic manner as far as spelling, grammar and vocabulary are concerned » (Falconer 1953, p. xliii).

Among the very numerous passages of direct and indirect speech in this tale we
find a number of instances of slipping<fnref n="20" />. Of the 14 examples cited here (62) to (65)
have úair « for » as connective, while (66) has ar dáigh « for ».

<footnote n="18">¹⁸ My translation. Another translation relating to Charlemagne is *Gabháltais Shearluis Mhóir*. Hyde (1917, Introduction) remarks that this is similar to other translated works of the fourteenth / fifteenth century, such as *Stair Fortibrais*. *Oratio recta* is very frequent, and usually clearly tagged either by *Adubhairt Agiolandus* (pp. 36, 40), or *ocus is edh adubhairt* (p. 38), or *Do fhreagair Rolandus* (p. 54), etc. No instance of slipping was noted.</footnote>

<footnote n="19">¹⁹ My translation.</footnote>

<footnote n="20">²⁰ No significant divergences in wording were noted between the Mss. On the Mss cf. Falconer (1953, pp. xxxii *et seqq.*).</footnote>
(62) *ro raidh fris combad a n-anmaim cruichi Crist no ragad ... « uair ata i faistine, » ol se, « co muidfer cath ort re Tolamer ... »* (Falconer 1953, 1. 668)

he said to him that he should go in the name of Christ's cross ... « for it hath been prophesied of thee that Tolamer shall prevail against thee ... ».

In the other nine examples, (67) to (72), *agus* stands at the boundary between indirect and direct speech:

*Acus it-bert an teglach uile* And the whole fellowship say (67);
*Acus is amlaid so do-rala sidhe* This is how that came to pass (68);
« *Acus tuicim-se,uar se* ... « And I perceive, » said he (69);
« *Acus ata ni cena, uol si* ... « And there is another cause, » she said (70);
« *Acus cidedh, uol seisim* ... « And yet, » said he (71);
*Acus cidh i Eua* ... And as for Eve (72).

The imperative follows *agus* in examples (73) to (75):

*Acus taburtar espuloid dam-sa* ... Let me have absolution (73);
*Acus eirg-siu* ... And go thou (74);
7 *abair fris* ... And say to him (75).<fnref n="21" />

## 6. CONCLUSION

Several instances of slipping cited here do not conform neatly to the type involving direct, smooth transition from the reported words of a character to that person's actual words in direct speech. Such variants are however significant and relevant to the study of slipping and techniques for introducing direct speech. A more extensive, systematic search of Irish texts will turn up other variants, which require study and classification.

The general impression arising from the Irish texts searched for this study is that although they did not resort to it frequently authors in all periods were aware of slipping and conscious of its uses, for instance as a means of expressing things more succinctly or highlighting the actual words of a person, a law, or tradition.

The narrative contexts in which it is typically used arise less frequently in the terse, short compositions of the earliest period of prose literature. In the more extensive compositions of the Middle Irish period conditions conducive to such techniques present themselves more commonly. Compilations based on classical

<footnote n="21">²¹ For full quotations see Appendix.</footnote>
literature, for instance *Togail Troí*, may have given rise to greater appreciation of their uses and, in time, to their use in native tales. Examples of slipping in later translations, for instance *Lorgaireacht an tSoidhigh Naomhtha*, while still relatively few in statistical terms, suggest that it is prominent in the prose writer's array of stylistic devices, and especially associated with connectives such as *acus* and *úair* and with the imperative.

© Uáitéar Mac Gearailt 2005

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APPENDIX

TÁIN BÓ CÚAILNGE-RECENSION II

(8.2) Agus ro raid Fergus re Fiaca mac Fir Fhebhe ara ndicsedh d'acallaimh Con Culainn. « Agus abair fris ba fial do beith ag selg forna sluagaibh in gcn do-rinde maith no gniomradha guile forta, 7 dano ba fele dó a imfolach ina teched ria n-aonlaoch dib. » (TBC-St, O'Rahilly 1961, 1. 1760) And Fergus told Fiacha mac Fir Febe to go and speak with Cú Chulainn. « And tell him it was seemly for him to hunt the hosts as long as he did good or [performed] deeds of valour against them, but that it were fitter for him to hide himself rather than to flee before a single warrior from among them. »
(12.1) ... 7 adubairt re feraib Erenn fuirecras do denam in oidci sin, « daig ticfaidh Cu Chulainn dabur n-iondsaigi anocht. » (TBC-St, O'Rahilly 1961, 1. 1320) ... and he told the men of Ériu to be vigilant that night, « for Cú Chulainn will come upon you tonight. »

Ocus atrubairt fri firu Hérend faitchius in n-aidchi sin dáig ar bíth dosficfad Cú Chulaind ... (TBC-LL O'Rahilly 1967, 1. 1282) And he told the men of Ériu to be vigilant that night, for Cú Chulainn would come upon them ...

## BEATHA AODHA RUAIDH UÍ DHOMHNAILL

(17) ... 7 ro raidh bheos gurbho seinbhriathar o chein máir nach ar líon óg brister cath acht tri nert an Choimdedh 7 secip neach thairisnighes isin Trionoitt asé as cosgrach 7 chreides gurab é an taoinDia shoas foran sochaidhe bhíos for gaí ríasan uathadh bios for fior. As imne atamaoidne inar núathadh for fior andar linn badhdein 7 atát Gaill ina sochaide moir for goí ... (Walsh 1948, § 118) ... and he declared moreover that there was an old-time saying, that it was not by the number of soldiers the battle is broken but by the power of God, and that he is victorious who trusts in the Trinity and believes that the One God turns the army that fights for falsehood into rout before the few who stand for truth. Thus, we few stand for the right, and the English, in our opinion, with their great host stand for the wrong ... »<fnref n="22" />

## STAIR NUADAT FIND FEMIN

(23) ... 7 rogreis iat 7 rofulair forra Nuada do marbad, 7 roindis doib sarugud na ligna dó, 7 « is cóir dibsi m'einech-sa do digailt. » (Müller-Lisowski 1920, I § 26) ... und er feuerte sie an und er legt ihnen auf, Nuada zu töten und erzählte ihnen die Beschimpfung der Königin durch ihn und « es steht euch zu, meine Ehre zu rächen. »

(24) 7 adubairt oglach meic rig Lochlann riu comnaidi do dhenum 7 a ndul a coirigthib (?) isin n-Indsi, 7 « an tír so a tangabair, » ar se, « ni recha fer a mbethaid este aguib. » (Müller-Lisowski 1920, II § 15) Und der Krieger des Königssohnes von Lochlann sagte ihnen, sie sollten dort Aufenthalt nehmen und sich in Trupps (?) auf die Insel begeben. Und « dies Land, in das ihr gekommen seid, » sagte er, « aus dem soll euch (?) lebend kein Mann entkommen. »

## PÁRLIAMENT NA MBAN

(32) Ann sin do labhair Lucía do Léisi, 7 adúbhairt mar an ccéadna nách raibh áontsórd datha dá onóruídhe chid na mná coitchionna nách cuirid ar a n-éaduībh féin é, an úair budh chóir dóibh bheith sásda lé duiliosg crann nó cloch, nó le duille na feárna, et gach gné datha onóraicc d'fhágbháil ag na mnáibh uáisle. « Ní bhí mar an ccéadna modh ná measardhacht a mnáibh na ndaorchlann ar áonach nó ar fhéasda ... » (Ó Cuív 1977, 1. 2650) Then Lucía spoke to Léisi and said likewise that there was no kind of colour, however honourable, which common women see and which they do not put on their own clothes, when they ought to be satisfied with lichen, or alder leaves, and leave all honourable colours to noble women. « Likewise, women of the lower classes have little dignity or modesty at fairs or feasts ... »

(34) Ciodh trācht tángadar na deaghmhná sin an t-athlá chum an Phārliment sin, 7 as í céad bhean do labhair san ccómhdháil, i. Márta Ní Bhriain, 7 adúbhairt gur léigeadar an fhoghluim 7 an léighann a bhfaillīth comh mór 7 sin, « ionnas nách fuil cion ar mbith air san ccríoch so na hÉirionn, do bhrígh gur mó an míann bhíos ag na baothánaibh óga úaisle a bhfiadhach, a raingce, a bpionnsa, 7 a súgartháoibh suaracha eile ná 'na leabharaibh. 7 is dearbhtha gurab é as fáth don chrích so bheith bocht do shíor 7 a gcogadh ghnáthach, nách cuirid na sáorchlanna a cclann ré foghluim bēas nó tréithe mar budh cuibhe... » (Ó Cuív 1977, 1. 2684) However, those ladies came next day to that Parliament, and the first woman to speak in the assembly, i. Márta Ní Bhriain, said they had let knowledge and learning fall into neglect to such an extent, « that it is not at all held in

<footnote n="22">²² No opening quotation mark in Walsh's (1948) edition.</footnote>
-esteem in this kingdom of Ireland, because the foolish young people of the upper classes are more interested in hunting, dancing, fencing, and other lowly games than in their books. And it is certain that the reason this land is ever poor and constantly at war, is that people of noble birth do not have their children taught good behaviour and qualities ... »

(35) Adúbhairt Grás Ní Ghiobúin nách leigfidís aoinbhean do na mnáibh sin 'na ccomhdháil, d'eagla go ngalaróchadís an chuid eile do na mnáibh ionractha. « 7 ionnas nach bíadh drochmheas air air bPáirliment, curfiom gach ní a n-órdúghadh go dleaghthach, 7 togħfiom banchléireach churfios síos gach staitiúid ar a ttiocfam d'áonáonta san bPárliment so. » (Ó Cuív 1977, 1. 2581) Grás Ní Ghiobúin said that they would not allow any of those women into their assembly, for fear they would contaminate the rest of the honourable women. « And in order that our parliament is not disrespected, we will arrange everything in accordance with the law, and we will elect a female clerk who will take down each statute on which we decide unanimously in this Parliament ... »

(38) Do-rineadar acht eile párlimint inar órduigheadar a cclann inghion do chur go mainisdreach' a n-órdaibh ríaghalta na mban ag foghluim dlighe Dé 7 iomchur deisgréidic na mban ríaghalta. « 7 an tan do-chifid na fir sinne ag dearsgnúghadh orrtha féin, glacfaidh náire iad 7 bíadh ag tnúth lin fān bhfoghluim go forlíanta. » (Ó Cuív 1977, 1. 2706) They passed another act of parliament in which they ordained that their daughters be sent to monasteries, to women's religious orders to learn the law of God and the discreet behaviour of women in orders. « And when the men see us surpassing them, they will be ashamed and they will all be envious of our learning. »

## STAIR ERCUIL OCUS A BÁS

(56) Ro innis in rí do Ercuil torathar ingnathach do torachtain ina tìr, « 7 roba doaing decrach do neoch, gemadh fili no fellsam fireolach, triall fhaisneisi na beiste bithgarbe buanolcuighi 7 ind adhfluath angide etrocuir 7 in torathar namdighi, tulborb, trennertmar 7 ind athaigh naimdighi n-ecennuis dorala ina tìr ...[1250] comba sab srainti sochraidi in trenarm angidi ingnathach sin. Cidh fil ann tra, » ol an ri fri hErcuil, « acht<fnref n="23" /> ro crín 7 ro fhasaigh na tírtha 7 ... » (Quin 1939, ll. 1229-52) The king told Hercules that a wonderful monster had come to his country, « a monster such that it would be hard and difficult for anyone, though he were poet or learned philosopher, to describe the rough, evil-doing beast, the wicked, merciless inspirer of terror, the hostile, impetuous, powerful monster, the fierce untameable prodigy ... which had appeared in his country ... That strong, wicked, wonderful weapon is as it were ... a staff to rout an army. In short, » said the king to Hercules, « it has devastated and laid waste the countries ... »

(57) Adubhairt Facua co tanic a fer ceile .i. Fausus mac Priccuis, « 7 ní facamar re ré cethri mbliadhan e, 7 tanic se anosa isin tìr so. » (Quin 1939, 1. 2070) Fatua said that her husband, Faunus son of Picus, had come, « and we have not seen him for four years, and he has come into this country now. »

(58) Adubhairt in t-oglach co roibhi sé a cathair Lisi. « Ocus ata ben aigi ann is annsa leis na Dianira .i. Yole inghen Phriccuis rí na Calidoine .i. in ben is ferr delb 7 deghdenum do mnaibh na cruinne ina coimre. » (Quin 1939, 1. 2423) The warrior said that he was in the city of Lycia. « And he has a wife there who is dearer to him than Deianira, namely Iole the daughter of Picus king of Calcedonia, the most beautiful and shapely of all the women of the world in her time. »

(59) Adubhairt Licas co tainic loisi de ar tosaigh, 7 co roibi co bronach asa haithli, « 7 do geall sé techt co luath mar a mbeir-si, no techta do chur cugud. » (Quin 1939, 1. 2486) Lichas said that he blushed at first and that afterwards he was sad. « And he promised to come to thee soon or else to send thee messengers. »

<footnote n="23">23 Better Cidh fil ann tra acht, 'ol an ri fri hErcuil, 'ro crín ... ; cf. Cidh fil ann tra acht nirba ... (Quin 1939, 1. 153) ; Cid tracht (Quin 1939, 1. 192, 1. 1181, 1. 1482, 1. 1501, 1. 2164). If so, the speech tag in the text looks like an insertion.</footnote>
LORGAIREACHT AN TSOIDHIGH NAOMHTHA

(63) Ro freacuir Ri Banndun doib 7 ised at-bert nac dō bud dir acht do Sir Galafas, « uair is dō dlegmait umla 7 airmitin 7 airechus do tabairt 7 a beth amail toisech 7 maidisdir acainn. » (Falconer 1953, 1. 429) King Bandemagus answered them, saying that it was not for him but for Sir Galahad, « as it is he whom we ought to honour and obey and have as our lord and master. »

(64) Is-pert-som ba he Sir Boos de Frangcaib he, 7 is oc iarraid a brathar .i. Sir Liuinel, ro boi, « uair it-condarcc he etir dis ridire ica malairt 7 ica mudhugad o chianaib, » ol se. (Falconer 1953, 1. 2488) He said that he was Sir Bors of the French and that he was seeking his brother Sir Lionel, « for I saw him lately between two knights being ill-treated, » said he.

(65) Acus ro labair in t-aingil uasa cinn 7 ised at-bert friu cin aennech dib do hoirisim astigh acht in ti budh dingmala ar bord in Tigerna .i. Isa Crist, « uair sasfaidhthair na ridireda annga andiu don biud spiratalta ro tuairsit fein doib. » (Falconer 1953, 1. 4060) An angel spoke above them saying to them that none was to remain within save he who was fitted to sit at the table of the Lord Jesus Christ, « for the pure knights shall this day be refreshed with the spiritual sustenance which they have earned for themselves. »

(66) Araile dias derbrathar don lucht ro boi ic lenmain Iosophus dia coibnesam uadein, 7 ro formtigetur fris, 7 ro raidset co hinclethe eturro fadein nach tibradis umla nā airmitin do Iosopus « ar daigh is saire 7 is soceneilchi é inā sindi, » ol seat. (Falconer 1953, 1. 1619) Two brothers of those who followed Josephus, who were of his own kin, grew envious of him, and said secretly between themselves that they would not pay respect or reverence to Josephus « because he is nobler and more highly born than ourselves, » said they.

(67) Bui an techtairi amlaid sin ac indisi scel an ridiri oicc 7 is-bert fos corbo cosmail fri Sir Lamsaloit he : « Acus it-bert an teglach uile, » ol se, « conid do slicht Rig Baan do .i. Rig Franc. » (Falconer 1953, 1. 104) Thus the messenger related concerning the young knight, and he said further that he was like Sir Lancelot. « And the whole fellowship say that he is of the line of King Ban, king of the French, » said he.

(68) At-bert an maighdin coro comaill an cloidem na gesa sin cena, 7 cin uaman nā imecla do beith ar na ridirib rompa. « Acus is amlaid so do-rala sidhe .i. hi cind .xl. bliadan iar Pais Isa Crist boí Nasiens .i. brathuir in Rig Mordrens, ina tigernus fein ... » (Falconer 1953, 1. 2924)<fnref n="24" /> The maiden said that the sword had fulfilled those taboos heretofore and that the knights should have no fear or dread of them. « This is how that came to pass. Forty years after the Passion of Jesus Christ, when Nasciens, kinsman of King Mordrens, was in his own dominion ... ».

(69) ... 7 at-bert beos narbo gnath daíne curpda d'fecain an reta sin. « Acus tuicim-se, » ar se, « conad do na ridiribh uaisle ata a llorgairecht an tSuidthig Naemtha sibh, 7 fo-gebtai é cu deimin, uair ro fuilngebuir mor nduaidh 7 ndocair, mor cath 7 conghal, mor sibal 7 sechran ica iarraid. » (Falconer 1953, 1. 3414) ... and he added that it was not usual for mortal men to witness that thing. « And I perceive, » said he, « that ye are of the noble knights who are in quest of the Holy Grail. And ye shall certainly find it, for ye have endured much hurt and hardship, many battles and conflicts, and much wandering and straying, seeking it (throughout the world R). »

(70) Acus ro raidh fos combad esbaid dia choibnesum uile 7 di uadein, uair ba hadbul 7 ba dirim in forba 7 in irrann duthche ro uoi ic furnaide friu 7 fair-sium dia n-eis. « Acus ata ní cena, » ol si, « nach dlige-si, a Sir Persaual, comrac risin ridiri utt, uair is a n-aoínecht ro facabuir dunad Cing Artuir i cumaidh cāich for lurgc in tSoidig Naemtha ... » (Falconer 1953, 1. 1524) And she said further that it would be a great loss to all his people and to herself, for vast and extensive was the estate awaiting them and him after them. « And there is another cause, » she said, « wherefore thou shouldst not engage that knight, Sir Percival, for it was together that ye left the court of King Arthur like the rest in quest of the Holy Grail ... ».

<footnote n="24">²⁴ Quotation marks in the Irish text, but not in the translation (p. 255).</footnote>
(71) *Ro la socht mor for Sir Persaual ic cluinsin in sceoil sin, 7 is-bert nach cuala fein ní dia scelaib co sin on ló do faccaibh hi.* « Acus cidedh, » ol seisim, « õs e is crich airidhe do gach aen in bas, fodemat-sa na scela sin i nd-anoir De amail ro fhodhmas cech ndograing ele cusaniu ... » (Falconer 1953, 1. 1566) On hearing that, a great silence fell upon Sir Percival. He declared that he himself had heard no news of her until then since the day he had left her. « And yet, » said he, « since death is the end appointed for all, I shall endure these tidings to the honour of God as I have endured every other hardship hitherto ... ».

(72) *A mbatur and coro labuir in Tigerna Isa Crist osa cind 7 issued ro raidh fri hAdhamh, nach foidbed a bethaid cin tsaethur 7 cin allus a cuirp do thodhail ic opoir 7 ic modhsaine o sin amach.* « Acus cidh í Eua, fodemaigh idhain 7 gallra 7 guasachta ac breith a clainni. » (Falconer 1953, 1. 3028)<fnref n="25" /> When they were there, the Lord Jesus Christ spoke above them, saying to Adam that henceforth he would not eat bread save by labour and by the sweat of his body, working and slaving. « And as for Eve she will suffer pains and sickness and danger bringing forth her children. »

(73) *Acus ro labuir friu iar dtain 7 it-bert conad fortail 7 conad anorach in edbairt do-rigensat do Dia i. in clann colach contrachtach 7 na meic mitoimdenacha do marbad, * « Acus taburtar espuloid dam-sa anosa 7 corp Crist, 7 fo-gebh bas iarum. » (Falconer 1953, 1. 3378) After a while he spoke to them, saying that they had offered to God a daring and noble sacrifice in killing his wicked cursed sons that purposed evil. « Let me have absolution and the Body of God now and then I shall die. »

(74) *At-bert an Tigerna re Sir Galafas nach roibe acht fis do isin gloir sin a n-athfeghad na gloire fo-gebad de ara cinn a catraig Saruis.* « Acus eirg-siu ina coimidecht, uair (scar ... dom se ...) a-sa fria righecht Laugrais 7 ni riasuir hi doridisi co forbad an tsaeghail ... » (Falconer 1953, 1. 4169) The Lord said to Sir Galahad that that glory was for him but a vision compared with the glory he would receive from it presently in the city of Sarras, « And go thou along with it, for ... from the kingdom of Logris, and thou shalt never again return thither ... »

(75) *Adubairt Sir Galafas re Sir Boos a bennacht do breth docum a athar i.* Sir Lamsaloit, « 7 abair fris beth co daingin annsa creidem, 7 bid grad De aicce, uair ata a fis acam-sa nac rachaid Sir Persaual co brath tara ais. Acus facbaim mo bennacht acaib fein in dias sin.* » (Falconer 1953, 1. 4361) Sir Galahad charged Sir Bors to take his blessing to his father, Sir Lancelot. « And say to him to be steadfast in the faith and let him cherish the love of God, for I know that Sir Percival will never return. And I leave my blessing with you yourselves. »

<footnote n="25">²⁵ Quotation marks in the Irish text, but not in the translation (p. 257).</footnote>