And may [this] sealed document, this purchase contract, be [considered] good and valid, and
may there be no inconvenience to the witnesses.

J Verso

Wyem [seal A].

Bag-re-mareg [seal B].

Yatak Sibukan [seal C].

Mir-Shabur Yolaban [seal D].

Bag-wanind Mashan [seal E].

V.2. Payments to the Hephthalites and the Persians

Document al, a list of expenditure by a local ruler. Text and translation from Sims-Williams (2012, 164–65). Undated, but the fact that the writer is obliged to make payments both to the Hephthalites and the Persians seems to indicate a date before the defeat of Peroz in 484 CE.

V.004. Doc. al

[al1] σιδο πιδο ι ×....................× [ ]τ̥ογδο οδ̥[ο Δρ]-

[al2] αχμο ι΄ οτομο λαδο αβο βαγολαγγο αβο οιφπο σαρ[δο πι]-

[al3] δο ὁχοσφαρο ἀυμαρο πιδο μορΔγο οδο πιδο αβηδγο α]-

[al4] σιδομο ι β[ρα]δο βρ[δο ]Δ[ρα]χμο λ΄ ζ΄ παβαγαρ[xx×]

[al5] πιδο ι βραδο σιδο β[οδ]ο τ̥α(δ)αβο οισπο μαο-φάρο ηβ[οΔα]-

[al6] λανο οδο φαρο παρ[σ]ιγαγο ρωσιγο Δραχμο λαδο ε΄[ οτ]-

[al7] ομο λο ι βάρο πιδισιδο οτομο τογδο φαρο ι ωκιδ[ο κα]-

[al8] λδο γαοανο λαβιρο α[βο ]βάρο γ'αο βαστο Δραχ[μο ×'-]

[al9] πιδο ρηδοφαρο λιζοβιδιγο[ ο]τομο τογδο πιδο γαβ[×××]-

[al10] βιδο λιζοβιδο οδο πιδο χοαδδησπαδο λασοβιδιγ[ο φ]-

[al11] αρο ηβοΔαλανο πιδο μορΔγο οδο πιδο αβηδγο Δ[ρα]-

[al12] χμο ι΄ β΄ πιδο ὁχοσαρο ἀυμαρο οτομο λαδο πι[δο]

Verso

[al13] οιφοιγγο ι αδηιο αβο βαγολαγγο αβο οιφπο [σ]αρδο [Δρα]-

[al14] χμο ι΄ οδο καλδο βάροληργο μολο χοαρδο ταδομο[ ×××]

[al15] τογδο Δραχμο β΄ οτομο λαδαβο ι ιανιγιγο οδαβ[ο ι]

[al16] λαβι[ρ]ογαγγο Δραχμο β΄ οτομο λαδο καλδο αχ[×××]

[al17] μολο μαλαβο βάρο χοσαρδο διναρο η΄ οτομο λ[αδο]

[al18] φαρο οιριφτομιφο ι χοη[οι ]γαμωσογανο οδο πιδοφ[αρο]

[al19] διναρο β΄ οδ[ο ι χ]οηο[ ××××]ο πιδο××δο ὁτομο λα[δαβο]
[al20] ι ηβοδαλαγγο αβυαγγο πιδο ι σαριγγο ζαμο ο[δο πι]-

[al21] δο ι σιμιγο οδο πιδο ι γαμωφογαγο οδο λιδο γαο×[xxx]

[al22] [α]β[ο] ι ποσο διγαρο η΄ οτο ηβοΔαλαγγο ασπο[ αβ]-

[al23] [ο ]βάρο μόρο δαδο μο τογδο Δραχμο ξ΄ οτο[μο λα]-

[al24] δαβο ι γωγαγγο διναρο β΄ οτομο λαδαβο οι[σπο]

[al25] μασο π[ι]δο ηβοΔαλοχοηο οδαλο βα[υ]ο φαρο ι [ ]

... which [I] paid for the ... and [2]ten dirhams. And I gave to the temple every year in [3]settlement of the ... for the dead and for the [[departed]], [4][the amount] which my brother spent(?), thirty-six dirhams [5][as] a ... for what [my] brother spent(?). Then every month [6][I] gave five dirhams [as] a subsistence allowance for the Hephthalites and for the Persians. [[And]] [7]I both handed over(?) the city and paid to the ..., [8]when Gawan the scribe tethered cows [[in]] the city, ... dirhams [9]for Red-far of the fortress guard. And I paid, for ... [10]bid the chief of the fortress guard and for Khwade-spad the member of a company of ten, [11]to the Hephthalites for the dead and for the departed [12]twelve dirhams in settlement of the ... And I gave for [verso][13]linen [cloth as] the offering for the temple every year [14]ten dirhams. And when the governor of the city drank wine, then I [[again]] [15]paid two dirhams. And I gave to the ... and to [[the]] [16]scriptorium two dirhams. And I gave, when ... [17]drank wine here in the city, eight dinars. And I [[gave]], [18][as] an offering and [mark of] [[honour]] for Wirishtmish the lord, [19]two dinars, and [[the]] lord ... And I [[gave towards]] [20]the Hephthalite levy, for the vessels of lacquer [[and for]] [21]those of silver, and for the offerings, and for [[fodder]] [22][[for]] the sheep, eight dinars. And a horse belonging to the Hephthalites [23]died [[in]] the city: then I paid five dirhams. And [[I gave]] [24]two dinars to the ... And I gave [[every]] [25]month, for the Hephthalite lord or the king, for the ...

## V.3. Letters referring to the Hephthalites

Three Bactrian letters. Text and translation from Sims-Williams (2007, 122–27), with a correction suggested by Yoshida (2003, 158a). Undated, all probably c. 485 CE or soon after. All three letters refer to the Hephthalites as overlords of the local rulers of Rob and Kadagstan in Northern Afghanistan.

### V.005. Doc. eh

[eh1] [αβο ωρομοζδο βονοκανο ]

[eh2] [ ]

[eh3] [ ηβο]δαλο ιαβγο παροπαζο [σωτ]αγγο αβγανα[νο ]-

[eh4] βιδο τοχοαροστανο οδο γαρσιγοστανο λαδοβαρο μισιδο

[eh5] [αγαδο μαρ]ο ασαφαγο πωστιγο τ[α]δομο ναγατο σαγονδο ναβιχτ-

[eh6] [ιμο π]ιδο μανο[ λ]ρογοστανο ταδαζο λρογο αγαδιμο λι[σι]-
[eh7] [δο ]×××ο [κοαδ]ανο αβαφαγο ταρο ιθαο φοβταδη[ιο]

[eh8] [ ]ι[ οα]ρζο ληρο ασιδο ιθαοδημο φρομαδ-

[eh9] ο κοαδο[ ]ιαοραρδοι αοοηρσο οτασο βαυριγανο αμβα-

[eh10] ρο χωζο ταδο οιχ[οασο ]ο ναφρομιανο ταδ-

Left margin, first continuation (c. 4 lines) lost

Verso, second continuation

[eh15] χοαδο φρ[ομι]ημο οτομο[ ]-

[eh16] ο πιδο ζιμανιγο φρομ[ ]

[eh17] μαρδο ταρο φοβτιδο ταδ[ ]

[eh18] οαρζο ληρο

Address

[eh19] [αβο ]φρο[μο]-

[eh20] ζδο βογοκα-

[eh21] γο λροδο~

[To Ormuzd Bunukan, ... greetings and homage from ...], [3]the [[sot]]ang (?) of Parpaz [under]i
[the glorious] yabghu of [[Heph]thal, the chief ... of the Afghans, [4]the judge of Tukharistan and
Gharchistan.

Moreover, [5]a letter [[has come hither]] from you, so I have heard how [[you have]] written [6] [[to me concerning]] my health. I arrived in good health, [and] [[afterwards(?)] [7]I heard that a message]] was sent thither to you [saying] thus: [8] “... look after the farming.” But the order was given to you thus: [9-10]“You should hand over the grain and [then] request [it] from the citizens’ store.” I will not order [[loss ...]], so [11] ... [12] ... [13] ... [14] ... [15]I myself order. And I ... [16]in respect of winter(?) ... [17]sends men thither [to you], then ... “[... look after the farming.”

[ja1] ασο κιλμανο ναμοοι[νδα]δο αβζοδο η-

[ja2] βοδαλο μ[α]β[γο ]καδαγοβι[δο κα]δαγανο βαο αβο \α/βα-

[ja3] ××[× χο]η[ο λροδο μ]ισιδ[ο ζο]γοβα[νδαγο μανο μα]ρ-

[ja4] ηγο μ[αρο αβα]μαγο ιθ[αο ]πιδοο[αυαδο ]κοαδο τ-

[ja5] ωσο βωζο παρο πο[ρ]δογο αφτο ταδομο το-

[ja6] γδο νακ[ιμιδο ]×...×ανο καριδο ω-

[ja7] σο κιρο φ[ιδο ]ο ασο ζονο-

[ja8] βανδαγο ζι[δαδο ]νο απαρσο

[ja9] αβιρ[αδο ]×[ α]π-

<footnote>[19-21] [[To]] Ormuzd Bunukan, greetings.</footnote>

<footnote>i Here I have corrected the translation given in my edition. See the note to Doc. *jb* below.</footnote>
[ja10] αρσο ×[ ]×...×ρ[

[ja11] κιδο μαρο ζ[

Left margin, continuation

[ja12] ταδο ωγοτο βιζαγο μα κιρο

Verso, address

[ja13] αβο αβ[αχ......χ

[ja14] χοηο λρ[οδο

On another part of the verso, annotation

[ja15] []ζογο[ ]βανδα[γο]

[1-2]From Kilman, the king of the people of [[Ka]]dag, the governor of the famous [and] prosperous yab[[ghu]] of Hephthal, to Aba[[... <sup>3</sup>]the lord, greetings].

Moreover, [[Zhu]]n-ba[[ndag my servant]] <sup>[4]</sup>[[has]] [[appealed to]] me [[here]] [saying] [[thus]]: <sup>[5]</sup>“Tos is owing a tax(?) payment and <sup>[6]</sup>[[he does]] not [[want]] to pay me [[but]] makes [[excuses(?)]].” <sup>[7-8]</sup>Now you should act [in such a way] [[that whatever Tos may have]] [[taken]] from Zhun-bandag [[the latter shall]] <sup>[9]</sup>get [[it]] back ... <sup>[10]</sup>back ... <sup>[11]</sup>who here ... <sup>[12]</sup>So do not do clandestine(?) evil!

[13-14]To Ab[a...] the lord, [[greetings]].

[15][Concerning] Zhun-banda[[g]].

[jb1] αβο σαρτο χοηβανδανο φαραχο ηβοδαλο ια-

[jb2] βγο ρωβοχαρο ηβοδαλοχοηοαγγο λαβιρο τοχο-

[jb3] αραστανο γαρσιγοστανο λαδοβαρο βαγο χοηο υαζα-

[jb4] ρο βηοαρο λρουδο σπαδοζαγγο ναμωσο σαγονδ-

[jb5] αβο βαγανο ασο αζγαρακο ραμιναγγο φρομα-

[jb6] λαρο χοβο μαρηγο οτανο οαλο βαταρανο καλδα-

[jb7] γο χοαδο λρουγο οιγανο οτο βαδο βοοανο μισιδομο/

[jb8] πιδο σπιαγγο σαχοανο πορσαδο ταδομο ναγατο σα-

[jb9] γονδο σταδο ασιδο αμαρδανο κιδο γαλο σταδινδο

[jb10] ταδαφο μαρο βοδινδο τασιδο ζαμανο απαρσο

[jb11] ηρσινδο ταδο φπι[ιο] απαρσο ηρσιο ταδοδηιο [να]-

[jb12] βαγο σπουριγο απαρσο φρομημο λαδο οιτ[αβο]

Verso, continuation

[jb13] ι' ρωσο απαρσο ηρσιδο~

At the bottom of the recto, address

[jb14] αβο φαρτο χοηβανδανο φαραχο ηβοδαλο [ιαβγο]
[1-2]To Sart Khudewbandan, ruler of Rob [under]i the glorious *yabghu* of Hephthal, the scribe of the Hephthalite lords, [3]the judge of Tukharistan [and] Gharchistan, the noble lord, a thousand [4][and] ten thousand greetings [and] homage on bended knee, as [5]to the gods, from Azgarak, the steward of Ramin, [6]his servant. And then I would be more happy when [7]I myself might see [you] healthy and be happy.

Moreover, I [8]asked about the matter of Spiy and I heard [9]how it was. But [as for his] associates(?) who were thieves, [10]they have gone [away] from here. As soon as [11]they come back, Spiy should come back [too], and then [12]I [shall] order [them] to give him back [his] [[deposit]] in full within [13]ten days after he comes.

[14]To Sart Khudewbandan [[ruler of Rob under]] the glorious y[abghu] of Hephthal.

## V.4. Seals

### V.008. Seal of a “King of the Huns”

Known from three fragmentary sealings published by Aman ur Rahman et al. (2006) and by Lerner and Sims-Williams (2011, 72–74), this seal inscription refers to a ruler of Samarkand who is also a ‘king of the Huns.’

x...xζ[xx]ο βαγο ολαργοii υονανο βαο οαζαρκο κοβανοβαο σαμαρκανδο αφβιανο

... lord Ularg/Uglarg, the king of the Huns, the great Kushan-shah, the *afshiyan* of Samarkand.

### V.009. Seal of Eshkingil

The seal of Eshkingil was published by Pierfrancesco Callieri (2002) and its inscription by Sims-Williams (2002). The tentative restoration of [Ga]rokan as the name of the place ruled by Eshkingil is due to Sims-Williams (2007, 207). The relevance of this object depends on Sims-Williams’s hypothesis that Eshkingil is a variant of Khiṅgila, the name of the well-known Hunnish ruler; see discussion in Sims-Williams (2010, 60).

εβκαγγιλο [γα](ρ)ωκανο χοηο

Eshkingil, lord of [[Ga]]rokan.

<footnote>i As pointed out by Yoshida (2003, 158a), it is unlikely that the ruler of Rob was himself the “yabghu of Hephthal.” Here and in line 14 I have therefore modified the translation given in my edition.</footnote>

<footnote>ii Variant ογλαργο.</footnote>
## V.5. Allusions

### V.010. Estate-name Hunsekhan, “Hunnish house”(?)

The estate-name Hunsekhan (*vovovσηχανο*) possibly meaning ‘Hunnish house,’ occurs in the Bactrian contract L, probably written in Jan./Feb. 602. Translation from Sims-Williams (2012, 58).

> We make [this] declaration to you, Bazanuk son of Peshtams, and to you, Zhun-lad, and to you, Sag, and to you, Tut, sons of Bazanuk, inhabitants of Malr, servants of Fruma-rizm Shaburan, you whose estate is called Hunsekhan.

### V.011. Personal Name Gurambad, “Grumbates”

The personal name Gurambad (*γοραμβαδο*) occurs in two undated letters (dg, c. 450 CE; eb, c. 465 CE), both of which may refer to the same person, a later namesake of the Chionite leader at the siege of Amida in 360 CE, named by Ammianus Marcellinus as Grumbates. Translations from Sims-Williams (2007, 106, 110). For discussion of the name see Sims-Williams (2010, 56–57).

dg:

To Nabag, [my] dear brother, [[greetings and homage from Gu]]rambad Kerawan.

eb:

To Shabur Peshladan and to Gurambad Khwadewan, greetings [and] homage from Sadayol Beranan.
<figure><img src="image_14.png" /></figure>
# VI. Armenian Sources

Giusto Traina

<figure><img src="image_15.png" /></figure>
Introduction

Frantz Grenet

The richest accounts of Sasanian wars with the Huns are found in the Armenian chronicles, always for the same reason: the involvement of Armenian warriors, especially aristocrats, in all Eastern campaigns of the Sasanians. Khosrow II employed the Armenian prince Sempat Bagratuni at Balkh for the same reason the Tsar Alexander I employed his namesake (and probably relative) the Georgian prince Bagration at Borodino: by sending potentially rebellious Caucasian military leaders to distant fronts, two frontiers were pacified at the same time. The wealth of details transmitted about the Chionites, the Kidarites and the Hephthalites is barely mitigated by two shortcomings well known to the Armenologists: the first one, also shared by the Graeco-Roman sources, is a tendency to use archaizing names such as “Massagetes” or “Kushans;” the second one is the ever-present Christian and Patriotic propaganda—it could almost be said that in Armenian accounts of Sasanian wars the Sasanians are always defeated, except when their general is Armenian. Attention should also be drawn to the fact that Elišē and Łazar do not always distinguish clearly between the two geographically and politically very different groups of “Huns” the Armenians were confronted with: those in Bactria and Sogdiana, and those in the Caucasus. That said, the informative value of the Armenian chronicles for gaining a chronologically detailed picture of the historical role of the Huns in Central Asia can be compared only to that of the Chinese records.

VI.001. Armenian Agatʻangełos

Second half of the 5th century CE. Text from Tēr-Mkrtč‘ean and Kanayeanc‘ (1904); translation from Thomson (1976).

VI.001/A. §19, Reaction of the Armenian king Xosrov after the rise of the Sassanians

After 224 CE.

Արդ՝ ի միւ եւս ի գլոխ տարոյն սկսանէր Խոսրով թագաւորն Հայոց գունդ կազմել եւ զաւր բովանդակել, գումարել զգաւրս Աղուանից եւ Վրաց, եւ բանալ զդրունս Ալանաց եւ զՃորայ պահակին, հանել զգաւրս Հոնաց, ասպատակ դնել ի կողմանս Պարսից, արշաւել ի կողմանս Ասորեստանի, մինչեւ ի դրունս Տիսբոնի։

But at the start of the next year Xosrov king of Armenia began to raise forces and assemble an army. He gathered the armies of the Albanians and the Georgians, opened the gates of the Alans and the stronghold of the Čor; he brought through the army of the Huns in order to attack Persian territory and invade Asorestan as far as the gates of Ctesiphon.
VI.001/B. §123, The prowess of the Armenian king Trdat

C. 280–330 CE.

որ զամենայն ժամանակս կենաց իրոց պատերազմեալ եւ առնէր մարտիցն յաղթութիւն: Մեծ
անուն պարծանաց քաջութեան անձին ստանայր եւ զհոյակապ շքեղութիւն յաղթութեան ընդ
ամենայն աշխարհ կացուցանէր հարկանէր ի հարուածս զթշնամիսն եւ խնդրէր զքէնս վրիժուց
իրոց հայրենեացն առնոյր աւար բազում ի կողմանցն Ասորուց եւ թափէր կապուտ սաստիկ
անհնարին ի նոցանէն Արկանէր ի սուր զզաւրս Պարսից եւ թափէր կողոպուտ անհնարին լինէր
առաջնորդ առն եւ ձիոյ զարացն Յունաց եւ մատնէր նոցա զբանակս նոցա հանէր զզաւրս
Հոնաց սաստիկ յոյժ եւ գերէր զկողմանս Պարսից:

He spent his whole life in war and gained triumphs in combat. He acquired a great renown for bravery and extended throughout the whole world the glorious splendor of his victories. He threw his enemies into disarray and revenged his ancestors. He devastated many of the regions of Syria and took a great amount of booty from them. He put to the sword the armies of the Persians and acquired enormous booty. He became commander of the cavalry of the Greek army, and handed over to them the camps [of the enemy]. He expelled the armies of the Huns by force and subjected the regions of Persia.

VI.002. Buzandaran Patmut‘îwnk‘ (P‘awstos Buzand)

Second half of the 5th century CE. Text from Pʻawstosi Buzandacʻwoy Patmutʻiwn Hayocʻi čʻors dprutʻiwns (Anonymous 1933); English translation: Garsoïan (1989).

VI.002/A. III 6, About Grigoris, *katʻotikos* of the Caucasian Albanians

Q.v. also Movsēs Dasxuranc‘i 1.14.

Եւ իբրեւ ուղղեաց նորագեաց զամենայն եկեղեցիս կողմանցն այնոցիկ, եհաս նա մինչեւ ի
ճամբար բանակին արշակունոյ արքային Մազքթաց, որոյ անուն իւր Սանէսան կոչէր: Քանգի
եւ նոցա եւ Հայոց թագաւորացն մի ազգաւորութիւն էր տոհմին բնութեան: Եւ երթեալ յանդիման
լինէր թագաւորին Մազքթաց, իշխանին բազմութեան զօրացն Հոնաց.

And when he had restored and renewed all the churches of those regions, he came to the camp of the Aršakuni king of the Mazkʻutʻkʻ, whose name was Sanēsan. For their kings and the Armenian ones were of the same race and house. And so he came before the king of the Mazkʻutʻkʻ, the prince of the numerous host of the Honkʻ...

VI.002/B. III 7, Raid into Armenia of the king of the Mazkʻutʻkʻ

Յայնմ ժամանակի թագաւոր Մազքթաց Սանէսան անհնարին նիւթեաց զսրտմտութիւն ոխութեան ընդ իւրում ազգակցին Խոսրովու արքային Հայոց, եւ գումարեաց ժողովեաց զամենայն զօրս Հոնաց եւ Փոխաց, Թաւասպարաց, Հեճմատակաց, Իժմախաց, Գաթաց եւ
Գղուարաց, Գուգարաց, Շչբաց եւ Ճղբաց եւ Բաղասճաց եւ Եգերսուանացն, եւ այլոց խառնաղանճ բազմութեամք, անթի բանակն վաչկատուն զօրութեանց, որում միանգամ ինքն իշխէր զօրացն բազմաց։ Եկն անց ըստ իւր սահմանն ընդ գետն մեծ ընդ Կուր, եւ եկն տարածեցաւ ելից գերկիրն Հայոց աշխարհին։ Եւ չգոյր թի բազմութեան հեծելազօր գնդացն, եւ ոչ համար շերտաւոր հետեւակ զօրուն. զի եւ ինքեանք զինքեանս զիւրեանց զօրսն թուել ոչ կարէին։ Բայց ուր լինէր հանդէս, ի նշանաւոր տեղիս գնդի գնդի, դրօշու դրօշու, վաշտուց վաշտուց, յերեւելի յերեւելի տեղեաց՝ մէն մի բռնաքար առ այր հրամայէին, զի բերցեն ընկեսցեն՝ շեղջ կուտել. զի որչափ լիցի, այնու երեւեսցի նշանակ բազմութեանն, առ իմանալ առ վաղիւ անցելոց իրացն ահաւորութեան նշանակ։ Եւ ընդ որ միանգամ անցանէին, այսպէս թողուին յամենայն ճանապարհակիցս, ի վերայ անցից պողոտայից։ Եւ ելին լցին ծածկեցին զամենայն երկիրն Հայոց. քանդեցին, գերեցին, առ հասարակ աւերեցին. սփռեցան տարածեցան զսահմանօքն, լի եւ լի ծաւալեցան մինչեւ ի փոքր քաղաքիկն Սատադու, եւ մինչեւ ի Գանձակ սահմանս ատրպատական. խաղացուցին ի մի վայր ժողովեցին, ի ժամադիր կողմանս յԱյրարատեան գաւառին բանակ մեծ լինէր։

Եւ խոյս ետ թագաւորն Հայոց Խոսորով յիւրմէ ելբարցն, նոյն ի Սանէսանայ յարքայէն Մազքթաց. եւ անկան յամուր բերդն Դարեւնից յերկիրն Կովգայ, եւ ընդ նմա ծերունին Վրթանէս եպիսկոպոսապետն Հայոց։ Ապա առնուին պահս պահել, եւ խնդրել յԱստուծոյ՝ զի փրկեսցէ զնոսա յայնմ ի դառն դահճէն, եւ սկսան խնդրել ի տեառնէ Աստուծոյ։ Եւ նա ծածկեալ բռնացեալ ունէր գերկիրն առ հասարակ իբրեւ տարի մի։ Ապա եկն եհաս Վաչէ որդի Արտաւազդայ ի Մամիկոնեանն տոհմէն, զօրավար ամենայն Հայոց մեծաց։ Զի երթեալ էր նա ի ժամանակին յայնմիկ զերկայն ճանապարհս ի կողմանս Յունաց։ Ապա ժողովեաց նա զամենայն քաջս քաջս նախարարացն, եւ գունդ կազմէր բազում յոյժ. եւ հասանէր անկանէր ի վերայ բանակին, յառաւօտուն ժամուն այգանալոյն պաշտամանն. զի բանակեալ էին նոքա ի լերինն՝ որ կոչի Ցլու գլուխ. եւ առ հասարակ ընդ սուր հանին զամենեսեան, եւ ոչ մի ոք ոչ ապրեցուցանէր, եւ դարձուցանէր զբազմութիւն գերեացն։ Եւ յետ այսորիկ առնոյր զաւարսն, խաղայր գնայր երթայր իջանէր ի դաշտն Այրարատեան գաւառին. երթայր գտանէր զՍանէսան թագաւորն Մազքթաց բուն գնդաւն, անթիւ անհամար զօրօքն հանդերձ ի Վաղարշապատ քաղաքի։ Առեալ զգունդն Վաչէ, եւ յանկարծակի յարձակեցաւ ի վերայ քաղաքին, եւ մատնեաց զնոսա տէր ի ձեռս նորա։

Եւ իբրեւ տեսին զնա յարձակեալ ի վերայ իւրեանց, փախեան ելին ի քաղաքէ անտի յառապարին ի կողմն յՕշական բերդին. եւ զանապատն, եւ զբարուտ տեղիսն ապաւէն իւրեանց համարեցան. եւ լինէր սաստիկ պատերազմ յոյժ յոյժ։ Եւ նիզակակիցք զօրավարին Հայոց, որ էին Բագրատ բագրատունի, Մեհունդակ եւ Գարեգին ըռշտունիք, եւ Վահան նահապետն ամատունեաց տոհմին, եւ Վարազ կամինական, հասանէին հարկանէին ստատակէին զօրսն Ալանացն, եւ Մազքթացն, եւ Հոնացն եւ զայլոց ազգացն, եւ լնուին զդաշտն առապարացն առհասարակ դիակամք մեռելոց. մինչ զի իբրեւ զգետ յարուցեալ երթայր արիւնն անհնարին, եւ ոչ լինէր թիւ զօրացն մեռելոց։ Եւ զմնացեալսն սակաւս առաջի իւրեանց հալածականս տանէին մինչեւ յաշխարհն Բաղասճաց, եւ զգլուխն Սանէսանայ մեծի թագաւորին եկին բերին առաջի արքային Հայոց:
Սակայն իբրեւ ետես, լալ սկսաւ. ասէ, Եղբայր իմ էր ազգաւ արշակունի։ Ապա եկեալ էր արքային ի տեղի ճակատուն, եւ ընդ նմա մեծ եպիսկոպոսապետն Հայոց. եւ տեսին զկոտորածն զօրացն հարելոց, զի նեխէր երկիրն ի հոտոյ մեռելոցն։ Ապա ետուն հրաման` զուգազ հանել յաշխարհէ, եւ անդէն ծածկել քարակարկառ վիմօք, զի մի' ի շարաւոյ հոտոյն մեռելոտի ոսկերացն երկիրն պղծեսցի։ Եւ դադարեաց երկիրն ի խաղաղութեան ամս հարուստ մի. եւ այսպէս վրէժ սրբոյն Գրիգորիսի խնդրեցաւ ի թագաւորէն Սանէսանայ, եւ ի բանակէ նորա. զի ոչ մնաց ի նոցանէ եւ ոչ մի։

At this time, Sanēsan, king of the Mazkʻutʻkʻ, nourished an implacable hatred and rancor against his kinsman Xosrov, king of Armenia. And so, he gathered and assembled all the forces of the Honkʻ and the Pʻoxkʻ, of the Tʻawasparkʻ, the Hečmatakkʻ, the Ižmaxkʻ, the Gatʻkʻ, the Głuarkʻ, the Gugarkʻ, the Šičbkʻ, and the Čiłbkʻ and the Bałasčikʻ, and the Egersuankʻ, and masses of other rabble. [It was] an innumerable nomadic host, whose entire large force he led himself. He crossed his own border at the great Kur River and came flooding of the land of the Armenian realm. And no one could number the vastness of the cavalry contingents, or reckon the force of the club-bearers on foot, so that they themselves could not number their own army. But whenever they held a muster by contingents, banners, and detachments at designated places, every man was ordered to carry a stone so as to throw it down from these very visible places in order to form a mound, so that as many as there were would be an indication of the size [of the army]; a fearful sign [left] for the morrow to understand past events. And wherever they passed, they left such markers at every crossroad along their way. And so they came, filled and covered the whole of the land of Armenia; ravaged, captured and destroyed it completely. They scattered and spread altogether over its territory, and stretched all the way to the small city of Satał and to Ganjak, [which is] the border of Atrpatakan. [And] they pushed on and gathered at the appointed region of the district of Ayrarat, [where] there was a large encampment. Xosrov, king of Armenia, fled from his brother,—that is, from Sanēsan, king of the Mazkʻutʻkʻ—and threw himself into the fortified stronghold of Darewnkʻ, in the land of Kovg; and the elderly Vrtʻanēs, chief-bishop of Armenia, [went] together with him. Then they kept fasts and begged God to deliver them from this cruel slaughterer, and they began to implore the Lord God. [Meanwhile, Sanēsan] overran and subjected the whole of the land for about one year. Then Vačʻē, the son of Artawazd from the Mamikonean house, the commander-in-chief of all Greater Armenia, came [back], for at that time he had gone an a long journey in the regions of the Greeks. He collected together all the most valiant naxararkʻ and formed a very large contingent. He fell upon the camp [of the Mazkʻutʻkʻ] at break of day during the dawn service, for they were encamped on the mountain called Cʻlu Glux [Bull's Head]. He put all of them to the sword, left not one of them alive, and brought back the multitude of those [held] captive. Then, after this, he gathered up the booty, set forth, and marched down into the plain of the district of Ayrarat. Upon arriving [there], he found Sanēsan, king of the Mazkʻutʻkʻ, with his own contingent [bun gund], as well as an innumerable [and] countless host, in the city of Vałaršapat. Drawing up his contingent, Vačʻē fell on the city unexpectedly, and the Lord gave them into his hand. And when they save him falling upon them, they fled from the city to the craggy region of the fortress of
Ōšakan, counting on those desert and rocky places as a refuge. And an extremely fierce battle took place. And the companions-in-arms of the Armenian commander—namely Bagrat Bagratuni, Mehundak and Garegin Rštuni, Vahan nahapet of the Amatuni house and Varaz Kaminakan—fell upon and slaughtered the forces of the Alank‘, Mazk‘ut‘k‘, Honk‘ and other tribes and filled the rocky plain with the bodies of the dead until blood swelled up and flowed overwhelmingly like a river, and the number of the dead was beyond count. And they drove the surviving few before them all the way to the country of the Bałasčik‘ and brought the head of the great king Sanēsan before the king of Armenia. But when he saw it, he began to weep and said: “He was my brother from the clan of the Aršakuni.” Then the king came to the battlefield together with the great chief-bishop of Armenia, and they saw the massacre of the slaughtered host, for the earth was putrid with the stench of the dead. Then they commanded that irregular levies be raised from the country and [the dead] be covered over with a mound of stones, lest the land be polluted by the putrid stench of the bones of the dead. And so the land rested in peace for many years, and in this way the murder of St. Grigoris was avenged on King Sanēsan and his host, for none of them survived, not a one.

VI.002/C. V 7, War of Šāpur II against the “K‘ušan”

C. 369 CE.

Այլ յայնմ ժամանակի դեռ տակաւին եւս կայր կենդանի Արշակ արքայ Հայոց յերկրին իշխանութեանն թագաւորութեանն Պարսից ի կողմանս խուժաստանի յԱնդմըշն բերդին. այս ինքն որ անուն Անյուշն բերդն կոչեն։ Եւ զայնու ժամանակաւ խաղաղացաւ պատերազմ տալ Պարսից ընդ Հայս. զի արշակունին թագաւորն Քուշանաց, որ նստէր ի Բաղխ քաղաքի, նա յարույց տալ պատերազմ ընդ սասանականին Շապհոյ թագաւորին Պարսից։ Եւ Շապուհ թագաւորն զամենայն զզօրսն Պարսից գումարեալ խաղացոյց տալ պատերազմ ընդ նմա, եւ զորս միանգամ ածեալ էր գերութիւն յերկրէն Հայոց զամենայն այրեւձի գումարեալ՝ խաղացոյց ընդ ինքեան. եւ զներքինին անգամ թագաւորին Հայոց Արշակայ տանէր ընդ ինքեան ի գործ պատերազմին։

Եւ էր ներքինի մի Հայոց թագաւորին Արշակայ, ոստիկան հաւատարիմ լեալ, ներքինի սիրելի մեծի իշխանութեան եւ մեծի պատուի, եւ անուն Դրաստամատն։ Իսկ իբրեւ եղեւ պատերազմ ընդ թագաւորին Քուշանաց եւ ընդ թագաւորին Պարսից, չարաչար տարածէին զզօրսն Պարսից զօրքն Քուշանաց, եւ զբազումս կոտորեցին ի զօրացն Պարսից զօրքն Քուշանաց, եւ զբազումս ձերբակալ արարին, եւ զկէս փախստականս հալածական առնէին։

Now at that time Aršak king of Armenia was still alive in the land under the dominion of the king of Persia, in the region of Xužastan, in the fortress of Andməš, that is the one called the castle of Anyuš. And about that time, the war between the Persians and the Armenians calmed down because the Aršakuni king of the K‘ušan, who resided in the city of Balx, had stirred up war against Šapuh, the Sasanian king of Persia. And so, king Šapuh mustered the entire Persian army and marched forth to wage war from the land of Armenia and took it along with him, and he likewise carried with himself to war the eunuch of Aršak king of Armenia. For the Armenian
VI. Armenian Sources

king Aršak had a eunuch, a favorite eunuch named Drastamat, a loyal ostikan, much honored and with great authority. Now when the war broke out between the king of the K‘ušan and the king of Persia, the K‘ušan army pressed the Persian forces exceedingly. It killed many of them, took many prisoners, and drove part of them into flight.

VI.002/D. V 37, War of Šāpur II against the “K‘ušan”

C. 375 CE.

Քանգի զայն ժամանակաւ թագաւորին Պարսից սասանականին տուեալ էր պատերազմ ընդ մեծ թագաւորին Քուշանաց ընդ արշակունոյն, որ նստէր ի Բաղհ քաղաքին։ Եւ իբրեւ երթային զօրքն Պարսից ի Քուշանացն պատերազմն, ապա եւ զմարդիկ գերութեանն որ ի Հայոց էին թագաւորին Պարսից` յղէր ի պատերազմ ընդ իւր զօրսն. եւ Մանուէլս այս երթայր ընդ նոսա հանդերձ եղբարբն իւրով Կոմսի։ Եւ իբրեւ եղեն խառնուրդք երկոցունց գնդացն ընդ միմեանս, ապա ի պարտութիւն մետնեցան զօրքն Պարսից յերեսաց զօրացն Քուշանաց. դարձան ի փախուստ անհնարին հարուածովք, հասին ի վերայ զօրացն Պարսից. զի ոչ մի ի նոցանէն ոչ ապրեցուցանէին ի զօրացն Պարսից. բանբեր անգամ ոչ ապրէր. բայց Մանուէլ որդի Արտաշինայ ի մամիկոնեան ի տոհմէն, հանդերձ եղբարբն իւրով Կոմսիւ, բազում քաջութիւնս կատարեալ ի նմին ճակատուն, սակայն հետիոտս ապրէին։ Եւ գային յամենայն զօրացն Պարսիցն սոքա միայն հասանէին առ թագաւորն Պարսից ողջ ապրեալք, եւ բազում քաջութիւնս կատարեալ։

For at that time, the Sasanian king of Persia had been waging war against the great Aršakuni king of the K‘ušan, who held the city of Balx. And when the Persians went to war against the K‘ušan, the king of Persia sent forth these men whom he had brought captive from Armenia together with his own forces. And so, this Manuēl went with his brother Koms. And when the two contingents clashed together in combat, the Persian army suffered defeat at the hands of the forces of the K‘ušan and turned to flight from frightful blows. [The K‘ušan] caught up with the Persian army and did not leave a single one from the Persian forces alive; no one survived to bring the news. But Manuēl son of Artašēn from the Mamikonean house, together with his brother Koms, performed many deeds of valor in this battle, though they survived on foot. And of all the Persian army only these two reached the Persian king, having survived safe and sound and performed many deeds of valor.
VI.003. Ełišē, *History of Vardan and the Armenian war*

Second half of the 5th century. Text from Ter-Minasyan (1957); translation from Thomson (1982).

VI.003/A. War of Yazdegerd against the Huns

442 to 449 CE.

Ասեն մոգքն. «Արքայ քաջ, աստուածքն ետուն քեզ զտէրութիւնդ եւ զյաղթութիւն. եւ ոչ ինչ կարաւտ են նոքա մարմնաւոր մեծութեան, բայց եթէ ի մի աւրէնս դարձուցանես զամենայն ազգս եւ ազինս, որ են ի տէրութեան քում. յայնժամ եւ աշխարհն Յունաց հնազանդեալ մտցէ ընդ աւրինաւք քովք: Արդ զմի բան զմեր վաղվաղակի կատարեա դու, արքայ. զաւր գումարեա եւ գունդ կազմեա. խաղա գնա դու յերկիրն Քուշանաց. եւ զամենայն ազգս հաւաքեա եւ անցո ըստ Պահ դուռն ի ներքս. եւ դու անդէն արա քեզ բնակութիւն : Յորժամ արգելուս եւ փակես զամենեսեան ի հեռաւոր աւտարութեան, կատարին խորհուրդք կամաց քոց. եւ որպէս երեւիս մեզ ի դենիս մերում, տիրես դու եւ երկրին Քուշանաց, եւ Յոյնք իսկ ոչ ելանեն ընդ քո իշխանութիւնդ : Բայց միայն զաղանդ քրիստոնէից բարձ ի միջոյ»:

The Magi said: “Valiant King, the gods have given you your empire and victory: they have no need of human honor; but if you convert to one religion all the nations and races in your empire, then the land of the Greeks will also obediently submit to your rule. But do you, king, immediately fulfil one counsel of ours. Raise an army and gather a force; march to the land of the K‘ušan; assemble all nations and bring them through the Pass, and there make your dwelling. When you detain and enclose them all in a distant foreign land the plans of your desire will be fulfilled; and as it seems to us in our religion, you will rule over the land of the K‘ušan, and the Greeks will not venture forth against your power —on condition you exterminate the sect of the Christians.”

ի վաստակ արքունի, առաւելապէս եւս ուրախ լինէր առաջի մեծամեծացն եւ ամենայն բազմութեան զաւրաց իւրոց: Ի վերին երեսս թաքուցանէր զկամս մտաց իւրոց, եւ ակամայ առատապէս պարգեւէր զնոսա: Խաղաց գնաց միանգամայն ի վերայ տէրութեան Հոնաց աշխարհին, զոր Քուշանս անուանեն. եւ զերկեամ մի կռուեալ՝ ոչ ինչ կարաց ազդել նոցա: Ապա արձակեաց զմարզիկսն յիրաքանչիւր տեղիս, եւ զայլս փոխանակ նոցա առ իւր կոչեաց նովին պատրաստութեամբ: Եւ այսպէս ամ յամէ սովորութիւն կարգեաց, եւ իւր անդէն քաղաք բնակութեան շինեաց, սկսեալ ի չորրորդ ամէ տէրութեանն իւրոյ մինչեւ յամն մետասաներորդ թագաւորութեանն:

Եւ իբրեւ ետես, եթէ հաստատուն կացին Հոռոմք յուխտին իւրեանց, զոր եդին ընդ նմա, եւ դադարեցին Խայլնդուրք ելանել ընդ պահակն Ճորայ, եւ յամենայն կողմանց խաղաղութեամբ բնակեաց աշխարհ նորա, եւ ի նեղ եւս էարկ զթագաւորն Հոնաց, թանզի աւերեաց զբազում գաւառս նորա եւ յաջողեցաւ տէրութիւն նորա, աւետաւորս առաքեաց ընդ ամենայն ատրուշանս աշխարհին իւրոյ. ցլուք սպիտակաւք եւ գիսաւոր նոխազաւք առատացոյց զզոհս կրակի, եւ խիտ առ խիտ թանձրացոյց անդուլութեամբ զպաշտան պղծութեան իւրոյ. պասկաւք եւ պատուովք մեծարեաց զբազումս ի մոգաց եւ զբազմագոյնս ի մոգպետաց: Ետ եւս հրաման
յափշտակել զամենայն ինչս քրիստոնէից եւ զստացուածս, որք էին ի մէջ Պարսկաց աշխարհին։

When the king saw this whole muster, and the numerous troops of the several nations which had cheerfully hastened to his service, he manifested his joy thereat before the nobles and all the host of his army. Outwardly he hid the desires of his mind, and unwillingly bestowed lavish presents on them. He marched immediately against the kingdom of the Honk‘, whom they call K‘ušan, but after fighting two years he was unable to make any impression on them. Then he dispatched the warriors to each one’s place, and summoned to his presence others in their stead with the same equipage. And thus he established the habit from year to year and built there for himself a city to dwell in, beginning from the fourth year up to the eleventh.

When the he saw that the Romans remained firm in their pact which they had with him, that the Xailndurk had ceased to cross the pass of the Čor, and that in every region his empire lived in peace, and that he had put the king of the Honk‘ into even greater straits since he had ruined most of his provinces and had prevailed over his rule, when he sent messengers throughout all the fire-temples of his land, he increased the sacrifices of fire with white bulls and hairy goats, and he assiduously multiplied his impure cult. He honoured many of the magi and the greatest of the chief-magi with crowns and distinctions. He gave a further command that all the goods and possessions of the Christians in Persia should be seized.

Իսկ չարասէր մոգպետն հանդերձ մեծ հազարապետաւն շնչեաց չարախաւսութիւն, եւ բորբոքեաց զթագաւորն իբրեւ զհուր անշիջանելի։ Եւ սկսաւ կրճտել զատամունսն իբրեւ զաւրհասական վիրաւոր. եւ յայտ յանդիման ձայն արձակեաց առ մեծ հրապարակն եւ ասէ. «Գիտեմ ես զչարութիւն բազմութեան մարդկանս, որ թերահաւատեն ի մերոց աւրինացս, եւ զկնի կախարդութեան մոլորեալ են անդարձութեամբ : Եւ իմ եդեալ է ի մտի, թէ ոչ ումեք թողացուցից ի մեծամեծ հարուածոն, մինչեւ ակամայ ի բաց կացցեն յայնպիսի վրիպական արինաց. եթէ ոք կարի ի մերձաւորաց իցէ, զնոյն անցս եւ ընդ նա անցուցից»։

Յայնժամ ծերն դառնացեալ բանս ի ներքս ընկէց, եւ ասէ ցթագաւորն. «Առ ի՞նչ է քո այդ մեծ տրտմութիւնդ. զի եթէ կայսր չելանէ ըստ քո հրաման, եւ Հոնք կան քեզ ի ծառայութեան, ո՞ր մարդ է յերկրի, եթէ կարող է ընդդէմ դառնալ քում հրամանիդ։ Տիրաբար հրաման տուր ի ներքս, եւ ամենայն որ ինչ եւ ասես՝ վաղվաղակի կատարի»։

Եւ անդէն թագաւորն ի ներքս կոչեցեալ զդպրապետն, հրամայէր գրել հրովարտակ. եւ ոչ եւս ըստ սովորութեանն, այլ բանս զայրագինս իբր առ ատելիս եւ անպիտանս, չյիշելով ամենեւին զմեծամեծ վաստակս տիրասէր մարդկանն. այլ միայն կոչոյ հրաման տուեալ յականէ յանուանէ զարս, զոր ինքն ճանաչէր, որոց անուանքն են այս։

Ի տոհմէն Սիւնեաց ՎԱՍԱԿ անուն։

Ի տոհմէն Արծրունեաց ՆԵՐՇԱՊՈՒՀ անուն։

Ի տոհմէն Ռըշտունեաց ԱՐՏԱԿ անուն։

Ի տոհմէն Խորխոռունեաց ԳԱԴԵՇՈՅ անուն։

Ի տոհմէն Մամիկոնէից ՎԱՐԴԱՆ անուն։

Ի տոհմէն Մոկաց ԱՐՏԱԿ անուն :
Ի տոհմէն Ապահունեաց ՄԱՆԷԾ անուն։

Ի տոհմէն Ամատունեաց ՎԱՀԱՆ անուն։

Ի տոհմէն Վահեւունեաց ԳԻՒՏ անուն։

Ի տոհմէն Անձեւացեաց ՇՄԱՒՈՆ անուն։

Զայս նախարարքս յականէ յանուանէ կոչեցին ի դուռն արքունի, եւ կէսքն առ նմա իսկ էին ի կարաւանին, եւ այլքն ի կողմանց հիւսիոյ ի Հոնաց պահակին. թողեալ էր զոմանս ի նախարարացն անդէն յաշխարհին Հայոց:

But the malicious chief-magus with the great *hazarapet* breathed calumny, and inflamed the king like an inextinguishable fire. He began to gnash his teeth like one fatally wounded. In public he raised his voice in the great assembly and said: "I know the wickedness of the many men who do not believe in our religion and have gone irrevocably astray after sorcery. I have decided that I shall not exempt anyone from the worst tortures until they, though unwillingly, abandon such an erroneous religion. Even if someone is among those very close to me I shall inflict the same on him".

Then the embittered old man interposed and said to the king: "What is the reason for this great dejection of yours? For if the emperor does not transgress your command and the Honk' remain subject to you, what man is there on earth who could oppose your order? Give an imperial command within and whatever you say will be carried out immediately"

Then the king summoned the chief-scribe and commanded him to write an edict—not in the usual fashion but in angry terms as if to hateful and vile people, not at all recalling the great services of these loyal men but merely summoning by name the men whom he knew personally. Their names were:

Vasak, from the house of Siwnik‘

Ner šapuh, from the house of the Arcrunik‘

Artak, from the house of the Řštunik‘

Gadešoy, from the house of the Xorxorunik‘

Vardan, from the house of the Mamikonean

Artak, from the house of Mokk‘

Manēč, from the house of the Apahunik‘

Vahan, from the house of the Amatunik‘

Giwt, from the house of the Vahevunik‘

Šmavon, from the house of the Anjevac‘ik‘

These princes were summoned by name to the royal court. Some of them were already by him in the army, others were in the garrison of the Honk‘ in the north, and some of the princes he had left in Armenia.
C. 450 CE.

Եւ բազումք ի նախարարացն Աղուանից եւ յամենայն շինականացն, որք վասն անուանն
Աստուծոյ ցրուեալ եւ վատնեալ էին յամուրս լերանց Կապկոհի, իբրեւ տեսին զաջողութիւն
գործոյն, զոր կատարէր Աստուած ի ձեռն գնդին Հայոց, գային ժողովէին եւ նոքա, եւ խառնէին
ի զաւրս նոցա, եւ միաբանք եւ հաւասարք կցորդք լինէին գործոյն նահատակութեան։ Խաղային
գնային այնուհետեւ ի վերայ պահակին Հոնաց, զոր ունէին բռնութեամբ Պարսիկքն. առնուին
քանդէին զպահակն, եւ կոտորէին զզաւրսն, որ ի ներքս բնակեալ էին, եւ զդուռնն տային ի ձեռն
Վահանայ, որ էր յազգէ թագաւորացն Աղուանից։ Եւ յայսր ամենայն քաջութեան վերայ ոչ ոք
անկեալ վիրաւորեցաւ ամենեւին ի նոցանէ, բայց ի միոյ երանելոյ, որ կատարեցաւ
նահատակութեամբ ի մեծ պատերազմին։

Եւ անդէն ի նմին տեղոջ զայրն՝ որում զդուռնն յանձն արարին՝ զնոյն դեսպան արձակեցին
յաշխարհն Հոնաց, եւ ի բազում յայլ ազգս բարբարոսաց, որ համագործք էին Հոնաց
աշխարհին, բանս դնել ընդ նոսա եւ ուխտ հաստատել՝ անքակութեամբ ունել զմիաբանութիւնն
։ Իսկ նոքա իբրեւ զայն ամենայն լուան, փութապէս վաղվաղակի հասանէին ի տեղին, եւ
ականատեսք լինէին գործոյն յաղթութեան։ Եւ ոչ ինչ յապաղեցին երդմամբ յուխտ մտանել ըստ
կարգի իրեանց աւրինաց, յանձն առին եւ զերդումն քրիստոնէից՝ պահել ընդ նոսա
հաստատութեամբ զմիաբանութիւն։

Many of the Albanian nobles and of the general peasantry for the sake of God’s name had scattered and spread out among the fortresses of the Caucasus Mountains; when they saw the success of the enterprise which God had effected through the Armenian army, they too assembled and joined their forces. Together and in concert they shared in the heroic task. Then, they marched against the pass of the Honk‘, which the Persians were holding in force. They captured and destroyed the fortifications, slaughtered the troops quartered inside, and made over the pass to Vahan, who was from the royal family of the Ałuank‘. During all these brave exploits not a single one of them fell wounded, save one blessed man who died like a hero in the great battle.

Then the man to whom they had entrusted the pass they sent as ambassador to the land of the Honkʻ and to many other barbarian nations who were allied with the Honkʻ in order to come to an understanding with them and make a pact that the alliance would be kept indissoluble. When these [nations] heard all that had occurred, they immediately rushed to the spot and saw with their own eyes the victory that had been won. They did not hesitate to enter into a pact with an oath in accordance with the ritual of their own religion; they also took a Christian oath to keep a firm alliance with them.
## VI. Armenian Sources

### VI.003/C. The situation before the Persian begin to counterattack the Armenians

#### C. 450 CE.

Եւ ըստ մեծի չարութեան նորա առաւել եւս ժամանակն եբեր նմա զյաջողութիւն իրացն. զի ամենեին արտաքուստ աւգնական ոք ոչ գտաւ գնդին Հայոց, բաց յայնց Հոնաց, որոց բանս եղեալ էր :

Circumstances so far favoured his extraordinarily base proceedings, that the Armenians were deprived of all foreign and external aid, with the exception of the Honk', with whom they still continued in friendly relation.

### VI.003/D. The Battle of Avarayr

#### 451 CE.

Յետ այսորիկ իբրեւ ետես զաւրավար գնդին Պարսից, եթէ հատան պատգամաւորքն ի միջոյ խաբել զնոսա, եւ բարձաւ յոյս ակնկալութեան իւրոյ ցրուել զնոսա յանքակ միաբանութենէն, յայնմ ժամանակի յառաջ կոչէր զանաւրէնն Վասակ եւ զամենայն ուրացեալ իշխանսն, որ էին ընդ նմա յաշխարհէն Հայոց. հարցանէր զնոսա, եւ ուսանէր ի նոցանէ զհնարագիտութիւն յաղթութեան. [...] Նշանս բաշխէր, դրաւշս արձակէր, եւ ի ձայն մեծի փողոյն պատրաստ հրամայէր լինել : Իսկ զգունդն զԱպարհացի, եւ զԿատշացն եւ զՀոնաց եւ զԳեղաց, եւ զայլս եւս ամենայն զընտիր ընտիր մարդիկ զաւրուն ի մի վայր ժողովէր, եւ հրաման պատուիրանի տայր ընդ աջմէ կողմանէ իւրոյ գնդին պատրաստ լինել ընդէէմ Հայոց զաւրավարին:

After this, when the general of the Persian army saw that there were no messengers left to de-ceive them and that his expectation and hope of separating them from the indissoluble union had failed, then he summoned the impious Vasak and all the apostate nobles from Armenia who were with him. He questioned them to discover what means of victory there might be [...] He distributed the banners, unfurled flags, and ordered them to be ready at the sound of the great trumpet. The contingents of the Aparhac'ik', the Katišk', the Honk', and the Gełk', and all the rest of the army's elite he assembled in one place, and commanded the force on his right-hand side to be ready to oppose the Armenian general.

### VI.003/E. Warfare after the battle of Avarayr

#### 451 CE.

Նա եւ որ յԱրձախայ մայրիսն անկեալքն էին փախստականք, ոչ ինչ լռեալ դադարեցին խաղաղութեամբ. այլ հանապազ յղէին յաշխարհն Հոնաց, շարժէին եւ յորդորէին զգունդն Հոնաց, եւ յիշեցուցանէին նոցա զուխտն, զոր եդեալ էր ընդ Հայս եւ անսուտ երդմամբ հաստատեալ: Հաճոյ թուէր բազմաց ի նոցանէ լսել զբանսն քաղցրութեամբ:
## VI. Armenian Sources

Nor did those who had fled for refuge to the forests of Arčax remain quiet and peaceful, but they continually sent to the land of the Honk', urging and exhorting the army of the Honk' and reminding them of the pact which they had made with Armenia and confirmed with a solemn oath.

Եւ զՄուշկան Նիսալաւուրտ հանդերձ ամենայն մնացեալ զաւրուն գումարէր յաշխարհն Աղուանից եւ Լինաց եւ Ծղբաց եւ ի Հեճմատակաց եւ ի Թաւասպարաց եւ ի Խիբիովան, եւ յամենայն ամրական, զորս աւերեալ էր գնդին Հոնաց վասն ուխտին Հայոց:

He dispatched Muškan Nisalawurt, with all the surviving troops to the land of the Ałuankʻ and Lpʻinkʻand Čiłbkʻ, and to Hečmatakкʻ and Tʻawasparkʻ and Xibiovan, and to all the fortresses which the army of the Honkʻ had destroyed because of their pact with the Armenians.

### VI.003/F. Inquiry at the Persian court against Vasak of Siwnik'

Եւ մինչդեռ այս ամենայն ամբաստանութիւն զնմանէ էր զայնչափ բազում աւուրս, յառաջ մատեան եւ իրա ազգականքն, որ եւս յառաջագոյն դատախազ լեալ էին զնմանէ առաջի արքային, սկսան կարգաւ ցուցանել եւ յայտ առնել, որպէս զի բարեկամացեալ էր նա ընդ Հեռանայ Հոնի միաբանութեամբ Բաղասական արքային, ի ժամանակին՝ զի կոտորեաց Հեռանն այն զգաւրսն Պարսից յԱղուանս, եւ ասպատակաւ եհաս յերկիրն Յունաց, եւ բազում գերի եւ աւար խաղացոյց ի Հոռմոց եւ ի Հայոց եւ ի Վրաց եւ յԱղուանից. որպէս զի ի վերայ իսկ եհաս խորհրդոցն ինքն իսկ թագաւորն, եւ սպան զԲաղասական արքայ:

While all these accusations against him were being repeated for so many days, his own relatives—who had also earlier denounced him before the king—came forward. They began to expound and reveal in order how he had made friends with Heran the Hon in concert with the king of Bałas; this was at the time that Heran had slaughtered the Persian troops in Albania and had raided the land of the Greeks, carrying off many prisoners and much plunder from the Greeks, Armenians, Georgians, and Albanians. [They also indicated] how the king himself had learned of his intentions and had slain the king of Bałas.

### VI.004. Łazar P'arpec'i

Last quarter of the 5th century, beginning of the 6th century CE. Text from Tēr-Mkrtč'ean and Malxasean (1904); translation from Thomson (1991).

### VI.004/A. §83, Letter of Vasak, lord of Siwnik', to Aršawir Kamsarakan

Mentioned by Aršawir Kamsarakan in his speech to Yazdegerd and the Persian nobles, c. 450 CE.

Եւ ես մինչ Վրաց մարզպանն էի եւ դուռն Աղուանից յիմում ձեռին էր՝ բազում զաւրագլուխք Հոնաց ընդ իս բարեկամացան ուխտիւ եւ երդմամբ, եւ այսաւր նովին երդմամբ երթեւեկեն առ իս. եւ հարկքս ամենայն աշխարհիս Հայոց առ իս են, եւ գործակալք ամենայն յիմում ձեռին են, եւ այլ եւս բազում կարասի, զոր ի պարսիկ գործակալացն հանի՝ որ աստ ի Հայս էին, ի յիմում
## VI. Armenian Sources

գանձի կայ. յորմէ թէ զմի մասն Հոնաց տամ տանել՝ անտի ա՛յնչափ սաստիկ հանեմ Հոնս, որչափ զի հողն Պարսից չբաւիցէ նոցա յաւարի»։

[...] while I was *marzpan* of Georgia and controlled the pass of Albania, many Hunnish generals became friends with me by pacts and oaths, and today under the same pact visit me frequently. The tribute of all Armenia is under my control, and all the agents are in my hand. And there is much money, taken from the Persian agents who were in Armenia, that is in my treasury. If I have part of this sent to the Huns, I shall bring over such a vast number of them that the land of Persia would not suffice the for booty.

### VI.004/B. §119, Speech by Vahan Mamikonean to the council of Armenian princes

#### C. 482 CE.

բայց վասն Հոնաց ո՞ գիտաց, հաւանի՞ն գալ թէ ոչ, որք չենն ի միջի եւ չերեւին:[...] եւ լուեալ գայս ամենայն բանս նախարարացն Հայոց ի Մամիկոնենէն Վահանայ` ետուն պատասխանի միաբանութեամբ եւ ա սեն, թէ «Զամենայն զոր ասացերդ` լի ասացեր, որպէս վայել է քում իմաստութեանդ. ճշմարիտ ասացեր եւ արդար. բայց զյոյս` մեր ոչ ի Հոռոմս եղեալ է եւ ոչ ի Հոնս... »

"But as for the Huns, who knows if they will agree to come or not. They are not present, nor they are visible. [...]" When the Armenian princes heard this speech from Vahan Mamikonean, they replied in unison, saying: "Everything you have said, you have said fully as befits your wisdom. You have spoken truly and rightly. Yet we have placed our hope neither in the Romans nor in the Huns..."

### VI.004/C. §121, Letter by some “apostate” Armenian princes to the Persian *marzpan* of Armenia

#### C. 483 CE.

«Թագաւորն Վրաց ապստամբեալ է եւ Հոն կամի հանել, բայց հանեալ չեւ եւս է. եւ դարձեալ՝ Հայոց առ կայսր զգնդէ յղեալ է... »

"The king of Georgia has revolted and wishes to raise the Huns, but he has not yet done so..."

### VI.004/D. §126; 132: 133, The alliance between the Armenians and the Georgian king

#### C. 484 CE.

Եւ դեսպան ստիպով առ թագաւորն Վրաց Վախթանգ առնէին, տալ նոցա Հոն ըստ բանի խոստմանցն իրոց։ Եւ նա ժամավաճառ բանիւք երկայնէր զասացեալսն իւր. եւ ապա ուստեք ժողովեր Հոնս երեք հարիւր եւ առաքէր ի Հայս. եւ չեւ եւս անցեալ ամիս մի ի ձմերանոյն՝ փոյթ պատճառադրութեամբ անդրէն առ ինքն կոչէր։

Եւ նամակ ունէր գրեալ ի Վախթանգայ խաբէու թեամբ, թէ «Հոն գնդի հրաման ետու գալ, եւ չեւ եւս հասին. բայց մինչ դուք գայք՝ հասանեն, եւ այնուհետեւ դուք եւ մեք եւ Հոնք զնոսա
կորուսանեմք՝ 6 Բայց թուի ինձ, թէ յորժամ Հոն հասանէ, մեզ բնաւ եւ աշխատել ինչ ոչ հասանէ. նոքա իսկ վճարեն զգործն. զի անչափ բազմութեան հրաման ետու գալ»։

Եւ հասեալ ի վաղիւն ի տեղի պատերազմին՝ խաւսէր եւ յայն ժամու արքայն Վրաց ընդ զաւրավարին Հայոց Վահանայ եւ ընդ այլ աւագ տանուտեարս եւ ընդ սեպուհս Հայոց եւ ա սէ. «Լաւ եղեւ մեզ կռուելս այսաւր ընդ զաւրս Պարսից. քանգի մեք իսկ բաւական եմք սոցա, եւ չկարեն կալ առաջի. բայց թէ այսաւր եւս հեղգացեալ էր մեր՝ գալոց էին Հոնք եւ զանուն յաղթութեանն եւ զաւգուտ աւարիս նոքա տանելոց էին»։ Եւ մինչեւ ցայն ժամ եւս յերկարեալ խաբէր պատիր բանիւք։

They quickly despatched a messenger to Vaxtʻang, king of Georgia, asking him to give them Huns [in support] in accordance with their promises. But he delayed fulfilling his agreement with procrastinating excuses. Eventually, from somewhere he assembled three hundred Huns and sent them to Armenia.

[...] a message arrived from the king of Georgia, Vaxtʻang: "A strong army has invaded Georgia and I see that I am unable to resist. Having withdrawn to the monasteries of Armenia near the Georgian border, I shall wait for you." He also carried a letter written by Vaxtʻang in misleading terms: "I have commanded an army of Huns to come, but they have not yet arrived. However, while you are in your own way they will come, and then you, we and the Huns will destroy them. It seems that when the Huns arrive we shall have no hard work to do. They will complete the task, for I have ordered an infinite number of them to come."

When they had arrived on the battlefield the next morning, then the Georgian king spoke with the Armenian general Vahan and with the other greater and lesser Armenian nobles, saying: "It is good for us to fight the Persian army today, for we are superior to them and they will be unable to resist. But if we had delayed also for today, the Huns would have arrived, and they would have appropriated the honour of victory and the best part of our booty." Even until then he was procrastinating and deceiving them with false words.

VI.004/E. §154, News of the battle of Herat

484 CE.

Եւ զայս ամենայն զմտաւ ածեալ այսպէս Շապհոյ՝ չուէր վաղիւն ի գաւառն Բասենոյ, եւ եկեալ ի գիւղն, զոր Ալլուարն կոչեն։ Եւ մինչդեռ տարակուսեալ տանջէին խորհուրդք զնա յերկիւղէ զաւրավարին Հայոց Վահանայ Մամիկոնենի՝ եկեալ հասանէր յանկարծակի դեսպան ի Պարսից, ունելով գոյժ չարաչար եւ նամականի բազում անողջոյն, զոր գրէր առ Շապուհ ի Պարսից աւագորերոյ, եւ յայլ իւրաքանչիր ազգականաց եւ սիրելեաց, որք յանթիւ սաստիկ կոտորածէ Հեփթաղին զերծեալք էին։

With such thoughts in his mind, Šapuh [Persian commander] set out the next morning for the province of Basean, and reached the village called Aluar. While his spirits were distressed and tormented by fear of the Armenian general Vahan Mamikonean, there suddenly arrived a messenger from Persia with grievous news and many distressing letters written to Šapuh by the
VI. Armenian Sources

Persian nobles and by other relatives and friends who had escaped from the overpowering and crushing defeat by the Hephthalites.

VI.004/F. §166, Speech of the Persian official Nixor to Vahan Mamikonean

Nixor blames the vanity of the late Peroz (c. 485).

կորոյս զինքն եւ զամենայն Արեաց աշխարհի զոյժ եւ զզաւրութիւն, եւ զթագաւորութիւն մի մեծ եւ զազատ ի ծառայութիւն ետ Հեփիթաղին. յորմէ ի դառն ծառայութենէ, մինչ կենդանի է Արեաց աշխարհն` զերծանել ոչ կարէ։

"[...] he destroyed himself and the entire power and strength of the Aryan empire. He delivered a great and free kingdom to subjection to the Hephthalites; from that bitter servitude the land of the Aryans can never escape as long as it survives."

VI.005. Movsēs Dasxuranc‘i or Kałankatuac‘i

History of the Caucasian Albanians. 10th century CE. Text from Hakobyan (n. d.); translation from Dowsett (1961).

VI.005/A. I. 10, War between Peroz and Vačʻē, the king of the Albanians

Իսկ արքայն Աղուանից ոչ կամեցաւ նուաճիլ անդրէն ՛ի ծառայութիւն նորա. այլ խրամատեաց զպահակն Չորայ, էանց յայնկոյս եւ անցոյց զզօրսն Մասրութաց, միաբանեաց ընդ իւր եւ զմետասան թագաւորս զլեառորդեայս, ընդդէմ եկաց պատերազմաւ Արեաց գնդին [...] Եւ իբրեւ գիտացին, եթէ ոչ բռնութիւն եւ ոչ սէր կարէ ածել զնա ՛ի հաւանս՝ գանձ սաստիկ ետուն տանել յաշխարհն Խայլանդրաց եւ բացին զԴրունս Ալանաց եւ հանին գունդ բազում ՛ի Հոնաց եւ կռուեցան ամ մի ընդ Աղուանից արքային։ Եւ թէպէտ պակասեցան եւ ցրուեցան զօրք նորա, սակայն զնա ոչ կարացին ածել ՛ի հաւանս։

The king of Albania, however, had no desire to submit to him as a vassal, but threw open the gates of Čolay and led in the forces **of the Mazk‘ut‘k‘**; he allied himself to the eleven mountain kings, opposed the Aryan army in battle and inflicted great losses upon the royal forces [...] When they knew that neither force nor persuasion could win him over, they sent a mighty amount of treasure to the land of the Xaylandurk‘, opened the Alan Gates, **and bringing in a large force of Huns**, battled for a whole year against the king of Albania.

VI.005/B. I. 19, Discovery of the relics of St. Zacharias

Զայս նշանսգործութիւն Յունան Հոնաց եպիսկոպոսապետ՝ որ ՛ի Մազկթաց աշխարհէն էր եւ յոյժ ճշմարտախօս, որ ինքն իսկ ականատես եղեալ՝ պատմեաց։

This miracle was related by Yunan, archbishop of the Honkʻ, who came from the country of the Mazkʻutʻkʻ.
VI.005/C. I. 29, Invasion of Albania, Armenia and Georgia by the Northerners

Ընդ այն ժամանակս թագաւորն Ռոսմոսոքեան իւրովք զօրօք եւ Թոբելական գնդիւն գումարեալ ժողովեաց զամենայն զօրս Հոնաց եւ էանց յայսկոյս Կուրական գետոյն, տարածեալ յՈւտէացուց գաւառն, եւ ածեալ նստուցանէր զղակիշ իւր մերձ ՛ի Խաղխաղ քաղաք: Եւ անդէն արս երիս ընտրեալ զօրաւորս՝ ոստիկանս առնէր ՛ի վերայ գնդին մեծի, եւ բովանդակեալ գումարէր ՛ի ձեռս նոցա զմետասան զօրացն բազմութիւն. հրամայէր երիս առաջս առնել եւ ասպատակել ՛ի վերայ աշխարհին Աղուանից, Հայոց եւ Վրաց: Իսկ երրորդ մասն զօրուն հասեալ ՛ի մուտս զատկին յԱրցախական գաւառն տայր ասպատակ ՛ի վերայ Մեծ Կուենից: Զայն հէն համբաւու լուեալ Չղախկան գնդին երուսաղեմեան՝ զահի հարեալ մեծաւ երկիւղիւ աճապարեալ ՛ի յն հասեալ օրհասականն այն գոյժակոչի աղմուկ նման ցօղացայտ անձրեւի տարածեալ անճողոպրելի տարակուսանքըն, դիմեալ որպէս ալիք ծովու նախահաս յԱստեղն լինէր բլուր. նոցա անկասկած լինելով իրացն լեղակարծ ժամու դիմէին անխնայ լոցոտման սրոյ առհասարակ. զպասս ոսկույ եւ արծաթոյ աւար առեալ ցիրեւցան ընդ բլուրն Վիժան ճապաղէին. եւ զմնացեալսն գերի առեալ ՛ի տեղոջն բակարգել առնէին:

At that time the king of Rosmosok' together with his army and the Tubal regiment assembled all the forces of the Honk', crossed to this side of the river Kur, spread into the province of Uti, and encamped near the town of Xałxal. Choosing three strong men, he appointed them leaders of the great force and entrusted the whole of the eleven armies to them. He commanded them to divide into three groups and to attack the lands of Albania, Armenia and Georgia. The third group of the army reached the province of Arc'ax at the beginning of Easter and fell upon Mec Kueank'. Learning of this attack, the Č'lax group from Jerusalem was greatly afraid, and hastily gathering all the relics together, they placed them in two silver caskets and hid them in the ground. Immediately afterwards, death-bringing pandemonium, mingled with cries of lamentation and spreading hopeless despair, descended like a torrent of rain; it advanced like the waves of the sea, and swiftly arrived at Asteł Blur, where all were taken unawares and mercilessly put to the sword. The gold and silver ornaments were plundered, and the holy relics scattered over the hill. The invaders took the survivors prisoners and detained them there.

VI.005/D. I. 30, The martyrdom of general Theophilus

The great general of the Tubal army believes in Christ; his martyrdom, and that of his army, his children and the clergy at the hands of his king in the land of Albania.

Հաւատալն մեծի զօրավարին Թոբելեան ՛ի Քրիստոս, թէ նա է Աստուած, եւ նահատակիլ նորա զօրօքն եւ որդւովքն եւ քահանայական դասուքն յիւրմէ թագաւորէն յաշխարհիս Աղուանից:

'Ի հասանել ճշմարտութեանն լուսոյ' ի սիրտ աստուածարեալ իշխանին Թէոփիլոսի՝ ի բաց արձակել զմարդագերիսն հրամայէր եւ ինքն չուեալ զայգոյ Զատկին՝ հանդերձ քահանայիւքն սրբովք եւ այլ բազում հաւատացելովք խաղայր գնայր Ագեստրոսեան գնդաւն։ Եւ երթեալ հասեալ յՈւտի գաւառն՝ իջեալ բանակէին առ ափն Կուրական գետոյն մերձ՝ ի նաւահանգիստն Զոմաքտակ կամրջին. եւ ինքն իսկ մեծ թագաւորն Ռոսմոսոքեան դարձեալ լինէր ամենայն
զօրօքն իւրովք ասպատակեալ բազմահոյլ գերութեամբն եւ մեծամեծ աւարօքն անցեալ զկուրական գետոոմ ի յարեւելից կուսէ բանակէր յայնկոյս յանդիման նոցա: Յայնժամ հրաման տայր դիւցազնն մոլորութեամբ ձօնել նուէրս զոհից մեհեանազարդ խնճոյիւք չաստուածոց իւրոց։ [...] Յայնժամ չուեալ նոցա ընդ կողմանս հարաւոյ՝ երթեալ հասանէին ի բարձրաբերձ կատարս լերինն մեծի, որ պարունակեալ շրջագայի զբազմաւորական գաւառս աշխարհին։ Ապա ի հրամանէ անողորմ թագաւորին գունդք գունդք հատանէին եւ զկնի լինէին նոցա զօրքն Հոնաց. եւ հասեալ առ նոսա ի զլուխ լերինն՝ ջանային բազում ողոքանօք դարձուցանել զնոսա յերկրպագութիւն կոռցն եւ ի հնազանդութիւն թագաւորին։ Եւ ոչ կարացեալ հնազանդեցուցանել զնոսա՝ հարկանէին սրով սուսերի ի նմին տեղոջն։ Այսպէս կատարեալ նոցա զընթացս՝ սուրբն Մովսէս երջանիկ եղբարբն եւ ամենայն Ագիստրատեան գնդիւն, եւ ընկալեալք ի Քրիստոսէ զմարտիրոսական պսակն՝ փայլին անաղօտ փայլմամբ ի ծագաց հիւսիսոյ, յափըշտակող եղեալք անմահ առագաստին ընդ ամենայն սուրբս։

After the light of truth had entered the heart of the godly prince Theophilus, he ordered the prisoners to be released, and on Easter morning he set out with his priests and many other lievers and the Agiostratosean army, arrived in the province of Uti, dismounted, and encamped near the quay of the pontoon bridge on the banks of the river Kur. The great king of Rosmosok' returned with his armies after his raids with great droves of prisoners and immense booty, and crossing the Kur from the east, camped opposite them. In his idolatrous error, he ordered sacrifices to be made to his gods in sacred feasts.

[General Theophilus and his army offer gifts to God. The king is outraged and summons Theophilus, who pleads for Christianity. The king, outraged, orders to put Theophilus and his soldiers to a painful death, who flee before the king.]

They fled south and came to a very high peak of a great mountain which overlooks the numerous provinces of the country. Band after band was dispatched at the command of the merciless king, and the forces of the Honk' pursued and overtook them on the summit of the mountain, where they attempted with many entreaties to reconvert them to idol-worship and obedience to the king. When they were unable to persuade them, they put them to the sword.

VI.005/E. II. 1, Duel of Babik, the fourth son of Andok of Siwik', and the Hun Honagur

Եւ նորին որդին Բաբիկ փափագեալ ի հող հայրենի՝ երթայ գնայ ի դուռն Շապհոյ արքային Պարսից եւ անդ ումեմն ի զօրականացն պատահեալ՝ զետեղի, եւ բազում արութիւնս յՈլոմպիաթս Պարսից ցուցանէ՝ ոչ ոք գիտելով զնա։ Յայնժամ ելեալ Հոնն ի Հոնաց՝ Հոնագուր անուն, յղեալ առ Շապուհ ասէր. “Զի” է հեղումն արեանցս, եկ մարտնչեսցուք դու եւ ես": Եւ ինքն Հոնն վառեալ էր յիսնանիւթից զրահիւք — բարձր եւ լայն հասակաւ, բեւեռապինդ սաղաւարտաւ զահագին գլուխն եւ զերեքթզեան ճակատն պղնձի տախտակաւ յօրինեալ, զանհեդհեդ գեղարդն ի բարձրամայր փայտից, եւ զուոսերն բոցանշան ունելով, ահաբեկ զտեսողն առնէր։ Աստուստ յայտնի անուն Բաբկայ առաջի արքային, թէ գործդ այդ նովաւ վճարի։
His fourth son Babik, however, longed for his native soil—for our own provinces are as dear to us as those who gave us birth—and went to the court of Šapuh, king of Persia, where, after meeting one of the soldiers, he himself was made [a soldier]. He performed great feats of bravery in the Persian Olympics, but no one recognized him. Then from [the land of] the Honkʻ a Hun arose called Honagur, who, having plundered the kingdom of Persia, sent to king Šapuh and said: “Why all this bloodshed? Come, you and I shall fight it out.” Now this same Hun had clad his tall, broad body in coats of mail fifty layers thick, and covered his monstrous head with a studded helmet and his forehead, which was three spans wide, with a slab of copper; grasping his gigantic lance made from a tall forest tree and his gleaming sword, he terrified all who saw him. It was then Babik’s name that was proposed to the king as one who might fight the duel...

## VI.006. Movsēs Xorenacʻi, *Patmutʻiwn Hayocʻ* (History of Armenia)

Second half of the 5th century CE (text partly rewritten around the 8th century). Text from Abelean and Yarutʻiwnean (1991); translation from Thomson (2006).

## VI.006/A. II. 65, About king Vałarš, son of Tigran

The chronology, as usual, is blurred.

Սա թագաւորեալ ամս քսան, մեռու, յաղագս բարի անուանն քան զթովագոյնս ի թագաւորացն։ Վասն գի ի սորա աւուրս միաբանեալ ամբոխութիւն հիսիստականաց, զխաղրաց ասեմ եւ զբասլաց, արտաքս քան զդուռն Ճորայ ելանեն, առաջնորդ եւ թագաւոր ունելով ինքեանց զՎնասեպ ոմն Սուրհապ. որք անցեալ վտարին այսր զԿուր գետով։ Որոց պատահեալ Վաղարշ ամբոխիւ մեծաւ արամքբ մարտկօր՝ ցիր դիաթաւալ կացուցանէ զամբոխն ընդ երեսս դաշտին, եւ ձիգ զհետ եղեալ՝ անցանէ ընդ կապանն Ճորայ։ Ուր Միսանգամ միաբանեալ թշնամեացն յօրինեցին ճակատ. զորս թէպէտ եւ վանեալ քաջացն Հայոց՝ փախստականս առնէին, սակայն Վաղարշ մեռանի ի ձեռաց կորովեաց աղեղնաւորաց։

Having ruled for twenty years he died. Although others simply lived, yet I say that he lives on even after his death on account of his repute, which is greater than that of lazier kings. For in his days the hosts of the northern peoples united, **I mean the Xałarkʻ and Basilkʻ**, and passing through the Čor gate under the leadership of their king, a certain **Vnasep Surhap**; they emigrated and crossed to this side of the River Kur. Vałarš opposed them with a great force of warlike soldiers and scattered their host as corpses over the plain. Pursuing them for a long distance, he pushed them back through the Čor pass. There once again the enemy united and drew up their battle line; and although the valiant Armenians routed them and put them into flight, yet Vałarš died at the hands of their expert archers.
VI. Armenian Sources

VI.006/B. II. 85, War of king Trdat in Armenia, when he slew the king of the Basilkʻ

Beginning of the 4th century CE. An abridgement of this chapter may be found in Movsēs Dasxurancʻi 1.12.

Իսկ զօրացն ամենայնի տեսեալ զթագաւորն իւրեանց եւ զզօրաւորն միջակտուր յայնպիսի ահաւոր բազկէ լեալ՝ ի փախուստ դառնային.զորոց զհետ մտեալ Տրդատ, վարէ մինչեւ յաշխարհն Հոնաց:

The whole army, seeing their king and general cut in half by such a fearsome arm, turned in flight. Trdat, in pursuit, chased them as far as the land of the **Honk**ʻ [Huns].

VI.006/C. II. 86

About Nunē, the Georgian Nino. She preached beginning from Kłarjkʻ to the gates of the Alans and the Caspians, as far as the borders of the Mazkʻutʻkʻ (Massagetae), as Agatʻangełos informs.

VI.006/D. III. 60, The preaching of saint Mesro

First quarter of the 5th century CE.

[...] ինքն եկեալ յԱյրարատ՝ անցանէ յառաջնոյ բնակութեան գաւառն Գողթն:

Քանգի մնացեալ արմատ դառնութեան հեթանոսական աղանդոյն ի ժամանակի անիշխանութեանն ի վեր երեւեալ՝ ի բազումս տարածեցաւ. զորս բնաբարձ արարեալ երանելոյն հանդերձ օգնականութեամբ հօրաբարոյին Գտայ որդոյ Շաբիթայ, իշխանի գաւառին, տեղեկանայր եւս, եթէ չարեացն վարդապետք նախագոյնք ի Բաղասականն են կողմանո: Ուր երթեալ զբազումս յուղղութիւն ածէ, եւ զսակաւսն անդարձս յիշխանութիւն Հոնաց հալածականս առնէ:

[...] while he himself went to Ayrarat and crossed into the province of Gołtʻn, his earlier dwelling place.

There remained the bitter root of the heathen sect that had reappeared in the time of anarchy and had spread among many people. Having completely exterminated these people with the help of Jiut, worthy son of his father Šabitʻ, prince of the province, the blessed one learned that the original teachers of this wickedness were in the regions of Balas. Going there, he brought many to orthodoxy, and the few recalcitrant ones he expelled to the empire of the Honkʻ [Huns].

VI.007. Sebēos

Seventh century CE. Text from Abgaryan (1979); translation from Thomson, Howard-Johnston and Greenwood (1999).
Vahan's rebellion against Peroz. Death of Peroz and reign of Kawat. Vahan is appointed *marzpan* of Armenia.

Եւ եղեւ յամս Պերոզի արքայի Պարսից բարձումն ամենայն իշխանութեանցն եւ կարգաց եւ աւրինաց քրիստոնէութեան, եւ այնպիսի վտանգ նեղութեան հալածանաց եւ քամահանաց ի վերայ հասեալ իշխանաց, մինչ զի ի բաց ընկեցին յինքեանց զլուծն ծառայութեան։ Եւ ապստամբեալ Մամիկոնեանն Վահան՝ հալածեաց զՊարսիկս եւ բռնաբարայն գրաւեաց զիշխանութիւնն։

Յայնժամ արձակէ ի վերայ նորա Պերոզ արքայ՝ Հոնաց զաւր յոյժ։ Եւ հրաման տայ խիստ սաստի՝ սպանանել զապստամբն, եւ հարկանել զամենայն արու սրով սուսերի։ Ընդդէմ սորա աճապարեալ Վահան սպարապետ Լ հազարաւ ընտիր վառելոց, կարգին գունդ առ գունդ եւ ճակատ առ ճակատ, եւ յարձակին ի միմեանս ի ձայն փողոյ տագնապաւ ի դաշտին Գերանայ։

Անդ յաւգնութիւն հասեալ աստուածեան Բանն, հողմն սաստկացուցեալ զմրրիկ փոշւոյն՝ զգաւրաւքն. Պարսից հեղոյր, իբրեւ զմութ խաւարի զնոսա պատէր ի միջաւրեալ ժամանակի։ Սաստիկ կոտորած լինէր երկոցունց կողմանցն, եւ ոչ գոյր ընտրել զդի անկելոցն, ո՛չ զպարսիկ եւ ո՛չ զհայ զաւրական։ Բայց սակայն զաւրացեալ զաւրն Հայոց վանեցին անդ կոտորածով զզաւրն Պարսից, եւ զմնացեալսն փախստական արարեալ հալածական տանէին. եւ դարձան յաղթութեամբ մեծաւ։

Այս Վահան ժողովեաց եւ զհարկս աշխարհիս Հայոց եւ շինեաց զեկեղեցիս մեծամեծս, զոր աւերեալ էր Պարսից ի Վահարշապատ քաղաքի եւ ի Դըւնի եւ ի Մզրայս եւ ի բազում տեղիս աշխարհիս Հայոց։ Եւ շինեալ զերկիրս նորոգեաց վերստին։

Իսկ Պերոզի արքային Պարսից, թէպէտ եւ կամեցաւ վերստին զաւրս գումարել ի վերայ աշխարհիս Հայոց, ո՛չ եղեւ նմա պարապ. զի համբաւք թշնամեացն ստիպէին զնա ի կողմանցն Քուշանաց եւ յայնմ մարզէ. զի ինքն իսկ արքայն Քուշանաց խաղացեալ գայր ի վերայ նորա զաւրու մեծաւ։

Եւ նորա գումարեալ զաւրս իւր՝ գնաց ընդդէմ նորա տագնապաւ մեծաւ։ Ասէ. «Երթայց նախ առաջին զնա վանեցից, եւ ապա պարապաւ դարձեալ գնացից ի Հայս, եւ մի՛ խնայեսցէ սուր իմ ի նոսա, յարս եւ ի կանայսե՛»

Եւ ինքն անցեալ փութանակի հեաս ընդդէմ թշնամույն յարեւելս. եւ եղեւ պատերազմն սաստիկ. հարին եւ կործանեցին զբազմութիւն զաւրացն Պարսից, մինչեւ ո՛չ մնաց ի նոցանէն ապրեալ եւ փախստական։ Եւ մեռաւ Պերոզ արքայ ի պատերազմին հանդերձ եւթանեքումբք որդտվքն։

Եւ ապա յայնժամ թագաւորեաց Կաւատ որդի նորա ի վերայ աշխարհին Պարսից։ Եւ զի բեկեալ էր զաւրութիւն բազմութեանն զաւրաց իւրոց, ո՛չ ընդ ումեք կամեցաւ ունել գործ պատերազմի, այլ արար խաղաղութիւն յամենայն կողմանց. առնէ եւ ընդ Հայոց հաշտութիւն, եւ կոչէ զՎահան ի դուռն, եւ մեծարէ զնա մեծապէս պատուով։ Եւ տայ նմա զմարզպանութիւն աշխարհին եւ զՄամիկոնեաց տէրութիւն...
In the years of Peroz king of Persia there took place a suppression of all the privileges and rituals and usages of Christianity. Such severe tribulation of persecution and contempt assailed the princes, that they cast off from themselves the yoke of servitude. The Mamikonean Vahan rebelled, expelled the Persians, and seized power by force.

Then king Peroz sent against him a large army of Huns. He gave them strict orders to kill the rebel, and to put all males to the sword. The *sparapet* Vahan made haste to oppose him with 30,000 elite armed men. They were drawn up contingent facing contingent and line facing line. And they promptly attacked each other at the sound of the trumpet on the plain of Geran. Then the divine Word came to their assistance. The wind created an intense storm of dust around the armies and poured it onto the Persians, surrounding them as with thick darkness at noontime. A dreadful slaughter occurred on both sides, and one could not distinguish the corpses of the fallen—neither Persian nor Armenian soldier. However, the Armenian army gained strength and defeated the Persian army with a massacre. After pursuing the fleeing survivors, they returned totally victorious.

This Vahan also collected the tribute of Armenia and restored the great churches which the Persians had ruined in the city of Vałaršapat and in Dvin and in Mzrayk', and in many places in Armenia. And he renewed again the prosperity of the land.

Now although Peroz the Persian king wished to gather another army to attack Armenia, yet he did not have an opportunity; for news of the enemy gave him no respite in the area of the K'ušans and that frontier, since the king of the K'ušans himself was marching against him with a large army.

Then, gathering his troops, he went to oppose him in great haste. He said: "I shall first go and defeat him; and then at my leisure I shall return to Armenia. Let my sword not spare them, men or women." Marching rapidly he arrived to confront the enemy in the east. There was a terrible battle. They defeated and destroyed the host of the Persian army, so not a single one of them escaped or fled. King Peroz also died in the battle with his seven sons.

Then his son Kawat reigned over the land of Persia. Because the power of his numerous army had been broken, he did not wish to engage in war with anyone, but made peace on all sides. He also made a treaty with the Armenians, summoned Vahan to court, and greatly honoured him. He bestowed on him the office of *marzpan* of the country and the principality of the Mamikoneans.

VI.007/B. §9, Persian *marzpans* and generals who came to Armenia after Vardan

Եւ արդ՝ այս են զարավարք արքային Պարսից, որ եկին մի ըստ միոջէ յերկիրս Հայոց՝ յապստամբութենէ Վարդանայ Մամիկոնէից տեառն որդոյն Վասակայ, մինչեւ ցայսաւր ժամանակի։ [...] Ապա եկն եւ Գողոնն Միհրանն Ի հազարաւ զաւրաց սպառազինաց եւ փղաւք բազմաւք, եւ ունէր նա ընդ ինքեան սատարս բազումս ի ճամբարէ անթիւ ազգացն, որ
բնակեալն են ընդ լեռնակողմամբն Կովկասու ազգք Հոնաց, եւ հրաման յարքայէն՝ զի անճետս արասցեն զարս ի յաշխարհէն Հայոց, խլել, բրել, յատակել եւ անխնայ յերկիր կործանել։

Now these are the generals of the Persian king who came one after the other to this land of Armenia: from the rebellion of Vardan lord of the Mamikoneans, son of Vasak, down to the present time [...] Then came Gołon Mihran with 20,000 fully armed troops and many elephants. He had with him many auxiliaries from the forces of the innumerable races who dwell along the mountainous Caucasus [the races of the Huns] and also a command from the king to extirpate the men from the country of Armenia.

VI.007/C. §16, Treasure seized from a Persian auditor

The auditor comes with a great treasure to attract the Armenian princes from the Greek sector. The princes seize the treasure. The unity of the two kings against the robbers. Reconciliation; some of the princes go to the Persians, and others to the Greeks. 594–595 CE.

Արդ՝ իբրեւ տեսանէր թագաւորն Պարսից զմարդկան փախուստ ի կայսերէն՝ արձակոյր ի Հայս զՎասպուրականն համարակարն հանդերձ գանձու բազմաւ եւ մեծամեծ պատուովք. զի այնպէս նուաճեալ ածցէ զնոսա ի ծառայութիւն իւր. եւ գնայր համարակարն ի Հայս, եւ ընդ նմա գանձ ուղտուք բազմաւք։

Եւ մինչ Սամուէլ Վահեւունի հանդերձ այլովք ընկերաք իւրեանց գնացին ընդդէմ նորա եւ պատահեալ նմա ի սահմանս Ատրպատական աշխարհին՝ հանին զգանձն, եւ համարակարին զարեւն պարգեւ շնորհեցին։ Եւ էին այսոքիկ. Ատատ Խորխոռունի, Սամուէլ Վահեւունի եւ Մամակ Մամիկոնեան, Ստեփանոս Սիւնի եւ Կոտիտ Ամատունեաց տէր եւ Թէոդորոս Տրպատունի, եւ հեծեալք իբրեւ երկու հազարք։ Եւ զայս եդեալ ի մտի՝ եթէ գանձուդ այդուիկ զՀոնս մե՛ր արասցուք. եւ առեալ ի նոցանէ աւգնականութիւն՝ պատերազմեսցուք ընդ երկոսին թագաւորսդ, եւ բռնութեամբ զերկիրդ մեր ի մեզ դարձուսցուք։ Եւ հասեալ ի Նախճաւան քաղաք՝ քակտեցան խորհուրդք միաբանութեան. ո՛չ հաւատալով միմեանց ի բաց բաժանեցին զգանձն, եւ բանակեցան եւ նստան ի շամբին, որ կոչի Ճահուկ։ [...]Սկսան նոքա քակտել եւ բաժանել ի միմեանց. ի բաց եկաց ի սոցանէ Մամակն Մամիկոնեան եւ Կոտիտն Ամատունեաց տէրն եւ Ստեփանոս եւ այլք եւս ընդ նոսա, զանձինս անվաս ցուցանելով համարակարին՝ նուաճեցին զզաւրս իւրեանց ի ծառայութիւն արքային Պարսից։ Իսկ Ատատն Խորխոռունի եւ Սամուէլն Վահեւունի զաւրաւքն իւրեանց փախստական գնացին ընդ քաղաքագեւն կոչեցեալ Սաւդայ, հասանէին յաշխարհն Աղուանից, ի Հոնս դէմս արարեալ, եւ անցեալ ընդ գետովն որ կոչի Կուր՝ բանակէին առ գետեզերբն։

Հասեալ եւ սոքա յափն գետոյն՝ բանակէին աստի կողմանէ։ Եւ իբրեւ ոչ կարացին նոքա վստահանալ ի ճամբարս Հոնաց, յայնժամ ապա երդումն խնդրեալ ի թագաւորէն Յունաց, եւ գնացին ի ծառայութիւն նորա։Գնացին ոմանք առ համարակարն, եւ դարձան անդրէն յերկիրն իւրեանց։ Եւ ժողովեալ համարակարին զամենայն իշխանս եւ զզաւրս Հայոց, որ ի Պարսից կողմանէ՝
Now when the king of Persia saw the flight of these men from the emperor, he sent to Armenia the auditor of Vaspurakan with much treasure and many honours, so that in this way he might subject them to his own service. The auditor went to Armenia accompanied by the treasure on many camels. When Samuēl Vahewuni with other companions of his went to meet him and encountered him on the borders of the land of Atrpatakan, they seized the treasure but spared the auditor's life. They were the following: Atat Xorxorxuni, Samuēl Vahewuni and Mamak Mamikonean, Stepʻanos Siwni, and Kotit, lord of the Amatunikʻ, and Tʻēodoros Trpatuni, and about two thousand cavalry. They had reckoned that: **"With this treasure we shall make the Huns ours."** Receiving support from them, we shall wage war against both kings, and by force restore our own land to us.**" But when they reached the city of Naxčʻawan, their plans of unity dissolved. Not trusting each other, they divided out the treasure and encamped at the fen called Čahuk. [...] They began to waver and to split apart from each other. Mamak Mamikonean, Kotit, lord of the Amatunikʻ, and Stepʻanos and still others in their company abandoned them. Declar-ing themselves innocent to the auditor, they submitted their forces to the authority of the king of Persia. But Atat Xorxorxuni and Samuēl Vahewuni fled with their own troops. Passing through the village called Sawdkʻ, they reached the land of the Ałuankʻ and made for the Huns. After crossing the river called Kur, they camped on its bank. The others also reached the edge of the river and camped on the near side. Since they were unable to rely on the forces of the Huns, they then sought an oath from the king of the Greeks and submitted to him. Some went to the auditor and returned to their own land. The auditor assembled all the Armenian princes and soldiers who were from the Persian sector.
# VII. Syriac Sources

Mark Dickens with contributions by Christelle Jullien

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VII.003. *Biography of Peter the Iberian* (Syriac version) (c. 528)

This somewhat off-hand comment about the White Huns occurs in the course of laying out the genealogy of Peter the Iberian—a champion of Monophysite/Miaphysite Christology, in opposition to the Chalcedonian Orthodoxy of the Byzantine “Roman” Empire—as a means of establishing his authority. This appears to be the only reference to the Hephthalites in Syriac literature as “White Huns.” Text from Horn & Phenix (2008, 8–9).

مَن يَحْلِمُ حَلْمَهُ يَحْتَمِلُ: مَلَهَنَّ مَسْتَمَنُّ سَمَّاهُ عِمْلُ حَمَمِهِ: يَتَحَدَّبُ مَحْمُودَهُ. يَتَحَدَّبُ مَحْمُودَهُ. حَلْمُهُ يَحْتَمِلُ فَجَلَائِهِ.

مَمَّا: لَمْ أَعْدَدُ مَحْمُودَ مَلَهَنَّ.

And when he [Pharsamanios, brother of Peter's paternal grandmother] became king over the Iberians [Georgians] and carried off with him the White Huns, who are neighbours of the Iberians, he was the cause of many evils for those who were subject to the Romans.

VII.004. *Chronicle of Arbela (c. 550?)*

The authenticity of this text is disputed by scholars; there are still suspicions by many that it was forged by the original editor, Alphonse Mingana. At any rate, it tells us little about the Hephthalites not readily found in other sources. Text and translation from Kawerau (1985, 71, 73–74).

مَجْمَعَةُ عَلَانَهُمْ هِيَنَا، مَجْلِحُهُمْ فَجَعَلْنَاهُمْ مِنْهُمْ لِيَجْعَلَنَّا عَلَيْنَآ.

And in this year, Pērōz, king of the Persians, died in the course of war with the Huns in the month of Ab [August].

حَلْمُهُمْ أَجْلُهُمْ مَجْمَعَةُ عِمْلَهُمْ حَلْمَ حِبْنَ حِبْنَ مَلَهَنَّ. مَجْ مَن يَقُولُ فِيهِ إِنَّهُمْ إِلَيْهِمْ لَيْلَةُ مَلَهَنَّ. يَتَحَدَّبُ مَلَهَنَّ. مَجْلِحُهُمْ فَجَعَلْنَاهُمْ مِنْهُمْ لِيَجْعَلَنَّا عَلَيْنَآ.

فَجَلَائِهِمْ مَجْ تَحْمِلُهُمْ. يَجْعَلُونَهُمْ مَلَهَنَّ. يَتَحَدَّبُ مَلَهَنَّ. يَتَحَدَّبُ مَلَهَنَّ. حَلْمُهُمْ جَلْ فَجَعَلْنَاهُمْ مِنْهُمْ لِيَجْعَلَنَّا عَلَيْنَآ.

عِمْلَ مَجْ مَلَهَنَّ حِبْنَ حِبْنَ مَلَهَنَّ. يَتَحَدَّبُ مَلَهَنَّ. يَتَحَدَّبُ مَلَهَنَّ. حَلْمَ حِبْنَ حِبْنَ مَلَهَنَّ. يَتَحَدَّبُ مَلَهَنَّ. يَتَحَدَّبُ مَلَهَنَّ.

At this time, a violent war was stirred up [in] the land of the Romans by the Persians. When Kawād was made king the second time, he went to the land of the Romans with a mighty army. The emperor of the Romans at the time, Anastasius was his name. And the Persians seized many places from the Romans—Amid and Rešʻayna—and their aim was this: to establish again persecution of the Christians. But the war between them did not end and the Persians were compelled to turn back, lest their lands be destroyed by the enormous violence of the Huns, who had begun to fall upon them.

VII.005. *Biography of Mar Aba* (after 552)

Mar Aba I was patriarch of the Church of the East from 540 to 552. The request for a Hephthalite bishop came during a time when Mar Aba was in jail during the reign of Khosrow I and resulted
in his release. It is an interesting account of power dynamics between the Persians, the Hephthalites and the Christians. Throughout, the Hephthalites are referred to as the *Haphtrāyē*. Text from Bedjan (1895, 266–67, 269).

مِمَّا دَخَنَ مِلْيَ اخْلَاءٍ: دَخَنَ مِمَّا خَيْنَ حَدِيدَ حَيْدَهُ مَحْتَمْلِيَّ مَحْيَاتِهِ حَيْدَهُ حَيْدَهُ
لَهُمْ أَنْ يَحْيَوْنَ حَيْدَهُ: دَخَنَ حِيتَهُمْ، لِحَمْدِهِ: أَنْ يَحْيَوْنَ جَمْ لَحْمَ لَهُمْ مِلْيَ اخْلَاءٍ: حِيَامُهُ فِيهِ لِحَلْمَ مِلْيَ اخْلَاءٍ
مِمَّا دَخَنَ مِلْيَ اخْلَاءٍ: مِمَّا دَخَنَ حِيتَهُمْ فِيهِ مِلْيَ اخْلَاءٍ: أَنْ يَحْيَوْنَ مِلْيَ اخْلَاءٍ: أَنْ يَحْيَوْنَ
عَمَدَ حَلْمَ: أَنْ يَحْيَوْنَ حِيتَهُمْ: أَنْ يَحْيَوْنَ حِيتَهُمْ سَعْيَ لَهُمْ أَنْ يَحْيَوْنَ حِيتَهُمْ لِلْكِتَابِ.
مَعْلَمَ لَهُمْ أَنْ يَحْيَوْنَ حَيْدَهُ: أَنْ يَحْيَوْنَ حِيتَهُمْ: أَنْ يَحْيَوْنَ حِيتَهُمْ فِيهِ حِيتَهُمْ لِحَلْمَ مِلْيَ اخْلَاءٍ،
حِيَامُهُ فِيهِ لِحَلْمَ: أَنْ يَحْيَوْنَ حَيْدَهُ: أَنْ يَحْيَوْنَ حِيتَهُمْ لِحَلْمَ مِلْيَ اخْلَاءٍ: أَنْ يَحْيَوْنَ
مِلْيَ اخْلَاءٍ: أَنْ يَحْيَوْنَ حِيتَهُمْ: أَنْ يَحْيَوْنَ حِيتَهُمْ فِيهِ عَلَيْنَهُ. أَنْ يَحْيَوْنَ سَعْيَ لَهُمْ أَنْ يَحْيَوْنَ
سَعْيَ: أَنْ يَحْيَوْنَ حِيتَهُمْ لِحَلْمَ مِلْيَ اخْلَاءٍ: أَنْ يَحْيَوْنَ حِيتَهُمْ فِيهِ حِيتَهُمْ لِحَلْمَ مِلْيَ اخْلَاءٍ
حَيْدَهُ مِلْيَ اخْلَاءٍ: حَلْمَ: أَنْ يَحْيَوْنَ حِيتَهُمْ لِحَلْمَ مِلْيَ اخْلَاءٍ: أَنْ يَحْيَوْنَ حِيتَهُمْ
سَعْيَ: أَنْ يَحْيَوْنَ حِيتَهُمْ لِحَلْمَ مِلْيَ اخْلَاءٍ: أَنْ يَحْيَوْنَ حِيتَهُمْ فِيهِ مِلْيَ اخْلَاءٍ: أَنْ يَحْيَوْنَ

And after a little time passed, the *Haphtrān Khudāy* [lit. ‘Lord of the Hephthalites’] sent a man, a priest, to the King of Kings. And the Hephthalite Christians wrote to him who is blessed [Mar Aba], that he should make that priest, who had been sent from there to the King of Kings, a bishop for the whole kingdom of the Hephthalites. And after that priest came before the king and he [the king] learned the affair on account of which he had been sent, the King of Kings was amazed when he heard about this. And he marvelled at the greatness of the power of Jesus, that even the Hephthalite Christians reckoned him [Mar Aba] [as their] glorious head and leader.

And he [the king] sent him [Mar Aba] to go and adorn the church as usual and to go to his house and to his church and to gather the bishops as usual and to make that man, who had been sent from the *Haphtrān Khudāy* to him, a bishop. Now when this good news was heard by the people of the Lord and the holy one [Mar Aba] came out from prison to this great church of his apostolic throne, what joy there was, comparable to the joy at the return of the glorious shepherd to his blessed flock, after there had been nine years in the contest with the lions and leopards in his mind... And that priest was ordained a Hephthalite bishop by the holy one, a bishop for the land of the Hephthalites, and joy increased amongst the people of the Lord, amongst those provided for by divine providence.

## VII.006. Pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, *Ecclesiastical History* (568/69)

Pseudo-Zachariah provides us here with a different version of events surrounding Pērōz's relationship with the Huns, compared to the more contemporaneous account of Joshua the Stylite, discussed above. There seems to be a significant chronological error in the account. The Byzantine ruler Anastasius came to the throne in April 491. The thirteenth year of his reign corresponds to 504–505. However, we know that Pērōz died in 484 and that Kawād did not come to the throne until 488, before the beginning of Anastasius's reign. This reference to the thirteenth year of Anastasius's reign is repeated in the *Anonymous Chronicle to 1234* (extracted in Text VII.012
below). Furthermore, Pseudo-Zachariah seems to have confused the Hephthalites (who were responsible for the death of Pērōz) with the Huns in the Caucasus, given his reference to the Huns' homeland as being in "the north-western territory." The role of Eustathius, including his apparent use of occult techniques to help the Huns get their revenge on Pērōz, is not found in Joshua's account at all, but it is repeated in the accounts of Michael the Great and Barhebraeus, discussed below. Text from Brooks (1921, 21–22); translation from Greatrex et al. (2011, 232–34).

حد فیئە ملحم دیلە فتەنە محەلمە یەکە دیلە فتەنە: دیلە فتەنە: مەم فتەنە: مەم دەختەم دەلمەتەم. دەلمە حەلمە دیلە فتەنە. دەلمەتەم فیئە. حدیت سەلم دیلە فتەنە: مەم فتەنە: مەم دەختەم دەلمەتەم. حدیت سەلم دیلە فتەنە: مەم فتەنە: مەم دەختەم دەلمەتەم. حدیت سەلم دیلە فتەنە: مەم فتەنە: مەم دەختەم دەلمەتەم.

While Pērōz, the king of Persia, was ruling over his country in the thirteenth year of Anastasius, the Huns descended from the gates that were guarded by the Persians and from the mountainous areas there and reached Persian territory. Pērōz became alarmed and assembled an army and met them. When he learned from them of the purpose of their preparation and their invasion of his country, they said to him, “What the kingdom of the Persians gives to us as tribute is not sufficient for us barbarians, who, like wild beasts, reject God. We live in the north-western territory by weapons, both the bow and the sword, and we feed on the food [of all kinds of] meat. The emperor of the Romans has promised us through his envoys to give us twice the tribute if we renounce our friendship with you Persians. Thus we have again arrived and presented ourselves: either give to us like the Romans and we will then make a treaty with you, but if you do not give to us, then receive war!”

حد فیئە ملحم دیلە فتەنە: دیلە فتەنە: مەم فتەنە: مەم دەختەم دەلمەتەم. حدیت سەلم دیلە فتەنە: مەم فتەنە: مەم دەختەم دەلمەتەم. حدیت سەلم دیلە فتەنە: مەم فتەنە: مەم دەختەم دەلمەتەم. حدیت سەلم دیلە فتەنە: مەم فتەنە: مەم دەختەم دەلمەتەم.

When Pērōz considered the determination of the Huns, although they were considerably smaller [in number] than his army, he decided to lie to them and receive them, so he promised to give them [what they wanted]. Then four hundred men from the leaders of the Huns assembled and with them was Eustathius, a crafty merchant from Apamea with whom they took counsel. Pērōz and with him four hundred men assembled and went up a mountain. They enacted an agreement [with the Huns]; they ate with one another and swore an oath, raising their hands to heaven. A few remained with the four hundred men who were to take the objects of the tribute that would be collected, but the rest of the Huns departed and returned to their country.
the 13th year of his reign, the Huns came forth from those gates that were being guarded by the Persians. And when Pērōz went to war with the Huns, he was vanquished and killed in the war. But after him king Kawād ruled over the Persians. This one was consumed by wrath towards the Romans.

## VII.013. Barhebraeus (Bar ‘Ebroyo), *Ecclesiastical History (Chronicon Ecclesiasticum)* (1286, cont. to 1496)

In the second half of Barhebraeus’s *Ecclesiastical History*, he recounts the ecclesiastical history of the East, here meaning the traditional territory of the Church of the East, presided over by the patriarch of that church. However, since Barhebraeus is Syrian Orthodox, he intersperses the history of the “Nestorian” patriarchs with the Syrian Orthodox *maphrians*. The word (meaning “fruitful, progenitor”) designated the highest ranking Syrian Orthodox prelate in the East, second only to the patriarch of that church in Antioch. Barhebraeus held the office himself until his death in 1286. The three individuals mentioned in these extracts—Paul, his successor John the Chionite and his successor Joseph—all occupied the Maphrianate at an earlier time. John the Chionite held the office from 759 to 785. The ethnonym following his episcopal name (حنبی، *Kionāyā*) is the same as that used to refer to the Huns in the *Chronicle* of Joshua the Stylite.<fnref n="1" /> Text from Abbeloos & Lamy (1877, 159, 175), also published in Wilmshurst (2016, 357, 363).

حنبی، حنفی، حنی

من: حنفی، حنی، حنی، من، حنفی، حنی، من، حنفی

After Paul: John the Chionite

And when the bishops deposed Jonah, they chose John the Chionite from the Monastery of Mar Mattai [St. Matthew].

مهدی، مهندس، مهندس، مهندس، مهندس، مهندس، مهندس، مهندس، مهندس

حنبی، حنفی، حنی

من: مهندس، مهندس، مهندس، من

And the *maphrian* John the Chionite was denounced by the Tagritians before the patriarch, [his] fault was established and he was deposed.

After John the Chionite: Joseph

And after a little while, John the Chionite was deposed and departed.

<footnote n="1">¹ The variant spelling found in Wilmshurst (2016, 363), حنفی (Kšonāyā), is not found in Abbeloos & Lamy (1877, 175).</footnote>
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VIII. Arabic Sources

Étienne de La Vaissière, Mark Dickens and Orsolya Varsányi

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VIII.1. Islamic Sources

Selected by Étienne de La Vaissière

VIII.001. Akhbār al-Ṭiwāl

‘The Book of Lengthy Histories’ by Abu Hanifa Ahmad ibn Dawud ibn Wanand al-Dinawari (828–895 CE). Text from Guirgass & Krachkovskii (1888); translation adopted from Michael Richard Jackson Bonner¹ with modifications by Orsolya Varsányi.

VIII.001/A. Bahrām V (420–438)

Text from Guirgass & Krachkovskii (1888, 57–60).

ولما استنبب ليهرام الملك آثر اللهو على ما سواه، حتى عتب عليه رعيته، وطمع فيه من كان حوله من الملوك، فكان أول من
شخص صاحب الترك، فانه نهض في جموعه من الاتراك حتى اوغل في خراسان، فشن فيها الغارات، وانتهى النبا الى بهرام،
فترك ما كان فيه من الاستهتار باللهو، وقصد لعدوه، فأظهر انه يريد اذربيجان ليتصيد هناك، ويلهو في مسيره إليها، فเลتخب من
إبطال رجاله سبعه آلاف رجل، فحملهم على الإبل، وجنبا الخيل، واستخلف على ملكة أخاه نرسى، ثم سار نحو اذربيجان،
وامر كل رجل من اصحابه الذين انتخبهم ان يكون معه باز وكلب، فلم يشك الناس ان مسيره ذلك هزيمه من عدوه، واسلام
لملكه، فاجتمع العظماء والاشراف، فتامروا بينهم، فاتفق رأيهم على توجيه وفد منهم الى خاقان صاحب الترك باموال، يعثون
بها اليه ليصدوه عن استباحة البلاد.

وبلغ خاقان ان بهرام مضى هاربا، وان اهل المملكة مجمعون على الخضوع له، فاغتر، وامن هو وجنوده، واقام بمكانه ينتظرا
الوفود والأموال.

When rule became stable for Bahrām, he preferred amusement to anything else, with the result that his subjects blamed him, and those kings that surrounded him were envious of him. And the first to rise [against him] was the Turkish lord, for he arose with his host of Turks and even penetrated deep into Ḩurāsān. He made raids therein and tidings of this reached Bahrām, and he quit the reckless behaviour in which he was engaged, and went straightway to his enemy. But he pretended that he was making for Āḍarbāyjān to hunt there and he made merry on his journey thither. He chose from among the horsemen of his company seven thousand men and he mounted them upon camels, avoiding horses. He appointed over his kingdom his brother Narsā. Then he went towards Āḍarbāyjān, and he commanded each man among his companions whom he had chosen to have with him a falcon and a dog. Men did not doubt that this expedition of his would be put to flight by the enemy and submission to his kingdom [would follow]. The grandees and nobles assembled and they conferred amongst themselves. Their opinion settled on sending a deputation from among themselves to the ḫāqān, the Turkish lord, with treasure which they would send to him in order to dissuade him from despoiling the country. And it reached

<footnote>http://www.mrjb.ca/current-projects/abu-hanifah-ahmad-ibn-dawud-al-dinawari</footnote>
the ḫāqān that Bahrām had fled and that the folk of the kingdom had assembled in order to submit themselves to him. But he was deceived and believed he and his forces were safe. He stayed where he was expecting the embassy and treasure.

قالوا: وأن بهرام امر بذبح سبعة آلاف ثور وحمل جلودها، وساق معه سبعة آلاف مهر حولي، وجعل يسير الليل ويكمن النهار،
وأخذ على طبرستان، ثم تبطن ضفة البحر حتى خرج إلى جرجان، ثم سار منها إلى نسا ثم منها المدينة مرو.

وكان خاقان معسكرًا بها بكشيمهن حتى إذا صار بهرام منهم على منقلة، وخاقان لا يعلم شيئاً من علمه أمر بتلك الجلود،
فنفخت، وأُلقي فيها الحصى، وجففت، ثم علّقها في أعناق تلك المهارة، حتى دنا من عسكر خاقان، وكانوا نزولًا على طرف
المفازة، على ستة فراسخ من مدينة مرو؛ فخلّوا عن تلك المهارة ليلاً، وطردوها من أدبارها؛ فارتفع لتلك الجلود، والحجارة التي
فيها، وعدو المهارة بها، وضربها إياها بأيديها أصوات هائلة أشد من هدة الجبال والصواعق.

وسمعت الترك تلك الأصوات، فراعتهم، ولا يدرون ما هي، وجعلت تزداد منهم قرباً، فأجلوا عن معسكرهم، وخرجو هراباً،
وبهرام في الطلب، فتقلّرت دابة خاقان بخاقان، وأدركه بهرام، فقتله بيده، وغنم عسكره، وكل ما كان فيه من الأموال، وأخذ
خاتون امرأة خاقان.

ومضى بهرام على آثار الترك ليته ويومه كله، يقتل ويأسر، حتى انتهى الى آموية، ثم عبر نهر بلخ، يتبع آثارهم، حتى إذا صار
بالقرب فاذعن له الترك، وسألهو ان يبني لهم حدّاً يعلم بينه وبينهم، لا يجاوزونه، فحد لهم مكاناً واغلاً في أرضهم، وأمر بمنارة،
فبنيت هناك، وجعلها حدّاً، ثم انصرف إلى دار المملكة، ووضع عن الناس خراج تلك السنة، وقسم في أهل الضعف
والمسكنة شطر ما غنم، وقسم الشطر الآخر بين جنده الذين كانوا معه، فعمّ السرور أهل مملكته، فلهوا جذلاً وابتهاجاً، فبلغ
أجر اللعاب في اليوم عشرين درهماً، وصار إكليل ريحان بدرهم.

They say: verily Bahrām commanded seven thousand bulls to be slaughtered and their skins to be carried. He herded on with himself seven thousand yearling colts and he began to travel in the night, hiding by day, and he barred the way to Ṭabaristān and stole along the coast of the sea till he reached Jurjān, and then he went thence to Nasā, and thence to the city of Marw, where the ḫāqān had bivouacked in Kušmayhan, until suddenly Bahrām went from Marw to a way-station, the ḫāqān knowing nothing about these skins. They were blown up and he put pebbles in them and they were dried. Then he hung them upon the necks of these colts until he drew near the ḫāqān's camp (their arrival was on the desert side six farsakhs from the city of Marw) and they released these colts in the night, and drove them from behind, and because of these skins and rocks that were in them and the galloping of the colts with them and their beating them with their hands, there arose noises more dreadful than a falling mountain or thunderbolts. The Turks heard these noises and feared them without knowing what they were and they [these sounds] began to get closer and closer to them. They ran away from their camp, and they went out in a rout, with Bahrām in pursuit. The ḫāqān's mount fell upon the ḫāqān and Bahrām reached him and slew him with his hand and he plundered his camp and all the treasure that was in it. He took the ḫātūn, the ḫāqān's wife, and Bahrām pursued the Turks all day and night, killing them and taking captives, till he reached Āmūya. Then he crossed the river Balḥ, following their trail, and when he came near, the Turks submitted to him, and they asked him to build for them a barrier which would be known between him and between them, which they would not pass. He delimited for them a place far into their land, and he ordered a tower [to be built],
and it was built there and he made it the barrier. Then he went back to the abode of his kingdom, and he removed the ḫarāj from the folk for that year. He parcelled out among the weak and poor half what he had taken, and he parcelled out the other half amongst the army that was with him. Happiness prevailed over the folk of his kingdom, they delighted in gladness and rejoicing. The cost of a show horse in that day was twenty dirhams, and a basil crown was one dirham.

[...]

فلمَا هلك بهرام ملَكوا ابنه يزدجرد بن بهرام، فسار بسيرة ابيه سبع عشرة سنة، وحضره الموت وله ابنة: فيروز وهرمزد، وكان فيروز أكبر سِنَّاً.

فأستأثر هرمزد بالملك دون أخيه فيروز، فهرب فيروز حتى لحق ببلاد الهياطلة، وهي تخارستان والصغانيان وكابلستان والأرضون التي خلف النهر الأعظم مما يلي أرض بلخ، فدخل على ملك تلك الأرض، فأخبره بظلم أخيه إياه، واحتوائه على الملك دونه، وهو أصغر سِنَّاً منه، وسأله أن يمدَّه بجيش حتى يسترجع الملك. فقال: لن أُجيبك إلى ما تسأل حتى تحلف أنك أكبر سِنَّاً منه، فحلف فيروز، فأمدَّه بثلاثين ألف رجل، على أن يجعل له حدا لترمد، فسار فيروز بالجيش؛ واتبعه جل أهل المملكة، ورأوا أنه أحق بالملك من هرمزد لفظاظة هرمزد وشرارته، فحاربه حتى استرجع الملك، وأقال أخاه عثرته، ولم يؤاخذه بما كان منه.

When Bahrām perished they made his son Yazdajird son of Bahrām king. He followed his father's way of life for seventeen years, and death came upon him, and he had two sons Fayrūz and Hurmazd, Fayrūz being older. Hurmazd claimed the kingdom in opposition to his brother Fayrūz. Fayrūz fled and even reached the country of the Hephthalites, namely Tuḥaristān Ṣağāniyān, Kābulistān, and the lands beyond the Great River in what borders the land of Balḥ. He went before the king of this land and told him about the injustice of his brother against him and his taking possession of the kingdom in opposition to him in spite of being younger. He asked him to help him with an army so that he might take back the kingdom. He said: "I shall not answer what thou askest unless thou swear that thou art older than he." Fayrūz swore. He helped him with thirty thousand men on the condition that he make for him the frontier at Tirmid. Fayrūz went with the army, and there followed him most of the folk of his kingdom. They saw that he was worthier of the kingship than Hurmazd because of the boorishness of Hurmazd and his evil ways. He made war on him until he could take back the rule from him, and he pardoned his brother for his transgression and did not punish him for what he had done.

VIII.001/B. Fayrūz

Text from Guirgass & Krachkovskii (1888, 61–62).

ثم استعد وتأهب لغزو الترك، وأخرج معه المويد وسائر وزرائه، وحمل معه ابنته فيروزدخت، وحمل معه خزائن وأموالا كثيرة، وخلف على ملكه رجلا من عظماء وزرائه، يسمى شوخر، وتدعى مرتبته قارن، وسار حتى جاوز المنارة التي كان بهرام بناها حداً بينه وبين الترك، واخربها، ووغل في أرضهم.

وملك الاتراك يومئذ اخشوان خاقان، فأرسل ملك الترك الى فيروز يعلمه انه قد تعدى، ويحذره عاقبة الظلم، فلم يحفل فيروز بذلك، فجعل خاقان يظهر كراهة للحرب، ويدافع إلى أن هيأ خندقا، عمقه في الأرض عشرون ذراعا، وعرضه عشرة أذرع، وبعد ما بين طرفيه، ثم غماه بأعواد ضعاف، وألقى عليه قصبا، وأخفاه بالتراب، ثم خرج لمحاربة فيروز، فواقعه ساعة، ثم انهزم عنه.
وطلبه فيروز في جنوده، فسلك خاقان مسالك قد فهمها بين ظهري ذلك الخندق وجاء فيروز على عمىاء فتورط هو وجنوده في ذلك الخندق، وعطف عليه اخشوان وطراخته، فقتلوهم بالحجارة، واحتوى اخشوان على معسكر فيروز وكل ما كان فيه من الأموال والحرم، وأخذ المويد أسيرا، وأخذ فيروزدخت ابنة فيروز، ولحق الفل بشوخر، فأعلموه بمصاب فيروز وجنوده، فاستنهض شوخر الناس للطلب بئار ملكهم، فخف له جميع الناس من الجنود واهل البلاد، فسار في جموع كثيرة حتى وغل في بلاد الترك؛ وهاب اخشوان ملك الترك الإقدام على شوخر لكثرة جموعه وعدته، فأرسل إليه يسأله الموادعة على ان يرد عليه المويد وفيروزدخت وكل أسير في يده، وجميع ما أخذ من أموال فيروز وخرائنه وآلاته، فأجابه شوخر الى ذلك، وقبضه، وانصرف الى بلاده وأرضه.

فملك بعد فيروز ابنه بلاس بن فيروز، فملك أربع سنين، ثم مات، فجعل شوخر الملك من بعده لأخيه قباذ بن فيروز.

[...] he prepared himself and made ready for attacking the Turks. He brought with him the Mobad and the rest of his viziers, and he carried with him his daughter Fayrūz-Duḥt, and he took with him many treasures and much money. He put in charge of his kingdom a man from among his greatest viziers called Šūḥar whose rank was called Qārin. He went until he passed the tower that Bahrām had built as a boundary between him and the Turks, and he destroyed it. He penetrated their land.

The king of the Turks at that time was Aḥšuwān ḫāqān. The king of the Turks sent to Fayrūz, telling him that he was in breach [of their agreement concerning the border] and warning him of the consequence of his audacity. But he heeded this not. The ḫāqān began to pretend an aversion to war, and he delayed in order to prepare a trench whose depth in the earth was twenty cubits and whose breadth was ten cubits, and he made it wide between its two sides. Then he covered it with weak sticks and he lay reeds over it and hid it with earth. Then he went out to fight Fayrūz, then engaged him for a while, then he was routed. Fayrūz pursued him and his soldiers. The ḫāqān followed the way that he knew to be between the sides of the trench. Fayrūz went [forward] blindly and he and his army were ensnared in that trench and Aḥšuwān and his tarḥāns turned to back him, and killed them with stones. And Aḥšuwān took possession of Fayrūz's camp and his army and all chattels and womenfolk that were in it. He took the mūbad prisoner and he took Fayrūz-Duḥt, daughter of Fayrūz.

The remnants of the army went to Šūḥar, and they told him of the misfortune of Fayrūz and his army. Šūḥar encouraged the men to seek to avenge their king, and all the men of the army and the folk of the country hastened to Šūḥar. He went with a great host until he penetrated deep into the country of the Turks. Aḥšuwān was afraid to approach Šūḥar because of the size of his army and the number of it. He sent to him asking him for a truce in exchange for sending back the mūbad and Fayrūz-Duḥt and all prisoners in his possession and all that he had taken from Fayrūz's chattels and his treasures and his war engines. And Šūḥar granted him this. He took hold of it and returned to his country and land.

After Fayrūz, Balās son of Fayrūz was made king, and he ruled for four years. Then he died. And after him Šūḥar gave the kingdom to his brother Qubāḍ son of Fayrūz.

[...]
VIII.001/C. Qubāḍ

Text from Guirgass & Krachkovskii (1888, 66–67).

فلما مضى لملك قباذ عشر سنين أتاه رجل من اهل اصطخر، يقال له مزدك، فدعاه إلى دين المزدكية، فمال قباذ إليها،
فغضبت الفرس من ذلك غضباً شديداً، وهموا بقتل قباذ، فاعتذر إليهم، فلم يقبلوا عذره، وخلعوه من الملك، وحبسوه في
محبس، ووكلا به، وملكوا عليهم جاماسف بن فيروز أخا قباذ.

وان أخت قباذ اندسّت لقباذ حتى أخرجته بحيله، فمكث أياما مستخفياً إلى أن أمن الطلب، ثم خرج في خمس نفر من ثقاته،
فيهم زرمهر بن شوخر نحو الهياطلة، يستنصر ملكها

When ten years of Qubāḍ's reign had passed, there came to him a man of the folk of Iṣṭaḥr, who was called Mazdak. He called him to the religion of Mazdakism, and Qubāḍ inclined thereto. But the Persians were wroth at this with vehement wrath, and meditated the murder of Qubāḍ. He made excuse to them, but they received not his excuse, and they deposed him from the kingdom and put him in gaol, and invested with power, and chose for their king, Jāmāsf son of Fayrūz, brother of Qubāḍ.

Verily Qubāḍ's sister went in secret to Qubāḍ, and even compassed his going out by some means. He abode there a while in hiding until he was safe from search. Then he went forth with five men whom he trusted (amongst whom was Zarmihr son of Ṡūḥar) towards the Hephthalites seeking aid from their king.

[...]

وخرج سائراً حتى ورد على صاحب الهياطلة، فشكى إليه صنيع رعيته به، وسأله أن يمده بجيش ليسترجع ملكه، فأجابه إلى ذلك، وشرط عليه أن يسلم له حيز الصغانيان، ووجه معه ثلاثين ألف رجل

He set out until he came to the chief of Hephthalites. He complained to him of what his folk had done to him, and he asked him to bear him aid with an army so as to recover his kingdom. He granted this, and made this condition for them that he yield to him the region of Ṣiġāniyān, and he sent with him thirty thousand men.

VIII.001/D. Kisrā Anūširwān

Text from Guirgass & Krachkovskii (1888, 69–70).

فلما اتى لملك قباذ ثلاث واربعون سنه حضره الموت، ففوض الأمر إلى ابنه كسرى، وهو أنوشروان

When king Qubāḍ reached his forty-third [regnal] year, death was upon him, and he gave power to his son Kisrā, namely Anūširwān.

[...]

ووجه الجيوش إلى بلاد الهياطلة، وافتتح تخارستان وزابلستان، وكابلستان والصغانيان. وان ملك الترك سنجبو خاقان جمع إليه
أهل المملكة، واستعد، وسار نحو أرض خراسان حتى غلب على الشاش، وفرغانة، وسمرقند، وكش ونسف، وانتهى إلى بخارى.
VIII. Arabic Sources

وبلغ ذلك كسرى، فعقد لابنه هرمز، الذى ملك من بعده، على جيش كثيف، ووجهه لمحاربة خاقان التركى، فسار حتى إذا قرب منه خلّى ما كان غلب عليه، ولحق ببلاده؛ فكتب كسرى إلى ابنه هرمز بالانصراف

And he sent his army into the country of the Hephthalites, and conquered Tuḥāristān, Zābulistān, Kābulistān, and Ṣiġānīyān.

The king of the Turks, Sinjibū ḫāqān, gathered unto himself the people of his kingdom and he prepared himself [for war]. He went towards the land of Ḩurāsān until he conquered Šāš, Farğāna, Samarqand, Kaš, and Nasaf, and he ended in Buḥārā. [News of] this reached Kisrā and he entrusted his son Hurmazd (who was king after him) with a copious army and sent him to fight the Turkish ḫāqān. He marched until he found himself near him, [who] abandoned what he had conquered, and returned to his country. Kisrā wrote to his son Hurmazd that he should return.

VIII.002. Ṭabarī

Text from M. J. de Goeje (1879–1901); translation from C. E. Bosworth (1999).

VIII.002/A. Khaqan

Text from Goeje (1879–1901, I(2): 863–66); translation from Bosworth (1999, 94–99).

وكان أول من سبق إلى المكاثرة له عليه خاقان ملك الترك، فإنه غزاه في مائتين وخمسمين ألف رجل من الترك فبلغ الفرس إقبال خاقان في جمع عظيم إلى بلاده فتعاظمهم ذلك وهالهم ودخل عليه من عظمائهم أناس لهم رأى أصيل وعنهם نظر للعامة فقالوا له إنه قد أزفك أيها الملك من بائقة هذا العدو ما قد شغلك عمّا أنت عليه من اللهو والتلذذ فتأهب له كيلا يلحقنا منه أمر يلزمك فيه مسبة وعار فقال لهم بهرام إن الله رينا قوي ونحن أولياؤه ولم يزدد إلا مثابرة على اللهو والتلذذ والصيد

The first ruler to set himself up as a rival to Bahram in power was Khaqan, the king of the Turks, who attacked Bahram with an army of 250,000 Turks. News of Khaqan's approaching their land with a powerful force reached the Persians. It appeared to them a catastrophe and terrified them. A group of the Persian great men of state, known for their firm judgment and their solicitude for the masses of the people, went into Bahram's presence and told him, "O king, there has suddenly come upon you the calamitous appearance of the enemy, and this should be enough to rouse you from the pleasure and merrymaking in which you are sunk. So get ready to tackle it, lest we become afflicted by something which will entail revilement and shame for you." Bahram merely replied, "God, our Lord, is powerful, and we are under His protection," and he only increased in his exclusive pursuit of pleasure and merry-making.

وإنه تجهز فسار إلى آذربيجان لينسك في بيت نارها ويتوجه منها إلى أرمينية ويطلب الصيد في آجامها ويلهو في مسيره في سبع رهط من العظماء وأهل البيوتات وثلاثمائة رجل من رابطته ذوي بأس ونجدة واستخلف أخاً له يسمى نرسي على ما كان يدبّر من ملكه

But then he fitted out an expedition and proceeded to Azerbaijan, in order to worship at the fire temple there, then to Armenia to seek game for hunting in its thickets and to enjoy himself on
the way. He was accompanied by a group of seven of the great men of state and the nobles plus three hundred mighty and courageous men from his personal guard. He left one of his brothers, called Narsi, to act as his governor over the kingdom.

فلم يشك الناس حين بلغهم مسير بهرام فيمن سار واستخلافه أخاه في أن ذلك هرب من عدوه وإسلام لملكه وتوامروا في إنفاذ وقد إلى خاقان، والإقرار له بالخراج مخافة منه لاستباحة بلادهم واصطلامة مقاتلتهم إنهم لم يذعنوا له بذلك فبلغ خاقان الذي أجمع عليه الفرس من الانقياد والخضوع له فآمن ناحيتهم، وأمر جنده بالتورع فآتي بهرام عين كان وجهه ليأته بخبر خاقان فأخبره بأمر خاقان وعزمه فسار إليه بهرام في العدة الذين كانوا مهبه فبيته وقتل خاقان بيده وأفشي القتل في جنده وانهزم من سلم من القتل منهم ومنحوه أكتافهم، وخلفوا عسكرهم وذاريتهم وأثقالهم وأمعن بهرام في طلبهم يقتلهم ويحوي ما غنم منهم ويسبي وذاريتهم وانصرف وجنده سالمين وظفر بهرام بناج خاقان وإكليله وغلب على بلاده من بلاد الترك واستعمل على ما غلب عليه منها مرزبانًا حباه سريرًا من فضة وأناه أناس من أهل البلاد المتاخمة لما غلب عليه من بلاد الترك خاضعين باخعين له بالطاعة وسأله أن يعلمهم حد ما بينه وبينهم فلا يتعدوه فحد لهم حدًا وأمر فبنيت منارة وهي المنارة التي أمر بها فيروز الملك ابن يزجرد فقدمت إلى بلاد الترك ووجه بهرام قائدا من قواده إلى ما وراء النهر منهم وأمره بقتالهم فقاتلهم وأثخنهم حتى أقرروا لبهرام بالعبودية وأداء الجزية

When the people heard about Bahram's expedition and his appointment of his brother as his deputy to govern the kingdom, they felt sure that this was an act of flight from his enemy and an act of abandonment of his kingdom. They took counsel together and resolved to send an embassy to Khaqan and to undertake that they would pay him tribute, out of fear that he would invade their land and would annihilate their own troops unless they showed themselves submissive to him by handing the money over. Khaqan heard about what the Persians had agreed upon, that they would submit and show themselves submissive to him, so he gave a guarantee of security for their land and ordered his army to hold back. Bahram, however, had sent forward a spy to bring back to him information about Khaqan; the spy now returned and told him about Khaqan's doings and intentions. So Bahram marched against him with the force accompanying him and fell on him by night, killing Khaqan with his own hand and spreading slaughter among Khaqan's troops. Those who escaped being killed were put to flight and showed their backs. They left behind their encampment, their wives and children and their baggage. Bahram exerted himself assiduously in hunting them down, killing them, gathering up the plunder he had seized from them and enslaving their women and children, and returned with his own army intact. Bahram had seized Khaqan's crown and diadem and had conquered his country in the land of the Turks. He appointed Warden of the Marches over these conquered territories, providing him with a silver throne. A group of people from the regions bordering on the land of the Turks that he had conquered came to Bahram, submissive and offering him obedience, and they asked him to demarcate for them the boundary between his and their territories, which they would not then cross. So he duly delimited the frontier for them, and ordered the construction of a tall and slender tower [manarah]; this is the tower which Fayruz, son of Yazdajird [II] [later] gave orders for its [re]building, and it was erected in a forward position on [the frontier of] the land of the Turks. Bahram also sent one of his military commanders to Transoxania in the land of the Turks and instructed him to fight the people there. So he made war on them and wrought great slaughter among them, until they promised submission to Bahram and the payment of tribute.
VIII. Arabic Sources

وإن بهرام انصرف إلى آذريجان راجعًا إلى محلّته من السواد وأمر بما كان في إكليل خاقان من ياقوت أحمر وسائر الجوهر فعلّق على بيت نار آذريجان ثم سار وورد مدينة تيسبون فنزل دار المملكة بها ثم كتب إلى جنده وعمّاله بقتله خاقان وما كان من أمره وأمر جنده ثم ولّى أخاه نرسي خراسان وأمره أن يسير إليها وينزل بلخ وتقدم إليه بما أراد

Bahram now went back to Azerbaijan and then to his residence in the Sawad [of Iraq]. He ordered that the rubies and other jewels in Khaqan's diadem should be hung up in the fire temple of Azerbaijan, and then he set off and came to the city of Ctesiphon. He took up his quarters in the administrative headquarters there. He sent letters to his troops and provincial governors announcing how he had killed Khaqan and what he and the Persian army had accomplished. Then he appointed his brother Narsi governor of Khurasan, instructed him to make his way thither and to establish his residence at Balkh, and ordered for him whatever he require.

[...}

وإِنَّ انصار بهرام من غزوه ذلك كان على طريق آذريجان وإنه نحل بيت نار الشيز ما كان في إكليل خاقان من اليواقيت والجوهر وسيفًا كان لخاقان مفصّصًا بدرٌ وجهر وحلية كثيرة وأخدمه خانون امرأة خاقان ورفع عن الناس الخراج لثلث سنين شكرًا على ما لقي من النصر في وجهه وقسم في الفقراء والمساكن مالًا عظيمًا وفي البيوتات وذوى الأحساب عشرين ألف ألف درهم وكتب بخبر خاقان إلى الآفاق كتباً يذكر فيها أن الخبر ورد عليه بورود خاقان بلاده وأنه مجد الله وعظمته وتوكل عليه وسار نحوه في سبعة رهط من أهل البيوتات وثلثائة فارس من نخبة رابطته على طريق آذريجان وجبل القبق حتى نفذ على برازي خوارزم ومفاوزها فأبلاه الله أحسن بلاء وذكر لهم ما وضع عنهم من الخراج وكان كتابه في ذلك كتابًا بليغًا

Bahram's return journey from that expedition [against the Turks] was via the road to Azerbaijan; he presented to the fire temple at al-Shiz the rubies and jewels that were in Khaqan's diadem, a sword belonging to Khaqan encrusted with pearls and jewels, and many other precious adornments. He gave Khatun, Khaqan's wife, to the temple as a servant there. He remitted to the people three years' land tax as a thank offering for the victory he had achieved in his expedition, and he divided up among the poor and destitute a great sum of money, and among the nobles and persons of meritorious behavior twenty million dirhams. He sent letters to the distant lands with news about his dealings with Khaqan, in which he mentioned how reports had reached him that Khaqan had invaded his lands, and how he had extolled and magnified God and had depended completely on Him, how he had marched against Khaqan with a guard of [only] seven men from the nobility and three hundred cavalrymen from the choicest warriors of his personal guard, via the Azerbaijan and Caucasus Mountains road until he had reached the deserts and wastes of Khwarazm, and how God had then tested him [in battle] with a most successful outcome. He further mentioned to them how much land tax he had remitted to them. His letter containing this information was an eloquent and penetrating one.

وكان له ابنان يقال لأحدهما هرمز وكان ملكًا على سجستان والآخر يقال له فيروز فغلب هرمز على الملك من بعد هلاك أبيه يزدجرد فهرب فيروز منه ولحق ببلاد الهياطلة وأخبر ملكها بقصته وقصة هرمز أخيه وأنه أولى بالملك منه وسأله أن يمدّه بجيش
يقاتل بهم هرمز ويحتوي على ملك أبيه فأبي ملك الهياطلة أن يجيبه إلى ما سأل من ذلك حتى أخبر أن هرمز ملك ظلوم جائر فقال ملك الهياطلة إن الجور لا يرضاه الله ولا يصلح عمل أهله ولا يستطيع أن ينتصف ويحترف في ملك الملك الجائر إلا بالجور والظلم فأمدّ فيروز بعد أن دفع إليه الطالقان بجيش فأقبل بهم وقاتل هرمز أخاه ففتقه وشئت جمعه وغلب على الملك

Yazdajird had two sons, one called Hurmuz, who was ruler over Sijistan, and the other called Fayruz. It was Hurmuz who seized the royal power after his father Yazdajird's death. Fayruz fled from him and reached the land of the Hephthalites. He told their king the story of what had happened between him and his brother and that he had a better right to the throne than Hurmuz. He asked the king to provide him with an army with which he could combat Hurmuz and gain control of his father's kingdom, but the king of the Hephthalites refused to respond to his request until he received information that Hurmuz really was a tyrannical and unjust king. He said, "God is not pleased with injustice, and He does not let the works of those committing it prosper; under the rule of an unjust king, a man cannot succeed properly in any enterprise or practice any trade successfully except by injustice and tyranny likewise." Then, after Fayruz had made over al-Talaqan to him, he provided Fayruz with an army. Fayruz advanced with it and gave battle to his brother Hurmuz, killing him, scattering his forces, and seizing control of his kingdom.

[...]

وسار إلى قومٍ كانوا قد غلبوا على طخارستان يقال لهم الهياطلة وقد كان قوادهم في أول ملكه لمعونتهم إياه على أخيه وكانوا - فيما زعموا - يعملون عمل قوم لوط فلم يستحل ترك البلاد في أيديهم فقاتلهم ففتقهو في المعركة وأربعة بنين له وأربعة أخوة كلهم كان يتسمى بالملك وغلبوا على عامة خراسان حتى سار إليهم رجل من أهل فارس يقال له سوخرا من أهل شيراز وكان فيهم عظيمًا فخرج فيمن تبعه شبه المحتسب المتطوع حتى لقي صاحب الهياطلة فأخبرجه من بلاد خراسان فافتقرًا على الصلح ورد ما لم يضع مما في عسكر فيروز من الأسراء والسيي وملك سبعًا وعشرين سنة

He then marched against a people called the Hephthalites, who had taken over Tukharistan. At the outset of his reign, he had strengthened their power, because they had helped him against his brother [scil. Hurmuz]. They allegedly practiced sodomy, hence Fayruz did not deem it permissible [or: it was not deemed permissible] to leave the land in their hands. He attacked the Hephthalites, but they killed him in battle, together with four of his sons and four of his brothers, all of whom bore the title of king. The Hephthalites conquered the whole of Khurasan, until there rose up against them a man of Fars, from the people of Shiraz, among whom he was a chief, called Sukhra. Sukhra went forth with a band of followers, like a volunteer fighter and one seeking a heavenly reward for his action, until he encountered the ruler of the Hephthalites and expelled him from the land of Khurasan. The two sides now disengaged and made peace; all those members of Fayruz's army who had not by then perished and had been made captive-men, women and children-were repatriated. Fayruz had reigned for twenty-seven years.

[...]

<footnote>i Bosworth: “seven.”</footnote>
ولمَّا حَيَّتَ بلاد فيروز واستوثق له الملك وأتَّخن في اعدائه وقهرهم وفرغ من بناء هذه المدن الثلث سار بجنوده نحو خراسان
مريدًا حرب أخشنوار ملك الهياطلة فلمَا بلغ أخشنوار خبره اشتدَّ منه رعبه فذكر أن رجلاً من أصحاب أخشنوار بذل له نفسه
وقال له اقطع يديَّ ورجليَّ وألقني على طريق فيروز وأحسن إلى ولدي وعيالي يريد بذلك فيما ذكر الاحتياي لفيروز ففعل ذلك
أخشنوار بذلك الرجل والقاه على طريق فيروز فلمَّا مرَّ به أنكر حاله وسأله عن أمره فأخبره أن أخشنوار فعل ذلك به لأنه قال له لا
قوام لك بفيروز وجنود الفرس فرق له فيروز ورحمه وأمر بحملة معه فأعلمته على وجه النصح منه له فيما زعم أنه يدلَّه وأصحابه
على طريق مختصر لم يدخل إلى ملك الهياطلة منه أحد فاغتر فيروز بذلك منه وأخذ بالقوم في الطريق الذي ذكره له الأقطع فلم
يزل يقطع بهم مفازة بعد مفازة فكلما شكوا عطشًا أعلمهم أنهم قد قربوا من الماء ومن قطع المفازة حتى إذا بلغ بهم موضعًا
علم أنهم لا يقدرون فيه على ما تقدم ولا تأخر بين لهم أمره فقال أصحاب فيروز لفيروز قد كنا حذرناك هذا أيها الملك فلم
تحذر فأما الآن فلا بد من المضيَّ قدمًا حتى نوافى القوم على الحالات كلها فمضوا لوجوهم وقتل العطش أكثرهم وصار فيروز
بمن نجا معه إلى عدوهم فلمَّا أشرفوا عليهم على الحال التي هم فيها دعوا أخشنوار إلى الصلح على أن يخلى سبيلهم حتى
ينصرفوا إلى بلادهم على أن يجعل فيروز له عهد الله وميثاقه أن لا يغزوهم ولا يرون أرضهم ولا يبعث إليهم جندًا يقاتلtonem
ويجعل بين مملكتهما حَدَّاً لا يجوزه فرضي أخشنوار بذلك وكتب له به فيروز كتابًا مختومًا وأشهد له على نفسه شهودًا ثم خلَّى
سببه وانصرف

When Fayruz's land had revived and his kingly rule there was firmly established, when he had inflicted conden violence on his enemies and subdued them, and when he had completed the building of these three towns, he set off with his army for Khurasan, with the aim of making war on Akhshunwar, king of the Hephthalites. When news of this reached Akhshunwar, he was stricken with terror. It is mentioned that one of Akhshunwar's retainers offered up his life for him and told him, "Cut off my hands and feet and hurl me down in Fayruz's way; but look after my children and family." He intended by this, so it has been mentioned, to trick Fayruz. Akhshunwar did this to the man, and threw him down in Fayruz's way. When Fayruz passed by him, he was distressed at the man's state, and asked him what had happened to him. The man informed him that Akhshunwar had done that to him because he had told Akhshunwar that he would be unable to stand up against Fayruz and the Persian troops. Fayruz accordingly felt pity and compassion for him, and ordered him to be carried with him. The man told Fayruz, by way of advice, so it is alleged, that he would show him and his followers a short cut, which no one had ever previously used, to get to the king of the Hephthalites. Fayruz was taken in by this trickery, and he and his troops set off along the route the mutilated man had told him about. They kept on floundering through one desert after another, and whenever they complained of thirst, the man would tell them that they were near to water and had almost crossed the desert. Finally, when the man had brought them to a place where, he knew, they could neither go forward nor back, he revealed to them what he had done. Fayruz's retainers said to him, "We warned you about this man, O King, but you would not be warned. Now we can only go forward until we encounter the enemy, whatever the circumstances may be." So they pressed ever onward; thirst killed the greater part of them, and Fayruz went on with the survivors against the enemy. When they contemplated the state to which they had been reduced, they appealed to Akhshunwar for a peace agreement, on the basis that he would allow them freely to return to

<footnote>i Bosworth omits "Fayruz and."</footnote>
their homeland, while Fayruz would promise Akhshunwar, with an oath and an agreement sworn before God, that he would never in the future mount raids against him, covet his territories, or send against him an army to make war on them. Fayruz further undertook to establish a boundary between the two kingdoms, which he would not cross. Akhshunwar was content with these promises. Fayruz wrote for him a document, properly sealed and with his obligations guaranteed by professional witnesses. Akhshunwar then allowed him to depart, and he returned home.

فلمَا صار إلى مملكته حمله الأنف والحمية على معاودة أخشنوار فغزاه بعد أن نهاه وزراؤه وخاصته عن ذلك لما فيه من نقص العهد فلم يقبل منهم وأبي إلا ركوب رأيه وكان فيمن نهاه عن ذلك رجل كان يخصه ويجتبي رأيه يقال له مزدبوذ فلمَا رأى مزدبوذ لجانته كتب ما دار بينهما في صحيفة وسأله الختم عليها ومضى فيروز لوجهه نحو بلاد أخشنوار وقد كان أخشنوار حفر خندقا بينه وبين بلاد فيروز عظيما فلمَا انتهى إليه فيروز عقد عليه القناطر ونصب عليها رايات جعلها أعلاما له ولأصحابه في انصرافهم وجاز إلى القوم فلمَا التقى معسكرهم احتجَّ عليه أخشنوار بالكتاب الذي كتبه له ووعظه بعهده وميثاقه فأبي فيروز إلا لجاجا ومحكا وتوافقا فكلم كل واحد منهما صاحبه كلاماً طويلاً ونشبت بينهما بعد ذلك الحرب وأصحاب فيروز على فتور من أمرهم للعهد الذي كان بينهم وبين الهياطلة وأخرج أخشنوار الصحيفة التي كتبها له فيروز فرفعها على رمح وقال اللهم خذ بما في هذا الكتاب فانهزم فيروز وسها عن موضع الرايات وسقط في الخندق فهلك وأخذ أخشنوار أثقال فيروز ونساءه وأمواله ودواوينه وأصاب جند فارس شيء لم يصبهم مثله قط

However, once Fayruz arrived back in his kingdom, overweening pride and uncontrollable rashness led him to renew the war with Akhshunwar. He led an attack on Akhshunwar, despite the advice of his viziers and his close advisers against this, since it involved breaking the agreement; but he rejected their words and would only persist in following his own judgment. Among those who counseled against this course of action was a man called Muzdbuwadh who was especially close to Fayruz and whose opinion Fayruz used to seek out. When Muzdbuwadh perceived Fayruz's firm determination, he set down what had passed between him and the king in a document, which he asked Fayruz to seal. Fayruz now set off on his expedition toward Akhshunwar's territory. Akhshunwar had dug a great trench between his own and Fayruz's territory. When Fayruz came to this, he threw bridges across it and set up on them banners which would be guiding markers for him and his troops on the way back home, and then crossed over to confront the enemy. When Akhshunwar came up to their encampment, he publicly adduced before Fayruz the document with the agreement he had written for Akhshunwar, and warned him about his oath and his undertaking; but Fayruz rejected this and only persisted in his contentiousness and squaring up to his opponent. Each one of them addressed his opponent in lengthy speeches, but in the end, they became enmeshed in the toils of war. Fayruz's followers were, however, in a weakened and defeatist state because of the agreement that had existed between them and the Hephthalites. Akhshunwar brought forth the document Fayruz had written out for him and raised it up on the tip of a lance, calling out, "O God, act according to what is in this document!" Fayruz was routed, mistook the place where the standards had been set up [as markers], fell into the trench, and perished. Akhshunwar seized Fayruz's baggage, his womenfolk, his wealth, and his administrative bureaus. The Persian army suffered a defeat the like of which they had never before experienced.
وكان بسجستان رجل من أهل كورة أردشير خُرّة من الأعاجم ذو علم وبأس وبتش يقال له سوخرا ومعه جماعة من الأساورة
فلمّا بلغه خبر فيروز ركب من ليلته فاغذّ السير حتى انتهى إلى أخشنوار فأرسل إليه وآذنه بالحرب وتوعدته بالجائحة والبوار فبعث
إليه أخشنوار جيشًا عظيمًا فلمّا التقوا ركب إليهم سوخرا فوجدهم مدين، فيقال إنه رمى بعض من ورد عليه منهم رمية فوقعت
بين عيني فرسه حتى كادت النشابة تغيب في رأسه فسقط الفرس وتمكن سوخرا من راكبه فاستبقاه وقال له انصرف إلى
صاحبك فأخبره بما رأيت فانصرفوا إلى أخشنوار وحملوا الفرس معم فلمّا رأى أثر الرمية بهت وأرسل إلى سوخرا أن سل حاجتك
فقال له حاجتي أن تردّ على الديوان وتطلق الأسرى ففعل ذلك فلمّا صار الديوان في يده واستنفذ الأسرى استخرج من الديوان
بيوت الأموال التي كانت مع فيروز فكتب إلى أخشنوار أنه غير منصرف إلا بها فلمّا تبين الجدّ افتدى نفسه

There was in Sijistān a man of the Persians, from the people of the district of Ardashir Khurrah, who had insight, strength in battle, and bravery, and who was called Sukhra. He had with him a detachment of cavalrymen. When he received the news about Fayruz, he rode off that same night, traveling as far as he could, till he came up with Akhshunwar. He sent a messenger, announcing to him his intention of making war and threatening him with destruction and ruin. Akhshunwar dispatched a mighty army against Sukhra. When the two sides met, Sukhra rode out against them, and found them eager for battle. It is said that he shot an arrow at a man who had ridden out to attack him; the arrow struck the latter's horse between the eyes and became almost totally sunk in its head. The horse fell down dead, and Sukhra was able to capture its rider. Sukhra spared his life, and instructed him to go back to his master and inform him about what he had seen. The [Hephthalite] troops went back to Akhshunwar bearing with them the horse's corpse. When Akhshunwar saw the effects of the arrow shot, he was amazed, and sent a message to Sukhra, saying, "Ask whatever you want!" Sukhra told him, "I want you to return to me the government exchequer [al-diwan] and to release the captives." The king did that. When Sukhra had taken possession of the exchequer and had secured the release of the captives, he extracted from the exchequer records a certified statement of the monies that Fayruz had had with him, and then wrote to Akhshunwar that he was not going to leave without this money. When Sukhra's determination became apparent to Akhshunwar, he purchased his freedom [i.e., from the threatenings of Sukhra], by handing over the missing money.

وذكر بعض أهل العلم بأخبار الفرس من خبر فيروز وخبر أخشنوار نحوا مما ذكرت غير أنه ذكر أن فيروز لمّا خرج متوجّهًا إلى
أخشنوار استخلف على مدينة طيسبون ومدينة بُهُرسير وكانتا محلة الملوك سوخرا هذا قال وكان يقال لمّرتبه قارن وكان يلي
معهما سجستان وأن فيروز لمّا بلغ منارة كان بهرام جور ابتناها فيما بين تخوم بلاد خراسان وبلاد الترك لئلا يجوزها الترك إلى
خراسان لميثاق كان بين الترك والفرس على ترك الفريقيين التعدّى لها وكان فيروز عاهد أخشنوار أن لا يجاوزها إلى بلاد الهياطلة
أمر فيروز فضمد فيها خمسون فيلا وثلثمائة رجل فجرّت أمامه جرّا واتبعها أراد بذلك زعم الوفاء لأخشنوار بما عاهده عليه

Another authority knowledgeable about the historical narratives of the Persians has mentioned the story of Fayruz and Akhshunwar in similar terms to what I have just recounted, except that he has stated that when Fayruz set out and headed toward Akhshunwar, he appointed as his deputy over the cities of Ctesiphon and Bahurasur—the two royal residences—this person Sukhra. He related: The latter was called, on account of his rank, Qarin, and used to be governor of Sijistan as well as of the two cities. Fayruz came to a tower Bahram Jur had constructed in the zone between the border of the land of Khurasan and the land of the Turks in order that the
latter should not cross the frontier into Khurasan—all this in accordance with the covenant between the Turks and the Persians providing that each side should renounce transgressing the other's frontiers. Fayruz likewise had made an agreement with Akhshunwar not to pass beyond the tower into the land of the Hephthalites. [After reaching the tower,] Fayruz gave orders, and had fifty elephants plus three hundred men linked together, and had it [scil. the tower] dragged forward, while he came along behind it. He intended by means of this to assert that he had ostensibly kept faith with Akhshunwar regarding his agreement with him.

فبلغ أخشنوار ما كان من فيروز في أمر تلك المنارة فأرسل إليه يقول انته يا فيروز عما انتهى عنه أسلافك ولا تقدم على ما لم يقدموا عليه فلم يحفل فيروز بقوله ولم تكره رسالته وجعل يستطع محاربة أخشنوار ويدعوه إليها وجعل إخشنوار يمتنع من محاربته ويستكرهها لأن جل محاربة الترك إنما هو بالخداع والمكر والمكايда وان أخشنوار أمر فحفر خلف عسكره خندق عرضه عشرة أذرع وعمقه عشرون ذراعاً وغمى بخشب ضعاف وألقى عليه تراباً ثم ارتحل في جنده فمضى غير بعيد

Akhshunwar got news of what Fayruz was up to in connection with that tower. He sent an envoy to Fayruz with the message, “Desist, O Fayruz, from what your forefathers abandoned, and don’t embark on what they didn’t attempt to do!” Fayruz took no notice of his words and Akhshunwar’s message left him unmoved. He began to try and tempt Akhshunwar into a direct military engagement and summoned him to this, but Akhshunwar kept on holding back and showing an aversion for this, because the Turks’ method of warfare consists for the most part in trickery, deceitfulness, and stratagems. Furthermore, Akhshunwar ordered a trench to be dug behind the lines of his own army, ten cubits wide and twenty cubits deep. He had light branches of wood laid over it and then had it covered with earth. Then he retired with his troops to a spot not too far away. Fayruz received news of Akhshunwar’s departure from his encampment with his troops, and had no doubt that this meant Akhshunwar’s withdrawal and flight. He ordered the drums to be beaten, and rode out at the head of his troops in pursuit of Akhshunwar and his followers. They rushed forward impetuously, heading directly toward that trench. But when they reached it, they rushed blindly on to the trench’s covering. Fayruz and the whole mass of his army fell into the pit and perished to the last man. Akhshunwar wheeled round to Fayruz’s encampment and took possession of everything there. He took captive the Chief Mobadh, and among Fayruz’s womenfolk who fell into his hands was Fayruzdukht his daughter. Akhshunwar gave orders for the corpses of Fayruz and all those who had fallen into that trench with him to be retrieved, and they were laid out on funerary structures Akhshunwar sent for Fayruzdukht, wishing to join with her in sexual congress, but she refused.

وإن خبر هلاك فيروز سقط إلى بلاد فارس فارتجوا له وفرعوا حتى إذا استقرت حقيقة خبره عند سوخرا تأهَب وسار في عظم من كان قبله من الجند إلى بلاد الهياطلة فلمَّ بلغ جرجان بلغ أخشنوار خبر مسيره لمحاربته فاستعدّ وأقبل ملتقيا له، وأرسل إليه يستخبره عن خبره ويسأله عن اسمه ومرتبته فأرسل أنه رجل يقال له سوخرا ولمرتبته قارن وأنه إنما سار إليه لينتقم منه لفيروز فأرسل إليه أخشنوار يقول إن سبيلك في الأمر الذي قدمت له كسبيل فيروز إذ لم يعقبه في كثرة جنوده من محاربته إياى إلا الهلكة والبوار فلم ينهنه سوخرا قول أخشنوار ولم يعاب به وأمر جنوده فاستعدوا وتسلحوا وزحف إلى أخشنوار لشدة إقدامه وحدة قلبه فطلب موادعته وصلحه فلم يقبل منه سوخرا صلحًا دون أن يصير في يده كل شيء صار عنده من عسكر فيروز فسلَّم
VIII. Arabic Sources

أخشنوار إليه ما أصاب من أموال فيروز وخزائنه ومرابطه ونسائه وفيهن فيروز دخت ودفع إليه موبذان موبذ وكل أحد كان عنده من
عظماء الفرس فانصرف سوخرا بذلك كله إلى بلاد الفرس

When the news of Fayruz's death reached the Persian lands, the people were thrown into perturbation and terror. However, when Sukhra became convinced of the exact truth of Fayruz's fate, he got ready and advanced with the greater part of the troops at his disposal against the Hephthalite lands. When Sukhra reached Jurjan, Akhshunwar received news of his expedition to attack him, so he prepared for war and moved toward engaging Sukhra in battle; and at the same time he sent to Sukhra asking him about his intentions and enquiring what his name and his official position were. Sukhra sent back the message that he was a man with the personal name of Sukhra and the official rank of Qarin, and that his intention in marching against Akhshunwar was to take vengeance on him for Fayruz's death. Akhshunwar returned a message to him: "Your way of proceeding in this affair you have undertaken is exactly like Fayruz's was, since despite the numerousness of his troops, the sole consequence of his attacking me was his own destruction and perdition." But Akhshunwar's words did not deter Sukhra, and he paid no heed to them. He gave orders to his troops, and they got ready for battle and girded on their weapons. He moved forward against Akhshunwar, advancing with firm determination and a keen mind [literally, 'heart)]. Akhshunwar sought a truce and a peace agreement with Sukhra, but the latter refused to contemplate any peace agreement with him unless he could recover everything Akhshunwar had appropriated from Fayruz's encampment. So Akhshunwar returned to him everything he had seized from Fayruz's camp, including his treasuries, the contents of his stables, and his womenfolk, including Fayruzdukht, and he handed back to him the Chief Mobadh and every single one of the great men of the Persians in his possession. Sukhra then went back to the land of the Persians with all that.

[...]

VIII.002/C. Qubadh I

Text from Goeje (1879–1901, I(2): 883–887); translation from Bosworth (1999, 128–36).

ثم ملك قباذ بن فيروز بن يزدجرد بن بهرام جور، وكان قباذ قبل أن يصير الملك إليه قد صار إلى خاقان مستنصراً به على أخيه
بلاش

Then there succeeded to the royal power Qubadh, son of Fayruz, son of Yazdajird [II], son of Bahram [V] Jur. Before Qubadh attained the throne, he had fled to Khaqan, seeking help from him against his brother Balash.

[...]

ومضى قباذ إلى خاقان فلمّا وصل إليه أعلمه أنه ابن ملك فارس وأن أخاه ضادته في الملك وغلبه وأنه أتاه يستنصره فوعده أحسن
العدة ومكث قباذ عند خاقان أربع سنين يدافعه بما وعده فلمّا طال الأمر على قباذ أرسل إلى امرأة خاقان يسألها أن تتّخذه ولداً
وأن تكلّم فيه زوجها وتسألها إنجاز عدته ففعلت ولم تزل تحمل على خاقان حتى وجّه مع قباذ جيشاً فلمّا انصرف قباذ بذلك
الجيش
Qubadh traveled on to Khaqan, and when he reached him, he told him that he was the son of the king of Persia and that his brother had contested the throne with him and had gained the upper hand. Hence he was now coming to Khaqan seeking help. The latter gave him fine promises, but Qubadh remained at Khaqan's court for four years, during which Khaqan kept putting off his promise to Qubadh. Qubadh became tired of waiting and sent a message to Khaqan's wife requesting her to adopt him as her own child, and requesting her to speak with her husband regarding him and ask him to fulfill his promise. She did this, and kept on at length pressing Khaqan until he dispatched an army with Qubadh.

[...]

وهرب قباذ فلحق بأرض الهياطلة ليستمدّ ملكها ويستجيشه فيحارب من خالفه وخلعه

Qubadh now took to flight until he reached the land of the Hephthalites, in order to ask their king to help him and to provide him with an army, so that he might make war on those who had rebelled against him and deposed him.

[...]

وارتتجع بلاداً كانت من مملكة فارس خرج بعضها من يد الملك قباذ إلى ملوك الأمم لعلل شتى وأسباب منها السند ويُست والرُّخَّج وزائِلِستان وطُخَّارستان ودردستان وكابلستان وأعظم القتل في أُمَّة يقال لها البارز وأجلى بقيّتهم عن بلادهم وأسكنهم مواضع من بلاد مملكته واذعنوا له بالعبودية واستعان بهم في حروبهم وأمر فاسرت أُمَّة أخرى يقال لها صول وقُدِّم بهم عليه

He recovered lands belonging to the kingdom of Persia, some of which had slipped out of the hand of King Qubadh and into the control of other monarchs of the nations, through various causes and reasons, including Sind, Bust, al-Rukhkhaj, Zabulistan, Tukharistan, Dardistan and Kabulistan. He inflicted extensive slaughter among a people called the Bariz, transported the remaining ones of them from their land, and resettled them in various places of his kingdom. They submitted to him as his servants, and he utilized them in his military campaigns. He gave orders for another people, called the Sul, to be made captives, and they were brought before him.

[...]

وكان الملك فيروز بنى في ناحية صول ولّان بناءً بصخرٍ إرادة أن يحصّن بلاده عن تناول تلك الأمم إياها وأحدث الملك قباذ بن فيروز من بعد أبيه في تلك المواطن بناءً كثيراً حتى إذا ملك كسرى أمر فبنيت في ناحية صول بصخرٍ منحوتٍ في ناحية جرجان مدنٍ وحصونٍ وآكامٍ وينيانٍ كثيرٌ ليكون حرزاً لأهل بلاده يلجئون إليها من عدوٍ إن دهمهم وإن سنجبو خاقان كان أمنع الترك وأشجعهم وأعزّهم وأكثرهم جنوداً وهو الذي قاتل وزر ملك الهياطلة غير خائف كثرة الهياطلة ومنعتهم فقتل وزر ملكها وعامة جنوده وغنم أموالهم واحتوى على بلادهم إلا ما كان كسرى غلب عليه منها

King Fayruz had previously erected in the regions of the Sul and al-Lan buildings of stone, with the intention of strengthening his lands against the encroachments there of those nations.
Moreover, King Qubadh, son of Fayruz, had begun the construction, after his father, of a great number of building works in those regions, until, when Kisra achieved the royal power, he gave orders for the construction in the region of the Sul, with stone hewn in the vicinity of Jurjan, of towns, castles, fortified mounds and many other buildings, which would serve as a protection for the people of his lands, where they might seek refuge from the enemy in the event of a sudden attack.

The Khaqan Sinjibu was the most implacable, the most courageous, the most powerful, and the most plentifully endowed with troops of all the Turks. It was he who attacked W.r.z(?) the king of the Hephthalites, showing no fear of the numerousness or the fierce fighting qualities of the Hephthalites, and then killed their king W.r.z and the greater part of his troops, seizing their possessions as plunder and occupying their lands, with the exception of the part of them that Kisra had conquered.

[...]

ثم سار بعد ذلك إلى الهياطلة مطالباً بوتر فيروز جدّه وقد كان أنوشروان صاهر خاقان قبل ذلك فكتب إليه قبل شخوصه يعلمه ما عزم عليه ويأمره بالمسير إلى الهياطلة فاتاهم فقتل ملكهم واستأصل أهل بيته وتجاوز بلخ وما وراءها وأنزل جنوده فرغانة ثم انصرف من خراسان فلمَا صار بالمدائن وافاه قوم يستنصرونه على الحبشة فبعث معهم قائدًا من قواده في جند من أهل الديلم وما يليها فقتلوا مسروقاً الحبشي باليمن وأقاموا بها ولم يزل مظفراً منصوراً تهابه جميع الأمم ويحضر بابه من وفودهم عدد كثير من الترك والصين والخزر ونظرائهم.

After this, he led an expedition against the Hephthalites, seeking revenge for his grandfather Fayruz. Previously, Anusharwan had married Khaqan's daughter, so he now wrote to him before setting off on the expedition, informing him of his intentions and enjoining him to march against the Hephthalites. Anusharwan came up against them, killed their king, and extirpated the whole of his family. He penetrated to Balkh and what lies beyond it and quartered his troops in Farghanah. He then returned home from Khurasan. When he got back to al-Mada'in, a deputation came to him seeking help against the Abyssinians. So he sent back with them one of his commanders heading an army of the men of Daylam and adjacent regions; they killed the Abyssinian Masruq in Yemen and remained there.

Thus Kisra enjoyed an unbroken run of victories and conquests; all the nations were in awe of him; and numerous delegations from the Turks, the Chinese, the Khazars, and similar [distant] nations thronged his court.

### VIII.003. Mas‘ūdī

Abū l-Ḥasan ‘Alī ibn al-Ḥusayn ibn ‘Alī al-Mas‘ūdī, *Murūj al-Dhahab wa-ma‘ādin al-Jawhar*. Text from ‘Abd al-Ḥamīd (1980); translation from Pellat et al. (1962, 261, 263, 267).
VIII.003/A. Vahrâm V

وقد كان خرج في أيامه خاقان ملك الترك إلى الصغد وشن الغارات في بلاده وقبل إنه أتى إلى بلاد الري وإن بهرام كتب أجناده
وتنكب الطريق في اليسير من جريدة أصحابه حتى أتى على خاقان في جنوده وسار نحو العراق برأسه

§612 C'est du vivant de ce prince que le khâqân, roi des Turcs, envahit la Sogdiane, ravagea les Etats de Vahrâm et s'avança, dit-on, jusqu'à Ragès. Vahrâm, après avoir rassemblé son armée, marcha avec quelques cavaliers par un chemin détourné, surprit le roi des Turcs au milieu de son camp et rapporta sa tête dans l'Irak.

VIII.003/B. Fîrûz

[وكان ملك فيروز إلى أن] هلك على يدي ملك الهياطلة أخشنواز بمرو الروذ من بلاد خراسان سبعاً وعشرین سنة والهياطلة هم الصغد وهم بين بخارى وسمرقند

§617 Il périt à Marw ar-Rûdh, dans le Khorassan, de la main d'Akhshunwâz, roi des Hephtalites, après un règne de 27 ans. On nomme Hephtalites les Sogdiens, qui habitent entre Bokhara et Samarcande.

VIII.003/C. Anouchirvan

وقد كان أنوشروان سار إلى ما وراء نهر بَلَخَ وانتهى إلى ختلان وقتل أخشنواز ملك الهياطلة بجده فيروز وملك مملكته وأضافها
إلى ملكه

§625 Anouchirvan avait fait précédemment une expédition en Tranoxiane, jusqu'au Khuttalân ; il vengea son aïeul Fîrûz en faisant périr Akhshunwâz roi des Hephtalites, conquit son royaume et le réunit à l'empire perse.

## VIII.2. Christian Sources

*Selected by Mark Dickens, prepared and revised by Orsolya Varsányi*

VIII.004. Chronicle of Se‘ert

Between 864 and 1020.

VIII.004/A. Chapter 1.5, The Story of the Roman Maidens

Text and translation from Addai Scher (1908, 224–25). See also Mark Dickens’s commentary to Text VII.010.
لما رجع سابور من بلاد الروم بالغنائم والسي حسده الملوك المخالفون له الذين في أقصى حدود مملكته. وعملوا على قصده ومحاربه. فأهدى إلى اولياحين ملك الكفراثنن جواهراً وثياباً حسنة لا يوجد مثلها في مملكته وثلثمائة جارية ابكاراً ممن سباهم من الروم اختارهن والبسهن الثياب الفاخرة والجواهر النفيسة. وانفذ معهن رسلاً. وتقدم اليهن «أن» يتعاهدهن في الطريق. وأن يغتسلن في كل ثلثة أيام لئلا يتغير ألوانهن. فلمَا حصلوا في الطريق وعلمن آتهن يهدين إلى الملك الأعجمي اخترن الموت على الحياة. وتشاورن فيما بينهن في اتلاف أنفسهن ليتحلصن من نجاسة المسويس. فقصد بهن الرسل بعض الانهار الكبار الكثيرة الماء ليغتسلن فيه وبعد عنهن. فأخذ بعضهن بيد بعض واغرقن أنفسهن. فلم يتخلص منهن إلا اليسير فأخذهن الرسل وأوصلوهن. فاستقامت الحال بينه وبين سابور. ومات سابور بن أردشير. وكانت مدة ملكه اثنتين وثلاثين سنة.

Lorsque Sapor revint du pays des Romains, emmenant des captifs et du butin, les rois ses ad-
versaires qui habitaient sur les frontières les plus reculées lui portèrent envie et résolurent d’aller
le combattre. Il envoya alors à Ouliâhin (?), roi des Kafrathnatan,<fnref n="1" /> des diamants et des habits
très beaux comme on n’en trouvait pas de pareils dans son royaume. Il lui envoya aussi trois
cents jeunes filles vierges, de Celles qu’il avait prises captives chez les Romains. Il les choisit,
les revêtit d’habits magnifiques et de diamants et les fit accompagner par des ambassadeurs. Il
leur ordonna de prendre soin d’elles pendant la route et de se baigner tous les trois jours, de peur
que leur couleur ne changeât. Lorsqu’elles furent en route et qu’elles apprirent qu’elles étaient
envoyées comme présents au roi barbare, elles préférèrent la mort à la vie et délibérèrent com-
ment elles échapperaient à la corruption de ce roi. Les ambassadeurs les menèrent près d’un
grand fleuve pour qu’elles s’y baignassent et s’éloignèrent d’elles. Alors, se tenant toutes par la
main, elles se noyèrent. Un très petit nombre seulement fut sauvé : les délégués les prirent et les
firent parvenir au roi. Depuis ce moment, il y eut entente entre lui et Sapor. Et Sapor, fils d’Ar-
daschir, mourut après avoir régné trente-deux ans.

VIII.004/B. Chapter 1.65, The Story of King Jazdgerd

Text and translation (by Pierre Dib) from Addai Scher (1910, 316).

ملك بعد ورهاران يزدجرد أخوه المعروف بالأثيم. فصالح الروم وتزوج ببنت ملك الكفراس ونقلها إليه. وقصد من قتل أخاه وغلظ على روساء مملكته ووضع منهم. فعاتبه بعض من يأنس به على فعله. وقال له. البناء لا يقوم إلا على أساس. وإذ لم يكن أساس فكيف يقوم البناء. وقد عاملت في أول أمرك رؤساء مملكتك بمعاملة قبيحة اوصلت اليهم وإلى قلوبهم مكان السرور حزنًا. فأي شي يكون آخر أمرك معهم. فقال لهم. أنتم قتلتم الملكين واستحيقيتم مني ما أفعله بكم. وإن استقامت طريقتكم أحسنت اليكم. فحرب رعيته واستقامت له الأمور.

Après Bahrâm [Varhârân], Jazdgerd l’impie, son frère, monta sur le trône. Il conclut un traité de paix avec les Romains. Il offrit sa main à la fille du roi des Ḩephtaristes et la conduisit chez lui. Puis il rechercha l’assassin de son frère. Il se montra très dur à l’égard des chefs de son royaume et abaissa leur crédit. Mais quelques-uns de ses amis désapprouvèrent sa manière d’agir : « L’édifice, lui disaient-ils, ne peut subsister sans fondement. S’il n’a pas de fondement, comment peut-il tenir debout? Dès le début de ton règne tu as maltraité les chefs de ton royaume

<footnote n="1">¹ S’agit il des Ephtalites ou Huns Blancs? (Scher)</footnote>
et, ainsi, tu les as grandement attristés au lieu de les réjouir ; à quoi veux-tu aboutir? » Le roi leur répondit : « Vous avez massacré les deux rois et mérité dès lors ces mauvais traitements. Je serai bienveillant si vous prenez le droit chemin. » Cette conduite le fit craindre de ses sujets ; et son autorité s'affermit.

VIII.004/C. Chapter 2.5, The Death of Piroz

Text and translation from Addai Scher (1911, 107–8).

بعد سنتين من رجوع فيروز من ناحية الترك وخلاصه من يد ملك الهياطلة عاود بشره ملك الهياطلة واطرح ما عاقدهم عليه وضمنه لهم وأراد الانتقام منهم وإزالة ملكهم ليزول العار الذي لحقه مما فعلوه به ولم يفكر في امهال الله تعالى إياه ونذز أن عاد من هناك سليماً أن يبطل ديانة النصرانية. وقسا قلبه مثل فرعون ولم يعلم الشقى أنه بواره. وتقدم قبل خروجه إلى مرزبان العراق بهدم البيع والديارات إلى أن يعود من سفره. فهدم اسكول مر عبدا وديارات كثيرة واغتم النصارى بذلك. وهرب قوم منهم إلى المواضع البعيدة وقتل في طريقه ثلثائة نفس من النصارى.

Piroz, deux ans après son retour du pays des Turcs et sa délivrance de la main du roi des Haïtal,¹ pour se venger de l'affront qu'il avait reçu, revint à la charge, violant ainsi l'alliance qu'il avait conclue avec ces peuples, cassant le contrat et se décidant à faire périr leur roi. Sans songer à la longanimité de Dieu envers lui, il fit vœu que, s'il revenait de là sain et sauf, il anéantirait la religion chrétienne. Son cœur s'endurcit comme celui de Pharaon : le malheureux ne savait pas que c'était là que la punition l'attendait. Avant son départ, il ordonna au Marzban d'Iraq de détruire les églises et les monastères, en attendant son retour. Celui-ci démolit l'École de Mar 'Abda et beaucoup de monastères. Les chrétiens en furent affligés, et plusieurs d'entre eux se réfugèrent en des lieux lointains. Piroz, sur son chemin, massacra trois cents chrétiens.

ولما رأى الهياطلة فعله ورجوعه وغدره حاربوه حرباً شديداً. ففتقوا أكثر رجاله وانهزم الباقون. وفرع فيروز أن يوخذ أسيراً. فأتَكَى على سيفه كما فعل شاول. ولم يعلم به الهياطلة حتى وجدوه مطروحاً بين القتلى.

Les Haïtal, ayant aperçu son mouvement, son retour et sa perfidie, lui livrèrent un combat acharné, dans lequel ils tuèrent la plupart de ses soldats ; les autres prirent la fuite. Piroz, de peur d'être fait prisonnier, se jeta sur son épée, à l'instar de Saül, et se tua. Les Haïtal ne le surent que lorsqu'ils le trouvèrent étendu parmi les morts.

وأراح الله منه وعاد كيده في نحره وبلاه عليه. وكفى النصارى أمره ولم يسلم الله شعبه في يده. وهكذا فعل الله بفرعون لما أراد قصد بني اسرائيل أغره في البحر. وسنحاريب لما نذر هلاك بني اسرائيل واخراب بيت المقدس قتل في بيت أصنامه.

Dieu en délivra [les hommes] ; ses stratagèmes se retournèrent contre lui et sa violence [rejaillit] sur lui. Dieu détourna ce coup des chrétiens et ne les lui livra point. C'est ainsi qu'il avait puni Pharaon, en le faisant engloutir par la mer, parce qu'il avait résolu de molester les enfants d'Israël ; c'est ainsi qu'a été massacré dans le temple de ses idoles Sennachérib [Sanhârib], qui avait juré la perte des enfants d'Israël et la ruine de Jérusalem.

<footnote>i Notre auteur les appelle ailleurs tantôt Haphtarites, tantôt Turcs. Ce sont les Huns Blancs, qui occupaient la Bactriane et les régions voisines de l'Oxus. (Scher, abbreviated.)</footnote>
Text and translation from Addai Scher (1911, 124–25).

لما اختار الفرس ميلاس بن فيروز وتركوا قباد غلظ عليه وقصد ملك الهفتنين وعزقه ما جرى من أمر ميلاس حتى ملك. وأقام عنده ثلث سنين. فأكرمه وانفذ معه في السنة الرابعة جيشاً لقتال أخيه. فلما صار إلى المدائن وجده قد مات وكفى الناس الحرب وسفك الدمَّا. وكانت مدته أربع سنين. وقيل سملوا عينيه وقتلوه وبنى مدينة على الزاب في أرض المرج.

Quand les Persans élurent Milas, fils de Piroz, et rejetèrent Qawad [Qabâd], celui-ci, irrité, se rendit auprès du roi des Haphtarites, et lui raconta l'histoire de Milas jusqu'à son avènement. Il fut bien accueilli et resta chez lui trois ans. La quatrième année il l'envoya avec des troupes pour combattre son frère. A son arrivée à Séleucie [Al-Madâïn], il le trouva mort. Ainsi les gens furent quittes de la guerre et du sang versé. Il avait régné quatre ans. Il y en a qui disent qu'on le massacra, après lui avoir crevé les yeux. Il avait bâti une ville sur les rives du [grand] Zab, dans le territoire de Marga [Al-Mardj].

وملك قباد بلا مشقة. وانفذ الهدايا إلى ملك الهفتنين وأحسن إلى رعيته ولم يكافئهم على ما فعلوه. وكان أعظم ملوك تواضعاً وسكوناً وفهماً للمجوسية وعنى في أول أمره بنا المدن والقرى. وعمل القناطر والجسور على الانهار وليستخرج المياه في المواضع الصعبة. وبنى عدَّة قرى بالموصل والعراق ونقل إليها الناس من سائر الأماكن وأمرهم بالعمارة. وأطلق بنا البيع والديارات وقوَّى مذهب زرادشت في الاعتراف بأزليين كبيرين وان النسا مبذولون للرجال لا ينفرد أحد بامراة دون صاحبه

Qawad régna sans difficulté ; il envoya des présents au roi des Haphtarites. Bien loin de punir ses sujets de ce qu'ils avaient fait, il leur fit au contraire du bien. Il était le plus doux des rois de Perse et le plus versé dans le magisme. Au commencement de son règne, il s'appliqua à bâtir des villes et des villages. Il jeta sur les rivières des ponts en pierre et en bois; il fit monter l'eau en des endroits difficiles ; il bâtit dans les régions de Mossoul et d'Iraq beaucoup de villages, où il transporta des gens venus d'ailleurs qu'il appliqua à l'agriculture. Il donna la permission de bâtir des églises et des couvents ; il soutint la doctrine de Zoroastre¹ [Zarâdošt] qui reconnaissait deux grands et éternels principes et la communauté des femmes, en sorte qu'aucun homme ne devait s'unir à une femme à l'exclusion d'un autre.

وسأله المجوس العدول عمَّا أمر به من استعمال مذهب زرادشت. فلم يجئهم وقال هكذاى توجب المجوسية لا تتمتع المرأة ان تنزوّج سراً سوى زوجها. واذا ولدت من غيره نسبته اليه. فاحتالوا في قتله فلم يمكنهم. ثم وجدوا سيلاً فخلعوه من ملكه بعد عشر سنين

Les Mages le prièrent d'annuler les lois dans lesquelles il prescrivait les pratiques de la religion de Zoroastre ; il refusa en leur disant : « Le magisme ordonne que la femme ne soit point empêchée de s'unir secrètement à un autre mari que le sien [...] » Ils employèrent des ruses pour le tuer, mais ils ne purent. Enfin au bout de dix ans de règne, ils parvinrent à le déposer.ii

<footnote>i Mazdak, qui prêchait la communauté des biens et des femmes. (Scher, abbreviated.)</footnote>

<footnote>ii En 496. (Scher)</footnote>
VIII.004/E. Chapter 2.14, The Story of Zamasp

Text and translation from Addai Scher (1911, 127–28).

لما خلع قباد اختار المجوس دامسف وجعلوه مكانه. وحبس قباد. فاجتهدت أخته الوصول إليه فلم يمكنها. وسألت دامسف دفعات إلى أن أطلق لها الدخول إليه والمقام عنده. وما زالت تحتال في اخراج أخيها من الحبس إلى أن وجدت سبيلاً في بعض الأوقات. فلفته في فراش واظهرت أنها ثياب الحيض. واحضرت القصار ليحملها ويغسلها. ولم يقرب الموكلون بالحبس منها بسبب نجاستها. وتخلص قباد ومضى إلى بلد الترك لما كان بينهما من المودة والأنس بسبب مقامه عنده في أيام أبيه. واستعان به. وانفذ معه جيشاً وعاد إلى مملكته وازعل دامسف بعد سنتين ملك فيها ولم يقبله. وقتل خلقاً من المجوس وحبس جماعة وأحسن إلى النصارى لان قوماً منهم خدموه في طريقه إلى بلد الترك.

Les mages, après avoir déposé Qawad, élurent Zamasp [Dhâmâsf] à sa place ; quant à Qawad, il fut jeté en prison. Sa sœur voulut parvenir jusqu'à lui, mais elle n'y réussit pas malgré ses efforts réitérés. Elle s'adressa alors à Zamasp, qui, cédant à ses instances, lui permit d'entrer chez son frère et de rester auprès de lui. Dès lors, elle ne cessa d'employer des ruses pour le faire sortir de prison. Finalement, elle eut recours au stratagème que voici : elle enveloppa sou frère dans une natte, et, déclarant que c'étaient les habits, dont elle s'était servie pendant ses règles, elle fit venir le blanchisseur pour les emporter et les laver. Les gardes de la prison n'en approchèrent pas, crainte d'être souillés : ainsi Qawad s'échappa et s'enfuit auprès du roi des Turcs,¹ avec lequel il avait déjà contracté une étroite amitié, lors de son séjour chez lui du temps de son père. Ayant imploré son secours, il obtint de lui des troupes avec lesquelles il retourna dans son pays, renversa Zamasp, après deux ans de règne, et le rejeta ; il tua quelques mages et en emprisonna plusieurs. Il fut bienveillant envers les chrétiens, parce que quelques-uns d'entre eux lui avaient rendu des services dans sa fuite au pays des Turcs.

VIII.004/F. Chapter 2.24, The Story of Kosrau Anoširwan

Text and translation from Addai Scher (1911, 146–47).

ملك قباد اثنتين واربعين سنة وكانت له عدة اولاد واوصى قبل موته بالملك لكسرى انوشراوان ابنه الذي ولد في بلاد الترك في وقت هربه إليها وكان يحبه اكثر من سائر اولاده. فلما مات قباد أبوه أظهر العهد الذي عهد له. فقبله المجوس وقتل أخوته وروسا الجيش خوفا مما جرى على أبيه منهم وكان عالما بالفلسفة فهما بها وقيل انه تعلمها على مر برصوما اسقف قردا في وقت مقامه بها وعلى فولوس الفيلسوف الفارسي الذي كفر بالنصرانية لما لم تتم له مطرنة فارس. وما زال يميل الى النصارى ويفضل مذهبهم على سائر المذاهب الى ان ابطل الصلح بينه وبين الروم. وتأخر مار ابا عن الخروج معه الى بلد الروم فانه تغير عليه واظهر بغضه الا ان النصارى كانوا في خدمة ابيه واعتق كسرى مذهب ماني في القول بالاهين قديمين خير وشرير وابطل مذهب زرادشت.

Qawad régna quarante-deux ans; il avait beaucoup d'enfants; avant sa mort, il désigna comme successeur Kosrau [Kisrâ] Anoširwan, qu'il avait eu dans la région des Turcs pendant qu'il y était en fuite. Il l'aimait plus que tous ses autres enfants. Kosrau, ayant montré après la mort de

<footnote>i Notre auteur les appelle ailleurs Haïțal, Haphtarites. (Scher, abbreviated.)</footnote>

<footnote>ii Il mourut en 531. (Scher)</footnote>
VIII. Arabic Sources

son père le testament que celui-ci avait fait an sa faveur, fut accueilli par les mages. Il massacra ses propres frères et les généraux de l'armée, de peur qu'il ne lui arrivât ce qui était déjà arrivé à son père. Il était très versé dans la philosophie, qu'il avait apprise, dit-on, chez Mar Bar Sauma, évêque de Qardou [Qardâ], durant son séjour dans cette région, et chez Paul le philosophe perse, qui, n'ayant pu obtenir le siège métropolitain de Perse, renonça à la religion chrétienne. Il avait de la sympathie pour les chrétiens et préférait leur religion a toutes les autres. Mais, la paix entre lui et les Grecs ayant été rompue, et Mar Aba ayant tardé à sortir avec lui au pays des Grecs, il changea de conduite et manifesta sa haine. Toutefois les chrétiens étaient à son service comme ils avaient été déjà au service de son père. Kosrau s'attacha à la doctrine de Mani, qui admettait deux dieux éternels : le bon et le mauvais, et abrogea la religion de Zoroastre.

VIII.004/G. Chapter 2.29, Catholicos Mar Aba

Text and translation from Addai Scher (1911, 170).

ويحكى ان رجلاً احضره مر ابا من البرابرة جافى القامة غليظ الجثة رث الثوب فتلطف في تدبيره له حتى سفره ونظفه والبسه
الثوب من الصوف الخشن واسمه على العجم وادخله على الملك ولقنه كيف يسلم على الملك ويدعو له فلما رآه عجب من
حسن تدبير الجاثليق وتمييزه ولطفه لانه كان قد شاهده اولا واستقطع حالته

On rapporte que Mar Aba avait amené de chez les barbares un homme de haute et forte taille, vêtu de haillons. Il se montra très gracieux à son égard, le fit raser et laver, le revêtit d'un habit de laine grossière et l'ordonnai pour les barbares. Puis, après lui avoir indiqué comment il devait saluer le roi el lui offrir ses vœux, il l'introduisit chez lui. En l'apercevant, le roi admira la sagesse du catholicos, son discernement et sa bonté ; car il l'avait déjà vu auparavant et avait compris qui il était.

VIII.005. *The Annals of Eutychius of Alexandria* (Sa'id ibn Batriq)

Circa 935. Text from Michael Breydy (1985) volume I; translation from volume II.

VIII.005/A. Bahram-_Gor

Text and translation from Breydy (1985, I: 93–94, II: 77–78).

فملك بهرام ويقال له بهرام جور على الفرس ثماني عشرة سنة واحد عشر شهراً. وذلك في اثنتي عشرة سنة من مُلك تدوس
الصغير ملك الروم وسار فيهم سيرة حسنة فحبُّوه ثم لم يزل مؤثراً الفتوة واللهو حتى لامه الناس وطمع من كان حوله من الملوك
في استباحة ارضه فغزاه خاقان الاكبر ملك الترك في خمس وعشرين ربوة من الجنود وكل ملك كان للترك يسمَّى خاقان حتى
نزل الشعب فقالوا لبهرام ائُّها الملك انه قد دهمك من الامر ما فيه لنا ولك شغل عن اللهو فانظر في أمر هذه الامة فاصلحه
وذب عنها وأَمَن خوفها فلم يقبل منهم بهرام وخرج يريد ناحية ادرييجان وارمينية لينسك في بيت نارها فلم تشك الناس أن ذلك
منه هرب فجلسوا يتوامرون فقالوا: ليس لنا بخاقان طاقة فنعطيه الجزية ونفدي انفسنا واراضينا غير نرسي اخوبهرام واذرناد القاضي

<footnote>i Prêtre ou évêque. L'auteur fait-il allusion au prêtre que le chef des Haïtal envoya a Mar Aba pour le consacrer évêque? (Scher)</footnote>
فانهما قالا لن نطوعكم على هذا . فلمًا بلغ خاقان خضوع اهل العراق أمن ووضع السلاح. فاتى بهرام رجل فاعلمه بانه قد امنواغتر فسار اليه بهرام فكبسه ليلاً فقتل خاقان بيده وفشا القتل في أصحابه ثم رجع بهرام سالماً وعمد الى كل ما كان في يديه من اهل خاقان وجنوده ونسايبهم فاباحهم الناس فلمًا بلغ الخبر الى ارض الترك وما لقي خاقان هربوا الى اقاصي اراضيهم وولي نرسي اخاه خراسان وانصرف الى اذربيجان لا ينزل مسكناً إلا تنسك فيه تنسكاً وذبح فيه ذبائحاً شكرًا لله حتى اذا نظر الى بيت نار اذربيجان نزل عن دابته يمشي حتى دخل تعظيمًا له ثم امر بما كان في اكليل خاقان من الياقوت الاحمر والجوهر الفاخر فغلق على باب ذلك البيت ونحل تلك النار بسيف خاقان المحلّى باللؤلؤ.

[233] Bahram, den man auch Bahram-Ğor nennt, herrschte über die Perser 18 Jahre und 11 Monate. Dies war im 12. Jahr der Herrschaft von Thedos dem Jüngeren, dem König der Rūm. Er hat sich gut geführt, und sie haben ihn geliebt. Dann aber bevorzugte er die Jugend und den Zeitvertreib, und die Leute tadelten ihn. Die Könige in seiner Nachbarschaft begehrten, sich sein Land anzueignen. Und der Grosse Khaqan, König der Türken,griff ihn mit 25 Zehntausenden Soldaten an — Jeder König der Türken wird Khaqan genannt — und kam bis Sağab (oder Saʻab?). (Die Leute) sagten zu Bahram: Oh König, es ist auf dich etwas angekommen, was uns und dich von deinem Zeitvertreib abbringen sollte! Schau zu, wie du die Angelegenheiten dieses Volkes ordnen kannst und verteidige es und gib den Geängstigten Sicherheit. Er billigte (ihre Worte) nicht und zog in Richtung Aderbağian und Armenien aus, um dort als Asket in den Feuerhäusern zu leben. Die Leute aber bezweifelten nicht, daß dies einer seiner Ausflüchte war. Sie saßen also zusammen und konferierten (konspirierten). Sie sagten: Wir haben keine Kraft gegen Khaqan. Laßt uns ihm eine Steuer geben und kaufen wir uns selbst und unsere Ländereien ihm ab. Narsai, der Bruder von Bahram, und Aznad, der Richter, sagten: Wir sind nicht einverstanden. Als Khaqan die Unterwerfung der Iraqer erfuhr, fühlte er sich sicher und vernachlässigte die Waffen. Es kam ein Mann zu Bahram und meldete ihm, daß (Khaqan) sich sicher fühlte und schon eitel geworden sei. Bahram ging hin und überfiel ihn nachts. Er tötete Khaqan mit eigener Hand und verbreitete den Tod unter seinen Gefährten. Danach kehrte Bahram wohlerhalten zurück und übergab den Leuten alles, was er von den Angehörigen Khaqans und von seinen Soldaten und deren Frauen erbeutet hatte. Als diese Nachricht und das Ende von Khaqan das Land der Türken erreichten, flüchteten sie bis an die tiefsten Grenzen ihrer Länder. (Bahram) setzte seinen Bruder Narsai zum Statthalter über Khorasan ein und ging selbst nach Aderbağian. Unterwegs bescherte er allen Ortschaften mit Feuerhäusern Frömmigkeitswerke und opferte (viele) Opfer als Dank an Gott. Als er das Feuerhaus von Aderbağian (aus der Ferne) erblickte, stieg er von seinem Reittier ab und ging zu Fuß bis zum Eingang, um seine Verehrung zu zeigen. Er befahl dann, die Edelsteine aus der Krone von Khaqan an der Tür des (Feuer)hauses aufzuhängen: es waren Rubine und exzellente Perlen. Er schmückte auch das Feuerhaus mit dem Schwert von Khaqan, das mit Perlen ausgelegt war. [...]

<footnote>i Andere Quellen erwähnen hierfür die Hephtariten/Heptaliten, bzw. Hayathila.</footnote>
VIII.005/B. Qabad

Text and translation from Breydy (1985, I: 98, II: 82).

ولمَّا مضت عشر سنين من ملك انسطاس اصاب الناس جوع شديد في الشرقومات فيروز وملك بعده ابنه قباد على الفرس بعد
أحوال جرت لابيه مع الهياطلة وحروب عظيمة وغزا قباد آمد فأخربها. وبعث بجيشاً عظيماً الى الاسكندرية

[244] [...] Nach 16 Jahren Herrschaft des Anastas überfiel das Volk (die Leute) im Orient ein großer Hunger. Firuz starb, und nach ihm herrschte über die Perser sein Sohn Qabad. Sein Vater hatte schon viele Gefechte und große Kriege gegen die Hayatyla geführt. Qabad überfiel Amad und zerstörte es. Dann sandte er eine große Armee nach Alexandria. [...]

VIII.005/C. Kesra Nušerwan

Text and translation from Breydy (1985, I: 111–112, II: 92–93).

ومات قباد وكان ملكه قباد ثلث واربعين سنة ثم ملك بعده ابنه كسرى وهو الذي يقال له نوشروان وهو الذي كان ولد بانوشير
فملك سبعاربعين سنة وستة اشهر

[257] [...] Qabad starb, und seine Herrschaft dauerte 40¹ Jahre lang. Nach ihm herrschte sein Sohn Kesra, den man Nušerwan genannt hat, weil er in Anušir geboren wurde. Er herrschte 47 Jahre lang und 6 Monate. [...]

ومات وله في الملك تسع وثلاثون سنة

[259] [König Yustinian] starb nach 39 Jahren Herrschaft.

وملك بعده يوستينوس الحدث على الروم ثلث عشرة سنة وذلك في سبع وثلاثين سنة من ملك كسرى بن قباد ملك الفرس وكان
هذا الملك حسن الامانة كثير الخير مبغضاً لليعقوبية والناسطورية ثم مات.

[260]Nach ihm herrschte Yustinos der Jüngere über die Rūm 13 Jahre lang. Dies geschah im 37. Jahr der Herrschaft von Qabad,ii dem König der Perser. Dieser König war ein Orthodoxer und ein Wohltäter, er haßte die Jakobiten und die Nestorianer. Und er starb.

فاما كسرى نوشروان ملك الفرس فانه سار بجنوده نحو الهياطلة ولم يظل يرزق النصر حيث توجه حتى اصلح حال رعيته فلما

حضرته الوفاة عهد الى ابنه هرمز وكان ملك كسرى سبع وأربعين سنة وستة اشهر

[261]iii Kesra (A)nušerwan, der König der Perser, zog mit seinen Soldaten gegen die Hayatyla aus.iv Wo er hinging, siegte er überall, bis er allen seinen Untertanen Ordnung gebracht hatte. Bevor er starb, übergab er das Reich seinem Sohn Hormiz. Die Herrschaft Kesras dauerte 40v Jahre und sechs Monate.

<footnote>i Breydy’s text, however, has 43 years here.</footnote>

<footnote>ii Breydy’s text in fact has Kesra, son of Qabad here.</footnote>

<footnote>iii Both this paragraph and the next have the number 262 in Breydy 1985: 93. (Dickens)</footnote>

<footnote>iv l.p. Habatyla (Hephtaliten?). (Breydy)</footnote>

<footnote>v Breydy’s text has 47 years (and six months) here.</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_19.png" /></figure>
IX. Greek and Latin
Sources

Timo Stickler

<figure><img src="image_20.png" /></figure>
Introduction

The period covered by this sourcebook—the fourth to seventh centuries CE—corresponds to the
era of late antiquity in the west, whose key characteristics are as follows:

* The Roman empire that encompassed the entire Mediterranean region is still the historic main protagonist of European history, despite significant transformation processes since the third century CE, especially the development of the “Mehrkaisertum,” that is the rule of more than one emperor at the same time.

* Since the beginning of the fourth century CE, the Christianisation of the Roman emperor-
ship and subsequently of the whole empire took place. This process stretched over many
generations and included also the neighbouring countries of the Roman empire, for exam-
ple Armenia and Gothic realms north of the Danube river.

* At the same time, a permanent change in political structure took place in the entire Medi-
terranean region, initiated through centralistic reforms of the Roman emperor on the one
hand, and the forced immigration of barbarian peoples into the empire on the other. This
is the time conventionally called the Migration Period.

* Even at the end of our era, in the seventh century CE, the Roman empire still continued to exist, though changed and modified, now as the East Roman Empire with Constantinople as its capital. The transition to the Byzantine Middle Ages is a smooth process.

The contribution of the Greek and Latin sources to the history of the Huns in Central and South Asia is ambivalent for several reasons. On the one hand, the world of Iran and India is far away from the Mediterranean region. The authors relevant for our purposes generally show scant geographical and above all political knowledge. Between the world of the Central Asiatic steppe nomads and the Roman empire sits the Persian empire of the Sasanians, and the Roman tradition is heavily shaped by this fact. As a consequence, the Huns are all too often assigned two roles in the course of the historical events: either they function as potential or factual destroyers of a laboriously achieved status quo between the competing global powers, or they slip into the role of a *deus ex machina*, in case tension or war exists between the Romans and the Persians. Hence, depending on the situation, the steppe nomads are either useful to the emperor and his politics, or not. Whichever the case may be, our sources do not view them as historic partners or opponents in their own right.

On the other hand, the depiction of the Huns through our authors is deeply shaped by earlier
experiences with the Eurasian world of steppe nomads: experiences that the Mediterranean region
had made since archaic times with the Scythians, since the Roman imperial period with the
Sarmatians and lastly—in the fourth/fifth century CE—with the Huns of Attila.

At least since the impression of the so-called Scythian logos in the historical work of Herodotus of Halicarnassus, the idea that the Greeks had of the steppe nomads (Σκύθαι) was so-lidified.
## IX. Greek and Latin Sources

The stereotypes that emerged under the influence of Herodotus were passed on through all of antiquity and still strongly affected, for example, the digressions on the steppe nomadic peoples of Ammianus Marcellinus at the end of the fourth century CE, of Procopius in the middle of the sixth century CE, of Pseudo-Maurice at the end of the sixth century CE, and of Theophylact Simocatta at the beginning of the seventh century CE. The classicising image of the steppe nomads that emerged here still gets in the way of the questions that we today pose to the relevant ancient sources: it is an important obstacle even for the compilation in this sourcebook.

Generally, our late antique sources use the terminology of Herodotus at least vaguely: for them the geographical localisation and lifestyle of the peoples concerned is crucial. On one hand, Σκύθαι are considered to be people living north of the Danube and the Black Sea: therefore the name also applies to the Goths and Vandals. On the other hand, Σκύθαι is also a term for all people with steppe nomadic lifestyles in the sense of the Scythian logos of Herodotus: therefore the name also applies to the Huns of Attila as well as to the Turks and the Avars. The difficulty of the concept of Scythians in (late) antiquity is reflected in some ways in the concept of Huns in late antiquity: “Huns” (Οὖννοι, Chunni) is likewise a term that is ambivalent on our ancient sources. It can refer to an area—north of the Danube and the Black Sea, and east of there; and it can refer to a lifestyle—that of steppe nomads instead of rural sedentariness. Consequently, “Huns” is a term that in our ancient sources also covers peoples that are not called so by today’s experts on Central Asia, like the Sabirs and the Turks.

The particular way the term “Hun” was used in late antiquity, however, is also relevant for our sourcebook because it introduces us to the discourse on Huns in late antiquity and gives answers to questions like the following. What did Romans in late antiquity regard as indicators of being Hunnic? Are we also able to name comparable criteria for the denomination when applied to the Central Asiatic, Indian or Chinese cultural areas? It could further lead us to think about what “Huns,” “Hunnic” actually signifies: an ethnos, a language, a lifestyle, etc.

Since the post-war era, scholarship on ancient history (especially in the German language) has been working with a concept of ethnogenesis based on the perception that the “peoples” (ἔθνη, gentes) of late antiquity were not quasi-primordial entities produced by growth over centuries. Instead, it postulated “gentile Einheiten”—the English equivalent “ethnic unities” is admittedly not completely satisfactorily, but there is no better one. These “unities” lack a complete ethnic homogeneity, being often composed of different ethnical elements. Affiliation with the *gens* is not pre-destined, but a consciously made decision. Furthermore, they possess a kind of “kernel of tradition” that provides them with relative stability, such as a name, a ruling dynasty, a language, certain religious practices, etc. The acceptance of this kernel of tradition as a binding guideline guarantees the affiliation with the *gens*. Lastly, the identity of the “ethnic unities” takes shape through involvement (collaboration as well as conflict) with the empire. The world of the *gentes* is thus a “product” of the Roman politics, not a kind of counterworld to it.

The empire of Attila in the fifth century CE is significantly not a “gentile Herrschaftsbildung” in the sense outlined above. Under the suzerainty of the European Huns, the (generally Germanic) gentes—such as the Ostrogoths, the Skirs, the Rugians—continued to exist. Consequently, many of them were able to establish their own realms after Attila’s death in 453 CE. Attempts at a “gentile
Herrschaftsbildung” by the European Huns, if they ever existed, were smothered by the sudden death of Attila and the failure of his sons. Nevertheless, in my opinion, it must be asked from the standpoint of ancient history whether models of ethnogenesis like the one presented here can also be made prolific for the history of the Huns, in our context for the Hunnic realms in Central, South and East Asia. The crucial characteristics are by all means present and verifiable. Thus, the poor consistency of the Hunnic realms in Asia indicates that ethnical awareness in the strict sense was at best incomplete as regards the *Xiōngnú*, the *Xwn*, the *Hūṇas*, etc. The term “Huns” on the other hand could be understood as a possible integral component of a Hunnic kernel of tradition that has to be postulated. Lastly, the contact with the respective Imperial power (China, India, Persia) influenced the Hunnic realms as strongly as they themselves influenced the cultural area of the sedentary peoples through their presence and actions.

Let us now turn towards the respective sources on the Huns in Central and South Asia in detail. The sources selected by us reflect the diversity and at the same time the difficulty of the Greek and Latin source material.

We have on the one hand texts from the geographical literature. One passage of the high imperial geographer Claudius Ptolemy around 150 CE contains the first ever mention of the term “Huns” in the west; however, at the same time the identification of his Xoũvvoi with the Huns is anything but uncontroversial. The late antique merchant and travel writer Cosmas Indicopleustes represents the generally quite limited geographical knowledge of the sixth century CE about Central and South Asia; especially interesting is his categorisation of knowledge after biblical patterns.

From the field of historical literature in a narrower sense, I have incorporated the repeatedly recorded “origo” of the European Huns, because it establishes the Europe—Asia connection in a particular way: compare Iordanes and Agathias, both authors of the middle or the beginning of the second half of the sixth century CE. Ammianus Marcellinus, Procopius, Pseudo-Maurice and Theophylact Simocatta represent how ethnographical stereotypes from the “Histories” of Herodotus continue to prevail even in late antiquity.

In the area of the history of events, the Huns often enter the horizon of our sources when tensions exist between the Roman and the Persian empires. Our passages from Ammianus Marcellinus show on the one hand that the Sasanian king had Hunnic allies with him in his army (namely the Kidarite king Grumbates), and on the other hand that Hunnic incursions on the east tarnished the offensive capacities of the Persians to the west. The same applies to Priscus of Panium, whose fragments illustrate the Hunnic Wars of the Sasanians in the fifth century CE. As evinced by several sources in this sourcebook, our western sources gave particular attention to the Hunnic Wars of king Perozes. As a result of his defeats, the Persians became temporarily dependent on the Hephthalites.

This leads to another important point: the state of the Sasanian empire always affected the state of the Roman empire. There were, caused not least by the politics concerning the Huns, mutual interests, for example the question of the protection of the Caucasian passes in the face of the steppe nomadic invaders.
## IX. Greek and Latin Sources

With regard to the Greek and Latin authors, the sixth century CE does not differ from the centuries before in the fashion of its knowledge about the Huns and their realms in the Eurasian steppe zone. There are news about the wars of the Sasanians in the east against Hunnic realms. The occasional inhibition of the Persian urge for territorial expansion towards the Roman empire because of the danger caused by the Huns is registered. The Roman emperor tries to contact the Hunnic rulers consistently: the result is an active diplomacy to the regions beyond the Black Sea.

In addition to historians like Procopius, Agathias, Menander Protector and Theophylact Simocatta, world chronicles like those of Theophanes Confessor are important sources. It is significant that our authors often use the term “Huns” vaguely in the context of the events they describe; Sabirs and Turks can be called “Huns,” too.<fnref n="1" />

This treatment of the relevant authors from late antiquity, however, is not an expression of their ethnographical ignorance, but rather an expression of a certain classicizing literary influence (precisely by Herodotus and his successors), as well as an expression of the experiences that the Roman empire had had with steppe nomads for centuries: emanating from the apparently formative experiences with Attila in the fifth century CE, Οὖννοι—like Σκύθαι before—had become a general expression for “steppe nomads.”

### Overview of Authors

*   **Agathias of Myrina.** Historiographer and poet of the 6th century CE. His *Histories* cover the period between 552 and 558/59 CE and continue the historical work of Procopius of Caesarea.

Text: *Agathiae Myrinaei historiarum libri quinque*, ed. Rudolf Keydell (1967)

Translation with an introduction and notes by Joseph D. Frendo (1975)

*   **Ammianus Marcellinus.** Historiographer and military officer of the 4th century CE. The preserved books of his *Res gestae* cover the period of 353 to 378 CE.

Text: *Ammiani Marcellini rerum gestarum libri qui supersunt*, ed. Charles U.

Clark (1910–15)

Translation from John C. Rolfe (1935–40)

*   **Claudius Ptolemy.** Alexandrian astronomer of the 2nd century CE, author *inter alia* of a *Geography* in eight books.

Text edited by Alfred Stückelberger and Gerd Graßhoff (2006)

Translation from Edward L. Stevenson (1932)

*   **Cosmas Indicopleustes.** Merchant from Alexandria of the first half of the 6th century CE, who travelled in lands including East Africa, Arabia and allegedly India and Taprobane (Sri Lanka). He was probably a monk and wrote a *Christian*.

<footnote n="1">¹ Such passages, excluded from the sourcebook, include Agath. 3, 17, 5; Agath. 4, 13, 7–9; Malal. 18, 13 f. (Thurn 2000, 35:360–62); Malal. 18, 70 (Thurn 2000, 35:394); Theoph. AM 6008; Theoph. AM 6020; Malal. 17, 10 (Thurn 2000, 35:341ff); Theoph. AM 6013; Men. frg. 4, 2 (Blockley); Men. frg. 10, 1 (Blockley); Men. frg. 10, 4 (Blockley); Men. frg. 18, 5 (Blockley); Men. frg. 18, 6 (Blockley); Men. frg. 19, 1 (Blockley); Theoph. AM 6064 and Theophylact 3, 6, 8–17.</footnote>
## IX. Greek and Latin Sources

*Topography* in twelve books.

Text edited by Wanda Wolska-Conus (1969–73)

Translation from: John W. McCrindle (1897), revised by Timo Stickler

Ioannes Antiochenus. John of Antioch was an author of the 6th or 7th century CE. His fragmentary preserved world chronicle continues until 610 CE.

Text and translation from Sergei Mariev (2008)

Ioannes Lydus. John the Lydian was a public official and antiquarian author of the 6th century CE.

In the 550s he wrote *De Magistratibus*, a historical account of the Roman bu-
reaucracy.

Text after Michel Dubuisson and Jacques Schamp (2006)

Translation from Anastasius C. Bandy (1983)

Iordanes. Author of the 6th century CE. His work on the *History of the Goths* was composed in 551/52 CE.

Text: *Iordanis Romana et Getica* ed. Theodor Mommsen (1882)

Translation from Charles Christopher Mierow (1915)

(Pseudo-)Mauricius. The strategical handbook of Mauricius was definitely written before the
Arab conquests of the 630s CE. It provides a wide range of ethnographical and
historical material to the multiple military opponents of Eastern Rome. The
identity of this author as the emperor Maurice (gov. 582–602 CE) is disputed.

Text from George T. Dennis (1981)

Translation from George T. Dennis (1984)

Menander Protector. Historiographer, lawyer and military officer of the 6th century CE. His frag-
mentarily preserved *Histories* cover the period between 558/59 and 582. He
continues the historical work of Agathias of Myrina.

Text and translation from Roger C. Blockley (1985)

Priscus of Panium. Historiographer and rhetorician of the 5th century CE. His fragmentarily pre-
served historical work covers the period between approximately 434 and 471
CE.

Text and translation from Roger C. Blockley (1983)

Procopius of Caesarea. Historiographer of the 6th century CE. His *Bella* cover the wars of
Justinian against the Persians, Vandals, Goths etc. They span a period between
526 and 552 CE. Furthermore, he wrote a panegyric on *Aedificia* and an invec-
tive against emperor Justinian (*Historia arcana*).

Text from Jacob Haury and Gerhard Wirth (1962–64)

Translation from Hugh B. Dewing (1914–40)

Theophanes Confessor. Byzantine monk of the 8th or 9th century CE and the author of an annal-
istic world chronicle for the period from 285 to 813 CE.

Text from Carl de Boor (1883)

Translation from Cyril Mango and Roger Scott (1997)
## IX. Greek and Latin Sources

Theophylact Simocatta. Historiographer and public official of the 7th century CE. His *Histories* cover the period from 582 to 602 CE.

Text from Carl de Boor and Peter Wirth (1972)

Translation from Michael and Mary Whitby (1986)

## Recommended Further Reading

As an introduction to the late antiquity in the west and in the east see e. g.

* Stephen Mitchell (2007);

* Josef Wiesehöfer (2006).

Fundamentally on Herodotus’s worldview:

* Reinhold Bichler (2001).

Specifically for the Scythian logos:

* Stephanie West (2002);

* Yang Huang (2011).

On the continuing effects of classicistic *topoi* and stereotypes in the authors of late antiquity see for example:

* in reference to Ammianus Marcellinus, Will Richter (1974) and Wiebke Vergin (2013 esp. 259ff);

* in reference to Procopius, Henning Börm (2007, esp. 259ff);

* in reference to Pseudo-Maurice, Bohumila Zástěrová (1971 esp. 7ff);

* in reference to Theophylact: Étienne de La Vaissière (2015b).

Fundamentally on questions of the ethnogenesis in late antiquity:

* Reinhard Wenskus (1977);

* see also the summarising remarks of Walter Pohl (2005, 13ff).

Specifically in reference to the continuity of the Hunnic ethnos and the Hunnic name

* Timo Stickler (2007, esp. 21ff);

* see in comparison the viewpoint of Étienne de La Vaissière (2005, 3–26);

* Christopher P. Atwood (2012).
## IX.1. Early history of Huns and the Hun way of life
(before the fifth century CE)

### IX.001. Ptolemy 3, 5, 25: First mention of the Huns in a western source

Μεταξύ δὲ Βαστερνῶν καὶ Ῥωξολανῶν¹ Χοῦνοι, καὶ ὑπὸ τὰ ἴδια ὄρη Ἀμαδόκοι καὶ Ναύαροι· παρὰ μὲν τὴν Βύκην λίμνην Τορεκκάδαι, παρὰ δὲ τὸν Ἀχιλλέως Δρόμον οἱ Ταυροσκύθαι· ὑπὸ δὲ τοὺς Βαστέρνας πρὸς τῇ Δακίᾳ Τάγροι, καὶ ὑπ’ αὐτοὺς Τυραγγεῖται².

Between the Basternae and the Rhoxolani are the Chuni, and below the mountains named from these are the Amadoci and the Navari. Near Byce Lake dwell the Toreccadae, and near Achilles's Cursus the Tauroscythae; below the Basternae near Dacia are the Tigri and below these are the Tyrangitae.

### IX.002. Iordanes, *Getica*: Early history of the Huns

#### IX.002/A. Iord. *Get*. 5, 36 f.

[36] Ad litus autem Oceani, ubi tribus faucibus fluenta Vistulae fluminis ebibuntur, Vidivarii resident, ex diversis nationibus agregati; post quos ripam Oceani item Aesti tenent, pacatum hominum genus omnino. Quibus in austrum adsidet gens Acatzirorum fortissima, frugum ignara, quae pecoribus et venationibus victitat. [37] Vltra quos distendunt supra mare Ponticum Bulgarum sedes, quos notissimos peccatorum nostrorum mala fecerunt. Hinc iam Hunni quasi fortissimorum gentium fecundissimus cespes bifariam populorum rabiem pullularunt. Nam alii Altziagiri, alii Saviri nuncupantur, qui tamen sedes habent divisas: iuxta Chersonam Altziagiri, quo Asiae bona avidus mercator importat, qui aestate campos pervagant effusas sedes, prout armentorum invitaverint pabula, hieme supra mare Ponticum se referentes. Hunuguri autem hinc sunt noti, quia ab ipsis pellium murinarum venit commercium: quos tantorum virorum formidavit audacia.

[36] But on the shore of Ocean, where the floods of the river Vistula empty from three mouths, the Vidivarii dwell, a people gathered out of various tribes. Beyond them the Aesti, a subject race, likewise hold the shore of Ocean. To the south dwell the Acatziri, a very brave tribe ignorant of agriculture, who subsist on their flocks and by hunting. [37] Farther away and above the Sea of Pontus are the abodes of the Bulgares, well known from the disasters our neglect has brought upon us. From this region the Huns, like a fruitful root of bravest races, sprouted into two hordes of people. Some of these are called Altziagiri, others Sabiri; and they have different dwelling

<footnote>i = Ῥωξολανῶν.</footnote>

<footnote>ii = Τυραγγέται.</footnote>
places. The Altziagiri are near Cherson, where the avaricious traders bring in the goods of Asia. In summer they range the plains, their broad domains, wherever the pasturage for their cattle invites them, and betake themselves in winter beyond the Sea of Pontus. Now the Hunuguri are known to us from the fact that they trade in marten skins. But they have been cowed by their bolder neighbors.

[121]Post autem non longi temporis intervallo, ut refert Orosius, Hunnorum gens omni ferocitate atrocior exarsit in Gothos. Nam hos, ut refert antiquitas, ita extitisse conperimus. Filimer rex Gothorum et Gadarici magni filius qui post egressu Scandzae insulae iam quinto loco tenens principatum Getarum, qui et terras Scythicas cum sua gente introisse superius a nobis dictum est, repperit in populo suo quasdam magas mulieres, quas patrio sermone Haliurunnas is ipse cognominat, easque habens suspectas de medio sui proturbat longeque ab exercitu suo fugatas in solitudinem coegit errare. [122]Quas spiritus inmundi per herimum vagantes dum vidissent et eorum conplexibus in coitu miscuissent, genus hoc ferocissimum ediderunt, quae fuit primum inter paludes, minutum tetrum atque exile quasi hominum genus nec alia voce notum nisi quod humani sermonis imaginem adsignabat. Tali igitur Hunni stirpe creati Gothorum finibus advenerunt. [123]Quorum natio saeva, ut Priscus istoricus refert, Meotida palude ulteriore ripa insidens, venationi tantum nec alio labore experta, nisi quod, postquam crevisset in populis, fraudibus et rapinis vicinarum gentium quiete conturbans. Huius ergo gentis, ut adsolet, venatores, dum in interioris Meotidae ripam venationes inquirent, animadvertunt, quomodo ex inproviso cerva se illis optulit ingressaque paludem nunc progrediens nunc subsistens index viae se tribuit. [124]Quam secuti venatores paludem Meotidam, quem inpervium ut pelagus aestimant, pedibus transierunt. Mox quoque Scythica terra ignotis apparuit, cerva disparuit. Quod, credo, spiritus illi, unde progeniem trahunt, ad Scytharum invidia id egerunt.

[121]But after a short space of time, as Orosius relates, the race of the Huns, fiercer than ferocity itself, flamed forth against the Goths. We learn from old traditions that their origin was as follows: Filimer, king of the Goths, son of Gadaric the Great, who was the fifth in succession to hold the rule of the Getae after their departure from the island of Scandza—and who, as we have said, entered the land of Scythia with his tribe—found among his people certain witches, whom he called in his native tongue Haliurunnae. Suspecting these women, he expelled them from the midst of his race and compelled them to wander in solitary exile afar from his army. [122]There the unclean spirits, who beheld them as they wandered through the wilderness, bestowed their embraces upon them and begat this savage race, which dwelt at first in the swamps, a stunted, foul and puny tribe, scarcely human, and having no language save one which bore but slight resemblance to human speech. Such was the descent of the Huns who came to the country of the Goths. [123] This cruel tribe, as Priscus the historian relates, settled on the farther bank of the Maeotic swamp. They were fond of hunting and had no skill in any other art. After they had grown to a nation, they disturbed the peace of neighboring races by theft and rapine. At one time, while hunters of their tribe were as usual seeking for game on the farthest edge of Maeotis,
they saw a doe unexpectedly appear to their sight and enter the swamp, acting as guide of the way; now advancing and again standing still. [124]The hunters followed and crossed on foot the Maeotic swamp, which they had supposed was impassable as the sea. Presently the unknown land of Scythia disclosed itself and the doe disappeared. Now in my opinion the evil spirits, from whom the Huns are descended, did this from envy of the Scythians.

[125]Illi vero, qui praeter Meotidam alium mundum esse paenitus ignorabant, admiratione ducti terrae Scythicae et, ut sunt sollertes, iter illud nullae ante aetati notissimum divinitus sibi ostensum rati, ad suos redeunt, rei gestum edocent, Scythiam laudant persuasaque gente sua via, qua cerva indice dedicerant, ad Scythiam properant, et quantoscumque prius in ingressu Scytharum habuerunt, litavere victoriae, reliquos perdomitos subegerunt. [126]Nam mox ingentem illam paludem transierunt, ilico Alpidzuros, Alcildzuros, Itimaros, Tuncarsos et Boiscos, qui ripae istius Scythiae insedebant, quasi quaedam turbo gentium rapuerunt. Halanos quoque pugna sibi pares, sed humanitate, victu formaque dissimiles, frequenti certamine fatigantes, subiugaverunt.

[125]And the Huns, who had been wholly ignorant that there was another world beyond Maeotis, were now filled with admiration for the Scythian land. As they were quick of mind, they believed that this path, utterly unknown to any age of the past, had been divinely revealed to them. They returned to their tribe, told them what had happened, praised Scythia and persuaded the people to hasten thither along the way they had found by the guidance of the doe. As many as they captured, when they thus entered Scythia for the first time, they sacrificed to Victory. The remainder they conquered and made subject to themselves. [126]Like a whirlwind of nations they swept across the great swamp and at once fell upon the Alpidzuri, Alcildzuri, Itimari, Tuncarsi and Boisci, who bordered on that part of Scythia. The Alani also, who were their equals in battle, but unlike them in civilization, manners and appearance, they exhausted by their incessant attacks and subdued.

[127]Nam et quos bello forsitan minime superabant, vultus sui terrore nimium pavorem ingerentes, terribilitate fugabant, eo quod erat eis species pavenda nigridinis et velud quaedam, si dici fas est, informis offa, non facies, habensque magis puncta quam lumina. Quorum animi fiducia turvus prodet aspectus, qui etiam in pignora sua primo die nata desaeviunt. Nam maribus ferro genas secant, ut ante quam lactis nutrimenta percipient, vulneris cogantur subire tolerantiam.

[128]Hinc inberbes senescunt et sine venustate efoebi sunt, quia facies ferro sulcata tempestivam pilorum gratiam cicatricis absumit. Exigui quidem forma, sed argutis motibus expediti et ad equitandum promptissimi, scapulis latis, et ad arcos sagittasque parati firmis cervicibus et superbia semper erecti. Hi vero sub hominum figura vivunt beluina saevitia.

[127]For by the terror of their features they inspired great fear in those whom perhaps they did not really surpass in war. They made their foes flee in horror because their swarthy aspect was fearful, and they had, if I may call it so, a sort of shapeless lump, not a head, with pin-holes rather than eyes. Their hardihood is evident in their wild appearance, and they are beings who are cruel to their children on the very day they are born. For they cut the cheeks of the males
with a sword, so that before they receive the nourishment of milk they must learn to endure wounds. [128] Hence they grow old beardless and their young men are without comeliness, because a face furrowed by the sword spoils by its scars the natural beauty of a beard. They are short in stature, quick in bodily movement, alert horsemen, broad shouldered, ready in the use of bow and arrow, and have firm-set necks which are ever erect in pride. Though they live in the form of men, they have the cruelty of wild beasts.

### IX.003. Agathias 5, 11, 1–4: Origins of the Huns east of Lake Maeotis

[1] Τούτων δὲ οὖτω ξυνενεχθέντων ἐπεγένετο καὶ ἄλλα ἄττα τῇ πόλει κατ’ ἐκεῖνο τοῦ καιροῦ ταραχῆς τε καὶ θορύβου ἀνάμεστα καὶ οὐχ ἦσσον τῶν εἰρημένων ἀνιαρότατα. ὁποῖα δὲ ταῦτα ἐστιν, αὐτίκα ἐρῶ, βραχύ τι πρότερον διεξελθὼν τῶν ἀρχαιοτέρων. [2]οἱ Οὖννοι τὸ γένος τὸ μὲν παλαιὸν κατώκουν τῆς Μαιώτιδος λίμνης τὰ πρὸς ἀπηλιώτην ἄνεμον καὶ ἦσαν τοῦ Τανάϊδος ποταμοῦ ἀρκτικώτεροι, καθάπερ καὶ τὰ ἄλλα βάρβαρα ἔθνη, ὁπόσα ἐντὸς Ἰμαίου ὄρους ἀνὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν ἐτύγχανον ἰδρυμένα. οὖτοι δὲ ἄπαντες κοινῆ μὲν Σκύθαι καὶ Οὖννοι ἐπωνομάζοντο· ἰδίᾳ δὲ κατὰ γένη τὸ μέν τι αὐτῶν Κοτρίγουροι, τὸ δὲ Οὐτίγουροι, ἄλλοι δὲ Οὐλτίζουροι καὶ ἄλλοι Βουρούγουνδοι, καὶ ἄλλοι ὡς ἂν αὐτοῖς πάτριόν τε ἦν καὶ εἰθισμένον. [3]γενεαῖς δὲ πολλαῖς ὕστερον διέβησαν ἐς τὴν Εὐρώπην, εἴτε ὡς ἀληθῶς ἐλάφου τινὸς κατὰ τοῦτο δὴ τὸ θρυλούμενον τὰ πρῶτα ἡγησαμένης, εἴτε καὶ ἀλλοίᾳ χρησάμενοι τύχῃ, καὶ τὴν ἐκροὴν τῆς λίμνης τὴν ἐς τὸν Εὐξεινον Πόντον φερομένην, ἀπορον τέως δοκοῦσαν, τότε δὴ ὀτφοῦν τρόπω διαπεραιωθέντες, ἀλώμενοι δὲ ὅμως ἀνὰ τὴν ὀθνείαν, πλεῖστα ὅσα τὸ ἰθαγενὲς ἐλυμήναντο, ἀπροσδόκητα προσπεσόντες, ὡς καὶ τοὺς προτέρους οἰκήτορας ἀπελάσαντες αὐτοὶ τὴν ἐκείνων κατέχειν. [4]ῆμελλον δὲ ἄρα οὐκ ἐπὶ μακρότατον διαμένειν, ἀλλὰ πρόρριζοι ὃ λεγόμενον ἀπολεῖσθαι.

[1] The tragedy just described did not mark the end of this stormy period but was followed by others of an equally horrifying and alarming nature. What these were I shall presently explain, after first making a brief and passing reference to earlier history. [2] In ancient times the Huns inhabited the region east of Lake Maeotis to the north of the river Don, as did the rest of the barbarian peoples established in Asia on the near side of Mt. Imaeus. All these peoples were referred to by the general name of Scythians or Huns, whereas individual tribes had their own particular names, rooted in ancestral tradition, such as Cotrigurs, Utigurs, Ultizurs, Burugundi and so on and so forth. [3] Several generations later either following the lead of a hind as popular tradition would have it or as a result of some other fortuitous occurrence, they crossed over into Europe and were somehow conveyed across the point where lake Maeotis flows into the Euxine, which had hitherto been considered impossible. However, they crossed it and wandered far and wide over foreign territory. By their sudden and unexpected raids they did incalculable damage to the local populations, even to the extent of displacing the original inhabitants and occupying their lands. [4] But their stay was destined to be a brief one, and at the end of it they vanished without leaving any trace of themselves.
IX.004. Ammianus 31, 2: General excursus on the Huns

[1]Totius autem sementem exitii, et cladum originem diversarum, quas Martius furor incendio insolito miscendo cuncta concivit, hanc conperimus causam. Hunorum gens monumentis veteribus leviter nota, ultra paludes Maeoticas glacialem oceanum accolens, omnem modum feritatis excedit. [2]ubi quoniam ab ipsis nascendi primitiis, infantum ferro sulcantur altius genae, ut pilorum vigor tempestivus emergens, conrugatis cicatricibus hebetetur, senescunt imberbes, absque ulla venustate, spadonibus similes, compactis omnes firmisque membris, et opimis cervicibus, prodigiose deformes et pandi, ut bipedes existimes bestias, vel quales in conmarginandis pontibus effigiati stipites dolantur incompte.

[1]However, the seed and origin of all the ruin and various disasters that the wrath of Mars aroused, putting in turmoil all places with unwonted fires, we have found to be this. The people of the Huns, but little known from ancient records, dwelling beyond the Maeotic Sea near the ice-bound ocean, exceed every degree of savagery. [2]Since there the cheeks of the children are deeply furrowed with the steel from their very birth, in order that the growth of hair, when it appears at the proper time, may be checked by the wrinkled scars, they grow old without beards and without any beauty, like eunuchs. They all have compact, strong limbs and thick necks, and are so monstrously ugly and misshapen, that one might take them for two-legged beasts or for the stumps, rough-hewn into images, that are used in putting sides to bridges.

[3]in hominum autem figura, licet insuavi ita victu sunt asperi, ut neque igni neque saporatis indigeant cibis, sed radicibus herbarum agrestium, et semicrudæ cuiusvis pecoris carne vescantur, quam inter femora sua equorumque terga, subvertam, fotu calefaciunt brevi.
[4]aedificiis nullis umquam tecti, sed haec velut ab usu communi discreta sepulchra, declinant. nec enim apud eos vel arundine fastigatum repperiri tugurium potest. sed vagi montes peragrantes et silvas, pruinas famem sitimque perferre ab incunabulis adsuescunt. peregre tecta (nisi adigente maxima necessitate) non subeunt: nec enim [apud eos] se tutos existimant esse sub tectis ... [5]indumentis operiuntur linteis vel ex pellibus silvestrium murum consarcinatis; nec alia illis domestica vestis est, alia forensis, sed semel obsoleti coloris tunica collo inserta, non ante deponitur aut mutatur, quam diuturna carie in pannulos diffuserit defrustata. [6]galeris incurvis capita tegunt, hirsuta crura coriis munientes haedinis, eorumque calcei formulis nullis aptati, vetant incedere gressibus liberis. qua causa ad pedestres parum adcommodati sunt pugnas, verum equis prope adfixi, duris quidem sed deformibus, et muliebriter isdem non numquam insidentes, funguntur muneribus consuetis. ex ipsis quivis in hac natione pernox et perdius emit et vendit, cibumque sumit et potum, et inclinatus cervici angustæ iumenti, in altum soporem ad usque varietatem effunditur somniorum. [7]et deliberatione super rebus proposita seriis, hoc habitu omnes in commune consultant. aguntur autem nulla severitate regali, sed tumultuario primatum ductu contenti perrumpunt quicquid inciderit.

[3] But although they have the form of men, however ugly, they are so hardy in their mode of life that they have no need of fire nor of savory food, but eat the roots of wild plants and the half-raw flesh of any kind of animal whatever, which they put between their thighs and the backs of
their horses, and thus warm it a little. [4]They are never protected by any buildings, but they avoid these like tombs, which are set apart from everyday use. For not even a hut thatched with reed can be found among them. But roaming at large amid the mountains and woods, they learn from the cradle to endure cold, hunger and thirst. When away from their homes they never enter a house unless compelled by extreme necessity; for they think they are not safe when staying under a roof. [5]They dress in linen cloth or in the skins of field-mice sewn together, and they wear the same clothing indoors and out. But when they have once put their necks into a faded tunic, it is not taken off or changed until by long wear and tear it has been reduced to rags and fallen from them bit by bit. [6]They cover their heads with round caps and protect their hairy legs with goatskins; their shoes are formed upon no lasts, and so prevent their walking with free step. For this reason, they are not at all adapted to battles on foot, but they are almost glued to their horses, which are hardy, it is true, but ugly, and sometimes they sit on them woman-fashion and thus perform their ordinary tasks. From their horses by night or day every one of that nation buys and sells, eats and drinks, and bowed over the narrow neck of the animal relaxes into a sleep so deep as to be accompanied by many dreams. [7]And when deliberation is called for about weighty matters, they all consult as a common body in that fashion. They are subject to no royal restraint, but they are content with the disorderly government of their important men, and led by them they force their way through every obstacle.

[8]et pugnant non numquam lacessiti, sed ineuntes proelia cuneatim, variis vocibus sonantibus torvum. utque ad pernicitatem sunt leves et repentini, ita subito de industria dispersi incessunt, ut inconposita acie, cum caede vasta discurrunt, nec invadentes vallum, nec castra inimica pilantes, prae nimia rapiditate cernuntur. [9]eoque omnium acerrimos facile dixeris bellatores, quod procul missilibus telis, acutis ossibus pro spiculorum acumine, arte mira coagmentatis, et distinctis, comminus ferro sine sui respectu confligunt, hostisque dum mucronum noxias observant, contortis laciniis inligant, ut laqueatis resistentium membris, equitandi vel gradiendi adimant facultatem.

[8]They also sometimes fight when provoked, and then they enter the battle drawn up in wedge-shaped masses, while their medley of voices makes a savage noise. And as they are lightly equipped for swift motion, and unexpected in action, they purposely divide suddenly into scattered bands and attack, rushing about in disorder here and there, dealing terrific slaughter; and because of their extraordinary rapidity of movement they are never seen to attack a rampart or pillage an enemy's camp. [9]And on this account you would not hesitate to call them the most terrible of all warriors, because they fight from a distance with missiles having sharp bone, instead of their usual points, joined to the shafts with wonderful skill; then they gallop over the intervening spaces and fight hand to hand with swords, regardless of their own lives; and while the enemy are guarding against wounds from the sabre-thrusts, they throw strips of cloth plaited into nooses over their opponents and so entangle them that they fetter their limbs and take from them the power of riding or walking.
[10]nemo apud eos arat nec stivam aliquando contingit. omnes enim sine sedibus fixis, absque lare vel lege aut victu stabili dispalantur, semper fugientium similes, cum carpentis in quibus habitant: ubi coniuges taetra illis vestimenta contexunt, et coeunt cum maritis, et pariunt, et ad usque pubertatem nutriunt pueros. nullusque apud eos interrogatus, respondere unde oritur potest, alibi conceptus natusque procul, et longius educatus. [11]per indutias infidi et inconstantes, ad omnem auram incidentis spei novae perquam mobiles, totum furori incitatissimo tribuentes. inconsultorum animalium ritu, quid honestum inhonestumve sit, penitus ignorantes, flexiloqui et obscuri, nullius religionis vel superstitionis reverentia aliquando districti, auri cupidine inmensa flagrantes, adeo permutabiles et irasci faciles ut eodem aliquotiens die, a sociis nullo irritante saepe desciscant, itidemque propitientur, nemine leniente.

[10] No one in their country ever plows a field or touches a plow-handle. They are all without fixed abode, without hearth, or law, or settled mode of life, and keep roaming from place to place, like fugitives, accompanied by the wagons in which they live; in wagons their wives weave for them their hideous garments, in wagons they cohabit with their husbands, bear children, and rear them to the age of puberty. None of their offspring, when asked, can tell you where he comes from, since he was conceived in one place, born far from there, and brought up still farther away. [11]In truces they are faithless and unreliable, strongly inclined to sway to the motion of every breeze of new hope that presents itself, and sacrificing every feeling to the mad impulse of the moment. Like unreasoning beasts, they are utterly ignorant of the difference between right and wrong; they are deceitful and ambiguous in speech, never bound by any reverence for religion or for superstition. They burn with an infinite thirst for gold, and they are so fickle and prone to anger, that they often quarrel with their allies without provocation, more than once on the same day, and make friends with them again without a mediator.

[12]Hoc expeditum indomitumque hominum genus, externa praedandi aviditate flagrans inmani, per rapinas finitimorum grassatum et caedes, ad usque Halanos pervenit, veteres Massagetas, qui unde sint vel quas incolant terras, quoniam huc res prolapsa est, consentaneum est demonstrare, geografica perplexitate monstrata, quae diu multa ... et varia, tandem repperit veritatis interna ... [13]Abundans aquarum Hister advenarum magnitudine fluenti Sauromatas praetermeat, ad usque amnem Tanaim pertinentis, qui Asiam terminat ab Europa. hoc transito in inmensum extentas Scythiae solitudines Halani inhabitant, ex montium appellatione cognominati, paulatimque nationes conterminas crebritate victoriarum adtritas, ad gentilitatem sui vocabuli traxerunt (ut Persae). [14]inter hos Nervi mediterranea incolunt loca, vicini verticibus celsis, quos praeruptos geluque torpentes, aquilones astringunt. post quos Vidini sunt et Geloni, perquam feri, qui detractis peremptorum hostium cutibus, indumenta sibi equisque tegmina conficiunt bellatoriis. Gelonis Agathyrsi conlimitant, interstiti colore caeruleo corpora simul et crines, et humiles quidem minutis atque raris, nobiles vero latius fucatis et densioribus notis.

[15]post hos Melanchlaenas et Anthropofagos palari accepimus per diversa, humanis corporibus victitantes, quibus ob haec alimenta nefanda desertis, finitimi omnes longa petiere terrarum. ideoque plaga omnis orienti aestivo obiecta, usque dum venitur ad Seras, inhabitabilis mansit.