[12]This race of untamed men, without encumbrances, aflame with an inhuman desire for plundering others' property, made their violent way amid the rapine and slaughter of the neighboring peoples as far as the Halani, once known as the Massagetae. And since we have come to this point, it is in place to tell of the origin and dwelling-place of this people also, and to point out the confused opinions of geographers, who after many different attempts to deal with the subject have at last come upon the core of the truth. [13]The Hister, filled to overflowing by a great number of tributaries, flows past the Sauromatians, and these extend as far as the river Tanaïs, which separates Asia from Europe. On the other side of this river the Halani, so called from the mountain range of the same name, inhabit the measureless wastes of Scythia; and by repeated victories they gradually wore down the peoples whom they met and like the Persians incorporated them under their own national name. [14]Among these the Nervii inhabit the interior of the country near the lofty, precipitous peaks nipped by the north winds and benumbed with ice and snow. Behind these are the Vidini and the Geloni, exceedingly savage races, who strip the skins from their slain enemies to make clothing for themselves and coverings for their horses in war. On the frontier of the Geloni are the Agathyrsi, who checker their bodies and dye their hair with a blue colour — the common people with a few small marks, but the nobles with more and broader spots of dye. [15]Beyond these are the Melanchlaenae and the Anthropophagi, who according to report lead a nomadic life and feed upon human flesh; and because of this abominable food they are left to themselves and all their former neighbours have moved to distant parts of the earth. And so the entire north-eastern tract, until one comes to the Seres, has remained uninhabitable.

[16]parte alia prope Amazonum sedes, Halani sunt orienti adclines, diffusi per populosas gentes et amplas, Asiaticos vergentes in tractus, quas dilatari ad usque Gangen accepi, fluvium intersecantem terras Indorum, mareque inundantem australe. [17]Hi bipertiti per utramque mundi plagam Halani, quorum gentes varias nunc recensere non refert, licet dirempti spatiis longis, per pagos (ut Nomades) vagantur inmensos, aevi tamen progressu, ad unum concessere vocabulum, et summatim omnes Halani cognominantur, ob mores et modum efferatum vivendi, eandemque armaturam. [18]nec enim ulla sunt illis vel tuguria, aut versandi vomeris cura, sed carne et copia victitant lactis, plaustris supersidentes, quae operimentis curvatis corticum per solitudines conferunt, sine fine discentas. cumque ad graminea venerint, in orbiculatam figuram locatis sarracis, ferino ritu vescuntur, absumptisque pabulis, velut carpentis civitates inpositas vehunt, maresque supra cum feminis coeunt, et nascuntur in his et educantur infantes, et habitacula sunt haec illis perpetua, et quocumque ierint, illic genuinum existimant larem. [19]armenta prae se agentes, cum gregibus pascunt, maximeque equini pecoris est eis sollicitior cura. ibi campi semper herbescunt, intersitis pomiferis locis: atque ideo transeuntes quolibet, nec alimentis nec pabulis indigent, quod efficit umectum solum et crebri fluminum praetermeantium cursus. [20]omnis igitur aetas et sexus inbellis, circa vehicula ipsa versatur, muniis disstringitur mollibus: iuventus vero equitandi usu a prima pueritia coaliscens, incedere pedibus existimat vile, et omnes multiplici disciplina prudentes sunt bellatores. unde etiam Persae, qui sunt originitus Scythae, pugnandi sunt peritissimi.
[16]In another part of the country, near the abodes of the Amazons, the Halani mount to the eastward, divided into populous and extensive nations; these reach as far as Asia, and, as I have heard, stretch all the way to the river Ganges, which flows through the territories of India and empties into the southern ocean. [17]Thus the Halani (whose various people it is unnecessary now to enumerate) are divided between the two parts of the earth, but although widely separated from each other and roaming over vast tracts, as Nomads do, yet in the course of time they have united under one name, and are, for short, all called Halani because of the similarity in their customs, their savage mode of life, and their weapons. [18]For they have no huts and care nothing for using the plowshare, but they live upon flesh and an abundance of milk, and dwell in wagons, which they cover with rounded canopies of bark and drive over the boundless wastes. And when they come to a place rich in grass, they place their carts in a circle and feed like wild beasts. As soon as the fodder is used up, they place their cities, as we might call them, on the wagons and so convey them: in the wagons the males have intercourse with the women, and in the wagons their babes are born and reared; wagons form their permanent dwellings, and wherever they come, that place they look upon as their natural home. [19]Driving their plow-cattle before them, they pasture them with their flocks, and they give particular attention to breeding horses. In that land the fields are always green, and here and there are places set thick with fruit trees. Hence, wherever they go, they lack neither food for themselves nor fodder for their cattle, because of the moist soil and the numerous courses of rivers that flow hard by them. [20]Therefore, all those who through age or sex are unfit for war remain close by the wagons and are occupied in light tasks; but the young men grow up in the habit of riding from their earliest boyhood and regard it as contemptible to go on foot; and by various forms of training they are all skilled warriors. From the same causes the Persians also, who are Scythians by origin, are highly expert in fighting.

[21]Proceri autem Halani paene sunt omnes et pulchri, crinibus mediocriter flavis, oculorum temperata torvitate terribiles, et armorum levitate veloces, Hunisque per omnia suppares, verum victu mitiores et cultu, latrocinando et venando ad usque Maeotica ſtagna, et Cimmerium Bosporum, itidemque Armenios discurrentes, et Mediam. [22]utque hominibus quietis et placidis, otium eſt voluptabile, ita illos pericula iuvant et bella. iudicatur ibi beatus, qui in proelio profuderit animam, senescentes enim et fortuitis mortibus mundo digressos, ut degeneres et ignavos, conviciis atrocibus insectantur, nec quicquam eſt quod elatius iactent, quam homine quolibet occiso, proque exuviis gloriosis interfectorum, avulsis capitibus, detractas pelles pro faleris iumentis accommodant bellatoriis. [23]nec templum apud eos visitur aut delubrum, ne tugurium quidem culmo tectum cerni usquam potest, sed gladius barbarico ritu humi figitur nudus, eumque ut Martem, regionum quas circumcolunt, praesulem verecundius colunt. [24]futura miro praesagiunt modo. nam rectiores virgas vimineas colligentes, easque cum incantamentis quibusdam secretis, praesituto tempore discernentes, aperte quid portenditur norunt. [25]servitus quid sit ignorant, omnes generoso semine procreati, iudicesque etiam nunc eligunt diuturno bellandi usu spectatos. sed ad reliqua textus propositi revertamur.
[21]Moreover, almost all the Halani are tall and handsome, their hair inclines to blond, by the ferocity of their glance they inspire dread, subdued though it is. They are light and active in the use of arms. In all respects they are somewhat like the Huns, but in their manner of life and their habits they are less savage. In their plundering and hunting expeditions they roam here and there as far as the Maeotic Sea and the Cimmerian Bosporus, and also to Armenia and Media. [22]Just as quiet and peaceful men find pleasure in rest, so the Halani delight in danger and warfare. There the man is judged happy who has sacrificed his life in battle, while those who grow old and depart from the world by a natural death they assail with bitter reproaches, as degenerate and cowardly; and there is nothing in which they take more pride than in killing any man whatever: as glorious spoils of the slain they tear off their heads, then strip off their skins and hang them upon their war-horses as trappings. [23]No temple or sacred place is to be seen in their country, not even a hut thatched with straw can be discerned anywhere, but after the manner of barbarians a naked sword is fixed in the ground and they reverently worship it as their god of war, the presiding deity of those lands over which they range. [24]They have a remarkable way of divining the future; for they gather very straight twigs of osier and sort them out at an appointed time with certain secret incantations, and thus clearly learn what impends. [25]They do not know the meaning of slavery, since all are born of noble blood, and moreover they choose as chiefs those men who are conspicuous for long experience as warriors. But let us return to what remains of our chosen subject.

### IX.005. Pseudo-Maurice, Strategicon 11, 2: The Hun way of life

[1]Πῶς δεῖ Σκύθαις ἁρμόζεσθαι, τουτέστιν Ἀβάροις καὶ Τούρκοις καὶ λοιποῖς ὁμοδιαίτοις αὐτῶν Οὐννικοῖς ἔθνεσιν

Τὰ Σκυθικὰ ἔθνη μιᾶς εἰσιν, ὡς εἰπεῖν, ἀναστροφῆς τε καὶ τάξεως πολύαρχά τε καὶ ἀπράγμονα. Μόνα δὲ τὰ τῶν Τούρκων καὶ Ἀβάρων φροντίζουσι τάξεως πολεμικῆς, ἰσχυροτέρας τῶν ἄλλων Σκυθικῶν ἐθνῶν τὰς κατὰ συστάδην μάχας ποιούμενα. [2]Καὶ τὸ μὲν Τούρκων πολύανδρόν τε καὶ ἐλεύθερον, ἀπηλλαγμένον τῆς τῶν πλειόνων πραγμάτων ποικιλίας καὶ δεινότητος, οὐδὲν ἔτερον ἠσκημένον ἢ τὸ ἀνδρείως πρὸς τοὺς ἐχθροὺς διακεῖσθαι. [3]Τὸ δὲ Ἀβάρων μοχθηρότατον τε καὶ ποικίλον καὶ πρὸς τοὺς πολέμους ἐμπειρικώτατον.

Ταῦτα τοίνυν, ὡς μοναρχούμενα, καὶ ἀπηνεῖς τὰς ἐπεξελεύσεις ἐπὶ τοῖς ἁμαρτήμασιν ἐκ τῶν ἀρχόντων αὐτῶν ὑφιστάμενα, οὐκ ἀγάπῃ, ἀλλὰ φόβω κεκρατημένα τοὺς πόνους καὶ μόχθους γενναίως φέρουσιν. Ἀνέχονται δὲ καύσωνος καὶ ψύχους καὶ τῆς λοιπῆς τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἐνδείας, νομαδικὰ ὄντα. [4]Περίεργα δὲ καὶ κρυψίβουλα φαῦλά τε καὶ ἄπιστα ὄντα καὶ τῇ ἀπληστίᾳ τῶν χρημάτων κρατούμενα, ὄρκον περιφρονοῦσι, μηδὲ συνθήκας φυλάττοντα, μηδὲ δώροις ἀρκούμενα, ἀλλὰ πρὶν τὸ δοθὲν δέξονται, ἐπιβουλὴν μελετῶσι καὶ ἀνατροπὴν τῶν δοκούντων. [5]Καὶ τοὺς ἐπιτηδείους καιροὺς δεινῶς στοχαζόμενα τούτοις ἀνυπερθέτως κέχρηνται, σπουδάζοντα οὐ τοσοῦτον τοὺς ἐχθροὺς χειρὶ καταγωνίσασθαι, ὄσον ἀπάταις καὶ αἰφνιδιάσμασι καὶ ταῖς τῶν ἀναγκαίων στενώσεσιν.
[1]Dealing with the Scythians, that is, Avars, Turks, and others whose way of life resembles that of the Hunnish peoples:

The Scythian nations are one, so to speak, in their mode of life and in their organization, which is primitive and includes many peoples. Of these peoples only the Turks and the Avars concern themselves with military organization, and this makes them stronger than the other Scythian nations when it comes to pitched battles. [2]The nation of the Turks is very numerous and independent. They are not versatile or skilled in most human endeavors, nor have they trained themselves for anything else except to conduct themselves bravely against their enemies. [3]The Avars, for their part, are scoundrels, devious, and very experienced in military matters.

These nations have a monarchical form of government, and their rulers subject them to cruel punishments for their mistakes. Governed not by love but by fear, they steadfastly bear labors and hardships. They endure heat and cold, and the want of many necessities, since they are nomadic peoples. [4]They are very superstitious, treacherous, foul, faithless, possessed by an insatiate desire for riches. They scorn their oath, do not observe agreement, and are not satisfied by gifts. Even before they accept the gift, they are making plans for treachery and betrayal of their agreements. [5]They are clever at estimating suitable opportunities to do this and taking prompt advantage of them. They prefer to prevail over their enemies not so much by force as by deceit, surprise attacks, and cutting off supplies.

[6]Οπλίζονται δὲ ζάβαις καὶ σπαθίοις τόξοις τε κονταρίοις, ὅθεν ἐν ταῖς μάχαις διπλοῦν ἄρμα οἱ πλείους αὐτῶν ἐπιφέρονται, ἐν τοῖς ὥμοις τὰ κοντάρια ἀναβαστάζοντες καὶ τὰ τόξα ἐν ταῖς χεροὶ κατέχοντες, ἀμφοτέροις κατὰ τὴν ἀπαντῶσαν χρείαν κεχρημένοι. [7]Οὐκ αὐτοὶ δὲ μόνον ὁπλοφοροῦσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ οἱ ἵπποι τῶν ἐμφανῶν σιδήρῳ ἢ κεντούκλοις τὰ ἔμπροσθεν μέρη σκέπονται. [8]Ησκηνται δὲ ἐπιμελῶς καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἔφιππον τοξείαν.

[9]Ἀκολουθεῖ δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ πλῆθος ἀλόγων, ἀρρένων τε καὶ θηλειῶν, ἄμα μὲν πρὸς ἀποτροφήν, ἄμα δὲ καὶ διὰ πλήθους θεωρίαν. [10]Ἀπληκεύουσι δὲ οὐκ ἐν φοσσάτῳ, ὥσπερ Πέρσαι καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι, ἀλλὰ μέχρι μὲν τῆς τοῦ πολέμου ἡμέρας διεσπασμένως κατὰ γένη καὶ φυλάς, τοὺς ἵππους βόσκοντες δεηνεκῶς ἔν τε θέρει καὶ χειμῶνι. Τότε δὲ τοὺς ἀναγκαίους κατέχοντες καὶ πεδικλοῦντες πλησίον τῶν τεντῶν, φυλάττουσι μέχρι τοῦ καιροῦ τῆς παρατάξεως, ὑπὸ νύκτα τῆς παρατάξεως ἀρχόμενοι. [11]Τὰς δὲ σκούλκας αὐτῶν ἀπὸ μήκους ἀλλεπαλλήλους καθιστῶσιν εἰς τὸ μὴ εὐκόλως αὐτοὺς ὑπομένειν αἰφνιδιασμούς.

[6]They are armed with mail, swords, bows, and lances. In combat most of them attack doubly armed; lances slung over their shoulders and holding bows in their hands, they make use of both as need requires. [7]Not only do they wear armor themselves, but in addition the horses of their illustrious men are covered in front with iron or felt. [8]They give special attention to training in archery on horseback.

[9]A vast herd of male and female horses follows them, both to provide nourishment and to give the impression of a huge army. [10]They do not encamp within entrenchments, as do the Persians
and the Romans, but until the day of battle, spread about according to tribes and clans, they continuously graze their horses both summer and winter. They then take the horses they think necessary, hobbling them next to their tents, and guard them until it is time to form their battle line, which they begin to do under cover of night. [11] They station their sentries at some distance, keeping them in contact with one another, so that it is not easy to catch them by a surprise attack.

[12] Ἐν δὲ τῇ μάχῃ οὐχ ὡς Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ Πέρσαι τὴν παράταξιν τάσσουσιν ἐν τρισὶ μέρεσιν, ἀλλ' ἐν διαφόροις μοίραις δρουγγιστὶ συνάπτοντες ἀλλήλοις τὰς μοίρας, ὥστε μίαν τινὰ φραίνεσθαι παράταξιν. [13] Ἐχουσι δὲ ἔξω τῆς παρατάξεως δύναμιν τινὰ ἐκ περισσοῦ, ἥν πρὸς ἐνέδραν ἐκπέμπουσι κατὰ τῶν ἀμελῶς ἀντιτασσομένων αὐτοῖς ἢ εἰς βοήθειαν τοῦ βαρουμένου μέρους φυλάττουσιν. Τὰ δὲ ἀδέστρατα αὐτῶν ὄπισθεν τῆς παρατάξεως ἔχουσι πλησίον καὶ τὸν τοῦλδον, ἢ ἀριστερὰ ἢ δεξιὰ τῆς παρατάξεως, ὡς ἀπὸ ἑνὸς ἢ δευτέρου μιλίου ὑπὸ μετρίαν παραφυλακήν. [14] Πολλάκις δὲ καὶ συζευγνύντες τὰ περισσὰ τῶν ἵππων κατὰ νώτου τῆς παρατάξεως ποιοῦσιν εἰς φυλακὴν αὐτῆς. Καὶ τὰ μὲν βάθη τῶν ἀκιῶν ἀορίστως, ὡς ἀπαντᾶ, ποιοῦσι, βάθους μᾶλλον φροντίζοντες, καὶ ἵσον ποιοῦσι καὶ πυκνὸν τὸ μέτωπον. [15] Χαίρουσι δὲ ταῖς ἀπὸ μήκοθεν μάχαις καὶ ἐνέδραις καὶ ταῖς κυκλώσεσι κατὰ τῶν ἐναντίων καὶ ταῖς ἐσχηματισμέναις ὑποχωρήσει καὶ ἀντιστροφαῖς καὶ ταῖς κατὰ κούνας τάξεσι τουτέστι ταῖς διεσπαρμέναις. [16] Τρέποντες δὲ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς αὐτῶν, πάντα ἐν δευτέρᾳ τάξει τιθέμενοι, οὐκ ἀρκοῦνται, ὥσπερ Πέρσαι καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἔθνη, τῇ μετρίᾳ καταδιώξει καὶ τῇ τῶν πραγμάτων ἁρπαγῇ, ἀλλὰ μέχρι τοσούτου ἐνίστανται, μέχρις οὖν τελείως τὴν τῶν ἐχθρῶν κατάλυσιν ποιήσονται, πάσῃ μεθόδῳ εἰς τοῦτο κεχρημένοι. [17] Εἰ δὲ καί τινες τῶν ἐχθρῶν αὐτῶν διωκώμενοι εἰς ὀχήρωμα καταφύγωσιν, σπουδάζουσιν, ἀκριβῶς κατανοοῦντες τὴν τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἔνδειαν τῶν ἵππων ἢ τῶν ἀνδρῶν, προσκαρτερεῖν, ἵνα τῇ στενότητι τούτων χειρώσωνται τοὺς ἐχθρούς, ἢ εἰς τὰ δοκοῦντα αὐτοῖς σύμφωνα τούτους ἀγάγωσιν. Πρῶτον κουφότερά τινα ἐπερωτῶντες, καὶ τότε συντιθεμένων αὐτοῖς τῶν ἐχθρῶν καιριώτερα προτιθέασιν.

[12] In combat they do not, as do the Romans and Persians, form their battle line in three parts, but in several units of irregular size, all joined closely together to give the appearance of one long battle line. [13] Separate from their main formation, they have an additional force which they can send out to ambush a careless adversary or hold in reserve to aid a hard-pressed section. They keep their spare horses close behind their main line, and their baggage train to the right or left of the line about a mile or two away under a moderately sized guard.

[14] Frequently they tie the extra horses together to the rear of their battle line as a form of protection. They make the depth of their files indefinite depending on the circumstances, being inclined to make them deeper, and they make their front even and dense. [15] They prefer battles fought at long range, ambushes, encircling their adversaries, simulated retreats and sudden returns, and wedge-shaped formations, that is, in scattered groups. [16] When they make their enemies take to flight, they put everything else aside, and are not content, as the Persians, the Romans, and other peoples, with pursuing them a reasonable distance and plundering their goods, but they do not let up at all until they have achieved the complete destruction of their enemies,
and they employ every means to this end. [17] If some of the enemy they are pursuing take refuge in a fortress, they make continual and thorough efforts to discover any shortage of necessities for horses or men. They then wear their enemies down by such shortages and get them to accept terms favorable to themselves. Their first demands are fairly light, and when the enemy has agreed to these they impose stricter terms.

[18] Ἐναντιοῦται δὲ αὐτοῖς ἔνδεια βοσκῆς διὰ τὸ πλῆθος ὦν ἐπιφέρονται ἀλόγων, [19] καὶ ἐν καιρῷ δὲ συμβολῆς τάξις πεζικὴ συντεταγμένη, ὡς ἐναντία αὐτοῖς, καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν ἵππων οὖσιν καὶ οὐκ ἀποβαίνουσι τούτων, οὐδὲ γὰρ στὴναι πεζῇ καρτεροῦσιν, ὡς συντραφέντες τοῖς ἵπποις, οὐδὲ τοῖς ποσὶν αὐτῶν ἐπιβαίνειν τῇ ἀσυνηθείᾳ κρατούμενοι. [20] τόπος ὁμαλὸς καὶ γεγυμνωμένος, τάξις καβαλλαρικὴ πεπυκνωμένη καὶ ἀδιάσπαστος ἀκολουθοῦσα, [21] ἡ ἐκ χειρὸς συμβολὴ ἤτοι συμπλοκή, ἐφοδοι νυκτεριναι ἀσφαλῶς γινόμεναι, ἐφ' ὦ μέρος μὲν συνίστασθαι τεταγμένως, μέρος δὲ ἐφεδρεύειν. [22] Λυπεῖ δὲ αὐτοὺς σφόδρα καὶ ἡ τῶν αὐτομολούντων ἀναχώρησις. ἀστάτου γὰρ ὄντα γνώμης καὶ φιλοκερδῆ καὶ ἐκ πολλῶν φυλῶν συγκείμενα οὐ ποιοῦνται λόγον συγγενῶν καὶ τῆς εἰς ἀλλήλους ὁμονοίας, [23] ὀλίγων δὲ ἀρχομένων προσρύεσθαι καὶ φιλοφρονουμένων πλῆθος αὐτοῖς ἐπακολουθεῖ.

[18] They are hurt by a shortage of fodder which can result from the huge number of horses they bring with them. [19] Also in the event of battle, when opposed by an infantry force in close formation, they stay on their horses and do not dismount, for they do not last long fighting on foot. They have been brought up on horseback, and owing to their lack of exercise they simply cannot walk about on their own feet. [20] Level, unobstructed ground should be chosen, and a cavalry force should advance against them in a dense, unbroken mass [21] to engage them in hand-to-hand fighting. Night attacks are also effective, with part of our force maintaining its formation while the other lies in ambush. [22] They are seriously hurt by defections and desertions. They are very fickle, avaricious and, composed of so many tribes as they are, they have no sense of kinship or unity with one another. [23] If a few begin to desert and are well received, many more will follow.

[24] Χρή τοίνυν ἐγγιζόντων αὐτῶν πρὸς μάχην πρό γε ἀπάντων τὰς σκούλκας ἔχειν ἐπιμελεῖς καὶ συνεχεῖς ἐκ διαστημάτων, εἶτα μεριμνῆσαι καὶ προευτρεπίσασθαι τὰ εἰς δευτέραν τύχην συντείνοντα, εἰς τὸ καὶ ὀχυρὸν τόπον κατανοῆσαι ἐν καιρῷ περιστάσεως καὶ δαπάνην ἐφευρεῖν ὀλίγων ἡμερῶν, εἰ μὲν ἀπαντᾶ, καὶ τῶν ἀλόγων, ἐπεί τοι γε τῶν ἀνδρῶν, καὶ μάλιστα τὴν τοῦ ὕδατος εὐπορίαν, εἶτα καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὸν τοῦλδον διαθῆναι, ὡς ἐν τῷ περὶ τούτου γέγραπται λόγῳ. [25] Καὶ εἰ μὲν σύνεστι πεζικὸς στρατὸς ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ μάλιστα μάχῃ, ἐν ὀσφ ἐν συνηθείᾳ τοῦ ἔθνους ὁ στρατὸς γίνεται, οὕτως τάξαι κατὰ τὸν δηλουμένον τρόπον ἐν τῇ καταγραφῇ τῆς ἐπικαμπίου ὀπισθίας τάξεως, τουτέστι τῆς ἐχούσης τοὺς καβαλλαρίους ὑποτεταγμένους τοῖς πεζοῖς. [26] Εἰ δὲ μόνον καβαλλάριοί εἰσὶν ἀξιόμαχοι, κατὰ τὸν λεχθέντα τρόπον ἐν τῷ περὶ τάξεως λόγῳ τάσσειν, πλείονας δὲ ἐν τοῖς πλαγίοις ἀφορίζειν καὶ χρησίμους· ἐν τῷ νώτῳ γὰρ ἀρκοῦσιν οἱ δηφένσορες. [27] Τοὺς δὲ κούρσορας μὴ πλέον τριῶν ἢ τεσσάρων σαγιττοβόλων τῆς παρατάξεως τῶν δηφενσόρων ἐν ταῖς διώξεσι χωρίζεσθαι, μηδὲ καταμαίνεσθαι αὐτῶν ἐπὶ καταδρομῇ. Σπουδάζειν δὲ ἐν γυμνῷ καὶ ἀναπεπταμένῳ τόπῳ κατὰ τὸ δυνατὸν τὴν παράταξιν ἐκτάσσειν, ἔνθα μηδὲ ὕλαι, μηδὲ
τέλματα, μηδὲ κοιλάδες ἐνοχλοῦσι, διὰ τὰς παρ' αὐτῶν ἐνέδρας. [28]καὶ τὰς σκούλκας δὲ ἐκ διαστήματος κατὰ τῶν τεσσάρων μερῶν τῆς παρατάξεως ἔχειν. [29]Καλὸν δέ ἐστιν, εἰ ἐνδέχεται, ἢ δύσβατον ποταμὸν ἤ τέλματα ἤ λίμνην κατὰ τοῦ νώτου τῆς παρατάξεως ἔχειν, ἵνα ὁ νῶτος ἀσφαλῶς φυλάττεται. [30]Καὶ ἐὰν καλῶς τὰ τοῦ πολέμου ἐξέλθη, μή κατατρέχειν αὐτῶν ἀπλήστως, μήτε ἀμελῶς διακεῖσθαι. Οὐδὲ γάρ, ὡς τὰ λοιπὰ ἔθνη, τὴν πρώτην ἡττώμενα μάχην ἀπολήγουσι τοῦ πολέμου, ἀλλὰ μέχρις οὖ κατὰ κράτος ταπεινωθῶσιν, ἐπιτηδεύουσι διὰ πολλῶν τρόπων κατὰ τῶν ἐχθρῶν αὐτῶν ἐγχειρεῖν. [31]Εἰ δὲ σύμμικτός ἐστιν ἡ τάξις καὶ πλείους οἱ πεζοί, δέον πρόνοιαν ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ποιεῖσθαι τῆς ἀποτροφῆς τῶν ἀλόγων, οὐ πάντως γάρ ὅτι συγχωροῦνται οἱ καβαλλάριοι τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἐγγιζόντων, χορτάσματα συναγαγεῖν.

[24]When they are moving up for battle, the first thing to do is have your scouts on the alert, stationed at regular intervals. Then make your plans and actual preparations in case the battle should not turn out well. Look for a good defensive position for use in an emergency, collect whatever provisions are available, enough for a few days for the horses as well as for the men, especially have plenty of water. Then make arrangements for the baggage train as explained in the book treating of that subject. [25]If an infantry force is present, it should be stationed in the front line in the customary manner of the nation to which it belongs. The force should be drawn up according to the method shown in the diagram of the convex line of battle, that is, with the cavalry posted behind the infantry. [26]If only the cavalry is ready for combat, draw them up according to the manner set down in the book on formations. Post a numerous and capable force on the flanks. In the rear the defenders are sufficient. [27]When pursuing, the assault troops should not get more than three or four bowshots away from the formation of defenders, nor should they become carried away in the charge. When possible seek a clear and unobstructed area to form the battle line, where no woods, marshes, or hollows might serve as a screen for enemy ambushes. [28]Post scouts at some distance from all four sides of the formation. [29]If at all possible, it is helpful to have an unfordable river, marshes, or a lake behind the battle line, so that the rear is securely defended. [30]If the battle turns out well, do not be hasty in pursuing the enemy or behave carelessly. For this nation does not, as do the others, give up the struggle when worsted in the first battle. But until their strength gives out, they try all sorts of ways to assail their enemies. [31]If the formation is mixed, with most of it being infantry, it is still necessary to make provision for forage for the horses. When the enemy is approaching, by no means should the cavalry be allowed to send out foraging parties.
IX.2. Huns as allies of Persians and Romans in the fourth century CE

IX.006. Ammianus: The Persian king Shapur II fights the Huns in the east

IX.006/A. Amm. 16, 9

[1]At Persae in oriente per furta et latrocinia potius quam (ut solebant antea) per concursatorias pugnas, hominum praedas agitabant et pecorum, quas non numquam lucrabantur ut repentini, aliquotiens superati multitudine militum amittebant, interdum nihil conspicere prorsus quod poterat rapi permittebantur. [2]Musonianus tamen praefectus praetorio, multis (ut ante diximus) bonis artibus eruditus, sed venalis et flecti a veritate pecunia facilis, per emissarios quosdam, fallendi perstringendique gnaros, Persarum scitabatur consilia, adsumpto in deliberationes huius modi Cassiano Mesopotamiae duce, stipendiis et discriminibus indurato diversis. [3]qui cum fide concinente speculatorum, aperte cognossent, Saporem in extremis regni limitibus, suorum sanguine fuso multiplici, aegre propulsare gentes infestas, Tamsaporem ducem parti nostrae contiguum, occultis per ignotos milites temptavere conloquiis, ut si copiam fors dedisset, suaderet regi per litteras, pacem tandem aliquando cum principe Romano firmare, ut hoc facto a latere damni securus, perduelles advolaret adsiduos. [4]paruit Tamsapor, hisque fretus refert ad regem, quod bellis acerrimis Constantius implicatus, pacem postulat precativam. dumque ad Chionitas et Eusenos haec scripta mittuntur, in quorum confiniis agebat hiemem Sapor, tempus interstitit longum.

[1]But the Persians in the East, rather by thieving and robbery than (as their former manner was) in set battles, kept driving off booty of men and animals; sometimes they got away with their loot, being unexpected; often they lost it, overmarched by the great number of our soldiers; occasionally they were not allowed to see anything at all which could be carried off. [2]None the less, Musonianus, the praetorian prefect, a man (as I have said before) gifted with many excellent accomplishments, but corrupt and easy to turn from the truth by a bribe, inquired into the designs of the Persians through emissaries of his who were adepts in deceit and incrimination; and he took into his counsels on this subject Cassianus, duke of Mesopotamia, who had been toughened by various campaigns and dangers. [3]When the two had certain knowledge from the unanimous reports of their scouts that Sapor, on the remotest frontiers of his realm, was with difficulty and with great bloodshed of his troops driving back hostile tribesmen, they made trial of Tamsapor, the commander nearest to our territory, in secret interviews through obscure soldiers, their idea being that, if chance gave an opportunity, he should by letter advise the king finally to make peace with the Roman emperor, in order that by so doing he might be secure on his whole western frontier and could rush upon his persistent enemies. [4]Tamsapor consented and relying on this information, reported to the king that Constantius, being involved in very serious wars, entreated and begged for peace. But while these communications were being sent
to the Chionitae and Euseni, in whose territories Sapor was passing the winter, a long time elapsed.

IX.006/B. Amm. 17, 5

[1]Datiano et Cereali consulibus, cum universa per Gallias studio cautiore disponerentur, formidoque praeteritorum barbaricos hebetaret excursus, rex Persarum in confiniis agens adhuc gentium extimarum, iamque cum Chionitis et Gelanis, omnium acerrimis bellatoribus, pignore icto societatis, rediturus ad sua, Tamsaporis scripta suscepit, pacem Romanum principem nuntiantis poscere precativam [2]ideoque non nisi infirmato imperii robore, temptari talia suspicatus, latius semet extentans, pacis amplectitur nomen, et condiciones proposuit graves, missoque cum muneribus Narseo quodam legato, litteras ad Constantium dedit, nusquam a genuino fastu declinans, quarum hunc fuisse accepimus sensum: [...].

[1]In the consulship of Datianus and Cerealis, while all provisions in Gaul were being made with very careful endeavour, and dismay due to past losses halted the raids of the savages, the king of Persia was still encamped in the confines of the frontier tribes; and having now made a treaty of alliance with the Chionitae and Gelani, the fiercest warriors of all, he was on the point of returning to his own territories, when he received Tamsapor's letter, stating that the Roman emperor begged and entreated for peace. [2]Therefore, imagining that such a step would not be attempted unless the fabric of the empire were weakened, he swelled with still greater pride, embraced the name of peace, and proposed hard conditions; and dispatching one Narseus with gifts as his envoy, he sent a letter to Constantius, in no wise deviating from his native haughtiness, the tenor of which, as we have learned, was as follows: [...].

IX.007. Ammianus: The siege of Amida by the Persians, participation of the Chionite king Grumbates

IX.007/A. Amm. 19, 1, 7 f.

[7]Ideoque cum prima lux advenisset, rex Chionitarum Grumbates, fidenter Sapori suam operam navaturus, tendebat ad moenia, cum manu promptissima stipatorum, quem ubi venientem iam telo forte contiguum, contemplator peritissimus advertisset, contorta ballista, filium eius primae pubis adlescentem, lateri paterno haerentem, thorace cum pectore perforato perfodit, proceritate et decore corporis aequalibus antestantem. [8]cuius occasu in fugam dilapsi populares eius omnes, moxque ne raperetur, ratione iusta regressi, numerosas gentes ad arma clamoribus dissonis concitarunt, quarum concursu ritu grandinis hinc inde convolantibus telis, atrox committitur pugna. [9]et post interneciva certamina, ad usque finem diei protenta, cum iam noctis esset initium, per acervos caesorum, et scaturrigines sanguinis, aegre defensum caligine tenebrarum extrahitur corpus, ut apud Troiam quondam, super comite Thessali ducis exanimi, acies Marte acerrimo conflixerunt. [10]quo funere regia maesta, et optimatibus universis cum
parente subita clade perculsis, indicto iustitio, iuvenis nobilitate commendabilis et dilectus, ritu
nationis propriae lugebatur. itaque ut armari solebat elatus, in amplo quodam suggestu locatur
et celso, circaque eum lectuli decem sternuntur, figmenta vehentes hominum mortuorum, ita
curate pollincta, ut imagines essent corporibus similes iam sepultis, ac per dierum spatium
septem, viri quidem omnes per contubernia et manipulos epulis indulgebant, saltando, et
cantando tristia quaedam genera neniarum, regium iuvenem lamentantes. [11]feminae vero
miserabili planctu, in primaevo flore succisam spem gentis, solitis fletibus conclamabant, ut
lacrimare cultrices Veneris saepe spectantur, in solennibus Adonidis sacris, quod simulacrum
aliquod esse frugum adultarum religiones mysticae docent.

[7]And so, at the first dawn of day, Grumbates, king of the Chionitae, wishing to render coura-
geous service to his lord, boldly advanced to the walls with a band of active attendants; but a
skillful observer caught sight of him as soon as he chanced to come within range of his weapon,
and discharging a ballista, pierced both cuirass and breast of Grumbates's son, a youth just come
to manhood, who was riding at his father's side and was conspicuous among his companions
for his height and his handsome person. [8]Upon his fall all his countrymen scattered in flight,
but presently returned in well-founded fear that his body might be carried off, and with harsh
outcries roused numerous tribes to arms; and on their onset weapons flew from both sides like
hail and a fierce fight ensued. [9]After a murderous contest, protracted to the very end of the day,
at nightfall the body, which had with difficulty been protected amid heaps of slain and streams
of blood, was dragged off under cover of darkness, as once upon a time before Troy his com-
panions contended in a fierce struggle over the lifeless comrade of the Thessalian leader. [10]By
this death the palace was saddened, and all the nobles, as well as the father, were stunned by the
sudden calamity; accordingly, a truce was declared and the young man, honoured for his high
birth and beloved, was mourned after the fashion of his own nation. Accordingly, he was carried
out, armed in his usual manner, and placed upon a large and lofty platform, and about him were
spread ten couches bearing figures of dead men, so carefully made ready that the images were
like bodies already in the tomb. For the space of seven days all men by communities and com-
panies feasted (lamenting the young prince) with dances and the singing of certain sorrowful
dirges. [11]The women for their part, woefully beating their breasts and weeping after their
wonted manner, loudly bewailed the hope of their nation cut off in the bloom of youth, just as
the priestesses of Venus are often seen to weep at the annual festival of Adonis, which, as the
mystic lore of religion tells us, is a kind of symbol of the ripened grain.

<footnote>[1]Post incensum corpus ossaque in argenteam urnam conlecta, quae ad gentem humo mandanda portari statuerat pater, agitata summa consiliorum, placuerat, busto urbis subversae expiare perempti iuvenis manes; nec enim Grumbates, inulta unici pignoris umbra, ire ultra patiebatur.</footnote>

<footnote>[2]biduoque ad otium dato, ac missis abunde qui pacis modo patentes agros pingues cultosque
vastarent, quinquiens ordine multiplicato scutorum, cingitur civitas, ac tertiae principio lucis,
corusci globi turmarum impleverunt cuncta quae prospectus humanus potuit undique contueri,</footnote>
et sorte loca divisa, clementi gradu incedentes ordines occuparunt. [3]Persae omnes murorum ambitus obsidebant; pars quae orientem spectabat, Chionitis evenit, qua funestus nobis ceciderat adulescens, ⟨:Gelani:⟩ meridiano lateri sunt destinati, tractum servabant septentrionis Albani, occidentali portae oppositi sunt Segestani, acerrimi omnium bellatores, cum quibus elata in arduum specie, elephantorum agmina rugosis horrenda corporibus, leniter incedebant, armatis onusta, ultra omnem diritatem taetri spectaculi formidanda, ut rettulimus saepe.

[1]After the body had been burned and the ashes collected and placed in a silver urn, since the father had decided that they should be taken to his native land to be consigned to the earth, they debated what it was best to do; and it was resolved to propitiate the spirit of the slain youth by burning and destroying the city; for Grumbates would not allow them to go farther while the shade of his only son was unavenged. [2]Accordingly, after two days had been given to rest, a large force was sent to devastate the rich, cultivated fields, which were unprotected as in time of peace; then the city was begirt by a fivefold line of shields, and on the morning of the third day gleaming bands of horsemen filled all places which the eye could reach, and the ranks, advancing at a quiet pace, took the places assigned them by lot. [3]The Persians beset the whole circuit of the walls. The part which faced the east fell to the lot of the Chionitae, the place where the youth so fatal to us was slain, whose shade was destined to be appeased by the destruction of the city. The Gelani were assigned to the southern side, the Albani guarded the quarter to the north, and to the western gate were opposed the Segestani, the bravest warriors of all. With them, making a lofty show, slowly marched the lines of elephants, frightful with their wrinkled bodies and loaded with armed men, a hideous spectacle, dreadful beyond every form of horror, as I have often declared.

## IX.3. Huns as opponents of Persians and Romans in the fifth century CE

### IX.008. Priscus

#### IX.008/A. Prisc. frg. 11, 2 (Blockley): Hun invasion in the Middle East

Τῶν δὲ ἐν ἡμῖν τινος πυθομένου, ποίαν ὁδὸν τραπεὶς ἐς Πέρσας ἐλθεῖν δυνήσεται, ἔλεγεν ὁ Ῥωμύλος μὴ πολλῷ διαστήματι τὴν Μήδων ἀφεστάναι τῆς Σκυθικῆς· οὐδὲ γὰρ Οὖννους ἀπείρους τῆς ὁδοῦ ταύτης εἶναι, ἀλλὰ πάλαι ἐς αὐτὴν ἐμβεβληκέναι, λιμοῦ τε τὴν χώραν κρατήσαντος, καὶ Ῥωμαίων διὰ τὸν τότε συνιστάμενον πόλεμον μὴ συμβαλλόντων. παρεληλυθέναι δὲ ἐς τὴν Μήδων τόν τε Βασίχ καὶ Κουρσίχ τοὺς ὕστερον ἐς τὴν Ῥώμην ἐληλυθότας εἰς ὁμαιχμίαν, ἄνδρας τῶν βασιλείων Σκυθῶν καὶ πολλοῦ πλήθους ἄρχοντας. καὶ τοὺς διαβεβηκότας λέγειν ὡς ἔρημον ἐπελθόντες χώραν καὶ λίμνην τινὰ περαιωθέντες, ἦν ὁ Ῥωμύλος τὴν Μαιῶτιν εἶναι ᾧετο, πεντεκαίδεκα διαγενομένων ἡμερῶν ὄρη τινὰ
ὑπερβάντες ἐς τὴν Μηδικὴν ἐσέβαλον. ληιζομένοις δὲ καὶ τὴν γῆν κατατρέχουσι πλῆθος Περοικὸν ἐπελθὸν τὸν σφῶν ὑπερκείμενον ἄρα πλῆσαι βελῶν, ὥστε σφᾶς δέει τοῦ κατασχόντος κινδύνου ἀναχωρῆσαι εἰς τοὐπίσω καὶ τὰ ὄρη ὑπεξελθεῖν ὀλίγην ἄγοντας λείαν· ἡ γὰρ πλείστη ὑπὸ τῶν Μήδων ἀφήρητο. εὐλαβουμένους δὲ τὴν τῶν πολεμίων δίωξιν ἐτέραν τραπῆναι ὁδόν, καὶ μετὰ τὴν ἐκ τῆς ὑφάλου πέτρας ἀναπεμπομένην φλόγα ἐκεῖθεν πορευθέντας ἡμερῶν ὀλίγων ὁδὸν εἰς τὰ οἰκεῖα ἀφικέσθαι καὶ γνῶναι οὐ πολλῷ διαστήματι τῶν Μήδων ἀφεστάναι τὴν Σκυθικήν. τὸν οὖν Ἀττήλαν ἐπ’ αὐτὴν ἱέναι βουλόμενον οὐ πονήσειν πολλὰ οὐτε μακρὰν ἀνύσειν ὁδόν, ὥστε καὶ Μήδους καὶ Πάρθους καὶ Πέρσας παραστήσεσθαι καὶ ἀναγκάσειν ἐλθεῖν ἐς φόρου ἀπαγωγήν· παρεῖναι γὰρ αὐτῷ μάχιμον δύναμιν, ἥν οὐδὲν ἔθνος ὑποστήσεται.

When one of those amongst us asked what road Attila could take to reach Persia, Romulus replied that the land of the Medes was not a great distance from Scythia, and the Huns were not ignorant of the route. They came upon it long ago when famine was sweeping their land and the Romans did not oppose them on account of the war in which were then involved. Basich and Kursich, members of the Scythian royalty and commanders of a large force (who later came to Rome to make an alliance), reached the land of the Medes. Those Huns who have gone over to the Romans say that, having come into a desert land and having crossed a lake (which Romulus thought was Maeotis), after fifteen days they passed over some mountains and entered Media. As they were overrunning and plundering the land, a Persian army confronted them and filled the air above them with missiles, so that they had to retreat from their immediate danger and retire across the mountains. They gained little plunder, since the Medes took most of it from them. As a precaution against enemy pursuit they took a different route and, after a journey of a few days from the flame that issues from the rock beneath the sea, they reached their own land. Thus they know that Scythia is not far from Media and, if Attila wished to go there, he would neither have much toil nor a long journey. And so, since he has a military force which no nation can withstand, he would subdue the Medes, the Parthians, and the Persians and force them to pay tribute.

### IX.008/B. Prisc. frg. 33, 1 (Blockley): Kidarite Huns in Inner Asia

Ἐτι τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐς Κόλχους ἐλθόντων καὶ συμβαλόντων πόλεμον πρὸς Λαζούς, ὁ μὲν Ῥωμαϊκὸς στρατὸς ἐς τὰ σφέτερα ἐπανέξευξεν, καὶ οἱ ἀμφὶ τὰ βασίλεια πρὸς τὴν ἐτέραν μάχην παρεσκευάζοντο βουλευόμενοι, πότερον τὴν αὐτὴν ἢ τὴν δι' Ἀρμενίας τῆς Περσῶν χώρας προσοίκου πορευθέντες ὁδὸν τὸν πόλεμον ἐπάξουσι, πρότερον πρεσβείᾳ τὸν μόναρχον τῶν Παρθυαίων πείσαντες· κατὰ γὰρ θάλατταν ἄπορον αὐτοῖς πάνυ ἐνομίζετο τὰς δυσχωρίας παραπλεῖν, ἀλιμένου τῆς Κόλχου τυγχανούσης. ὁ δὲ Γωβάζης ἐπρεσβεύετο μὲν καὶ αὐτὸς παρὰ τοὺς Παρθυαίους, ἐπρεσβεύετο δὲ καὶ παρὰ τὸν βασιλέα Ῥωμαίων. καὶ ὁ μὲν τῶν Πάρθων μόναρχος, ὡς πολέμου αὐτῷ συνισταμένου πρὸς Οὖννους τοὺς Κιδαρίτας καλουμένους, ἀπεσείσατο παρ' αὐτὸν τοὺς Λαζοὺς καταφεύγοντας.
The Romans went to Colchis, made war on the Lazi, and then the Roman army returned home. The Emperor's advisers prepared for a second campaign and deliberated whether in pursuing the war they should travel by the same route or through the part of Armenia close to Persian territory, having first sent an embassy to win over the monarch of the Parthians. For it was considered wholly impracticable to take the sea route along the rugged coast, since Colchis had no harbour. Gobazes himself sent envoys to the Parthians and also to the Romans. Since the monarch of the Parthians was involved in a war with the so-called Kidarite Huns, he ejected the Lazi who were fleeing to him.

### IX.008/C. Prisc. frg. 41, 3 (Blockley): Perozes and the Kidarite Huns

‘Οτι τὸν Κωνστάντιον τὸν πρεσβευτὴν ἐν τῇ Ἐδέσῃ χρόνον ἐπιμείναντα, ὡς εἴρηταί μοι, τῆς πρεσβείας πέρι, τότε ἐδέξατο ὁ Περσῶν μόναρχος ἐς τὴν σφετέραν καὶ παρ' αὐτὸν ἀφικέσθαι προσέταξεν, οὐκ ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν, ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἐν τοῖς μεθορίοις αὐτῶν τε καὶ Οὖννων τῶν Κιδαριτῶν τὰς διατριβὰς ποιούμενος (>:πρὸς οὐς πόλεμος:<) αὐτῷ συνίστατο αἰτίαν ἔχων ὡς τοὺς φόρους τῶν Οὖννων μὴ κομιζομένων, οὐς οἱ πάλαι μὲν τῶν Περσῶν καὶ Πάρθων βασιλεύοντες ἔθεντο. οὖ ὁ πατήρ τὴν τοῦ φόρου ἀπαρνησάμενος ἀπαγωγὴν τὸν πόλεμον ὑπεδέξατο καὶ τοῦτον μετὰ τῆς βασιλείας παρέπεμψε τῷ παιδί, ὥστε ταῖς μάχαις ἐπιτριβομένους τοὺς Πέρσας ἀπάτη ἐθελῆσαι τὴν τῶν Οὖννων λῦσαι διαφοράν, καὶ δῆτα διαπέμψασθαι τὸν Πειρώζην (τοῦτο γὰρ ἦν ὄνομα τῷ τότε Περσῶν βασιλεύοντι) πρὸς τὸν Κούγχαν τὸν Οὖννων ἡγούμενον, ὡς τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀσμενίζων εἰρήνην ἐπί τε συμμαχίᾳ σπένδεσθαι βούλοιτο καὶ τὴν αὐτοῦ κατεγγυᾶ ἀδελφήν (νεώτατον γὰρ αὐτὸν εἶναι συνέβαινε καὶ μηδέπω παίδων εἶναι πατέρα). τὸν δὲ προσδεξάμενον τοὺς λόγους γήμασθαι οὐ τοῦ Πειρώζου ἀδελφήν, ἀλλ' ἐτέραν γυναῖκα βασιλικῶς διακοσμηθεῖσαν, ἦν ὁ Περσῶν μόναρχος ἐξέπεμψε, παρεγγυήσας ὡς οὐδὲν μὲν ἀνακαλύπτουσα τῶν ἐσχηματισμένων βασιλείας καὶ εὐδαιμονίας μεθέξει, ἐκλέγουσα δὲ τὴν ὑπόκρισιν θάνατον ἔξει ζημίαν· οὐ γὰρ ἀνέξεσθαι τὸν Κιδαριτῶν ἄρχοντα θεράπαιναν ἔχειν γαμετὴν ἀντὶ τῆς εὖ γενομένης.

Τούτου χάριν σπεισάμενος ὁ Πειρώζης πρὸς τὸν τῶν Οὖννων ἡγούμενον οὐκ ἐπὶ πολὺ τῆς ἀπάτης ἀπώνατο εὐλαβηθεῖσα γὰρ ἡ γυνή, μήποτε ὁ ἄρχων τοῦ ἔθνους ὑπὸ ἐτέρων πυθόμενος τὴν αὐτῆς τύχην χαλεπῷ αὐτὴν ὑφέξει θανάτῳ, μηνύει τὸ μελετηθέν. ὁ δὲ Κούγχας ἐπαινέσας τὴν γυναῖκα τῆς ἀληθείας αὐτὴν μὲν ἔμεινεν ἔχων γαμετήν, τίσασθαι δὲ τοῦ δόλου Πειρώζην ἐθέλων πόλεμον πρὸς τοὺς ὁμόρους ἔχειν ὑπεκρίνετο δεῖσθαί τε ἀνδρῶν οὐ τῶν πρὸς μάχην ἐπιτηδείων, (μυρίον γὰρ αὐτῷ παρεῖναι πλῆθος) ἀλλὰ τῶν στρατηγησόντων αὐτῷ τὸν πόλεμον. ὁ δὲ ταὐτῷ ἄνδρας τῶν λογάδων ἐξέπεμψεν. καὶ τοὺς μὲν ὁ τῶν Κιδαριτῶν ἄρχων ἀπέκτεινεν, τοὺς δὲ λωβησάμενος παρὰ τὸν Πειρώζην ἀπέπεμψεν ἀπαγγελοῦντας ὡς τῆς ἀπάτης ταύτην ἔδωκε δίκην. οὕτως αὖθις αὐτοῖς ὁ πόλεμος ἀνεζωπυρήθη, καὶ ἐμάχοντο καρτερῶς. ἐν Γόργᾳ τοίνυν, (τοῦτο γὰρ ὄνομα τῷ χωρίῳ, ἐν ᾧπερ συνέβαινε τοὺς Πέρσας στρατοπεδεύεσθαι) τὸν Κωνστάντιον ὁ Πειρώζης ἐδέχετο καί τινας ἡμέρας φιλοφρονησάμενος διαφῆκε δεξιὸν οὐδὲν περὶ τῆς πρεσβείας ἀποκρινάμενος.
When Constantius the envoy had waited for a while at Edessa, as I have said, for the sake of his embassy, the Persian monarch gave him admittance to his territory. He asked Constantius to come to him while he was engaged not in the cities but on the borders between his people and the Kidarite Huns. With these a war had begun, the cause of which was that the Huns were not receiving the tribute monies which the former rulers of the Persians and the Parthians had paid. The father of the monarch had refused the payment of the tribute and had undertaken the war, which his son had inherited together with the kingdom. As a result the Persians were being worn down by the fighting and wished to end the dispute with the Huns by guile. So Perozes (for this was the name of the current Persian king) sent to Kunchas, the leader of the Huns, saying that he welcomed peace with him and wished to make a treaty of alliance and betroth his sister to him, for he happened to be very young and not yet the father of children. However, when Kunchas had accepted these proposals, he married not the sister of Perozes but another woman dressed as a princess, whom the Persian king had sent, having told her that if she did not reveal the trick she would enjoy royal status and affluence, but if she told of the deceit, she would suffer death as the penalty, since the ruler of the Kidarites would not endure to have a maidservant to wife instead of a noblewoman.

Having made the treaty on these terms, Perozes did not long profit from his treachery towards the ruler of the Huns. For the woman, fearing that at some time the ruler of the people would be told of her status by others and would put her to a cruel death, revealed what had been done. Kunchas praised the woman for her honesty and continued to keep her as his wife. But, wishing to punish Perozes for his trick, he pretended that he was at war with his neighbours and had need, not of fighting men (for he had an enormous number of these), but of generals to direct the war. Perozes sent him three hundred of his leading captains, and of these the ruler of the Kidarites killed some and mutilated the rest, sending them back to Perozes with the message that this was the punishment for his treachery. Thus the war between them was rekindled, and there was heavy fighting. Therefore, Perozes received Constantius in Gorga, which was the name of the place at which the Persians were encamped, and having treated him generously for a few days, dismissed him without a satisfactory reply to the embassy.

### IX.008/D. Prisc. frg. 51, 1 (Blockley): Persians and Kidarite Huns in inner Asia

“Οτι μεγίστης πρὸς τὸ Σουάνων ἔθνος Ῥωμαίοις τε καὶ Λαζοῖς ὑπαρχούσης διαφορᾶς, καὶ σφόδρα ἐς τὴν τοῦ ἀσήματος τῶν Σουάνων συνισταμένων μάχην, καὶ Περσῶν δὲ ἐθελόντων αὐτῷ πολεμεῖν διὰ τὰ φρούρια, ἄπερ (፡ ὑπὸ:) τῶν Σουάνων ἀφήρηντο, πρεσβείαν ἔστελλεν, ἐπικούρους αὐτῷ διαπεμφθῆναι παρὰ βασιλέως αἰτῶν ἐκ τῶν παραφυλαττόντων στρατιωτῶν τὰ Ἀρμενίων ὅρια τῶν Ῥωμαίοις ὑποτελῶν, ἐφ’ ᾧ προσχώρων ὄντων ἑτοίμην ἔχειν βοήθειαν, καὶ μὴ κινδυνεύειν τοὺς πόρρωθεν ἀπεκδεχόμενον, ἢ παραγενομένων ἐπιτρίβεσθαι δαπάνῃ, τοῦ πολέμου, ἂν οὕτω τύχῃ, διαναβαλλομένου, καθάπερ ἤδη πρότερον ἐγεγόνει. τῆς γὰρ σὺν Ἠρακλείῳ ἀπεσταλμένης βοηθείας, καὶ Περσῶν καὶ Ἰβήρων τῶν αὐτῷ ἐπαγόντων τὸν πόλεμον πρὸς ἑτέρων ἐθνῶν τότε ἀπασχοληθέντων μάχην, τὴν συμμαχίαν ἀπέπεμψεν ἀσχάλλων ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν τροφῶν
χορηγία, ὥστε αὖθις τῶν Πάρθων ἐπ’ αὐτὸν ἀναζευξάντων Ῥωμαίους ἐπικαλέσασθαι. τῶν δὲ στεῖλαι τὴν βοήθειαν ἐπαγγειλαμένων καὶ ἀνδρα τὸν αὐτῆς ἡγησόμενον, παρεγένετο καὶ Περσῶν πρεσβεία ἀγγέλλουσα τοὺς Κιδαρίτας Οὖννους ὑπ’ αὐτῶν κατηγωνίσθαι καὶ Βαλαὰμ πόλιν αὐτῶν ἐκπεπολιορκηκέναι. ἐμήνυον δὲ τὴν νίκην καὶ βαρβαρικῶς ἐπεκόμπαζον τὴν παροῦσαν αὐτοῖς μεγίστην δύναμιν ἀποφαίνειν ἐθέλοντες. ἀλλὰ αὐτοὺς παραυτίκα τούτων ἀγγελθέντων ἀπέπεμπε βασιλεύς, ἐν μείζονι φροντίδι τὰ ἐν Σικελίᾳ συνενεχθέντα ποιούμενος.

A very serious dispute existed between the Romans and Lazi and the nation of the Suani. The Suani were making war against ..., and the Persians wished to go to war with him because of the forts which had been captured by the Suani. He, therefore, sent an embassy to the Romans, asking that reinforcements be sent by the Emperor from amongst the troops who were guarding the borders of that part of Armenia which was tributary to the Romans. Thus, since these were close at hand he would have ready assistance and would not be endangered while waiting for troops to come from a distance. Furthermore, he would not be burdened with the expense of supporting them if they came and the war was postponed, as had happened earlier. For when Heracleius was sent with help and the Persians and Iberians, who were at war with him, were diverted to fighting other peoples, he dismissed the reinforcements since he was worried about supporting them. As a result, when the Persians returned against him, he again called upon the Romans.

When the Romans had replied that they would send help and a man to command it, an embassy arrived from the Persians which announced that they had crushed the Kidarite Huns and had taken their city of Balaam.<fnref n="1" /> They reported their victory and in barbaric fashion boasted about it, since they wished to advertise the very large force which they had at present. But when they had made this announcement, the Emperor straightaway dismissed them, since he was more concerned about the events in Sicily.

## IX.009. Ioannes Antiochenus frg. 237, 9 Mariev: Huns and Persians in the time of emperor Zeno

Μετὰ δὲ τὴν Θεοδωρίχου τῆς πολιορκίας ἀπαλλαγὴν Ἀνθουσα ἡ τοῦ Ἱλλοῦ θυγάτηρ ἐν τῷ φρουρίῳ μετήλλαξεν, ἐξ οὖπερ μάλιστα ὁ Ἱλλοῦς κατωλιγώρει τῆς φυλακῆς τῶν ἐνδον. καὶ ὁ τῶν Περσῶν βασιλεὺς Περόζης ζ΄ βιοὺς χρόνους μετὰ τὸν πατέρα Ἰσδιγέρδην βασιλεύσας ἐτελεύτησεν ἐν τῷ πρὸς τοὺς ὁμοροῦντας Οὖννους πολέμῳ. ἐνὸς δὲ διαγενομένου χρόνου, Καβάδης τῆς βασιλείας κρατεῖ, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτὸς ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς τῶν ἐν τέλει τινῶν τῆς ἡγεμονίας ὠσθεὶς ἐν φρουρίῳ καθείρχθη. ἐκεῖθέν τε λάθρα διαφυγῶν πρὸς τοὺς Καδισηνοὺς λεγομένους Οὖννους ἀφικνεῖται, καὶ δι' αὐτῶν αὖθις τὴν βασιλείαν κτησάμενος τοὺς ἐπιβουλεύσαντας ἀνεῖλεν.

<footnote n="1">¹ See Note Grenet on Text I.014 about Balaam.</footnote>
After the end of Theoderic's siege, Illus's daughter Anthousa perished in the fortress, and for this reason Illus utterly neglected the defense of those inside. And the Persian king Perozes died in a war against the neighbouring Huns, having reigned for seven years after his father Isdegerdes. After one year, Cavades seized the empire, but was also expelled from power as a result of a plot by some government officials and was imprisoned in a fortress; he secretly escaped from there and came to the so-called Cadisenian Huns and, having regained power with their support, he put to death those who had plotted against him.

### IX.010. Procopius, *De Bellis*: King Perozes, King Kabades and the Hephthalite Huns

#### IX.010/A. Proc. bell. 1, 3, 1–22

[1] Χρόνω δὲ ὕστερον Περόζης ὁ Περσῶν βασιλεὺς πρὸς τὸ Οὖννων τῶν Ἐφθαλιτῶν ἔθνος, οὕσπερ λευκοὺς ὀνομάζουσι, πόλεμον περὶ γῆς ὁρίων διέφερε, λόγου τε ἄξιον στρατὸν ἀγείρας ἐπὶ αὐτοὺς ἤει. [2] Ἐφθαλῖται δὲ Οὖννικὸν μὲν ἔθνος εἰσί τε καὶ ὀνομάζονται, οὐ μέντοι ἀναμίγνυνται ἢ ἐπιχωριάζουσιν Οὖννων τιοῖν ὦν ἡμεῖς ἴσμεν, ἐπεὶ οὕτε χώραν αὐτοῖς ὅμορον ἔχουσιν οὕτε πη αὐτῶν ἀγχιστα ᾧκηνται, ἀλλὰ προσοικοῦσι μὲν Πέρσαις πρὸς βορρᾶν ἄνεμον, οὖ δὴ πόλις Γοργὼ ὄνομα πρὸς αὐταῖς που ταῖς Περσῶν ἐσχατιαῖς ἐστιν, ἐνταῦθα δὲ περὶ γῆς ὁρίων διαμάχεσθαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους εἰώθασιν. [3] οὐ γὰρ νομάδες εἰσὶν ὥσπερ τὰ ἄλλα Οὖννικὰ ἔθνη, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ χώρας ἀγαθῆς τινος ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἴδρυνται. [4] ταῦτά τοι οὐδέ τινα ἐσβολὴν πεποίηνται πώποτε ἐς Ῥωμαίων τὴν γῆν, ὅτι μὴ ξὺν τῷ Μήδων στρατῷ. μόνοι δὲ Οὖννων οὖτοι λευκοί τε τὰ σώματα καὶ οὐκ ἄμορφοι τὰς ὄψεις εἰσίν. [5] οὐ μὴν ο τὴν δίαιταν ὁμοιότροπον αὐτοῖς ἔχουσιν ο θηρίου βίον τινὰ ἤπερ ἐκεῖνοι ζῶσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς βασιλέως ἐνὸς ἄρχονται καὶ πολιτείαν ἔννομον ἔχοντες ἀλλήλοις τε καὶ τοῖς πέλας ἀεὶ ὀρθῶς καὶ δικαίως ξυμβάλλουσι, Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Περσῶν οὐδέν τι ἦσσον. [6] οἱ μέντοι εὐδαίμονες αὐτοῖς φίλους ἐταιρίζονται ἄχρι ἐς εἴκοσιν, ἦν οὕτω τύχοι, ἢ τούτων πλείους, οἴπερ αὐτοῖς ξυμπόται μὲν ἐς ἀεὶ γίνονται, τῶν δὲ χρημάτων μετέχουσι πάντων, κοινῆς τινος ἐξουσίας αὐτοῖς ἐς ταῦτα ος. [7] ἐπειδὰν δὲ τῷ αὐτοὺς ἐταιρισαμένῳ τελευτῆσαι ξυμβαίη, τούτους δὴ τοὺς ἄνδρας ζῶντας ξὺν αὐτῷ ἐς τὸν τάφον ἐσκομίζεσθαι νόμος.

[1] At a later time the Persian King Perozes became involved in a war concerning boundaries with the nation of the Ephthalitae Huns, who are called White Huns, gathered an imposing army, and marched against them. [2] The Ephthalitae are of the stock of Huns in fact as well as in name; however they do not mingle with any of the Huns known to us, for they occupy a land neither adjoining nor even very near them; but their territory lies immediately to the north of Persia; indeed their city, called Gorgo, is located over against the Persian frontier, and is consequently the centre of frequent contests concerning boundary lines between the two peoples. [3] For they are not nomads like the other Hunnic peoples, but for a long period have been established in a goodly land. [4] As a result of this they never have made any incursion into the Roman territory except in company with the Median army. They are the only ones among the Huns who have
white bodies and countenances which are not ugly. [⁵]It is also true that their manner of living is unlike that of their kinsmen, nor do they live a savage life as they do; but they are ruled by one king, and since they possess a lawful constitution, they observe right and justice in their dealings both with another and with their neighbours, in no degree less than the Romans and the Persians.

[⁶]Moreover, the wealthy citizens are in the habit of attaching to themselves friends to the number of twenty or more, as the case may be, and these become permanently their banquet-companions, and have a share in all their property, enjoying some kind of common right in this matter.

[⁷]Then, when the man who has gathered such a company together comes to die, it is the custom that all these men be borne alive into the tomb with him.

[⁸]Ἐπὶ τούτους τοὺς Ἐφθαλίτας τῷ Περόζῃ πορευομένω ξυμπαρῆν πρεσβευτὴς, ὃς δὴ ἔτυχε πρὸς βασιλέως Ζήνωνος παρ' αὐτὸν ἐσταλμένος, Εὐσέβιος ὄνομα. Ἐφθαλῖται δὲ δόκησιν παρεχόμενοι τοῖς πολεμίοις, ὅτι δὴ αὐτῶν κατωρρωδηκότες τὴν ἔφοδον ἐς φυγὴν ὥρμηνται, ἤσαν δρόμω ἐς χῶρόν τινα, ὄνπερ ὄρη ἀπότομα πανταχόθεν ἐκύκλουν, συχνοῖς τε καὶ ἀμφιλαφέσιν ἐς ἄγαν καλυπτόμενα δένδροις. [9]ἐντὸς δὲ τῶν ὀρῶν προϊόντι ὡς πορρωτάτω ὁδὸς μέν τις ἐφαίνετο ἐν μέσῳ εὐρεῖα ἐπὶ πλεῖστον διήκουσα, ἔξοδον δὲ τελευτῶσα οὐδαμῇ εἶχεν, ἀλλ' ἐς αὐτὸν μάλιστα τὸν κύκλον τῶν ὀρῶν ἔληγε. [10]Περόζης μὲν οὖν, δόλου παντὸς ἀφροντιστήσας οὐκ ἐννοῶν τε ὡς ἐν γῇ ἀλλοτρίᾳ πορεύοιτο, ἀνεπισκέπτως ἐδίωκε. [11]τῶν δὲ Οὖννων ὀλίγοι μέν τινες ἔμπροσθεν ἔφευγον, οἱ δὲ πλεῖστοι ἐν ταῖς δυσχωρίαις διαλαθόντες κατὰ νώτου ἐγένοντο τοῦ τῶν πολεμίων στρατοῦ, οὖπω τε αὐτοῖς ἐβούλοντο ἔνδηλοι εἶναι, ὅπως δὴ τῆς ἐνέδρας πόρρω χωρήσαντες ἐντός τε τῶν ὀρῶν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον γεγενημένοι μηκέτι ὀπίσω ἀναστρέφειν οἶοί τε ὥσιν.

[⁸]Perozes, marching against these Ephthalitae, was accompanied by an ambassador, Eusebius by name, who, as it happened, had been sent to his court by the emperor Zeno. Now the Ephthalitae made it appear to their enemy that they had turned to flight because they were wholly terrified by their attack, and they retired with all speed to a place which was shut in on every side by precipitous mountains, and abundantly screened by a close forest of wide-spreading trees. [⁹]Now as one advanced between the mountains to a great distance, a broad way appeared in the valley, extending apparently to an indefinite distance, but at the end it had no outlet at all, but terminated in the very midst of the circle of mountains. [¹⁰]So Perozes, with no thought at all of treachery, and forgetting that he was marching in a hostile country, continued the pursuit without the least caution. [¹¹]A small body of the Huns were in flight before him, while the greater part of their force, by concealing themselves in the rough country, got in the rear of the hostile army; but as yet they desired not to be seen by them, in order that they might advance well into the trap and get as far possible in among the mountains, and thus be no longer able to turn back.

[¹²]ἔωνπερ οἱ Μῆδοι αἰσθόμενοι (ήδη γὰρ καί τι τοῦ κινδύνου ὑπέφαινεν) αὐτοὶ μὲν δέει τῷ ἐκ Περόζου τὰ παρόντα σφίσιν ἐν σιωπῇ εἶχον, Εὐσέβιον δὲ πολλὰ ἐλιπάρουν παραίνεσιν ἐς τὸν βασιλέα ποιήσασθαι μακρὰν ἀπολελειμμένον τῶν οἰκείων κακῶν, βουλεύεσθαι μᾶλλον ἤ θρασύνεσθαι οὐκ ἐν δέοντι, καὶ διασκοπεῖσθαι, ἥν τίς ποτε μηχανὴ ἐς σωτηρίαν φέρουσα εἴη. [¹³]ό δὲ Περόζῃ ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθὼν τύχην μὲν τὴν παροῦσαν ὡς ἤκιστα
ἀπεκάλυψεν, ἀρξάμενος δὲ μυθοποΐας λέοντά ποτε τράγω ἔφασκεν ἐντυχεῖν δεδεμένω τε
καὶ μηκωμένω ἐπὶ χώρου τινὸς οὐ λίαν ὑψηλοῦ, ἐπὶ θοίνῃ δὲ αὐτοῦ τὸν λέοντα ἐφιέμενον
όρμῆσαι μὲν ὡς ἁρπάσοντα, ἐμπεσεῖν δὲ ἐς κατώρυχα βαθεῖαν μάλιστα, ὁδὸν κυκλοτερῆ
ἔχουσαν στενήν τε καὶ οὐ πεπερασμένην (διέξοδον γὰρ οὐδαμῆ εἶχεν), ἥν δὴ οἱ τοῦ τράγου
κύριοι ἐξεπίτηδες τεχνησάμενοι ὕπερθεν τῆς κατώρυχος τὸν τράγον τεθείκασι τῷ λέοντι
ποδοστράβην ἐσόμενον.

[12] When the Medes began to realize all this (for they now began to have a glimmering of their peril), though they refrained from speaking of the situation themselves through fear of Perozes, yet they earnestly entreated Eusebius to urge upon the king, who was completely ignorant of his own plight, that he should take counsel rather than make an untimely display of daring, and consider well whether there was any way of safety open to them. [13] So he went before Perozes, but by no means revealed the calamity which was upon them; instead he began with a fable, telling how a lion once happened upon a goat bound down and bleating on a mound of no very great height, and how the lion, bent upon making a feast of the goat, rushed forward with intent to seize him, but fell into a trench exceedingly deep, in which was a circular path, narrow and endless (for it had no outlet anywhere), which indeed the owners of the goat had constructed for this very purpose, and they had placed the goat above it to be a bait for the lion.

[14] ταῦτα Περόζης ἀκούσας ἐς δέος ἦλθε μή ποτε Μῆδοι ἐπὶ πονηρῷ τῷ σφετέρῳ τὴν δίωξιν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους πεποίηνται. καὶ πρόσω μὲν οὐκέτι ἐχώρει, μένων δὲ αὐτοῦ τὰ παρόντα ἐν βουλῇ ἐποιεῖτο. [15] Οὖννοι δὲ ἤδη ἑπόμενοι ἐκ τοῦ ἐμφανοῦς τοῦ χώρου τὴν εἴσοδον ἐν φυλακῇ εἶχον, ὅπως μηκέτι οἱ πολέμιον ὀπίσω ἀπελαύνειν οἶοί τε ὥσι. [16] καὶ οἱ Πέρσαι τότε δὴ λαμπρῶς ἠσθημένοι οὖ ἦσαν κακοῦ ἐν συμφορᾳ ἐποιοῦντο τὰ παρόντα σφίσι, διαφεύξεσθαι τὸν κίνδυνον ἐν ἐλπίδι οὐδεμιᾳ τὸ λοιπὸν ἔχοντες. [17] ὁ δὲ τῶν Ἐφθαλιτῶν βασιλεὺς πέμψας παρὰ Περόζην τῶν οἱ ἑπομένων τινάς, πολλὰ μὲν αὐτῷ θράσους πέρι ἀλογίστου ὡνείδισεν, ἀφ' οὖ δὴ αὐτόν τε καὶ τὸ Περσῶν γένος κόσμω οὐδενὶ διαφθείρειν, ἐνδώσειν δὲ καὶ ὡς τὴν σωτηρίαν Οὖννους αὐτοῖς ἐπηγγέλλετο, ἥν γε αὐτόν τε Περόζης προσκυνεῖν βούλοιτο, ἄτε δεσπότην γεγενημένον καὶ ὄρκους τοὺς σφίσι πατρίους ὀμνύς τὰ πιστὰ δοίη, μήποτε Πέρσας ἐπὶ τὸ Ἐφθαλιτῶν ἔθνος στρατεύσασθαι.

[14] When Perozes heard this, a fear came over him lest perchance the Medes had brought harm upon themselves by their pursuit of the enemy. He therefore advanced no further, but, remaining where he was, began to consider the situation. [15] By this time the Huns were following him without any concealment and were guarding the entrance of the place in order that their enemy might no longer be able to withdraw to the rear. [16] Then at last the Persians saw clearly in what straits they were, and they felt that the situation was desperate; for they had no hope that they would ever escape from the peril. [17] Then the king of the Ephthalitae sent some of his followers to Perozes; he upbraided him at length for his senseless foolhardiness, by which he had wantonly destroyed both himself and the Persian people, but he announced that even so the Huns would grant them deliverance, if Perozes should consent to prostrate himself before him as having
proved himself master, and, taking the oaths traditional among the Persians, should give pledges that they would never again take the field against the nation of the Ephthalitae.

[18]ταῦτα ἐπεὶ Περόζης ἤκουσε, μάγων τοῖς παροῦσι κοινολογησάμενος ἀνεπυνθάνετο εἰ τὰ ἐπαγγελλόμενα πρὸς τῶν ἐναντίων ποιητέα εἴη. [19]οἱ δὲ μάγοι ἀπεκρίναντο τὰ μὲν ἀμφὶ τῷ ὅρκῳ ὅπη οἱ βουλομένω ἐστὶν αὐτὸν διοικήσασθαι, ἐς μέντοι τὸ ἔτερον σοφίᾳ περιελθεῖν τὸν πολέμιον. [20]εἶναι γὰρ αὐτοῖς νόμον τὰς τοῦ ἡλίου ἀνατολὰς προσκυνεῖν ἡμέρᾳ έκάστῃ. [21]δεήσειν οὖν αὐτὸν τηρήσαντα ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὰς τὸν καιρὸν ξυγγενέσθαι μὲν ἄμα ἡμέρᾳ τῷ τῶν Ἐφθαλιτῶν ἄρχοντι, τετραμμένον δέ που πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα ἤλιον προσκυνεῖν ταύτῃ γὰρ ἂν ἐς τὸ ἔπειτα τῆς πράξεως τὴν ἀτιμίαν φυγεῖν δύναιτο. [22]Περόζης μὲν οὖν ἀμφί τε τῇ εἰρήνῃ τὰ πιστὰ ἔδωκε καὶ τὸν πολέμιον προσεκύνησε, καθάπερ τῶν μάγων ἡ ὑποθήκη παρήγγελλεν, ἀκραιφνεῖ δὲ παντὶ τῷ Μήδων στρατῷ ἐπὶ οἴκου ἄσμενος ἀνεχώρησε.

[18]When Perozes heard this, he held a consultation with the Magi who were present and enquired of them whether he must comply with the terms dictated by the enemy. [19]The Magi replied that, as to the oath, he should settle the matter according to his own pleasure; as for the rest, however, he should circumvent his enemy by craft. [20]And they reminded him that it was the custom among the Persians to prostrate themselves before the rising sun each day; [21]he should therefore, watch the time closely and meet the leader of the Ephthalitae at dawn, and then, turning toward the rising sun, make his obeisance. In this way, they explained, he would be able in the future to escape the ignominy of the deed. [22]Perozes accordingly gave the pledges concerning the peace and prostrated himself before his foe exactly as the Magi had suggested, and so with the whole Median army intact, gladly retired homeward.

[1]Χρόνω δὲ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἀλογήσας τὰ ὀμωμοσμένα τίσασθαι Οὖννους τῆς ἐς αὐτὸν ὕβρεως ἤθελε. [2]πάντας οὖν αὐτίκα ἐκ πάσης γῆς Πέρσας τε καὶ ξυμμάχους ἀγείρας ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἐφθαλίτας ἦγε, τῶν παίδων ἕνα μὲν Καβάδην ὄνομα μόνον ἀπολιπὼν (τηνικαῦτα γὰρ ἡβηκώς ἔτυχε), τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἄπαντας ἐπαγόμενος τριάκοντα μάλιστα. [3]Ἐφθαλῖται δὲ αὐτοῦ τὴν ἐφοδον ὁγνόντες ἀχθόμενοι τε οἷς δὴ πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ἡπάτηντο τὸν βασιλέα ἐκάκιζον, ἄτε προέμενον Μήδοις τὰ πράγματα. [4]καὶ δicom αὐτῶν ξὺν γέλωτι ἐπυνθάνετο τί ποτε ἄρα σφῶν προέμενος εἴη, πότερον τὴν γῆν ἢ τὰ ὅπλα ἢ ἄλλο τι τῶν πάντων χρημάτων. [5]οἱ δὲ ὑπολαβόντες οὐκ ἄλλο οὐδὲν πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι τὸν καιρὸν ἔφασαν, οὖ τὰλλα πάντα ἠρτῆσθαι ξυμβαίνει. [6]οἱ μὲν οὖν τοῖς ἐπιοῦσιν ὑπαντιάζειν πάσῃ προθυμίᾳ ἠξίουν, ὁ δὲ αὐτοὺς μὲν ἔν γε τῷ παρόντι ἐκώλυεν. οὐ γάρ πω σαφές τι ἀμφὶ τῇ ἐφόδῳ ἰσχυρίζετο γεγονέναι σφίσιν, ἐπεὶ οἱ Πέρσαι ἔτι ἐν γῇ τῇ οἰκείᾳ τυγχάνουσιν ὄντες· μένων δὲ αὐτοῦ ἐποίει τάδε. [7]ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ, ἦ ἔμελλον Πέρσαι ἐς τὰ Ἐφθαλιτῶν ἤθη ἐσβάλλειν, χώραν πολλήν τινα ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀποτεμών τάφρον εἰργάσατο βαθεῖάν τε καὶ εὖρους ἱκανῶς ἔχουσαν, ὀλίγον τινὰ ἐν μέσῳ ἀκραιφνῆ χῶρον ἀπολιπὼν ὄσον ἱππων ὁδῷ ἐπαρκεῖν δέκα. [8]καλάμους τε τῇ τάφρῳ ὕπερθεν ἐπιθεὶς καὶ γῆν ἐπὶ τοὺς καλάμους
συναμησάμενος ταύτη ἐπιπολῆς ἔκρυψεν, Οὖννων τε τῷ ὁμίλῳ ἐπέστελλεν, ἐπειδὰν ἐνθένδε ὀπίσω ἀπελαύνειν μέλλωσι, διὰ χώρου τοῦ χέρσου ἐς ὀλίγους σφᾶς ξυναγαγόντας σχολαιτέρους ἰέναι, φυλασσομένους ὅπως μὴ ἐς τὰ ἐσκαμμένα ἐμπίπτοιεν. [9]τοὺς δὲ ἄλας ἄκρου σημείου τοῦ βασιλείου ἀπεκρέμασεν, ἐς οὖς τὸν ὅρκον Περόζης ὥμοσε πρότερον, ὃν δὴ ἀλογήσας εἶτα ἐπὶ Οὖννους ἐστράτευσεν.

[1]Not long after this, disregarding the oath he had sworn, he was eager to avenge himself upon the Huns for the insult done him. [2]He therefore straightway gathered together from the whole land all the Persians and their allies, and led them against the Ephthalitae; of all his sons he left behind him only one, Cabades by name, who, as it happened, was just past the age of boyhood; all the others, about thirty in number, he took with him. [3]The Ephthalitae, upon learning of his invasion, were aggrieved at the deception they had suffered at the hands of their enemy, and bitterly reproached their king as having abandoned them to the Medes. [4]He, with a laugh, enquired of them what in the world of theirs had he abandoned, whether their lands or their arms or any other part of their possessions. [5]They thereupon retorted that he had abandoned nothing, except, forsooth, the one opportunity on which, as it turned out, everything else depended on. [6]Now the Ephthalitae with all zeal demanded that they should go out to meet the invaders, but the king sought to restrain them at any rate for the moment. For he insisted that as yet they had received no definite information as to the invasion, for the Persians were still within their own boundaries. So, remaining where he was, he busied himself as follows. [7]In the plain where the Persians were to make their irruption into the land of the Ephthalitae he marked off a track of very great extent and made a deep trench of sufficient width; but in the centre he left a small portion of ground intact, enough to serve as a way for ten horses. [8]Over the trench he placed reeds, and upon the reeds he scattered earth, thereby concealing the true surface. He then directed the forces of the Huns that, when the time came to retire inside the trench, they should draw themselves together into a narrow column and pass rather slowly across this neck of land, taking care that they should not fall into the ditch. [9]And he hung from the top of the royal banner the salt over which Perozes had once sworn the oath which he had disregarded in taking the field against the Huns.

[10]ἔως μὲν οὖν ἐν γῆι τῇ σφετέρᾳ τοὺς πολεμίους ἤκουεν εἶναι, ἡσυχῇ ἔμενεν, ἐπεὶ δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐς Γοργὼ πόλιν ἔμαθεν ἀφικέσθαι πρὸς τῶν κατασκόπων, ἤπερ ἐν τοῖς ἐσχάτοις Περσῶν ὁρίοις τυγχάνει οὖσα, ἐνθένδε τε ἀπαλλαγέντας ὁδῷ ἐπὶ σφᾶς ἤδη ἰέναι, αὐτὸς μὲν τῷ πλείονι τοῦ στρατοῦ τῆς τάφρου ἐντὸς ἔμεινεν, ὀλίγους δὲ πέμψας ὀφθῆναι μὲν τοῖς ἐναντίοις ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ ἐκέλευε μακρὰν ἄποθεν, ὀφθέντας δὲ μόνον εἶτα ἀνὰ κράτος φεύγειν ὀπίσω, ἐν μνήμη τὰς αὐτοῦ ἐντολὰς ἀμφὶ τῇ κατώρυχι ἔχοντας, ἡνίκα δὴ αὐτῆς ἄγχιστα ἵκοιντο. [11]οἱ δὲ κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίουν, καὶ ἐπεὶ τῆς διώρυχος ἀγχοτάτω ἐγένοντο, ἐς ὀλίγους σφᾶς ξυναγαγόντες διέβησαν ἄπαντες καὶ τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ ἀνεμίγυντο. [12]οἱ δὲ Πέρσαι ξυνεῖναι τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς οὐδαμῇ ἔχοντες κατὰ κράτος ἐν πεδίῳ λίαν ὑπτίφ ἐδίωκον, θυμῷ πολλῷ ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους ἐχόμενοι, ἔς τε τὴν τάφρον ἐμπεπτώκασιν ἄπαντες, οὐχ οἱ πρῶτοι μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅσοι ὄπισθεν εἴποντο. [13]ἄτε γὰρ τὴν δίωξιν ἔξυν θυμῷ μεγάλῳ, καθάπερ ἐρρήθη, ποιούμενοι, ὡς ἤκιστα ἤσθοντο τοῦ κακοῦ, ὃ δὴ ξυντετύχηκε τοῖς
ἔμπροσθεν ἰοῦσιν, ἀλλ' ὑπέρ αὐτοὺς ξύν τοῖς ἱπποις τε καὶ δόρασιν ἐμπεπτωκότες ἐκείνους
τε, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἔκτειναν καὶ αὐτοὶ οὐδέν τι ἦσσον ξυνδιεφθάρησαν. [14]ἐν οἷς καὶ Περόζης
áln ξύν παιοὶ τοῖς αὐτοῦ ἄπασι. καὶ αὐτὸν μέλλοντα ἐς τὸ βάραθρον τοῦτο ἐμπεσεῖσθαι
φασι τοῦ τε δεινοῦ ἀσθῆσθαι καὶ τὸ μάργαρον, ὅ οἱ λευκότατόν τε καὶ μεγέθους ὑπερβολῆ
ἔντιμον ἐξ ὠτὸς τοῦ δεξιοῦ ἀπεκρέματο, ἀφελόντα ῥίψαι, ὅπως δὴ μή τις αὐτὸ ὀπίσω
φοροίη, ἐπεὶ ἀξιοθέατον ὑπερφυῶς ἦν, οἶον οὖπω πρότερον ἐτέρῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ γέγονεν,
ἐμοὶ μὲν οὐ πιστὰ λέγοντες. [15]οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἐνταῦθα γενόμενος τοῦ κακοῦ ἄλλου ὀτουοῦν ἐς
φροντίδα ἦλθεν, ἀλλ' οἶμαι τό τε οὖς αὐτῷ ἐν τούτῳ ξυγκεκόφθαι τῷ πάθει καὶ τὸ
μάργαρον ὅπη ποτὲ ἀφανισθῆναι. [16]otti ῥωμαίων βασιλεὺς τότε πρίασθαι πρὸς τῶν
Ἐφθαλιτῶν ἐν σπουδῇ ποιησάμενος ἦκιστα ἴσχυσεν. οὐ γὰρ αὐτὸ εὑρέσθαι οἱ βάρβαροι
εἶχον, καίπερ πόνῳ πολλῷ τὴν ζήτησιν ποιησάμενοι. φασὶ μέντοι Ἐφθαλίτας εὑρομένους
αὐτὸ ὕστερον τῷ Καβάδῃ ἀποδόσθαι.

[10]Now as long as he heard that the enemy were in their own territory, he remained at rest; but when he learned from his scouts that they had reached the city of Gorgo, which lies on the extreme of the Persian frontier, and that departing thence they were now advancing against his army, remaining himself with the greater part of his troops inside the trench, he sent forward a small detachment with instructions to allow themselves to be seen at a distance by the enemy in the plain, and, when once they had been seen, to flee at full speed to the rear keeping in mind his command concerning the trench as soon as they drew near to it. [11]They did as directed and, as they approached the trench, they drew themselves into a narrow column, and all passed over and joined the rest of the army. [12]But the Persians, having no means of perceiving the stratagem, gave chase at full speed across a very level plain, possessed as they were by a spirit of fury against the enemy, and fell into the trench, every man of them, not alone the first but also those who followed in the rear. [13]For since they entered into the pursuit with great fury, as I have said, they failed to notice the catastrophe which had befallen their leaders, but fell in on top of them with their horses and lances, so that, as was natural, they both destroyed them, and were themselves no less involved in ruin. [14]Among them were Perozes and all his sons. And just as he was about to fall into this pit, they say that he realized the danger, and seized and threw from him the pearl which hung from his right ear,—a gem of wonderful whiteness and greatly prized on account of its extraordinary size—in order, no doubt, that no one might wear it after him; for it was a thing exceedingly beautiful to look upon, such as no king before him had possessed. [15]This story, however, seems to me untrustworthy, because a man who found himself in such peril would have thought of nothing else; but I suppose that his ear was crushed in this disaster, and the pearl disappeared somewhere or other. [16]This pearl the Roman Emperor then made every effort to buy from the Ephthalitae, but was utterly unsuccessful. For the barbarians were not able to find it although they sought it with great labour. However, they say that the Ephthalitae found it later and sold it to Cabades.
[32]Οὖτω μὲν Περόζης τε διεφθάρη καὶ ξύμπασα ἡ Περσῶν στρατιά. εἰ γάρ τις οὐκ ἐμπεπτωκὼς ἐς τὴν διώρυχα ἔτυχεν, ὅδε ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ταῖς χερὶ γέγονε. [33]καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ νόμος τέθειται Πέρσαις μή ποτε σφᾶς ἐν γῇ πολεμίᾳ ἐλαύνοντας δίωξιν ποιεῖσθαί τινα, ἦν καὶ κατὰ κράτος τοὺς ἐναντίους σφίσι τραπῆναι ξυμβαίη. [34]ottiοι μέντοι Περόζῃ οὐ ξυστρατεύσαντες ἐν χώρᾳ τῇ αὐτῶν ἔμειναν, οὖτοι δὴ βασιλέα σφίσι Καβάδην εἴλοντο τὸν νεώτατον Περόζου υἱόν, ὅσπερ τηνικαῦτα περιῆν μόνος. [35]τότε δὴ Ἐφθαλίταις κατήκοοι ἐς φόρου ἀπαγωγὴν ἐγένοντο Πέρσαι, ἔως Καβάδης τὴν ἀρχὴν ἱσχυρότατα κρατυνάμενος φόρον αὐτοῖς ἀποφέρειν τὸν ἐπέτειον οὐκέτι ἠξίου. ἦρξαν δὲ Περσῶν οἱ βάρβαροι οὖτοι ἐνιαυτοὺς δύο.

[32]Thus Perozes was destroyed and the whole Persian army with him. For the few who by chance did not fall into the ditch found themselves at the mercy of the enemy. [33]As a result of this experience a law was established among the Persians that, while marching in hostile territory, they should never engage in any pursuit, even if it should happen that the enemy had been driven back by force. [34]Thereupon those who had not marched with Perozes and had remained in their own land chose as their king Cabades, the youngest son of Perozes, who was then the only one surviving. [35]At that time, then, the Persians became subject and tributary to the Ephthalitae, until Cabades had established his power most securely and no longer deemed it necessary to pay the annual tribute to them. And the time these barbarians ruled over the Persians was two years.

## IX.011. Agathias: King Perozes and the Hephthalites

IX.011/A. Agath. 4, 27, 4

ἀπόλωλε δὴ οὖν κατὰ τῶν Νεφθαλιτῶν ἐπιστρατεύσας, οὐ τοσοῦτον, οἶμαι, τῇ ῥώμῃ τῶν δυσμενῶν, ὁπόσον τῇ οἴκοθεν ἀκοσμίᾳ· δέον γὰρ αὐτὸν ξὺν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ κατὰ τὴν πολεμίαν πορεύεσθαι τὰς ἀδήλους ἐπιβουλὰς προδιασκοποῦντα καὶ φυλαττόμενον, ὁ δὲ λέληθεν ἑαυτὸν ἐνέδραις ἀθρόον περιπεσὼν καὶ βόθροις καὶ διώρυξιν, ἐπὶ μήκιστον τοῦ πεδίου πρὸς τὸ ἀπατηλὸν μεμηχανημέναις, αὐτοῦ τε ξὺν τῇ στρατιᾳ διεφθάρη τετάρτῳ καὶ εἰκοστῷ τῆς βασιλείας ἐνιαυτῷ, καὶ καταλύει τὸν βίον ἀκλεῶς, ἄτε δὴ ὑπὸ τῶν Οὖννων κατεστρατηγημένος·Οὐννικὸν γὰρ γένος οἱ Νεφθαλῖται.

Consequently he lost his life in an expedition against the Nephthalites<fnref n="1" /> not so much, I imagine, through the strength of his opponents as through his own recklessness. Though he should have taken all the necessary precautions and reconnaissance measures to safeguard his advance into enemy territory against ambush he fell straight into a trap, a series of carefully camouflaged pits and trenches that stretched over the plain for a very great distance. He perished there together with his army in the twenty-fourth year of his reign, outmanoeuvred by the Huns—an ignominious way of ending his life. The Nephthalites are in fact a Hunnic people.

<footnote n="1">¹ See Note Grenet to Text I.027/C on the form *Nephthalitai*.</footnote>
[1] [...] τοιγάρτοι ξυμφραξάμενοι ἄπαντες καὶ διαναστάντες καθαιροῦσι γε αὐτὸν τῆς ἀρχῆς τῷ ἑνδεκάτῳ ταύτης ἐνιαυτῷ καὶ ἐς τὸ τῆς Λήθης ἐμβάλλουσι φρούριον. [2]τὸ δὲ τῆς βασιλείας κράτος μετάγουσιν ἐπὶ Ζαμάσφην, Περόζου καὶ αὐτὸν παῖδα γεγενημένον καὶ ἄλλως πραότητός τε καὶ δικαιοσύνης ἄριστα ἔχειν δοκοῦντα. οὕτω τε ᾤοντο καλῶς αὐτοῖς ἄπαντα κατειργάσθαι, ὡς ἐξὸν τὸ λοιπὸν ἐν εὐκολίᾳ τε καὶ ῥαστώνῃ πολιτεύεσθαι καὶ βιοτεύειν. [3]ἀλλ' ὁ Καβάδης οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν ἀποδράσας, εἴτε τῆς γαμετῆς αὐτῷ ξυλλαβομένης τοῦ δόλου, ὡς Προκόπιος φησι, καὶ τὸν ὑπὲρ ἐκείνου θάνατον ὑπελθεῖν ἐλομένης, εἴτε καὶ ἄλλω χρησάμενος τρόπω, ἀποδράσας δὲ οὖν ὅμως καὶ ὑπεκβὰς τοῦ δεσμωτηρίου, ᾤχετο παρὰ τοὺς Νεφθαλίτας καὶ γίνεται τοῦ ἐκείνων βασιλέως ἱκέτης. [4]ο ἀδὲ τὰς ἀτάκτους ῥοπὰς τῆς τύχης διανοησάμενος προσίετο γε αὐτὸν μάλα εὐμενῶς καὶ διετέλει παρηγορῶν καὶ παραιρούμενος τῆς γνώμης τὸ ἀνιώμενον, τὰ μὲν πρῶτα θωπείᾳ τε ἀγαθῇ καὶ παραινέσει πρὸς τὰ ἀμείνονα τὸ φρονοῦν ἀναρρωννύσῃ καὶ πρός γε τραπέζῃ δαψιλεῖ καὶ φιλοτησίᾳ θαμὰ προτεινομένῃ καὶ ἐφεστρίσι τιμίαις καὶ τούτοις δὴ ἅπασι τοῖς εἰς φιλοξενίαν προχειροτάτοις· ὄλιγφ δὲ ὑστερον καὶ τὴν θυγατέρα κατεγγυᾶ πρὸς γάμον τῷ ξένῳ καὶ στρατιὰν αὐτῷ πρὸς τὴν κάθοδον ἀποχρῶσαν παραδοὺς ἔστειλεν αὖθις, τό τε ἀντιστατοῦν καθελοῦντα καὶ τὴν προτέραν εὐδαιμονίαν ἀνακτησόμενον. [5]ἐπεὶ δὲ πεφύκασι πρὸς τὰναντία πολλάκις συμφύρεσθαι τοῖς ἀνθρώποις αἱ τῶν δοκηθέντων ἐκβάσεις, τοιόνδε τι καὶ τότε ξυνέβη, καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἐφ' ἑκάτερα ῥοπήν τε καὶ κίνησιν ἐπὶ πολλῷ τῷ διαλλάττοντι ὁ τοῦ Καβάδου βίος ἐταλαντεύθη, καὶ ταῦτα ἐν χρόνῳ μετρίῳ. [6]ἐκ μὲν γὰρ βασιλέως πρότερον ὑπόδικος γέγονε καὶ δεσμώτης, ἀπαλλαγεὶς δὲ τῆς εἰρκτῆς φυγὰς καὶ μέτοικος καὶ ἱκέτης, ἐκ δὲ ἱκέτου καὶ ξένου κηδεστὴς βασιλέως καὶ οἰκειότατος· εὐθὺς δὲ κατελθὼν εἰς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη ἀνείληφε πάλιν τὴν ἀρχὴν πόνων ἐκτὸς καὶ κινδύνων, ὥσπερ οὐδαμώς αὐτὴν ἀφηρημένος, ἀλλ' εὑρὼν ἔτι σχολάζουσαν καὶ οἶον ἐκδεχομένην. [7]ο γὰρ Ζαμάσφης ἑκών ἀπέστη τοῦ θάκου καὶ μεθεῖναι μᾶλλον ἔγνω τὴν βασιλείαν, τέτταρας ἐνιαυτοὺς ἡσθεὶς ἐν αὐτῇ, καὶ ἀπαγορεῦσαι μὲν τῷ γαυρουμένῳ τῆς ψυχῆς καὶ φιλοδοξοῦντι, τὸ δὲ ἄπραγμον ξὺν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ἀνθελέσθαι· καὶ προϋλαβε τὴν ἀνάγκην ἡ εὐβουλία.

[1] [...] In the eleventh year of his reign the nobles all rose in a body against [Kavad] and deposed him, casting him into the “Prison of Oblivion.” [2]Zamasp was then invested with the royal power. He too was a son of Peroz and apart from that enjoyed a reputation for great gentleness of character and justice. In this way they thought that they had settled everything to their satisfaction and that henceforth they would be able to live in peace and quiet. [3]But it was not long before Kavad escaped either aided and abetted by his wife who chose to die for his sake as Procopius tells us or by some other means. At any rate the fact remains that he did escape from prison to the land of the Ephthalites where he threw himself on the protection of their king.
[4]Mindful of the vicissitudes of fortune the king received him with great kindness and never ceased to comfort him and alleviate his distress of mind, showing him every consideration, addressing him words of encouragement which were calculated to raise his spirits, feasting him at his table and frequently making him drink from his own cup, dressing him in costly garments
and in fact omitting none of the niceties of hospitality. Not long afterwards he gave his daugh-
ter's hand in marriage to his guest and having entrusted him with a sufficiently large army to
ensure his return sent him back home to crush all opposition and regain his former prosperity.

[5]There is a natural tendency for things to work out very differently from what people expect, often upsetting and completely belying their calculations and what happened on that occasion was a case in point. In a very short space of time the pendulum of Kavad's fortunes had swung

[6]from one extreme to the other and back again: he had exchanged the state of a king for the lot of a convict, escaped from prison to become a refugee and a suppliant in a strange land, and then, after having been a suppliant and a guest, had become the close relation of a king. Then on his return home he regained his throne without effort or danger, finding it vacant and as it were waiting to receive him, for all the world as though he had never been deprived of it.

[7]Zamasp in fact voluntarily abdicated, wisely making a virtue of necessity and preferring, after having enjoyed four years on the throne, to renounce the pride of office and the pomp of power in exchange for a safe retirement.

## IX.012. Pseudo-Maurice, Strategicon 4, 3: the Hephthalites

### Περὶ τῆς ἑκατέρωθεν ἐνέδρας

Ἐτεροι φόσσαν βαθεῖαν ἐπὶ ὀκτώ ἤ δέκα πόδας καὶ πλατεῖαν ὡς πεντήκοντα ἤ ἕξήκοντα ἐπὶ ἱκανὸν διάστημα ὀρύξαντες σκεπάσαντές τε ταύτην ξύλοις λεπτοῖς, χόρτω τε καὶ χώματι, ὥστε ἤνωμένην καὶ ὀμοίαν τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν τοῦ ὀρύγματος εἶναι τῇ ἐγγιζούσῃ αὐτῷ γῇ καὶ κατὰ μηδὲν ἐναλλάττειν αὐτῷ, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ τὸ ἐπαρθὲν χῶμα ἐάσαντες παρακεῖσθαι αὐτῷ, ἵνα μὴ ἐμφαίνῃ τινὰ ξενοπρέπειαν, ἐν τῷ μέσῳ δὲ τοῦ αὐτοῦ ὀρύγματος καταλείψαντες σποράδην τόπους τινὰς στερεοὺς καὶ ἑδραίους, σεσημειωμένους καὶ ἐγνωσμένους πρὸς τὸ παρὸν τῷ ἰδίῳ στρατῷ, ἑκατέρωθέν τε ἐκ τοῦ πλησίον τοῦ ὀρύγματος ἔγκρυμμα ἐν ἀφανέσι τόποις λεληθότως ποιήσαντες, ἔταξαν τοὺς λοιποὺς πρὸ τοῦ ὀρύγματος. Συμβολῆς δὲ γενομένης ἑκουσίως οἱ προταγέντες τὴν τροπὴν σχηματισάμενοι, αὐτοὶ μὲν διὰ τῶν ἐγνωσμένων αὐτοῖς τόπων καὶ στερεῶν ἀκινδύνως παρῆλθον, οἱ δὲ ἐναντίοι σφοδρῶς καὶ ἀσχέτως τὴν δίωξιν ποιούμενοι, ἐννέπεσον ἐν τῷ ὀρύγματι. Ὑπεξελθόντες δὲ ἄφρω οἴ τε τὸ ἔγκρυμμα ποιησάμενοι, εἶτα ἐπαναστρέψαντες καὶ οἱ τὴν ὑποχώρησιν σχηματισάμενοι, τοὺς πλείους τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἀπώλεσαν, τοὺς μὲν ὡς ἐμπεσόντας ἐν τῇ φόσσῃ, τοὺς δὲ ὡς τραπέντας ἀτάκτως ἐπὶ τῷ ἀδοκήτῳ συμπτώματι. Τούτω τῷ τρόπω ἐχρήσαντο Νεφθαλῖται κατὰ Περώζου βασιλέως Περσῶν.

Some commanders have dug a trench eight or ten feet deep, fifty or sixty wide, and extending a good distance. They covered this with light pieces of wood, with hay and earth, so it looked just like the ground around it, and there was no way you could tell the difference. The excavated earth was removed from the site, so that it would not look at all strange. At various places in the middle of the trench they left some solid crossings of firm ground, well-marked and made known at the proper time to their own army. Near the trench on both sides they placed troops in ambush under cover where they could not be seen, and they drew up the rest before the trench. When
battle was joined, the men drawn up before the trench simulated defeat, retiring safely back over the solid sections known to them. The enemy began an unrestrained, impetuous pursuit and fell into the trench. Then the soldiers posted in ambush suddenly charged out, and the men who had feigned retreat turned back. Most of the enemy perished, some falling into the trench, others while fleeing in disorder because of the unexpected disaster. It was by this stratagem that the Nephthalites defeated Peroz, King of the Persians.

### IX.013. Theophanes: King Perozes, King Kabades and the Hephthalite Huns

#### IX.013/A. Theoph. AM 5967

Περόζης δὲ ἐπεστράτευσε κατὰ τῶν Νεφθαλιτῶν Οὖννων, καὶ τρέψας αὐτοὺς ἐδίωκεν. αὐτοὶ δὲ ἐν στενοῖς τόποις τὴν φυγὴν ποιούμενοι κατ’ ὀλίγον ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσιν, δεξιὰ τε καὶ ἀριστερὰ ὑποχωροῦντες, ἐξοπίσω τούτων γενηθέντες ἀφυλάκτους αὐτοὺς ἀπέκλεισαν. στενωθεὶς δὲ Περόζης ἠτεῖτο εἰρήνην. ὁ δὲ τῶν Νεφθαλιτῶν βασιλεὺς οὐ πρότερον τοῦτο ποιῆσαι, πρὶν πεσὼν τοῦτον προσκυνήσῃ καὶ ὄρκοις πληροφορήσῃ, μηκέτι κατὰ Νεφθαλιτῶν στρατεῦσαι. ὁ δὲ τῇ βίᾳ συνεχόμενος τοῦτο δρᾶσαι ἠναγκάσθη καὶ ἐν πολλῇ ἀτιμίᾳ ὑπέστρεψεν. ὅθεν μὴ φέρων τὴν αἰσχύνην πάλιν κατ’ αὐτῶν ἐστράτευσε τοὺς ὄρκους ἀθετήσας.

Perozes campaigned against the Nephthalite Huns and having routed them went in pursuit. But they, making their escape in small groups along the narrow passes in the mountains, retreating to right and left, got themselves behind the Persians and blockaded them through their lack of precaution. In these straits Perozes begged for peace. The emperor of the Nephthalites would not do this before Perozes fell down before him, made obeisance and gave assurances on oath that he would never again campaign against the Nephthalites. Perozes, constrained by force, was compelled to do this and retreated in great dishonour. But unable to bear the shame, he campaigned against them once more, disregarding his oaths.

#### IX.013/B. Theoph. AM 5968

Τῷ δ’ αὐτῷ ἔτει Περόζης πάλιν ἐπιστρατεύσας πρὸς τοὺς Λευκοὺς Οὖννους, τοὺς λεγομένους Νεφθαλίτας, ἀπώλετο πανστρατί. ὀρύξαντες γὰρ τάφρον βαθεῖαν καὶ καλάμους ἐπιθέντες καὶ γῆν ἐπιχώσαντες ἔμειναν ἔνδον. ὀλίγους δὲ ὑπαντῆσαι τούτοις ἀποστείλαντες καὶ αὖθις εἰς φυγὴν τραπέντες καὶ καθ’ ἔνα τὰ στενὰ διαβάντες ὁμοῦ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἔφυγον. οἱ δὲ Πέρσαι μηδὲν δεινὸν ὑποπτεύσαντες ἀκρατῶς τούτους ἐδίωκον, καὶ πάντες ὁμοῦ σὺν τῷ Περόζῃ καὶ τοῖς αὐτοῦ παισὶν εἰς τὸ βάραθρον ἐμπεσόντες ἀπώλοντο. ὁ δὲ Περόζης αἰσθόμενος τοῦ δεινοῦ τὸν μάργαρον, ὃν αὐτὸς εἶχε λευκότατον καὶ μέγαν, εἰς ὑπερβολὴν ἔντιμον, ἐξ ὠτὸς τοῦ δεξιοῦ ἀφελόμενος ἔρριψεν, ὅπως μή τις αὐτὸν ὀπίσω αὐτοῦ φορέσῃ, ἐπεὶ ἀξιοθέατος ὑπερφυῶς ἦν, οἶος οὖπω πρότερον ἑτέρω βασιλεῖ γέγονεν. οὕτω μὲν Περόζης διεφθάρη σὺν πάσῃ τῇ στρατιᾳ. ὅσοι δὲ Περόζῃ μὴ συστρατεύσαντες,
Καβάδην βασιλέα εἶλαντο, τὸν Περόζου νεώτερον υἱόν. ἦρξαν δὲ Περσῶν οἱ βάρβαροι χρόνους δύο εἰς φόρου ἀπαγωγήν. Καβάδης δὲ ἐπὶ τὸ βιαιότερον τῇ ἀρχῇ χρώμενος κοινὰς τὰς γυναῖκας ἐνομοθέτησεν ἔχειν· ὅθεν οἱ Πέρσαι τοῦτον τῆς ἀρχῆς παρέλυσαν καὶ δήσαντες εἰς φυλακὴν ἀπέθεντο, Βλάσην δέ, τὸν καὶ Οὐαλᾶν, ἀδελφὸν Περόζου, βασιλέα ἐποίησαν διὰ τὸ μὴ εἶναι ἄλλον υἱὸν Περόζου. ἡ δὲ γυνὴ Καβάδου διηκόνει αὐτῷ ἐν τῇ φρουρᾳ. ὁ δὲ τῆς εἰρκτῆς ἄρχων ἦρξατο ἐρᾶν τῆς γυναικὸς εὐπρεποῦς οὖσης. ὁ δὲ Καβάδης παρεκάλεσε τὴν γυναῖκα ἐνδοῦναι τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ, εἴ πως δυνηθῇ ἐκρυγεῖν τοῦ φρουρίου. τούτου δὲ γενομένου, ἀκωλύτως ἡ γυνὴ πρὸς Καβάδην εἰσιοῦσα τοῦτον ἐθεράπευεν. φίλος δὲ Καβάδου τις, ὀνόματι Σεόσης, διὰ τῆς γυναικὸς τῷ Καβάδῃ ἐδήλου, ὅτι ἴππους τε καὶ ἄνδρας ἐμπαρασκεύους ἔχειν ἔν τινι χωρίῳ. ὁ δὲ Καβάδης, νυκτὸς ἐπιλαβούσης, πείθει τὴν γυναῖκα ἐσθῆτα μὲν αὐτῷ τὴν οἰκείαν δοῦναι, τὰ δὲ αὐτοῦ ἡμάτια φορέσαι αὐτὴν καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς εἰρκτῆς καθέζεσθαι. οὕτω μὲν οὖν Καβάδης ἐξελθὼν τοῦ δεσμωτηρίου, τοὺς φύλακας διαλαθὼν πόρρω που τοῦ δεσμωτηρίου τῷ ἴππω ἐπιβὰς σὺν τῷ Σεόσῃ εἰς Οὖννους τοὺς Νεφθαλίτας ἀφίκετο. καὶ τούτῳ τὴν θυγατέρα ὁ βασιλεὺς γυναῖκα δίδωσιν, οὕτω τε στράτευμα πολὺ τούτῳ δοὺς ἐπὶ Πέρσας συνέπεμψεν. οἱ δὲ φύλακες κατιδόντες τὴν γυναῖκα ὑπετόπαζον Καβάδην εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον εἶναι τοῖς ἡματίοις Καβάδου ἡμφιεσμένην ἐπὶ ἡμέρας ἱκανάς. ὁ δὲ Καβάδης σὺν τῷ Οὐννικῷ στρατῷ εἰς Περσίδα εἰσβαλὼν πόνῳ οὐδενὶ τήν τε βασιλείαν ἐκράτησε καὶ Βλάσην, τὸν Οὐαλᾶν, ἐξετύφλωσε καὶ ἐν φυλακῇ εἶχεν, τὴν δὲ βασιλείαν ἀσφαλῶς διεφύλαξεν. ἦν γὰρ ἀγχίνους τε καὶ δραστήριος. ἐκράτησε δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα ἔτη ια'.

In the same year Perozes went on campaign once more against the White Huns, known as Nephthalites, and perished with his entire army. For the Nephthalites dug a deep ditch, placed reeds over it, covered it with earth, and then stayed behind it. They sent out a few men to meet the Persians and then turned in flight, crossed the narrow passes one by one and fled together with all the others. The Persians, not suspecting any danger, rashly pursued them and they all, including Perozes and his sons, fell into the pit and perished. When Perozes perceived the danger, he removed the huge, brilliantly white pearl he had in his right ear (it was exceedingly costly) and threw it away so that no one after him would wear it, since it was most remarkable; no other emperor had ever before possessed anything like it. So Perozes was destroyed with all his army. Those who had not campaigned with Perozes chose Kabades as emperor, the younger son of Perozes. The barbarians ruled the Persians for two years to collect their tribute. Kabades, rashly using his office, decreed that women were to be had in common. So the Persians deprived him of office, bound him, and put him in prison. They made Perozes's brother Blases, also called Valas, their emperor because there were no other sons of Perozes. Kabades's wife looked after him in prison. The governor of the prison fell in love with her because of her beauty. Kabades encouraged his wife to give in to the man, in case it enabled him to escape from the fort. This she did and was then able to visit and tend Kabades unhindered. A friend of Kabades, named Seoses, sent a message to Kabades through his wife that he had horses and men ready in a certain village. When night came on, Kabades persuaded his wife to give him her clothes and for her to put on his clothes and remain in the prison. So Kabades got out of prison, escaped the notice of
the guards, and, when he was some distance from the prison, mounted a horse and went with Seoses to the Nephthalite Huns. Their emperor gave him his daughter in marriage and having also given him a large army sent him with it against the Persians. The guards, seeing the woman dressed in Kabades's clothes, supposed for several days that Kabades was in prison. Kabades invaded Persia with his army of Huns and gained control of the empire without difficulty. He blinded Blases, also called Valas, put him in prison, and kept the empire securely for himself, for he was shrewd and energetic. After that he ruled eleven years.

### IX.014. Theophylact 4, 6, 9–11: King Kabades and the Hephthalites

[9] Ἐντεῦθεν ὁ Καβάδης μεταβολὴν τῶν ἐνοχλούντων ἐμπορευσάμενος καὶ τὴν ἐσθῆτα τοῦ γυναίου ἀμφιασάμενος τῆς εἰρκτῆς ἐξεχώρησε καταλείψας τὸ γύναιον τὴν αὐτοῦ στολὴν ἀμπεχόμενον. [10] Σεώσην τοίνυν δοκιμώτατον φίλον παραλαβὼν τοῖς ἔθνεσι τῶν Οὖννων προσομιλεῖ, οὖς Τούρκους πολλαχοῦ που ἡ ἱστορία ἐγνώρισεν. εἶτα ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως τῶν Ἐφθαλιτῶν φιλοφρονώτατα ξενισθεὶς δυνάμεις τε ἀξιολογωτάτας περιβαλόμενος, μάχη τῶν ἀντιπάλων κεκρατηκὼς ἀπολαμβάνει τὸ κράτος ἀναζεύξας πρὸς τὰ βασίλεια. [11] ὁ μὲν οὖν Καβάδης ἀντιταλαντεύων Σεώσῃ τῷ τῆς φιλίας θεσμῷ τὴν ἀντίδοσιν ταῖς ὑπεροχαῖς τῶν ἀρχῶν τοῦτον ἐλάμπρυνε δίκας ὑπὸ τῶν ἡδικηκότων ὠμότατα εἰσπραξάμενος. ταῦτα γοῦν ταῦτα οἱ τῶν Περσῶν σατράπαι διανοούμενοι ἐκκορακίζουσι τὸν Ὀρμίσδαν.

[9] When this had happened the watch relaxed, the strict guard was slackened, and vigilance became slave to indolence. Hence Kabades procured a transformation of his troubles, dressed himself in his wife's clothing, and escaped from the prison, leaving behind his wife dressed in his clothes. [10] Then in the company of Seoses, a most trusted friend, he approached the Hun tribes whom history has almost universally recognized as Turks. He was then entertained most hospitably by the king of the Hephthalites and he acquired very considerable forces; he defeated his opponents in battle, returned to the palace, and regained power. [11] And so Kabades measured out for Seoses the recompense for the bond of friendship and decorated him with the most pre-eminent offices, while he savagely exacted punishment from those who had injured him. It was with these particular events in mind that the Persian satraps pecked out Hormisdas's eyes.

### IX.015. Procopius, *De Bellis* 1, 9, 24: King Cabades and the Hephthalites

ὕστερον δὲ Πέρσαι τοῦ πρὸς Οὖννους πολέμου σφίσι μηκυνομένου ἐς σπονδὰς Ῥωμαίοις ξυνίασιν, αἴπερ αὐτοῖς ἐς ἑπτὰ ἔτη ἐγένοντο, Κέλερός τε τοῦ Ῥωμαίου καὶ Ἀσπεβέδου τοῦ Πέρσου αὐτὰς ποιησαμένων, ἐπὶ οἶκου τε ἀμφότεροι ἀναχωρήσαντες ἡσυχῆ ἔμενον.

After this the Persians, since their war with the Huns kept dragging on, entered into a treaty with the Romans, which was arranged by them for seven years, and was made by the Roman Celer and the Persian Aspebedes; both armies then retired homeward and remained at peace.
## IX.4. Huns as opponents of Persians and Romans in the sixth century CE

### IX.016. Procopius, *De Bellis*: the home of the Huns

#### IX.016/A. Proc. bell. 1, 10, 3–8

[3] ὑπερβάντι δὲ τοὺς Ἱβήρων ὄρους ἀτραπός τίς ἐστιν ἐν στενοχωρίᾳ πολλῇ, ἐπὶ σταδίους πεντήκοντα ἐξικνουμένη. [4] αὕτη δὲ ἡ ἀτραπὸς ἐς ἀπότομόν τινα καὶ ὅλως ἄβατον τελευτᾶ χῶρον. δίοδος γὰρ οὐδεμία τὸ λοιπὸν φαίνεται, πλήν γε δὴ ὅτι ὥσπερ τινὰ χειροποίητον πυλίδα ἐνταῦθα ἡ φύσις ἐξεῦρεν, ἢ Κασπία ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἐκλήθη. [5] τὸ δὲ ἐνθένδε πεδία τέ ἐστιν ἱππήλατα καὶ ὕδάτων πολλῶν ἀτεχνῶς ἔμπλεα, καὶ χώρα πολλὴ ἱππόβοτός τε καὶ ἄλλως ὑππία. [6] οὖ δὴ τὰ Οὖννων ἔθνη σχεδόν τι ἄπαντα ἴδρυται ἄχρι ἐς τὴν Μαιῶτιν διήκοντα λίμνην. [7] οὖτοι ἦν μὲν διὰ τῆς πυλίδος, ἦς ἄρτι ἐμνήσθην, ἵωσιν ἐς τὰ Περσῶν τε καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἤθη, ἀκραιφνέσι τε τοῖς ἱπποις ἵασι καὶ περιόδω τινὶ οὐδαμῆ χρώμενοι οὐδὲ κρημνώδεσιν ἐντυχόντες χωρίοις, ὅτι μὴ τοῖς πεντήκοντα σταδίοις ἐκείνοις, οἶσπερ εἰς τοὺς Ἱβηρίους ὄρους, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, διήκουσιν. [8] ἐπὶ ἄλλας δέ τινας ἐξόδους ἰόντες πόνω τε πολλῷ παραγίνονται καὶ ἱπποις οὐκέτι χρῆσθαι τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἔχοντες. περιόδους τε γὰρ αὐτοὺς περιμέναι πολλὰς ἐπάναγκες καὶ ταύτας κρημνώδεις.

[3] And as one passes beyond the boundary of Iberia there is a sort of path in a very narrow passage, extending for a distance of fifty stades. [4] This path terminates in a place cut off by cliffs and, as it seems, absolutely impossible to pass through. For from there no way out appears, except indeed a small gate set there by nature, just as if it had been made by the hand of man, which has been called from of the old Caspian Gates. [5] From there on there are plains suitable for riding and extremely well-watered, and extensive tracts used as pasture land for horses, and level besides. [6] Here almost all the nations of the Huns are settled, extending as far as the Maeotic lake. [7] Now if these Huns go through the gate which I have just mentioned into the land of the Persians and the Romans, they come with their horses fresh and without making any detour or encountering any precipitous places, except in those fifty stades over which, as has been said, they pass to the boundary of Iberia. [8] If, however, they go by any other passes, they reach their destination with great difficulty, and can no longer use the same horses. For the detours which they are forced to make are many and steep besides.

#### IX.016/B. Proc. bell. 1, 12, 5–7

[5] διὸ δὴ Γουργένης προσχωρεῖν Ἱουστίνῳ βασιλεῖ ἤθελε τὰ τε πιστὰ ἡξίου λαβεῖν, ὡς οὖποτε Ἱβηρας καταπροήσονται Πέρσαις Ῥωμαῖοι. [6] ὁ δὲ ταῦτά τε αὐτῷ ξύν προθυμίᾳ πολλῇ ἐδίδου καὶ Πρόβον τὸν Ἀναστασίου τοῦ βεβασιλευκότος ἀδελφιδοῦν, ἄνδρα πατρίκιον, ξύν χρήμασι πολλοῖς ἐς Βόσπορον ἔπεμψεν, ἐφʼ ᾧ στράτευμα Οὖννων χρήμασιν
ἀναπείσας Ἱβηρσι πέμψῃ ἐς ξυμμαχίαν. [7]ἔστι δὲ πόλις ἐπιθαλασσία ἡ Βόσπορος, ἐν ἀριστερᾳ μὲν ἐσπλέοντι τὸν Εὐξεινον καλούμενον πόντον, Χερσῶνος δὲ πόλεως, ἡ γῆς τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἐσχάτη ἐστίν, ὁδῷ διέχουσα ἡμερῶν εἰκοσιν. ὦν δὴ τὰ ἐν μέσῳ ἄπαντα Οὖννοι ἔχουσιν.

[5]For this reason, then, Gourgenes wished to go over to the Emperor Justinus, and he asked that he might receive pledges that the Romans would never abandon the Iberians to the Persians.

[6]And the emperor gave him these pledges with great eagerness, and he sent Probus, the nephew of the late emperor Anastasius, a man of patrician rank, with a great sum of money to Bosporus, that he might win over with the money an army of Huns and sent them as allies to the Iberians.

[7]This Bosporus is a city by the sea, on the left as one sails into the so-called Euxine Sea, twenty days' journey distant from the city of Cherson, which is the limit of the Roman territory. Between these cities everything is held by the Huns.

### IX.017. Cosmas Indicopleustes: the land of the Huns

#### IX.017/A. Cosm. Ind. 2, 27

«Θήρας» γὰρ τοὺς Θρᾶκας καλεῖ καὶ ἐκ τούτων λέγει ἀφωρίσθαι εἰς τὰς νήσους τῶν ἐθνῶν καὶ τὰ παραθαλάσσια· τοῦτο γὰρ δηλοῖ «Θαρσεῖς». «Κητίους» δὲ τοὺς τῆς Κύπρου καλεῖ καὶ «Ροδίους» τοὺς τῆς Ῥόδου. «Υίοι δὲ Χάμ, Χοὺς καὶ Μεσραείμ», ἵνα εἴπῃ Αἰθίοπας καὶ Αἰγυπτίους· λοιπὸν «Φούθ καὶ Χαναάν», ἵνα εἴπῃ Λίβυας καὶ τὰ πλησίον ἔθνη· «υἱοὶ δὲ Χούς, Σαβὰ καὶ Εὐηλᾶ», ἵνα εἴπῃ Ὀμηρίτας καὶ τοὺς πλησίον, ὁμοίως καὶ τὰ καθεξῆς ὅλα τὰ εἰς τὰ νότια μέρη ὄντα ἔθνη. Καὶ τοὺς Χαναναίους ἐκ τοῦ Μεσραείμ λέγει εἶναι, τουτέστι τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους καὶ τοὺς Σιδονίους καὶ πάντα τὰ ἔθνη τὰ πλησίον. «Υίοι δὲ Σήμ, Ἐλὰμ καὶ Ἀσούρ», τουτέστιν Ἐλαμίτας καὶ Ἀσσυρίους καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ ἔθνη καὶ ὅσα ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐπεκτάθησαν ἔως Ἀσίας καὶ ἐπὶ ἀνατολήν, Περσῶν, Οὖννων, Βάκτρων, Ἰνδῶν ἔως τοῦ Ὑκεανοῦ.

For he [scil. Moses] calls the Thracians “Thêres,” and from these, he tells us, some were removed and dispersed among the islands of the Gentiles and adjacent localities, for this indicates “Tharseis.” The inhabitants of Cyprus he calls “Kêtioi,” and those of Rhodes, “Rhodians.” “The sons of Ham, Cush and Mesraim,” thereby designating the Ethiopians and Egyptians. Finally, “Phut and Canaan,” whereby he designates the Libyans and adjoining nations. “The sons of Cush, Saba and Elêsâ,” whereby he designates the Homerites and their neighbours; similarly, also the nations one after another that occupy the southern parts. The Chananeans again, he says, were descended from Mesraim, that is the Egyptians and Sidonians and all the neighbouring nations. “The sons of Shem, Elam and Ashur,” that is the Elamites and Assyrians and remaining nations, and as many of these as were spread far and wide over Asia and the East—the nations of the Persians, Huns, Baktrians, Indians, onwards to the ocean.
Ἀπὸ τῆς οὖν Τζίνιστα, ὡς ἀπὸ σπαρτίου, ὀρθῶς ἐπὶ τὴν δύσιν τις μετρῶν τὰ διαστήματα τοῦ μήκους τῆς γῆς εὑρήσει πλέον ἔλαττον μονῶν ὑ ἀπὸ μιλίων λ΄. Μετρητέον δὲ οὕτως· ἀπὸ τῆς Τζίνιστα ἔως τῆς ἀρχῆς τῆς Περσίδος πᾶσα ἡ Οὖννια καὶ Ἰνδία καὶ ἡ Βάκτρων χώρα εἰσὶ περί που μοναὶ ρν΄, εἰ μή τι πλείους, οὐκ ἔλαττον· καὶ πᾶσα ἡ Περσῶν χώρα μοναὶ π΄· καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ Νίσιβι εἰς Σελεύκειαν μοναὶ ιγ΄· καὶ ἀπὸ Σελευκείας εἰς Ῥώμην καὶ Γάλλους καὶ Ἰβηρίαν, τοὺς νῦν λεγομένους Ἱσπανούς, ἔως Γαδείρων ἔξω εἰς τὸν Ὀκεανόν, μοναὶ ρν΄ καὶ πλέον, ὡς γίνεσθαι τὸ πᾶν μοναὶ ὑ πλέον ἔλαττον.

If one measures in a straight cord line the stages which make up the length of the earth from Tzinitza to the west, he will find that there are somewhere about four hundred stages, each thirty miles in length. The measurement is to be made in this way: from Tzinitza to the borders of Persia, between which are included all Hunnia, India and the country of the Bactrians, there are about one hundred and fifty stages at least; the whole country of the Persians has eighty stations; and from Nisibis to Seleucia there are thirteen stages; and from Seleucia to Rome and the Gauls and Iberia, whose inhabitants are now called Spaniards, onward to Gadeira, which lies out towards the ocean, there are more than one hundred and fifty stages; thus making altogether the number of stages to be four hundred, more or less.

Ἐν Ταπροβάνῃ νήσω ἐν τῇ ἐσωτέρᾳ Ἰνδίᾳ, ἔνθα τὸ Ἰνδικὸν πέλαγός ἐστι, καὶ Ἐκκλησία χριστιανῶν ἐστιν ἐκεῖ καὶ κληρικοὶ καὶ πιστοί, οὐκ οἶδα δὲ εἰ καὶ περαιτέρω. Ὁμοίως καὶ εἰς τὴν λεγομένην Μαλέ, ἔνθα τὸ πέπερι γίνεται, καὶ ἐν τῇ Καλλιάνᾳ δὲ τῇ καλουμένῃ, καὶ ἐπίσκοπός ἐστιν ἀπὸ Περσίδος χειροτονούμενος. Ὁμοίως καὶ ἐν τῇ νήσῳ τῇ καλουμένῃ Διοσκορίδους κατὰ τὸ αὐτὸ Ἰνδικὸν πέλαγος, ἔνθα καὶ οἱ παροικοῦντες ἑλληνιστὶ λαλοῦσι, πάροικοι τῶν Πτολεμαίων τῶν μετὰ Ἀλέξανδρον τὸν Μακεδόνα ὑπάρχοντες, καὶ κληρικοί εἰσιν ἐκ Περσίδος χειροτονούμενοι καὶ πεμπόμενοι ἐν τοῖς αὐτόθι καὶ χριστιανοὶ πλῆθος· ἦν νῆσον παρέπλευσα μέν, οὐ κατῆλθον δὲ ἐν αὐτῇ· συνέτυχον δὲ ἀνδράσι τῶν ἐκεῖ ἑλληνιστὶ λαλοῦσι, ἐλθοῦσι ἐν τῇ Αἰθιοπίᾳ. Ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ Βάκτροις καὶ Οὖννοις καὶ Πέρσαις καὶ λοιποῖς Ἰνδοῖς καὶ Περσαρμενίοις καὶ Μήδοις καὶ Ἐλαμίταις καὶ πάσῃ τῇ χώρᾳ Περσίδος καὶ ἐκκλησίαι ἄπειροι καὶ ἐπίσκοποι καὶ χριστιανοὶ λαοὶ πάμπολλοι καὶ μάρτυρες πολλοὶ καὶ μονάζοντες ἡσυχασταί.

Even in Taprobanê, an island in Further India, where the Indian sea is, there is a Church of Christians, with clergy and a body of believers, but I know not whether there be any Christians in the parts beyond it. In the country called Malê, where the pepper grows, there is also a church, and at another place called Calliana there is moreover a bishop, who is appointed from Persia. In the island, again, called the Island of Dioscoridês, which is situated in the same Indian sea, and where the inhabitants speak Greek, having been originally colonists sent thither by the Ptolemies who succeeded Alexander the Macedonian, there are clergy who receive their ordination in Persia, and are sent on to the island, and there is also a multitude of Christians. I sailed
along the coast of this island, but did not land upon it. I met, however, with some of its Greek-speaking people who had come over into Ethiopia. And so likewise among the Bactrians and Huns and Persians, and the rest of the Indians, Persarmenians, and Medes and Elamites, and throughout the whole land of Persia there is no limit to the number of churches with bishops and very large communities of Christian people, as well as many martyrs, and monks also living as hermits.

### IX.017/D. Cosm. Ind. 11, 20 (Gollas)

[20] Μεταξύ δὲ τῶν λαμπρῶν ἐμπορίων τῶν προρρηθέντων εἰσὶ καὶ ἔτερα ἐμπόρια πολλά, καὶ παραθαλάττια καὶ μεσόγεια, καὶ πολλὴ χώρα. Ἀνώτεροι δέ, τουτέστι βορειότεροι, τῆς Ἰνδικῆς εἰσι λευκοὶ Οὖννοι, ὁ λεγόμενος Γολλᾶς ἐκβάλλων εἰς πόλεμον, ὥς φασιν, οὐκ ἔλαττον τῶν διοχιλίων ἐλεφάντων καὶ ἱππον πολλήν· κατακρατεῖ δὲ καὶ τῆς Ἰνδικῆς καταδυναστεύων καὶ φόρους ἀπαιτῶν. Ποτὲ γοῦν, ὥς φασι, βουλόμενος πόλιν τῶν Ἰνδῶν μεσόγειον πορθῆσαι, τῆς δὲ πόλεως κύκλω ὕδατι φρουρουμένης, αὐτὸς ἱκανὰς ἡμέρας περικαθίσας καὶ φρουρήσας καὶ ἀναλώσας τὸ ὕδωρ διὰ τῶν ἐλεφάντων καὶ ἱππων καὶ τοῦ στρατοπέδου, ὕστερον διὰ ξηρᾶς περάσας τὴν πόλιν παρέλαβεν. [21] Οὖτοι καὶ τὸν σμάραγδον λίθον ἀγαπῶσι καὶ εἰς τὸν στέφανον αὐτῶν φοροῦσιν. Εἰσφέρουσι γὰρ οἱ Αἰθίοπες συναλλαγὰς ποιοῦντες μετὰ τῶν Βλεμμύων ἐν τῇ Αἰθιοπίᾳ τὸν αὐτὸν λίθον ἔως εἰς τὴν Ἰνδίαν· καὶ αὐτοὶ τὰ καλλιστεύοντα ἀγοράζουσι. Καὶ ταῦτα πάντα, τὰ μὲν πείρᾳ μαθὼν ἐξηγησάμην καὶ διέγραψα, τὰ δὲ καὶ ἐγγὺς τῶν τόπων γενόμενος ἀκριβῶς μεμαθηκώς ἐξεῖπον.

[20] But, in the direction of the notable seats of commerce already mentioned, there are numerous others both on the coast and inland, and a country of great extent. Higher up in India, that is, farther to the north, are the White Huns. The one called Gollas when going to war takes with him, it is said, no fewer than two thousand elephants, and a great force of cavalry. He is the lord of India, and oppressing the people forces them to pay tribute. A story goes that this king once upon a time would lay siege to an inland city of the Indians which was on every side protected by water. A long while he sat down before it and built fortifications, until what with his elephants, his horses and his soldiers all the water had been drunk up. He then crossed over to the city dryshod, and took it. [21] These people set great store by the emerald stone and wear it set in a crown. The Ethiopians who procure this stone from the Blemmyes in Ethiopia take it into India and, with the price it fetches, they invest in wares of great value; and these people [scil. the Huns] buy the most beautiful pieces. All these matters I have described and explained partly from personal observation, and partly from accurate inquiries which I made when in the neighbourhood of the different places.

### IX.017/E. Cosm. Ind. 11, 24

Πᾶσαν δὲ τὴν Ἰνδικὴν καὶ τὴν Οὖννίαν διαιρεῖ ὁ Φεισών ποταμός. Καλεῖται γὰρ παρὰ τῇ θείᾳ Γραφῇ ἡ γῆ τῆς Ἰνδικῆς χώρας «Εὐιλάτ» οὕτως γὰρ γέγραπται ἐν τῇ Γενέσει «Ποταμὸς
δὲ ἐκπορεύεται ἐξ Ἐδὲμ ποτίζειν τὸν παράδεισον· ἐκεῖθεν ἀφορίζεται εἰς τέσσαρας ἀρχάς· ὄνομα τῷ ἑνὶ Φεισών, οὖτος ὁ κυκλῶν πᾶσαν τὴν γῆν Εὐιλάτ ἐκεῖ οὖν ἐστι τὸ χρυσίον, τὸ δὲ χρυσίον τῆς γῆς ἐκείνης καλόν· ἐκεῖ ἐστιν ὁ ἄνθραξ καὶ ὁ λίθος ὁ πράσινος», γῆν Εὐιλάτ σαφέστερον αὐτὴν ὄνομάσας. Οὖτος δὲ Εὐιλάτ ἐκ τοῦ Χάμ ἐστιν· ο γὰρ πάλιν γέγραπται· « Υἱοὶ Χάμ, Χοὺς καὶ Μεσραείμ, Φοῦδ καὶ Χαναάν ὑἱοὶ δὲ Χούς, Σαβᾶ καὶ Εὐιλάτ», τουτέστιν Ὁμηρῖται καὶ Ἰνδοί· ἡ Σαβᾶ γὰρ ἐν τῷ Ὁμηρίτῃ κεῖται, καὶ Εὐιλάτ ἐν τῇ Ἰνδίᾳ· ἐστί τὰς δύο γὰρ ταύτας χώρας ὁ Περσικὸς κόλπος διαιρεῖ. Ἔχει δὲ καὶ ἡ γῆ ἐκείνη τὸ χρυσίον κατὰ τὸ ἱερὸν Γράμμα· ἔχει καὶ τὸν παιδέρωτα λίθον, αὐτὸν γὰρ καλεῖ ἄνθρακα· ἔχει καὶ τὸν ἵασπιν, τοῦτον γὰρ εἶπε λίθον πράσινον. Σαφέστερον οὖν ἡ θεία Γραφή, ὡς ὄντως θεία, διηγεῖται τὰ πράγματα, καθὰ καὶ πᾶσα ἡ πραγματεία δηλοῖ.

The river Phison separates all the countries of India from the country of the Huns. In scripture the Indian region is called Euilat. For it is thus written in Genesis: "Now the river goeth out from Eden to water Paradise. And from there it was parted and became four heads. The name of the first is Phison; that is it which compasseth the whole land of Euilat, where there is gold; and the gold of that land is good; there is the carbuncle and the jasper stone;" where the writer clearly calls the country Euilat. This Euilat, moreover, is of the race of Ham. For thus again it is written: "The sons of Ham, Cush and Misraim, Phut and Canaan the sons of Cush, Sabâ and Euilat;" that is the Homerites and Indians, for Sabâ is situated in the Homerite country, and Euilat is in India. For the Persian Gulf divides those two countries. And that country has gold according to sacred scripture. It has also the *pezerôs* [a kind of opal] which Scripture calls "anthrax" [carbuncle] and the jasper stone, by which it designates the leek-green stone. Clearly therefore does divine scripture, as being really divine, relate these things, even as the whole of our treatise goes to show.

### IX.018. Procopius, *De Aedificiis* 2, 1, 5f: Persian war on Huns at the time of Anastasius

[5] ἐν δὲ ταῖς σπονδαῖς ἀπειρημένον, ἄσπερ ποτὲ βασιλεὺς Θεοδόσιος ἔθετο πρὸς τὸ Περσῶν γένος, μηδετέρους ἐν χωρίῳ οἰκείῳ ἐν γειτόνων που τοῖς τῶν ἑτέρων ὁρίοις κειμένω ὀχύρωμα νεώτερον τι ἐπιτεχνᾶσθαι, προτεινόμενοι Πέρσαι τὰς ἐπὶ τῇ εἰρήνῃ ξυνθήκας ἐμπόδιοι τῷ ἔργῳ σπουδῇ τῇ πάσῃ ἐγίνοντο, καίπερ Οὐννικοῦ πολέμου πιεζόμενοι τῇ ἀσχολίᾳ. [6] Ἀρωμαῖοι δὲ αὐτοὺς ἀπαρασκεύους διὰ ταῦτα ὁρῶντες ὀξύτερον τῆς οἰκοδομίας ἀντελαμβάνοντο, προτερῆσαι διὰ σπουδῆς ἔχοντες πρὶν οἱ πολέμιοι τὴν πρὸς Οὖννους ἀγώνισιν διαλύσαντες ἐπὶ σφᾶς ἵωσιν.

[5] But since it was forbidden in the treaty which the Emperor Theodosius once concluded with the Persian nation, that either party should construct any new fortress on his own land where it bordered on the boundaries of the other nation, the Persians, citing the terms of the peace, tried with all their might to obstruct the work, though they were hard pressed by being involved in a war with the Huns. [6] So the Romans, observing that they were for this reason unprepared,
pressed on the work of building all more keenly, being anxious to get ahead of the enemy before
they should finish their struggle with the Huns and come against them.

### IX.019. Procopius, *De Bellis* 1, 21, 26–28: The Huns are feared by the Persians at Martyropolis

[26] ἐτύγχανε δὲ καὶ ἄγγελος ἐκ τῶν βασιλείων ἐς αὐτοὺς ἥκων, ὃς δὴ αὐτοῖς τετελευτηκέναι μὲν Καβάδην ἐσήγγελλε, Χοσρόην δὲ τὸν Καβάδου βασιλέα καταστήναι Πέρσαις, ταύτη τε τὰ πράγματα ἥωρῆσθαι σφίσι. [27] καὶ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ τοὺς Ῥωμαίων λόγους οἱ στρατηγοὶ ἄσμενοι ἤκουσαν, ἄτε καὶ τὴν Οὖννων ἔφοδον δείσαντες. Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν οὖν ἐν ὁμήρων λόγῳ εὐθὺς ἔδοσαν Μαρτῖνόν τε καὶ τῶν Σίττα δορυφόρων ἔνα, Σενέκιον ὄνομα· Πέρσαι δὲ διαλύσαντες τὴν προσεδρείαν εὐθύωρον τὴν ἀναχώρησιν ἐποιήσαντο. [28] οἱ τε Οὖννοι οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἐσβαλόντες εἰς γῆν τὴν Ῥωμαίων, ἐπεὶ τὸν Περσῶν στρατὸν ἐνταῦθα οὐχ εὖρον, δι’ ὀλίγου τὴν ἐπιδρομὴν ποιησάμενοι ἐπ’ οἶκου ἀπεκομίσθησαν ἄπαντες.

[26] It happened also that a messenger came to them from the palace, who brought them word that Cabades had died and that Chosroes, son of Cabades, had become king over the Persians, and that in this way the situation had become unsettled. [27] And as a result on this the generals heard the words of the Romans gladly, since they feared also the attack of the Huns. The Romans therefore straightway gave as hostages Martinus and one of the body-guards of Sittas, Senecius by name; so the Persians broke up the siege and made their departure promptly. [28] And the Huns not long afterward invaded the land of the Romans, but since they did not find the Persian army there, they made their raid a short one, and then all departed homeward.

### IX.020. Ioannes Lydus, *De magistratibus* 3, 52–53: Huns between Romans and Persians in the time of Anastasius

[52,1] Πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα ὑπὸ λέοντι ἤλιον ἐν ἀρχῇ στενῇ τοῦ Καυκάσου, πρὸς βορέαν ἄνεμον κατὰ τὴν Κασπίαν χωριζομένων φύσει τῶν τοῦ Καυκάσου σφυρῶν, εἴσοδος ἀπετελέσθη βαρβάρων τοῖς ἀγνοουμένοις ἡμῖν τε καὶ Πέρσαις, οἱ περὶ τὴν Ὑρκανὴν νέμονται· δι’ ἦς εἰσβάλλοντες τὰ τε πρὸς εὖρον Πέρσαις, τὰ τε πρὸς βορέαν Ῥωμαίοις ἀνήκοντα ἐδήουν.

[2] καὶ ἔως μὲν Ἀρτάξατα καὶ ἔτι ἐπέκεινα εἶχον ὑφ’ ἑαυτοῖς οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι, ἀντέβαινον παρόντες ἐκεῖ· ὡς δὲ τούτων ἐξέστησαν καὶ ὅσων ἄλλων ἐπὶ Ἱοβιανοῦ, οὐκ ἐξήρκουν οἱ Πέρσαι τὰ τε ἑαυτῶν τὰ τε πάλαι Ῥωμαίων φρουρεῖν καὶ θόρυβος ἀεὶ τὰς ἑκατέρων Ἀρμενίας εἶχεν ἀφόρητος. [3] γίνονται δὴ οὖν λόγοι μετὰ τὴν ἐπὶ Ἱουλιανοῦ Ῥωμαίων ἀστοχίαν Σαλουτίφ τε, ὃς ἦν ὕπαρχος, ἐξ ἡμῶν καὶ Περσῶν τοῖς ἐξοχωτάτοις καὶ Ἱσδιγέρδῃ ὕστερον, ὥστε κοιναῖς δαπάναις ἄμφω τὰ πολιτεύματα φρούριον ἐπὶ τῆς εἰρημένης εἰσόδου κατασκευάσαι, ἐπιστῆσαί τε βοήθειαν τοῖς τόποις πρὸς ἀναχαιτισμὸν τῶν κατατρεχόντων δι’ αὐτῆς βαρβάρων. [4] Ῥωμαίων δὲ τοῖς περὶ τὴν ἐσπέραν καὶ τὴν ἄρκτον πολέμοις ἐνοχλου μένων, οἱ Πέρσαι ἔσχον ἀνάγκην, οἶα προσεχέστεροι ταῖς τῶν
βαρβάρων ἐφόδοις, ἀντοικοδομεῖν φρούριον ἐκεῖ, Βιραπαρὰχ πατρίως αὐτὸ καλέσαντες,
καὶ δυνάμεις ἐπέστησαν· καὶ πολέμιος οὐκ εἰσήει.

[52,1] Because the ankle-spurs of the Caucasus are parted by nature towards the north wind by the Caspian Sea towards the sun when it rises under the constellation of Leo at the narrow beginning of the Caucasus, an entrance was formed for the barbarians who dwell around Hyrcania, unknown both to us and to the Persians. They would attack through that entrance and ravage both the areas towards the East that belonged to the Persians and the areas towards the North that belonged to the Romans. [2] And, as long as the Romans held Artaxata and even farther lands under their own authority, they used to march against them because they were present there; but, when they had given up possession of that territory and so much else during Jovian's reign, the Persians were not strong enough to guard both their own territory and that which formerly belonged to the Romans, and unbearable agitation constantly beset the Armenias of both sides.

[3] Naturally, then, after the ill-success of the Romans during Julian's reign, discussions were held by both Salutius on our side, who was prefect, and the most eminent men of the Persians, and later Yazdegerd, to the effect that both governments with mutually shared expenses build a fort at the aforementioned entrance and set up a garrison in the area for curbing the barbarians who were pouring down through it. [4] Because, however, the Romans were being troubled with wars in the West and the North, the Persians, inasmuch as they were closer to the raids of the barbarians, were compelled to erect a bastion there against them, which they called *Biraparach* in their ancestral speech, and stationed forces, and no enemy intruded.

[53,1] Ἐκ ταύτης τῆς ἀφορμῆς οἱ Πέρσαι Ῥωμαίοις ἐπετέθησαν, κατὰ σμικρὸν ἐπὶ τὰς Συρίας καὶ Καππαδοκίας ἐκχεόμενοι, ὡς δῆθεν ἀδικούμενοι καὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν κοινῶν γενομένην δαπάνην κατὰ τὸ ἐπιβάλλον Ῥωμαίοις ἀποστερούμενοι, ὥστε Σποράκιον τὸν πρῶτον ὑπὸ Θεοδοσίου τοῦ μείζονος ἐκπεμφθῆναι διαλεχθησόμενον Πέρσαις· ὁ δὲ δυνάμει τε χρημάτων καὶ συνέσει λόγων ἐγγὺς ἔπειθε Πέρσαις, Ῥωμαίων ὥσπερ χαριζομένων αὐτοῖς, ὑποφόρων Ῥωμαίων ἡσυχάζειν καὶ φίλους εἶναι. [2] καὶ ταῦτα ἔως τοῦ καθ' ἡμᾶς Ἀναστασίου διεσύρη λαλούμενά τε καὶ τυπούμενα καὶ ἀπλῶς ἠρτημένα. ἐπὶ δὲ αὐτοῦ, Κωάδου τοῦ γέροντος ὅλην Περσίδα κατὰ Ῥωμαίων ἄγοντος, γίνεται πόλεμος. καὶ χειρὶ μὲν νικᾶν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι δυνάμενοι, ἀσωτίᾳ δὲ καὶ τρυφῆ Ἀρεοβίνδου τοῦ τελευταίου (基尼γὰρ φιλωδὸς καὶ φίλαυλος καὶ φιλορχήμων) καὶ ἀπειρίᾳ καὶ δειλίᾳ Πατρικίου καὶ Ὑπατίου τῶν στρατηγῶν, ἠλαττώθησαν μὲν τὸ πρότερον, ἐξαπίνης τῶν Περσῶν ἐπιχεθέντων, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν τούς τε Πέρσας διωξάντων καὶ Ἀμιδαν ἁλοῦσαν ῥυσαμένων αὖθις, ὁ Πέρσης λόγους ἐκίνησε πρὸς Κέλερα, ὃς ἦν μάγιστρος τῶν (θείων ὀφφικίων;) τῷ Ἀναστασίῳ, περὶ Βιραπαράχ, ὡς προέφαμεν, καὶ τῆς κατὰ μόνας ὑπὸ Περσῶν γενομένης περὶ αὐτοῦ δαπάνης. [3] καὶ πέρας ἔσχεν ἡ φιλονεικία, μετρίων τινῶν ὑπὸ Ἀναστασίου χαρισθέντων Κωάδῃ· τὸ γὰρ μεγαλόφρον Ἀναστασίου καὶ εὐμέθοδον εὐσεβῶς τὴν ὑπὲρ εἰρήνης ζημίαν ὑπέμενεν. [4] τοιοῦτος μὲν οὖν ὁ περὶ τῶν Κασπίων πυλῶν τοῖς Ῥωμαίων συγγραφεῦσιν ὁ λόγος. Ἀρριανὸς ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀλανικῆς Ἱστορίας, καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα ἐπὶ τῆς ὀγδόης τῶν Παρθικῶν, ἀκριβέστερον διεξέρχεται, αὐτὸς τοῖς τόποις ἐπιστὰς οἶα τῆς χώρας αὐτῆς ἡγησάμενος ὑπὸ
Ἀδριανῷ<fnref n="1" /> τῷ χρηστῷ. τοιούτους γὰρ ἄρχοντας ἐκεῖνος ἔσχεν, οἱ τοῖς τε λόγοις τοῖς τε ἔργοις εἰς τοσαύτην εὖκλειαν τήν τε πολιτείαν ἀνέστησαν.

[53.1]From this pretext the Persians, streaming forth little by little into the Syrias and Cappadocias, attacked the Romans for allegedly being wronged in consequence of being deprived of the Romans' share in the expense incurred for their common interests; consequently, the first Sporacius was dispatched by the elder Theodosius to confer with the Persians, and he by both might of money and sagacity in argument hard by the Persians attempted to persuade them, as if the Romans were conceding to them, to be at peace, if the Romans should pay tribute, and to be friends. [2]And this state of affairs dragged on down to the time of our Anastasius with both conferences and pacts, and, in a word, with suspensions. During his reign, however, a war occurred when the aged Kavadh led all Persia against the Romans. And, although the Romans were able to conquer by main force, yet because of the profligacy and wantonness of the last Areobindus (for he was fond of song, the flute, and dance) and the inexperience and cowardice of the generals Patricius and Hypatius, at first they were worsted, when the Persians had suddenly swooped down upon them, but thereafter, when they had both pursued the Persians and had again recovered Amida, after it had been captured, the Persian held discussions with Celer, whom Anastasius had as magister of the imperial officia, regarding Biraparach, as I indicated above, and the expense unilaterally incurred for it by the Persians. [3]And the dispute came to an end after some moderate concessions had been made to Kavadh by Anastasius, for Anastasius's magnanimity and adroitness piously endured loss on behalf of peace. [4]Such, then, is the account by the historians of the Romans concerning the Caspian Gates. Arrian discusses the latter rather accurately in his *History of the Alans*, and especially in Book VIII of his *Parthian Wars*, because he himself had been placed in charge of the area as governor of the very region under the upright Hadrian. For such magistrates had he as by both their words and their deeds elevated the state, too, to so great renown.

### IX.021. Procopius, *De Bellis*: Justinian attempts to win the Huns' support

#### IX.021/A. Proc. bell. 2, 1, 12–15

[12]Χοσρόης δὲ ὁ Περσῶν βασιλεὺς λελύσθαι πρὸς Ἱουστινιανοῦ τὰς σπονδὰς ἔφασκε, πολλὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ἐς οἶκον τὸν αὐτοῦ ἄρτι ἐνδειξαμένου, οἷς δὴ ἑταιρίζεσθαι Ἀλαμούνδαρον ἐν σπονδαῖς ἐνεχείρησε. [13]Σοῦμμον γὰρ ἔναγχος ἐπὶ διαίτη δῆθεν τῷ λόγῳ παρ' αὐτὸν ἦκοντα ἐπαγγελίαις αὐτὸν περιελθεῖν μεγάλων χρημάτων, ἐφ' ᾧ προσχωρήσει Ῥωμαίοις, γράμματά τε προΐσχετο, ἃ δὴ πρὸς Ἀλαμούνδαρον ὑπὲρ τούτων Ἱουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς ἔγραψε. [14]Καὶ πρὸς Οὖννων δέ τινας ἰσχυρίζετο αὐτὸν ἐπιστολὴν πέμψαι, ἐγκελευομένην αὐτοῖς ἐσβαλεῖν τε ἐς τὴν Περσῶν γῆν καὶ τοῖς ἐκεῖνῃ χωρίοις ἐπὶ πλεῖστον λυμήνασθαι. ἦν δή οἱ τοὺς Οὖννους αὐτοὺς ἔφασκεν ἐγχειρίσαι ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθόντας. [15]Ταῦτα

<footnote n="1">¹ Dubuisson and Schamp (2006): *Τρασιανῶ*.</footnote>
μὲν Χοσρόης ἐπικαλῶν Ῥωμαίοις τὰς σπονδὰς λύειν διενοεῖτο. εἰ μέντοι ταῦτα λέγοντί οἱ ἀληθίζεσθαι ξυνέβαινεν, οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν.

[12]But Chosroes, the king of the Persians, claimed that the treaty had been broken by Justinian, who had lately displayed great opposition to his house, in that he had attempts in time of peace to attach Alamoundaras to himself. [13]For as he said, Summus, who had recently gone to the Saracen ostensibly to arrange matters, had hoodwinked him by promises of large sums of money on condition that he should join the Romans, and he brought forward a letter which, he alleged, the Emperor Justinian had written to Alamoundaras concerning these things. [14]He also declared that he had sent a letter to some of the Huns, in which he urged them to invade the land of the Persians and to do extensive damage to the country thereabout. This letter he asserted to have been put into his hands by the Huns themselves who had come before him. [15]So then Chosroes, with these charges against the Romans, was purposing to break off the treaty. But as to whether he was speaking the truth in these matters, I am not able to say.

### IX.021/B. Proc. bell. 2, 3, 47

τό τε δὴ κεφάλαιον οὖπω λέλεκται. οὐκ Ἀλαμούνδαρον μὲν ἐν σπονδαῖς τὸν σὸν, ὦ κράτιστε βασιλεῦ, δοῦλον ἀπάτῃ τε περιελθεῖν καὶ βασιλείας ἀποστῆσαι τῆς σῆς ἔργον πεποίηται, Οὖννους δὲ τοὺς οὐδαμόθεν αὐτῷ γνωρίμους ἐπὶ τοῖς σοῖς ἔναγχος ἑταιρίζεσθαι πράγμασιν ἐν σπουδῇ ἔσχε;

But the chief thing has not yet been spoken. Has he not made efforts in time of peace to win over by deception thy slave, Alamoundaras, O most mighty King, and to detach him from thy kingdom, and has he not striven recently to attach to himself the Huns who are utterly unknown to him, in order to make trouble for thee?

### IX.021/C. Proc. bell. 2, 10, 16

[16]Χοσρόης δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσας ἰσχυρίζετο μὲν τὰς σπονδὰς πρὸς Ἱουστινιανοῦ βασιλέως λελύσθαι· καὶ τὰς αἰτίας κατέλεγεν ἅσπερ ἐκεῖνος παρέσχετο, τὰς μέν τινας καὶ λόγου ἀξίας, τὰς δὲ φαύλας τε καὶ οὐδενὶ λόγῳ ξυμπεπλασμένας. μάλιστα δὲ αὐτοῦ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς τοῦ πολέμου αἰτιωτάτας ἡξίου δεικνύναι πρός τε Ἀλαμούνδαρον καὶ Οὖννους αὐτῷ γεγραμμένας, καθάπερ μοι ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐρρήθη.

[16]And Chosroes, upon hearing this, insisted that the treaty had been broken by the Emperor Justinian; and he enumerated the causes of war which the Emperor afforded, some of them of real importance and others idle and fabricated without any reason; most of all he wished to shew that the letters written by him to Alamoundaras and the Huns were the chief cause of war, just as I have stated above.
### IX.022. Procopius, *De Bellis* 2, 16, 3f.: The war of the Huns with Chosroes

[3]οἱ μὲν οὖν κατάσκοποι ἐπανήκοντες οὐδεμίαν τῶν πολεμίων ἰσχυρίζοντο ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἐσβολὴν ἔσεσθαι· πολέμου γὰρ Οὐννικοῦ ἀσχολίαν Χοσρόη ἐτέρωθι εἶναι. [4]Βελισάριος δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσας παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ αὐτίκα ἐσβάλλειν ἐς τῶν πολεμίων τὴν γῆν ἤθελε.

[3]Now the spies returned and declared that for the present there would be no invasion of the enemy; for Chosroes was occupied elsewhere with a war against the Huns. [4]And Belisarius, upon learning this, wished to invade the land of the enemy immediately with his whole army.

### IX.023. Procopius, *Historia Arcana*: Justinian, Persians and Huns

#### IX.023/A. Proc. *hist. arc.* 2, 29

ἐτύγχανε δὲ καὶ στράτευμα Οὖννων ἐπὶ Ἀρμενίους τοὺς Ῥωμαίων κατηκόους ὁ Χοσρόης στείλας, ὅπως τῇ ἐς αὐτοὺς ἀσχολίᾳ μηδεμία τοῖς ταύτῃ Ῥωμαίοις τῶν ἐν Λαζικῇ πρασσομένων αἰσθησις γένηται.

It happened also that Chosroes had sent an army of Huns against the Armenians who are subjects of the Romans, in order that by reason of their preoccupation with this force the Romans there might take no notice of what was going on in Lazica.

#### IX.023/B. Proc. *hist. arc.* 8, 5

Οὖννων γὰρ τοῖς ἀεὶ προστυγχάνουσι πλεῖστα ἐπὶ τῇ πολιτείᾳ προΐετο: ἐξ οὖ δὴ ἐφόδοις ἀποκεῖσθαι συχναῖς ξυνέβαινε.

[5]For he kept squandering very great sums for service to the State on those of the Huns who chanced from time to time to meet him; and as a result of this the land of the Romans came to be exposed to frequent inroads.

#### IX.023/C. Proc. *hist. arc.* 11, 5–7

[5]εἰρήνης τοίνυν Ῥωμαίοις οὐσης ἐς πάντας ἀνθρώπους οὐκ ἔχων ὅστις γένηται τῶν φόνων ἐπιθυμίᾳ πάντας βαρβάρους πρός [τε] ἀλλήλους ξυνέκρουε, τῶν δὲ Οὖννων τοὺς ἡγουμένους ἐξ αἰτίας οὐδεμιᾶς μετακαλῶν χρήματα μεγάλα σφίσιν ἀτόπω φιλοτιμίᾳ προΐετο, φιλίας ἐνέχυρα δῆθεν τῷ λόγῳ ταῦτα ποιούμενος: ὅπερ αὐτὸν ἐρρήθη καὶ ὑπὸ τὸν χρόνον τῆς Ἱουστίνου βασιλείας πεποιηκέναι. [6]οἱ δὲ καὶ χρήματα κεκομισμένοι τῶν ξυναρχόντων τινὰς ξὺν τοῖς ἐπομένοις τοῖς αὐτῶν ἔπεμπον, καταθέειν ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς γῆν τὴν βασιλέως κελεύοντες, ὅπως καὶ αὐτοὶ τὴν εἰρήνην ἀπεμπολεῖν τῷ ταύτην ὠνεῖσθαι λόγῳ οὐδενὶ βουλομένῳ δυνατοὶ εἶεν. [7]καὶ οἱ μὲν αὐτίκα ἠνδραπόδιζόν τε τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴν καὶ οὐδέν τι ἦσσον ἔμμισθοι πρὸς τοῦ βασιλέως ἐγίνοντο: ἔτεροι δὲ μεῖ ἐκείνους
εὐθὺς ἐς τὸ ληΐζεσθαι τοὺς ταλαιπώρους Ῥωμαίους καθίσταντο, καὶ μετὰ τὴν λείαν ἄθλα τῆς ἐφόδου τὴν βασιλέως φιλοτιμίαν ἐδέχοντο.

[5]So then, the Romans being at peace with the whole world, and he by reason of his lust for blood not knowing what to do with himself, Justinian kept bringing all the barbarians into collision with one another, and summoning the leaders of the Huns for no good reason, he handed over to them with amazing prodigality huge donatives, pretending that he was doing this as a pledge of friendship; indeed it was said that he had done this even during the period of Justinus's reign. [6]And they, even after having received money, would send some of their fellow-leaders together with their followers, bidding them overrun and ravage the Emperor's land, so that they too might be able to sell peace to the man who for no good reason wished to purchase it. [7]And these then began straightway to enslave the Roman Empire, and they nevertheless were receiving pay in the meantime from the Emperor; and after these, others promptly took over the business of plundering the hapless Romans, and after the pillage they would receive, as rewards for the attack, the Emperor's generous gifts.

### IX.023/D. Proc. *hist. arc.* 11, 12

Καὶ Χοσρόη μὲν κεντηναρίων πλῆθος ὑπέρ τῆς εἰρήνης προέμενος, αὐτογνωμονήσας δὲ οὐδενὶ λόγῳ αἰτιώτατος τοῦ λελύσθαι τὰς σπονδὰς γέγονεν, Ἀλαμούνδαρόν τε καὶ Οὖννους τοὺς Πέρσαις ἐνσπόνδους σπουδάζων τε καὶ διατεινόμενος ἑταιρίζεσθαι, ὅπερ μοι ἐν λόγοις τοῖς ὑπέρ αὐτῶν οὐκ ἀπαρακαλύπτως εἰρῆσθαι δοκεῖ.

And though he paid out to Chosroes huge sums of gold in return for peace, still, acting on his own judgment in a senseless way, he became the chief cause of the breaking of the truce by his intense eagerness to gain the alliance of Alamundarus and the Huns who are allied to the Persians, a matter which I believe to have been mentioned without concealment in the narrative referring to them.

### IX.024. Menander frg. 6, 1 (Blockley): Chosroes's victories over the Huns

Ἐν δὲ δὴ ἐτέρᾳ ξυνελεύσει μεγαλαυχοῦντος τοῦ Ζἰχ καὶ ἐπὶ Χοσρόῃ βασιλεῖ κομπολογίᾳ χρωμένου φάσκοντός τε, ὡς ἀμαχώτατός τέ ἐστι καὶ νίκας περιεβάλετο πολλὰς καὶ ὡς, ἐξ οὖ χρόνου τὴν κάδαριν ἀνεδήσατο, ἀμφὶ τὰ δέκα ἔθνη καταγωνισάμενος κατέστησεν ἐς φόρου ἀπαγωγήν, καὶ ὅτι τὴν τῶν Ἐφθαλιτῶν κατεστρέψατο δύναμιν καὶ μὲν οὖν βασιλεῖς ἐχειρώσατο πλείστους, καὶ ὡς ἄγανταί τε αὐτὸν καὶ τεθήπασιν οἱ ἐκείνη βάρβαροι, καὶ ὡς κατὰ τὸ προσῆκον καὶ οὐκ ἀπεικὸς αὐτῷ ἡ ἐπωνυμία κεκόμψευται τὸ βασιλέα προσαγορεύεσθαι βασιλέων, [...].

At the following meeting the Zikh began to boast and exalt king Khosro, saying that he was invincible and adorned with many victories; that from the time when he had assumed the tiara, he had conquered about ten peoples and made them tributary; that he had destroyed the power of the Ephthalites and had defeated very many kings; that the barbarians there were in wonderment and awe of him; and that properly and rightly he was proclaimed king of kings [...].
IX.025. Theophylact 7, 7, 6–7, 8, 11: The Scythian excursus

[7,6] Ἀλλ' ἐπεὶ περὶ τῶν Σκυθῶν τῶν πρὸς τῷ Καυκάσῳ τῶν τε πρὸς βορρᾶν τετραμμένων μνήμην ἐποιησάμεθα, φέρε δή, φέρε τὰ παρηκολουθηκότα κατὰ τούτους τοὺς χρόνους τοῖς μεγίστοις ἔθνεσι τούτοις ὥσπερ ἐμβόλιμά τινα διηγήματα τὴν ἱστορίαν μεσολαβήσαντες παραθώμεθα. [7] θέρους ἐνεστῶτος κατὰ τοῦτον δὴ τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν ὁ πρὸς τῇ ἔω ὑπὸ τῶν Τούρκων Χαγάνος ὑμνούμενος πρέσβεις ἐξέπεμψε Μαυρικάφ τῷ αὐτοκράτορι, ἐπιστολήν τε συντεταχὼς ἐπινίκια ἐνεχάραττεν ἐν αὐτῇ. [8] ἡ δὲ τῆς ἐπιστολῆς ἐπιγραφὴ εἶχεν ἐπὶ λέξεως οὕτως “τῷ βασιλεῖ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ὁ Χαγάνος ὁ μέγας δεσπότης ἐπτὰ γενεῶν καὶ κύριος κλιμάτων τῆς οἰκουμένης ἐπτά.” τῷ ὄντι γὰρ τὸν ἐθνάρχην τῶν Ἀβδελῶν (φημὶ δὴ τῶν λεγομένων Ἐφθαλιτῶν) καταπολεμήσας οὖτος αὐτὸς ὁ Χαγάνος ἐνίκησε τήν τε τοῦ ἔθνους ἀρχὴν περιεβάλετο. [9] ἐπὶ τῇ νίκῃ τοίνυν εἰς μέγα ἀρθεὶς καὶ τὸν Στεμβισχάδαν σύμμαχον ποιησάμενος τὸ τῶν Ἀβάρων ἔθνος κατεδουλώσατο. ἀλλὰ μή τις οἰέσθω παριστορεῖν ἡμᾶς τὰ κατὰ τούτους τοὺς χρόνους Ἀβάρους εἶναι διανοούμενος τοὺς ἀνὰ τὴν Εὐρώπην καὶ τὴν Παννονίαν προσοικοῦντας βαρβάρους, καὶ τούτων τὴν ἄφιξιν πρεσβυτέραν γενέσθαι τῶν χρόνων Μαυρικίου τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος. [10] ψευδωνύμως γὰρ Ἀβάρων προσηγορίαν οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἰστρον περιεβάλοντο βάρβαροι. ὅθεν δὲ τὸ γένος αὐτοῖς, ὅσον οὖπω εἰρήσεται. ἡττηθέντων γοῦν τῶν Ἀβάρων, (πρὸς γὰρ τὸν λόγον ἐπάνιμεν) οἱ μὲν πρὸς τοὺς κατέχοντας τὴν Ταυγάστ τὰς ἀποφυγὰς ἐποιήσαντο. [11] ἡ δὲ Ταυγάστ πόλις ἐπιφανής, τῶν τε λεγομένων Τούρκων ἀπώκισται χιλίοις πρὸς τοῖς πεντακοσίοις σημείοις· αὐτὴ ὅμορος καθέστηκε τοῖς Ἰνδοῖς. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὴν Ταυγάστ αὐλιζόμενοι βάρβαροι ἔθνος ἀλκιμώτατον καὶ πολυανθρωπότατον, καὶ τοῖς κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην ἔθνεσι διὰ τὸ μέγεθος ἀπαράλληλον. [12] ἔτεροι τῶν Ἀβάρων διὰ τὴν ἦτταν πρὸς ταπεινοτέραν ἀποκλίναντες τύχην παραγίνονται πρὸς τοὺς λεγομένους Μουκρί. τοῦτο δὲ τὸ ἔθνος πλησιέστατον πέφυκε τῶν Ταυγάστ, ἀλκὴ δὲ αὐτῷ πρὸς τὰς παρατάξεις πολλὴ διὰ τε τὰ ἐκ τῶν γυμνασίων ὁσημέραι μελετήματα διὰ τε τὴν περὶ τοὺς κινδύνους τῆς ψυχῆς ἐγκαρτέρησιν.

[7,6] But since we have made reference to the Scythians, both those in the Caucasus and those who face northwards, come then, come, let us interrupt our history and present, like an intercalated narrative, the events which attended these very great nations during these times. [7] When summer had arrived in this particular year, he who is celebrated by the Turks as Chagan in the east, dispatched ambassadors to the emperor Maurice; he composed a letter and inscribed in it victory-praises. [8] The letter's salutation was as follows, word for word: "To the king of the Romans, the Chagan, the great lord of seven races and master of seven zones of the world." For this very Chagan had in fact outfought the leader of the nation of the Abdeli (I mean indeed, of the Hephthalites, as they are called), conquered him, and assumed the rule of the nation. [9] Then he was greatly elated at the victory and, making an alliance with Stembischagan, he enslaved the Avar nation. But let no one think that we are distorting the history of these times because he supposes that the Avars are those barbarians neighbouring on Europe and Pannonia, and that their arrival was prior to the times of the emperor Maurice. [10] For it is by a misnomer that the barbarians on
the Ister have assumed the appellation of Avars; the origin of their race will shortly be revealed. So, when the Avars had been defeated (for we are returning to the account), some of them made their escape to those who inhabit Taugast. [11] Taugast is a famous city, which is a total of one thousand five hundred miles distant from those who are called Turks, and which borders on the Indians. The barbarians whose abode is near Taugast are a very brave and numerous nation, and without rival in size among the nations of the world. [12] Others of the Avars, who declined to humbler fortune because of their defeat, came to those who are called Mucri; this nation is the closest neighbour to the men of Taugast; it has great might in battle both because of its daily practice of drill and because of endurance of spirit in danger.

[7,13] ἐπιβαίνει τοίνυν καὶ ἑτέρας ἐγχειρήσεως ὁ Χαγάνος, καὶ τοὺς Ὀγωρ ἐχειρώσατο πάντας. ἔθνος δὲ τοῦτο τῶν ἰσχυροτάτων καθέστηκε διά τε τὴν πολυανδρίαν καὶ τὴν πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἔνοπλον ἄσκησιν. οὖτοι δὲ πρὸς ταῖς ἀνατολαῖς τὰς οἰκήσεις ποιοῦνται, ἔνθα ὁ Τίλ διαρρεῖ ποταμός, ὃν Μέλανα Τούρκοις ἀποκαλεῖν <ἔθος>. [14] οἱ δὲ τούτου τοῦ ἔθνους παλαίτατοι ἔξαρχοι Οὐὰρ καὶ Χουννὶ ὠνομάζοντο· ἐκ τούτων καί τινα τῶν ἐθνῶν ἐκείνων τὴν ὀνομασίαν ἀπεκληρώσαντο Οὐὰρ καὶ Χουννὶ ὀνομαζόμενα. [8,1] Ἱουστινιανοῦ τοίνυν τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος τὸ βασίλειον κράτος ἐπέχοντος, ἐκ τούτων τῶν Οὐὰρ καὶ Χουννὶ ὀλίγη ἀποδράσασα μοῖρα τοῦ ἀρχεγόνου φύλου ἐκείνου ἐνδημεῖ τῇ Εὐρώπῃ. [2] οὖτοι Ἀβάρους ἑαυτοὺς ὀνομάσαντες τὸν ἡγεμόνα τῇ τοῦ Χαγάνου προσηγορίᾳ φαιδρύνουσιν. ὅθεν αὐτοῖς ὁ τρόπος πρὸς μετάθεσιν ὀνομάτων ἐχώρησεν, λέξωμεν τῆς ἀληθείας κατὰ μηδὲν ἀφιστάμενοι. [3] Βαρσήλτ καὶ Οὐννουγοῦροι καὶ Σαβίροι Οὐννικά τε πρὸς τούτοις ἔτερα ἔθνη, ὁπηνίκα τῶν Οὐὰρ καὶ Χουννὶ ἔτι ἀπόμοιραν κατὰ τοὺς τόπους αὐτῶν ἀποδιδράσκουσαν ἐθεάσαντο, εἰς μέγιστον καταπίπτουσι φόβον, ὑποτοπήσαντες Ἀβάρους ὑπεῖναι τοὺς ἐνδημήσαντας. [4] διὰ τοῦτο δώροις λαμπροῖς τοὺς φυγάδας τιμήσαντες ἔδοξαν ἀντιλαμβάνειν παρ’ αὐτῶν τὴν ἀβλάβειαν. οἱ τοίνυν Οὐὰρ καὶ Χουννὶ ὡς εἶδον τὴν τῆς ἀποφυγῆς ἐπιδέξιον ἔναρξιν, τὴν πλάνην τῶν πρεσβευσαμένων οἰκειωσάμενοι Ἀβάρους ἑαυτοὺς κατωνόμασαν· λέγεται γὰρ ἐν τοῖς ἔθνεσι τοῖς Σκυθικοῖς τὸ τῶν Ἀβάρων ὑπεῖναι ἐντρεχέστατον φῦλον. [5] ἀμέλει τοι καὶ μέχρι τῶν χρόνων τῶν καθ’ ἡμᾶς οἱ Ψευδάβαροι (λέγειν γὰρ οὕτως αὐτοὺς οἰκειότερον) ταῖς γενεαρχίαις διήρηνται, καὶ οἱ μὲν Οὐὰρ ἀρχαιοπρεπῶς ὀνομάζονται, οἱ δὲ Χουννὶ προσαγορεύονται.

[7,13] Then the Chagan embarked on yet another enterprise, and subdued all the Ogur, which is one of the strongest tribes on account of its large population and its armed training for war. These make their habitations in the east, by the course of the river Til, which Turks are accustomed to call Melas. [14] The earliest leaders of this nation were named Var and Chunni; from them some parts of those nations were also accorded their nomenclature, being called Var and Chunni. [8,1] Then, while the emperor Justinian was in possession of the royal power, a small section of these Var and Chunni fled from that ancestral tribe and settled in Europe. [2] These named themselves Avars and glorified their leader with the appellation of Chagan. Let us declare, without departing in the least from the truth, how the means of changing their name came to them. [3] When the Barselt, Onogurs, Sabir and other Hun nations in addition to these, saw that a section of those who were still Var and Chunni had fled to their regions, they plunged into
extreme panic, since they suspected that the settlers were Avars. [4]For this reason they honoured
the fugitives with splendid gifts and supposed that they received from them security in exchange.
Then, after the Var and Chunni saw the well-omened beginning of their flight, they appropriated
the ambassadors' error and named themselves Avars: for among the Scythian nations that of the
Avars is said to be the most adept tribe. [5]In point of fact even up to our present times the Pseudo-
Avars (for it is more correct to refer to them thus) are divided in their ancestry, some bearing
the time-honoured name of Var while others are called Chunni.

[8,6] ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰ περὶ τῶν Ψευδαβάρων ὡς ἐν ἐπιτομῇ διεξήλθομεν, πρὸς τὰ συνεχῆ τῆς ἱστορίας τὴν ἔκθεσιν ποιησώμεθα. τοῦ τοίνυν Ὀγὼρ λίαν ἐγκρατῶς νενικημένου, τὸν τοῦ Κὸλχ ἐθνάρχην στόματι ῥομφαίας ὁ Χαγάνος παρέδωκεν. [7] ἀναιροῦνται τοίνυν ἐκ τούτου δῆτα τοῦ ἔθνους κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον μυριάδες τριάκοντα, ὡς ὁδὸν ἡμερῶν τεττάρων ἐπέχειν τὴν τῶν καταπεπτωκότων σωμάτων συνέχειαν. [8] οὕτω δῆτα τῆς νίκης τῷ Χαγάνῳ μειδιώσῃς ἐπιφανῶς, συγκροτεῖται τοῖς Τούρκοις ἐμφύλιος πόλεμος. ἀνήρ τις Τουροῦμ ὀνομαζόμενος, πρὸς γένος καθεστὼς τῷ Χαγάνῳ, νεωτερίσας δυνάμεις μεγάλας συνήθροισεν. [9] ἐπεὶ δὲ κατὰ τὴν μάχην τὰ τοῦ τετυραννηκότος ἦν ἐγκρατέστερα, πρεσβεύεται ὁ Χαγάνος πρὸς ἐτέρους τρεῖς μεγάλους Χαγάνους· ταῦτα δὲ τούτοις ὀνόματα, Σπαρζευγοῦν καὶ Κουναξολὰν καὶ Τουλδίχ. [10] συναθροισθείσης τοίνυν τῆς ὅλης ἐκτάξεως εἰς τὸ Ἰκὰρ (χῶρος δὲ οὕτος πεδίοις ἐνειλημένος μεγάλοις), τῶν τε ἀντιθέτων κατὰ τοῦτον δῆτα τὸν τόπον ἀντιταξαμένων ἡρωϊκῶς, πίπτει ὁ τύραννος καὶ εἰς φυγὴν αἰ συμμαχοῦσαι δυνάμεις ἐξέκλιναν, καὶ πολλοῦ γενομένου τοῦ φόνου πάλιν κύριος τῆς ἑαυτοῦ ὁ Χαγάνος χώρας ἐγένετο. [11] τούτων τῶν ἐπινικίων τὴν μήνυσιν διὰ τῶν πρέσβεων ὁ Χαγάνος πρὸς τὸν αὐτοκράτορα Μαυρίκιον ἐπεποίητο.

[8,6] But since we have, as it were, summarily detailed this information about the Pseudo-Avars,
let us move our exposition towards the continuity of the narrative. Then, after the Ogur had been
quite soundly defeated, the Chagan handed over to the jaws of the sword the ruler of the nation
of Kolch. [7] Then three hundred thousand of this particular tribe were slain in the battle, so that
the continuous line of fallen corpses extended for a four days' journey. [8] While indeed victory
was thus gloriously smiling on the Chagan, the Turks clashed in civil war. A certain man named
Turum, who was connected to the Chagan by birth, revolted and collected great forces. [9] When
the usurper's party had gained the upper hand in battle, the Chagan sent an embassy to three
other great Chagans. These were their names: Sparzeugun, Kunaxolan and Tuldich. [10] Then,
after their whole array had assembled at the Ikar (this is a place enfolded in great plains), and
their opponents had valiantly arrayed themselves in opposition at that particular place, the
usurper fell, and his allied forces veered away in flight; after much slaughter the Chagan again
became the master of his own territory. [11] The Chagan had made a declaration of these triumphs
to the emperor Maurice via the ambassadors.
<figure><img src="image_21.png" /></figure>
# X. Indic Sources

Hans Bakker, Csaba Dezső, Gergely Hidas and Dániel Balogh

<figure><img src="image_22.png" /></figure>
## Literary sources

The second book of the *Mahābhārata*, the *Sabhāparvan* or *Book of the Assembly Hall*, represents, by general consensus, a deep layer of epic memory. It describes the source of Duryodhana's envy, the actual cause of the Kaurava–Pāṇḍava war, when he sees subservient princes and tributaries queueing up before the gates of the palace of his cousin Yudhiṣṭhira in the capital Indraprastha, where they have assembled in order to pledge allegiance by offering precious gifts, despite the fact that these tributaries are denied entrance.

Among the foreigners lining up are legendary peoples such as three-eyed beings, cyclops and cannibals.¹ Then, after the one-footed people who brought swift horses, Duryodhana mentions a group of more historic yet exotic peoples living at the fringes of the epic world and beyond: the Cīnas, the Hūṇas, the Śakas, and the mountain-dwelling Oḍras (or: Oḍras and those living in the mountains). People of an apparently more inner ring are mentioned next: the Vārṣneyas, the Hārahūṇas, and the dark inhabitants of the Himālaya.ii

Though somewhat of a mishmash, this passage allows us an insight into the outer world as seen from the perspective of the Gangetic Plain in the first centuries of the Common Era. The Cīnas and the Hūṇas, who may represent Han China and the Xiongnu, belong to this world. The commodities said to be brought from Bāhlī (Balkh) and Cīna are horses, asses, hides, and fabrics of wool, cotton and silk (kīṭaja).iii This *Book of the Assembly Hall*, which also mentions Rome and Antioch (Antākhī),iv thus seems to belong to the times when the Kuṣāṇa Empire connected the trading worlds of Rome, China and Central Asia with India.

The Hārahūṇas are clearly distinguished from the Hūṇas. They are said to have been subjected to Pāṇḍava rule, together with the Ramaṭhas and other princes of the West, by Yudhiṣṭhira's brother Nakula, and they are mentioned again in the third book of the *Mahābhārata*, the *Vanaparvan*, along with the people living in Sindh, Tokharistan (Bactria) and China.v The second chapter of the Indian Book of State, the *Arthaśāstra*, which might be more or less contemporaneous with the epic source (2nd century CE), knows Hārahūra and Kāpiśī as wine-growing regions.vi Hārahūraka or Hāramūrtika, variants of Hārahūṇaka.vii—these words may all refer to a people and

<footnote>i MBh 2.47.15–18: *dvyakṣāṃs tryakṣāṃl lalāṭkṣān nānādigbhyaḥ samāgatān| auṣṇīṣān anivāsāṃś ca bāhukān puruṣādakān||15|| ekapādāṃś ca tatrāham apaśyaṃ dvāri vāritān| balyarthaṃ dadatas tasmai hiraṇyaṃ rajataṃ bahu||16|| indragopakavarṇābhāñ śukavarṇān manojavān| tathaivendrāyudhanibhān saṃdhyābhrasadrśān api||17|| anekavarṇān āraṇyān grhītvāśvān manojavān| jātarūpam anarghyaṃ ca dadus tasyaikapādakāḥ||18||</footnote>

<footnote>ii See Text X.001/C.</footnote>

<footnote>iii MBh 2.47.21–22: *krṣṇagrīvān mahākāyān rāsabhāñ śatapātinaḥ| āhārṣur daśasāhasrān vinītān dikṣu viśrutān||21|| pramāṇarāgasparśādhyaṃ bāhlīcīnasamudbhavam| aurṇaṃ ca rāṅkavaṃ caiva kīṭajaṃ paṭṭajaṃ tathā||22||</footnote>

<footnote>iv MBh 2.28.49.</footnote>

<footnote>v See Texts X.001/B and X.001/D.</footnote>

<footnote>vi See Text X.025.</footnote>

<footnote>vii See Text X.002/B.</footnote>
region on either side of the Sulaiman Mountains, though it seems unlikely that we are actually concerned with a Hunnic people, for the simple reason that the Huns had not yet arrived in that region by the second century. i That the word refers to ‘Red Huns,’ as argued by Sir Harold Bailey (1954), appears to me insufficiently substantiated, nor is van Buitenen’s rendering by ‘Robber Huns’ (in the translation of Text X.001/C) very plausible.

If we move on to fifth-century sources, the image of the Hūṇas becomes better defined, since the Huns had appeared on the North-Indian horizon. Kālidāsa refers to the custom of Hūṇa ladies, living on the banks of the Oxus River (Vaṅkṣu), to cut their cheeks when mourning their husbands. ii The satirical monologue Pādatāḍitaka refers to a Hunnish horse and its caparison, iii and the fifth-century Viṣṇupurāṇa locates the Hūṇas within India itself, between the Sauvīra People of Sindh and the Sālvas living in Śākala, i.e. Sialkot in the Pakistani Punjab. iv

Herewith a new historically defined orientation was introduced: in the course of the fifth century the textual sources locate the Hūṇas in the North—in other words within South Asia—rather than in the West, i.e. Afghanistan and beyond, since they had become part of the Indian world. This is apparent, for instance, from a reconstructed old Purāṇa text styled Bhuvanavinyāsa or Das Purāṇa vom Weltgebäude (Kirfel 1954), in which the Huns are grouped with the Kāśmīras and Cūlikas, among other people, in the North. v

Varāhamihira, writing in the middle of the sixth century, distinguished between the so-called White Huns (sitahūṇa or śvetahūṇa) and the Hūṇas among the peoples in the North; the former are grouped with the Pahlavas, Avagāṇas and the Desert Cīnas, vi whereas the latter are found together with, for example, the Mālavas, Pauravas and Gāndhāras. vii Varāhamihira’s rendering of foreign nations and their residential areas thus reflects the historical reality of the first half of the sixth century, when Alchon Hūṇas operated from Gandhāra and the Punjab, and Hephthalites or ‘White Huns’ occupied the eastern parts of the Sasanian empire, Bactria and Central Asia.

And finally Bāṇa, the famous chronicler of King Harṣavardhana of Kanauj, writing in the first half of the seventh century, in a travesty of roles could style the King of Thanesar, Harṣa’s father Prabhākaravardhana, “a lion to the Hūṇa deer,” viii as he sends Harṣa’s elder brother, Rājyavardhana, on an expedition against the Hūṇas in the north: “As the lion [i.e. Prabhākaravardhana], master of the deer, dispatches his cub [i.e. Rājyavardhana] against the deer.” ix

<footnote>i Varāhamihira mentions the Hārahaura king immediately after the Sindhusauvīra and before the Madra king (Text X.026). Trautmann (1971, 183–84) disproves, mainly for chronological reasons, the connection of the Hūṇas to the Hārahūṇas.</footnote>

<footnote>ii See Text X.015.</footnote>

<footnote>iii See Text X.019.</footnote>

<footnote>iv See Text X.002/A</footnote>

<footnote>v Weltgebäude 116, 42–43 = VāP 45.120–21 & BḍP 1.16.51–52; see Text X.002/B.</footnote>

<footnote>vi See Texts X.004/A and X.004/C.</footnote>

<footnote>vii See Text X.004/B. A similar verse in śloka metre, possibly the source of Varāhamihira, is found in Mārkaṇḍeyapurāṇa 58.45: āmbāla mālavā madrā veṇukāḥ savadantikāḥ piṅgalā mānakalahā hūṇāḥ kohalakās tathā||</footnote>

<footnote>viii See Text X.016/A.</footnote>

<footnote>ix See Text X.016/B; cf. Bakker (2014, 74).</footnote>
A rare case of historic information regarding the Hūṇas in Indian literature might have been
preserved in a Prakrit text composed in CE 779 by Uddyotana Sūri, the Jaina romance
*Kuvalayamālā* (KM).

On the banks of that (Candrabhāya River) is the famous Pavvaïyā, decorated with precious stones, where the illustrious King Tora resided while ruling the earth. His *guru* was the venerable Harigupta of the Gupta lineage. At the time he accommodated him in that city (*nayarī*).i

The illustrious King Tora is generally assumed to be the Alchon king Toramāņa.ii His residence Pavvaïyā, Sanskrit Parvatikā (nagarī)—which means “Hill City,” or capital of the Parvata country—is said to be situated along the banks of the Candrabhāgā, i.e. the Chenab River. About Harigupta and his relationship with the Gupta dynasty we know next to nothing. Uddyotana Sūri makes him the fountainhead of his own lineage of Jaina preceptors (dīkṣāguru-paramparā), so he may have been a Jain monk.iii

Taking our cue from the name Pavvaïyā, we may look for its location to the region where the Chenab River emerges from the Himalayan foothills.iv To be plausible as a possible identification the site should have demonstrable Gupta and Hūņa associations. Such a place does exist. In virtue of the results of extensive archaeological exploration by the Archaeological Survey of India in Akhnūr (Jammu) and adjacent Ambaran (in particular the hamlet of Pambarwān) in 1961–3, 1973 and 1999–2001,v I would like to advance the hypothesis that King Tora’s Parvatikā known from the Jaina text is to be located in this area around Akhnūr, where the Chenab Valley ends in the fertile plains of the Punjab, 165 km east of Kurā, the findspot of Toramāņa’s inscription. The modern toponym Pambarwān may or may not preserve the Middle-Indic Pavvaïyā, a place that the *Kuvalayamālā* styled a *nagarī*; it may have been part of an ancient urban centre that Toramāņa had made his headquarters and which served as the capital of a country that was called Parvata.vi

<footnote>i See Text X.017.</footnote>

<footnote>ii Mehta (1928, 34); Upādhye (1970, 99); Chojnacki (2008, 2: 771 n. 2352). Cf. Mitra (1957, 254), “Torarāya is merely a non-descript rājā.”</footnote>

<footnote>iii *Kuvalayamālā* p. 282 vv. 4–18. According to this *paramparā* (v. 8ab) the great poet Devagupta was Harigupta’s student: *tassa visisso payaḍo mahākaī devaūttaṇāmo tti*. It is very unlikely that this Harigupta, being a common name, is the same the Mahārāja Harigupta known from some copper coins found in Ahicchatra (Allan 1914, lxi, 152).</footnote>

<footnote>iv Cf. *ViP* 2.2.10: *śatadrūcandrabhāgādyāḥ himavatpādaniḥṣṭāḥ*. The editor of the *KM*, Upādhye (1970, 100ff), following a lead by Dashrath Sharma, hesitantly connects Pavvaïyā with Pābiya (or Bābiah), also called Chachpūr (?), a fort mentioned in the *Čāč-nāma* (Elliot 1867–77, I/138, 140, 366; cf., however, Fredunbeg’s translation at https://persian.packhum.org/), which Upādhye identified with modern Chāchar in Sindh; he remarks: “The only difficulty, I feel, is that Pābiya, in Elliot’s extracts, is often described as ‘south of the river Bīās,’ ‘on the southern bank of the Bīās’ etc.” Cf. Chojnacki (2008, II: 771 n. 2352), following Upādhye: “Parvatikā pourrait correspondre à l’actuelle Chachar à la jonction de la Chenab et de l’Indus.” The identification of Parvatikā with Pābiya or Bābiah is spurious and its location in Sindh is very unlikely indeed; cf. Bakker (2014, 115ff).</footnote>

<footnote>v IAR 1961–62, 16ff.; IAR 1962–63, 9; IAR 1973–74, 14; IAR 1999–2000, 52; IAR 2000–01, 60; ABIA (Pieris and Raven 2010: §3–413).</footnote>

<footnote>vi *Aṣṭādhyāyī* 4.2.143 and 4.3.93, cited by Bhandarkar (1872, 23).</footnote>
These headquarters were, if our hypothesis is correct, c. 50 km north of the ancient Śākala, modern Sialkot in Pakistani Punjab. The fortified town of Śākala in the kingdom of Zhejia (Takka),i was visited by the Chinese pilgrim Xuanzang, who reports that it had once been the capital of Toramāņa's son Mihirakula.ii Elsewhere, in Book 11, Xuanzang describes the country of Bofaduo or Parvata, of which he says that it is: “densely populated and [is] subject to the country of Takka” (Zhejia). This country Parvata is said to lie 700 li to the northeast of Mūlasthānapura, i.e. Multān, and is evidently a province of the Kingdom of Zhejia; geographically speaking, it seems to correspond roughly to the region around Sialkot.iii

It has to be admitted, however, that despite all this literary information, we would be completely in the dark as to who these Hūņa people were and what role they played in Indian history if we did not possess epigraphic and numismatic evidence.

## Epigraphic sources

The condition of Indian sources regarding the Huns is in marked contrast with the adjacent region of Central Asia, for which we hardly have any epigraphic evidence and where our knowledge of Kidarites and Hephthalites is dependent on literary sources written in a plethora of languages. A solid basis for historic knowledge common to both regions is provided by numismatic and sigillary sources, a basis, again, which is conspicuous by its absence in the case of the European Huns.

The epigraphic sources relating to Hunnic peoples in South-Asia may be divided into three main categories: 1) inscriptions of their enemies who claim victory over the Hūṇas; iv 2) inscriptions of their subordinates who acknowledge Hunnic overlordship; v 3) inscriptions that may be attributed to the Hunnic rulers themselves and their close allies. vi The last category includes the Schøyen Copper Scroll (Text X.030), which constitutes a unique written source of Hunnic history and is datable to the last decade of the fifth century.

As I have argued on several occasions, following Étienne de La Vaissière's initial refutation of Gudrun Melzer's location north of the Hindu Kush, this scroll belongs to the Punjab and informs us of the early years of Toramāņa when he was still part of an Alchon quadrumvirate, at the eve of the Hunnic invasion into the Gupta Empire.

The British Museum silver bowl from Swat (Text X.029) attests the early form of such a quadrumvirate in the first half of the fifth century, when Hunnic power was still divided among

<footnote>i This kingdom is said to stretch from the Beas river in the east to the Indus in the west (R. Li 1996, 97; Beal 1884, I: 165). See also Text I.086 on Zhejia; cf. Rājataraṅgīnī 5.150 (Text X.014/J) and Stein's note cited there.</footnote>

<footnote>ii R. Li 1996, 97; Beal 1884, I: 167, Mo-hi-lo-kiu-lo.</footnote>

<footnote>iii R. Li 1996, 306; Beal 1884, II: 275. The capital of Parvata is described as a place of culture, the learning of whose inhabitants "is deep and broad and they believe in both heterodoxy [i.e. Jainism] and orthodoxy [i.e. Buddhism]."</footnote>

<footnote>iv To this category I assign Texts X.027, X.028, X.036 and X.038 to X.042. Text X.035, though it does not mention Toramāņa explicitly and admits defeat rather than victory, could also be subsumed under this category.</footnote>

<footnote>v To this category I assign Texts X.032 to X.034.</footnote>

<footnote>vi To this category I assign Texts X.029 to X.031 and X.037. The Kabul Inscription of Ṣāhi Khiṅgāla (Text X.043) could also be attributed to this category, although this inscription seems to pertain to one of the later 'Alchon-Nezak' rulers of Kāpiśī (Kabul Valley) of the 7th century whose ethnic identity is disputed (see Kuwayama 2002, 249-59 and Minoru Inaba's commentary to Text I.090).</footnote>
Kidara and Alchon warlords, including a prince named Khiṅgi, who might or might not be identical to the Khi(ṅ)gi who issued the early coin types bearing that name.<fnref n="1" />

An Alchon quadrumvirate ruling Gandhāra and the Punjab is corroborated by the common coinage, ‘Gemeinschaftsprägung’ according to Matthias Pfisterer, of *rāja* Lakhāna, ṣāhi Mehama, ṣāhi Javūkha, and *devaṣāhi* Khiṅgila. In the scroll Toramāņa replaces Lakhāna and takes over the title *devaṣāhi/devarāja* from Khiṅgila. The constellation recalls the polity of the five *yabghus*, who divided and ruled the land of the Yuezhi above the Amu Darya river before they were united in the Kuṣāņa kingdom by Kujula Kadphises in c. CE 30.

The copper scroll thus gives us insight into how Alchon power was organized in the north-west of the Subcontinent in the 490s. Khiṅgila and his successor Toramāņa ruled as sovereigns in the Gandhāra–Punjab region, while parts of this and adjacent territories were controlled by other Alchon ṣāhis, Mehama and Javūkha. On a lower level local princes governed as feudatories, apparently including descendants of the Kuṣāņas, such as the Devaputra King of Tālagāna, son of Opanda. The scroll testifies to matrimonial relations of these ruling houses with local centres of power, such as Sārada, the Neelum Valley in north-west Kashmir, which may have been under the control of *mahāṣāhi* Mehama under whose authority the building of the *stūpa* took place in Śārdīysa.<fnref n="2" /> The scroll further evinces that by the end of the fifth century the Alchon rulers were firmly established in Indian culture and were engaged in governing Indian religious institutions, Buddhism in particular.

Another epigraphic document of category 3 throws light on the military organisation of the Alchon conquest. The *Gwalior Stone Inscription of Mihirakula, Year 15* (Text X.037) was found in the Hill Fort of Gwalior (Gopagiri), which controls the entrance to the Betwā Valley. This valley gave access to the capitals of Vidiśā and Ujjayinī and was more than once the scene of pitched battles between the Hūņa and Indian kingdoms.<fnref n="3" />

The sun temple in which the inscription had been found no longer exists today; it may have been the successor of the original temple dedicated to the Sun (Bhānu) founded by Māṭrceṭa, who was living in the fort (*parvatadurga*). Māṭrceṭa was one of the people who were said to reside there owing to (*prasādena*) King Mihirakula; these people are mentioned as the beneficiaries sharing in the merit of the foundation. The newly founded Sun Temple may therefore have been a place of worship of the Hūņa garrison in the fort.

In view of the Iranian connections of the Alchon—instanced by the very name of the king, Mihirakula, ‘Family(?) of Mihira,’ that is of Mithra—I consider it not unlikely that a contingent of the garrison had an Iranian background, whose religious needs were served by a temple that housed a blend of the sun gods of Iran and India— Mithra and Sūrya—just as Mithraea are found in Roman legionary stations.

<footnote n="1">¹ The early coins of Khiṅgi(la), G 44, 57 (Pfisterer 2013, 240, 247) show an elongated skull, which does not necessarily mean, however, that the effigy reflects the specific traits of Prince Khiṅgi; it may represent the corporate identity of the Alchons.</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² See Bakker (2018) for a detailed argumentation.</footnote>

<footnote n="3">³ See Bakker (2017).</footnote>
## X. Indic Sources

To conclude, an unexpected issue proceeds from our inquiry. In none of the inscriptions belonging to category 3, nor in those that belong to 2, in which Toramāṇa's suzerainty is acknowledged, does the word *hūṇa* feature. This is different in the Sanskrit literary sources and the inscriptions of category 1. In CE 515 the Aulikara king Prakāśadharman of Daśapura (Mandasor) claims to have nullified in the battlefield the title “Overlord,” *adhirāja*, of the *hūṇādhipa*, i.e. Hun commander, Toramāṇa (X.010 v. 16). In the *Sondhni Pillar Inscription* (X.013 v. 4) his successor Yaśodharman boasts of reigning over countries that had not even been reached by the Hūṇa commanders (*hūṇādhipa*). This outcome not only sustains our categorization, it seems also to lend support to the view that the Sanskrit word *hūṇa* had a pejorative connotation.
X.1. Literary sources

*Csaba Dezső and Gergely Hidas (Buddhist texts)*

X.1.1. Ethnological and geographical lists

X.001. *Mahābhārata*

Text from GRETIL<sup>i</sup> (digitised by Tokunaga Muneo et al., revised by John Smith; based on the BORI critical edition).

X.001/A. MBh (1) *Ādiparvan*, Vasiṣṭha's cow Nandinī generates barbarians

Translation from J. A. B. van Buitenen (1973).

asṛjat pahlavān pucchāc chakṛtaḥ śabarāñ śakān| 01,165.035ab
yonideśāc ca yavanāñ chakṛddeśāc chakāṃs tathā| 01,165.035b*1768_0
mūtrataś cāsṛjac cāpi yavanān krodhamūrcchitā|| 01,165.035cd
barbarāṃś caiva pārśvataḥ| 01,165.035c*1769_01
prāṇataḥ prāsṛjac ceyam| 01,165.035c*1769_02
puṇḍrān kirātān dramiḍān simhalān barbarāṃs tathā| 01,165.036ab
cibukāṃś ca pulindāṃś ca cīnān hūṇān sakeralān| 01,165.036b*1770_01
tathaiva daradān mlecchān phenataḥ sā sasarja ha|| 01,165.036cd

From her arse she [i.e. Vasiṣṭha's cow] created the Pahlavas; the Śabaras and Śakas from her dung; from her urine she created the Yavanas, as she well-nigh swooned with rage. From her foam she brought forth the Puṇḍras, Kirātas, Dramiḍas, Simhalas, Barbaras, Daradas and Mlecchas.

[additional line, not translated by van Buitenen:]

Cibukas, Pulindas, Cīnas, Hūṇas as well as the Keralas.

X.001/B. MBh (2) *Sabhāparvan*, Nakula's conquest

Translation from J. A. B. van Buitenen (1975).

ramaṭhān hārahūṇāṃś ca pratīcyāś caiva ye nṛpāḥ|
tān sarvān sa vaśe cakre śāsanād eva pāṇḍavaḥ|| 2.29.11

<footnote>i http://gretil.sub.uni-goettingen.de/gret_utf.htm#MBh</footnote>
Variae lectiones: hārayūnāṃś, hārahūrāṃś, avakūlāṃś, śūrahūṇāṃś, harahūṇāṃś, kārahūṇāṃś, haramāṇāṃś, hārāṃkuhūnāṃ, hāraghūṇāṃ, harihūkāṃś

The Ramaṭhas and the Hārahūṇas and the Western kings: Pāṇḍu's descendant subjugated all of them by his command alone.

### X.001/C. MBh (2) *Sabhāparvan*, Duryodhana speaks of the wonders he saw at the Pāṇḍavas' palace

Translation from J. A. B. van Buitenen (1975).

cīnān hūṇāñ śakān oḍrān parvatāntaravāsinaḥ|
vārṣneyān hārahūṇāṃś ca kṛṣṇān haimavatāṃs tathā|| 2.47.19

niṣādān pārasīkāṃś ca kṛṣṇān haimavatāṃs tathā|
ākhyātuṃ tān aśakto 'haṃ vividhān dvāri vāritān|| 2.47.19*0465–6_01i

na pārayāmy abhigatān vividhān dvāri vāritān|
balyartham dadatas tasya nānārūpān anekaśaḥ|| 2.47.20

Chinese men I saw and Huns, Scythians, Orissans, the ones who live in the interior forest, Vārṣneyas, Robber Huns, Black Folk and Himālayansii — I cannot get over the many who came and were denied admission, yet paid tribute to him, of so many shapes and so numerous.

### X.001/D. MBh (3) *Āraṇyakaparvan*, Kṛṣṇa speaks to Yudhiṣṭhira

Translation from J. A. B. van Buitenen (1975).

yā sā samṛddhiḥ pārthānām indraprasthe babhūva ha|
rājasūye mayā dṛṣṭā nṛpair anyaiḥ sudurlabhā|| 3.48.17

yatra sarvān mahīpālāñ śastratejobhayārditān|
savaṅgāṅgān sapauṇḍroḍrān sacoladraviḍāndhakān|| 3.48.18

sāgarānūpagāṃś caiva ye ca pattanavāsinaḥ|
simhalān barbarān mlecchān ye ca jāṅgalavāsinaḥ|| 3.48.19

paścimāni ca rājyāni śataśaḥ sāgarāntikān|
pahlavān daradān sarvān kirātān yavanāñ śakān|| 3.48.20

hārahūṇāṃś ca cīnāṃś ca tukhārān saindhavāṃs tathā|
jāguḍān ramaṭhān muṇḍān strīrājyān atha taṅgaṇān|| 3.48.21

<footnote>i This stanza is excluded from the core text of the critical edition.</footnote>

<footnote>ii “In the interior forest” seems to be a mistake; the Sanskrit text means “in the interior mountains” or “between mountains.” “Robber Huns” is van Buitenen’s rendering of *hārahūṇa*. (Ed.)</footnote>
ete cānye ca bahavo ye ca te bharatarṣabha|
tāṃś cānyāṃś ca subahūn āhūtān bharatarṣabha| 3.48.22b*0200_01i
āgatān aham adrākṣaṃ yajñe te pariveṣakān|| 3.48.22

sā te samṛddhir yair āttā capalā pratisāriṇī|
ādāya jīvitam teṣām āhariṣyāmi tām aham|| 3.48.23

The great fortune, beyond the grasp of other kings, that was the Pārthas' in Indraprastha at the Royal Consecration, where I saw all kings subdued by the fear of the might of your weapons — Vaṅgas, Aṅgas, Puṇḍras, Uḍras, Colas, Draviḍas, Andhrakas, those who live by the ocean and marshes and in settlements, Simhalese, Barbaras, Mlecchas and other jungle folk, the western kingdoms by the hundreds from as far as the ocean, all the Pahlavas and Daradas, Kirātas, Yavanas, Śakas, Robber Huns, Chinese, Tokharians, Saindhavas, Jaguḍas, Ramathas, Muṇḍas, queen-ruled tribes, Taṅganas, and all the many others who had come, bull of the Bharatas, as your servitors at the sacrifice — that same great fortune, fickle and making the rounds, I shall take with the lives of the ones who have taken it!

### X.001/E. MBh (6) Bhīṣmaparvan, Saṃjaya speaks to Dhṛtarāṣṭra (6:10,63–68)

uttarāś cāpare mlecchā janā bharatasattama|| 6.10.63cd
yavanāś ca sakāmbojā dāruṇā mlecchajātayaḥ|
sakṣaddruhaḥ kuntalāś ca hūṇāḥ pāratakaiḥ saha|| 6.10.64
tathaiva maradhāś cīnās tathaiva daśamālikāḥ|
kṣatriyopaniveśāś ca vaiśyaśūdrakulāni ca|| 6.10.65

Other, northern Mleccha peoples are the Yavanas and the Kāmbojas, cruel Mleccha tribes, the Kuntalas and the Kṣaddruhs (?), the Hūṇas and the Pāratakas, likewise the Maradhas, Cīnas, likewise the Daśamālikas, the habitats of Kṣatriyas as well as communities of Vaiśyas and Śūdras.

### X.001/F. MBh (8) Karṇaparvan, Karṇa's victories

The following verses are read in the Southern MSS, said about Karṇa.

śabarān parahūṇāṃś caii prāṇmukhān saralān api| 08,005.020d*0044_01
mleccharāṣṭrādhipāṃś caiva durgān āṭavikāṃs tathā| 08,005.020d*0044_02
jitvaitān samare vīraḥ sutīkṣṇaiḥ kaṇkapatribhiḥ| 08,005.020d*0044_03
karam āhārayām āsa ... 08,005.020d*0044_04

<footnote>i This unmetrical line is excluded from the core text of the critical edition.</footnote>

<footnote>ii V. 1. hārahūṇāṃś ca, varahūṇāṃś ca.</footnote>
The Śabaras, the Remote Huns [or “Superior Huns,” *parahūṇa* v. 1. *hārahūṇa*] and even the east-facing Saralas—after that valiant man defeated in battle the rulers of all these barbarian nations and inaccessible forest dwellers, he extracted tribute [from them].

### X.001/G. MBh (12) Śāntiparvan, Śuka's travels

sa deśān vividhān paśyaṁś cīnahūṇaniṣevitān|
āryāvartam imaṁ deśam ājagāma mahāmuniḥ|| 12,312.015

Having seen various countries inhabited by Cīnas and Hūṇas, the great sage came to this country, to Āryāvarta.

## X.002. The Lay of Lands in the *Purāṇas*

The excerpts below show the text as reconstructed by Willibald Kirfel (1954); reconstructions of critical segments by D. C. Sircar (1971, 26–47; first published 1945) and C. A Lewis (1962) are shown in the apparatus for each excerpt.

### X.002/A. Condensed List of Peoples

Kirfel 1954, 18–19 (Die erste Textgruppe, 3. Kapitel).

tathāparāntāḥ saurāṣṭrāḥ śūdrābhīrās tathārbudāḥ|| 13₂
kārūṣā mālavāś caiva pāriyātranivāsinaḥ|
sauvīrāḥ saindhavā hūṇāḥ śālvāḥ śākalavāsinaḥ|
madrā rāmās tathāmbaṣṭhāḥ pārasīkādayas tathā|| 13₃
āsāṃ pibanti salilam vasanti saritāṃ sadā|
samīpato mahābhāgā hṛṣṭapuṣṭajanākulāḥ|| 14

**Concordance:**

AgniP 118:1–8; BrahmaP 19 (17):1–27; GaruḍaP 55:4b–10(11); KūrmaP 47:20b–42; ŚivaP Dharmasaṃhitā 34:1–21; ŚivaP Umāsaṃhitā 18:1–21; ViṣṇuP II.3.1–26.

13₃ = BrahmaP 19(17):17b–18; KūrmaP 47:40–41a; ViṣṇuP II. 3.16b–17.

**Variae lectiones:**

13₃c] saindhavāpannāḥ BrahmaP (Kirfel) saindhavāpasnāḥ BrahmaP (Sircar); saindhavākūṇāḥ / saindhavākṛṣṇāḥ KūrmaP (Sircar) • 14ab] āsāṃ pibanti pāṇīyaṃ saraḥsu vividheṣu ca v. 1. (Kirfel)

In the extreme west are the Saurāṣtras, Śūras, Ābhīras, Arbudas: the Kārūṣas and Mālavas, dwelling along the Pāriyātra mountains: the Sauvīras, the Saindhavas, the **Hūṇas**, the Sālvas, the people of Śākala, the Madras, the Rāmas, the Ambaṣṭhas, and the Pārasīkas, and others.
These nations drink of the water of the rivers above enumerated, and inhabit their borders, happy and prosperous.

X.002/B. Realms of the North

Kirfel 1954, 108ff. (Die zweite Textgruppe, 3. Kapitel).

bāhlīkā vāṭadhānāś ca ābhīrāḥ kālatoyakāḥ|
aparāntāś ca śūdrāś ca pallavāś carmakhaṇḍikāḥ|| 39
gāndhārā yavanāś caiva sindhusauvīramadrakāḥ|
śakā druhāḥ kulindāś ca pāradā hāramūrtikāḥi|| 40
ramaṭhāḥ kaṇṭakārāś ca kekayā daśamālikāḥ|
kṣatriyopaniveśāś ca vaiśyaśūdrakulāni ca|| 41
kāmbojā daradāś caiva barbarā aṅgalaukikāḥ|
cīnāś caiva tuṣārāś ca pahlavā bahyatodarāḥ|| 41₁
ātreyāś ca bharadvājāḥ prasthalāś ca daserakāḥ|
lampākās talagānāś ca sainikāḥ saha jāṅgalaiḥ|| 42
apagāś cālimadrāś ca kirātāṇāṃ ca jātayaḥ|
tomarā haṃsamārgāś ca kāśmīrās taṅgaṇās tathā|| 42₁
cūlikāś cāhukāś caiva hūṇadarvās tathaiva ca|
ete deśā udīcyās tu prācyān deśān nibodhata|| 43

Concordance:

BrahmāṇḍaP I.16.1–69; LiṅgaP I.52.25–32; MatsyaP 113.78–114.57; VāyuP 45.67–137; cf. KūrmaP 47.26–37.

40 = BrahmāṇḍaP I.16.47a, 48a; MatsyaP 114.41; VāyuP 45.116. 43a = BrahmāṇḍaP I.16.52; VāyuP 45.121a

Variae lectiones:

40d]] hāramūrtikāḥ Kirfel; hārahūṇakāḥ Sircar, BrahmāṇḍaP 2; hārapūrikāḥ VāyuP; vindhyacūlikāḥ BrahmāṇḍaP 1. Sircar: śatadrujāḥ kuṇindāś ca pāradā hārahūṇakā[ḥ]; Lewis: śatadrujāḥ kulindāś ca pāradā hārahūṇakāḥ. • 43b]] hūṇadarvās Kirfel; ūrṇā(hūṇā?) dārvās Sircar; pūrṇadarvāś VāyuP; jarṇā darvās MārkaṇḍeyaP (in some editions). Sircar: kulūtāś cāhu(bāhī?)kāś caiva ūrṇā(hūṇā?) dārvās tathaiva ca (noting that Dārvas are the people of Dārvābhisāra); Lewis: kulūtāḥ kuhukāś caiva hūṇā darvās tathaiva ca.

Bāhlīkas, Vāṭadhānas, Ābhīras, Kālatoyakas, Aparāntas, Śūdras, Pallavas, Carmakhaṇḍikas, Gāndhāras, Yavanas, as well as Sindhus, Sauvīras and Madrakas, Śakas, Druhas, Kulindas,

<footnote>i For hāramūrtikāḥ Bḍ1 reads vindhyacūlikāḥ, Bḍ2 reads hārahūṇakāḥ, Vā reads hārapūrikāḥ.</footnote>
Pāradas, Hāramūrtikas [Hārahūṇas?], Ramaṭhas, Kaṇṭākaras, Kekayas, Daśamālikas, also settlements of kṣatriyas and clans of vaiśyas and śūdras, Kāmbojas, Daradas as well as Barbaras, Angalaukikas, Cīnas as well as Tuṣāras and Pahlavas, Bahyatodaras, Ātreyas, Bharadvājas, Prasthalas, Daserakas, Lampākas, Talagānas and Sainikas along with the Jāngalas, Apagas, Cālimadras and tribes of Kirātas, Tomaras, Haṃsamārgas and Kāśmīras and Taṅgaṇas, Cūlikas and Cāhukas as well as **Hūṇadarvas**—these are the northern lands. Now learn of the eastern lands.

## X.002/C. Mountain-dwelling People

Kirfel 1954: 118ff. (Die zweite Textgruppe, 3. Kapitel).

ato deśān pravakṣyāmi parvatāśrayinaś ca ye|| 55

nihārā haṃsamārgāś ca kupathās taṅganāḥ khasāḥ|

kuthaprāvaraṇāś caiva ūrṇā darvāḥ sahūhukāḥ|| 56

trigartā maṇḍalāś caiva kirātās tāmaraiḥ saha|

Concordance:

56 = BrahmāṇḍaP I.16.67; MatsyaP 114.55b–56a; VāyuP 45.135b–136a.

Variae lectiones:

56d] ūṇā/ūrṇā dārvāḥ sakṛtrakāḥ MārkaṇḍeyaP; hūṇā darvāḥ sahūdakāḥ/sahūhakāḥ/sahūhukāḥ VāyuP; hūṇadarvāḥ bahūdakāḥ BrahmāṇḍaP; urṇā/ūrṇā darvāḥ samudgakāḥ MatsyaP; ūrṇāḥ plusṭāḥ sahūhukāḥ VāmanaP. Sircar: kaṇaprāvaraṇāś caiva hūṇā dārvāḥ sahūhukāḥ; Lewis: kaṇaprāvaraṇāś caiva hūṇā dārvāḥ sakūhukāḥ.

Now I shall enumerate lands and [people] who live in mountains. Nihāras, Haṃsamārgas, Kupathas, Taṅganas, Khasas, Kuthaprāvaraṇas, as well as Ūrṇas [Hūṇasii], Darvas along with Hūhukas, Trigartas, Maṇḍalas as well as Kirātas together with Tāmaras.

<footnote>i The Hūṇadarvas and others in this passage seem to be listed as Eastern people in the *Brahmāṇḍapurāṇa* (1.16.51–55). The overlapping section of the list runs: aṅgavaṅgāś colabhadrāḥ kirātānāṃ ca jātayaḥ tomarā haṃsabhaṅgāś ca kāśmīrās taṅgaṇās tathā|| jhillikāś cāhukāś caiva hūṇadarvās tathaiva ca|| [...] prācyāṃ janapadāḥ smṛtāḥ (text from http://gretil.sub.uni-goettingen.de/gretil/1_sanskr/3_purana/brndp1_u.htm). Tagare (1983, 158), following Dey (1979, 76), tentatively locates the Hūṇadarvas in the “country round Mānasa-Sarovar.”</footnote>

<footnote>ii The Vāyupurāṇa reads hūṇā for ūrṇā. The passage in that text (45.135cd–136) runs as follows: nigarharās haṃsamārgāḥ kṣupanās taṅgaṇāḥ khasāḥ|| kuṣaprāvaraṇāś caiva hūṇā darvāḥ sahūdakāḥ| trigartā mālavāś caiva kirātās tāmasaiḥ saha|| (text from Caturveda and Siṃha 1995).</footnote>
X.003. Other *Purāṇic* enumerations

X.003/A. *Brahmāṇḍapurāṇa*

Text from GRETIL. Translated after G. V. Tagare (1978).

tataḥ kalyastrato jātā āndhrāḥ puṇḍrāś ca bhūmipāḥ|
kirātāḥ śabarā hūṇā yavanāḥ pāpavṛttayaḥ॥ 3:29,131

[The *asura* Bhanda discharged the dreadful Kali missile.] Thereupon from the Kali missile were born kings of Andhras and Pundras, Kirātas, Śabaras, Hūṇas and Yavanas who had sinful activities.

X.003/B. *Bhāgavatapurāṇa*

Text from Rajendranath Sharma (1987); translation after G. V. Tagare (1978).

kirātahūṇāndhrapulindapulkaśā ābhīrakaṇkā yavanāḥ khasādayaḥ|
ye 'nye ca pāpā yadupāśrayāśrayāḥ śudhyanti tasmai prabhaviṣṇave namah॥ 2:4,18

The Kirātas, the Hūṇas, the Āndhras, Pulindas, Pulkasas, Ābhīras, Ka[ṇ]kas [=Śakas], Yavanas, Khasas and other [sinful] tribes and other sinners are purged of their sins even by taking refuge in those who depend on him. To that Almighty Lord, we offer our greetings.

te vai vidanty atitaranti ca devamāyāṃ strīśūdrahūṇaśabarā api pāpajīvāḥ|
yady adbhutakramaparāyaṇaśīlaśikṣās tiryagjanā api kimu śrutadhāraṇā ye॥ 2:7,46

Verily they comprehend and cross over the māyā of God. And women, Śūdras, Hūṇas, Śabaras and even sinful souls like non-human beings, if they have got the training with regard to the virtuous character of the devotees of Hari of wonderful strides, can understand and go beyond the māyā. What to say about those who can concentrate their minds on the form of the Lord [described] in the Vedas?

kirātahūṇān yavanān andhrān kaṇkān khaśāñ chakān|
abrahmaṇyān nṛpāṃś cāhan mlecchān digvijaye 'khilān॥ 9:20.30

During his expedition for the conquest of the world, he defeated the tribes of Kirātas, Hūṇas, Yavanas, Āndhras, Kaṇkas, Khaśas and Śakas and killed the Mleccha kings who were inimical to Brahmins or Vedas.

<footnote>i http://gretil.sub.uni-goettingen.de/gretil/1_sanskr/3_purana/brndp1_u.htm</footnote>
X.004. *Brhatsaṃhitā*

Text from GRETIL<sup>i</sup> (digitised by Michio Yano and Mizue Sugita based on the edition of A. V. Tripāṭhī 1968), with references to H. Kern's (1865) text and translation. Translation from V. Subrahmanya Sastri and M. Ramakrishna Bhat (1946).

X.004/A. *Brhatsaṃhitā* 11.61

ulkābhitāḍitaśikhaḥ śikhī śivaḥ śivataro 'tidṛṣṭoii yaḥ|
aśubhaḥ sa eva colāvagāṇasitahūṇacīnānām|| 11.61

A comet whose crest has been hit by a meteor will prove auspicious; and if there be rain as soon as he is risen [reading 'bhirṣṭo], it will be still more auspicious. The same will become unfavourable to the people of Chola, Afghans, the white Huns and the Chinese.

X.004/B. *Brhatsaṃhitā* 14.24ff., a list of people in the North

uttarataḥ [...]|| 24
ambara-madraka-mālava-paurava-kacchāra-daṇḍa-piṅgalakāḥ|
māṇahala-hūṇa-kohala-śītaka-māṇḍavya-bhūtapurāḥ|| 27
gāndhāra-yaśovati-hematāla-rājanya-khacara-gavyāś ca|
yaudheya-dāsameyāḥ śyāmākāḥ kṣemadhūrtāś ca|| 28

In the north [there are] ... Ambaras, Madrakas, Mālavas, Pauravas, Kacchāras, Daṇḍas, Piṅgalakas, Māṇahalas, Hūṇas, Kohalas, Śītakas, Māṇḍavyas, Bhūtapuras; Gāndhāras, [the people of] Yaśovati and Hematāla, Rājanyas [/warriors], Khacaras [sky-walkers?] and Gavyas, Yaudheyas, Dāśameyas, Śyāmakas and Kṣemadhūrtas.

X.004/C. *Brhatsaṃhitā* 16.37–38

giridurga-pahlava-śvetahūṇa-colāvagāṇa-marucīnāḥ|
pratyanta-dhani-maheccha-vyavasāya-parākramopetāḥ|| 16.37
paradāra-vivāda-ratāḥ pararandhrakutūhalā madotsiktāḥ|
mūrkhādhārmikavijigīṣavaś ca ketoḥ samākhyātāḥ|| 16.38

Ketu presides over mountain strongholds, the Pahlavas, Swetas, Huns [/Śvetahūṇas], Cholas, Afghans, desert, Chinese [/desert Cīnas], the cavemen [rather, borderlands], rich men, highly ambitious persons, energetic men, those endowed with prowess, adulterers, disputants, those that take pleasure in others' misfortunes, persons elated with pride, fools, unrighteous people and men desirous of conquest.

<footnote>i http://gretil.sub.uni-goettingen.de/gretil/1_sanskr/6_sastra/8_jyot/brhats_u.htm</footnote>

<footnote>ii Kern: 'bhirṣṭo.</footnote>
X.1.2. Genealogies

X.005. Reconstructed Purāṇic genealogy

Following Pargiter (1913, 45–48).

yavanāṣṭau bhaviṣyanti tuṣārās tu caturdaśa
trayodaśa muruṇḍāś ca hūṇā hy ekādaśaiva tu

[...]

śatāni trīṇi bhokṣyante hūṇā hy ekādaśaiva tu

There will be eight Yavanas, fourteen Tuṣāras, thirteen Muruṇḍas and eleven Hūṇas.

[...]

The eleven Hūṇas will rule [the earth] for three hundred [years].

Concordance:

MatsyaP 273.17b–24; VāyuP 99.358b–365; BrahmāṇḍaP III.74.171–179;

Major variae lectiones (see Pargiter for details):

muruṇḍāś VāyuP] guruṇḍāś MatsyaP, BrahmāṇḍaP • hūṇā MatsyaP] maunā most MSS of the VāyuP and BrahmāṇḍaP • ekādaśaiva tu BrahmāṇḍaP] aṣṭādaśaiva tu VāyuP; ekonaviṃśatiḥ MatsyaP • bhokṣyante hūṇā hy VāyuP, BrahmāṇḍaP] bhokṣyante varṣāṇy MatsyaP

X.006. Viṣṇupurāṇa

Text from GRETIL<sup>i</sup> (digitised by Peter Schreiner based on the edition of M. M. Pathak 1997–99).

tataś cāṣṭau yavanāś caturdaśa tuṣārā muṇḍāś ca trayodaśa ekādaśa maunāḥ|
ete pṛthivīṃ trayodaśa varṣaśatāni navanavatyadhikāni bhokṣyanti|| 4:24,12||

Then eight Yavanas, fourteen Tuṣāras, thirteen Muṇḍas, eleven Maunas [=Hūṇas?]. These
[kings enumerated up to this point] will rule the earth for thirteen hundred ninety-nine years.

X.007. Bhāgavatapurāṇa

Text from Rajendranath Sharma (1987); translation from G. V. Tagare (1978).

tato 'ṣṭau yavanā bhāvyāś caturdaśa turuṣkakāḥ|
bhūyo daśa guruṇḍāś ca maulā [v.l. maunā] ekādaśaiva tu|| 12:1,29

<footnote>i http://gretil.sub.uni-goettingen.de/gretil/1_sanskr/3_purana/vipce_pu.htm</footnote>
ete bhokṣyanti prthivīṃ daśa varṣaśatāni ca|
navādhikām ca navatiṃ maulā [v.l. maunā] ekādaśa kṣitim|| 12:1,30
bhokṣyanty abdaśatāny aṅga trīṇi taiḥ samsthite tataḥ| 12:1,31ab

They [the seven Ābhīras] will be succeeded by eight Yavana rulers [Bactrian Greeks], and four-
teen kings of the Turuṣka race. Again there will be ten kings of Guruṇḍa [probably Maruṇḍa]
race and eleven of the Mauna [=Hūṇa?] dynasty. These kings [beginning from the Ābhīras up
to the Maunas, viz. sixty-five kings] will enjoy the sovereignty of the earth for [a total of] one
thousand ninety-nine years. And the eleven Mauna kings will rule over the earth for three hun-
dred years.

X.008. Jinasena's *Harivaṃśapurāṇa* 60.

A text of the Digambara Jaina tradition from the 8th century. Text as cited by K. B. Pathak (1917, 198).

[...] guptānāṃ ca śatadvayam|
ekatriṃśac ca varṣāṇi kālavidbhir udāhṛtam|| 487
dvicatvārimśad evātaḥ kalkirājasya rājatā|
tato 'jitaṃjayo rājā syād indrapurasaṃsthitah|| 488
varṣāṇāṃ ṣaṭśatīṃ tyaktvā paṃcāgrām māsapaṃcakam|
muktiṃ gate mahāvīre śakarājas tato 'bhavat|| 552

Those who are knowledgeable about time say that the Gupta dynasty rules two hundred and thirty-one years. Then Kalkirāja's reign for forty-two years, then Ajitaṃjaya shall be king with his seat in Indrapura. The Śaka king appeared when six hundred and five years and five months had passed after Mahāvīra's attainment of liberation.

See the commentary under X.010 about Kalkirāja.

X.009. Guṇabhadra’s *Uttarapurāṇa* 76.

A text of the Digambara Jaina tradition composed by Jinasena's pupil Guṇabhadra in the 9th century. Text as cited by K. B. Pathak (1917, 219).

yathoktabhūbhujābhāvāj jāte varṇādisaṃkare|
duḥṣamāyām sahasrābdavyatītau dharmahānitah|| 394
pure pāṭaliputrākhye śiśupālamahīpateḥ|
pāpī tanūjaḥ prthivīsundryām durjanādimaḥ|| 395
caturmukhāhvayaḥ kalkī rājodvejitabhūtalaḥ|
utpatsyate māghasaṃvatsarayogasamāgame|| 396
samānāṃ saptatis tasya paramāyuḥ prakīrtitam|
catvāriṃśat samā rājyasthitiś cākramakāriṇah|| 397

ṣaṇṇavaty uktapāṣaṇḍivargasyājñāvidhāyinaḥ|
nijabḥṛtyatvam āpādya mahīṃ kṛtsnāṃ sa bhokṣyati|| 398

When a thousand years have passed in the duḥṣamā age, social classes and such shall become chaotic due to the damage to dharma brought about by the lack of a proper king. At this time a wicked king who shakes the earth shall be born in the town called Pāṭaliputra in a Māgha year. This vilest of villains, Kalki who is called Caturmukha [=four-faced] shall be the son of King Śiśupāla by [Queen] Pṛthvīsundarī. His entire lifespan is said to be seventy years, and the king-ship of that conqueror shall last forty years. Turning ninety-six sects into his obedient servants, he shall rule the entire earth.

See the commentary under X.010 about Kalkirāja.

## X.010. Nemicandra, *Trilokasāra*

A text of the Digambara Jaina tradition of the 10th century. Text as cited by K. B. Pathak (1917, 221).

paṇachassayavassam paṇamāsajudam gamiya vīraṇibbuido|
sagarājo so kalkī caduṇavatiyamahiyasagamāsaṃ॥ 840

{śrīvīranāthanirvṛteḥ sakāśāt pañcottaraṣaṭśatavarṣāṇi pañcamāsayutāni gatvā paścāt
vikramāṅkaśakarājo jāyate tata upari caturṇavatyuttaratriśatavarṣāṇi saptamāsādhikāni gatvā paścāt
kalkī jāyate|}

When six hundred and five years and five months have passed from the nirvāṇa of Mahāvīra, the Śaka king [comes]. Kalkin [comes] three hundred and ninety-four years and seven months [after him].

so ummaggāhimuho caummuho sadarivāsaparamāū|
cālīsarajao jidabhūmi pucchai sa maṃtigaṇaṃ॥ 841

{sa kalky unmārgābhimukhaś caturmukhākhyaḥ saptativarṣaparamāyuṣyaś ca catvāriṃśadvarṣarājyo jitabhūmiḥ san svamantriṇaṃ pṛcchati|}

That heretical Caturmukha [four-faced one], whose entire lifespan is seventy years and whose reign is forty, asks his council of ministers...

Pathak (1917, 198–99) equates Kalkirāja to Mihirakula, and points out that according to the Digambara tradition he was born exactly one thousand years after Mahāvīra’s nirvāṇa, and 394 years and 7 months after the Śaka king, in other words in the 395th current year of the Śaka era,

<footnote>i Em. to *kakkī*?</footnote>
corresponding to 472 CE. Therefore Mihirakula lived 472 to 542 CE and reigned 502 to 542 CE.

Bhide (1919), however, emphasises the inconsistency and unreliability of Jaina sources regarding Kalki. He further emphasises that the Śvetāmbara tradition (see Text X.011 below) puts him a millennium later than the Digambara tradition does.

## X.011. The *Mahāvīracarita* of Hemacandra

A text of the Śvetāmbara Jaina tradition from the 12th century. Text as cited by H. B. Bhide (1919, 128).

mannirvāṇagateṣv abdaśateṣv ekonaviṃśatau |
caturdaśābdyāṃ ca mlecchakule caitrāṣṭamīdine||13.78

viṣṭau bhāvī nṛpaḥ kalkī sa rudro 'tha caturmukhaḥ|

nāmatrayeṇa vikhyātaḥ pāṭaliputrapattane||13.79

When nineteen hundred and fourteen years have passed after my nirvāṇa, a king shall arise in a barbarian (*mleccha*) family on the eighth day of [the month] Caitra in the city of Pāṭaliputra. He shall be known by three names: Kalkin, Rudra and Caturmukha.

## X.012. Mañjuśrīmūlakalpa 53

‘The Mañjuśrī Root Ritual Instruction.’ Core c. 7th century; Chinese translations in the 8th century. The prophetic history included in the text (chapter 53, the *Rājavyākaraṇa*), probably belongs to the late 8th century, as it knows of the Pāla king Gopāla (r. c. 750–775 CE), but it does not mention his successor Dharmapāla (Sanderson 2009b, 129). Text originally edited by T. Gaṇapati Śāstrī (1920–25); chapter 53 improved with the aid of a Tibetan translation by Rahul Sankrityayana published with study by Jayaswal (1934), which is the source of the texts, translations and (paraphrased) commentaries below. See Jayaswal (1934, 53–65) for further details of his historical interpretation.

### X.012/A. Later Imperial Guptas and the East

tasyāpy anujo bhakārākhyaḥ prācīṃ diśi samāśṛtaḥ||760||

tasyāpi sutaḥ pakārākhyaḥ prāgdeśeṣv eva jāyataḥ|

kṣatriyaḥ agraṇī proktaḥ bālabandhānucāriṇaḥ||761||

daśa varṣāṇi saptam ca bandhanastham adhiṣṭhitah|

gopākhyena nṛpatinā baddho mukto 'sau bhagavāhvaye||762||

His [Samudragupta's] descendant Bh. [=Bhānugupta] settled in the East. His son P. [Tibetan: Pra. = Prakaṭāditya] was born in the Eastern countries. He has been described as the leading
Kṣatriya. He was imprisoned as a boy and remained in prison up to the age of 17 years. He had been imprisoned by king Gopa and was released at Bhagavat[pura].

Jayaswal: the king called Gopa here may be Goparāja, who fought by the side of Bhānugupta in a battle at Eran in 510 CE, most likely against Toramāṇa (see Text X.035). He was a subordinate ruler under Bhānugupta, and Pra. must have been put into prison by an order of Bhānugupta, his father.

X.012/B. Installation of Pra[kaṭāditya] by H[ūṇa]

paścāddeśasamāyātaḥ akārākhyo mahānṛpa|
prāciṁ diśi paryantaṁ gaṅgātīram atiṣṭhata||763||
śūdravarṇo mahārājā mahāsainyo mahābalaḥ|
so tam tīram samāśṛtya tiṣṭhate ca samantataḥ||764||
purīm gauḍajane khyātam tīrthāhvati viśrutah|
samākramya rājāsau tiṣṭhate ca mahābalaḥ||765||
tatrau ca kṣatriyo bālaḥ vaṇinā ca tathāgataḥ|
rātrau praviṣṭavāṁs tatra rātryante ca prapūjitah||766||
śūdravarṇai nṛpaḥ khyātaḥ punar eva nivartayam|
gaṅgātīraparyantaṁ nagare nandasamāhvaye||767||
māgadhānāṁ tadā rājyaṁi sthāpayām āsa tam śiśum|
[...]

A. [Tibetan: H. = Hūṇa], having come from the West, was a great king. He occupied the banks of the Ganges up to the East. He was of Śūdra caste, a *mahārāja* of large army and great power. From his base on the Ganges, from all sides he invaded the city of the Gauḍas called Tīrtha and remained there as a powerful king. There that Kṣatriya boy with a merchant entered at night, and was acknowledged at the dawn by the Śūdra king, who then retired to Nandapura [= Pāṭaliputra] on the Ganges, and in Magadha installed that boy as king.

Jayaswal: H., the Śūdra from the western country who invaded Magadha and Gauḍa, seems to have been the Hūṇa Toramāṇa. Later, in verse 777 he is described as having enjoyed kingdoms of others. To the author of this passage, who probably lived in the seventh century or around the turn of the eighth, the remnants of the Huns in India who had become part of the population and who have come down in several castes to our own times, would have been easily regarded as Śūdras.

<footnote>i Em. vaṇijā ca sahāgataḥ.</footnote>

<footnote>ii Em. rājye.</footnote>
X.012/C. Graha son of H[ūṇa] and his father

[...]

kāśinaṃ padai prāpya vāraṇasyamataḥ pure||768||

praviśec chūdravarṇas tu mahīpālo mahābalaḥ|
mahārogeṇa duḥkhārtaḥ abhiṣece sa tam tadā||769||

abhiṣicya tadā rājyaṃ **grahākhyaṃ** bāladārakam|
mahārogābhibhūtas tu bhūmāv āvarta vai tadā||770||

tatordhvam niḥśvasya yatnena bhinnadeho 'pi tīryataḥ|
tiryebhye vasaṃ māsāṃ aṣṭa saptam ca vai tadā||771||

[...]

parair upārjitam rājyaṃ anubhoktā bhaviṣyati|
tasyāpi ca suto rājā vārāṇasyāṃ tu pratiṣṭhitah||777||

[The powerful Śūdra king] entered the Kāśī country and, falling ill at Benares, he crowned his son Graha, a minor, and died. [Verses 771 to 776 describe his subsequent incarnations.]

The king will be the enjoyer of a kingdom which had been earned by others. His son was established at Benares.

samantāddhatavidhvastaviluptarājyo bhaviṣyati|
dvijakrāntam abhūyiṣṭhaṃii tad rājyaṃ ripubhis tadā||778||

pramādī kāmacārī ca sa rājā grahacihnitaḥ|
apaścime tu kāle vai paścācchatruhato mṛtaḥ||779||

The latter's kingdom will be lost on account of an attack from his neighbour. The kingdom will be full of Brahmins and will be attacked by enemies. The king marked as Graha was an erring man and arbitrary; and without much delay he was struck by enemy and died.

Graha, lit. 'seizer,' is a common term for celestial bodies and is thus understood by Jayaswal as a reference to Mihira[kula].

[Note Bakker] Graha should rather be understood as a reference to the Maukhari ruler Grahavarman, whose father was Avantivarman (indicated by the abbreviation A in the Sanskrit text of the *Mañjuśrīmūlakalpa*) and who was killed by Devagupta the king of Mālava (see also Bakker 2014, 85).

<footnote>i Em. *kāśījanapadaṃ*.</footnote>

<footnote>ii Em. *dvijākrāntabhūyiṣṭhaṃ*.</footnote>
X.013. Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra Chapter 10

‘The Descent into Laṅkā Sutra.’ Core c. 4th century CE; first extant Chinese translation by Guṇabhadra in 443 CE includes chapters 2–8; Bodhiruci’s 513 CE tr. also includes chapters 1,9,10. Text and translation from Eltschinger (2014, 81–82); original edition by Nanjio (1923) translated by Suzuki (1932).

vyāsaḥ kaṇāda ṛṣabhaḥ kapilaḥ śākyanāyakaḥ|
nirvṛte mama paścāt tu bhaviṣyanty evamādayah॥10.784॥

mayi nirvṛte varṣaśate vyāso vai bhāratas tathā|
pāṇḍavāḥ kauravā rāmaḥ paścāc chaurī bhaviṣyati॥10.785॥

mauryā nandāś ca guptāś ca tato mlecchā nṛpādhamāḥ|
mlecchānte śastrasaṃkṣobhaḥ śastrānte ca kalir yugah|
kaliyugānte lokaiś ca saddharmo hi na bhāvitah॥10.786॥

[the former Buddha Viraja speaking]

“Once I [shall] have passed away, afterwards, there will be [teachers] such as Vyāsa, Kaṇāda, Ṛṣabha, Kapila and the Guide of the Śākyas. Once I have passed away, within one hundred years there will be Vyāsa as well as [his] *Bhārata*, the Pāṇḍavas, the Kauravas, Rāma and, afterwards, Kṛṣṇa. [There will be] the Mauryas, the Nandas and the Guptas, and then, the Mlecchas [will be] the vilest among rulers. At the end of the Mlecchas, [there will be] an armed conflagration, and at the end of the warfare, the *kaliyuga* [will open up]. And at the end of the *kaliyuga*, the Good Law will no longer be cultivated by people.”

X.1.3. The Kashmir secular tradition

Introduction

The Rājataraṅgiṇī is a work of belles-lettres, a kāvya, and poets were not just allowed but expected to adapt the plot of stories they used to the sentiments (rasas) they tried to convey. Kalhaṇa's aim was to create a coherent narrative which illustrated his world view and ethos. As Stein (1900, I: 23) pointed out, the principal sentiment of the Rājataraṅgiṇī is śāntarasa, “quietude,” and Kalhaṇa took pains to demonstrate the instability of everything human, the transitory nature of mundane glory, and that retribution follows offences against moral laws. Kalhaṇa's sources, the earlier chronicles were fragmentary and contained many errors; he also used other historical documents, e.g. inscriptions, as well as popular traditions, but he never indicated his sources. Dates start to appear in the Fifth Book of the Rājataraṅgiṇī, which deals with the events of the ninth century.

There are several factors that make the chronology of the Hūṇa rulers in the *Rājataraṅgiṇī* confusing: some names are reshuffled (Mihirakula comes before Toramāṇa, though it is not clear, which Toramāṇa), others are repeated (three Tuñjīnas, Jalauka / Jalaukas, a Hiraṇya appears as
Mihirakula's grandfather and Toramāṇa's brother), stories are recycled, some reigns are impossibly long, and we can also observe telescoping (a later king with the same name is given the stories of an earlier king).

As Stein (1900, I: 79) observed, Mihirakula is completely severed from other kings whose names indicate Hun descent. He is said to be the grandson of Hiraṇyakula, and while no Toramāṇa appears among his ancestors, a Hiraṇya is later mentioned as Toramāṇa's brother. According to the Schøyen Copper Scroll (Text X.030), Khīngīla, Toramāṇa, Javūkha and Mehama were contemporaries in 495: all kings with these or similar names are post-Mihirakula in the *Rājataraṅgiṇī* (where some of the names are Sanskritized: Meghavāhana probably corresponds to Mehama, Tuñjīna to Tuysīna, and Jalauka(s) to Javūkha). Pfisterer (2013, 83ff) describes the common coinage of Lakhāna, Mehama, Javūkha and Khiṅgila found in Kashmir Smast, but Lākhaṇa is post-Mihirakula in the *Rājataraṅgiṇī*. Two possibilities offer themselves to solve these anomalies: either the chronology found in the *Rājataraṅgiṇī* is confused, or there were in fact post-Mihirakula kings with the same names in Kashmir. Hiraṇyakula and Vasukula could be Sanskrit(ized) names of Hūṇa kings, or Kalhaṇa might simply have connected these with Mihirakula just because their names ended in -kula.

Cribb (2017, esp. 110) dates the coins of Meghama, Pravarasena, Tuysīna and Toramāṇa to the sixth and seventh centuries, the Toramāṇa coin being the latest, Meghama and Pravarasena being close in time, and Tuysīna coming before or after Meghama and Pravarasena. Kalhaṇa tells us that Meghavāhana “restored” the “Gonandīya dynasty,” his son was Tuñjīna II (also called Śreṣṭhasena / Pravarasena I), his sons were Hiraṇya and Toramāṇa, Toramāṇa’s son was Pravarasena II, his son was Yudhiṣṭhira II, and his sons were Lākhaṇa Narendrāditya and Raṇāditya (= Tuñjīna III). Based on the above we can tentatively date Meghavāhana and Pravarasena I (=Tuñjīna II), as well as Toramāṇa and Hiraṇya and Pravarasena II to 600–650. If the Tuñjīna coins are earlier, they might belong to Tuñjīna I, son of Jalaukas (before Meghavāhana, but after Mihirakula). If they are later, they might have been issued by Tuñjīna II or Tuñjīna III (=Raṇāditya, who reigned for 300 years according to Kalhaṇa).

According to the *Rājataraṅgiṇī*, between Toramāṇa and Pravarasena II (father and son) reigned Māṭrgupta, who was sent to Kashmir by Harṣa-Vikramāditya of Ujjain, father of Śīlāditya-Pratāpaśīla. Could it be possible that Kalhaṇa here confounds some Vikramāditya of Ujjain, the Maitraka Śīlāditya (king of Mālava and thus of Ujjain), Prabhākaravardhana Pratāpaśīla and Harṣavardhana Śīlāditya? The Maitraka-Vardhana connection points to the beginning of the seventh century (600–620).

Finally, how many Mehamas were there? The coins of Mehama I were found in Kashmir Smast, together with the coins of Lakhāna, Javūkha and Khiṅgila. This Mehama ruled at the end of fifth century and he is probably identical with the Mehama of the Schøyen Copper Scroll. The coins of Mehama II were found together with those of Pravarasena, Tuysīna and Toramāṇa, and can be dated after 600. In the *Rājataraṅgiṇī*, Meghavāhana is post-Mihirakula, he lived in exile at the court of the king of Gandhāra, was a patron of Buddhism, and led a world conquest (digvijaya) to impose the prohibition of slaughtering animals on the whole world. Could it be that Kalhaṇa telescoped the two Mehamas together?
**Overview of the Succession of Kings** (Stein 1900, I: 140)

**Book I**

*Kings recorded by Chavillākara*

Aśoka

Jalauka

*Gonandīya dynasty*

... Hiraṇyākṣa — Hiraṇyakula — Vasukula — Mihirakula — Baka — Kṣitinanda — Vasunanda — Nara II — Akṣa — Gopāditya — Gokarṇa — Khiṅkhila Narendrāditya — Yudhiṣṭhira I

**Book II**

Pratāpāditya I (a relative of Vikramāditya) — Jalaukas — Tuñjīna I

Vijaya — Jayendra

Saṃdhimati-Āryarāja

**Book III**

*Gonandīya dynasty restored*

[Yudhiṣṭhira I ... Gopāditya —] Meghavāhana — Śreṣṭhasena-Pravarasena I — Tuñjīna II — Hiraṇya & Toramāṇa yuvarāja — Pravarasena II — Yudhiṣṭhira II — Laḥkhaṇa Narendrāditya & Raṇāditya Tuñjīna III — Vikramāditya & Bālāditya

X.014. Rājataraṅgiṇī

Text from M. A. Stein (1892); translation from Stein (1900).

X.014/A. Jalauka / Jalaukas

mlecchaiḥ saṃcchādite deśe sa taducchitaye nṛpaḥ|
tapaḥsaṃtoṣitāl lebhe bhūteśāt sukrṭī sutam|| 1.107
so 'tha bhūbhṛj jalauko 'bhūd bhūlokasuranāyakaḥ|
yo yaśaḥsudhayā śuddhaṃ vyadhād brahmāṇḍamaṇḍalam|| 1.108

[107]As the country was overrun by Mlecchas, the pious [king, i.e. Aśoka] obtained from [Śiva] Bhūteśa, whom he had pleased by his austerities, a son in order to exterminate them. [108]Then this [son] called Jalauka became king, an Indra of the earthly regions, who by the [white] stucco of his fame made spotless the universe. [109–111: divine power, transforms metals into gold, has intercourse with Nāga women]

tatkālaprabalapreddhabauddhavādisamūhajit|
avadhūto 'bhavat siddhas tasya jñānopadeśakṛt|| 1.112
vijayeśvaranandīśakṣetrajyeṣṭheśapūjane|
tasya satyagiro rājñāḥ pratijñā sarvadābhavat|| 1.113
[...]

sa ruddhavasudhān mlecchān nirvāsyākharvavikramaḥ|
jigāya jaitrayātrābhir mahīm arṇavamekhalām|| 1.115
te yatrojjhaṭitās tena mlecchāś chāditamaṇḍalāḥ|
sthānam ujjhaṭaḍimbam taj janair adyāpi gadyate|| 1.116
jitvorvīṃ kanyakubjādyāṃ tatratyaṃ sa nyaveśayat|
cāturvarṇyaṃ nije deśe dharmāṃś ca vyavahāriṇaḥ|| 1.117

[112]His instructor in the doctrines was the saint Avadhūta, the vanquisher of crowds of Bauddha controversialists, who at that time were powerful and flushed [with success]. [113]That truth-speaking king had made a vow that he would ever worship [Śiva] Vijayeśvara and Jyeṣṭheśa [residing] at Nandīśakṣetra.

[...]

[115]He who was endowed with mighty courage, expelled the Mlecchas who oppressed the land, and conquered in victorious expeditions the earth up to the encircling oceans. [116]The place where the Mlecchas who occupied the land, were routed [ujjhaṭitās] by him, is called by the people even at the present day Ujjhaṭaḍimba. [117]Having conquered the earth, including Kanyakubja and other [countries], he settled from that region people of all four castes in his own land, and [particularly] righteous men acquainted with legal procedure.

[... 120. Jalauka established eighteen offices (karmasthānas).]

dvārādiṣu pradeśeṣu prabhāvogrāṇy udagrayā|
īśānadevyā tatpatnyā mātṛcakrāṇi cakrire|| 1.122
śrutanandipurāṇaḥ sa vyāsāntevāsino nṛpaḥ|
sevanam sodarādīnām nandīśaspardhayā vyadhāt|| 1.123

[122]His noble queen Īśānadevī placed ‘circles sacred to the Mothers’ [mātṛcakra] which were distinguished by their spiritual power, at the ‘Gates’ [of Kashmir] and other places. [123]The king having heard the Nandipurāṇa [recited] by some pupil of Vyāsa, frequented Sodara and other [sacred springs] as vying [in holiness] with Nandīśa.

[124–130. the legend of the Sodara spring; 124. erected a [shrine of] Jyeṣṭharaudra at Śrīnagarī; 131–147. the story of the Kṛtyā]

rājñas tasya kadā cit tu vrajato vijayeśvaram|
yayāce kā cid abalā bhojanam mārgamadhyagā|| 1.131
yatheṣṭam aśanam dātuṃ tato 'nena pratiśrute|
vyavṛṇod vikṛtā bhūtvā sā nṛmāṃsāśrayam spṛhām|| 1.132
sa tattvahiṃsāviratas tasyai māṃsaṃ svavigrahāt|
anujñām pradadau bhoktuṃ yadā saivaṃ tadābravīt|| 1.13
bodhisattvo 'si bhūpāla ko 'pi sattvorjitavrataḥ|
kāruṇyaṃ prāṇiṣu dṛḍhaṃ yasyedṛk te mahātmanah॥ 1.134
bauddhabhāṣām ajānāno māheśvaratayā nṛpaḥ|
ko bodhisattvo yaṃ bhadre māṃ vetsīti jagāda tām॥ 1.135
punar babhāṣe sā bhūpaṃ śrotavyaṃ matprayojanam|
ahaṃ hy utthāpitā bauddhaiḥ krodhād viprakṛtais tvayā॥ 1.136
lokālokādripārśvasthās tāmasyaḥ kṛtyakā' vayam|
bodhisattvaikaśaraṇāḥ kāṇkṣantyas tamasaḥ kṣayam॥ 1.137

[...]

[131]Once upon a time, when the king was proceeding to Vijayeśvara, a woman [whom he met] midway on the road, begged food from him. [132]When he had promised to give her such food as she should desire, she changed her form and disclosed a desire for human flesh. [133]When he who had renounced the killing of living beings, gave her permission to please herself with flesh from his own body, she thus addressed him:

[134]“O king, you must be a Bodhisattva, whose observance of vows is supported by absolute goodness [sattva], since you show, O high-minded one, such deep compassion with living creatures.”

[135]The king, who being a proper worshipper of Śiva did not understand the Bauddhas' ways of expression, asked her: "O fair one, who is the Bodhisattva for whom you know me?"

[136]Again she spoke to the king: "Listen to my case. I have been sent forth by the Bauddhas whom in your anger you have injured. [137]We witches [kṛtyakāḥ] living by the side of Mount Lokāloka [which divides light and darkness], belong to the darkness [sin]. Putting our whole trust in the Bodhisattvas we long for liberation from the darkness."

[138–139: She explains what a Bodhisattva is.]

vihāratūryanirghoṣair unnidraḥ preritaḥ khalaiḥ|
purā bhavān vyadhāt krodhād vihāroddalanam yadā॥ 1.140
mahāśākyaḥ sa nṛpatir na śakyo bādhituṃ tvayā|
tasmin dṛṣte tu kalyāṇi bhavitā te tamaḥkṣayaḥ॥ 1.141
asmadgirā preraṇīyo vihārakaraṇāya saḥ|
dattvā svahemasaṃbhāraṃ tvayā malinitaḥ khalaiḥ॥ 1.142
tasmin kṛte na jāyeta vihāracchedavaiśasam|
tasya tatprerakāṇām ca prāyaścittam kṛtam bhavet॥ 1.143

<footnote>i Em. Stein. MSS: kṛttikā.</footnote>
kruddhair bauddhair anudhyātā tvadvadhāya pradhāvitā|
anuśiṣṭā samāhūya bodhisattvais tadety aham|| 1.144

[...]

[140-144] "When you had lately been kept from sleep by the noise of the music of a vihāra, you had at the instigation of a wicked person caused in your anger the destruction of the vihāra. The excited Bauddhas thought of me and sent me forth to kill you. But then the Bodhisattvas called me and gave me the following directions: 'That king is a great Śākya [mahāśākya]. You cannot hurt him; but in his presence, O good one, you will obtain liberation from darkness [sin]. In our name you shall exhort him who has been led into guilt by wicked people, to give up his hoarded gold and to build a vihāra. If he does so, no misfortune shall befall him in consequence of the destruction of the vihāra, and atonement shall thus be made for him and his instigators.' "

[...]

atha kṛtyāśrame kṛtvā vihāraṃ vasudhādhipaḥ|
tatraiva kṣīṇatamasaṃ kṛtyādevīm asaṃdhayat|| 1.147
vidhāya so 'śmaprāsādaṃ nandikṣetre kṣamāpatiḥ|
bhūteśāya kṣamāṃ kośaiḥ pūjāṃ ratnamayīṃ dadau|| 1.148
cīramocanatīrthāntar gaṇarātram tapasyatā|
brahmāsananiviṣṭena dhyānaniḥspandamūrtinā|| 1.149
rājñā kanakavāhinyā sucirāt puṇyakarmaṇā|
nandīśaspardhanotkaṇṭhā tenānīyata kuṇṭhatām|| 1.150
hlādodayān nṛttagītakṣaṇe nartitum utthitam|
pradadau jyeṣṭharudrāya svāvarodhavadhūśatam|| 1.151
bhuktvaiśvaryaṃ sa paryante praviṣṭaś cīramocanam|
patnyā samaṃ yayau rājā sāyujyaṃ girijāpateḥ|| 1.152

[147] Thereupon the king built the Kṛtyāśrama vihāra, and worshipped there the divine sorceress who had been freed from the darkness. [148] This king erected a stone temple at Nandikṣetra for [Śiva] Bhūteśa, and offered [to the god] a sacrifice of precious stones together with [other] treasures. [149-150] This pious king passed many a night in ascetic exercises at the Tīrtha of Cīramocana, taking up the position adapted for meditation, with his body motionless in contemplation, and thus slowly relaxed his desire of touching Nandīśa on account [of the presence] of the Kanakavāhinī River. [151] A hundred among the ladies of his seraglio, who had risen to dance [in honor of the god] at the time fixed for dancing and singing, he gave out of joy to Jyeṣṭharudra.
[152] After enjoying supreme power, the king at the end of his life repaired to Cīramocana, and along with his queen obtained communion with the husband of Pārvatī.

bhuktvā dvātrimśatam varṣān bhuvam tasmin divam gate|
jalaukās tatsuto bhūmer bhūṣaṇam samapadyata|| 2.9
pitur eva samaṃ kālaṃ vṛddhihetoḥ sa didyute|
viṣuvatpūrṇaśītāṃśur iva śītetarārciṣaḥ॥ 2.10

[9]When after a reign of thirty-two years he [Pratāpāditya I] had ascended to heaven, his son Jalaukas became the ornament of the earth. [10]He shone forth for the same length of time as his father for the country's benefit, just as the full moon at the equinox [shines as long] as the sun.

Alexis Sanderson (2009a, 106) remarks: “it is probable that Kalhaṇa, or rather his lost source Chavillākara, has transferred to this [i.e. Aśoka’s] time traditions that belonged properly to another king of this name (in the variant form Jalaukas), whom Kalhaṇa records as the father and predecessor of his Hephthalite king Tuñjīna I. The name Jalauka / Jalaukas, meaning ‘leech’ in Sanskrit, is certainly implausible to my mind, except as a Sanskritisation of the Hephthalite name Javūka via Jalauka’s by-form *jaūka. The motive for doing so is evident enough: to strengthen the Brahmans’ claim of the antiquity of their local religious culture by pushing back traditions associated with a more recent anti-Buddhist, pro-Śaiva, and pro-Brahman culture hero.”

### X.014/B. Tuñjīna I

atha vākpuṣṭayā sārdhaṃ devyā divyaprabhāvayā|
bhuvaṃ tatprabhavo bhuñjaṃs tuñjīno 'rañjayat prajāḥ॥ 2.11

Then his [Jalaukas’s] son Tuñjīna ruled the earth and delighted the people, along with the queen Vākpuṣṭā, who was possessed of divine gifts.

### X.014/C. Tuñjīna II

atha kṣmābhrd rarakṣa kṣmāṃ śreṣṭhasenas tadātmajah|
āhuḥ pravarasenaṃ yaṃ tuñjīnaṃ cāñjasā janāḥ॥ 3.97

Then the earth was protected by his [Meghavāhana’s] son King Śreṣṭhasena who the people forthwith called [also] Pravarasena [I] and Tuñjīna [II]. [He was the father of Toramāṇa.]

### X.014/D. Tuñjīna III

tasyānujo dharaṇibhrd raṇādityas tato 'bhavat|
tuñjīnāparanāmānaṃ yaṃ janāḥ prāhur añjasā॥ 3.386

jagadvilakṣaṇaṃ yasya śāṅkhamudrāṅkitaṃ śiraḥ|
apūrvaśarvarīśāntarlīnabhānuśriyaṃ dadhe॥ 3.387

[386]Then his [Lakṣkhaṇa Narendrāditya’s] younger brother Raṇāditya became king, whom the people forthwith called by another name, Tuñjīna. [387]His head which was formed like a shell and different from [that of all] beings, showed as unprecedented splendor as if the sun had been absorbed in the moon.
atha mlecchagaṇākīrṇe maṇḍale caṇḍaceṣṭitaḥ|
tasyātmajo 'bhūn mihirakulaḥ kālopamo nṛpaḥ|| 1.289

dakṣiṇaṃ sāntakāmāśāṃ spardhayā jetum udyatā|
yanmiṣād uttaraharid babhārānyam ivāntakam|| 1.290

sāṃnidhyaṃ yasya sainyāntar hanyamānāśanotsukān|
ajānan gṛdhrakākādīn dṛṣṭvāgre dhāvato janāḥ|| 1.291

divārātram hataprāṇisahasraparivāritaḥ|
yo 'bhūd bhūpālavetālo vilāsabhavaneṣv api|| 1.292

bāleṣu karuṇā strīṣu ghṛṇā vṛddheṣu gauravam|
na babhūva nṛśaṃsasya yasya ghorākṛter ghnataḥ|| 1.293

[289]Then his [Vasukula's, whose father was Hiraṇyakula] son Mihirakula, a man of violent acts and resembling Kāla [Death], ruled in the land which was overrun by hordes of Mlecchas. [290]In him the northern region brought forth, as it were, another god of death, bent in rivalry to surpass the southern region which has Yama [as its guardian]. [291]The people knew his approach by noticing the vultures, crows and other [birds], which were flying ahead eager to feed on those who were being slain within his armies' [reach]. [292]This royal Vetāla was day and night surrounded by thousands of murdered human beings, even in his pleasure-houses. [293]This terrible enemy of mankind had no pity for children, no compassion for women, no respect for the aged.

[294ff. expedition to Siṃhala]

sa tatrānyaṃ nṛpaṃ dattvā tīvraśaktir upāharan|
paṭaṃ yamuṣadevākhyam mārtāṇḍapratimāṇkitam|| 1.299

vyāvṛtya colakarṇāṭalāṭādīṃś ca nareśvarān|
sindhurān iva gandhebho gandhenaiva vyadārayat|| 1.300

[...]

agrahārāñ jagṛhire gāndhārā brāhmaṇās tataḥ|
samānaśīlās tasyaiva dhruvaṃ te 'pi dvijādhamāḥ|| 1.307

[...]

[299]After this [king] of mighty power had installed there another ruler, he brought away [from there] the cloth called by the name of Yamuṣadeva which was stamped with an image of the sun. [300]On his return he scattered the Cola, Karnāṭa, Lāṭa and other kings as an elephant in rut [scatters the other] elephants by his mere odour.

[301–305. committed inhuman acts, some of which the author prefers not to mention; 306. founded Mihireśvara at Śrīnagarī and Mihirapura in Holaḍā]
307. Brahmans from Gandhāra, resembling himself in their habits and verily themselves the lowest of the twice-born, accepted *agrahāras* from him.

[...]

sa varṣasaptatiṃ bhuktvā bhuvam bhūlokabhairavaḥ|
bhūrirogārditavapuḥ prāviśaj jātavedasam|| 1.309

so 'yaṃ trikoṭihā mukto yaḥ svātmany api nirghṛṇaḥ|
dehatyāge 'sya gaganād uccacāreti bhāratī|| 1.310

ity ūcur ye mate teṣāṃ sa eva parihāradaḥ|
khaṇḍayan vītaghṛṇatām agrahārādikarmabhiḥ|| 1.311

ākrānte dāradair bhauṭṭair mlecchair aśucikarmabhiḥ|
vinaṣṭadharme deśe 'smin puṇyācārapravartanam|| 1.312

āryadeśyān sa saṃsthāpya vyatanod dāruṇaṃ tapaḥ|
saṃkalpya svavapurdāhaṃ prāyaścittakriyāṃ vyadhāt|| 1.313

ata evāgrahārāṇāṃ sahasraṃ pratyapādayat|
gāndhāradeśajātebhyo dvijebhyo vijayeśvare|| 1.314

kṣurakhaḍgāsidhenvādipūrṇe 'yaḥphalake tadā|
vahnipradīpte sahasā paryante svāṃ tanuṃ jahau|| 1.315

ity etasmiñ janāmnāye ke cid avyabhicāriṇi|
prāhuḥ puruṣasiṃhasya krauryaṃ tasyāvigarhitam|| 1.316

ye nāgena ruṣā plusṭe nagare prābhavan khaśāḥ|
teṣāṃ nāśāya vṛttāntaṃ pūrvoktaṃ jagaduḥ pare|| 1.317

<footnote>[309] After ruling the land for seventy years this terror of the earth became afflicted in his body with many diseases, and immolated himself in the flames. [310] When he sacrificed his own body there issued from the sky a voice which declared: "This destroyer of three crores [of human beings] has attained salvation, since he has shown no mercy for his own person either."</footnote>

<footnote>[311] In the opinion of those who report this, he figures as a liberal patron who has made amends for his cruelties by gifts of *agrahāras* and similar deeds. 312–316. Some excuse the cruelty of this lion among men by [referring to] a tenacious popular tradition, which maintains: “After killing the inhabitants of Āryadeśa he performed terrible penance, and re-established pious observances in this land which, overrun by impure Dāradas, Bhauttas and Mlecchas, had fallen off from the sacred law. When determined to burn himself in the flames he offered an atonement. It was on this account that he bestowed a thousand *agrahāras* on Brahmans from the Gandhāra-land at Vijayeśvara. Then finally he bravely gave up his body to the flames on an iron board which was studded with razors, swords, knives and other [sharp instruments].”</footnote>
[317]Others have declared that his above described acts were intended for the destruction of the Khaśas, who had obtained predominance when the city [of Nara] had been burned through the wrath of the Nāga.

[318–323. the story of Candravatī; Mihirakula slaughtered three crores of women together with their husbands and sons]

evam kṣudro 'pi yad rājā saṃbhūya na hato janaiḥ |
tatkarma kārayadbhis tad daivatair eva rakṣitaḥ|| 1.324

[324]That a king of such wickedness was not killed by a rising of his subjects, can only be due to his having been protected by the gods who caused him to act in this manner.

X.014/F. Khiṅkhila Narendrāditya

sūnur narendrādityo 'sya khiṅkhilānyābhidho 'bhavat|
bhūteśvarapratiṣṭhānām akṣayinyāś ca kārakaḥ|| 1.347
divyānugrahabhāg ugrābhidho yasya gurur vyadhāt|
ugreśaṃ māṭrcakram ca prabhāvodagravigrahaḥ|| 1.348

[325. after Mihirakula, his son Baka became king: virtuous māheśvara. 333. a yoginī sacrificed him to the devīcakra. 336ff. Kṣitinanda, Vasunanda, Nara II, Akṣa. 339. Gopāditya brought back the first yuga. 346. Gokarṇa]

[347]His son Narendrāditya [I.], who bore the second name of Khiṅkhila, consecrated shrines to [Śiva] Bhūteśvara, and founded a permanent endowment [for the feeding of Brahmans].i [348]His guru, Ugra by name, who was the recipient of divine favours, and whose stature was raised by dignity, constructed the [shrine of Śiva] Ugreśa and a ‘circle of the Mothers.’

[350ff. Yudhiṣṭhira I.]

X.014/G. Toramāṇa

hiraṇyatoramāṇākhyau vyadhattām atha tutsutau|
sāmrājyayuvarājatvabhājane rañjanam kṣiteḥ|| 3.102
balāhatānām prācuryaṁ vinivāryāsamañjasam|
toramāṇena dīnnārāḥ svāhatāḥii saṃpravartitāḥ|| 3.103
mām avajñāya rājñeva kasmād etena valgitam|
iti tam pūrvajo rājā krodhano bandhane vyadhāt|| 3.104

<footnote>i Cf. silver coin with the legend Deva Śāhi Khiṅgila (Stein).</footnote>

<footnote>ii A3 gloss: svāhatāḥ svanāmākṣaramudrāṅkadānena āhatāḥ saṃpravartitāḥ vyavahāraviṣayāḥ kṛtāḥ.</footnote>