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# 8. Appendix

## Appendix A. Supplementary information on methodology

### A.1 Selection of participants

As the main source of information for this research, data from seventeen semi-structured interviews were processed. These interviews were conducted with four groups of actors (Indigenous Peasant Women, NGOs, Government and Academia) related to FS. These interviews were conducted in person and through the Zoom application. The form of contact was by snowball method and linkage with key NGOs and Universities in the areas of the case studies.

<table><caption>Table 7: Profile of research participants</caption><thead><tr><td>Participant number</td><td>Sector</td><td>Age</td><td>Gender</td><td>Schooling level</td><td>Date of interview</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>P1</td><td>IPW</td><td>61-65</td><td>F</td><td>N/A</td><td>02/04/2022</td></tr><tr><td>P2</td><td>IPW</td><td>41-45</td><td>F</td><td>N/A</td><td>09/04/2022</td></tr><tr><td>P3</td><td>IPW</td><td>26-30</td><td>F</td><td>SGE</td><td>02/04/2022</td></tr><tr><td>P4</td><td>IPW</td><td>36-40</td><td>F</td><td>EGB</td><td>02/04/2022</td></tr><tr><td>P5</td><td>IPW</td><td>51-55</td><td>F</td><td>EGB</td><td>16/04/2022</td></tr><tr><td>P6</td><td>IPW</td><td>41-45</td><td>M</td><td>EGB</td><td>02/04/2022</td></tr><tr><td>P7</td><td>IPW</td><td>36-40</td><td>F</td><td>EGB</td><td>08/04/2022</td></tr><tr><td>P8</td><td>IPW</td><td>61-65</td><td>F</td><td>EGB</td><td>09/04/2022</td></tr><tr><td>P9</td><td>IPW</td><td>36-40</td><td>F</td><td>EGB</td><td>16/04/2022</td></tr><tr><td>P10</td><td>IPW, G</td><td>36-40</td><td>F</td><td>EGB</td><td>02/04/2022</td></tr><tr><td>P11</td><td>O</td><td>36-40</td><td>F</td><td>M.Sc</td><td>08/04/2022</td></tr><tr><td>P12</td><td>O</td><td>26-30</td><td>M</td><td>B</td><td>22/04/2022</td></tr><tr><td>P13</td><td>G</td><td>61-65</td><td>M</td><td>M.Sc</td><td>16/05/2022</td></tr><tr><td>P14</td><td>G</td><td>41-45</td><td>M</td><td>B</td><td>13/05/2022</td></tr><tr><td>P15</td><td>A</td><td>51-55</td><td>F</td><td>PH.D</td><td>01/04/2022</td></tr><tr><td>P16</td><td>A</td><td>41-45</td><td>M</td><td>M.Sc</td><td>26/05/2022</td></tr><tr><td>P17</td><td>A</td><td>61-65</td><td>F</td><td>PH. D</td><td>26/03/2022</td></tr></tbody></table>

*Source:* Own elaboration

**Legend:**

**Schooling Level:**

N/A= No formal training

EGB = Basic General Education

SGE = Secondary General Education

B = Bachelors

M.Sc. = Masters

PH. D = Doctorate
Sector:

IPW = Indigenous Peasant Woman

O = Non-Governmental Organization

A = Academy

G = Government

## Group 1: Indigenous Peasant Woman

The indigenous peasant women interviewed are active members of the associations in each canton linked to this research. Their selection was random, being facilitated by visits to fairs, points of sale or chakra/cultivation areas. Their membership in the associations gives them a political and community sense, which has been forged by belonging to circles of exchange and technical and political training. These associations are made up exclusively of women, who have received training in agriculture and commercial strategies, specifically marketing and sales. These trainings have been mutually agreed upon by the associations, NGOs and university centers.

## Group 2: Non-Governmental Organization

The selection of organizations was based on their presence and number of active projects in the cantons designated for the case studies or as national representatives. The actors were mapped according to their link to activities, movement in social networks and recognition by indigenous peasant women and academics. Likewise, the ease of communication and the reception of the organization to participate in this research, taking into consideration their interests and spaces for dialogue, were also taken into account. They are characterized by working with the principles of the FS, in direct communication with the indigenous women's associations, being part of the dynamics of the associations and knowing the field. Likewise, during the research, it was highlighted that the organizations do not usually play an isolated role, but function as a group or network supporting projects or common objectives, whether with other NGOs, university projects, international organizations or national and international volunteer initiatives. We worked with the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAIE), the Association of Social and Integral Development "Llakta Pura", the NGO COAGRO and the Association of Agroecological Producers "Buen Vivir".

## Group 3: Representatives of Government Institutions

Officials of the Plurinational and Intercultural Conference of Food Sovereignty (COPISA) and the municipal representation of the canton of Cayambe were selected. These two instances
have been intrinsically linked, in the first case, with the construction, implementation and participatory monitoring of public policies and the Food Sovereignty System (SISAN). In the second case, an important follow-up was given to the popular initiatives for the participatory construction of the local Ordinance. They are characterized by being immersed in national and local dynamics, being a contrast sought that COPISA representatives have experience at the national level, with respect to the local knowledge of the municipality.

## Group 4: Academics

The academics were selected for their expertise in topics related to agriculture, agronomy or FS in Ecuador. They were selected based on the mapping of the most socially relevant universities in the cantons considered for the case studies. Priority was given to those professors with experience in international training and with research projects on the subject in different regions of the country. These characteristics are intended to reduce the local bias and to understand the FS of the northern inter-Andean highlands from its peculiarities and contrasts with respect to other regions of the country.

## Participant Characteristics

The sample was dominated by women, who accounted for 71% of the interviews conducted (Figure 3). This bias is explained by two factors, the first of which is that ten interviews were conducted with members of indigenous peasant associations, which were composed solely of women. The representation of men is accounted for at the governmental and NGO level, where they are the ones who occupy the presidential and representative positions. This was the case when working with COPISA, where all the contacts and representatives are men. In the NGOs, the presidency positions are held by men, with women occupying organizational/logistical positions or in the Gender department.

<figure><img src="image_8.png" /><figcaption>Illustration 6: Gender of participants</figcaption></figure>

Source: Own elaboration.
In terms of schooling, there were two indigenous rural women with no formal education (Figure 4). The majority, 65% of those interviewed, have basic general education. Postgraduate studies are reserved for people belonging to the Government and Organizations, and PH. D for those interviewed linked to the Academy. As priority was given to interviews in the field, directly with the MICs, we have an over-presentation of people with basic formal studies, explained by the obligatory nature of basic education in Ecuador, combined with the difficulties of this sector of the population to access, remain in and graduate from formal secondary and tertiary formal learning systems. However, it is worth noting that women belonging to associations, whether linked to agroecology, NGOs or community formation with other public and private organizations, have access to multiple technical and political training related to FS.

<figure><img src="image_9.png" /><figcaption>Illustration 7: Level of schooling of participants</figcaption></figure>

Source: Own elaboration

The age of the people interviewed ranged from 26 to 65 years old, so we can affirm that it is a broad spectrum (Illustration 5). In this range, 29% are between 36-40 years old and 23% between 41-45 years old, so there is a representation of half of the interviewees between 36 and 45 years old. In terms of distribution by sector, the presence of all age ranges between the IPW and O stands out, although the positions of representation or management are obtained by older people. Meanwhile, in the A and G sectors there are no people under 41 years of age. It should be noted that the absence of people under 26 years of age is due to their non-existence within the associations, organizations and institutions surveyed.
<figure><img src="image_10.png" /><figcaption>Illustration 8: Age range of participants</figcaption></figure>

Source: Own elaboration

Finally, the sector with the highest representation in the group of people interviewed is the IPW. Priority was given to them because they are the main subjects of this research. Of these, five interviews were conducted per related association (2). There is only one person with dual affiliation and activity, which is an IPW with a position representing her people in national assemblies, belonging to the public sector. The academic sector has three representatives, of which two were taken for the case of the Cayambe-Pedro Moncayo cantons and one person for the case study of the Ibarra canton. These last interviews were conducted at the beginning, middle and end of this research, as a strategy to verify the information and as a way to contrast the information and analytical approach. In addition, interviews were conducted with two government representatives, both from the executive staff of COPISA, and two NGO representatives, both of whom are in charge of gender issues in the FS.

<figure><img src="image_11.png" /><figcaption>Illustration 9: Sector represented by participants</figcaption></figure>

Source: Own elaboration.
In summary, most of the people interviewed correspond to the IPW profile. Being a little more than half of the people interviewed; their characteristics are highlighted in the other categories. In this sense, all the people are in the period of economically productive life (more than 26, less than 65), being more important in the representation, the decade between 30-40. Educational levels are higher in the Academy, as well as those of older age. In general terms, the positions of leadership or presidency are occupied by men with tertiary education levels. Therefore, we conclude that we obtained a non-representative but balanced sample in terms of experiences and political-practical-theoretical positions, even though we did not include interviews with people against the FS or belonging to the agricultural corporate sector.

## A.2 Characteristics of the Questions to the Participants

The formulation and organization of the questions are based on the objective of answering the research question. Five axes of analysis are identified in the collection of information:

1. Respondent profile

2. Crop characteristics: production composition and distribution

3. Production techniques based on resource availability and agricultural practices

4. Sector presence: programs, agreements, recognition, etc.

5. Identify turning points: changes, reasons and results.

The categories are formed with the objective of collecting the necessary information to carry out the research, in order to answer the research questions and objectives. Taking into consideration that most of the updated information available on the topic of study is found in the reports, actions and projects of NGOs and international organizations in the territory. Therefore, it is essential to go through the field, working with associations, as a data collection strategy suggested by studies on FS and GS in the region and at the national level (Aguinaga Barragán, Astudillo Bravo, & López Pazmiño, 2019).

These interviews were conducted over a period of two months, between March 26 and May 26, 2022. More than half of the interviews, including IPW (9), IPW & O (1), A (1), and O (1) were conducted face-to-face. The rest, from sector A (2), O (1), G (2) were conducted by video call in the Zoom program. The latter interviews were conducted remotely because of the time limit for fieldwork and the difficulty of finding available spaces in the agenda of the interviewees. It was agreed with the institutions contacted to maintain a feedback communication and to follow up on
the results of this research.

## A.3 Data Analysis

The interviews were transcribed using Sonix.ai software and loaded into the Atlas T.I. data analysis software. data analysis software, in which the coding was carried out. In the first phase of review, a battery of codes was constructed, which were fed back and modified as the reading of the interviews progressed. These codes were classified under two axes, each one responding to the two research sub-questions, which disaggregate the main objective of this research. The first set of codes refers to the conditions of IPW, the second to the roles of IPW. From the open coding of the interviews, a total of 8 codes were identified, which make up the discrete parts of the theory.

### IPW condition codes

* Material and symbolic resources

* Difficulties

* Institutional support/State support

* Self-perception

### IPW role codes

* Activities

* Accountability

* Metanarratives

* Roles

* Generational changes
## Appendix B. Template of questions for the semi-structured interviews<fnref n="35" />

<table><tr><td>Interviewee profile</td></tr><tr><td>Name: __________</td></tr><tr><td>Age: __________</td></tr><tr><td>Institutional affiliation or position: __________</td></tr><tr><td>City of habitation: __________ Crop location*: __________</td></tr><tr><td>Approx. size of area used*: __________ Owned__ Rented __ Family __ Family __ Family</td></tr><tr><td>Educational level: __________ Monthly family income*: __________</td></tr></table>

### 1- Crop characteristics: production composition and distribution

Who is involved in the production? What are the assigned roles?

What is produced? Crops, vegetables, medicinal plants, fodder, animals, forestry.

How do you decide what to produce?

Which and how many of these products are for sale and for self-consumption?

How are the products marketed (distribution) - Difficulties?

Is a specific production schedule used?

### 2- Production techniques based on resource availability and agricultural practices

What types of techniques are used for soil treatment and cultivation?

Where does this knowledge come from?

Technical training? - Who, to whom, about what, when, where?

Are specific substances used for pest control, fertilizer, etc.?

Where do the seeds used come from?

How is the water supply obtained and is it sufficient?

### 3- Presence of sectors: programs, agreements, recognition

What are the main interests of public policies and different organizations? - Food Sovereignty - Agro-ecological production - etc.

What are the main achievements and difficulties of organizing among women producers?

Are there any state or local government programs that support production? - In competition, market outlets.

What other organizations have been present?

<footnote n="35">³⁵ Modified according to time available and interviewee profile.</footnote>
Are there programs specifically aimed at women producers? Access to credit?

**4- Identify turning points: changes, reasons and results.**

What are the productive activities carried out that generate income for the family? Trucking, multi-employment?

What could be the main difficulties in production and distribution in recent years?

Have there been changes in production facilities or difficulties in the last decade due to changes in government?

Has COVID led to changes in production, consumption or marketing?

*: question depends on the profile or occupation of the person interviewed. Reserved by IWP.
Appendix C. Original quotations

QUOTE 1

“Esos conocimientos son ancestrales, mija. Viene desde lo hereditario, desde épocas pasadas que venimos generación tras generación adquiriendo conocimientos. No es nuevo esto de la agroecología, sino que ahora le ha dado como más impulso, más boom, porque desde antes nuestros antepasados nunca utilizaron químicos (...) Sin embargo sacaban excelente producción (...) con las lunas, las podas, los cortes, las temporadas de cosecha, todo eso hoy, gracias a Dios, las compañeras que ve, las compañeras ya adultas mayores son las que nos trasmiten a nosotras (...) y nosotros mantenerlo y pasarlo para nuestras generaciones. (...) Sí, nos han venido a ayudar de ONGs, de distintas formas, con talleres para la producción, para mejorar la cosecha, la atención al cliente” P-7 (7:9)

QUOTE 2

“Sabe que por el hecho de que las mujeres nos hemos incentivado la producción, lo que es la siembra nace desde la mujer, la fertilidad nace de la mujer. No, con eso no quiero decir que el varón es menos. Pero, sin embargo, detrás de cada productora siempre va a haber el esposito que le ayude. El esposito, sin embargo, siempre, porque ya los hijos un poco, muy poco, pero siempre en todo, en todos los espacios, son las mujeres como que más a la venta, más apertura” P-7 (7:15)

QUOTE 3

“Si es cierto que lo que es gobierno municipal no tiene injerencia directa con el tema de producción y comercialización, pero, sin embargo, indirectamente o a la forma que ellos pueden, sí nos han venido apoyando de ciertas formas, no, no así tan cortas como uno quisiera o aspirara, no, pero algo” P-5 (5:12).

QUOTE 3

“No. Algo, no sé, ahí es sálvese quien pueda, sálvese quien pueda. Es en eso de parte del gobierno cuando va a haber campañas no más. Y eso. En las elecciones. Se les ve y ahí no, sálvese quien pueda. Uno toca luchar. Para todos. Nadie ayuda del gobierno. Nadie ayuda” P-8 (8:7)

QUOTE 4

“A ver, yo le digo. Le digo sinceramente, yo por ejemplo, a mis hijos, yo quisiera que estudien. Claro que es, para que salgan, porque la agricultura es bien dura, es dura cuando los productos están bajo el precio, a uno como productora le golpea duro, se cómo decir, como sin palabras se queda, en la nada porque no se gana” P-6 (6:6).
### QUOTE 5

“Sí, los viernes nos dejaban a nosotras. Antes teníamos bastantes clientes, pero ahora lo que ellos han abierto en la pandemia, ya nos fregamos, ya nos quitaron los clientes. Ojalá. Con el apoyo de la opinión y ojalá vuelvan los clientes. Porque, como le digo, allá no son productos sanos, en cambio aquí son productos sanos porque se cultiva a través de los abonos de los animales” P-12 (12:12).

### QUOTE 6

“El tema de la producción siempre ha sido cuello de botella donde nosotros podamos, porque quitar todo nuestro producto porque sí, hay veces que se nos echa a perder por falta de espacios donde entregar directo. O sea, que valoren nuestro producto, que consuman lo nuestro, sano, orgánico, lo limpio de agrotóxicos, bueno y más que todo que nos ayuden con la comercialización. Ese es nuestro tema, nuestro fuerte, que nos falta, que nos hace falta la comercialización, puntos de entrega directos” P-9 (9:20)

### QUOTE 7

“Las dos trabajamos, en nuestras manos no nos ha de ver. Nosotros no nos pintamos las uñas con pintura, las pintamos con tierra. Sí, eso es, nosotras trabajamos. Vea, yo soy hecho callos las manos. Para nosotras y para la asociación también” P-16 (16:6).

### QUOTE 8

“Como hemos dicho, por ejemplo, para las canastas, vamos para Quito. Hemos dicho que nuestros productos mismos ya estaban cerca. Si es que tenemos que hacer cositas, conseguir algún transporte pago entre nosotras, o taxi. Nos ibamos” P-2 (2:8).
## Appendix D. Constructivist Grounded Theory<fnref n="36" />

CGT is identified as interpretive styles of qualitative research in the post-positivist paradigm. It analyzes and interprets the knowledge of informants, from which emerging theories that account for the research objective are founded (Cuevas, 2019). The epistemological basis of CGT is found at the intersection of the Symbolic Interactionism (SI) of Herbert Blumer (1938) and the pragmatism of the Chicago school current developed in the "philosophy of action", founded on the ideas of George Herbert Mead and John Dewey.

In this research, the work initiated by Kathy Charmaz is taken up again, as a way of specifying the type of CGT used. The author develops the Constructivist Grounded Theory (CGT), taking up the original ideas of Glaser and Strauss and incorporating "the explanations related to people's feelings, as they experience a phenomenon or process, together with the researcher's beliefs and values" (Lúquez & Fernández, 2016, p. 105). Consequently, research practice is understood as knowledge construction and not knowledge discovery, as it aims to decipher and evidence narrative linkages and situated perceptions.

The methodology proposed by CGT is based on two strategies: the Constant Comparative Method (CCM) and theoretical sampling. It is through the CCM that the collection, coding and analysis of the data is carried out; simultaneously it generates theoretical explanatory schemes (Strauss & Corbin, 2002) through the saturation of the data. Two qualities are disaggregated from the above: (a) the fit of the categories with the data and (b) the functioning, in that the categories must be able to explain the object of study. Based on the formulation of the *substantive theory*, which corresponds to the determination of the central category of the research, a comparison can be structured with the *formal theory*, understood as the compendium of the conceptual guide or literature review.

The CCM allows the researcher to identify properties, explore their interrelation and integrate them by means of an analysis method based on three coding phases: open, axial and selective.

<footnote n="36">³⁶ This section is based on Cuevas (2019).</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_12.png" /></figure>

(1) Open coding: coding the different incidents of the data in different codes.

(2) Axial coding: comparison of the new information collected with the previous emerging categories. First hypotheses are elaborated and theoretical saturation is sought to specify the concepts through the integration of the categories and their properties.

(3) Selective coding: integrating the categories to reduce the concepts and clarify the theory. The central category is sought, understood as the one that as a whole gives meaning and explains the data and their relationships (Lúquez et al. 2016).

Likewise, the CCM allows simultaneous coding processes, which results in a combination of the analysis of qualitative data, in the recovery of concepts, properties and hypotheses, together with the emergence of new categories close to the data. Given the presentation of the general objective of each of the phases of coding, it is of interest to deepen its terms, taking Kathy Charmaz (2009) as a reference:

(1) Open coding begins with the identification of concepts, which must be required to account for research phenomena to which a label or code can be assigned. When naming these concepts, also called the discrete parts of the theory, their comparison is sought, in similarities and differences, which make up events plausible to be related at a higher level of abstraction, called categories. Hand in hand with the emergence of categories, sub-categories can be formulated, which will be useful to define the information of when, where, why and how in relation to the phenomenon or concept.

Open coding is carried out in three different ways: a "line-by-line" analysis, in which ideas that generate a category are highlighted; followed by an analysis for each paragraph, answering the question of what is the main idea of the paragraph or passage of the document; and the third phase, which is used when data saturation is reached: asking what is the difference or similarities of the document with the analysis previously carried out on other documents. The process of identifying these concepts is carried out in the use of memoranda or memos, or in the annotations in the margin of the writings or on analysis cards.

In the specific case of this research, a first reading of the interviews was carried out, noting in the margins repetitive ideas identified in the interviews, identifying key concepts or approaches
to the construction of narratives. From this first review, the content of the questions in each interview was analyzed, creating the first analysis codes, selected in quotes through Atlas.T.I. program. It is from this first coding that their co-occurrence and types of relationship are analyzed.

(2) Axial coding: the purpose is focused on the identification of the relationships between the properties of the categories, in a process of organization and articulation that form the outlines of the substantive theory. To present these relationships, graphs of interrelation between categories are used in the visual constructions of the typologies. These diagrams illustrate, therefore, the relationships of the concepts, their mobility in the different stages of the research, providing an informative basis for subsequent analysis (Hernández Sampieri, Fernández Collado, & Baptista Lucio, 2006). This integration process is supported by the hypotheses, which are those provisional answers found among situations, groups and contexts, which gradually form "an integrated central theoretical framework: the core of the emerging theory" (Galeano Marín, 2004, p. 174).

(3) Selective coding is based on the initial integration of the categories, creating a purification of the ideas that make up the hypotheses, in order to propose a specific theory with the smallest quantitative number of categories. The purpose of this action is to center the postulates around the central theme of the research, focusing its objectives through comparison and selection. This coding is used in the final phase of the research, in the action of "solidifying the theory" as the new emerging categories and their properties produce progressively fewer modifications in the substantive theory (Charmaz, 2009).

(4) Theoretical sampling refers to the simultaneous action of analysis and data collection, allowing to expand on the knowledge of the subject of study, seeking there where the categories *maximize the opportunities to* make comparisons and increase the existing data, in terms of dimensions and properties, so it is the analysis that guides the data collection, which will stop at the moment of reaching a "theoretical saturation" (Charmaz, 2009).

As a transversal practice to the research process, *the memos* of a methodological, theoretical, analytical and descriptive nature, contribute information in the construction and generation of theory in each of its items. These are the product of observations, interpretations of reality or the product of the research interviews.
Appendix E. Fieldwork Photographs

<figure><img src="image_13.png" /><figcaption>Illustration 10: Photograph of Ibarra Fair 1</figcaption></figure>

Source: Cuevas (2022)

<figure><img src="image_14.png" /><figcaption>Illustration 11: Photograph of Ibarra Fair 2</figcaption></figure>

Source: Cuevas (2022)
<figure><img src="image_15.png" /><figcaption>Illustration 12: Photograph of Ibarra Fair 3</figcaption></figure>

Source: Cuevas (2022)

<figure><img src="image_16.png" /><figcaption>Illustration 13: Photograph of Ibarra Fair 4</figcaption></figure>

Source: Cuevas (2022)
Résumé

L'objectif principal est d'analyser la mise en œuvre de politiques publiques dérivées de récits critiques du modèle expansionniste, corporatif et libéralisant de l'agrobusiness. À cette fin, nous analysons les rôles et les conditions des femmes autochtones équatoriennes dans les systèmes de production de la souveraineté alimentaire. Dans un premier temps, les cadres analytiques de la politique agro-économique et des modèles de développement rural sont examinés, ainsi que leur relation avec les études de genre et les droits humains. Deuxièmement, le travail de terrain est mené dans deux études de cas identifiées comme exemplaires : dans le canton d'Ibarra, province d'Imbabura, et dans les cantons de Pedro Moncayo et Cayambe, province de Pichincha. La recherche est basée sur la théorie constructiviste ancrée (Constructivist Grounded Theory) par le biais d'une triangulation méthodologique dans l'analyse documentaire, dix-sept entretiens semi-structurés avec des acteurs clés et l'observation participante. Il est déterminé que les politiques agroalimentaires publiques de souveraineté alimentaire sont basées sur des récits déconnectés des réalités et des conditions des agricultrices indigènes. Par conséquent, les déficiences structurelles sont absorbées dans les rôles productifs, reproductifs et politiques des productrices.

Mots-clés : Femmes paysannes, souveraineté alimentaire, agro-production, politiques publiques, Équateur

Abstract

The main objective is to analyze the implementation of public policies derived from critical
narratives of the expansionist, corporate and liberalizing agribusiness model. To this end, we
analyze the roles and conditions of Ecuadorian indigenous women in food sovereignty production
systems. First, the analytical frameworks of agro-economic policy and rural development models
are examined, as well as their relationship to gender studies and human rights. Second, fieldwork
is conducted in two case studies identified as exemplary: in the canton of Ibarra, Imbabura
province, and in the cantons of Pedro Moncayo and Cayambe, Pichincha province. The research
is based on Constructivist Grounded Theory through methodological triangulation in documentary
analysis, seventeen semi-structured interviews with key actors and participant observation. It is
determined that public agrifood policies of food sovereignty is based on narratives disconnected
from the realities and conditions of indigenous women farmers. Therefore, structural deficiencies
are absorbed into the productive, reproductive and political roles of women producers.

**Keywords:** Peasant women, food sovereignty, agro-production, public policies, Ecuador