# In the Name of Gods. In Search of Divine Epithets Through Luwic Personal Names

Florian Réveilhac

► To cite this version:

Florian Réveilhac. In the Name of Gods. In Search of Divine Epithets Through Luwic Personal Names. Alaya Palamidis; Corinne Bonnet. What's in a Divine Name? Religious Systems and Human Agency in the Ancient Mediterranean, De Gruyter, pp.471-488, 2024, 9783111326511. 10.1515/9783111326511-024. hal-04533621

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Distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License
What's in a Divine Name?
What's in a Divine Name?
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# What's in a Divine Name?

Religious Systems and Human Agency in the Ancient Mediterranean

Edited by

Alaya Palamidis and Corinne Bonnet

with the collaboration of Julie Bernini, Enrique Nieto Izquierdo, and Lorena Pérez Yarza
# What's in a Divine Name?

Religious Systems and Human Agency in the Ancient Mediterranean

Edited by

Alaya Palamidis and Corinne Bonnet

with the collaboration of Julie Bernini, Enrique Nieto Izquierdo, and Lorena Pérez Yarza
This publication is the final outcome of the ERC Advanced Grant "Mapping Ancient Polytheisms. Cult Epithets as an Interface Between Religious Systems and Human Agency" (2017-2023, grant agreement No 741182), which has received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme.

<figure><img src="image_2.png" /></figure>

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European Research Council
Established by the European Commission

ISBN 978-3-11-132627-6
e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-132651-1
e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-132756-3
DOI https://doi.org/10.1515/9783111326511

<figure><img src="image_5.png" /></figure>

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. For details go to
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/.

Creative Commons license terms for re-use do not apply to any content (such as graphs, figures, photos, excerpts, etc.) not original to the Open Access publication and further permission may be required from the rights holder. The obligation to research and clear permission lies solely with the party re-using the material.

Library of Congress Control Number: 2023950686

**Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek**

The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie;
detailed bibliographic data are available on the internet at http://dnb.dnb.de.

© 2024 the author(s), editing © 2024 Alaya Palamidis and Corinne Bonnet,
published by Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston
This book is published open access at www.degruyter.com.

Cover image: Stele from the tophet of El-Hofra (Constantine, Algeria; ancient Cirta), from A. Berthier & R. Charlier, *Le sanctuaire punique d'El-Hofra à Constantine*, Paris, 1955, stele 15 GR, with the so-called "Sign of Tanit" and a three-letter inscription NAN, referring to a divine or human unknown name. The letter A has small, raised arms, like the Sign of Tanit. III-I century BCE.

Typesetting: Integra Software Services Pvt. Ltd.

Printing and binding: CPI books GmbH, Leck

www.degruyter.com
This publication is the final outcome of the ERC Advanced Grant "Mapping Ancient Polytheisms. Cult Epithets as an Interface Between Religious Systems and Human Agency" (2017-2023, grant agreement No 741182), which has received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme.

<figure><img src="image_3.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_4.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_5.png" /></figure>

European Research Council
Established by the European Commission

ISBN 978-3-11-132627-6
e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-132651-1
e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-132756-3
DOI https://doi.org/10.1515/9783111326511

<figure><img src="image_6.png" /></figure>

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. For details go to
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/.

Creative Commons license terms for re-use do not apply to any content (such as graphs, figures, photos, excerpts, etc.) not original to the Open Access publication and further permission may be required from the rights holder. The obligation to research and clear permission lies solely with the party re-using the material.

Library of Congress Control Number: 2023950686

**Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek**

The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie;
detailed bibliographic data are available on the internet at http://dnb.dnb.de.

© 2024 the author(s), editing © 2024 Alaya Palamidis and Corinne Bonnet,
published by Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston
This book is published open access at www.degruyter.com.

Cover image: Stele from the tophet of El-Hofra (Constantine, Algeria; ancient Cirta), from A. Berthier & R. Charlier, *Le sanctuaire punique d'El-Hofra à Constantine*, Paris, 1955, stele 15 GR, with the so-called "Sign of Tanit" and a three-letter inscription NAN, referring to a divine or human unknown name. The letter A has small, raised arms, like the Sign of Tanit. III-I century BCE.

Typesetting: Integra Software Services Pvt. Ltd.

Printing and binding: CPI books GmbH, Leck

www.degruyter.com
# Contents

Abbreviations — XI

Corinne Bonnet

Introduction. What Does a Divine Name Do? — 1

Part 1: Ritual Names: Communication with the Divine and Human Agency

Andrei Timotin and Karel van der Toorn

Introduction — 35

Anne-Caroline Rendu Loisel

Writing Divine Names in Ritual Practices of Ancient Mesopotamia — 41

Theodora Suk Fong Jim

Divine Naming in Greek and Chinese Polytheism — 59

Jutta Jokiranta

Divine Names in Ritual Settings in the Dead Sea Scrolls — 79

Miguel Herrero de Jáuregui

Strategies for Naming the Gods in Greek Hymns — 99

Jörg Rüpke

Divine Names and Naming the Divine in Livy — 121

Part 2: One and Many: Onomastic Bricolage

Sylvain Lebreton and Christophe Nihan

Introduction — 141

Spencer L. Allen

Incomplete Ištar Assimilation: Reconsidering the Goddess's Divine History in Light of a Madonnine Analogy — 147
# Contents

Abbreviations — XI

Corinne Bonnet

Introduction. What Does a Divine Name Do? — 1

Part 1: Ritual Names: Communication with the Divine and Human Agency

Andrei Timotin and Karel van der Toorn

Introduction — 35

Anne-Caroline Rendu Loisel

Writing Divine Names in Ritual Practices of Ancient Mesopotamia — 41

Theodora Suk Fong Jim

Divine Naming in Greek and Chinese Polytheism — 59

Jutta Jokiranta

Divine Names in Ritual Settings in the Dead Sea Scrolls — 79

Miguel Herrero de Jáuregui

Strategies for Naming the Gods in Greek Hymns — 99

Jörg Rüpke

Divine Names and Naming the Divine in Livy — 121

Part 2: One and Many: Onomastic Bricolage

Sylvain Lebreton and Christophe Nihan

Introduction — 141

Spencer L. Allen

Incomplete Ištar Assimilation: Reconsidering the Goddess's Divine History in Light of a Madonnine Analogy — 147
Herbert Niehr

**The Many Faces of Hadad in Aramaean Syria and Anatolia (1st Mill. BCE).**

**Three Case Studies on Hadad at Sikāni, Sam'al, and Damascus** — 167

Vinciane Pirenne-Delforge

**Demeter as Thesmophoros: What Does She Bring Forth?** — 185

Clarisse Prêtre

**The Onomastic Attributes of Greek Healing Deities** — 205

## Part 3: Names and Images

Adeline Grand-Clément and Christoph Uehlinger

**Introduction** — 239

Milette Gaifman

**What Do Attributes Say About Apollo?** — 249

Anne-Françoise Jaccottet

**Gods' Names – Gods' Images. Dedications and Communication Process**

**in Sanctuaries** — 271

Claudia Posani

**Epithets and Iconographic Attributes of Kubaba in Syro-Anatolian Iron Age**

**Sources** — 299

Gaëlle Tallet

**How to Create a God: The Name and Iconography of the Deified Deceased**

**Piyris at Ayn El-Labakha (Kharga Oasis, Egypt)** — 325

## Part 4: Plural Divine Configurations, “Pantheons” and Divine Sovereignty

Gabriella Pironti and Corinne Bonnet

**Introduction** — 361

Giuseppe Garbati and Fabio Porzia

**In Search of God Baal in Phoenician and Cypriot Epigraphy**

**(First Millennium BCE)** — 365
Herbert Niehr

**The Many Faces of Hadad in Aramaean Syria and Anatolia (1st Mill. BCE).**

**Three Case Studies on Hadad at Sikāni, Sam'al, and Damascus** — 167

Vinciane Pirenne-Delforge

**Demeter as Thesmophoros: What Does She Bring Forth?** — 185

Clarisse Prêtre

**The Onomastic Attributes of Greek Healing Deities** — 205

## Part 3: Names and Images

Adeline Grand-Clément and Christoph Uehlinger

**Introduction** — 239

Milette Gaifman

**What Do Attributes Say About Apollo?** — 249

Anne-Françoise Jaccottet

**Gods' Names – Gods' Images. Dedications and Communication Process**

**in Sanctuaries** — 271

Claudia Posani

**Epithets and Iconographic Attributes of Kubaba in Syro-Anatolian Iron Age**

**Sources** — 299

Gaëlle Tallet

**How to Create a God: The Name and Iconography of the Deified Deceased**

**Piyris at Ayn El-Labakha (Kharga Oasis, Egypt)** — 325

## Part 4: Plural Divine Configurations, “Pantheons” and Divine Sovereignty

Gabriella Pironti and Corinne Bonnet

**Introduction** — 361

Giuseppe Garbati and Fabio Porzia

**In Search of God Baal in Phoenician and Cypriot Epigraphy**

**(First Millennium BCE)** — 365
Sylvain Lebreton and Giuseppina Marano

*Zeus hupatos kreionton: A Comparative Study on Divine Sovereignty, Between Attica and Syria — 391*

François Quantin

*Divine Configurations and “Pantheons”: Some Assemblages of *Theoi* in North-Western Greece — 413*

Nicole Belayche

*The Carian Stratonicea's Exception: Two Equal *Megistoi Theoi* as Divine Patrons in the Roman Period — 435*

## Part 5: Human Names, Divine Names

Robert Parker and Jean-Baptiste Yon

*Introduction — 465*

Florian Réveilhac

*In the Name of Gods. In Search of Divine Epithets Through Luwic Personal Names — 471*

Giuseppe Minunno

*Who's in a Name? Human-Divine Relations in Personal Names from the Tophet of Carthage — 489*

Brandon Simonson

*Theophoric Aramaic Personal Names as Onomastic Sequences in Diasporic and Cosmopolitan Communities — 511*

Nathanael Andrade

*Christian Contexts, Non-Christian Names: Onomastic Mobility and Transmission in Late Antique Syria — 531*

Anna Heller

*Human Honours and Divine Attributes — 551*

Emiliano R. Urciuoli and Richard Gordon

*Call Me by God's Name. Onomaturgy in Three Early Christian Texts — 569*
Sylvain Lebreton and Giuseppina Marano

*Zeus hupatos kreionton: A Comparative Study on Divine Sovereignty, Between Attica and Syria — 391*

François Quantin

*Divine Configurations and “Pantheons”: Some Assemblages of Theoi in North-Western Greece — 413*

Nicole Belayche

*The Carian Stratonicea's Exception: Two Equal Megistoi Theoi as Divine Patrons in the Roman Period — 435*

## Part 5: Human Names, Divine Names

Robert Parker and Jean-Baptiste Yon

*Introduction — 465*

Florian Réveilhac

*In the Name of Gods. In Search of Divine Epithets Through Luwic Personal Names — 471*

Giuseppe Minunno

*Who's in a Name? Human-Divine Relations in Personal Names from the Tophet of Carthage — 489*

Brandon Simonson

*Theophoric Aramaic Personal Names as Onomastic Sequences in Diasporic and Cosmopolitan Communities — 511*

Nathanael Andrade

*Christian Contexts, Non-Christian Names: Onomastic Mobility and Transmission in Late Antique Syria — 531*

Anna Heller

*Human Honours and Divine Attributes — 551*

Emiliano R. Urciuoli and Richard Gordon

*Call Me by God's Name. Onomaturgy in Three Early Christian Texts — 569*
Part 6: Names and Knowledge

David Hamidović and Alaya Palamidis

Introduction — 585

Alaya Palamidis

The Names of Greek Gods. Divine Signs or Human Creations? — 591

Francesco Padovani

"If by This Name it Pleases Him to be Invoked": Ancient Etymology and Greek

Polytheism — 621

Florian Audureau and Thomas Galoppin

The All-Encompassing Name: Multilingualism, Myth and Materiality in a Late

Greek Papyrus of Ritual Power (PGM XIII) — 641

Martin Leuenberger

Yahweh's Divine "Names". Changing Configurations in the Hebrew Bible and

Ancient Israel — 667

Jonathan Ben-Dov

The Lord of Spirits in the Book of Parables of Enoch from a Levantine Point

of View — 689

Part 7: Mobility, Transmission, Translation

Laurent Bricault and Carolina López-Ruiz

Introduction — 707

Collin Cornell

Interpretatio Among Levantines in Hellenistic Egypt — 713

Anna Angelini

Divine Names, Heavenly Bodies, and Human Visions: The Septuagint and the

Transformation of Ancient Israelite Religion — 735

Lorena Pérez Yarza and Corinne Bonnet

Divine Names and Bilingualism in Rome: Religious Dynamics in Multilingual

Spaces — 759
Part 6: Names and Knowledge

David Hamidović and Alaya Palamidis

Introduction — 585

Alaya Palamidis

The Names of Greek Gods. Divine Signs or Human Creations? — 591

Francesco Padovani

"If by This Name it Pleases Him to be Invoked": Ancient Etymology and Greek

Polytheism — 621

Florian Audureau and Thomas Galoppin

The All-Encompassing Name: Multilingualism, Myth and Materiality in a Late

Greek Papyrus of Ritual Power (PGM XIII) — 641

Martin Leuenberger

Yahweh's Divine "Names". Changing Configurations in the Hebrew Bible and

Ancient Israel — 667

Jonathan Ben-Dov

The Lord of Spirits in the Book of Parables of Enoch from a Levantine Point

of View — 689

Part 7: Mobility, Transmission, Translation

Laurent Bricault and Carolina López-Ruiz

Introduction — 707

Collin Cornell

Interpretatio Among Levantines in Hellenistic Egypt — 713

Anna Angelini

Divine Names, Heavenly Bodies, and Human Visions: The Septuagint and the

Transformation of Ancient Israelite Religion — 735

Lorena Pérez Yarza and Corinne Bonnet

Divine Names and Bilingualism in Rome: Religious Dynamics in Multilingual

Spaces — 759
Mary R. Bachvarova

**Apollo Delphinios – Again** — 781

Ian Rutherford

**Cross-Cultural Pilgrimage and Religious Change: Translation, Filial Cults, and Networks** — 801

**Postface**

Corinne Bonnet

**Postface** — 827

Beate Pongratz-Leisten

**Some Thoughts on the Origins of the Divine and Interaction with Divinity in the Ancient Near East** — 829

Philippe Borgeaud

**Naming the Gods between Immanence and Transcendence in Greco-Roman Polytheisms** — 843

**Index Nominum** — 849
Mary R. Bachvarova

**Apollo Delphinios – Again** — 781

Ian Rutherford

**Cross-Cultural Pilgrimage and Religious Change: Translation, Filial Cults, and Networks** — 801

## Postface

Corinne Bonnet

**Postface** — 827

Beate Pongratz-Leisten

**Some Thoughts on the Origins of the Divine and Interaction with Divinity in the Ancient Near East** — 829

Philippe Borgeaud

**Naming the Gods between Immanence and Transcendence in Greco-Roman Polytheisms** — 843

**Index Nominum** — 849
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<figure><img src="image_7.png" /></figure>
# Abbreviations

Abbreviations for ancient Greek and Latin authors are taken from Liddell, Scott and Jones' *Greek-English Lexicon* and from the *Oxford Latin Dictionary* respectively.

<table><tr><td>ACO</td><td>Eduard Schwartz et al., Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum, Berlin, 1914–.</td></tr><tr><td>ADD</td><td>C.H.W. Johns, Assyrian Deeds and Documents, 4 vols., Cambridge, 1898–1923.</td></tr><tr><td>AE</td><td>L'Année épigraphique, Paris, 1888–.</td></tr><tr><td>Agora XVI</td><td>A. Geoffrey Woodhead, The Athenian Agora XVI. Inscriptions. The Decrees, Princeton, 1997.</td></tr><tr><td>Agora XIX</td><td>Gerald V. Lalonde / Merle K. Langdon / Michael B. Walbank, The Athenian Agora XIX. Inscriptions. Horoi, Poletai Records, Leases of Public Lands, Princeton, 1991.</td></tr><tr><td>ANET</td><td>James B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament with Supplement, Princeton, [1955] 1969.</td></tr><tr><td>APHex I</td><td>Marco Perale, Adespota Papyracea Hexametra Graeca. Hexameters of Unknown or Uncertain Authorship from Graeco-Roman Egypt, vol. 1, Berlin / Boston, 2020.</td></tr><tr><td>ASAA</td><td>Annuario della Scuola Archeologica di Atene e delle Missioni Italiane in Oriente.</td></tr><tr><td>BE</td><td>«Bulletin épigraphique», in Revue des Études Grecques.</td></tr><tr><td>BGU</td><td>Emil Seckel / Wilhelm Schubart et al., Berliner Griechische Urkunden, 22 vols., Berlin, 1895–.</td></tr><tr><td>BM</td><td>Tablets in the collections of the British Museum.</td></tr><tr><td>BMC Caria</td><td>Barclay V. Head, A Catalog of the Greek Coins in the British Museum, Caria, Cos, Rhodes, &c., London, 1897.</td></tr><tr><td>BNJ</td><td>Ian Worthington (ed.), Brill's New Jacoby, 2006–2021. URL: https://scholarlyeditions.brill.com/bnjo/ (consulted 25.05.2023).</td></tr><tr><td>BoHa 19</td><td>Suzanne Herbordt, Die Prinzen- und Beamtensiegel der hethitischen Großreichszeit auf Tonbullen aus dem Nişantepe-Archiv in Hattusa (Boğazköy-Ḥattuša Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen 19), Mainz am Rhein, 2005.</td></tr><tr><td>BoHa 22</td><td>Ali Dinçol / Belkis Dinçol, Die Prinzen- und Beamtensiegel aus der Oberstadt von vom 16. Jahrhundert bis zum Ende der Großreichszeit (Boğazköy-Ḥattuša Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen 22), Mainz am Rhein, 2008.</td></tr><tr><td>C. Ord. Ptol.</td><td>Marie-Thérèse Lenger, Corpus des Ordonnances des Ptolémées, Bruxelles, 1964.</td></tr><tr><td>CBd</td><td>Katalin Bélyácz / Kata Endreffy / Árpád M. Nagy, The Campbell Bonner Magical Gems database, Museum of Fine Arts, Collection of Classical Antiquity, Budapest, http://cbd.mfab.hu/visitatori.salutem, accessed on 23/06/2023.</td></tr><tr><td>CCCA</td><td>Maarten J. Vermaseren, Corpus Cultus Cybelae Attidisque, 7 vols. (EPRO 50), Leiden, 1977–1989.</td></tr><tr><td>CGRN</td><td>Jan-Mathieu Carbon / Saskia Peels-Matthey / Vinciane Pirenne-Delforge, Collection of Greek Ritual Norms (CGRN), 2017–, consulted in 2023. URL: http://cgrn.ulg.ac.be; DOI: https://doi.org/10.54510/CGRN0.</td></tr></table>

<figure><img src="image_7.png" /></figure>
# Abbreviations

Abbreviations for ancient Greek and Latin authors are taken from Liddell, Scott and Jones' *Greek-English Lexicon* and from the *Oxford Latin Dictionary* respectively.

<table><tr><td>ACO</td><td>Eduard Schwartz et al., Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum, Berlin, 1914–.</td></tr><tr><td>ADD</td><td>C.H.W. Johns, Assyrian Deeds and Documents, 4 vols., Cambridge, 1898–1923.</td></tr><tr><td>AE</td><td>L'Année épigraphique, Paris, 1888–.</td></tr><tr><td>Agora XVI</td><td>A. Geoffrey Woodhead, The Athenian Agora XVI. Inscriptions. The Decrees, Princeton, 1997.</td></tr><tr><td>Agora XIX</td><td>Gerald V. Lalonde / Merle K. Langdon / Michael B. Walbank, The Athenian Agora XIX. Inscriptions. Horoi, Poletai Records, Leases of Public Lands, Princeton, 1991.</td></tr><tr><td>ANET</td><td>James B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament with Supplement, Princeton, [1955] 1969.</td></tr><tr><td>APHex I</td><td>Marco Perale, Adespota Papyracea Hexametra Graeca. Hexameters of Unknown or Uncertain Authorship from Graeco-Roman Egypt, vol. 1, Berlin / Boston, 2020.</td></tr><tr><td>ASAA</td><td>Annuario della Scuola Archeologica di Atene e delle Missioni Italiane in Oriente.</td></tr><tr><td>BE</td><td>«Bulletin épigraphique», in Revue des Études Grecques.</td></tr><tr><td>BGU</td><td>Emil Seckel / Wilhelm Schubart et al., Berliner Griechische Urkunden, 22 vols., Berlin, 1895–.</td></tr><tr><td>BM</td><td>Tablets in the collections of the British Museum.</td></tr><tr><td>BMC Caria</td><td>Barclay V. Head, A Catalog of the Greek Coins in the British Museum, Caria, Cos, Rhodes, &c., London, 1897.</td></tr><tr><td>BNJ</td><td>Ian Worthington (ed.), Brill's New Jacoby, 2006–2021. URL: https://scholarlyeditions.brill.com/bnjo/ (consulted 25.05.2023).</td></tr><tr><td>BoHa 19</td><td>Suzanne Herbordt, Die Prinzen- und Beamtensiegel der hethitischen Großreichszeit auf Tonbullen aus dem Nişantepe-Archiv in Hattusa (Boğazköy-Ḥattuša Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen 19), Mainz am Rhein, 2005.</td></tr><tr><td>BoHa 22</td><td>Ali Dinçol / Belkis Dinçol, Die Prinzen- und Beamtensiegel aus der Oberstadt von vom 16. Jahrhundert bis zum Ende der Großreichszeit (Boğazköy-Ḥattuša Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen 22), Mainz am Rhein, 2008.</td></tr><tr><td>C. Ord. Ptol.</td><td>Marie-Thérèse Lenger, Corpus des Ordonnances des Ptolémées, Bruxelles, 1964.</td></tr><tr><td>CBd</td><td>Katalin Bélyácz / Kata Endreffy / Árpád M. Nagy, The Campbell Bonner Magical Gems database, Museum of Fine Arts, Collection of Classical Antiquity, Budapest, http://cbd.mfab.hu/visitatori.salutem, accessed on 23/06/2023.</td></tr><tr><td>CCCA</td><td>Maarten J. Vermaseren, Corpus Cultus Cybelae Attidisque, 7 vols. (EPRO 50), Leiden, 1977–1989.</td></tr><tr><td>CGRN</td><td>Jan-Mathieu Carbon / Saskia Peels-Matthey / Vinciane Pirenne-Delforge, Collection of Greek Ritual Norms (CGRN), 2017–, consulted in 2023. URL: http://cgrn.ulg.ac.be; DOI: https://doi.org/10.54510/CGRN0.</td></tr></table>

<figure><img src="image_8.png" /></figure>
CHD
Hans G. Güterbock / Harry A. Hoffner / Theo van den Hout (eds.), *The Hittite Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago*, Chicago, 1989–.

CIIP
*Corpus Inscriptionum Iudaeae/Palestinae. A Multilingual Corpus of the Inscriptions from Alexander to Muhammad*, Berlin, 2010–.

CIL
*Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum*, Berlin, 1853–.

CIS
*Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum*, Paris, 1881–1962.

CIMRM
Maarten J. Vermaseren, *Corpus Inscriptionum et Monumentorum Religionis Mithriacae*, 2 vols., Den Haag, 1956–1960.

CIRB
Vasilij Struve, *Corpus Inscriptionum Regni Bosporani*, Leningrad, 1965.

CT
Codex Theodosianus.

CTH
Emmanuel Laroche, *Catalogue des textes hittites*, Paris, 1971 (see also https://www.hethport.uni-wuerzburg.de/CTH).

DAHPN
Database “Ancient Hebrew Personal Names”. URL: https://www.dahpn.gwi.uni-muenchen.de/ (consulted 25.06/2023).

DB MAP
Corinne Bonnet (ed.), Mapping Ancient Polytheisms database. URL: https://base-map-polytheisms.huma-num.fr/ (consulted 25.05.2023). S = Source, T = Testimony, E = Element.

DDD
Karel van der Toorn / Bob Becking / Pieter W. van der Horst (eds.), *Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible*, Leiden [1995] 1999.

DELG
Pierre Chantraine, *Dictionnaire Étymologique de la Langue Grecque*, Paris, 1968.

Dendara XIII
Sylvie Cauville, *Dendara XIII. Traduction. Le pronaos du temple d'Hathor. Façade et colonnes*, Louvain, 2011.

DK
Hermann Diels, *Fragmente der Vorsokratiker*⁶, revised by Walther Kranz, Berlin, 1951–1952.

DNP
Hubert Cancik / Helmut Schneider (eds.), *Der Neue Pauly*, 18 vols., Stuttgart, 1996–2002.

DNWSI
Jacob Hoftijzer / Karel Jongeling, *Dictionary of the North-West Semitic Inscriptions*, Leiden *et al.*, 1995.

DPS
*Diagnostic and Prognostic Serie*, in: JoAnn Scurlock / Burton R. Andersen, *Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine. Ancient Sources, Translations, and Modern Medical Analyses*, Urbana / Chicago, 2005.

EA
El-Amarna tablets. According to the edition of Jörgen A. Knudtzon, *Die El-Amarna-Tafeln*, Aalen, 1964.

EBR
*Encyclopedia of the Bible and Its Reception*, Berlin, 2009–.

eDiAna
Jared Miller et al. (eds.), *eDiAna. Digital Philological-Etymological Dictionary of the Minor Ancient Anatolian Corpus Languages*, 2017–. URL: https://www.ediana.gwi.uni-muenchen.de/index.php (seen 20.02.2023).

EDPC
Andrea Ercolani et al. (eds.), *Encyclopaedic Dictionary of Phoenician Culture*, Leuven *et al.*, 2018–.

F.Delphes III
Gaston Colin et al., *Fouilles de Delphes III. Epigraphie*, 6 vols., 1909–1976.

FGrH
Felix Jacoby, *Fragmente der griechischer Historiker I-III*, Berlin / Leiden, 1923–1959.

GCS
Series « Griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller », Leipzig, J.C. Hinrichs; Berlin, De Gruyter.

GMPT
Hans D. Betz, *The Greek Magical Papyrus in Translation. Including the Demotic Spells*, Chicago / London, [1986] 1992.
CHD
Hans G. Güterbock / Harry A. Hoffner / Theo van den Hout (eds.), *The Hittite Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago*, Chicago, 1989–.

CIIP
*Corpus Inscriptionum Iudaeae/Palestinae. A Multilingual Corpus of the Inscriptions from Alexander to Muhammad*, Berlin, 2010–.

CIL
*Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum*, Berlin, 1853–.

CIS
*Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum*, Paris, 1881–1962.

CIMRM
Maarten J. Vermaseren, *Corpus Inscriptionum et Monumentorum Religionis Mithriacae*, 2 vols., Den Haag, 1956–1960.

CIRB
Vasilij Struve, *Corpus Inscriptionum Regni Bosporani*, Leningrad, 1965.

CT
Codex Theodosianus.

CTH
Emmanuel Laroche, *Catalogue des textes hittites*, Paris, 1971 (see also https://www.hethport.uni-wuerzburg.de/CTH).

DAHPN
Database “Ancient Hebrew Personal Names”. URL: https://www.dahpn.gwi.uni-muenchen.de/ (consulted 25.06/2023).

DB MAP
Corinne Bonnet (ed.), Mapping Ancient Polytheisms database. URL: https://base-map-polytheisms.huma-num.fr/ (consulted 25.05.2023). S = Source, T = Testimony, E = Element.

DDD
Karel van der Toorn / Bob Becking / Pieter W. van der Horst (eds.), *Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible*, Leiden [1995] 1999.

DELG
Pierre Chantraine, *Dictionnaire Étymologique de la Langue Grecque*, Paris, 1968.

Dendara XIII
Sylvie Cauville, *Dendara XIII. Traduction. Le pronaos du temple d'Hathor. Façade et colonnes*, Louvain, 2011.

DK
Hermann Diels, *Fragmente der Vorsokratiker*⁶, revised by Walther Kranz, Berlin, 1951–1952.

DNP
Hubert Cancik / Helmut Schneider (eds.), *Der Neue Pauly*, 18 vols., Stuttgart, 1996–2002.

DNWSI
Jacob Hoftijzer / Karel Jongeling, *Dictionary of the North-West Semitic Inscriptions*, Leiden *et al.*, 1995.

DPS
*Diagnostic and Prognostic Serie*, in: JoAnn Scurlock / Burton R. Andersen, *Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine. Ancient Sources, Translations, and Modern Medical Analyses*, Urbana / Chicago, 2005.

EA
El-Amarna tablets. According to the edition of Jörgen A. Knudtzon, *Die El-Amarna-Tafeln*, Aalen, 1964.

EBR
*Encyclopedia of the Bible and Its Reception*, Berlin, 2009–.

eDiAna
Jared Miller et al. (eds.), *eDiAna. Digital Philological-Etymological Dictionary of the Minor Ancient Anatolian Corpus Languages*, 2017–. URL: https://www.ediana.gwi.uni-muenchen.de/index.php (seen 20.02.2023).

EDPC
Andrea Ercolani et al. (eds.), *Encyclopaedic Dictionary of Phoenician Culture*, Leuven *et al.*, 2018–.

F.Delphes III
Gaston Colin et al., *Fouilles de Delphes III. Epigraphie*, 6 vols., 1909–1976.

FGrH
Felix Jacoby, *Fragmente der griechischer Historiker I-III*, Berlin / Leiden, 1923–1959.

GCS
Series « Griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller », Leipzig, J.C. Hinrichs; Berlin, De Gruyter.

GMPT
Hans D. Betz, *The Greek Magical Papyrus in Translation. Including the Demotic Spells*, Chicago / London, [1986] 1992.
<table>
  <tr>
    <td>Hebrew Inscriptions</td>
    <td>F.W. Dobbs-Allsopp et al., Hebrew Inscriptions, Texts from the Biblical Period of the Monarchy with Concordance, New Haven, 2005.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>HGANT</td>
    <td>Angelika Berlejung / Christian Frevel (eds.), Handbuch theologischer Grundbegriffe zum Alten und Neuen Testament<sup>5</sup>, Darmstadt, 2016.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>HW<sup>2</sup></td>
    <td>Johannes Friedrich / Annelis Kammenhuber, Hethitisches Wörterbuch. Zweite, völlig neubearbeitete Auflage auf der Grundlage der edierten hethitischen Texte, Heidelberg, 1975–.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Ancyra</td>
    <td>Stephen Mitchell / David French, The Greek and Latin Inscriptions of Ankara (Ancyra) I, From Augustus to the end of the third century AD (Vestigia 62), Munich, 2012. II, Late Roman, Byzantine and other texts (Vestigia 72), Munich, 2019.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Apameia Pylai</td>
    <td>Thomas Corsten, Die Inschriften von Apameia (Bithynien) und Pylai (IGSK 32), Bonn, 1987.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Aphrodisias 2007</td>
    <td>Joyce Reynolds / Charlotte Roueché / Gabriel Bodard, Inscriptions of Aphrodisias, 2007, URL: https://insaph.kcl.ac.uk/iaph2007/.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Apollonia Illyrie</td>
    <td>Pierre Cabanes, Corpus des inscriptions grecques d'Ilyrie méridionale et d'Épire I. Inscriptions d'Épidamne-Dyrrhachion et d'Apollonia 2.A. Inscriptions d'Apollonia d'Ilyrie (ÉtÉpigr 2), Athènes / Paris, 1997.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Assos</td>
    <td>Reinhold Merkelbach, Die Inschriften von Assos (IGSK 4), Bonn, 1976.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Atrax</td>
    <td>Athanasios Tziafalias et al., Corpus des inscriptions d'Atrax en Pélasgiotide (Thessalie), Athènes, 2016.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Chr. Salona</td>
    <td>Nancy Gauthier / Emilio Marin / Françoise Prévot, Salona IV. Inscriptions de Salone chrétienne, IVe-VIIe siècles, Rome, 2010.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Colosse Memnon</td>
    <td>Étienne Bernand, Les inscriptions grecques et latines du Colosse de Memnon, Le Caire, 1960.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Concordia</td>
    <td>Giovanni Lettich, Le iscrizioni sepolcrali tardoantiche di Concordia, Trieste, 1983.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Cret.</td>
    <td>Margherita Guarducci, Inscriptiones Creticae, 4 vols., Roma, 1935–1950.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Délos</td>
    <td>Félix Durrbach, Inscriptions de Délos, Paris, 1926–1937.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Delphinion</td>
    <td>Georg Kawerau / Albert Rehm, Milet I 3. Das Delphinion in Milet, Berlin, 1914.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Didyma</td>
    <td>Albert Rehm, Didyma II. Die Inschriften, Berlin, 1958.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Dodone Evangelidi</td>
    <td>Sotirios I. Dakaris / Ioulia Vokotopoulou / Anastasios-Phivos Christidis, Τα χρηστήρια ελάσματα της Δωδώνης των ανασκαφών Δ. Ευαγγελίδη Ι-ΙΙ, Αθήνα, 2013.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Dodone Lhôte</td>
    <td>Éric Lhôte, Les lamelles oraculaires de Dodone (Hautes études du monde gréco-romain 36), Genève, 2006.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Égypte métriques</td>
    <td>Étienne Bernand, Inscriptions métriques de l'Égypte gréco-romaine. Recherches sur la poésie épigrammatique des Grecs en Égypte, Paris, 1969.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Égypte Nubie Louvre</td>
    <td>Étienne Bernand, Inscriptions grecques d'Égypte et de Nubie au musée du Louvre, Paris, 1992.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Eleusis</td>
    <td>Kevin Clinton, Eleusis. The Inscriptions on Stone. Documents of the Sanctuary of the Two Goddesses and Public Documents of the Deme, 2 vols., (BAAH 236 & 259), Athens, 2005–2008.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Ephesos</td>
    <td>Hermann Wankel / Reinhold Merkelbach et al., Die Inschriften von Ephesos I-VII (IGSK 11–17), Bonn, 1979–1981.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Epidauros Suppl.</td>
    <td>Werner Peek, Neue Inschriften aus Epidauros, Berlin, 1972.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Erythrai Klazomenai</td>
    <td>Helmut Engelmann / Reinhold Merkelbach, Die Inschriften von Erythrai und Klazomenai (IGSK 1–2), Bonn, 1972–1973.</td>
  </tr>
</table>
<table>
  <tr>
    <td>Hebrew Inscriptions</td>
    <td>F.W. Dobbs-Allsopp et al., Hebrew Inscriptions, Texts from the Biblical Period of the Monarchy with Concordance, New Haven, 2005.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>HGANT</td>
    <td>Angelika Berlejung / Christian Frevel (eds.), Handbuch theologischer Grundbegriffe zum Alten und Neuen Testament<sup>5</sup>, Darmstadt, 2016.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>HW<sup>2</sup></td>
    <td>Johannes Friedrich / Annelis Kammenhuber, Hethitisches Wörterbuch. Zweite, völlig neubearbeitete Auflage auf der Grundlage der edierten hethitischen Texte, Heidelberg, 1975–.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Ancyra</td>
    <td>Stephen Mitchell / David French, The Greek and Latin Inscriptions of Ankara (Ancyra) I, From Augustus to the end of the third century AD (Vestigia 62), Munich, 2012. II, Late Roman, Byzantine and other texts (Vestigia 72), Munich, 2019.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Apameia Pylai</td>
    <td>Thomas Corsten, Die Inschriften von Apameia (Bithynien) und Pylai (IGSK 32), Bonn, 1987.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Aphrodisias 2007</td>
    <td>Joyce Reynolds / Charlotte Roueché / Gabriel Bodard, Inscriptions of Aphrodisias, 2007, URL: https://insaph.kcl.ac.uk/iaph2007/.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Apollonia Illyrie</td>
    <td>Pierre Cabanes, Corpus des inscriptions grecques d'Ilyrie méridionale et d'Épire I. Inscriptions d'Épidamne-Dyrrhachion et d'Apollonia 2.A. Inscriptions d'Apollonia d'Ilyrie (ÉtÉpigr 2), Athènes / Paris, 1997.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Assos</td>
    <td>Reinhold Merkelbach, Die Inschriften von Assos (IGSK 4), Bonn, 1976.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Atrax</td>
    <td>Athanasios Tziafalias et al., Corpus des inscriptions d'Atrax en Pélasgiotide (Thessalie), Athènes, 2016.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Chr. Salona</td>
    <td>Nancy Gauthier / Emilio Marin / Françoise Prévot, Salona IV. Inscriptions de Salone chrétienne, IVe-VIIe siècles, Rome, 2010.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Colosse Memnon</td>
    <td>Étienne Bernand, Les inscriptions grecques et latines du Colosse de Memnon, Le Caire, 1960.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Concordia</td>
    <td>Giovanni Lettich, Le iscrizioni sepolcrali tardoantiche di Concordia, Trieste, 1983.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Cret.</td>
    <td>Margherita Guarducci, Inscriptiones Creticae, 4 vols., Roma, 1935–1950.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Délos</td>
    <td>Félix Durrbach, Inscriptions de Délos, Paris, 1926–1937.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Delphinion</td>
    <td>Georg Kawerau / Albert Rehm, Milet I 3. Das Delphinion in Milet, Berlin, 1914.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Didyma</td>
    <td>Albert Rehm, Didyma II. Die Inschriften, Berlin, 1958.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Dodone Evangelidi</td>
    <td>Sotirios I. Dakaris / Ioulia Vokotopoulou / Anastasios-Phivos Christidis, Τα χρηστήρια ελάσματα της Δωδώνης των ανασκαφών Δ. Ευαγγελίδη Ι-ΙΙ, Αθήνα, 2013.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Dodone Lhôte</td>
    <td>Éric Lhôte, Les lamelles oraculaires de Dodone (Hautes études du monde gréco-romain 36), Genève, 2006.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Égypte métriques</td>
    <td>Étienne Bernand, Inscriptions métriques de l'Égypte gréco-romaine. Recherches sur la poésie épigrammatique des Grecs en Égypte, Paris, 1969.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Égypte Nubie Louvre</td>
    <td>Étienne Bernand, Inscriptions grecques d'Égypte et de Nubie au musée du Louvre, Paris, 1992.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Eleusis</td>
    <td>Kevin Clinton, Eleusis. The Inscriptions on Stone. Documents of the Sanctuary of the Two Goddesses and Public Documents of the Deme, 2 vols., (BAAH 236 & 259), Athens, 2005–2008.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Ephesos</td>
    <td>Hermann Wankel / Reinhold Merkelbach et al., Die Inschriften von Ephesos I-VII (IGSK 11–17), Bonn, 1979–1981.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Epidauros Suppl.</td>
    <td>Werner Peek, Neue Inschriften aus Epidairos, Berlin, 1972.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Erythrai Klazomenai</td>
    <td>Helmut Engelmann / Reinhold Merkelbach, Die Inschriften von Erythrai und Klazomenai (IGSK 1–2), Bonn, 1972–1973.</td>
  </tr>
</table>
<table>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Estremo Oriente</td>
    <td>Filippo Canali De Rossi, <i>Iscrizioni dello Estremo Oriente Greco. Un repertorio</i> (IGSK 65), Bonn, 2004.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Fayoum</td>
    <td>Étienne Bernand, <i>Recueil des inscriptions grecques du Fayoum</i>, 3 vols, Leyde, 1975–1981.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Gerasa</td>
    <td>Charles B. Welles, “Inscriptions”, in: Carl H. Kraeling (ed.), <i>Gerasa. City of the Decapolis, New Haven, 1938, 355–494, 573–616</i>, pl. 61–138.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Iasos</td>
    <td>Wolfgang Blümel, <i>Die Inschriften von Iasos</i> (IGSK 28 1–2), Bonn, 1985.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Jordanie</td>
    <td>Pierre-Louis Gatier et al., <i>Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie XXI. Inscriptions de la Jordanie</i>, Paris / Beyrouth, 1986–.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Jud. Orientis</td>
    <td>David Noy et al., <i>Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis</i>, 3 vols., Tübingen, 2004.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Knidos</td>
    <td>Wolfgang Blümel, <i>Die Inschriften von Knidos I-II (IGSK 41–42)</i>, Bonn 1992–2019.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Kyme</td>
    <td>Helmut Engelmann, <i>Die Inschriften von Kyme</i> (IGSK 5), Bonn, 1976.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Lindos</td>
    <td>Christian Blinkenberg, <i>Lindos. Fouilles et recherches II. Fouilles de l'acropole. Inscriptions</i>, Berlin, 1941.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Magnesia</td>
    <td>Otto Kern, <i>Die Inschriften von Magnesia am Maeander</i>, Berlin, 1900.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Messina</td>
    <td>Irma Bitto, <i>Le Iscrizioni Greche e Latine di Messina</i>, Messina, 2001.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Milet</td>
    <td>Albert Rehm / Peter Herrmann et al., <i>Milet VI. Inschriften von Milet, Berlin</i>, 1997–2006.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Miletupolis</td>
    <td>Elmar Schwertheim, <i>Die Inschriften von Kyzikos und Umgebung II. Miletupolis. Inschriften und Denkmäler (IGSK 26)</i>, Bonn, 1983.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Moab</td>
    <td>Reginetta Canova, <i>Iscrizioni e monumenti protocristiani del paese di Moab</i>, Roma, 1954.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Molossie</td>
    <td>Pierre Cabanes, <i>Corpus des inscriptions grecques d’Illyrie méridionale et d’Épire IV. Inscriptions de la Molossie</i> (ÉtÉpigr 2), Athènes / Paris, 2020.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Mus. Iznik</td>
    <td>Sencer Şahin, <i>Katalog der antiken Inschriften des Museums von Iznik (Nikaia) I-II 1–3 (IGSK 9–10.3)</i>, Bonn, 1979–1987.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Mylasa</td>
    <td>Wolfgang Blümel, <i>Die Inschriften von Mylasa I-II (IGSK 34–35)</i>, Bonn, 1987–1988.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Olbia</td>
    <td>T.N. Knipovich / Elena I. Levi, <i>Inscriptiones Olbiae (Nadpisi Ol’vii)</i> (1917–1965), St. Petersburg, 1968.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Olympia</td>
    <td>Wilhelm Dittenberger / Karl Purgold, <i>Die Inschriften von Olympia, Amsterdam, [1896] 1966.</i></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Olympia Suppl.</td>
    <td>Peter Siewert / Hans Taeuber, <i>Neue Inschriften von Olympia. Die ab 1896 veröffentlichten Texte</i>, Wien, 2013.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Pergamon</td>
    <td>Max Fränkel, <i>Altertümer von Pergamon VIII. Die Inschriften von Pergamon</i>, 2 vols., Berlin, 1890–1895.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Philae</td>
    <td>André Bernand / Étienne Bernand, <i>Les inscriptions grecques de Philae. I. Époque ptolemaïque. II. Haut et bas empire</i>, Paris, 1969.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Portes du désert</td>
    <td>André Bernand, <i>Les Portes du désert. Recueil des inscriptions grecques d’Antinooupolis, Tentyris, Koptos, Apollonopolis Parva et Apollonopolis Magna</i>, Paris, 1984.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Priene B – M</td>
    <td>Wolfgang Blümel / Reinhold Merkelbach, <i>Die Inschriften von Priene (IGSK 69)</i>, Bonn, 2014.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Prusa</td>
    <td>Thomas Corsten, <i>Die Inschriften von Prusa ad Olympum I-II (IGSK 39–40)</i>, Bonn, 1991–1993.</td>
  </tr>
</table>
<table>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Estremo Oriente</td>
    <td>Filippo Canali De Rossi, <i>Iscrizioni dello Estremo Oriente Greco. Un repertorio</i> (IGSK 65), Bonn, 2004.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Fayoum</td>
    <td>Étienne Bernand, <i>Recueil des inscriptions grecques du Fayoum</i>, 3 vols, Leyde, 1975–1981.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Gerasa</td>
    <td>Charles B. Welles, “Inscriptions”, in: Carl H. Kraeling (ed.), <i>Gerasa. City of the Decapolis, New Haven, 1938, 355–494, 573–616</i>, pl. 61–138.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Iasos</td>
    <td>Wolfgang Blümel, <i>Die Inschriften von Iasos</i> (IGSK 28 1–2), Bonn, 1985.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Jordanie</td>
    <td>Pierre-Louis Gatier et al., <i>Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie XXI. Inscriptions de la Jordanie</i>, Paris / Beyrouth, 1986–.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Jud. Orientis</td>
    <td>David Noy et al., <i>Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis</i>, 3 vols., Tübingen, 2004.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Knidos</td>
    <td>Wolfgang Blümel, <i>Die Inschriften von Knidos I-II (IGSK 41–42)</i>, Bonn 1992–2019.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Kyme</td>
    <td>Helmut Engelmann, <i>Die Inschriften von Kyme</i> (IGSK 5), Bonn, 1976.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Lindos</td>
    <td>Christian Blinkenberg, <i>Lindos. Fouilles et recherches II. Fouilles de l'acropole. Inscriptions</i>, Berlin, 1941.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Magnesia</td>
    <td>Otto Kern, <i>Die Inschriften von Magnesia am Maeander</i>, Berlin, 1900.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Messina</td>
    <td>Irma Bitto, <i>Le Iscrizioni Greche e Latine di Messina</i>, Messina, 2001.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Milet</td>
    <td>Albert Rehm / Peter Herrmann et al., <i>Milet VI. Inschriften von Milet, Berlin</i>, 1997–2006.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Miletupolis</td>
    <td>Elmar Schwertheim, <i>Die Inschriften von Kyzikos und Umgebung II. Miletupolis. Inschriften und Denkmäler (IGSK 26)</i>, Bonn, 1983.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Moab</td>
    <td>Reginetta Canova, <i>Iscrizioni e monumenti protocristiani del paese di Moab</i>, Roma, 1954.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Molossie</td>
    <td>Pierre Cabanes, <i>Corpus des inscriptions grecques d’Illyrie méridionale et d’Épire IV. Inscriptions de la Molossie</i> (ÉtÉpigr 2), Athènes / Paris, 2020.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Mus. Iznik</td>
    <td>Sencer Şahin, <i>Katalog der antiken Inschriften des Museums von Iznik (Nikaia) I-II 1–3 (IGSK 9–10.3)</i>, Bonn, 1979–1987.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Mylasa</td>
    <td>Wolfgang Blümel, <i>Die Inschriften von Mylasa I-II (IGSK 34–35)</i>, Bonn, 1987–1988.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Olbia</td>
    <td>T.N. Knipovich / Elena I. Levi, <i>Inscriptiones Olbiae (Nadpisi Ol’vii)</i> (1917–1965), St. Petersburg, 1968.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Olympia</td>
    <td>Wilhelm Dittenberger / Karl Purgold, <i>Die Inschriften von Olympia, Amsterdam, [1896] 1966.</i></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Olympia Suppl.</td>
    <td>Peter Siewert / Hans Taeuber, <i>Neue Inschriften von Olympia. Die ab 1896 veröffentlichten Texte</i>, Wien, 2013.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Pergamon</td>
    <td>Max Fränkel, <i>Altertümer von Pergamon VIII. Die Inschriften von Pergamon</i>, 2 vols., Berlin, 1890–1895.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Philae</td>
    <td>André Bernand / Étienne Bernand, <i>Les inscriptions grecques de Philae. I. Époque ptolemaïque. II. Haut et bas empire</i>, Paris, 1969.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Portes du désert</td>
    <td>André Bernand, <i>Les Portes du désert. Recueil des inscriptions grecques d’Antinooupolis, Tentyris, Koptos, Apollonopolis Parva et Apollonopolis Magna</i>, Paris, 1984.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Priene B – M</td>
    <td>Wolfgang Blümel / Reinhold Merkelbach, <i>Die Inschriften von Priene (IGSK 69)</i>, Bonn, 2014.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Prusa</td>
    <td>Thomas Corsten, <i>Die Inschriften von Prusa ad Olympum I-II (IGSK 39–40)</i>, Bonn, 1991–1993.</td>
  </tr>
</table>
<table>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Rhamnous</td>
    <td>Vasilios Chr. Petrakos, Ο Δήμος τοῦ Ραμνοῦντος. Ξύνοψη τῶν ἀνασκαφῶν καὶ τῶν ἑρευνῶν (1813–1998) II. Οἱ Ἐπιγραφές (ΒΑΑΗ 182), Ἀθῆναι, 1999; VI. Οἱ ἐπιγραφές, τα χαράγματα, τα σταθμά, οἱ μαρτυρίες (ΒΑΑΗ 327), Ἀθῆναι, 2020.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Roman Cyrenaica</td>
    <td>Joyce Reynolds / Charlotte Roueché / Gabriel Bodard, Inscriptions of Roman Cyrenaica, 2020. URL: https://ircyr2020.inslib.kcl.ac.uk/en/.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Smyrna</td>
    <td>Georg Petzl, Die Inschriften von Smyrna I-II.1–2 (IGSK 23–24.1–2), Bonn, 1982–1990.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Stratonikeia</td>
    <td>M. Çetin Şahin, Die Inschriften von Stratonikeia I-III (IGSK 21; 22 1–2; 68), Bonn, 1981–2010.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Syrie</td>
    <td>W.H. Waddington, Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie, Paris, 1870.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Tomis</td>
    <td>Iorgu Stoian, Inscriptions Daciae et Scythiae minoris antiquae. Series altera. Inscriptiones Scythiae minoris Graecae et Latinae II. Tomis et territorium, Bucureşti, 1987.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Tralleis</td>
    <td>Fjodor B. Poljakov, Die Inschriften von Tralleis und Nysa I. Die Inschriften von Tralleis (IGSK 36, 1), Bonn, 1989.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Tyr nécropole</td>
    <td>Jean-Paul Rey-Coquais, Inscriptions grecques et latines découvertes dans les fouilles de Tyr (1963–1974) I. Inscriptions de la nécropole, Paris, 1977.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Zoora</td>
    <td>Yannis Meimaris / Kalliope Kritikakou-Nikolaropoulou, Inscriptions from Palaestina Tertia, vols. 1a-c, Athens, 2005–2016.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>IBoT</td>
    <td>H. Bozkurt et al., Istanbul Arkeoloji Müzelerinde bulunan Boğazköy Tableteri(nden Seçme Metinler), 4 vols., Istanbul, 1944–1988.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>ICS</td>
    <td>Olivier Masson, Les inscriptions chypriotes syllabiques. Recueil critique et commenté (Études chypriotes 1), Paris, 1961.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>ICUR</td>
    <td>Angelo Silvagni et al., Inscriptiones christianae urbis Romae saeculo antiquiores. Nova series, Roma, 1922–.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>IG</td>
    <td>Adolf Kirchhoff et al., Inscriptiones Graecae, Berlin, 1873–.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>IG Iran Asie centr.</td>
    <td>Georges Rougemont, Inscriptions grecques d'Iran et d'Asie centrale (Corpus Inscriptionum Iranicarum II. Inscriptions of the Seleucid and Parthian Periods and of Eastern Iran and Central Asia, vol. 1. Inscriptions in non Iranian Languages), Londres, 2012.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>IG Porto</td>
    <td>Giulia Sacco, Iscrizioni greche d'Italia. Porto, Roma, 1984.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>IG Velia</td>
    <td>Luigi Vecchio, Le iscrizioni greche di Velia (DAW 316), Vienna, 2003.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>IGASMG</td>
    <td>Renato Arena, Iscrizioni greche arcaiche di Sicilia e Magna Grecia, 5 vols., Alessandria, 1989–1998.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>IGBulg III.2</td>
    <td>Georgi Mihailov, Inscriptiones Graecae in Bulgaria repertae, vol. III. Inscriptiones inter Haemum et Rhodopem repertae. Fasciculus posterior: A territorio Philoppopolitano usque ad oram Ponticam, Sofia, 1964.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>IGDGG I</td>
    <td>Laurent Dubois, Inscriptions grecques dialectales de Grande Grèce, vol. I. Colonies eubéennes. Colonies ioniennes. Emporia, Genève, 1995.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>IGDOP</td>
    <td>Laurent Dubois, Inscriptions grecques dialectales d'Olbia du Pont (Hautes études du monde gréco-romain 22), Genève, 1996.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>IGDS</td>
    <td>Laurent Dubois, Inscriptions grecques dialectales de Sicile, 2 vols., Paris / Rome, 1989; Genève, 2008.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>IGLS</td>
    <td>Louis Jalabert et al., Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie, Paris, 1929–.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>IGR</td>
    <td>René Cagnat, Inscriptiones Graecae ad Res Romanas Pertinentes, Paris, 1901–1927.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>IGSK</td>
    <td>Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien, Bonn, 1973–.</td>
  </tr>
</table>
<table>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Rhamnous</td>
    <td>Vasilios Chr. Petrakos, Ο Δήμος τοῦ Ραμνοῦντος. Ξύνοψη τῶν ἀνασκαφῶν καὶ τῶν ἐρευνῶν (1813–1998) II. Οἱ Ἐπιγραφές (ΒΑΑΗ 182), Ἀθῆναι, 1999; VI. Οἱ ἐπιγραφές, τα χαράγματα, τα σταθμά, οἱ μαρτυρίες (ΒΑΑΗ 327), Ἀθῆναι, 2020.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Roman Cyrenaica</td>
    <td>Joyce Reynolds / Charlotte Roueché / Gabriel Bodard, Inscriptions of Roman Cyrenaica, 2020. URL: https://ircyr2020.inslib.kcl.ac.uk/en/.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Smyrna</td>
    <td>Georg Petzl, Die Inschriften von Smyrna I-II.1–2 (IGSK 23–24.1–2), Bonn, 1982–1990.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Stratonikeia</td>
    <td>M. Çetin Şahin, Die Inschriften von Stratonikeia I-III (IGSK 21; 22 1–2; 68), Bonn, 1981–2010.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Syrie</td>
    <td>W.H. Waddington, Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie, Paris, 1870.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Tomis</td>
    <td>Iorgu Stoian, Inscriptions Daciae et Scythiae minoris antiquae. Series altera. Inscriptiones Scythiae minoris Graecae et Latinae II. Tomis et territorium, Bucureşti, 1987.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Tralleis</td>
    <td>Fjodor B. Poljakov, Die Inschriften von Tralleis und Nysa I. Die Inschriften von Tralleis (IGSK 36, 1), Bonn, 1989.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Tyr nécropole</td>
    <td>Jean-Paul Rey-Coquais, Inscriptions grecques et latines découvertes dans les fouilles de Tyr (1963–1974) I. Inscriptions de la nécropole, Paris, 1977.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>I.Zoora</td>
    <td>Yannis Meimaris / Kalliope Kritikakou-Nikolaropoulou, Inscriptions from Palaestina Tertia, vols. 1a-c, Athens, 2005–2016.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>IBoT</td>
    <td>H. Bozkurt et al., Istanbul Arkeoloji Müzelerinde bulunan Boğazköy Tableteri(nden Seçme Metinler), 4 vols., Istanbul, 1944–1988.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>ICS</td>
    <td>Olivier Masson, Les inscriptions chypriotes syllabiques. Recueil critique et commenté (Études chypriotes 1), Paris, 1961.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>ICUR</td>
    <td>Angelo Silvagni et al., Inscriptiones christianae urbis Romae saeculo antiquiores. Nova series, Roma, 1922–.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>IG</td>
    <td>Adolf Kirchhoff et al., Inscriptiones Graecae, Berlin, 1873–.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>IG Iran Asie centr.</td>
    <td>Georges Rougemont, Inscriptions grecques d'Iran et d'Asie centrale (Corpus Inscriptionum Iranicarum II. Inscriptions of the Seleucid and Parthian Periods and of Eastern Iran and Central Asia, vol. 1. Inscriptions in non Iranian Languages), Londres, 2012.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>IG Porto</td>
    <td>Giulia Sacco, Iscrizioni greche d'Italia. Porto, Roma, 1984.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>IG Velia</td>
    <td>Luigi Vecchio, Le iscrizioni greche di Velia (DAW 316), Vienna, 2003.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>IGASMG</td>
    <td>Renato Arena, Iscrizioni greche arcaiche di Sicilia e Magna Grecia, 5 vols., Alessandria, 1989–1998.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>IGBulg III.2</td>
    <td>Georgi Mihailov, Inscriptiones Graecae in Bulgaria repertae, vol. III. Inscriptiones inter Haemum et Rhodopem repertae. Fasciculus posterior: A territorio Philoppopolitano usque ad oram Ponticam, Sofia, 1964.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>IGDGG I</td>
    <td>Laurent Dubois, Inscriptions grecques dialectales de Grande Grèce, vol. I. Colonies eubéennes. Colonies ioniennes. Emporia, Genève, 1995.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>IGDOP</td>
    <td>Laurent Dubois, Inscriptions grecques dialectales d'Olbia du Pont (Hautes études du monde gréco-romain 22), Genève, 1996.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>IGDS</td>
    <td>Laurent Dubois, Inscriptions grecques dialectales de Sicile, 2 vols., Paris / Rome, 1989; Genève, 2008.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>IGLS</td>
    <td>Louis Jalabert et al., Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie, Paris, 1929–.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>IGR</td>
    <td>René Cagnat, Inscriptiones Graecae ad Res Romanas Pertinentes, Paris, 1901–1927.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>IGSK</td>
    <td>Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien, Bonn, 1973–.</td>
  </tr>
</table>
IGUR
Luigi Moretti, *Inscriptiones Graecae Urbis Romae*, Roma, 1968–1990.

ILS
Hermann Dessau, *Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae*, Berlin, 1892–1916.

IMS
Miroslava Mirkovič et al., *Inscriptions de la Mésie Supérieure*, Belgrade, 1976–1995.

IPArk
Gerhard Thür / Hans Taeuber, *Prozessrechtliche Inschriften der griechischen Poleis. Arkadien (IPArk)*, Wien 1994.

Jones
A.H.M. Jones, “Inscriptions from Jerash”, in: *Journal of Roman Studies*, 18, 2, 1928, 144–178.

KAI
Herbert Donner / Wolfgang Röllig, *Kanaanäische und aramäische Inschriften, I-III, Wiesbaden, 1962–2002*.

Kaczko, *Attic Dedicatory Epigrams*
Sara Kaczko, *Archaic and Classical Attic Dedicatory Epigrams. An Epigraphic, Literary and Linguistic Commentary*, Berlin / Boston, 2016.

KBo
Emil Forrer et al., *Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazköi, 70 vols., Leipzig / Berlin, 1916–2015*.

KN
John Chadwick / John Tyrell Killen / Jean-Pierre Olivier, *The Knossos Tablets. A Transliteration, Salamanca, 1989⁵*.

KUB
Keilschrifturkunden aus Boghazköi, Berlin, 1921–.

KYP
Korshi Dosoo / Edward O.D. Love / Markéta Preininger, *Kyprianos Database of Ancient Ritual Texts and Objects*, http://www.coptic-magic.phil.uni-wuerzburg.de, accessed on 23/06/2023.

L.
Emmanuel Laroche, *Les hiéroglyphes hittites*, Paris, 1960.

L-M
André Laks / Glenn W. Most, *Early Greek Philosophy*, Cambridge MA, 2016.

LDAB
Leuven Database of Ancient Books, online: https://www.trismegistos.org/ldab/, accessed on 23/06/2023.

LGPN
Peter M. Fraser / Elizabeth Matthews et al., *A Lexicon of Greek personal names*, Oxford, 1987–.

LIMC
Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae, 10 vols., Zürich et al., 1981–2009.

LSAM
Franciszek Sokolowski, *Lois sacrées d'Asie mineure*, Paris, 1955.

LSCG
Franciszek Sokolowski, *Lois sacrées des cités grecques*, Paris, 1969.

LSCG Suppl.
Franciszek Sokolowski, *Lois sacrées des cités grecques. Supplément*, Paris, 1962.

LSJ
Henry G. Liddell / Robert Scott / Henry Stuart Jones (eds.), *A Greek-English lexicon,⁹ with a revised supplement*, Oxford, 1996.

Lyon
David Gordon Lyon, *Keilschrifttextte Sargon's, Königs von Assyrien (722–705 v. Chr.) nach den Originalen neu herausgegeben, umschrieben, übersetzt und erklärt (Assyriologische Bibliothek 5)*, Leipzig, 1883.

LW
Roberto Gusmani, *Lydisches Wörterbuch. Mit grammatischer Skitze und Inschriftensammlung*, Heidelberg, 1964.

MAMA
W.M. Calder et al., *Monumenta Asiae Minoris*, Manchester / London, 1928–.

MARV
Helmut Freydank, *Mittelassyrische Rechtsurkunden und Verwaltungstexte*, 2 vols. (Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmäler der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin n.s. 3 and 5), Berlin, 1976–1982.

Meiggs – Lewis, GHI
Russell Meiggs / David Lewis, *A Selection of Greek Historical Inscriptions to the End of the Fifth Century B.C.*, Oxford, 1969.

N
Günter Neumann, *Neufunde lykischer Inschriften seit 1901*, Wien, 1979.

ND
Field numbers of the tablets excavated at Nimrud (Kalḥu/Calaḥ).
IGUR
Luigi Moretti, *Inscriptiones Graecae Urbis Romae*, Roma, 1968–1990.

ILS
Hermann Dessau, *Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae*, Berlin, 1892–1916.

IMS
Miroslawa Mirkovič et al., *Inscriptions de la Mésie Supérieure*, Belgrade, 1976–1995.

IPArk
Gerhard Thür / Hans Taeuber, *Prozessrechtliche Inschriften der griechischen Poleis. Arkadien (IPArk)*, Wien 1994.

Jones
A.H.M. Jones, “Inscriptions from Jerash”, in: *Journal of Roman Studies*, 18, 2, 1928, 144–178.

KAI
Herbert Donner / Wolfgang Röllig, *Kanaanäische und aramäische Inschriften, I-III, Wiesbaden, 1962–2002*.

Kaczko, *Attic Dedicatory Epigrams*
Sara Kaczko, *Archaic and Classical Attic Dedicatory Epigrams. An Epigraphic, Literary and Linguistic Commentary*, Berlin / Boston, 2016.

KBo
Emil Forrer et al., *Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazköi, 70 vols., Leipzig / Berlin, 1916–2015*.

KN
John Chadwick / John Tyrell Killen / Jean-Pierre Olivier, *The Knossos Tablets. A Transliteration, Salamanca, 1989⁵*.

KUB
Keilschrifturkunden aus Boghazköi, Berlin, 1921–.

KYP
Korshi Dosoo / Edward O.D. Love / Markéta Preininger, *Kyprianos Database of Ancient Ritual Texts and Objects*, http://www.coptic-magic.phil.uni-wuerzburg.de, accessed on 23/06/2023.

L.
Emmanuel Laroche, *Les hiéroglyphes hittites*, Paris, 1960.

L-M
André Laks / Glenn W. Most, *Early Greek Philosophy*, Cambridge MA, 2016.

LDAB
Leuven Database of Ancient Books, online: https://www.trismegistos.org/ldab/, accessed on 23/06/2023.

LGPN
Peter M. Fraser / Elizabeth Matthews et al., *A Lexicon of Greek personal names*, Oxford, 1987–.

LIMC
Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae, 10 vols., Zürich et al., 1981–2009.

LSAM
Franciszek Sokolowski, *Lois sacrées d'Asie mineure*, Paris, 1955.

LSCG
Franciszek Sokolowski, *Lois sacrées des cités grecques*, Paris, 1969.

LSCG Suppl.
Franciszek Sokolowski, *Lois sacrées des cités grecques. Supplément*, Paris, 1962.

LSJ
Henry G. Liddell / Robert Scott / Henry Stuart Jones (eds.), *A Greek-English lexicon,⁹ with a revised supplement*, Oxford, 1996.

Lyon
David Gordon Lyon, *Keilschrifttextte Sargon's, Königs von Assyrien (722–705 v. Chr.) nach den Originalen neu herausgegeben, umschrieben, übersetzt und erklärt (Assyriologische Bibliothek 5)*, Leipzig, 1883.

LW
Roberto Gusmani, *Lydisches Wörterbuch. Mit grammatischer Skitze und Inschriftensammlung*, Heidelberg, 1964.

MAMA
W.M. Calder et al., *Monumenta Asiae Minoris*, Manchester / London, 1928–.

MARV
Helmut Freydank, *Mittelassyrische Rechtsurkunden und Verwaltungstexte*, 2 vols. (Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmäler der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin n.s. 3 and 5), Berlin, 1976–1982.

Meiggs – Lewis, GHI
Russell Meiggs / David Lewis, *A Selection of Greek Historical Inscriptions to the End of the Fifth Century B.C.*, Oxford, 1969.

N
Günter Neumann, *Neufunde lykischer Inschriften seit 1901*, Wien, 1979.

ND
Field numbers of the tablets excavated at Nimrud (Kalḥu/Calaḥ).
NH
Emmanuel Laroche, *Les noms des Hittites*, Paris, 1966.

Nestle-Aland
Eberhard Nestle / Kurt Aland, *Novum Testamentum Graece cum apparatu critico*²⁷, Stuttgart, 2001.

Nomima
Henri Van Effenterre / Françoise Ruzé, *Nomima. Recueil d'inscriptions politiques et juridiques de l'archaïsme grec*, 2 vols., Rome 1994–1995.

NRSV
Michael D. Coogan, *The New Oxford Annotated Bible. New Revised Standard Version with The Apocrypha. An Ecumenical Study Bible*⁵, Oxford, 2018.

OGIS
Wilhelm Dittenberger, *Orientis graeci inscriptiones selectae*, Leipzig, 1903–1905; repr. 1960.

Orph. Fragm.
Otto Kern, *Orphicum Fragmenta*, Berlin, 1922.

Osborne – Rhodes, GHI
Robin Osborne, P.J. Rhodes, *Greek Historical Inscriptions*, 478–404 BC, Oxford, 2017.

P.Amherst
Bernard P. Grenfell / Arthus S. Hunt, *The Amherst Papyri*, London, 1900–1901.

P.Cairo
Wilhelm Spiegelberg, *Service des Antiquités de l'Égypte. Catalogue général des antiquités égyptiennes du Musée du Caire. Die demotische Denkmäler*, 3 vols., Leipzig et al., 1904–1932.

P.Dem. Lille
Henri Sottas / Françoise de Cenival, *Papyrus démotiques de Lille*, 3 vols., Paris / Le Caire, 1927–1984.

P.Giss.
Jacques Schwartz, *Papyri variae Alexandrinae et Gissenses*, Bruxelles, 1969.

P.Leid.
Conrad Leemans, *Papyri Graeci Musei Antiquarii Lugduni-Batavi*, Leiden, 1843–1885.

P.Lond.
F.G. Kenyon et al., *Greek Papyri in the British Museum*, London, 1893–.

P.Louvre
Andrea Jördens, *Griechische Papyri aus Soknopaiu Nesos (P. Louvre I)*, Bonne, 1998; Andrea Jördens / Paul Schubert, *Griechische Papyri der Cahiers P. 1 und P. 2 aus der Sammlung des Louvre (P. Louvre II)*, Bonn, 2005; Andrea Jördens et al., *Griechische Papyri aus der Sammlung des Louvre (P. Louvre III)*, Bonn, 2022.

P.Oxy
Bernard P. Grenfell / Arthur S. Hunt et al., *The Oxyrhynchus Papyri*, London, 1898–.

P.Paris
J.A. Letronne et al., *Notices et textes des papyrus du Musée du Louvre et de la Bibliothèque Impériale*, Paris, 1865.

P.Petr.
John P. Mahaffy / J. Gilbart Smyly, *The Flinders Petrie Papyri*, 3 vols., Dublin, 1891–1905.

P.Philadelphia
Jean Scherer, *Papyrus de Philadelphia*, Le Caire, 1947.

PAT
Delbert R. Hillers / Eleonora Cussini, *Palmyrene Aramaic Texts*, Baltimore, 1996.

PIR²
Edmund Groag / Arthur Stein et al., *Prosopographia imperii Romani*, Berlin, 1933–2015.

PGM
Karl Preisendanz / Albert Henrichs, *Papyri Graecae Magicae. Die griechischen Zauberpapyri*, 2 vols., Stuttgart, 1973–1974; Robert W. Daniel / Franco Maltomini, *Supplementum Magicum*, 2 vols., Opladen, 1990–1992.

PMG
Denys L. Page, *Poetae Melici Graeci*, Oxford, 1962.

PNA
Karen Radner / Heather D. Baker, *The Prosopography of the Neo-Assyrian Empire*, 3 vols., Helsinki, 1998–2011.
NH Emmanuel Laroche, *Les noms des Hittites*, Paris, 1966.

Nestle-Aland Eberhard Nestle / Kurt Aland, *Novum Testamentum Graece cum apparatu critico*²⁷, Stuttgart, 2001.

Nomima Henri Van Effenterre / Françoise Ruzé, *Nomima. Recueil d'inscriptions politiques et juridiques de l'archaïsme grec*, 2 vols., Rome 1994–1995.

NRSV Michael D. Coogan, *The New Oxford Annotated Bible. New Revised Standard Version with The Apocrypha. An Ecumenical Study Bible*⁵, Oxford, 2018.

OGIS Wilhelm Dittenberger, *Orientis graeci inscriptiones selectae*, Leipzig, 1903–1905; repr. 1960.

Orph. Fragm. Otto Kern, *Orphicum Fragmenta*, Berlin, 1922.

Osborne – Rhodes, GHI Robin Osborne, P.J. Rhodes, *Greek Historical Inscriptions*, 478–404 BC, Oxford, 2017.

P.Amherst Bernard P. Grenfell / Arthus S. Hunt, *The Amherst Papyri*, London, 1900–1901.

P.Cairo Wilhelm Spiegelberg, *Service des Antiquités de l'Égypte. Catalogue général des antiquités égyptiennes du Musée du Caire. Die demotische Denkmäler*, 3 vols., Leipzig et al., 1904–1932.

P.Dem. Lille Henri Sottas / Françoise de Cenival, *Papyrus démotiques de Lille*, 3 vols., Paris / Le Caire, 1927–1984.

P.Giss. Jacques Schwartz, *Papyri variae Alexandrinae et Gissenses*, Bruxelles, 1969.

P.Leid. Conrad Leemans, *Papyri Graeci Musei Antiquarii Lugduni-Batavi*, Leiden, 1843–1885.

P.Lond. F.G. Kenyon et al., *Greek Papyri in the British Museum*, London, 1893–.

P.Louvre Andrea Jördens, *Griechische Papyri aus Soknopaiu Nesos (P. Louvre I)*, Bonne, 1998; Andrea Jördens / Paul Schubert, *Griechische Papyri der Cahiers P. 1 und P. 2 aus der Sammlung des Louvre (P. Louvre II)*, Bonn, 2005; Andrea Jördens et al., *Griechische Papyri aus der Sammlung des Louvre (P. Louvre III)*, Bonn, 2022.

P.Oxy Bernard P. Grenfell / Arthur S. Hunt et al., *The Oxyrhynchus Papyri*, London, 1898–.

P.Paris J.A. Letronne et al., *Notices et textes des papyrus du Musée du Louvre et de la Bibliothèque Impériale*, Paris, 1865.

P.Petr. John P. Mahaffy / J. Gilbart Smyly, *The Flinders Petrie Papyri*, 3 vols., Dublin, 1891–1905.

P.Philadelphia Jean Scherer, *Papyrus de Philadelphia*, Le Caire, 1947.

PAT Delbert R. Hillers / Eleonora Cussini, *Palmyrene Aramaic Texts*, Baltimore, 1996.

PIR² Edmund Groag / Arthur Stein et al., *Prosopographia imperii Romani*, Berlin, 1933–2015.

PGM Karl Preisendanz / Albert Henrichs, *Papyri Graecae Magicae. Die griechischen Zauberpapyri*, 2 vols., Stuttgart, 1973–1974; Robert W. Daniel / Franco Maltomini, *Supplementum Magicum*, 2 vols., Opladen, 1990–1992.

PMG Denys L. Page, *Poetae Melici Graeci*, Oxford, 1962.

PNA Karen Radner / Heather D. Baker, *The Prosopography of the Neo-Assyrian Empire*, 3 vols., Helsinki, 1998–2011.
PPUAES III
Enno Littmann et al., *Publications of the Princeton University
Archaeological Expeditions to Syria in 1904–1905 and 1909*, Leiden,
1907–1922.

PRU IV
Jean Nougayrol, *Le palais royal d’Ugarit IV. Textes accadiens des archives
sud*, Paris, 1956.

PSI
Girolamo Vitelli et al., *Papiri della Società Italiana*, Firenze, 1912–.

RE
Paulys Realencylopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, Stuttgart,
1894–1980.

Rhodes – Osborne, GHI
P.J. Rhodes / Robin Osborne, *Greek Historical Inscriptions*, 404–323 BC,
Oxford, 2003.

RICIS
Laurent Bricault, *Recueil des inscriptions concernant les cultes isiaques
(RICIS)*, 3 vols., Paris, 2005.

RIMA
A. Kirk Grayson, *The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Assyrian Periods*,
3 vols., Toronto, 1987–1996.

RINAP
Hayim Tadmor et al., *The Royal Inscriptions of the Neo-Assyrian Period*,
Winona Lake, 2011–.

RIA
Erich Ebeling et al. (eds.), *Reallexikon der Assyriologie und
Vorderasiatischen Archäologie*, Berlin et al., 1928–2017.

RPC
Andrew Burnett et al., *Roman Provincial Coinage*, London / Paris, 1992–.

RŠ
Ras Shamra.

RVAp
A.D. Trendall / Alexander Cambitoglou, *The Red-Figures Vases of Apulia*,
2 vols., Oxford, 1978–1982.

SAA
Simo Parpola et al., *State Archives of Assyria*, Helsinki, 1987–.

SAAB 9
Karlheinz Deller / Mario F. Fales / Liane Jakob-Rost, “Neo-Assyrian
Texts from Assur Private Archives. Part 2”, in: *State Archives of Assyria
Bulletin* 9, 1995, 3–137.

SB
Friedrich Preisigke et al., *Sammelbuch griechischen Urkunden aus
Ägypten*, Berlin, 1915–.

SC
Series « Sources chrétiennes », Paris, Éditions du Cerf.

Schneider
Nikolaus Schneider, *Die Drehem- und Djohatexte im Kloster Monserrat
(AnOr 7) Rome, 1932*.

SEG
*Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum*, Amsterdam et al., 1923–.

Sherk, *Roman Documents*
Robert K. Sherk, *Roman Documents from the Greek East*. Senatus
Consulta and Epistulae to the Age of Augustus, Baltimore, 1969.

SIRIS
Ladislav Vidman, *Sylloge inscriptionum religionis Isiacae et Sarapiacae*,
Berlin, 1969.

SNG
Stanley Robinson et al. (1930–), *Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum*, London,
1930–.

Steinepigramme
Reinhold Merkelbach / Josef Stauber, *Steinepigramme aus dem
griechischen Osten I-V*, München, 1998–2004.

SVF
Hans von Arnim, *Stoicorum Veterum Fragmenta*, Berlin / Boston,
1978–1979.

Syll.³
Wilhelm Dittenberger, *Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum* (3rd ed.),
Leipzig, 1915–1924.

TAD
Bezalel Porten / Ada Yardeni, *Textbook of Aramaic Documents from
Ancient Egypt*, 4 vols., Jerusalem, 1986–1999.

TAM
Ernst Kalinka et al., *Tituli Asiae Minoris*, Wien, 1901–.

Theban Ostraca
Alan H. Gardiner et al., *Theban Ostraca*, Toronto, 1913.

ThesCRA
*Thesausus Cultus et Rituum Antiquorum*, Los Angeles, 2004–2014.
<table>
  <tr>
    <td>PPUAES III</td>
    <td>Enno Littmann et al., <i>Publications of the Princeton University Archaeological Expeditions to Syria in 1904–1905 and 1909</i>, Leiden, 1907–1922.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>PRU IV</td>
    <td>Jean Nougayrol, <i>Le palais royal d’Ugarit IV. Textes accadiens des archives sud</i>, Paris, 1956.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>PSI</td>
    <td>Girolamo Vitelli et al., <i>Papiri della Società Italiana</i>, Firenze, 1912–.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>RE</td>
    <td>Paulys Realencylopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, Stuttgart, 1894–1980.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Rhodes – Osborne, GHI</td>
    <td>P.J. Rhodes / Robin Osborne, <i>Greek Historical Inscriptions, 404–323 BC</i>, Oxford, 2003.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>RICIS</td>
    <td>Laurent Bricault, <i>Recueil des inscriptions concernant les cultes isiaques (RICIS)</i>, 3 vols., Paris, 2005.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>RIMA</td>
    <td>A. Kirk Grayson, <i>The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Assyrian Periods</i>, 3 vols., Toronto, 1987–1996.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>RINAP</td>
    <td>Hayim Tadmor et al., <i>The Royal Inscriptions of the Neo-Assyrian Period</i>, Winona Lake, 2011–.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>RIA</td>
    <td>Erich Ebeling et al. (eds.), <i>Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie</i>, Berlin et al., 1928–2017.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>RPC</td>
    <td>Andrew Burnett et al., <i>Roman Provincial Coinage</i>, London / Paris, 1992–.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>RŠ</td>
    <td>Ras Shamra.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>RVAp</td>
    <td>A.D. Trendall / Alexander Cambitoglou, <i>The Red-Figures Vases of Apulia</i>, 2 vols., Oxford, 1978–1982.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>SAA</td>
    <td>Simo Parpola et al., <i>State Archives of Assyria</i>, Helsinki, 1987–.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>SAAB 9</td>
    <td>Karlheinz Deller / Mario F. Fales / Liane Jakob-Rost, “Neo-Assyrian Texts from Assur Private Archives. Part 2”, in: <i>State Archives of Assyria Bulletin</i> 9, 1995, 3–137.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>SB</td>
    <td>Friedrich Preisigke et al., <i>Sammelbuch griechischen Urkunden aus Ägypten</i>, Berlin, 1915–.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>SC</td>
    <td>Series « Sources chrétiennes », Paris, Éditions du Cerf.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Schneider</td>
    <td>Nikolaus Schneider, <i>Die Drehem- und Djohatexte im Kloster Monserrat (AnOr 7) Rome</i>, 1932.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>SEG</td>
    <td><i>Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum</i>, Amsterdam et al., 1923–.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Sherk, <i>Roman Documents</i></td>
    <td>Robert K. Sherk, <i>Roman Documents from the Greek East</i>. Senatus Consulta and Epistulae to the Age of Augustus, Baltimore, 1969.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>SIRIS</td>
    <td>Ladislav Vidman, <i>Sylloge inscriptionum religionis Isiacae et Sarapiacae</i>, Berlin, 1969.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>SNG</td>
    <td>Stanley Robinson et al. (1930–), <i>Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum</i>, London, 1930–.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Steinepigramme</td>
    <td>Reinhold Merkelbach / Josef Stauber, <i>Steinepigramme aus dem griechischen Osten I-V</i>, München, 1998–2004.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>SVF</td>
    <td>Hans von Arnim, <i>Stoicorum Veterum Fragmenta</i>, Berlin / Boston, 1978–1979.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Syll.³</td>
    <td>Wilhelm Dittenberger, <i>Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum</i> (3rd ed.), Leipzig, 1915–1924.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>TAD</td>
    <td>Bezalel Porten / Ada Yardeni, <i>Textbook of Aramaic Documents from Ancient Egypt</i>, 4 vols., Jerusalem, 1986–1999.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>TAM</td>
    <td>Ernst Kalinka et al., <i>Tituli Asiae Minoris</i>, Wien, 1901–.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Theban Ostraca</td>
    <td>Alan H. Gardiner et al., <i>Theban Ostraca</i>, Toronto, 1913.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>ThesCRA</td>
    <td><i>Thesausus Cultus et Rituum Antiquorum</i>, Los Angeles, 2004–2014.</td>
  </tr>
</table>
ThWAT
Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Alten Testament, 10 vols., Stuttgart,
1973–2000.

TM
Trismegistos, online: https://www.trismegistos.org, accessed on 23/06/
2023.

Trémouille, Répertoire
Marie-Claude Trémouille (2006), Répertoire onomastique, 2006. URL:
https://www.hethport.uni-wuerzburg.de/hetonom/ONOMASTIdata.
html.

TSSI
John C.L. Gibson / John F. Healey, Textbook of Syrian Semitic Inscriptions,
Oxford, 1971–2009.

Ugaritica V
Jean Nougayrol et al. (1968), Ugaritica V. Nouveaux textes accadiens,
hourrites et ugaritiques des archives et bibliothèques privées d'Ugarit.
Commentaires des textes historiques (première partie) (Mission de Ras
Shamra 16), Paris, 1968.

VAT
Museum siglum of the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin
(Vorderasiatische Abteilung. Tontafeln).

VS
Friedrich Delitzsch et al., Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmäler der
Königlichen Museen zu Berlin, Berlin, 1907–1917.
<table>
   <tr>
    <td>ThWAT</td>
    <td>Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Alten Testament, 10 vols., Stuttgart, 1973–2000.</td>
   </tr>
   <tr>
    <td>TM</td>
    <td>Trismegistos, online: https://www.trismegistos.org, accessed on 23/06/ 2023.</td>
   </tr>
   <tr>
    <td>Trémouille, Répertoire</td>
    <td>Marie-Claude Trémouille (2006), Répertoire onomastique, 2006. URL: https://www.hethport.uni-wuerzburg.de/hetonom/ONOMASTIdata.html.</td>
   </tr>
   <tr>
    <td>TSSI</td>
    <td>John C.L. Gibson / John F. Healey, Textbook of Syrian Semitic Inscriptions, Oxford, 1971–2009.</td>
   </tr>
   <tr>
    <td>Ugaritica V</td>
    <td>Jean Nougayrol et al. (1968), Ugaritica V. Nouveaux textes accadiens, hourrites et ugaritiques des archives et bibliothèques privées d’Ugarit. Commentaires des textes historiques (première partie) (Mission de Ras Shamra 16), Paris, 1968.</td>
   </tr>
   <tr>
    <td>VAT</td>
    <td>Museum siglum of the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin (Vorderasiatische Abteilung. Tontafeln).</td>
   </tr>
   <tr>
    <td>VS</td>
    <td>Friedrich Delitzsch et al., Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmäler der Königlichen Museen zu Berlin, Berlin, 1907–1917.</td>
   </tr>
  </table>
<figure><img src="image_8.png" /></figure>
<figure><img src="image_9.png" /></figure>
Florian Réveilhac

# In the Name of Gods. In Search of Divine Epithets Through Luwic Personal Names

**Abstract:** Recent work on personal names in Luwic languages (mainly Luwian, Lycian and Carian) has shown that divine epithets play an important role in their formation. The present article takes this line of inquiry one step further by proposing a method for identifying divine epithets in these anthroponyms. Theonym + divine epithet formulae attested in the different corpora are sometimes directly or indirectly reflected in personal names. In other cases, it is possible to restore divine onomastic formulae through personal names thanks to a combinatorial analysis and parallels. It is then provisionally proposed to identify five main types of divine epithets entering into the formation of Luwic personal names: geographical epithets, epithets corresponding to the place of action of the deity, functional epithets, laudatory epithets and divine titles.

## 1 Introduction

The importance of anthroponymy in the study of Anatolian languages and cultures is no longer in any doubt:<fnref n="1" /> for several decades, this material has played a crucial role in understanding languages with often fragmentary corpora and peoples whose history is sometimes still unclear. It is therefore logical that onomastics has been the subject of several crucial works, allowing philologists, linguists, historians and historians of religions to better understand their objects of study. The great specificity of Anatolian onomastics is the diversity of its sources and the chronological depth of its attestations. Indeed, the Anatolian languages, that is, conventionally, the Indo-European languages attested in Anatolia and belonging to the Anatolian group (excluding, for example, Phrygian and Galatian, which are certainly Indo-European languages attested in Anatolia,

<figure><img src="image_9.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_10.png" /></figure>

<footnote n="1">1 I would like to thank the editors for their invitation to contribute to this volume. The considerations presented here were carried out in the initial stage of the project I am currently conducting under a fellowship from the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation, which I thank for its support. The abbreviations used are as follows: Car. = Caria(n), Cil. = Cilicia, Cun. = Cuneiform, Gk. = Greek, Hier. = Hieroglyphics, Hitt. = Hittite, Kibyr. = Kibyratis, (C/H)Luw. = (Cuneiform/Hieroglyphic) Luwian, Lyc. = Lycia(n), Pamph. = Pamphylia, PIE = Proto-Indo-European, Pis. = Pisidia(n). Each personal name cited in Greek is followed by a mention of its region of origin; for full references, see *LGPN* 5b (Car., Cil., Lyc.) and 5c (Kibyr., Pamph., Pis.). For name references in Carian, see Adiego 2007. Finally, it is worth mentioning the existence of the LAMAN interface (<https://laman.hittites.org>), developed by Ali Akman and Michele Cammarosano, which greatly facilitates research on anthroponyms attested in Hittite, cuneiform and hieroglyphic sources.</footnote>
Florian Réveilhac

# In the Name of Gods. In Search of Divine Epithets Through Luwic Personal Names

**Abstract:** Recent work on personal names in Luwic languages (mainly Luwian, Lycian and Carian) has shown that divine epithets play an important role in their formation. The present article takes this line of inquiry one step further by proposing a method for identifying divine epithets in these anthroponyms. Theonym + divine epithet formulae attested in the different corpora are sometimes directly or indirectly reflected in personal names. In other cases, it is possible to restore divine onomastic formulae through personal names thanks to a combinatorial analysis and parallels. It is then provisionally proposed to identify five main types of divine epithets entering into the formation of Luwic personal names: geographical epithets, epithets corresponding to the place of action of the deity, functional epithets, laudatory epithets and divine titles.

## 1 Introduction

The importance of anthroponymy in the study of Anatolian languages and cultures is no longer in any doubt:<fnref n="1" /> for several decades, this material has played a crucial role in understanding languages with often fragmentary corpora and peoples whose history is sometimes still unclear. It is therefore logical that onomastics has been the subject of several crucial works, allowing philologists, linguists, historians and historians of religions to better understand their objects of study. The great specificity of Anatolian onomastics is the diversity of its sources and the chronological depth of its attestations. Indeed, the Anatolian languages, that is, conventionally, the Indo-European languages attested in Anatolia and belonging to the Anatolian group (excluding, for example, Phrygian and Galatian, which are certainly Indo-European languages attested in Anatolia,

<figure><img src="image_10.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_11.png" /></figure>

<footnote n="1">1 I would like to thank the editors for their invitation to contribute to this volume. The considerations presented here were carried out in the initial stage of the project I am currently conducting under a fellowship from the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation, which I thank for its support. The abbreviations used are as follows: Car. = Caria(n), Cil. = Cilicia, Cun. = Cuneiform, Gk. = Greek, Hier. = Hieroglyphics, Hitt. = Hittite, Kibyr. = Kibyratis, (C/H)Luw. = (Cuneiform/Hieroglyphic) Luwian, Lyc. = Lycia(n), Pamph. = Pamphylia, PIE = Proto-Indo-European, Pis. = Pisidia(n). Each personal name cited in Greek is followed by a mention of its region of origin; for full references, see *LGPN* 5b (Car., Cil., Lyc.) and 5c (Kibyr., Pamph., Pis.). For name references in Carian, see Adiego 2007. Finally, it is worth mentioning the existence of the LAMAN interface (<https://laman.hittites.org>), developed by Ali Akman and Michele Cammarosano, which greatly facilitates research on anthroponyms attested in Hittite, cuneiform and hieroglyphic sources.</footnote>
but belonging to different branches), have been directly attested for more than a millen-
nium: Hittite, Luwian and Palaic, in the Bronze Age, in cuneiform script; Hieroglyphic
Luwian, between the Bronze and early Iron Ages; and the languages attested in the first
millennium, Lydian, Carian, Lycian, Sidetic and Pisidian, written in local alphabets.
Moreover, even after the disappearance of direct attestations, Anatolian personal
names remained in the Greek documentation of Anatolia until the Imperial Roman pe-
riod, thus providing a valuable extension of the continuity that has characterised Anato-
lian anthroponymy since the second millennium.

Within Anatolian personal names, as with other ancient anthroponymic systems, the category of theophoric names has a special place. Indeed, as names referring to deities, they are indicative of the “degré de popularité des dieux d’un panthéon, en dehors de toute influence littéraire”<fnref n="2" /> and the durability of certain cults in Anatolia, but, from an anthropological point of view, they also constitute the manifestation of the intimate link that binds men to gods. Giving a child a divine name is both a desire to place this child under the protection of the deity and also the accomplishment of an act of devotion on the part of the name giver.<fnref n="3" />

The Anatolian religious world is better documented in the second millennium
than in the first because of the large amount of cuneiform documents found, espe-
cially in the archives of the palace of Hattusa. This is therefore a good starting point
to try to understand the polytheistic system of the Anatolian peoples, even if there are
obviously important specificities according to regions and periods. The Hittite pan-
theon, remarkably vast, as the famous expression referring to the "thousand gods of
Hatti" implies, was also plural, with a core composed of gods of Hattian origin and
properly Indo-European divinities (Hittite and Luwian),<fnref n="4" /> prior to the integration of
Syrian, Hurrian and Mesopotamian deities as a result of the Hittite conquests.<fnref n="5" /> In the
Syro-Hittite (or Neo-Hittite) states, which emerged after the fall of the Hittite Empire,
monumental inscriptions in Anatolian hieroglyphics testify to this same plurality by
mentioning several deities of diverse origin. Unfortunately, the data are more limited
in the Anatolian alphabetic corpora, which are fragmentary by nature, but there is
continuity between the different periods, especially within the Luwic languages,
which designate an Anatolian subgroup that includes the Luwian, Lycian, Carian and
probably also Pisidian and Sidetic languages, which share several common features.<fnref n="6" />

The present contribution therefore aims not to embrace the broad question of
theophoric names in Luwic languages, but rather to open the discussion on the place
of divine epithets in the formation of anthroponyms. After a brief review of the litera-

<footnote n="2">2 Laroche 1966, 294.</footnote>

<footnote n="3">3 Theophoric names in Hittite Anatolia were recently the subject of a presentation by A. Mouton 2022, who explored the anthropological dimension of naming.</footnote>

<footnote n="4">4 Archi 1993; Schwemer 2006; Cammarosano 2018, 51.</footnote>

<footnote n="5">5 Singer 1994; Schwemer 2008.</footnote>

<footnote n="6">6 Melchert 2003, 177 n. 7.</footnote>
but belonging to different branches), have been directly attested for more than a millen-
nium: Hittite, Luwian and Palaic, in the Bronze Age, in cuneiform script; Hieroglyphic
Luwian, between the Bronze and early Iron Ages; and the languages attested in the first
millennium, Lydian, Carian, Lycian, Sidetic and Pisidian, written in local alphabets.
Moreover, even after the disappearance of direct attestations, Anatolian personal
names remained in the Greek documentation of Anatolia until the Imperial Roman pe-
riod, thus providing a valuable extension of the continuity that has characterised Anato-
lian anthroponymy since the second millennium.

Within Anatolian personal names, as with other ancient anthroponymic systems, the category of theophoric names has a special place. Indeed, as names referring to deities, they are indicative of the “degré de popularité des dieux d’un panthéon, en dehors de toute influence littéraire”<fnref n="2" /> and the durability of certain cults in Anatolia, but, from an anthropological point of view, they also constitute the manifestation of the intimate link that binds men to gods. Giving a child a divine name is both a desire to place this child under the protection of the deity and also the accomplishment of an act of devotion on the part of the name giver.<fnref n="3" />

The Anatolian religious world is better documented in the second millennium
than in the first because of the large amount of cuneiform documents found, espe-
cially in the archives of the palace of Hattusa. This is therefore a good starting point
to try to understand the polytheistic system of the Anatolian peoples, even if there are
obviously important specificities according to regions and periods. The Hittite pan-
theon, remarkably vast, as the famous expression referring to the "thousand gods of
Hatti" implies, was also plural, with a core composed of gods of Hattian origin and
properly Indo-European divinities (Hittite and Luwian),<fnref n="4" /> prior to the integration of
Syrian, Hurrian and Mesopotamian deities as a result of the Hittite conquests.<fnref n="5" /> In the
Syro-Hittite (or Neo-Hittite) states, which emerged after the fall of the Hittite Empire,
monumental inscriptions in Anatolian hieroglyphics testify to this same plurality by
mentioning several deities of diverse origin. Unfortunately, the data are more limited
in the Anatolian alphabetic corpora, which are fragmentary by nature, but there is
continuity between the different periods, especially within the Luwic languages,
which designate an Anatolian subgroup that includes the Luwian, Lycian, Carian and
probably also Pisidian and Sidetic languages, which share several common features.<fnref n="6" />

The present contribution therefore aims not to embrace the broad question of
theophoric names in Luwic languages, but rather to open the discussion on the place
of divine epithets in the formation of anthroponyms. After a brief review of the litera-

<footnote n="2">2 Laroche 1966, 294.</footnote>

<footnote n="3">3 Theophoric names in Hittite Anatolia were recently the subject of a presentation by A. Mouton 2022, who explored the anthropological dimension of naming.</footnote>

<footnote n="4">4 Archi 1993; Schwemer 2006; Cammarosano 2018, 51.</footnote>

<footnote n="5">5 Singer 1994; Schwemer 2008.</footnote>

<footnote n="6">6 Melchert 2003, 177 n. 7.</footnote>
ture on this subject, we shall propose some definitions and an initial method for ana-
lysing anthroponyms. The rest of the article will provide a preliminary typology of
divine epithets identified in Luwic personal names.

2 The Role of Divine Epithets in the Formation
of Luwic Personal Names: Status Quaestionis

In reference works on Anatolian theophoric names, long pages are devoted to the var-
ious names of gods used, but references to divine epithets are much more discreet.
Thus, in chapter six of his opus, Houwink ten Cate admits that some lexical terms
used in the formation of Lycian and Cilician names could refer to divine names, such
as certain kinship terms<fnref n="7" /> or abstracts, in the specific case of Luw. /piha-/ “splendour,
might”, acknowledging that pihaššašša/i- and pihaima/i- are used as epithets of the
Storm-God.<fnref n="8" /> In his formal classification of theophoric names, E. Laroche distinguishes
six main types:<fnref n="9" />

1) pure and simple theonym (which constitutes a notable difference with most other Indo-European and Semitic societies, where the calque of a divine name is extremely rare).<fnref n="10" />

2) association of two theonyms;

3) compound formed of a toponym and a theonym;

4) compound formed of an attributive term and a divine name;

5) compound of a theonym and a lexical element;

6) derivative of theonym.

Types 3) and 4) group together anthroponyms with a divine epithet, which is espe-
cially obvious in type 3), since it consists of geographical epithets. It is of a diverse
nature in type 4), grouping adjective attributes (e.g. ura- “great”, wašu- “good”) and
nominal attributes, as genitival determinatives (e.g. Hier. /Huha-sarma-/ “Sarruma of
the Grandfather”, referring to the ancestral and dynastic cult) or in apposition to the
divine name (e.g. Cun. ምAnni-maššanī “Mother-Goddess”). The French scholar even
points out that compounds of type 4) constitute a “[t]ype peu fréquent, dont la plupart
des représentants posent des problèmes difficiles, parce que l’attribut appartient au
vocabulaire louvite”,<fnref n="11" /> the Luwian language being largely unknown at the time. More
recently, in his monograph on Hittite women’s names, Th. Zehnder also devotes a sec-

<footnote n="7">7 Houwink ten Cate 1961, 155–156.</footnote>

<footnote n="8">8 Houwink ten Cate 1961, 139.</footnote>

<footnote n="9">9 Laroche 1966, 281–287.</footnote>

<footnote n="10">10 Such names are, however, attested in Hurrian personal onomastics; see Richter 2016, 23–24.</footnote>

<footnote n="11">11 Laroche 1966, 283.</footnote>
ture on this subject, we shall propose some definitions and an initial method for ana-
lysing anthroponyms. The rest of the article will provide a preliminary typology of
divine epithets identified in Luwic personal names.

2 The Role of Divine Epithets in the Formation
of Luwic Personal Names: Status Quaestionis

In reference works on Anatolian theophoric names, long pages are devoted to the var-
ious names of gods used, but references to divine epithets are much more discreet.
Thus, in chapter six of his opus, Houwink ten Cate admits that some lexical terms
used in the formation of Lycian and Cilician names could refer to divine names, such
as certain kinship terms<fnref n="7" /> or abstracts, in the specific case of Luw. /piha-/ “splendour,
might”, acknowledging that pihaššašša/i- and pihaima/i- are used as epithets of the
Storm-God.<fnref n="8" /> In his formal classification of theophoric names, E. Laroche distinguishes
six main types:<fnref n="9" />

1) pure and simple theonym (which constitutes a notable difference with most other Indo-European and Semitic societies, where the calque of a divine name is extremely rare).<fnref n="10" />

2) association of two theonyms;

3) compound formed of a toponym and a theonym;

4) compound formed of an attributive term and a divine name;

5) compound of a theonym and a lexical element;

6) derivative of theonym.

Types 3) and 4) group together anthroponyms with a divine epithet, which is espe-
cially obvious in type 3), since it consists of geographical epithets. It is of a diverse
nature in type 4), grouping adjective attributes (e.g. ura- “great”, wašu- “good”) and
nominal attributes, as genitival determinatives (e.g. Hier. /Huha-sarma-/ “Sarruma of
the Grandfather”, referring to the ancestral and dynastic cult) or in apposition to the
divine name (e.g. Cun. ምAnni-maššani- “Mother-Goddess”). The French scholar even
points out that compounds of type 4) constitute a “[t]ype peu fréquent, dont la plupart
des représentants posent des problèmes difficiles, parce que l’attribut appartient au
vocabulaire louvite”,<fnref n="11" /> the Luwian language being largely unknown at the time. More
recently, in his monograph on Hittite women’s names, Th. Zehnder also devotes a sec-

<footnote n="7">7 Houwink ten Cate 1961, 155–156.</footnote>

<footnote n="8">8 Houwink ten Cate 1961, 139.</footnote>

<footnote n="9">9 Laroche 1966, 281–287.</footnote>

<footnote n="10">10 Such names are, however, attested in Hurrian personal onomastics; see Richter 2016, 23–24.</footnote>

<footnote n="11">11 Laroche 1966, 283.</footnote>
tion to theophoric names, more or less following Laroche’s classification, while ac-
knowledging nevertheless that, among the ethnics converted into anthroponyms,
some could refer to a deity associated with the place in question.<fnref n="12" /> The same discre-
tion is found in H. C. Melchert’s seminal article on Western Anatolian personal
names,<fnref n="13" /> where only those that carry a theonym in the strict sense are considered
theophoric names, even though the author suggests, like Houwink ten Cate before
him, that some bases such as /piha-/- should probably be understood as divine epithets.
In all these basic studies, therefore, theophoric names are understood in the strict
sense and the identification of divine epithets is limited to cases where they enter into
composition with a divine name, even if occasional mention is made of cases where
behind this or that lexical base there might be a reference to a deity.

The use of divine epithets in the Anatolian worlds is in fact widespread from
the second millennium onwards, as V. Haas remarks

Götter sind mit Epitheta versehen, die, wie viele der Namen selbst, den Vorstellungskreis, die Eigen-
schaften und den Funktionsbereich der betreffenden Gottheit definieren. Die Anzahl solcher dem
Namen beigefügten Adjektive, Attribute und Beinamen ist Ausdruck der Machtfülle der Gottheit.<fnref n="14" />

Some of these epithets, such as “terrible” or “terrifying”, are attached to several dei-
ties, while others are specific to one god or goddess. Despite (or because of) the great
variety and richness of divine epithets in the Anatolian worlds, no specific study has
been devoted to them. In a seminal study dealing with Hittite “divine epithets”,
A. Mouton highlights the absence of complete editions of Hittite religious texts that
would allow an exhaustive study of the appearance contexts of divine epithets.<fnref n="15" /> The
Hittite-Luwian ritual texts have been the subject of an edition and a commentary that
will be published very soon and that will allow this work to be carried out partially.<fnref n="16" />
In the other corpora, in hieroglyphics and indigenous alphabets, the proportion of
truly religious texts is smaller than for the cuneiform tablets, which obviously limits
our understanding of the meaning and uses of divine epithets in context. Moreover,
we are still confronted with the impenetrability of certain corpora, which makes the
interpretation of certain words, or even entire texts, difficult for the moment. Another
problem is the fixed nature of these designations, which does not sufficiently take
into account the changing nature of the names. Thus, a divine epithet can end up re-
placing the theonym, as in the case of the Luwian adjectives *pihaim(m)a/i-* and *piham-
(ma)a/i-* “imbued with splendour”, associated in Hittite context with the Storm-God
*dU*, before being used as theonyms, as indicated by the determinative preceding the

<footnote n="12">12 Zehnder 2010, 57–61.</footnote>

<footnote n="13">13 Melchert 2013.</footnote>

<footnote n="14">14 Haas 1994, 312.</footnote>

<footnote n="15">15 Mouton 2020, 227.</footnote>

<footnote n="16">16 Yakubovich/Mouton 2023.</footnote>
tion to theophoric names, more or less following Laroche's classification, while ac-
knowledging nevertheless that, among the ethnics converted into anthroponyms,
some could refer to a deity associated with the place in question.<fnref n="12" /> The same discre-
tion is found in H. C. Melchert's seminal article on Western Anatolian personal
names,<fnref n="13" /> where only those that carry a theonym in the strict sense are considered
theophoric names, even though the author suggests, like Houwink ten Cate before
him, that some bases such as /piha-/-/ should probably be understood as divine epithets.
In all these basic studies, therefore, theophoric names are understood in the strict
sense and the identification of divine epithets is limited to cases where they enter into
composition with a divine name, even if occasional mention is made of cases where
behind this or that lexical base there might be a reference to a deity.

The use of divine epithets in the Anatolian worlds is in fact widespread from
the second millennium onwards, as V. Haas remarks

Götter sind mit Epitheta versehen, die, wie viele der Namen selbst, den Vorstellungskreis, die Eigen-
schaften und den Funktionsbereich der betreffenden Gottheit definieren. Die Anzahl solcher dem
Namen beigefügten Adjektive, Attribute und Beinamen ist Ausdruck der Machtfülle der Gottheit.<fnref n="14" />

Some of these epithets, such as “terrible” or “terrifying”, are attached to several dei-
ties, while others are specific to one god or goddess. Despite (or because of) the great
variety and richness of divine epithets in the Anatolian worlds, no specific study has
been devoted to them. In a seminal study dealing with Hittite “divine epithets”,
A. Mouton highlights the absence of complete editions of Hittite religious texts that
would allow an exhaustive study of the appearance contexts of divine epithets.<fnref n="15" /> The
Hittite-Luwian ritual texts have been the subject of an edition and a commentary that
will be published very soon and that will allow this work to be carried out partially.<fnref n="16" />
In the other corpora, in hieroglyphics and indigenous alphabets, the proportion of
truly religious texts is smaller than for the cuneiform tablets, which obviously limits
our understanding of the meaning and uses of divine epithets in context. Moreover,
we are still confronted with the impenetrability of certain corpora, which makes the
interpretation of certain words, or even entire texts, difficult for the moment. Another
problem is the fixed nature of these designations, which does not sufficiently take
into account the changing nature of the names. Thus, a divine epithet can end up re-
placing the theonym, as in the case of the Luwian adjectives *pihaim(m)a/i-* and *piham-
(ma)a/i-* “imbued with splendour”, associated in Hittite context with the Storm-God
*dU*, before being used as theonyms, as indicated by the determinative preceding the

<footnote n="12">12 Zehnder 2010, 57–61.</footnote>

<footnote n="13">13 Melchert 2013.</footnote>

<footnote n="14">14 Haas 1994, 312.</footnote>

<footnote n="15">15 Mouton 2020, 227.</footnote>

<footnote n="16">16 Yakubovich/Mouton 2023.</footnote>
divine name in ḏPihaimiš and ḏPihammiš.<fnref n="17" /> The Luwian name for the Storm-God, Tar-hunt, was itself originally an epithet going back to PIE *tr̥h₂went- “conquering” and the consonance of which must have recalled the name of the Hattian Storm-God Taru.<fnref n="18" />

Finally, it is only very recently that the place of divine epithets in Luwian anthro-
ponymy has been highlighted. I. Yakubovich shows that, alongside transparent theo-
phoric names such as ṼArma-wiya- “Arma (Moon-God) sent (her)” or ṼSanta-wiya- “Santa
(War-God) sent (her)”, there are theophoric names such as ṼHalpa-wiya- “(Storm-God of)
Aleppo sent (her)” or ṼPiha-wiya- “(Storm-God of) Splendour sent (her)”, in which the
geographical epithet or divine attribute is used instead of the theonym.<fnref n="19" /> This new anal-
ysis provides interesting insights: not only does it suggest that the very many names
formed by means of a toponym, rather than referring to the geographical origin of the
bearers of the name, are in fact theophoric names, but it also sheds light on several
anthroponyms which, up until then, had no satisfactory interpretation. Indeed, as
pointed out by I. Yakubovich, “the explanatory power of the suggested hypothesis is ob-
vious once we consider the absurdity of personal names such as ‘Pledged to the road’
or ‘Strength of the meadow’”,<fnref n="20" /> whereas such names fit into a coherent system when
understood as “Pledge to (the god(s) of) the Road” or “Having the strength of (Ishtar/the
Protective God of) the Meadow”. In these personal names, the ellipsis of the theonym
can sometimes be compensated for by the attestation of theonym + epithet formulae in
the various documents. Sometimes, the key to reading is provided by other names com-
bining the divine name and the epithet. An ambiguity remains, however, when the di-
vine epithet is associated with more than one divine name. Thus, the name Immara-ziti-
“Man of (the X-God of) the Open Country” can refer to the Storm-God of the Open Coun-
try (Cun. im(ma)rašša ḍIŠKUR)<fnref n="21" /> or the Protective God of the Open Country (Hier. i-
mára/i (DEUS)CERVUS₃).<fnref n="22" /> Finally, in other cases, it is not possible to restore the theo-
nym associated with the epithet, in the absence of attestation of the theonym + epithet
formula.

This same path has recently been followed by I.-X. Adiego, who also uses onomas-
tic data from the alphabetic Anatolian corpora and Greek sources to highlight the use
of divine epithets in the formation of anthroponyms.<fnref n="23" /> The article thus sheds new
light on several names, such as Gk. Troko-arbasis, which is related to the formula trqq[i]z:
[...] er[b]besi=ke “Trqqñt (Storm-God) of Turmoil” found in the Lycian B part of the
Xanthos Poem (TAM I, 44d.12–13) and whose epithet alone has been converted into an

<footnote n="17">17 CHD P, 253.</footnote>

<footnote n="18">18 See Hutter 2003, 220–221, with references.</footnote>

<footnote n="19">19 Yakubovich 2013, 98–107.</footnote>

<footnote n="20">20 Yakubovich 2013, 107.</footnote>

<footnote n="21">21 Van Gessel 1998, 662.</footnote>

<footnote n="22">22 ANCOZ 1 §2 (Hawkins 2000, 346); ANCOZ 10 §5 (Hawkins 2000, 360) etc.</footnote>

<footnote n="23">23 Adiego 2022, 83–86.</footnote>
divine name in ḏPihaimiš and ḏPihammiš.<fnref n="17" /> The Luwian name for the Storm-God, Tar-hunt, was itself originally an epithet going back to PIE *tr̥h₂went- “conquering” and the consonance of which must have recalled the name of the Hattian Storm-God Taru.<fnref n="18" />

Finally, it is only very recently that the place of divine epithets in Luwian anthro-
ponymy has been highlighted. I. Yakubovich shows that, alongside transparent theo-
phoric names such as ṼArma-wiya- “Arma (Moon-God) sent (her)” or ṼSanta-wiya- “Santa
(War-God) sent (her)”, there are theophoric names such as ṼHalpa-wiya- “(Storm-God of)
Aleppo sent (her)” or ṼPiha-wiya- “(Storm-God of) Splendour sent (her)”, in which the
geographical epithet or divine attribute is used instead of the theonym.<fnref n="19" /> This new anal-
ysis provides interesting insights: not only does it suggest that the very many names
formed by means of a toponym, rather than referring to the geographical origin of the
bearers of the name, are in fact theophoric names, but it also sheds light on several
anthroponyms which, up until then, had no satisfactory interpretation. Indeed, as
pointed out by I. Yakubovich, “the explanatory power of the suggested hypothesis is ob-
vious once we consider the absurdity of personal names such as ‘Pledged to the road’
or ‘Strength of the meadow’”,<fnref n="20" /> whereas such names fit into a coherent system when
understood as “Pledge to (the god(s) of) the Road” or “Having the strength of (Ishtar/the
Protective God of) the Meadow”. In these personal names, the ellipsis of the theonym
can sometimes be compensated for by the attestation of theonym + epithet formulae in
the various documents. Sometimes, the key to reading is provided by other names com-
bining the divine name and the epithet. An ambiguity remains, however, when the di-
vine epithet is associated with more than one divine name. Thus, the name Immara-ziti-
“Man of (the X-God of) the Open Country” can refer to the Storm-God of the Open Coun-
try (Cun. im(ma)rašša ḍIŠKUR)<fnref n="21" /> or the Protective God of the Open Country (Hier. i-
mára/i (DEUS)CERVUS₃).<fnref n="22" /> Finally, in other cases, it is not possible to restore the theo-
nym associated with the epithet, in the absence of attestation of the theonym + epithet
formula.

This same path has recently been followed by I.-X. Adiego, who also uses onomas-
tic data from the alphabetic Anatolian corpora and Greek sources to highlight the use
of divine epithets in the formation of anthroponyms.<fnref n="23" /> The article thus sheds new
light on several names, such as Gk. Troko-arbasis, which is related to the formula trqq[i]z:
[...] er[b]besi=ke “Trqqñt (Storm-God) of Turmoil” found in the Lycian B part of the
Xanthos Poem (TAM I, 44d.12–13) and whose epithet alone has been converted into an

<footnote n="17">17 CHD P, 253.</footnote>

<footnote n="18">18 See Hutter 2003, 220–221, with references.</footnote>

<footnote n="19">19 Yakubovich 2013, 98–107.</footnote>

<footnote n="20">20 Yakubovich 2013, 107.</footnote>

<footnote n="21">21 Van Gessel 1998, 662.</footnote>

<footnote n="22">22 ANCOZ 1 §2 (Hawkins 2000, 346); ANCOZ 10 §5 (Hawkins 2000, 360) etc.</footnote>

<footnote n="23">23 Adiego 2022, 83–86.</footnote>
anthroponym in Gk. *Arbasis* “(Storm-God of) Turmoil”, in the manner of the *advocaciones mariales* still encountered today in Spanish onomastics, whether they refer to a shrine (e.g. *Guadalupe, Carmen, Lourdes*), to a feast (e.g. *Natividad, Asunción*) or to a function (e.g. *Pastora, Milagros, Paz, Remedios*).

## 3 An Approach to be Renewed: Elements of Definition and Method

In the context of this preliminary study, is it possible to be a little more precise about the nature of the various divine epithets used in the anthroponymy of Luwic languages? The designation “divine epithet” is indeed general and needs to be clarified. It is perhaps useful to recall a few elements of definition, even if this delicate undertaking in such a field is more suited to the historian of religions than the linguist. N. Belayche and F. Prost write that

> [l']'épiclèse se distingue de l'épithète littéraire en ce qu'elle remplit une fonction symbolique : elle va bien au-delà d'un acte simple de qualification, elle implique un culte, elle renvoie à un cadre spécifique. Elle peut être de nature diverse. Toponymique [. . . ], topographique [. . . ], fonctionnelle [. . . ], historique [. . . ], elle détermine le dieu et lui confère une nature particulière. Plus peut-être que le nom, l'épiclèse individualise le dieu, même si elle n'est pas la propriété exclusive de lui seul (il y a un Zeus Phratrios et une Athéna Phratria et Hercule comme Sol sont 'inuictus') et même si elle n'est pas la caractéristique exclusive d'un culte en un lieu unique (Apollon Pythien est honoré dans toute la Méditerranée orientale et Jupiter Capitolin dans les colonies romaines de l'Empire).<fnref n="24" />

In this definition, therefore, epiclesis, unlike the epithet used in literary texts, is closely associated with a cult. P. Brulé and S. Lebreton do not disagree when they write:

> Nous définissons l'épiclèse à partir du cadre de son usage dans la nomination des puissances divines. Dans ce polythéisme [scil. grec] comme dans d'autres (et un moindre degré dans certains monothéismes), les dieux sont nommés de deux façons : soit par leur nom seul (c'est le cas, dans le monde grec, dans l'épopée, dans la vulgate mythologique, dans la cité où ils sont poliades et dans les jurons), soit par un système binominal d'appellations simples qui fait coexister le nom du dieu, généralement en première position, avec un déterminant souvent adjectivé qui le suit – l'épiclèse – précisant une qualité particulière dudit dieu. Sanctuaires, sacrifices, dons . . . , les actes du culte en Grèce antique s'adressent à des dieux ainsi précisément définis.<fnref n="25" />

However, as the seminal article by Bonnet *et al.* rightly notes

<footnote n="24">24 Belayche/Prost 2005, 211.</footnote>

<footnote n="25">25 Brulé/Lebreton 2007, 220.</footnote>
anthroponym in Gk. *Arbasis* “(Storm-God of) Turmoil”, in the manner of the *advocaciones mariales* still encountered today in Spanish onomastics, whether they refer to a shrine (e.g. *Guadalupe, Carmen, Lourdes*), to a feast (e.g. *Natividad, Asunción*) or to a function (e.g. *Pastora, Milagros, Paz, Remedios*).

## 3 An Approach to be Renewed: Elements of Definition and Method

In the context of this preliminary study, is it possible to be a little more precise about the nature of the various divine epithets used in the anthroponymy of Luwic languages? The designation “divine epithet” is indeed general and needs to be clarified. It is perhaps useful to recall a few elements of definition, even if this delicate undertaking in such a field is more suited to the historian of religions than the linguist. N. Belayche and F. Prost write that

> [l']'épiclèse se distingue de l'épithète littéraire en ce qu'elle remplit une fonction symbolique : elle va bien au-delà d'un acte simple de qualification, elle implique un culte, elle renvoie à un cadre spécifique. Elle peut être de nature diverse. Toponymique [. . . ], topographique [. . . ], fonctionnelle [. . . ], historique [. . . ], elle détermine le dieu et lui confère une nature particulière. Plus peut-être que le nom, l'épiclèse individualise le dieu, même si elle n'est pas la propriété exclusive de lui seul (il y a un Zeus Phratrios et une Athéna Phratria et Hercule comme Sol sont 'inuictus') et même si elle n'est pas la caractéristique exclusive d'un culte en un lieu unique (Apollon Pythien est honoré dans toute la Méditerranée orientale et Jupiter Capitolin dans les colonies romaines de l'Empire).<fnref n="24" />

In this definition, therefore, epiclesis, unlike the epithet used in literary texts, is closely associated with a cult. P. Brulé and S. Lebreton do not disagree when they write:

> Nous définissons l'épiclèse à partir du cadre de son usage dans la nomination des puissances divines. Dans ce polythéisme [scil. grec] comme dans d'autres (et un moindre degré dans certains monothéismes), les dieux sont nommés de deux façons : soit par leur nom seul (c'est le cas, dans le monde grec, dans l'épopée, dans la vulgate mythologique, dans la cité où ils sont poliades et dans les jurons), soit par un système binominal d'appellations simples qui fait coexister le nom du dieu, généralement en première position, avec un déterminant souvent adjectivé qui le suit – l'épiclèse – précisant une qualité particulière dudit dieu. Sanctuaires, sacrifices, dons . . . , les actes du culte en Grèce antique s'adressent à des dieux ainsi précisément définis.<fnref n="25" />

However, as the seminal article by Bonnet *et al.* rightly notes

<footnote n="24">24 Belayche/Prost 2005, 211.</footnote>

<footnote n="25">25 Brulé/Lebreton 2007, 220.</footnote>
la prise en compte croissante des épithètes divines comme clé d'interrogation du fonctionnement du polythéisme hellénique ne semble avoir entraîné une fixation (relative) de la terminologie que par décantation – c'est-à-dire sans réelle justification théorique. Les catégories de 'théonyme', 'épithète', 'épiclèse' se sont imposées sans véritable discussion.<fnref n="26" />

Now, while the distinction between these terms is certainly convenient, it is not sufficient in order to account for the complexity of the systems for naming the divine in the ancient worlds. It is also worth noting the use, in the *studia Anatolica*, of the term “hypostasis” (from Greek *hupostasis* “substance, substantial existence”),<fnref n="27" /> borrowed from Near Eastern studies and, in particular, from biblical studies, where it is used to designate, in the words of K. Helms, “semi-independent divine entities that, on the one hand, are a part of a larger deity and, on the other, at times act independently [...]. Often these semi-independent entities develop through a gradual process of personification and differentiation from the deity.”<fnref n="28" /> According to V. Haas, aspects or partial functions and instantaneous manifestations thus become attributes such as “Storm-God of the Palace”, “Storm-God of the Growth”, of thunder, lightning etc.; the aspects of a deity then take on an existence of their own and become hypostases: “Hypostasiert werden nicht nur Äußerungen der großen atmosphärischen Götter wie Blitz und Donner, sondern auch deren Ausstrahlung: Den hethitischen Wettergott und den Sonnengott begleiten ‘Respekt’ und ‘Ehrfurcht’.”<fnref n="29" /> The term “hypostasis” then designates a particular type of divine epithet (or epiclesis) with the ability to stand in for the theonym + divine epithet formula, which implies that not all divine epithets have this ability. This should be verified in detail in order to judge the relevance of the distinction between hypostasis and divine epithet. The terminological question is further complicated by the use of the term “hypostasis” in linguistics, where it has been given different definitions since the end of the 19th century, ranging from derivation of inflected forms to autonymy and implicit derivation.<fnref n="30" /> However, when I. Yakubovich studies theophoric names in which the divine epithet has been substituted for the theonym, he identifies this substitution process as belonging to “hypostasis”, from one of its linguistic meanings, namely “when the underlying dependent noun assumes all the grammatical functions of the reconstructed head-noun and acquires the lexical meaning of the reconstructed noun phrase”.<fnref n="31" /> All of this should therefore be kept in mind when addressing the issue of divine epithets in the Anatolian worlds and delving into the literature on this subject.

<footnote n="26">26 Bonnet *et al.* 2018, 575.</footnote>

<footnote n="27">27 See, among others, Beckman 2004; Miller 2008; Yakubovich 2013.</footnote>

<footnote n="28">28 In Adams *et al.* 2016, 679.</footnote>

<footnote n="29">29 Haas 1994, 313. See, for example, the use of this term in Laroche 1947 (e.g. 47, 54 or 61), where it is used to refer to more or less independent manifestations of more important deities, such as Kummiya, king of the gods fought by Kumarbi and considered as one of the most important hypostases of Te-shub, the Hurrian Storm-God.</footnote>

<footnote n="30">30 On a summary of this issue, see Rousseau 2016, 33–44.</footnote>

<footnote n="31">31 Yakubovich 2013, 98–99 and n. 44.</footnote>
la prise en compte croissante des épithètes divines comme clé d'interrogation du fonctionnement du polythéisme hellénique ne semble avoir entraîné une fixation (relative) de la terminologie que par décantation – c'est-à-dire sans réelle justification théorique. Les catégories de ‘théonyme’, ‘épithète’, ‘épiclèse’ se sont imposées sans véritable discussion.<fnref n="26" />

Now, while the distinction between these terms is certainly convenient, it is not suffi-
cient in order to account for the complexity of the systems for naming the divine in the
ancient worlds. It is also worth noting the use, in the *studia Anatolica*, of the term “hy-
postasis” (from Greek *hupostasis* “substance, substantial existence”),<fnref n="27" /> borrowed from
Near Eastern studies and, in particular, from biblical studies, where it is used to desig-
nate, in the words of K. Helms, “semi-independent divine entities that, on the one
hand, are a part of a larger deity and, on the other, at times act independently [...].
Often these semi-independent entities develop through a gradual process of personifica-
tion and differentiation from the deity.”<fnref n="28" /> According to V. Haas, aspects or partial func-
tions and instantaneous manifestations thus become attributes such as “Storm-God of
the Palace”, “Storm-God of the Growth”, of thunder, lightning etc.; the aspects of a deity
then take on an existence of their own and become hypostases: “Hypostasiert werden
nicht nur Äußerungen der großen atmosphärischen Götter wie Blitz und Donner, son-
dern auch deren Ausstrahlung: Den hethitischen Wettergott und den Sonnengott be-
gleiten ‘Respekt’ und ‘Ehrfurcht’.”<fnref n="29" /> The term “hypostasis” then designates a particular
type of divine epithet (or epiclesis) with the ability to stand in for the theonym + divine
epithet formula, which implies that not all divine epithets have this ability. This should
be verified in detail in order to judge the relevance of the distinction between hyposta-
sis and divine epithet. The terminological question is further complicated by the use of
the term “hypostasis” in linguistics, where it has been given different definitions since
the end of the 19th century, ranging from derivation of inflected forms to autonymy
and implicit derivation.<fnref n="30" /> However, when I. Yakubovich studies theophoric names in
which the divine epithet has been substituted for the theonym, he identifies this substi-
tution process as belonging to “hypostasis”, from one of its linguistic meanings, namely
“when the underlying dependent noun assumes all the grammatical functions of the
reconstructed head-noun and acquires the lexical meaning of the reconstructed noun
phrase”.<fnref n="31" /> All of this should therefore be kept in mind when addressing the issue of di-
vine epithets in the Anatolian worlds and delving into the literature on this subject.

<footnote n="26">26 Bonnet *et al.* 2018, 575.</footnote>

<footnote n="27">27 See, among others, Beckman 2004; Miller 2008; Yakubovich 2013.</footnote>

<footnote n="28">28 In Adams *et al.* 2016, 679.</footnote>

<footnote n="29">29 Haas 1994, 313. See, for example, the use of this term in Laroche 1947 (e.g. 47, 54 or 61), where it is used to refer to more or less independent manifestations of more important deities, such as Kummiya, king of the gods fought by Kumarbi and considered as one of the most important hypostases of Te-shub, the Hurrian Storm-God.</footnote>

<footnote n="30">30 On a summary of this issue, see Rousseau 2016, 33–44.</footnote>

<footnote n="31">31 Yakubovich 2013, 98–99 and n. 44.</footnote>
A. Mouton has recently proposed a provisional typology of Hittite divine epithets, distinguishing seven different categories:<fnref n="32" />

- Mesopotamian inheritances (e.g. “King of Wisdom”, “Righteous Lord of Judgment”);

- Epithets defining the deity’s preferred domain (e.g. “Sun-God of Disease”);

- Epithets denoting a positive or negative role of the divine entity (e.g. “Evil Woman”);

- Epithets that define a deity’s geographical area (e.g. “Sun-God of Heaven”, “Sun-Goddess of the Earth”), including cities associated with divine names;

- Laudatory epithets (e.g. “Luminous Sun-God”, “Powerful Storm-God”);

- Epithets borrowed from diplomatic protocol (e.g. “my Lord”, “my Lady”);

- All the epithets for which we do not yet have a translation.

As one can see, different criteria are used here to distinguish between the types of divine epithets, sometimes in relation to the origin of the epithet, sometimes to the function or role exercised by the deity and sometimes to a geographical association.

The results of two studies by I. Yakubovich (2013) and I.-X. Adiego (2022) invite further research into the anthroponymy of Luwic languages in order to reveal other theophoric names formed by using divine epithets. In order to do this and taking into account the risk of over-interpretation that the analysis of proper names implies, complementary methods can be adopted. By first identifying theonym + divine epithet formulae in the various epigraphic sources from the second and first millennia, such as “Storm-god of the Turmoil” attested in Lycian B or “Storm-god of Splendour” in the cuneiform sources, it is possible to understand anthroponymic compounds reflecting the same theonym + divine epithet formula, either in its exact form (e.g. Gk. *Troko-arbasis*), or in a related form, such as when an abstract is found instead of an adjectival form (e.g. /Piha-tarhunt-/ “Storm-god (of) Splendour”). But it is also possible to resort to combinatorial analysis and parallels. Thus, on the basis of the well-known compounds in *wašha-* and *zit(i)-* usually associated with a divine name or epithet, the two compounds ḫHarwa-wašha- and ḫHarwa-zit(i)- invite us to consider the element /harwa-/ “road” not as a simple appellative, but as a divine epithet referring to one (or several) “god(s) of the Road”.<fnref n="33" />

<footnote n="32">32 Mouton 2020, 226–227.</footnote>

<footnote n="33">33 Yakubovich 2013, 100.</footnote>
A. Mouton has recently proposed a provisional typology of Hittite divine epithets, distinguishing seven different categories:<fnref n="32" />

- Mesopotamian inheritances (e.g. “King of Wisdom”, “Righteous Lord of Judgment”);

- Epithets defining the deity’s preferred domain (e.g. “Sun-God of Disease”);

- Epithets denoting a positive or negative role of the divine entity (e.g. “Evil Woman”);

- Epithets that define a deity’s geographical area (e.g. “Sun-God of Heaven”, “Sun-Goddess of the Earth”), including cities associated with divine names;

- Laudatory epithets (e.g. “Luminous Sun-God”, “Powerful Storm-God”);

- Epithets borrowed from diplomatic protocol (e.g. “my Lord”, “my Lady”);

- All the epithets for which we do not yet have a translation.

As one can see, different criteria are used here to distinguish between the types of divine epithets, sometimes in relation to the origin of the epithet, sometimes to the function or role exercised by the deity and sometimes to a geographical association.

The results of two studies by I. Yakubovich (2013) and I.-X. Adiego (2022) invite further research into the anthroponymy of Luwic languages in order to reveal other theophoric names formed by using divine epithets. In order to do this and taking into account the risk of over-interpretation that the analysis of proper names implies, complementary methods can be adopted. By first identifying theonym + divine epithet formulae in the various epigraphic sources from the second and first millennia, such as “Storm-god of the Turmoil” attested in Lycian B or “Storm-god of Splendour” in the cuneiform sources, it is possible to understand anthroponymic compounds reflecting the same theonym + divine epithet formula, either in its exact form (e.g. Gk. *Troko-arbasis*), or in a related form, such as when an abstract is found instead of an adjectival form (e.g. /Piha-tarhunt-/ “Storm-god (of) Splendour”). But it is also possible to resort to combinatorial analysis and parallels. Thus, on the basis of the well-known compounds in *wašha-* and *zit(i)-* usually associated with a divine name or epithet, the two compounds ḫHarwa-wašha- and ḫHarwa-zit(i)- invite us to consider the element /harwa-/ “road” not as a simple appellative, but as a divine epithet referring to one (or several) “god(s) of the Road”.<fnref n="33" />

<footnote n="32">32 Mouton 2020, 226–227.</footnote>

<footnote n="33">33 Yakubovich 2013, 100.</footnote>
# 4 Preliminary Typology of Divine Epithets Found in Luwic Personal Names

In the context of the theophoric names of the Luwic languages, it is possible, at least for the time being, to identify five main types of divine epithets, based on the typology outlined by A. Mouton. Of course, there are also a lot of divine epithets here, the meaning of which is still unclear. Nevertheless, for those whose meaning is assured, there are geographical epithets, epithets corresponding to the deity's place of action, functional epithets, laudatory epithets and divine titles. These types are described and exemplified below.

## 4.1 Geographical Epithets in the Form of a Toponym or an Ethnic, Corresponding to a Cult Place

For example, the city of Aleppo was a major place of worship for the Storm-God, so the name Aleppo is found in several names in reference to the Storm-God of Aleppo: among others, Cun. m*Halpa- (NH 252)* “(Storm-God of) Aleppo”, Cun. m*Halpa-muwa- / Hier. /Halpa-muwa- / (NH 254)* “(Having) the Might of (the Storm-God of) Aleppo”, m*Halpa-zit(i)- (NH 259)* “Man of (the Storm-God of) Aleppo”, ᵈHalpa-wiya- (Trémouille Répertoire, s.n.) “(The Storm-God of) Aleppo sent (her)”.<fnref n="34" /> Some simple names come from the anthroponymic conversion of ethnic names, which are more likely to correspond to divine epithets than to sobriquets. The hieroglyphic corpus thus provides the name niʿ-nu-wa/i-ia- /Ninuwiya-/,<fnref n="35" /> which is formally the ethnic of the city of Nineveh, associated with the cult of Ishtar<fnref n="36" /> and thus to be understood as “(Ishtar) of Nineveh”. In the case of Luggawanni- (Trémouille Répertoire, s.n.) “(God[s]) of the Lukka lands”,<fnref n="37" /> the interpretation as a divine epithet is supported by the compound attested on a hieroglyphic seal /Lukka-muwa- / (BoHa 19, 204) “(Having) the might of (the God[s] of) the Lukka lands”. In the Lycian corpus, the name Pttaraza/i- (TAM I, 113.1), identical to the ethnic of the city of Patara,<fnref n="38" /> could refer to a deity honoured there, such as the goddess Maliya/Athena or Natri/Apollo.<fnref n="39" />

<footnote n="34">34 Laroche 1966, 273; Yakubovich 2013, 102.</footnote>

<footnote n="35">35 KARKAMIŠ A11b, §2; Hawkins 2000, 103–104.</footnote>

<footnote n="36">36 Van Gessel 1998, 941.</footnote>

<footnote n="37">37 This personal name is also probably behind the Homeric name Lukaon (see already Granata 2013, 22).</footnote>

<footnote n="38">38 Melchert 2004, 102; Réveilhac 2018, 473.</footnote>

<footnote n="39">39 The Xanthos Stele contains the sequence Pttara Malijehi (TAM I, 44a.43), while the Patara coins feature heads of Athena and Hermes or Apollo (Raimond/Vismara 2007).</footnote>
# 4 Preliminary Typology of Divine Epithets Found in Luwic Personal Names

In the context of the theophoric names of the Luwic languages, it is possible, at least for the time being, to identify five main types of divine epithets, based on the typology outlined by A. Mouton. Of course, there are also a lot of divine epithets here, the meaning of which is still unclear. Nevertheless, for those whose meaning is assured, there are geographical epithets, epithets corresponding to the deity's place of action, functional epithets, laudatory epithets and divine titles. These types are described and exemplified below.

## 4.1 Geographical Epithets in the Form of a Toponym or an Ethnic, Corresponding to a Cult Place

For example, the city of Aleppo was a major place of worship for the Storm-God, so the name Aleppo is found in several names in reference to the Storm-God of Aleppo: among others, Cun. m*Halpa- (NH 252)* “(Storm-God of) Aleppo”, Cun. m*Halpa-muwa- / Hier. /Halpa-muwa- / (NH 254)* “(Having) the Might of (the Storm-God of) Aleppo”, m*Halpa-zit(i)- (NH 259)* “Man of (the Storm-God of) Aleppo”, ᵈHalpa-wiya- (Trémouille Répertoire, s.n.) “(The Storm-God of) Aleppo sent (her)”.<fnref n="34" /> Some simple names come from the anthroponymic conversion of ethnic names, which are more likely to correspond to divine epithets than to sobriquets. The hieroglyphic corpus thus provides the name niʿ-nu-wa/i-ia- /Ninuwiya-/,<fnref n="35" /> which is formally the ethnic of the city of Nineveh, associated with the cult of Ishtar<fnref n="36" /> and thus to be understood as “(Ishtar) of Nineveh”. In the case of Luggawanni- (Trémouille Répertoire, s.n.) “(God[s]) of the Lukka lands”,<fnref n="37" /> the interpretation as a divine epithet is supported by the compound attested on a hieroglyphic seal /Lukka-muwa- / (BoHa 19, 204) “(Having) the might of (the God[s] of) the Lukka lands”. In the Lycian corpus, the name Pttaraza/i- (TAM I, 113.1), identical to the ethnic of the city of Patara,<fnref n="38" /> could refer to a deity honoured there, such as the goddess Maliya/Athena or Natri/Apollo.<fnref n="39" />

<footnote n="34">34 Laroche 1966, 273; Yakubovich 2013, 102.</footnote>

<footnote n="35">35 KARKAMIŠ A11b, §2; Hawkins 2000, 103–104.</footnote>

<footnote n="36">36 Van Gessel 1998, 941.</footnote>

<footnote n="37">37 This personal name is also probably behind the Homeric name Lukaon (see already Granata 2013, 22).</footnote>

<footnote n="38">38 Melchert 2004, 102; Réveilhac 2018, 473.</footnote>

<footnote n="39">39 The Xanthos Stele contains the sequence Pttara Malijehi (TAM I, 44a.43), while the Patara coins feature heads of Athena and Hermes or Apollo (Raimond/Vismara 2007).</footnote>
## 4.2 Epithets Corresponding to the Place Where the Divine Power is Exerted (Sky, Earth, Steppe etc.)

Thus, in the compound /TaPa-zid(i)-/ (*BoHa* 22, 101), attested on a hieroglyphic seal, the first member could correspond to CLuw. *tappaš* - “sky, heaven” (HLuw. /tiPas-), a place that is associated with different deities in the Anatolian corpora: Sun-God, Storm-God, Protective God or gods that are still undetermined. The anthroponym is then to be translated as “Man of (the X-God[s] of) Heaven”. Among the clear examples of theophoric names formed using such an epithet is the group of names formed on the base /im(ma)ra(i)-/ “open country” (and its derivatives) associated sometimes with the Storm-God, sometimes with the Protective God:<fnref n="40" />

- Compound “Man of the (X-God of the) Open Country”: Cun. *Immara-ziti* (NH 450); Lyc. *Ipre-sida* (TAM I, 29.1; 69.1; N 334.1, cf. Tekoğlu 2002–2003, 106–107); Gk. *Imbra-[s]idēs* (Lyc.);

- Anthroponymic conversion of the epithet “(X-God of the) Open Country”: Gk. *Imbras* (Lyc.), *Imbrēs* (Lyc., Car.), *Imbrais* (Lyc.);

- Derivative *im(ma)rassa/i*—“Of (the X-God of) the Open Country”: Car. *ibarsi*—(E.Ab 3; E.Bu 4) / *ibrsi*—(C.Ka 3) / *brsi*—(E.Th 26; 48; C.Hy 1a; C.St 1); Gk. *Imbrassis* (Car.), *Imbarsis* (Car.);

- Derivative *im(ma)ralla/i*—“(X-God) of the Open Country”, also attested as a theorem in HLuw. as (DEUS)mara/i-lá/í /Immarall(i)-/ (MALATYA 5; Hawkins 2000, 306–307): Car. *para-ibreλ* (E.Me 47); Gk. *Imbaréldos* (Car.), *Imbralos* (Car.);

- Derivative *im(ma)raima/i*—“Of (the X-God of) the Open Country”: Gk. *Imbraimis* (Lyc.).

## 4.3 Functional Epithets Referring to the Specific Field of Action of the Deity Invoked

This category is particularly broad, given the wide variety of functions performed by deities in the Luwic worlds. Among the different domains represented, the following three can be highlighted:

- The military field, as exemplified by names reminding us the formula HLuw. (DEUS)TONITRUS EXERCITUS /Tarhunz kwalanassis/ “Storm-God of the Army”,<fnref n="41" /> such as Hier. /Ku(wa)lana-muwa-/ (e.g. *BoHa* 19, 192–193) “(Having) the Might of (the Storm-God of) the Army”, /Ku(wa)lana-runtiya-/ (*BoHa* 19, 194) “(Storm-God of) the Army (and) Protective-God”, /Ku(wa)lana-zid(i)-/ (e.g. *BoHa* 19, 195–198)

<footnote n="40">40 Yakubovich 2013, 99. On most of the following names, see already Adiego 2007, 335; Melchert 2013, 35.</footnote>

<footnote n="41">41 SÜDBURG §3; Hawkins 1995, 23–24.</footnote>
## 4.2 Epithets Corresponding to the Place Where the Divine Power is Exerted (Sky, Earth, Steppe etc.)

Thus, in the compound /TaPa-zid(i)-/ (*BoHa* 22, 101), attested on a hieroglyphic seal, the first member could correspond to CLuw. *tappaš* - “sky, heaven” (HLuw. /tiPas-), a place that is associated with different deities in the Anatolian corpora: Sun-God, Storm-God, Protective God or gods that are still undetermined. The anthroponym is then to be translated as “Man of (the X-God[s] of) Heaven”. Among the clear examples of theophoric names formed using such an epithet is the group of names formed on the base /im(ma)ra(i)-/ “open country” (and its derivatives) associated sometimes with the Storm-God, sometimes with the Protective God:<fnref n="40" />

- Compound “Man of the (X-God of the) Open Country”: Cun. *Immara-ziti* (NH 450); Lyc. *Ipre-sida* (TAM I, 29.1; 69.1; N 334.1, cf. Tekoğlu 2002–2003, 106–107); Gk. *Imbra-[s]idēs* (Lyc.);

- Anthroponymic conversion of the epithet “(X-God of the) Open Country”: Gk. *Imbras* (Lyc.), *Imbrēs* (Lyc., Car.), *Imbrais* (Lyc.);

- Derivative *im(ma)rassa/i*—“Of (the X-God of) the Open Country”: Car. *ibarsi*—(E.Ab 3; E.Bu 4) / *ibrsi*—(C.Ka 3) / *brsi*—(E.Th 26; 48; C.Hy 1a; C.St 1); Gk. *Imbrassis* (Car.), *Imbarsis* (Car.);

- Derivative *im(ma)ralla/i*—“(X-God) of the Open Country”, also attested as a theorem in HLuw. as (DEUS)mara/i-lá/í /Immarall(i)-/ (MALATYA 5; Hawkins 2000, 306–307): Car. *para-ibreλ* (E.Me 47); Gk. *Imbaréldos* (Car.), *Imbralos* (Car.);

- Derivative *im(ma)raima/i*—“Of (the X-God of) the Open Country”: Gk. *Imbraimis* (Lyc.).

## 4.3 Functional Epithets Referring to the Specific Field of Action of the Deity Invoked

This category is particularly broad, given the wide variety of functions performed by deities in the Luwic worlds. Among the different domains represented, the following three can be highlighted:

- The military field, as exemplified by names reminding us the formula HLuw. (DEUS)TONITRUS EXERCITUS /Tarhunz kwalanassis/ “Storm-God of the Army”,<fnref n="41" /> such as Hier. /Ku(wa)lana-muwa-/ (e.g. *BoHa* 19, 192–193) “(Having) the Might of (the Storm-God of) the Army”, /Ku(wa)lana-runtiya-/ (*BoHa* 19, 194) “(Storm-God of) the Army (and) Protective-God”, /Ku(wa)lana-zid(i)-/ (e.g. *BoHa* 19, 195–198)

<footnote n="40">40 Yakubovich 2013, 99. On most of the following names, see already Adiego 2007, 335; Melchert 2013, 35.</footnote>

<footnote n="41">41 SÜDBURG §3; Hawkins 1995, 23–24.</footnote>
"Man of (the Storm-God of) the Army", Cun. *Kuwalanalla*- "Of (the Storm-God of) the Army" (*KBo* 5, 7 obv. 6). To this same category belongs the Lycian (B) epithet *erbbese/i-* "of Turmoil", which can be found in names like Gk. *Trokoarbasis* (Cil.), *Kolarbasis* (Cil.), *Ouanaouarbasis* (Cil.), *Arbas(s)is* (Cil., Lyc.), *Arbēs(s)is* (Car.): as explained above, this epithet is associated with the Storm-God in the Lycian B part of the Xanthos Stele;

- The agricultural area, in different aspects. For example, the wine sphere is represented in Hier. /Tuwarisa-/ (*NH* 1401), which is reminiscent of *tu-wa/i+ra/i-sà-sa* (*DEUS*)*TONITRUS-hu-za-sa* /tuwarisassa Tarhunzas/ "Storm-God of the Vineyard."<fnref n="42" /> The prosperity that comes from good harvests could also be present in the names Hier. /Sura-/ (*BoHa* 22, 131), Lyc. *Hura-* (*TAM* I, 47.1; 119.2), *Hurttuwete/i-* (*TAM* I, 38.3–4; 94.1)<fnref n="43" /> and Gk. *Erma.nd)ortas* (Lyc.), if they are related to HLuw. (*CORNU* +*RA/I*)*su+ra/i-* /sur(i)-/ "abundance, fullness" and *CORNU*+*RA/I-ti-* /suraTi(ya)-/ "sati-ated" (derived from the unattested */suraT(i)-/).<fnref n="44" /> These words are not directly at-tested as divine epithets but can be compared with the Hittite formula ḏ*Ala* GURUN-*aš* iyatnaš "Ala of plenty of fruit".<fnref n="45" />

- The field of protection and punishment. For example, based on the Lycian formula *Malija hrixuwama* "Maliya the Supervisor"<fnref n="46" /> (*TAM* I, 80.3), one can interpret the Lycian name *Hrixmma* (*TAM* I, 89.1, 2; 90.1, 2) / Gk. *Rhikommas* (Lyc.) as reflecting the epithet, in reference to the goddess Maliya and her protecting role.<fnref n="47" /> On the other hand, some gods are invoked for their punitive function, as can be seen in a number of curse formulae attested in the Luwian and Lycian inscriptions. Accordingly, the onomastic element *xtta-*, found in several Lycian names, such as Lyc. *I-xtta-* (*TAM* I, 56.2) / Gk. *I-ktas*, if one admits that this form comes from the reduction of *Ija-xtta-* (god Ea/Iya),<fnref n="48" /> Gk. *Erma-ktas* (Moon-God Arma), *Tedi-ktas* (Father X-God), could be the direct cognate of CLuw. *hatt(a)-* "striking, harm" (cf. HLuw. /hatta-/ "to hit", Lyc. *xtta(i)-* "to do harm"),<fnref n="49" /> used as a divine epithet in a formula such as "X-God of Striking". Such an epithet would therefore be close in meaning

<footnote n="42">42 SULTANHAN §8, Hawkins 2000, 466. On this epithet, see Weeden 2018.</footnote>

<footnote n="43">43 See Réveilhac forthcoming a, where this name is tentatively interpreted as a *Satzname* meaning "(The X-God[dess] of) Abundance will favour (him)".</footnote>

<footnote n="44">44 On these lexemes, see Bauer 2022 and Bauer/Yakubovich 2022.</footnote>

<footnote n="45">45 Van Gessel 1998, 10.</footnote>

<footnote n="46">46 This epithet has been compared, for the meaning, to some epithets of Athena (*episkopos* "over-seer", *epiēranos* "assisting", *epikouros* "protector"), to whom Maliya is equated (Serangeli 2015), and, for the etymology, to the epithet *eriounios* of Hermes; see García Ramón 2015, 126–136.</footnote>

<footnote n="47">47 In order to do so, one must assume a reduction of the sequence /-uwa-/ > /-u-/ and, eventually, a syncope, maybe due to an accent shift. For both phenomena in Lycian, see Hajnal 1995, 14 and 182–183, respectively.</footnote>

<footnote n="48">48 On the identification of HLuwian (DEUS)i-ya- /Iya-/ as the representation of the originally Mesopotamian god Ea and its use in the Luwic onomastics, see lastly Giusfredi 2019.</footnote>

<footnote n="49">49 Melchert 1993, 63; Melchert 2004, 85.</footnote>
"Man of (the Storm-God of) the Army", Cun. *Kuwalanalla*- "Of (the Storm-God of) the Army" (*KBo* 5, 7 obv. 6). To this same category belongs the Lycian (B) epithet *erbbese/i-* "of Turmoil", which can be found in names like Gk. *Trokoarbasis* (Cil.), *Kolarbasis* (Cil.), *Ouanaouarbasis* (Cil.), *Arbas(s)is* (Cil., Lyc.), *Arbēs(s)is* (Car.): as explained above, this epithet is associated with the Storm-God in the Lycian B part of the Xanthos Stele;

- The agricultural area, in different aspects. For example, the wine sphere is represented in Hier. /Tuwarisa-/ (*NH* 1401), which is reminiscent of *tu-wa/i+ra/i-sà-sa* (*DEUS*)TONITRUS-*hu-za-sa* /tuwarisassa Tarhunzas/ "Storm-God of the Vineyard."<fnref n="42" /> The prosperity that comes from good harvests could also be present in the names Hier. /Sura-/ (*BoHa* 22, 131), Lyc. *Hura-* (*TAM* I, 47.1; 119.2), *Hurttuwete/i-* (*TAM* I, 38.3–4; 94.1)<fnref n="43" /> and Gk. *Erma.nd)ortas* (Lyc.), if they are related to HLuw. (*CORNU* +*RA/I*)*su+ra/i-* /*sur(i)-/* "abundance, fullness" and *CORNU+RA/I-ti-* /*suraTi(ya)-/* "sati-ated" (derived from the unattested */*suraT(i)-/)<fnref n="44" /> These words are not directly at-tested as divine epithets but can be compared with the Hittite formula ḏ*Ala* GURUN-*aš* iyatnaš "Ala of plenty of fruit".<fnref n="45" />

- The field of protection and punishment. For example, based on the Lycian formula *Malija hrixuwama* "Maliya the Supervisor"<fnref n="46" /> (*TAM* I, 80.3), one can interpret the Lycian name *Hrixmma* (*TAM* I, 89.1, 2; 90.1, 2) / Gk. *Rhikommas* (Lyc.) as reflecting the epithet, in reference to the goddess Maliya and her protecting role.<fnref n="47" /> On the other hand, some gods are invoked for their punitive function, as can be seen in a number of curse formulae attested in the Luwian and Lycian inscriptions. Accordingly, the onomastic element *xtta-*, found in several Lycian names, such as Lyc. *I-xtta-* (*TAM* I, 56.2) / Gk. *I-ktas*, if one admits that this form comes from the reduction of *Ija-xtta-* (god Ea/Iya),<fnref n="48" /> Gk. *Erma-ktas* (Moon-God Arma), *Tedi-ktas* (Father X-God), could be the direct cognate of CLuw. *hatt(a)-* "striking, harm" (cf. HLuw. /hatta-/ "to hit", Lyc. *xtta(i)-* "to do harm"),<fnref n="49" /> used as a divine epithet in a formula such as "X-God of Striking". Such an epithet would therefore be close in meaning

<footnote n="42">42 SULTANHAN §8, Hawkins 2000, 466. On this epithet, see Weeden 2018.</footnote>

<footnote n="43">43 See Réveilhac forthcoming a, where this name is tentatively interpreted as a *Satzname* meaning "(The X-God[dess] of) Abundance will favour (him)".</footnote>

<footnote n="44">44 On these lexemes, see Bauer 2022 and Bauer/Yakubovich 2022.</footnote>

<footnote n="45">45 Van Gessel 1998, 10.</footnote>

<footnote n="46">46 This epithet has been compared, for the meaning, to some epithets of Athena (*episkopos* "over-seer", *epiēranos* "assisting", *epikouros* "protector"), to whom Maliya is equated (Serangeli 2015), and, for the etymology, to the epithet *eriounios* of Hermes; see García Ramón 2015, 126–136.</footnote>

<footnote n="47">47 In order to do so, one must assume a reduction of the sequence /-uwa-/ > /-u-/ and, eventually, a syncope, maybe due to an accent shift. For both phenomena in Lycian, see Hajnal 1995, 14 and 182–183, respectively.</footnote>

<footnote n="48">48 On the identification of HLuwian (DEUS)i-ya- /Iya-/ as the representation of the originally Mesopotamian god Ea and its use in the Luwic onomastics, see lastly Giusfredi 2019.</footnote>

<footnote n="49">49 Melchert 1993, 63; Melchert 2004, 85.</footnote>
and etymologically related to Lyc. *xttbile/i-* “destructive” (cf. Lyc. *xttba-* “harm”), recognised in the names Lyc. *Hrixttbile/i-* (TAM I, 22.1) “Super-Destructive”, Gk. *Er-mektibilis / Ermaktibilos / Ermaktubelis* (Lyc.) “Destructive Moon-God (Arma)”, *Ktibi-las* (Lyc.) “The Destroyer” (here with probable individualising suffix).<fnref n="50" />

## 4.4 Laudatory Epithet

Among these epithets, some are already well known, such as the Luwian adjective /muwatall(a/i)-/ “mighty”,<fnref n="51" /> associated especially with the Storm-God in Hittite texts behind the sumerogram NIR.GÁL and in Hieroglyphic Luwian in (DEUS)TONITRUS FORTIS /Tarhunt-muwatall(a/i)-/.<fnref n="52" /> This very epithet is the basis of several names: the Hittite royal name m'Muwatalli- (NH 837); HLuw. /Muwatall(i)-/ (MARAŞ 1, §1d; Hawkins 2000, 262); Lyc. *Mutle/(i)-* (TAM I, 150) and *Mutlēi-*(M 210; with individualising suffix); Gk. *Motolōn* (Lyc.), *Motalōs* (Kibyr.).<fnref n="53" />

The Luwian adjective /ura-/ “great” is also one of the laudatory epithets which we find associated with the Storm-God in the Hieroglyphic Luwian formula CAELUM MAGNUS (DEUS)TONITRUS, corresponding to the dative sequence /tipassanan ura Tar-hunti/ “to the great Storm-God of Heaven”.<fnref n="54" /> And this formula, “Great Storm-God”, is precisely mirrored in the compound name m*Ura*-d*U (NH 1441).<fnref n="55" /> On this basis, it is possible to interpret a number of personal names with /Ura-/ referring to a deity, the Storm-God or another one, as suggested by the compounds Cun. m*GAL*.d*IŠTAR-a-(Trémouille, *Répertoire s.n.*) “Great Shaushka” and Hier. /Ura-Sarma-/ (KARKAMIŠ A4a, §7; Hawkins 2000, 157) “Great Sarruma”.<fnref n="56" /> It is therefore only natural to find this element associated with bases that are usually used in the formation of theophoric names: e.g. Hier. /Ura-zid(i)-/ (*BoHa* 19, 503; *NH* 1439) “Man of the Great (X-God[dess])”; Gk. *Oura-moutas* (Cil.) “Great (X-God[dess]) of Conquest”, *Or-peigesis* (Lyc.) “Great

<footnote n="50">50 See Adiego 2022, 84–85.</footnote>

<footnote n="51">51 On some of these names, see Houwink ten Cate 1961, 167; Melchert 2013, 34.</footnote>

<footnote n="52">52 E.g. KARKAMIŠ A4b, §4; Hawkins 2000, 80–82.</footnote>

<footnote n="53">53 Van Gessel 1998, 661 (d*IŠKUR NIR.GÁL) and 787–788 (d*U NIR.GÁL); Mouton 2020, 226.</footnote>

<footnote n="54">54 ANCOZ 9, §2; Hawkins 2000, 359.</footnote>

<footnote n="55">55 The interpretation of such names as predicative compounds with the meaning “X-God(dess) (is) great” (Yakubovich 2017, 40) cannot be taken for granted. On the other hand, they must neither be considered as “descriptive compounds” – then judged as “hubristic names” by I. Yakubovich: they would rather have a similar value as pure and simple theonyms converted into anthroponyms (see already Laroche 1966, 281–282), that is, names intended to place their bearer under the protection of a deity.</footnote>

<footnote n="56">56 See the large number of deities associated with the epithet “great” in Hittite texts: van Gessel 2001, 55–56 (Hitt. *šalli*), 107 (sumerogram GAL) and 163 (akkadogram *RABŪ(M)*).</footnote>
and etymologically related to Lyc. *xttbile/i-* “destructive” (cf. Lyc. *xttba-* “harm”), recognised in the names Lyc. *Hrixttbile/i-* (TAM I, 22.1) “Super-Destructive”, Gk. *Er-mektibilis / Ermaktibilos / Ermaktubelis* (Lyc.) “Destructive Moon-God (Arma)”, *Ktibi-las* (Lyc.) “The Destroyer” (here with probable individualising suffix).<fnref n="50" />

## 4.4 Laudatory Epithet

Among these epithets, some are already well known, such as the Luwian adjective /muwatall(a/i)-/ “mighty”,<fnref n="51" /> associated especially with the Storm-God in Hittite texts behind the sumerogram NIR.GÁL and in Hieroglyphic Luwian in (DEUS)TONITRUS FORTIS /Tarhunt-muwatall(a/i)-/.<fnref n="52" /> This very epithet is the basis of several names: the Hittite royal name mʿMuwatalli- (NH 837); HLuw. /Muwatall(i)-/ (MARAṢ 1, §1d; Hawkins 2000, 262); Lyc. *Mutle/(i)-* (TAM I, 150) and *Mutlēi-*(M 210; with individualising suffix); Gk. *Motolōn* (Lyc.), *Motalōs* (Kibyr.).<fnref n="53" />

The Luwian adjective /ura-/ “great” is also one of the laudatory epithets which we find associated with the Storm-God in the Hieroglyphic Luwian formula CAELUM MAGNUS (DEUS)TONITRUS, corresponding to the dative sequence /tipassanan ura Tar-hunti/ “to the great Storm-God of Heaven”.<fnref n="54" /> And this formula, “Great Storm-God”, is precisely mirrored in the compound name mʿUra-d-U (NH 1441).<fnref n="55" /> On this basis, it is possible to interpret a number of personal names with /Ura-/ referring to a deity, the Storm-God or another one, as suggested by the compounds Cun. mʿGAL.dIŠTAR-a-(Trémouille, *Répertoire s.n.*) “Great Shaushka” and Hier. /Ura-Sarma-/ (KARKAMIŠ A4a, §7; Hawkins 2000, 157) “Great Sarruma”.<fnref n="56" /> It is therefore only natural to find this element associated with bases that are usually used in the formation of theophoric names: e.g. Hier. /Ura-zid(i)-/ (*BoHa* 19, 503; *NH* 1439) “Man of the Great (X-God[dess])”; Gk. *Oura-moutas* (Cil.) “Great (X-God[dess]) of Conquest”, *Or-peigesis* (Lyc.) “Great

<footnote n="50">50 See Adiego 2022, 84–85.</footnote>

<footnote n="51">51 On some of these names, see Houwink ten Cate 1961, 167; Melchert 2013, 34.</footnote>

<footnote n="52">52 E.g. KARKAMIŠ A4b, §4; Hawkins 2000, 80–82.</footnote>

<footnote n="53">53 Van Gessel 1998, 661 (dIŠKUR NIR.GÁL) and 787–788 (dU NIR.GÁL); Mouton 2020, 226.</footnote>

<footnote n="54">54 ANCOZ 9, §2; Hawkins 2000, 359.</footnote>

<footnote n="55">55 The interpretation of such names as predicative compounds with the meaning “X-God(dess) (is) great” (Yakubovich 2017, 40) cannot be taken for granted. On the other hand, they must neither be considered as “descriptive compounds” – then judged as “hubristic names” by I. Yakubovich: they would rather have a similar value as pure and simple theonyms converted into anthroponyms (see already Laroche 1966, 281–282), that is, names intended to place their bearer under the protection of a deity.</footnote>

<footnote n="56">56 See the large number of deities associated with the epithet “great” in Hittite texts: van Gessel 2001, 55–56 (Hitt. *šalli*), 107 (sumerogram GAL) and 163 (akkadogram *RABŪ(M)*).</footnote>
(Storm-God of) Lightning”, *Our-oas* (Pamph.) “Great (X-God[dess]), favour (him)!”<sup>57</sup> and as a simple name in *Oras* (Lyc.),<sup>58</sup> *Ourēs* (Cil.), *Ouros* (Pamph.).<sup>59</sup>

The epithet can sometimes be found in second position in anthroponymic compounds, such as Cun. mMaššana-ura- / mDINGIRMES-GAL, Hier. /Massana-ura-/ (NH 774), translated as “Great (one) of the gods”<sup>60</sup> or “Great (among) gods”.<sup>61</sup> However, this does not seem necessary in view of this other compound attested on a hieroglyphic seal dating from the Hittite Empire: /Tiwada-ura-/ (BoHa 19, 462, 463). The latter is reminiscent of the formula where a solar deity is accompanied by the epithet “great”, positioned either before or after the divine name in Hittite (e.g. šalli dUTU-i, GAL-iš dUTU-uš, dUTU-i GAL-i etc.),<sup>62</sup> and thus meaning “Great Sun-God”. Similarly, /Massana-ura-/ “Great Gods” reflects the formula DINGIRMES GAL used, for instance, in the Telipinu Myth in aism that associates it with the “lesser gods”.<sup>63</sup>

## 4.5 Divine Title

Most of these titles are related to the political or military power, such as “king”, “queen”, “lord”, “master” etc. and can be associated with several deities: it is only natural to find some of these title used in personal names. Thus, the Pisidian name Γδε-βετι-<sup>64</sup> is the cognate of Luw. /hantawatt(i)-/ and Lyc. xñtawate/i- “king”,<sup>65</sup> the former being connected to the Steppe-God in the Hieroglyphic Luwian inscription MALATYA 5 and the latter used as an epithet of two gods, the Caunian King (Lyc. xñtawati Xbideñni / Gk. Basilei Kauniōi) and the King Arkesimas (Lyc. Arccazuma xñtawati/Gk. Arkesima), in the Létôon Trilingual (N 320.7–8). I have also recently proposed that a / tubar(i)-/ element should be recognised in several Luwic names.<sup>66</sup> This basis, combined with several theonyms, such as Ida (Car. Dtýbr-), the Storm-God Tarhunt (Gk. Tarkun-dberras [Cil.]), the Moon-God Arma (Gk. Erma-toboris / Erman-doberis /

<footnote n="57">57 In Réveilhac forthcoming a, I suggest analysing indigenous names in -oas found in the Greek sources from Lycia and neighbouring regions as Satznamen which have the Lycian bare verbal stem uwe- “to look favourably” in the second member, here in imperative use. For the meaning of this verb, see Sasseville 2020, 380.</footnote>

<footnote n="58">58 Although in this case it cannot be excluded that it is an adaptation of the Lycian name Hura-.</footnote>

<footnote n="59">59 On some of the names attested in the Greek sources, see already Houwink ten Cate 1961, 164–165.</footnote>

<footnote n="60">60 Melchert 2013, 41.</footnote>

<footnote n="61">61 Yakubovich 2017, 41.</footnote>

<footnote n="62">62 Van Gessel 1998, 879–880.</footnote>

<footnote n="63">63 CTH 324, KUB 33.4.5 36 ii 11: cf. van Gessel 1998, 997–998. Note also the reverse order of the elements in the formula in šalliš DINGIRLIM-iš / šalli-DINGIRMES / DINGIRLUM RABÛ: see van Gessel 1998, 974, 989–990.</footnote>

<footnote n="64">64 Brixhe 2016, 83–84.</footnote>

<footnote n="65">65 Melchert 2013, 35.</footnote>

<footnote n="66">66 Réveilhac forthcoming b.</footnote>
*Erman-duberis* [Lyc.] or the Protective God Runtiya (Gk. Rōn-doberras/Rōn-dberras [Cil.]), but also with divine epithets (e.g. Gk. *Perta-toubaris* [Pis.], cf. CLuw. *paratt* (*a*)-“impurity”), might have originally been a divine title meaning “battle companion, (divine) ally”, which even became a local heronym in Lycia, according to the testimony transmitted by Stephanus of Byzantium.<fnref n="67" />

To this group might be added epithets from the family lexicon, in particular those with a significant presence of the names of the “father” and “mother”, associated with several deities. Such usage finds well-known parallels in neighbouring Indo-European, Hurrian and Semitic traditions. As already assumed by Houwink ten Cate, the use of kinship terms in Luwic onomastics is related to their function as divine epithets.<fnref n="68" /> Thus, the name of the “father” is associated with the Sun-God Tiwad in the Luwian formula /tatis Tiwaz/,<fnref n="69" /> the origin of which is none other than that of the proto-Indo-European Father Sky, also known in Vedic (*dyàuş pítar* “(o) Father Sky”), Greek (*Zeu pater* “(o) Father Zeus”) and Latin (*Iù-piter* “Father Jove, Jupiter”). It should be noted that this epithet, while originally associated with Tiwad to emphasise the primary hierarchical role that this god played in the pantheon, might have been extended to other deities, such as the Wine-God Tipariya.<fnref n="70" /> Therefore, anthroponyms formed with the father’s name (Luw. /tad(i) /, Lyc. *ted(i)*-, Car. *ted*) are to be understood as theophoric: e.g. Cun. m*Tati-ŠEŠ* (NH 1309), Gk. *Tede-nēnis* (Lyc.), *Tedi-nēnis* (Cil.), which must have the sense of “Father (Sun-God?) (divine) Brother”.<fnref n="71" /> The names of Greek transmission *Tedi-arsasis*, *Tedi-komadis*, *Tedi-ktas*, *Tedi-monis*, *Tedi-sbēs* (Lyc.), *Tedi-aris* (Cil.) are probably also to be interpreted in the same sense, while the Lycian noun *Teθ(θ)i-weibe/i-* is a probable compound displaying the genitival adjective *teθθe/i-* (*< *tedese/i-**) “of the Father (Sun-God?)” as its first member.

## 5 Conclusions

Following on from recent work, this preliminary study has attempted to highlight the important presence of divine epithets in the formation of Luwic anthroponyms (especially in Luwian, Lycian, Carian and Pisidian). The main difficulty in identifying these

<footnote n="67">67 Ύλαμοι· πόλις Λυκίας, ὡς Αλέξανδρος ὁ πολυίστωρ ἐν β Περὶ Λυκίας. Εἶτα Διονύσιος φησι Τούβεριν καὶ Τέρμεριν δύο ἀδελφᾶς γῆμαι καὶ γεννῆσαι δέκα ἄρρενας ἐκάτερον. Ύλάμους δὲ τοὺς καρπούς φασι. Τὸ ἐθνικὸν Ὑλαμίτης. “Hylamoi: a city of Lycia, as Alexander Polyhistor states in book 2 of About Lycia. Then Dionysios relates that Touberis and Termeris had married two sisters and that each of them had fathered ten (children) males. (The Lycians) call the fruits hylamoi. The ethnic is Hylamite.”</footnote>

<footnote n="68">68 Houwink ten Cate 1961, 139.</footnote>

<footnote n="69">69 A similar formula is also known in Lydian (an Anatolian language not belonging to the Luwic subgroup), with *lēms taada[s]* “Father Zeus” (LW 14.10).</footnote>

<footnote n="70">70 ARSUZ 1 and 2, §24b; Dinçol *et al.* 2015.</footnote>

<footnote n="71">71 Pace Neumann 1996, 11; Melchert 2013, 38; Réveilhac 2018, 477, the meaning “Brother of the (same) father” is forced.</footnote>
*Erman-duberis* [Lyc.] or the Protective God Runtiya (Gk. Rōn-doberras/Rōn-dberras [Cil.]), but also with divine epithets (e.g. Gk. *Perta-toubaris* [Pis.], cf. CLuw. *paratt* (*a*)-“impurity”), might have originally been a divine title meaning “battle companion, (divine) ally”, which even became a local heronym in Lycia, according to the testimony transmitted by Stephanus of Byzantium.<fnref n="67" />

To this group might be added epithets from the family lexicon, in particular those with a significant presence of the names of the “father” and “mother”, associated with several deities. Such usage finds well-known parallels in neighbouring Indo-European, Hurrian and Semitic traditions. As already assumed by Houwink ten Cate, the use of kinship terms in Luwic onomastics is related to their function as divine epithets.<fnref n="68" /> Thus, the name of the “father” is associated with the Sun-God Tiwad in the Luwian formula /tatis Tiwaz/,<fnref n="69" /> the origin of which is none other than that of the proto-Indo-European Father Sky, also known in Vedic (*dyàuṣ pítar* “(o) Father Sky”), Greek (*Zeu pater* “(o) Father Zeus”) and Latin (*Iù-piter* “Father Jove, Jupiter”). It should be noted that this epithet, while originally associated with Tiwad to emphasise the primary hierarchical role that this god played in the pantheon, might have been extended to other deities, such as the Wine-God Tipariya.<fnref n="70" /> Therefore, anthroponyms formed with the father’s name (Luw. /tad(i) /, Lyc. *ted(i)*-, Car. *ted*) are to be understood as theophoric: e.g. Cun. m*Tati-ŠEŠ* (NH 1309), Gk. *Tede-nēnis* (Lyc.), *Tedi-nēnis* (Cil.), which must have the sense of “Father (Sun-God?) (divine) Brother”.<fnref n="71" /> The names of Greek transmission *Tedi-arsasis*, *Tedi-komadis*, *Tedi-ktas*, *Tedi-monis*, *Tedi-sbēs* (Lyc.), *Tedi-aris* (Cil.) are probably also to be interpreted in the same sense, while the Lycian noun *Teθ(θ)i-weibe/i-* is a probable compound displaying the genitival adjective *teθθe/i-* (*< *tedese/i-**) “of the Father (Sun-God?)” as its first member.

## 5 Conclusions

Following on from recent work, this preliminary study has attempted to highlight the important presence of divine epithets in the formation of Luwic anthroponyms (especially in Luwian, Lycian, Carian and Pisidian). The main difficulty in identifying these

<footnote n="67">67 Ύλαμοι· πόλις Λυκίας, ὡς Αλέξανδρος ὁ πολυίστωρ ἐν β Περὶ Λυκίας. Εἶτα Διονύσιος φησι Τούβεριν καὶ Τέρμεριν δύο ἀδελφᾶς γῆμαι καὶ γεννῆσαι δέκα ἄρρενας ἐκάτερον. Ύλάμους δὲ τοὺς καρπούς φασι. Τὸ ἐθνικὸν የΛαμίτης. “Hylamoi: a city of Lycia, as Alexander Polyhistor states in book 2 of About Lycia. Then Dionysios relates that Touberis and Termeris had married two sisters and that each of them had fathered ten (children) males. (The Lycians) call the fruits hylamoi. The ethnic is Hylamite.”</footnote>

<footnote n="68">68 Houwink ten Cate 1961, 139.</footnote>

<footnote n="69">69 A similar formula is also known in Lydian (an Anatolian language not belonging to the Luwic subgroup), with *lēms taada[s]* “Father Zeus” (LW 14.10).</footnote>

<footnote n="70">70 ARSUZ 1 and 2, §24b; Dinçol *et al.* 2015.</footnote>

<footnote n="71">71 *Pace* Neumann 1996, 11; Melchert 2013, 38; Réveilhac 2018, 477, the meaning “Brother of the (same) father” is forced.</footnote>
divine epithets lies in the fragmentary nature of the corpora of the languages in question, which obviously limits their understanding. It should be noted, however, that this field of study is in constant progress thanks to the regular appearance of new documents and the progress made by historians, historians of religions, philologists and linguists.

The identification of divine epithets in anthroponyms must first be based on the divine onomastic formulae attested in the various Anatolian corpora. Some of these formulae are reflected, directly or indirectly, in anthroponymic compounds. Combina-torial analysis and parallels with other names finally allow us to restore certain di-vine onomastic formulae.

We were able to identify five main types of divine epithets used in the formation of Luwic personal names: geographical epithets, epithets corresponding to the place of ac-tion of the deity, functional epithets, laudatory epithets and divine titles. But it must be borne in mind that there are a number of onomastic elements whose meaning is un-known and which probably constitute other divine epithets. The task is therefore still considerable, since each element must be the subject of meticulous investigation involv-ing the data available in the various corpora.

More broadly, it appears that the place of theophoric names in the Luwic lan-guages in the wider sense, that is anthroponyms formed with a divine name and/or a divine epithet, is more significant than has been believed until recently. A more pre-cise morphological analysis of Luwic theophoric names can then be carried out in order to highlight the different formations at work and compare them with the exist-ing types in other Indo-European and geographically neighbouring languages, such as Hurrian and the Semitic languages.

## Bibliography

* Adams, Samuel L. / Beamont, Mark / Helms, Kristin / Zachhuber, Johannes (2016), “Hypostasis”, in: *Constance M. Furey / Joel Marcus LeMon / Brian Matz / Thomas Römer / Jens Schröter / Barry Dov Walfish (eds.), *Encyclopedia of the Bible and its Reception (EBR)*, Vol. 12: *Ho Tsun Shen – Insult*, Berlin / New York, 678–683.

* Adiego, Ignasi-Xavier (2007), *The Carian Language*, Leiden / Boston.

* Adiego, Ignasi-Xavier (2022), “Luwian *Tarhunaza*-, Cilician *Троковаца*, *Триковаца*”, in: *Indogermanische Forschungen* 127, 75–90.

* Archi, Alfonso (1993), “How a Pantheon Forms: The Case of Hattian-Hittite Anatolia and Ebla of the Third Millennium B.C.”, in: Bernd Janowski / Klaus Koch / Gernot Wilhelm (eds.), *Religionsgeschichtliche Beziehung zwischen Kleinasien, Nordsyrien und dem Alten Testament im 2. und 1. Jahrtausend. Internationales Symposion*, Hamburg 17.-21. März 1990, Freiburg / Göttingen, 1–18.

* Bauer, Anna (2022), “Hieroglyphic Luwian Late /sur(i)-/, (CORNU+RA/I)su+ra/i-, /suraTi(ya)-/, CORNU+RA/I-ti (eDiAna-ID 826)”, in: *eDiAna*. http://www.ediana.gwi.uni-muenchen.de/dictionary.php?lemma=826 (seen 2.20.2023).
divine epithets lies in the fragmentary nature of the corpora of the languages in question, which obviously limits their understanding. It should be noted, however, that this field of study is in constant progress thanks to the regular appearance of new documents and the progress made by historians, historians of religions, philologists and linguists.

The identification of divine epithets in anthroponyms must first be based on the divine onomastic formulae attested in the various Anatolian corpora. Some of these formulae are reflected, directly or indirectly, in anthroponymic compounds. Combina-torial analysis and parallels with other names finally allow us to restore certain di-vine onomastic formulae.

We were able to identify five main types of divine epithets used in the formation of Luwic personal names: geographical epithets, epithets corresponding to the place of ac-tion of the deity, functional epithets, laudatory epithets and divine titles. But it must be borne in mind that there are a number of onomastic elements whose meaning is un-known and which probably constitute other divine epithets. The task is therefore still considerable, since each element must be the subject of meticulous investigation involv-ing the data available in the various corpora.

More broadly, it appears that the place of theophoric names in the Luwic lan-guages in the wider sense, that is anthroponyms formed with a divine name and/or a divine epithet, is more significant than has been believed until recently. A more pre-cise morphological analysis of Luwic theophoric names can then be carried out in order to highlight the different formations at work and compare them with the exist-ing types in other Indo-European and geographically neighbouring languages, such as Hurrian and the Semitic languages.

## Bibliography

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* Adiego, Ignasi-Xavier (2007), *The Carian Language*, Leiden / Boston.

* Adiego, Ignasi-Xavier (2022), “Luwian *Tarhunaza*-, Cilician *Троковаца*, *Триковаца*”, in: *Indogermanische Forschungen* 127, 75–90.

* Archi, Alfonso (1993), “How a Pantheon Forms: The Case of Hattian-Hittite Anatolia and Ebla of the Third Millennium B.C.”, in: Bernd Janowski / Klaus Koch / Gernot Wilhelm (eds.), *Religionsgeschichtliche Beziehung zwischen Kleinasien, Nordsyrien und dem Alten Testament im 2. und 1. Jahrtausend*. *Internationales Symposion*, Hamburg 17.-21. März 1990, Freiburg / Göttingen, 1–18.

* Bauer, Anna (2022), “Hieroglyphic Luwian Late /sur(i)-/, (CORNU+RA/I)su+ra/i-, /suraTi(ya)-/, CORNU+RA/I-ti (eDiAna-ID 826)”, in: *eDiAna*. http://www.ediana.gwi.uni-muenchen.de/dictionary.php?lemma=826 (seen 2.20.2023).
Bauer, Anna / Yakubovich, Ilya (2022), “Hierогlyphic Luwian Late /suraTı(ya)-/, CORNU+RA/I-ti (eDiAna-ID 824)”, in: *eDiAna*. http://www.ediana.gwi.uni-muenchen.de/dictionary.php?lemma=824 (seen 2.20.2023).

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Granata, Elda (2013), “I nomi di persona in -āfov- nella poesia epica arcaica”, in: *Rivista di Filologia e di Istruzione Classica* 141, 5–45.

Haas, Volkert (1994), *Geschichte der hethitischen Religion*, Leiden.

Hajnal, Ivo (1995), *Der lykische Vokalismus. Methode und Erkenntnisse der vergleichenden anatolischen Sprachwissenschaft, angewandt auf das Vokalsystem einer Kleincorpussprache*, Graz.

Hawkins, J. David (1995), *The Hieroglyphic Inscription of the Sacred Pool Complex at Hattusa (SÜDBURG)*, Wiesbaden.

Hawkins, J. David (2000), *Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions. Vol. 1 Inscriptions of the Iron Age*, Berlin / New York.

Houwink ten Cate, Philo H. J. (1961), *The Luwian Population Groups of Lycia and Cilicia Aspera during the Hellenistic Period*, Leiden.

Hutter, Manfred (2003), “Aspects of Luwian Religion”, in: H. Craig Melchert (ed.), *The Luwians*, Leiden, 211–280.

Laroche, Emmanuel (1947), “Recherches sur les noms de dieux hittites”, in: *Revue hittite et asianique* 7/46, 7–139.

Laroche, Emmanuel (1966), *Les noms des Hittites*, Paris.

Melchert, H. Craig (1993), *Cuneiform Luwian Lexicon*, Chapell Hill.

Melchert, H. Craig (2003), “Language”, in: H. Craig. Melchert (ed.), *The Luwians*, Leiden / Boston, 170–210.

Melchert, H. Craig (2004), *A Dictionary of the Lycian Language*, Ann Arbor / New York.

Melchert, H. Craig (2013), “Naming Practices in Second-and First-Millennium Western Anatolia”, in: Robert Parker (ed.), *Personal Names in Ancient Anatolia*, Oxford, 31–49.

Miller, Jared L. (2008), “Setting Up the Goddess of the Night Separately”, in: Billie Jean Collins / Mary R. Bachvarova / Ian C. Rutherford (eds.), *Anatolian Interfaces: Hittites, Greeks and their Neighbours*.
Bauer, Anna / Yakubovich, Ilya (2022), “Hierогlyphic Luwian Late /suraTī(ya)-/, CORNU+RA/I-ti (eDiAna-ID 824)”, in: *eDiAna*. http://www.ediana.gwi.uni-muenchen.de/dictionary.php?lemma=824 (seen 2.20.2023).

Beckman, Gary (2004), “Pantheon. II. Bei den Hethitern”, in: *Reallexikon der Assyriologie* 10, 308–316.

Belayche, Nicole / Prost, Francis (2005), “Introduction – Troisième partie: La construction du nom et les fonctions de l’épiclèse”, in: Nicole Belayche / Pierre Brulé / Gérard Freyburger / Yves Lehmann / Laurent Pernot / Francis Prost (eds.), *Nommer les dieux : théonymes, épithètes, épiclèses dans l’Antiquité*, Turnhout, 211–212.

Bonnet, Corinne / Bianco, Maria / Galoppin, Thomas / Guillon, Élodie / Laurent, Antoine / Lebreton, Sylvain / Porzia, Fabio (2018), “‘Les dénominations des dieux nous offrent comme autant d’images dessinées’ (Julien, *Lettres* 89b, 291 b). Repenser le binôme théonyme-épithète”, in: *Studi e Materiali di Storia delle Religioni* 84, 567–591.

Brixhe, Claude (2016), *Stèles et langue de Pisidie*, Nancy.

Brulé, Pierre / Lebreton, Sylvain (2007), “La Banque de données sur les épiclèses divines (BDDE) du Crescam : sa philosophie”, in: *Kernos* 20, 217–228.

Cammarosano, Michele (2018), *Hittite Local Cults*, Atlanta.

Dinçol, Belkıs / Dinçol, Ali / Hawkins, J. David / Peker, Hasan / Öztan, Aliye (2015), “Two New Inscribed Storm-God Stelae from Arsuz (İskenderun): ARSUZ 1 and 2”, in: *Anatolian Studies* 65, 59–77.

García Ramón, José Luis (2015), “Licio, griego, indoeuropeo: I. Lic. *epīnene/i* -‘hermano menor’, lat. *opiter*, aaa. *aftero*, IE *h₁op(i)-* ‘después, detrás’. II. Lic. *tuue* -‘poner (en pie)’, IE *(s)teh₂u-. III. Lic. *Malija hrixxuqama* -‘Malia supervisora’ (: Atena ἐπιλοκοτος, ἐπιήρανος, ἐπίκουρος), hit. *šêr ḫuuai-, hom. ἐρι- οὐνος*, in: Emmanuel Dupraz / Wojciech Sowa (eds.), *Genres épigraphiques et langues d’attestation fragmentaire dans l’espace méditerranéen*, Mont-Saint-Aignan, 117–138.

Giusdredi, Federico (2019), “On the Names Iyaya and Iya and their Late Diffusion in the Ancient Near East”, in: *Nouvelles assyriologiques brèves et utilitaires* 3, 116–119.

Granata, Elda (2013), “I nomi di persona in -āfov- nella poesia epica arcaica”, in: *Rivista di Filologia e di Istruzione Classica* 141, 5–45.

Haas, Volkert (1994), *Geschichte der hethitischen Religion*, Leiden.

Hajnal, Ivo (1995), *Der lykische Vokalismus. Methode und Erkenntnisse der vergleichenden anatolischen Sprachwissenschaft, angewandt auf das Vokalsystem einer Kleincorpussprache*, Graz.

Hawkins, J. David (1995), *The Hieroglyphic Inscription of the Sacred Pool Complex at Hattusa (SÜDBURG)*, Wiesbaden.

Hawkins, J. David (2000), *Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions. Vol. 1 Inscriptions of the Iron Age*, Berlin / New York.

Houwink ten Cate, Philo H. J. (1961), *The Luwian Population Groups of Lycia and Cilicia Aspera during the Hellenistic Period*, Leiden.

Hutter, Manfred (2003), “Aspects of Luwian Religion”, in: H. Craig Melchert (ed.), *The Luwians*, Leiden, 211–280.

Laroche, Emmanuel (1947), “Recherches sur les noms de dieux hittites”, in: *Revue hittite et asianique* 7/46, 7–139.

Laroche, Emmanuel (1966), *Les noms des Hittites*, Paris.

Melchert, H. Craig (1993), *Cuneiform Luwian Lexicon*, Chapell Hill.

Melchert, H. Craig (2003), “Language”, in: H. Craig. Melchert (ed.), *The Luwians*, Leiden / Boston, 170–210.

Melchert, H. Craig (2004), *A Dictionary of the Lycian Language*, Ann Arbor / New York.

Melchert, H. Craig (2013), “Naming Practices in Second-and First-Millennium Western Anatolia”, in: Robert Parker (ed.), *Personal Names in Ancient Anatolia*, Oxford, 31–49.

Miller, Jared L. (2008), “Setting Up the Goddess of the Night Separately”, in: Billie Jean Collins / Mary R. Bachvarova / Ian C. Rutherford (eds.), *Anatolian Interfaces: Hittites, Greeks and their Neighbours*.
Proceedings of an International Conference on Cross-Cultural Interaction, September 17–19, 2004, Emory University, Atlanta, GA, Oxford, 67–72.

Mouton, Alice (2020), “Nommer les dieux hittites : au sujet de quelques épithètes divines”, in: *Archiv für Religionsgeschichte* 21–22, 225–243.

Mouton, Alice (2022), “Des dieux et des hommes: les noms théophores de l’Anatolie hittite” (oral presentation), in: Markus Egetmeyer / Rostislav Oreshko / Florian Réveilhac (orgs.), *Déplacements, migrations et contacts culturels en Méditerranée orientale dans le miroir de l’anthroponymie* (conference), Paris.

Neumann, Günter (1996), “Hethitisch-luwische Verwandtschaftswörter”, in: *Die Sprache* 38, 1–13.

Raimond, Éric / Vismara, Novella (2007), “Les sanctuaires lyciens de Tlôs et Patara”, in: *Res Antiquae* 4, 259–282.

Réveilhac, Florian (2018), *Contact linguistique et emprunts onomastiques entre grec et lycien: apports à la phonétique et à la morphologique*, PhD dissertation (Sorbonne Université), Paris.

Réveilhac, Florian (forthcoming a), “*Satznamen* in Lycian Personal Names”, in: Anamarija Kurilić / G. Eugenio Rallo / M. Cristina de la Escosura (eds.), *Omen/Nomen: New Approaches to Ancient Anthroponymy*.

Réveilhac, Florian (forthcoming b), “Tybérissos, un lieu divin: sur les traces d’une épiclèse en Anatolie méridionale”, in: Alcorac Alonso Déniz / Enrique Nieto Izquierdo (eds.), *Noms de lieux dans les langues anciennes. Approches linguistiques*, Nancy.

Richter, Thomas (2016), *Vorarbeiten zu einem hurritischen Namenbuch. Ersten Teil: Personennamen altbabylonischer Überlieferung vom Mittleren Euphrat und aus dem nördlichen Mesopotamien, Wiesbaden*.

Rousseau, Nathalie (2016), *Du syntagme au lexique : sur la composition en grec ancien*, avec une préface de Charle de Lamberterie, Paris.

Sasseville, David (2020), *Anatolian Verbal Stem Formation. Luwian, Lycian and Lydian*, Leiden / Boston.

Schwemer, Daniel (2006), “Das hethitische Reichspantheon: Überlegungen zu Struktur und Genese”, in: Reinhard Gregor (ed.), *Götterbilder – Gottesbilder – Weltbilder: Polytheismus und Monotheismus in der Welt der Antike*, Vol. 1: Ägypten, Mesopotamien, Kleinasien, Syrien, Palästina, Tübingen, 241–265.

Schwemer, Daniel (2008), “Fremde Götter in Hatti: Die hethitische Religion im Spannungsfeld von Synkretismus und Abgrenzung”, in: Gernot Wilhelm (ed.), *Hattuša-Boğazköy: Das Hethiterreich im Spannungsfeld des Alten Orients. 6. Internationales Colloquium der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft*, 22.–24. März 2006, Würzburg, Wiesbaden, 137–158.

Serangeli, Matilde (2015), “Heth. *Maliya*, lyk. *Malija* und griech. *Athena*”, in: Christian Zinko / Michaela Zinko (eds.), *1. Grazer Symposium zur indogermanischen Altertumskunde “Der antike Mensch im Spannungsfeld zwischen Ritual und Magie”*, Graz, 14.–15. November 2013, Graz, 375–388.

Singer, Itamar (1994), “‘The Thousand Gods of Hatti’: The Limits of an Expanding Pantheon”, in: Ilai Alon (ed.), *Concepts of the Other in Near Eastern Religions*, Leiden, 81–102.

Tekoğlu, Recai (2002–2003), “Three New Lycian Inscriptions from Tlos and Asartaş”, in: *Die Sprache* 43, 104–114.

van Gessel, Ben (1998), *Onomasticon of the Hittite Pantheon I-II*, Leiden / New York / Köln.

van Gessel, Ben (2001), *Onomasticon of the Hittite Pantheon III*, Leiden / New York / Köln.

Weeden, Mark (2018), “The Good God, the Wine God and the Storm God of the Vineyard”, in: *Die Welt des Orients* 48, 330–356.

Yakubovich, Ilya (2013), “Anatolian Names in -wiya and the Structure of Empire Luwian Onomastics”, in: Alice Mouton / Ian Rutherford / Ilya Yakubovich (eds.), *Luwian Identities. Culture, Language and Religion Between Anatolia and the Aegean*, Leiden / Boston, 87–123.

Yakubovich, Ilya (2014), “The Luwian Deity Kwanza”, in: *Aramazd. Armenian Journal of Near Eastern Studies* 8, 282–297.
Proceedings of an International Conference on Cross-Cultural Interaction, September 17–19, 2004, Emory University, Atlanta, GA, Oxford, 67–72.

Mouton, Alice (2020), “Nommer les dieux hittites : au sujet de quelques épithètes divines”, in: *Archiv für Religionsgeschichte* 21–22, 225–243.

Mouton, Alice (2022), “Des dieux et des hommes: les noms théophores de l’Anatolie hittite” (oral presentation), in: Markus Egetmeyer / Rostislav Oreshko / Florian Réveilhac (orgs.), *Déplacements, migrations et contacts culturels en Méditerranée orientale dans le miroir de l’anthroponymie* (conference), Paris.

Neumann, Günter (1996), “Hethitisch-luwische Verwandtschaftswörter”, in: *Die Sprache* 38, 1–13.

Raimond, Éric / Vismara, Novella (2007), “Les sanctuaires lyciens de Tłôs et Patara”, in: *Res Antiquae* 4, 259–282.

Réveilhac, Florian (2018), *Contact linguistique et emprunts onomastiques entre grec et lycien: apports à la phonétique et à la morphologique*, PhD dissertation (Sorbonne Université), Paris.

Réveilhac, Florian (forthcoming a), “Satznamen in Lycian Personal Names”, in: Anamarija Kurilić / G. Eugenio Rallo / M. Cristina de la Escosura (eds.), *Omen/Nomen: New Approaches to Ancient Anthroponymy*.

Réveilhac, Florian (forthcoming b), “Tybérissos, un lieu divin: sur les traces d’une épiclèse en Anatolie méridionale”, in: Alcorac Alonso Déniz / Enrique Nieto Izquierdo (eds.), *Noms de lieux dans les langues anciennes. Approches linguistiques*, Nancy.

Richter, Thomas (2016), *Vorarbeiten zu einem hurritischen Namenbuch. Ersten Teil: Personennamen altbabylonischer Überlieferung vom Mittleren Euphrat und aus dem nördlichen Mesopotamien, Wiesbaden*.

Rousseau, Nathalie (2016), *Du syntagme au lexique : sur la composition en grec ancien*, avec une préface de Charle de Lamberterie, Paris.

Sasseville, David (2020), *Anatolian Verbal Stem Formation. Luwian, Lycian and Lydian*, Leiden / Boston.

Schwemer, Daniel (2006), “Das hethitische Reichspantheon: Überlegungen zu Struktur und Genese”, in: Reinhard Gregor (ed.), *Götterbilder – Gottesbilder – Weltbilder: Polytheismus und Monotheismus in der Welt der Antike*, Vol. 1: Ägypten, Mesopotamien, Kleinasien, Syrien, Palästina, Tübingen, 241–265.

Schwemer, Daniel (2008), “Fremde Götter in Hatti: Die hethitische Religion im Spannungsfeld von Synkretismus und Abgrenzung”, in: Gernot Wilhelm (ed.), *Hattuša-Boğazköy: Das Hethiterreich im Spannungsfeld des Alten Orients. 6. Internationales Colloquium der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft*, 22.–24. März 2006, Würzburg, Wiesbaden, 137–158.

Serangeli, Matilde (2015), “Heth. *Maliya*, lyk. *Malija* und griech. *Athena*”, in: Christian Zinko / Michaela Zinko (eds.), *1. Grazer Symposium zur indogermanischen Altertumskunde “Der antike Mensch im Spannungsfeld zwischen Ritual und Magie”*, Graz, 14.–15. November 2013, Graz, 375–388.

Singer, Itamar (1994), “‘The Thousand Gods of Hatti’: The Limits of an Expanding Pantheon”, in: Ilai Alon (ed.), *Concepts of the Other in Near Eastern Religions*, Leiden, 81–102.

Tekoğlu, Recai (2002–2003), “Three New Lycian Inscriptions from Tlos and Asartaş”, in: *Die Sprache* 43, 104–114.

van Gessel, Ben (1998), *Onomasticon of the Hittite Pantheon I-II*, Leiden / New York / Köln.

van Gessel, Ben (2001), *Onomasticon of the Hittite Pantheon III*, Leiden / New York / Köln.

Weeden, Mark (2018), “The Good God, the Wine God and the Storm God of the Vineyard”, in: *Die Welt des Orients* 48, 330–356.

Yakubovich, Ilya (2013), “Anatolian Names in -wiya and the Structure of Empire Luwian Onomastics”, in: Alice Mouton / Ian Rutherford / Ilya Yakubovich (eds.), *Luwian Identities. Culture, Language and Religion Between Anatolia and the Aegean*, Leiden / Boston, 87–123.

Yakubovich, Ilya (2014), “The Luwian Deity Kwanza”, in: *Aramazd. Armenian Journal of Near Eastern Studies* 8, 282–297.
Yakubovich, Ilya (2017), “The Luwian Title of the Great King”, in: Alice Mouton (ed.), *Hittitology Today: Studies on Hittite and Neo-Hittite Anatolia in Honor of Emmanuel Laroche’s 100th Birthday*, Istanbul, 39–50.

Yakubovich, Ilya (2019), “The Mighty Weapon of Tarhunt”, in: Pavel S. Avetisyan / Robert Dan / Yervand H. Grekyan (eds.), *Over the Mountains and Far Away. Studies in Near Eastern History and Archaeology Presented to Mirjo Salvini on the Occasion of his 80th Birthday*, Oxford, 544–559.

Yakubovich, Ilya / Mouton, Alice (2023), Luwili. *Hittite-Luwian Ritual Texts Attributed to Puriyanni, Kuwatalla and Šilalluhi (CTH 758–763)*, Vol. 1: *Edition and Commentary*, Vol. 2: *Discussion and Glossary*, with an appendix by Laura Puértolas Rubio, Wiesbaden.

Zehnder, Thomas (2010), *Die hethitischen Frauennamen. Katalog und Interpretation*, Wiesbaden.
Yakubovich, Ilya (2017), “The Luwian Title of the Great King”, in: Alice Mouton (ed.), *Hittitology Today: Studies on Hittite and Neo-Hittite Anatolia in Honor of Emmanuel Laroche’s 100th Birthday*, Istanbul, 39–50.

Yakubovich, Ilya (2019), “The Mighty Weapon of Tarhunt”, in: Pavel S. Avetisyan / Robert Dan / Yervand H. Grekyan (eds.), *Over the Mountains and Far Away. Studies in Near Eastern History and Archaeology Presented to Mirjo Salvini on the Occasion of his 80th Birthday*, Oxford, 544–559.

Yakubovich, Ilya / Mouton, Alice (2023), Luwili. *Hittite-Luwian Ritual Texts Attributed to Puriyanni, Kuwatalla and Šilalluhi (CTH 758–763)*, Vol. 1: *Edition and Commentary*, Vol. 2: *Discussion and Glossary*, with an appendix by Laura Puértolas Rubio, Wiesbaden.

Zehnder, Thomas (2010), *Die hethitischen Frauennamen. Katalog und Interpretation*, Wiesbaden.