Starting with King Ləbnä Dəngəl (1508–1540), matrimonial practice changed. Only one wife was recognised as queen (nəgəšt) and given a regnal name, thereafter based on the King's name.

<table><caption>Table 5. Regnal names of the kings and queens in the 16th century (by M. Herman)</caption><thead><tr><td>King's baptismal name</td><td>Queen's baptismal name</td><td>King's regnal name</td><td>Queen's regnal name</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Ləbnä Dəngəl (1508–1540)</td><td>Säblä Wängel</td><td>Wanag Sägäd</td><td>Wanag Mogäsa</td></tr><tr><td>Minas (1559–1563)</td><td>Sellus Hayla</td><td>Admas Sägäd</td><td>Admas Mogäsa</td></tr><tr><td>Śarṣa Dəngəl (1563–1597)</td><td>Maryam Sena</td><td>Malak Sägäd</td><td>Malak Mogäsa</td></tr></tbody></table>

Kings began to marry by following the religious ceremony of marriage (or *taklil*), tried to restrict themselves to monogamy and rejected concubines (except King Śarṣa Dəngəl and King Iyasu I). This practice would be followed till the 18th and 19th centuries, though it was adapted slightly.

## 1.2. 16th century, the century of regencies

In 2015, Herman shows that while the principle of regency was introduced in the previous century, it began to become a regular system during the 16th century.

<table><thead><tr><td>Ləbnä Dəngəl<br>(1508–1516)</td><td>Gälawdewos<br>(1540–1542)</td><td>Śartsä Dəngəl<br>(1563–1566)</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>In 1508, Ləbnä Dəngəl was just a child. The regency was given to his grandmother Əleni, to his mother Na'od Mogäsa and to abuna Marqos. However, the power was held by Queen Əleni.</td><td>Säblä Wangel became regent through absence. Stationed in Şäwä, her son could not join the Portuguese in Təgre. Thus, she led soldiers to war. This delegation stopped when the king joined the regent and the army in 1543.</td><td>Säblä Wangel's power reached its peak during her grandson's reign, when she was chosen regent over his mother. She brought him to the throne while opposition was growing and acted as regent until 1565.</td></tr></tbody></table>

## 1.3. The creation of the title of *Itege* or *Etege*

The influence of Queen Əleni during the reign of Ləbnä Dəngəl (1508–1540) and of Queen Säblä Wangel in the 16th century, caused legislators to create a new title. According to Herman, it is during the reign of Minās (1559–1563), the title of *Itege* was made official. Säblä Wangel became the highest queen at court, surpassing the king's wife and was designated regent. The *Itege* was considered “Mother of the kingdom,” a distinction that gave her more influence than any other queen, becoming the second highest ranking personage after the king, and she kept her title until she died; previously this had been a king's privilege. All *Itege* (or *Itege*) were then held in great respect.
Source 24. Definition of the title of *Etege*

"It is observed that as long as the Emperor's mother lives, if she was Empress and wife to the Emperor deceased, the wife of the Emperor actually reigning is not called *Ethié*, but that Honor is always given to the Old One; insomuch that not only the wife of the new Emperor, but he himself, though he be not her son, calls her Mother, and Honors her as if she were really so."

Balthazar Tellez, *The Travels of the Jesuits in Ethiopia* (London: Kessinger Publishing, 2009[1710]), 52.

## 2. The political role of queens in Ethiopian history

### 2.1. Advisers to kings

Queens often advised kings in making political decisions. Mäsqäl Kəbra, the wife of King Lalibäla (12th century) is said to have persuaded the king to abdicate in favour of his nephew. But, when she discovered that he had mistreated a farmer, she told her husband to take the throne back.

Source 25. The qualities of Queen Əleni

"She (Əleni) was accomplished in everything: in front of God by practicing righteousness and having strong faith, by praying and receiving Holy Communion; in worldly terms, she was accomplished in preparing food [for the royal table], in familiarity with the books, in knowledge of the law, and in understanding the affairs of state. For these qualities, the King greatly loved our Queen Əleni. He considered her like his own mother."

Jules Perruchon, *Chronique de Zar'a Ya'eqob et Ba'eda Maryam* (Paris: E. Bouillon, 1893), 175-76.

Queen Əleni, the wife of King Zär'a Yaʻqob, advised four kings from Bä'ädä Maryam (1468-1478) till the regency of her great grandson Ləbnä Dəngəl (1508-1540). Her longevity helped her become one of the main characters of the court, till she died in 1524 (Herman 2020).

Between 1730 and 1769, *Atege*\* Məntəwwab, exercised power for, and with, her son and grandson. She became the most influential character of the 18th century. She governed the kingdom with her son, King Iyasu II (1730-55), as the official chronicle of their reign describes. Məntəwwab, with her family the *Qwäräññočč*, followed a policy of conciliation by appointing her close relatives to the central government. She also used her daughters to organise dynastic alliances with powerful regional lords to maintain peace. However, the distant provinces were left alone and acquired greater independence. James Bruce testified to her great achievements.

A century after, in 1883, Taytu Bətul married the King of Şäwa who became nəgušä nägäšt (*king of kings*) with the reigning name of Mənəlik II in 1889. In her turn, she was crowned *Atege*, receiving the official title of "Light of
<figure><img src="image_28.png" /><figcaption>Figure 9. The seal of Taytu</figcaption></figure>

<figure><img src="image_29.png" /><figcaption>Figure 10. A depiction of royal government. *Portraits of lyasu and Walatta Giyorgis*</figcaption></figure>

Ethiopia.” Taytu was a close adviser to her husband. She encouraged the king to move the capital from Antoţto to a lower altitude around the hot springs of Finfine. She also managed her vast estates with expertise. She directed the huge organisation required to feed and provide drink for thousands of soldiers and officers at the banquets. When Mənəlik’s health began to decline around 1906, Taytu began to make decisions on his behalf, angering her rivals for power by her appointment of favourites and relatives to most of the positions of power and influence. For the doctor Mérab, Taytu almost became the ruler of Ethiopia. Then, excluded from power, she retired in a monastery.
Source 26. Queen Taytu and the imperial authority

"After the proclamation announcing the guardianship and the regency of Ras Bitwoded Tessema, Empress Taytu took the imperial authority in her hands and started making appointments and demotions in the name of His Majesty Emperor Menelik. For example, she demoted Dejazmatch Demis Nesibu and appointed Ras Bitwoded Mengesha in his place as governor of Wollega. It was at that time that she also appointed other persons. The measures taken by the Empress were not appreciated by the Regent. (...)

After she finished her reprimand, she told them that she would not involve herself in the affairs of the government, and that she had thereby surrendered her authority."

Mers'é Hazen Wolde Qirqos, *Of What I Saw and Heard: the Last Years of Emperor Menelik II & the Brief Rule of Iyassu* (Addis Ababa: Centre français des études éthiopiennes & Zama Publishers, 2004), 54, 66.

## 2.2. Diplomats

In the 16th century, Əleni foresaw the Christian state's growing difficulties with its Muslim coastal neighbours. She sought an alliance with Portugal, then a major power in the Indian Ocean. Thus, she sent a letter with an Armenian trader, Mateus, who, after many vicissitudes, delivered the letter to the Portuguese king. Mateus left Portugal in 1517 with the Rodrigo da Lima Embassy to offer Ləbnä Dəngəl some assistance against the incursions of the Adäl warriors. However, the young king, ignoring Əleni's advice, had gone into battle and been victorious, defeating Māḥfūz, Aḥmad's chief minister. Continuing to ignore Əleni, at first Ləbnä Dəngəl showed little interest in obtaining Portuguese help. Later, he would however call them back for help.

Source 27. Queen Əleni, the father and mother of all

"They said that since she had died all of them had died, great and small, and that while she lived, all lived and were defended and protected; and she was the father and mother of all. (...) It might be eight or nine months after the death of Queen Elena, who reigned over the greater part of Goiame (Goğğam), that still as many as came to the Court went to weep at her tent, which was still pitched in its place."

Francisco Alvares, in G. W. B. Huntingford and C. F. Beckingham, *The Prester John of the Indies: A True Relation of the Lands of the Prester John, being the narrative of the Portuguese Embassy to Ethiopia in 1520* (London: The Hakluyt Society, 1961), vol. 2, 434.

At the end of the 19th century, Taytu provided a counterbalance to Mənəlik who, she considered, was too trusting of the foreigners plotting at his court. In 1890, there was a dispute between Italy and Ethiopia over the Treaty of Wuchale. Article 17 had two different meanings in the Amharic and Italian versions. The Amharic version recognised the sovereignty of Ethiopia and its relationship with Italy as a diplomatic partnership, while the Italian version made Ethiopia Italy's protectorate. Taytu was the first to encourage the
hesitant king to stand up against this. To the Italian envoy, Count Antoneli, Taytu said: "We also have our dignity to preserve. You wish Ethiopia to be represented before other powers as your protectorate, but this shall never be." Finally, in 1896, Mənəlik decided to confront the Italians. Taytu took part in the war and brought 3,000 of her own troops to Adwa. The ensuing victory brought about the downfall of the Italian Government.

### 2.3. *A religious role*

The references to queens in the *Encyclopaedia Aethiopica* show that they have always had an influence on the affairs of the church. In the 12th century, Mäsqäl Kəbra succeeded in persuading the head of the Ethiopian Church to ordain her brother, Hirun, as bishop. She is counted among the Ethiopian saints. In the 17th century, Wäld Sa'ala, the wife of King Susneyos, fought strongly against the Jesuits and helped the kingdom to return to orthodoxy. In the 18th century, Məntəwwab, a partisan of the *Qebat* movement, reconciled the two major monastic orders, who had for centuries engaged in bitter disputes over church doctrine.

Queens also built major churches in Ethiopia. Mäsqäl Kəbra built the church of Abba Libanos in Lalibäla. In the 16th century, Queen Əleni, a former Muslim, built a main church in Goğğam, Märțulä Maryam. It was built using stone and wood, with two *tabotat* (altar stones) of gold.

*Source 28. The richness of the church of Märtulä Maryam*

"I quote what he [Pero da Covilhao*] told me and I think he would tell the truth: that he had gone by order of Queen Elena to show how an altar should be made in this kingdom (...) and they made this altar of wood and crammed it all full of [solid] gold, and also the altar stone was of solid gold. (...) There was a big guard at that church, who guarded it on account of the great amount of gold that was in it."

Francisco Alvares, in G. W. B. Huntingford and C. F. Beckingham, *The Prester John of the Indies...* (op. cit.), vol. 2: 459.

*Pero da Covilhao* was a long-time Portuguese resident at court who had arrived in Ethiopia around 1507 and stayed until he died.

"The ornaments were very rich. There were some chalices and patens of gold of great weight, and two altar stones of solid gold (...) I am a witness of this for they were saved (...) and came into the hands of Emperor Seltan Cegued [Susnəyos], who kept them in our house, spending them on restoring this church."

Manoel d'Almeida, in G. W. B. Huntingford and C. F. Beckingham, *Some Records of Ethiopia, 1593-1646* (London: The Hakluyt Society, 1954), 103-8.

In the 18th century, as shown by Bosc-Tiessé, Məntəwwab was a great patron of the arts and literature, financing the building of many fine churches and stimulating the production of richly illuminated manuscripts and paintings.
She built several significant edifices in Gondär, like the complex called Däbrä Sahāy Qwəsqwam which included a palace and a church and she protected the Greek and Syrian artisans employed on palace building. She endowed the library of the church with 68 volumes, three of which were illuminated. In 1747, she then built a church on Lake Tana, called Narga Səllase, becoming the first queen to build a royal foundation on the Lake.

<figure><img src="image_30.png" /><figcaption>Figure 11. Margaux Herman, *Qwəsqwam Palace in Gondär*</figcaption></figure>

In the 19th century, Taytu was educated, could read and write Amharic and gë’ëz. She composed religious poetry and played the begena, a royal lyre. She sponsored the copying of religious books and ordered her own copy of the Miracle of Mary. She cared a lot for Jerusalem as she was in charge of “the department of Jerusalem affairs.” She founded the church of Antoţto Maryam.

**Conclusion**

Queens were not simply royal spouses. They played a major role on the political stage and their roles appear increasingly in royal chronicles, a proof of their growing power in politics and the religious sphere. They advised the kings, had a role to play in diplomatic affairs and in the religious sphere and were also involved in the succession process while the kings were being chosen. Their longevity at court helped them to influence the destiny of the country and they left their footprint on the Ethiopian landscape and history by building churches and palaces and writing or sponsoring religious books and arts. Many studies and biographical works need to be done on these women of the political sphere to illuminate all their achievements and deeds that have been left to one side or usurped by their male counterparts.

**References and further readings**

Beauregard, Erving E. 1983. "Two Ethiopian Empresses: Menen and Taitu." *Horn of Africa* 6, no. 3: 35–39.
Bosc-Tiessé, Claire. 2004. "'How Beautiful She Is!' in Her Mirror: Polysemic Images and Reflections of Power of an 18th Century Ethiopian Queen." *Journal of Early Modern History* 8, no. 3–4: 294–315. https://doi.org/10.1163/1570065043124039.

Herman Margaux. 2015. "Figures féminines chrétiennes, exaltation de la dignité de roi et participation politique des reines (Éthiopie, xvᵉ-xviiiᵉ siècle) / Christian Female Figures, Exaltation of the King's Dignity and Political Involvement of the Queens (Ethiopia, 15th-18th centuries)." *Annales d'Éthiopie*, no. 30: 71-118. https://doi.org/10.3406/ethio.2015.1583.

Herman, Margaux. 2016. "Rethinking the Royal Matrimonial Practices in the 16th Century and its Consequences on the Status of Queen." In *Movements in Ethiopia, Ethiopia in Movement. Proceedings of the 18th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies*, vol. 1, edited by Éloi Ficquet, Ahmed Hassen Omer, and Thomas Osmond, 149-62. Addis Ababa: Centre français des études éthiopiennes, Addis Ababa University; Los Angeles, CA: Tsehai Publishers. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.cfee.1161.

Herman, Margaux. 2020. "Towards a History of Women in Medieval Ethiopia." In *A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritra*, edited by Samantha Kelly, 365-94. Leiden: Brill. https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004419582_014. https://hal.science/hal-03934998/.

Huntingford, G. W. B., and C. F. Beckingham. 1954. *Some Records of Ethiopia, 1593-1646: Being Extracts from The History of High Ethiopia or Abassia by Manoel de Almeida Together with Bahrey's History of the Galla*. London: The Hakluyt Society. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315609874.

Huntingford, G. W. B., and C. F. Beckingham. 1961. *The Prester John of the Indies: A True Relation of the Lands of the Prester John, Being the Narrative of the Portuguese Embassy to Ethiopia in 1520*. London: The Hakluyt Society. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315085517.

Pankhurst, Rita. 1995. "Women of Power in Ethiopian Legend and History." *One World Magazine*. https://web.archive.org/web/20170528101528/http://www.one.worldmagazine.org:80/focus/etiopia/women.html.

Pankhurst, Rita. 2009. "Taytu's Foremothers, Queen Æleni, Queen Säblä Wängel and Bati Døl Wämbära." In *Proceedings of the 16th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies*, edited by Svein Ege, Harald Aspen, Birhanu Teferra and Shiferaw Bekele, 51-63. Trondheim: Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU). http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/233.

Pankhurst, Sylvia. 1956. "Three Notable Ethiopian Women." *Ethiopia Observer* 1, no. 1, December.

Rosenfeld, Chris Prouty. 1979. "Eight Ethiopian Women of the Zemene Mesafint (c. 1769-1855)." *Northeast African Studies* 1, no. 2: 63-85.

Rosenfeld, Chris Prouty. 1986. *Empress Taytu and Menelik II: Ethiopia 1883-1910*. London: Ravens Educational & Development Services.

Shiferaw Bekele. 1988. "Empress Taytu and Menelik II." Review of *Empress Taytu and Menelik II: Ethiopia, 1883-1910* by Chris Prouty Rosenfeld. *Journal of Ethiopian Studies* 21: 187-93. https://www.jstor.org/stable/41965968.
Tornay, Serge, and Estelle Sohier. 2007. *Empreintes du temps*. Addis Ababa: Centre français des études éthiopiennes. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.cfee.543.

Uhlig, Siegbert, Alessandro Bausi, et al. 2003–2014. *Encyclopaedia Aethiopica*. 5 vol. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
<figure><img src="image_31.png" /></figure>
# The Woman Question
in the Ethiopian Student Movement

"As university students, the word 'gender' meant to us nothing more than a grammatical term. In fact, it was then known not as such but the 'Woman Question'"

Netsanet Mengistu, "The Gender Question," in Bahru Zewde (2010, 117).

There have been some remarkable women in Ethiopian history. As queens, queen mothers or sometimes military leaders, they have left their mark on the country's history. Names such as Queen Æleni, *Atege*\* Məntəwwab and Taytu easily spring to mind. But this is not the entire story about women. The majority of Ethiopian women have toiled under the heavy burden of domestic chores, serving their husbands and children and their voices scarcely heard. This chapter tells the story of those who stood on the side of the oppressed and silent majority and waged a campaign for their liberation. In particular, it shows how the woman question came to be an important agenda item in the struggle of Ethiopian students in the 1970s.

**1. The settings of women's participation in the student movement**

**1.1. *The precursors***

Expression of social concern on women's condition and roles was seen in the early 20th century. The weekly newspaper *Berhanena Salam* served as the main forum where the first educated Ethiopians campaigned for social reform. While the most famous intellectuals of the period, such as Gäbrä Heywat Baykadagn, Täklä Hawaryat Täklä Maryam, or Afäwarq Gäbrä Iyyasus, did not show any particular concern for the fate of women, Heruy Walda Sellase at least argued for the right of women to choose their husbands in one of his novels; the prevalent practice was for parents to choose the spouses for their sons and daughters. Even more outspoken was a columnist by the name of Amsala Tebab Walda-Ab, who gave an eloquent response to a writer who had written a critique of Ethiopian women regarding their lack of modernity. She argued that it is their husbands who have to be blamed for their wives'
conservatism, as society would consider them too shameless were they to adopt
modern ways. In order for the wives to be liberated, she argued, the husbands
themselves need to be liberated from their outmoded views.

1.2. *The Ethiopian student movement*

The Ethiopian student movement, which advocated social and political
change for nearly a decade and half (from 1961 to 1974), was a powerful
student movement. For about a decade, it challenged the imperial regime,
campaigning for freedom and social justice. The two most important questions
it raised were the land question and the question of nationalities. Thus,
in 1965, students came out onto the streets with the slogan of "Land to the
Tiller." In 1969, for the first time they raised the subject of the oppression of
nationalities in Ethiopia and argued for the principle of "self-determination up
to and including secession." In conjunction with the question of nationalities,
they also raised "the woman question."

Ethiopia has generally been a highly patriarchal society. In other words, men
were more important than women; husbands were more powerful than wives;
sons were more privileged than daughters. A good example of this is how
men came to dominate even a women's organisation such as the Ethiopian
Women's Welfare Association (የኢትዮጵያ ሴቶች በጎ አድራጎት ማኑበር). All the
officers elected to lead the organisation in 1956 were men!

2. Women's participation in the student movements

2.1. *Early challenges*

Even within the student movement, what has now come to be characterised
as male chauvinism (የወንድ ትምክህተኝነት) prevailed until the late 1960s. In the
late 1950s and early 1960s, the Debating Society of the University College
of Addis Ababa could organise debates on topics such as "Is Emancipation
of Women Beneficial to Society?" or "Higher Education for Women is
Undesirable." Throughout the 1960s, what came to be known as "the Battle
of the Sexes" raged in student newspapers. Female students were subjected to
attacks and ridicule. While they had their male defenders, some of them also
fought back with their own responses (see Source 29). A good example is that
of a female student who composed a poem ridiculing men.

Even in the second half of the 1960s, after radical students came to take
control of the student movement with the establishment of the University
Students' Union of Addis Ababa (USUAA), female students were harassed
and jeered at. USUAA's publication, *Struggle*, carried cartoons caricaturing
female students. A Miss USUAA contestant fell to her death as she tried
to escape a male student trying to molest her. Walelign Makonnen, who
symbolised student radicalism more than any other student, wrote an article
attacking female students because, under the leadership of their American
Source 29. Poem of an anonymous female student

"If you smile at him, he thinks you're flirty;
If you don't, he thinks you're an iceberg;
If you let him kiss you, he wishes you were more reserved;
If you don't, he seeks consolation elsewhere; ...
If you go around with other fellows, he thinks you are fickle;
If you don't, he thinks no one else will have you;
Men! God bless them! You can't get along with them,
But what would the basketball team do without them?"
Poem ridiculing men written by a female student using the pen name "a Sabean"
(after the name of the female students' hostel, Saba Hall).

Bahru Zewde. *The Quest for Socialist Utopia: The Ethiopian Student Movement c. 1960–1974*
(Suffolk: James Currey, 2015), 223.

counsellor, they had organised an event (called “Fashion Tea”) coinciding
with the University Day, when students usually expressed their opposition
to the regime through poems and theatrical performances. This formed the
prelude to the violent protests that students waged against the fashion show
that was organised in 1968. The two radical students whom female students
remembered as being supportive of their cause were Tilahun Gizaw, who
was USUAA president in 1969/70 until he was assassinated by government
security agents in December 1969, and Yohannes Berhane, who later joined
the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party (EPRP) and was killed during the
*Därg's* “search and destroy” operation in early 1970.

When we look at female representation in student organisations as well, we
see that there were few female students. Only one female student managed to
be elected to the USUAA Congress. There were hardly any female students
in the executive committees of student organisations either at home or abroad.
This formed the background to the formation of an organisation particularly
concerned with women's affairs. Such is the genesis of the World Wide
Ethiopian Women's Study Group (WWEWSG).

2.2. *Women's Study Group*

The main argument of the students in forming the study group was that
women suffered double oppression (፪፯፮ ፍቕፓ in Amharic), the first as mem-
bers of the working class or the peasantry and the second as women. Indeed, in
cases where women belonged to oppressed nationalities, they were even said
to suffer triple oppression (፪፯፮ ፪፯፮፪ ፍቕፓ). Thus, because of this unique
condition of women, it was felt that women should have their own organ-
isations to fight for their cause. Although, there were some debates within
the student movement on the necessity of a separate women's organisation,
eventually it came to be accepted by almost all students. The person mainly
involved in creating the group was Abebech Bekele, an activist within the
Ethiopian Student Union in North America (ESUNA), who became president
of WWEWSG. As it turned out, she also became the first woman to assume the
high office of President of the World Wide Federation of Ethiopian Students
(WWFES) when it was established in April 1973. Abebech got her idea about
the need to form a separate organisation for women from her interactions with
members of the militant African-American rights group, the Black Panthers.
She also got moral support from radical students like Mesfin Habtu, Abdul
Mohammed and Benyam Adane.

WWEWSG had two main branches, one in Europe and another in North America, both which started their activities in 1971. By 1975, it had a total of 95 members. The Group started publishing its own journal in 1972. It was initially called ተነሽ ላብአደሪት ("Arise, Ye Female Proletarian") but later changed to ተነሽ ኢትዮጵያዊት ("Arise, Ye Female Ethiopian") to make it more inclusive. Articles that appeared in the journal outlined the historical evolution of female oppression, the role of educated women in Ethiopia and a biographical profile of Marta Mebratu.

Marta Mebratu had emerged as the symbol of female student activism.
She was a medical student at Haile Selassie I University with a bright future
career ahead of her. She chose instead to dedicate her life to struggle against
the regime. Her tall stature, afro hairdo and general appearance was very
much like that of the great African-American civil rights activist, Angela
Davis. Marta met her tragic end in 1972 when she tried to hijack an Ethiopian
Airlines international passenger airplane with six other accomplices, including
Walelign Makonnen. She was one of the six killed in midair by anti-hijackers.
The sole survivor was another female student, Tadelech Kidane Maryam.

Throughout the early 1970s, “the woman question” came to be an important
issue in the student movement, particularly in its external wing. Thus,
the 11th Congress of the Ethiopian Student Union in Europe (ESUE),
which debated the national question and finally passed the famous resolution
supporting self-determination up to and including secession, simultaneously
passed resolutions on the woman question. These resolutions reaffirmed the
double oppression of women and their right to a separate organisation to
fight that oppression. Organs of the student movement also carried substantive
articles on the woman question. For instance, the November 1973 issue of
*Challenge*, the organ of ESUNA, carried a 46-page article on the subject.

Conclusion

Thus, after an initial war of words between male and female students, the
Ethiopian student movement took up the woman question as an important
component of its struggle. Women set up their own separate organisation,
WWEWSG, to study the condition of women and to struggle for their
<figure><img src="image_32.png" /><figcaption>Figure 12. Marta Mebratu.
Photograph. *Tanash*
*Ityopyawit*, Yakatit 1965
E.C (February 1973)</figcaption></figure>

rights. The president of that organisation even rose to become the president
of the global umbrella student organisation, WWFES. Marta Mebratu best
symbolised the dedication and spirit of sacrifice of female students alongside
their male counterparts.

At the end of the day, however, women's organisations did not enjoy
full independence. They became a battleground for rival male-dominated
political organisations. This was the case before the 1974 revolution, as the rival
clandestine organisations, EPRP and *Ma'ison*, vied for control of WWEWSG.
The struggle continued after the revolution as they competed for control of
the coordinating committee set up by the *Därg* to organise women. After it
liquidated both EPRP and *Ma'ison* in 1976–77, the *Därg* coopted the woman
question and completely neutralized it by setting up a satellite organisation,
Revolutionary Ethiopian Women's Association (REWA) (see chapter 4.3).

**Reference and further readings**

*Addis Zämän*, Pagume 3, 1948 E.C. (8 September 1956).

Bahru Zewde. 2002. *Pioneers of Change in Ethiopia: The Reformist Intellectuals of the Early Twentieth Century*. Oxford: James Currey.
Bahru Zewde, ed. 2010. *Documenting the Ethiopian Student Movement: An Exercise in Oral History*. Addis Ababa: Forum for Social Studies/OSSREA.

Bahru Zewde. 2014. *The Quest for Socialist Utopia: The Ethiopian Student Movement c. 1960–1974*. Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer. https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7722/j.ctt4cg75t.

*Challenge: Journal of the Ethiopian Students Association in North America* 14, no. 1. 1973 (November).

*News & Views*, 4, 1961; 5, no. 20, March 29, 1963; 11, no. 19, April 3, 1964.

*Tanash Ityopyawit* 1, no. 2, Nahase 1964 E.C (August 1972); 2, no. 1, Yakatit 1965 E.C (February 1973); no. 2, Maskaram-Hedar 1966 E.C (September-November 1973).
# Women's Political Participation
## from 1974 to 1993

"Women belong in all places where decisions are being made... It shouldn't be that women are the exception."

Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Interview. By Joan Biskupic, USA TODAY, May 6, 2009.

Women only gained the right to vote in the 1940s and waited until 1955 to receive the right to be elected to parliament. The first female parliamentarian, *wäyzäro* Sənəddu Gäbru (ስዓት 1945), was elected in 1957. In 1965 and 1969, there were two and five female members of parliament, respectively, but in 1974 the number fell to four. Moreover, during the imperial regime, the most visible active women participants in the public sphere were wives of military officers, nobles and princes. However, in the course of the 1974 revolution and thereafter, women began to participate in the socio-political activities of the country. Women were involved in the student movements to create an environment conducive for their empowerment (see chapter 4.2). This chapter focuses on the place of women and their political participation during the *Därg* regime.

## 1. Ethiopian Women's Coordinating Committee (EWCC) and other women's associations

### 1.1. February 1974

February 1974 is a historical period in Ethiopian history where many female students, teachers, factory workers, women in the informal sector, and Muslim women joined an uprising against the monarchy. People demanded democratic rights such as religious freedom, women's rights, the right to organise and the economic right of "land for the tillers" through continuous demonstrations and boycotts. During the demonstrations, women carried banners demanding gender equality measures such as "equal pay," "equal rights for women," "paid maternity leave," "the right to organise," "the right to property," and so on. What makes the February uprising unique is that peasant women also joined hands with men. Thus, the uprising was very significant for
Ethiopian women as they dealt the first and most important challenge to the patriarchal belief that women have no business participating in public affairs; however, a military government known as *Därg* took power and shattered the Ethiopian people's aspiration for democratic order.

## 1.2. *The creation of the Ethiopian Women's Coordinating Committee (EWCC) in February 1975*

At the beginning of its rule, the *Därg* tried to address some of the demands of the people. For instance, as people demanded “land to the tiller,” land reform was declared in March 1975, where land was nationalised and distributed to the farmers; but women were not included in the distribution. The *Därg* also wanted to set up women's organisations and held a seminar in 1975 where about 55 women were in attendance, representing government and non-governmental organisations, and they discussed various gender issues. The members at the seminar agreed to plan for a women's association that advocated for women's equality. Therefore, an organising committee, the Ethiopian Women's Coordinating Committee (EWCC) with a membership of 18 women was set up. The mandates of EWCC were to: (a) raise political consciousness among women in the rural and urban areas; (b) prepare publications and distribute them to the general public; (c) disseminate research outcomes and information pertaining to women through the mass media; (d) organise seminars, conferences and discussion forums regarding gender issues. The first action of the committee was therefore to set up branches in factories, government and non-government organisations, etc.

In April 1975, EWCC held a second seminar for two weeks where about 300 women participated as representatives of different organisations, the informal sectors including commercial sex workers, homemakers (housewives), domestic workers and interested individuals. In the end, an agreement was reached to establish a women's organization and increase the number of members of EWCC; this was enlarged from 18 to 25.

Source 30. Interview of Gennet Zewide

> "I remember a very moving play by women workers from the Berhanena Selam Printing Press which showed how women workers were inhumanly treated. In the play, a woman was pleading with her boss to give her permission to take her seriously sick son to a hospital. The response she gets from the boss was: 'You women are like rabbits who do nothing else but produce babies.' The play was a reflection of the view of many employers regarding women workers."

Interview of Gennet Zewide, in Gennet Zewide, *Resistance, Freedom and Empowerment: the Ethiopian Women's Struggle* (New Delhi: Concept Pub. Co., 2014), 84.
In March 1976, EWCC held the first-ever celebration of March 8, Interna-
tional Women's Day in Ethiopia which took place over three days. The venue
of the celebration was Meskel Square. Poems were read, dramas performed,
photo exhibitions were set up, and demonstrations were held. Discussions
on the women's situation in Ethiopia took place among female students'
organisations both at home and abroad though they had limited audiences.
In any case, EWCC succeeded in adding women to the political agenda of
Ethiopia, albeit limited to the urban areas.

<figure><img src="image_33.png" /><figcaption>Figure 13. Pro Därg Official, International Women's Day rally, 1978</figcaption></figure>

1.3. *The use of "zämäch'a" as a platform to create awareness about "women's issues"*

The Därg declared “Land to the Tiller” with Proclamation Number 26/1975 and abolished tenancy by nationalising all rural land. IdgätbäHibrätzämäch’a usually referred to as zämäch’a or “Development Through Cooperation Campaign” was initiated to create awareness about “Ethiopian Socialism.” Thus, all senior secondary schools as well as higher education institutions were closed and their students, teachers and administrators were sent to the rural areas to participate in the campaign.

Using the zämäch’a as a handy platform, the female students who were
exposed to EWCC’s advocacy took the opportunity to sensitise women in the
rural areas where they had been assigned. Thus, some female students raised
and discussed issues about women’s equality in their awareness creation or
sensitisation programmes. Though the issues were not discussed in detail, the fact that women's rights had to be respected in society was raised by female students in some of the remotest corners of the country. I (the author) was informed by female students who participated in the campaign that they wanted to initiate a national mass women's movement; however, they were not able to effect change as their numbers were small.

Because of its advocacy and organising activists, EWCC galvanised many women in the urban areas (Addis Ababa, a few other cities and in factories) to rally and articulate the issues of women's rights and equality. However, the activities of EWCC made the *Därg* uncomfortable as some members of its leadership (including the chairperson) were members of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party (EPRP) which opposed the *Därg* and called for a "Provisional People's Government." Consequently, as the campaign for the leadership gained support and control of EWCC, the *Därg* launched fierce repression against the EWCC leadership. Thus, some of the leaders went underground, others were imprisoned and few of them were murdered, and eventually it was abolished.

**1.4. *The Revolutionary Ethiopian Women's Association (REWA) in 1980***

In July 1980, the *Därg* set up its own women's organisation known as the Revolutionary Ethiopian Women's Association (REWA). The objectives of the association were (a) to make women politically and economically independent; (b) to safeguard their rights and so on. Nevertheless, they could not be achieved, as women did not have the power to set their own agenda. Still, REWA helped to popularise the view that special measures were needed to address women in the society. For instance, Ethiopia signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) in 1987. Women were to some extent allowed to organise themselves beyond domestic affairs, which challenged tradition.

*Source 31. REWA and its lacks of role towards women rights*

> "The promotion of women's rights issues was not part of REWA's agenda, nor was REWA in any position to influence any policy regarding women's rights."

> Christopher Clapham, *Transformation and Continuity in Revolutionary Ethiopia* (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 139.

The participation of women in many associations, though under state control, helped many of them to be aware and knowledgeable about public affairs, and some started their own businesses. However, the government's concern was more to educate women in its political ideology.

In the same manner, while REWA involved an unprecedented number of women being concerned about their rights, they were forced into membership
<figure><img src="image_34.png" /><figcaption>Figure 14. Cover of a booklet used by the Därg and the Revolutionary Ethiopian Women's Association, 1984</figcaption></figure>

where they had to attend the meetings. In fact, as soon as REWA was created, all other independent women's associations were banned. However, though women were organised under REWA, not many women came to high political positions. In 1987, there were no women among the government's 20 ministers, and only one female vice-minister.

**2. Women's struggle against the Därg Regime**

During the Därg, many women joined secretive (underground) political parties also taking up arms despite “The Red Terror” that lasted from September 1976 to May 1978.

**2.1. Secretive Political Parties and Women's Struggles (EPRP, EWOS and AESM)**

Despite the regime's restrictive policies, secretive political parties and organisations proliferated. Most of them had left-oriented ideology and included “women's questions” on their agenda. As a result, young women, mostly
Source 32. Only one woman member in the WPE

"By 1987 no woman in the post-revolutionary period had surpassed the rank reached before the revolution, and the proportion of women in important positions remained at least as low as before 1974. (...) "Although Addis Ababa in 1984 had over 52,000 more women than men and 33.6 percent of households had female heads, the representation of women among *kebelle* leaders seemed at least as meager as on the Central Committee. Among the 136 full members of the original WPE (Worker's Party of Ethiopia) Central Committee there was only one woman who was married to a WPE regional first secretary. She was put in charge of women's affairs in the WPE central secretariat."

Christopher Clapham *Transformation and Continuity in Revolutionary Ethiopia* (op. cit.), 138–39.

university and high school students, joined them. Many members of the banned EWCC joined the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party (EPRP) while others joined the All Ethiopian Socialist Movement (AESM). The women members of EPRP organised a women's wing of the party named the Ethiopian's Women's Organization for Struggle (EWOS), which expanded to most parts of Ethiopia. EWOS had a monthly paper called ዶርብታቸይዋ meaning "the one that fights against the dual oppression of women," that produced articles on gender relations. EWOS was a left-oriented organisation which propagated the idea that the abolition of class struggles would pave the way for the abolition of women's oppression. Study circles were also organised in universities, high schools, factories, towns and even villages where the causes of women's oppression and the nature of the struggle were discussed.

## 2.2. *The life of women and children in detention*

During the period of “The Red Terror,” women, as well as men, regardless of age, economic conditions and ethnicity were imprisoned. Some were pregnant, others were nursing mothers, and even elderly women were imprisoned for hiding their children from security forces and were labelled “anti-revolutionary.” Women were physically and mentally tortured with no medical treatment. As visiting restrooms was allowed only twice a day, many women developed urinary tract infections. However, inmates supported each other mentally and materially by sharing with each other clothes, food, and milk for children. As men were not allowed to come into the women's section of the prison children born and raised in prisons became scared of men. During research for my book, I interviewed many imprisoned women like Saba Kidane Mariam, who spent five years in detention without natural light in the prison called Military Police (see Source 33). Gifty Abeseya also gave birth in prison without any medical facilities, while being mistreated by the
<figure><img src="image_35.png" /><figcaption>Figure 15. EPRP Ethiopian Women demonstration in 1976 (Goh Magazine)</figcaption></figure>

guards during labour. She raised her child there till he was two and a half years old.

Source 33. Saba Kidane Mariam

"Like most political prisoners, Saba is now working for women's empowerment on women's health heading an NGO (IPAS) and Gifty has held many responsible positions in both Oromiya Regional and Federal Governments heading the Women's Bureau, as State Minister of The Ministry of Women and Ministry of Culture and holding an ambassadorial post in Ghana."

Gennet Zewide, *Resistance, Freedom and Empowerment: the Ethiopian Women's Struggle* (op. cit.), 97–102.

However, not all prisoners were lucky enough to be released. Some were killed after a lengthy imprisonment, while others within a few days of detention without due legal process. Azeb Girma a university student was killed after seven months of detention in the Third Police Station. Daro Negash, a Labour Union leader of Berhanena Selam Printing Press and a member of the EWCC, was nine months pregnant when she was detained and brutally murdered, along with other members of the Labour Union. Other militant women preferred to commit suicide instead of being detained and tortured to protect the secrets and members of their organisation. For example,
the case of Nigest Teffera, the chairperson of the EWCC, and an undercover agent of the EPRP and EWOS who took a cyanide pill that she always had with her when she was apprehended by the *Kebele* guards. These stories demonstrate women's commitment to fight for a cause they believed in. Most of those who escaped prison changed their form of resistance by joining the armed struggle.

### 3. Women in arms

With the curtailment of many rights, the opportunity for peaceful resistance was diminished; thus, many political organisations took up arms to fight the military government in the absence of other alternatives. Unlike the societal view that women are not capable of fighting with arms, many of them joined the armed struggle waged by many organisations. However, the degree of participation by women in the organisation depended on the political view of the organisations regarding women's equality.

#### 3.1. *From peaceful resistance to armed struggle*

The two main organisations that women joined in large numbers were *Tigray People's Liberation Front* (TPLF) and the *Amhara National Democratic Movement* (ANDM). They started resistance in different localities of Northern Ethiopia until they established the *Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front* (EPRDF) in 1990, which took the fight to the rest of Ethiopia. During the armed struggle that lasted about seventeen years, women joined the movement. Out of the 37 founding members of ANDM, two were women: Gennet Taddesse and Assefash Tassew. Eight months after the formation of TPLF, a peasant woman called Kahassi joined the organisation. A few months later, many women dropped out of university and high school to join the army. Kahassi was renamed Marta, in memory of Martha Mebratu (also referred as Marta Mebratu) (see Chapter 4.2). Thereafter, thousands of women joined both organisations.

#### 3.2. *The creation of a women's organisation in the army*

*Source 34. Netsanet Asefaw*

> "Netsanet Asefaw, a woman fighter, narrates that the incidence of early marriage decreased since land was distributed to those who were over 17 years old, and men want to marry women with the land. Divorce also decreased since men started to respect women and safeguard their marriage lest they lose half of their land if they were to divorce."

Zewide, Interview of Netsanet Asefaw, in Gennet Zewide, *Resistance, Freedom and Empowerment: The Ethiopian Women's Struggle* (op. cit.), 121–22.
The women members of the organisations mentioned above set up women's organisations within the army. The members of the association were not only women members of the army but also women in the areas where the army operated, as well as the "liberated" areas

Therefore, both the TPLF and the ANDM included women's challenges in their programs as societal problems that needed to be tackled. In distributing land to the farmers in the areas which the army "liberated", women had equal access and control of land and other properties, which changed their lives. Moreover, the laws enacted in the "liberated" areas acknowledged the equal rights of women to vote or be elected to any office, the right to organisation, education and the entitlement to marriage based on the consent of both parties. Few women were elected to political posts such as district administration or military leadership (commanders and commissioners at the war front). Women also served as members and/or chairs of law and justice committees.

### 3.3. Challenges faced by women fighters within the struggle

The few rights women achieved did not come easily. They still had to face the gendered challenges from the chauvinistic attitudes of the male fighters. Like men, women had to walk for long hours through the mountainous terrains of northern Ethiopia carrying rifles and ammunition, as well as brave hours of hunger and thirst. Some of their activities were: (a) Mobilising the peasant and town dwellers (b) Engaging in political and military training (c) Providing health care services to the wounded and the sick, etc. Most women fighters withstood the challenges they encountered on the frontline because of their gender. For instance, since pregnant women were not allowed to be in the frontline, some never revealed their pregnancy, since fighting on the war front was regarded as an honorable contribution to the cause.

Source 35. Netsanet Aberra speaks about Serkalem

Serkalem was 16 to 20 weeks pregnant when she was captured by government soldiers during a battle. They were delighted to have a pregnant woman in custody thinking that she would easily give all the secrets of the organization. However, under repeated torture, she kept saying "I am a daughter of EPDM, a democratic organization; I have nothing to tell you, you fascists kill me as your job is to kill people." Finally, they killed her.

Interview with Netsanet Aberra, In Gennet Zewide, *Resistance, Freedom and Empowerment: The Ethiopian Women's Struggle* (op. cit.), 125.

### 3.4. Mothers' shouting "UUTA" and providing shelter

Many mothers (housewives) joined and supported their children in the fight against the Därg. The Ethiopian Mother's Association (EMA), a relatively
radical (clandestine) women's association, emerged during the time of the EPRP-led Women's Committee in 1976. They expressed their support in many ways. In many localities of Addis Ababa, they organised themselves and warned their children whenever the *Kebele* Guards came to their neighbourhoods to arrest the so-called “counterrevolutionaries” by making loud “UUTA” (outcries) together, a sound also used to call attention when atrocities were carried out. In towns and in rural areas, they provided hideouts for the fighters, often without the knowledge of their husbands. The women also gathered information from their neighbourhoods, or from peasants for the organisations. While some prepared dry rations, others opened their houses as meeting and hiding places. Many encouraged their children (male and female) to join the armed struggle gave their blessings, though, they were well aware that they might not survive the war. Some “mothers,” like Berhane Abera, left everything behind, including their husbands, to join the armed struggle; she went along with some members of her family, including her seven children one of whom was a 5-year-old boy.

Source 36. Berhane Abera

> "When I asked 'Mother' (here, Berhan Abera) about her feelings when she learned about the death of her daughter, her response was: 'As a mother, I felt very sad and had to go to a very remote place away from everybody and cried my heart out. I still feel sad whenever I remember her, but I am very proud of her and other martyrs. It is because of the sacrifice of their lives that we are living in peace now. I have neither remorse nor guilt about her death.' What a powerful commitment of seeking peace!"

Interview of Berhane Abera, in Gennet Zewide. *Resistance, Freedom and Empowerment: The Ethiopian Women's Struggle* (op. cit.), 114–15.

## Conclusion

Women have been discriminated against as they were confined to the domestic role in a patriarchal ideology where the public and political role was reserved for men. Many women also believed that they did not have the abilities and temperament to become involved in politics. However, the political activism of women in Ethiopia since 1974 has demonstrated their competence, endurance of hardship, and commitment to what they believed in. Ethiopian women fought for their recognition either within, or against the regime. Therefore, after 17 years of struggle, women appear to be social, political and economic actors who cannot be ignored in any government.

## References and further readings

Burgess, Gemma. 2013. "A Hidden History: Women's Activism in Ethiopia." *Journal of International Women's Studies* 14, no. 3: 96–107. https://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws/vol14/iss3/7 [archive].
Gennet Zewide. 2014. *Resistance, Freedom and Empowerment: the Ethiopian Women's Struggle*. New Delhi: Concept Pub. Co.

Indrawatie Biseswar. 2011. "The Role of Educated/Intellectual Women in Ethiopia in the Process of Change and Transformations towards Gender Equality, 1974-2005." Ph.D. diss. Pretoria: University of South Africa. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/5538.

Meaza Ashenafi. 2009. *Participation of Women in Politics and Public Decision Making in Ethiopia*. FSS Monographs, no. 5. Addis Ababa: Forum for Social Studies. https://www.fssethopia.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/11/FSS-Monograph-No-5.pdf [archive].

Pankhurst, Helen. 1992. *Gender, Development and Identity: An Ethiopian Study*. London: Zed Books.

Panos Ethiopia. 2006. *Reflections: Documentation of the Forum on Gender*. Number 14. Addis Ababa: Panos
<figure><img src="image_36.png" /></figure>
Gennet Zewide
Margaux Herman

Chapter 9

A Review of Constitutional and Legal
Changes Relating to the Political
Participation of Women (1993–2018)

"Our women ministers will disprove the old adage that women can't lead," Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, 2018.

Elias Meseret, “Ethiopia’s new Cabinet 50 percent women, including defense,” *APNews*, October 16, 2018.

The defeat of the previous regime ushered in a new era in Ethiopia that was conducive to the theoretical women's political participation under the new regime of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia in 1995 led by the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). The third phase of women's engagement in the public sphere (from 1991 to the present) is currently referred to as the “intangible shift.” One important provision began with the “National Policy on Women” of September 1993, referred to as the Women’s Policy. In the 1995 Constitution, Article 25 guarantees equality before the law and prohibits gender discrimination, while Article 35 clearly states women’s full right to participate in national development policies. Implicitly, gender mainstreaming is at the heart of this provision. However, as in many countries in Africa and Latin America, although the transition to a democratic political system offers new spaces for women’s participation, the process takes time and the transition from theoretical frameworks to implementation is slow. The analysis of its implementation is of great importance and still needs to be studied. As women’s empowerment and leadership is a broad topic that has never been analysed in a historical perspective, this chapter is therefore restricted to an overview of the constitutional and legal changes related to women’s political participation and decision-making in Ethiopia’s highest institutions, paving the way for future analysis.
# 1. Towards women's leadership: the theory

## 1.1. *From transitional government (1991) to drafting the 1995 Constitution*

With the establishment of the transitional government in 1991, consideration began to be given to women's political participation, including decision-making roles. Political measures have been taken to implement women's rights to ensure equality with men, such as the ratification of the Women's Policy in 1993, which aims to integrate women's rights into all aspects of social life.

Source 37. Guidelines of the national women's policy

> "A national women's policy was adopted in 1993. The policy outlines the major economic, social and political concerns of Ethiopian women and indicates broad strategies of intervention."

Meaza Ashenafi, *Participation of Women in Politics and Public Decision Making in Ethiopia* (Addis Ababa: Forum for Social Studies, 2009), 42.

A Women's Affairs Office (WAO) was established under the Prime Minister's Office to appoint gender focal points in ministries and commissions. Under its auspices, a national action plan was launched, and one of the seven priorities was the need to increase women's participation in decision-making.

Although too few in number, there were two female combatants as members of the Transitional Assembly and a few more as ministers in the ministries of education, health and labour and social affairs. There were also deputy ministers in the ministries of trade, economic cooperation and health. It was the first time that women had held such senior posts. Three women were also members of the Constitutional Drafting Commission, while twelve women were elected to the Constitutional Assembly, which ratified the 1995 Constitution. A study of their actual role in the ratification process would be of great interest.

The lack of historical research on these women raises the question of the balance between their commitment to party membership and ideology, and their role in women's issues. It should be noted that the women appointed as ministers were not party members at the time of their nomination. In addition, two ministers (for health and education) have taken action on women's issues. They taught at Addis Ababa University and were part of the group responsible for establishing the Centre for Education and Training of Women in Development (CERTWID) at Addis Ababa University.

Until 2005, when the WAO was shifted to the Ministry of Women's Affairs (MOWA), the implementation of the WAO's activities was weak due to its lack of representation in ministerial (or cabinet) meetings. In 2006, the MOWA further stated that the WAO was constrained by a lack of institutional capacity (particularly at the sub-regional level) and a lack of budget to confront
**The Organizational System for the Implementation of
National Women's Affairs Policy**

<figure><img src="image_37.png" /><figcaption>Figure 16. The transitional government of Ethiopia</figcaption></figure>

coexisting customary laws and practices. In the regions, women's offices were
dependent on donors or NGOs for capital and project funding.

1.2. *The 1995 Constitution adaptation*

After the drafting and ratification of the 1995 Constitution, women tried to
make it gender sensitive. They challenged the Constitutional Commission
because the first draft did not directly address women's demands. Women
members of the EPRDF and others from Addis Ababa and the regional states
attempted to play a pivotal role in improving the first draft, which had only
one article stating that “women, children and physically challenged people will have special provisions” (1995). They rejected this article demanding its improvement. In March 1995, they sent a petition signed by many women to the commission asking for a discussion on women’s rights.

The commission responded positively. A month later (in April) a forum was set up, with the participation of women from all regions, to identify the rights to be included in the constitution. As a result, women’s social, political and economic rights were enshrined in the constitution, mainly in Article 35. The constitution laid down the principles and rights that women had been fighting for since the student movements of the 1960s: equal rights for women in marriage, paid maternity leave, equal rights in employment, promotion and pay and organisation rights; rights that eventually empower women. The 1995 Constitution also recognised the historical marginalisation of women and granted them positive measures to redress it. But these constitutional provisions have rarely been put into practice.

### 1.3. *The question of women's participation in parliament*

The 1995 Constitution provided a basis for amending the penal and civil codes, which contained most of the discriminatory and harmful traditional practices. Here too, women were involved in the process of amending the laws. They participated through the intermediary of women who sat in parliament, a position that enabled them to enforce gender equality in debates and legislation, as well as through members of women's associations in the regions.

Source 38. Participation of women in the government in 2006

> In 2006, “in the executive branch of the government (Ministers, Vice Ministers, etc.), women constitute 13%. Among the judges at the Federal and Regional Courts, again 13%; among judges presiding over Supreme, Higher and First Instance Courts in 1995 (EC) women were 25.5%. In the Civil service, women occupied only 24.3% of the higher positions (Ministers, Commissioners, deputies, Directors, Division Heads, Ambassadors, etc.).”

> Ministry of Women's Affairs (MOWA), *National Action Plan for Gender Equality (NAP-GE 2006–2010)* (Addis Ababa: MOWA, 2006), 11–12.

The level of women's participation in legislative assemblies is indicative of the level of women's political participation in a country. In this regard, in 2000, the UN declared women's participation in parliament to be one of the criteria for measuring the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs): it should be at least 30% to ensure women's participation in the legislative assembly. In line with the MDGs targets, the EPRDF proposed from the 2005 elections that 30-40% of its candidates for the national and regional assemblies should be
women. However, although the number of women in the legislature increased slightly in 2006, it was still below the expected 30%.

## 2. A change towards women's leadership: the statistics

In Ethiopia, from 1995 to 2018, five national elections took place, one almost every five years. Following Proclamation Number 71/2005, the mandate of MOWA also included children. Women leadership implementation was accompanied by efforts made regarding women's access to education included in the Education Sector Development Plans (ESDP) created and renewed every five-years. It aims to create awareness about the importance of girls' education, the need for a more gender sensitive curriculum, teaching environment (in attitudes, number of female teachers or managers, and positive discrimination).

<table><caption>Table 6. Samples of policies integrating women's issues (by G. Zewide)</caption><thead><tr><td>Name</td><td>Date</td><td>Type of policy</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>National Policy on Ethiopian Women</td><td>1993</td><td>Gender equality policy</td></tr><tr><td>New Education and Training Policy (NETP) (art. 3.7.7; 3.7.9; 6.3)</td><td>1994</td><td>Education policy related to gender equality</td></tr><tr><td>The Ethiopian Higher Education Proclamation</td><td>2003</td><td>Education policy related to gender equality</td></tr><tr><td>National Action Plan for Gender Equality (2006–2010)</td><td>2006</td><td>Gender equality policy</td></tr><tr><td>Growth and Transformation Plan II (2011–2020)</td><td>2015</td><td>National development plan</td></tr><tr><td>Women's Development and Change Package (Phase II)</td><td>2017</td><td>Gender equality policy</td></tr><tr><td>Gender Equality Strategy for Ethiopia's Agricultural Sector</td><td>2017</td><td>Agricultural policy related to gender equality</td></tr></tbody></table>

### 2.1. Women's participation in politics (1995–2010): the statistics

The first national election was held in May 1995. Women's participation as members of the House of People's Representatives during this first election was only 2.75%. The National Action Plan of 2006 mentions that there were 42 (7.7%) female parliamentarians after the 2000 election. In the House of Federation, they made up 6.0%, 12.9% in the regional state councils, 7.1% in *wäräda* councils, and 13.9% in *qäbäle* councils. In the same year, out of the 161 candidates who competed for seats in the HPR only 23 (14.3%) were women, and 15 of them were independent candidates. Out of the 263 candidates running for regional council, only 35 (13.3%) were women that came from established parties, while only one was an independent candidate. In fact, female party members tended to compete for lower-level institutions and women's engagement at the executive level was still very low.
<table><caption>Table 7. International and regional gender equality/women's rights agreements (By M. Herman)</caption><thead><tr><th>Key International Agreements</th><th>Ratification</th><th>Date</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Convention on the Political Rights of Women (CPRW)</td><td>Yes</td><td>1969</td></tr><tr><td>Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW)</td><td>Yes</td><td>1981</td></tr><tr><td>Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (OP-CEDAW)</td><td>No</td><td>No</td></tr><tr><td>Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC)</td><td>Yes</td><td>1991</td></tr><tr><td>Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women (DEVAW)</td><td>Yes</td><td>1993</td></tr><tr><td>Cairo International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD)</td><td>Yes</td><td>1994</td></tr><tr><td>Beijing Platform for Action (BPA)</td><td>Yes</td><td>1995</td></tr><tr><td>Millennium Development Goals (MDGs)</td><td>Yes</td><td>2000</td></tr><tr><td>Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)</td><td>Yes</td><td>2015</td></tr><tr><th colspan="3">Regional Treaties</th></tr><tr><td>African Charter on Human and People's Rights (ACHPR)</td><td>Yes</td><td>1998</td></tr><tr><td>Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa (SDGEA)</td><td>Yes</td><td>2004</td></tr><tr><td>Banjul Declaration</td><td>Yes</td><td>2009</td></tr><tr><td>Agenda 2063</td><td>Yes</td><td>2015</td></tr><tr><td>Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People's Rights on the Rights of No Women in Africa (Maputo Protocol)</td><td>Yes: some reservations</td><td>2018</td></tr></tbody></table>

Sources: Compilation based on United Nations Human Rights. Ratification Status for Ethiopia (See also Brems [2007]; Federal Government of Ethiopia [1994]; Gennet Zewide [2018, 186–88]).

During the third election in 2005, female participation in the *wärädas* and *qäbäles* was 8,246 (22.8%) and 162,837 (20.6%), respectively. As well, the population of female parliamentarians reached 21.2% and in 2010, their representation in parliament reached 27.8% (152 women). They still remain below the benchmark set to increase female participation in parliament (30% and 40–50% at regional state level).

As reported by the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia for the fourth elections for the House of People's Representatives in 2010, while 1,916 (87.6%) were male, only 272 (12.4%) were female. At the same time for state councils, 4,021 (84.7%) males, and 725 (15.3%) females were elected. In the year 2010, women's involvement shows little progress. Accordingly, only 16.9% of the judges were females. At the federal level, the number of female lawyers was 27.58%.

## 2.2. Political participation (2015–2018)

Since the adoption of the 1995 Constitution, women have stood for election and slowly secured parliamentary seats where their numbers have increased
from one election to the next. Women started to become more present in the legislative, executive and the judiciary branches of government in both federal and regional governments. As a result, in the last election of 2015, women secured 38.8% of the seats in the Federal Parliament. They also have the opportunity to chair important parliamentary standing committees such as agriculture, budget, government expenditure, social affairs, natural resources, democratic institutions, planning and of course women's affairs.

The percentage of women in regional parliaments, particularly in 5 regions, was better than the Federal reaching gender parity. For example, in Təğre, 50% of the parliamentarians were women, while the percentage of women parliamentarians in Southern Nations Nationalities and Peoples and Addis Ababa is 48%, and in Amhara and Oromia 47%. In the rest of the regions, the percentage of women ranged from 18% in Benishangul-Gumuz to 37.6% in Dire Dawa.

Starting from 2015, women were included in all three branches of government in leading ministries and other government agencies in the executive branch. Women's participation has reached about 25% in the judiciary.

According to Tesfaye Semela et al., women's participation slowly increased between 2010 to 2015, being more represented as parliamentarians than ministers. In October 2015, women represented less than 10% of the ministerial positions, though the 30% has not been reached yet in all sectors.

It may be attributed to a change in mentality, to some efforts by government, but also with to the rise of women's civil society organisations. Since the appointment of Dr Abiy Ahmed as Prime Minister in April 2018, the promotion of gender parity has been given a key focus. On 18 October 2018, he appointed a gender-balanced cabinet of 20 members, as the previous cabinet consisted of 28 members, of which only 4 were women. Ethiopia followed in Rwanda's footsteps towards this equal gender representation, as Rwanda received international recognition for women's representation in government with women making up to 43 percent of its cabinet and 61 percent of its parliamentarians. In Ethiopia, women now hold leadership positions in defence and security, trade, labour, culture, science and finance. For example, Aisha Mohammed Musa became the country's first female defence minister and Muferiat Kamil (former speaker of parliament) was appointed the first minister of peace. Meaza Ashenafi, the founder of the Ethiopian Women Lawyers' Association, an adviser on women's rights to UNECA (United Nations Economic Commission for Africa) and a former judge on the Ethiopian High Court from 1989 to 1992, was appointed Chief Justice. Birtukan Mikdesa was approved to head the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE). Finally, Sahle Work Zewde became President, the third woman to hold this position on the African continent. Formerly, Ethiopia's ambassador to France, Djibouti, Senegal and IGAD, she was UN
Source 39. Eighth periodic report submitted by Ethiopia to the CEDAW in 2017

"Article 7: 'Political and Public Life'

60. (...) According to the political party's Registration Proclamation 573/2008, support to be granted to political parties is apportioned between the parties on the basis of the number of women candidates nominated by the political parties among other factors. In the national election held in 2015, the Board allocated 15 per cent of the total budget for political parties that meet the threshold of 30 per cent women representation. This is an increment from the previous national election where 10 percent of the total budget was allocated for the same purpose.

61. Another measure (...) relates to securing special media time for campaign by female candidates. This measure is the first of its kind in the country (...) Further, the Board was able to ensure dedication of 10 percent of the total print media coverage to female candidates. During the 2015 national election 40 per cent of the officials responsible for election execution were women. (...)

62. Women's representation in the House of People's Representatives increased to 27.9 per cent in 2010 from 21.4 per cent in 2005; the deputy speaker of the house was a woman; there were 4 women chairs of standing committees; 91 women were members of the standing committees; 4 women were in the advisory committees and 9 women were members of coordinating committees. In the current parliament (fifth term), women's membership has reached 38.8 per cent; 7 women are chairs and 8 women serve as vice-chairs of standing committees. Similarly, women's representation in the regional councils reached 40.2 per cent in regional councils and 50 per cent in woreda and kebele councils. However, there are disparities among the regions.

63. In the fifth general election held in 2015, a total of 1,270 candidates (301 for federal and 969 for regional councils) ran for office. This is an increase from the previous election in 2010 where only 927 female candidates ran for office at the regional and federal levels (...).

64. The number of women in the judiciary and executive branches has also shown progress. Within the judiciary, at the federal first instance courts, women account for 43.4 per cent of the judges. Similarly, at the federal high court, women account for 21.3 per cent of the judges. At the Federal Supreme Court there are seven women judges (17.5 per cent). While these numbers show that the proportion of women has increased compared to the previous reporting period, the representation of women in the judiciary remains low. Within the Federal executive branch, women's representation stood at 15.5 per cent at higher level and 22 per cent at middle level positions.

65. Regarding women's participation in non-governmental and grass-roots organisations concerned with public and political life, the government has laid down the necessary framework to encourage women to form associations, trade unions, professional associations and other unions. (...)

66. Although the progress towards ensuring equality in public and political life is encouraging, challenges remain. These include the low level of women's representation in the executive and judicial branches and the low number of women in decision-making positions. (...)

Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), "Eighth Periodic Report Submitted by Ethiopia under Article 18 of the Convention, due in 2015 [Date received: 21 November 2017]" (United Nations, 18 December 2017, CEDAW/C/ETH/8).
Undersecretary General and special representative of the Secretary General to the African Union before her nomination. These are the few examples of women whose education, career and leadership have finally been recognized for their own achievements. In fact, Ethiopia has seen the largest increase in women's political representation in the executive, from 10 percent women ministers in 2017 to 47.6 percent in 2019.

## 2.3. Women's civil society organisations: rise and struggles

After the 1995 Constitution, women's associations were organised in Addis Ababa and in the regions, whether general (mass), professional or sectoral. They included women from all walks of life, from small traders and farmers, to office workers. Some of the regional women's associations in Amhara, Tigray and Oromia have between half a million to one million members. They were mobilised around issues such as political and economic empowerment, access to property and ending harmful practices. For example, *Dire Dawa* women demonstrated against the rape of a child by an old man and an acid attack on a young couple. On *Nehase 22, 1987* (E.C.) (28 August 1995), the Addis Ababa Women's Association (AAWA) mobilised a thousand women to demand the closure of pornographic newspapers that were degrading the position of women in society. One of the most prominent and publicised associations is the Ethiopian Women Lawyer's Association (EWLA), which fights discrimination against women and raises awareness of issues such as violence against women. Others include AAWA, the Network of Ethiopian Women's Associations (NEWA), which has 20 member organisations, and the Organization Against Gender-Based Violence, the Ethiopian Teacher's Women's Coalition Against HIV and AIDS or the Forum for African Women Educationalists Ethiopian Chapter, Women in Mass Media, Women Writers' Association, Women Painters' Association. These organisations work hard to promote women and their place in the society as a central social issue. Smaller associations are doing extensive work: *Setaweet*, a feminist movement association founded in 2014 to empower men and women equally; AWSAD (Association for Women's Sanctuary and Development) was founded in 2003 to help women rebuild their lives after experiencing violence; or *Siiqqee* established in 1997, which brings together marginalised women to train them in practical work skills and provide information on their rights. Gemma Burgess, who has worked on women's activism, explains that: "a new law was passed, the Proclamation for the Registration and Regulation of Charities and Societies (in 2009), which classifies civil society organisations (CSOs) whose contributions from abroad make up more than 10 percent of their budget as 'international' NGOs. The law identifies areas that such NGOs cannot work on, one of them being 'gender.'" Other scholars have also questioned the implementation of this law on the capacity of women's associations to
act, but there have been no in-depth studies or exhaustive studies on how the law really affects all associations, from the largest to the smallest. Members of Ethiopian women's associations also have different views on the use of foreign funding to support Ethiopian women's position in society. Most women's associations continue to operate as "local associations" and promote a woman as a mandatory representative of Ethiopian society. In 2019, a new Civil Societies Proclamation introduced a number of changes, including a clear recognition of the right to operational freedom, the lifting of restrictions on funding considered "foreign," particularly for those working on human rights (and therefore on "gender"), and the expansion of fundraising opportunities. This change will allow an in-depth study of the implementation of actions by the women's associations over the last decade.

Conclusion

Women's equality is still work in progress, as legal and constitutional pro-
visions have not addressed the many institutional, cultural and structural
challenges faced by women. Scholars debate the question of female activism
and feminism and its representatives in contemporary Ethiopia. The issue is to
understand the role of women who reach high political positions and their ac-
tions, between promoting political ideas and/or the "woman question" on the
front row of public debates. As more and more women reach high positions,
only time will allow us to explore this question currently under discussion.
Efforts still need to be made to increase women's access to education and thus
their participation in political decision-making and leadership (especially at
the post-graduate levels for high-ranking positions).

It has been proven that the participation of more women in political lead-
ership can benefit the society in all its societal issues: democracy, sustainable
peace, gender equality, economic development etc. However, the diversity of
the women themselves needs to be represented as they are not a homogeneous
group. A change of mentality is also needed in Ethiopian society in order to
increase their leadership role. A popular proverb in Ethiopia is: "Even if a
woman knows, the decision should be made by man / ምንም ሲት ብታቅ በወንድ
ያልቅ." It is the attitude of both men and women that need to be challenged. For
example, Emirie notes in 2005 that Ethiopian women are reluctant to engage in
activities outside their homes, for fear of failure. Habtamu Wondimu, in 2004,
noted that scholars continue to argue that many women, socialised through
patriarchal values, have developed a reluctant attitude towards participation
in public spheres. Therefore, it is the responsibility of the current generation
(both men and women) to take women's equality to its logical conclusion
through education and various strategies.
## References and further readings

Agaredeh Jemaneh. 2013. "Representation of Gender and Gender relations in Newspapers' Narratives: The Case of Ethiopia." Ph.D. diss. Tromsø: The Arctic University of Norway. https://hdl.handle.net/10037/7012.

Brems, Eva. 2007. "Ethiopia before the United Nations Treaty Monitoring Bodies." *Afrika Focus* 20, no. 1-2: 49-74. https://doi.org/10.1163/2031356X-0200102004.

Burgess, Gemma. 2013. "A Hidden History: Women's Activism in Ethiopia." *Journal of International Women's Studies* 14, no. 3: 96-107. https://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws/vol14/iss3/7 [archive].

Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), "Eighth Periodic Report Submitted by Ethiopia under Article 18 of the Convention, due in 2015 [Date received: 21 November 2017]" (United Nations, 18 December 2017, CEDAW/C/ETH/8). https://www.ecoi.net/en/file/local/1424869/1930_1519128040_n1744773.pdf [archive].

Federal Government of Ethiopia. 1994. *Education and Training Policy*. Addis Ababa: Federal Government of Ethiopia. https://www.cmpethiopia.org/content/download/3558/14550/file/Education%20and%20training%20policy,%20Ethiopia,%201994.pdf [archive].

Gennet, Zewide. 2014. *Resistance, Freedom and Empowerment: the Ethiopian Women's Struggle*. New Delhi: Concept Pub. Co, 2014.

Gennet, Zewide. 2018. *No one Left behind: Redesigning the Education Policy*. Addis Ababa: Megga Publishing and Distribution PLC.

Guday Emirie. 2005. "Early Marriage and Its Effects on Girls' Education in Rural Ethiopia: The Case of Mecha Woreda in West Gojjam, North-Western Ethiopia." PhD diss. Georg-August University of Göttingen. https://d-nb.info/977834271/34 [archive].

Habtamu Wondimu et al. 2004. *Gender and Cross-Cultural Dynamics in Ethiopia: the case of eleven ethnic groups*. Addis Ababa: Addis Ababa University, Center for Research Training and Information for Women in Development (CERTWID), 2004.

Hirut Terefe. 1997. "Gender and Cross-Cultural Dynamics in Ethiopia with Particular Reference to Property Rights, and the Role and Social Status of Women." In *Ethiopia in Broader Perspectives: Papers of the 13th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies*, vol. III, edited by Fukui Katsuyoshi, and Kurimoto Eisei and Shigeta Masayoshi, 541-61. Kyoto: Shokado Book Sellers.

Indrawatie Biseswar. 2011. "The Role of Educated/Intellectual Women in Ethiopia in the Process of Change and Transformations towards Gender Equality, 1974-2005." Ph.D. diss. Pretoria: University of South Africa. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/5538.

Meaza Ashenafi. 2009. *Participation of Women in Politics and Public Decision Making in Ethiopia*. FSS Monographs, no. 5. Addis Ababa: Forum for Social Studies. https://www.fssethopia.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/11/FSS-Monograph-No-5.pdf [archive].
Ministry of Women's Affairs (MOWA). 2006. *National Action plan for Gender Equality (NAP-GE) 2006-2010*. Addis Ababa: Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Ministry of Women's Affairs. https://land.igad.int/index.php/documents-1/countries/ethiopia/legislation-and-policies-1/policies-1/271-national-action-plan-for-gender-equality-nap-ge/file [archive].

"National Policy on Ethiopian Women." 1993. Addis Ababa: The Transitional Government of Ethiopia, Office of the prime Minister, Women's Affairs Sector. https://almariam.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/National-policy-on-Ethiopian-women.pdf [archive].

Pankhurst, Helen. 1992. *Gender, Development and Identity: An Ethiopian Study*. London: Zed Books.

Panos Ethiopia. 2006. *Reflections: Documentation of the Forum on Gender. Number 14*. Addis Abeba: Panos Ethiopia

Tesfaye Semela, Hirut Bekele, and Rahel Abraham. 2019. "Women and Development in Ethiopia: A Sociohistorical Analysis." *Journal of Developing Societies* 35, no. 2: 230–55. https://doi.org/10.1177/0169796X19844438.

The Women's Affairs Office (FDRE), and The World Bank. 1998. *Implementing the Ethiopian National Policy for Women, Institutional and Regulatory Issues*. Washington DC: The World Bank, 1998. http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/696691468751522476/Implementing-the-Ethiopian-National-Policy-for-Women-institutional-and-regulatory-issues.

Tsehai Berhane Selassie, ed. 1991 *Gender Issues in Ethiopia*. Addis Ababa: Institute of Ethiopian Studies, Addis Ababa University Press.

Wright, Marta Camila. 2002. "'Women Are not Corrupt': The Elections in Addis Ababa in a Gender Perspective." In *Since the Derg: A Decade of Democratic Pretension and performance*, edited by Pausewang, Siegfried, Kjetil Tronvoll and Lovise Aalen, ch. 3. London, New York: Zed Books.
Part 5

Part Five. Women at War
<figure><img src="image_38.png" /></figure>
# Women and War

> “Wake up men! Protect your country! Leave alone the men! We the women will fight!”

> Ethiopian women's slogans in 1936.

Throughout Ethiopian history, wars have been frequent and generally accepted as being men's affair. However, women have had a role to play during wartime and have been involved at different levels. Their participation has been studied by historians from medieval times up to the end of the 20th century. Richard and Rita Pankhurst cover the topic over an extended period of time. Margaux Herman focuses on the Middle Ages up to the 16th century. Minale Adugna is interested in the campaign of Adwa (1895–1896) and the Italian occupation (1936–1941), while Tsehai Berhane Selassie has written some biographies of recognised patriots. This chapter will therefore provide an overview of women's participation in warfare and wartime. The transcription used for the 20th century onwards' characters is the one used both by Minale Adugna and Tsehai Berhane Selassie.

## 1. Can women participate in wars?

### 1.1. "To be a soldier is a male quality, being a woman is being a coward"

In Oromo groups, women do not belong to the gadaa grades, but they evolved through their husbands' careers. Only men are engaged in warfare. Different myths are told to justify this social order. One story recounts the failure of women to participate in warfare in ancient times to justify their role in being restricted to only helping with the necessary preparations.

In the same manner, in the Christian kingdom in the highlands, a coward was insulted and regarded as a woman. Many examples are found in Ethiopian sources over time.

In more recent times, Gebru Tareke, dealing with the Second Wayane movement (1975–1991), indicates that the fighters in the First Wayane movement were all men and were “quite chauvinistic” saying that “it was common to dress prisoners of war, spies, and collaborators in women’s garments, and parade them on market days, the implication being that they were as weak as women.”
Source 40. The failure of women to participate in warfare in Guji-Oromo tales

"Women fighters went to war in a group of ten. They raided animals and other belongings (*waatoo*, used for perfume) from the enemy and headed back to their camp. However, the enemy followed them to retrieve the raided animals and the *waatoo*. (... the troop finally surrendered the animals but retained the *waatoo*. Back home, it is recounted that they had difficulties counting each other). Finally, they wanted to be sure about their number and sought help from a man to count them. The man asked them to sit down, counted ten of them, and reported that no member had died. It is said that because of this incompetence, women were declared unfit for fighting."

Dejene N. Debsu, "Gender and Culture in Southern Ethiopia: An Ethnographic Analysis of Guji-Oromo Women's Customary Rights," *African Study Monographs* 30, no. 1 (March 2009): 15-36.

Source 41. Cowards should be considered as women

Decree issued by King Mənəlik in November 1888: "The man who handles a lance and does not come to this expedition is a woman and no more a man. He shall be called by the name of his wife, and have no share in their common wealth. She may take everything."

Tekle Tsadiq Mekuria, *Atse Yohanisina ya-Ityopia andinat* (Addis Ababa: Kuraz Publishing Agency, 1982 E.C.), 517, quoted in Minale Adugna, *Women and Warfare in Ethiopia* (Addis Ababa: OSSREA, 2001), 3.

## 1.2. Findings regarding women's active participation

In medieval and modern times, it was not uncommon for women to carry weapons. In the 17th century, women of the aristocracy were reported to be "mounted mule or horse, spears in their hands with their belts tightened and their *shämas* or togas draped over their heads." King Iyasu issued a decree against the practice in 1691.

Source 42. Iyasu's proclamation on women

*On the 18th of* ter 1691, Iyasu settled his camp at *Djäfdjäf* where he had the *herald proclaim that*: "the girls of the country must not ride astride mules, because before these girls took the habit of riding mules with saddles, tightening the belts of their shirts, covering their heads with their shammas, *dressing and walking like men*, and holding a long spear in their hand. They were marching on the road of the expedition, like men."

Ignazio Guidi, *Annales Iohannis I, Iyasu I et Bakaffa* (Louvain: Peeters, 1961 [1903]), vol. 2, 157.

In the highlands, a *šaläqa*, the owner of a special type of land known as *dämbägna*, was expected to register for *damb*, or "military" service. These lands became hereditary and subject to custom. It is generally accepted that
women could not inherit them, but exceptions can be found. Until the mid-
19th century, daughters could inherit war material in the absence of a male
successor. In addition, when a male šaläqa died (or was ill) and had a young
son, women acted as his guardians and therefore had to come to the forefront,
even if they did not always wield weapons in battle.

There are examples of women who had acquired *dämbägna* and were
therefore expected to fulfill the duties associated with their land. They usually
used a proxy (or male intermediary), but had to raise soldiers and to follow
their troops on marches. Ethiopia's first written constitution in 1931 affected
women's right to inherit land, including military land. However, examples
of women patriots taking on military roles after the death of their father or
husband are well known.

Source 43. The prohibition of women to enlist in military expeditions (1931)

One letter of the Minister of Pen, *Tsehafe Tezaz* Wäldä Mäsqal, dated Miyazya 26, 1926 CE, which was addressed to the minister of war, for instance, did prohibit the enlistment of women in military expeditions: "... [the daughter of a deceased officer and soldier]... is no longer to enlist in the *damb* and is no longer to hold the rifle but she should be eligible to receive... the security towards the upbringing of the dead officer's or soldier's sons who are not yet of age to enlist in the *damb*, and to hold the rifle until the boys reach 15 years."

Tsehai Berhane Selassie, "Women Guerrilla Fighters," *NorthEast African Studies* 1, no. 3 (1980), 76–77, quoted in Minale Adugna, *Women and Warfare in Ethiopia* (op. cit.), 21.

Source 44. The women shall learn the use of military arms (1935)

In his speech to the parliament on the eve of the war, King Haylä Šellase called for the unreserved contribution of women: “... our women must be taught to nurse the wounded and even to fight. We shall be glad if in Ethiopia, as in some other countries, the women learn the use of military arms and undergo military exercises.”

W. J. Makin, *War over Ethiopia* (London: Jarolds Ltd, 1935), 102–3, quoted in Minale Adugna. *Women and Warfare in Ethiopia* (op. cit.), 21.

On the contrary, certain war decrees ordered women to take part in military
expeditions, such as in 1771, when ras Mika'el Sehul declared that female fief
holders should actually lead their soldiers into battle. Similarly, in the first
quarter of the 19th century, ras Gugsa issued a decree stating: "One who does
not join the army of Gugsa, man and woman, will lose his genitals and her
breasts, respectively." Wars affected women in many ways but women always
responded to a mobilization order as soon as they heard it.
### 1.3. *The case of pregnant women*

Pregnant women were generally not allowed to join military expeditions, but some are reported to have joined military expeditions by hiding their pregnancy. In Somali communities, pregnant wives of war leaders are said to have participated in wars because they were seen as a rallying force if their husbands fell. It was also believed that a son born in battle would be very brave. Døl Wämbära, the wife of Imam Aḥmad in the 16th century, also gave birth during warfare. Despite these exceptions, pregnant women were generally not allowed because of the difficulties of the long marches. However, pregnancy could not be completely avoided, especially during prolonged campaigns, as is reported to have been common during the Italo-Ethiopian war of 1936–41.

## 2. The roles of women in war

In times of peace, women glorified bravery and patriotism by honoring brave warriors, especially if they were related to them, as they could claim privilege in society.

Medieval historical sources indicate that women accompanied the army in its campaigns as providers of various services. According to the literature, number of camp followers was often greater than the number of combatants, sometimes even twice as many, and was mainly made up of women. These women had to keep up with the army, often walking 10 to 20 miles a day and enduring the same harsh conditions. Only the wives of high officials and royal families were allowed to ride mules.

Source 45. The composition of the army at the battle of Adwa (1896)

For the Battle of Adwa, estimations indicate that the army was composed of more than 130,000 combatants and that the camps followers might have numbered from 30,000 to 70,000 people (men and women). Given the fact that most often the majority of the camp followers in military expeditions were women, one can safely assume that on average no fewer than 20–30,000 women participated in the campaign of Adwa.

Minale Adugna, *Women and Warfare in Ethiopia* (op. cit.), 17.

### 2.1. *Motivating to fight*

Many sources, from medieval to more recent times, report that women encouraged men to join military expeditions before the outbreak of war. Once mobilized, they followed the army, “singing, laughing and frolicking as if they were at a party,” thus providing a moral force behind the troops. During the war against the Italians in 1936, the role of women as propagandists inspiring patriotism, even as composers of songs was recognized, such as Shäwareged Gädlä, Käbbädächch Seyyum Mängäsha (ከበቺ ርዖዖ መንገኝ), Sənəddu Gäbru
(usually written Shewareged Gedle, Kebedech Seyum and Senedu Gebru),
among many others.

Source 46. Queen Taytu motivating the soldiers on battefield

According to the king's chronicler: "*Atege Taytu* seeing some soldiers hesitating cried to them with all her strength, 'courage, victory is ours, strike.' The soldiers could not run away when encouraged by women and returned to the fighting."

Chris Prouty, *Empress Taytu and Menelik II* (London: Ravens Educational & Development Services, 1986), 156–57.

The same traditional role is reported in Oromo societies. A custom related to the wife anointing her husband with butter when he goes to war, and blessing him, “*Waaqninagaan si galchu*,” meaning “*Waaqa* bring you back home safely,” while handing him the spear, testifies to this role.

## 2.2. Preparing, carrying, and collecting food, supplies and weapons

During mobilisation and the march, women performed many tasks depending on their rank. Elite women had supervisory roles. In the military camps, women prepared food and drink, so they had the arduous task of transporting food and goods including various utensils such as pots for making *tej* (hydromel), *tella* (local beer), *wot* (stew), baking pans for making bread, mills for grinding flour, jars of honey, horns for drinks, baskets, grinding stones etc.

Women had to fetch water and collect firewood. Some were in charge of preparing the campsite by digging trenches and clearing the camp and the roads. Women also had to stay awake at night as they were responsible for looking after property, ammunition, prisoners and animals. After the battles, women were responsible for collecting booty and ammunition from captives, the dead and wounded.

Source 47. *Taytu and her women supplying the soldiers*

*Atege Taytu* mobilized the women to supply water to the fighters and the wounded: "The empress collected her 10–12,000 women in the camp and issued water jugs to all of them. This army of another type filled their jugs at the river and was ready to carry water to those who fought whenever in need. Meanwhile other women were busy redistributing rifles and bullets of the wounded and that of their dead menfolk and captives of war to the combatants."

Chris Prouty, *Empress Taytu and Menelik II* (op. cit.), 159, quoted in Minale Adugna, *Women and Warfare in Ethiopia* (op. cit.), 20.

In August 1935, Princess Tsehay, the daughter of the king, founded the Ethiopian Women's Welfare Association (EWWA) under the patronage of *Atege Mänän*. With the help of Lady Barton, the wife of the British
Ambassador, they supervised the preparation of clothes, mattresses, gas masks, bandages and rations for the troops. They also raised money for the association and the Red Cross. Some women, like *wäyzäro*\* Shewareged Gedle, sold their property to buy clothes, medicine, bullets and rifles and gave financial support to the Red Cross.

### 2.3. Informers and active participation

Women also served the army by misleading the enemy and acting as correspondents between the scattered or divided army units. During the Battle of Adwa in 1896, the women of Adigrat are said to have attacked the Italians and cut off telegraph lines. In 1936, women are also remembered for sending avalanches of stones from hilltops and setting fire to the Italian camps. Women gathered information and participated in the intelligence services as they were less suspicious. They demonstrated this talent at the Battle of Adwa, during the resistance against the Italians (1936–1941) or within the Central Committee of Wust Arbegnoch (Inner Patriots). Reports and oral sources highlight the role of Ethiopian women who married Italians (or who were their concubines) and who shared with the patriots the military secrets revealed by their husbands. Domestic servants of the Italians, sellers who had access to military camps and residences, and women who ran drinking houses in the towns also played the same role. Conversely, they also supplied the enemy with false information.

*Source 48. Examples of patriotic women's actions*

Sylvia Pankhurst in the Ethiopia Observer (1957) stated that the female patriot Shewareged Gedle had organized an elite Ethiopian intelligence service to gather more arms while leading the Ethiopian guerilla fighters to the locale of Addis Alem to defeat an Italian fortification. Captured by the Italians, Pankhurst describes her strength: "She was captured by the Italians and tortured by them with electricity to compel her to disclose her accomplices; despite all their cruelties, she preserved silence."

Very active in the diplomatic campaign, Princess Tsehay made an address to the Women's Advisory Council of the League of Nations, against the use of mustard gas by Italy: "For seven days without break the enemy have been bombing the armies and peoples of my country including women and children with terrible gasses... Against this cruel gas we have no protection... This suffering and torture are beyond description..."

New Times and Ethiopian News, 22 March 1936.

### 2.4. Nurses

Women facilitated burials and are well documented for caring for the wounded from the 16th century sources relating to the conflict against 'Adal to 20th century sources. For example, against the Italians, women assisted members of the Red Cross in carrying the wounded, providing first aid or
full nursing services, using traditional medicines made from the roots, barks,
fruits and leaves of various trees. Women like wäyzäro* Kebedech Seyum are
remembered for caring for the wounded, and Senedu Gebru for learning the
techniques of modern nursing. The latter joined the Holäta Military Academy
(ሆለታ የጦር ትምህርት ቤት) with her sister Desta Gebru and wäyzäro* Tsege
Mengesha. Wearing uniforms and hats with Red Cross insignia, they served
the cadets, nursing both combatants and civilians suffering from gunshot
wounds, burns and poison gas. They worked with ras Imru in the Wälläga,
Illubabor and the Gibe regions.

## 2.5. Peacemakers

Another role of women during the wars was attributed to the widows
as peacemakers. Acting between two camps, women were the privileged
mediators for the signing of peace treaties. For example, in 1865, a mourner
from Bulga nicknamed “Innat Awaju” (literally ‘mother of a proclamation’),
tried to stop the war between Mənəlik and Bəzabeh.

Source 49. Radio appeal of *Etege Mänän* in 1935

*On 13 September 1935, Etege Mänän made a radio appeal: “... There is still time for those who desire justice to take action to end the most unjust of wars... I, therefore, appeal to France the emblem of equality, fraternity and liberty; to Great Britain, defender of justice; for all races and to the whole world to abandon all further delay in saving my country. (...) “Women of the world unite. Demand with one voice that we may be spared the honor of useless bloodshed.”*

*New Times and Ethiopian News* (May 9, 1936), quoted in Minale Adugna, *Women and Warfare in Ethiopia* (op. cit.), 23.

In Oromo societies, women have also traditionally acted as peacemakers, as
seen in the conflicts that arose between the Guji and the Boräna. While the
former wanted peace, they sent a *lichoo*, a female peace envoy, to the *hayyu*,
the judge of the opposing group. The custom commands respect for a *lichoo*
and protects her from any harm. Some cases are known of men being sent as
*lichoo* in minor conflicts, but women were usually chosen for serious conflicts.
The *lichoo* prepares the ground for major peace talks, determines the venue
for the meeting and reports back to her respective *hayyus*. In Garri and Boräna
(two pastoralist communities), women taught their children the importance of
peace and advised their husbands. In Arsi and Sidaama, women intervene to
prevent conflicts. When women notice that a fight is about to break out, they
untie their waistbands, tie them together in long strips and hold the ends to
form a line. As soon as the men see that line, they retreat to their respective
regions. Women are also used to avoid conflict by being given as wives to a
leader of the opposing group in order to prevent further conflict and ensure
lasting peace. This practice is widespread in both the Amhara and Təgray cultures. Historically, it has been widely used by the elite since medieval times, as it was the case of Queen Əleni in the 15th century to prevent conflict with the Hadiyya. At the community or village level, older women usually settle disputes and reconcile individuals or groups when they come into conflict.

Women have also played an important role in returning to peace after war. For example, EWWA's contribution to peaceful life continued after the conflict with the Italians and the liberation. Members of the association who had been in exile returned and re-established EWWA by uniting the two women associations (EWWA and the Ethiopian Patriots Women's Association). The association primarily dealt with the aftermath of the war by providing food and temporary shelter for orphans and homeless widows. In addition, Princess Tsehay, who had returned as a trained nurse, provided medical services in the capital through the association.

### 3. Famous women leading soldiers on the battlefields

Since ancient times, some prominent women have been reported to have played decisive roles in military affairs, starting or ending wars and in leading the army into battle.

#### 3.1. *Known medieval warrior queens*

According to M. Herman in 2020, there are references to the role of women as war leaders since the Aksumite period. The first was a semi-legendary queen from the 10th century known as Gudit/Yodit. Described in many sources as a cruel woman who brought destruction and ended the Aksumite kingdom, she is remembered as a great military leader. In the late 15th century, Queen Əleni, a former Muslim who became the wife of King Zär'a Yaʻqob (1434–1468) and remained at court until her death in 1524, is remembered for her involvement in the Muslim-Christian conflicts. Initially, she pursued a policy of reconciliation with the kingdom's Muslim neighbours. However, in the early 16th century, as the conflicts intensified, she instigated a diplomatic mission to Portugal in 1512–1513, asking King Emmanuel to form a military alliance against the Muslims. Although nothing happened with the first Portuguese mission at the court in 1520, she paved the way for the later Portuguese military action that arrived in Massäwa in 1541. At that time, two other women presented below are remembered in local and external sources for their participation as military leaders as shown in the article by Herman (2020).

#### 3.2. *Ətege Taytu and the road to Adwa (1885/1896)*

According to Minale Adugna (2001), some famous queens played a military role in the 19th century. Harold Marcus, for example, documents the story
## Queen Säblä Wängel

After the death of her husband, Læbnä Dængl, in 1540, she, exiled to the monastery of Däbrä Damo, welcomed and accompanied the Portuguese military mission which arrived in the summer 1541. Her role in wartime is attested both by chroniclers and Portuguese. She rallied local support, secured supplies and advised the Portuguese in leading different attacks. She accompanied them throughout the campaign and with her ladies helped in nursing the wounded. After the death of the *imam* in 1543, she acted as a diplomat to negotiate the return of her son, Minas, captured previously in 1539 by the Muslim forces.

## Bati Dæl Wämbära

She was the daughter of Mâhfûz, who led attacks against the Christian kingdom until 1516. Tradition claimed that she motivated her husband, the *imam* Ahmad, to avenge the death of her father. She participated in the expeditions despite the protestation of his soldiers. She is said to have marched when pregnant and delivered two sons during the campaigns of 1531 and 1533. Next to her, other women campaigned as Hajirah or Ferdusah. After the death of her husband in 1543, she negotiated the return of her son, taken captive in 1543, with Säblä Wangel. Later, in 1552, she married the nephew of the *imam* Emir Nur Ibn Mujadid, and again motivated him to avenge the death of her husband, which he managed to achieve in 1559, killing King Gälawdewos.

of Queen Worqitu of Wallo as the queen who helped Mənəlik to gain his crown, and who granted him a safe route through her territory in 1865 after he escaped from King Tewodros' prison. *Atege* Mänän (usually spelled Menen in secondary sources) is also remembered for her participation in battles during the 'Era of the Princes.' For example, against the Egyptian invasion, she is said to have had 20,000 soldiers under her command.

*Atege* Taytu, the wife of King Mənəlik II, is the most famous queen of the century, also remembered as a decisive player in the Adwa campaign of 1896. Following the publication of the Italian version of Article XVII of the Wuchale Treaty (signed on 2 May 1889), which reduced Ethiopia to the status of an Italian colony, she rebuked the Ethiopian translator of the treaty, *grazmach* Yosef, and refused to compromise with the Italians, leading to the abrogation of the treaty in February 1893 and making war inevitable.

Source 50. Queen Taytu refused the Protectorate status for Ethiopia

Taytu declared that she preferred war to accepting protectorate status for Ethiopia and told Antoneli, the Italian auxiliary: "I am a woman and I do not love war, but rather than accepting this [Article XVII] I prefer war."

Harold G. Marcus, *The Life and Times of Menelik II: Ethiopia 1844–1913* (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975), 126–27.
In September 1895, at the beginning of the mobilisation, she gathered her weavers and potters, sent messages to her estates and ordered them to organise provisions and supplies along the routes of the expedition. Besides her own troops, of about 5,000 infantry and 600 cavalrymen, she had at her disposal about 3,000 rifles, 600 horses and 4 guns. She was accompanied by thousands of female camp followers, whose roles have already been mentioned.

Source 51. A description of Queen Taytu by *grazmach* Yosef

*In his letter to Casimir Mondon Vidailhet, grazmach Yosef, wrote:* "The Ethiopian heroine empress Taytu distinguished herself through her valour... She advanced with her artillery in front of her and the riflemen to the left and right... when the men in front were attacked by cannon fire, she assembled her forces in a fortified position and ordered them to return the fire from a distance... To prevent the front line from being weakened she returned those bringing prisoners. She also saw to it that those soldiers who had stayed in the rear would get to the front."

Minale Adugna. *Women and Warfare in Ethiopia* (op. cit.), 20.

The queen camped with her husband at the reserve position. She took part in the long siege and final surrender of the fortified position of the Italians at Məqəle on 21 January 1896. She strategically advised controlling the water supply to the Italians. On 9 January 1896, 900 men from the Queen's contingent built a barricade and they stayed there for two weeks, well supplied by the queen with food and drink. The plan worked and the Italians suffering from shortage of water were forced to surrender on 21 January 1896. Both Italian and Ethiopian sources attest the various activities of the Ethiopian women at Adwa.

After the victory at Adwa, the Italians had to leave the Tigrean region, but kept their colony in Eritrea, against Taytu's wish. From there, they launched their invasion of Ethiopia on 3 October 1935.

Source 52. Queen Taytu's advice to Emperor Menelik

*The historian R. Greenfield records the queen's advice to Emperor Mənəlik and his cabinet regarding the Italian encroachment. She warns:* "Yield nothing. What you give away today will be a future ladder against your fortress and tomorrow the Italians will come up it into your domains. If you must lose lands lose them at least with your strong right arms."

Richard Greenfield, *Ethiopia: A New Political History* (New York: Praeger, 1965), 122, quoted in Minale Adugna, *Women and Warfare in Ethiopia* (op. cit.), 23.
### 3.3. Women at war during the Italo-Ethiopian War (1935–1936) and during the resistance (1936–1941)

Several writers and scholars have devoted themselves to the study of the Italo-Ethiopian war of 1935–36 and the Ethiopian resistance movement that followed it until 1941. While some have only made passing reference to the role of women during this period, others such as Minale Adugna and Tsehai Berhane Selassie have studied it in detail. Women in the royal family acted mainly through fundraising and international advocacy, as mentioned previously. Only a few princesses took part in the fight. Romana Warq Haile Selassie, the wife of the Governor of Bale, accompanied her husband on the southern fronts until his death in February 1937. She, then, followed ras Desta Damtew until she herself was captured by the people of Adami Tulu when the Italians deported her to Italy. Wäyzäro* Lakech Demisew, a great granddaughter of King Śahlä Śollase of Šäwa, also accompanied her husband the däğğazmač Mengesha Aboye to the northern front with a rifle and in men's uniform.

After the massacre of February 1937, following the failed assassination attempt on the Italian viceroy Marshal Rodolfo Grazziani, in which 30,000 Ethiopians of all ages, classes and genders were killed in three days, women's involvement increased significantly. They participated in the patriotic resistance at all levels: as nurses, informers or combatants. Women include fief-holders of a military type (dämbägna) who led their own contingent. An official document of the Ministry of Defence mentions about 277 women who were included in the list of the patriots who received medals from King Haylä Śollase on 20 January 1945. The number of women active in the resistance was in fact much higher. Both written and oral sources agree that the main contribution of women was in the underground work, which was not rewarded with a medal. Women kept the households going, but also undertook production and trade to supply provisions to the fighters. Tsehai Berhane Selassie's article "Women Guerrilla Fighters" is one of the few published works that deals exclusively with the experiences of women fighters during the occupation. Her article focuses specifically on four women leaders: Lekyelesh Beyan, Shewareged Gedle, Shewanesh Abreha, and Kelemwarq Tiruneh.

### 3.4. Women at war in the post 1941 period

In the post-1941 period, Ethiopia faced a number of rural rebellions and armed struggles. However, little attention has been paid to women's participation in these movements. In his review of literary work, Belete Bizuneh (2002) pointed out that Gebru Tareke, who studied three of the peasant rebellions between 1941 and 1973, only presents women in connection with the "First Wäyanä" (ቁሶማዕ ወዃን) stating that women were "conspicuously absent in (...)
Three short biographies of women leaders

*These short biographies have been made by selecting extracts from the work of Minale Adugna and Tsehai Berhane Selassie.*

**Wäyzäro**\* **Lekyelesh Beyan** fought at the battle of Maychew on 31 March 1936. Interviewed by Tsehai Berhane Selassie in 1972, she describes how to perform the duty attached to some army land which she had inherited, she took up her father's gun and carried her four-month-old daughter on her back to join the Kəmbata army under the command of däğğazmač Meshesha Wolde. Her husband too had a piece of land to defend. After she returned to the capital, she became a guerrilla fighter, fought in Säwa, took part in an abortive attempt to liberate the capital in the summer of 1936 and went to Jiru. In January 1941, she was taken prisoner until the liberation.

* * *

**Wäyzäro**\* **Shewareged Gedle**, called “the lion-hearted woman” and “the Ethiopian Joan of Arc” is said to have learned “to fight with a sword and often practised mock duels with trained and tough soldiers” according to the Ministry of Information (1958 E.C., 49). At the beginning of the conflict, she raised funds and collected first aid medication, mobilising women patriots, with whom she fought in Säwa. She was frequently put on trial by Italian officials for her activities. Different sources agree that she rendered multiple services in underground patriotic activities. Following the attempt on the life of Grazziani, she was suspected of treason and captured. She was deported to the Italian prison on the island of Sardinia where she was tortured for two years. Having promised not to engage in subversive activities, she was allowed to return home. Conversely, she joined an underground organisation known as *Wust Arbänoč* (ՈՒԱՅԱԸ, usually written *Wust Arbegnoch* “inner patriots”). In the summer of 1940, she was engaged in a plan to attack an Italian ammunition depot in Addis Alm, that was finalised with success in November 1940. Then, she fled to Becho in Säwa. She continued her activity until she was again captured at Kussay in the Gurage region in December 1940. She was later sent to the prison of Akaki near the capital. Sentenced to death, she was saved by the entry of the joint Anglo-Ethiopian army into the capital.

* * *

**Wäyzäro**\* **Kebedech Seyoum**, the daughter of ras Seyum Mengesha, was the wife of däğğazmač Abera Kassa. She represented her husband in Səlale. After the death of her husband, in July 1936 while trying to liberate the capital, she received his titles and arms and took lead of his army. She fought many battles in Mänz, Tägulät, Ifat, Selalə and Mərhabəte. Throughout the battles, she wore men's uniform. She was already pregnant when she took over the command of the army. She gave birth in the desert and the left Säwa for Wälläga with her soldiers. They fought up to southern Goğğam, from where she went into exile in Sudan in 1939, then via Cairo to Jerusalem. She stayed there until the Liberation of Ethiopia in 1941.
<figure><img src="image_39.png" /><figcaption>Figure 17. Kebedech Seyoum, a female patriot, c. 1935</figcaption></figure>

leadership, although they sometimes served as intermediaries, messengers, and spies.”

Relatively more attention seems to have been paid by journalists and historians to the role of women in the regional separatist movements that developed from the 1960s onwards. Kuwee Kumsa, for example, notes the important role of women both as fighters in the OLF (Oromo Liberation Front) and as providers of material support, but argues that women were not involved in decision-making. For Belete Bizuneh (2002), Kuwee's work is important because it draws attention to gender bias found not only within the OLF but also in a number of other political movements in the country. However, he also pointed out that this work also presents a biased version of the diverse experiences of Oromo women found in different parts of the country, as attention is mainly focused on a small group of educated Oromo from a particular part of the country and their relationship with the OLF leadership, leaving out a number of other “Oromo women.”

During the resistance of the Tigrean People Liberation Front (TPLF) against the Därg (from 1974 to 1991), women also took part in armed conflicts, such as Kahsu Martha and Aregash Adane, an early TPLF fighter and the only woman to serve on the TPLF Central Committee. Armed women fought on both sides, participating in the war directly by fighting on the battlefield and indirectly by supplying the combatants, singing heroic songs, providing intelligence services, and acting as messengers between the combatants and the political elite in the city. They also suffered imprisonment and torture, a story that starts to be uncovered since the last decade.
**Conclusion**

Despite the apparent patriarchal nature of the society, Ethiopian women played an important role in military affairs. Elite women could act as war leaders, in a diplomatic role and on the battlefields. Women were essential members of the war effort, providing the necessary aid and logistical support. They carried many supplies, guarded the camps at night, cared for the dead and wounded and supplied the soldiers with everything they needed. They also acted as spies, gathering information and misleading the enemy. Finally, Ethiopian women played an active role that clearly demonstrated that “war is not the monopoly of men.” Ethiopian women also helped to sustain society during the war by participating in all productive, reproductive and community activities. They were also active in peacekeeping, using songs and other oral traditions to avert conflicts that were about to break out. They have also contributed to post-conflict reconstruction, showing resilience and using their various associations. Research on the role of women in war is still in its infancy and there is much more to be discovered. What has been left out of this chapter is the history of women as victims of armed conflict, as widows, slaves and prostitutes, or as forced migrants.

**References and further readings**

Abbink, Jon, Mirjam De Bruijn, and Klaas van Walraven, eds. 2003. *Rethinking Resistance: Revolt and Violence in African History*. Leiden: Brill. https://hdl.handle.net/1887/12876.

Alem Desta. 2008. *Candace: Invincible Women of Ethiopia*. Addis Ababa: Ethiopian Millennium Foundation.

Berhe G. Tsegay. 1999. *The Tigrean Women in the Liberation Struggle and its Aftermath, 1975–1996*. Addis Ababa: Organization for Social Science Research in Eastern and Southern Africa (OSSREA).

Dejene Negassa Debsu. 2009. “Gender and Culture in Southern Ethiopia: An Ethno-graphic Analysis of Guji-Oromo Women’s Customary Rights.” *African Study Monographs* 30, no. 1: 15–36. https://jambo.africa.kyoto-u.ac.jp/kiroku/asm_normal/abstracts/pdf/30-1/DEBSU.pdf [archive].

Emebet Mulugeta Tefera. 2005. “The Invincible Invisibles Women Ethiopian Women in Conflict and Peace Making.” In *Gender and Peace Building in Africa*, edited by Dina Rodriguez and Edith Natukunda Togboa, 113–26. San Jose, CA: University for Peace, 2005. https://womin.africa/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/University-for-Peace-Gender-and-Peace-Building-in-Africa.pdf [archive].

Gebru Tareke. 1991. *Ethiopia: Power and Protest. Peasant Revolts in the Twentieth Century*. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Getachew Kassa. 2003. “The Impact of Intergroup Conflict on Women, Children, and the Elderly in the Boran Region: Examples from the Boran-Gerri Conflict (draft report).” Addis Ababa: International Committee of the Red Cross.
Hailu Habtu, and Judith A. Byfield. 2015. "Fighting Fascism: Ethiopian Women Patriots 1936–1941." In *Africa and World War II*, edited by Judith A. Byfield, Carolyn A. Brown, Timothy Parsons, Ahmad Alawad Sikainga: 383–400. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781107282018.021.

Herman, Margaux. 2020. "Towards a History of Women in Medieval Ethiopia." In *A Companion to Medieval Ethiopia and Eritra*, edited by Samantha Kelly, 365–94. Leiden: Brill. https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004419582_014. https://hal.science/hal-03934998/.

Makda Tekle Michael. 2000. "Ethiopian Women's Welfare Association: A History." Senior paper. Addis Ababa University.

Martha Kuwee Kumsa. 1998. "Oromo Women and the Oromo National Movements: Dilemmas, Problems, and Prospects for True Liberation." In *Oromo Nationalism and the Ethiopian Discourse: The Search for Freedom and Democracy*, edited by Asafa Jalata, 153–82. Lawrenceville, N.J. and Asmara: The Red Sea Press.

Minale Adugna. 2001. *Women and Warfare in Ethiopia: A Case of Study of their Role during the Campaign of Adwa 1895–96 and the Italo-Ethiopian War, 1935–1941*. Addis Ababa: OSSREA. https://www.africaportal.org/publications/women-and-warfare-in-ethiopia/[archive].

Pankhurst, Richard. 1990a. "The Role of Women in Ethiopian Economic, Social and Cultural Life from the Middle Ages to the Time of Tewodros." In *Proceedings of the First National Conference of Ethiopian Studies*, April 11–12, 1990, edited by Tadesse Beyene, Richard Pankhurst, and Ahmed Zekaria, 345–65. Addis Ababa: Institute of Ethiopian Studies.

Pankhurst, Richard. 1990b. *A Social History of Ethiopia: The Northern and Central Highlands from Early Medieval Times to the Rise of Emperor Tewodros II. Kings*. Ripton: ELM Publications, and Addis Ababa: Institute of Ethiopian Studies. (especially 67–72, 114–18, 248–70).

Pankhurst, Rita. 1991. "Senedu Gabru: A Role Model for Ethiopian Women?" In *Gender Issues in Ethiopia: Proceedings of the First University Seminar on Gender Issues in Ethiopia, Addis Ababa, December 24–26, 1989*, edited by Tsehai Berhane-Selassie, 71–87. Addis Ababa: Addis Ababa University, Institute of Ethiopian Studies, 1991.

Pankhurst, Rita. 2009. "Taytu's Foremothers, Queen Æleni, Queen Säblä Wängel and Bati Dæl Wämbära." In *Proceedings of the 16th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies*, edited by Svein Ege, Harald Aspen, Birhanu Teferra and Shiferaw Bekele, 51–63. Trondheim: Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU). http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/233.

Prouty, Chris. 1986. *Empress Taytu and Menelik II: Ethiopia 1883–1910*. London: Ravens Educational & Development Services.

Seltene Seyoum. 1994. *A History of Ethiopian Women and the Resistance: 1935–1941*. Addis Ababa: Organization for Social Science Research in Eastern and Southern Africa (OSSREA).

Tsehai Berhane Selassie. 1979. "Women Guerilla Fighters." *NorthEast African Studies* 1, no. 3: 73–83. https://www.jstor.org/stable/43660022.
Tsehai Berhane Selassie. 2018. *Ethiopian Warriorhood: Defence, Land, & Society 1800–1941*. Eastern Africa Series. Rochester: James Currey. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvintj78.

Veale, Angela. 2003. *From Child Soldier to Ex-Fighter: Female Fighters, Demobilisation and Reintegration in Ethiopia*. Monograph 85. Pretoria: Institute for Security Studies.
Part 6

Women at Work
<figure><img src="image_40.png" /></figure>
Ethiopian Women in Traditional
Craftsmanship: Specific Notes on the
Wise-Women of the Šäwa Kingdom
(17th–19th centuries)

"African men don't understand professional women; they're not used to women in the arts... as long as the pottery's done by hand, it remains a women's craft. As soon as machinery takes over, so do the men."

Magdalene Odundo (Kenyan Potter),
"Uncommon Clay," *Safari: Magazine of the Inter-Continental Hotels Group* 9, no. 1 (1992), 20.

Numerous anthropological works analyse women's roles in various craft activities. One of the pioneers is Elisabeth-Dorothea Hecht, who has explored the long tradition of Adere women's basket-making as being expressions of identity, wealth, talent and as a medium of exchange and daily utility. Through her studies of material culture, she highlights the position of women in historical and contemporary Harar. Concerning the lives of different craftswomen, Anne Cassiers, in the late 1960s, recorded the life history of a potter called Mercha. However, the works suffer from not being included in wider social, political, and economic contexts. Ahmed Zekaria focused on the work of Amina Ismael Sherif, a Harari basket maker, while Marco Bassi studied the art of making milk containers among Boräna women of southern Ethiopia, as being central in various social and ritual ties and ceremonies. Finally, Tsehai Berhane Selassie, through the story of Tabita Hatuti, describes the position of potters among the Walayita and how their trade and position were affected by historical events such as the revolutions of 1974 and 1991 or the spread of Protestantism.
However, in comparison to anthropological work, few historical research
works have been dedicated to the study of women's involvement in handi-
crafts. The present chapter will therefore be a first attempt to present a histor-
ical study on the tradition of women spinning cotton in Šäwa (17th-19th cen-
turies).

# 1. The beginning and the expansion of handcraftsmanship in Šäwa

## 1.1. *Archaeological evidence since the 8th century*

The archaeological material cultures reveal advanced acquaintance with hand-
icraft skills before the advent of Christianity in Mänz-Šäwa. The excavation
of the Tumulus (a mass grave) in Mänz revealed refined pottery works
and jewellery made of different minerals including stones that can be dated
between 8th and 10th century CE. The clothes found in the Tumulus show the
cotton-making skill in this period in Šäwa. In fact, it is impossible to identify
the division of labour from the uncovered material cultures of the Tumulus of
Mänz.

<figure><img src="image_41.png" /><figcaption>Figure 18. Derese Ayenachew, Decorated pottery from a Tumulus in Mänz.</figcaption></figure>

## 1.2. *Šäwan traditions on spinning and pottery-making skills*

Nevertheless, the Šäwan legends and written historical sources mostly at-
tribute the spinning and pottery-making skills to women. Spinning is taken
as a divine gift to women because the Virgin Mary herself is portrayed
in Ethiopian paintings as being the most skillful woman at spinning. An
Ethiopian folk song that was probably inspired by the Bible admires the
spinning skills of a woman, where she is called “the virtuous woman.” This
able woman gathers wool and flax to make clothes with her hands for her
family. The folk song is chanted annually by boys of the village in the month
of August, in the middle of the rainy season at the end of Ethiopian year. They
remark that women are to be praised for “spinning the cotton into thread as
fine as the spider’s web” and in return she rewards them with her famous
round (elliptical) bread. The analogy between the thread and the spider web is
to mention the finest skill that a woman is able to do. As we will see below, the
finest spun cotton was made for kings and the nobility in the Šäwa kingdom
in the early 19th century.
### 1.3. From Gondär to Šäwa (17th–18th centuries)

Numerous handcraftsmanship establishments developed during the rise of the kingdom of Šäwa at the end of the 17th century. The chronicles of the kingdom of Šäwa and of King Mənilək II relate similar anecdotes about the transformation of agricultural tools and the territorial expansion that had been facilitated due to the handcraftsmen who had been brought from Gondär at the beginning of the 18th century. The first migrant group comprised war captives, soldiers who had been sent from the king of Gondär to Šäwa on a punitive military expedition because the Šäwa ruler, *mar’ed azmač* Abyye (1733–1745) refused to pay the annual tributes. The chronicles of Šäwa and Mənilək II narrate that the soldiers were arrested and they were well treated by *mar’ed azmač* Abyye. Learning of the good treatment of the captured soldiers by *mar’ed azmāč* Abyye, the craftsmen from Gondär would have migrated to Šäwa, where they were openly received. There, they would have been granted land for their permanent establishment. This story marked the beginning of the expansion of handcraftsmanship in the kingdom of Šäwa.

Source 53. The migration of the craftsmen from Gondär to Säwa

> "Rather than those who lived in Gondär and Amhara, those who were captives in Šäwa had got high prestige. Hearing this prestige many people [from Gondär and Amhara] came to Šäwa [and] the king received them with great pleasure and settled them in giving rim lands. (...) many skilled handcraft men [called] Fälaša (wise men) came [to the court of king Abbeye] (...) and they made him ploughshares, Wägäl (iron rings) sickles and axes that helped him in maximizing agricultural productivity."

Blaten Geta Heruy Wäldä Selase, “የኢትዮጵያ ታሪክ ክንግስተ ዝባ እስከ ታላቁ የእድሞ ድል” (Addis Ababa: ሰትራል ማተሚያ ቤት, 1999 E.C.), 52.

## 2. Handicraft centres and King Śahlā Śəllase (1813–1840)

### 2.1. *The handicraft women at the court of King Śahlā Śəllase (1813–1840).*

The handicraft women had a particular privilege in the kingdom of Šäwa and enjoyed liberty notably during the reign of King Śahlā Śəllase (1813–1840). European travellers describe different activities of handcraftsmanship. Accordingly, there were two important centres of handicraft women during of the reign King Śahlā Śəllase. These were royal handicraft centers in the towns of Ankobär and Däbrä Berhan and at Mäntöq Fälaša community monastery. The travellers describe not only the type of the workshop products and the locations of handicraft centres but also, more interestingly, some of them mention precisely in their account the gender division of labour at the court of Śahlā Śəllase. Primarily, the handicraft women seemed to be qualified in spinning and pottery-making. They were called “wise women.” Johnston, a
British traveller in 1840 in the kingdom of Šāwa, remarked that the spinning was an art practised by the women in Ankobär and describes his observation; some spinners were working at the town of Alyu Amba.

He describes the action of spinning as the result of the interaction of the body and mind of a woman. Besides, he relates that the quality of the thread production depended on the speed of the spinning in time and space. The fast spinners would produce the finest thread and the slow spinners produced the second-degree thread. Accordingly, the quality of the cloth was determined by the quality of the thread.

Source 54. Observations of Charles Johnston on the cotton spinners (1844)

> "I lay watching the cotton-spinners some time, thinking upon the effect produced in the human form by occupation, as I noticed that the arms of the whole party were the most beautifully moulded I had ever seen. I could attribute this general characteristic in Abyssinian women, to no other cause than the action and exercise dependent upon spinning, which requires both arms to be in constant motion, without any heavy labour being imposed at the time. The white fleecy cotton, reposing like a wreath of snow upon the bronze red skin of the hand and wrist, gradually carried to its farthest extent one way, whilst drawing from it the long slender thread, the other hand conducts, in an opposite direction, the short thin reed tipped with a piece of ivory or horn that forms the reel, which spinning as it hangs, its effect upon the thread depends upon the slowness or the quickness with which the cotton is drawn out. Continued gentle exercise in some light occupation, would lead to somewhat similar effects in forming a beautiful arm, and I recommend it to my countrywomen, whom I certainly thought of when I made the observation in Aliyu Amba."

Charles Johnston, *Travels in Southern Abyssinia, through the Country of Adal to the Kingdom of Shoa* (London: J. Madden, 1844), vol. 2, 314–15.

### 2.2. The division of the workshop: "the royal and the ordinary spinning women"
The account of the Protestant missionaries Isenberg and Krapf, who were at the court of King Šahlä Søllase between 1839 and 1841, describes the unique place of handicraft women in the capital city of the kingdom, Ankobär. According to them, there was a particular workshop in a royal spinning "factory" that was staffed only by women. There were six hundred women organised into a workshop that was headed by a woman.

This workshop had two subdivisions of cotton-spinning according to the types of products. These were thin and thick thread spinners. As Johnston explains, two hundred women were recruited for their fast-spinning ability and four hundred were probably slow spinners. In his account, Krapf describes the two hundred fast spinners who fabricated the best quality of thread for the consumption of the king and the nobility. The second type, which Krapf calls the "ordinary," is probably the four hundred slow spinners, mentioned by
Source 55. The royal spinning women (1843)

"To-day, I was again overrun with patients. Debtera Guebra Selassieh brought his wife as a patient. These women are at the head of the first class of the royal spinning women, who are two hundred in number, and have to spin the finer cotton for the royal cloth, in which the king dresses himself and presents to his friends, ladies, governors. A second class of spinning women are four hundred in number: these spin ordinary cotton for soldiers and others. All are in the service of the king and seem to be free. (...) at each of the king's residences at Ankober, Angolala, Debre Berhan and Kundi."

Johann Ludwig Krapf, *The Journals of C. W. Isenberg and J. L. Krapf detailing their proceedings in the kingdom of Shoa and parts of Abyssinia in the years 1839, 1840, 1841, and 1842...* (London: Cass, 1843), 120.

Johnston, producing ordinary thread for the soldiers and other officials of the court of King Śahlä Śøllase.

Source 56. Monasteries, agriculture and handicraft production in Sawa

"Agriculture and handicraft production were the main economic activities of the monastery. The monks and nuns were the main handicraft producers. They engaged in the production of pottery, blacksmithing, weaving and tanning. Inside the monastery, gender division of labour was practical. For instance, pottery and spinning were the duties of women and weaving and blacksmithing were the responsibilities of men. They produced objects like spears, swords, hoes, ploughshares, and earthenware utensils. The monastery craftsmen were responsible for selling their products on the market days of Aleyu Amba and Ankober. Agriculture and handicraft production were the main economic activities of the monastery."

Chalachew Yegneh, "A History of Handicraft in Shewa (16th-19th c.)" (MA diss., Debre Berhan University, 2013), 49.

### 2.3. *The status of the spinning women*

Krapf underlines that these women were free compared to the other slave women workers at the court of the king. These women used to work for ten months and then, in July and August, they returned home in the rainy season. Besides, these women had the right to own property that was paid as a salary by the king. The oral tradition in Ankobär locates the spinning workshop south of the church of Ankobär Giyorgis in an area called *Fätay Amba* (Spinning hill).

### 2.4. *The mechanisation of cloth making*

It is worth mentioning here that the spinning materials also observed by European travellers in the early 19th century would give us an idea about
<figure><img src="image_42.png" /><figcaption>Figure 19. Spinning in a modern painting</figcaption></figure>

the mechanisation of cloth making in Ethiopia. This hand mechanical thread
helped women to work easily and produce more within a short time.

<figure><img src="image_43.png" /><figcaption>Figure 20. King Śahlä
Śəllase wearing a homemade
gabi</figcaption></figure>
## 2.5. *The legacy and the link between Gondär and Ankobär*

After his trip from Gondär in 1957, W. Leslaw remarked that women were engaged in pottery and men in weaving. However, he did not say who performed the task of spinning among the Fälaša: “ሴች ደግሞ (...) የሽከላ ዕቃና የአህል ማስቀመጭ ይሠራሉ፥ (...) ገንቦ፣ ማድጋ፣ ጋነ፣ድስት፣ ወጥት፣ ጉሸጉሻ፣ ሞድግ የመሳሰለውን ሁሉ ነው፥” (“The tasks of women are (...) pottery making, and seed storage. (...) pot, gušguša, moged and the like”). Likewise pottery-making continues to be among the duties of the women in Mäntöq Gədam, near Ankobär the descendants of the Fälaša of Gondär.

## Conclusion

Generally, the Šäwan kings established their towns near handicraft centers. The Qəya Gabri’el handicraft centre is located near Aganča village, a foun- dational place of the Šäwan dynasty at the end of 17th century. King Šahlä Šəllase relied on the Mäntöq monastery and Angoläla, a handicraft centre and the governor of Morət Şədu had his own Fälaša descendants’ handicraft centre near his residence. Both the chronicles of Šäwa and Mənilək II con- cluded that the advancement of the Šäwan economy lay on the shoulders of the handcraftsmanship communities. Thus, the wise women of Šäwa are remembered for their exceptional production of the finest clothing materials and royal household pottery tools for the palace in particular, and for all Šäwan people in general.

<figure><img src="image_44.png" /><figcaption>Figure 21. Handicraft Centers during the 19th century in Šäwa</figcaption></figure>
## References and further readings

Ahmed Zekaria. 1999. "Harari Basketry through the Eyes of Amina Ismael Sherif." In *Ethiopia: Traditions of Creativity*, edited by Raymond A. Silverman, 47–63. East Lansing, Seattle, and London: Michigan State University Museum in Association with the University of Washington Press. https://zelalemkibret.files.wordpress.com/2012/05/ethiopia-traditions-of-creativity-raymond-a-silverman.pdf [archive].

Asfa-Wossen Asserate. 1980. *Die Geschichte Von Şăwă (Äthiopien): Nach dem Tāriķa Nagašt des Belăten Geta Heruy Walda Šelăsse*. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlage.

Bassi, Marco. 1999. "Every Woman an Artist: The Milk Containers of Elema Boru." In *Ethiopia: Traditions of Creativity*, edited by Raymond A. Silverman, 65–87. Lansing: Michigan State University Museum; Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1999. https://zelalemkibret.files.wordpress.com/2012/05/ethiopia-traditions-of-creativity-raymond-a-silverman.pdf [archive].

Cassiers, Anne. 1983. "Mercha: An Ethiopian Woman Speaks of Her Life." *Northeast African Studies* 5, no. 2: 57–81.

Chalachew Yegneh. 2013. "A History of Handicraft in Shewa (16th-19th c.)." MA diss., Debre Berhan University.

Combes, Edmond, and Maurice Tamisier. 1838. *Voyage en Abyssinie dans le Pays de Galla, Choa, Ifat (1835-1837)*. Paris: Louis Desessart. https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k103890k.

Gäbrä Səllase Wolde Aregay (Tsähafi Tezaz). 1959 (EC) [1967]. "Πάρχη ዘመን ዘዃገዑዋዋ ምኔልከ ንኑወ ንዚዎት ዘኬትዮጵያ. Tariḳā zāmän zāDagmawi Mənilbḳ nəgusä nägäst zā'Ityopya." Addis Ababa: Bərəhanənna Sälam Mattämiya Bet.

Harris, W. Cornwallis. 1844. *The Highlands of Aethiopia*. London: Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans. https://doi.org/10.5479/sil.210920.39088000631697; https://www.gutenberg.org/files/35369/35369-h/35369-h.htm; vol. 1: https://archive.org/details/b29338839_0001; vol. 2: https://archive.org/details/b29338839_0002; vol. 3: https://archive.org/details/b29338839_0003.

Hecht, Elisabeth-Dorothea. 1987. "Harar and Lamu—A Comparison of Two East African Muslim Societies." *TransAfrican Journal of History* 16: 1–23. https://www.jstor.org/stable/24328618.

Hecht, Elisabeth-Dorothea. 1991. "Harar Basketry: An Art and its Functions in Harari Society." In *Proceedings of the Eleventh International Conference of Ethiopian Studies*, edited by Bahru Zewde, Richard Pankhurst, and Taddese Beyene, 159–75. Addis Ababa: Institute of Ethiopian Studies.

Johnston, Charles. 1884. *Travels in Southern Abyssinia, through the Country of Adal to the Kingdom of Shoa*. London: J. Madden. https://wellcomecollection.org/works/s5zk6pf5/items.

Krapf, J. Ludwig, and Karl Wilhelm Isenberg. 1968 [1843]. *The Journals of C. W. Isenberg and J. L. Krapf Detailing their Proceedings in the Kingdom of Shoa and Parts of Abyssinia in the years 1839, 1840, 1841, and 1842...* London: Cass. https://archive.org/details/journalsofrevmesooisen.
Leslaw, Wolf. 1957. *Coutumes et Croyances des Falachas (Juifs d'Abyssinie)*. Paris: Institut d'ethnologie.

Pétridès, Pierre. 1963. *Le Héros d'Adoua. Ras Makonnen, Prince d'Éthiopie*. Paris: Plon.

Tsehai Berhane Selassie. 1999. "Tabita Hatuti: Biography of a Woman Potter." In *Ethiopia: Traditions of Creativity*, edited by Raymond A. Silverman, 217-39. Lansing, Mich.: Michigan State University Museum; Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press.
<figure><img src="image_45.png" /></figure>
# Working Class Women

"[Ethiopian women's] work never counted as work. Due to the low valuation and deliberate negligence of their labour, women were forced to believe that what they were doing would not count as work."

Yeshi Habtemariam (1994, 59).

*Working class* is a tricky concept. This is because it entails an *objective* component—a class as a group of people defined by the *labour relations* they are engaged in—as well as a *subjective* component—a class as a group of people aware of their mutual interests, bound by solidarity, and capable of acting in a coherent manner. For reasons of simplicity, and not to suggest the exclusion of any other category of workers, this chapter will focus on women engaged in a specific form of labour relations: wage-workers.

Women have constituted a core component of the Ethiopian waged labour force since its emergence, contributing a majority of the workers engaged in some of the largest and most important sectors of the economy. Women have been consistently discriminated against, within the generally oppressive and exploitative conditions prevalent in the wage labour market, and even within some of the institutions of the workers' movement, but they have nevertheless energetically struggled for their rights as working women.

## 1. Wage-working women

### 1.1. *Taking up and giving up wage employment*

Throughout the past centuries, Ethiopian women have provided a large share of wage workers. In many cases, women have taken up wage labour because of economic compulsion. In other cases, pull factors such as the extra income generated have been the reason for women turning to wage labour. Although Ethiopian women's labour has been devalued in general, the mere appearance of a concrete, payable wage made the direct value—often hidden within the household unit and agrarian relations—of female labour evident, and has thus provided a potential source of empowerment.

However, Ethiopian women have often been expected to give up wage work when starting a family. For this reason, until the late 1970s at least, it was
assumed that the majority of waged working women were either unmarried, separated or widowed. Although the situation was already evolving at that time, up to this day, a sizeable number of women still withdraw from the job market upon marrying or having children.

More recently, labour migratory flows have resulted in a situation where many young women take up temporary employment while waiting for better-paid opportunities abroad. Because of low wages, other exit strategies from wage labour have also become increasingly attractive, including the prospect of engaging in self-employment and micro-entrepreneurial activities.

## 1.2. Main areas of wage work

A major sector in which female wage labour was deployed early on is domestic work. From the first decades of the 20th century onwards, female servants in urban and semi-urban areas—many of them having migrated from surrounding rural areas—have often been employed and paid by the month. Since then, the number of waged domestic workers has multiplied with the increase in the urban population. In rural areas, it has been rarer for domestic work to be compensated with wages.

Women's work has, by no means, been confined to the household. In hotel and restaurant businesses for instance, female workers have consistently predominated, outnumbering males by a ratio of between three and four since the 1970s. Other forms of food production, including bakery businesses, have also provided an outlet for female labour.

The development of a bureaucracy and of office work has opened up new opportunities for working women. They have become predominant in many categories of support staff. Over the decades, and with the expansion of education opportunities for women, they have taken over more and more professionally and technically demanding tasks originally reserved for men, and also joined the teaching profession in large numbers.

Caregiving is another sector in which female labour has been important. In hospitals, nurses have tended to be women, while the better-paid and more prestigious occupations, like that of medical doctor, have remained, initially at least, in the realm of men.

Many women have also been employed within the trade and transport sectors. Women worked as porters within large trading parties operating the long-distance trade routes of salt and other goods in the early 20th century. Such trade was eventually undermined by the coming of motor transport. But many women subsequently went to work in the offices and outlets of trading and transportation companies, though only rarely operating the vehicles. Although railway work was almost exclusively a male domain, air hostesses have exclusively been women.
Another sector in which female workers have historically constituted and continue to constitute a majority is the important textile manufacturing sector. Together with food and beverages, since the early 1960s this sector has been one of the largest manufacturing sectors in Ethiopia, both in terms of output and employment.

Women workers have also been employed on commercial farms and plantations, although male labour has generally dominated in this sector. However, in the horticultural subsector of commercial farming—buoyant since the early 2000s—around three-quarters of the workers are women.

Women have thus provided the bedrock of what is arguably Ethiopia's two most important waged commodity-producing sectors—textiles and horticulture—in addition to staffing a large part of the service sector.

In none of these sectors, however, has the contribution of female labour been matched by representation in management, which has largely been a male affair. Although the situation may slowly be changing in this regard, male management remains the general rule, even in sectors where male workers are few.

## 2. Rights, conditions and pay

Female wage workers have endured poor working conditions and low pay, which have been aggravated by gender discrimination. In this sense, it would not be an exaggeration to suggest—as Ethiopian radicals have in the past—that Ethiopian female wage workers have suffered from the double burden of class and gender oppression and exploitation.

### 2.1. Pay

In terms of pay, women have consistently been discriminated against. This is true whether one speaks of service, office, factory, or plantation work. One aspect of this is that women have occupied better-paid technical and managerial positions less frequently than men. But they have also been consistently paid less when performing comparable work. The result has been a persistent gender pay gap, which has varied only in degree over different historical periods.

Until the 1960s, the gender pay gap within an institution was sometimes as wide as by a factor of three or four. But in later imperial times, several tendencies contributed to narrowing the gap. These included the expansion of education opportunities open to women, and the concomitant increase in the recruitment of women to qualified positions. During the first republican period, wage-levelling measures decreased to a significant degree, gender discrimination in terms of pay.

Since there is no national data on the gender wage gap, the historical fluctuations are illustrated with an example from the Bahir Dar Textile Factory. The
following chart shows the mean wage differential in a randomised sample of 800 workers from the factory. Whether the trends displayed hold true for other workplaces and sectors, and whether the indication of a recent re-emergence of a widening gap constitutes a general trend, is something that future research may look into.

<figure><img src="image_46.png" /><figcaption>Figure 22. Gender Wage Differential at the Bahr Dar Textile Factory</figcaption></figure>

## 2.2. *Rights and conditions*

Until the 1963 Labour Law was passed, women workers enjoyed no codified labour rights. Even since then, the legal regime has displayed a consistent gender bias. At the most fundamental level, this has meant that none of the consecutive general labour laws has covered employment in the sector where the share of female employees is the highest: domestic work.

But even women working in sectors that have been covered by labour legislation have found the laws and their enforcement insufficient. Poor employment security has been an issue that has persistently afflicted Ethiopian wage workers in general, and childbearing has frequently triggered women's dismissal, despite legal stipulations. Even a high-end institution such as the national airline has been known to craft contracts in such a way that pregnancy may constitute a reason for termination of employment. For the workers employed in textile factories in the 1960s, or in small-scale bakeries where unionisation was not likely to be tolerated, the managerial prerogative in deciding such issues ruled even more supreme. Partly as a result of these factors, it has been claimed that women workers have been disproportionally affected by retrenchments. For example, those that followed deregulation and privatisation in the early 1990s.

Workers being forced to engage in dangerous activities, lacking even the most basic protection and sanitation, and where there has been failure to
enforce even minimum standards are other problems that have been rife
in the Ethiopian waged labour market in general, and which have affected
childbearing women preponderantly.

Source 57. Debates on maternity leave in 1975

"It is sufficient to mention the case of the two working women of Lazaridis Co. who died after giving birth because of lack of sufficient maternity leave."

Confederation of Ethiopian Labour Unions, "Letter to the PMAC" (Addis Ababa: CELU, June 5, 1975).

But women workers have also been subjected to outright extrajudicial measures. In relatively new sectors too, old ills have reappeared. It has, for example, been documented, that female workers in the horticultural sector have been subjected to physical assault and sexual harassment.

3. Women in the labour movement

Women have consistently been excluded from proportional representation in the higher reaches of the Ethiopian labour movement. Indeed, the election of women to the top position in the basic unions and federations has been rare even in the sectors dominated by women workers. This has, however, not prevented women from playing an enthusiastic role within the labour movement, and the idea that Ethiopian working women have tended to display relatively less class solidarity and militancy in confrontations with the management and the state has repeatedly been refuted in practice.

Source 58. The low participation of women in workers' organization (1985)

"The high proportion of unskilled women workers had some effect on textile workers' solidarity, as the female workforce had a high turn-over rate due to marriages and pregnancies. Furthermore, because of the frequent subordination of women in Ethiopian social structures, female workers usually deferred to male managers and co-workers, and they rarely played an active role in workers' organizations."

Killion, Thomas, "Workers, Capital and the State in the Ethiopian Region" (PhD diss., Stanford University, 1985), 442.

Since the emergence of the trade union movement in the 1960s, women have constituted a large part of its membership and have actively participated in numerous strikes that have pushed the position of Ethiopian workers forward. Important strikes in the female-dominated textile industry alone have included the IndoEthiopian textile factory strike of 1961, the Dire Dawa cotton factory strikes of 1964 and 1968, the Debre Berhan wool factory strike of 1966, the Bahir Dar textile factory strikes of 1967, the Diabaco textile
factory strikes of 1972 and 1973, the Barattolo textile strike of 1983, the National Textile Corporation strike of 1989, the Akaki textile factory strike of 1992, and numerous smaller wildcat strikes in the sector. In other words, predominantly women textile workers have constituted arguably the most consistently combative section of the Ethiopian working class altogether. In the horticultural sector, moreover, a number of wildcat strikes over the last decade has testified to the lingering militancy of Ethiopian female wage workers.

Source 59. Women and labour disputes in the 1970s

"It was thought until a couple of years ago, that women are traditionally less prone to labour disputes and are therefore less of a threat in factories which depend on large numbers of unskilled workers. A strike among the textile workers in 1971 showed, however, that this assumption was wrong."

Lars Bondestam, "Notes on Multinational Corporations in Ethiopia," *African Review* 5, no. 4 (1975): 545.

Although women have consistently been severely underrepresented in the formal trade union leaderships, there have been prominent activists. Daro Negash, whose grisly murder at the hands of regime militia in 1977 constitutes an infamous crime, is one of them. She was a trade union leader at the Berhanena Selam Printing Press, with experience of leading strikes at the plant as a senior member in the militant labour opposition of the time. A detailed account of her case is found in an article published in 2019 by Jacob Wiebel and Samuel A. Admasie.

Conclusion

- Female participation in the Ethiopian waged labour force has consistently been crucial across many key waged sectors.

- As female work has been devalued in general, so has female waged work. A gender wage gap has been a consistent feature of the waged labour market, although it has been narrowed over time. Moreover, women have been subjected to extrajudicial discrimination, in addition to suffering from poor conditions prevalent within the waged sector in general.

- Despite having largely been excluded from its top representative layers, women workers have persistently constituted a core part of the Ethiopian labour movement, repeatedly engaging in militant practices and struggling for the betterment of their condition.
## References and further readings

Admasie, Samuel Andreas. 2018. "Dynamics of Assertive Labour Movementism in Ethiopia: Organized Labour, Unrest and Wages in a Socio-historical Perspective." PhD diss., University of Basel & University of Pavia. https://edoc.unibas.ch/76747.

Bondestam, Lars. 1975. "Notes on Multinational Corporations in Ethiopia." *African Review* 5, no. 4: 535-49. https://www.jstor.org/stable/45341395.

Hanan Aman. 2010. *Action Research Report on Workers' Conditions and Industrial Relations in the Ethiopia Horticulture Sectors*. NFFPFATU/Study Report. Addis Ababa: National Federation of Farm Plantation Fishery Agro-Industry Trade Union, Women Working Worldwide Action Report, 2010. https://www.women-ww.org/_files/ugd/4111d6_794635ad23874e20afd5df5a54994dd2.pdf [archive].

Killion, Thomas. 1986. "Workers, Capital and the State in the Ethiopian Region." PhD diss. Stanford University.

Pankhurst, Richard. 1968. *Economic History of Ethiopia, 1800-1935*. Addis Ababa: Haile Selassie I University Press.

Tarikwa. 1977. "YeSet Wezaderoch Tigil." *Addis Fana* 2, no. 2.

Tewodros Worku Nigatu. 2010. *Promoting Workers' Right in the African Horticulture: Labour Condition in the Ethiopian Horticulture Industry*. Addis Ababa: The National Federation of Farm, Plantation, Fishery & Agro-industry Trade Unions of Ethiopia/Women Working Worldwide Action Report, 2010. https://www.women-ww.org/_files/ugd/4111d6_f8cb6b349bbd494397ebd8aff532bffe.pdf [archive].

Triulzi, Gloria. 1973. "Women Factory Workers in Ethiopia." In *Leadership Development for Women*, edited by Eva Zabolai-Csekme, 63-69. Geneva: International Labour Office (ILO).

UNECA. 1979. *Women Textile Workers in Ethiopia*. Addis Ababa: UNECA. https://hdl.handle.net/10855/5711.

Wiebel, Jacob, and Samuel A. Admasie. 2019. "Rethinking the Ethiopian Red Terror: Approaches to Political Violence in Revolutionary Ethiopia." *The Journal of African History* 60, no. 3: 457-75. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021853719000768; https://durham-repository.worktribe.com/output/1292850/rethinking-the-ethiopi-an-red-terror-approaches-to-political-violence-in-revolutionary-ethiopia.

Yeshi Habtemariam. 1994. "Ethiopian Women in the Period of Socialist Transformation." *Economic and Political Weekly* 29, no. 44: 57-62.
<figure><img src="image_47.png" /></figure>
# Women and Entrepreneurship

"Historically women have been left off the small business research agenda or made invisible by research practices or in other ways written out of the analysis of self-employment."

Carter (1993).

The literature on entrepreneurship has been plentiful in the Global North since the 18th century, including the works of economic scholars, such as Cantillon, Say or Schumpeter, in the 20th century. If over the last centuries, entrepreneurship has seemed to be the prerogative of men, just like scholarship on entrepreneurship, female entrepreneurs have always existed even if they have remained invisible throughout the course of history. Faced with the entrepreneurial model of a free and conquering man, based on hegemonic masculinity (a concept drawn up by Connell), in recent decades, female entrepreneurs have been able to either conform to it or attempt another way of being an entrepreneur, depending on different types of career. However, in Ethiopia, as in the Global South in general, entrepreneurship, including female versions, is always related to economic development and public policy issues. Therefore, most scientific articles focus either on small-scale companies (the most numerous) or on the empowerment of women through entrepreneurship. Consequently, as there is almost no historical study either of men's or women's entrepreneurship, this chapter will be mostly dedicated to the studies of and approaches to women and entrepreneurship achieved during the last two decades.

## 1. Potential sources allowing the history of women's entrepreneurship to be traced

There are no historical studies conducted on Ethiopian women entrepreneurs. However, some data can be collected from different available sources.
Source 60. Entrepreneur, entrepreneurship

**Definitions:** Being an entrepreneur was described by Schumpeter as being a pioneer. In economic science, entrepreneurship is first of all a status, that is to say being self-employed. In sociology (and according to the French *Dictionnaire sociologique de l'entrepreneuriat*), being an entrepreneur is a professional process and includes all people leading an economic activity as a business creator, an executive of a big industrial firm, or a self-employed worker.

## 1.1. *Archives and censuses can provide quantitative data on self-employed women*

National, regional, local and private archives can be surveyed to collect records of business licences so that a history of this field can be constructed by quantifying the documentation. Census data gives a background to the history of women as self-employed workers and entrepreneurs. The Central Statistical Office (CSO) was established in 1960, and its surveys have not yet been used in our field of inquiries. The first census was published on May 9th 1984, and though it did not offer complete coverage (only 85% of the population, the rest being estimated), it still shows that women participated in business in both rural and urban areas, especially in sales businesses and the retailing of food and beverages. In fact, the nationalisation of companies by the Därg, allowing private sectors only to participate in small-scale industries and handicraft activities, contributed to this trend. In 1984, more than 57.6% of the active population was self-employed and only 1% consisted of employers. In urban areas, people working in sales constituted the second major group consisting of 23.5% of the economically active population. Among the urban female workers, 43.6% were self-employed. It also has to be noticed that in rural areas, sales activities were the only type of professional activity that occupied more women than men (0.3% of male and 2.4% of female workers), while in urban areas, about 30% of women were working in the sales sector (vs 11.4% of men). This type of data therefore needs to be analysed in detail, to be put it into context and crosschecked with other available sources.

## 1.2. *Qualitative data sources available*

Many sources of qualitative data are available though not yet used. A study of the history of the women who participated in the Women Welfare Work Association, or who have been trained by the Women's Institute for Vocational Training can provide some clues for our study. In the same manner, conducting an exhaustive survey of women's associations related to work and business, or of female cooperatives could also be fruitful as an approach. Finally, an attentive rereading of newspapers should also be carried
<table><thead><tr><th rowspan="2">INDUSTRIAL GROUP</th><th colspan="2">Rural</th><th colspan="2">Urban</th><th colspan="2">Total</th></tr><tr><th>Male</th><th>Female</th><th>Male</th><th>Female</th><th>Male</th><th>Female</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td colspan="7"><strong>EXPORT AND IMPORT TRADE</strong></td></tr><tr><td>Export of beverages, tobacco, coffee, khat and tea leaves</td><td>52</td><td>74</td><td>1,530</td><td>1,767</td><td>1,582</td><td>1,841</td></tr><tr><td>Import of beverages, tobacco, coffee, khat and tea leaves</td><td>4</td><td>5</td><td>143</td><td>194</td><td>147</td><td>199</td></tr><tr><td>Export of zoo animals</td><td>24</td><td>57</td><td>13</td><td>28</td><td>37</td><td>85</td></tr><tr><td>Export of animal and vegetable oil, fats and wax</td><td>15</td><td>41</td><td>102</td><td>84</td><td>117</td><td>125</td></tr><tr><td colspan="7"><strong>WHOLESALE AND RETAIL TRADE WITHIN THE COUNTRY</strong></td></tr><tr><td>Retail of medical instruments, medicine and cosmetic articles</td><td>72</td><td>407</td><td>627</td><td>380</td><td>699</td><td>787</td></tr><tr><td>Retail of miscellaneous articles</td><td>1,917</td><td>6,631</td><td>9,452</td><td>5,377</td><td>11,369</td><td>12,008</td></tr><tr><td>Retail trade of tej, tella and katikala</td><td>4,091</td><td>94,886</td><td>7,347</td><td>115,859</td><td>11,438</td><td>210,745</td></tr><tr><td>Wholesale trade of tej, talla and katikala (buying for sale)</td><td>27</td><td>778</td><td>82</td><td>1,826</td><td>109</td><td>2,604</td></tr><tr><td>Restaurants, hotels and bars</td><td>2,110</td><td>3,168</td><td>24,456</td><td>31,926</td><td>26,566</td><td>35,094</td></tr></tbody></table>

Source: Transitional Government of Ethiopia, Office of the Population and Housing Census Commission (1991).

out, as the *Ethiopia Observer*, *Addis Zämän* or more recently *Addis Fortune* or *Capital* have brought to light some information that had been left out.

Following the oral history approach, conducting interviews with former and current women entrepreneurs can also shed light on the history of the field. They can reveal not only facts and data but also the life experience of women entrepreneurs. These sorts of sources are particularly relevant for analysing the perceptions of discrimination, the difficulties of juggling a business with a household and family responsibilities as shown by Singh and Bewal in 2008 or by Gudeta and Van Engen in 2018. All these factors depend on the historical context, as well as the social position. Biographical interviews could also be tools for observing changes over a lifetime and identifying the effects of political events on professional choices (migrations, professional changes...). By comparing different life stories, there are chances to highlight generational effects, as has been demonstrated by Perrin-Joly and Kushtanina in 2018.

All these sources can help to trace the history of women's entrepreneurship. However, recent research gives us some insights into the current issues under scrutiny in women's entrepreneurship studies.

## 2. Female entrepreneurship: poverty reduction or empowerment?

According to René Lefort (2015), the political focus on entrepreneurship in Ethiopia is quite recent and it has accompanied the growing interest of the ruling party in this population since the 2010s.
Source 61. Micro and Small Enterprises

The *World Bank* definition of Micro and Small Enterprises (MSEs) classified MSEs as a heterogeneous group. They include a wide variety of businesses—hairdressing, handicraft makers, food processing, small shops, garment making, construction, embroidery, restaurants and a variety of trades and services that possess a wide range of skills and operate in very different markets and social environments. Their owners may or may not be poor. Some types of this business are dynamic, innovative, and growth-oriented; others are traditional ‘lifestyle’ or survivalist enterprises that are content to remain small.

Hallberg, Kristin, "A Market-Oriented Strategy for Small and Medium-Scale Enterprises" (Washington, D.C.: The World Bank, 1999), 1.

## 2.1. *Female entrepreneurship in Ethiopia: History and state of the art*

The gender gap in labour participation in Ethiopia is quite low, compared to other developing countries. This is a historic inheritance. According to Richard Pankhurst (1968), Ethiopian women “played a major role in agriculture, handicraft, and trade” in the Middle Ages but also have done so until contemporary times. This low gender gap can also be attributed to the country’s poverty (female work is necessary for the family’s survival) and to the past communist regime, which promoted equal work for men and women.

Female entrepreneurs can even have a dual activity, frequently named in the urban areas as “side-business,” which is very hard to measure, as it is an informal (according to an ECSA survey of 2004, 65% of the informal activities in 48 Ethiopian towns are run by women) and irregular activity. In the rural areas, self-employment in non-farming enterprises is a way to supplement farm earnings. Most of the time, the businesses run by women are small. Some studies also show that these female businesses are less successful in terms of performance and in terms of longevity. Women encounter indeed specific difficulties in setting up and maintaining a business.

Source 62. Women and micro enterprises from 1996 to 2001

A longitudinal study of 500 companies in 5 main towns of Ethiopia between 1996 and 2001 shows that the majority of these businesses are micro enterprises run by women less educated than male entrepreneurs: 75.4%, contrast with 32.6% of male run companies.

Survey made by Eshete Bekele and Zeleke Worku, "Women Entrepreneurship in Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises: The Case of Ethiopia," *Journal of International Women's Studies* 10, no. 2 (November 2008): 3–9.
## 2.2. Female entrepreneurship in Ethiopia: Resources and Constraints

According to the report by CEDAW (Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women) in 2009, several barriers prevent women from accessing loans: women's lack of information on the availability of credit, women's lack of economic stability (a criterion required to access a loan) and a general lack of trust of women in society.

These difficulties are a symptom of a lack of social support in general and from the government in particular, as well as a lack of suitable public policies. Women fail in their businesses more quickly than men, and they suffer from lack of managerial and technical skills. Scholars confirmed that women still have difficulties in accessing finance from the traditional banking system, such as commercial banks, and they would rather use local networks, by borrowing money from their neighbours and relatives or self-help associations such as Iqqub.

Source 63. The lack of business-related training for women (2008)

According to Bekele and Worku, in 2008, 86.8% of their sample of women entrepreneurs “were not provided with any kind of business-related training opportunities by the Ministry of Trade and Industry” whereas the educational level of the majority was below secondary level.

Eshete Bekele and Zeleke Worku, “Women Entrepreneurship in Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises: The Case of Ethiopia” (art. cit.).

In this context, actions by the Ministry of Women's Affairs, as well as international organisations, promote microcredits. In 2011, women constituted 64.44% of microfinance borrowers from different institutions (Microfinance Information Exchange). More recently, since 2017, the programme "Accelerating Progress towards the Economic Empowerment of Rural Women," led by UN Women, WFP, FAO and IFAD and supported by the governments of Sweden, Norway and Spain, has given rural women access to small loans and has also provided training courses in basic business skills and financial management.

## 2.3. Microcredit: a wrong solution for developing female entrepreneurship?

The field of microfinance in Ethiopia has grown rapidly over the last decade and a half. Today, nearly two million poor people have access to microcredit in Ethiopia. The participation of women in these services, however, has been a gradual process. While microfinance institutions have shown interest by providing loans to women, in Ethiopia women constitute only 45% of those concerned by microloans.

Studying microfinance by interviewing workers within 20 branches of activity in early 2010, Belwal, Tamiru and Singh show that most of the loans
were attributed to women. However, microloans are first of all quite limited
in terms of limits (generally a maximum of 5,000 ETB) and repayment period
(around 1 year).

Source 64. Testimony of an ethiopian woman entrepreneur

"Entrepreneurship is a forced choice—arising out of emergent family responsibilities rather than ambition."

An Ethiopian women entrepreneur interviewed by Rakesh Belwal, Misrak Tamiru and Gurmeet Singh, in "Microfinance and Sustained Economic Improvement: Women Small-scale Entrepreneurs in Ethiopia," *Journal of International Development* 24, S1 (2012): 95.

In conclusion, generally speaking, microloans do not seem to be a solution for improving social mobility of the poor, either men or women, but they help to reinforce the responsibility of individuals, according to neoliberal ideology.

Despite these loans (and sometimes because of them), entrepreneurship does not appear as a way to improve the personal situation of these women. Indeed, they have very low incomes (the survey based on 2 *wereda* in Addis Ababa, shows that 60% of these female entrepreneurs earn 200 ETB or less monthly. In the same period, average earnings in Ethiopia was 1,000 ETB). It does not allow them to save enough money for investment. Moreover, the bulk of female entrepreneurs do not have the opportunity to improve their level of education. The authors also concluded that microloans do not succeed in empowering the poorest.

**3. Stepping out of the traditional role to run a business**

Beyond microloans, some new programs tend to facilitate the financing of women's projects. For example, the Women's Entrepreneurship Development Project, supported by the World Bank, disbursed 768 million ETB (about 38 million USD, from January 2014 to September 2015) to 3,227 entrepreneurs, resulting in an average individual loan of 219,605 ETB (nearly 11,000 USD). But will these programs be sufficient to change the place of the women in the rigid division of labour?

**3.1. *Naturalised skills: Female entrepreneurship and household activities***

As Pankhurst (1990) noticed, “men and women are engaged in different tasks and it was unthinkable even for a slave to engage in the work of the opposite sex.” This rule of the 19th and 20th centuries is still the case in the 21st century. In particular, Ethiopian women tend to invest in activities linked to household tasks, such as preparing food and drink, spinning and embroidery, pottery and basket-weaving (*Analysis of Women's IGA*, 1999).

On the one hand, women can reinvest their gender-based skills and know-
how in an occupational activity; on the other hand, these activities are flexible
<figure><img src="image_48.png" /></figure>

Figure 23. Constance Perrin-Joly, *Family Photo in Addis Ababa*. This picture reveals how female working activity is still struggling to rise out of the household. This woman sells vegetables, probably from her garden, in front of her house and surrounded by all her children

enough to be combined with the cultural expectation for women to take care of children, husband and relatives.

Unfortunately, these activities are less valorising and less profitable; consequently, they do not generate sufficient income. Moreover, this situation promotes blurring between household skills and women's professional competences, as if women were naturally better (instead of culturally more trained) than men in these activities. Hence, women risk being confined to their household role or work.

## 3.2. Women's network: a work in progress

This persistent division of labour has other concrete consequences: women have limited access to markets and sell above all to their neighbourhood. Linked to their general low level of education, they also encounter difficulties in accessing useful information to extend their business.

As Zewde emphasises, they suffer from lack of networking. In particular, associations of women entrepreneurs are not strong enough to lobby effectively. Nevertheless, within the last ten years, networks have been developed. We can quote, for example, the Alliance of Women Entrepreneurs Program (AWEP), the Association of Women in Business (AWiB), the Center for Accelerated Women's Economic Empowerment (CAWEE) or Women's Development Initiative Project (WDIP). The creation of the *Enat Bank* by 3 Ethiopian women in 2013 is also a positive sign. Females are in the majority
on the boards of these associations, taking up to six of the 11 seats; women own 64 percent of the bank, which aims to help women to access credit. This case study illustrates a rare situation of women breaking the glass ceiling.

Source 65. Useful indicator: SIGI

**SIGI:** Social Institution and Gender Index, an indicator created by the OECD to measure gender equality in different countries.

This indicator is based on 5 criteria:

- Family code (early marriage, inheritance, parental authority, initiative of divorce, maternal mortality...) is compared with some field studies about the concrete practices (for example, the survey lead by the CEDAW, Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women).

- Physical security (domestic violence, rape, sexual harassment, genital mutilation...).

- Demographic bias (calculation of the sex ratio to evaluate if women are missing).

- Resources and assets (access to land, property, access to credit...)

- Civil liberties (access to public space, political voices...)

This sort of indicator is useful to justify a comparison between two countries, to give an overview of the context of a country about gender equality and to build a sample for a survey.

Source 66. Concepts

**Glass ceiling:** This concept, created in the United States in the 1970s, points out an intangible barrier within a hierarchy that prevents women (or minorities) from obtaining upper-level positions. It is generally the result of an indirect or structural discrimination process.

**Hegemonic masculinity:** Masculinity includes the behaviour, attributes and roles considered as a specificity of men. The concept of hegemonic masculinity, created by Cornell, shows how one sort of masculinity became dominant, ensuring the subordination of women (and of other kinds of masculinity).

## Conclusion

Today, there is not a single study on the history of entrepreneurship in Ethiopia, whether it is embodied by men or women. Therefore, most of the research dedicated to women entrepreneurs are macroeconomic surveys, which present an overview of the situation of female entrepreneurs in Ethiopia for the last two decades. They also conclude that promoting female entrepreneurship by microcredit is not necessarily an efficient way to empower women. Therefore, micro-sociological studies, in particular qualitative ones, could help to understand some specific social mechanisms. In particular, while
there are findings about the small-scale companies run by women or about the
effect of microloans, very few scholars have analysed the key factors of the rare
success of the few women in business. Describing their life stories (the history
of their family, the experience of migration for women entrepreneurs from
the diaspora...), analysing their resources could be useful in understanding
the way to become a successful female entrepreneur.

**References and further readings**

Carter, Sara, et al. 1993. "Female Business Ownership: Current Research and Possibilities for the Future." In *Women in Business: Perspectives on Women Entrepreneurs*, edited by Sheila Allen and Carole Truman, 148–160. London: Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315271811

Desta Solomon. 2010. *Desk Review of Studies Conducted on Women Entrepreneurs in Ethiopia*. Addis Ababa: Addis Ababa Chamber of Commerce and Sectoral Associations. https://www-enterprise-development.org/wp-content/uploads/11-PSDHub-Women-entrepreneurs-web.pdf [archive].

Di Nunzio, Marco. 2015. "What is the Alternative? Youth, Entrepreneurship and the Developmental State in Urban Ethiopia." *Development and Change* 46, no. 5: 1179–1200. https://doi.org/10.1111/dech.12187.

Eshete Bekele, and Zeleke Worku. 2008. "Women Entrepreneurship in Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises: The Case of Ethiopia." *Journal of International Women's Studies* 10, no. 2: 3–9. http://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws/vol10/iss2/2; https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/48828508.pdf.

Getaneh Gobezie. 2010. "Empowerment of Women in Rural Ethiopia: a review of two microfinance models." *Praxis, The Fletcher Journal of Human Security* 25: 23–37. https://sites.tufts.edu/praxis/files/2020/05/2/.-Gobezie.pdf [archive].

Gurmeet Singh, and Rakesh Belwal. 2008. "Entrepreneurship and SMEs in Ethiopia: Evaluating the Role, Prospects and Problems Faced by Women in this Emergent Sector." *Gender in Management: An International Journal* 23, no. 2: 120–36. https://doi.org/10.1108/17542410810858321.

Hallberg, Kristin. 1999. "A Market-Oriented Strategy for Small and Medium-Scale Enterprises." International Finance Corporation, Discussion Paper no. 40. Washington, D.C.: The World Bank. https://doi.org/10.1596/0-8213-4727-6 [archive].

Konjit Hailu Gudeta, and Marloes L. van Engen. 2018. "Work-life Boundary Management Styles of Women Entrepreneurs in Ethiopia—'choice' or imposition?" *Journal of Small Business and Enterprise Development* 25, no. 3, 368–86. https://doi.org/10.1108/JSBED-02-2017-0073.

Lefort, René. 2015. "The Ethiopian Economy. The Developmental State vs the Free Market." in *Understanding Contemporary Ethiopia. Monarchy, Revolution and the Legacy of Meles Zenawi* edited by Gérard Prunier and Éloi Ficquet, 357–94. London: Hurst.

Pankhurst, Richard. 1968. *Economic History of Ethiopia, 1800–1935*. Addis Ababa: Haile Selassie I University Press.
Pankhurst, Richard. 1990. *A Social History of Ethiopia: The Northern and Central Highlands from Early Medieval Times to the Rise of Emperor Tewodros II. Kings.* Ripton: ELM Publications, and Addis Ababa: Institute of Ethiopian Studies.

Rakesh Belwal, Misrak Tamiru and Gurmeet Singh. 2012. "Microfinance and Sustained Economic Improvement: Women Small-scale Entrepreneurs in Ethiopia." *Journal of International Development* 24, S1: 84–99. https://doi.org/10.1002/jid.1782.

Stevenson, Lois, and Annette St-Onge. 2005. *Support for Growth-oriented, Women Entrepreneurs in Ethiopia, Kenya, and Uganda*. Geneva: International Labour Office. https://www.afdb.org/fileadmin/uploads/afdb/Documents/Policy-Documents/GO WE%20Kenya.pdf [archive].

Transitional Government of Ethiopia, Office of the Population and Housing Census Commission. 1991. *The 1984 Population and Housing Census of Ethiopia: Analytical Report at National Level*. Addis Ababa: Central Statistical Authority. https://interna tional.ipums.org/international/resources/enum_materials pdf/source_doc_et1984 a.pdf [archive].

Zewde & Associates. *Women Entrepreneurs in Ethiopia: Preliminary Report*. Addis Ababa: ILO Office/Seed, 2002.
Chapter 14

Women, Work and Migration

"Migration is an expression of the human aspiration for dignity, safety and a better future. It is part of the social fabric, part of our very make-up as a human family."

Secretary-General of the UN Ban Ki-Moon,
Secretary-General's remarks to High-Level
Dialogue on International Migration and
Development (Ban Ki-Moon 2013, 3).

The history of migration within Ethiopia has been a history of the migration of men until at least the mid-20th century. However, this by no means confirms that women did not migrate at all because they did, albeit in small numbers, often from one rural village to another but increasingly to urban centres that were emerging in different corners of the country. There are several factors that limited female migration in the past including, but not limited to, the patriarchal nature of Ethiopia's social organisation that deprived women of their basic rights and confined them to the household as well as the socioeconomic organisation of most Ethiopian communities which tied a peasant, more pronouncedly a woman (married, a mother, widowed, separated), to the land. It was in the best interest of a peasant to stay on the land, cultivate it, pay tribute or tax to the state; land that remained uncultivated would be subject to takeover by the state, which enjoyed extensive revisionary rights.

1. Women on the move: the imperial period

1.1. *Causes of migration during the 19th and early 20th century*

When migration occurred, it was normally led by men, who left their
agricultural plots often temporarily (on a short term or seasonal basis), to
offer labour services or meet military obligations. In the late 19th and early
20th centuries, several communities, especially in the southern half of the
country, paid their tribute or tax obligations to the state through the offer of
labour services, principally in the capital city, Addis Ababa, where they stayed
for part of a year working on the construction of roads and buildings, and
for the imperial household and royal estates. In time, many also migrated in
search of work to earn additional income to supplement rural income or start
a new life in their new habitats. Military campaigns, which caused significant
population movements in the country in the 19th and early 20th century,
were also largely the affairs of men. Even labour migration—both voluntary
and forced—which began in the late 19th century among some of Ethiopia’s
communities (like the Gurage and Dorze) remained an almost exclusive
preserve of men until early in the 20th century. By then, however, the principal
patterns of Ethiopian women’s migration were emerging and beginning to
take shape.

In the first phase, independent migration of women did not exist and
women moved mainly to join their fathers or husbands who were already
established in new areas. The migration of most of the men, and the women,
predominantly wives, who would join them later, occurred in a seasonal
manner as they preferred to work temporarily in the towns at low points in
the agricultural sector in their rural villages. These migrants were therefore
largely reluctant townsmen and townswomen. Urban income was inadequate,
urban land tenure was restrictive to many and living conditions in the towns
were expensive and harsh—and significantly worse than in the rural areas.

1.2. *The beginning of women's independent migration (1936–1941)*

The Italian occupation (1936–1941) represented a temporary increase in the scale of migration, especially to urban centres, which saw improving employment conditions and more security than rural Ethiopia, which was engulfed in a bloody war of armed resistance. For example, Addis Ababa's population, which was about 100,000 in 1935, trebled to over 300,000 in just three years. The period saw the beginning, though to a limited degree, of independent migration by women whose lives were disrupted by the depredations of Italian atrocities and Ethiopian resistance. This would intensify in the post-liberation period, after 1941.

1.3. *Large-scale urban migration for women (1941–1975)*

The period from 1941 to 1975 established the fundamentals of female migra-
tion in Ethiopia. These changes occurred in the context of an economy which,
though fundamentally feudal, was evolving under the pressure of global capi-
talism mediated through Ethiopia's peripheral insertion into the international
system. The monetisation of the rural economy, changing socioeconomic con-
ditions in the rural areas and growing resistance to institutionalised patriarchy
created the conditions for the large-scale migration of women to the towns.
Urban centres, also offered the opportunities to attract and absorb the 'influx'
from their rural counterparts.
The changes outlined above affected women disproportionately. Let us cite two examples. Rural deprivation, which resulted from declining agricultural productivity (owing to population increase, dwindling agricultural plots, and growing demands for resources by an ever-extractive state), was more intense for women who in most cases lacked or were denied access to critical resources such as land. Rural poverty was therefore feminised to a large extent but migration, which offered a way out of poverty, was not, and it remained so until recently. Men remained the gender with the most resources but more women were breaking barriers and migrating independently and on a permanent basis. Another example concerns the entrenched patriarchy, which made life difficult or untenable for women especially those who were barren, widowed, divorced, abandoned, unmarried or young. Such women flocked to urban centres, dissatisfied with the prospects of village life, restrictive and burdensome social roles and expectations, and attracted by relative freedom and potential social mobility in the towns. There, migrant women engaged in petty trading, and to some extent were employed as domestic workers and in bars and restaurants, sometimes as sex workers. Others married and became housewives. In the process, women would constitute the majority, between 50 and 60 percent, of the population in many of the Ethiopian towns.

<table><thead><tr><th rowspan="2">Urban Centers</th><th colspan="2">Age Groups as percent of total pop.</th><th colspan="5">Sex Ratio (Males per 100 Females)</th></tr><tr><th>Under 25</th><th>25-44</th><th>0-14</th><th>15-29</th><th>30-44</th><th>45-59</th><th>60+</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Dire Dawa</td><td>57.3</td><td>29.6</td><td>99.8</td><td>68.2</td><td>94.0</td><td>132.4</td><td>54.0</td></tr><tr><td>Harar</td><td>55.5</td><td>8.4</td><td>90.5</td><td>69.1</td><td>77.8</td><td>116.9</td><td>66.2</td></tr><tr><td>Dessie</td><td>52.5</td><td>30.9</td><td>94.5</td><td>49.0</td><td>69.0</td><td>95.8</td><td>124.3</td></tr><tr><td>Bishoftu</td><td>52.6</td><td>33.4</td><td>82.0</td><td>51.3</td><td>87.5</td><td>101.0</td><td>75.5</td></tr><tr><td>D. Markos</td><td>54.0</td><td>30.0</td><td>92.0</td><td>49.1</td><td>60.8</td><td>89.3</td><td>56.7</td></tr><tr><td>Assela</td><td>57.0</td><td>30.0</td><td>73.8</td><td>57.4</td><td>76.4</td><td>73.2</td><td>126.1</td></tr><tr><td>Axum</td><td>59.2</td><td>24.0</td><td>96.3</td><td>60.9</td><td>86.0</td><td>82.0</td><td>56.6</td></tr><tr><td>Dilla</td><td>56.9</td><td>32.9</td><td>118.1</td><td>103.2</td><td>116.1</td><td>100.0</td><td>146.2</td></tr><tr><td>Lekemt</td><td>55.1</td><td>27.3</td><td>105.9</td><td>68.3</td><td>66.0</td><td>107.8</td><td>107.7</td></tr><tr><td>Mekele</td><td>58.0</td><td>28.4</td><td>102.1</td><td>44.4</td><td>64.4</td><td>107.3</td><td>47.1</td></tr></tbody></table>

Source: Mesfin Wolde Mariam (1966, 34).

## 2. Migration in a time of revolution: Socialist Ethiopia

### 2.1. *The revolution and its impact on women's migration*

The Ethiopian revolution in 1975 and the changes it engendered, such as the nationalisation of rural and urban land, and extra urban houses and industries, reconfigured the political economy of the country. The impact on the migration process was unmistakable although the above-mentioned factors had the effect, at least in the early years, of discouraging migration. Women
now enjoyed greater access to land ownership and such social amenities as education and health; many joined the workforce, both informal and formal, and rural peasant associations that gave them a measure of power. Yet, poverty remained disproportionately feminised thereby intensifying the conditions stimulating female migration.

## 2.2. *The revolution and its impact on women in urban Ethiopia*

The revolutionary period unleashed major processes that heightened the factors and improved the capacity for the migration of women, predominantly to the urban centres. Apart from deepening poverty and inequality between the genders, which continued despite the liberatory promises of the revolution, expanding networks of transport eased migration from rural villages. Women, increasingly young and unmarried, who sought to escape the drudgery and restrictions of rural life and/or were enthralled by the promises and possibilities, real or alleged, of the city (health, education, work, economic and social empowerment) embarked on a migration that would in time change the demography of urban Ethiopia. A 1967 survey (Imperial Ethiopian Government, *Survey of Major Towns*) found that in every major town except Addis Ababa, female migrants outnumbered their male counterparts. By 1978, even in the capital the number of women migrants was higher than men. The Ethiopian experience was therefore contrary to the situation seen in much of the developing world where male migration was prevalent.

<table><thead><tr><th rowspan="2">Reasons for migrating to the city</th><th colspan="2">Males</th><th colspan="2">Females</th></tr><tr><th>No.</th><th>%</th><th>No.</th><th>%</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Employment</td><td>77</td><td>86.6</td><td>10</td><td>52.6</td></tr><tr><td>To obtain education</td><td>4</td><td>4.5</td><td>-</td><td>-</td></tr><tr><td>To obtain medical treatment</td><td>1</td><td>1.1</td><td>-</td><td>-</td></tr><tr><td>Came with husband</td><td>-</td><td>-</td><td>4</td><td>21.1</td></tr><tr><td>Came with relatives</td><td>6</td><td>6.7</td><td>5</td><td>26.3</td></tr><tr><td>No answer</td><td>1</td><td>1.1</td><td>-</td><td>-</td></tr></tbody><tfoot><tr><td><strong>Total</strong></td><td><strong>89</strong></td><td><strong>100.0</strong></td><td><strong>19</strong></td><td><strong>100.0</strong></td></tr></tfoot></table>

Jonathan Baker (1992, 135). Data collected in 1985.

Although the majority of women stayed in their rural habitat, many migrated to urban centres where they settled down, got some education, and achieved a measure of economic independence. Such a story or a perception of success had an impact on the migration decision of many women. Some would opt to move using established networks and routes hoping to survive or succeed in a world that was increasingly complex yet still irresistible. Most women, however, found themselves at the bottom of the socioeconomic scale, leading a precarious lifestyle, and were therefore vulnerable to the volatility of urban life and to the abuse and violation of their rights and dignity.
### 2.3. *The revolution and the beginning of international labour migration*

An important development of the revolutionary period was the start of Ethiopia's international (labour) migration, in particular to the Middle East but also to neighbouring countries and to Europe and North America. While the nexus between economic deprivation and migration was still pervasive, the intensification of political instability and persecution was causing a new wave of migration, transnational in nature, involving Ethiopia's educated and politically active youth. Women, a minority, were represented in the group who were leaving the country and sometimes never returning, a new phenomenon that would intensify in the succeeding decades. The internationalisation of Ethiopian migration thus began in earnest and would become fairly feminised in the late 1990s and afterwards.

## 3. Migration under the EPRDF

### 3.1. *International migration*

Since 1991, freedom of movement has been a constitutional right. In the past three decades an increasing number of young women have migrated abroad, in particular to the Middle East where they are mainly employed in the service sector, in particular as domestic workers. Most of the women are between 18 and 35 years old and unmarried, and migrate to support their families (Ban Ki-Moon 2013). Rural poverty caused by, amongst other things, overpopulation, land scarcity, government agricultural policies, and a lack of agricultural resources partly explains the increased migration of young women from rural areas to the Middle East. Rural families increasingly see migration of their daughters as one of the few ways to improve their livelihoods. The migration of women to the Middle East is in most cases organised by Private Employment Agencies (PEAs), yet there are also women who migrate via brokers and smugglers, especially those who are under 18 years old because from a legal viewpoint they are not allowed to migrate across borders. Moreover, not all employment agencies are licensed, with the result that women sometimes enter the country of migration without proper documents. Undocumented women (and men) risk deportation. Women's work as domestics makes them vulnerable to abuse and exploitation, and stories of women who have been mentally, physically and sexually abused are abundant.

The Ethiopian government therefore regularly installs bans on migration to countries in the Middle East. Yet, there are also women who benefit from their migration and who are able to set up small businesses or build houses in Ethiopia.
Source 67. From place to place: Interview of Bortukan

"Dubai was my first destination. I was cleaning 18 separate rooms, 6 bathrooms, I did the laundry and prepared food for the whole family. I was doing all these tasks alone. After finishing my contract, they decided to send me back without any reason. When I was in Dubai airport I ran away to Abu Dhabi and I worked there with a runaway status for one year. The police caught and arrested me while I was working and they deported me to Ethiopia. After deportation my plan was to migrate again. I decided to migrate to Qatar. I paid 7,000 Birr to a local broker. In Qatar the madam didn't want me to keep my personal hygiene but I always kept myself clean. When I would clean myself, the madam would get upset as she considered it the behavior of a prostitute. But the rest of the family was nice to me. The madam sent me back because she wanted me to be dirty."

Bortukan, a 28-year-old returnee in Addis Ababa in 2014, interview published in Marina De Regt, *Research Report: Time to Look at Girls: Adolescent Girls' Migration in Ethiopia* (Geneva: Global Migration Centre of the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, April 2016), 40.

## 3.2. *Internal migration*

Internal migration of young women has also increased since the 1990s. In addition to helping their families, adolescent girls also migrate in order to escape oppressive gender regimes, for example by running away from gender-based violence such as forced (and early) marriages. Moreover, the lack of educational and employment opportunities for women in rural areas inspires migration to urban areas. In many cases secondary education is only available in rural towns with the result that adolescent girls have to move out of the village to continue their schooling. Sometimes girls join their relatives in bigger towns intending to continue their education but end up doing domestic work instead. In cases where they encounter abuse and exploitation, they may run away and take up sex work. The number of young female sex workers in Addis Ababa and other urban centres has increased since the 2000s. Whereas sex work sometimes gives migrant girls more freedom of movement and a higher income, there are high risks of abuse and exploitation. In addition, sex work is highly stigmatised. Another group of internal migrant women are young women who move to the cities to continue higher education. They often live on campuses, and enter the formal labour market after having finished their education.

## Conclusion

Migration is a global force that is central in the making and remaking of our world. Its significance has considerably increased over the last fifty or so years in response to and/or as a result of globalisation and advances in technology. A powerful, yet under-recognised, group driving these global phenomena is women. Ethiopian women, like their counterparts elsewhere,