(136) *w-ŋgw̥ l-yi jyy ma sycw
3SG.poss-inside IMP:UPSTREAM-come be.allowed:FACT LNK key
m-y-a-lyt
NEG-PASS-throw
'Come in, the door is not locked.' (140428 xiaohongmao-zh)
{0003884#S73}

Place names built from oblique participle include *Znɔ́ryɔ́ma*, from the locative participle *z-nɔ́ryɔ́ma* of the verb *nɔ́ryɔ́ma* ‘pray for rain’ (probably a denominal verb from a compound *nɔ́ryɔ́ma* based on *tu-ryi* ‘seed’ and *ta-ma* ‘work’, §20.7.1), as it was the place where people used to perform this activity in Kamnyu in the traditional society, as explained in §18.6.7.3.

Another example is the uninhabited place called *kulvɛyɛmdzuv*, a transparent combination *ku-lɔ́y* ‘shepherd’ (§16.1.1.7) and *u-s-y-mdzuv* ‘sitting place’ reflecting the use of this place (as described in 137).

(137) ku-xtcw~xtci ci zo antym, tce nw
INF:STAT-EMPH~be.small a.little EMPH be flat:FACT LNK DEM
ku-lɔ́y ra nuctu ku-ryz-i-nw pjy-ŋgrzl
SBJ:PCP-graze PL DEM:LOC IPFV-stay-PL IFR.IPFV-be.usually.the.case
'[The place called *kulvɛyɛmdzuv*] is a bit flat, and shepherds used to stay
there.' (140522 Kamnyu zgo) {0004059#S269}

There are also case of nouns of instruments in *s-y-* whose base verb is not iden-
tifiable. For instance, the noun *s-yɛtewy* ‘strap’ (to carry children on the back),
which is glossed using an oblique participle as in (138), is most certainly a frozen
oblique participle, but there is no verb *nɛtewy* in Japhug.

(138) ty-pytso w-syz-bwwa
INDEF.P POSS-CHIL 3SG.POSS-OBL:PCP-carry.on.the.back
'Something used to carry children on the back' (definition given for the
noun *sytewuy*)

Some nouns originating from lexicalized participles have an irregular s- allo-
morph (Table 16.4). Their antiquity is shown by the existence of exact cognates
in Tangut (Jacques 2014c: 49;299) and Khroskyabs (Lai 2017: 514; 580). All three
nouns are used as relators in relative clauses (§23.2.4, §23.5.5.3), and *u-spa* ‘ma-
terial’ additionally occurs to build a type of purposive clauses (§25.5.4).

In addition from the general meaning of ‘place’, the nominal stem -sta has three
highly specific meanings: *tu-sta* ‘bed’, *ty-sta* ‘designated place (for burying a dead
<table><caption>Table 16.4: Examples of fossilized oblique participles in s-</caption><thead><tr><th>Noun</th><th>Base verb</th><th>Tangut</th><th>Khroskyabs</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>wu-spa 'material'</td><td>pa 'do'</td><td></td><td>= spi</td></tr><tr><td>wu-stu 'place'</td><td>tu 'exist'</td><td>死<sup>5165</sup> twu<sup>1.58</sup></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>wu-sta 'place'</td><td>ta 'put'</td><td>死死<sup>5645</sup> tjī<sup>2.60</sup></td><td></td></tr></tbody></table>

person)' and wu-sta 'habit, state', a complement-taking noun (§24.6.3.1) always selecting a third singular possessor, used in particular in a collocation meaning 'return to one's previous state, recover (from a disease)' with fse 'be like', as in (139).

(139) ki wu-kyri kw-fse nw wu-sta zo DEM.PROX 3SG.POSS-before SBJ:PCP-be lik DEM 3SG.POSS-state EMPH
pw-nw-fse ny PST.IPFV-AUTO-be like ADD
'She had become again like she was before.' (2003 Kunbzang)

More speculatively, it is possible that other allomorphs of the oblique nominalization are preserved in some nouns, even when the base is lost. For example, zmbru 'boat' might be the lexicalized participle of a verb *mbru 'float' (cognate of 浮 bjuw ← *m.b(r)u 'float', Zhang et al. 2019) with a fronted z- allomorph (like that of the sigmatic causative, §17.2.2.4).

An even more pronounced type of lexicalization occurs when an oblique participle becomes member of a compound with status *confructus* vowel alternation. In these cases, it is probable that the compound is genitival, rather than a reduced relative clause.

As first element of compound, we find the oblique participle w-sr-qru (from the verb qru 'greet, welcome, receive') in bound state combined with the noun ch'a 'alcohol' into svqrwc'a 'alcohol offered to one's guests' (§5.5.1.1). There are also cases of undetectable bound state, as in svrŋgwŋga 'bed cover' from the oblique participle of rŋgw 'lie down' and the inalienably possessed noun tu-rŋga 'clothes': since the first element of this compound sv-rŋgw ends in -u, it would not have a different bound form.

Oblique participles are also attested as second element of compounds from both transitive and intransitive verbs.

As an example of lexicalized participle from an intransitive verb, the compound tšyrsŋŋyrt 'crossroad' combines the participle w-sr-ngyrt 'place where X
part ways' from the anticausative verb *NGRT* 'part ways, part company') with the
bound state of the noun TSU 'road', from an earlier locative participial relative *TSHU
U-SR-NGRT* 'the place where roads separate'.

With a transitive verb, we find the noun *βγγσργτ* 'watermill valve', from an
earlier instrumental relative *βγα ω-σ-ργτ* 'the tool used to stop (water) in the
mill' from the bound state *βγγ-* of βγα 'mill' combined with the oblique participle
ω-σ-ργτ of the verb ργτ 'break'. With undetectable bound state, we have for
instance ρʰωσγti 'belows' from the onomatopoeia ρʰω and the oblique participle
of ti 'say', literally 'the tool used to make' 'pff' sound'.

The noun *tyresytcutcrt* 'joke' is an example of compound without bound state
on the first element. It comes from the reduplicated oblique participle of the verb
crt 'take out', which occurs in collocation with the inalienably possessed noun ty-
re 'laugh (n)' to mean 'mock', as in (140). The original meaning of this compound
presumably was 'something/someone to make fun of'.

(140) *a-re* ma-*tw-tcst*
1SG.POSS-laugh NEG:IMP-2-take.out
'Don't laugh at me!' (elicited)

In the lexicalized compound *tyresytcutcrt*, *ty-re* is alienabilized (§5.1.2.9); this
noun occurs in collocation with the verb *βzu* ‘make’ or the causative *suβzu* ‘cause
to make’ in the sense of ‘joke’. It can specifically mean ‘mock’, in which case the
compound *tyresytcutcrt* takes a possessive prefix coreferent with the *subject* of
*βzu* (the person making the joke, not the object of mockery), as shown by the
presence of the third dual possessive prefix *ndzi-* in (141) and the second singular
*ny-* in (142).

(141) *w-pi* bnowz ni kwny tsʰurjwn zo, nykinw,
3SG.POSS-elder.sibling two du also often EMPH FILLER
pjúw-wy-yγ-y-kʰe tce ndzi-tyresytcutcst ra tu-βzu-ndzi
IPFV-INV-CAUS-be.stupid lnk 3DU.POSS-joke pl IPFV-make-du
pjγ-ŋu.
IFR.IPFV-be
'His two elder brothers often called him stupid and mocked him.'
(140430 jin e-zh) {0003893#S9}

(142) *ny-tyresytcutcst ma-ty-kuu-suu-βzu-a*
2SG.POSS-joke NEG:IMP-IMP-2→1-CAUS-make-1SG
'Don't mock me!' (elicited)
16 Non-finite verbal morphology

In these cases, the noun occurring as first element of the compound corre-
sponds to the object of the verb.

The expression *sɛrma* ‘good night’ derives from the oblique participle of the verb *rma* ‘stay the night, live’, and presents unusual morphological properties (§14.7.1).

16.2 Infinitives

16.2.1 Velar infinitives

The most common infinitives in Japhug are the velar infinitives, built from the stem I of the verb and prefixed either with кв- or ku-; they are homophonous with participles (and historically related to them, §16.8.1) and not always easily distinguishable from them (§16.2.1.1). They are in particular the preferred citation form of the verbs (§16.2.1.4), though not with all speakers.

The *ku- infinitives* are found with stative verbs (including adjectives and exis-
tential verbs), impersonal modal verbs and some anticausative verbs; other verbs
take the *k infinitives*. In Tshobdun, Sun (2014b: 235) reports that the *kə-* and *kɔ-*
infinitives (corresponding to *ku-* and *kact- in Japhug) occur with non-human and
human arguments, respectively (in the case of dynamic verbs). It seems that this
criterion is not applicable to Japhug.

Stative verbs in *a-* have regular fusion of *ku-* and *a-* as /kact-/, and thus superfi-
cially appear to have *kact-* infinitives (for instance, the infinitive of *arŋi* ‘be green’
is *ku-arŋi* /kactri/).

16.2.1.1 Infinitives vs. participles

It is not immediately obvious that a category of ‘velar infinitives’ needs to be
distinguished from participles in Japhug, as both are non-finite verbal categories
prefixed in *kact-* or *ku-* (§16.1.2.3 and §16.1.1.3).

The necessity to set kʷ- infinitives apart from object participles stems from
the fact that the latter can only be built from transitive or semi-transitive verbs,
while the former also occurs with strictly intransitive verbs. Thus, if one were to
argue that all kʷ-prefixed non-finite forms of transitive verbs are object partici-
ples, including in the case of complement clauses (for instance kʷ-ndza in 143),
one would not be able to account for the kʷ-prefixed forms of intransitive verbs
occurring in the same context such as kʷ-ce in (144) – even though ce ‘go’ could
be considered to be a kind of semi-transitive verb (since it can take a goal, which
can be relativized with a finite relative clause, §23.5.5.1), it is not possible to build
a participial relative clause by prefixing *kʷ-* on this verb (the oblique participle *sʷ-* must be used instead, §16.1.3).

(143) azo kʷ-ndza mʷ-pʷ-rŋo-t-a
1SG ???-eat NEG-AOR-experience-PST:TR-1SG
'I never ate that.' (many attestations)

(144) aj kʷ-ce mʷ-pʷ-rŋo-t-a
1SG INF-go NEG-AOR-experience-PST:TR-1SG
'I never went there.' (150820 ZNGWloR) {0006292#S3}

I therefore adopt the following criteria to distinguish between a *kʷ-* infinitive and an object participle: *kʷ-* non-finite forms of (non-semi-transitive) intransitive verbs are infinitives; *kʷ-* non-finite forms of transitive and semi-transitive verbs occurring in the same contexts as the infinitives of intransitive verbs are infinitives.

By systematically applying these criteria, we can identify three contexts where infinitives are attested: citation form (§16.2.1.4), complementation (§16.2.1.5; object participles used in complement clauses are discussed in §16.1.2.6), and manner converbs (§16.2.1.7).

Distinguishing between subject participles and *kuu-* infinitives in Japhug is less straightforward, unlike in other Gyalrong languages such as Tshobdun for instance, Sun 2014a, since even stative verbs take the *kʷ-* infinitive in complement clauses (§16.2.1.5). The only clear contexts where *kuu-* infinitives do occur is that of citation forms (§16.2.1.4) and complement clauses containing impersonal modal verbs (§16.2.1.5). Converbs in *kuu-* are analyzed as infinitives rather than subject participle because they are only attested with stative verbs or other verbs taking the *kuu-* infinitives (§16.2.1.7).

### 16.2.1.2 Associated motion, polarity and orientation preverbs on infinitives

With the exception of the construction in §16.2.1.6 and some converbial uses (§16.2.1.7), *kʷ-* infinitives do not take possessive prefixes. However, like participles, they are compatible with associated motion (145), negative prefixes (146) (with double negation, §13.3) and B-type orientation preverbs (147), with combinations of two prefixes.

(145) a-mgw̥r pʷ-mŋy̥m tce cʷ-kʷ-χtʷ múj-cʰa-a
1SG.POSS-back SENS-hurt LNK TRAL-INF-buy NEG:SENS-can-1SG
'My back hurts and I cannot go to buy [apples].' (conversation,
30-04-2018)
## 16 Non-finite verbal morphology

(146) *r* *pu fka cti *tce, mъ-kъ-ce мъ-kъ^u*
king order be.AFF:FACT LNK NEG-INF-GO NEG-be.possible:FACT
‘This is the king’s order, [I] have no choice but to go.’ (2005 Norbzang)
{0003768#S146}

(147) *tъ-se мъ-pъ-mъ-тъ-въ* *ftcaka tu-βze-a*
**INDEF.POSS-blood NEG-IPFV-INF-come.out manner IPFV-make[III]-1SG**
*tu-mdzoz-a пъ-ηу ma,*
**IPFV-avoid-1SG PST.IPFV-be LNK**
‘I avoided by all means to let the blood come out.’ (of a skin disease, of
which it is said that if the blood comes out and gets into contact with
other parts of the skin, it will spread) (24-pGArtsAG) {0003624#S56}

Negative infinitives take the allomorph *mъ-* (as in 146), unless an imperfective
orientation preverb is present, in which case the negative is *muu-* as in (147).

Impersonal and stative infinitives in *kuu-* are only attested with the negative
prefix *mъ-*.

### 16.2.1.3 Ambiguity

Aside from the homophony between infinitives and participles (§16.2.1.1), an-
other type of ambiguity occurs with verbs selecting the orientation preverb *EAST-
WARDS*, whose A form is *kъ-* (§15.1.1.1). Intransitive verbs in imperative singu-
lar and perfective third singular forms (for instance *kъ-rъgw* ‘he laid down’) and
transitive verbs without stem alternation in imperative singular (*kъ-tsъ*hъ ‘drink!’,
§21.4.2.1) have forms that are homophonous with the corresponding infinitives
(*kъ-rъgw* ‘to lie down’, *kъ-tsъ*hъ ‘to drink’), but these cases are never really ambigu-
ous, as it is trivial to distinguish between a finite verb form and a non-finite one,
for instance by changing from singular to dual or plural.

For instance, in a particular context, if a form such as *kъ-rъgw* can be changed
to the corresponding plural *kъ-rъgw-nu* (which can be either perfective *AOR-
lie.down-PL* ‘they laid down’ or imperative ‘lie down!’), it is possible to conclude
that this *kъ-rъgw* is necessarily finite (since non-finite verb forms in Japhug never
take indexation affixes, §2.4.2.3) and cannot be an object participle or an infini-
tive.

### 16.2.1.4 Citation form

The infinitive is the preferred form to refer to a verb in metalinguistic discourse
as a citation form. In this context stative and impersonal verbs consistently take
the *ku-* prefix as in (148), and the rest of verbs the *k-* prefix, as in (149) and (150).
Even in citation form, the infinitive verb can take orientation (150) and polarity prefixes (148).

(148) *wnunw tce tce [u-tu-tšuβ m-y-ku-βdi]*
DEM LNK LNK 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:ACTION-sew NEG-INF:STAT-be.good
*tu-ku-ti nu*
IPFV-GENR:A-say be:FACT
'People call this 'badly sewn'.' (12-kAtsxWb-zh) {0003486#S28}

(149) *pjw-sw-wndi tce pjw-sw-sat tce nw kómtwz ny*
IPFV-CAUS-hit[III] LNK IPFV-CAUS-kill LNK DEM only after LNK
cʰu-nwtswm pw-ra tce nwnw
IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-take-away SENS-be-needed LNK DEM
[k-y-nγbarpʰyβ] *tu-ku-ti nu*
INF-strike-with.wings IPFV-GENR:A-say be:FACT
'It strikes it and kills it [with its wings] and only then takes it away. This is called *k-y-nγbarpʰyβ* 'strike with one's wings.' (150819 RarphAB-zh)
{0006356#S9}

The infinitive is commonly used in metalinguistic discussions about colloca-
tions, and in those cases can appear together with intransitive subjects (148) or
objects (150). In the latter, the focus is on the noun *u-kγlyjme* ‘head upside down’
(§5.7.8.3), the verb *ctʰwz* ‘turn towards’ being present only because it is selected
by *u-kγlyjme*.

(150) *u-mŋu nɔ* pa pjú-wy-ctʰwz tce nɔ*
3SG.POSS-mouth DEM down IPFV:DOWN-INV-turn.towards LNK DEM
*[u-kγlyjme pjw-kγ-ctʰwz]*
3SG.POSS-head.upside.down IPFV:DOWN-INF-turn.toward
tu-ku-ti nu.
IPFV-GENR:A-say be:FACT
'One turns the mouth [of the container] downwards, it is called 'to turn
upside down.' (30-macha) {0003746#S64}

The infinitive is not the only possible choice as a citation form; some speakers
sometimes cite a generic form (especially with the imperfective, as *pjú-wy-ctʰwz*
in 150) or other finite forms (even imperatives).

Outside of metalinguistic discourse, the stative/impersonal infinitive is also
used as subject of adjectival stative verbs such as *pe* ‘be good’ as in (151), express-
ing the meaning ‘the fact of ... is good’.
16 Non-finite verbal morphology

(151) tce [[kʷ-r] kʷ-kʰʷ]

nʷ tce tce pʷ-pe ma, tce

LNK INF-write INF:STAT-be.possible DEM LNK LNK SENS-be.good LNK LNK
nʷ tʷ-scoz nʷ pjʷ-kʷ-ru pʷ-kʰʷ.

DEM INDEF.POSS-writing DEM IPFV-GENR:S/O-look SENS-be.possible
'It is good to have the possibility to write [a language], because then one
can look at the writing (to learn that language; otherwise, one has to
learn just by listening). (150901 tshuBdWnskAt) {0006242#S44}

In the verb doubling construction, the infinitive of stative verbs can be neu-
tralized to the kʷ- form, as in (152) with an adjectival stative verb and (153) with
the existential verb tu ‘exist’.

(152) kʷ-rżi ri pjʷ-rżi,
INF-be.heavy also IFR.IPFV-be.heavy
‘As for being heavy, [the old man] was heavy.’ (140511 xinbada-zh)
{0003961#S179}

(153) wżo rkwn, ri kʷ-tu nʷ tu
3SG be.rare:FACT LNK INF-exist DEM exist:FACT
‘It is rare, but as for existing, it does exist.’ (140511 qamtsWrmdzu)
{0003957#S17}

16.2.1.5 Complementation

The most common function of the velar infinitive is to build complement clauses (§24.2.1). Apart from a handful of well-identified cases (§16.1.1.6), all *kʷ-* prefixed verb forms in complement clauses are infinitive rather than object participles (using the criteria in §16.2.1.1).

Velar infinitives occur with a great variety of auxiliaries and other comple-
ment-taking verbs (§24.2.1) as well as a few complement-taking nouns (§24.6).
Few verbs however require the infinite in complement clauses. Some comple-
ment-taking verbs like cʰa ‘can’ occur with either infinitival complement clauses
as in (154) or finite complement clauses (§24.2.3), and other verbs like ṝo ‘ex-
perience’ are compatible with both velar infinitives and bare infinitives (§16.2.3).
The constraints on co-reference between the subject of the matrix verb and the
participants of the complement clause is treated in §24.2.1.2.
(154) *w-k(csl
w-krw
nw a-nw-pʰwat
tce
3SG.POSS-top.of.the head 3SG.POSS-horn DEM IRR-PFV-take.out LNK
k-ce cʰa pɔ-cti
INF-VERT-go can:FACT SENS-be.AFF

'If one takes out the horn on his head, he will be able to go back [to the heavens].' (divination 2005)

Complex velar infinitive forms with polarity, orientation and associated motion prefixes are attested in complement clauses, as in (155) (see also for instance 145 and 146 in §16.2.1.2).

(155) az̥o [cw-ky-car] pwn-rpo-t-a.
1SG TRAL-INF-search AOR-experience-TR:PST-1SG
'I did go to search [for *Amanita caesarea*]' (22-BlamajmAG)
{0003584#S30}

Stative verbs, when occurring in a complement clause, generally take the kɣ- infinitive, as in example (156) and (157). The main verb of the complement clauses in these examples have the kɣ- infinitive, even though both tu 'exist' and scit 'be happy' are stative verbs and have a citation form with the ku- prefix.

(156) [a-rŋu
kɣ-tu] pwn-rpo-t-a
1SG.POSS-money INF-exist PST:IPFV-experience-PST:TR-1SG
'I used to have money'. (elicited)

(157) [kɣ-scit] pjγ-ŋgrw pwn-ŋu
INF-be.happy IFR-succeed SENS-be
'She succeeded in being happy.' (150818 muzhi guniang-zh) {0006334#S6}

The conversion to kɣ- infinitive only applies to stative verbs, not to impersonal modal verbs such as ra 'be needed'. When the latter occur in a complement clause, as in example (158), they always have the ku- prefix.

(158) [[smyn kɣ-ndza] ku-ra]
medicine INF-eat INF:IMPERS-be.needed
pwn-rpo-t-a
PST:IPFV-experience-PST:TR-1SG
'I used to have to take medicine.' (elicited)
16 Non-finite verbal morphology

The velar infinitive is also found in some adnominal complement clauses, for instance in the collocation comprising the nouns *ftčaka* ‘method’ or *kowa* ‘man-ner’ with the transitive verb *βzu* ‘make’ (§24.6.3.1), as (160) below (see also 147 above).

In infinitive complement clauses, the complement verb lacks person/number indexation. However, in the case of the verbs that require coreference between the core arguments of the matrix clause and those in the complement clause, the person and number of the subject (and sometimes also the object) of the complement clauses are reflected on the indexation of the verb in the matrix clause (§24.2.1.2). For instance, in (159), both the infinitive *k* ‘to say’ and the matrix verb *múj-spe-a* ‘I am not able’ share the same 1SG subject and 3SG object (*w-mdoč* ‘its colour’).

(159) *nʷ w-mdoč nʷ aj [kʷ-ti] múj-spe-a*
DEM 3SQ.POSS-colour DEM 1SG INF-say NEG:SENS-be.able[III]-1SG
‘I don’t know how to say (describe) its colour.’ (06-qaZmbri)
{0003416#S50}

This is also the case with noun+verb collocations taking complement clauses: in (160), the verb form *tú-wy-βzu* reflects the 3PL→2SG configuration of the infinitive *kʷ-ndza* ‘to eat’ in the complement clause.

(160) *a-rfit ra nʷ-yi-nʷ cti tcelʰa,*
1SG.POSS-children PL VERT-come:FACT-PL be.AFF:FACT in.a.moment
*kʷ-ndza kowa tú-wy-βzu cti*
INF-eat manner 2-INV-make:FACT be.AFF:FACT
‘My children are coming back home soon, and they will try to eat you.’
(2012 Norbzang) {0003768#S258}

With velar infinitive complements, some auxiliary verbs take the orientation preverb selected by the verb in the complement clause (§24.3.5).

16.2.1.6 Doubly prefixed velar infinitives with negative existential verbs

The infinitive in *kʷ-* can take two prefixes in a construction combining the negative existential verb *me* ‘not exist’ (§22.5.1.2) with a verb in the infinitive prefixed with a B-type orientation preverb and a possessive prefix coreferent with the subject,<fnref n="8" /> meaning ‘have no way to X, be completely unable to X’, as in (161) and

<footnote n="8">⁸The assertion in Jacques (2016a: 228) that infinitives cannot take possessive prefixes is thus wrong.</footnote>
(162). Note that since in both of these examples, the verbs are intransitive and lack an object participle, the kʷ- form can only be analyzed as an infinitive here. This construction is also possible with transitive verbs, in which case the possessive prefix corresponds to the transitive subject.

(161) tce ndzi-ju-kʷ-ce pjʷ-me
LNK 3DU.POSS-IPFV-INF-go IFR.IPFV-not.exist
‘They could not go.’ (150908 menglang-zh) {0006320#S41}

(162) tʷ-rzaq nʷ ʷ-pjʷ-kʷ-nʷzʷβ pjʷ-me matci,
one-night DEM 3SG.POSS-IPFV-INF-sleep IFR.IPFV-not.exist LNK
‘He could not sleep the whole night, because...’ (150831 BZW kAnArRaR)
{0006378#S12}

A derived construction involves the causative  γγme ‘destroy’, ‘cause not exist/ have’, ‘suppress’ with doubly prefixed infinitives to ‘make it impossible for X to Y’ as in (163).

(163) a-pjʷ-kʷ-nʷzʷβ na-γγ-me
1SG.POSS-IPFV-INF-sleep AOR:3→3' -CAUS-not.exist
‘It kept me from sleeping.’ (elicited)

There is a variant of this construction with imperfective subject participles in ku- instead of infinitives (§16.1.1.6).

16.2.1.7 Converbial function

Velar infinitives in kʷ- can also be used as converbs, in subordinate clauses that are neither relatives nor complement clauses, with a variety of meanings.

The most common function of converbial infinitives is similar to the gerund
(§16.6.1.3), expressing either the manner in which an action takes place (as in
164, 166 and 167) or describing an additional action occurring at the same time as
that referred to by the main verb (as laχtɛhə a kʷ-fkur, with an overt object, in 165)
(additional examples are presented in §25.4).

(164) kʷ-ŋke lγ-γe-a
INF-walk AOR:UPSTREAM-come[II]-1SG
‘I came on foot.’ (17-lhazgron)
16 Non-finite verbal morphology

(165) nɔ̈ zo [laχtcʰa k] tu-tw-ŋke pɔ-ŋu tce
2SG thing INF-carry.on.the.back IPFV-2-walk SENS-be LNK
‘You are walking carrying things on your back.’ (150909 hua pi-zh)
{0006278#S12}

Converbial infinitives also indicate the degree to which an action is under-
taken, as in the common expression tco i kɔ-cɔ a zo ‘do whatever X can to Y’ in
(166).

(166) [tcʰi kɔ-cʰa] to-k- Y ndzut-ci ri, maka zo
what INF-can IFR-PEG-bark-PEG LNK completely EMPH
kw-pʰ Y n pj-Y-me
SBJ:PCP-be.efficient IPFV.IFR-not-existent
'[The dog] barked as much as it could, but it was all for nothing.' (140426
gou he qingwa-zh) {0003802#S20}

The converbs can also be followed by adverbs of quantification like ka 'com-
pletely' (§22.2.2.1), as illustrated by (167).

(167) <kaihui> kw-fse tɔ-ra tce, kɔ-ŋke kɔa zo
meeting SBJ:PCP-be lik e AOR-be needed LNK INF-walk completely EMPH
ju-kw-ce pw-ra.
IPFV-GENR:S/O-go PST.IPFV-be needed
‘When one had to [take part in] a meeting for instance, one had to go on
foot.’ (12-BzaNsa) {0003484#S20}

Infinitives in these functions can optionally be followed by the ergative ku,
like the gerunds (§16.6.1.3), as shown by (168).

(168) maka to-nuṁbr; p-w-nu tce li k-v-rjuy kw zo jo-ce-nu.
completely IFR-ride-PL LNK again INF-run ERG EMPH IFR-go-PL
‘They mounted their horses and galloped away.’ (140512 alibaba-zh)
{0003965#S39}

Unlike gerunds (§16.6.1.3), infinitive converbs do not necessarily imply that
two different actions take place at the same time. In (167) and (168) for instance,
the converbs kɔ-ŋke and kɔ-rjuy do not express a motion event distinct from that
described by the main verb; rather, the verb ce ‘go’ indicates the direction and
deixis of the motion, while the converbs specify the speed and manner of realiza-
tion of the action. Note that in this particular example, using the gerund is not
possible.
The converbial infinitives are attested with the negative prefix *m*, meaning ‘without Xing’, and generally refer to the way in which the action is performed as in (169).

(169) maka *mχ-kχ-rwswso kʷ zo ‘jχy’* to-ti, to-n̥la.
at.all NEG-INF-think ERG EMPH be.allowed:FACT IFR-say IFR-agree
‘She said ‘yes’, she agreed without thinking at all.’ (140429 qingwa
wangzi-zh) {0003890#S65}

Negative infinitive converbs can have an adversative interpretation (§25.6.1.1).
In (170), *mχ-kχ-xtwy* ‘not meeting’ expresses the non-realization of a telic event
that was the original purpose of the previous actions of the main referent.

(170) [a-mu a-wi ni mχ-kχ-xtwy]
3SG.POSS-mother 3SG.POSS-grand.mother DU NEG-INF-meet
kú-wy-sw-jyat-a-ndzi.
IPFV:EAST-INV-CAUS-go.back-1SG-DU
'[My uncles] forced me to go back [to school] without having seen my
mother and my grandmother (even though I had not met them).'
(2010-Dpalcan-09)

Converbial infinitival clauses can contain an object or a semi-object which
does not belong to the main clause, as *a-mu a-wi ni* 'my mother and my grand-
mother' in (170). The dual on *kú-wy-sw-jyat-a-ndzi* refers to the subject ('the uncles',
mentioned in the previous clause), not the mother and the grandmother.

In nearly all examples, there is subject (S/A) coreference between the matrix
clause and the converbial clause, but examples like (170), where we rather observe
coreference between the *object* of the main clause and the subject of the subor-
dinate clause, shows that there is no syntactic constraint on subject coreference
in this construction.

Infinitives in ku- (impersonal or stative) also occur as converbs, though these
forms could in principle also be analyzed as subject participles (§16.1.1). For in-
stance, in (171) *mχ-ku-mbrxt* ‘without stop’ is considered to be an impersonal
infinitive serving as a manner converb, but it could be possible to propose an al-
ternative analysis as a ku- subject participle ‘the one which does not stop’ used
adverbially. The analysis as infinitives however better accounts for the fact that
only the verbs whose infinitive is in ku- have converbial forms in ku-.
16 Non-finite verbal morphology

(171) nʷ ma m-mbrst

żo pʷ-rγma
DEM at.all NEG-INF:IMPERS:S/A-ACAUS:break EMPH IPFV-work
pʷ-cti tce,
SENS-be.AFF LNK
'It works without stopping at all.' (26-GZo) {0003668#S62}

The existential verbs also occur in converbial use. For instance, *tu* 'exist' in infinitive form *ku-tu* following a noun or a pronoun can mean 'in the presence of...' as in (172).

(172) [żara ku-tu] żo to-sγrγru tce,
3PL INF:STAT-exist EMPH IFR-compare LNK
'He compared [his testimony with theirs] in their presence.' (150909 xifangping-zh) {0006408#S147}

Similarly, the negative existential verb *me* 'not exist' in infinitive converbial form means 'without..., ' as in example (173).

(173) tce n a-pi

[nxžo ku-me] azo kγ-rγzi
LNK 2SG 1SG.POSS-elder.sibling 2SG INF:STAT-not.exist 1SG INF-stay
mγ-cʰa-a
NEG-can:FACT-1SG
'Brother, without you I cannot stay [here].'(2011-05-nyima)

16.2.1.8 Velar infinitives as adverbs

The ku- infinitive of stative verbs can be used to create adverbs. The most common example is the degree adverb kwxteuxtei 'a little' from xtci 'be small' in sentences such as (174). In this example, the co-occurrence of an adverb derived from xtci 'be small' with the verb wxti 'be big' shows that this adverb is already fully grammaticalized, otherwise such a sentence would be self-contradictory.

(174) βžw syz ku-xtcuzxtci wxti.
mouse COMP INF:STAT-EMPH~be.small be.big:FACT
'It is a little bigger than a mouse.' (21-GzWLa) {0003570#S4}

An even more lexicalized example is mγk Puftsʰi 'forcibly', which occurs in par-
ticular with causative verbs to express coercive causation (§17.2.5.2), as in (175).
(175) tcendsre mγkwftsʰi zo, nγki w-me yw w-mi
LNK forcibly EMPH FILLER 3SG.POSS-daughter GEN 3SG.POSS-foot
nw icqʰa tw-xtsa w-ŋgw nwtcu
DEM the aforementioned INDEF.POSS-shoe 3SG.POSS-in DEM:LOC
cʰy-sw-rku
IFR:DOWNSTREAM-CAUS-put.in

‘She forced her daughter to put her foot into that shoe.’ (140504 huiguniang-zh) {0003909#S219}

This adverb is formally the negative stative infinitive of the verb ftsʰi ‘feel better’ (of a disease) (§17.2.3).

These adverbs are probably lexicalized from infinitival converbs (§16.2.1.7), but
differ from them in lacking any argument structure.

16.2.1.9 Lexicalized velar infinitives

Lexicalized velar infinitives in k- found in some compounds, though some cases
could alternatively be analyzed as lexicalized object participles, and are treated
in §16.1.2.7.

The delocutive expression ṛṛtṛukṛti + kʰu 'be obedient' provides an unambiguous example of lexicalized velar infinitive. The compound ṛṛtṛukṛti combines the pronoun ṛṣṭu 'where' in bound state form ṛṛṣṭu - with the infinitive kṛ-ti of the verb ti 'say', and is exclusively used in collocation with kʰu 'be possible', 'agree', as in (176).<fnref n="9" /> This expression originates presumably from a phrase such as 'agree (kʰu) to whatever (ṇṭu) X says (kṛ-ti)'. However, it should be noted that the pronoun tċ'i 'what', not ṛṣṭu 'where' is used in Japhug in the free-choice indefinite construction meaning 'whatever' as in examples (98) to (100) in §6.6.6). The form kṛ-ti in any case was originally the complement of the verb kʰu 'be possible', which takes infinitival complements (§24.5.3.1), and thus is not analyzable as a former object participle.

(176) w-tcw kubde nura wuma zo nytcwki
dem:pl really obey.to.everything(1)
pjy-kʰu-nw
ifr.ipfv-obey.to.everything(2)-pl
'His four sons were very obedient.' (140508 benling gaoqiang de si
xiongdi-zh) {0003935#S15}

<footnote n="9">⁹The causative ṛṛtṛukṛti + sukʰu ‘cause to be obedient’ also exists.</footnote>
## 16.2.2 Bare infinitives

Bare infinitives are formed by combining the stem I of the verb with a possessive prefix coreferential with the object of the complement clause, as in example (177). Bare infinitives are not attested with orientation, polarity or associated motion prefixes. They historically derive from bare action nominal (§16.4.6), which have become a very restricted subclass.

(177) *nyzo ku-fse*      *a-ŋkʰor*      *nw u-mto*
you NMLZ:STAT-be lik e 1SG.POSS-subject TOP 3SG.POSS-BARE.INF:see
*mw-pw-rŋo-t-a*
NEG-AOR-experience-PST:TR-1SG
'I never saw anyone like you among my subjects.' (28-smAnmi, 393)
{0004063#S373}

With ɔzɔβ ‘be careful’ as matrix verb however, the possessive prefix can also index the transitive subject as in (178) (expressing an indefinite object).

(178) *ksa ni ndzi-pa p<u>-kzyβ rca*
parents.and.children DU 3DU.POSS-BARE.INF:do SENS-be.careful SFP
'The two of them do things very carefully.' (14-05-10)

Intransitive verbs do not have bare infinitives. Complement-taking verbs selecting bare infinitives for transitive verbs either take *tw*- infinitives (§16.2.3) or velar infinitives (§16.2.1) when occurring with intransitive verbs.

### 16.2.2.1 Complement clauses

Bare infinitives only occur in complement clauses (§24.2.2). Apart from the aspectual verb rŋo ‘experience’, ‘have already X’ mentioned above in (177), bare infinitives are found with two categories of complement-taking verbs.

First, they are compatible with some phasal verbs (§24.5.6.2) such as za ‘begin’, syza ‘begin’, stʰut ‘finish’ and jyγ ‘finish’ as in (179).

(179) tce numu tu-ŋga nw u-tɔuβ tʰu-jyγ
LNK DEM INDEF.POSS-clothes DEM 3SG.POSS-BARE.INF:SEW AOR-finish
'When one has finished sewing the clothes, ...' (30-tWNga)
{0004069#S29}

Second, they are found with some adjectives such as βdi 'be well' and derived sigmatic or velar causative verbs such as γγ-βdi 'repair, cause to be good, do X well' as in (180) (see §17.3.2.2, §24.5.1.4).
(180) lu-ji-nw qʰe w-nxρwpa tu-ɣy-βdi-nw,
IPFV-plant-PL LNK 3SG.POSS-BARE.INF:take.care IPFV-CAUS-be.good-PL
w-yli ra ku-sype-nw qʰe, cʰw-do njw-cʰa.
3SG.POSS-dung PL IPFV-do.well-PL LNK IPFV-be.fibrous SENS-can
'[Now people] plant [pumpkin also in higher areas], [if] they take good
care of it and add enough fertilizer, it becomes fibrous (so that it can be
sowed for the next year).' (140522 kAmYW tWji) {0004055#S46}

The same set of verbs take complement clauses with dental infinitives when
the verb of the complement is intransitive (§16.2.3.2).

The bare infinitives also occur in adnominal complement clauses with the
noun *w-tsʰuɣa* ‘shape, manner’, as in (181).

(181) ndzi-mi ᵇ-tsʰɔink ᵇ-tsʰuɣa nwra wuma
3DU.POSS-foot 3SG-BARE.INF:attach.to 3SG.POSS-form DEM:PL very
zo naχtcuɣ-ndzi.
EMPH be.the same:FACT-DU
‘The way their legs [of fleas and crickets] touch the ground is very
similar.’ (26-mYaRmtsaR) {0003674#S17}

No verb requires a bare infinitive: all complement-taking verbs selecting it are either alternatively compatible with velar infinitives (§16.2.1.5) or a finite complement (§24.2.3).

16.2.2.2 Bare verb stem in negative existential construction

A non-finite form resembling bare infinitives without possessive prefix is found
in an unusual construction with the negative existential verbs me ‘not exist’ and
maŋe ‘not exist’ (§13.1.2) with alternative concessive meaning ‘whether or not X,
it amounts to the same’ (§25.2.3.2), in which the bare verb stem occurs in affir-
mative and in negative form with the negative prefix mɔ-. Unlike bare infinitives
proper, this form exists with both transitive (182) and intransitive verbs (183).

(182) ndza mɔ-ndza me-a
BARE.INF:eat NEG-BARE.INF:eat not.exist:FACT-1SG
‘Whether [you] eat me or not, it amounts to the same.’ (sentence
obtained as the correction of a sentence I produced to translate a story
in Japhug)
16 Non-finite verbal morphology

(183) tce *w-qiw* p *w-mtsʰam-a*, *w-qiw* m *w-j-mtsʰam-a* qʰe,
LNK 3SG.POSS-half SENS-hear-1SG 3SG.POSS-half NEG:SENS-hear-1SG LNK
*ce* m *r-ce* m *aŋe*
BARE.INF:GO NEG-BARE.INF:GO not.exist:SENS

'I can hear half of it, can't hear the other half, whether or not [I] go, it amounts to the same.' (conversation 140510)

In this construction, the negative auxiliaries can take person marking, and are
obligatorily coreferential with the object if the verb in the complement clause is
transitive, as in (182). With intransitive verbs, no person marking appears on the
negative verb as in (183).<fnref n="10" /> In this construction, the transitive subject (whether
of transitive or intransitive verbs) cannot be overt.

Although the non-finite form *ce* in (183) superficially resembles a 3SG Factual Non-Past (§21.3.1), the absence of stem III alternation (§12.2.2) on *ndza* in (182) shows that this cannot be a finite form (otherwise *ndze* ‘s/he/it will eat/eats it’ would be expected).

16.2.3 Dental infinitives

Dental infinitives (glossed as ‘second infinitives’ **INF:II**) are built by prefixing **tu**-
with the verb stem. Dental infinitives occur with intransitive verbs, including
dynamic (184) and stative verbs (185), including semi-transitive verbs, but are
not attested with transitive verbs, which take bare infinitives or velar infinitives
instead.

(184) *tw-ŋke* *ta-za* *tce*
INF:II-walk AOR:3→3'-start LNK
'When it starts moving...' (26-NalitCaRmbWm) {0003676#S76}

With contracting verbs (§12.3), regular vowel fusion between the *tu*- prefix
and stem-initial *a*- occurs, resulting in the surface form /tɣ-/ as in (185).

(185) si *nuw* *daltsu*tsa *nuw* *tw-xyrni* *no-za* tce
tree DEM slowly DEM INF:II-be.green IFR-start LNK
‘The tree slowly started to become green.’ (divination 2003)

However, a few morphologically transitive verbs selecting dummy subjects
(§14.3.5), in particular *lyt* ‘release’ and *βzu* ‘make’ do take *tu*- infinitives as in

<footnote n="10">¹⁰The fact that only the object is indexed on the auxiliary verb suggests here that this construc-
tion displays nominative-accusative alignment.</footnote>
(186). Note that in these complex predicates, the light verbs *lšt* ‘release’ and *ßzu*
‘make’, although transitively conjugated, cannot take an overt subject marked
with the ergative, and only have one argument.

(186) **tw-mu** *ku-wxtu-wxti* *zo* **tw-lšt** *pjγ-za*
**INDEF.POSS-sky** SBJ:PCP-EMPH~be.big EMPH INF-throw IFR-start
‘A heavy rain started.’ (150819 haidenver-zh) {0006314#S101}

It is possible that dental infinitives are historically related to degree nominals
(§16.3) and action nominals (§16.4), which however do not display the same tran-
sitivity restrictions. Several hypotheses accounting for the origin of dental infini-
tives are presented in §16.8.3.

**16.2.3.1 Polarity prefixes**

Dental infinitives are only compatible with polarity prefixes (as in example 187),
and cannot take orientation or associated motion. Possessive prefixes on dental
infinitives only occur in the simultaneous construction with the verb *supa* ‘cause
to do’ (§24.5.1.3).

(187) **qafy w-me** *nwmw, tcendsre kʰro mɣ-tw-rga* **to-za**
**fish** 3SG.POSS-daughter DEM LNK a.lot NEG-INF:II-like IFR-start
‘He started not liking the mermaid that much [anymore].’ (150819
haidenver-zh) {0006314#S149}

Degree nominals present the same constraints on orientation and associated motion prefixes (§16.3.1).

**16.2.3.2 Complement clauses**

Dental *tw-* infinitives are only attested in complement clauses (§24.2.2), and are
only found with the verbs that select a bare infinitive (§16.2.2.1) when the verb in
the complement clause is transitive. This complementary distribution suggests
that bare infinitive and dental infinitives could be treated as two variants of the
same grammatical category.

Dental infinitives are more often attested with phasal verbs, in particular *za*
‘begin’ and *sɣza* ‘begin’ as in (188).

(188) mtsʰu nw cʰumcʰum *zo, tce, tw-skym* pjγ-sɣza
lake DEM IDPH(II):slowly.retreating EMPH LNK INF:II-be.dry IFR-start
‘The [water of the] lake started to retreat slowly.’ (nyima wodzer 2003)
16 Non-finite verbal morphology

Non-phasal verbs selecting bare infinitive such as ṛṇo ‘experience’ never occur with the dental infinitive in the corpus, but such forms can be elicited, as in (189). In the corpus, intransitive complements of the verb ṛṇo ‘experience’ rather velar infinitives; it is also possible in (189) to replace the dental infinitive *tu-yi* with a velar infinitive *kṛ-yi*.

(189) mbarkḥom tu-yyi pw-rpo-t-a
TOPO INF:II-come AOR-experience-PST:TR-1SG
'I came to Mbarkham before.' (elicited)

Like other intransitive verbs, antipassivized transitive verbs can take a dental infinitive (as in 190), unlike the base verb from which they are derived (as in 191, where a bare infinitive is used instead).

(190) tw-rṣ-rṣt pa-za
INF:II-APASS-write AOR:3→3'-start
'He started writing.' (elicited)

(191) tṛscoz ṣ-rṣt pa-za
letter 3SG.POSS-BARE.INF:write AOR:3→3'-start
'He started writing the/a letter.' (elicited)

In addition, dental infinitives also occur in complements of causativized verbs (§24.5.1.3, §24.5.1.4), and in the construction expressing simultaneous actions with *supa* ‘cause to do’ described in §16.2.2.1.

16.3 Degree nominals

Degree nominals are built by combining the verb stem with a nominalizing *tu-* prefix and a possessive prefix coreferent with the subject, as the dual *ndżi-* in (192). The form *ndżi-tu-ymumi* also shows that the nominalization *tu-* prefix undergoes regular vowel fusion with stem-initial *a-* to /tṛ/.

(192) tcendvre ndzi-tu-ymumi
LNK 3DU.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.on.good.terms
ndzi-tu-scit pw-saχaψ zo pω-ŋu
3DU.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.happy PST.IPFV-beextremely EMPH SENS-be
'They were very happy together.' (2005 Lobzang) {0003370#S14}
All gradable stative verbs can form degree nominals. They most typically occur in constructions expressing degree as in (192) (§16.3.4, §26.1.2), but can also indicate manner as in (193).

(193) *nw-mi* *w-tw-yjbu* *kwny műj-naχtewy.*
3PL.POSS-leg 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.curved also NEG:SENS-be.the same
'[People with clubfoot] also differ in the way that their feet are curved
(some have both legs curved, some only one, some have the legs rotated
inwards, others rotated outwards) (160719 kAmARu)

With dynamic verbs, degree nominals express either the intensity or the frequency of an action as in (194), or the manner of the action (195). Such examples are however uncommon in the corpus.

(194) *japa* *tce* *pʰaŋrgot* *w-tw-n* *pʰu-saχaŋ*
last.year LOC boar 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-eat.crops SENS-be.extr emely
*zo* *tce*
EMPH LNK

'Last year, a boar was causing a lot of damages to the crops.' (150829
phaRrgot) {0006414#S1}

(195) *tw-tw-ymdzw* *kw-βdi* *mɣ-kw-βdi* *kwny*
GENR:POSS-NMLZ:DEG-sit INF:STAT-be.well NEG-INF:STAT-be.well also
*zo* *cʰu-sra-nu* *pw-cti.*
EMPH IPFV-discuss-PL PST.IPFV-be.AFF:FACT

'People would discuss whether one sat properly or not.' (31-khAjmu)
{0004079#S28}

Degree nominals from transitive verbs are extremely rare, but do occur in par-
ticular for tropative verbs (§17.5) as in (196). It is possible to elicitate degree nom-
inals for most transitive verbs, even if such forms are not attested in the corpus.

(196) *maka* *w-tw-n-mpcɣr* *kw pjɣ-nɣscɣr*
completely 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-TROP-be.beautif ul ERG IFR-be.startled
*zo*.
EMPH

'He found her so beautiful that he was startled.' (140429 jiedi-zh)

Although similar in form to dental infinitives (§16.2.3) and action nominals
(§16.4), they differ from both categories in requiring the presence of a possessive
## 16 Non-finite verbal morphology

prefix (see §16.8.3 concerning the historical relationship between these forms). In addition, unlike dental infinitives, degree nominals are compatible with both intransitive and transitive verbs. Their semantics is also fully predictable, unlike action nominals which tend to be lexicalized (§16.4.5).

Degree nominal occur in exclamative nominal predicates (§16.3.3), degree con-
structions (§16.3.4) and also several types of complement clauses (§16.3.5).

Another type of degree nominal is built by compounding the stems of two antonyms, for instance *jaub* ‘thickness’ (of a sheet) from *jaub* ‘be thick’ and *mba* ‘be thin’ (§5.5.2.2). The corresponding regular degree nouns also exist (*u*-**tw**-*jaub* and *u*-**tw**-*mba*).

### 16.3.1 Polarity prefixes

Like dental infinitives (§16.2.3.1), degree nominals cannot be used with orienta-
tion or associated motion prefixes, but can be found with the negative prefix *m<u>-*,
as in (197).

(197) maka *u*-m<u>-*tw*-n<u>*u<u>*-n<u>*ke* p<u>*-sa<u>*a<u>* zo at.all 3SG.POSS-NEG-NMLZ:DEG-FACIL-walk IFR.IPFV-be-extremely EMPH ‘It was extremely inconvenient to walk [on the soft earth].’ (2014-kW1AG)

### 16.3.2 Argument structure

Unlike action nominals, degree nominals still keep their argument structure in-
tact. They can take complements exactly in the same way as finite verb forms.
For instance, *bdi* ‘be well’ takes the bare infinitive *u*-**ta<u>k** in (198).<fnref n="11" />

(198) maka *nw* raz rcan<u>u*, *u*-tw-pe
at.all DEM cloth UNEXP:DEG 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.good
<u>pr<u>-sa<u>*a<u>*</u>* zo, *u*-ta<u>k*
SENS-be.extremely EMPH 3SG.POSS-BARE.INF:weave
<u>u*-tw*-b<u>*di*, *u*-tw-*mpc<u>*yr*
3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.well 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.beautiful
<u>pr<u>-sa<u>*a<u>*</u>*
SENS-be.extr emely
‘This piece of cloth is very nice, it is extremely well woven, it is
extremely beautiful.’ (140521 huangdi de xinzhuang-zh) {0004047#S77}

<footnote n="11">¹¹Note that the bare infinitive *u-ta<u>k* from the verb *ta<u>k* ‘weave’ is homophonous with the relator noun *u-ta<u>k* ‘on, above’ (§8.3.4.3) and that this construction is potentially ambiguous.</footnote>
In (199), the verb *mbat* ‘be easy’ selects a finite complement clause comprising the verb *cʰu-wxti* ‘it grows bigger’ in imperfective third singular form.

(199) cʰu-wxti u-tu-mbat p̥u-syre z̥o
IPFV-be.big 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.easy SENS-be.ridiculous EMPH
'It grows very easily.' (25-akWzgumba) {0003632#S70}

Degree nominals can also be used with oblique arguments, such as the first person marked by the relator noun *a-taɣ* (unrelated to the bare infinitive *u-taɣ* from the previous example) in (200).

(200) a-wi a-taɣ u-tu-yuytṣuŋ
1SG.POSS-grandmother 1SG-on 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.kind
u-grYL me
3SG.POSS-order notuezFACT
'My grandmother was extremely kind to me (so that I have to repay her).' (2005 Kunbzang)

### 16.3.3 Nominal predicates

Degree nominals commonly occur as nominal predicates (§22.3), either with the sentence final particle *nu* as in (201), or as a bare noun phrase as in (202). In this predicative use, degree nominals express an exclamation, possibly including surprise as in (98) and (202).

(201) lɣ-yi-nu wo tɣ-ruŋdztsʰi-nu ma,
IMP:UPSTREAM-come-PL SFP IMP-have.a.meal-PL C
nu-tu-mtsuŋ-ɔрав nu,
2PL.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.hungry-be.thirsty SFP
nu-tu-paɣt nu
2PL.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.tired SFP
'Come in and have a meal, you [must be] so hungry, thirsty and tired!'
(160701 poucet2) {0006155#S39}

Example (198) can be compared with (202) with the verb of degree *saχaɣ* ‘be extremely’ in sensory form. It is possible that the use of degree nominal as nominal predicates historically results from the ellipsis of the degree predicate. The high frequency of the predicative use of degree nominals in the corpus however indicates that this usage has been constructionalized.
16 Non-finite verbal morphology

(202) *u-taɣ
3SG.POSS-BARE.INF:weave
u-tuɣ-mpcɣr!

3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.beautifull

‘It is woven so well, it is so beautiful!’ (140521 huangdi de xinzhuang-zh)
{0004047#S162}

16.3.4 Degree construction

The most common use of the degree nominals is in the degree construction, where they occur as intransitive subjects of degree verbs like *saχaɣ* ‘be extremely’, which are always in 3SG form as in (203). The possessive prefix on the degree noun is coreferent with the referent having the property described by the nom- inalized verb, often 3SG as in (203), but not exclusively, for instance with a 3DU in (192) above.

(203) numu si nu u-tu-jpum pjɣ-saχaɣ
DEM tree DEM 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.thick IFR.IPFV-be.extr emely
zo tce,

EMPH LNK

‘That tree was extremely thick.’ (150902 luban-zh) {0006268#S90}

This construction is described in more details in (§26.1.2).

16.3.5 Complementation

Degree nominals are marginally attested in a complementation strategy, as sub-
ject clauses of the modal verb *ra* ‘need, have to’ in negative form, meaning ‘X
should not be so Y’, where X is the subject indexed by the possessive prefix pre-
ceding the -tu- nominalization prefix, and Y the verb in degree nominal form. For
instance, the common expression in (204) with the degree nominal *nɣ-tuɣ-sɣre* lit-
erally means ‘You should not be so ridiculous’.

(204) nɣ-tuɣ-sɣre
nuw mɣ-ra
3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.ridiculous DEM NEG-be.needed

‘What you [did/said)] is outrageous.’ (several examples) {0004087#S76}

This construction also occurs with the antipassive verb *sɣnɣkʰe* ‘bully people’, as in (205).<fnref n="12" />

<footnote n="12">¹²The meaning of this sentence is close to Chinese 你太欺负人了 <nǐ tài qīfù rén le> ‘you are out of line’.</footnote>
16.4 Action nominals and abstract noun

(205) *nɔ́-tɔ́-sɔ́-nɔ́kʰe*          *nɔ́ mɔ́-ra*
3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-APASS:HUM-bully DEM NEG-be-needed
‘You are out of line (‘you should not bully people like that’).’ (28-qajdo)
{0003718#S14}

The degree nominals also seem to occur as adnominal complement of *u̯-tsʰu̯ya*
‘shape, manner’ as in (206). Note however that since bare infinitives are attested
in complement clauses of this noun (see example 181, §16.2.2.1), it is also conceiv-
able that the forms *u̯-tɔ́-tsʰu̯* and *u̯-tɔ́-rɔ́m* could be alternatively analyzed as
dental infinitives (§16.2.3).

(206) paɣ nɔ̯ u-βri, nɔki, u-rme ku-me zo
pig DEM 3SG.POSS-body FILLER 3SG.POSS-hair INF:STAT-not.exist EMPH
u-tsʰuɣa pɔ̯-fse ma u-tů-tsʰů cʰondvre
3SG.POSS-shape SENS-be like LNK 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.fat COMIT
u-tů-rɔ́m u-tsʰuɣa nɔ̯ zo pɔ̯-fse
3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.rough 3SG.POSS-shape DEM EMPH SENS-be like
'[The body of the elephant] resembles that of the pig in that it has no
hair, in that it is fat and [its skin] is rough.' (19-RloNbutChi)
{0003550#S44}

16.4 Action nominals and abstract noun

16.4.1 **tů-** action nominals

There are two types of action nominals in Japhug: action nominals in *tu̯-*, a very
productive formation which is the main topic of this section, and the bare action
nominals, treated in §16.4.6.

Action nominals in *tu̯-* can be built from both intransitive and transitive verbs.
They differ from both participles and infinitives in that the argument structure
of the verb is lost and the transitivity contrast neutralized, and cannot take ob-
jects or oblique arguments other than possessors like normal alienably possessed
nouns.

The action nominal has three potential meanings. First, it can refer to the ac-
tion itself, for instance *tuji* ‘planting and sowing’<fnref n="13" /> from the verb *ji* ‘plant’, *tuɣɣaβ*

<footnote n="13">¹³This action noun should not be confused with the related inalienably possessed noun *tu-ji*
‘field’, which is a different nominalized form.</footnote>
## 16 Non-finite verbal morphology

‘action of churning’ from ɣŋaβ ‘churn’, *turjač* ‘dance (n)’ from rjač ‘dance’ (intransitive verb), *tusi* ‘death’ from si ‘die’ or *tumu* ‘fear’ from mu ‘fear’. In this function, it can be used in a collocation with βzu ‘make’ (§24.4.3.1).

Second, it can mean an object affected by, or resulting from the action. This is also the case with some intransitive verbs, for instance *tuqioš* from the intransitive *qioš* ‘vomit’ which can either mean ‘the action of vomiting’ or ‘vomitus’ or *tučkʰo* from čkʰo ‘spread’, ‘dry in the sun’ which can either be ‘action of drying in the sun’ or ‘grain that are dried in the sun’ (see 86 in §24.4.3.1).

Third, it can also refer to the way an action is performed, for instance *tu-ršt* which means ‘style of writing, way of writing’ as in (207). This function is probably the direct historical origin of the degree nominals (§16.3).

(207) tce <er> *u-tu-ršt*
LNK two 3SG POSS-NMLZ:ACTION-write a.little SENS-be like LNK DEM
stʰuči *mu-puŋ-gyɣ*
so.much NEG-SENS-ACAUS:werp

‘[The constellation] looks a little bit like the way ‘two’ is written, but not as curved.’ (29-LAntshAm) {0003726#S50}

Stative verbs can also have *tu-* nominals, expressing abstract nouns, for instance *tučsaŋ* ‘justice’ from *čsaŋ* ‘be fair’.

When the base verb has a stem in *a-*, the action nominal prefix *tu-* undergoes regular vowel fusion to *t* - as in *tɣro* ‘game’ from the intransitive verb *ayro* ‘play’ (however, this verb is also potentially analyzable as a *a-* denominal verb, see §20.2.1 and §16.4.6 below).

The direction of derivation between noun and verb is not always trivial to determine. For instance, the noun *tutsye* ‘commerce’ could seem to be the action nominal of the transitive verb *ntsye* ‘sell’. However, in this case it is better to analyze the noun as the base form, and the verb as denominal (the *n-* element being an irregular allomorph of the *nu-* denominal prefix, §20.10.1.1).

Action nominals can occur as prenominal modifiers, as in *tutač* *mtʰuxtčɛr*
‘weaving belt’ (the belt used to attach the back-tension loom), comprising the ac-
tion nominal *tutač* ‘weaving’ (from *tač* ‘weave’) and the compound noun *mtʰuštɛr*
‘belt’.

### 16.4.2 *tir-* abstract nouns

Abstract nouns in *tir-* can be exclusively derived from adjectival stative verbs.
The derivation is generally regular but there are exceptions like *tirypat* ‘tiredness’
from *pat* ‘be tired’ with an additional -γ- or *τνηγ* ‘pain’ from *mηγ* ‘feel pain’ with a missing -m-.<fnref n="14" />

Abstract nouns mainly occur with the ergative *ku*. These postpositional phrases express either the manner in which an action takes place (§8.2.2.5) as in (208), or the cause of the action describe by the main verb due to a high degree as in (209) (see also §26.1.2.1).

(208) *ty-rga* *ku zo* *tʰu-ari* *pu-ŋu*.
NMLZ:ABSTRACT-be.happy ERG EMPH AOR:DOWNSTREAM-go[II] SENS-be
‘She went there happily.’ (2005 Kunbzang)

Example (209) also illustrates that one ergative postposition can follow several abstract nouns linked with the comitative *cʰo* or in bare coordination (§9.2.2).

(209) *a-ki, t-y-pat* *cʰo*
1sg.poss-younger.sibling NMLZ:ABSTRACT-be.tired COMIT
*ty-mtsuρ* *ty-cрав* *ku*
NMLZ:ABSTRACT-be.hungry NMLZ:ABSTRACT-be.thirsty ERG
*múj-s-y-cʰa* *tce, numa-j* *je*
NEG:SENS-PROP-can LNK rest:FACT-1PL HORT
‘Brother, we are so tired, hungry and thirsty that we can’t [go any further], let us rest!’ (2012-qachGa) {0004087#S138}

The meaning of the abstract nouns in (209) is very similar to that of degree nominals (§16.3.4) combined with the ergative in examples such as (210).

(210) *maka u-tu-mtsuρ* *ku k-y-ke m-u-ky-cʰa*
at.all 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-hungry ERG INF-go NEG-IFR-can
‘It was so hungry that it could not walk anymore.’ (140515 huli he yelv-zh) {0004002#S37}

Abstract nouns in *ty-* are also attested without ergative to express the state or condition described by the adjective, for instance *ty-mtsuρ* ‘hunger’ from *mtsuρ* ‘be hungry’, as in (211) and (212). Note in both example the possibility of adding a possessive prefix on the noun.

<footnote n="14">¹⁴In the case of *τνηγ* ‘pain’ it is possible that the verb *mηγ* ‘feel pain’ derives from the noun with the irregular allomorph of a denominal prefix, which could be either *γγ-* (§20.5) or *mγ-* (§20.6). Note also the existence of the compound noun *tuxτνηγ* ‘dysentery’ from the bound state of *tu-xtu* ‘belly’ with the root -ηγμ.</footnote>
16 Non-finite verbal morphology

(211) a-ty-mtsur
nura ci a-nu-suy-zi
1SG.POSS-NMLZ:ABSTRACT-be.hungry DEM:PL a.little IRR-PFV-CAUS-ease
pu-ra
SENS-be.needed
‘Let’s [catch the mouse] to ease my hunger.’ (140518 mao he laoshu-zh)
{0004030#S17}

(212) nwmw cokcok w-tak
pw-kx-ryt
qajyi nw ku
DEM paper 3SG.POSS-ON AOR-OBJ:PCP-write bread DEM ERG
tw-ty-mtsur
pu-y-p^n
GENR.POSS-NMLZ:ABSTRACT-be.hungry IPFV-CAUS-be.efficient
my-cha
NEG-can:FACT
‘Bread drawn on a piece of paper cannot ease one’s hunger.’ (160718
huabingchongji-zh) {0006087#S35}

In addition, we find abstract alienably possessed nouns in *ty-* expressing an abstract state, but which are not synchronically derived from a verb, and whose corresponding verbs are denominal. Table 16.5 presents some examples.

<table><caption>Table 16.5: Abstract nouns not derived from verbs</caption><thead><tr><th>Abstract noun</th><th>Denominal Verb</th><th></th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td><b>tyndzo</b> ‘cold’</td><td><b>yndzo</b> ‘be cold’</td><td>vs.</td></tr><tr><td><b>txscyr</b> ‘being startled’</td><td><b>nxscyr</b> ‘be startled’</td><td>vi.</td></tr><tr><td><b>tyzraak</b> ‘shame’</td><td><b>nxzraak</b> ‘feel shame, be embarrassed’</td><td>vi.</td></tr><tr><td><b>txmqe</b> ‘scolding’</td><td><b>nxmqe</b> ‘scold’</td><td>vt.</td></tr><tr><td><b>tyndut</b> ‘quarrel, dispute (n)’</td><td><b>nyndut</b> ‘dispute’</td><td>vt.</td></tr></tbody></table>

The relator noun *u-tyju* ‘addition’, which is essentially attested as an incremental addition linker (‘in addition to X’, §25.6.2.3) is a trace of the abstract noun from which the denominal verb *ytyju* ‘add’ was built (§20.5.2).

These nouns possibly derive from base verbs which disappeared and were replaced by the corresponding denominal verbs.

The noun *txkhe* ‘idiot, fool’ deriving from *khe* ‘be stupid’ formally resembles an abstract noun, but semantically differs from the other nouns in this category; it is possibly an alienabilized form of the property noun *u-khe* ‘something nasty’ (§5.1.2.7, §16.4.6).
16.4.3 Simultaneous

The simultaneous action nominal is built by prefixing an additional *tu-* to the
base form of the action nominal, resulting in a double *tu-tu-* prefixed form. It is
found in collocation with the verb *βzu* ‘make’ (§22.4.2), and optionally with the
comitative *cʰo* (§8.2.5), linking two noun phrases referring to the entities under-
going the action together as in (213).

(213) tɔ-wa
nɔ w kɔ w-tcɔ
cʰo w-me
ni
INDEF.Poss-father DEM ERG 3SG.Poss-son COMIT 3SG.Poss-daughter du
vnaþna zo
tɔ-wɔ-rqoɔ
ko-βzu.
both EMPH SIMULT-NMLZ:ACTION-hug IFR-make
‘The father hugged both his son and his daughter at the same time.’
(140427 xiong he mei-zh) {0003862#S21}

In this construction, the orientation preverb on βzu ‘make’ is the one that is
lexically selected by the verb in simultaneous action nominal form (EASTWARDS
in 213, reflecting the centripetal function of this orientation, §15.1.4.3). With ori-
entable verbs (§15.1.2), the unspecified orientation *ja-* can be selected (214).

(214) zni tu-tu-ce
ja-βzu-ndzi
3DU SIMULT-NMLZ:ACTION-go AOR:3→3'-make-DU
‘They went at the same time.’ (elicited)

Example (214) also illustrates the fact that, when the verb in simultaneous
action nominal form is intransitive, the shared subject (here *zni*) is in absolutive
form, even though *βzu* is transitive. This type of construction is described in more
detail in §24.4.3.2.

The first *tu-* prefix in the simultaneous construction is probably from the nu-
meral *tu-* ‘one’ prefix (§7.3.1.1), added to a *tu-* action nominal. With intransitive
verbs, the dental infinitives in *tu-* (with a possessive prefix coreferent with the
subject) also occur to express simultaneous actions in collocation with the light
verb *supa* ‘cause to do’, as shown by (118) in §16.2.2.1. The action nominal simulta-
neous construction differs however from the dental/bare infinitive simultaneous
construction in that in the former the action of the same verb applies to different
subject/objects, while in the latter the same subject performs actions expressed
by different verbs.
16.4.4 Denominalization of action nominals

Some *tu*- action nominals can serve as base for denominal derivation in *nu*- or *ru*- (§20.4.3), resulting in a verb with a double derivation *nu-tu-* or *ru-tu*. This category is highly heterogeneous, and unlike voice derivations originating from denominal prefixes, has not developed a consistent meaning and grammatical function.

In some cases, the meaning of the (doubly) derived verb is predictable from
the base verb, but the two verbs differ in their argument structure. For instance,
in *fɛrəl* ‘have diarrhea’ → *tufɛrəl* ‘diarrhea’ → *nutufɛrəl* ‘have diarrhea’. In this par-
ticular case, the base verb (from Tibetan *bɛal* ‘diarrhea’) and the doubly derived
verb *nutufɛrəl* ‘have diarrhea’ are both intransitive verbs, but differ in that the
former select a body part as subject (the person being indicated by a possessive
prefix), while the latter selects the person suffering the disease.

(215) *a-xtu* **pwh-fcɛrl**
1SG.POSS-belly SENS-have.diarrhea

(216) pwh-nwtwfcal-a
SENS-have.diarrhea-1SG
'I have diarrhea.' (elicited)

Note that a collocation with *βzu* ‘make’ is also attested with the action nominal *tufɛrɛl* ‘diarrhea’ (as in §24.4.3.1), but the experiencer is encoded as a possessive prefix on that noun, as *nu-tu-fɛrɛl* in (217). Given the parallelism between denominal derivations and noun-light verb collocations (§22.4.2.1), is possible that the denominal verb *nutufɛrɛl* ‘have diarrhea’ came into existence as the verbalized form of this collocation.

(217) nɔrni nura, nu-tu-fcɛrl ci
defant DEM:PL 3PL.POSS-NMLZ:ACTION-have.diarrhea INDEF
pwh-βze ngryl tce
SENS-make[III] be.usually.the.case:FACT LNK
'Infants, they often suffer from diarrhea.' (17-xCAj) {0003528#S107}

In other cases, the doubly derived verb may have a much more restricted mean-
ing than the base verb, especially when the action nominal on which it is based
is more lexicalized (§16.4.5).

For instance, the noun *tusqa* ‘wheat gruel’ derived from the transitive verb *sqa* ‘cook’ is denominalized as the intransitive *rutusqa* ‘eat wheat gruel’ (§20.4.1), whose semantic relationship with the base verb is more remote.
16.4 *Action nominals and abstract noun*

This category is difficult to distinguish from denominal verbs from bare action nominals (§16.4.6) taking an indefinite possessor prefix *tu-*. For instance, the transitive verb *tɛ́hʊ* ‘gore, stab’ can be used in a light verb construction in *lɛ́t* ‘release’ in bare infinitive form, as in (218).

(218) *u̯-tɛ́hʊ*          *to-lyt*
3SG.POSS-BARE.INF:gore IFR-throw
‘He stabbed him.’ (elicited)

The denominal verb *nútutɛ́hʊ* ‘stab’ (attested in 219) is most probably derived from the indefinite form *tu-tɛ́hʊ* of the bare infinitive in the construction in (218), though it is also conceivable that this form comes from the action nominal.

(219) *to-nútutɛ́hʊ tce pjʊ̊-sat*
IFR-stab LNK IFR-kill
‘She stabbed and killed him.’ (140512 alibaba) {0003965#S285}

16.4.5 Lexicalized action nominals

Action nominals in *tu-* are prone to lexicalization, developing meanings that are
impredictable from the base verb.

Action nominals from verbs related to preparation or ingestion of food can
become names of specific types of food. For instance, *tusqa* ‘wheat gruel’ and
*tutsʰi* ‘rice gruel’ originate from the transitive verbs *sqa* ‘cook’ and *tsʰi* ‘drink’,
though the synchronic link between these nouns and the base verbs has ceased
to be completely obvious. Other cases of unpredictable meanings are found with
*tupu* ‘moxibustion’ (with the verb *ta* ‘put’ §22.4.2.6, as in 220), which derives
from *pu* ‘cook’ (especially of potatoes in hot ashes, but is not used in reference
to moxibustion).

(220) *tupu* ku-ta-nu tce, tʊ̊-pʊ̊tso yu w-laz
moxibustion ipfv-put-pl lnk indef.poss-child gen 3sg.poss-forehead
ci ku-ta-nu,
one ipfv-put-pl
‘(To treat this disease), they apply moxibustion, they apply it to the
forehead of the child.’ (25-kACAI) {0003640#S64}

In some cases, the action noun has a highly restricted meaning in compar-
ison with the base verb, limited to one particular sub-meaning. For instance,
the noun *tupyʌ>* ‘land clearing’ (221) (used in collocation with *tɛ́rɛ́t* ‘take out’,
16 Non-finite verbal morphology

§22.4.2.3) derives from the transitive verb *p<u>yaq</u> ‘turn over’, which has the mean-
ing ‘plough’ when occurring with the orientation preverb *uPSTREAM* (see exam-
ple 136 in §18.6.3). This noun lacks the basic meaning of the base verb and its
additional extended meanings (such as ‘go across (a mountain)’, like Chinese 翻
山 <fānshān> ‘cross a mountain’). The antipassive *r<u>p>yaq</u>* ‘reclaim land’ has the
same meaning restriction as the action noun, an observation whose significance
is developed in §20.10.1.2.

(221) *t<u>p>yaq</u> lo-tc<u>y>t-ndzi*
field.clearing *IFR:UPSTREAM-take.out-DU*
‘They cleared fields.’ (07-deluge) {0003426#S109}

The divergence in meaning between the action nominal and the base verb can
also be due to semantic innovation in the verb. For instance, the verb *rma* means
in Japhug ‘to stay at someone else’s place (for a few nights), as in (222), but the
action nominal *twurma* ‘household’ (223), suggesting that the original meaning
of the verb used to be ‘live’ and became more restricted semantically, while the
derived noun preserved its original meaning.

(222) s<u>yndzu<u>wn</u> <la<u>o>shi</u>> u<u>-cki</u> ri k<u>y-ari-a</u> tce, t<u>w-r<u>za<u>q</u></u>
ANTHR teacher 3SG.POSS-DAT LOC AOR-go[II]-1SG LNK ONE-night
c<u>-pu<u>-n<u>u</u>-rma</u>-a
TRAL-AOR-AUTO-stay.at-1SG
‘I went to Sandzin’s [house], and stayed there for one night.’
(conversation 160811)

(223) kʰa ra cʰy-fkaβ-ndʒi qʰe twurma ko-ndo-ndʒi
house PL IFR-COVER-DU LNK household IFR-TAKE-DU
‘They built a house and established a family.’ (02-deluge 2012)
{0003376#S121}

Note the barely translatable use of the action nominals *twurma* and *tuβlu* (the latter from the transitive verb *βlu* ‘burn’) in the expression used as the conclusion of most traditional stories in (224).

(224) twurma tu-βlu cʰy-nu-s<u>ypc<u>yypc<u>y</u>xt-nu
household NMLZ:ACTION-burn IFR-AUTO-cause.to.be.prosperous-PL
k-y-ti j<u>u</u>-ŋu
INF-say SENS-be
‘They lead a prosperous life = they live happily ever after’ (many
examples)
## 16.4 Action nominals and abstract noun

There are cases where an alienably possessed noun in *tu-* lacks a corresponding base verb; for instance, no verb *qartsu* ‘kick’ is attested besides the noun *tuqartsu* ‘kicking’, which is used with *lъt* ‘release’ as in (225) (note that the *tu-* prefix here is neither the indefinite possessor nor the numeral ‘one’ prefixes). The only related verb is the denominal labile verb *suqartsu* ‘kick’ (used only for animals, kicking with the rear limbs), which comes from the action nominal *tuqartsu* ‘kicking’ (§20.3.2).

(225) *u-rqo* *nuctu* *tuqartsu* tʰa-lyt *pu-ŋu*
3SG.POSS-throat DEM:LOC kick AOR:3→3'-throw SENS-be
‘He kicked her in the throat.’ (2012 Norbzang) {0003768#S253}

In this case, it is most likely that the base verb *qartsu* ‘kick’ did exist at some stage but was lost, only leaving derived words.

### 16.4.6 Inalienably possessed bare action nominals

Bare action nominals lack any nominalization affix. They are inalienably possessed (§5.1.2), and take the indefinite possessor prefixes *tu-* or *tʃu-*, very similar in function to the *tu-* action nominals and in form to the bare infinitives (§16.2.2).

They can refer to the action itself, as in *tu-suso* ‘thought’ from the transitive verb *suso* ‘think’ or the way an action is performed, as *u-ti* ‘way of saying’, ‘wording’, ‘expression’ from *ti* ‘say’. They can also be concrete nouns (Table 16.6). In the case of transitive verb, these nouns refer to an instrument used to perform the action, or resulting from the action (*tʃ-tʃoŋ* ‘nail’ from *tsʰoŋ* ‘attach’, on which see §18.5.3). In the case of intransitive verbs, bare action nominals can refer to an object having a property described by the verb (for instance *tʃ-ro* ‘surplus, leftover’ from *ro* ‘be in surplus’). Note the presence of a borrowing from Tibetan among these verbs (*fkaβ* ‘cover’ from *kṣaβ* *bkab* ‘cover (past)’), showing the productivity of this type of derivation.

For some examples, the semantic relationship between the bare action nominal and the base verb is not transparent anymore; for instance, *tu-ŋoŋ* ‘helper’ apparently derives from *ŋoŋ* ‘glue, paste’ (possibly through the sense ‘(person) attached to oneself’).

Some property nouns, which are derived from adjectival stative verbs (§5.1.2.7) without nominalization *x-/-y-* prefix (§16.5.2), are also bare action nominals. Table 16.7 presents a list of these property nouns and their respective base verbs (among which *maŋ* ‘be many’ is borrowed from *kɔ maŋ* ‘be many’).

Intransitive verbs in *a-* are correlated with inalienably possessed action nominals with the *tʃ-* indefinite possessor prefix, for instance *aɛqʰe* ‘cough’ (vi) and
<table><caption>Table 16.6: Bare action nominals designating concrete objects</caption><thead><tr><th>Noun</th><th>Base verb</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td><i>tr-ro</i> ‘surplus, leftover’</td><td><i>ro</i> ‘be in surplus’</td></tr><tr><td><i>tr-fkaβ</i> ‘lid’</td><td><i>fkaβ</i> ‘cover’</td></tr><tr><td><i>tr-φpʰγt</i> ‘patch (n)’ (n)</td><td><i>φpʰγt</i> ‘patch’(vt)</td></tr><tr><td><i>tr-tsʰoβ</i> ‘nail’</td><td><i>tsʰoβ</i> ‘attach’ (or ‘plant’)</td></tr></tbody></table>

<table><caption>Table 16.7: Property nouns derived from stative verbs</caption><thead><tr><th>Property Noun</th><th>Base verb</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td><i>tr-mbe</i> ‘old thing’</td><td><i>mbe</i> ‘be old’</td></tr><tr><td><i>wu-do</i> ‘old one’</td><td><i>do</i> ‘be old (of plants)’</td></tr><tr><td><i>wu-kʰe</i> ‘something nasty’</td><td><i>kʰe</i> ‘be stupid’</td></tr><tr><td><i>wu-maj</i> ‘in big groups’</td><td><i>maj</i> ‘be many’</td></tr></tbody></table>

tr-φqʰe ‘cough’ (n). Two hypotheses can be proposed to account for such pairs. First, one can argue that the base forms are the verbs, and that the inalienably possessed noun are derived from them; in this view the a- element is absorbed the possessive prefixes, and leaves no trace in the possessive paradigm: the 2SG and 2PL of tr-φqʰe ‘cough’ are ntr-φqʰe ‘yourSG cough’ (226) nu-φqʰe ‘yourPL cough’, whereas one would have expected these two forms to have become homophonous due to vowel fusion (2PL †nu-φqʰe realized as /nvrφqʰe/ like the 2SG, §5.1.1.1, §12.3).

Second, it is also possible that aφqʰe ‘cough’ (vi) (and other verbs of the same type) derives from tr-φqʰe ‘cough’ by the a- denominal prefix (§20.2.1).

(226) ntr-cqʰe wβry-yγzu?
2SG.POSS-cough RH.Q-exist:SENS
‘You don’t have a cough, do you?’ (conversation, 2013-11-12)

The functional proximity between bare action nominals and tu- action nomi- nals is illustrated by example (227), where both types of nominals (from different verbs) appear in parallel contexts.<fnref n="15" />

<footnote n="15">¹⁵This sentence is a metalinguistic comment on the phenomenon described in §9.2.2.2, examples (181) and (180).</footnote>
<table><tr><td>(227)</td><td><b>w̥-ti</b></td><td><b>tci</b> <b>mʷ-pjγ-naχtcʷy</b>,<br>3SG.POSS-expression also NEG-PST.IPFV-be.the.same</td></tr><tr><td></td><td><b>w̥-tw-sʷ-γzirjə</b></td><td><b>kʷunγ mʷ-pjγ-naχtcʷy</b></td></tr><tr><td></td><td>3SG.POSS-NMLZ:ACTION-CAUS-be.aligned also</td><td>NEG-PST.IPFV-be.the.same</td></tr><tr><td></td><td><b>ma</b></td><td></td></tr><tr><td></td><td>LNK</td><td></td></tr></table>

‘The words for [father and mother] were different [between common and honorific register], and the respective orders [in which ‘mother’ and ‘father’ appear] were also different.’ (160706 apa ama) {0006211#S8}

Given the fact that the only formal difference between the verb and the noun in this formation is the presence of a possessive prefix on the noun, there are cases where the historical relationship between the noun and the verb is ambiguous. The inalienably possessed nouns *tɔ́-rmi* ‘name’ and *tɔ́-rẓa}*k* ‘time’ synchronically look like bare action nominals derived from the semi-transitive verbs *rmi* ‘be called’ and *rẓa}*k* ‘spend a night’. However, there may be comparative evidence that these verbs are back-formations from the nouns (§20.8.1).

Formally irregular bare action nominals are rare. The inalienably possessed noun *tw-ηŋa* ‘debt’ derives from the transitive verb *ηa* ‘buy on credit, owe’, which takes as object the amount of money owed (§20.10.1). The stem of the noun has an additional *n-* prefix, which may reflect a reduced allomorph *t-* of the *tw-* action nominal prefix, with further automatic nasalization to *n-* before nasal consonant (Jacques 2014b).

Bare action nominals are restricted to a few verbs. However, it is likely that they were more common at an earlier stage, as suggested by the existence of bare infinitives (§16.2.2) and by the development of voice derivations from the reanalysis of denominal prefixes (§20.10).

In some cases, the direction of derivation between inalienably possessed noun and verb deserves a more detailed discussion. The noun *tw-ŋgo* ‘disease’ could be analyzed as deriving from the verb *ŋgo* ‘be ill’, but it is preferable to suppose that the noun is primary, and that the verb takes an irregular allomorph of the denominal *nu-* prefix (§20.7.1).

We also find inalienably possessed nouns without a corresponding base verb, but which may originate from bare action nouns of lost base verbs. For instance *tɔ́-rɛ* ‘laugh (n)’ is a noun expressing an action, but whose *tɔ́-* is an indefinite possessor prefix and not the action or abstract noun prefix, as shown by (228) where it is replaced by the 3SG possessive *u-* prefix.
16 Non-finite verbal morphology

(228) *u-re*      *ci*      *cmuy*      *ŋu-cluy*

3SG POSS-laugh INDEF IDPH(I):laugh.suddenly IFR-drop
‘She giggled despite herself.’ (2002 qaCpa)

The verbs related to *tɔ́-re* ‘laugh (n)’, the adjectival stative verb *sɛ́re* ‘be ridiculous’ and the labile verb *nɛ́re* ‘laugh’ (§14.5.1), are both denominal and derive from it. However, comparative evidence suggests that this noun itself derives at an earlier stage from a verb, which was replaced by denominal verbs in Japhug.

16.4.7 Action nominal compounds

Action nominal compounds, like bare action nominals (§16.4.6), lack any nom-
inalization affixes. Unlike other noun-verb compounds such as actor nominal
compounds, which are rare and sporadic (§5.5.5.2), action nominal compounds
are a well-identified grammatical category. As with other compound nouns, the
first element (the nominal root) is nearly<fnref n="16" /> always in bound state form (§5.4).
For instance, the action nominal *cʰɔ́tsʰi* ‘alcohol drinking’ is built from the noun
*cʰa* ‘alcohol’ (with regular vowel alternation to *cʰu-*) and the transitive verb *tsʰi*
‘drink’. When the incorporated noun is originally inalienably possessed, the in-
definite possessor prefix (§5.1.2.1) is removed, as in *ylutɛ́rt* ‘removing dung out
of the stable’ (to be used as fertilized) from *tu-ɣli* ‘dung’ and *tɛ́rt* ‘take out’.

The nominal element generally corresponds to the object of the verb as in
$cʰɔ́tsʰi$ or $ylutɛ́rt$ (§5.5.5.2). There are however also cases of goal or adjunct being
incorporated, as in $qʰaru$ ‘look back’ from $u-qʰu$ ‘after, behind’ (bound state $qʰa-$
) with the intransitive verb $ru$ ‘look at’ (§14.2.4) and $kɔ́tɛʰu$ ‘headbutt’ from the
inalienably possessed noun $tu-ku$ ‘head’ (bound state $kɔ-$) and the verb $tɛʰu$ ‘gore,
stab’ (§5.5.5.3).

These nouns mainly occur with light verbs such as *lɔ́t* ‘release’ (§22.4.2.2) or
*βzu* ‘make’ (§22.4.2.1) as in (229), but are also found in other constructions as in
(230), where a free object *cʰa* ‘alcohol’ with the bare infinitive *u-tsʰi* can also be
used (see §17.3.2.2). It is thus likely that the action nominal compounds originate
(at least in part) from the coalescence of nouns with bare infinitives.

(229) *uwo nwo tatpa ta-ta*      *ma qʰaru mucin zo*
3SG DEM faith AOR:3→3′-put LNK look.back at.all EMPH
*mu-pa-lɔ́t*      *ny tɔ́-ari*      *nwo-ŋu.*
NEG-AOR:3→3′:DOWN-release LNK AOR:UP-go[II] SENS-be
‘He had faith, did not look back (downwards) at all and [succeeded in]
going up to [the abode of the gods]. (Norbzang)

<footnote n="16">¹⁶Vowel alternation does not take place in the case of some very productive constructions, such as that with *kʰramba* ‘lie’ treated below and in §24.4.3.3.</footnote>
16.4 Action nominals and abstract noun

(230) cʰytsʰi ko-yx-tcʰom tce
alcohol.drinking IFR-CAUS-be.too.much LNK
'He had drunk too much alcohol.' (150829 jidian-zh) {0006338#S16}

Compounds with *rpu* ‘bump into’ or *tcʰu* ‘gore, stab’ as second element can be
built productively with the meaning ‘hit with *X*’ and ‘stab with *X*’ in collocation
with *lyt* ‘release’, *X* corresponding to the first element of the compound. For
instance, in (231) we find the nonce formation *kczyn-rpu* ‘hitting with a monastic
robe’, whose first element *kczyn* ‘monastic robe’ comes from Tibetan *kzby· gzny*
‘monastic robe’, a rather incongruous action which cannot possibly have been
lexicalized.

(231) w-βy̱o nʷ pʷ-ari n, kʷyn-rpu kʷa ẕo
3SG.POSS-FB DEM AOR:DOWN-go[II] ADD robe-bump completely EMPH
c-ta-lyt nʷ-ŋu.
TRAL-AOR:3→3' SENS-be
'(As he_i_ fell down the throat of the giant snake_j_ ) his lama_k_ went down

[to the place where the snake was] and hit it_j_ repeatedly with his_k_
monastic robe [to force it_j_ to spit him_i_ out].'(2003 kandZislama)

The patient of the hitting action, if overt, is marked with the relator *u-taɣ*
'on, above' (§8.3.4.3) as in (232), with the compound *kruwpu* 'hitting with horns'
(sideways, not goring) from *ta-ku 'horn'.
16 Non-finite verbal morphology

(232) jla ku a-taɣ ɣru-rpu ta-lvšt
hybrid.yak ERG 1SG-on horn-bump AOR:3→3'-throw
‘The hybrid yak hit me with his horn.’ (elicited)

In addition, we find action nominal compounds whose incorporated noun ex-
presses the manner of the action, rather than the object, the goal or the instru-
ment as in the previous cases.

First, the noun *kʰramba* ‘lie’ can be compounded (without bound state alternation) with transitive or intransitive verbs, in forms as *kʰramba-tsʰi* with the verb *tsʰi* ‘drink’ in (233). These compound nouns, in collocation with *βzu* (§22.4.2.1), have the meaning ‘pretend to X’. Note that the compounding with *kʰramba* does not saturate the object position, and has no antipassivization effect: the object *cʰa* ‘alcohol’ is overt in (233).

(233) zara ku [cʰa nw kʰramba-tsʰi] ka-βzu-nw
3PL ERG alcohol DEM lie-drink AOR:3→3'-make-PL
‘They pretended to drink alcohol.’ (2005 Norbzang)

Second, the lexicalized participle *kuzya* ‘a long time’ can be compounded with a verb root as *kuzy(-)*** (here with vowel alternation). These compounds also occur with light verb *βzu*, and the collocation means ‘do X for a long time’ as in (234).

(234) kuzyγ-car zo pγ-βzu-nw
long.time.search EMPH IFR-make-PL
‘They searched for it for a long time.’ (elicited)

In these constructions, the verb *βzu* ‘make’ takes the person indexation of subject and object (§24.3.5), as well as the orientation preverbs selected by the verb in the compound, for instance *EASTWARDS* like *tsʰi* ‘drink’ in (233) and *WESTWARDS* like *car* ‘search’ in (234). Additional examples of these constructions are discussed in §24.4.3.3 (see also Jacques 2016a: 252).

Some action nominal compounds can serve as basis for incorporating deno-
minal verbs. The incorporated object sometimes saturates the object function,
and the resulting incorporating verbs are intransitive, as in the case of yučʰyšt-
sʰi ‘drink alcohol’ or yuɣlutɛyšt ‘remove dung out of stable’ from cʰytsʰi ‘alcohol
drinking’ and ylučɛyšt ‘removing dung out of the stable’, respectively. In the case
of ɣruwrpu ‘hitting with horns’ however, the resulting verb nuxruwrpu ‘hit with
horns’ is transitive, the oblique argument marked with u-taɣ ‘on, above’ in the
construction in (232) being promoted to direct object status. It is not possible to
derive a denominal verb from all of the Noun+rpu or Noun+tcʰu compounds.
A complete list of incorporating denominal verbs and the corresponding action nominal compounds is provided in §20.13. There are also action nominals built by compounding two verb roots (§5.5.2.1), which serve as the basis for compound verbs by way of denominal derivation (§20.12).

## 16.5 Other deverbal nouns

This section present vestigial nominalization affixes, which despite of their rarity are however important for historical linguistics: the -z suffix and the x/y- prefix.

### 16.5.1 Nominalization -z suffix

Japhug has five inalienably possessed nouns derived from verbs by means of a nominalizing -z<fnref n="17" /> (Table 16.8), three of which take the indefinite possessor prefix *tṛ-* (§5.1.2.1).<fnref n="18" />

<table><caption>Table 16.8: Traces of the nominalization -z suffix in Japhug</caption><thead><tr><td>Noun</td><td>Base verb</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td><i>tṛ-rkuz</i> ‘parting present’</td><td><i>rku</i> ‘put in’</td></tr><tr><td><i>tṛ-scoz</i> ‘letter, writing’</td><td><i>sco</i> ‘see off’</td></tr><tr><td><i>u-mn̥oz</i> ‘preparation’</td><td><i>mn̥o</i> ‘prepare’</td></tr><tr><td><i>u-ksjiz</i> ‘wish’</td><td><i>ksjit</i> ‘think of’</td></tr><tr><td><i>tṛ-rkoz</i> ‘specially’, ‘on purpose’</td><td><i>rko</i> ‘be hard’</td></tr></tbody></table>

The first two nouns *tṛ-rkuz* ‘parting present’ and *tṛ-scoz* ‘letter, writing’<fnref n="19" /> are object nominalizations. The former *tṛ-rkuz* ‘parting present’ is biactantial possessed noun, whose possessor corresponds to the recipient (§5.1.2.13). The etymological relationship between *tṛ-rkuz* and *rku* ‘put in’ is obvious when the use of this verb in the sense of ‘give as a present to take away’ (put in someone’s luggage) is considered, as in (235).

<footnote n="17">¹⁷The -z nominalizing suffix, though rare in Japhug, is of Sino-Tibetan origin. In Situ, the corresponding nominalizing -s suffix is much more common (Jacques 2003), and Tibetan and Chinese have traces of a cognate suffix (Jacques 2016c).</footnote>

<footnote n="18">¹⁸Nouns in -z such as *tṛ-rtsuz* ‘number’ cannot be counted as a Japhug-internal derivation from *rtsi* ‘count’: both the noun and the verb come from Tibetan, respectively from Ṣ *rtsis* ‘calculation’ and Ṣ *rtsi* ‘calculate’ (Hill 2014b).</footnote>

<footnote n="19">¹⁹This noun is possibly borrowed from Situ (Jacques 2003).</footnote>
16 Non-finite verbal morphology

(235) tce tó-wy-z-rγŋgat tce, tcendγre numw ku, icqʰa nw,
LNK IFR-INV-CAUS-prepare.to.leave LNK LNK DEM ERG FILLER DEM
tw-ci tw-ty-ste to-rku. tce ‘kwaki
INDEF.POSS-water ONE-INDEF.POSS-bladder IFR-put.in LNK DEM.PROX
nγ-rkuz ŋu’ to-ti.
2SG.POSS-present be:FACT IFR-say

‘He prepared his departure, and gave him a bladder full of water to take with him, and said ‘this is your departing present’.’ (28-smAnmi.txt)
{0004063#S247}

The verb *rku* ‘put in’ can even occur with its derived noun *tx-rkuz* ‘parting present’ in the *figura etymologica* construction in (236) (the verb *ßzu* ‘make’ can alternatively be used instead of *rku* ‘put in’).

(236) a-me ku a-rkuz rŋu ta-rku
1SG.POSS-daughter ERG 1SG.POSS-present money AOR:3→3'-put.in
‘My daughter gave me some money (as a present for my departure)
(elicit)

The other nominalizations in -z are all abstract nouns. The form *u-čjiz*, which
derives from the transitive verb *čjit* ‘think of’, ‘miss’, ‘remember’, results from
the simplification of a complex coda *-ts* to -z. This noun only occurs in collo-
cation with motion verbs, and is preceded by a finite or infinitive complement
clause (§24.6.3.3). The whole construction has the meaning ‘want to X’, where
X refers to the content of the complement clause; the experiencer is encoded by
the possessive prefix on *u-čjiz*, as illustrated by (237).

(237) tce azo nwtcu ky-ce a-čjiz múj-yi tce
LNK 1SG DEM:LOC INF-go 1SG.POSS-want NEG:SENS-come LNK
‘I don’t want to go there.’ (150909 hua pi-zh) {0006278#S20}

The noun *u-mŋoz* ‘preparation’ is also only attested in a collocation (with the verb *ßzu* ‘make’ as in 238). The transitive verb *mŋo* ‘prepare’ from which it derives is itself the irregular causative of *ŋo* ‘be prepared’ (§17.3.1). A -z-less bare action nominal *u-mŋo* ‘preparation’ (§16.4.6) is also attested.

(238) pjw-ŋjo cwŋgw tce w-mŋoz tú-wy-βzu
IPFV-be.damaged before LNK 3SG.POSS-preparation IPFV-INV-make
ra
be.needed:FACT
‘One has to make preparations before it gets damaged.’ (elicited)
The property noun *u-rkoz* ‘something special’ (239), probably derived from *rko* ‘be hard’,<fnref n="20" /> is used adverbially (with the 3SG or the indefinite possessor prefix) as *ts-rkoz* ‘specially’, ‘on purpose’. This meaning is however frequently expressed by the borrowing 专门 <zhuānmén> ‘specially, on purpose”).

(239) *u-rmi* *u-rkoz* *me*.

3SG.POSS-name 3SG.POSS-special notuez:FACT

‘There is no specific name (for this type of kinship relationship).’ (140425 kWmdza06) {0003790}

### 16.5.2 Nominalization γ-/x- prefix

A handful of nouns, most of them inalienably possessed, are derived from intransitive verbs by means of a velar prefix γ- or x-, harmonizing in voicing with the initial consonant of the stem since the voicing contrast is neutralized in preinitial position (§4.2.1.7). These nouns are lexicalized ancient subject participles (§16.1.1, §16.8.1) which underwent the same phonological change as that observed with the velar animal class prefix (§5.6.2), that has a syllabic allomorph *kuu-* and reduced allomorphs γ- or x-.

The reduced γ- / x- prefix only derives nouns from intransitive verbs with monosyllabic stems, without consonant clusters. Some of the nouns in Table 16.9 have cognates in other Gyalrong languages with reduced prefixes. For instance, *yndzyβ* has an exact cognate in Tshobdun: *y"dzov* ‘fire’ (Sun & Blogros 2019: 214). The noun *u-yŋŋu* has two corresponding forms in Tshobdun: *-b"ŋú?* ‘window’ (Sun & Blogros 2019: 609) with a reduced uvularized prefix, and *kə"ŋu?* ‘hole’ (Sun & Blogros 2019: 374) with a non-reduced prefix.

<table><caption>Table 16.9: Irregular subject nominalizations in γ- and x-</caption><thead><tr><th>Noun</th><th>Base verb</th><th>Reference</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>yndzyβ 'disastrous fire'</td><td>ndzyβ 'be burned'</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>u-ŋpaŋ 'disaster'</td><td>ŋpaŋ 'be black'</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>u-ŋpŋu 'orifice'</td><td>ŋpŋu 'open' (vi)</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>u-xso 'empty, normal'</td><td>so 'be empty'</td><td>§5.1.2.7</td></tr><tr><td>u-yrom 'dried thing'</td><td>rom 'be dry'</td><td></td></tr></tbody></table>

<footnote n="20">²⁰This etymology is however uncertain, as it would be the only noun of this type from an intransitive verb, and besides the semantic relationship is not entirely transparent.</footnote>
## 16 Non-finite verbal morphology

The noun *tu-xpa* ‘one year’, although derived from the verb *pa* ‘pass X years’ and having an additional *x-* element, does not belong to this category, see §7.3.1.7 and §7.3.4.3.

The noun *tu-yni* ‘friend, ally’ also belongs to this category, though the base verb does not exist in Japhug. It is a near-exact cognate of Tibetan གཤེག་ gnen ‘friend, relative’, a noun derived from the adjective གེ་ je ‘near’.

## 16.6 Converbs

This section discusses several non-finite verb forms which exclusively occur in subordinate clauses other than relative and complement clauses. Other verb forms which might be labeled as converbs, in particular some uses of the velar infinitive, are treated in previous sections (§16.2.1.7).

### 16.6.1 Gerund

The gerund is built by prefixing *sɣ-* or *sɣz-* to the verb stem with partial reduplication of the final syllable. It clearly derives from the oblique participle (§16.1.3, §16.8.2), but differs from the latter by the impossibility of adding orientation or possessive prefixes, by the obligatory reduplication, and by the absence of the allomorphs *z-* and *sɣy-*.

Given the fact that the gerund is marked by both the prefix *sɣ-*/*sɣz-* and the reduplication, I only gloss *GER* under the prefix, and leave the reduplication unglossed; for instance in (240) *sɣ-rgwu-rga* is glossed *GER-be.happy* instead of the more explicit but burdensome *GER-GER-be.happy*.

(240) [sɣ-rgwu-rga] kw jo-nwu-ce
GER-be.happy ERG IFR-VERT-go
‘He went back home happy.’ (140516 yiguan ganlan-zh) {0004014#S134}

This section reviews the morphology of the gerund (§16.6.1.1), §16.6.1.2), then discusses the syntactic properties of gerundive clauses (§16.6.1.3), and finally presents some cases of lexicalized gerunds (§16.6.1.4).

#### 16.6.1.1 Allomorphy

The distribution of the *sɣ-* and *sɣz-* allomorphs is illustrated in Table 16.10. The *sɣz*-allomorph of the gerund prefix is found when the verb stem contains a sonorant initial syllabic prefix (like *nw/r-*, *rw/r-*, *yw-/yy-* etc), while the *sɣ-* allomorph
appears in all other contexts, in particular with monosyllabic stems. Verbs with a stem in *a-* undergo vowel merger *sɣ-ɣ-* to /sɣ-/, as in *sɣmdzudzu* ‘sitting’ from *amdzu* ‘sit’. The *sɣ-* allomorph can also optionally be used in all contexts.

<table><caption>Table 16.10: Examples of gerunds</caption><thead><tr><td>Base verb</td><td>Gerund</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>tu 'exist'</td><td>sɣ-tu-tu</td></tr><tr><td>mu 'be afraid'</td><td>sɣ-mu-mu</td></tr><tr><td>rŋgu 'lie down'</td><td>sɣ-rŋgu-rŋgu</td></tr><tr><td>amdzu 'sit'</td><td>sɣ-γmdzu-mdzu</td></tr><tr><td>nɣre 'laugh'</td><td>sɣz-nγrtu-re</td></tr><tr><td>nɣrte 'wear (head cover)'</td><td>sɣz-nγrtu-rte</td></tr><tr><td>γγwu 'cry'</td><td>sɣz-γγwu-wu</td></tr></tbody></table>

Verbs whose stem already contains a reduplication are not triplicated. For instance, the gerund of *nuqambumbjom* is *sɣ(z)-nuqambumbjom*, not the impossible form †sɣ(z)-nuqambumbumbjom.

As in other reduplicated forms (§4.1), partial reduplication in the gerund regards morpheme boundaries. In (241), the allomorph *nuy-* of the applicative has a coda /-γ-/- (§17.2.1.4, §17.4.2) which resyllabifies and becomes the preinitial of the next syllable of the verb stem; as such it undergoes partial reduplication, resulting in *sɣznuymuymu* rather than the incorrect form †sɣznuymumu.

(241) tce [syz-nuy-mu-γmu] zo ku-χse nu-ra.
LNK GER-APPL-fear EMPH IPFV-feed[III] SENS-be.needed
'It$_i$ has to feed it$_i$ while being afraid of it$_i$' (24-ZmbrWpGa)
{0003628#S101}

Some lexicalized gerunds have slightly irregular forms (§16.6.1.4), but otherwise gerund formation is very regular. However, there are traces of the *sɣγ/x-* allomorph remaining as alternative gerund forms of some verbs. For instance, the intransitive motion verb *ce* 'go', next to the regular gerund *sɣcuxce*, also has the form *sɣxcuxce*. Like the oblique participle *u-sγx-ce* (§16.1.3.1), the gerund *sγxcuxce* was derived with the *sγx-* allomorph, with resyllabification of the final *-x-* and its inclusion in the partial reduplication of the last syllable, like *sγznu-ymuymu* above. Since in the case of oblique participles the *sγγ-* allomorph is only found with monosyllabic verbs, in the corresponding gerund form the *-γ/x-* ex-crescent element necessarily resyllabifies and undergoes partial reduplication.
16 Non-finite verbal morphology

16.6.1.2 Polarity prefixes

Gerunds cannot bear possessive or orientation preverb, but are attested with the negative prefix *mr-*, as in (242) with the negative gerund *mr-sr-ṣu~ṣe* ‘not going’ in collocation with the noun *tu-sum* ‘mind’, here meaning ‘not willing, unwillingly, reluctantly’.

(242) **tcendre ty-pi**
**ni kwi li [ndzi-swum**
**LNK INDEF.POSS-elder.sibling DU ERG again 3DU.POSS-mind**
**mr-sy-cu~ce] zo**
**jry-ta-ndzi**
**NEG-GER-go EMPH IFR-put-DU**
‘The two elder brothers reluctantly left [the ducks] alone.’ (140510 fengwang-zh) {0003939#S40}

The form of the negative prefix is *mr-* with all verbs, except for the lexicalized *masrurju* ‘quietly, in secret’ (§16.6.1.4); the form *ma-* is perhaps due to the fact that the base verb *arju* ‘speak’ has an initial *a-* vowel; however, other verbs in *a-* have the *mr-* allomorph, for instance *mr-sr-sqʰu~sqʰe* ‘without coughing’ from *aqsʰe* ‘cough’.

16.6.1.3 Gerundive clauses

Gerunds are non-finite forms but preserve the verb’s argument structure, and gerundive clauses can contain overt intransitive subjects (243 and 242 above) or, very rarely, objects (244).

(243) **tycime nwnw kw [u-qom sy-tn~tɒk] kw nura**
young.lady DEM ERG 3SG.POSS-tear GER-come.out ERG DEM:PL
**tʰuythci pw-kw-fse ra lonba zo pjx-fcvt pw-ŋu.**
something AOR-SBJ:PCP-be like PL all EMPH IFR-tell SENS-be
‘The young lady told him everything that had happened while shedding tears.’ (140428 mu e guniang-zh) {0003880#S198}

(244) [u-rte syz-nu-tu~ta] jy-ari
3SG.POSS-hat GER-AUTO-put AOR-go[II]
‘He went away wearing his hat.’ (elicited)

Gerundive clauses are always subordinate to a main finite clause, and express a background action or state occurring at the same time as that referred to by the main verb; they can nearly always be translated either by a gerund in English or by a ‘while’ clause (§25.3.4.2, §25.4).
Gerundive clauses, like converbial infinitival clauses (§16.2.1.7), can be followed
by the ergative ku (example 243 above), the emphatic zo (241 and 242, §26.1.1.5)
or both (as in 245 below). Bare gerundive clauses are also common, as in (244 and
246 below). No semantic difference between bare gerundive clauses and gerun-
dive clauses followed by ku or zo can be brought to light.

The focus marker *kun* can also follow a gerundive clause with the meaning
‘even Xing’ as in (248) below.

The (intransitive or transitive) subject of the gerundive clauses is often coref-
erent with that of the main clause, as in (244) above and (245) below.

(245) *tycime* ra rca sy-mbw~mbyom zo ku,
young.lady PL UNEXP:DEG GER-be.in.a.hurry EMPH ERG
icqʰa nɣki, rɣylpu w-tcw nura pɣ-βde-nu tce
the.aforementioned FILLER king 3SG.POSS-SON DEM:PL IFR-leave-PL LNK
jo-nu-ce-nu
IFR-VERT-go-PL

‘The princesses left the princes in a hurry and went back home.’ (140508
shier ge tiaowu de gongzhu-zh) {0003937#S156}

There is however no strict syntactic constraint on coreference between the
subject of the gerundive clause and that of the main clauses. Other types of con-
figurations are attested. In (246), the intransitive subject of the gerundive clause
*ty-pytso* nu ‘child(ren)’ is the object, not the subject, of the main clause verb ku-
z-ryżi-nu.<fnref n="21" />

(246) [ty-pytso nw sγ-ymdzw~mdzw] ku-z-ryżi-nw
INDEF.POSS-child DEM GER-sit IPFV-CAUS-stay-PL

‘They [used to] put the children in sitting position (after having covered them in cloth).’ (140426 tApAtso kAnWBdaR 2)

Coreference between the possessor of the subject in the gerundive clause and
the object of the main clause as in (243) and (242) above is also attested. It is
particularly common in inalienably possessed noun+intransitive verb colloca-
tions where the experiencer is marked as the possessor on the inalienably pos-
sessed noun (§22.4), such as *tu-sum + ce* ‘want’, *tu-ɛjiz + yi* ‘wish’ (§22.4.1.1) or
*ty-mbru + ngu* ‘get angry’ as in (247) (§22.4.1.5).

<footnote n="21">²¹In this example I assume that *ty-pytso nu* belongs to the gerundive clause, with zero anaphora in the main clause; the opposite analysis could also be considered.</footnote>
16 Non-finite verbal morphology

(247) *u-mbru* sɣ-ŋgw-ŋgw *ku zo* jo-nu-ce.
3SG.POSS-anger GER-get.angry ERG EMPH IFR-VERT-go
‘He went back home angry.’ (150826 baoliandeng-zh) {0006370#S89}

The opposite configuration, with the possessor in the main clause coreferent
with the subject of the gerundive clause, is also attested, as in (248).

(248) sɣ-ŋgw-rŋgw kuni tw-kvrno
GER-lie.down also GENR.POSS-brain IPFV-turn LNK
‘Even lying down, one feels dizzy [one’s head is turning].’
(29-tAmtshAzkAkWndo) {0004065#S55}

The only example of gerund without apparent coreference between any par-
ticipant of the gerundive clause and of the main clause in the corpus is (249).
However, even here one can interpret the gerundive clause as having a non-overt
subject whose possessor would be coreferent with the subject or the object of the
main clause.

(249) *nu sɣ-rku-rku* zo ty-pytso cʰú-wy-tcy
DEM GER-be.few EMPH INDEF.POSS-child IPFV-INV-take.out
pjγ-ra tce,
IFR.IPFV-be.needed LNK
‘People had to raise children with few [resources].’ (140426 tApAtso
kAnWBdaR)

While gerunds can be built for motion verbs, in the corpus the velar infinitive
converbs k(§16.2.1.7) are more common than gerunds to express meanings such
as ‘running’ (kting (kw zo)), ‘walking’ (kŋ-ŋke (kw zo)) when occurring in a
main clause with another motion verb (for instance with jo-nu-ce-nu ‘they went
away’ in 168). Motion verbs are only attested in non-motional collocations (as
in 242) above). Gerunds of motion verbs are however possible if the motion is
different from the action of the main verb, as in (250).

(250) sɣ-ŋku-ŋke zo pu-ysw-ndza
GER-walk EMPH SENS-PROG-eat
‘He is eating it while walking.’ (elicited)

16.6.1.4 Lexicalized gerunds

There are a few examples of adverbs from lexicalized gerunds, whose form and
meaning is not completely predictable from the base verb.
The gerund *sɣ-xtcɔu-xtci*, from the stative verb *xtci* 'be small' means 'in childhood, when X was young, since childhood', as in (251). Since the verb *xtci* 'be small' includes 'be young' among its range of meanings, the use of this gerund to refer to young age is not unexpected ('while being young'), but the additional meaning 'since childhood' does not correspond to the usual function of the gerund, which expresses an action or state taking place simultaneously with the action of the main verb.

(251) *sɣ-xtcɔu-xtci zo w-mu w-wa pɣ-me.*
GER-be.small EMPH 3SG.POSS-mother 3SG.POSS-father IFR-not.exist
'He lost his parents when he was young.' (150827 tianluo) {0006250#S4}

The adverb *masɣurju* 'quietly, in secret' from *arju* 'speak' is formally an ancient negative gerund, with the negative prefix *ma-* rather than *mx-*). It originally meant 'without speaking', but its meaning has become 'in secret, without someone knowing' as in (252), and it can even be applied to acts involving speech as in (253), showing that it is not semantically linked to its base verb anymore.

(252) *tcʰemɣpw nɔra, nɣkinw, mw-tɣ-ruŋdzaŋspa-nw jamar tce tce, wzo*
*girl DEM:PL FILLER NEG-AOR-pay.attention-PL about LOC LNK 3SG*
*ku masɣurju icqʰa cʰa nɔ pjɣ-lwɔk.*
*ERG quietly the.aforementioned alcohol DEM IFR-spill*
'While the girls were not paying attention, he poured the alcohol in secret.' (140508 shier ge tiaowu de gongzhu-zh) {0003937#S75}

(253) *wzo ku masɣurju kʰŋnduŋ nɔ pɣ-nduŋ*
3SG ERG quietly mantra DEM IFR-recite
'He recited the mantra in secret.' (2012 Norbzang) {0003768#S170}

The adverb *mɣsɣmdɣla* 'in advance' (example 254), related to the verb *mda* 'be the time', might also be an ancient negative gerund, but its morphological structure is not completely clear, in particular the element *-la* and the absence of reduction.

(254) *nyki tɣ-rjit nɔ mɣsɣmdɣla zo to-ŋke*
DEM INDEF.POSS-child DEM in.Advance EMPH IFR-walk
'This child started walking early.' (elicited)
16.6.1.5 *str-* - Gerund

The Tibetan loan verb *rjuy* ‘run’ has a regular gerund *sr-rjw-rjuy* ‘running’;
however, the adverb *strrjuy* ‘running’ can also be derived from this verb, with a
meaning identical to that of the gerund, as in (255).<fnref n="22" /> It is the only verb with the
prefix *str-*; an exact cognate *strrjəy?* is found in Tshobdun (Sun & Blogros 2019:
610).

(255) *strrjuy* ny *strrjuy* zo jo-nw-pʰyo
running add running emph ifr-vert-flee
‘She fled back home running.’ (140504 huiguniang-zh)

16.6.2 Purposive

The purposive converb is used in clauses meaning ‘in order to’, ‘for X to Y’, ‘so that X does Y’. This converb originates from the oblique participle (§16.8.2). It combines the *sr-/srz-* with a reduplicated verb stem like the gerund, but in addition takes a B type orientation preverb preceded by a possessive prefix coreferent with a core argument, as for instance *a-jnw-sr-stu-stu* ‘in order for me to believe in it’ from the semi-transitive *stu* ‘believe’ in (256).

(256) tce nwm a-jw-sr-stu-stu nura tu-ny me pjy-ryu
LNK DEM 1SG-IPFV-PURP-believe DEM:PL IPFV-make[III] IFR.IPFV-be
‘He was doing these things so that I would believe [his predictions].’
(150904 yaoshu-zh) {0006394#S96}

Purposive converbs without reduplication are attested, for instance *u-mr-pjw-sr-su-spoIV from suspoIV ‘pierce’* (the form with reduplication *u-mr-pjw-sr-su-spu-spoIV ‘so that it would not pierce it’* is also possible) in 257) or without orientation preverb such as *u-mr-sr-jmw-jmut* ‘so that he would not forget it’ from *jmut* ‘forget’ in (258) (the complete form with orientation preverb is found in another version of the same story, for instance in 259).

(257) tce nw u-pa num li kʰyxtu num,
LNK DEM 3SG.POSS-under DEM again platform DEM
tu-ci, twftsak kw pjw-su-spoIV
INDEF.POSS-water leaking.water ERG IPFV-CAUS-have.a.hole
gryl tce, tce
be.usually.the.case:FACT LNK LNK

<footnote n="22"><sup>22</sup>In addition, the velar infinitive converb *kr-juy* can be used in the same contexts (168, §16.2.1.7).</footnote>
u-m-y-pjw-s-y-su-spo-y, nwmwtcu tyrym

3SG-NEG-IPFV-CONV:PURP-CAUS-have.a.hole DEM:LOC TOPO

kw-fse pny-wy-ta nwaakny cupa kw-fse

SBJ:PCP-be like IPFV-INV-put otherwise flat.stone SBJ:PCP-be like

pny-wy-ta tce,

IPFV-INV-put LNK

‘Under the top platform, the water, the leaking water can leak through [the roof], and in order to prevent it from leaking through, people put planks or flat stones there.’ (26-tChWra) {0003690#S11}

(258) [kw-l-y acy-b nwa kw u-m-y-s-y-jmw~jmw-t],
SBJ:PCP-herd Askyabs DEM ERG 3SG-NEG-PURP:CONV-forget

w-pʰuyngw nwa tcu rdysta-y-pwpu tcʰirdu ci p-y-rku,

3SG.POSS-inside.clothes DEM LOC stone-little pebble INDEF IFR-put.in

‘The shepherd Askyabs put a little pebble inside his clothes so that he would not forget [to tell it].’ (2002 qaCpa)

Purposive converbs are most commonly found with the negative prefix *m-y*, as (257) and (258) above. Non-negative purposive converbs, as in (256), are comparatively much rarer.

With transitive verbs, the possessive prefix can refer either to the subject (with 1SG possessive *a-* in 259) or the object (3SG possessive *u-* in 260).

(259) *jisŋi tce tcendre a-m-y-pjw-s-y-jmw~jmw-t* nwa
today LNK LNK 1SG-NEG-PURP:CONV-forget DEM

nwa-rku-t-a ņu

AOR-put-in-PST:TR-1SG be:FACT

‘Today I put [the pebble in my clothes] so that I would not forget [to tell you].’ (2014-kWLAG)

In example (260), the purposive form *a-m-y-tu-s-y-rpu*~*rpu* with subject indexation is also possible, without meaning difference.

(260) *kwm p-y-mbyr tce, a-ku* w-m-y-tu-s-y-rpu~rpu

door SENS-low LNK 1SG.POSS-head 3SG-NEG-IPFV-CONV:PURP-bump

p-w-pʰa-b-a

AOR-lower-1SG

‘As the door is low, I lowered my head so as not to bump on it.’ (elicited)
## 16 Non-finite verbal morphology

Although most examples of purposive converbs have the same subject as the main clause, this is not a syntactic constraint. In (261), it is the object of the main clause *kʰuna* ‘dog’ that corresponds to the subject of the purposive clause. Furthermore, in (257) above, the subject and object of the purposive clause are not even arguments of the main clause.

(261) *a-m-ku-sy-mtsu~mtswy* wɔz̥o ku kʰuina ka-βraIV
1SG-NEG-IPFV-CONV:PURP-bite 3SG ERG DOG AOR:3→3'-attach
‘He tied up the dog so that it would not bite me.’ (elicited)

Purposive converbs, although they can be generated for most verbs without difficulty, are very rare in the corpus, and several alternative constructions are preferred to build purposive clauses (§25.5.4).

### 16.6.3 Immediate

The immediate perfective converb expresses that the action in the converbial clause is immediately followed by that in the main clause (‘as soon as’). It is built by adding the B type orientation preverb and a *tu*- prefix (which may be historically related to the homophonous prefix of action nominals, see §16.8.3) and the verb stem I. It is the only verb form with a type B orientation preverb (which in all other cases occurs with imperfective TAM categories) that has a perfective value. The immediate converb cannot take any additional prefix, even possessive or negative prefixes.

Since there is a homophonous prefix *tu-* for second person (§14.2.1.2), the immediate converb is formally identical to the second person singular (the intransitive 2SG and the transitive 2SG→3 forms) of the Imperfective for all verbs whose stem I and stem III are identical (all intransitive verbs and some transitive ones, §12.2.2.1). These forms are distinct in the case of transitive verbs with stem III alternation, as illustrated by Table 16.11.

The converbial clause can contain overt arguments, including absolutive arguments as in (262) or transitive subjects marked with the ergative as in (263).

(262) *u-pu* *pu-tu-kaIV* *ny kumpyu:twu jamar*
3SG.POSS-child IPFV-CONV:IMM-hatch.out LNK sparrow about
*ma me*
apart.from not.exist:FACT
‘Just after its chick has hatched, it is just [as big as] a sparrow.’
(24-kWmu) {0003618#S85}
<table><caption>Table 16.11: Examples of the immediate perfective converb *tu-*</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>stem</th><th>meaning</th><th>2SG(→3) IPFV</th><th>IMM</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td rowspan="2">intransitive</td><td>sci</td><td>to be born</td><td>cʰu-tu-sci</td><td>cʰu-tu-sci</td></tr><tr><td>çe</td><td>to go</td><td>ju-tu-çe</td><td>ju-tu-çe</td></tr><tr><td rowspan="3">transitive</td><td>tsʰi</td><td>to drink</td><td>ku-tu-tsʰi</td><td>ku-tu-tsʰi</td></tr><tr><td>ndza</td><td>to eat</td><td>tu-tu-ndze</td><td>tu-tu-ndza</td></tr><tr><td>mto</td><td>to see</td><td>pju-tu-mtym</td><td>pju-tu-mto</td></tr></tbody></table>

(263) *twrme ra kw pju-tu-mto* *zo sat-nw cti. people PL ERG IPFV-CONV:IMM-see EMPH kill:FACT-PL be.AFF:FACT ‘People kill it as soon as they see it.’ (28-qapar) {0003720*S15}

(264) *nw pjw-tu-βde* *zo twrme nw pjw-ku-si* DEM IPFV-CONV:IMM-throw EMPH person DEM IPFV-GENR:S/O-die *pjv-ŋgrvl.* IFR.IPFV-be.usually.the.case ‘As soon as one was thrown in there, one would die.’ (28-smAnmi) {0004063*S154}

There is often coreference between the arguments of the converbial clause and those of the main clause. In (262) and (264), the subjects of the main clauses correspond to the intransitive subject and the object of the converbial clause, respectively. In (263) above and (265) below, both the subject and the object of the subordinate clauses are coreferent with those of the main clauses. Example (265) also shows that immediate converbs can have non-third person subjects, though this is rare in the corpus.

(265) *twtʰu psw-sv-cke* *tce, azo a-jak* *ku-tw-ndo* pot SENS-PROP-burn LNK 1SG 1SG.POSS-hand IPFV-CONV:IMM-take *zo pw-nw-clwy-a* EMPH AOR-AUTO-drop-1SG ‘As the pot was burning hot, I dropped it as soon as I had grabbed it.’ (elicited)

There is however no strict syntactic constraint on subject or object coreference, as we also find examples where the subject of the converbial clause is not a participant of the main clause, such as (266).
16 Non-finite verbal morphology

(266) *lu-tu-fsov*   *zo*   *qʰe tw-ryma*   *tu-ze*   *pwo-ŋu*
IPFV-CONV:IMM-be.clear EMPH LNK INF:II-work IPFV-begin[III] SENS-be
'It starts working as soon as the day breaks.' (26-GZo) {0003668#S64}

This type of converbial clause is nearly always followed either by the emphatic
*zo* (§26.1.1.5) and/or by a linker such as *tce*, *qʰe* (266) or *nx* (262).

The immediate converb commonly occurs in the corpus, but it is not the only
way to express immediate succession. Several constructions have a very close
meaning (§25.3.3.2), involving in particular the postposition *çimuma* ‘immedi-
ately after’ (§8.2.11).

16.6.4 Adverb from finite verb

The adverb *nufse* ‘just like that’ does not derive from a non-finite verb form, but
rather has been lexicalized from the demonstrative *nu* (§6.9.1) with the 3SG form
of the Factual Non-Past of *fse* ‘be like’ in manner clause from a serial verb con-
struction (§25.4.1.2). The range of meanings of *nufse* is however not predictable
from those of the base verb.

The main meaning of *nufse* is ‘just like that, for no particular reason’ as in
(267).

(267) *tw-rdov* tcei m-w-pw-nnw-pe m-xsi ma
one-piece what NEG-PST.IPFV-AUTO-be.good NEG-GENR:know LNK
nwnw nufse pjv-si
DEM like.that IFR-die
‘One [of them] died just like that, I don’t know what went wrong.’
(140510 wugui) {0003951#S51}

It can also mean ‘for nothing, in vain’, in particular in combination with a verb
prefixed with the autive prefix (§19.1.4), as in (268).

(268) *nwnw u-mat*   *nufse*   *pjo-nw-ŋgra*
DEM 3SG.POSS-fruit like.that IPFV-AUTO-ACAUS:cause.to.fall
pjw-cti ma u-ryi m-wj-nvjtsʰu
SENS-be.AFF LNK 3SG.POSS-seed NEG:SENS-be.useful
‘Its fruits fall [to the ground] just like that, it is not useful as seed.’
(08-CkrAz) {0003444#S47}
## 16.7 Defective verbs

Nearly all Japhug verbs have participles, infinitives and the other non-finite forms described in this chapter. There is however a handful of defective verbs lacking non-finite categories.

The sensory existential verbs *yyzu* ‘exist’ and *maŋe* ‘not exist’, which present other types of irregularities (§14.2.2), lack all non-finite forms; the nominalized forms of the existential verbs *tu* ‘exist’ and *me* ‘not exist’ are used instead.

The transitive verb *krtupa* ‘tell’ cannot be prefixed (§14.3.4), and therefore lacks all non-finite forms.

The verb *mr-xsi* ‘one does not know’ is only found in the generic negative Factual Non-Past (§14.3.4), and the corresponding non-finite forms are provided by the verb *suz* ‘know’.

## 16.8 Historical perspectives

The great majority of non-finite verb forms studied in this chapter take either a velar, a sigmatic or a dental prefix. While it is necessary to distinguish many sub-categories from a synchronic point, it is equally obvious that a diachronic relationship exists between some of these non-finite forms. While a complete account of the history of nominalized forms in Japhug will have to wait a proper reconstruction of proto-Gyalrongic, it is nevertheless possible to offer some preliminary thoughts on the relationship between these morphological categories.

### 16.8.1 Velar non-finite prefixes

Many Trans-Himalayan languages, including Karbi and Kiranti, have productive velar nominalization prefixes (Konnerth 2016), and traces of such prefixes can also be found in other languages such as Tibetan (Jacques 2014d). These forms are very probably historically related to the velar nominalization prefixes found in Gyalrong languages, but the present chapter focuses on Gyalrong-internal evidence.

In Japhug, non-finite verb forms with velar prefixes include the following ones:

* *kuu* - subject participles (§16.1.1)

* *kr* - object participles (§16.1.2)

* *kuu* - and *kr* - velar infinitives (§16.2.1)
16 Non-finite verbal morphology

• Infinitival converbs (§16.2.1.7)

• x-/γ- deverbal nouns (§16.5.2)

In addition, three finite prefixes are likely to be related to these forms: the
2→1 ku- prefix (§14.3.2.3, §14.8.3), the generic S/O ku- prefix (§14.3.2.5), and the
circumfix ku-...-ci occurring in several morphological contexts (§11.4).

Given the difficulty of distinguishing infinitives from participles even syn-
chronically (§16.2.1.1), it is quite obvious that these forms are ultimately related,
but accounting for the precise distribution of the forms is not trivial.

In addition to the categories mentioned above, shared by all core Gyalrong
languages, Situ has a type of semi-finite participles in kə- , used in various types
of relative clauses (Sun & Lin 2007). In (269) for instance, the form nə-kə-maße-ntʃ
has both a participle kə- and a dual suffix -ntʃ ; in Japhug, such combination is im-
possible: indexation suffixes (and the second person prefix tu- ) are incompatible
with all non-finite forms studied in this chapter.

(269) ndzok kə-nə wɛtjô=ndʒês=tə ptʃêrə dʒɛspê
slightly NMLZ-be.hardworking[II]=DU=TOP then quite
nə-kə-maße-ntʃ nə-ŋos
AOR-NMLZ-be.rich[II]-DU SENS-be[I]
'The two hardworking ones then became rather rich.' (Lin 2009: 193–194)

In the following, I assume that in proto-Gyalrong both semi-finite participles
of the type exemplified in (269) and subject participles as in Japhug (§16.1.1) did
exist, and were marked by the ancestor of the ku- prefix.

The object participle in *kʷ-, which is synchronically still homophonous with
the subject participle of a passivized transitive verb (§16.1.2.3), likely originates
from the fusion of the *kə- participle with the passive *ŋa- prefix (see also Sun
2006a; Sun & Lin 2007 for a suggestion in the same lines).

Since only transitive verbs can have a passive form, the use of the object for
semi-transitive verbs (for instance example 79 in §16.1.2.4) must have been an
analogical extension occurring after the merger of the participle prefix and the
passive was complete.

The kʷ- infinitive possible derives from the object participles. The pivot con-
struction where such a reanalysis could have taken place is the object of verbs of
perception such as mto ‘see’. When an object participial clause occurs as the ob-
ject of a verb of perception, while in some case there is no ambiguity (as in 270),
in examples such as (271) it is possible to analyze the kʷ- prefixed form either as
an object participle (entailing a translation ‘grains that are sold like that’) or as
an infinitive (‘selling grains like that’, referring to the whole action rather than
the object).

(270) ma [pu-k-y-sat] nu k-y-mto nu p-u-rpo-t-a.
LNK AOR-OBJ:PCP-kill DEM INF-see DEM AOR-experience-TR:PST-1SG
'I have seen killed ones.' (22-pGAkhW) {0003594#S20}

(271) tce [u-rdoь nu ku-fse k-y-ntsyе] nu
LNK 3SG.POSS-grain DEM SBJ:PCP-be like OBJ:PCP/INF-sell DEM
mu-pu-mto-t-a
NEG-AOR-see-TR:PST-1SG
'I have not seen its grains sold like that (i.e. unprocessed).' (09-mi)
{0003466#S51}

After such reanalysis took, the *k* - infinitive, originally restricted to transitive verbs, was extended to dynamic intransitive verbs.

The nominalization *x/-y-* prefix is probably the result of the application of
a sound law of presyllable reduction on monosyllables without initial cluster
(§5.6.2, §16.5.2) to the subject participle prefix. The regular *ku-* subject participle
on monosyllabic clusterless verb stems is due to the analogical generalization of
the *ku-* allomorph to all verb forms.

The generic *ku-* and the 2→1 *ku-* prefixes, which occur in finite verb forms
in Japhug, are less likely to come from subject participles. Instead, as argued in
Jacques (2018b) and §14.8.3, they are traces of the semi-finite participles in Japhug
and other Northern Gyalrong languages.

Figure 16.1 summarizes the pathways of reanalysis proposed in this section and in §14.8.3. The semi-finite participle and subject participle forms are without doubt historically related, but both have to be reconstructed at the proto-Gyalrong level and the function of the original prefix from which they derive is unclear – it is conceivable that the original prefix was completely non-finite like the Japhug subject participle, and that the semi-finite participle is an innovation (on the addition of person indexation markers on non-verbal predicative words, see §14.8.3), but the opposite is equally possible.
16 Non-finite verbal morphology

<figure><img src="image_23.png" /><figcaption>Figure 16.1: Development of velar non-finite forms from proto-Gyalrong to Japhug</figcaption></figure>

16.8.2 Sigmatic non-finite prefixes

Nominalized forms involving a coronal fricative prefix, or a trace thereof, have been described in Old Chinese (Sagart 1999: 73, Baxter & Sagart 2014: 56), Tibetan (Jacques 2019b) and Jinghpo (Dai & Xu 1992: 3–4).

In Japhug, non-finite verb forms with dental fricative prefixes are very widespread, and include the following ones:

• Oblique participle (§16.1.3)

• Gerund (§16.6.1)

• Purposive (§16.6.2)

It is quite obvious that both gerund and purposive converbs derive from the oblique participle. The reduplication found in these forms (optional in the case of the purposive, see 257 in §16.6.2) presumably reflects the emphatic reduplication (§12.4.3) that can be applied to nearly all verb forms.

While derivation of gerunds from oblique participle is not a problem from a formal point of view, the exact pathway of reanalysis deserves some discussion. Given the fact that oblique participles are used to build temporal relatives ‘the time when…’ (§16.1.3.7), it is tempting to suppose that the gerund derives from
this function, in absolutive locative form (§8.1.9). In this view, a gerund like *sɣ-ɣmdzuu*~*mdzuu* ‘sitting’ would come from an original construction meaning ‘at the time when X was sitting’. However, this hypothesis is difficult, because of the very restricted nature of participial temporal relatives, which are only found for very specific time periods that belong to common knowledge (for instance *u-sɣ-ji* ‘the period when it is planted’ in example 129 in §16.1.3.7), and are not compatible with most types of temporal clauses.

Other possibilities to explain the origin of the gerund include the locative (§16.1.3.5) and instrumental (§16.1.3.6) uses of the oblique participles. Locative participles could account for the use of gerund with psychological verbs; for instance *sɣ-mu*~*mu* ‘fearing’ from *mu* ‘fear’ could originate from a metaphorical locative similar to English ‘in fear’. However, the hypothesis that gerunds derive from instrumental oblique participles is more probable due to the optional presence of the ergative *ku* with the gerunds (§16.6.1.3) while locative postpositions are never found in this context. The gerunds thus probably originated from subordinate clauses expressing reason or cause, from which they came to express manner or simultaneous action (‘by sitting’ ⇒ ‘sitting’).

The purposive converbs probably also come from the instrumental use of oblique participles, but through a different pathway. As suggested in Jacques (2014a: 272), examples such as (272) may constitute the pivot construction between instrumental participial relatives and purposive converbs.

(272) γzwth'wz nw kwcuŋgw tce [twth'w sv-χtci]
Selaginella DEM in.the.past LNK pan OBL:PCP-wash

jnú-wy-nu-pʰut pw-ŋgryl

IPFV-INV-AUTO-uproot PST.IPFV-be.usually.the.case

‘In the past, people would dig up *Selaginella* [to use as] a pan cleaner.’

(16-RlWmsWsi) {0003520#S102}

In (272), the participial relative clause *tutʰu sv-χtci* ‘pan cleaner’ is an essive adjunct (in absolutive form, §8.1.7) which can be translated as ‘(to use) as a pan cleaner’. This meaning is very close to that of a purposive clause ‘in order to clean pans’. An instrumental participial relative clause in essive function could thus easily be reanalyzed as a purposive clause, and hence the oblique participle as a purposive converbal.

### 16.8.3 Dental non-finite prefixes

Non-finite verbal forms taking a dental stop prefix *tu-* or *trogen-* in Japhug include the following ones:
16 Non-finite verbal morphology

• Dental infinitive (§16.2.3)

• Degree nominals (§16.3)

• *tu*- action nominals (§16.4)

• *ty*- abstract nouns (§16.4.2)

• Simultaneous action nominal (§16.4.3)

• Immediate perfective converb (§16.6.3)

It is possible that all of these forms are historically related. However, given the fact that some of the non-finite verb forms in Japhug are inalienably possessed nouns (§5.1.2) derived by adding a possessive prefix to the bare verb stem (bare infinitives §16.2.2 and bare action nominals §16.4.6), it is likely that at least some of the categories listed above originate from the indefinite possessive form of a bare infinitive or a bare action nominal, as suggested in Jacques (2016a: 236) concerning the bare infinitives.

Since bare infinitives and dental infinitives are in complementary distribution, the former being used with transitive verbs and the latter with intransitive ones (see §16.2.2.1 and §16.2.3.2), it is legitimate to consider the possibility that both forms go back to a single category. The bare infinitive takes a possessive prefix that is coreferent with the object of the verb; intransitive verbs lack an object (semi-transitive verbs have a semi-object §8.1.5, but its morphosyntactic properties are different from those of canonical objects), and thus if a bare infinitive were built from an intransitive verb, one would only have three choices: (i) index the subject, (ii) use the bare stem with any possessive prefix or (iii) use a ‘dummy’ possessive prefix indicating the absence of object. It is possible to argue that dental infinitives correspond to solution (iii), and that the *tu*- prefix in this form is the indefinite possessor *tu*- (§5.1.3). In this hypothesis, dental infinitives taking a possessive prefix (see example 195 in §16.2.3.2) are later creations, made after the etymological origin of the *tu*- had become obscured.

Proposing that *tu*- action nominals and *ty*- abstract nouns come from alienabilized bare action nominals is not to be excluded, but appears to be less compelling, since there is no complementary distribution between the former and the latter, unlike in the case of bare vs. dental infinitives.

It is also conceivable that dental infinitives come from *tu*- action nominals, and bare infinitives from bare action nominals, respectively. In the absence of evidence from languages other than Japhug, I leave this issue unresolved.
Regardless of the origin of action nominals, it is clear that degree nominals on the one hand, and simultaneous action nominals on the other hand, derive from them by prefixing possessive prefixes (in degree nominals) and the numeral *tu*-prefix, respectively (in simultaneous action nominal, §16.4.3).

The origin of the immediate perfective converbs is quite puzzling. While immediate converb take an obligatory type B orientation preverb, no other *tu*-non-finite form is compatible with orientation preverbs, and moreover type B prefixes normally occur with imperfective TAME categories (§15.1.1.1, §21.1.1). It is conceivable that these converbs ultimately originate from action nominals, but the pathway of morphological evolution that has lead to their creation is unclear.

Figure 16.2 summarizes the hypotheses presented in this section; the dotted arrows represent uncertain derivations.

<figure><img src="image_24.png" /><figcaption>Figure 16.2: Several hypotheses to account for the historical origin of dental non-finite forms in Japhug</figcaption></figure>
<figure><img src="image_25.png" /></figure>
# 17 Valency-increasing derivations

## 17.1 Introduction

Japhug has much fewer valency-increasing derivations than valency-decreasing ones: leaving aside fossil derivations (§19.7), only four clearly identified prefixes are found: sigmatic causative (§17.2), velar causative (§17.3), applicative (§17.4) and tropative (§17.5). The sigmatic causative however is probably the most productive of all derivational processes in Japhug, and can be combined with the other three (§11.2.2, §17.2.8, §17.4.4, §17.3.4).

## 17.2 Sigmatic causative

Despite the existence of periphrastic causative constructions (§24.5.1.1), the main morphosyntactic device to express causation in Japhug is the causative verbal derivation by dental or alveolo-palatal fricative prefixes, referred to as ‘sigmatic’ causative in this work.

### 17.2.1 Regular allomorphy

Although not as complex as the causative derivations in Stodsde (Sun 2007a) or in Khroskyabs (Lai 2016), the sigmatic causative prefix is the derivation with the greatest number of allomorphs in Japhug.

It has five regular allomorphs *su-*, *suy-*, *z-*, *s-* and *sv-* depending on the following element, and a number of irregular ones (§17.2.2). The allomorph *su-* occurs in most environments, and can be considered to be the default form.

#### 17.2.1.1 z- allomorph

The *z-* allomorph appears in non-monosyllabic verb bases, when the first syllable (generally a derivational prefix, or a synchronically non-analysable prefixal element belonging to the verb root) has a sonorant initial (in practice only *mV-*, *nV-*, *yV-* or *rV-*). Table 17.1 illustrates some examples of this allomorph.
17 Valency-increasing derivations

<table><caption>Table 17.1: Examples of the z- allomorph of the causative prefix</caption><thead><tr><th>Nature of the<br>prefixal element</th><th>Base verb</th><th>Derived verb</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>non-analyzable</td><td>nuna 'rest'<br>yurni 'be red'</td><td>znuna 'stop'<br>zyurni 'redden'</td></tr><tr><td>§19.7.1</td><td>munmu 'move'</td><td>zmunmu 'cause to move'</td></tr><tr><td>denominal</td><td>nyma 'do'<br>myku 'be first'</td><td>znyma 'make/let do'<br>zmku 'make/do first'</td></tr><tr><td>antipassive</td><td>ryrt 'write/draw things'</td><td>zryrt 'cause to write/draw things', 'draw/write with'</td></tr></tbody></table>

On the other hand, monosyllabic verbs with single sonorant initials, whether nasals, rhotics or semi-vowels, never select the z- allomorph. Monosyllabic bases with these initials take the allomorph *su-* (§17.2.1.4): *no* 'drive' and *mar* 'smear' have the causative forms *suno* 'make/let drive', 'drive with' and *sumar* 'make/let smear', not †*zno* and †*zmar*. The same constraint on monosyllabicity is observed with the regular s- allomorph (§17.2.1.2), but does not apply to the irregular vowel-less allomorphs of the causative (e- §17.2.2.3, z- §17.2.2.4, and j- §17.2.2.5).

Intransitive bases with nasal (except ŋ-), rhotic and semi-vowel initial consonants select the *swy-* allomorph, as illustrated by *jswy* 'finish', *ru* 'look at' and *nsw* 'be prepared', whose sigmatic causative forms are *swyjsw* 'finish', *swyru* 'make/let look at' and *swyŋu* 'prepare', respectively.

In the case of intransitive verbs with the velar sonorant γ-, the allomorph *sw-* occurs. For instance, *γi* 'come' has the causative form *swye* 'invite' (with irregular ablaut, §17.2.2.7).

Causative verbs with the z- allomorph in irregular contexts are discussed in §17.2.2.7.

### 17.2.1.2 s- allomorph

The s- allomorph is only found with base verbs whose first syllable is *qa-* (Table 17.2). All of these verbs are intransitive; it is unclear whether this *qa-* element is analyzable as a prefix historically.

Monosyllabic verbs with initial *q-* always select the *su-* allomorph. For example, the causative of *qaq* 'peel' is *suqaq* 'make peel', not †*sqaq*.
<table><caption>Table 17.2: Examples of the s- allomorph of the causative prefix</caption><thead><tr><th>Base verb</th><th>Derived verb</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>qanu 'be dark'</td><td>sqanu 'put in darkness'</td></tr><tr><td>qapu 'be fallow' (of a field)</td><td>sqapu 'leave fallow'</td></tr><tr><td>qarndum 'be murky'</td><td>sqrndum 'make murky'</td></tr></tbody></table>

### 17.2.1.3 Vowel fusion

With verbs whose stem begins in a- (contracting verbs, §12.3), the somatic causative prefix merges with this vowel as *sr-*, as shown in Table 17.3. In the glosses, this vowel merger is represented as *su-*γ-, following the orthographic rules in (§12.3). Only one contracting verb has an irregular causative with intrusive -γ- (§17.2.2.6).

<table><caption>Table 17.3: The *sr-* allomorph of the causative prefix</caption><thead><tr><th>Base verb</th><th>Derived verb</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>aɛqʰe 'cough'</td><td>sɛrɛqʰe 'cause to cough'</td></tr><tr><td>ajtu 'accumulate' (vi)</td><td>sɛrjtu 'accumulate' (vt)</td></tr><tr><td>amŋrɛm 'be homogeneous'</td><td>sɛrmiɛrɛm 'do homogeneously'</td></tr></tbody></table>

There are two irregular causative verbs in *sr-*, whose base verb is not a contracting verb (§17.2.2.7).

### 17.2.1.4 *swy-* allomorph

For all other types of verb stem, the choice between the *su-* and *swy-*/*sux-* allomorphs depends on both phonology and morphology. The *swy-*/*sux-* allomorphs occur when the base verb is intransitive, monosyllabic, has no initial cluster and no velar or uvular initial consonant, while *su-* appears in all other cases, in particular in all bases with consonant clusters.

With the intransitive verb *wak* 'hatch' (the only verb with the single k- onset), some speakers (such as Tshendzin) select the *swy-* allomorph and use the causative form *swuyak* 'cause to hatch' (1) with an internal /-γk-/ cluster (§4.2.3.1), while other speakers select the *su-* allomorph.
17 Valency-increasing derivations

(1) tcendre numu k-yut-a tce tce nu-nu-шу-ва-а
LNK DEM AOR:EAST-bring-1SG LNK LNK AOR-AUTO-CAUS-hatch-1SG
'I brought [the eggs] and made them hatch by myself (without a hen).'
(150819 kumpGa) {0006388#S42}

Table 17.4 illustrates the correlation between the *su- / suy-/sux-* contrast and transitivity. The intrusive -y- element undergoes regressive voice assimilation to -x- when the initial of the verb root is unvoiced.

<table><caption>Table 17.4: The *su-* and *suy-*/*sux-* allomorphs of the sigmatic causative prefix</caption><thead><tr><th>Transitivity</th><th>Base verb</th><th>Derived verb</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>intr.</td><td>mbuz 'overflow'</td><td>suymbuz 'let overflow'</td></tr><tr><td>tr.</td><td>mbi 'give'</td><td>sumbi 'make/let give', 'give with'</td></tr><tr><td>intr.</td><td>çe 'go'</td><td>suxçe 'send'</td></tr><tr><td>tr.</td><td>çum 'brood'</td><td>suçum 'make/let brood'</td></tr><tr><td>intr.</td><td>tso 'know, understand'</td><td>suxtso 'make understand'</td></tr><tr><td>tr.</td><td>tsum 'take away'</td><td>suutsum 'send with'</td></tr><tr><td>intr.</td><td>ndzur 'stand'</td><td>suýndzur 'make/let stand up'</td></tr><tr><td>tr.</td><td>ndza 'eat'</td><td>suýndza 'make/let eat'</td></tr><tr><td>intr.</td><td>nyz 'dare'</td><td>suýnyz 'cause to dare'</td></tr><tr><td>tr.</td><td>no 'drive'</td><td>sunó 'make/let drive', 'drive with'</td></tr></tbody></table>

The intrusive -y- also appears in one of the irregular allomorphs of the sigmatic causative (§17.2.2.2).

Other derivational prefixes, including the velar causative γ- (§17.4.2), the ap-
plicative nu- (§17.4.2), the tropative n- (§17.5.1), the proprietive s- (§18.8.1) and
some denominal derivations (§20.3.2), present an allomorphy involving the inser-
tion of the -y- element, originally in the same context as that of the *suy-* allomorph
of the sigmatic causative. However, in the case of the proprietive and tropative
derivation, this -y- insertion has ceased to be productive.

17.2.2 Irregular allomorphs

In addition to the regular allomorphs described in the previous section, the sig-
matic causative has five irregular allomorphs with alveolo-palatal or palatal con-
sonants instead of alveolar fricatives: ɛu-, ɛuy-, ɛ-, ʒ- and j-. All known examples are presented in Table 17.5.

<table><caption>Table 17.5: The irregular allomorphs of the causative prefix</caption><thead><tr><th>Base verb</th><th>Derived verb</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>fḳa 'be full'</td><td>ɛwfḳa 'cause to be full'</td></tr><tr><td>fḳaβ 'cover'</td><td>ɛwfḳaβ 'cover with'</td></tr><tr><td>mbyom 'be in a hurry'</td><td>ɛwmbyom 'cause to be in a hurry'</td></tr><tr><td>mnyr 'smell'</td><td>ɛwnnyr 'cause to have a smell'</td></tr><tr><td>mŋyrm 'feel pain' (of a body part)</td><td>ɛwmyrm 'cause pain' (vt)</td></tr><tr><td>ntaβ 'be stable'</td><td>ɛuntaβ 'leave' (there)</td></tr><tr><td>ngo 'be ill'</td><td>ɛwngo 'make sick'</td></tr><tr><td>nŋo 'lose'</td><td>ɛwnŋo 'win'</td></tr><tr><td>nqoɛk 'hang' (vi)</td><td>ɛwnqoɛk 'hang' (vt)</td></tr><tr><td>rŋo 'borrow'</td><td>ɛwrŋo 'lend'</td></tr><tr><td>tɔ-mbruw + ŋgw 'get angry'</td><td>tɔ-mbruw + ɛwŋgw 'anger' (vt)</td></tr><tr><td>rŋgw 'lie down'</td><td>ɛwrŋgw 'make/let lie down'</td></tr><tr><td>rga 'be happy'</td><td>ɛwrga 'please' (vt)</td></tr><tr><td>mu 'be afraid'</td><td>ɛwymu 'frighten'</td></tr><tr><td>pʰỵo 'flee'</td><td>ɛpʰỵo 'flee with'</td></tr><tr><td>luŋ 'get loose'</td><td>ɛluŋ 'drop'</td></tr><tr><td>nqoɛk 'hang' (vi)</td><td>ʒŋqoɛk 'hang' (on a hook)</td></tr><tr><td>ŋga 'wear'</td><td>ʒŋga 'help wearing'</td></tr><tr><td>mbri 'cry, sing'</td><td>ʒmbri 'play' (an instrument)</td></tr><tr><td>tsʰi 'drink'</td><td>jtsʰi 'give to drink'</td></tr></tbody></table>

### 17.2.2.1 ɛu- allomorph

The ɛu- allomorph is the most common of all alveolo-palatal allomorphs. It occurs on verb bases with initial clusters with nasal, f- or r- preinitials, contexts where the regular su- allomorph would be expected (§17.2.1.4). The only clusterless verb root which selects the ɛu- allomorph is the orphan verb ŋgw in the complex predicate tɔ-mbruw + ŋgw 'get angry' (§22.4.3.2).

The ɛu- allomorph derives causatives mainly from intransitive verbs, except
17 *Valency-increasing derivations*

for *rŋo* ‘borrow’ (with the inversive causative *ɛwirŋo* ‘lend’, §17.2.5.7) and *fkaβ* ‘cover’ (which has the instrumental causative *ɛwufkaβ* ‘cover with’, §17.2.5.8).

The base verb *nqoɛ* ‘hang’ has three causative forms, *ɛw-*nqoɛ (for the most common meaning corresponding to transitive ‘hang’), *z*-ngoɛ (with a more restricted meaning, §17.2.2.4) and the regular *sw-*nqoɛ for instrumental (‘hang with’) or indirect causation.

17.2.2.2 ɛwɣ- allomorph

The verb *mu* ‘be afraid’ has the causative *ɛwymu* ‘frighten’, the only example of the *ɛwɣ*- allomorph of the sigmatic causative. The intrusive -ɣ- is expected since the base verb is intransitive and has a labial initial consonant with no cluster (§17.2.1.4), and appears in other derivations such as applicative (*nwymu* ‘be afraid of’, §17.4.2) and proprietive (*swymu* ‘be frightening’, §18.8.1).

17.2.2.3 ɛ- allomorph

The ɛ- allomorph is one of the three irregular vowel-less allomorphs of the causative. It occurs on two monosyllabic verbs, *ɛpʰɣo* ‘flee with’<fnref n="1" /> (from *pʰɣo* ‘flee’) and *ɛluy* ‘drop’ (from *luy* ‘get loose’), unlike the vowel-less regular allomorphs *z*- and *s*- which are never found on monosyllabic bases (§17.2.1.1, §17.2.1.2). The contrast between ɛ- and z- is not determined by the voicing of the initial consonant of the base verb (since *luy* ‘get loose’ has a sonorant initial *l*-). Rather, z- exclusively occurs with voiced prenasalized obstruents (§17.2.2.4), and *j*- derives from ɛ- by a recent sound change (§17.2.2.5).

Like other irregular allomorphs, ɛ- is not restricted to one particular sub-func-
tion of the sigmatic causative. The verb ɛpʰɣo ‘flee with’, ‘help X flee with oneself’
reflects the adjutative function of causative (§17.2.5.3), indexing as direct object
the entity helped by the subject, as shown by the 3SG→2PL configuration in (2).

(2) *nwnw* w-*pʰe* “wortcʰi” tɔ-ti-*nw* tce *nwnw* kw
DEM 3SG.POSS-DAT please IMP-say-PL LNK DEM ERG
a-*jɣ*-túw-*wɣ*-c-*pʰɣo-*nw* ma,
IRR-PFV-2-INV-CAUS-flee-PL LNK
‘Say ‘please’ to him, and he will help you flee [from here].’ (2012
Norbzang) {0003768#S65}

<footnote n="1">¹An alternative form *ɛupʰɣo* with the *ɛw-* allomorph is also attested.</footnote>
On the other hand, *cluy* ‘drop’ generally expresses non-volitional causation, especially when used with the autive prefix as in (3) (see also 23 in §17.2.4) but even without it (4).

(3) *w-xcyt* *tw-tu* *zo* *to-yycqali ri* *tce*
3SG.POSS-strength TOTAL~exist:FACT EMPH IFR-shout LNK LNK
*w-kwr* *w-ŋgw* *qandże* *nw*
3SG.POSS-mouth 3SG.POSS-in earthworm DEM
*pjγ-nw-c-luy* *tce* *w-zda* *ra kw*
IFR:DOWN-AUTO-CAUS-get.loose LNK 3SG.POSS-companion PL ERG
*jo-nw-tswm-nw*
IFR-AUTO-take.away-PL

‘[The crow] shouted with all its strength, dropped the earthworm that was in its mouth, and its companion took it.’ (2011-10-qajdo)

(4) *kupa-skγt* *to-c-luy-a*
Chinese-language IFR-CAUS-get.loose-1SG
‘I spoke Chinese by mistake.’ (‘I should have spoken Japhug’) (heard in context)

The regular causative of *luy* ‘get loose’ is *swy-luy* (§17.2.1.4), and is used to express a volitional causation ‘untie, detach, take off’, as in (5). The *luy* ‘get loose’ itself cannot express a volitional action; this meaning is provided by the reflexive-causative *zyγ-swγ-luy* ‘detach oneself’ (§18.3.4.1).

(5) *tyrvaickci* *nw* *kw* *nwra* *w-combri* *ra ny-swγ-luy*
hunting.dog DEM ERG DEM.PL 3SG.POSS-chain PL IFR-CAUS-get.loose
‘The hunting dog took off its chains.’ (140426 liegou he zhonggo-zh)
{0003812#S10}

### 17.2.2.4 z- allomorph

The *z-* allomorph of the causative is only attested with verb bases having pre-nasalized onsets. In each of the three verbs, the meaning of the prefix is slightly different.

The causative *zmbri* ‘play’ (an instrument), ‘make noise with’ from the intransitive *mbri* ‘cry, sing’, ‘make noise’, is a plain instrumental causative (§17.2.5.8), which selects as object the musical instrument (see for instance 5a, §8.1.3), while *zŋga* ‘help wearing’, ‘make/force to wear’ (from the transitive *ŋga* ‘wear’) reflects
17 *Valency-increasing derivations*

the adjutative (§17.2.5.3) function rather than the instrumental one, since it selects as object the person wearing the clothes (the 3DU object indexation in 6), while the clothes are a semi-object (*tw-ŋga nura w-mbe tʰi-wu-ŋgraa nura* ‘old and torn clothes’, without ergative marking).

(6) [tw-ŋga nura w-mbe tʰi-wu-ŋgraa
INDEF.POSS-clothes DEM:PL 3SG.POSS-old.one AOR-SBJ:PCP-ACAUS:damage
nura] tú-wy-z-ŋga-ndzi,
DEM:PL IPFV-INV-CAUS-wear-DU
‘[Theirᵢ stepmother was evil], and made the two of themᵢ wear old and
torn clothes.’ (140429 jiedi-zh)

The causative ʒNGOʌ from Nqoʌ ‘hang’ (vi) presents an irregular voicing of the onset, possibly the effect of a phonotactic constraint against clusters comprising a preinitial fricative with a unvoiced prenasalized obstruent such as *ɛNq-*, since only *voiced* prenasalized obstruents are monophonemic (§3.2.1).

The meaning of ʒNGOʌ is not completely predictable from that of the base verb
Nqoʌ ‘hang’. Although it can be translated as transitive ‘hang’ like the other ir-
regular causative ɛuNqoʌ ‘hang’ (§17.2.2.1), its more common meaning is ‘pull
threads (that are coiled around one’s fingers) apart (as part of the weaving pro-
cess)’ (in Chinese 牵线 <qiānxiàn> ‘pull the threads’), as in (7).

(7) a-tx-ri kɣ-ʒNGOʌ
1SG.POSS-INDEF.POSS-thread IMP-hang
‘Pull the threads for me.’ (elicited)

With an additional causative prefix (§17.2.7) in instrumental function (§17.2.5.8),
it specifically means ‘hang on a hook’ as in (8).

(8) txjŋoʌ ku tw-ŋga ko-sw-ʒNGOʌ
hook ERG INDEF.POSS-clothes IFR-CAUS-hang
‘He hung the clothes on the hook.’ (elicited)

17.2.2.5 **j- allomorph**

In the Kamnyu dialect of Japhug, the verb *tsʰi* ‘drink’ has the irregular causative form *jtsʰi* ‘give to drink’ with the *j-* allomorph. In dialects of Japhug which have not undergone the *tʰi* → *tsʰi* sound change, the base verb is *tʰi* and its causative *ɛtʰi* with the *ɛ-* allomorph (§17.2.2.3). This suggests that a sound change *ɛtʰi* → *jtsʰi* took place in this word by dissimilation of mode of articulation (§4.2.1.5).
The causative *jtsʰi* ‘give to drink’ is highly lexicalized, and can occur as input for other derivations such as antipassive (§17.2.8, §18.6.4). The regular causative *sw-tsʰi* can be used with a neutral factitive meaning ‘make drink’ (9) or in the instrumental function ‘drink with/using’ (§17.2.5.8).

(9) *qajwsmɣnba [...] tce numw ty-fka*   *qʰe, tce pjw-ytyr. [...] tce numw*
  leech          LNK DEM    AOR-be-full LNK LNK IPFV-fall   LNK DEM
  w-qʰu         qʰe, nw ky-sw-tsʰi   múj-kʰu.
3SG.POSS-after LNK DEM INF-CAUS-drink NEG:SENS-be.possible

‘After it; has had its fill, the leech; [detaches and] falls down. After that, it
is not possible to make it; drink [blood].’ (28-kWpAz) {0003714#S133}

17.2.2.6 Irregular vowel fusion

The causative verb *suxce* ‘send’ (from *ce* ‘go’) has a stem II form *sɣyri* derived
from the stem II *ari* of its base verb (§12.2.1). This stem II appears to present the
merger of the *suy*- allomorph with the *a*- prefixal element as *sɣy-*, with preserva-
tion of the *-y*- element, instead of expected †*sɣri*.

17.2.2.7 Other irregularities

The denominal verb *sxmbru* ‘get angry’ (§20.3.1) has a causative form *sxzmbru*
‘anger’ (10) with the *z-* allomorph (§17.2.1.1) infixed rather than prefixed (occur-
ring between the denominal *sx-* prefix and the nominal root *-mbru*).

(10) *nw maɣ*   *kw ty-ta-sɣ<z>mbru tu*   *ú-ŋu*
DEM not.be:FACT ERG AOR-1→2-<CAUS> exist:FACT QU-be:FACT
‘Otherwise, is it the case that I/we have made you angry?’ (2005
tAwakWcqraR)

The verb *zbraɣ* ‘attach together’ (11 provides a definition of this verb) is possi-
bly an instrumental causative form of *βraɣ* ‘attach to’, with irregular placement
of the vowel-less allomorph *z-* (§17.2.1.1) on a monosyllabic stem and fortition of
the *β-* to /b/ to avoid the impossible cluster †*zβr-*.

(11) *u-pʰoŋbu*   *cʰonɣ si, txjtsi numura tu-tw-xtcɛr*
3SG.POSS-body COMIT tree pillar DEM:PL SIMULT-NMLZ:ACTION-attach
*ku-ky-βzu*   *numw tce, ky-zbraɣ tu-ku-ti*   *ŋu.*
IPFV-INF-make DEM LNK INF-attach IPFV-GENR-say be:FACT
‘(Whether a person or an animal), attaching his/its body together with a
tree or a pillar is called *zbraɣ*.’ (150902 kAxtCAr) {0006308#S14}
## 17 Valency-increasing derivations

The *sr*- allomorph (§17.2.1.3) is found on two bases with contracting *a-*: *pe* ‘be good’ and *rmi* ‘be called’, whose corresponding causative forms are *srpe* ‘do well’ and *srami* ‘give a name’ (§14.4.4), respectively. In the case of *srami*, this irregularity is a clue that it is in fact a denominal verb derived from the noun *tr-rmi* ‘name’ by the causative denominal (§20.10.3), rather than a causative directly derived from the intransitive verb *rmi* ‘be called’.

The causative verb *swye* ‘invite’ from *yi* ‘come’ has the expected allomorph *sw-*, but presents ablaut (*yi* → *ye*) with the same vowel alternation as that of stem II (§12.2.1.1). This is a trace of a vowel alternation system which used to be more widespread, and is better preserved in Zbu (Gong 2018) and some varieties of Situ (Zhang 2018: 304, fn 10).

### 17.2.2.8 a-/z- alternation

Verbs whose stem has three or more syllables, whose initial syllable is *a*- followed by a prefixal syllable with a sonorant initial such as *yw/yr-* or *rw/r*- , have sig- matic causative forms with deletion of the *a*- element rather than regular vowel fusion (§17.2.1.3). For instance, the causative of *arytsʰi* ‘be cooked like rice gruel’ is *zrytsʰi* ‘cook like rice gruel’ instead of expected †*srarytsʰi*.

Other pairs of the same type include *ayururu* ‘that can be done at the same time as’ / *zyururu* ‘do at the same time as’, *arytɛʰa* ‘be determined from’ / *zrytɛʰa* ‘determine from’ (see examples 31 and 32, §24.2.4) and *ayungungu* ‘have a lot of layers’ / *zyungungu* ‘put on a lot of layers’.

Some of the verbs with this *a/z-* alternation are transparently denominal verbs with the compound prefixes *ary-* (§20.2.3) and *ayu-* (§20.2.4.2).

### 17.2.3 Lexicalized sigmatic causatives

Some causative verbs are formally regular, but their semantic relationship with the base verb is not completely predictable.

The causative *z-nuna* of the intransitive verb *nuna* ‘rest’ has the predictable meaning ‘let rest’ as in (12), but more commonly appears as a complement-taking verb meaning ‘stop’ as in (13) (see also 163, §8.2.11).

(12) *ny-pi* *ni kw* “*nuna-j* *ny nuna-j*” *zo*
2SG.POSS-elder.sibling DU ERG rest:FACT-1PL ADD rest:FACT-1PL EMPH
*kytpa-ndzi ri, maka zo* *ky-z-nuna* *a-my-ty-tw-kʰu* ma,
say:FACT-DU LNK at.all EMPH INF-CAUS-REST IRR-NEG-PFV-2-agree LNK
‘Your two brothers will repeatedly say ‘let us rest’, but you should never
agree to let them rest.’ (2003 qachGa) {0003372#S134}
(13) *w-pi* kw jo-yi tce, *tu-ci* kty-car
3SG.POSS-elder.sibling ERG IFR-come LNK INDEF.POSS-water inf-search
*to-z-*numa tce
IFR-stop LNK

'His brother came and stopped looking for water.' (2002 nyimawodzer)

The form *suqaa*, which is analyzable as the causative of the transitive verb *qaq*
'peel', has the unexpected meaning 'delimit the boundaries of (a place)' (14). The
semantic change is unexplained.

(14) kʰa w-sta ty-nu-suqaa-a
house 3SG.POSS-place AOR-AUTO-delimit-1SG
'I delimited the site [to build] the house.' (elicited)

The secundative verb *nusukʰo* ‘rob, extort’, is the lexicalized autive (§19.1.6) of
the causative *sukʰo* ‘cause to give’ of the indirective verb *kʰo* ‘give’ (§14.4.1).<fnref n="2" /> The
original meaning of *nusukʰo* was presumably ‘X causes Y to give Z to himselfi’,
its grammatical subject being thus originally both agent (causer) and recipient at
the same time, reflecting the inversive function of the causative (§14.4.3, §17.2.5.7).

The transitive subject, object and dative arguments of *kʰo* correspond to the
object, semi-object and subject of *nusukʰo*, respectively. Example (15) shows this
verb with 2→1SG indexation, with a meaning that can still be interpreted as ‘you
cause me to give it to you’.

(15) *nw mYkwaftsʰi pwa-kwa-nusukʰo-a pw-pw-cti* qʰe,
DEM forcing IPFV-2→1-extort-1SG COND~PST.IPFV-be.AFF LNK
kwaki azo sYlantpʰYn ki pju-qri-a yu
DEM.PROX 1SG basin DEM.PROX IPFV-break[III]-1SG be:FACT
'If you [try] to take it from me forcibly, I will break this basin.' (150831
jubaopen-zh) {0006294#S92}

The causative derivation from *kʰo* to *nusukʰo* differs from other inversive causatives in the obligatory presence of the autive *mu-*, and the additional coercive meaning.

The verb *nusukʰo* can serve as input for other derivations (§18.6.9). The autive prefix *nu-* in this verb, although lexicalized, can be optionally reordered with regard to the antipassive prefix (§18.6.9, §19.1.6).

<footnote n="2">²This derivation dates back to the common ancestor of Northern Gyalrong languages, as shown by the Tshobdun cognate *nsəkʰi* ‘snatch away’ (Sun & Blogros 2019: 220).</footnote>
## 17 Valency-increasing derivations

The verb *suftsʰi*, formally the causative of the stative verb *ftsʰi* 'feel better' (or 'be good for nothing'), only occurs in negative form (§13.1.3) and means 'force, coerce' as in (16).

(16) tceri tycime nʷ kʷ, tce w̱-wa nʷ kʷ mʷ-tó-wɣ-suftsʰi
but girl DEM ERG LNK 3SG.POSS-father DEM ERG NEG-IFR-INV-force
qʰe, nwnu cwŋgw u̱-ŋi tʰuutʰyci pʷ-kʷ-fse
LNK DEM before 3SG.POSS-day something PST.IPFV-SBJ:PCP-be like
nwnu̱ra w̱-wa w̱-tw̱-fcyt pjs-βzu
DEM:PL 3SG.POSS-father 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:ACTION-tell IFR-make
'The girl, pressed by her father, told him everything that had happened in
the day before that.' (140429 qingwa wangzi-zh) {0003890#S107}

This meaning presumably derives from 'cause to be unable to stand/bear', as the base verb *ftsʰi* in negative form can have the meaning 'cannot stand (the pain, discomfort caused by a disease' as in (17).

(17) wuma zo pʷ-mŋym tcendv̱re mʷ-cʰy-ftsʰi tce pjs-yi
really EMPH SENS-hurt LNK NEG-IFR-feel.better LNK IFR:DOWN-come
tce
LNK

'It hurt a lot, she could not stand it and came [down to Mbarkham for treatment].' (12-BzaNsa) {0003484#S91}

The related adverb *mɔ́kuftsʰi* 'forcibly', which originates from the negative stative infinitive of *ftsʰi* (§16.2.1.8), is also used to express coercion (§17.2.5.2).

### 17.2.4 Morphosyntax

#### 17.2.4.1 Intransitive bases

The causative derivation increases the valency of the base verb by one argument. In the case of intransitive bases, the resulting verb is monotransitive. The intransitive subject of the base verb corresponds to the object of the causative verb. For instance, in (19) the causative verb *sɔ́nbɑ́* 'hide' (vt) (from the intransitive *anbɑ́* 'hide' (vi), 18) takes the portmanteau prefix 1→2 *ta-* (§14.3.2.3), indexing the person hiding as object, and the causer (the person helping him/her, §17.2.5.3) as transitive subject.

(18) kɔ́-anbɑ́-a
AOR-hide-1SG
'I hid.' (elicited)
(19) a-rjit ra nʷ-yi-nʷ cti tcetʰa, k(175, 195, 858, 252],

2-INV-make:FACT be.AFF:FACT LNK IPFV-1→2-CAUS-hide be:FACT

‘My children are about to come back and will try to eat you, let me hide you.’ (2012 Norbzang) {0003768#S258}

The causer of causative verbs derived from intransitive bases is morphosyntactically identical to the subject of a monotransitive verb both from the point of view of indexation and case marking, and takes ergative when overt as in (20).

(20) **tx-mu** nʷ kʷ tx-pxto̊s̥o ra kʰri w̥-pa zw
**INDEF.POSS-mother** DEM ERG **INDEF.POSS-child** PL bed 3SG.POSS-under LOC
**ko-sʷ-y̥nba w̥-nbaವ**
**IFR-CAUS-hide**

‘The old woman hid the children under the bed.’ (elicited)

17.2.4.2 Transitive bases

The causativization of monotransitive verbs<fnref n="3" /> is more complicated. While the causer is always treated like a transitive subject in terms of indexation, ergative marking and relativization (§14.4.3), the status of the causee (corresponding to the transitive subject of the base verb) and of the patientive argument (object of the base verbs) are less straightforward.

From the point of view of indexation (§14.4.3), both causees (21) and patientive arguments (22) can be indexed as direct objects (in these examples with 2→1SG configurations, §14.3.2.3).

(21) χpi pjw-fcat-a, pjw-ku-su-fcat-a-ndzi nʷ во
story IPFV-tell-1SG IPFV-2→1-CAUS-tell-1SG-DU DEM TOP.ADVERS
jyy
beacceptable:FACT
‘I can tell a storyᵢ, the two of you can have me tell itᵢ, but ...’ (140511 1001
yinzi-zh) {0003963#S48}

The form *tx-ku-su-ъndu-a* is ambiguous, and can either be interpreted as ‘you
caused me to be beaten (by him/someone)’ as in (22), but also as ‘you made me
beat him’ with the 2SG as causee rather than patientive argument.

<footnote n="3">³The causativization of semi-transitive and ditransitive verbs is discussed in §14.4.4 and §14.4.3, and is not repeated here.</footnote>
17 *Valency-increasing derivations*

(22) *taңndo múj-tu̯-tso* tce, tce li tɔ́-kw̥-sw̥-ңndu̯-a
speech NEG:SENS-2-understand LNK LNK again AOR-2→1-CAUS-hit-1SG
‘You are not listening [to what I say], you caused me to be beaten again.’
(2003-kWBRa)

The indexation of these verbs is determined by a person hierarchy: when the
causee (or patientive) is first/second person, and the patientive (or causee) is third
person, the causative verb takes first/second object indexation (§14.4.3).

From the point of view of case marking, patientive arguments never take the
ergative, while causees can take it optionally (§8.2.2.6). In example (23), the first
causee cɛypya ‘bird sp.’ in left-dislocated position has no ergative marking, while
the second one qajdo ‘crow’ takes it (note that the plural indexation on pjɛ̯-su̯-
yu̯t-nu̯ shows that qajdo is causee and not causer).

(23) cyypya nwnw, smyn saŋrjyz ra kw ci pjɛ̯-sw̥-ywt-nw
bird.sp. DEM medicine buddha PL ERG once IFR:DOWN-CAUS-bring-PL
tce, nwo cyy w̥-ku qʰe pjɛ̯-nw̥-c-lwy, tce
LNK DEM juniper 3SG.POSS-head LNK IFR:DOWN-AUTO-CAUS-get.loose LNK
qajdo kw ci pjɛ̯-sw̥-ywt-nw ri, nwnw ckrzy w̥-ku
crow ERG once IFR:DOWN-CAUS-bring-PL LNK DEM oak 3SG.POSS-head
pjɛ̯-nw̥-clwy,
IFR:DOWN-AUTO-CAUS-get.loose

‘The buddhasᵢ sent the juniper birdⱼ to bring the medicineₖ [to Gesar],
but itⱼ dropped itₖ on a juniper tree, theyᵢ sent a crowⱼ, but itⱼ dropped itₖ
on an oak.’ (2003 gesar)

17.2.4.3 Semi-reflexive

A special subtype of semi-reflexive indexation (§14.3.2.4) is found in causative
forms derived from transitive verbs, when a dual or plural number marker in-
cludes both the causer and the causee, as in (24) where in the 3'→3DU form tó-
wy̥-su̥-ndza-ndʒi) the dual suffix indexes the addition of the causer (tɔ̃-rzaβ 'wife')
and the causee (her husband).

(24) tɔ̃-rzaβ nwo kw icqʰa, tsʰan w̥-ŋgw
INDEF.POSS-wife DEM ERG the.aforementioned cupboard 3SG.POSS-in
la-nw-rku kw-muw nwå
AOR:UPSTREAM:3→3-AUTO-put.in SBJ:PCP-be.tasty DEM:PL
cʰy-tcɣt tce tó-wy-sw-ndza-ndzi pjy-ra.

IFR:DOWNSTREAM-take.out LNK IFR-INV-CAUS-eat-DU IFR.IPFV-be.needed
'The wife had no choice but to take out the nice [food] that she had put in
the cupboard and give it to [her husband and herself].'(150824 kelaosi-zh)
{0006276#S73}

17.2.4.4 Negation

The relative position of the negative and causative prefixes in the prefixal chain is
fixed (§11.2) and independent of the semantic scope.<fnref n="4" /> Thus, a negative causative
verb can be either interpreted as ‘not cause to X’ or as ‘cause not to X’ (prohibi-
tion). For instance, *my-*swx-ce-nw (NEG-CAUS-go:FACT-PL) can either mean ‘they
don’t send him/them’ or ‘they prevent/forbid/don’t let him/them go’ as in (25).

(25) nʷ cymʷydʷy kʷ-lst kʷ-mkʰyz nʷra ra
DEM gun INF-release SBJ:PCP-be.expert DEM:PL be.needed:FACT
ma mʷ-kʷ-spa nʷra mʷ-swʷ-ce-nʷ.

LNK NEG-SBJ:PCP-be.able DEM:PL NEG-CAUS-go:FACT-PL

‘They need people who are good at shooting with guns, they don’t let
those who are not able (to shoot) go.’ (150829 KAGWcAno) {0006420#S13}

The negative verb form *mʷ-pa-swʷ-pʰʷt* (NEG-pfv:3→3'-CAUS-take.off) an also
either mean ‘he did not make him/them destroy it’ or ‘he prevented him/them
from destroying it’, as in (26).

(26) y̥z̥o w-kʰo ta-fsraŋ n̥mʷ, [w-pi ni
bee 3SG.POSS-house AOR:3→3'-protect DEM 3SG.POSS-elder.sibling DU
mʷ-pa-sw-pʰʷt] ra y̥w, y̥z̥o ra y̥w nʷ-rjγlpu nʷ
NEG-pfv:3→3'-CAUS-take.off PL GEN bee PL GEN 3PL.POSS-king DEM
jo-yi.

IFR-come

‘The king of the bees whose hive he had protected and prevented his brothers from destroying came.’ (140510 fengwang-zh) {0003939#S129}

Another possible interpretation of the combination of causative and negative
prefixes is ‘make sure X does not need to Y’, ‘take care of X and ensure Y does
not need to happen’ (where X represents the causee and Y the base verb), as in
(27).

<footnote n="4">⁴The same is true of associated motion prefixes (§17.2.4.5).</footnote>
17 *Valency-increasing derivations*

(27) *a-mu rcanu ndzu tw-ldza cinv*
mother UNEXP:DEG chopsticks one-stick even
*a-mv-pw-tw-sw-qlwt-nw ra*
IRR-NEG-PFV-2-CAUS-break-PL be.needed:FACT
‘Make sure that my mother does not even need to break chopsticks.’ (an
idiomatic expression meaning “please take care of my mother’s every
need”, 2012 Norbzang) {0003768#S207}

The same type of ambiguity is also found with the velar causative (§17.3.2.1).

17.2.4.5 Associated motion

As in the case of the negation (§17.2.4.4), the relative ordering of the associated motion and causative prefixes in the template is fixed and independent of semantic scope, and both ‘go/come and cause to X’ and ‘cause to go/come and X’ are possible interpretations.

Thus, either the causer or the causee can be the argument undergoing motion (§15.2.2). For instance, the verb *c-ko-z-ruru* in (28) can either mean ‘he sent him to guard it’ (causee motion, the correct interpretation in this context) or ‘he went and made him guard it’ (causer motion).

(28) *rfylpu kw u-tcw stu kw-xtci nw c-ko-z-ruru.*
king ERG 3SG.POSS-son most SBJ:PCP-be.small DEM TRAL-IFR-CAUS-guard
‘The king sent his youngest son to guard [the trees].’ (140507 jinniao-zh)
{0003931#S37}

17.2.4.6 Serial verb constructions

In the serial verb construction with the similative verb *stu* ‘do like’, the instru-
mental causative can be repeated on both verbs, as in (29).

(29) *tce u-jav*      *nw kw tʰylwa ki*
LNK 3SG.POSS-hand DEM ERG earth DEM.PROX
*cʰu-sw-ste*       *nw u-tʰycu*
IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-CAUS-do like[III] DEM 3SG.POSS-downstream
*cʰu-sw-βde*
IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-CAUS-throw
'[The mole] does this with its forepaws, and throws the earth below.'
(28-qapar) {0003720#S148}
In other serial verb constructions (§25.4.1), intransitive stative verbs generally have to be causativized to be used with transitive verbs to ensure transitivity harmony. These causative verbs expressing manner can appear before the lexical verbs as in (30) (where the causative of *mɔ́ku* ‘be first’ expresses the meaning ‘do X first’, §20.6) or follow it (31, 32).

(30) *a-tṣʰa ci pw-z-mɔ́ke pw-rke*
1SG.POSS-tea once IMP-CAUS-be.first[III] IMP-put.in[III]
‘Serve me some tea first.’ (elicited)

(31) *u-mŋu nu̯ra koŋla zo ko-xtcɛr ko-sw-yswy*
3SG.POSS-opening DEM:PL completely EMPH IFR-tie IFR-CAUS-be.tight
zo.
EMPH
‘He tied the opening [of the bag] very tightly.’ (150824 kelaosi-zh)
{0006276#S279}

The irregular causative of *pe* ‘be good’, *sɛ́-pe* (§17.2.2.7), is common in the man-
ner SVC (and in the corresponding complement clause construction, see 33 in
§17.2.4.7) to express the meaning ‘do X well’ (32).

(32) <luban> kw rcanw kw-pw-pe zo, maka
ANTHR ERG UNEXP:DEG INF:STAT-EMPH~be.good EMPH at.all
mɛ́-kw-yntcʰojɛ́r zo to-ti to-sɛ́-pe.
NEG-INF:STAT-be.incomplete EMPH IFR-say IFR-CAUS-be.good
‘Luban said [the answers] very well, without missing anything.’ (150902
luban-zh) {0006268#S56}

17.2.4.7 Complement clauses with sigmatic causative of manner

Causative forms from adjectival stative verbs occur as complement-taking verbs to express the manner in which the action takes place (§24.5.1.4). This causative complement construction competes with the manner serial verb construction (§17.2.4.6, §25.4.1) and the use of infinitive converbs (§16.2.1.7, §25.4.2). The same construction is found with velar causatives (§17.3.2.2).

For instance in (33) the meaning ‘give a good answer’ is expressed with the causative *sɛ́-pe* of *pe* ‘be good’ (§17.2.2.7) and an infinitival complement clause with the verb *kɔ́-kʰo* ‘to give’.
17 Valency-increasing derivations

(33) [a-lɔn kɔ-ykʰo]    w-tɔ-wu-s-y-pe-t nɔ tce
1SG.POSS-answer INF-give QU-AOR-2-CAUS-be.good-PST:TR ADD LNK
ku-ta-wum ŋu
IPFV-1→2-gather be:FACT

'If you give a good answer [to all my questions], I will take you [as my
disciple].' (150902 luban-zh) {0006268#S44}

With the exception of a few verbs like *sype* ‘do well’, most complement-taking causative verbs select the lexicalized orientation of the verb in the complement clause (§24.3.5). For instance, in (34), the causative verb *cʰɔ-y-su-ympɔ-ym* has the *DOWNSTREAM* orientation preverb *cʰɔ-y-*(§15.1.1.1) selected by *yndzur* ‘grind’ in the infinitival clause.

(34) kɔ-yndzur cʰɔ-y-su-ympɔ-ym
INF-grind IFR:DOWNSTREAM-CAUS-be.homogeneous
‘He ground [the flour] very homogeneously.’ (elicited)

The causative form is also required when the infinitival complement clause
contains a transitive verb with dummy subject (§14.3.5), as in (35).

(35) paχci nɔ w-jwaк kɔ-lst pɔ-z-myke, nɔ
apple DEM 3SG.POSS-leaf INF-release IPFV-CAUS-be.first[III] DEM
w-qʰu tce pɔ-rwumuntoк,
3SG.POSS-after LNK IPFV-bloom
‘The apple [tree] first grows leaves, and after that blooms.’ (07-paXCi)
{0003430#S11}

17.2.4.8 Auxiliary verbs

A few auxiliary verbs can take the sigmatic causative, and are used with comple-
ment clauses in a way that is different from those treated in §17.2.4.7.

The causative *suxcʰa* from the modal verb *cʰa* ‘can’ often occurs in inverse
form with a dummy subject (§14.3.5) with the specific meaning of ‘(cause to)
be physically able to X’, ‘(cause to) be strong enough to X’, as in example (36)
(see also §24.5.3.3). The agent is not expressed, but implicitly refers to the heavy
object in (36).

(36) pwo-rzi tce [kɔ-yfkur] mɔ́ w-tɔ-wy-swɔ-cʰa.
SENS-be.heavy LNK INF-carry.on.the.back NEG:SENS-2-INV-CAUS-can
'It is heavy, you won't be able to carry it on your back.' (elicitation)
This complement-taking verb is exceptional in being the only one in Japhug requiring coreference between object of the matrix clause and subject of the complement clause (§24.5.3.3).

This verb is attested in direct forms, as in (37), but only in the meaning ‘cause to be able to bear’ without infinitival complement.<fnref n="5" />

(37) kumpya pʰu nɔ ɲu-βwa tce, mu nwa mɔ-ɲu-swɔx-cʰe
fowl male DEM SENS-win LNK female DEM:PL NEG-SENS-CAUS-can[III]
‘(Otherwise) the roosters are too strong, and the hens cannot bear it.’
(150819 kumpGa) {0006388#S8}

The intransitive phasal *jyɣ* ‘finish’ (§24.5.6, unrelated to the modal verb *jɛ́ yɣ* ‘be allowed’, §24.5.3.1) has the causative form *swyjɛ́ yɣ* ‘finish’, used as a synonym of the transitive verb *swɛ́ hut* ‘finish’ (§24.5.6).

Some modal verbs also appear in the same construction with a velar, instead of a sigmatic causative (§17.3.2.3).

### 17.2.4.9 Collocations

Verbs in noun-verb collocations can undergo sigmatic causative derivation. For instance, the combination of *tu-χpum* ‘knee’ and *tsʰoוק* ‘attach’ (§22.4.2.8), which means ‘kneel’ (38), can be causativized to *tu-χpum* + *sw-tsʰoוק* ‘cause/make/force to kneel’ (39).

(38) *u-χpum* pjɛ́ -tsʰoוק
3SG.POSS-knee IFR-attach
‘He knelt down.’ {0003939#S88}

(39) *u-rkw* nɔwtcɛ *nw-χpum* pju-sw-tsʰoוק, tce
3SG.POSS-side DEM:LOC 3PL.POSS-knee IPFV-CAUS-attach LNK
*u-ndzɛ́ tsʰi* *u-ro* *nw-ku-ri* *numura*,
3SG.POSS-food 3SG.POSS-excess AOR-SBJ:PCP-remain DEM:PL
*nw-kyri* pju-χtʃr tce, tu-sw-ndze pjɛ́ -ŋu.
3PL.POSS-front IPFV:DOWN-scatter LNK IPFV-CAUS-eat[III] IFR.IPFV-be
‘[The evil prince] forced them to kneel at his side, and would throw them
leftovers from his food and force them to eat them.’ (150821 edu de
wangzi-zh) {0006402#S58}

<footnote n="5">⁵The base verb cʰa ‘can’, among other functions, is attested with the meaning ‘be fine, be all right’ (Chinese 行 <xíng> ‘be all right’), in which case it does not take any complement clause or overt semi-object.</footnote>
17 *Valency-increasing derivations*

The possessive prefix on the inalienable noun *tu-χpum* ‘knee’, which is obligatorily coreferential with the transitive subject in the base construction (38), must be coreferential with the causee in the causativized construction (39).

Causativization of complex predicates is also possible with the velar causative prefix (§17.3.2.4).

17.2.5 Semantics of the causative

The basic meaning of the sigmatic causative is a factitive ‘make X’ or ‘have someone/something X’.

Depending on the volition of the causer and causee and the nature of the action, several specific cases can be distinguished: missive ‘sent to’ (§17.2.5.1), concerive ‘force to’ (§17.2.5.2), adjutative ‘help Xing’ (§17.2.5.3), rogative ‘ask Xing’ (§17.2.5.4), permissive ‘let, allow’ (§17.2.5.5) and indirect causation (§17.2.5.6). This classification is intended as a convenient way of exploring the uses of the causative in Japhug, and makes no claim to reveal the instanciations of universal categories.

In addition, the sigmatic causative has extended and more grammaticalized functions, such as inversive (§17.2.5.7), instrumental (§17.2.5.8) and also tropative (§17.2.5.9), as well as purely syntactic functions in serial verb constructions (§17.2.4.6 above) and complementation (§17.2.4.7).

17.2.5.1 Missive

With motion (§15.1.2.1) and manipulation verbs (§15.1.2.2), the causative has a missive meaning. For instance, the causative *sw-yut* from *yut* ‘bring’ means ‘send’ in the sense of ‘have someone bring X’ (either by directly asking a person or by mail), as in (40) (see also 23 above in §17.2.4.2).

(40) a-ŋga ly-tu-sw-yut-ndzi nw, a-xtsa nw wuma
1SG.POSS-clothes AOR-2-CAUS-bring-DU DEM 1SG.POSS-shoe DEM really
nw-pe
SENS-be.good
‘The clothes that you have sent me, the shoes are very nice.’
(conversation, 15.04.18)

The missive meaning of the causative is also found with non-motional bases taking an associated motion prefix, as in (28) above (see also §17.2.4.5).
### 17.2.5.2 Coercive

The sigmatic causative also occurs to express coercive causation ‘force to’ against the will of the causee, as in (41) (see also 39 in §17.2.4.9).

(41) tcʰeme nɔ· kwijηu kw·wxtw·wxti zo na-su·ta-ndzi
girl DEM oath SBJ:PCP-EMPH~be.big EMPH AOR:3→3’-CAUS-put-DU
nɔ·-η·
SENS-be
‘TheyD·U forced the girl to swear a big oath.’ (2003 qachGa)
{0003372#S142}

This meaning occurs in particular with the adverb *mftsʰi* ‘forcibly’ (42) (see also 175, §16.2.1.8), and the related lexicalized causative verb *suftsʰi* ‘force’ (see 16, §17.2.3).

(42) ty-pytso smyn mɔkuftsʰi tɔ-sw-ndza-t-a
INDEF POSS-child medicine forcibly AOR-CAUS-eat-PST:TR-1SG
‘I forced the child to eat the medicine.’ (elicited)

In this function, the causee generally does not take the ergative, as shown by the examples above.

### 17.2.5.3 Adjutative

The adjutative meaning of the causative ‘help Xing’ occurs with verbs whose action is in the interests of the causee, and can only be successfully performed by collaboration between causer and causee. A typical example is the causative *sɔnbaɛk* ‘hide’, ‘help to hide’ from *anbaɛk* ‘hide’ (vi) (see 19 and 20 above, §17.2.4).

Some verbs with irregular allomorphs have the adjutative function, in particular *cphʰyo* ‘flee with’ (from the intransitive *pʰyɔ* ‘flee’, §17.2.2.3) and *zŋga* ‘help wearing’ (from *ŋga* ‘wear’, §17.2.2.4).

### 17.2.5.4 Rogative

Rogative causation occurs when the causer asks a causee for help in performing an action, for instance for medical treatment as in (43).

(43) azɔwy kwny tɔ-z-nwsman-a qʰe tɔ-mna cti
1SG:GEN also AOR-CAUS-treat-1SG LNK AOR-be.better be.AFF:FACT
‘I had my own [bellyache] treated and it got better.’ (2011-13-qala)

The rogative *sɔ-* prefix derives from this use of the causative (§18.2).
17 Valency-increasing derivations

17.2.5.5 Permissive

The sigmatic causative occurs with a permissive interpretation ‘let/allow X’,
when the causer does not prevent the causee from performing an action. This
meaning of the causative is common for instance in 2→1 verb forms such as (44)
and (45).

(44) ku-ku-z-rγzi-a-nu̯ p̱u-ntsʰi
IPFV-2→1-CAUS-stay-1SG-PL SENS-be.better
‘Please let me stay [here].’ (qajdoskAt 2002) {0003366#S67}

(45) a-mu n-y-ndzyi u-rcʰyβ
2SG.POSS-mother 2SG.POSS-fang 3SG.POSS-interstice
tu-ku-su-rto-v-i ra
IPFV-2→1-CAUS-look-1SG be.needed:FACT
‘Mother, let us look at [the thing] that is in the interstice between your
fangs?’ (2012 Norbzang) {0003768#S265}

Additional examples of permissive causatives include for instance *z-muna* ‘al-
low to rest’ (§12, §17.2.3) and *suu-ndza* ‘let eat, give to eat’ (24, §17.2.4).

17.2.5.6 Indirect causation

The sigmatic causative can be used to express the unintended result of an (errno-) action on the part of the causer, as in (46) (see also 22, §17.2.4).

(46) nyzo ty-ndze ma alo ma-ly-tu-tswum ma
2SG IMP-eat[III] LNK upstream NEG-IMP:UPSTREAM-2-take-away LNK
tʰa li kuu-suu-kynduu-a
later again 2→1-CAUS-hit-1SG
‘Eat it, don’t take it up there, you would cause me to be beaten again.’
(2003-kWBRa)

It can even be used to express a detrimental result for the causer due to his
negligence and failure to take proper preventive measures (47).

(47) kwm mw-cʰu-pe qʰe ... kwm ku-ŋfʊ
door NEG-IPFV-close LNK door SBJ:PCP-ACAUS:open IPFV-leave LNK
laχtcʰa ra tu-z-mu-rki
thing PL IPFV-CAUS-steal[III]
‘(Due to being a heavy drinker), he would [forget] to close the door, leave
it open, and [as a result] have his things stolen [by other people].’
(17-lhazgron)
It also occurs when the causer only suggests that the causee undertake an action of his own volition, with unexpected consequences for the causee. In (48), the causative on *nu-tu-su-pʰut* ‘you had it taken off’ refers to the fact that the causer (a trickster rabbit from a traditional story) cheated the referent in 1SG (a fierce bear) by suggesting that he treat his belly ache in such a way that he would wound his own bottom. Note that the absence of 2→1 indexation on the verb *nu-tu-su-pʰut* means that the bear does not regard himself as causee, and expresses it as if the wound resulted from an event independent of him.

(48) *pjx-ku-nuβlu-a* tce mɣ-jyɣ ma tce a-xtu
IFR-2→1-cheat-1SG LNK NEG-be.allowed:FACT LNK LNK 1SG.POSS-belly
ku-mna sɣznɣ a-mpʰuɣ w-ntcʰuρ
INF:STAT-be.better COMP 1SG.POSS-buttock 3SG.POSS-piece
nu-tu-su-pʰut tce
AOR-2-CAUS-take.off LNK

‘You cheated me, it is outrageous, not only did my belly not get better, but [by misleading me] you caused a piece of my buttocks to be ripped off.’
(2011-13-qala)

The causative can also express an event resulting not from an action, but from the absence of action on the causer’s part, with unintended consequences for the patientive argument. For instance, in (49), the 2SG causer (a bird) is about to (unwillingly) cause the 1SG (patientive argument) to be killed by not appearing to the king.

(49) *nu maɣ nɣ, muɣj-tu-ɣi tce ku-su-sat-a*
DEM not.be:FACT ADD NEG:SENS-2-come LNK 2→1-CAUS-kill:FACT-1SG
pu-ŋu
SENS-be
‘Otherwise, by not coming, you are about to get me killed.’ (2005
Kunbzang)

In (50), the causative expresses a non-expected result due to the negligence of
the causer.

(50) *tx-mtʰuam* pɣ-z-ɣydi-t-a
INDEF.POSS-meat IFR-CAUS-have.a.stench-PST:TR-1SG
‘I let the meat spoil.’ (elicited)
17.2.5.7 Inversive

The inversive function of the causative occurs with verbs expressing a transfer of property, reversing the recipient/source relation of the base verb. Two possible cases exist, depending on how source and recipient are encoded by the base verb's argument structure.

First, most inversive causatives are recipient-source inversive: the argument with oblique case of the base verb (the source of the transfer) corresponds to the causer of the causative verb, and the subject of the base verb (the recipient of the transfer) to the causee of the causative verb (indexed as direct object) (see §14.4.3 for a more detailed discussion). Examples of goal inversives include the irregular *c̣urŋo* ‘lend’ (§17.2.2.1) from *rŋo* ‘borrow’ and *zṇrŋgu* ‘lend’ from *ṇrŋgu* ‘borrow’ (see §14.4.1 on the semantic difference between *ṇrŋgu* and *rŋo* ‘borrow’),

Second, the highly lexicalized *nusukʰo* ‘rob, extort’ from *kʰo* ‘give’ is a source-recipient inversive: the dative argument of the base verb (recipient) corresponds to the transitive subject (causer/recipient) of the causative verb, and the subject of the base verb to the direct object (source) of the causative verb (§17.2.3). For other secundative verbs, the rogative *sɣ-* derivation is used instead to express source-recipient inversion (§18.2).

Although inversive causative mostly occurs with ditransitive bases, the causative of the monotransitive verb **χtu** ‘buy’ can also be interpreted as a recipient-source inversive. Although **χtu** ‘buy’ lacks a dative argument, the source can be optionally specified with the dative as in (51) in the case of people, or as a locative adjunct, as in (52).

(51) <wugui> *u-kuu-ntsyɛ* ɣyzyu tce, numuwa nu-cki
turtle 3SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-sell exist:SENS LNK DEM.PL 3PL.POSS-DAT
li *u-ndza* ra kɣ-χtu ɣyzyu.
again 3SG.POSS-food PL OBJ:PCP-buy exist:SENS
‘There are people<sub>i</sub> who sell turtles<sub>j</sub>, and one [can] buy their<sub>j</sub> food from
them<sub>i</sub>.’ (140510 wugui) {0003951#S33}

(52) <shangdian> *u-ŋgw* kɣ-χtw ɣyzyu
shop 3SG.POSS-inside OBJ:PCP-buy exist:SENS
‘It [can] be bought in a shop.’ (28-CAmWGdW) {0003712#S101}

The causative form *su-χtu* has several meanings, including the factitive ‘cause to buy’ and instrumental ‘buy with’ (see 54 below), but can also mean ‘sell’. This meaning is found in (53) with 3→1SG indexation: the transitive subject of *suχtu* in this construction is both causer and source, while its direct object is the recipient.
(53) *pynmawombyr ku* [...] *tý-wy-sw-χtw-a* ŋu
ANTHR ERG AOR-INV-CAUS-sell-1SG be:FACT
'It is Padma 'Od'bar who sold it to me.' (2012 Norbzang) {0003768#S133}

Case marking is completely different when *sw-χtw* has the factitive function ‘cause to buy’, as in (54): the source of the transaction (*tɔ́-mthu̯m u̯-ku-ntsyɛ* ‘the meat seller’) is marked with the dative as with the base verb above in (51).<fnref n="6" /> The causative *swχtw* therefore has two different argument structures depending on whether it reflects the invasive ('sell', 53) or factitive/missive (with associated motion 'send to buy' as in 54, §17.2.5.1) functions of this derivation.

(54) *tɔ́-mtʰu̯m* u̯-ku-ntsyɛ u̯-cki tce
INDEF.POSS-meat 3SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-sell 3SG.POSS-DAT LOC
*tɔ́-mtʰu̯m* c-to-sw-χtw qʰe,
INDEF.POSS-meat TRAL-IFR-CAUS-buy LNK
'She sent him to buy meat at the butcher's.' (160701 poucet2) {0006155#S15}

17.2.5.8 Instrumental

The causative prefix occurs on transitive verbs to mark an instrument, syntac-
tically treated as a causee as in (55), where the Chinese loanword 粉笔 <fěnbǐ>
‘chalk’ occurs with ergative marking (§8.2.2.4).

(55) *tcaχpa kнwz nu* ku, nyki, <alibaba> yu u-kum nuctu
thief two DEM ERG FILLER ANTHR GEN 3SG.POSS-door DEM:LOC
<fenbi> ku, nykinu, ku-yrtum ci to-sw-ryt-ndzi
chalk ERG FILLER SBJ:PCP-be_round INDEF IFR-CAUS-write-DU
'The two thieves drew a circle on Alibaba's door.' (140512 alibaba-zh)
{0003965#S121}

However, the causative prefix is not required with overt instruments, as in
(56).

(56) *u-jaw* ku ju-muwrwz p̥u-cʰa,
3SG.POSS-hand ERG IPFV-scratch SENS-can
'[The mole] can scratch it with its claws.' (28-qapar) {0003720#S152}

<footnote n="6">⁶One should note however that the verb in (54) has the translocative prefix, and that the dative argument could also in principle be analyzed as a goal (§15.2.7), though in this case the locative ri would rather be expected – compare with examples 197 and 198 in §15.2.5.</footnote>
17 *Valency-increasing derivations*

The co-existence of an overt instrument in the ergative with an overt transitive subject in the same clause (without any pause) is clumsy. Example (57a) for instance is considered infelicitous if borderline ungrammatical, and the alternative construction with two clauses (57b) is highly preferred.

(57) a. ??wżo kw spwyjw kw tyscoz pa-sw-rýt
3SG ERG pen ERG letter AOR:3→3'-CAUS-write
(intended meaning:) 'S/he wrote the letter with the pen.' (elicited)

b. wżo kw spwyjw ta-ndo tce tyscoz pa-sw-rýt
3SG ERG pen AOR:3→3':UP-take LNK letter AOR:3→3'-CAUS-write
'S/he took the pen and wrote the letter with it.' (elicited)

With intransitive bases (such as βzi 'get drunk' in 58), the causative expresses a cause (§8.2.2.5) rather than an instrument.

(58) cʰa kw ló-wy-sw-βzi
alcohol ERG IFR-INV-CAUS-become.drunk
'He became drunk from the alcohol.' (elicited)

The irregular causative ᵃwſkaβ 'cover with' (from the transitive ᵃkqaβ 'cover', §17.2.2.1) has an instrumental function, and the instrument is marked with the ergative as in (59).

(59) kʰylyβ kw twtʰw pw-cw-fkaβ-a
cover ERG pan AOR-CAUS-cover-1SG
'I covered the pan with a cover.' (elicited)

Another irregular causative, zmbri 'play' (from mbri 'cry, sing'), can also be interpreted as an instrumental causative, but this verb treats the instrument as the object (§17.2.2.4) without ergative.

17.2.5.9 Tropative

A handful of verbs with a sigmatic causative prefix have a tropative 'find X, consider X' rather than a factitive meaning, the same as what would have been expected from a *ny-* tropative derivation (§17.5).

The most common tropative causative is *znrja* 'find X a shame', 'hate to part with' (60) (in Chinese 舍不得 <shěbùdé> 'hate to part with'), which derives from the intransitive *nrja* 'be a shame' (61).
(60) *w-mu* *w-wa* *ni kw p̥w-z-nxja-ndzi* *qʰe*
3SG.POSS-mother 3SG.POSS-father DU ERG SENS-CAUS-be.a.shame-DU LNK
*mw-ta-sw-ye-ndzi,*
NEG-AOR:3→3':UP-CAUS-come-DU

'Her parents could not stand to part with her, and did not let her come.'
(14-siblings) {0003508#S275}

(61) *tce tw-ji* *p̥w-nxja.*
LNK INDEF.POSS-field SENS-be.a.shame
'These fields, what a shame (nobody is taking care of them).'
(150903-friche) {0006400#S7}

Other examples of tropative causative include *zy̥rta* ‘consider to be wrong’ from *yrta* ‘be wrong’ (46, §18.3.1.4), *zy̥rŋgi* ‘consider to be right’ from *yrŋgi* ‘be right’ and *znkɔro* ‘find okay’ from *nkɔro* ‘be okay’ (itself a denominal verb, §20.7.1). The velar causative also has tropative uses (§17.3.3.1).

The expected tropative forms †nɛ́ nɛ́ rja, †nɛ́ yɛ́ rta, †nɛ́ yɛ́ rŋgi and †nɛ́ nɛ́ kɔro are
not attested.

In addition, the verbs *supa* ‘consider’ and *syrtsi* ‘count as’, causatives of *pa* ‘do’ (§22.4.2.5, §10.1.7.1) and *artsi* ‘be counted as’ (§17.2.8) are used in the periphrastic tropative construction (§24.5.1.2).

The causative of the denominal verb *afsuja* ‘be of the same size’ (§20.2.1) has
the near-tropative meaning ‘compare the length/size of *X* and *Y*’ (rather than
‘make *X* and *Y* have the same length’ or ‘consider that *X* and *Y* have the same
length’) as in (62).

(62) *mbro w-jme* *cʰo nɛ́-kɛ́rme tú-wy-sw-yfsuja
horse 3SG.POSS-tail COMIT 2SG.POSS-hair IPFV-INV-CAUS-be.of same.size
ra
be.needed:FACT

'Let us compare [the length of] the horse's tail and that of your hair.' ('Let us see which is longest.') (2014-kWLAG)

17.2.5.10 Applicative

The *sw-* prefix has a value that can be described as applicative comitative when
used with the motion verb *rjuy* ‘run’.

Its causative form *swrjuy*, in addition to the regular missive meaning ‘cause to gallop’, can also serve as an allative transitive verb of manipulation ‘run away with’ (§15.1.2.2), as in (63).
17 Valency-increasing derivations

(63) *julpa* *u-pci* *tce* *cʰy-su-rjuy.

village 3SG.POSS-outside LOC IFR:DOWNSTREAM-CAUS-run

'He ran away from the village carrying her [on his back].' (150829

jidian-zh) {0006338#S79}

17.2.6 Stative verbs

Although the velar causative γγ-, rather than the sigmatic prefixes, occurs with most stative verbs, some stative verbs only appear with allomorphs of the sig- matic causative.<fnref n="7" /> Table 17.6 presents a list of representative examples.

<table><caption>Table 17.6: Examples of the sigmatic causative prefixes with stative verbs</caption><thead><tr><th>Base verb</th><th>Causative verb</th><th></th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>wyrum 'be white'</td><td>su-wyrum</td><td>§17.2.1.4</td></tr><tr><td>паь 'be black'</td><td>suу-паь</td><td>§17.2.1.4</td></tr><tr><td>argi 'be green'</td><td>suu-argi</td><td>§17.2.1.3</td></tr><tr><td>yurni 'be red'</td><td>z-yurni</td><td>§17.2.1.1</td></tr><tr><td>myrtsaβ 'be spicy'</td><td>z-myrtsaβ</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>pe 'be good'</td><td>sr-pe</td><td>§17.2.2.7</td></tr><tr><td>mygm 'feel pain' (of a body part)</td><td>cuu-mygm</td><td>§17.2.2.1</td></tr></tbody></table>

Stative verbs with a prefixal syllable (*myr-*, *ry-*, *yu-* etc), always appear with *z-*, never with *γγ-* (except some examples with the prefixal element *a-*). This con- straint explains for instance why the causative of *myrtsaβ* 'be spicy' is in *z-* rather than *γγ-* , while almost all other stative verbs denoting feelings or taste have a cau- sative in *γγ-* , for instance *tçur* 'be sour' → *γγtçur* 'make sour' and *tsri* 'be salty' → *γγtsri* 'make salty'.

Color stative verbs and stative verbs related to disease and pain (*ngo* 'be ill', *mygm* 'feel pain' etc) also form their causative with *suu-* and its variants rather than with *γγ-* , as seen in the table above.

Only a handful of stative verbs are compatible with both velar and sigmatic causative prefixes. The semantic contrast between them is treated in §17.3.3.2.

<footnote n="7">⁷See §17.2.4.6 and §17.2.4.7 concerning some uses of the causativized stative verbs.</footnote>
17.2.7 Recursion

The causative is the only derivation in Japhug that can occur twice in the same
form. A second causative prefix can appear on lexicalized causative verbs, in
particular those with irregular allomorphs (§17.2.2), such as ɛwnqoɛ́ ‘hang’ in
(64), where the additional su- prefix has a factitive function.

(64) mbro nwnw w-ku     pjv-sw-pʰwšt tce, w-ku     nwnw
horse DEM 3SG.POSS-head IFR-CAUS-take.off LNK 3SG.POSS-head DEM
zara yu n-w-kvntcʰaɛw yu w-kwm     nwtcu
3PL GEN 3PL.POSS-street DEM 3SG.POSS-door DEM:LOC
to-sw-cu-nqoɛw.
IFR:UP-CAUS-CAUS-hang
‘She had [people] behead the horse, and hang its head on the city gate.’
(140428 mu e guniang-zh) {0003880#S101}

The rogative verb syjtsʰi ‘ask for something to drink’ (§18.2) also contains two instances of the sigmatic causative (at least historically), the irregular j- (§17.2.2.5), preceded by the passive a/ɣ- whose vowel merges with another causative. The underlying form of this verb is thus su-ɣ-j-tsʰi (CAUS-PASS-CAUS-drink).

However, double causativization also occurs with non-lexicalized causatives.
For instance, in (65) and (66), the *su-* prefix closest to the stem is factitive, and
the one added to it has the instrumental function (§17.2.5.8), meaning ‘cause to
X with’.

(65) nwnw kw pjú-wy-sw-sw-spoɛv ſw-nu.
DEM ERG IPFV-INV-CAUS-CAUS-have.a.hole SENS-be
‘One makes a hole [into it] with this.’ (24-mbGo) {0003621}

(66) ci nɔ̃ w tce tce smi pjúw-wy-βłu tce nɔ̃ swmba nɔ̃ kw
one DEM LNK LNK fire IPFV-INV-burn LNK DEM flame DEM ERG
ũ-rme nɔ̃ kú-wy-sw-sw-βyut p̃u-ra.
3SG.POSS-hair DEM IPFV-INV-CAUS-CAUS-burn.off SENS-be.needed
‘The other [method to remove chicken feathers] is to make a fire and burn
off the feathers with the flames.’ (150907 kAnWtChWwWt) {0006282#S20}

In (65) and (66), the base verbs spoɛ́ ‘have a hole’ and βyut ‘be burned off’ (of
hairs/feathers) are intransitive, but double causativization is also possible with
transitive bases, as in (67).
17 Valency-increasing derivations

(67) *pu-ta-sw-sw-rst*
AOR-1→2-CAUS-CAUS-write
'I made you write itᵢ with itⱼ.'

Another type of double causative occurs when sigmatic and velar causative prefixes are combined (§17.3.4).

17.2.8 Compatibility with other derivations

As the most productive verbal derivation, the sigmatic is also the one that is compatible with the greatest number of other derivations.

Table 17.7 lists the derivational prefixes that can follow the causative in the prefixal chain (following the regular allomorphy described in §17.2.1). Since all cases are exemplified and discussed in the relevant sections, the data is not re-produced here. Despite the considerable number of prefixes that are compatible with the sigmatic causative, the reflexive *zγγ-* (§18.3.4), *sγ-* antipassive (§18.6.2) and proprietive (§18.8) derivations are never preceded by the sigmatic causative. The autive does not normally follow the causative, except in a handful of lexical-ized examples (§19.1.6).

<table><caption>Table 17.7: Derivations following the sigmatic causative in the prefixal chain</caption><thead><tr><th>Derivation</th><th>Form</th><th>Reference</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Applicative</td><td>z-nu/γ-</td><td>§17.4.4</td></tr><tr><td>Tropative</td><td>z-nγ-</td><td>§17.5.4</td></tr><tr><td>Velar causative</td><td>z-γγ-</td><td>§17.3.4</td></tr><tr><td>Passive</td><td>sw-γ-</td><td>§18.1.6, §18.2</td></tr><tr><td>Reciprocal</td><td>sw-γ- + reduplication</td><td>§18.4.1.2</td></tr><tr><td>Anticausative</td><td>sw(y)+prenasalization</td><td>§18.5.6</td></tr><tr><td>Antipassive</td><td>z-rγ-</td><td>§18.6.9</td></tr><tr><td>Antipassive</td><td>z-rγ-</td><td>§18.6.9</td></tr><tr><td>Distributed property,<br>reciprocal</td><td>sw-γmu-</td><td>§18.7, §18.4.2.5</td></tr><tr><td>Facilitative</td><td>z-nuyu-</td><td>§18.9.2</td></tr><tr><td>Distributed action</td><td>z-nγ- + reduplication</td><td>§19.4.3</td></tr></tbody></table>
Fewer derivations can occur before the causative in the prefixal chain. The other valency-increasing derivations (applicative, tropative, velar causative) never take a sigmatic causative verb as input. Among valency-decreasing derivations, the anticausative prenasalization is never attested on causative verbs.

Three valency-decreasing derivations precede the causative only in a handful of lexicalized verbs. The antipassive and passive derivations are only found on *rъjtsʰi* ‘give to someone to drink’ (§18.6.4) and *ajtsʰi* ‘be given to drink’ (§18.1.4), from the irregular causative *jtsʰi* ‘give to drink’ (§17.2.2.5) of *tsʰi* ‘drink’ and *sъmu-sukʰo* ‘rob people’ from the autive-causative *muṣukʰo* ‘rob, extort’ (§18.6.9).

In addition, the progressive prefix *asu-* probably derives from the combination of the passive with the sigmatic causative (§21.6.1.3), but cannot be analyzed this way synchronically.

The derivations that can productively take a sigmatic causative verb as input are presented in Table 17.8.

<table><caption>Table 17.8: Derivations preceding the sigmatic causative in the prefixal chain</caption><thead><tr><th>Derivation</th><th>Form</th><th>Reference</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Reflexive</td><td>ъъ-su(y)-</td><td>§18.3.4</td></tr><tr><td>Reciprocal</td><td>a-su(y)- + reduplication</td><td>§18.4.1.2</td></tr><tr><td>Facilitative</td><td>nuуu-suу(y)-</td><td>§18.9.2</td></tr><tr><td>Autive</td><td>nuu-suу(y)-</td><td>§19.1.2</td></tr></tbody></table>

From Tables 17.7 and 17.8, we see that only two derivations, the reduplicated reciprocal (§18.4.1.2) and the *nuууu-* object-oriented facilitative (§18.9.2) can both freely precede and follow the sigmatic causative in the prefixal chain. Unlike negation (§17.2.4.4) and associated motion (§17.2.4.5) prefixes, whose semantic scope with the causative is independent of their relative position in the template, in the case of the reciprocal and facilitative, the relative position influences the semantic scope of the prefixes (§11.2.2).

## 17.3 Velar causative

The velar causative prefix *ъъ-* (in the Kamnyu dialect, corresponding to *wъ-* in eastern dialects) is the second causative derivation found in Japhug. Unlike the sigmatic causative (§17.2), it is restricted to stative verb bases. Not all stative verbs,
17 Valency-increasing derivations

however, build their causative form with the velar causative. In particular, poly-
syllabic bases, including those whose non-final syllable is a derivation prefix or
an unanalyzable element (such as a-, nV-, rV-, sV- etc) can only be causativized
with sigmatic prefixes (§17.2.6). A handful of verbs are compatible with both velar
and sigmatic causative prefixes (§17.3.3.2).

Table 17.9 presents a representative sample of velar causative verbs, including adjectival stative verbs, existential verbs and modal verbs. The presence of Ti-betan loanwords such as *dɛrn* ‘be many’, *βdi* ‘be well’ and *tsʰoz* ‘be complete’ (from *lǎdan* ‘possessing’, *bɛ́dɛ* ‘well’ and *tsʰaŋs* ‘complete’) in the list shows that this prefix is productive.

<table><caption>Table 17.9: Examples of velar γγ- causative derivations</caption><thead><tr><th>Base verb</th><th>Derived verb</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td><i>dɛrn</i> 'be many'</td><td><i>yγdɛrn</i> 'increase'</td></tr><tr><td><i>βdi</i> 'be well'</td><td><i>yγβdi</i> 'repair', 'make better'</td></tr><tr><td><i>tsʰoz</i> 'be complete'</td><td><i>yγtsʰoz</i> 'make complete'</td></tr><tr><td><i>wxti</i> 'be big'</td><td><i>yγwxti</i> 'make bigger'</td></tr><tr><td><i>jom</i> 'be broad'</td><td><i>yγjom</i> 'broaden'</td></tr><tr><td><i>mna</i> 'be better'</td><td><i>yγmna</i> 'heal', 'make better'</td></tr><tr><td><i>smi</i> 'be cooked'</td><td><i>yγsmi</i> 'cook'</td></tr><tr><td><i>me</i> 'not exist'</td><td><i>yγme</i> 'destroy'</td></tr><tr><td><i>maɛ</i> 'not be'</td><td><i>yγmaɛ</i> 'cause not to be'</td></tr><tr><td><i>ra</i> 'be needed'</td><td><i>yγra</i> 'cause to have to'</td></tr><tr><td><i>kʰu</i> 'be possible'</td><td><i>yγkʰu</i> 'make it possible to'</td></tr></tbody></table>

The velar causative γγ- prefix is homophonous with a few other derivational prefixes, including denominal (§20.5), deideophonic (§20.9.1) and subject-oriented facilitative (§18.9.1). The latter derives intransitive verbs whose stems are identical (with different conjugations however) to those of velar causatives, for instance γγwxti 'become big easily' vs. γγwxti 'make bigger' from wxti 'be big'.

The causative verbs from complement-taking modal verbs such as kʰu 'be possible' can occur with nominal objects, especially abstract nouns as in (68), but are more commonly found with complement clauses as objects (§17.3.2.3).
(68) ndzi-twtsyɛ ra mɔ̃-pɔ̃-k-kets-kʰets ftcaka ntsɔ̃
2DU.POSS-commerce PL NEG-IPFV-INF-CAUS-be.possible manner always
tu-βze pjɛ̃-ηu.
IPFV-make[III] IFR.IPFV-be

'He was always trying [by all means] to make it impossible for them to
manage their business.' (150825 baishe zhuan-zh) {0006342#S99}

17.3.1 Irregular allomorphs

Irregular allomorphs of the velar causative are very rare and highly lexicalized. The ɛ̃- prefix clearly originates from earlier *wɔ̃-, as shown by the form wɛ̃- in eastern Japhug dialects and the cognate prefixes wɔ̃- in Tshobdun and Zbu (Sun 2014a). The vowel-less irregular allomorphs originate from earlier *w-, nasalized to /m/ before nasal and prenasalized stops.

A /w-/ allomorph, realized as β-, is found in the verb βri 'protect', 'save' (69),<fnref n="8" /> which derives from the intransitive ri 'remain', 'be left' (see examples 87, §7.3.3.3 and 131, §14.5.1.4). The bare root ri is also attested in the transitive verb ri 'save' (always in collocation with tu-sroɛ 'life', §22.4.3.2), a zero derivation from ri 'remain' (§14.5.1.4).

(69) nɛ̃-pi ni ty-tu-βri-t ŋu
2SG.POSS-elder.sibling DU AOR-2-save-PST:TR be:FACT
'You saved your two elder brothers.' (2003 qachGa) {0003372#S133}

The lexicalized causative *βri* can be subjected to reflexivization (§18.3.4) in
*zyɛβri* 'protect oneself' (example 15, §6.2.1).

The regular sigmatic causative *suɣ-ri* from the base verb *ri* ‘remain’ also exists,
and predictably means ‘leave, not use up completely’ as in (70). It is probable
that *βri* originally also had a meaning close to that of *suɣ-ri*, and then changed to
‘save, protect’.

(70) ki a-ty-tu-ndze qʰe qʰe u-qa nuctu
DEM.PROX IRR-PFV-2-eat[III] LNK LNK 3SG.POSS-bottom DEM:LOC
tu-ndzru jamar ci zo a-nu-tu-swu-ri ma
INDEF.POSS-nail about INDEF EMPH IRR-PFV-2-CAUS-remain LNK
'When you eat this, leave a [quantity of] about a nail [from it in the
bowl]' (2003kandZislama)

<footnote n="8">⁸This verb can take as object the entity being protected as in (69) (see also 45, §14.3.2.3), but also in some cases the entity one protects something from; for instance the participial clause *qale u-ku-βri* (wind 3SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-protect) means ‘(hedge) that protects from the wind’.</footnote>
17 *Valency-increasing derivations*

The *m*- allomorph of the velar causative occurs in the verb *myno* ‘prepare’ (see 36 in §8.2.2.1, and the discussion in §16.5.1), a causative of the intransitive stative verb *n-o* ‘be prepared’ (with nasalization *w-n-o* → *myno*). This intransitive verb is particularly common in the participle form *ku-n-o* ‘already prepared, ready to (eat)’ (corresponding to Chinese 现成 <xiànchén> ‘ready-made’), as in (71).

(71) ma jinde tce ku-χsu-j me ku-n-o ntsw
LNK nowadays LNK IPFV-raise-1PL notuezFACT SBJ:PCP-be ready always
tu-ndza-j cti ma
IPFV-eat-1PL be.AFF:FACT LNK
‘Nowadays we do not raise [chicken] anymore, we eat ‘ready-made’
[eggs].’ (22-kumpGa) {0003588#S79}

Like *βri* above, the causative *myno* can be reflexivized to *zyymyno* ‘prepare oneself’ (§18.3.4). A regular causative form *swy-n-o* ‘prepare’ is also attested, but it is much rarer than *myno*, and the semantic difference between these two causative forms has not been elucidated.

Another example of the nasalized *m*- allomorph is the rare transitive verb *mdzar* ‘drip dry’ (73)<fnref n="9" /> which derives from the intransitive verb *ndzar* ‘drip dry’ (72).<fnref n="10" /> The onset *mdz-* is phonologically /mndz-/, with the causative *w-* prefix nasalized by the prenasalized voiced affricate /ndz/, a unitary phoneme (§4.2.1.9).

(72) tw-nga nu-χtci-t-a tce a-pu-ndzar tce
INDEF.POSS-clothes AOR-wash-PST:TR-1SG LNK IRR-PFV-drip.dry LNK
cʰu-wy-ckʰo jyγ
IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-INV-spread be.allowed:FACT
‘I have washed the clothes, let them first drip dry before putting them in
the sun to dry.’ (elicited)

(73) mbr-yz ku-fse lo, <cai> ku-fse numura tce,
rice SBJ:PCP-be like SFP dish SBJ:PCP-be like DEM:PL LNK
u-ngu tu-ci ku-tu nura
3SG.POSS-inside INDEF.POSS-water SBJ:PCP-exist DEM:PL
pjú-wy-su-yrco tce, nuwu “pu-mdzar-a” tu-ku-ti
IPFV-INV-CAUS-be finished LNK DEM AOR-drip.dry-1SG IPFV-GENR-say

<footnote n="9">⁹This verb also appears in participial form in the compound *kundzarmu* ‘type of rain’ (see 51, §16.1.1.7).</footnote>

<footnote n="10">¹⁰The intransitive *ndzar* ‘drip dry’ itself is the anticausative form of *sar* ‘filter out’, ‘drip dry’ (§18.5.1.1).</footnote>
pu.

be:FACT

‘When one has completely removed the water in the rice or in a dish, one says *pu-mdzar-a*.’ (definition)

### 17.3.2 Morphosyntax

#### 17.3.2.1 Negation

The combination of the velar causative with negation prefixes is ambiguous. As in the case of the sigmatic causative (§17.2.4.4), the scope of the negation can either include the causation (‘not cause to X’) or not (‘cause not to X’). For instance, the causative *yywxti* ‘make bigger’ in negative form can either be ‘not make bigger’, or ‘make smaller’ as in (74).

(74) *w̥-pʰw̥* *pu-wxti* *tce, nura* *tʰamtɛyt ma-ty̥-tu-y̥-wxti*
1SG.POSS-price SENS-be.big LNK DEM:PL all NEG-IMP-2-CAUS-be.big
‘It is expensive, make it less expensive.’ (2010-12)

With the velar causative from modal verbs, the broad scope interpretation of the negation is very common. For instance, *yyra* ‘cause to have to’ and *yykʰu* ‘make it possible to’ in the negative form generally mean ‘cause not to have to’ and ‘make it impossible to’ (§17.3.2.3).

#### 17.3.2.2 Complement clauses with causative of manner

As with the sigmatic causative (§17.2.4.7), the velar causative can derive complement-taking verbs expressing manner (§24.5.1.4), selecting complement clauses with velar infinitive (§16.2.1.5) or bare infinitive (§16.2.2.1).

The examples in (75) illustrate the possible constructions with the causative *yytcʰom* ‘cause to be too much’, ‘do X too much’ from *tceʰom* ‘be too much’ and the verb *tsʰi* ‘drink’ expressing the main action in the complement clauses. The velar infinitive (75a) and bare infinitive (75b) constructions have the same meaning ‘drink too much’, and the causative verb takes the orientation prefix normally selected by the verb in the complement clause, in this case either *EASTWARDS* (75a) or *UPSTREAM* (75b).

(75) a. [*cʰa k-tstʰi] ko-yy-tcʰom
alcohol INF-drink IFR-CAUS-be.too.much

b. [*cʰa w̥-tsʰi] lo-yy-tcʰom
alcohol 3SG.POSS-BARE.INF:drink IFR-CAUS-be.too.much
‘He drank too much alcohol.’ (elicited)
17 *Valency-increasing derivations*

c. $c^hγts^h{i}$

*ko-γγ-tc^hom*

alcohol.drinking IFR-CAUS-be.too.much

'He had drunk too much alcohol.' (150829 jidian-zh) {0006338#S16}

In addition, example (75c) shows that object-verb action nominal compounds (§5.5.5.2, §16.4.7) can occur with causative verbs instead of complement clauses.

While action nominal compounds are rare, the causative complement construction with velar and bare infinitive is very common and compatible with all verb categories. Even noun-verb collocations such as *tw-xcršt + lšt* 'exert strength, do X forcibly' can occur in these complement clauses as in (76) (with an UPWARDS orientation preverb).

(76) *rgγtpu nʷ kʷ w-tcʷ ja-stʰoʔ tce, w-xcršt*
old.man DEM ERG 3SG.POSS-SON AOR:3→3'-push LNK 3SG.POSS-strength
*w-lšt to-yγ-tcʰom tce*
3SG.POSS-release IFR-CAUS-be.too.much LNK
'The old man pushed his son, but exerted too much strength and...'
(150831 jubaopen-zh) {0006294#S143}

All velar causative verbs, even those that are generally used with a concrete factitive meaning, can be used in these complement-taking constructions. For instance, *yγ-βdi* (from *βdi* 'be well'), which can mean 'repair' with a nominal object (see 23, §6.3), occurs in the sense of 'do X well, do X nicely' with a complement clause as in (77).

(77) *kʰa w-βri nʷtcu w-fkrym*
house 3SG.POSS-front DEM:LOC 3SG.POSS-BARE.INF:place
*a-kγ-tu-γγ-βdi*
IRR-PFV-2-CAUS-be.well
'Place these nicely [in order] in front of the house.' (smanmi 2003.1)

### 17.3.2.3 Modal and existential verbs

Velar causative forms of modal verbs, in particular *yγra* 'cause to have to' and *yykʰu* 'make it possible to', are found with velar infinitive or finite complement clauses (§24.5.1.1) like the corresponding base verbs *ra* 'be needed' and *kʰu* 'be possible' (§24.5.3.1) as in (78), but not with bare or dental infinitives.

(78) [*kγ-nu-łov̥*] *mw-ty-γγ-kʰu-t-a.*
INF-AUTO-come.out NEG-AOR-CAUS-be.possible-PST:TR-1SG
'I prevented it/him from coming out.' (elicited)
The object of the causative verb is most often the (transitive or intransitive) subject of the complement clause as in (78), but not necessarily; in (79), the object of *ty-y-k'u-t-a* is the possessor of the subject (in the possessive construction, §22.5.2.1).

(79) [u̯-rɣu̯l kɣ-tu] tɣ-yɣ-kʰu̯-t-a.
3SG.POSS-money INF-exist AOR-CAUS-be.possible-PST:TR-1SG
'I made it possible for him/her to have money.' (elicited)

In (80), the causative γγra occurs with a clause containing the form *ku̯-ra* that can either be interpreted as a relative (with a subject participle) or as a complement clause (in which case the *ku̯-* prefix is preferably analyzed as a stative infinitive).

(80) <xianling> nʷ nʷ-rga qʰendsre, [...] [nʷ-к̥юк]
magistrate DEM AOR-be.happy LNK 3PL.POSS-servant
ku̯-ra] nʷ mʷ-ŋy-γy-ra qʰe,
SBJ:PCP-be.needed DEM NEG-IFR-CAUS-be.needed LNK
'The magistrate was happy, and cancelled the duties that they had to do.'
(150904 cuzhi-zh) {0006322#S173}

The existential verb *tu* (§22.5.1.2) can also be subjected to the γγ- derivation, which yields the verb γγtu 'cause to have'. This form is used to causativize possessive constructions (§22.5.2) or noun-verb collocations (§22.4.1) as in (81).

(81) a-xcx̯t zo tu-ɣy̯te tce
1SG.POSS-strength EMPH IPFV-CAUS-exist[III] LNK
'[The rain] gives me ('makes me have') strength.' (150819 woniu-zh)
{0006254#S49}

### 17.3.2.4 Collocations

Complex predicates comprising a noun-verb collocation can undergo causativization with the γγ- prefix.<fnref n="11" />

For instance, the combination of the lexicalized object participle *kɣ-ti* (OBJ:PCP-say) with the existential verb *me* ‘not exist’, which means ‘have nothing to say’ or ‘be unable to say for sure’ (see example 93, §16.1.2.7), can be causativized to *kɣ-ti + γγ-me* ‘cause *X* to have nothing to say’ as (82).

<footnote n="11">¹¹The causativization of complex predicates with the sigmatic prefixes is treated in §17.2.4.9.</footnote>
## 17 Valency-increasing derivations

(82) *rjy|pu nuy k-y-ti*          *na-y-y-me*
king DEM 3SG.POSS-OBJ:PCP-say AOR:3→3'-CAUS-not.exist
'He made the king unable to say anything.' (2005 tAwakWcqraR)

### 17.3.3 Semantics

#### 17.3.3.1 Tropative

The velar causative does have a tropative interpretation in specific contexts, like the sigmatic causative (§17.2.5.9). The verb *yywxti* 'make bigger' from *wxti* 'be big' for instance can mean 'find/consider to be bigger' as in (83).

(83) *kumaub u-yi*          *nura n-u-rtsawa*
other 3SG.POSS-relative DEM:PL 3PL.POSS-importance
*nu-pjy-nu-y-y-wxti*
NEG-IFR.IPFV-AUTO-CAUS-be.big
'He did not consider his other relatives to be as important [as his wife].'
(kWjujmAlu 2003)

A tropative velar causative with a slightly lexicalized meaning is *yykʰe* 'depreciate, demean' (84) (see also 141, §16.1.3.10), from *kʰe* 'be stupid'.

(84) *u-ku-n-nymqe,*   *u-ku-nre,*   *u-ku-y-y-kʰe,*   *nura*
3SG.POSS-AUTO-scold 3SG.POSS-laugh.at 3SG.POSS-CAUS-be.stupid DEM:PL
*nu-xcat zo.*
SENS-be.many EMPH
'There were many people scolding him, making fun of him, calling him stupid.' (150829 phaRrgot) {0006414#S11}

#### 17.3.3.2 Velar vs. sigmatic causatives

Some stative verbs are compatible with both sigmatic (§17.2.6) and velar causative prefixes, an observation which raises the question of the semantic distinction between these two derivations when contrastive.<fnref n="12" />

Sun (2006b; 2014a), with regard to the causative prefixes *sə* and *wv-* in Tshob-dun, proposes that in the case of some stative verbs, the former indicates an increase of degree (85a), while the latter expresses a change of state (85b).

<footnote n="12">¹²The contrast between the two causative derivations in the case of the irregular allomorphs *β*- and *m*- is discussed in §17.3.1.</footnote>