21.5.2.2 Evidentiality

In main clauses, the Inferential is used to express past perfective event, like the
Aorist (§21.5.1.2). The contrast between these two categories is of an evidential
nature: the Aorist is selected if the speaker had directly witnessed the event,
while the Inferential occurs when only indirect clues allow him/her to deduce
that the action has taken place.

For instance, (195a) in the Aorist can be uttered if the speaker has seen the
snowfall, while (195b) in the Inferential is chosen if the speaker infers that a
snowfall has taken place from the presence of snow on the ground.

(195) a. *tyjpa ka-lyt*
snow AOR:3→3-release

b. *tyjpa ko-lyt*
snow IFR-release

‘It snowed.’ (elicited, see 165 above)

In the case of predicates involving a change of state, selecting the Aorist is
only possible if the speaker has witnessed the whole process. For instance, to
express the meaning ‘the water boiled’, the Aorist in (196a) is possible only if
the speaker has observed the change of phase of water to ebullition, while the
Inferential form (196b) is used when the s/he notices that the water has already
started boiling.

(196) a. *twn-ci*         *ty-ala*
                       INDEF.POSS-water AOR-boil

b. *twn-ci*         *to-k-yla-ci*
                       INDEF.POSS-water IFR-PEG-boil-PEG

‘The water boiled.’ (elicited)

In narratives concerning the speaker, the Aorist is used in the case of actions
that s/he has directly seen, while the Inferential is chosen for events that s/he has
not directly perceived. For instance, in (197), the speaker selects the Inferential
*pyr-yi* to describe the coming of the falcon, as she had not noticed the presence
of that bird until the piece of meat in her hand was snatched away. Selecting the
Aorist *pu-ye* (*AOR:DOWN-come*[II]) ‘it came down’ instead would mean that the
speaker had seen the falcon approaching. The Aorist *ta-nu-mja* ‘it took it away’
expresses that the speaker felt and saw the meat being taken away; choosing
Inferential *to-nu-mja* instead would have implied that the speaker had not even
noticed the snatching event, and had only realized the disappearance of the meat
after it had been taken away.

(197) kʰyxtu ri pw-rγzi-a tce ty-mtĥum tu-ndze-a
terrace LOC PST.IPFV-stay-1SG LNK INDEF.POSS-meat IPFV-eat[III]-1SG
pw-ŋu ri, toŋde tcendyre qandzyi pjy-yi tce, nwa
PST.IPFV-be LNK suddenly LNK falcon IFR:DOWN-come LNK DEM:PL
mw-pw-tso-a tce, ndyre a-jaw ty-mtĥum nwnw
NEG-AOR-understand-1SG LNK LNK 1SG.POSS-hand INDEF-meat DEM
ta-nw-mŋa tce
AOR:3→3':UP-AUTO-take LNK

'I was on the terrace eating meat, and suddenly a falcon came down
without me noticing, and took away the [piece of] meat in my hand.'
(150909 qandZGi) {0006358#S4}

The Inferential can occur to express events seen in dreams, as in (198).

(198) [aẓo [...] qartsʰi jy-k-ypa-a-ci] pw-yxjmŋo-t-a
1SG cricket IFR-PEG-become-1SG-PEG AOR-dream-PST:TR-1SG
'I dreamed that I had become a cricket.' (150904 cuzhi-zh) {0006322#S178}

In retellings of narratives observed on film, such as the *Pear stories*, the Aorist is used for most events that have appeared in the video (§21.5.1.2). The Inferential is used when only the result of action is visible. For instance in (199), the Inferential *to-sw-mtsʰyšt* instead of the Aorist *ta-sw-mtsʰyšt* occurs because the filling process is already completed in the beginning of the *pear story* video.

(199) tcendyre wnw-kuxtco to-sw-mtsʰyšt tce
LNK two-basket IFR-CAUS-be full LNK
'[The man] had filled two baskets (with the pears).' (chen-pear)

The Inferential can also be used in a more subtle way: to express that one of
the characters in the film has not witnessed an event, even though the narrator
may have seen it. For instance, the stealing of the pears is described using the
Aorist *ja-nu-tsum* 'he took them away' in (200) since it is visible on the video,
but when describing the point of view of the old man discovering that the pears
have disappeared when climbing down his ladder, the Inferential *jo-nu-tsum* 'he
took them away' occurs instead (201).
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

(200) *nwnw* kw *w-paχci *tw-kuxtco* nw ja-nw-tswm
DEM ERG 3SG.POSS-apples one-basket DEM AOR:3→3'-AUTO-take-away
'[The boy] took away one basketful of pears.' (chen-pear)

(201) *rgytpu* nw *pw-łok* ri, tce pjγ-swχsyl ri
old.man DEM AOR:DOWN-come.out LNK LNK IFR-realize LNK
jo-nw-tswm cti tce w-kypa maŋe,
IFR-AUTO-take-away be.AFF:FACT LNK 3SG.POSS-method not oxySENS
‘When the old man came down from the tree, he realized that [the pears]
had been taken away, but could not do anything about it.’ (chen-pear)

The Inferential is the main TAME category to describe actions occurring in tra-
ditional stories, though some speakers rather prefer the Periphrastic Narrative
construction (§21.5.1.8). Example (202) illustrates this narrative function, where
the succession of the verbs in the Inferential reflects the relative temporal order
of the actions. The choice of the Inferential rather than the Aorist here is moti-
vated by the fact that the fictional events described in these stories have not been
witnessed by the speaker.

(202) ta-ki
nwn kw nwna w-ndzi
nwnw
INDEF.POSS-younger.sibling DEM ERG cow 3SG.POSS-skin DEM
cʰy-ryγdwn qʰendre cʰy-t. tcendre nyki, ta-mar
IFR-peel.skinn LNK IFR-sew LNK FILLER INDEF.POSS-butter
tw-twγjaβ nw to-ndo qʰe, w-ŋgw nwtcu
one-NMLZ:ACTION-churn DEM IFR-take LNK 3SG.POSS-inside DEM.LOC
ko-zy-y-mpʰw.
IFR-REFL-wrap

‘The younger brother skinned the hide of the cow and sewed it. He took
one churnfull of butter, and wrapped himself inside [the hide].’
(07-deluge) {0003426#S14}

The Inferential Imperfective occurs for imperfective events and states in nar-
ratives (§21.5.3.2).

In narratives told in the Inferential, the Aorist is restricted to temporal (§21.5.1.4) and relative (§21.5.1.6) subordinate clauses.

21.5.2.3 Inferential with first person

The Inferential is not rare with first person subjects in assertive clauses, but has
specific meanings. With volitional verbs, this combination can be uttered when
a speaker notices that s/he forgot to do or did not properly do an action. For instance, in (203), the speaker (Tshendzin) selects the Inferential when realizing that she forgot to put the water to boil (see 192, §21.5.2.1 for a similar example).

(203) **tw-ci** *mwi-to-sw-y1a-t-a*
**INDEF.POSS-water** NEG-IFR-CAUS-be.boiling-PST:TR-1SG
'I did not put the water to boil.' (Conversation, 01-05-2018, Tshendzin)

The Inferential with first person is also found when the speaker realizes a fact that s/he had failed to notice or not fully understood before.

For instance, in (204), Inferential 1SG 膏-k-ytwuy-a-ci 'I have met' occurs in a sentence uttered when the speaker has ascertained that the person he has met is a Daoist master, after a long conversation.

(204) a-k^i ma kuki koŋla nwiŋr-k-ytwuy-a-ci
1SG.POSS-luck LNK DEM.PROX real DEM IFR-PEG-meet-1SG-PEG
'I am lucky, I (finally) met a real [Daoist master].' (150907 laoshandaoshi-zh) {0006398#S33}

Similarly, in (205), the speaker (a horse) uses the Inferential膏-k-yβzu-a-ci 'I have become' (as opposed to the Aorist nwi-aβzu-a) to express his sudden realization that it has been tricked into becoming a domesticated animal.

(205) turme yuš uš-kyoš p-y-k-yβzu-a-ci
man GEN 3SG.POSS-servant IFR-PEG-become-1SG-PEG
'I have become a slave of the men.' (aesop ma he lu-zh)

Example (206) illustrates the contrast between Aorist and Inferential with first person subjects: the speaker did put the water on the oven, but forgot to open the oven, hence the use of the Inferential for the second verb.

(206) tw-ci ky-ta-t-a ri, <dian> mwi-to-zwar-a
**INDEF.POSS-water** AOR-put-PST:TR-1SG LNK electricity NEG-IFR-burn-1SG
'I put the water [on the oven], but did not open the electricity.'
(Conversation, 04-05-2018, Tshendzin)

The Inferential with first person can also be used when the speaker did the action he intended but on the wrong object.

For instance, in (207), a sentence said after Tshendzin realized (by looking into the pot) that she mistakenly warmed the wrong pot (not the one containing nettes). Here mtsʰalu 'nettle' is focalized using the copula niu-maŋ (§22.5.3.2).
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

(207) mtsʰalu ko-yɣ-ndzam-a ṛu-maɣ
nettle IFR-CAUS-be.warm-1SG SENS-not.be
'It is not the nettles that I warmed.' (Conversation, 07-05-2018,
Tshendzin)

The Inferential with first person is particularly common with verbs expressing uncontrollable and non-volitional actions, such as (208).

(208) kɣ-nuɣuβ ko-rdal-a
INF-sleep IFR-overshoot-1SG
'I overslept.' (elicitation)

The inferential does not however express by itself non-volitionality; the autive prefix -nu- (§19.1.4) is used in conjunction with the inferential to insist on the non-volitional character of a particular action, as in (209).

(209) jn-ncu-jmuut-a
IFR-AUTO-forget-1SG
'I forgot.' (many attestations)

With non-volitional perception verbs such as *mto* ‘see’ and *mtsʰem* ‘hear’, Inferential first person negative can be employed to express failure to perceive (210) (see also example 220, §21.5.3.2), or alternatively to state that the speaker has not witnessed a fact of doubtful truthfulness (211).

(210) jufcwr a-<dianhua> j-tyt ri mu-pjy-mtsʰam-a,
yesterday 1SG.POSS-telephone IFR-2-release LNK NEG-IFR-hear-1SG
kʰa pw-a-ta tce
house PST.IPFV-PASS-put LNK
'Yesterday when you called [me] on the phone, I did not hear it, as [I
was away and] had left the phone at home.' (conversation, 2015-06-18)

(211) nzyo ku-fse a-ŋkʰor nu mu-pjy-mto-t-a
2SG SBJ:PCP-be like 1SG.POSS-subject DEM NEG-IFR-see-PST:TR-1SG
'I have never seen anyone like you among my subjects.' (Smanmi 2003-2)

21.5.2.4 Change of state

When used with stative verbs, the Inferential Perfective expresses change of state, like the Aorist (§21.5.1.3) and the Imperfective (§21.2.6). In (212), *mpcɛr* ‘be beautiful’ thus means ‘become beautiful’ in the Inferential.
(212) mɔzw zo to-mpcvr
even-more EMPH IFR-be.beautiful
'[The Phoenix] became even more beautiful than before.' (150901
bainiaochaofeng-zh) {0006296#S77}

The verb cʰa 'can', which normally selects the DOWNWARDS preverbs (§21.5.3.1)
to express both Imperfective Inferential/Past Imperfective ('was able to do X')
and Inferential/Aorist ('succeeded in doing X'), has an inchoative meaning 'be-
came able to do X' when occurring with the UPWARDS orientation, as shown by
(213) (see also 17, §24.2.3.1).

(213) mwaMWmbju w-pw nwa[...] w-twymaz ra
swallow 3SG.POSS-little.one DEM 3SG.POSS-wound PL
to-mna tce, nwa-nwqambwmbjom to-cʰa.
IFR-be.better LNK IPFV-fly IFR-can
'The swallow's wounds healed, and it was able to fly [again].'(150825
huluwa-zh) {0006346#S43}

21.5.2.5 Subordinate clauses

The Inferential rarely appears in subordinate clauses, as in most contexts the con-
trast between Aorist and Inferential is neutralized, and only the former is attested.
In particular, in finite relative clauses, the Inferential is not found (§21.5.1.6).

In complement clauses, the Inferential is only found when the verb of the main
clause is also in the Inferential, as in (214).

(214) pimawozv́r nɔ́ wɔ́, [srwtnmɔ́ nɔ́ pjʊ-ftẃl], [...] [rŋgɔ́
ANTHR DEM ERG râkshasî DEM IFR-subdue boulder
k-kɔ́-nYχtccn ra pjʊ-ftẃl], tce icqʰa srwtnmɔ́ nɔ́ yw
AOR-SBJ:PCP-be.fierce PL IFR-subdue LNK FILLER râkshasî DEM GEN
w-kɔ́-ra nwa[smynmimitokucana ri
3SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-be.needed DEM:PL ANTHR also
c-ko-nybdy̱n] pjʊ-cʰa
TRAL-IFR:EAST-invite IFR-can
'Nyima 'Odzer had subdued the râkshasî, subdued the magical boulders,
and also succeeded in inviting Smanmi Metog Koshana to the east, as
the râkshasî had requested. (2011-04-smanmi)

In this sentence, the scope of the verb *pjʊ-cʰa* is ambiguous: it could be re-
stricted to the last verb *c-ko-nybdy̱n*, but could also be understood as encompass-
ing the first two clauses (whose main verb is *pjʊ-ftẃl*).
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

Examples of Inferential in the protasis of conditional constructions are pre-
sented in §25.2.1 (example 16).

21.5.3 Past Imperfective and Inferential Imperfective

21.5.3.1 Morphology

The Past Imperfective and Inferential Imperfective are built exactly in the same
way as Aorist (§21.5.1.1) and Inferential Perfective (§21.5.2.1), but with the DOWN-
WARDS preverbs *pu*- and *pjy*- instead of the preverb corresponding to the intrin-
sic lexicalized orientation, a peculiarity observed in most Gyalrong varieties (Lin
2011). Thus, verbs selecting DOWNWARDS as their intrinsic orientation present
syncretism between Aorist and Past Imperfective, and between Inferential and
Imperfective Inferential.

For instance, the form *pu-rom* of the verb *rom* ‘be dry’, which selects the *DOWN-WARDS* orientation, can either be interpreted as an Aorist ‘it became dry/when it becomes dry’ (§21.5.1.1) or as a Past Imperfective ‘it was dry’.

Another case of syncretism is provided by the modal verb cʰa ‘can’ which takes
the DOWNWARDS orientation to express the meaning ‘succeed in doing X’ (where
X refer to the content of the complement clause), as the Inferential Perfective pjy-
cʰa in (215).

(215) [zduam ku- pav
nū cʰy- sw- jyšt]
cloud SBJ:PCP-be.black DEM IFR:DOWNSTREAM-CAUSE-turn.back IFR-can
pu-ny.
SENS-be
‘He succeeded in making the black cloud retreat.’ (25-kAmYW)
{0003642#S61}

When the verb of the complement clause is in the Imperfective, the same form
*pjy*-cʰa is rather an Inferential Imperfective, and means ‘s/he was able to do X’
instead, as in (216).

(216) cʰu-myci-ndzi mū-pjy-cʰa-ndzi
IPFV-be.rich-DU NEG-IFR.IPFV-can-DU
‘They were unable to become rich.’ (Divination)

In Japhug, not all verbs have Past and Inferential Imperfective forms. Only
stative verbs (including adjectives, existential verbs, copulas and passive verbs,
§18.1.1), some stative transitive verbs with (such as tropative verbs, §17.5.2) and
some atelic intransitive dynamic verbs (such as *rъъzi* ‘stay’) are compatible with these two TAME categories in main clauses. Table 21.7 provides examples of these three categories of verbs, with minimal pairs taken from the text corpus.

<table><caption>Table 21.7: Examples of contrast between Inferential Perfective and Imperfective</caption><thead><tr><th>Type</th><th>Inferential Perfective</th><th>Inferential Imperfective</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Stative</td><td><b>to-mpъъr</b><br>'s/he became beautiful'</td><td><b>pjъ-mpъъr</b><br>'s/he was beautiful'</td></tr><tr><td>Tropative</td><td><b>npъ-nъ-mpъъr</b><br>'s/he found him/her/it beautiful'</td><td><b>pjъ-nъ-mpъъr</b><br>'s/he was finding him/her/it beautiful'</td></tr><tr><td>Atelic<br>dynamic</td><td><b>ko-rъъi</b><br>'s/he stayed (there)'</td><td><b>pjъ-rъъi</b><br>'s/he was staying (there)'</td></tr></tbody></table>

Atelic dynamic intransitive verbs include the following: some verbs of location such as *rъъzi* ‘stay’, some modal verbs such *rga* ‘like’ and *cъa* ‘can’, antipassive verbs (§18.6.6) and also some verbs expressing activities requiring a certain amount of time such as *takъ* ‘weave’ or *rъma* ‘work’.

Like the Aorist and the Perfective Inferential, the Past and Inferential Imperfective require the past suffix -t in the 1/2→3 forms of open syllable stem transitive verbs (§11.3, §21.1.3). However, since only very few transitive verbs are compatible with these two categories, relevant examples such as (217) are very rare (see also 226, §21.5.3.4).

(217) *pъ-nъ-pe-t-a*
PST.IPFV-TROP-be.good-PST.TR-1SG
'I used to like it.' (elicited)

Most transitive verbs need to take the progressive *asu-* prefix (§21.6.1) build Past and Inferential Imperfective forms. The peg circumfix *k-...-ci* is inserted between the *pjъ-* preverb and the progressive prefix (§11.4) in first and third person forms (§21.5.2.1), as shown by (218). The past transitive suffix -t does not occur with the progressive (§21.6.1).
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

(218) rgɣnmɔ̃ nɔ̃ kɔ̃ li icqʰa <yuwang> nɔ̃
old.woman DEM ERG again the aforementioned net DEM
pjɣ-k-ɣsw-tṣwβ-ci
IFR.IPFV-PEG-PROG-sew-PEG

'The old woman was sewing nets (like before).' (140430 yufu he tade
qizi-zh) {0003900#S283}

One context however where all verbs appear to be found without restriction in
the Past Imperfective is in the apodosis of counterfactual conditionals (§21.5.3.4).

In other cases, the Periphrastic Past and Inferential Imperfective (§21.5.3.5) are
used instead.

21.5.3.2 Main clauses

In main clauses, the Past and Inferential Imperfective indicate a previous state or
habitual situation. For instance, in (219), the use of the Past Imperfective to refer
to the presence of warts (pu-tu ‘there used to be’ and pu-dyn ‘there were many’)
is necessary because of their subsequent disappearance, explicitly mentioned in
the following clauses.

(219) a-jaɣ ri li kukuwa ntsu pu-tu tce
1SG.POSS-hand LOC again DEM.PROX:PL always PST.IPFV-exist LNK
pu-dyn. tceri nɔ̃ w-qʰu li icqʰa stu
PST.IPFV-be.many LNK DEM 3SG.POSS-after again FILLER MOST
kɔ̃-mɣku nɔ̃-kɔ̃-łɔv nɔ̃-nɔ̃-me qʰe tce
SBJ:PCP-be.first AOR-SBJ:PCP-come.out AOR-AUTO-not.exist LNK LNK
pɣ-nɔ̃-me
IFR-AUTO-not.exist

'I had [warts] on my hand there, and there were a lot. But later, the
[wart] that had first come out disappeared by itself, and [the rest]
disappeared.' (24-pGArtsAG) {0003624#S48}

The Past and Inferential Imperfective also express an ongoing process in the
past, during which additional events have occurred, as in (220).

(220) jw̥fcuwr kʰuwr-kʰro zo jo-tw-lɔ́t ri mwa-pjy-mtsʰam-a ma
yesterday EMPH~much EMPH IFR-2-release LNK NEG-IFR-hear-1SG LNK
kʰamu pw-asw-βzu-a
cooking PST.IPFV-PROG-make-1SG
‘Yesterday you called [me] many times (on the phone), but I did not hear
it, as I was cooking.’ (conversation, 14-12-2018)
In combination with the Autive, the Past Imperfective can convey permansive meaning (§19.1.5), as in (221).

(221) tcʰemɛ nɔ̃-nukʰyda-t-a ri, múj-pʰyn, tce
girl AOR-convince-PST:TR-1SG LNK NEG:SENS-be.efficient LNK
pɔ̃-nɔ̃-ɣɣwu cti
PST.IPFV-AUTO-cry be.AFF:FACT

‘I comforted the girl, but to no avail, [as] she was still crying.’ (2003
zrAntCW tWrme)

The Inferential Imperfective is the standard TAME category used in traditional stories to describe states and ongoing actions, as illustrated by the chain of verbs marked in red in (222). It is the counterpart of the Inferential Perfective in narrative function (§21.5.2.2).

(222) *prabkʰaŋ ci* **pjɛ̃-tu**

**qʰe,** *prabkʰaŋ w-ŋgw* *nɔ̃tcu*

cave **INDEF** IFR.IPFV-exist LNK cave **3SG.POSS-inside** DEM:LOC

*pjɛ̃-fsɔv.* *nɔ̃ w-rkɔ̃* *nwa* *rcanw,* *li nsvkinw,*

IFR.IPFV-be.bright DEM 3SG.POSS-side DEM:LOC UNEXP:DEG again FILLER

si *ra pjɛ̃-k-ɣrŋi-ci* *zo.* *nsvkinw, muntɔv kwny wuma*

tree PL IFR.IPFV-PEG-be.green-PEG EMPH FILLER flower also really

*zo* **pjɛ̃-dɔn,** *tce* **pjɛ̃-sɣ-scit.** [...]

EMPH IFR.IPFV-be.many LNK IFR.IPFV-PROP-be.happy

w-ŋgw *lo-ce* ri, *tce* *nunwɛtcu rgɣtpu χswm ku,*

**3SG.POSS-inside** IFR:UPSTREAM-go LNK DEM:LOC old.man three ERG

*nvki, kumbryl* **pjɛ̃-k-ɣsw-lyt-nɔ̃**

FILLER chess **IFR.IPFV-PEG-PROG-release-PL**

‘There was a cave. Inside the cave, there was light. Around it, the trees were green, and there were many flowers, it was a very nice [place]. (...) He entered [the cave], and in there there were three old men playing chess.’ (150902 qixian-zh) {0006258#S114}

21.5.3.3 Temporal clauses

The Past Imperfective, like the Aorist (§21.5.1.4), is used in temporal subordinate clauses. The clause in the Past Imperfective expresses an ongoing process in the middle of which the event referred to in the main clause (in the Aorist or in the Inferential Perfective) takes place, as illustrated by (223).
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

(223) wuma zo pw-asu-ndza-ndzi, pw-pe jamar zo tce
really EMPH PST.IPFV-PROG-eat-DU PST.IPFV-be.good about EMPH LNK
tcendre, nwmw, nyki, kʰa nw yu u-kwm to-ŋfuw
LNK DEM FILLER house DEM GEN 3SG.POSS-door IFR-ACAUS:open
‘While/Right at the moment when they were eating [the sweets] in big
quantity and were [enjoying it], the door of the house opened.’ (140507
tangguowu-zh) {0003933#S83}

21.5.3.4 Apodosis

The Past Imperfective is also used in the apodosis of counterfactual conditionals
(with an Irrealis in the protasis, §21.4.1.5), as shown by the form *pw-pe* in (224).

(224) nwmw mwyzwapa nw tceki nw tce a-pw-y-ryt tce
DEM TOPO DEM down DEM LOC IRR-IPFV-PASS-write LNK
pw-pe ma
PST.IPFV-be.good LNK

‘It would have been better if [the name] *mwyzwapa* had been written
down there (on a sheet of paper where many names of locations in the
mountains had been written).’ (140522 Kamnyu zgo) {0004059#S80}

In this very restricted context, all verbs can have a Past Imperfective form.
For instance, *rpu* ‘bump into’ (§14.5.2), which normally selects the EASTWARDS
orientation (the preverb *ky-* in 225), takes the *pw-* Past Imperfective preverb in
(226).

(225) n-y-kʰa jy-ye-a ri, a-ku
2SG.POSS-house AOR-come[II]-1SG LNK 1SG.POSS-head
ky-nw-rpu-t-a
AOR-AUTO-bump-PST:TR-1SG

‘When I came to your house, I bumped my head (on the door frame).’
(elicitcd)

(226) n-y-kʰa jy-ye-a ri, a-ku pjw-pʰaβ-a
2SG.POSS-house AOR-come[II]-1SG LNK 1SG.POSS-head IPFV-lower-1SG
a-pw-ŋu tce mw-pw-nw-rpu-t-a.
IRR-IPFV-be LNK NEG-PST.IPFV-AUTO-bump-PST:TR-1SG

‘When I came to your house, if I had lowered my head, I wouldn’t have
bumped it [into the door frame].’ (elicited)

The Inferential Imperfective is not attested in this construction.
21.5.3.5 Periphrastic Past and Inferential Imperfective

Only atelic verbs, in particular stative verbs, are compatible with Past Imperfective and Inferential Imperfective (§21.5.3.1) in contexts other than the apodosis of counterfactuals (§21.5.3.4).

To express the meanings otherwise conveyed by the Past Imperfective with telic verbs, two strategies are possible. First, the Progressive *asu*- makes all transitive verbs compatible with these two tenses (§21.5.3.1, §21.6.1). Second, the Periphrastic Past Imperfective and Inferential Imperfective, which combine the Imperfective form of the verb with the copula in the Past Imperfective *pu-ŋu* and the Inferential Imperfective *pjɛr-ŋu*, respectively (§21.2.2). For instance, instead of the incorrect form †*pjɛr-ndza* (Inferential Imperfective of the telic transitive verb *ndza* ‘eat’), the periphrastic construction in (227) is used.

(227) *tu-ndze* *pjɛr-ŋu*
IPFV-eat[III] IFR.IPFV-be
‘S/he/it used to eat/was eating it.’ (many examples)

Just in the same way as the Aorist can be combined with the Sensory copula *nuw-ŋu* to build the Periphrastic Narrative (§21.5.1.8), the Past Imperfective with *nuw-ŋu* expresses an Periphrastic Imperfective Narrative, with the same meaning as the Inferential Imperfective. For instance, the construction in (228) is equivalent to the Inferential Imperfective *pjɛr-taɣ* (IFR.IPFV-weave) ‘s/he was weaving’.

(228) *tcʰemɛ ci* *pu-taɣ* *nuw-ŋu*
girl INDEF PST.IPFV-weave SENS-be
‘A girl was weaving.’ (2003 tWxtsa)

21.5.4 Archaic form

The archaic 3SG *kʰu-ti* ‘s/he said’ and 3PL *kʰu-ti-nuw* ‘they said’ forms with the isolated preverb *kʰu-*, are attested in a few occurrences in stories told by Tshendzin’s mother. They are glossed by Tshendzin with the Inferential forms 3SG→3 *to-ti* and 3PL→3 *to-ti-nuw*, respectively.

(229) “*ew kɛw nɛw-tuɣ-wɣ-mbi tɣ-ti ma mɣ-jɣɣ*”
who ERG AOR-2-INV-give IMP-say apart from NEG-be.possible:FACT
*kʰu-ti-nuw*
???-say-PL
‘Who gave this to you, you must tell us.’ (2003-kWBRa)
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

These forms are not found in texts by younger speakers. No other trace of this preverb is found in Japhug. A possible origin for it would be the hearsay sentence final particle *kʰi* (§10.4.3), which sometimes occur in the reported speech complements (§24.2.5.1) of the verb *ti* ‘say’, sometimes even in direct contact with the stem of this verb as in (230), in its irregular preverbless inferential form (§21.3.1.4).

(230) “nɣ-kl
2SG.POSS-top.of head
nɣ-krw
nʷ pjʷ-tw-pʰʷt
tce
DEM IPFV-2-take.off LNK
kɣ-nʷ-ce
ŋʷ-kʰʷ
kʰi” ti
ŋʷ-ŋu
INF-AUTO-GO SENS-be.possible SFP say:FACT SENS-be
‘He said: “If you remove the horn on the top of your head, it will be
possible for you to go wherever you want.”’ (divination 2005,101)

The preverb *kʰu-* would thus result from the procliticization and eventual ab-
sorption of a sentence final particle from a preceding clause into the verbal word,
a scenario similar to that proposed for the Apprehensive *eu-* (§21.7.1.3). If this hy-
pothesis is correct, the form *kʰu-ti* may not be the residual form from an ancient
paradigm, but rather an unsuccessful Japhug innovation that has eventually died
out.

**21.6 Secondary Aspectual categories**

There are two secondary aspectual prefixes in Japhug, the Progressive (§21.6.1) and the Proximative (§21.6.2). They can be combined with several primary TAME categories, but cannot occur together in the same verb form.

**21.6.1 Progressive**

**21.6.1.1 Morphology**

The Progressive prefix *asu-* is located in slot -1 of the outer prefixal template (§11.2.1). It is only compatible with transitive verbs, and does not appear with perfective TAME categories such as Aorist and Inferential Perfective. Its almost only attested with finite verb forms; the only examples of non-finite Progressive forms are object participles (see example 60, §16.1.2.2).

The Progressive prefix has six regular allomorphs, as shown in Table 21.8. The monosyllabic variants *az*-, *-ɣz*- and *-oz*- are found in the same context as the *z*-allomorph of the sigmatic causative (§17.2.1.1): in non-monosyllabic verb bases, when the first syllable has a sonorant initial (*mV*-, *nV*-, *ɣV*- or *rV*-). They are illustrated with the verb *nxjo* ‘wait’ in Table 21.8. The disyllabic allomorphs *asw*-,
- *-su*- and - *osu* - are found in all other contexts (illustrated with the monosyllabic *ndza* ‘eat’ in Table 21.8).

<table><caption>Table 21.8: Allomorphs of the Progressive prefix</caption><thead><tr><th>Allomorph</th><th>Context</th><th>Examples</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td rowspan="3">asw-</td><td>Factual</td><td><i>asw-ndza</i><br>PROG-eat:FACT</td></tr><tr><td>Past Imperfective</td><td><i>puw-asw-ndza</i><br>PST.IPFV-PROG-eat</td></tr><tr><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td rowspan="3">az-</td><td>Factual</td><td><i>az-n<sub>y</sub>jo</i><br>PROG-wait:FACT</td></tr><tr><td>Past Imperfective</td><td><i>puw-az-n<sub>y</sub>jo</i><br>PST.IPFV-PROG-wait</td></tr><tr><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td rowspan="4">rsw-</td><td>Sensory</td><td><i>ruw-rsw-ndza</i><br>SENS-PROG-eat</td></tr><tr><td>Inferential</td><td><i>pj<sub>y</sub>-k-rsw-ndza-ci</i><br>IFR.IPFV-PEG-PROG-eat-PEG</td></tr><tr><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td></td><td><i>ruw-r<sub>z</sub>-n<sub>y</sub>jo</i><br>SENS-PROG-wait</td></tr><tr><td rowspan="3">r<sub>z</sub>-</td><td>Sensory</td><td><i>pj<sub>y</sub>-k-r<sub>z</sub>-n<sub>y</sub>jo-ci</i><br>IFR.IPFV-PEG-PROG-wait-PEG</td></tr><tr><td>Inferential</td><td></td></tr><tr><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>osw-</td><td>Egophoric Present</td><td><i>ku-osw-ndza-a</i><br>PRS-PROG-eat-1SG</td></tr><tr><td>oz-</td><td>Egophoric Present</td><td><i>ku-oz-n<sub>y</sub>jo-a</i><br>PRS-PROG-wait-1SG</td></tr></tbody></table>

The vocalism of this prefix follows the same alternations as the initial *a-* of contracting verbs (§12.3).

The *asw-/-az-* allomorphs are found in word-initial position, in first or third person Factual Non-Past (see for instance 240), following the Past Imperfective *puw-*, with the negative *m<sub>y</sub>-* and the Rhetorical Interrogative *uβr<sub>y</sub>-* (§21.7.3, *uβr<sub>y</sub>-asw-ndo* RH.Q-PROG-take:FACT ‘it does not have (this colour), does it?’).

The - *osw-/-oz-* allomorphs are restricted to Egophoric Present forms with the prefix *ku-* (§21.3.3.1).

The - *rsw-/-r<sub>z</sub>-* allomorphs are the most common, attested with the Sensory *ruw-*, with the peg circumfix (§11.4, in Inferential Imperfective form) and also in the Irrealis Imperfective with the preverb *puw-* (for instance *a-puw-rsw-ndo* IRR-IPFV-PROG-take ‘may it have (this colour)’).
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

Like contracting verbs, the Progressive prefix selects the peg circumfix *ku*-...-ci (§11.4) in the Inferential Imperfective (§21.5.3.1), as shown by the form *pjy*-k-y*swu-car-ci* 'it was searching/looking for it' in (231).

(231) *swŋgw nwtcu, nykinw, wuma zo* spjankw kw-mtswri ci
forest DEM:LOC FILLER really EMPH wolf SBJ:PCP-be.hungry INDEF
*pjy-tu.* tcendre nwnwtcu w-ky-ndza ayndwndyt
IFR.IPFV-exist LNK DEM:LOC 3SG.POSS-OBJ:PCP-eat everywhere
*pjy-k-yswu-car-ci.*
IFR.IPFV-PEG-PROG-search-PEG

'In the forest, there was a wolf, and he was looking for food everywhere.'
(140428 xiaohongmao-zh) {0003884#S28}

The inverse (slot -1, §11.2.1) and the autive (inner prefix, §11.2.2) are *infixed* within the progressive, as shown by (232) and (233) (see also 2 in §11.2.1, 8 in §11.2.2 and 7 in §19.1.2).

(232) *pu-tu-ý<wy>z-nuwʰamba*
SENS-2-PROG<INV>-cheat
'S/he is cheating you.' (elicited)

(233) *u-ŋga* cʰy-NGraub *ldzyβldzyβ* zo ri,
3SG.POSS-clothes IFR-ACAUS:tear IDPH(II):in.shreds EMPH LNK
*pu-y<nuw>sw-ŋga*
SENS-PROG<AUTO>-wear
'His clothes are torn to shreds, but he is still wearing them.' (elicited)

When both inverse and autive are combined with the Progressive, the -sw/z-
element is removed, and only the first vowel of the Progressive remains, as in
(234).

(234) *u-zda* ku* pu-ý-wy-nu-njo*
3SG.POSS-companion ERG SENS-PROG-AUTO-wait
'Hisᵢ companion is waiting for himᵢ.' (elicited)

An irregular allomorph -ys- is found in the Sensory Progressive *pu-ys-tut* (SENS-PROG-say[II]) 's/he is saying/said' of the verb *ti* 'say' (§21.3.2.1), a form also unusual by the presence of Stem II.

Transitive verbs with the Progressive prefix lack some of the morphological exponents of transitivity (§14.3.1).
First, in Sensory, Egophoric, Irrealis and Factual, Stem III alternation does not occur in $SG→3$ configurations of alternating verbs (§12.2.2.2); for instance, the Progressive Sensory $3SG→3'$ of *ndza* ‘eat’ is *nuw-γswu-ndza* (SENS-PROG-eat) ‘s/he/ it is eating it’ with Stem I, unlike the plain Sensory *nuw-ndze* which selects Stem III (see example 14, §21.2.2). Combining Stem III with the Progressive (something like $†nuw-γswu-ndze$) is categorically rejected by native speakers.

Second, the past -t suffix (§21.1.3) does not occur in $1/2SG→3$ forms of Past Imperfective and Inferential Imperfective of verbs with the Progressive prefix. For instance, the $1SG→3SG$ form *puw-asuw-βzu-a* (PST.IPFV-PROG-make-1SG) ‘I was making it’ (see for instance example 220, §21.5.3.2) lacks the -t suffix, and inserting it ($†puw-asuw-βzu-t-a$) is not accepted by speakers.

Other exponents of transitivity, such as C-type preverbs (§14.3.2.2), subject participants (§16.1.1.1) and bare infinitives (§16.2.2) cannot be tested, due to the incompatibility of the Progressive with most non-Finite forms on the one hand, and the undetectability of the *puw-/pa-* contrast when followed by the vowel contracting *asuw-*: the surface form /pasuβzu/ ‘s/he/it is making it’ is equally analyzable as *puw-asuw-βzu* (PST.IPFV-PROG-make) or as *pa-asuw-βzu* (PST.IPFV:3→3'-PROG-make). The former analysis is adopted in this grammar.

The $1→2 ta-$ seems to be incompatible with the progressive. For instance, to express the meaning ‘I am waiting for you’, only the simple Egophoric Present *ku-ta-nγjo* (PRS-1→2-wait) is possible, the surface form /kutaznγjo/ can only be analyzed as a causative Imperfective *ku-ta-z-nγjo* (IPFV-1→2-CAUS-wait) ‘I will have you wait for him’, not as an Egophoric Progressive $†ku-ta-γz-nγjo$.

Other person configurations, including inverse mixed scenarios $3→1/2$ (§14.3.2.1) and local scenario $2→1$ (§14.3.2.3) can be elicited with the Progressive, as in (232) and (235), though no such examples have yet been found in the corpus.

(235) *nuw-kuw-γswu-zgrov-a*
SENS-2→1-PROG-attach-1SG
‘You are tying me up.’ (elicited)

### 21.6.1.2 Functions

The Progressive indicates the non-telicity of the verbal action. It occurs in the case of habitual (236) and ongoing actions (including events being protracted for a long time period, as in 237) (see also 98 and 94 in §21.3.3.4).

(236) *akw <xianzhong> ri <chuzhong> ku-osu-βzjoz.*
east district.school LOC junior.high.school PRS-PROG-learn
‘She is in junior high school at the district school.’ (14-siblings)
{0003508#S329}
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

(237) *sryz yu jum ku-osu-car-i,* lu *xsw-xpa pw-ŋke-j*
prince GEN wife PRS-PROG-search-1PL year three-year PST.IPFV-walk-1PL
*pw-ra ri*
PST.IPFV-be.needed LNK

‘We are looking for the prince’s wife, we had to walk for three years.’
(2003 sras)

With the Factual and the Sensory, the Progressive precludes an imminent future interpretation (§21.3.1.2). For instance *tw-mu asu-lýt* in (238) means ‘(when) it is raining’ (as part of general knowledge), while the corresponding plain Factual *tw-mu lýt* (239) is to be understood as ‘it will rain’.

(238) *ma tyŋe me nwtcu tce, zdwm lu-yi*
LNK sun not exist:FACT DEM:LOC LNK cloud IPFV:UPSTREAM-come
*ŋu tce, nw u-ngw nura, tw-mu*
be:FACT LNK DEM 3SG.POSS-in DEM:PL INDEF.POSS-sky
*kw-xtcw~xtci zo asu-lýt tce tce nwnw*
SBJ:PCP-EMPH-be.small EMPH PROG-release:FACT LNK LNK DEM
*βγγrtsʰi wuma zo dɛn.*
mosquito really EMPH be.many:FACT
‘When the sun has not appeared (yet, in the morning), when clouds come, and there is a little rain, the mosquitoes are particularly numerous.’ (25-RmArYWG) {0003652#S36}

(239) *nwnw qapryŋar kw zdwm tu-tcvt* ɣu tce tw-mu
DEM TOPO ERG cloud IPFV-take.out be:FACT LNK INDEF.POSS-sky
*lyt tu-ti-nuŋ ngryl*
release:FACT IPFV-say-PL be.usually.the.case:FACT
‘[The snake from] Qaprangar is releasing clouds, and it will rain.’
(140522 Kamnyu zgo-zh) {0004059#S322}

The verb *ndo* ‘take’ requires the Progressive in all its finite forms in the stative collocation *u-mdoɔk + ndo* ‘have the colour of’, as in (240) (†*u-mdoɔk ndɔrm* is not attested).

(240) *kuki u-mdoɔk zo asu-ndo.*
DEM.PROX 3SG.POSS-colour EMPH PROG-take:FACT
‘It is this colour.’ (23-mbrAZim) {0003604#S6}
## 21.6 Secondary Aspectual categories

The Progressive makes transitive dynamic verbs compatible with the Past Imperfective and Inferential Imperfective (§21.5.3.1). These forms can express previous habitual actions ('use to X') that have ceased to occur, as in (241) and (243), or past ongoing actions (242).

(241) tce aŋynduŋdyt z̥o <dagong> ntsw pwn-asw-βzu tce
LNK everywhere EMPH work.for.salary always PST.IPFV-PROG-make LNK
nyki, pwn-nuŋŋgra ntsu ri, japa ri tce, [...]
FILLER PST.IPFV-work.for.salary always LNK last.year LOC LNK
<kaoshi> pwn-cʰa
examination AOR-can

'She used to do migrant work everywhere, but last year (...) she passed the exam (to become a civil servant).' (12-BzaNsa) {0003484*S68}

(242) azo kukuwere ri juyi pwn-asw-rtoɔk-a cti tce, maka
1SG DEM:LOC LOC book PST.IPFV-PROG-look-1SG be.AFF:FACT LNK at.all
pwn-mto-t-a maka me
AOR-see-PST.TR-1SG at.all notuezFACT

'I was here reading books, I did not see anything.' (150901 dongguo xiansheng he lang-zh) {0006336*S57}

Example (243) illustrates the tense contrast between the Progressive Past Imperfective *pwn-asw-ndza-a* ‘I was eating/used to eat it’ (previous habitual) and the Progressive Egophoric Present *ku-osw-ndza-a* ‘I am eating it’ (present habitual).

(243) woja nwn cwnŋgw kumaŋ smyn, nwnn kw-fse
INTERJ DEM before other medicine DEM SBJ:PCP-be lik e
<gaipian> pwn-tu nwnn pwn-asw-ndza-a. tce nwn
calcium.tablet PST.IPFV-exist DEM PST.IPFV-PROG-eat-1SG LNK DEM
tʰu-arco kouvnw ny, nyzo ky-tw-suŋ-yuŋt nwn
AOR-be finished.up only.then ADD 2SG aor:east-2-CAUS-bring DEM
tu-ndze-a. nyzo ky-tw-suŋyut numw, <gaipian>
IPFV-eat[III]-1SG 2SG aor:east-2-CAUS-bring DEM calcium.tablet
pwn-ŋu ye, tce nwn ku-osw-ndza-a.
SENS-be SFP LNK DEM PRS-PROG-eat-1SG

'Before that I had other medicine, [another] calcium tablet like that, and that was the one I was taking. I [started] taking the [medicine] you sent me when [the previous one] was finished up. The [medicine] you sent me, the calcium tablet, I am taking that (now).' (conversation 17-08-21)
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

Temporal clauses with the Progressive and the relator noun *u-raŋ* ‘the time when, while’ can express simultaneity (§25.3.4.1) with the action of the main clause. In this construction, the verb can be in the Factual even when the main clause is in the Aorist or the Inferential, as in (244).

(244) tce [ty-pytso ra kw az-nwrdov-nw u-raŋ] zo
LNK INDEF.POSS-child PL ERG PROG-collect:FACT-PL 3SG.POSS-time EMPH
tce tcendyre, zyni daltsutsa py-zy-y-sw-yrqʰi-ndzi tce
LOC LNK 3DU slowly IFR-REFL-CAUS-be.far-DU LNK
‘While the children were collecting [firewood](piece by piece), [their parents] slowly moved away (from them).’ (160630 poucet1)
{0006065#S46}

When the subordinate and the main clauses share the same subjects, the verb with the Progressive prefix in the subordinate clause can express the manner of the action of the main clauses, as in (245).

(245) a-ty-lu to-χtw-ndzi, a-paχci ra to-χtw-ndzi,
1SG.POSS-INDEF.POSS-milk IFR-buy-DU 1SG.POSS-apple PL IFR-buy-DU
<gongxun> kw izo ji-skst p̱w-ysw-βzu tce,
ANTHR ERG 1PL 1PL.POSS-language SENS-PROG-make LNK
‘ny-ty-lu cʰo ny-paχci ty-χtw-tci’ ṉwra
2SG.POSS-INDEF.POSS-milk COMIT 2SG.POSS-apple AOR-buy-1DU DEM:PL
p̱w-ti.
SENS-say

‘They bought milk and apples for me, and Gong Xun (龚勋) said, speaking in our language: ‘We bought milk and apples for you’.’
(conversation, 17-08-21)

21.6.1.3 History

The Japhug Progressive prefix *asu-* is obviously related to the Tshobdun *vsd-* (Sun & Shidanluo 2002: 89) and the Zbu *vsd-/*vsə-* (Gong 2018: 199–201) progressive prefixes, but no cognates are found in the rest of Gyalrongic, even in Situ. It is a possible northern Gyalrong common innovation.

As in Japhug, the Progressive *vsd-* in Zbu and Tshobdun is incompatible with Stem III and the past transitive -z suffix (cognate to Japhug -t, §21.1.3), but its distribution is considerably more restricted. Zbu *vsd-* is not compatible with orientation preverbs and the inverse prefix; the allomorph *vsə-* optionally occurs with verbs taking the sigmatic causative prefix (Gong 2018: 199–200).
The infixability of the inverse and the autive prefixes within the Progressive in Japhug (§21.6.1.1) is a clue that *asu*- and its cognates are etymologically composite, comprising two elements *a*- and *-su*- Possible candidates for the former include the Passive (§18.1) and the Denominal *a*- (§20.2.1), and for the latter the oblique participle *sr*- (§16.1.3) or the sigmatic causative *su*- (§17.2).

### 21.6.2 Proximative

The Proximative *juu*-, located in slot -6 of the outer prefixal chain (§11.2.1), corresponds to the Tshobdun *jə-* prefix (Prospective *前瞻体*, Sun 2008: 142–143) and the Zbu *jə-* or *wo-* prefixes (depending on the dialect, Gong 2018: 9;201-202).

It mainly appears in the corpus in combination with the Aorist (246, 247) or the Inferential (248, 249) expressing that the action was almost realized, but not completed. The adverb *zumi* ‘almost’ is commonly used together with the proximative, as in (246) and (247).

(246) *u-nmaŋ* nɔu japandzì ri, wuma zo ty-ngo tce
3SG.POSS-husband DEM the.year before LOC really EMPH AOR-be.ill LNK
zumi zo juu-nu-u-si
almost EMPH PROXM-AOR-die
‘Her husband became sick a few years ago, and almost died.’ (14-siblings)
{0003508#S321}

(247) zumi juu-pú-u-wy-sat-a.
almost PROXM-AOR-INV-kill-1SG
‘He almost killed me.’ (150901 dongguo xiansheng he lang-zh)
{0006336#S132}

(248) u-lu zo juu-pjy-cu, tuu-mu ku
3SG.POSS-faint(1) EMPH PROXM-IFR-faint(2) NMLZ:ACTION-fear ERG
‘He almost fainted from fear.’ (150909 hua pi-zh) {0006278#S66}

The non-realized action can be deemed undesirable (as in 246 to 248 above), but may also be an aim that the subject tried but failed to realize as in (249).

(249) xswu-tyxur juu-ko-ce zo tce, tce tce, nwa ma
three-turn PROXM-IFR:EAST-go EMPH LNK LNK LNK DEM apart.from
mwu-py-cba tce
NEG-IFR-can LNK
‘He almost completed (was about to complete) the third lap, but could not [run] any more.’ (2003 sras 110-111)
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

The Proximative combined with the Factual Non-Past has the meaning ‘be about to do’. It is generally attested with a copula as in (250), like the Periphrastic Proximative (§21.6.2.1).

(250) *jw-nwzwβ* zo *pw-ŋu*
PROXM-sleep:FACT EMPH SENS-be
‘He is about to fall asleep.’ (elicited)

With contracting verbs (§12.3) in the Factual Non-Past, the Proximative merges with the contracting vowel as /ja-/, as in (251).

(251) *jw-atar-a* zo *pw-ŋu*
PROXM-fall:FACT-1SG EMPH SENS-be
‘I am about to fall down.’ (elicited)

This meaning is also found with participial forms, such as *ju-tu-ku-wyrum* ‘(the one) which is about to become white’ in (252) (see also 92, §15.1.4.3).

(252) *kw-pyi* ci *koŋla* zo *zumi*
SBJ:PCP-be-grey INDEF completely EMPH almost
*ju-tu-ku-wyrum* *kw-fse* ci *pw-ŋu.*
PROXM-IPFV-SBJ:PCP-be.white SBJ:PCP-be like INDEF SENS-be
‘It is grey, almost like it is about to become white.’ (24-ZmbrWpGa)
{0003628#S33}

A more marginal meaning of the Proximative in subordinate clauses is ‘as soon as’ (with completion of the verbal action), as in (253).

(253) *wnwnw w-ndzwy* *nwnw a-pw-tu* tce tcendsre, pya ra
DEM 3SG.POSS-resin DEM IRR-IPFV-exist LNK LNK bird PL
*ju-c-ku-zo-nw* tce tce kú-wy-ndo-nw tce pjw-si-nw
PROXM-TRAL-IPFV-land-PL LNK LNK IPFV-INV-take-PL LNK IPFV-die-PL
*pjw-ŋgrvl* *pw-ŋu.*
IPFV-be.usually.the.case SENS-be

‘If its resin appeared, birds would get stuck in it as soon as they landed [on the tree] and would die.’ (140427 yanzi yu niaolei-zh) {0003866#S7}
### 21.6.2.1 Periphrastic proximative

The Proximative is in competition with the Periphrastic Proximative constructions, which combines the Factual Non-Past with the 3SG copula in various TAME categories.

With the Past Imperfective copula *pu-ŋu* (254) or the Inferential Imperfective *pjy-ŋu* (255), the periphrastic construction means ‘was about to do X, almost/ nearly did X’.

(254) *bdẉuρa naχpu yụ w-tc̣u* *kw a-tc̣u sat*
ANTHR ANTHR GEN 3SG.POSS-SON ERG 1SG.POSS-SON kill:FACT
pu-ŋu ri, ny-tw-sytuta-t tce
PST.IPFV-be LNK IFR-2-separate-PST:TR LNK

‘The son of Klu gdugpa nagpo was about to kill (almost killed) my son, but you separated them.’ (28-smAnmi) {0004063#S263}

(255) *cwmwydw lšt* *pjy-ŋu ri [...] ny-swso tce*
gun release:FACT IFR.IPFV-be LNK IFR-think LNK
‘[The hunter] was about to shoot, but he thought ‘...’ (140428 xiaohongmao-zh) {0003884#S140}

The Aorist form *ty-ŋu* occurs in the Periphrastic Proximative construction in temporal clause to fix a point in time (§21.5.1.4), either in the past or in the future as (256) ‘when X will be about to Y’.

(256) *nyzo t'u-wy-caβ* *ty-ŋu tce, azo kw ne nw*
2SG 2-INV-catch.up:FACT AOR-be LNK 1SG ERG left DEM
pu-ctʰuw-a
IPFV:WEST-turn.towards-1SG

‘When they are about to catch up with you, I will turn my left [hand] in their direction. (2011-04-smanmi)

In the non-past, the Periphrastic Proximative selects the Sensory copula *pu-ŋu*, and expresses imminent future ‘is about to X’ as in (257) and (258). With the copula in the Factual Non-Past, clear examples of proximative meaning are difficult to ascertain, as postverbal copulas have additional functions (§22.5.3).
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

(257) wo a-wymu ra my-tw-yi-nu ú-ŋu ma,
INTERJ 1SG.POSS-brother PL NEG-2-come:FACT-PL QU-be:FACT LNK
kw-ndza p̥w-ŋu
GENR:S/O-eat:FACT SENS-be

‘My brothers, aren’t you coming, [the râkshasî] is about to eat us!’
(28-smAnmi) {0004063#S379}

(258) sɣ-rŋgw-rŋgw kwny tw-kɣrnoVAS p̥w-mtcw̥r tce, “atar-a
GER-lie.down also GENR.POSS-brain IPFV-turn LNK fall:FACT-1SG
p̥w-ŋu” kɣ-swso zo ntcʰɔr
SENS-be INF-think EMPH appear:FACT

‘Even lying down, you feel dizzy, and it feels like you are about to fall
down.’ (29-tAmtshAzkAkWndo) {0004065#S55}

21.7 Secondary Modal categories

Secondary Modal categories include the Probabilitative (§21.7.2), Rhetorical Interrogative (§21.7.3) and Interrogative (§21.7.4) which can be combined with primary TAME categories, and the Apprehensive (§21.7.1), which presents morphological commonalities with the Aorist (§21.5.1.1).

21.7.1 Apprehensive

21.7.1.1 Morphology

The Apprehensive prefix ɛu- presents a series of unique morphological proper-
ties in Japhug. It occupies the slot -3 of the outer prefixal chain (§11.2.1), the same
as orientational preverbs (§15.1.1.1). It is the only finite TAME category apart from
the Factual Non-Past (§21.3.1) to lack orientation preverbs.

On transitive verbs, the 3→3' direct form of the Apprehensive is ɛa-, with
a vowel alternation identical to that found with type C preverbs in the Aorist
(§14.3.2.2, §15.1.1.1, §21.1.1.1) as illustrated by the contrast between the intransi-
tive (Anticausative, §18.5.1) ɛu-ŋru ' (I am afraid that) it will break' and its coun-
terpart transitive ɛa-nu-qru ' (I am afraid that) he will break it', with the same
vocalism as that on the preverb ta-ndo 's/he took it'.

(259) a. kwki χcɛl p̥w-cti tce, nw fse laχtcʰa
DEM.PROX glass SENS-be LNK DEM be like:FACT thing
w-ŋgw cʰw-tw-rke tce
3SG.POSS-inside IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-2-put.in[III] LNK
cw-NGrw kw!

APPR-ACAUS:break SFP

'This is [made of] glass, if you put it like that in something else, I am afraid it will break.' (elicited)

b. a-tcw nw kw kʰwtsa ta-ndo tce,
1SG.POSS-SON DEM ERG bowl AOR:3→3'-take LNK

ca-nw-qrw kw!

APPR:3→3'-AUTO-break SFP

'My son took the bowl, I am afraid that he will break it.' (elicited)

This alternation is also found on transitive verbs with dummy transitive subject (§14.3.5), as in (260), showing that morphological transitivity, rather than semantic factors, determine the vocalism of this prefix.

(260) tw-mw ca-lyt kw

INDEF.POSS-weather APPR:3→3'-release SFP

'I am afraid that it will rain.' (elicited)

In addition, like the Aorist, it occurs with the 1/2SG→3-t (§21.1.3) as in (261a), and selects Stem II (§12.2.1) in the verbs that have an alternation between stemI and II, such as the verb *ti* 'say' in (261b) and *ce* 'go' in (261c).

(261) a. nw cw-tw-nyma-t kw

DEM APPR-2-do-PST:TR SFP

'I am afraid that you will do that.' (elicited)

b. cw-tuw-twt kw

APPR-2-say[II] SFP

'I am afraid that you will say it.' (elicited)

c. cw-a<nw>ri kw

APPR-<AUTO>go[II] SFP

'I am afraid that he will go away.' (elicited)

Table 21.9 summarizes the morphological commonalities between Apprehensive and Aorist (as opposed to Imperfective, §21.2.1).

The Apprehensive is not only incompatible with all TAME markers, but also with associated motion prefixes (§15.2.1) and non-finite verb forms. On the other hand it appears with all person indexation markers (1SG in 263, 2SG in 262, and even 2SG→1SG in 265) and the negative prefix *mu*- (262 and 264).
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

<table><caption>Table 21.9: Comparison of Apprehensive, Aorist and Imperfective forms</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>Apprehensive</th><th>Aorist</th><th>Imperfective</th><th>Common feature</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>3SG→3'</td><td>ṣa-lṛt</td><td>pa-lṛt</td><td>pjw-lṛt</td><td>a vocalism</td></tr><tr><td>3SG→3'</td><td>ṣa-nw-qrw</td><td>pa-nw-qrw</td><td>pjw-nw-qri</td><td>a vocalism</td></tr><tr><td>2SG→3</td><td>ṣw-tw-twut</td><td>tw-tw-twut</td><td>tu-tw-ti</td><td>Stem II</td></tr><tr><td>2SG→3</td><td>ṣw-tw-nṛma-t</td><td>tw-tw-nṛma-t</td><td>tu-tw-nrme</td><td>-t</td></tr></tbody></table>

(262) [nṛṣo stvṛtsḥṛt ci mw-cw-tw-cḥa] pω-susam-a tce, 2SG contest INDEF NEG-APPREHENSIVE-2-can SENS-think[III]-1SG LNK nω pω-nwzdwy-a wo DEM SENS-be.worried-1SG SFP

'I fear that you will not win the contest, this is what I am worried about.'
(2003 sras)

### 21.7.1.2 Functions

The Apprehensive is used to indicate worry or even fear that the event referred to by the verb might happen. Several verbs with the meaning ‘fear’ exist in the language (in particular the Applicative verb *muμu* ‘be afraid of’, §17.4), but none is a complement taking verb meaning ‘be afraid that X’.<fnref n="11" /> The Rhetorical Intergative (§21.7.3) can have a meaning similar to that of the Apprehensive, but conveying a milder degree of concern.

(263) [cw-maqḥu-a kw zo] nṛ-suso-nw tce rcanw, pcoṣṣi APPR-be.after-1SG SFP EMPH IFR-think LNK unexpectedly corner kwβde zo jo-yi-nw. four EMPH IFR-come-PL

‘Afraid of being late (thinking ‘I am afraid that I will be late’), they came from the four corners of the world.’ (150906 toutao) {0006326#S19}

The Apprehensive exclusively expresses the fear of the speaker, not that of the agent, though in the case of reported speech this may be a person different from the present speaker (as in 263).

<footnote n="11">¹¹The clause *cw-maqḥu-a* kw *zo nṛ-suso-nw* in (263) creatively translates the Chinese expression 争先恐后 <zhēngxiānkōnghòu> ‘vie with each other in order to’.</footnote>
Despite its Aorist-like morphological features (§21.7.1.1), the Apprehensive is exclusively refers to fear for a future event at the time of utterance; for instance, (261c) above in cannot be interpreted as meaning ‘I am afraid that he may already be gone.’ In complement clause with a matrix verb in the Aorist, it can however refer to an event which has already happened ‘(I) was afraid that it might X’, as in (264).

(264) *mw-cw-kʰw* kw nw-swso-t-a
NEG-APPR-be.possible SFP AOR-think-PST:TR-1SG

‘I thought it would not work.’ (conversation, 02-05-2018; after opening a washing machine, expecting it would not open)

The apprehensive prefix only occurs either in independent clauses with the exclamative sentence final particle *kw* (265), and in reported speech with the verb *suso* ‘think’ (264, 262, 263). It is strictly impossible in any other type of complement clause.

(265) *cw-kw-mpca-a* ku!
APPREHENSIVE-2→1-scold-1SG SFP
‘I am afraid that you will scold me.’ (elicited)

It is possible to use the Apprehensive in clauses with precautioning or preventive meanings (as in 259 and 263), but it is not the usual way of expressing these meanings in the language (§25.5.6).

### 21.7.1.3 Historical origin

The Apprehensive *cw-* is superficially similar to the translocative associated motion prefix *cw-*, which is grammaticalized from the verb *ce* ‘go’ (§15.2.1.2), but the two prefixes do not occupy the same prefixal slot (-3 vs. -4, §11.2.1) and do not share the same morphological alternations, and are not semantically close. It is unlikely that they are historical related.

A possible origin for the apprehensive *cw-* might be the alternative interrogative particle *ci* ‘whether ... or’ (§10.4.2), which can coordinate two clauses (the second clause being the negative counterpart of the first one) to express hesitation or worry that an action might not take place, as in (266) (see also 152, §21.4.3.2).
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

(266) $c^h a-a$ ci mγ-c^h a-a mγ-xsi, pγjk^h u

can:FACT-1SG QU NEG-can:FACT-1SG NEG-GENR:know:FACT still

xtei-a cti

be.small:FACT-1SG be.AFF:FACT

‘I don’t know whether I will be able to do it, I am still young.’ (2010-09)

Although generally clause-final, the particle ᶜi can be prosodically attached to
the second clause, and could have been absorbed into the verbal template (Lai
accepted describes similar processes in Khroskyabs). In this hypothesis, the Ap-
prehensive was first grammaticalized in negative forms, with reordering of the
Apprehensive and of the Negative prefix (267), and the non-negative Apprehen-
sive forms were created by backformation.

(267) ᶜi mγ-cʰa → *cʰu-mγ-cʰa → mu-ču-cʰa

‘[I don’t know] whether he [will be able to do it] or not be able to do it’
⇒ ‘I worry that he might not be able to do it.’

This idea should still be viewed as speculative, since it does not account for
the Aorist-like morphological features of the Apprehensive.

The *a* vocalism of the Apprehensive prefix with 3→3' transitive forms is a clue
that the C-type preverbs in Japhug originate from the fusion of A-type preverbs
with an Aorist 3→3' *a* prefix (§15.1.1.3). Given the ability of the Aorist to refer
to future events in temporal clauses (§21.5.1.4), it is possible that in pre-Japhug
or proto-Gyalrong, there was a TAME category without preverb but taking stem
II and the 3→3' *a* prefix expressing perfective future tense, and that the gram-
maticalization of ᶜi as a prefix occurred on a form of this lost category.

21.7.2 Probabilitative

The Probabilitative prefix *umr-, located in slot -6 of the outer prefixal template
(§11.2.1), is transparently grammaticalized from the combination of the Interrog-
ative *u-* (§21.7.4) with the negative *mr-* (§13.1.1). It is compatible with the Aorist
(268), the Imperfective (§21.7.2.2) and the Factual Non-Past (269), and has the
epistemic modality meaning ‘probably, presumably’.

(268) umr-jr-azruut

PROB-AOR-arrive

‘He probably has already arrived.’ (elicited)
(269) **tci-taɣ** numu, tci-taɣ **umɣ-pe**
1DU.POSS-MZ DEM 1DU.POSS-on PROB-be.good:FACT
**(‘Now that we have money), maybe our stepmother will treat us better.’**
(140507 tangguowu-zh) {0003933#S151}

Although Probabilitative with Aorist (268) can be elicited, no such example is attested in the corpus. Instead, a periphrastic construction with the Factual Probabilitative form of the copula *umɣ-ŋu* ‘maybe it is’ combined with the Aorist is found, as in (270).

(270) **nɣ-ja** ndʒi-cki **tɣ-tw-a** ri,
2SG.POSS-sister 3DU.POSS-DAT AOR:3→3'-say[II]-1SG LNK
**mυ-ta-twat-ndʒi** **umɣ-ŋu** ma
NEG-AOR:3→3'-say[II]-DU PROB-be:FACT SFP
‘I have told your two elder sisters, but they presumably have not told [your parents] about it (since they have not given any answer).’
(2014-kW|AG)

When the speaker hesitates in his degree of confidence regarding a particular statement, s/he can alternate between the Factual copula *ŋu* and the Probabilitative form *umɣ-ŋu* ‘maybe it is’, as in (271).

(271) **cɣr tce tu-mbri tce, “qaqaqaqa” tu-ti** ɣu tce numu
night LOC IPFV-cry LNK INTERJ IPFV-say be:FACT LNK DEM
**ryyρaɣ** ɣu. “ryyρaɣ ɣu” tu-ti-nu, ɣu tce
pheasant be:FACT pheasant be:FACT IPFV-say-PL be:FACT LNK
**umɣ-ŋu** ma mɣ-xsi matci cɣr ndyre
PROB-be:FACT LNK NEG-GENR:know:FACT LNK night LOC
**múj-sɣ-mto** tce.
NEG:SENS-PROP-see LNK
‘It sings at night, it makes the sound qaqaqaqa, that is the pheasant *Pucrasia macrolopha*. They say it is the *Pucrasia macrolopha*, maybe it is, we don’t know, at night it is not visible.’ (23-pGAYaR) {0003606#S7}

The Probabilitative prefix is not compatible with negative prefixes or negative copulas: forms such as †*umɣ-maɣ* (intended meaning ‘maybe it is not’) are incorrect. To express the meaning ‘maybe not X’, the Rhetorical Interrogative *uβrɣ-* with peg circumfix occurs instead (§21.7.3.3).
21.7.2.1 Possible modality with peg circumfix

The Probabilitative prefix can be combined with the peg circumfix (§11.4), with
an epistemic modality of substantial doubt ‘maybe’, as in (272).

(272) pya ra kw tu-ndza-nw wmy-kw-ny-ci ma
bird PL ERG IPFV-eat-PL PROB-PEG-be-PEG LNK
‘Maybe birds eat it.’ (17-thowum) {0003526#S39}

This form is compatible with verbs in the Sensory, as in (273); with the meaning
‘it seems, it looks like’.

(273) alo tcu rgunba ci yzu wmy-kw-ny-ci tce
upstream LOC temple INDEF exist:SENS PROB-PEG-be-PEG LNK
‘It looks like there is a temple up there.’ (2003 Kunbzang)

21.7.2.2 Probabilitative with Imperfective

The combination of the Probabilitative prefix with the Imperfective form (§21.2)
expresses optative modality ‘if only...’, as in (274) and (275).

(274) wmy-cʰu-w-myci-a
PROB-IPFV-be.rich-1SG
‘If only I could become rich!’ (elicited)

(275) “icqʰa r宋lpu w-tcw nw wmy-pjw-mtam-a”
the.aforementioned king 3SG.POSS-son DEM PROB-IPFV-see[III]-1SG
ntsw psw-swsm pjy-yu.
always IPFV-think[III] IFR.IPFV-be
‘She was thinking all the time: ‘If only I could see the prince!’” (150819
haidenver-zh) {0006314#S147}

This type of compound form is also attested however with the expected com-
positional meaning ‘it will probably be’, as in (276b).

(276) a. “nʷ-kʰi ye” ti qʰe,
3PL.POSS-luck SFP say:FACT LNK
‘She said: “They are so lucky.” (to have so much cattle).’
b. “tcizɣy ṁmɣ-pjw-ŋu nɣ lɣ-yi wo!” ntsw

1DU:GEN PROB-IPFV-be ADD IMP:UPSTREAM-come always SFP

tu-ti pw-ŋu pwn-ŋu.

IPFV-say PST.IPFV-be SENS-be

‘He said each time: ‘Maybe [this cattle] will be ours, come.’ (2005 Kunbzang)

### 21.7.3 Rhetorical interrogative

#### 21.7.3.1 Morphology

The Rhetorical Interrogative prefix *wβry*-, located in slot -6 of the outer prefixal template (§11.2.1), mainly occurs with verbs in the Factual Non-Past (277) in the corpus, but forms with the Aorist (278) or the Imperfective are also attested. It is not compatible with negative prefixes.

(277) rcanw mti pjwru wja zo tγrymckʰo pw-ŋu

UNEXP:DEG turquoise coral completely EMPH floor

PST.IPFV-be

pwn-ŋu. ‘nwn a-mi

pjw-te-a

ri

SENS-be DEM 1SG.POSS-foot IPFV:DOWN-put[III]-1SG LNK

wβry-sqlum

ma’ na-swso

pwn-ŋu

RH.Q-collapse:FACT SFP AOR:3→3’-think SENS-be

‘The floor was all tiled with and turquoise and coral. She thought ‘If I tread on it, it will not yield under my weight, will it?’” (2005 Kunbzang)

(278) twrmwkh a nɣ nw-βyo jγ-azywt nγ “joβ

evening ADD 3PL.POSS-FB AOR-arrive ADD INTERJ

wβry-c-tγ-tw-twšt-nw?”

ti pwn-ŋu.

RH.Q-TRAL-AOR-2-say[II]-PL say:FACT SENS-be

‘In the evening, their lama arrived and said: ‘You did not go and say joβ (to the girl), did you?’ (2003kandZislama)

#### 21.7.3.2 Functions

The Rhetorical Interrogative has two main functions, both in the form of negative rhetorical questions.

First, it expresses concern on part of the speaker that the action described by the verb might happen (279) or might have already happened (278 above), depending on the TAME category of the verb. In this function, it is frequently combined with the sentence final particle ma (§10.4.4) as in (277) and (279).
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

(279) “a-taɣ nɔutcu, lopbuteʰi nɔ uβr-yɔ-rŋgw ma”
1SG.POSS-on DEM:LOC elephant DEM RH.Q-CISL-lie.down:FACT SFP
pɔ-wswsym tce, nɔ ntsw u-k-y-nɔwdwy pɔ-yu
IPFV-think[III] LNK DEM always 3SG.POSS-OBJ:PCP-worry/about SENS-be
kʰi
HEARSAY

‘[The marmot]i thinks: ‘The elephantj won’t come and sleep on my
[hole], will itj?’, this is what iti worried about.’ (28-qapar) {0003720#S43}

In this use, *uβr-y-* normally carries a negative presupposition ‘it will not X, will it?’. This negative meaning appears to be absent only in a handful of examples such as (280), where *uβr-y-* is found with the final particle γe: in another version of the story from which this example is taken, the corresponding quotation has the verb γi ‘come’ in affirmative form without the Rhetorical Interrogative, and instead the sentence final particle tʰaŋ (see 48, §21.3.1.2).

(280) *a-mu, jwymuρ tce kʰu uβr-yi γe!*
1SG.POSS-mother this.evening LNK tiger RH.Q-come:FACT SFP
‘Mother, the tiger will come this evening (to eat us), won’t it?’ (X1-khu)
{0004085#S3}

In this function, the prefix *uβr-y-* has some overlap with the Apprehensive prefix *cɔu-* (§21.7.1.2), though the latter conveys a higher degree of worry.

Second, the Rhetorical Interrogative occurs in interrogative clauses expressing polite requests, as in (281).

(281) *n* *nɔr-tʃri* *u-taɣ* *k* *nɔ*
DEM:MEDIAL 2PL.POSS-staff 3SG.POSS-on OBJ:PCP-write DEM
uβr-y-kw-z-nympo-a-nw?
RH.Q-2→1-CAUS-watch-1SG-PL
‘You wouldn’t show me what is written on that staff of yours, would you?’ (2003 sras)

This function is common in particular with the Rhetorical Interrogative form *uβr-y-jγy* of the modal verb *jγy* ‘be allowed’ selecting a complement clause in the Imperfective, as in (282).<fnref n="12" />

<footnote n="12">¹²The noun *a-rẓaβ* ‘my wives’ in (282) is an essive adjunct (§8.1.7).</footnote>
(282) nwzo ra χswm nw, [a-rzaβ cʰu-tu-yi-nu]
2PL PL three DEM 1SG.POSS-wife IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-2-come-PL
uβry-jy?
RH.Q-be.possible:FACT
‘The three of you, would you come [to my palace and become] my
wives?’ (Norzang 2005)

The prefix *uβry-* also occurs in polite inquiries about a person’s health, expressing sincere concern about a possible illness as in (283).

(283) nɣ-ku-mŋyŋu uβry-ku-tu, nɣ-cqʰe
2SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-hurt RH.Q-PRS-exist 2SG.POSS-cough
uβry-ku-tʰu?
RH.Q-PRS-be.serious
‘You don’t have a disease (these days), do you? Your cough is not serious, is it?’ (conversation, 2016-03-20)

A more marginal use of *uβry-* is found in (284), where it appears on two antonymic verbs linked by the adversative *ri* to express the meaning ‘if I don’t *X*, at least I will not *Y*.’ In another version of the story from which (284) is taken, the same meaning (285) is expressed by verbs in the negative Factual Non-Past with the sentence final particle *tʰaŋ* (§10.4.4).

(284) pʰŋri uβry-pjw-tu-a ri kduŋ nw
be.efficient:FACT QU.R-IPFV-exist-1SG LNK harm:FACT DEM
uβry-pjw-tu-a tce tɣ-rca
QU.R-IPFV-exist-1SG LNK INDEF.POSS-together
cʰu-yi-a je
IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-come-1SG SFP
‘Even if I am of no use at least I will not do any harm, let me come along!’ (X1-tWJo) {0004089#S36}

(285) aẓo cʰu-yi-a je ma mɣ-pʰan-a nɣ
1SG IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-come-1SG SFP LNK NEG:be.efficient:FACT-1SG ADD
mɣ-kyduŋ-a tʰaŋ nɣ
NEG-harm:FACT-1SG SFP SFP
‘Let me come along, [even] if I am of no use, I will not do any harm.’
(several occurrences) {0003368#S20}
21.7.3.3 Rhetorical Interrogative with peg circumfix

The combination of the Rhetorical Interrogative with the peg circumfix (§11.4)
is not compositional. Despite the absence of any negative prefix (§13.1), it is the
negative counterpart (in functional terms) of the Probabilitative prefix (§21.7.2),
expressing the meaning ‘it looks like/seems that X is/does not’, as in (286)<fnref n="13" /> and
(287).

(286) kʰro wβrɣ-ku-pe-ci
much RH.Q-PEG-be.good:FACT-PEG
'[What you are proposing] does not look nice (fair).' (140506 nongfu he
mogui-zh) {0003925#S69}

(287) kloŋbutcʰi nɔ, w-rme ra wβrɣ-ku-tu-ci
elephant DEM 3SG.POSS-hair PL RH.Q-PEG-exist:FACT-PEG
‘The elephant, it seems that it does not have hair (on its body).’
(19-RloNbutChi) {0003550#S8}

21.7.3.4 Historical origin

The prefix *uβry-* is probably related to the Tshobdun interrogative prefix *vré*- (Sun & Blogros 2019: 397), though the two prefixes are not entirely similar: Tshobdun *vré*- is monosyllabic, and the vowel -e (from ealier *a*) has not undergone reduction to v as could have been expected in the view of its Japhug cognate. The fact that Japhug *uβry-* contains two syllables, and that it occurs in the left-most (-6) slot of the verbal template suggests that it may been grammaticalized relatively recently in comparison with other elements of the prefixal chain. In view of the formal differences between the two languages, one cannot exclude at this stage the possibility of independent grammaticalization, though the source is unclear.

Possible sources (from a formal point of view) could include the noun *u-βra*
'his share' (cognate to Tshobdun ó-vre) or the adverbial noun *u-βra* 'it is X's turn
to...' (§5.1.2.12). However, the semantic link between these meanings and that of
the Rhetorical Interrogative is unclear.

<footnote n="13">¹³In (286), *uβry-ku-pe-ci* translates Chinese 这好像不太好吧 <zhè hǎoxiàng bú tài hǎo ba> ‘This does not look good/nice’.</footnote>
### 21.7.4 Interrogative

#### 21.7.4.1 Morphology

The Interrogative *u-*, found in slot -6 of the outer prefixal template (§11.2.1), is a stress-attracting prefix (§11.2.3). When attached to a monosyllabic base, like the Factual Non-Past 3SG of monosyllabic stem verbs, the stress is on the Interrogative prefix itself, as in *ú-jɣɣ* ‘it is possible to’(288) (see also 49, §21.3.1.3 above).

(288) kwki jw-tw-kʰy m ú-jɣɣ
DEM.PROX IPFV-2-give[III] QU-be.possible:FACT
‘Could you pass [me] this thing?’ (2003, conversation taRrdo)

If the base is polysyllabic, the stress is on the second syllable just following the Interrogative, whether this syllable is a prefix (289) or part of the verb stem (290).

(289) nyj u-túr-suw?
2SG QU-2-know:FACT
‘Do you know it?’ (19-GzW) {0003536#S8}

(290) ki sakaβ u-rkw nwtcu si u-yɣ̥zu?
DEM.PROX well 3SG.P POSS-side DEM:LOC tree QU-exist:SENS
‘Are there trees near this well?’ (140517 mogui de jing-zh) {0004022#S95}

When occurring in direct contact with the stem of a contracting verb (§12.3), the Interrogative *u-* does not merge with the initial *a-*. Instead, an epenthetic *-j-* is inserted between the prefix and the verb stem (see examples 4, §12.3 and 23, §18.1.3).

#### 21.7.4.2 Functions

The Interrogative prefix *u-* has two main functions. First, it expresses a polar question (as in 291a for instance), expecting an answer with the same verb in affirmative or negative form (291b), a question studied in more detail in §21.1.4 and §21.3.3.2. An alternative way of marking polar questions is the sentence final particle *gi* (§10.4.2).

(291) a. wortcʰi zo a-t-ty-tu-rth̥e ú-jɣɣ?
please EMPH IRR-PFV-2-ask[III] QU-be.possible:FACT
‘Can you ask [for me]?’ (divination 2002)
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

b. j, j'jacy!
be.possible:FACT be.possible:FACT
‘Yes, yes!’ (divination 2002)

Second, it occurs in the protasis of conditionals (§25.2.1) in free variation with initial reduplication (§12.4.1.2). In this construction, the verb is generally followed by the additive marker *n}*<sub>y</sub>, as in (292).<sup>14</sup>

(292) “n-nmaq nw a-tɣ-swsu” u-pu-tu-sw sym nɣ, kwki
2SG.POSS-husband DEM IRR-PFV-live QU-SENS-2-think[III] ADD DEM.PROX
tɣ-ndze
IMP-eat[III]
‘If you want your husband to live, eat this!’ (150909 hua pi-zh)
{0006278#S164}

21.7.4.3 Historical perspectives

Many languages of the Trans-Himalayan family, including Chinese, Tibetan and Gyalrongic varieties, have vocalic prefixes marking polar interrogatives similar to Japhug *u*- (Sun 1995). However, it remains unclear whether these prefixes reflect genuine common inheritance: in particular, although some Tibetan lan- guages do have an interrogative prefix *e*-, it is not attested in Old Tibetan texts (Hoshi 2012), and may therefore be an innovative feature. If this prefix is not an archaic feature in Tibetan, the Japhug Interrogative *u*- and its equivalent in other Gyalrongic languages such as Khroskyabs ë- (Lai 2017: 340) may be better analyzed as borrowings from Amdo Tibetan.

21.7.5 Periphrastic modal constructions

There are two constructions involving a negative copula/existential verb and
expressing specialized modal meaning.

21.7.5.1 Mistaken expectation

The negative existential verb *me* ‘not exist’ (§22.5.1.2) occurs in combination with
the expletive postposition *ma* ‘apart from’ (§8.2.8) and the indefinite *ci* (§22.2.1)
following a verb in the Non-Past, in collocation with the verb *suso* ‘think’, to

<footnote n="14"><sup>14</sup>The second person prefix *n}*- in (292) is a case of hybrid indirect speech (§24.2.5.2).</footnote>
express a wrong expectation ‘believe/be confident that ... is true’<fnref n="15" /> (whereas in fact it is not the case), as in (293).

(293) wżo kw nw ņu ci ma me p̱w-swšym
DEM ERG DEM be:FACT INDEF apart.from not.exist:FACT SENS-think[III]
qʰe,
LNK

‘It believed that it was like that.’ (‘The sparrow believed that making a nest in the chimney was safe, but in the end it was asphyxiated by the smoke and died.’) (160707 kumpGAtCW)

This construction can be used with a rectification clause in tš-mda ‘but in fact ...’ (§25.6.1.3), as in (294).

(294) za zyut-a ci ma me
soon arrive:FACT-1SG INDEF apart.from not.exist:FACT
nw-swso-t-a ri, tš-mda tce pjy-k-yrqʰi-ci.
AOR-think-PST:TR-1SG LNK AOR-be.the.time LNK IFR.IPFV-PEG-be.far-PEG
‘I thought that I would arrive quickly, but it turns out that it was very far.’ (elicited)

### 21.7.6 Pseudo-concessive

The negative copula maʿ ‘not be’ is used with the restrictive focus marker cinš
(not) even one’ (§9.1.6.4) in a construction meaning ‘(anyway) it is not the case
that...’, semantically close to the apodosis of a universal concessive conditional
(§25.2.3.3).

(295) qajdo kw tcʰi mš-nu-ti cti nš, a-tš-nu-ti
crow ERG what NEG-AUTO-say:FACT be.AFF:FACT LNK IRR-PFV-AUTO-say
ma ņu cinš maʿ kw, nw syzny kw-scu-scit
LNK be:FACT even not.be:FACT SFP DEM COMP SBJ:PCP-EMPH~happy
ryzi-tci
stay:FACT-1DU

‘What wouldn’t a crow say (a crow tells only lies), let it say what it
wants, in any case none of it is true, let us live [together] happily rather
(than worrying about that).’ (28-qajdoskAt) {0003718#S24}

<footnote n="15">¹⁵Tshendzin translates it into Chinese as 满以为是 <mǎnyǐwéishì> ‘be confident that it is...’.</footnote>
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

The copula *maš* in this construction is invariable: only the verb preceding the *cinš* maš kuš sequence receives person indexation, as shown by (296).

(296) ku̱-mūrku̱ ņu-a cinš maš ku̱
SBJ:PCP-steal be:FACT-1SG even not.be SFP
‘Anyway it is not I who am the thief.’ (elicited)

In addition to ņu ‘be’, a few other verbs such as fse ‘be like’ can occur in this construction.

## 21.8 Non-verbal TAME markers

Verbal morphology and periphrastic constructions are not the only ways to encode TAME in Japhug. Three other grammatical categories contribute to mark TAME.

### 21.8.1 TAME adverbs

Tense, aspect and modality can be expressed by primary aspectual adverbs such as *prjkʰu* ‘still’, *uri* ‘progressively’ or *ntsw* ‘always’ (§22.2.1), time ordinals (§7.5.2), temporal counted nouns (§7.5.1), time adverbs derived from nouns (§7.5.3) and adverb of epistemic modality (§22.2.5).

### 21.8.2 Sentence-final particles

Many sentence final particles contribute to the expression of modality and evidentiality. Some particles are dedicated markers: the hearsay particle *kʰi* (§10.4.3) is specifically encodes evidentiality, *tʰaŋ* indicates epistemic modality (§10.4.4) and *je* has a hortative/imperative meaning (§10.4.1). Other particles such as *wo* (§10.4.1) have meanings that are more difficult to describe exclusively in terms of modality or evidentiality. No sentence final particle expresses tense or aspect.

### 21.8.3 Nouns and the expression of modality

Two nouns of Tibetan origin, *u-*mdoš ‘colour’ and *smulym* ‘prayer’ occur sentence-finally as modal markers. These sentence-final uses probably originate from complement-taking nouns (§5.1.2.6) used predicatively (§22.3).
21.8.3.1 The noun *u-mdoʔ* ‘colour’

The noun *u-mdoʔ* ‘colour’, borrowed from Tibetan སྤྱོད་ mdog ‘colour’, occurs with
the highly grammaticalized modal meaning ‘it looks like’, as in (297) and (298).

(297) [u-mɣlxjaʔ nɔ́, [...] kwrcɣ-ldza jamar γɣzu] u-mdoʔ
3SG.POSS-limb DEM eight-piece about exist:SENS 3SG.POSS-colour
'It looks like [the spider] has eight limbs.' (26-mYaRmtsaR-48)
{0003672#S6}

(298) [icqʰa nɔ́ [k(186, 454, 703, 479],

p̥u-rtaʔ] u-mdoʔ

SENS-be.enough 3SG.POSS-colour

'It looks like [the meat from one of those] is enough [for the lions] to eat
for several days.' (20-sWNgi) {0003562#S55}

This construction occurs with the Sensory in the complement clause (§21.3.2)
as in the examples above, or with the Inferential to express a past event/situation
(see 22, §11.6.2). The combination of Inferential with *u-mdoʔ* is semantically close
to the Probabilitative with peg circumfix (§21.7.2.1, see also 15d, §11.4).

The denominal verb *nuʔmdoʔ* ‘look like’ derived from this construction (§20.7.1)
has the same meaning, but rather selects a subject participle in the complement
clause as in (299), with subject coreference between the main clause and the
complement (compare 299 and 300).

(299) χpwn kw-tsʰu nɔ́ maka mw-pu-muṇmu tce ku-nu-rɣzi
monk SBJ:PCP-be.fat DEM at.all NEG-IPFV-move LNK IPFV-AUTO-stay
pjɣ-cti ma [kw-ce] mw-pjɣ-nuʔmdoʔ.

IFR.IPFV-be.AFF LNK SBJ:PCP-go NEG-IFR.IPFV-look like

'The fat monk was not moving and remained there, and did not look like
he was going [anywhere].' (150830 san ge heshang-zh) {0006416#S118}

(300) [kʷ-ce] p̥u-tw-nuʔmdoʔ
SBJ:PCP-go SENS-2-look like
‘You look like you are going.’ (elicited)

The verb *nuʔmdoʔ* can alternatively take a noun phrase as semi-object, as in
(301).
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

(301) [twrme kw-pe ci] kw-nwmdok
person SBJ:PCP-be.good INDEF SENS-look like
'He looks like someone nice.' (elicited)

21.8.3.2 The noun smulym 'prayer'

The noun *smulym* ‘prayer’ (smon.lam ‘prayer’, ‘wish’) is grammaticalized as
a quasi-sentence final particle, used in combination with the Irrealis (§21.4.1.2)
to express a wish, as in (302). A similar construction has been documented in
Tshobdun (Sun 2007b).

(302) tcʰeme kw-mpcw-mpcɣr nɣ-cɣa
girl SBJ:PCP-EMPH-be.beautifull 2SG.POSS-tooth/age
kw-xtcw-xtci zo, twrme ntsw tw-ndze
SBJ:PCP-EMPH-be.small EMPH people always 2-eat[III]:FACT
mɣ-ku-ra ci a-nu-tu-ɣβzu smuɣm
NEG-SBJ:PCP-be.needed INDEF IRR-PFV-2-become prayer
‘May you become a very beautiful, nice and young girl who does not
have to eat humans.’ (2012 Norbzang) {0003768#S285}

It also occurs with the Factual Non-Past (303), and can have scope over several
clauses, comprising both verbs in the Factual Non-Past and the Irrealis, as in
(304).

(303) nʷ tɣ-nʷ-ndym tce tʷ-m smuʷm
DEM IMP-AUTO-take[III] LNK 2-be.rich:FACT prayer
‘Take (this cattle and, and may you be rich!’ (2003kAndzwsqhaj2)

(304) nʷzora kʷny tʷ-scit-nʷ tce nʷ, nʷ-kʷ-m ra
2PL also 2-be.happy:FACT LNK DEM 2PL.POSS-SBJ:PCP-hurt PL
a-pʷ-me smuʷm nɣ!
IRR-IPFV-not.exist prayer SFP
‘May you be happy and be free from any disease.’ (conversation,
15-01-02)

The basic meaning of *smulym* is still attested in Japhug, as in (305), and its
sentence-final function is performative, and particularly common in prayers and
wishes.
(305) smwlm* nw na-ndwn-nw ndyre, “ki w-yri nw
prayer DEM AOR:3→3'-read-PL LNK DEM.PROX 3SG.POSS-before DEM
swstak zo kw-ycʰwcʰa, ki w-yri nw swstak
COMP EMPH SBJ:PCP-be.capable DEM.PROX 3SG.POSS-before DEM COMP
zo kw-pe [...] a-nw-βze smwlm*”
EMPH SBJ:PCP-be.good IRR-PFV-make[III] prayer
ta-tw-t-nw
AOR:3→3'-say[II]-PL

‘They recited the prayer, and said ‘May you become even stronger and better than before.’” (2005 Norbzang)

The noun *smulym* can be denominalized with the prefix *nw-* (§20.7.2) as the
transitive complement-taking verb *nusmulym* ‘wish’, which is compatible with
either infinitival complements or complement clauses in the Irrealis as in (306).

(306) nɣzo a-tʰu-tu-myci p<u>u</u>-n<u>u</u>-smulam-a
2SG IRR-PFV-2-be.rich SENS-DENOM-prayer-1SG
‘I wish that you will become rich.’ (elicited)
<figure><img src="image_29.png" /></figure>
## 22 Simple clauses

This chapter focuses on the syntax of simple clauses, that is clauses which do not involve multiclausal constructions.

Five topics are discussed: word order within the clause (§22.1), sentential ad-verbs (§22.2), verbless sentences (§22.3), noun-verb collocations (§22.4) and cop-ulas (§22.5).

### 22.1 Word order

With a few exceptions (§22.3), Japhug sentences require a finite verb to be com-plete, while all other constituents are optional. The main verb is generally sen-tence-final: only a handful of words (§22.2.7) and dislocated constituents (§22.1.3), can occur after it.

#### 22.1.1 Basic word order

This section describes the word order patterns involving verb and core argu-ments attested in the corpus (with the exception of right dislocation, §22.1.3) when all arguments are overt. The question of non-overt arguments is treated in §22.1.2, and the position of adverbials in §22.2.

##### 22.1.1.1 Intransitive verbs

When overt, core arguments and adjuncts are located before the verb. In (1) for in-stance, the intransitive subject *u-mu u-wa ni* ‘his mother and his father’ (§9.2.2.2) in the dual is placed before the adverb *впна* ‘both’ and the main verb *pγ-si-ndzi* ‘they*du* died’. The dual suffix on the verb here indexes the number of the intran-sitive subject (§14.2.1.2).

(1) [u-mu u-wa ni] впна пγ-si-ndzi
3SG.POSS-mother 3SG.POSS-father du both IFR-die-du
‘His parents had both died.’ (150828 donglang) {0006312#S8}
In the case of semi-transitive verbs (§14.2.3), which have two absolutive arguments, it is very rare to have both an overt intransitive subject and an overt semi-object (except if the semi-object is a complement clause, see §24.3.2). The semi-object can be follow (2) or precede (3) the subject, but in the second case there is a pause, indicative of left dislocation.

(2) *kwkwra* <xuexiao> *pw-rga-nw*.

DEM.PROX:PL school SENS-like-PL

‘Those (the children) like school.’ (conversation, 14-05-10)

(3) *tɔci* *nw*, *pya ra nɔstʰi* *mɔ-rga-nw*.

barley DEM bird PL that.much NEG-like:FACT-PL

‘The barley, the birds don’t like it so much.’ (23-pGAYaR) {0003606#S23}

With intransitive verbs selecting a locative phrase (§14.2.4), the locative phrase is generally located between the intransitive subject and the verb (4).

(4) [*u-pi* ni] *tʃu kw-wxti nɔtcu jo-ce-ndzi*

3SG.POSS-elder.sibling DU road SBJ:PCP-be.big DEM:LOC IFR-GO-DU

‘His two elder brothers went [along] the big road.’ (2003 qachGa)

{0003372#S23}

However, it is possible to put the locative phrase before the subject, especially when it refers to the source of the motion (§15.1.2.1), as in (5) and (6).

(5) *twumunmkʰa nɔtcu [qro χswm] pju-yi-nw*

heaven DEM:LOC pigeon three IPFV:DOWN-come-PL

‘(Every day), three pigeon came down from heaven.’ (02-deluge)

{0003376#S48}

(6) *mtsʰu yu* *w-ŋgw* *nɔtcu [mtsʰoŋlan]* *to-nw-łɔv*

lake GEN 3SG.POSS-in DEM:LOC water.monster IFR-AUTO-come.out

‘A water monster came out of the lake.’ (2011-04-smanmi)

Likewise, the standard of comparison (marked by the postposition syz, §8.2.7) can either precede or follow the intransitive subject (§26.2.1).

Oblique phrases with the relator noun *u-taɣ* ‘on, above’ selected by the main verb (§8.3.4.3) are located between the intransitive subject and the verb, as in (7) and (8).<fnref n="1" />

<footnote n="1">¹With the motion verb *ce* ‘go’, in (8) in stem II *ari*, *u-taɣ* specifically indicates the means of transportation (§8.3.4.3).</footnote>
(7) [u-ɣli nw] li tx-rsku u-taɣ wuma zo
3SG.POSS-dung DEM again INDEF.POSS-crop 3SG.POSS-on really EMPH
pe
be.good:FACT
'It's dung is good (as fertilizer) for the crops.' (05-qaZo) {0003404#S89}

(8) tcendre [zɣni pya ni] zmbru u-taɣ kɣ-ari-ndzi pwr-ŋu.
lnk 3DU bird DU boat 3SG.POSS-on AOR:EAST-go[II] SENS-be
'The two of them [including the bird] departed on the boat.' (2005
Norbzang)

Unlike intransitive subjects, essive adjuncts (§8.1.7) are closer to the verb than oblique arguments, as shown by *turme* 'person' in (9), which is not an intransitive subject ('the people are nice to me') but an essive phrase 'as people' (see also 18, §8.1.7).

(9) tce <zhoujikong> tce mzyw li a-taɣ turme
LNK center.for.disease/control LNK even-more again 1SG.POSS-on person
pe-nw ma
be.good:FACT-PL LNK
'At the district center for disease control, they are also very nice to me (as
people).' (140501 tshering skyid) {0003902#S139}

22.1.1.2 Monotransitive verbs

When the main verb is transitive, the transitive subject (with the ergative post-position, §8.2.2.1) is found before the direct object (in absolutive form, §8.1.3), as in (10).

(10) kw-yŋkɑv nwra kw qartsʰaz u-pw nɔ pŋ-y-mto-nw
SBJ:PCP-hunt DEM:PL ERG deer 3SG.POSS-little DEM IFR-see-PL
'The hunters saw the little deer.' (140429 jiedi-zh)

The object of a transitive verb only rarely precedes the subject, except for
object complement clauses (§24.3.1), and examples exhibiting this order are all
analyzable as left-dislocated topicalized constituents, as in (11).
## 22 Simple clauses

(11) a-tcwn, ji-rya ra nwn-mbala kw
1SG.POSS-SON 1PL.POSS-neighbour PL 3PL.POSS-OX ERG
tʰa-nwtswm tce nwnw w-kw-car
AOR:3→3-AUTO-take-away LNK DEM 3SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-search
ce-tci
go:FACT-1DU

‘My sonᵢ, the neighbour’s ox has taken himᵢ away, and we are looking for himᵢ.’ (tWJo 2012) {0004089#S40}

In (12), the object w-mpʰwz numu is topicalized, and in addition the ergative phrase tʰypyom kw is not a real agent.

(12) w-mpʰwz nwnw tʰypyom kw pjγ-ndo
3SG.POSS-buttocks DEM ice ERG IFR-take
‘(The leopard’s) buttocks had been caught in the ice.’ (140427 qala)
{0003852#S34}

The object-subject-verb order is however found to focalize the subject, together with a postverbal copula (§22.5.3.2) as in (13), where the transitive subject numu ku follows the object (Chunjie).

(13) <chunjie> nwnw kw ja-nw-tswm ŋu tʰaŋ
ANTHR DEM ERG AOR:3→3'-VERT-take-away be:FACT SFP
‘It is probably him who took away Chunjie.’ (150825 huluwa-zh)
{0006346#S115}

Note that without intonation, (13) is ambiguous, as [<chunjie> numu ku] could also be analyzed as a single constituent (since personal names can optionally take demonstrative determiners, §5.3.4), and in this case the translation of the sentence would be ‘Chunjie probably took him.’ The above translation however is the correct one in the context of the story.

### 22.1.1.3 Secundative verbs

The recipient (direct object) generally precedes the theme (semi-object) of secundative verbs (§14.4.2) as in (14).

(14) w-ki twmgo pγ-mbi
3SG.POSS-younger.sibling food IFR-give
‘He gave food to his younger brother.’ (nyima 2003-2)
In noun-verbs collocations where the verb is secundative such as *tu-nu* + *jtsʰi*
'breastfeed' as in (15), placing the recipient (*u-pu*) after the them (*tu-nu*) is never
attested.

(15) *u-pu* *tu-nu* *pu-jtsʰi* *kuŋzyo*
3SG.POSS-young INDEF.POSS-breast IPFV-give.to.drink also EMPH
'Even when [the monkey mother] nurses her baby,...' (19-GzW)
{0003536#S25}

However, with the verb *mbi* ‘give’ there are examples of the opposite order as in (16), where the theme (*qajyi k-kw-ɛke mura* ‘pieces of bread that had burnt’) precedes the recipient (*kw-lɣy nu* ‘the shepherd”).

(16) *tcʰeme nu kw qajyi k-kw-ɛke nwra kw-lɣy nw*
girl DEM ERG bread AOR-SBJ:PCP-burn DEM:pl SBJ:PCP-herd DEM
*na-mbi*
AOR:3→3'-give

‘The girl gave the shepherd pieces of bread that had burnt (to eat).’ (2003
Kunbzang)

22.1.1.4 Causative verbs

Causative verbs (§17.2) derived from plain intransitive verbs behave like mono-
transitive verbs (§22.1.1.2), but those derived from transitive (§14.4.3) or semi-
transitive (§14.4.4) verbs are ditransitive.

Causative derivations from transitive verbs have a causee (§8.2.2.6), whose syntactic status is intermediate between subject and object: it can be marked with the ergative, but is indexed as if it were an object if it is first or second person while the object is third person (§14.4.3). The causee in the ergative is normally placed before the object (17), even when it serves as instrument (§17.2.5.8) as in (18).

(17) *u-mbro* *kw qapri tu-rdoɣ* *nw pjɣ-z-rytcaŋ*
3SG.POSS-horse ERG snake one-piece DEM IFR-CAUS-trample
‘He made his horse trample one of the [two] snakes.’ (smanmi 2003)

(18) “zmbwu-βfaj nwnu kw cʰa nuw tú-wy-sw-ɛmi tce cʰa
boat-oar DEM ERG alcohol DEM IPFV-INV-CAUS-mix LNK alcohol
mum” tu-ti-nu pw-ŋu ma
be.tasty:FACT IPFV-say-PL PST.IPFV-be LNK
‘People used to say that if one mixes the alcohol [using] a boat oar, it is
tasty.’ (31-cha) {0003764#S41}
The object can be located before the causee, but it is always a left dislocated
constituent, followed by a pause as *u-čnɔ̈z nunu* ‘its head/extremity’ in (19).

(19) **qandże** γu, (...) *u-čnɔ̈z* nunu, *u-mtɔ̈hİ* ku
earthworm GEN 3SG.POSS-extremity DEM 3SG.POSS-mouth ERG
ku-su-ndym tce
IPFV-CAUS-take[III] LNK
'[The earthworm's head] extremity, [the crow] takes it with its beak.'
(140511 qajdo) {0003955#S11}

In the case of causative verbs from semi-transitive verbs (§14.4.4), such as *syrmi*
'give a name' (from *rmi* 'be called', §17.2.2.7), the direct object (the person to whom
a name is given) is always located before the semi-object (the name given), as in
(20).

(20) tce ndzi-tc<u>u</u> nu <i>pimawozy>r to-s<u>y>rmi</u>-nu
LNK 3DU.POSS-son DEM ANTHR IFR-give.a.name-PL
‘They called their son Nyima ’Odzer.’ (2011-05-nyima)

22.1.1.5 Indirective verbs

Dative arguments (§8.3.1) of indirective verbs (§14.4.1) follow the transitive subject as in (21).<fnref n="2" />

(21) icqʰa nunu ty-tc<u>u</u> nu kw [u-mu
the.aforementioned DEM INDEF.POSS-son DEM ERG 3SG.POSS-mother
nu u-cki] (...) to-ti.
DEM 3SG.POSS-DAT IFR-say
‘The boy said to his mother (...).’ (2014-kWLAG)

Dative phrases can be located either after the theme or before it, as shown
by examples (22a) and (22b) redundantly describing the same action in the same
story.

(22) a. <alading> nu kw, n<u>ky</u>nu, icqʰa t<u>tx</u>tu nu
ANTHR DEM ERG FILLER the.aforementioned lamp DEM
[w-mu w-cki] p<u>y</u>-kʰo tce,
3SG.POSS-mother 3SG.POSS-DAT IFR-give LNK
‘Aladin gave the lamp to his mother.’ (140511 alading-zh)
{0003953#S159}

<footnote n="2">²For reason of place, the theme (the reported speech clause) is not reproduced here and simply indicated by (...), but corresponds to example (173 in §21.5.1.4).</footnote>
b. [u̯-mu       u̯-cki]       txtšu nšu   ŋy-kho.
3SG.POSS-mother 3SG.POSS-DAT lamp DEM IFR-give

‘He gave his mother the lamp.’ (140511 alading-zh) {0003953#S161}

The first pattern (object-dative) is rarer than the second one, but attested for all indirective verbs, including verbs of speech, as in (23), where the reported speech clause occurs before the dative phrase (compare with 21 above, the more common pattern).

(23) [nšu-ku̯-lšy       lu-ce-a       u̯-p̱u̯-pe
2DU.POSS-SBJ:PCP-herd IPFV:UPSTREAM-go-1SG QU-SENS-be.good

a-ty-tu̯-ti ra] ku̯-wxti ni ndzi-pʰe ti

IRR-PFV-2-say be.needed:FACT SBJ:PCP-be.big DU 3DU-DAT say:FACT

p̱u-ŋu

SENS-be

‘He told the two elder [sisters] ‘Ask [your parents] whether it would be appropriate for me to go herding [cattle] for you’.’ (2003 Kunbzang)

Most oblique arguments also follow the subject and precede the object. It is the case of the goal argument marked by the relator *u̯-taq* (§8.3.4.3) in (24).

(24) ku̯-yyrkaw ku̯ [pri u̯-taq] tuki to-lyt
SBJ:PCP-hunt ERG bear 3SG.POSS-on arrow IFR-release

‘The hunter shot an arrow at the bear.’ (elicited)

## 22.1.2 Overt and non-overt arguments

Sentences with two or three overt arguments such as those discussed in §22.1.1 are a minority in Japhug. Most clauses comprise a verb with only one, or even without any overt arguments.

### 22.1.2.1 Core arguments

Non-overt core arguments, including subjects and objects, are always definite, and anaphorically refer to a previously mentioned entity. For instance, example (25) with a bare verb necessarily means ‘S/he/it ate it’, and cannot be interpreted as ‘S/he/it ate/had a meal’ with indefinite object or as ‘someone ate it’ with indefinite subject.
22 Simple clauses

(25) *ta-ndza*
AOR:3→3'-eat
‘S/he/it ate it.’ (elicited)

To express indefinite core arguments, non-overtness is an option only in the case of labile verbs (§14.5.1), but requires the conversion of the verb to the intransitive conjugation. Only a handful of verbs are labile (§14.5.1.1, §14.5.1.2), and for the rest of the verbs either an indefinite pronoun (§6.6) or a valency-decreasing derivation such as antipassive (§18.6), passive (§18.1) or proprietive (§18.8) must be used instead.

Semi-objects (§8.1.5), like objects, are interpreted as definite where non-overt, as shown by (26) with the semi-transitive verb *βjst* ‘obtain’ (§14.2.3, §19.7.3).

(26) *tcʰem nɔw kw Jɪ́-wy-nɔswkʰo tce mɔ̃-pjɛ-βjst.*
girl DEM ERG IFR-INV-rob LNK NEG-IFR-obtain

‘The girl had robbed himᵢ of it, heᵢ had not obtained it,.’ (150829 taishan zhi zhu-zh) {0006350#S131}

22.1.2.2 Oblique arguments

Unlike core arguments, oblique arguments can be interpreted as indefinite when non-overt. For instance, when motion verbs like *ɛe* ‘go’ and *yi* ‘come’ (§15.1.2.1), lack both an overt goal and a purposive clause (§24.4.2.1), two different meanings are possible. First, a previously mentioned goal can be understood as implicit as in (27).

(27) *qapri tu-ce ri múj-cʰa tce*
snake IPFV:UP-go also NEG:SENS-can LNK
‘Snakes cannot go up (there in the chimney) either.’ (22-kumpGatCW)
{0003590#S61}

Second, there is a minority<fnref n="3" /> of cases when no definite goal can be semantically recoverable, as in (28) where the two verbs *ku-ɛe* and *nuw-yi* indicate back and forth distributed motion, without any clear direction.

<footnote n="3">³However, when the motion verb takes a supine purposive clause, the goal is very frequently non-overt and indefinite, as can be observed in the majority of the examples in §24.4.2.1.</footnote>
(28) *w-zda* *pwr-car* *pw-swswm tce tcendvre, ki*
3SG.POSS-companion IPFV-search SENS-think LNK LNK DEM
*kw-fse* *ku-ce* *ny* *pwr-yi*

INF:STAT-be like IPFV:EAST-go ADD IPFV:west-come

[That ant] wants to search for its companion, and goes here and fro like
that.' (conversation 140501-01)

Likewise, when the oblique argument of indirective verbs (§14.4.1, §22.1.1.5) is
non-overt, it can be interpreted as either definite or indefinite.

For instance, the indirective collocation *tudi + lyt* ‘shoot an arrow’, which selects an oblique argument (goal) in *w-taɣ* (§8.3.4.3, see 24 above in §22.1.1.5), lacks an overt oblique in (29). In this example, it is clear that the subject must have aimed before shooting, and therefore that a covert definite oblique is implied, as confirmed by the choice of a specific orientation ‘towards east’ rather than the indefinite orientation preverb.

(29) *nwnw* χρwn *nw* *kw* *tudi* ci *ko-lyt* *tcendvre* icqʰa,
DEM monk DEM ERG arrow INDEF IFR:EAST-release LNK FILLER
*qapri* *nw* *γw* *w-rgaɣ* *zo* *to-xtswy*

snake DEM GEN 3SG.POSS-shoulder EMPH IFR-hit
‘The monk shot an arrow, and it hit the snake in the shoulder.’ (150820
qaprANar) {0006246#S22}

By contrast, in (30), also without overt goal, the command is to shoot arrows
without aiming, simply to see whose arrows will reach the farthest, as confirmed
by the choice of the indefinite orientation preverb. The absence of relator nomi-
nal clause in *w-taɣ* in this example is to be interpreted here as absence of goal.

(30) *tudi* *jγ-lyt-nw*
arrow IMP-release-PL

‘Shoot arrows!’ (elicited, based on a story)

In (31), the verb of speech *ti* ‘say’ lacks an overt dative argument (§8.3.1), and
it is obvious in this context not only that there is no definite addressee, but that
there is no addressee at all, since *ti* here means ‘utter (a sound)’.

(31) *w-tw-mwstɑv* *zo* *pjγ-ŋu* *ri*, *pγ-nycqa* *qʰe*,
3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.cold EMPH IFR.IPFV-be LNK IFR-endure LNK
“*wtcʰwtcʰw*” *mw-to-ti*

INTERJ NEG-IFR-say

‘Although it was very cold, he (successfully) endured it, and did not say
‘How cold!’.’ (07-deluge) {0003426#S72}
To force a definite goal/addressee interpretation, the presence of an overt re-
lator noun with a 3SG prefix is necessary, as in (32).

(32) a. **w-ta**k *tudi* to-lýt
3SG.POSS-on arrow IFR-release
‘S/he shot **at it**.’ (elicited)

b. **w-čki** (...) to-ti
3SG.POSS-DAT reported.speech IFR-say
‘S/he told (...) **to him/her**.’ (many examples)

The difference between core vs. oblique arguments is therefore distinct from
the parameter of indexibility (§14.2, §14.3): core arguments are those with oblig-
atory definite interpretation when non-overt, including (transitive and intransi-
tive) subjects, objects and semi-objects, while oblique arguments lack this prop-
erty.

22.1.2.3 Focalization

Focalized noun phrases are always overt, if limited to a demonstrative pronoun.
They can be formally indistinguishable from non-focalized ones even by intona-
tion, as the demonstrative *nw* in the last clause of example (33).

(33) *mtʰu*mgry *yug* u-zbroŋ *nugn*, *tu-nu-łok* *pu-ŋu*.
seal GEN 3SG.POSS-pattern DEM IPFV:UP-AUTO-come.out SENS-be
*tu-mugmw* *kw-fse* *pu-ŋu* *tce* *nug*
IPFV-be.protuberant SBJ:PCP-be.like SENS-be LNK DEM
*mu-naχtwuy*.
NEG-be.the.same:FACT

'The patterns on the seals (called *mtʰu*mgry) are coming out, protuberant,
that is how they differ [from the other types of seals]' (160706 thotsi)
{0006133#S64}

Focalized first or second person referents require an overt pronoun to surface,
as in (34).

(34) **nyzo** ny-sni p̌u-pač ma ażo a-sni
2SG 2SG.POSS-heart SENS-be.black LNK 1SG 1SG.POSS-heart
múj-pač tce, ľyndzi wuma nuy **nyzo** p̌u-tu-ŋu ma ażo
NEG:SENS-be.black LNK demon real DEM 2SG SENS-2-be LNK 1SG
ľyndzi p̌u-mač-a
demon SENS-not.be-1SG

‘You are evil, not me, you are the real demon, not me.’ (2002 lhandzi)
There is no dearth of strategies to explicitly indicate focus, including focus particles (§9.1.6), pseudo-clefts (§23.6.1) and postverbal copulas (§22.5.3.2).

### 22.1.3 Right dislocation

While word order is rigid in Japhug, and the verb is normally located after all arguments and adjuncts (§22.1.1), left and right dislocation is attested, though accompanied with a specific intonation.

#### 22.1.3.1 Dislocated constituents

All arguments and adjuncts can be right dislocated, including transitive subjects with ergative marking (35), possessor with genitive (§36), locative and time adjuncts (§37).

(35) sla tu-ngo ŋu tu-ti-nů ŋu, kůrwo ra ků.
moon IPFV-be.sick be:FACT IPFV-say-PL be:FACT Tibetan PL ERG
‘They say that moon is getting sick, the Tibetans.’ (29-mWBZi)
{0003728#S135}

(36) n̥u ma w-mu̯nto् kture maŋe, tw̥rgi yu̯.
DEM apart.from 3SG.Poss-flower INF-see not.exist:SENS fir GEN
‘Apart from that it has no flowers, the fir.’ (08-tWrgi) {0003464#S68}
{0003464#S68}

Sentential adverbs (§22.2) also undergo dislocation, as shown by (37) and (38).

(37) paχci ndsv̥e pjx-tu, ku̯cuxgu̯
apples ADVERS IFR.IPFV-exist former.times
‘(Unlike other fruits,) apples did exist (in our area), in former times.’
(07-paXCi) {0003430#S3}

(38) claɣ zo pɣ-me, li.
IDPH(I):immediately EMPH IFR-not.exist again
‘She suddenly disappeared, again.’ (150907 niexiaoqian-zh) {0006262#S108}

Subordinate clauses can also be right-dislocated, for instance infinite complement clauses (example 42, §24.3), supine participial clauses (39) (§24.4.2.1) or consecutive conditionals (40) (§25.2.3.1).
(39) **tcwχtsi k-ari-j, kw-nympo**
Cogtse AOR:EAST-go[II]-1SG SBJ:PCP-watch
‘We went to Cogtse, to do some sightseeing.’ (conversation)

(40) **tu-mbri** ᵃkʰi-ka kɔ̃-ka | **nɔ** kɔ̃ i kɔ̃-nɔ
IPFV-make.noise 3SG.POSS-while 3SG.POSS-wing DEM DEM.PROX always
tu-ste ᵈnɔ-ŋu, ly-zo kwny.
IPFV-do like[III] SENS-be AOR-land also
'It does this with its wings when it sings, even when it lands.'
(23-RmWrcWftsa) {0003610#S106}

In (41), the consequence clause **kmwrtswi nu sɔ̃re** ‘The *Berchemia yunnanensis* is funny’ is right-dislocated together with the linker *ma* (here meaning ‘because’), while the causal clause (§25.5.2) serves as the main clause. This example provides evidence that the linker *ma* can form a syntactic constituent with the preceding clause, even though it is most often prosodically linked to the causal clause following it.

(41) **yujpa kw-fse** nɔ̃re ri tce w-muŋtov | w-lst,
this.year SBJ:PCP-be like DEM:LOC LOC LNK 3SG.POSS-flower IPFV-release
fsaqʰe tce tce w-mat | w-βze ŋu,
next.year LOC LNK 3SG.POSS-fruit IPFV-grow[III] be:FACT
**kmwrtswi** nɔ sɔ̃re ma.
Berchemia.yunnanensis DEM be.funny:FACT LNK
‘The *Berchemia yunnanensis* is funny because it blooms this year, but its fruits grow the next year.’ (11-qarGW) {0003480#S50}

The presence of a right dislocated constituent does not preclude an overt con-
stituent with the same syntactic function in the main clause: for instance, in (42)
the ergative phrase *tw-wa nu ku* ‘the father’ and the right-dislocated constituent
*u-nmaču nu ku* ‘her husband’ refer to the same person, transitive subject of the
sentence.

(42) wzo srwnmw ku-ŋu nw ty-wa | nw kw mw-pjy-swχsyl,
3SG râkshasî SBJ:PCP-be DEM INF-father DEM ERG NEG-IFR-realize
w-nmaču | nw ku.
3SG.POSS-husband DEM ERG
‘The father_i did not realize that she_j was a râkshasî, her_j husband_i.’
(28-smAnmi) {0004063#S57}
22.1.3.2 The functions of right dislocation

Right dislocation in Japhug has three main functions, similar to those identified
by Honkasalo (2019: §13.7.2) in the Geshiza language.

The main function of right dislocation is that of afterthought, used to identify
a referent that has no been mentioned previously (35), provide additional side
comments (38, 41), complementary information (37) or even redundant informa-
tion that can contribute to identify a referent (42).

Right dislocation is also used to reactivate a constituent in discourse (Honka-
salo 2019: §13.7.2), to avoid ambiguity with other referents. In (43) for instance,
the referent *u-ku’a* ‘its house/shell’ is found more than twenty clauses after its
previous occurrence.

(43) tce nunu pw-rko, **u-ku’a** nua.
LNK DEM SENS-be.hard 3SG.POSS-house DEM
'It is hard, its house (i.e. the shell of the snail).' (26-tWcipaR)
{0003694#S68}

Finally, right dislocation can serve to mark emphasis on a topical referent. In
(44) for instance, the noun *u-mulyjaq* is both left- and right-dislocated, showing
that this instance is neither an afterthought nor a constituent reactivation.

(44) *u-mulyjaq* nū, nunu, kurcī-ldza jamar γyzu rca,
3SG.POSS-limb DEM DEM eight-piece about exist:SENS UNEXP:DEG
*u-mulyjaq* nū.
3SG.POSS-limb DEM
‘Its limbs, it has eight ones, its limbs.’ (26-mYaRmtsaR)

In some cases, the exact function of right dislocation is ambiguous. In (39) for
instance, the purposive phrase could be emphasized by dislocation, but alterna-
tively it is also possible to interpret it as an afterthought.

22.2 Sentential adverbs

This section describes non-derived sentential adverbs, excluding those derived
from nouns (§5.8), lexicalized converbs (§16.6) ideophones (§10.1), but including
adverbs with non-synchronically transparent etymology and loanwords from Ti-
betan.
22.2.1 Tense and aspect

Absolute tense is mainly expressed by time ordinals (§7.5.2) and other time adver-
bials derived from nouns (§7.5.3). There are in addition a few aspectual adverbs
that are not transparently derived from nouns.

The adverb *pyjkʰu* has a permansive meaning ‘still’ when used with a positive verb form (45).

(45) iz̥o a-mu nʷ tʰamtʰam kʷrcyṣqaptwy tʰʷ-azyʷt ŋu.
1PL 1SG.POSS-mother DEM now eighty.one AOR-arrive be:FACT
pyjkʰu ji-paɣ pjʷ-nge cʰa.
still 1PL.POSS-pig IPFV-feed[III] can:FACT
‘Our mother is now eighty-one years old, she can still feed our pigs.’
(2010, 9.2)

Contrary to what could have been expected, *pyjkʰu* ‘still’ is only rarely used with a verb prefixed with the Autive in permansive function (§19.1.5). Examples like (46) with redundant marking of permansive aspect are attested but uncommon.

(46) mtsʰo nʷnʷ pyjkʰu maka zo pjγ-n-nʷzʷβ
water.monster DEM still completely EMPH IPFV.IFR-AUTO-sleep
cti ma
be.AFF:FACT LNK
‘The aquatic monster was still asleep.’ (140508 benling gaoqiang de si
xiongdi-zh) {0003935#S184}

With a negative predicate, *pyjkʰu* means ‘not...yet’, as shown by (47) and (48).

(47) az̥o pyjkʰu tw-sla mʷ-pʷ-tsu-a
1SG still one-month NEG-PST.IPFV-pass-1SG
‘It has not yet been a month since I have [come here].’ (2003 tWxtsa)

(48) ma w-me kʷny yṇyṣqamnʷz-pṣrme tʰʷ-azyʷt, tce
LNK 3SG.POSS-daughter also twenty.eight-years.old AOR-arrive LNK
nʷnʷ pyjkʰu w-χti ra mʷ-na-car ma
DEM yet 3SG.POSS-companion PL NEG-AOR:3→3'-search LNK
‘His daughter is twenty-two years old, but she does not yet have a
companion (husband).’ (14-siblings) {0003508#S284}
This adverb is generally located before the object (examples 45, 48) but after
the intransitive subject (46, 47). It can also occur without a main verb, in combi-
nation with the sentence final particle *je* (§10.4.1) as *pyjkʰu je* ‘wait’, hence
the interjection *pykʰije* ‘wait’ (§10.2.1) with irregular fusion.

The reduplicated forms *zuruzuri* ‘progressively’ and the rarer *zururur*,<fnref n="4" /> are fre-
quent with gradable stative verbs to express a progressive change of state as in
(49), sometimes with incremental initial reduplication of the verb (§12.4.1.4).

(49) *zuruzuri* tce tce cʰu-yu ηu.
progressively LNK LNK IPFV-be.red be:FACT
'It progressively becomes red.' (11-qarGW) {0003480#S55}

They are also found with dynamic verbs, in particular with temporal clauses
in *u-juuja* ‘along with’ (§25.3.4.2) as in (50).

(50) tce tʰu-wxti u-juuja nɔ, (...) ku-wxti ra ku
lnk AOR-be.big 3SG.POSS-along ADD SBJ:PCP-be.big PL ERG
nu-kɔ-ndza, tcʰi tu-ndza-nu ku-ŋu nu zuruzuri tce
3PL.POSS-OBJ:PCP-eat what IPFV-eat-PL SBJ:PCP-be DEM progressively LNK
pu-mbi-nu.
IPFV-give-PL
'As the child_j grows older, the adults_i progressively give [him/her]_i their_i
food, whatever it is they_i eat.' (140426 tApAtso kAnWBdaR)

The highly polyfunctional *ci*, whose functions range from the numeral ‘one’ (§7.1.1) to various indefinite, partitive or non-identity markers (§6.6.1, §6.8, §6.7.2, §9.1.4.1, §9.1.7), is used as an aspectual adverb ‘once’ as in (51) (see also for instance 142, §22.4.2.5).<fnref n="5" /> The attenuative adverb *ci* presumably derives from this meaning (§22.2.4).<fnref n="6" />

(51) “qʰihihi” ci ta-tuṭt nu-ŋu
INTERJ once AOR:3→3’-say[II] SENS-be
‘He said qʰihihi.’ (2003 qachGa) {0003372#S162}

<footnote n="4">⁴It is possible that these forms are borrowed from *ɔ́rɔ́* ‘incidentally’, though the semantics is unclear.</footnote>

<footnote n="5">⁵Semelfactive meaning is however more often expressed with a sentential counted noun (§7.3.2.5) with the ‘one’ prefix (for instance *tu-yjɔn* ‘one time’).</footnote>

<footnote n="6">⁶Chinese 一下 <yìxià> ‘one time, a little’ has a similar range of meanings.</footnote>
Its reduplicated form *ci ci* has the meaning ‘sometimes, in some cases’, often repeated in two or more clauses in parataxis ‘sometimes *X*, sometimes *Y*’ as in (52).<fnref n="7" /> In (52), *ci ci* combines with the Autive prefix in spontaneous function (§19.1.4) to indicate the unpredictability of the alternative events.

(52) *w-me* múj-nwβdaь qʰe tcendyre w-me
3SG.POSS-daughter NEG:SENS-take.care LNK LNK 3SG.POSS-daughter
nw, nykinw, ci ci pjw-nw-mtsw, ci ci pjw-nw-fka
DEM FILLER one one IPFV-AUTO-be.hungry one one IPFV-AUTO-be.full
‘He did not take care of his daughter, and his daughter would sometimes
be hungry, sometimes have enough to eat.’ (17-lhazgron)

The adverb *li* means ‘again, like the previous time’ as in (53). It can be option-
ally followed by the additive *ny*.

(53) tcendyre li to-jyyt tce, smynmimitok kucana cʰo li
LNK again IFR:UP-turn.around LNK ANTHR ANTHR COMIT again
pjx-rwkʰycxl-ndzi.
IFR-discuss-DU
‘He returned again (up there), and had again a discussion with Smanmi
Metog Koshana (as he had done previously).’ (28-smAnmi)
{0004063#S183}

In combination with the adverbial *ci*, it can mean ‘one more, another one’ as in (54) (like Chinese 再 <zài> ‘again’). Alternatively however, *ci* in context can also be interpreted as an attenuative adverb (§22.2.4).

(54) ama w-tw-mpcɣr nu! li ci pw-fcɣt!
INTERJ 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.beautful SFP again once IMP-tell
‘Wow, what a beautiful [story]! Tell [me] another one.’ (2005 tWJo)
{0003368#S41}

The adverb *ntsw* ‘always’ is used as a temporal universal quantifier ‘all the time’ (55) or ‘every time’ as in (56), a function from which it has become a distributive quantifier (§9.1.3.3). It is one of the few adverbs that can be used postverbally (§22.2.7).

<footnote n="7">⁷See also 167 (§21.5.1.2) and 9 (§25.1.6) for representative examples of this adverbial locution.</footnote>
(55) *w-skšt* *mpcyr* *ma* “qušput qušput” *ntsw* *tu-ti*
3SG.POSS-voice be.beautiful:FACT LNK onomatopoeia always IPFV-say
ŋu.
SENS-be
‘[The cuckoo] has a beautiful song, it says qušput qušput all the time.’
(24-qro) {0003626#S63}

(56) spikuku žo nšu ntsu tu-ti pšu-ŋu tce,
every.day EMPH DEM always IPFV-say SENS-be LNK
'[The bird comes] everyday and says this every time.' (2014-kWlAG)

In addition, *ntsw* can indicate a repeated action ‘again and again’ as in (57),
where the repetition is also marked by the additive *nšr* (§8.2.6).

(57) “wortčʰi nč wojčr, ma-čy-ku-ndza-a” ntsu to-ti pču-ču.
please add please NEG-IMP-2→1-eat-1SG always IFR-say SENS-be
‘He said again and again “Please, don’t eat me.”’ (140427 bianfu yu
huangshulang-zh) {0003838#S11}

Other temporal adverbs include *bływur* ‘suddenly’ from Tibetan བཟུགས་ *glo.bur*
‘sudden’, used with Aorist or Inferential verb forms to express an abrupt change
of state (58), *tɔvde* ‘a moment’, which can also mean ‘suddenly’ (example 197,
§21.5.2.2), and also ‘in a moment’ referring to a future event (131, §21.4.2.2) or
‘for a moment’ (59), and *icqʰa* ‘just now’<fnref n="8" /> (on which see also §9.1.5.2).

(58) maka pču-nčvak-i, bływur žo w-xtu
completely PST.IPFV-have.a.good.time-1PL suddenly EMPH 3SG.POSS-belly
tɔ-yŋy mce pču-si cti
AOR-hurt LNK AOR-die be.AFF:FACT
‘As we were having a party (in the mountain), his belly suddenly started
to ache, and he died.’ (2012 Norbzang) {0003768#S318}

(59) kure ri tovde ku-nuina-a.
DEM.PROX:LOC LOC a.moment PRS-rest-1SG
‘I am resting for a moment.’ (conversation 2019-09-16)

22.2.2 Quantification

This section presents adverbial quantifiers that are not temporal or aspectual
markers, as those are treated in the previous section (§22.2.1).

<footnote n="8">⁸Its meaning is close to Chinese 刚才 <gāngcái> ‘just now, a moment ago’.</footnote>
22.2.2.1 Universal quantifiers

The universal quantifiers *kṛsufse* ‘all’ and *lonba* ‘all’ can have scope over a single noun phrase (§9.1.3.1). When following an intransitive subject or object in pre-verbal position as in (60), it is not clear whether the scope of the quantifier is on the preceding noun phrase or on the whole sentence.

(60) *rg{}tpu rgynmw ni kw [kwki ty-pytso xswm ki]*
old.man old.woman DU ERG DEM.PROX INDEF.POSS-child three DEM.PROX
*kṛsufse zo cʰy-y-y-wxti-ndzi.*
all EMPH IFR-CAUS-be.big-DU
‘The old man and the old woman raised all these three children.’ (140514
huishuohua de niao-zh) {0003992#S58}

The postnominal *mutcʰimurwuz* ‘all kinds’ (§9.1.3.5) appears in (61) stranded from the noun *tw-ŋga* ‘clothes’ by the unexpected degree marker *rca* (§26.1.1.4), suggesting that it could be analyzed here as a sentential adverb.

(61) *tw-ŋga* *rca* *mutcʰimurwuz* *cʰú-wy-βzu*
INDEF.POSS-clothes UNEXP:DEG all.kinds IPFV-INV-make
*kʰu*
be.possible:FACT
‘One can make all kinds of clothes (using it).’ (05-qaZo) {0003404#S65}

22.2.2.2 Everywhere

The adverb *aɣnduŋr}* ‘everywhere’ can be used on its own, but also together
with overt locative adjuncts (or goals); it can both precede (63) or follow it (62,
64).

(62) *tw-ji* *u-ŋgw* *aɣnduŋr* *zo* *tu-łoɣ*
INDEF.POSS-field 3SG.POSS-in everywhere EMPH IPFV-come.out
*cti.*
be.AFF:FACT
‘It grows everywhere in the fields.’ (12-ndZiNgri) {0003488#S146}

Locative adjuncts used with *aɣnduŋr* often take the plural *ra* (§9.1.1.2) to
mark approximate location as in (63) and (64).

(63) *aɣnduŋr* *swŋgw* *ra kwny tu-łoɣ* *cti.*
everywhere forest PL also IPFV-come.out be.AFF:FACT
'It also grows everywhere in the forest.' (14-sWNgWJu) {0003506#S159}
(64) *aɣynduŋdxt zo kʰa ra cʰu-rɣpɔ. tw-ji u-ngu ra*
*everywhere EMPH house PL IPFV-litter INDEF.POSS-field 3SG-inside PL*
* cʰu-rɣpɔ*
*IPFV-litter*
'[Mice] have litter everywhere in the house, in the fields.' (27-spjaNkW)
{0003704#S156}

There are a few examples where *aɣynduŋdxt* is followed by the locative post-position *ri* (§8.2.4.1) as (65) like a locative noun phrase. However, no sentences with *aɣynduŋdxt* ‘everywhere’ as core argument (like ‘everywhere is quiet’) are found in the corpus, indicating that it would be clumsy to analyze it as a pronoun (§6.7.1).

(65) *nufse zo aɣynduŋdxt ri tu-nnu-łɔv qʰe, u-zrɔm*
*like.that EMPH everywhere LOC IPFV-AUTO-come.out LNK 3SG.POSS-root*
*nura ku-tu maŋe.*
DEM:PL SBJ:PCP-exist not exist:SENS
'It grows simply like that everywhere, it has no roots.' (20-sWrna)
{0003564#S68}

When *aɣynduŋdxt* ‘everywhere’ occurs under the scope of negation, it never expresses the meaning ‘nowhere’, as shown by (66) and (67).

(66) *stɔmku nura, tw-ci u-rku nura tu ma*
*plain DEM:PL INDEF.POSS-water 3SG.POSS-side DEM:PL exist:FACT LNK*
*aɣynduŋdxt stʰu-ci me*
*everywhere so.much not exist:FACT*
'It is found in plains, or next to rivers, but it is not found everywhere.'
(14-sWNgWJu) {0003506#S50}

(67) *tce cvr tce cʰu-nu-łɔv-nu tce, aɣynduŋdxt*
*LNK night LNK IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-AUTO-come.out-PL LNK everywhere*
* ju-ce-nu mɔ-ku-kʰu*
*IPFV-go-PL NEG-SBJ:PCP-be.POSSIBLE*
'[They make it] to prevent [animals] from coming out at night and going
everywhere.' (150902 mkhoN) {0006300#S21}

The word *ŋotɛuŋondxt* ‘everywhere’ is semantically very close to *aɣynduŋdxt*
‘everywhere’ but rarer; it may also be translated as ‘in all kinds of places’. It
contains a partially reduplicated form of the interrogative pronoun *ŋotɛu* ‘where’
(§6.5.4).
## 22 Simple clauses

(68) ckrzy w-ŋgw tci p̱w-łok, turgi w-ŋgw tci oak 3SG.POSS-inside also SENS-come.out fir 3SG.POSS-inside also p̱w-łok, zmbri w-ŋgw tci p̱w-łok, mbraj SENS-come.out willow 3SG.POSS-inside also SENS-come.out red.birch w-ŋgw tci p̱w-łok, tce syjku swŋgw ṉwra tci 3SG.POSS-inside also SENS-come.out LNK birch forest DEM:PL also p̱w-łok, tce ŋotcunyondyt zo γyzu cti ri, stymku SENS-come.out LNK everywhere EMPH exist:SENS be:AFF LNK plain me, swŋgw ḵfa zo tu-łok p̱w-ŋu. whether forest completely EMPH IPFV-come.out SENS-be

'[This mushroom] grows among oaks, among firs, among willows, among red or white birch forests, you find it everywhere, whether on plains or in forest.' (23-mbrAZim) {0003604#S224}

### 22.2.2.3 Restrictive 'only, always'

The adverb ḵfa 'completely', which can be used to mark restrictive focus on a noun phrase (§9.1.6.5), also occurs with scope over the whole sentence in the meaning 'all, only, always' as in (69), where it follows the ergative ku (compare with 146 in §9.1.6.5, where the ergative is located before ḵfa).

(69) tw-ŋga me, tw-xtsa me ṉw
INDEF.POSS-clothes whether INDEF.POSS-shoe whether DEM
tx-tcw ra ḵu ḵfa zo cʰu-tṣuβ-nu pjγ-ŋu.
INDEF.POSS-son PL ERG completely EMPH IPFV-sew-PL IFR.IPFV-be
'Whether clothes or shoes, it was always the boys (not the ladies) who sewed them.' (12-kAtsxWb) {0003486#S99}

In copular sentences (§22.5.1.1), when ḵfa has scope over the nominal predicate, that nominal predicate can be preposed, as in (69) (see also example 277 in §21.7.3.2).<fnref n="9" />

<footnote n="9">⁹Example 165 in §9.1.8.2 is superficially similar, but the constituent [noun+ḵfa zo] in that example is a prenominal modifier of the following noun, while in (70) tx-tcw ḵfa zo cannot be a prenominal modifier of ku-rγ-tṣuβ 'tailor', otherwise the existential verb pjγ-tu rather than the copula pjγ-cti would be expected.</footnote>
(70) kẉcungw tce [ty-tcw č̪a zo] kw-rγ-tṣwβ
in.former.times LNK INDEF.POSS-son completely EMPH SBJ:PCP-APASS-sew
pjγ-cti ma tcʰeme kw-rγ-tṣwβ pjγ-me.
IFR.IPFV-be.AFF LNK girl SBJ:PCP-APASS-sew IFR.IPFV-not.exist
‘In former times, only boys were tailors (all tailors were boys), there were
no women tailors.’ (12-kAtsxWb) {0003486#S95}

22.2.2.4 Restrictive ‘alone’

To express the meaning ‘alone’, two constructions based on the root -sti ‘alone’
are used.

The root -sti can be directly combined with personal pronouns in forms such
as azo-sti with the 1SG azo ‘1SG’ or wżo-sti with the 3SG wżo ‘he’ (§6.1.2) as in (71).

(71) nɣ-oca tu-ɣi-a ra ma kutcu azo-sti
1SG.POSS-together IPFV:UP-come-1SG be.needed:FACT LNK here 1SG-alone
ku-rɣzi-a múj-cʰa-a
IPFV-stay-1SG NEG:SENS-can-1SG
‘I am coming with you, I cannot stay here all alone.’ (2-deluge2012)
{0003376#S74}

Alternatively, the reduplicated form of the root *stusti* ‘alone’ occurs either on
its own as in (72), or as a postnominal modifier as in (73).

(72) azo stusti ny-a
1SG alone be:FACT-1SG
‘I am alone.’ (conversation)

(73) fsapaɣ kɣ-χsu múj-mbat ma maka aki prɣku rgali
cattle INF-raise NEG:SENS-easy LNK completely down ANTHR milk.cow
stusti kw z̥o, ji-twβyi lonba z̥o, nw kw~kw-jndz̥y̥z
alone ERG EMPH 1PL.POSS-chaff all EMPH DEM TOTAL~SBJ:PCP-be.coarse
z̥o tʰa-ckušt qʰe
EMPH AOR:3→3′-eat.completely LNK
‘Raising cattle is difficult, down there in Praku, the milk cow alone ate all
our chaff, all the big ones.’ (taRrdo2003)

In a text translated from Chinese, we do find a calque of the Chinese construc-
tion (我一个人 <wǒ yīgèrén> ‘I alone’) with the pronoun azo ‘1SG’ followed by
the counted noun tu-rdoɣ ‘one piece’ (§7.3.2.4); this sentence is not idiomatic.
## 22 Simple clauses

(74) az̥o t'u-rdoq ku ntsu t'u-ci c-tu-re-a
1SG one-piece ERG always INDEF.POSS-water TRAL-IPFV:UP-fetch[III]-1SG
'It is always I alone who goes to fetch water.' (150830 san ge heshang)
{0006416#S44}

### 22.2.3 Identity

The adverb *anamana* 'identical' is borrowed from the Amdo Tibetan form འན་མana 'a.na.ma.na 'identical'. It occur with the copula མུ (§22.5.1.1) as in (75). It is similar in meaning to the reduplicated participle *ku-naχtœu~χtœuy* 'completely identical' of *naχtœuy* 'be the same' (§9.1.7) but does not occur as noun modifier.

(75) u-βri rcanu, qačpa u-βri n'u anamana zo
3SG.POSS-body UNEXP:DEG frog 3SG.POSS-body DEM identical EMPH
j'u-ŋu
SENS-be

'The body of the [turtle] is identical to the body of a frog.'(140510 wugui)
{0003951#S8}

### 22.2.4 Adverbial Intensifiers

Intensifiers used to express high degree ('much') and quantity ('much, for a long time') are discussed in §26.1.1. Negative intensifiers are discussed in §13.4.3.

The attenuative *ci* is derived from the adverbial function ‘once’ (§22.2.1) of the numeral ‘one’ (§7.1.1). It conveys a milder and more polite tone to Imperative (§21.4.2) and Irrealis (§21.4.1) verb forms, in particular with modal verbs in interrogative form (§24.5.3.1) as in (76).

(76) wortciʰi zo, az̥o a-ki ci a-pu-mtam-a
please EMPH 1SG 1SG.POSS-younger.sibling a.little IRR-PFV-see[III]-1SG
ú-jyɣ
QU-be.allowed:FACT

'Could I see my younger sister, please?' (140511 1001 yinzi-zh)

Due to the high polyfunctionality of *ci*, in examples such as (77), the attenuative function is not always clearly distinguishably from its semelfactive one.

(77) li ci ty-ti
again a.little.once IMP-say
'Say it again!' (many attestations)
The intensifier *koŋla*, whose first syllable originates from the reduction of the
lexicalized participle *ku-ŋu* ‘the one that/who is (really)’ (Table 16.2, §16.1.1.7),<fnref n="10" />
originally means ‘really’, a meaning still attested in (78). In this meaning it can
also serve as prenominal modifier (§9.1.8.2).

(78) wo a-mu, azo koŋla jy-azyut-a
INTERJ 1SG.POSS-mother 1SG really AOR-arrive-1SG
‘Mother, it is really me who arrived (i.e. not someone else pretending to
be me).’ (2012 Norbzang) {0003768#S187}

The secondary meanings ‘(doing) well, correctly’ (79) and ‘completely’ (80)
developed out the etymological sense of ‘really’.

(79) ma koŋla mw-ky-rtoŋ-a ri, w-myljaŋ nura pw-dn,
LNK really NEG-AOR-look-1SG LNK 3SG.POSS-limb DEM:PL SENS-be.many
‘I did not have a good look at [how many limbs it has], but it has many
limbs.’ (21-mdzadi) {0003578#S8}

(80) kupa w-skyt ri w-qiut jamar ma
Chinese 3SG.POSS-language also 3SG.POSS-half about apart.from
múj-tso-nw. (...) li nù koŋla
NEG:SENS-understand-PL again DEM completely
múj-tso-nw.
NEG:SENS-understand-PL
‘Chineseᵢ also, they only understand half, (...), they don’t understand itᵢ
completely/well (so one has to learn to speak their language to be able to
communicate).’ (150901 tshuBdWnskAt) {0006242#S13}

Finally, in some negative contexts, *koŋla* acquired a meaning close to *maka*
‘(not) ... at all’, as in (81).

(81) tce ky-ymuw-twy ri pw-me ma <jiaotong>
LNK INF-RECIP-meet also PST.IPFV-not.exist LNK completely
koŋla pw-me tce (...) ky-ŋke kja zo
transportation PST.IPFV-not.exist LNK INF-walk completely EMPH
ju-ku-ce pw-ra.
IPFV-GENR:S/O-go PST.IPFV-be.needed
‘We had no opportunity to meet, as there were no transportation means
at all, (...) and we had no choice but to go on foot (whenever there was a
meeting).’ (12-BzaNsa) {0003484#S19}

<footnote n="10">¹⁰The non-reduced form of *koŋla, kujula*, corresponds to Tshobdun *kəŋółə* ‘well’ (Sun & Blogros 2019: 55).</footnote>
22.2.5 Epistemic modality

The adverbs cʰylnnr ‘maybe’ and zgruy ‘certainly’ can contribute to the expres-
sion of epistemic modality, together with verbal morphology (§21.4, §21.7) and
sentence final particles (§10.4).

The former cʰylnnr ‘maybe’, ‘perhaps’ originates from an Inferential form of
the verb lyt ‘release’, followed by the additive ny, perhaps originally the protasis
of a conditional construction (§25.2.1). It is often combined with the sentence final
particle tʰay (§10.4.4) as in (82), or with a verb in Probabilitative form (§21.7.2).

(82) izora nyki, cʰylnny yu-znwzdwxpa-j tce yu-lyt-i
1PL FILLER maybe INV-have.mercy:FACT-1PL LNK INV-release:FACT-1PL
tʰay wo
SFP SFP
‘Maybe [the ogre] will have mercy upon us and will let us go.’ (160703
poucet3) {0006107#S38}

The latter *zgruy* ‘certainly’ generally occurs with a main verb in the Factual Non-Past (§21.3.1). It tends to be replaced by the Chinese adverb 肯定 <kěnding> ‘certainly’, even by the best speakers.

(83) ny-wi nu zgruy zo rga
2SG POSS-grand.mother DEM certainly EMPH like:FACT
‘Your grandmother will certainly like it.’ (140428 xiaohongmao-zh)
{0003884#S50}

22.2.6 Orientation adverbs

The tridimensional system found in orientation preverbs (§15.1.1.1), egressive post-
positions (§8.2.10, Table 8.1) and locative relator nouns (§8.3.4.1) is also reflect
by locative adverbs (Table 22.1). There is a one-to-one correspondence between
these adverbs and the corresponds nouns and preverbs (§15.1.1.4).

There are four series of adverbs shown in Table 22.1. With the exception of
the adverbs of the vertical dimension (UPWARDS and DOWNWARDS), the other
series are trivially derived from the bare adverbs by prefixation of a-, tce- (perhaps
related to the postposition tce §8.2.4.3) and -ch'u (§8.2.4.2).

The bare adverbs are most often directly placed before an orientable verb
(§15.1.2) bearing a preverb encoding the same orientation, as in (84) and (87). The
adverb ku, though homophonous with the ergative in isolation (§8.2.2), is often
pronounced [ku] as in the recording of (87), due to regressive assimilation from
the preverb ko-.
<table><caption>Table 22.1: Orientation adverbs</caption><thead><tr><th>Orientation</th><th>Bare</th><th>Basic</th><th>Distal</th><th>Approximate</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Upwards</td><td>taw</td><td>atu</td><td>tɛ̃etu</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>Downwards</td><td>pa</td><td>aki</td><td>tɛ̃eki</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>Upstream</td><td>lo</td><td>alo</td><td>tɛ̃elo</td><td>locʰu</td></tr><tr><td>Downstream</td><td>tʰi</td><td>atʰi</td><td>tɛ̃etʰi</td><td>tʰuocʰu</td></tr><tr><td>Eastwards</td><td>ku</td><td>aku</td><td>tɛ̃eku</td><td>kucʰu</td></tr><tr><td>Westwards</td><td>ndi</td><td>adi</td><td>tɛ̃endi</td><td>nducʰu</td></tr></tbody></table>

(84) *ty-mpja* *tce tʰi* *cʰu-yi*, *ty-yɔ́ndzɔ*
AOR-be.warm LNK downstream IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-come AOR-be.cold
*tce lo* *lu-ce*
LNK upstream IPFV:UPSTREAM-come

‘(Contrary to expectations), when [the weather] becomes warm it comes downstream, and when it becomes cold it goes upstream.’ (24-kWmu)

{0003618#S25}

This is not the exclusive function of bare orientation adverbs however: they can also refer to a static location unrelated to the orientation of the verb, and non-adjacent to it (85). However, the basic and distal adverb are more often used in this function.

(85) *ku* ri ci (...) *pjw-su*-s̥-tsa-*nw*, *ndi ri li ci*
east LOC one IPFV:DOWN-CAUS-be.planted-PL west LOC again one
*pjw-su-s̥-tsa-*nw
IPFV:DOWN-CAUS-be.planted-PL

‘(In former times, when people installed the loom), [they] would plant one [sharpened peg] in the east (i.e. left), another one in the west (i.e. right) (to attach the upward extremity of the warp threads).’

(vid-20140429090403) {0003776#S119}

All four series of orientation adverbs can be followed by the core locative post-positions (§8.2.4.1) as in (85), (86) and (87).
(86) qaliaš nutcu lu-zo tce aku ri ku-ru, andi ri
eagle DEM:LOC IPFV-land LNK east LOC IPFV:EAST-look west LOC
pu-ru
IPFV:WEST-look

‘Eagles land there and look around (to the east and the west, looking for
food).’ (140522 Kamnyu zgo) {0004059#S214}

Example (87) shows that distal orientation adverbs can occur in the same context as locative relator nouns in -cu (§8.3.4.1).

(87) w-ndycu nwtcu, dwxpakvrpu yw w-me nw kw kʰri
3SG.POSS-west DEM:LOC ANTHR GEN 3SG.POSS-daughter DEM ERG seat
pjy-ta tce kw ko-ru. tce tcelo nwtcu jimawozỵr
IFR:DOWN-put LNK east IFR:EAST-look LNK upstream DEM:LOC ANTHR
yw w-kʰri nw pjy-ta-nw tce, tʰi
GEN 3SG.POSS-seat DEM IFR:DOWN-put-PL LNK downstream
cʰo-ru-nw tce
IFR:DOWNSTREAM-look-PL LNK

‘On the west side, the daughter of Gdugpa Dkarpo placed her seat and
turned it towards the east. On the downstream side, [the servants] placed
Nyima ’Odzer’s seat, and turned it towards the upstream direction.’
(2011-04-smanmi) {0004063#S352}

The bare adverbial stems can be compounded to build nouns of dimension
(§5.5.2.2)

In addition to the adverbs in Table 22.1, we also find *txton* ‘uphill’, *UPWARDS* and *txzun* ‘downhill’, *DOWNWARDS* specifically indicating orientation upwards and downwards a slope. They can be associated with both the vertical (*UPWARDS*, *DOWNWARDS*) and the fluvial (*UPSTREAM*, *DOWNSTREAM*) orientations, as shown by (88), where the motion verb *ce* ‘go’ and the manipulation verb *tswum* ‘take away’ take the fluvial orientation *UPSTREAM* with *txton*, but the vertical orientation *DOWNWARDS* with *txzun*.

(88) tce txton lu-ce pwepuny, snama txton tsa
LNK uphill IPFV:UPSTREAM-go TOP beast.of.burden uphill a.little
lú-wy-tswum pw~pw-ra ny
IPFV:UPSTREAM-INV-take.away COND~PST.IPFV-be.needed ADD
w-koṇtaq tu-sw-yswy-nw tce nw kw
3SG.POSS-front.strap IPFV-CAUS-be.tight-PL LNK DEM ERG
<table><tr><td>lu-rsci</td><td>pu-ra.</td><td>txzwn</td><td>pju-ce</td><td>pwpwuny,</td></tr><tr><td colspan="5">IPFV:UPSTREAM-pull SENS-be-needed downhill IPFV:DOWN-go TOP</td></tr><tr><td>u-spnyt</td><td>cʰu-sw-yswy-nu</td><td></td><td></td><td>pu-ra.</td></tr></table>

3SG.POSS-crupper IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-CAUS-be.tight-PL SENS-be-needed
‘When itᵢ goes uphill, [that is] if they need to lead the beastᵢ of burden on
an upward slope, they need to tighten the front strap of the saddle for itᵢ
to pull [the burden]. When itᵢ goes downhill, they need to tighten the
crupper.’ (30-tAsno) {0003758#S92}

Despite their -n coda (§3.3.3), these adverbs are native words, as shown by their Tshobdun cognates *tótəm* ‘uphill’ and *tɔ́jət* ‘downhill’ (Sun & Blogros 2019: 123–4). The expected Japhug forms would be †*tɔ́təm* and †*tɔ́zɔ́t*, respectively. The coda -n probably results from the coalescence of the inherited adverb with the demonstrative *nu*. These adverbs probably originate from nominalizations of elevational motion verbs, which are lost in Northern Gyalrong but attested in Situ (for instance Bragbar *tʰô* ‘move upwards’ and *jô* ‘move downwards’, respectively, see Zhang 2020: §9.1 and Lin 2017).

### 22.2.7 Postverbal elements

The only part of speech that is always located after the main verb is the sentence final particles (§10.4, §21.8). With the exception of right dislocated constituents (§22.1.3), only a handful of other words can occur post-verbally.

Some ideophones (mainly pattern II, §10.1.7.4) can be put after the verb, optionally with the emphatic *zo* as in (89), even in some relative clauses (§23.3.6).

(89) *nure* *tu-rŋgy-b-nu* **prwŋprwŋ** **zɔ**
DEM:LOC IPFV-attach-PL IDPH(II):solidly EMPH

‘They attach [the plough] there (on the hybrid yaks’ horns) solidly.’
(25-stuxsi) {0003660#S11}

Only three adverbs can occupy postverbal position. First, the emphatic marker *zo* (§26.1.1.5) commonly occurs after the main verb in constructions expressing high degree (§26.1), as in (90).

(90) *tce* *nwnu* *tú-wy-ndza* *rca*
LNK DEM IPFV-INV-eat UNEXP:DEG 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.sour
*saχaɣ*
be.extr emely:FACT EMPH
**zɔ**.

‘When one eats it, it is very sour.’ (16-CWrNgo) {0003518#S219}
Second, the degree adverb *tsa* ‘a little’ is postverbal when used in a comparative construction (§26.2.2), as in (91).

(91) tcʰitcwn paχci nʷ tce tce, ʷ-jwɑ̈b nʷra ɪzərə ji-paχci
toPO apple DEM LNK LNK 3SG.POSS-leave DEM:PL 1PL 1PL.POSS-apple
stʰuci mʷ-pu-yrtu̯m kʷ pʷ-rpʃi tsa
so.much NEG-SENS-be.round ERG SENS-be.long a.little
‘Pears (Chuchen apples), their leaves are not as round as [those of] our
apples, but a bit longer.’ (07-paXCi) {0003430#S48}

Third, the temporal adverb and quantifier *ntsw* ‘always’ has the same ranges of meaning as when in preverbal position (§22.2.1) when following the main verb: it can either indicate a constant state (92) or a recurrent action (93).

(92) tʷxpalɣskʷr a<nu>·rŋi ntsw.
whole.year <AUTO>be.green:FACT always
‘It remains always green the whole year.’ (08-saCW) {0003462#S19}

(93) tcʰeme u·sk kw·snu·sna ci kw·z̥o
girl 3SG.POSS-voice SBJ:PCP-EMPH~be.nice INDEF ERG EMPH
tú·wy-nu·ykʰy·zŋŋa-nu ntsw.
IPFV-INV-APPL-call-PL always
‘A girl whose voice was very nice was calling them again and again.’
(2003 kandZislama)

## 22.3 Non-verbal predicates

While a Japhug sentence generally requires a finite verb forms to be complete, there are nevertheless some constructions in which a noun or a nominalized verb form serves as predicate by itself.

First, zero copula predicate nominals are attested, in particular to name a referent (object or person) by showing it/him/her. For instance, in (94), the subject is the demonstrative *kuki* ‘this’ and the nominal predicate *sɣndyρ* ‘thimble’.

(94) kuki sɣndyρ. kuki sɣndyρ. izora ku̯rwu ra tce sɣndyρ
DEM.PROX thimble DEM.PROX thimble 1PL Tibetan PL LNK thimble
tu-ku̯-ti ŋu.
IPFV-GENR-say be:FACT
‘(Pointing to a thimble.) This is a thimble. This is a thimble. We Tibetans
call it ‘thimble’.’ (video-2014-04-29-09-5104)
However, the zero copula construction is not restricted to such contexts, and
is also found when the demonstrative pronouns are anaphoric, as in (95).<fnref n="11" />

(95) *numu* tcʰeme tu-ma.

DEM girl GENR.POSS-work

‘This (the actions described in the previous sentences) is the work of
women.’ (12-kAtsxWb) {0003486#S97}

Absence of copula is also attested in multiclausal constructions, for instance
in alternative concessive conditionals (§25.2.3.2) as in (96).

(96) tce tu-ci

*numu, pw-nu-xtci*

NY tateʰoŋteʰoŋ,

LNK INDEF.POSS-water DEM PST.IPFV-AUTO-be.small ADD waterfall

pw-nu-wxti

NY tateʰoŋteʰoŋ.

PST.IPFV-AUTO-be.big ADD waterfall

Water [falling down from a cliff], whether it is big or small, [is called] a
'waterfall.' (hist 180428 tatChoNtChoN)

The zero copula construction is however considerably rarer than the copular
construction (§22.5.1.1), even in the same context, when the speaker names a
referent and points it/him with the finger as in (97).

(97) *kuki* cnat ŋu

DEM.PROX heddle be:FACT

'(Pointing to a heddle.) This is a heddle.' (vid-2014-04-29-09-0403)

{0003776#S26}

Second, exclamative expressions with a degree nominal (§16.3.3), exclamative
nouns (§5.1.2.8) can also be used as main predicate, followed by a sentence final
particle such as *nu*, without any finite verb form.

Third, inflectionalized phatic expressions (§14.7.1) and interjections (§10.2.1)
such as *mtsʰyri* ‘how strange’ as in (98) can form complete utterances on their
own without any verb.

(98) ki

mtsʰyri,

kuki

a-βγo

ki

a-taɣ

DEM.PROX how.strange DEM:PROX 1SG.POSS-FB DEM:PROX 1SG.POSS-on

u-tu-pe

nu

3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.good SFP

'How strange, this uncle of mine is so nice to me.' (140511 alading-zh)

{0003953#S54}

<footnote n="11">¹¹The generic possessor prefix in (95) is due to the fact that *tcʰeme* ‘girl’ serves here as a generic noun, and also because the speaker includes herself in this group (§5.1.3).</footnote>
Fourth, the nouns *u-mdoš* ‘colour’ and *smulym* ‘prayer’ have been grammatic-
alized as sentence-final modality markers (§21.8.3).

22.4 Noun-verb collocations and light verb constructions

While Japhug has a very productive system of denominal verbalizer prefixes de-
scribed in Chapter 20, it is also possible to build predicates out of nouns using
noun-verb collocations, built in particular from a few highly frequent light verbs.
Apart from nouns, ideophones are also used with light verbs, but this question
is studied in §10.1.7.

22.4.1 Intransitive verbs

In collocations involving intransitive verbs, the associated noun is the intransi-
tive subject, so that the verb verb form is invariably 3SG (§14.2.7).

22.4.1.1 Motion verbs

The motion verbs *yi* ‘come’ and *ce* ‘go’ (§15.1.2.1) are used with the nouns of cognition *u-sum* ‘mind’ and *u-čiż* ‘wish’ in the lexicalized collocations *u-sum + ce/*
*yi* ‘want’ and *u-čiż + yi* ‘wish’, which take complement clauses (§24.6.3.3).

They also occur with temporal nouns. The verb *ce* ‘go’ occurs with *ty-rzač*
‘time’ and *ta-ka* ‘free time’ to express the meaning ‘spend (one’s time)’, as in (99),
an excerpt from a conversation where Tshendzin describes her daily activities.
In this function, the whole collocation can be subjected to the facilitative *yy-*
derivation (§18.9.1).

(99) ńw ku-fse ntsu a-rzač pnu-ce nyu.
DEM SBJ:PCP-be.like always 1SG.Poss-time IPFV:WEST-go be:FACT
ty-nypyri-a qʰe li ci <sanbu> ju-ce-a qʰe, tce nńw
AOR-have.dinner-1SG LNK again once walk IPFV-go-1SG LNK LNK DEM
ku-fse ntsu spikuku a-ka
SBJ:PCP-be.like always everyday 1SG.Poss-free.time
cʰu-ce nyu.
IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-go be:FACT

‘(...), this is how I spend my time. And after dinner, I go on a walk, this is
how I spend my time every day.’ (conversation 2015-12-05) {0006089#S2}

The verb *yi* ‘come’ on the other hand is found with nouns referring to seasons (100) or parts of the day (101).
(100) *umumú ftcar jy-ye*   *qʰe, nù pù-ka Kw qʰe*
DEM summer AOR-come[II] LNK DEM IPFV-hatch LNK
‘When the warm season (spring) comes, it hatches, and ...’
(25-akWzgumba) {0003632#S95}

(101) *twrmú ko-yi*
evening IFR-come
‘The evening came.’ (many examples)

It also expresses the occurrence of specific events like catastrophes (102).

(102) *taŋi to-yi*
drought IFR-come
‘There was a drought.’ (25-kAmYW) {0003642#S1}

The combination of *ɛe* ‘go’ with the locative noun *u-pa* ‘below, under’ (§8.3.4.1), in addition to the trivially predicable meaning ‘go below X’, is also used in the sense of ‘take all of X for oneself (of things that do not exclusively belong to oneself)’ (103) when the verb has the Autive *nu-* (§19.1.3). In this construction, the agent (the person taking the things) is encoded as possessor of *u-pa*, and the patient (the things taken) as the intransitive subject of *nu-ɛe*.

(103) *uwo u-pa*   *ŋy-nu-ce*
3SG 3SG.P POSS-down IFR-AUTO-go
‘S/he took all of it for him/herself.’ (elicited)

The verb *ɛe* ‘go’ also occurs in collocation with a few nouns designating places or objects to express the meaning ‘go and do’, in particular with *skwa* ‘circumambulation’ and *jyyγt* ‘terrace’, ‘toilet’<fnref n="12" /> as in (104) and (105).

(104) *skrɔ:wa*   *ko-ce*
circumambulation IFR-go
‘He went to do circumbulations.’ (elicited)

(105) *azo jyyγt ci*   *lu-ce-a ny*
toilet INDEF IPFV:UPSTREAM-go-1SG SFP
‘I am going to the toilet.’ (2005 khu)

<footnote n="12">¹²In traditional houses in the Japhug-speaking area, toilets are built on a remote side of the covered terrace surrounding the house. The term as now been extended to modern flush toilets.</footnote>
22 Simple clauses

These collocations correspond to denominal verbs in *ru*- (§20.4.1).

The ablative motion verb *łok* ‘come out’ (§15.1.2.1) is commonly found in the meaning ‘grow’ (of plants), but also occurs in a few more lexicalized collocations, with *tx-re* ‘laugh (n)’ as in (106) or with *tx-rmi* ‘name’ (107). More of these collocations have corresponding transitive constructions with *tçrt* ‘take out’ (§22.4.2.3), such as *tx-re* + *tçrt* ‘mock’ and *tx-rmi* + *tçrt* ‘give a name’.

(106) *u̯-re* *pjy-łok*
3SG.POSS-laugh IFR-come.out
‘S/he laughed.’ (elicited; refers to an involuntary action)

(107) *u̯-rmi* *to-łok.*
3SG.POSS-name IFR:UP-come.out
‘He became famous.’ (elicited)

22.4.1.2 The anticausative verb *ndzoł* ‘be attached’

The anticausative *ndzoł* ‘be attached’ (§18.5.3), in addition to its function as a quasi-existential verb (§22.5.1.2) and also its dynamic meaning ‘cling onto, lean on, grab’ (example 120, §18.5.5) or ‘land’ (with flying creatures),<fnref n="13" /> occurs in lexicalized collocations with a few nouns. With nouns referring to plant parts, it can mean ‘grow’ (§18.5.3); with *tx-rjit* ‘child’ or *tx-pu̯* ‘offspring, young’, its meaning is ‘become pregnant’ (of humans or non-human animals), as in (108).

(108) *icqʰa* <sanshengmu> *nux* *yux* *u̯-rjit*
the.aforementioned ANTHR DEM GEN 3SG.POSS-offspring
*ko-ndzoł*
IFR-ACAUS:attach
‘Sanshengmu became pregnant with a child.’ (150826 baoliandeng)
{0006370#S53}

With time periods such as *qartsu̯* ‘winter’ or *ftçar* ‘summer’, it is synonymous
with the motion verb *yi* ‘come’ above (§22.4.1.1) as shown by (109).

<footnote n="13">¹³The meaning ‘land’ is more commonly expressed with the verb *zo* ‘land’, probably borrowed from the Tshobdun cognate of *ndzoł* ‘be attached’.</footnote>
(109) tce *u-fsaqʰe* ftcar *k-ndzɔv* qʰe li LNK 3SG.POSS-next.year summer AOR-ACAUS:attach LNK again *tu-łov*. IPFV-come.out

‘The next year, when the warm season (spring) arrives, it comes out again.’ (8-qromJoR) {0003532#S134}

It can also be used like the dummy transitive *ta* ‘put’ (§22.4.2.6) with the noun *sya* ‘rust’ (110) in the meaning ‘become rusted, get rust’, with a function similar to that of the *nuu*- denominal prefix (compare *nussya* ‘get rust’, §20.7.1).

(110) *sya ko-ndzɔv*

rust IFR-ACAUS:attach

‘It became rusted.’ (elicited)

22.4.1.3 Existential verbs

Existential verbs (§22.5.1.2) commonly take inalienably possessed nouns as subjects. Some of these collocations can be analyzed as instances of the *mihi est* possessive construction (§22.5.2). For instance, the combination of *ta-ka* ‘free time’ with the existential verbs has the compositional meaning ‘have time’ (83, §21.3.3.2, 175, §21.5.1.4), and apart from the fact that it can take complement clauses (§24.6.3.4), this collocation does not stand out as particularly lexicalized. The present section focuses on cases where the meaning of the collocation is not straightforwardly derivable from that of its constituent parts.

The noun *tu-sumpa* ‘mind’ (borrowed from *སྤྱན་སྤྱོ་ sems.pa* ‘mind’), occurs with the existential verb *tu* with the meaning ‘keep/have in mind, remember’, with the experiencer marked as possessor, for instance 1SG in (111).

(111) *tsjmnɣ* *u-sɣ-tu* *nux a-sumpa* tu

mushroom 3SG.POSS-OBL:PCP-exist DEM 1SG.POSS-mind exist:FACT

‘I have in mind (I know, I did not forget) the places where there are mushrooms.’ (elicited)

The collocation of the noun *u-grɔ:l* ‘order, rule’ (from Tibetan *གྲུ་ gral* ‘row’, a meaning still preserved in the intransitive denominal verb *nugrɔ:l* ‘be in a row’) with the negative existential verbs *me* or *maŋe* is very commonly used to indicate high degree, in particular in the degree nominal construction (§26.1.2.1), as in (112).
(112) *u-tu-sɣ-y-mu*          *u-gr*          *maŋe*
3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-PROP-fear 3SG.POSS-order not.exist:SENS
'It is extremely frightening/fearsome.' (khu 2012) {0004085#S41}

It is also compatible with dynamic verbs, as in (113).

(113) *tšu* *u-tu-mbšt*          *u-gršl*          *maŋe*
road 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-ACAUS:take.off 3SG.POSS-order not.exist:SENS
'The road had collapsed to a considerable extent.' (2010-1)

This collocation has a second unrelated meaning: 'be impudent, be shameless, act in an outrageous way' as in (114), where the possessive prefix can be other than 3SG.

(114) *tu-si* *tɣ-mda* *kuŋŋ uŋ* *ku-fse* *pwn-tu-n, uŋ*
2-die:FACT AOR-be.the.time also DEM SBJ:PCP-be lik sens-2-laugh DEM
nɣ-grɣl *u-tu-me* *nwn!*
2SG.POSS-order 3SG.POSS-not.exist SFP

'Even as you are about to die, you are laughing like that, what impudence!' (140516 guowang halifa-zh) {0004008#S65}

This collocation can be causativized and reflexivized (§18.3.4) as *u-grɣl + zɣz-γγme* 'cause oneself to act shamelessly' as in (115).

(115) *ji-wa* *cʰo* *cʰa* *ku-tshi-ndʒi* <shafa> *u-taɣ* *zuŋ*
1PL.POSS-father COMIT alcohol IPFV-drink-DU sofa 3SG.POSS-on LOC
*tu-nuŋmɣzduβ-ndʒi* *tce* *ku-rŋŋu-ndʒi* *qʰe tce*
IPFV-sleep.on.opposite directions-DU LNK IPFV-lie.down-DU LNK LNK
*u-grɣl* *zɔ* *pu-zɣy-yγ-me-ndʒi* *pu-cti*
3SG.POSS-order EMPH IPFV-REFL-CAUS-not.exist-DU SENS-be.AFF:FACT

'He and my father would drink alcohol, sleep on the sofa one over the other in opposite directions, presenting themselves in a poor light.'
(17-lhazgron)

While the constructions above do not have any equivalent denominal derivation, the collocation of existential verbs with nouns relating to meals such as *tšʰa* 'tea, breakfast', *saχsw* 'lunch' or *tɣ-pɣri* 'dinner' has the same meaning as the intransitive *nu-/nɣ-* denominal prefix (§20.7.1). For instance,(117) with the denominal verb *nɣpɣri* 'have dinner' is a natural answer to (116) with the existential verb (see also 53b, §20.7.1).
(116) *nγ-pγri* *u-pú-tu?*
2SG.POSS-dinner QU-PST.IPFV-exist
'Did you have dinner?'

(117) *pw-tu, nuz kovmwz ty-nγ-pγri-j*
PST.IPFV-exist DEM just before AOR-DENOM-dinner-1PL
‘We did, we just had dinner.’ (conversation, 2016-04-12)

### 22.4.1.4 The intransitive auxiliary pa

The transitive verb *pa* ‘do’ (§22.4.2.5) has an intransitive counterpart *pa* (§14.5.1.4), which is used as auxiliary for ideophones (§10.1.7.1), and can also select a numeral as subject, meaning ‘pass X years’ (118) (see also 106, §7.3.4.3).

(118) *tcizo ni kγ-amwſe-tci nuz jinde kwβdvsqi*
1DU DU AOR-know.each.other-1DU DEM nowadays forty
*u-ro to-pa*
3SG.POSS-excess IFR-pass.X.years
‘We have known each other for more than forty years.’ (‘More than forty years passed’, 12-BzaNsa) {0003484#S3}

It is not possible in this construction to replace the bare numeral by the coun-
ted noun *tu-xpa* ‘one year’. For a historical perspective on this construction, see
§7.3.1.7 and §7.3.4.3.

### 22.4.1.5 Other intransitive collocations

The categories listed above do not exhaust all lexicalized collocations involving intransitive verbs. Table 22.2 provides additional examples. In addition, there are also frozen collocations with nouns and/or verbs not otherwise attested (§22.4.3).

Some of these collocations resemble Chinese constructions, and may have
been calqued, for instance *tu-ro + ngγr* ‘be petty-minded’ (compare with 心胸
狭窄 <xīnxiōng xiázhǎi> ‘be petty-minded’). In other case, the resemblance with
Chinese may be a parallel development: the use *ngraok* ‘be torn’, ‘break(vi)’ (§18.5.1)
in *γγrkʰa + ngraok* ‘break (of dawn)’ reminds of 破晓 <pòxiǎo> ‘daybreak’, but this
metaphor is not limited to Chinese.

The collocation meaning *tu-skʰru + NEG + βdi* ‘be pregnant’ (119) requires a ne-
gative prefix (§13.1.3) on the verb form. The denominal verb *nuskʰru* ‘be pregnant
with’ (§20.7.2) derived from this construction however is only based on the noun,
and does not integrate the verbal root as could have been expected (§20.13.1).
<table><caption>Table 22.2: Other intransitive collocations (excluding orphan nouns/verbs)</caption><thead><tr><th>Noun</th><th>Verb</th><th>Meaning</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>çyrkʰa 'dawn'</td><td>NGRAK 'be torn'</td><td>'break (of dawn)'</td></tr><tr><td>tu-kyrnoK 'brain'</td><td>MTÇUR 'turn'</td><td>'feel dizzy'</td></tr><tr><td>tu-sum 'mind'</td><td>βdi 'be well'</td><td>'be relieved'</td></tr><tr><td>tu-skʰru 'body'</td><td>NEG+βdi 'be well'</td><td>'be pregnant'</td></tr><tr><td>tu-ro 'chest', 'breast'</td><td>ŋgyr 'be narrow'</td><td>'be petty-minded'</td></tr></tbody></table>

(119) tu-skʰru mY-βdi tce nwnu qartsʰaz u-se
GENR.POSS-body NEG-be.well:FACT LNK DEM deer 3SG.POSS-blood
γu-tsʰi mY-βdi ma
INV-drink:FACT NEG-be.well:FACT LNK
'(People say that) when one is pregnant, it is not good to drink deer blood.' (27-qartshaz) {0003702#S106}

## 22.4.2 Transitive verbs

### 22.4.2.1 βzu 'make'

The verb *βzu* 'make', borrowed from ṁ bzo 'make; manufacture', serves as a causative auxiliary (§24.5.1.1), and occurs in a wide range of complex predicates, in particular with action nominals (§24.4.3.1), simultaneous action nominals (§16.4.3, §24.4.3.2) and compound action nouns (§24.4.3.3). In this section, we focus on constructions with nouns that are not derived from verbs.

The verb *βzu* is found with noun meaning 'method' or 'manner' such as *ftçaka* and *kowa* in complement-taking collocations meaning 'try to X by any means' or 'prepare' (§24.6.3.1).

It also occurs with nouns of speech activity (of Tibetan origin), as in *kʰramba* + *βzu* 'tell lies' (147, §21.4.3.1), *tu-skýt* + *βzu* 'do/say something meaning X' (§24.6.3.2) or *tu-lyn* + *βzu* 'give an answer' (with the addressee as possessor of the object, 120).

(120) a-lyn na-βzu
1SG.POSS-answer AOR:3→3'-make
'He gave me an answer.' (elicited)
With names of languages, *βzu* means ‘speak X’ as in (121). It is also found with abstract nouns and also relator nouns in a variety of collocations (Table 22.3).

(121) mbroχpa-skχt kχ-βzu ρω-mkʰγz-nω. nomad-language INF-make SENS-be.expert-PL ‘They speak the nomad language (i.e. Amdo Tibetan) very well.’ (140522 RdWrJAt) {0004061#S121}

<table><caption>Table 22.3: Collocations of βzu ‘make’ with abstract nouns</caption><thead><tr><th>Noun</th><th>Meaning when used with βzu</th><th>Reference</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>w-rtsot ‘vengeance’</td><td>‘get revenge on’</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>w-tsʰγt ‘instead of, on behalf of’</td><td>‘do instead of, replace’</td><td>§8.3.3</td></tr><tr><td>w-sci ‘instead of’</td><td>‘do instead of, replace’</td><td>get revenge on, answer</td></tr><tr><td>w-qʰu ‘after, behind’</td><td>‘support, back up’</td><td>§8.3.4.2</td></tr></tbody></table>

The verb *βzu* ‘make’ is attested in the dummy subject construction (§14.3.5) with three types of nouns.

First, it occurs with nouns of natural phenomena (Table 22.4), as illustrated by (122).

(122) nwmw qale a-tγ-βze qʰe, icqʰa nω
DEM wind irr-pfv-make[III] LNK the.aforementioned DEM
γω-nω-tswm qʰe,
INV-AUTO-take.away:FACT LNK
‘Whenever there is wind, it blows [this insect] away.’ (28-kWpAz)
{0003714#S150}

Second, it is found with parts of plants or animals in the meaning ‘grow’ or ‘develop’, as in *tγ-spu* + *βzu* ‘fester, have pus’ (§20.1.2). A defective verb *βze* ‘grow’ based on the third stem of *βzu* has been created by backformation from this function (§12.2.2.3).

Third, the abstract nouns *w-tsʰγt* ‘with proper measure’ (distinct from its use in Table 22.3, see §8.3.3) and *w-tsa* ‘with proper measure, fit, adapted’ are found in a transitive but subjectless construction meaning ‘X fit/be the right size/quantity/ degree for Y’ which encodes the referent Y as possessor, and X as an absolutive
<table><caption>Table 22.4: dummy subject collocations with βzu ‘make’ (natural phenomena)</caption><thead><tr><td>Noun</td><td>Orientation</td><td>Meaning</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>qale 'wind'</td><td>upwards</td><td>'blow (of wind)'</td></tr><tr><td>t瑜e 'sun'</td><td>westwards, upwards</td><td>'appear (of the sun)'</td></tr><tr><td>t瑜mbja 'lightning'</td><td>upwards</td><td>'appear (of lightning)'</td></tr><tr><td>mbywurloB 'thunderstorm'</td><td>upwards</td><td>'occur (of thunder)'</td></tr><tr><td>t瑜rtsa 'wave'</td><td>upwards</td><td>'appear (of a wave)'</td></tr></tbody></table>

phrase: in (123), the head-internal relative clause (§23.5.3.3) in brackets does not receive ergative marking.

(123) (a-xtsa lγ-tu-su-yuγt-ndzi nu) a-tsa wuma 1SG.POSS-shoe AOR:UPSTREAM-2-CAUS-bring-DU DEM 1SG.POSS-fit really pu-βze SENS-make[III] 'The shoes that you have sent me fit me very well.' (conversation, 2015-04-18)

Many of the locutions in βzu have a semantics close to denominal derivations in ru-/rγ- and nu- (§20.1.2). In addition, βzu corresponds to the γu- prefix in the case of γuulγn 'answer' (§20.5.2), a verb similar in meaning to tuu-γn + βzu (120) and also to suu- in sundzupe 'sit without crossing legs' (§20.3.2).

### 22.4.2.2 lγt 'release'

The basic meaning of the verb lγt is 'throw' when employed with an inanimate object (like tudi 'arrow', see 24, §22.1.1.5), 'pour' when applied to liquids or containers (§128, §18.5.6) and either 'release, let go' (72, §8.2.3.2) or 'see X off' with a human object (144, §8.2.9). It is very productively used with noun-verb compounds with rpu 'bump into' or tg'hu 'gore, stab' as second element (see examples 231 and 232, §16.4.7).

Like βzu 'make', lγt is attested with tuu- action nominals (§24.4.3.1), though this construction is less productive and limited to a few items such as tuu-murBwuz + lγt 'make a scratch' (from murBwuz 'scratch') or tuu-rkγz + lγt 'make an engraving' (from rkγz 'carve'). It also occurs with the inalienably possessed bare action nominal tuu-suso 'thought' (§16.4.6). From tuu-suso + lγt 'think', the antipassive verb rususo 'think', 'ponder' (§18.6.1) was derived by denominal derivation.
With iterative counted nouns (§7.3.2.5) as object, *l̥t* is highly common with the meaning ‘do X times’, where X represents the numeral prefix on the counted noun (124).

(124) mbro nʷ kʷ rirxβ rαŋri χsʷ-txʷr ta-l̥t
horse DEM ERG mountain each three-lap AOR:3→3'-release
'The horse made three laps around each mountain.' (2003 Kunbzang)

With the counted nouns *tw̥-rzwɣ* ‘one section’ and *tw̥-γdγt* ‘one section’, *l̥t* means ‘cut into X pieces’, as in (125).

(125) kʷβde-rzwɣ zo tó-wɣ-l̥t pj́-wɣ-sat
four-section EMPH IFR-INV-release IFR-INV-kill
'[The thief] killed him by cutting him into four pieces.' (140512
alibaba-zh) {0003965#S109}

Example (125) shows that the counted noun is not the direct object: the inverse (§14.3.3.3) on both verbs *tó-wɣ-l̥t* and *pj́-wɣ-sat* (§25.4.1.4) shows that both share the same (obviative) object, and therefore that the object is the patient (the person that was killed), not the counted noun. This referent is also relativized like an object (§23.5.3) using an object participial relative (126).

(126) kʰa kʷ-qanu~nʷ uŋgw zu, nykinu,
house SBJ:PCP-EMPH~be.dark 3SG.POSS-in LOC FILLER
tu-cpxβ kʷβde-rzwɣ ty-ky-l̥t n̥mw
INDEF.POSS-corpse four-section AOR-OBJ:PCP-release DEM
ku-su-γlyyi-a cʰa-a cti ny!
IPFV-CAUS-be connected[III]-1SG can:FACT-1SG be.AFF:FACT SFP
'(not only this, but) I am (even) able to put together a corpse that had
been cut into four pieces in a dark house.' (140512 alibaba-zh)
{0003965#S152}

With *tw-* action nominals, *l̥t* also has an iterative meaning, but the number of occurrences of the action is indicated by a numeral after the noun as in (127).

(127) tw̥-murtswɣ χsʷm to-l̥t
NMLZ:ACTION-pinch three IFR-release
'He pinched him three times.' (elicited)
Noun expressing hitting actions such as *tuqartsu* ‘kicking’<fnref n="14" /> in collocation with *lṛt* also indicate the number of hits by a free numeral (128). In this construction, the patient is not encoded as direct object, but as an oblique argument with the relator *u-taɣ* ‘on, above’ (§8.3.4.3).

(128) *u-taɣ* *nuaču* *tuqartsu* *bnaɣz to-lyt*
3SG.POSS-ON DEM:LOC kicking two IFR-release
‘He kicked two times on it.’ (150824 kelaosi-zh) {0006276#S61}

A handful of action nominals such as *tu-tṣuβ* ‘sewing’ can however take nu-
meral prefixes to indicate the number of iterations, as in (129).

(129) *bnau-tu-tṣuβ* *ntsu* *cʰú-wy-lyt* *ra.*
TWO-NMLZ:ACTION-sew always IPFV-INV-release be.needed:FACT
‘It has to be sewed two times.’ (12-kAtsxWb) {0003486#S70}

Table (22.5) presents examples of collocations with *lṛt* ‘release’. From the mean-
ing ‘throw, release’ (an arrow), *lṛt* acquired the sense of ‘shoot’ with shooting
weapons, and then ‘hit’ with body parts or other weapons. Additionally, it came
to mean ‘use’ with various types of instruments and implements.

The verb *lṛt* is the productive way to derive predicates from recent Chinese
loanwords designating machines. Combined with 电话 <diànhuà> ‘telephone’
(131, §21.4.2.2, 210, §21.5.2.3) and 汽车 <qichē> ‘car’ it means ‘phone’ and ‘drive
a car’, respectively. It also occurs with nouns expressing actions derived from
verbs such as 放假 <fàngjià> ‘have a holiday’, with a 3PL generic subject (§14.6.2)
in (130).

(130) *a-ye* *ra yu* *pyjkʰu zatsa <fangjia>* *múj-lyt-nu*
1SG.POSS-grandchild PL GEN yet early vacation NEG:SENS-release-PL
‘My grandchild [and the rest of his class] are not yet on vacations.’
(conversation, 2014-12-24)

Some nouns occurring with *lṛt* are also compatible with other light verbs, with slightly different semantics. For instance, from the noun *rɣyo* ‘song’, the locution *rɣyo* + *βzu* has the trivial meaning ‘sing, sing a song’ (87, §24.4.3.1), synonymous with the denominal *nurɣyo* ‘sing’ (§20.7.1), while *rɣyo* + *lṛt* means ‘play a tune on an instrument’, reminiscent of the use of *lṛt* with musical instruments.

<footnote n="14">¹⁴The *tu-* prefix on this noun synchronically neither an action nominal prefix nor a numeral prefix).</footnote>
## 22.4 Noun-verb collocations and light verb constructions

<table><caption>Table 22.5: Examples of collocations with *lrt* ‘release’</caption><thead><tr><th>Noun</th><th>Orientation</th><th>Meaning</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td><i>tu-mci</i> ‘saliva’</td><td>UPWARDS</td><td>‘spit’</td></tr><tr><td><i>trjrk<sup>h</sup>ut</i> ‘fist’</td><td>UPWARDS</td><td>‘punch’</td></tr><tr><td><i>crmyydu</i> ‘gun’</td><td>UPWARDS</td><td>‘shoot (with a gun)’</td></tr><tr><td><i>mda<sup>z</sup>uw</i> ‘bow’</td><td>UPWARDS</td><td>‘shoot (with a bow)’</td></tr><tr><td><i>ts<sup>h</sup>a</i> ‘salt’</td><td>DOWNWARDS</td><td>‘put salt (on)’</td></tr><tr><td><i>taqa<sup>β</sup></i> ‘needle’</td><td>UPWARDS</td><td>‘prick with a needle’</td></tr><tr><td><i>tu-mke</i> ‘neck’</td><td>DOWNWARDS</td><td>‘slit X’s throat’</td></tr><tr><td><i>tr-mtsu</i> ‘button’</td><td>UPWARDS</td><td>‘button up’</td></tr><tr><td><i>tr-mtu</i> ‘knot’</td><td>‘up-, down-, eastwards, downstream’</td><td>‘tie a knot’</td></tr><tr><td><i>scwu</i> ‘key’</td><td>DOWNWARDS</td><td>‘lock’</td></tr><tr><td><i>zngro</i> ‘Jew’s harp’</td><td>WESTWARDS</td><td>‘play the Jew’s harp’</td></tr><tr><td><i>juli</i> ‘flute’</td><td>DOWNSTREAM</td><td>‘play the flute’</td></tr><tr><td><i>pa<sup>ts</sup>sa</i> ‘piglet’</td><td>DOWNSTREAM</td><td>‘bear a piglet’</td></tr></tbody></table>

The verb *lrt* is also found with nouns referring to meteorological phenomena in the dummy subject construction (§14.3.5), for instance with *tu-mu* ‘sky, weather’ (131) and *txjpa* ‘snow’ (132). In both examples, it takes the C-type *EASTWARDS* preverb *ka-* (*tu-mu* also occurs with the orientation *DOWNWARDS*).

(131) *tu-mu* ka-lrt w-mp<sup>h</sup>ru nw tu. INDEF.Poss-sky AOR:3→3'-release 3SG.Poss-after DEM exist:FACT 'It is found after it has rained.' (23-mbrAZim) {0003604#S72}

(132) *qartsu* tce tcend<sup>re</sup> txjpa wuma zo ka-lrt tce winter LNK LNK snow really EMPH AOR:3→3'-release LNK 'In winter, when a lot of snow has fallen,' (24-kWmu) {0003618#S20}

Collocation with *lrt* correspond to various denominal derivations: *rw-* (*juli* + *lrt* 'play the flute' → *rwyuli* 'play the flute', §20.4.1), *nw-* (*crmyydu* + *lrt* 'shoot with a gun' → *nwcrmyydu* 'shoot at', §20.7.2) and *su-* (*tuqartsu* + *lrt* 'kick' → *suqartsu* 'kick', §20.3.2).
22.4.2.3 **tɛrɪt** ‘take out’

The manipulation verb *tɛrɪt* ‘take out’ (§15.1.2.2) has a wide range of derived mean-
ings, including the relatively straightforward ‘remove’ (3, §26.1.1.1), ‘expel, ban-
ish’ (29, §6.5), ‘take off (clothes)’ (24, §23.3.4), but also ‘raise (a child)’ (46, §6.5.1)
and ‘earn (food)’ (25, §6.4). It occurs as auxiliary in a marginal causative con-
struction (111, §24.5.1.1).

Unlike *βzu* and *lvt*, it almost never used with *tu*- action nominals, except with
the lexicalized noun *tupγaк* ‘land clearing’ (§16.4.5), from which the irregular
antipassive *rγpγaк* ‘reclaim land’ is derived by denominal derivation (§18.6.3).

Table 22.6 collects the most common collocations with *tɛrɪt*. Most of the nouns
in this table are inalienably possessed. In the case of body parts, with the meaning
‘stick out’, the possessive prefix is coreferent with the transitive subject (3SG in
133).

(133) tsʰu̯tʰo-pu̯ tu̯-rdoVAS ku̯ u̯-ku̯ to-tcɛrt.
kid-DIM one-piece ERG 3SG.POSS-head IFR-take.out
‘One of the little kids stuck its head out of [the wolf’s belly].’ (140430
lang he qizhi xiaoshanyang-zh) {0003895#S131}

In the collocations whose gloss contains an X, the possessive prefix corre-
sponds to this X referent, for instance the recipient in *u̯-ftɛrɪfkrɪt + tɛrɪt* (134).

(134) a-ftcɛfkɛrt ci tx-tcɛrt tce jisŋi tcʰi zo pɛu-n-a
1SG.POSS-idea INDEF IMP-take.out LNK today what EMPH IPFV-do[III]-1SG
pe
be.good:FACT
‘Make me a suggestion, what should I do today?’ (140515 jiesu de
laoren-zh) {0004004#S119}

The nouns in the first section of Table 22.6 are also compatible with łoκ 'come
out' as light verb (§22.4.1.1). In most cases, the łoκ collocations are functional an-
ticausatives of the tɛrɪt collocations, as in u̯-tɛʰaκ + łoκ 'have a handicap, be muti-
lated' vs. u̯-tɛʰaκ + tɛrɪt 'cause a handicap, mutilate' (135b) (a noun borrowed from
ɛɛrɪ tɛʰag 'decrease, break') or tu̯-sroV + łoκ 'lose one's live' vs. tu̯-sroV + tɛrɪt 'cause
to lose one's life'. The only exception is tx-rmi + łoκ 'become famous', whose se-
mantics is not derivable from tx-rmi + tɛrɪt 'give a name'.

(135) a. a-mi u̯-tɛʰaκ pwo-łoκ
1SG.POSS-leg 3SG.POSS-handicap AOR-come.out
‘My leg became handicapped (as the result of an accident).’ (elicited)
<table><caption>Table 22.6: Examples of collocations with *tɛrɛt* ‘take out’</caption><thead><tr><th>Noun</th><th>Orientation</th><th>Meaning</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td><i>ty-lu</i> ‘milk’</td><td>DOWNWARDS</td><td>‘milk (a cow)’</td></tr><tr><td><i>ty-se</i> ‘blood’</td><td>DOWNWARDS</td><td>‘cause bleeding’</td></tr><tr><td><i>tu-qom</i> ‘tear’</td><td>DOWNWARDS</td><td>‘shed tear(s)’</td></tr><tr><td><i>tu-sroɔ</i> ‘life’</td><td>UPWARDS</td><td>‘cause X to lose one’s life’</td></tr><tr><td><i>tu-ɛtɔsi</i> ‘sweat’</td><td>DOWNWARDS</td><td>‘cause X to sweat’</td></tr><tr><td><i>ty-re</i> ‘laugh (n)’</td><td></td><td>‘mock X’</td></tr><tr><td><i>u-tcʰaɪ</i> ‘handicap’</td><td>DOWNWARDS</td><td>‘cause X a handicap, mutilate X</td></tr><tr><td><i>ty-rmi</i> ‘name’</td><td>UPWARDS</td><td>‘give a name to X’</td></tr><tr><td><i>tu-ro</i> ‘chest’, ‘breast’</td><td>UPWARDS</td><td>‘stick out one’s chest’</td></tr><tr><td><i>tu-ku</i> ‘head’</td><td>‘upwards, downstream’</td><td>‘stick one’s head out’</td></tr><tr><td><i>qaɣy</i> ‘fish’</td><td>UPSTREAM</td><td>‘catch (a fish)’</td></tr><tr><td><i>u-βlu</i> ‘trick’, ‘idea’</td><td>UPWARDS</td><td>‘suggest an idea, a trick to X’</td></tr><tr><td><i>u-ftɔyfkɔt</i> ‘idea’, ‘advice’</td><td>UPWARDS</td><td>‘make a suggestion to X’</td></tr><tr><td><i>tyndɔyri</i> ‘illegitimate child’</td><td>DOWNWARDS</td><td>‘have an illegitimate child’</td></tr><tr><td><i>riŋama</i> ‘completion’</td><td>DOWNSTREAM</td><td>‘put to completion’</td></tr><tr><td><i>ty-qa</i> ‘paw, root’</td><td>‘upwards, downstream’</td><td>‘uproot, put X to completion, do X until the end’</td></tr></tbody></table>

b. aẓo kunγ, a-tcʰaɪk pjw-tw-tcɛt pɔ-yu
1SG also 1SG.POSS-handicap IPFV-2-take.out SENS-be

‘(Not only did you do all these crimes), you also mutilate me.’ (tou dongxi de xiaohai-zh)

The noun *u-βlu* ‘trick’, ‘idea’ forms its corresponding intransitive construction with the existential verb *tu* (example 163, §22.5.1.2).

The collocation of *tɛrɛt* with *u-qa* (‘its’ root) can have the compositional meaning ‘uproot’ (136) like the denominal verb *nɔ-qa* ‘uproot’ (§20.7.2), but it also used in the sense of ‘do completely, until the end’ as in (137). This meaning is also found with the nouns *riŋama* (from ε*ɔ*̈*r* riŋa.ma ‘tail’), *ty-rme* ‘hair’ and the relator noun *u-ndo* ‘edge, border’ (§8.3.4.2).
(136) tsycpʰyt nwnw w-qa tú-wy-tcyt tce,
plaintain DEM 3SG.POSS-root IPFV:UP-INV-take.out LNK
pjúw-wy-yγ-la tce tw-cγa kw-mŋy̮m pʰy̮n
IPFV-INV-CAUS-soak LNK GENR.POSS-tooth SBJ:PCP-hurt be.efficient:FACT
tu-ti-nuw
IPFV-say-PL

‘People say that, if one digs out the plantain’s root and soak it in water, it is efficient against toothache.’ (12-ndZiNgri) {0003488#S43}

(137) n̥w kɣ-ndwn̥ lonba wżo pjw-sɣże tce w-qa cʰw-tcyt
DEM INF-read all 3SG IPFV-start[II] LNK 3SG.POSS-root IPFV-take.out
‘[This monk is in charge] of reading [the sûtras] from the beginning until the end.’ (160721 XpWN) {0006181#S42}

Some of the collocations in *tcyt* correspond to denominal verbs in *nw-*, for instance *nuwqay* ‘fish’ (§20.7.1) or *nɔre* ‘laugh’, a labile verb meaning ‘mock’ when transitive (§14.5.1.3) like *ty-re + tcyt*. Alternatively, *ty-rmi + tcyt* ‘give a name’ and *tw-ctṣi + tcyt* ‘cause to sweat’ rather correspond to sigmatic causative denominal verbs (§20.3.2).

22.4.2.4 ndo ‘take’

The basic meaning of *ndo* is ‘take’ (1, §19.1.1) or ‘have in the hand’ with the *UPWARDS* orientation, ‘catch’ (24 §16.1.1.2), ‘grab’ (56, §14.3.2.5), or ‘get attach to, stick on’ (138) with the *EASTWARDS* preverbs.

(138) p̥w-wy-nymṣle tw-jaq ku-ndym zo cti ma,
IPFV-INV-touch GENR.POSS-hand IPFV-take[III] EMPH be.AFF:FACT LNK
w-taṣṣ, w-ndzuwy zo kw-fṣe tu.
3SG.POSS-on 3SG.POSS-resin EMPH SBJ:PCP-be like exist:FACT
‘When one touches it (a type of mushroom), it sticks on one’s hand, as there is some kind of resin-like thing on it.’ (21-kuGrummAG)
{0003574#S25}

Table 22.7 presents a non-exhaustive list of lexicalized collocations with *ndo*. With the noun *tw-jaq* ‘hand, arm’, it can predictably mean ‘grab by the hand’ (118, §21.4.1.3) or ‘stick on the hand’ (138), but in the imperative it can be interpreted as ‘don’t interfere, don’t meddle in it’.

The collocation of *ndo* with *w-kʰy̮yt* ‘set, determined’ can take finite complement clauses as in (139).
<table><caption>Table 22.7: Examples of collocations with ndo ‘take’</caption><thead><tr><th>Noun</th><th>Orientation</th><th>Meaning</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>w-kʰryt 'set, determined'</td><td>EASTWARDS</td><td>'control'</td></tr><tr><td>w-rtsawa 'importance'</td><td></td><td>'control'</td></tr><tr><td>w-mdoχ 'colour'</td><td></td><td>'have X's colour'</td></tr><tr><td>tṣu 'road'</td><td>EASTWARDS</td><td>'guard the road'</td></tr><tr><td>tu-mtɛʰi 'mouth'</td><td>EASTWARDS</td><td>'shut up'</td></tr><tr><td>tɔ-pu 'offspring, young'</td><td>UPWARDS</td><td>'get pregnant' (animals)</td></tr><tr><td>w-rtsuẓ 'number',<br>w-χsyr 'number'</td><td>EASTWARDS</td><td>'memorize/mark down the<br>number of'</td></tr><tr><td>rɣylpu 'king'</td><td>'upwards,<br>upstream'</td><td>'become king'</td></tr><tr><td>turma 'household'</td><td>EASTWARDS</td><td>'establish a family'</td></tr></tbody></table>

(139) tce kuki χsw-ldza ra ci, kwɔ́de-ldza
LNK DEM.PROX three-longobject be.needed:FACT QU four-longobject
ra numu, tuwo w-kʰryt kú-wy-nu-ndo
be.needed:FACT DEM GENR 3SG.POSS-determined IPFV-INV-AUTO-take
tce
LNK

'One has to control whether one needs three or four threads (for a given colour).' (vid-2014-04-29-092115)

In addition to *rɣylpu* 'king' in Table 22.7, *ndo* can be used with all nouns refer-
ring to a status or a charge (such as *χpun* 'monk') to mean 'become *X*, assume
the charge of *X*. In this function, collocations in *ndo* correspond either to *ru-/*
*ry-* (§20.4.1) or *nu-* (§20.7.1) denominal derivations.

With numerals, *ndo* indicates ‘be moving into one’s *X*, without using the coun-
ted noun *-pvrme* ‘*X* years old’, as shown by (140).
(140) **kwßdesqaptwy, kwßdesqamnwz ko-ndo jw-ŋu ma**
forty.one forty.two IFR-take SENS-be LNK
‘She is moving into her forty-one, forty two years old.’ (14-siblings)
{0003508#S304}

In addition, *ndo* is used in the meaning ‘catch (a disease)’ in the dummy subject construction, with *tymtsʰyzy* ‘hyperostosis’ as only argument for instance.

Another dummy subject construction of *ndo* with the noun *twu-pʰoŋbu* ‘body’, is only found as the infinitive complement of either *kʰu* ‘be possible’ or *sycʰa* ‘be such that people can’ in negative form, the whole construction meaning ‘cannot help shivering’ (due to cold), as in (141).

(141) **wu-twu-mwstaŋ kx-ti kw [twu-pʰoŋbu kx-ndo] zo**
3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.cold INF-say ERG GENR.POSS-body INF-take EMPH
**mw-pwu-sy-cʰa**
NEG-PST.IPFV-PROP-can
‘It was so cold that one could not help shivering.’ (29-RmGWzWn2)
{0003730#S13}

22.4.2.5 **pa** ‘**do**’

The native verb *pa* ‘do’<fnref n="15" /> has been largely superseded by the Tibetan borrowing
βzu ‘make’ (§22.4.2.1) in the sense of ‘do, make’. It still means ‘do what’ when used
with the interrogative tɛʰi ‘what’ (236, §15.2.10.2), but as a complement-taking
verb it rather means ‘discuss and decide’ (§24.5.2). It is one of the few verb with
ergative lability (§14.5.1.4), and its intransitive counterpart is a light verb used
with numerals (§22.4.1.4) and ideophones (§10.1.7.1).

The causative *supa* either has a tropative function ‘consider to be’ (§17.2.5.9), or serves in various periphrastic constructions (§24.5.1.1; §24.5.1.3). Its passive *apa* ‘become’ (§18.1.2) is used as inchoative copula (§22.5.1.1), and its reflexive is the verb of pretense *zyγpa* ‘pretend’ (§18.3.1.1, §24.4.2.3; see 142 below).

As a transitive light verb, *pa* occurs in relatively fewer constructions than the previous verbs. It means ‘close’ when used with *kum* ‘door’ (142) or *kʰuwŋŋu* ‘window’, but also with nouns meaning ‘light’, ‘lamp’ or electrical implements like phones, with either *DOWNSTREAM* or *EASTWARDS* orientations.

<footnote n="15">¹⁵The root *pa* is cognate of Tibetan གཉིས་གླིང་ *b'ed*b'as 'do'; the yod medial Tibetan is unexplained, but not shared by cognates in its closest relatives (Jacques 2013d).</footnote>
(142) ju-kʷ-ce t pa nY, kʷm nʷ ci la-cʷ, ci
IPFV-SBJ:PCP-go AOR-pretend ADD door DEM once AOR:3→3'-open once
tʰa-pa nY, k anbaɣ pʷ-ŋu
AOR:3→3'-close ADD AOR-hide SENS-be

'She pretended to go [out], she opened the door, and then closed it, and hid [inside the house].' (2003 Kunbzang)

Although *pa* does occur with *ci* in its adverbial meaning ‘once’ (§22.2.1) as in (142), a lexicalized collocation *ci+pa* ‘get married’ is also found (143).

(143) amag, βda{mu, ci kx-pa-tci nwstʰwci z̥o txyryaz nY
INTERJ lady one AOR-do-1DU so.much EMPH AOR-pass(time) ADD
ri
LNK

'Oh, my lady, so much time has passed since we got married, but ...'
(2005 Kunbzang)

With the Autive prefix (§19.1.3), *pa* occurs with nouns such as *βzaŋsa* ‘friend’ or *yufsu* ‘friend’ in the meaning ‘become friend’. This construction is also possible with social relation collectives in *kyndzi-* (§5.7.8.1) as in (144).

(144) a! jinde kyndzi-yuwsu nʷ-pa-tci
INTERJ now COLL-friend AUTO-do:FACT-1DU
‘Let us be friends!’ (smanmi 2003.1)

22.4.2.6 **ta** 'put'

The manipulation verb *ta* ‘put’ also means ‘leave (vt)’ (168, §14.6.1.5) and ‘let go’ like *l}*t* ‘release’ (a polysemy reminiscent of Chinese 放过<fàngguò> ‘let pass’). Its lexicalized agentless passive *ata* ‘be on’ (§18.1.2) is used as an existential verb (§22.5.1.2).

Unlike *βzu* (§22.4.2.1) and *l}*t* (§22.4.2.2), it is not used with *tu*- action nomi-
nals, except for the lexicalized nominalization *tupu* ‘moxibustion’ (on which see
§16.4.5).

Table 22.8 presents a representative sample of collocation in which it occurs.

The collocations tʰa+ta 'make tea' and kʰon+ta 'steam' derive from 'put X on (the hearth tripod)', a meaning that is still obvious in examples such as (145).
<table><caption>Table 22.8: Examples of collocations with *ta* ‘put’</caption><thead><tr><th>Noun</th><th>Orientation</th><th>Meaning</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td><i>tu-ku</i> ‘head’</td><td>UPSTREAM</td><td>‘lie down’</td></tr><tr><td><i>tu-mi</i> ‘foot, leg’</td><td>DOWNWARDS</td><td>‘tread’</td></tr><tr><td><i>u-taъ</i> ‘on, above’</td><td>EASTWARDS</td><td>‘leave X with, put the fault on’</td></tr><tr><td><i>tx-cpʰrt</i> ‘patch (n)’</td><td>EASTWARDS</td><td>‘put a patch’</td></tr><tr><td><i>tupu</i> ‘moxibustion’</td><td>EASTWARDS</td><td>‘use moxibustion’</td></tr><tr><td><i>fsaŋ</i> ‘fumigation’</td><td>DOWNWARDS</td><td>‘make fumigations’</td></tr><tr><td><i>kʰon</i> ‘steamer’</td><td>EASTWARDS</td><td>‘cook by steam’</td></tr><tr><td><i>tʃʰa</i> ‘tea, breakfast’</td><td>EASTWARDS</td><td>‘made tea’</td></tr><tr><td><i>tx-rte</i> ‘hat’</td><td>UPWARDS</td><td>‘put on, wear’</td></tr></tbody></table>

(145) <i>ty-tew</i> <i>nuw kw qapi</i> <i>χswm nuw pa-ta</i>
INDEF.Poss-boy DEM ERG white.stone three DEM AOR:3→3′:DOWN-put
<ins>ndyre, nuw u-taъ</ins> <ins>ndzi-tʃʰa</ins> <ins>ka-nuw-ta-ndzi</ins>
LNK DEM 3SG.Poss-on 3DU.Poss-tea AOR:3→3′-AUTO-put-DU
‘The boy placed the three stones (on the ground), and they made their tea on it.’ (2003 Kunbzang)

With head covers or implements worn on one’s body such as *χγylmuy* ‘glasses’, the verb *ta* occurs with the autive in the meaning ‘put on, wear’.

In dummy subject construction (§14.3.5), *ta* ‘put’ is also attested with nouns such as *kja* ‘verdigris’ or *tx-rqʰu* ‘hull, skin’ to express spontaneous growth on a surface, as in (146) with the orientation ‘toward east’ *ku-* and stem III.

(146) <ins>zaŋ cʰo raъ ni wpaъna zo kja ku-te pʰu-ŋu</ins>
copper COMIT brass DU both EMPH verdigris IPFV-put[III] SENS-be
‘Both copper and brass get verdigris.’ (30-Com) {0003736#S99}

### 22.4.2.7 rku ‘put in’

The manipulation verb *rku* ‘put in’ occurs in considerably fewer collocations than the previous verbs. In addition to its basic meaning, it can be used in the sense of ‘pour (water, grain) into a container’ (example 82, §8.2.3.2), ‘give a parting present’ (236, §16.5.1) and also ‘fix a joint dislocation’.
## 22.4 Noun-verb collocations and light verb constructions

Prefixed with the Autive *nu-* (§19.1.3), it occurs with the relator noun *u-pa* 'below, under' (§8.3.4.1) and *tu-ku* 'head' in *u-pa*+*nurku* 'subjugate, vanquish' (147), literally 'put X under oneself' and *tu-ku*+*nurku* 'meddle into (other people's business)'. In both cases, the possessive prefix on the noun is coreferent with the subject.

(147) *nuw rjy*pu *kwy-kw-tu*      *nuw pjw-cw-njyam-a*,
DEM king TOTAL~SBJ:PCP-exist DEM IPFV-CAUS-be.defeated[III]-1SG
*nwnw a-pa*      *pjw-nw-rke-a*      *ra*
DEM 1SG.POSS-under IPFV-AUTO-put.in[III]-1SG be.needed:FACT
'I have to defeat all the kings (in the world), to subjugate them.' (150821
edu de wangzi-zh) {0006402#S8}

Without Autive prefix, *rku* is also found in oblique nominalized form with *tu-ku* and the negative existential *me* as in (148)

(148) *ny-ku*      *sy-rku*      *kwy-me*
2SG.POSS-head OBL:PCP-put.in SBJ:PCP-not
'[Something] that is none of your business.' (elicited)

In the dummy subject construction (§14.3.5), *rku* is attested with *tçh*uwur 'blister' and *cimbyrom* 'blister' (149) (see also 66, §23.5.3.4).

(149) *ty-rza*      *kwy-rpjy*      *tu-kwy-ŋke*      *qʰe*,
INDEF.POSS-time SBJ:PCP-be.long IPFV-GENR:S/O-walk LNK
*tu-mypa*      *ri* *cimbyrom* *tu-rke*      *ŋgryl*.
GENR.POSS-sole LOC blister IPFV-put.in[III] be.usually.the.case:FACT
'If one walks for a long time (with bad shoes), one gets blisters on one's
soles.' (27-tWfCAI) {0003710#S131}

### 22.4.2.8 tsʰoʔ ‘attach’

The verb *tsʰoʔ* ‘attach’ (§18.5.3) only occurs in a handful of collocations with non-dummy subject: *tu-χpum* + *tsʰoʔ* ‘knee’ (§17.2.4.9) and *kʰuna* + *tsʰoʔ* ‘hunt with dogs’.

In the dummy subject construction (§14.3.5), *tsʰoʔ* has the sense of ‘grow’ with nouns referring to plant parts (§18.5.3), in particular *u-mat* + *tsʰoʔ* ‘bear fruits’ (see examples 160, §8.2.11 or 67, §23.5.3.4). Its anticausative *ndzoʔ* ‘be attached’ (§22.4.1.2) also occurs with the same meaning.
### 22.4.2.9 Other transitive collocations

Table 22.9 presents a list of collocations with verbs other than those discussed above. The manipulation verb *mya* ‘take’, ‘pick up’ (whose historical morphology is discussed in §19.7.3) and *cu* ‘open’ each occur in a few non-compositional expressions. Note that *tutso* ‘experience’ is the lexicalized action nominal of *tso* ‘know, understand’ (§14.2.3).

<table><caption>Table 22.9: Other transitive collocations (excluding orphan nouns/verbs)</caption><thead><tr><th>Noun</th><th>Verb</th><th>Meaning</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td><i>u-mpʰru</i> ‘after, following’</td><td><i>mya</i> ‘take’, ‘pick up’</td><td>‘continue (after a break), change shift’</td></tr><tr><td><i>tutso</i> ‘experience’</td><td><i>mya</i> ‘take’, ‘pick up’</td><td>‘have experience’</td></tr><tr><td><i>tu-mpɔv</i> ‘brain’</td><td><i>cu</i> ‘open’</td><td>‘deafen’</td></tr><tr><td><i>tɔu</i> ‘road’</td><td><i>cu</i> ‘open’</td><td>‘give way’</td></tr><tr><td><i>tu-mpɔv</i> ‘debt’</td><td><i>sti</i> ‘block’</td><td>‘pay a debt by labour’</td></tr><tr><td><i>tɔu-mpɔv</i> ‘nail’</td><td><i>no</i> ‘drive’ (cattle)</td><td>‘hammer nails’</td></tr></tbody></table>

Although the noun *tɔu-mpɔv* ‘nail’ probably derives from *tsʰɔv* ‘attach’ (§22.4.2.8), the two cannot be used as a collocation, and *tɔu-mpɔv* rather selects *no* ‘drive’ or the causative verb *sɔu-mpɔv* ‘prick, pierce’ with the DOWNWARDS preverbs to express the meaning ‘hammer nails into’.

### 22.4.3 Frozen collocations

The noun-verbs collocations studied in the previous sections involve partially grammaticalized verbs that can be combined with a considerable variety of nouns. The following focuses on more opaque collocations, which comprise either nouns or verbs that are not otherwise attested (§22.4.3.1, §22.4.3.2) and/or which are borrowed from Tibetan (§22.4.3.3).

#### 22.4.3.1 Orphan noun

Orphan nouns do not exist in free form, and are only found in collocations, or as members of frozen compounds.

Some orphan nouns are found in collocations with (mainly transitive) light verbs (§22.4.2). A few items from this list originate from Tibetan verbs: *ṣaŋ* is
## 22.4 Noun-verb collocations and light verb constructions

from སྲིག་ sreg 'burn', ndaŋ from འདང་ ndaŋ 'think about, long for' and mtʰoŋ from མཐོང་ mtʰoŋ 'see', while u-rtsa is from the noun ṁ-rtsa 'root'. Pure Tibetan collocations are treated in §22.4.3.3.

The orphan noun u-snurzu is borrowed from སྒྲིང་བཞོས་ sniŋ.bzos 'comfort'; the variant u-snurzu is semi-nativized by reanalyzing the snu- from སྒྲིང་ sniŋ 'heart' as the bound state snu- of its native cognate tu-sni 'heart'.

The nouns t-rtcʰyaks and u-snurzu are otherwise attested as the bases from which the denominal verbs srtcʰyaks 'quibble about' and γrtcʰyaks 'quibble' on the one hand, and nusnurzu 'comfort' on the other, are derived.

<table><caption>Table 22.10: Orphan nouns used with light verbs</caption><thead><tr><th>Noun</th><th>Light verb</th><th>Orientation</th><th>Meaning</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>u-mtʰoŋ</td><td>toŋ 'come out'</td><td>nu-</td><td>'be exposed'</td></tr><tr><td>ngartum</td><td>yut 'bring'</td><td>pu-</td><td>'dive' (of birds of prey)</td></tr><tr><td>jasa</td><td>ta 'put'</td><td>ty-</td><td>'respect'</td></tr><tr><td>prydja</td><td></td><td>pu-</td><td>'claw around, make a mess'</td></tr><tr><td>ṣaks</td><td></td><td>kγ-</td><td>'brand' (with iron)</td></tr><tr><td>taubra</td><td>lyt 'release'</td><td>ty-</td><td>'jump' (of horse)</td></tr><tr><td>tylγyo</td><td></td><td>kγ-</td><td>'catch with a lasso'</td></tr><tr><td>u-ndaŋ</td><td></td><td>pu-</td><td>'think about'</td></tr><tr><td>u-pu</td><td>pa 'do'</td><td>ty-</td><td>'keep well, preserve'</td></tr><tr><td>t-rtcʰyaks</td><td>tcγt 'take out'</td><td>nu-</td><td>'hinder'</td></tr><tr><td>u-rtsa</td><td></td><td>nu-</td><td>'investigate, get at the root of'</td></tr><tr><td>uŋaj</td><td>βzu 'make'</td><td>nu-</td><td>'be self-satisfied'</td></tr><tr><td>u-snurzu,</td><td></td><td>nu-</td><td>'comfort'</td></tr><tr><td>u-snurzu</td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr></tbody></table>

Some of the orphan nouns in Table 22.10 are treated as direct object (for instance tylγyo, ṣaks, u-snurzu), and other ones are semi-objects. The noun ndaŋ can have both grammatical functions; in (150a) it is direct object (and the stimulus is encoded as its possessor), whereas in (150b) it is semi-object (and the stimulus is encoded as direct object and is indexed on lyt).

<footnote>(150) a. ny-ndaŋ lat-a cti
2SG.Poss-think.about release:FACT-1SG be.AFF:FACT</footnote>
b. *ndaŋ* *ta-lɔ́t* *cti*

think.about 1→2-release:FACT be.AFF:FACT

‘I will think about/be considerate of you.’ (elicited)

Other collocations with orphan nouns listed in Table 22.11 involve verbs not otherwise used in light verb constructions.

<table><caption>Table 22.11: Orphan nouns in lexicalized collocations</caption><thead><tr><th>Noun</th><th>Light verb</th><th>Meaning</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>w-rɛ́a</td><td>mŋyɛ́m</td><td>'feel pain'</td></tr><tr><td>w-tsu</td><td>rnaɛ́</td><td>'be deep'</td></tr><tr><td>w-ndzuy</td><td>maɛ́</td><td>'not be'</td></tr><tr><td>w-rka</td><td>ŋyɛ́n</td><td>'be evil'</td></tr><tr><td>w-lu</td><td>cu</td><td>'open'</td></tr></tbody></table>

Most of the verbs in Table 22.11 are intransitive; the experiencer/main referent is encoded as the possessive prefix on the intransitive subject, as the 2SG in (151).

(151) *nɛ́-tsu* *pu-riak*

2SG.POSS-secret SENS-be.deep

‘You are keeping the secret very well.’ (elicited)

The collocation *w-lu* + *cu* is a transitive dummy construction (§14.3.5): the experiencer is marked as possessor of the object *w-lu* (152), and no overt subject can appear. To express the meaning ‘cause to lose conscience’, the causative *suu-cu* is needed.

(152) *a-lu* *pjɛ́-cu* *kʰi*

1SG.POSS-lose.conscience(1) IFR-lose.conscience(2) HEARSAY

‘I lost conscience (people said).’ (elicited)

Some of the nouns in Table 22.11 have etymologies. The noun *w-tsu*, though not otherwise attested, presumably originally meant ‘secret’, as it serves as the base of the denominal transitive verb *nɔ́tsu* ‘hide’. The nominal root -lu is possibly related to the last syllable of *nukulu* ‘be lost’, ‘lose one’s way’, a denominal verb (§20.7.1) from the *kuu* - participle (§16.1.1.7) of a verb *lu*, from which *w-lu* would be derived (§16.4.2, §16.4.6).
## 22.4 Noun-verb collocations and light verb constructions

The noun *u-rça*, though non-attested on its own, occur in several collocations, respectively *u-rça* + *mərəm* ‘cherish’ with *mərəm* ‘feel pain’ (example 90b,§20.13.1),<fnref n="16" /> *u-rça* + *χtɔr* ‘concentrate, focus’ with the transitive *χtɔr* ‘lean on’, and *u-rça* + *tsʰa* ‘be thoughtful and considerate of the feelings of others’ with the orphan verb *tsʰa* (§22.4.3.2).

### 22.4.3.2 Orphan verbs

Orphan verbs are much fewer than orphan nouns. Among the verbs in Table 22.12, *ri* (example 132,§14.5.1.4) is the transitive labile counterpart of *ri* ‘remain’, ‘be left’ (§14.5.1.4), and *tsʰa* and *loɔ* are borrowed from Tibetan *sʰa* ‘hot’ and *lɔŋ* ‘log’ ‘be upside down’. The rest of the verbs are obscure.

<table><caption>Table 22.12: Orphan verbs</caption><thead><tr><th>Noun</th><th>Verb</th><th>Meaning</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td><i>tu-sroɔ</i> ‘life’</td><td><i>ri</i> (vt)</td><td>‘save X’s life’</td></tr><tr><td><i>tu-sroɔ</i> ‘life’</td><td><i>nuwɔrku</i> (vt)</td><td>‘risk one’s life’</td></tr><tr><td><i>tu-tɔa</i> ‘mistake’</td><td><i>nujɔr</i> (vt)</td><td>‘make amends, apologize’</td></tr><tr><td><i>tsɔ-mbru</i> ‘anger’</td><td><i>ŋgw</i> (vi)</td><td>‘get angry’</td></tr><tr><td><i>tu-mtɔh<i>i</i></sub> ‘mouth’</td><td><i>χo</i> (vi)</td><td>‘talk big, exaggerate’</td></tr><tr><td><i>u-rça</i></td><td><i>tsʰa</i> (vi)</td><td>‘be thoughtful and considerate’</td></tr><tr><td><i>tu-ɔi</i></td><td><i>loɔ</i> (vi)</td><td>‘have nausea’</td></tr><tr><td><i>sala</i></td><td><i>zru</i> (vt)</td><td>‘be in the way, be a hindrance’</td></tr><tr><td><i>u-ɔo</i></td><td><i>pʰi</i> (vt)</td><td>‘be disappointed by’</td></tr></tbody></table>

The lower half of the Table includes collocations comprising both an orphan noun and an orphan verb. In such cases, the noun and the verb are given the same gloss, with the indices (1) on the former and (2) on the latter, as in (153).

(153) *nwtcu* *tɔ-rɔru* *ma sala* *pu-tu-zri*
DEM:LOC IMP-get.up LNK be.a.hindrance(1) SENS-2-be.a.hindrance(2)
*pu-ŋu*
SENS-be
‘Get up from there, you are in the way.’ (elicited)

<footnote n="16">¹⁶This collocation can be denominalized as *nɔrɔrɔmərɔm* ‘cherish’ (Table 20.21, §20.13.1).</footnote>
## 22 Simple clauses

Several orphan verbs are denominalized together with their noun in an incorporating construction (Table 20.21, §20.13.1).

Some orphan verbs can be subjected to voice derivations. For instance, *u-ko + pʰi* ‘be disappointed by’ has an anticausative form *u-ko + mbi* ‘be discouraged’ (§18.5.4), which can further receive the facilitative *ŋu-* prefix (§18.9.1). The verb *ŋgu* selects the irregular *cuu-* allomorph of the causative prefix (§17.2.2.1).

### 22.4.3.3 Borrowed collocations

Several synchronically opaque noun-verb collocations (with orphan verbs and/or nouns) have been borrowed as a whole from Tibetan, unlike some constructions described in previous sections which combine a noun or a verb from Tibetan with a native word.

Among Tibetan collocations, *tʰurṣi + z'u* ‘ask for mercy’ comprises the noun *tʰurṣi* ‘mercy’ (from ཁྲགས་རྗེ་རྫ tʰugs.rdze ‘compassion’), which has many functions in Japhug (§8.3.6.2), while the transitive verb form *zu* (from ཁྲ z'u ‘ask’) is not otherwise attested,<fnref n="17" /> with the meaning ‘ask for mercy’ (154).

(154) “wortcʰi ny wojyr” to-ti-nw tʰurṣi to-zu-nw.
please ADD please IFR-say-PL mercy IFR-ask-PL
‘[The boys] asked for mercy, saying ‘please’ one after the other.’ (160704 poucet4-v2) {0006097#S25}

In other collocations, both the noun and the verb are orphan forms. For instance, *tʰaek + tceʰot* ‘take a decision’ was borrowed from the locution **ekཆོ་ tʰag.tceʰod** ‘be decided’, built from the noun **ek་ལ་ tʰag.pa** ‘rope’ and the intransitive verb **ཆོ་ tceʰod** ‘be cut off’, neither of which are attested as independent words into Japhug. It does not take complement clause, and is better translated as ‘take a decision’ rather than ‘decide’. The verbal element *tceʰot* is transitive (unlike Tibetan **ཆོ་ tceʰod** ‘be cut off’), and the person making the decision is indexed as subject (155).

(155) tʰake pw-tceʰot-a
decide(1) AOR-decide(2)-1SG
‘I took a decision.’ (elicited)

Similarly, the intransitive impersonal constructions *tʰo + tʰuy* ‘match up’, ‘be compatible’, ‘be conform to each other’ (156) from **ཐོ་གླི་ tʰo.tʰug** ‘match’, and *u-ŋgu + tʰon* ‘be well-off’, ‘able to take care of oneself’ (157) from **འགོ་ཐོ་ན་ go.tʰon** ‘able

<footnote n="17">¹⁷Note however the verb *ndzu* ‘accuse’, which is probably borrowed from a non-classical present from *n̂ndzu* of the verb *རྫ z'u* ‘ask’.</footnote>
22.5 Copulas and existential verbs

to take care of oneself' are synchronically opaque from a Japhug-internal perspective.

(156) wzo kw ta-tw̥t
3SG ERG AOR:3→3'-say[II] COMIT 2SG IPFV-2-say DEM match.up(1)
w̥-tʰy
SENS-match.up(2)
'What he said and what you are saying match up.' (elicited)

(157) ci tʰu-kw-rgu-rgyz p̥u-cti tce, ci
one AOR-SBJ:PCP-EMPH~be.old SENS-be.AFF LNK one
kw-xtcu-xtci p̥u-cti tce, ndzi-ngu
SBJ:PCP-EMPH~be.small SENS-be.AFF LNK 3DU.POSS-be.well.off(1)
mu-tʰon tce, azo mu-yi-a
NEG-be.well.off(2):FACT LNK 1SG NEG-come:FACT-1SG
'One of them is very old, the other one is very young, they are not able to take care of themselves, I will not come (to the palace and leave them behind).' (2011-05-nyima)

In addition, there are also partially compositional collocations, both of whose
elements independently exist in Japhug. For instance, although tu-sum + βdi 'be
relieved' (§22.4.1.5) takes its specific meaning from Tibetan སེམས་དང་ sems.bde 'be
relieved', both tu-sum 'mind' (§24.6.3.3) and βdi 'be well' are otherwise found,
and also used in a variety of constructions not calqued from Tibetan.

There is at least one case of collocation from Situ: kʰu-li + rgi 'be respected, have good reputation', from kʰalí 'wind, reputation' (cognate of qale 'wind' and u-ule 'reputation', §5.1.2.2), with a verb from དགེ་ dge 'virtuous'.

22.5 Copulas and existential verbs

Copulas and existential verbs stand out not simply by their morphological speci-
ficities (suppletive negation §13.1.2, infixed person index §14.2.2 and other §22.5.5),
but also by their uses as auxiliaries in periphrastic tenses (§21.2.2), and vari-
ous additional functions, including possessive constructions (§22.5.2), emphasis
(§22.5.3.1), focalization (§23.6.1, §22.5.3.2), universal negation (§22.5.4), superla-
tive (§26.4.3) and concessive conditionals (§16.2.2.2).
22.5.1 Basic functions

22.5.1.1 Copulas

With the exception of a handful of predicative nouns (§22.3), a copula is required to make a noun phrase or a pronoun predicative in Japhug.

The copulas are a distinct subclass of semi-transitive verbs (§14.2.3), whose semi-object is the nominal predicate. There are two assertive copulas, the neutral *ŋu* ‘be’ and the emphatic affirmative *cti* ‘be’, and one suppletive negative copula *maʿk* ‘not be’ (§13.1.2). The emphatic affirmative copula occurs in particular to express contrast, as in (158).

(158) az̥o βzw cti-a ma, nɣki, pya maʿk-a
1SG mouse be.AFF:FACT LNK FILLER bird not.be:FACT
‘(The bat said:) I am a mouse, not a bird.’ (140427 bianfu yu
huangshulang-zh) {0003838#S7}

The copulas cannot be used with inchoative meanings ('become') in the Aorist (§21.5.1.3) or the Inferential (§21.5.2.4) unlike other stative verbs. The Aorist of the copulas are only attested to fix a point of temporal reference (§25.3.4.1) and in periphrastic tenses (examples 256 in §21.6.2.1 and 94 in §25.5.3). The lexicalized passives *apa* and *aβzu* (§18.1.2) replace the copula to express inchoative meaning, as shown by (159).

(159) az̥o twmukwmpci ra nw-tcw pw-ŋu-a ri, [ki
1SG heaven PL 3PL.POSS-SON PST.IPFV-be-1SG LNK DEM.PROX
kw-fse] nw-aβzu-a
SBJ:PCP-be lik e AOR-become-1SG
‘I used to be a son of heaven, but I became like that.’ (divination 2003)

Person indexation on copula generally follows the subject, in particular when both subject and semi-object are non-third person as in (160).

(160) az̥o nɣzo maʿk-a kw, a-mu mɣ-nymqe-a.
1SG 2SG not.be:FACT-1SG ERG 1SG.POSS-mother NEG-scold:FACT-1SG
‘I am not you, I will not scold my mother.’ (elicited)

However, when the predicate is a first or second person pronoun and the subject third person, the copula indexes the non-third person argument. In the pseudo-cleft (161) for instance, it would not be grammatical to replace *azo cti-a* with a third 3sg copula †*azo cti*. (see also 126 in §23.6.1).
(161) [pwn-ku-cʰa] nu azo cti-a
AOR-SBJ:PCP-can DEM 1SG be.AFF:FACT-1SG
'The one who succeeded [in doing these things] was me.' (qachGa 2003)

We also find examples of indexation with a (third person) predicative noun, as in (162), where the verb has plural indexation like the predicative noun phrase *stɔymku nura*, whereas the subject is in the singular. Note that the plural *nura* here cannot be interpreted as approximate location (§9.1.1.2), because in the next sentence the grasslands are analogically referred to by the plural demonstrative pronoun *nura* (§6.9.1).

(162) stu u-sy-dyn nu [stɔymku nura] ny-nu. tce
most 3SG.POSS-OBL:PCP-be.many DEM grassland DEM:PL be:FACT-PL LNK
nura nuyŋu tce tu-lɔv ny tce
DEM:PL 3PL.POSS-inside LOC IPFV-come.out be:FACT LNK
'The place where it is most numerous is the grasslands, and it grows there.' (19-qachGa mWntoR) {0003546#S23}

22.5.1.2 Existential verbs

Unlike other languages of the area such as Khroskyabs (Lai 2017: 250–252), Japhug is relatively poor in existential verbs. The verb *tu* ‘exist’ and its suppletive forms (the Sensory *yzyu* §14.2.2, the negative *me* ‘not exist’ and the Sensory negative *maŋe*, §13.1.2) have no selection restrictions on their subjects, and are compatible with abstract nouns (163), inanimate objects (164) and humans (165, 166).

(163) azo a-βlu ci tu
1SG 1SG.POSS-trick INDEF exist:FACT
'I have an idea.' (150829 taishan zhi zhu-zh) {0006350#S196}

(164) kwcungw nunwtcu kʰyNqra ci pγy-tu.
in/former TIMES DEM:LOC house.in.ruin INDEF IFR.IPFV-exist
'In former times, there used to be a house in ruin there.' (140522 Kamnyu
zgo) {0004059#S247}

The existential verbs index the person of the intransitive subject, as shown in (165) (see §23.7 on this construction).
(165) [jwymur ku-nspvri] azo ma me-a.
this.evening SBJ:PCP-have.dinner 1SG apart.from notuez:FACT-1SG
'This evening nobody is having dinner (at home) apart from me.'
(conversation, 16-04-28)

With third person subjects, number indexation is possible as in (166), but op-
tional (§14.6.1.1), and never found in the possessive construction (§22.5.2).

(166) kwcwngw bymi ci pjs-tu-ndzi
in.former TIMES couple INDEF IFR.IPFV-exist-DU
‘In former times, there was a husband and his wife.’ (rkangrgyal 2002.2)

The assertive existential verbs can mean ‘be located’, and take associated mo-
tion prefixes (§15.2) as in (167).

(167) notcu c-pw-tu-tu-nw?
where TRAL-PST:IPFV-2-exist-PL
‘Where (in which places) have you been?’ (2003 sras)

Other meanings include ‘be alive’ as in (168), and ‘be present’ (especially in
converbial form X ku-tu zo ‘in X’s presence’, see 172, §16.2.1.7).

(168) nsj ku-tu-tu úr-ŋu
2SG PRS-2-exist QU-be:FACT
‘Are you [still] alive?’ (Nyima Wodzer 2003.2)

The negative existential verb *me* is also employed in one of the comparative
constructions (§26.2.5), and with infinitives in a construction expressing impos-
sibility (§16.2.1.6, §24.4.2.4).

Unlike copulas, existential verbs can be used in Aorist, Inferential and Imper-
fective with an inchoative meaning (see 130 in §15.1.5.6 and 137 in §15.1.5.7).

The lexicalized agentless passives (§18.1.2) *ata* ‘be on’ and *arku* ‘be in’, are
nascent existential verbs. They do not have semantic restrictions on the subject
as in Khroskyabs or Stau (they are attested with first or second person human
subjects, as in 6, §18.1), but indicate the location of the subject: on a surface or in
a building in the case of *ata* (169) and inside a closed and narrow space (or inside
a compact matter) for *arku* (170).

(169) mu-to-ndo-t-a, kʰa a-ta cti tce
NEG-IFR-take-PST:TR-1SG house PASS-put:FACT be.AFF:FACT LNK
'I did not take it [with me], [I] left it at home.' (150830 afanti-zh)
{0006380#S121}
(170) a-wa
<u>u-ku</u>r
<u>u-ŋgw</u>
zu, nutcu
1SG.POSS-father 3SG.POSS-mouth 3SG.POSS-in LOC DEM:LOC
ty-rye
ci
a-rku
tce
INDEF.POSS-pearl INDEF PASS-put.in:FACT LNK
‘In my father’s mouth, there is a pearl.’ (150902 hailibu-zh) {0006316#S35}

In addition, the anticausative verb *ndzov* ‘be attached’ (§18.5.3, §22.4.1.2 can
be used to describe the presence of limbs, appendices, excrescence, thorns, hairs
and twigs on living organisms, as in (171) (see also 19, §18.1.3).

(171) <u>u-ku</u>
<u>u-rku</u>
ri
<u>ŋfa</u>
zo
<u>u-m</u><sub>y</sub><u>lyja</u><sub>k</sub>
ra
3SG.POSS-head 3SG.POSS-side LOC completely EMPH 3SG.POSS-limb PL
ku-ndzo<u>k</u>
<u>ŋpu</u>-u
IPFV-ACAUS:attach SENS-be
‘Its legs are located (i.e. attached) next to its head.’ (26-mYaRmtsaR)
{0003674#S44}

**22.5.2 Possessive constructions**

There are two main possessive constructions in Japhug. In the first one, illus-
trated by (172a), the possessum is the intransitive subject of an existential verb
(§22.5.1.2) and the possessor is indicated by a possessive prefix on the possessum
(§5.1.1.2) and (optionally) a genitive phrase (example 173 below, §8.2.3.1). In the
second one (172b), involving the semi-transitive verb *aro* ‘own’ (§14.2.3), the pos-
sessor is subject, and the possessum semi-object (§8.1.5); when the possessum is
an inalienably possessed noun (§5.1.2), it selects the indefinite possessor prefix.

(172) a. *a-mkw̥m* *tu*
1SG.POSS-pillow exist:FACT
b. *ty-mkw̥m* *aro-a*
INDEF.POSS-pillow have:FACT-1SG
‘I have a pillow.’ (elicited)

**22.5.2.1 Mihi est possessive**

The *mihi est*-type construction in (172a) is by far the most frequent one. It dif-
fers from the usual existential construction in that the number of the possessum
(intransitive subject) is never indexed on the verb: in (173) for instance, the sub-
ject *u-t̥u* takes the numeral *sqaptuy* ‘eleven’ but the existential verb *pjy-tu* lacks
plural indexation. Although number indexation in the existential construction is optional (§22.5.1.2, §14.6.1.1), its presence is however more common than its absence. The non-indexation in (173) is thus indicative of a significant syntactic difference between the existential and the possessive constructions, despite superficial similarity.

(173) *r}*y*lpu *n}*m}* y*u *u*-t*cu* *sq}*pt}*y *z}*o *pj}*-tu*.
king DEM GEN 3SG.POSS-son eleven EMPH IFR.IPFV-exist
‘The king had eleven sons.’ (140520 ye tiane-zh) {0004044#S4}

Inalienably possessed possessums normally take a possessive prefix coreferent with the possessor, even when the possessor is overt and marked with the genitive.<fnref n="18" />

In (174), we observe a string of possessive clauses in parataxis, each sharing the same possessor with the genitive (*tw*-tupu *raŋri* yu). The possessums of all of these clauses are inalienably possessed nouns (farm animals). In the first three clauses, the expected 3PL possessor prefix is present. In the last two however the possessive prefix is absent; this is one of the very rare cases where the possessor is not marked on the possessum in this construction in the corpus.

(174) *tw*-t*wp*u *raŋri* yu, *n}*kin*u, *nw*-mbro *pj}*-tu*,
one-household each DEM FILLER 3PL.POSS-horse IFR.IPFV-exist
**nw**-jla *pj}*-tu, **nw**-nwŋa *pj}*-tu, **qaz}o**
3PL.POSS-hybrid.yak IFR.IPFV-exist 3PL.POSS-COW IFR.IPFV-exist sheep
*pj}*-tu, **ts**h*}t *pj}*-tu*.
IFR.IPFV-exist goat IFR.IPFV-exist
‘Every household used to have horse(s), cow(s), hybrid yak(s), sheep and goat(s).’ (150820 kAnWCkat) {0006256#S2}

The *mihi est* construction can be causativized by subjecting the existential *tu* to the γ-derivation (§17.3.2.3), yielding the verb γτu ‘cause to have’, which marks the beneficiary (corresponding to the possessor of the intransitive construction) with the genitive case, as *n}*z}*uy in (175), or a as possessor of the object (as in 81, §17.3.2.3).

<footnote n="18">¹⁸Possessor marked with the dative also exist, but only express temporary alienable possession (example 179, §8.3.1).</footnote>
(175) **tu-βze-a** kʷ-cʰa nʷra lonba zo n
IPFV-make[III]-1SG INF-can DEM:PL all EMPH 2SG:GEN
tʷ-yʷ-tu-t-a cti tce
AOR-CAUS-exist-PST:TR-1SG be.AFF:FACT LNK

'I endowed you with all the things I could make.' (140425 shizi puluomixiusi he daxiang-zh) {0003798#S15}

When the *mihi est* possessive construction undergoes relativization, there is ambiguity as to whether the relativized element is the possessum or the possessor, since both intransitive subjects (§23.5.10.1) and possessors (§23.5.1) are relativized by means of (mostly head-internal) subject participial relatives (§16.1.1.4). In (176), the relativized element is the possessum, and in (177) its is the possessor, but these two relative clauses have exactly the same surface structure.

(176) [n̥w̥c̥ŋgw y̥w w-|ax̥tɛʰa p̥w-ku-tu] n̥wra
before GEN 3SG.POSS-thing PST.IPFV-SBJ:PCP-exist DEM:PL
c-tú-wy-su-rtov tce,
TRAL-IPFV-INV-CAUS-look LNK

'They go (there) and show [the childᵢ objects] that heᵢ used to have before (in hisᵢ previous life, when heᵢ was a lama).' (160722 skWBli) {0006227#S5}

(177) [jla n̥w-vrw kw-tu] ra k̥wny, n̥w-rgav
hybrid.yak 3PL.POSS-horn SBJ:PCP-exist DEM:PL also 3PL.POSS-shoulder
kw j̥w-z-ryci-nw p̥w-ŋu tce,
ERG IPFV-CAUS-pull-PL PST.IPFV-be LNK

'Even the hybrid yaks that had horns used to pull [the plough] with their shoulders (rather than with their horns).' (25-stuxsi) {0003660#S21}

Possessive constructions with the existential verb *ku-tu* in participial form can be combined with a negative existential verb *ku-tu me/ku-tu maŋe* to express the meaning ‘not have any’ as in (178).

(178) w-ru n̥wnw, kw-mpcw~mpcu zo ŋu,
3SG.POSS-stalk DEM SBJ:PCP-EMPH~be.smooth EMPH be:FACT
[w-mdzu ri kw-tu] me
3SG.POSS-thorn also SBJ:PCP-exist not.exist:FACT

'Its stalk, it is very smooth, and it does not have any thorns.'
(11-qrontshom) {0003482#S40}
The *mihi est* possessive construction can be a gradable predicate and occur in a superlative construction (§26.4.3) as in (179) with the abstract noun *tsʰu̯xtɔv* 'loyalty'.

(179) *fsapɑv nʷ u̯-ŋgw zʷ (...) kʰu̯na ku̯-fse zo, n, animal DEM 3SG.POSS-in LOC dog SBJ:PCP-be like EMPH FILLER u̯-tsʰu̯xtɔv ku̯-tu me kʰi 3SG.POSS-loyalty SBJ:PCP-exist notuez:FACT HEARSAY*

'Among animals, the dog is the most loyal one.' (i.e. among animals, there isn't any one whose loyalty like that of a dog) (05-khWna)

{0003398#S4}

Some possessive constructions, involving in particular abstract nouns, are lexicalized and are better described as noun-verb collocations (§22.4.1.3).

### 22.5.2.2 Non-genitive possessor

There is in addition a third construction, intermediate between those illustrated in (172), involving an existential verb, but in which the possessor is rather intransitive subject, indexed on the verb. It is only attested is double negative, with the negative existential verb *me* 'not exist' and a negative verb participle such as *m-ku̯-pe* ('(something) that is not good' as possessum: compare the *mihi est* construction (180a) with this third construction (180b), where the verb has 1SG indexation. Only one example is found in the whole corpus (identical to example 180a, but with 1PL possessor).

(180) a. *azuɣ mɣ-ku̯-pe ku-me*
1SG:GEN NEG-SBJ:PCP-be.good PRS-not.exist

b. *azo mɣ-ku̯-pe ku-me-a*
1SG NEG-SBJ:PCP-be.good PRS-not.exist-1SG

'I don't have any problem/anything bad.' (elicited, based on real examples)

### 22.5.3 Postverbal copulas

Copulas are commonly found in postverbal position, in periphrastic TAME constructions (§21.2.2, §21.5.1.8, §21.5.3.5, §21.6.2.1) and in emphatic and focalization functions, as detailed below.

These constructions have in common that the copula remains in 3SG form, regardless of the core arguments of the preceding verb. In (181) for instance, the
copula *ŋu* lacks the 1SG suffix found on the verb *çe-a*, and using here the 1SG form *ŋu-a* would be agrammatical.

(181) *nwtcu ce-a ŋu*

DEM:LOC go:FACT-1SG be:FACT

‘(For all these reasons) I am going there.’ (2011-04-smanmi)

A question concerning the syntactic structure of these constructions is whether part of the clause preceding the copula (*nwtçu ce-a*) is a subordinate clause, the copula being the main verb of the sentence. The fact that post-verbal adverbs such as *ntsw* (§22.2.7) can located between the verb and the sentence-final copula, as in (182), is a clue that the part of the sentence preceding the copula is a syntactic constituent.

(182) *tw~tx-tw-n*<sub>ma</sub>*t rcanw, pe ntsw*

TOTAL~AOR-2-make-PST:TR UNEXP:DEG be.good:FACT always

*cti*

be.AFF:FACT

‘Everything that you do is always good.’ (150822 laoye zuoshi zongshi duide-zh) {0006298#S222}

The pre-copula constituents (*nwtçu ce-a* and *pe ntsw*) cannot be analyzed as finite relative clauses (§23.2.2), since this type of relatives are restricted to relativizing objects (§23.5.3) and goals, and are thus not attested with most intransitive verbs, whereas the postverbal copula constructions are found with all intransitive verbs without restriction. Another possibility would be to analyze the pre-copula constituents as complement clauses (§24), whose function would be that of semi-object of the copula (§22.5.1.1). In this hypothesis, example (181) would literally be ‘it is (the fact that) I am going there’, and (182) ‘it is that it is always good’.

### 22.5.3.1 Emphatic assertion/negation

The postverbal copulas can have scope over the whole sentence. Copulas of opposite polarity *ŋu/cti* and *ma*<sub>k</sub> can be used to mark an emphatic contrast between two predicates, as in (183) and (184) (§13.2).

(183) *tú-wy-ctso ŋu ma tú-wy-sk}*<sub>r</sub>* ma*<sub>k</sub>

IPFV-INV-measure be:FACT LNK IPFV-INV-weigh not.be:FACT

‘One measures (the quantity to be used) by scooping, not by weighing.’
(31-cha) {0003764#S12}
22 Simple clauses

(184) ῇω-γγκʰω ndza cti wo ma, tce a-μπακ
SENS-have.smoke reason be.AFF:FACT SFP LNK LNK 1SG.POSS-eye

ρω-cω-mηγμη ndza cti ma, ρω-γγωμω-a maκ
SENS-CAUS-hurt reason be.AFF:FACT LNK SENS-cry-1SG not.be:FACT

'[The reason why I shed tears] is because it is smoky, and it hurts my
eyes, it is not that I am crying.' (qaCpa 202)

A postverbal assertive copula can put emphasis on the trustworthiness and reliability of a statement (185).

(185) tcetʰa n tuu-si cti
later 2SG 2-die:FACT be.AFF:FACT
‘Otherwise you will (certainly) die.’ (2011-04-smanmi)

The postverbal negation maκ can be combined with the interrogative form of
the assertive copula ὕ-ηυ, as in (186), to express a rhetorical question concerning
something that both the speaker and the addressee are supposed to know.

(186) ‘w-kwrme tw-ldza a-m-y-j-y-tw-ywt ra’
3SG.POSS-hair one-long-object IRR-NEG-PFV-2-bring be.needed:FACT
tw-tw-t-a maκ ὕ-ηυ
AOR-say[II]-1SG not.be:FACT QU-be:FACT
‘Didn’t I say: “Do not bring back anything, not even a hair (from her
head).”’ (2014-kWLAG)

22.5.3.2 Focalization of a constituent

The most common focalization construction in Japhug is not a pseudo-cleft con-
struction (§23.6.1) or a focus marker (§9.1.6), but the combination of an overt
noun phrase or pronoun (§22.1.2.3) with a postverbal copula, as in (187).<fnref n="19" /> The
focalized constituents are indicated in bold. In this construction, the copula is
never adjacent to the focalized constituent, which is also marked by a specific
intonation.

<footnote n="19">¹⁹These sentences are from a story where a child at school is bullied by another pupil, who forces him to bring water for him; the teacher (who guessed that the first child was being bullied) asks (187a) to have him tell the one who forced him to do it, but the bullied child replies (187a), as he fears reprisals.</footnote>