(187) a. **nyzo ny-tu-ci**
2SG 2SG.POSS-INDEF.POSS-water TRAL-AOR-AUTO-bring-PST:TR
**u-ηu?**
QU-be:FACT

'Was it for yourself that you brought the water?'

b. **azo c-ty-nu-ru-t-a**
1SG TRAL-AOR-AUTO-bring-PST:TR-1SG be:FACT
'I brought it for myself.'

Given the fact that many periphrastic TAME categories use copulas (§21.2.2, §21.5.1.8, §21.5.3.5, §21.6.2.1), there are many cases where this focalizing function of the copula is ambiguous (for this reason, most of the examples presented below involve verbs in Aorist and Inferential form, which do not occur with the copulas in periphrastic tenses).

The postverbal copula construction is used to indicate focus on all core arguments, including intransitive subject (188), transitive subject (189, 190, with optional ergative on the overt pronoun, §8.1.2) and object (191, 192).

In (§187b), although the focalized argument is in transitive subject function, it is not focalized as subject ('it is I who brought it') but as beneficiary ('it is for myself that I brought it'), as this referent has both functions, the latter marked by the autive prefix *nw*- (§19.1.3).

All three copulas (§22.5.1.1) are found in this construction, including the emphatic affirmative *cti* (188, 191) and the negative *mab* (191, 193).

(188) **tceri, w-pi**
LNK 3SG.POSS-elder.sibling NEG-IFR.IPFV-stay LNK 3SG.POSS-aunt
**nw** pjy-rvzi cti qʰe
DEM NEG-IFR.IPFV-stay be.AFF:FACT LNK

'But his elder brother was not there, it was his brother's wife who was there.' (140512 alibaba) {0003965#S57}

(189) **pymawombxr kw [...] tý-wy-sw-χtw-a**
ANTHR ERG AOR-INV-CAUS-sell-1SG be:FACT
'It is Padma 'Od'bar who sold it to me.' (2012 Norbzang) {0003768#S133}

Focalized first or second person core arguments, in addition to being marked by an overt pronoun, are also obligatorily indexed on the verb (§14.2, §14.3), as shown by 1SG and 2SG marking in (190) and (191) below and in (187) above.
(190) **kwki** *tcʰeme ki* **ndvre** azwy a-*pw-ŋu* tšaŋ ma
DEM.PROX girl DEM.PROX LNK 1SG.GEN IRR-IPFV-be be.fair:FACT LNK
**tce** azo *pw-*nw-*mto-t-a* cti tce
LNK 1SG AOR-AUTO-see-PST:TR-1SG be.AFF:FACT LNK

‘This girl, it would be fair if she were mine, as it was I who found her.’
(140517 buaishuohua) {0004018#S98}

(191) azo *pynmawombyr* tu-ti-a cti ma, *nxj*
1SG ANTHR IPFV-say-1SG be.AFF:FACT LNK 2SG
*pn-ta-*nw-*ykhʰyzyŋga* maw
IPFV-1→2-APPL-call not.be:FACT

‘I am saying “Padma ’Od ’bar”, it is not you that I am calling.’ (2012
Norbzang) {0003768#S139}

(192) kʰwyŋŋw ri pyγtcw ni *pwn-ywnwyro-ndzi tce*, **nw** *pwn-*nyre-a
window LOC bird DU SENS-play-DU LNK DEM IPFV-1SG
*cti wo*
be.AFF:FACT SFP

‘On the window two birds were playing, this is what I was laughing
about.’ (2014-kWLAG)

This construction is also attested to focalize adjuncts, such as the causal phrase marked with the ergative (§8.2.2.5) in (193).

(193) **nw** **w-ndza** **kw** *nw-si* **wo** *pwn-*maw.
DEM 3SG.POSS-reason ERG AOR-die ADVERS PST.IPFV-not.be
'It was not because of this that shed died.' (150907 srWn) {0006360#S22}

The postverbal copula can be nominalized, and the whole sentence turned
into a non-finite clause. This type of construction is also used for constituent
focalization as in (194). The form *kw-ŋu* is ambiguous between a stative infinitive
and a subject participle (§16.2.1.1), and therefore the non-finite clause is either
analyzable as an infinitival complement clause (§16.2.1.5) or a participial clause
in semi-object function (§24.4.1).

(194) [xçiri **nw** **kw** qapri buxsi pjγ-sat **kw-ŋu**] *nwnw* ko-tso
weasel DEM ERG snake python IFR-kill SBJ:PCP-be DEM IFR-understand
‘He realized that it was the weasel that had killed the python.’ (140518
xuezhe he huangshulang-zh) {0004032#S34}
22.5.4 Postverbal negative existential verb

Like the negative copula *maš* (§22.5.3.1), the negative existential verbs *me* and *maŋe* occur postverbally as periphrastic negative construction (§13.2).

With transitive verbs, this construction can express universal negative object ('nothing'), in particular with the adverbial intensifier *maka* (§22.2.4), which can be located either before the main verb (195a) or directly before the negative existential verb (195b).

(195) a. *maka zo pwi-mto-t-a me*
at.all EMPH AOR-see-PST:TR-1SG not.exist:FACT

b. *pwi-mto-t-a maka me*
EMPH AOR-see-PST:TR-1SG at.all not.exist:FACT

‘I did not see anything/any of it at all.’ {0006336#S58}

With secundative verbs (§14.4.2), negative meaning can apply either to the object or to the theme (semi-object). In (196), the object (*rŋu:l* ‘silver’) is definite, while the non-overt theme (the manner) is universal negative.

(196) *azo rŋgw cti-a qhe, rŋu:l ste-a me*
1SG boulder be.AFF:FACT-1SG LNK silver do like:FACT-1SG not.exist:FACT
*qʰe, nyzo ny-ŋgra a-pwi-ŋu tce ty-nu-ndym*
LNK 2SG 2SG.POSS-salary IRR-PFV-be LNK IMP-AUTO-take[III]

‘I am a boulder, I have no use of [this] silver, may this be your reward (for helping me), take it.’ (divination) {0003364#S98}

The postverbal negative construction can also indicate a non-specific, but not completely indefinite entity (‘not any X, none of the X’ rather than ‘nothing’). In (197), the zero object anaphorically refers to *qumdroŋ* ‘crane’ (§22.1.2.1), the main topic of the story from which this sentence is taken.

(197) *tce jinde aj pwi-mto-t-a me ri,*

*LNK nowadays 1SG AOR-see-PST:TR-1SG LNK not.exist:FACT*

*pwi-kwi-xtci tce púu-wy-mto*

*AOR-GENR:S/O-be.small LNK AOR-INV-see*

‘I have not seen any [wild crane] recently, but when we were young, we did see (some).’ (22-qomndroN) {0003598#S31}

The scope of the negation is however not necessarily restricted to the object. In (198) for instance, the non-overt object anaphorically refers to *jima* ‘maize’ mentioned in the previous sentences, but the scope of negation is rather on the essive
participial clause *zara nu-kx-nu-ndza* ‘as food for themselves/for themselves to eat’ (§8.1.7): the villagers do plant maize, but for a different purpose.

(198) tce zara nu-kx-nu-ndza tce konja ji-nu
LNK 3PL 2PL.POSS-OBJ:PCP-AUTO-eat LNK completely plant:FACT-PL
maŋe woma
notSKI:SENS SFP

‘They don’t plant any [maize] for themselves to eat, (they plant it to
feed their pigs).’ (140522 kAmYW tWji) {0004055#S64}

With intransitive verbs, this construction is used to indicate the complete ab-
sence of the action ‘not ... at all’ (199).

(199) tu-ci u-rku zw ku-rzyi-a tce nu/re ri
INDEF.POSS-water 3SG.POSS-side LOC IPFV-stay-1SG LNK DEM:LOC LOC
ku-nu-tsʰi-a cti ma uŋgw ri
IPFV-AUTO-drink-1SG be.AFF:FACT LNK 3SG.POSS-in also
kx-ari-a me, c-tu-nyŋkwŋke-a ri
AOR:EAST-go[II]-1SG notSKI:FACT TRAL-IPFV-DISTR:walk-1SG also
me
notSKI:FACT

‘I am staying near the water and drinking (water) there, I did not go into
the water at all, I am not walking around in it.’ (aesop lang he yang-zh)

The intransitive stative verb sna ‘be good, be worthy’ (§19.7.10) is commonly
used with negative existential verbs, with the meaning ‘not good for anything’,
as in (200). The scope of universal negation in this case is on the essive adjunct
(for instance *nunja u-ndza* ‘cow fodder’ in the first clause of 200).

(200) nunja u-ndza sna ma nu ma sna
cow 3SG.POSS-food be.good:FACT LNK DEM apart.from be.good:FACT
me
notSKI:FACT

'[Oat] is good as fodder for cattle, but apart from that it is not good for
anything.' (08-qaJAGi) {0003458#S8}

The clause preceding the negative existential verb can be embedded within
a participial clause with the existential verb *ku-tu*, as in (201). A similar use of
*ku-tu* is also found in the possessive construction (example 178, §22.5.2).
(201) [[azo joβ tci c-tɔ-nu-tu-t-a] ku-tu]
1SG INTERJ also TRAL-AOR-AUTO-say[II]-1SG SBJ:PCP-exist
me qʰe [azo nd nɔu-yβzu-a ri
not-existent LNK 1SG ADVERS IPFV-become-1SG also
ku-ra] me qʰe, ny-rcu~rca
SBJ:PCP-be-needed not-existent LNK 2SG:POSS-EMPH-together with
zo yi-a ny ma nu ma [[azu-y
EMPH come:FACT-1SG be:FACT LNK DEM apart from 1SG:GEN
ku-ra] ku-tu] me
SBJ:PCP-be-needed SBJ:PCP-exist not-existent

'I did not go and heed [the girl who was calling us], and I don't need to
become anything special, I don't need anything, apart from following
you.' (2003 kandZislama)

The postverbal negative existential verb can be combined with a verb taking the negative prefix, forming a double negation (§13.3) expressing universal quantification (202).

(202) ku-ny̱n m-y-nyma-ndzi maka me
SBJ:PCP-be-evil NEG-do:FACT-DU at.all not-existent

‘There is no evil thing that they do not do/They do all kinds of evil things.’ (140428 yonggan de xiaocaifeng-zh) {0003886#S162}

In addition, postverbal negative existential verbs are used in one of the superlative constructions (§26.4.3). (§16.2.2.2)

### 22.5.5 Verb doubling

Copulas are exceptional in being the only verbs that can be repeated to express emphasis. This usage is only found in the traditional story register, as in (203). This construction differs from partial reduplication, which only targets one syllable (§4.1).

(203) nu ku-fse ci tw-ŋu, nu m-y-ku-naχtcu-y
DEM SBJ:PCP-be lik INDEF 2-be:FACT DEM NEG-SBJ:PCP-be the same
ci tw-ŋu tw-ŋu
INDEF 2-be:FACT 2-be:FACT

‘You are (someone) like that, you are different (from normal people).’
(2011-04-smanmi)
22.5.6 Other constructions

Apart from the constructions discussed above, existential verbs are attested in an unusual type of alternative concessive conditional (§25.2.3.2), combined with the bare stem of the verb (§16.2.2.2), and in periphrastic modal constructions (§21.7.5).

Existential verbs can also occur with the adverb *jamar* ‘about’ to build an equa-
tive construction ‘as big as X’ (§26.3.1.4) as in (204).

(204) *ki aẓo a-ja ki jamar γγζu.*

DEM.PROX 1SG 1SG.P POSS-hand DEM.PROX about exist:SENS

'The wild yak horn is about as big as my hand here.' (20-RmbroN)

{0003560#S26}
# 23 Relative clauses

## 23.1 Introduction

This chapter, building on previous work by Sun (2006a); Sun & Lin (2007) on Tshobdun and Situ, and on Jacques (2016d) on Japhug, presents an overview of relativizing constructions in Japhug.

Three different ways of classifying relative clauses are outlined, respectively based on the form of the verb and the structure of the clause (§23.2), on the position of the relativized element (§23.4) and on its function in the relative clause (§23.5).

Various morphosyntactic phenomena specific to relative clauses (including resumptive pronouns, case marking etc) are discussed in §23.3, and some potential ambiguities between relative and complement clauses are analyzed in §23.8.

Two sections are devoted to the functions of relative clauses other than noun modification: focalization (using pseudo-clefts, §23.6.1) and quantification (universal quantification and expression of indefiniteness, §23.7).

Since an important proportion of relative clauses in Japhug are participial clauses, section §16.1 in a previous chapter partially overlaps with some of the sections of this chapter.

## 23.2 Subtypes of relative clauses

### 23.2.1 Participial relative clauses

Participles (§16.1) are the main way of building relative clauses in Japhug. Three types of participles are found: subject *ku*- (§16.1.1), object *kr*- (§16.1.2) and oblique *sr*-/*z*- (§16.1.3).

The subject participle (§16.1.1.4) is the only available strategy to relativize subjects (whether from intransitive §23.5.1 or transitive verbs §23.5.2) and possessor of subjects (§23.5.10.1).

The object participle is used to relativize objects and semi-objects (§16.1.2.4). It competes in this function with finite relative clauses (§23.5.3, §23.5.4). It can also marginally relativize locative arguments (§16.1.2.5, §23.5.5) and possessor of
objects (§23.5.10.2). Unprefixed object participles in *kr*- are not easily distinguishable from subject participles of passive forms *ku-r-*, due to vowel contraction (§16.1.2.3).

The oblique participle can relativize many non-core functions, including locative adjuncts (§16.1.3.5), instruments (§16.1.3.6) and other adjuncts (§16.1.3.7), and compete in these functions with prenominal finite relatives (§23.5.5, §23.5.9).

Since participial relative clauses are described in detail in chapter 16, the reader is referred to the relevant sections in that chapter for a focused discussion.

### 23.2.2 Finite relative clauses

Some relative clauses in Japhug have a verb in finite form, with person indexation and TAME marking. For instance, the verb *pu-mto-t-a* in 1SG→3 (§14.3.2.1) Aorist form of the headless relative clause in (1) could stand on its own as a complete sentence meaning ‘I saw/have seen it’. The only clue that this appositive clause is a relative is the presence of the determiner *nu*, whose status in this context is discussed in §23.3.5.2.

(1) ma wzo w-mdoь nunu, [aj pu-mto-t-a] nu,
LNK 3SG 3SG.POSS-colour DEM 1SG AOR-see-PST:TR-1SG DEM
'[The wolves] that I have seen, the colour [of their fur is brown]'
(27-spjaNkW) {0003704#S21}

Finite relative clauses are not however completely identical to the corresponding independent clauses, even when the head is internal (§23.4.3). Four main morphosyntactic differences can be observed.

First, the verb of finite relative clauses can be subjected to totalitative reduction (§23.3.2), a morphological category that is restricted to relative clauses, and not found in main clauses or other types of complement clauses.

Second, possessor prefixes in finite relative clause can undergo possessor neutralization (§23.3.4).

Third, some TAME categories are not allowed in relative clauses, including Modal categories such as Irrealis (§21.4.1) and Imperative (§21.4.2) and Evidential categories such as Inferential (§21.5.2), Sensory (§21.3.2) and Egophoric Present (§21.3.3). The TAME categories attested in finite relatives are Imperfective (§21.2), Factual Non-Past (§21.3.1), Aorist (§21.5.1, as in 1 above) and Past Imperfective (§21.5.3).

Fourth, there are some restrictions on person indexation in finite relative clauses. Monotransitive verbs are not attested in the corpus in local forms, and in
inverse non-local forms (§23.5.3.1). Only *ditransitive* verbs allow inverse and local person forms in relatives.

Finite relative clauses are not compatible with subject relativization, but they can be used when relativizing objects (§23.5.3), semi-objects (§23.5.4), possessors of objects (§23.5.10.2), goals (§23.5.5.1), objects embedded in object complement clauses (§23.5.11.3) and some time adjuncts (§23.5.9).

### 23.2.3 Genitival relative

Both participial and finite prenominal relatives (§23.4.2) are attested with a genitive marker *yu* (§8.2.3.3) before the head noun, which generally does not take a possessive prefix in this construction. This type of construction is common in texts translated from Chinese, and is certainly due to calquing from Chinese in many cases, for instance in (2).

(2) [wwo ku-rvzi] yw si w-pa nwtcu jy-azyw-t-nw
3SG IPFV-stay GEN tree 3SG.POSS-down DEM:LOC AOR-arrive-PL
‘They arrived at the bottom of the tree where he was staying.’ (140512
alibaba-zh) {0003965#S22}

A similar tendency to calque Chinese relative constructions with the genitive is observed in other Gyalrongic languages (Lai 2018). For this reason, examples of genitival relative clauses from translated stories will not be taken into account in this chapter.

In non-translated texts and in conversations, prenominal genitival clauses are also marginally attested to relativize core arguments, as in (3), though this is uncommon. Finite prenominal genitival clauses are however often used for locative and temporal adjunct relativization (§23.5.5.1).

(3) [tw-cyrw yw sm..., w-kw-nwsmyn] yw
INDEF.POSS-bone GEN *incomplete word* 3SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-treat GEN
*smynba yu.*
doctor be:FACT
‘It is a doctor who treats bone [fractures].’ (140426 laXthAB)
{0003810#S34}

This type of clause should not be confused with superficially similar constructions such as that of complement-taking nouns (§5.1.2.6), and with true genitival constructions with a headless relative clause possessor, as in (4), where the noun following the genitive (*tw-rja* ‘one’s face’) is not an argument of the relative clause.
(4) [ɲu-ku-ɣwu] yu tu-rŋa nɔ tsa pɔ-fse tce
IPFV-SBJ:PCP-cry GEN GENR.POSS-face DEM a.little SENS-be like LNK
'It looks a bit like the face of someone crying.' (18-qromJoR) {0003532#S97}

23.2.4 Relator nouns

Three inalienably possessed nouns, *u-stu* ‘place’, *u-sta* ‘place’ and *u-spa* ‘material’, are semantically bleached when used as head of prenominal relatives (§23.4.2), and are in the process of becoming grammaticalized as relativizers.

These three nouns are fossilized oblique participles (Table 16.4, §16.1.3.10). The former two are used to relativize locative adjuncts, more exceptionally goals (§23.5.5.3), while *u-spa* ‘material’ serves to build instrument (§23.5.6) and in some cases object relative clauses.

The noun *u-spa* still preserves its original meaning in examples such as (5), from which its other uses derive.

(5) **tw-jaw** **we** nɔ kw [kɣ-cpʰɣt] **w-spa** nɔ
GENR.POSS-hand left DEM ERG OBJ:PCP-patch 3SG.POSS-material DEM
pjúw-wɣ-sw-stʰov ŋu
IPFV-INV-CAUS-press be:FACT
'One presses with the left hand on the piece of cloth that is to be patched.'
(12-kAtsxWb) {0003486#S33}

From the purposive object relative meaning ‘(material) that is to be Xed’ as in (5), an instrumental interpretation ‘(material) that is used to X’ arose: example (6) illustrates the semantic proximity between oblique instrumental relative clauses (§16.1.3.6) and the *u-spa* clauses. Purposive clauses in *u-spa* (§25.5.4) also derive from this type of constructions.

(6) [paw-sɣ-χsu] ŋu, [pa「kɣ-mbi] w-spa
pig 3SG.POSS-OBL:PCP-feed be:FACT pig OBJ:PCP-give 3SG.POSS-material
ŋu
be:FACT
'It is pig fodder, it is [something that can] be given to pigs.' (150822 laoye
zuoshi zongshi duide-zh) {0006298#S170}

The relator nouns differ from other nouns serving as heads of relative clause
in that they can occur even when an overt non-generic head noun is present,
such as *kʰuna* ‘dog’ in (7) and *kuɛspɔk* ‘hole’ in (8).
(7) *tyrkaivci nwi icqʰa, kw-γyrkaiv, [ky-tswm]*
hunting.dog DEM FILLER SBJ:PCP-hunt OBJ:PCP-take.away

**w-spa** kʰuina nwi pwi-ŋu.

3SG.POSS-material dog DEM SENS-be

‘Hunting dogs are dogs that are taken to hunt.’ (140426 liegou he
zhonggou-zh) {0003812#S1}

(8) [βzw u-sy-yi] **u-stu** kwspoiv nwtcu,
mouse 3SG.POSS-OBL:PCP-come 3SG.POSS-place hole DEM:LOC

icqʰa nwnw z-pw-rku-nw.

the.aforementioned DEM TRAL-IPFV-put.in-PL

‘People put [the flower of the burdock] in the holes which mice come out
from (as a trap).’ (13-tCamu) {0003498#S67}

These examples are very rare, and not unproblematic<fnref n="1" /> but nevertheless suggest that *u-spa*, *u-stu* and *u-sta* are advancing in the grammaticalization cline. In the closely related language Khroskyabs (Lai 2017: 580), the clitic = *spi*, exact cognate of *u-spa* (Table 16.4, §16.1.3.10), has become the main object relativizer.<fnref n="2" />

23.2.5 Interrogative pronouns and correlative constructions

All interrogative pronouns, including *tɛ́ h i* ‘what’ (§6.5.1), *ɛw* ‘who’ (§6.5.2), *ŋotɛu*
‘where’ (§6.5.4) and *tʰyjtɛu* ‘when’ (§6.5.3), can be used in correlative relative con-
structions as free-choice indefinites ‘whoever/whatever/whenever’ (§6.6.6). The
pronoun can occur on its own or in apposition with an overt head noun as in (9).

(9) wzo kw [<caì> **tɛ́ h i** ta-ndza] nwi yu u-mdov nwi
3SG ERG vegetable what AOR:3→3'-eat DEM GEN 3SG.POSS-colour DEM

pwi-ndym pwi-ŋu.

IPFV-take[III] SENS-be

‘It takes the colour of whatever vegetable it has eaten.’ (25-caiqajW)
{0003634#S18}

When a postclausal relator noun head (§23.4.2, §23.5.5.3) is present as in (10),
the interrogative pronoun remains *in situ*.

<footnote n="1">¹It could be alternatively possible to analyze *kw-spoiv* as a subject participle (Table 16.2, §16.1.1.7), and argue that *w-stu* *kuu-spoiv* is a participial relative ‘the place that has a hole’.</footnote>

<footnote n="2">²The clitic = spi has a function that is still close to that of w-spa in examples such as (6): Lai (2017: 514) explains that it refers to ‘un objet spécifiquement destiné à subir l’action.’</footnote>
(10) [ŋotču j-kʷ-yri] **m-stu** n̥wtcu kʷ-mzaβ
where AOR-SBJ:PCP-go[II] 3SG.POSS-place DEM:LOC SBJ:PCP-marry
kʷ-ce ra tu-ti-nʷ ŋgryl.
GENR:S/O-go:FACT be.needed:FACT IPFV-say-PL be.usually.the.case:FACT
'People say that whatever place [the ladybug] flies to, is where one has to
go to get married.' (26-kWLAGpopo) {0003670#S38}

Correlative relatives can be participial (10, 11) or finite (9), depending on the function of the relativized element (§23.5).

(11) [u̯-jaq tɛ̱h'i nʷ-kʷ-yɛ̯ zo] tu-ndze
3SG.POSS-hand what AOR:WEST-SBJ:PCP-come[II] EMPH IPFV-eat[III]
'It eats whatever it can get its hands on.' (28-qapar) {0003700#S103}

In (12), the fact that the interrogative pronoun ɛu 'who' takes the ergative
shows that it belongs to the same clause as the transitive verb lu-k-tɛ̱h, as the
matrix verb cʰa 'can' is intransitive (§14.2.3): it is therefore embedded within the
complement clause.

(12) [[cɛu kʷ [kʷ-mu̯rku̯ kʷ-ŋu] lu-kv-tɛ́yt] pʷ-kʷ-cʰa] nʷ,
who ERG SBJ:PCP-steal SBJ:PCP-be IPFV-INF-take.out AOR-SBJ:PCP-can DEM
a-sci rpu cʰu̯-ta-su̯-ndo-nu̯ ŋu
1SG.POSS-instead king IPFV-1→2-CAUS-take-PL be:FACT
'Whoever succeeds in catching (the one who) is the thief, I will make him
king in my stead.' (2003 qachGa) {0003372#S5}

Possessors of subjects (§23.5.10.1) can also undergo correlative maximalizing relativization, as in (§23.5.10.1).

(13) [cɛu **w-tu̯-ji** kʷ-nytwu̯] n̥wu̯ra kʷ
who 3SG.POSS-INDEF.POSS-field SBJ:PCP-happen.to.be DEM:PL ERG
tx-mtʰu̯m ku-sqa-nu̯ tce,
INDEF.POSS-meat IPFV-cook-PL LNK
'Whoever_i [it is] whose_i fields happen to be [the ones that are to be
ploughed by the whole village_j], those people_i cook meat (for the
village_j).' (150909 kWnWjlAmtshi) {0006306#S17}

Correlative relatives have commonalities with universal concessive condition-
als (§25.2.3.3), but in the latter the subordinate clause and the main clause do not
necessarily share a common element.
23.3 Morphosyntactic specificities of relative clauses

This section presents morphosyntactic phenomena distinguishing relative clauses
from independent sentences or complement clauses, including resumptive pro-
nouns (§23.3.1), case marking (§23.3.3), possessive prefix neutralization (§23.3.4),
determiner replication (§23.3.5) and totalitative reduplication (§23.3.2).

It also shows that the demonstrative-like elements *nu* that follow the relatives
are not complementizers (§23.3.5.2), and discusses word order within the relative,
in particular the presence of postverbal elements in head-internal relative clauses
(§23.3.6).

23.3.1 Resumptive pronouns

A resumptive third person pronoun *uwo* occurs in conjoined relative clauses with
the correlative additive focus marker *ri* (§9.1.6.2). It is obligatory in this construc-
tion when the relativized element is the intransitive subject, as in the clause *uwoi
ri kuu-sna* in (14).

(14) numu [u̯i-pʰu̯ ri ku̯-wxti] [u̯wo̯ ri ku̯-sna]
DEM 3SG.POSS-price also SBJ:PCP-be.big 3SG also SBJ:PCP-be.good
ŋu
be:FACT
'[Silver] is (a metal that is) both expensive (whose price is big) and nice.'
(30-Com) {0003736#S190}

This construction occurs in particular in texts from Chinese to translate the
construction 又……又……<yòu X yòu Y> ‘both X and Y’, as in (15).<fnref n="3" />

(15) numu qaju̯ ku̯-syju̯-jlo̯k nuw jo-yi tce, [u̯wo̯ ri
DEM bug SBJ:PCP-EMPH-disgusting DEM IFR-come LNK 3SG also
ku̯-wxti], [u̯wo̯ ri ku̯-syju̯-jlo̯k] ci pjy-ŋu.
SBJ:PCP-be.big 3SG also SBJ:PCP-EMPH-be.disgusting INDEF IFR.IPFV-be
'The disgusting creature (the toad) came, it was big and disgusting.'
(150818 muzhi guniang-zh) {0006334#S84}

<footnote n="3">³The Chinese original has 这只癞蛤蟆又大又丑 <zhè zhī làiháma yòu dà yòu chǒu> ‘the toad was big and ugly’.</footnote>
23.3.2 Totalitative reduplication

The main verb of relative clauses, whether in participial (18) or in finite form (16, 17), can undergo reduplication of the first syllable (§12.4.1) to express universal quantification of the relativized element, whose syntactic function can be object (16), semi-object (17) or intransitive subject (18), and even transitive subject (19) (however some transitive subject participle cannot undergo initial reduplication for morphological reasons, see §12.4.1.5).

(16) **[tw-ryi**] pw~-pa-ywt-ndzi **zo]** nwnw
INDEF POSS-seed TOTAL~AOR:3→3':DOWN-bring-DU EMPH DEM
*lo-ji-ndzi*.
IFR-plant-DU
‘They planted all the seeds that they had brought (down from heaven).’
(31-deluge) {0004077#S145}

(17) **[azo tw~ty-fse-a]** nw ty-fse tce
1SG TOTAL~AOR-be like-1SG DEM IMP-be like LNK
‘Do everything like I do.’ (140426 jiagou he lang-zh,18) {0003804#S17}

(18) <zhengfu> kw [kw~kw-ngo], nwnw
government ERG TOTAL~SBJ:PCP-be.sick DEM
[kw~ky-kw-nyndza zo] nw, andi comuco tcetu taq
TOTAL~AOR-SBJ:PCP-have.leprosy EMPH DEM west TOPO up.there up
ri, nski tsʰupa ci tu tce, umwre to-sw-ywwwum.
LOC FILLER village INDEF exist:FACT LNK DEM:LOC IFR-CAUS-gather
‘In the west up there in Kyomkyo there is a village. The government
gathered all the sick people, all the lepers, up there.’ (25-khArWm)
{0003644#S58}

(19) tce nwra qartsʰaz mu nwra, [pw~pw-kw-mtsʰym] nw
LNK DEM:PL deer female DEM:PL TOTAL~AOR-SBJ:PCP-hear DEM
u̯-rkwu nwtcu tu-owwwum-nw yu
3SG POSS-side DEM:LOC IPFV-gather-PL
‘All the does that have heard [the buck] gather around it.’ (27-qartshAz)
{0003702#S131}

Although initial reduplication occurs with finite verb forms in main clauses
with various meanings (§12.4.1), totalitative reduplication is exclusively attested
in relative clauses. A more detailed discussion of this phenomenon is provided
in §12.4.1.5.

Totalitative reduplication is specificity to relative clauses, and does not occur
in complement clauses. It can be used as a test to distinguish between the two
types of clauses in ambiguous cases (§23.8).

23.3.3 Genitive possessor

In object relative clauses (§23.5.3), transitive subjects can sometimes be marked
by the genitive instead of the ergative, in particular when the agent can be con-
strued as a possessor of the object, as in the finite headless relative in (20).

(20) azway [nɔ̈ w-nu-βde-t-a] nɔ̈ w ú-ŋu
1SG:GEN AOR-AUTO-throw-PST:TR-1SG DEM QU-be:FACT
'Is it the one that I lost?' (140427 bianfu jingji he shuiniao-zh)
{0003836#S28}

Example (21) illustrates the hesitation between the ergative in the first rela-
tive clause, and the genitive in the second one (where the agent is the *former*
possessor of the object).

(21) tce [atu tumwkrŋi ku w-jaw nɔ̈ -kʊ-kʰo] nɔ̈ w,
LNK up.there heavenly(god) ERG 3SG.POSS-hand AOR-OBJ:PCP-give DEM
smynmimitok nwnw yu [nɔ̈ -kʊ-kʰo] nwnɔ̈ w, ko-ctʰwz
ANTHR DEM GEN AOR-OBJ:PCP-give DEM IFR:EAST-turn.towards
'He turned [the magical object] that the god from heaven had given him,
that Smanmi Metog had given him, [in the direction of the râkshâsas].'
(2011-04-smanmi)

In the case of participial object relatives with a possessive prefix, the transitive
subject/possessor does not require genitive marking, just in the same way as
possessive prefixes on the possessum (with optional genitive) are sufficient to
mark possession between two nouns (§5.1.1.2, §8.2.3.1). In (22) for instance, the
pronoun uwo 'it' (the camel) directly precedes the participle u-k-tsh'i 'the (water)
that it drinks' without either ergative or genitive marker.

(22) w-zgo w-ŋgw nwtcu wzo [w-kɔ-ytsʰi]
3SG.POSS-mountain 3SG.POSS-inside DEM:LOC 3SG 3SG.POSS-OBJ:PCP-drink
tu-nw-rke p̂w-kʰw
IPFV-AUTO-put.in[III] SENS-be.possible
'[The camel] can store the [water] that it drinks in its hump.'
(19-rNamoN) {0003552#S48}
The transitive subject in these constructions is formally a possessor, external to the relative clause. In (23) in particular, the presence of the degree adverb *stu* 'most' (§26.4.1) between the pronoun *użo* and the head noun *u-sytɛ̃hɑ* 'its place' is a clue that *użo* is not included in the relative clause.

(23) *tceri użo* [stu **u-sytɛ̃hɑ** u-k-nu-rga] nu,
LNK 3SG most 3SG.POSS-place 3SG.POSS-OBJ:PCP-APPL-like DEM
'The place that it likes most...' (20-xsar 10) {0003568#S10}

### 23.3.4 Possessive prefix neutralization

In relative clauses, the possessor of inalienably possessed nouns can be neutralized to the indefinite possessor prefix *tu-/-ty-* (§5.1.3), even when the possessor is definite. In (24) for example, the possessor of *-ŋga* 'clothes' is the transitive subject of both sentences (the main character of the story), and is marked with the 3SG prefix *u-* in the first sentence. In the second sentence, the noun *-ŋga* is located in a head-internal relative clause (§23.5.4), and even though the possessor is the same as in the previous sentence, the indefinite prefix *tu-* appears.

(24) *tcend u-ŋga* ra p-y-tcyt tce icqʰa, [rgynmw ku
LNK 3SG.POSS-clothes PL IFR-take.off LNK FILLER old.woman ERG
**tu-ŋga** nu-k-y-mbi] nwa p-y-tcyt tce
INDEF.POSS-clothes AOR-OBJ:PCP-give DEM:PL IFR-take.off LNK
'He took off his clothes, he took off the (magical) clothes that the old
woman had given him.' (140508 shier ge tiaowu de gongzhu-zh)
{0003937#S165}

Some inalienably possessed nouns have constraints on the syntactic function of the referent indexed by the possessive prefix (§5.1.2.13). In particular, **ty-pyro** 'present' indexes the agent (the person giving the present) as possessor, never the recipient, as shown by (25), where a 2SG **ny-pyro** or an indefinite possessor **ty-pyro** would be agrammatical (see also examples 46 and 47 in §5.1.2.13).

(25) *a-pyro* p-w-ta-mbi ŋu
1SG.POSS-present IPFV-1→2-give be:FACT
'I am giving it to you as a present.' (elicited)

In relative clauses (whether participial or finite ones), it is possible to index the agent like in main clauses (26), but possessor neutralization is also possible, as in (27).
(26) [a-pγro nʷ-mbi-t-a] nʷ a-rĵit ŋu
1SG.POSS-present AOR-give-PST:TR-1SG DEM 1SG.POSS-child be:FACT
'The one to whom I gave a present is my child.' (elicited)

(27) [tγ-pγro nʷ-mbi-t-a] **tx-rĵit** nʷ
INDEF.POSS-present AOR-give-PST:TR-1SG INDEF.POSS-child DEM
a-tcʷ ŋu
1SG.POSS-son be:FACT
'The child to whom I gave a present is my son.' (elicited)

Relative clauses are not the only syntactic contexts where possessor neutraliza-
tion is attested: it also occurs when inalienably possessed nouns take prenominal
modifiers (§5.1.4).

23.3.5 Determiners

23.3.5.1 Determiners on internal head

In head-internal and postnominal relatives, postnominal determiners such as the
indefinte marker *ci* (§9.1.4.1) or the demonstrative *nʷ* (§9.1.5.4) can appear both
on the internal head noun and repeated following the relative clause. In (28) for
instance, *ci* occurs after the noun *rpu* ‘king’ and at the end of the relative after
the participle *ku̯-ŋγn* ‘(the one) who is evil’.

(28) [wuma zo rγlpu ci ku̯-ŋγn] ci pjγ-tu tce,
really EMPH king INDEF SBJ:PCP-be.evil INDEF IFR.IPFV-exist LNK
‘There was a very evil king.’ (140511 1001 yinzi-zh) {0003963#S9}

In (29), the indefinite *ci* is also repeated after the head noun *kuṣpōk* ‘hole’ (a
lexicalized participle, §16.1.1.7) and following the participle *svz-nu-łok* ‘which (the
smoke) comes out from’ (with locative §16.1.3.5 or instrumental §23.5.6 relativiz-
ing function). In this case the relative can be analyzed as either postnominal or
head-internal.

(29) [ku̯-spōk ci tγ-kʰu̯ svz-nu-łok]
SBJ:PCP-have.a.hole INDEF INDEF.POSS-smoke OBL:PCP-AUTO-come.out

*ci* ṛu̯-βze
INDEF IPFV-make[III]

'[The potter] makes a hole which the smoke comes out from.'

(30-kWrAfcAr) {0003740#S27}
Determiner repetition is also found with relativized transitive subjects marked with the ergative (see 44 in §23.4.3.2).

Examples like (28) and (29) are however relatively rare, in most cases the determiner either follows the relative (see for example 53 in §23.5.1) or the head noun (30)

(30) [py̥rto̥w ci ku-mpc̥u~mpcɣr zo] jɛ̯-yɛ̯
bird INDEF SBJ:PCP-EMPH~be.beautiful EMPH AOR-come[II]
‘A beautiful bird came.’ (2003 qachGa) {0003372#S14}

In the case of prenominal relatives, the determiner *ci* can be found between the head noun and the relative clause, as in (31). This usage is not to be confused with that of prenominal *ci* (§9.1.7).

(31) tce [nʷ ku-fse] ci qaju̯ y̥zu.
LNK DEM SBJ:PCP-be like INDEF bug exist:SENS
‘There is a bug (invertebrate animal) that is like that.’ (hist180421 haixing)
{0006113#S27}

### 23.3.5.2 Determiner or complementizer

An important proportion of relative clauses are followed by the forms *nʷ* and *numu*, whose functions in other contexts include distal demonstrative pronouns (§6.9), demonstrative determiners (§9.1.2) or topic markers (§9.1.5.4, §9.1.4.3), and *ra* (and *nura*), a plural marker (§9.1.1.2). In the case of finite relative clauses (§23.2.2), whose main verb generally has the same form as that of the corresponding independent sentence (in 32 for instance), the presence of these words may be the only clue that the clause is a relative.

(32) [izo ndy̥re pʷ-χsu-j] nʷ, tw-rdoχ tcʰi mʷ-pʷ-nnʷ-pe
1PL LNK AOR-feed-1PL DEM one-piece what NEG-PST.IPFV-AUTO-be.good
mχ-xsi ma numu nufse pjy-si
NEG-GENR:know LNK DEM like.that IFR-die
‘Of the [tortoises] that we raised, one [of them] died just like that, I don’t
know what went wrong.’ (140510 wugui) {0003951#S51}

Given the fact that many languages have complementizers, including relative pronouns, which are homophonous with (and historically related to) demonstratives (for instance ‘that’ in English), it is legitimate to wonder whether such an analysis to possible for the *nʷ* or *nura* that follow relative clauses.
## 23.3 Morphosyntactic specificities of relative clauses

However, in prenominal relatives such as (33), *nu* is located *after* the head noun, for instance *čku* ‘Allium’ in (33), never before it. If it were a subordinator, one would expect *nu* to be located between the head noun and the relative.

(33) **tce [azo a-k]** *čku* *nw* *nura* *ŋu*
LNK 1SG 1SG.POSS-OBJ:PCP-know Allium DEM DEM:PL be:FACT
‘These are the [plants belonging to the gender] *Allium* that I know about.’
(07-Cku) {0003424#S160}

Another clue that *nu*, *numu* and *nura* in this context are better analyzed as demonstrative determiners (§9.1.2, with or without topicalizing function, §9.1.5.4, §9.1.4.3) is that relative clauses can take circumposed demonstratives (exactly like circumnominal demonstratives, §9.1.2), as shown by the pre- and post-clausal *numu* in (34).

(34) **numu [pyyrnoč kγ-ti]** *numu* tγjmy tγrca pγ-ŋu
DEM fungus.sp OBJ:PCP-say DEM mushroom together SENS-be
wmy-kw-ŋu-ci ma
PROB-PEG-be-PEG LNK
‘That [thing that] is called *pyyrnoč* is probably [to be classified] among
the fungi.’ (22-BlamajmAG) {0003584#S130}

### 23.3.6 Postverbal elements

Although Japhug is a strict verb-final language, some words can appear post-verbally in independent sentences, including sentence-final particles (§10.2.1), ideophones (§10.1.1) and some adverbs (§22.2.7).

Relative clauses never take sentence-final particles (unlike some complement clauses, §24.2.5.1), but some postverbal elements are nevertheless possible.

First, the adverb *tsa* ‘a little’ can occur postverbally with a semantic scope clearly restricted to the relative clause, as in (35)

(35) **[nu-lwz tʰu-kw-ye tsa]** *nura* tce, bduŋγt
3PL.POSS-age AOR-SBJ:PCP-come[II] a.little DEM:PL LNK TOPO
u-skγt tu-βze-a pγ-tso-nw,
3SG.POSS-language IPFV-make[II]-1SG SENS-understand-PL
‘Those who are a little older understand when I speak the [Japhug] language of Gdongbrgyad. (150901 tshuBdWnskAt) {0006242#S11}

Ideophones are very commonly postverbal even in relative clauses, as in (36), though mainly with stative verbs in subject participle form.
(36) tce nʷ
u-βri
u-taʔ nʷra
qandżi
LNK 3SG.POSS-body 3SG.POSS-TOP DEM:PL be.dark:FACT SBJ:PCP-be like
kʷ-fse,
aŋryŋrum kʷ-fse ma [kʷ-wyʔu-wyʔrum zo
be.whitish:FACT SBJ:PCP-be like LNK LNK SBJ:PCP-emph-be.white EMPH
sw̥nsw̥ŋ] maʔ
IDPH(II):pure.white not.be:FACT

‘The top part [of the mushroom called *kuyrummɣy* ‘white mushroom’] is dark, whitish, it is not pure white.’ (21-kuGrummAG) {0003574#S2}

The emphatic *zo* (§26.1.1.5) is also analyzable as a postverbal adverb especially when followed by a demonstrative determiner as in (37) (see also 16 and 18, §23.3.2).

(37) [skym-ndżi kʷ-ju-jaʔ], [stu kʷ-jaʔ zo] nʷ
ox-skin SBJ:PCP-EMPH-be.thick most SBJ:PCP-be.thick EMPH DEM
tu-qɣr-nu tce
IPFV-select-PL LNK

‘People select very thick ox skin, the thickest.’ (24-mbGo) {0003621}

However, the indefinite determiner *ci* is also attested before the emphatic *zo* as in (38), showing that it is external to the relative in this case, since *ci* itself must be external (otherwise it would be located just after the head noun *smar* ‘river’, §23.3.5.1).

(38) [smar kʷ-wxtu~wxti] ci zo pʷ-tu ʔpʷ-ŋu
river SBJ:PCP-EMPH-be.big INDEF EMPH PST.IPFV-exist SENS-be
‘There was a huge river.’ (2005 Kunbzang)

In the absence of determiner (as in 16, §23.3.2), it is unclear whether postverbal
*zo* belongs to the relative or not.

## 23.4 Position of the relativized element

Pre-, post-nominal and head-internal relative clauses are all attested in Japhug, though the position of the relativized element is not free and depends on various factors, in particular its function in the relative clause.
23.4.1 Headless

An important proportion, if not a large majority of the relatives in the corpus lack an overt head. For instance, in (39), minimal relative clause *pu-kuu-si* ‘(the one(s)) that has/have died’ only contains a verb in participial form (§16.1.1.4).<fnref n="4" />

(39) [pu-kuu-si] *u-ca* *nuw* *tu-ndze* *ŋu* *ma*.
AOR-SBJ:PCP-die 3SG.POSS-flesh DEM IPFV-eat[III] be:FACT LNK
'[Crows] eat the flesh of [animals] that have died.' (22-qajdo)
{0003596#S15}

Nominal heads are optional in relative clauses (as they are in the noun phrase in general, §9.3). The only non-optional heads are the resumptive pronouns that occur in a very specific construction (§23.3.1) and the possessive prefixes on the possessee in relatives whose heads are possessor of subject or object (§23.5.10).

23.4.2 Prenominal

Three types of prenominal relatives must be distinguished, depending on the
nature of the relationship between the head noun and the relative clause.

First, *genitival* prenominal relatives are those in which the genitive marker *yu*
is inserted between the subordinate clause and the head noun (§23.2.3).

Second, *relator noun* prenominal relatives take generic inalienably possessed noun such as *u-spa* ‘material’ (§23.5.6, §23.2.4), *u-stu* ‘place’ (§23.5.5.3) or *u-sŋi* ‘the day when’ (§23.5.9). This type of prenominal clauses are common in the case of adjunct relativization.

Third, *standard* prenominal relative clauses have head nouns without possessive prefixes (unless the head noun is inalienably possessed, in which case possessor neutralization may take place, §23.3.4). They are the preferred relativization type in the case of transitive subjects (§23.5.2), and are also available for other core arguments (§23.5.3, §23.5.1).

23.4.3 Head-internal

When the head noun of the relative is overt, it can occur within the relative at the
position that would be expected in the corresponding independent sentence: for
instance, the noun *tu-ŋga* ‘clothes’ is located between the instrumental adjunct
and the verb both in the head-internal relative in (40) and in the independent
clause in (41).

<footnote n="4">⁴The noun *u-ča* ‘its meat/flesh’ in (39) is not the head of the relative, but the possessee of that head (§23.2.3).</footnote>
(40) [tɣ-rme ku **tw-ŋga** tʰu-kɣ-βzu] nwa
INDEF.POSS-hair ERG INDEF.POSS-clothes AOR-OBJ:PCP-make DEM:PL
Kča tu-ndze p<u>-ŋu.
completely IPFV-eat[III] SENS-be
'It eats all of the clothes that are made of [animal] hair.' (28-kWpAz)
{0003714#S104}

(41) paɣ-ndżi ku tu-ŋga cʰu-βzu-nu, paɣ-ndżi ku
pig-skin ERG INDEF.POSS-clothes IPFV-make-PL pig-skin ERG
tu-xtsa tu-βzu-nu ra p<u>-ŋgrYL
INDEF.POSS-shoes IPFV-make-PL PL SENS-be.usually.the.case
'(Nowadays, unlike in former times), [people] make clothes and shoes
from pig skin.' (05-paR) {0003400#S108}

The following subsections focus on the conditions where head-internal relatives are selected rather than prenominal ones (§23.4.3.1), and on the criteria that can be used to distinguish between head-internal and postnominal relatives (§23.4.3.2).

23.4.3.1 Head-internal vs. prenominal relatives

Core argument relatives can be either head-internal or prenominal. When the relativized element is the transitive subject, prenominal position is more common (§23.5.2), but for intransitive subject (§23.5.1), direct object (§23.5.3) and quasi-objects (§23.5.4), head-internal relatives are by far the most common type.

When the relativized element is a noun such as *tw-tɛ́h’a* ‘information, news’ or *ftɛ́ka* ‘method’ which can take adnominal complements (§24.6), only head-internal relatives are possible, as prenominal clauses are interpreted as complements instead of relatives. For instance, the head noun *tw-tɛ́h’a* in (42) cannot be moved after the participle: ḫa-tɛ́u ku jɛ́-kɛ́-yut *tw-tɛ́h’a* nu is not accepted.

(42) [a-tcu ku tu-tçha jy-ky-yut] nu p<u>-pe
1SG.POSS-SON ERG INDEF.POSS-NEWS AOR-OBJ:PCP-bring DEM SENS-be.good
'The information that my son has brought is pleasing.' (elicited)

23.4.3.2 Head-internal vs. postnominal relatives

Since Japhug has strict verb-final order (§22.1.1), in head-internal relative clauses
the verb follows the head noun, as it would in a postnominal relative. In many
cases it is indeed impossible to ascertain whether the head-noun belongs or not to
the relative. For instance, in (43) *kʰutsa pw-kum* ‘a bowl that has been turned upside down’ there is no clear evidence for analyzing the head noun *kʰutsa* ‘bowl’ as internal or external to the relative.

(43) **kʰutsa pw-kv-βkum** zo pw-fse.
bowl AOR-OBJ:PCP-turn.upside.down EMPH SENS-be like
'It looks like a bowl that has been turned upside down.' (23-mbrAZim)
{0003604#S195}

However, with other types of relative clauses there is sometimes positive evidence that the head noun is internal. When the function of the relativized element is that of transitive subject (§23.5.2), the presence of ergative marking can be a criterion for analyzing it as relative-internal. In (44) for instance, the phrase *ty-pytso ci ku* is necessarily internal to the participial relative clause, since the main verb *jy-ye* is intransitive, and only the transitive verb *w-ku-numbrypw* in the relative clause can have triggered ergative marking.<fnref n="5" />

(44) [**ty-pytso** ci kw <yangma> w-ku-numbrypw] ci
INDEF POSS-Child INDEF ERG bicycle 3SG-SBJ.PCP-ride INDEF
jy-ye tce
AOR-come[II] LNK
‘A boy who was riding a bicycle arrived.’ (Pear story, Tshendzin)

In (45) however, the transitive subject *twrme* owes its ergative to the main verb *nú-jtsʰi* rather than to the participle *ty-ku-rqoχ*. The clause *ty-rjit ty-ku-rqoχ* ‘hugging the child’ is analyzable either as an appositive postnominal relative clause, or as a participial clause.

(45) [twrme kw [ty-rjit ty-ku-rqoχ] tw-nw
person ERG INDEF POSS-Child AOR-SBJ:PCP-hug INDEF POSS-breast
pw-jtsʰi] nw kw-fsw-fse zo pw-jtsʰi
IPFV-give.to.drink DEM SBJ:PCP-EMPH~be like EMPH IPFV-give.to.drink
pw-nu.
SENS-be
'[The monkey mother] nurses [her baby] in the same way as a human
breastfeeds, hugging her child.' (19-GzW) {0003536#S26}

<footnote n="5">⁵In addition, example (44) provides an interesting case of double determiner marking (§23.3.5.1).</footnote>
In the case of object relatives, the presence of the transitive subject (*ty-tɔu nu
ku* 'the boy' in 46), of an adjunct (the instrumental phrase *rŋul ku* 'from silver'
in 47) or of an adverb (*atʰi DOWNSTREAM* in 48) belonging to the relative before
the head noun are sufficient criteria to show that the relative is head-internal,
and cannot be analyzed as post-nominal.

(46) [ty-tɔu nɔ uku u-tɔi i nɔ ka-tʰu] nɔ
INDEF.POSS-SON DEM ERG 3SG.POSS-staff DEM AOR:3→3':EAST-spread DEM
u-taɣ k -n u-ł oV-ndz i
3SG.POSS-ON AOR:EAST-AUTO-come.out-DU

'They crossed [the river] on the staff that the boy had put across it as a
bridge.' (2005 Kunbzang)

(47) [rŋul ku qaɣ tʰu-k;-βzu] nura ko-su-ɣzirja-nu.
silver ERG hoe AOR-OBJ:PCP-CAUS-make DEM:PL IFR-CAUS-be.aligned-PL
'They lined up the hoes that had been made from silver.' (28-qajdoskAt)
{0003718#S97}

(48) kuːki [atʰi qaːti k -ntṣey̥ lu-kɣ-yuːt]
DEM.PROX downstream peach INF-sell IPFV:UPSTREAM-OBJ:PCP-bring
nɔː cʰo naχtɔu
DEM COMIT be.the同一same:FACT

'[Wild peaches] are like those peaches that are brought from the areas
downstream (i.e. the Sichuan plains) to be sold.' (08-qaCti) {0003456#S45}

23.4.4 Postnominal

There are only few unambiguous postnominal relative clauses in Japhug, since
most relative clauses comprising a noun and a verb can be analyzed as minimal
head-internal relatives. The only clear cases are provided by transitive subject
(§23.5.2) participial relative clauses in ku- (§16.1.1.4). In these cases, the head noun,
being a transitive subject, must take the ergative ku (§8.2.2.1) if embedded in the
clause. The presence or absence of ergative flagging can therefore be used as a cri-
terion to distinguish between postnominal and head-internal clauses (§23.4.3.2).
Examples are rather uncommon, since transitive subject relative clauses are most
commonly prenominal (§23.5.2).

Many examples of postnominal relatives are preceded by a pause, as in (49),
and are appositive clauses, rather than truly subordinate clauses.
(49) **tx-mu** ci, [tw-sŋaɣ̣] ra

INDEF.POSS-mother INDEF NMLZ:ACTION-cast.a.spell PL

u̯-ku̯-spa] ci pjx-tu tce

3SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-be.able INDEF IFR.IPFV-exist LNK

‘There was an old woman who knew spells.’ (150818 muzhi guniang-zh)

{0006334#S15}

Several examples of postnominal clauses are found with perception verbs with totalitative reduplication, such as (50) below, (19) in §23.3.2 above and (56) in §23.5.2.

(50) [tw̌rme ra [pw~pw-ku̯-mto]] ku̯ “wo, n̯u̯

person PL TOTAL~AOR-SBJ:PCP-see ERG INTERJ DEM

u̯-tw̯-pe n̯u̯”ntsw̯ to-ti-n̯u̯.

3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.good SFP always IFR-say-PL

‘All the people who saw it said ‘It is so nice!’.’ (150827 mengjiangnv-zh)

{0006290#S24}

When the relativized element is the intransitive subject, head-internal and postnominal relatives can be distinguished by the relative position of head nouns and adjuncts. It is particularly clear in the case of the comparative construction (§23.5.1.2).

## 23.5 Function of the relativized element

This section presents a classification of relative clauses based on the syntactic function of the relativized element inside the relative.

Core arguments, possessor of core arguments as well as a certain number of adjuncts can be relativized using participial or finite clauses. The syntactic functions that are not accessible to relativization are listed in §23.5.12.

### 23.5.1 Intransitive subject

The only way to relativize intransitive subjects in Japhug is by a subject participial relative in ku̯- (§16.1.1.4).

#### 23.5.1.1 Position of the head noun

When the head noun of an intransitive subject relative is overt, it is generally located before the participle as in (51). This example can be analyzed either as a postnominal relative (§23.4.4) or as minimal head-internal relative (§23.4.3).
## 23 Relative clauses

(51) **[tx-rẓaβ**] j-kw-yɛ] nɔŋnɔ kʰro
INDEF.POSS-wife AOR-SBJ:PCP-come[II] DEM much
mɔ-pw-sna jɔw-ŋu.
NEG-PST.IPFV-be.good SENS-be

‘The wife who had come [to their house] (i.e. that they had married) was not nice.’ (meimeidegushi)

The presence of adjuncts, such as ku-mɔku ‘before’ (§16.2.1.8) before the head noun offers evidence that, in some cases, the head-internal relative analysis is preferable (§23.4.3). Example (52) also illustrates that head-internal relatives with embedded purposive complements located between the head noun and the verb are possible.

(52) icqʰa [ku-mɔku tcaχpa [ku-nra]]
the.aforementioned INF:STAT-be before thief SBJ:PCP-look.around
jingly-kw-yri] nɔw kɔnwz nɔw pjingly-sat.
AOR-SBJ:PCP-go[II] DEM two DEM IFR-kill

‘He killed the two thieves who had gone scouting just before.’ (140512 alibaba-zh) {0003965#S188}

Prenominal clauses (§23.4.2) are less common than head-internal or postnominal ones in the case of intransitive subject relativization, but still attested, especially in the case of multiple relative clauses sharing the same head noun, as in (53).

(53) [mɔŋŋi kingly-kw-yɛ] χpɔŋ [tʰɔŋ-kɔŋ-rgɔz] ci
TOPO AOR:EAST-SBJ:PCP-come[II] monk AOR-SBJ:PCP-be.old INDEF
pjingly-tu tce
IPFV.IFR-exist

‘There was an old monk who had come from Mengi.’ (08-kWqhi) {0003454#S18}

Participles of adjectival stative verbs in attributive function are one of the most common type of subject relative clauses (this construction is discussed in more detail in §9.1.8.3).

### 23.5.1.2 Comparee

The compared element of comparative constructions is relativized like a normal intransitive subjects, but with an overt standard. Head-internal (54a), postnominal (54b) and prenominal (54c) relatives are all attested and equally common, and
can be distinguished by the relative position of the head noun and the standard of comparison *uwo* *syz* 'than him/her/itself'.

(54) a. [wũo syz rũdaβ kũ-xtci] nũra tu-ndze
3SG COMP animal SBJ:PCP-be.small DEM:PL IPFV-eat[III]
'It eats the animals that are smaller than it is.'(20-sWNgi)
{0003562#S22}

b. rũdaβ [wũo syz kũ-xtci], pya [wũo syz kũ-xtci]
animal 3SG COMP SBJ:PCP-be.small bird 3SG COMP SBJ:PCP-be.smal
nũra tu-ndze pũ-cti.
DEM:PL IPFV-eat[III] SENS-be.AFF
'It eats the animals and the birds that are smaller than it
is.'(24-ZmbrWpGa) {0003628#S87}

c. [wũo syz kũ-xtci] qajw̃ ra tu-ndze
3SG COMP SBJ:PCP-be.small bug PL IPFV-eat[III]
ŋgrvl mγ-ŋgryl
be.usually.the.case:FACT NEG-be.usually.the.case:FACT
mγ-xsi ma
NEG-GENR:know LNK
'I don't know whether it eats the bugs that are smaller than itself.'
(26-kWrNukWGndZWr) {0003672#S48}

### 23.5.2 Transitive subject

Transitive subjects are exclusively relativized using subject participial relative clauses in kũ- (§16.1.1.4) like intransitive subjects (§23.5.1), but take a possessive prefix coreferent with the object (§16.1.1.1), unless another prefix is present (§16.1.1.2).

In a minority of cases, the transitive subject head noun can occur before the verb. In this position, it sometimes takes the ergative, as illustrated by the phrase *ty-nmaβ nu kũ* in (55).

(55) [ty-nmaβ nu kũ w-rzaβ kũ-yntcʰũ
INDEF.POSS-husband DEM ERG 3SG.POSS-wife SBJ:PCP-be.several
pũ-kũ-nũ-car], [aɣynduŋdyt tyŋdyyri
IPFV-SBJ:PCP-AUTO-search everywhere illegitimate.child
tu-kũ-βzu] pjγ-tu.
IPFV-SBJ:PCP-make IFR.IPFV-exist
'There were men who had several female companions, and had
illegitimate children everywhere.' (140427 tAndAGri) {0003858#S3}
The presence of the ergative here unambiguously indicates that the relative is head-internal and that the transitive subject is embedded inside it, since the main verb *pjx-tu* ‘there used to be’ is intransitive (§23.4.3.1).

Alternatively, the transitive subject can occur in absolutive form (for example *turme* ‘person’ in 56),<fnref n="6" /> showing that the relative is postnominal (§23.4.4).

(56) [turme [pu~pu~ku~mto]] ku pu-ny-mpcyr-nu tce
person TOTAL~AOR-SBJ:PCP-see ERG SENS-TROP-be.beautiful-PL LNK
“pu~pe” tu-ti-nu pjx-ny
SENS-be.good IPFV-say-PL IFR.IPFV-be
‘All the people who saw it found it beautiful and said it was nice.’ (140510
sanpian yumao-zh) {0003947#S83}

There are no examples of double ergative marking, with a head-internal relative in transitive subject function in the main clause itself, taking the ergative both on the head noun and at the end of the clause, for instance as construction such as ?[turme ku pu~pu-ku-mto] ku instead of [turme [pu~pu-ku-mto]] ku in (56).

### 23.5.3 Object

Relativization of direct objects allows for a greater variety of constructions than that of subjects: both finite and participial relative clauses are possible.

In object participial relatives, the participle can be prefixed with an orientation preverb as in (57), or with a possessive prefix coreferent with transitive subject. In the first case (restricted to third person subjects), the relatives are most commonly head-internal (or postnominal) as in (57), but other constructions are possible. Attested types of object participial relatives are described in §16.1.2.4.

(57) [tcʰeme pu~kx-sat] nw pyctu ci to-sci qʰe,
girl AOR-SBJ:PCP-kill DEM bird INDEF IFR:UP-be.born LNK
‘The girl who had been killed was reborn as a bird.’ (2014-kWlAG)

Since object participles cannot take both possessive prefixes and orientation preverbs (§16.1.2.1), finite relativization is the only way to specify both TAME and person in an object relative, as in (58) and (59).

<footnote n="6">⁶In (56), the ergative *ku* follows the relative clause, which has transitive subject function in the main clause. The head noun *turme* itself is not assigned ergative case by the transitive participle *puu~pu-ku-mto*.</footnote>
(58) **nw [qajw kw-PAK tu-ti-a]** nw nw kw-fse
DEM worm SBJ:PCP-black IPFV-say-1SG DEM DEM SBJ:PCP-be like
pw-bze pw-nu.
IPFV-grow SENS-be
'The black worm that I am talking about grows like that.' (28-kWpAz)
{0003714#S30}

(59) **nyzo [icqʰa ndzrw tʰu-tw-fse-t]** nw ci tʰu-nw-tsʰyt tce
2SG just before chisel AOR-2-whet-PST:TR DEM a.little IMP-AUTO-try LNK
'Try the chisel that you have just whetted.' (150902 luban-zh)
{0006268#S116}

Object finite relatives with overt head noun are mainly head-internal, as (59)
(see also §23.4.3.2), or ambiguous between postnominal and head-internal as in
(58). Prenominal finite relatives are attested, but rarer. All four possibilities to rel-
ativize objects (finite vs? participial, head-internal vs. prenominal) are illustrated
in (60).

(60) a. [a-tcw kw **pya** pa-mto] nw
1SG.POSS-SON ERG bird AOR:3→3'-see DEM

b. [a-tcw kw **pya** pw-kx-mto] nw
1SG.POSS-SON ERG bird AOR-OBJ:PCP-see DEM

c. [a-tcw kw pa-mto] **pya** nw
1SG.POSS-SON ERG AOR:3→3'-see bird DEM

**d.** [a-tcw kw pw-kx-mto] **pya** nw
1SG.POSS-SON ERG AOR-OBJ:PCP-see bird DEM

'The bird that my son saw' (elicited)

There are some contexts where finite relatives have to be head-internal or
postnominal and where the prenominal position is agrammatical (§23.4.3.1).

23.5.3.1 Monotransitive verbs

When the object of monotransitive verbs are relativized using a finite relative,
the verb must be in direct form, even when the transitive subject of the relative
has a possessive prefix coreferent with the object. For instance, in (61), only the
3→3' form *ka-niporək* is possible, the inverse 3'→3 configuration *k-wy-niporək* is
not possible in the context.
## 23 Relative clauses

(61) [w̰i-mu kʷ ka-nuρo] **tx-pxtsoi** nʷ
3SG.POSS-mother ERG AOR:3→3'-kiss INDEF.POSS-child DEM
'The child whose mother kissed him' (elicited)

In addition, only third person object forms (excluding inverse 3→1/2 and local configurations) of monotransitive verbs can be relativized. This constraint does not apply to triactantal causative (§23.5.3.3) or secundative verbs (§23.5.4.2).

### 23.5.3.2 Theme of indirective verbs

The theme of indirective verbs such as *kʰo* ‘give’ or *ti* ‘say’ (§14.4.1) has the same morphosyntactic status as the direct object of a monotransitive verb, both from the point of view of person indexation and of relativization: it is also relativizable by both finite clauses (62) and object participial clauses (63).

(62) **tytcuρn u kw [icqʰa mbala-do n u kw ty-ky-tw] n u**
boy DEM ERG just before ox-old DEM ERG AOR-OBJ:PCP-say[II] DEM
to-suŋjit.
IFR-remember
'The boy remembered [what] the old ox had told him.' (150828
niulang-zh) {0006318#S56}

(63) **tceri [mbala ku ta-tw] n u to-stu**
LNK OX ERG AOR:3→3'-say[II] DEM IFR-do like
'He did it [the way that] the ox had said.' (150828 niulang-zh)
{0006318#S133}

### 23.5.3.3 Object of causativized transitive verbs

Causativized transitive verbs are triactantal (causer, causee and object, §14.4.3) and differ from monotransitive verbs (§23.5.3.1) in that their object can be relativized using finite relatives with a verb in inverse configuration (64) or with a first or second person object (including local configurations, as in 65).

(64) [tý-wy-z-nympo] n̰ura kʷ~kʷ-fsw~fse z̥o
AOR-INV-CAUS-watch DEM:PL TOTAL~SBJ:PCP-EMPH~be like EMPH
to-βzu pjγ-cʰa.
IFR-make IFR-can
'[Luban]ᵢ succeeded in recreating all [the objects] that [his teacher]ᵢ had
shown himᵢ exactly as they were [before].' (150902 luban-zh)
{0006268#S152}
(65) **[mbalx-pu*jy-kw-su-cyaz-a]** nu pa-mto tce
OX-DIM AOR-2→1-CAUS-take.back-1SG DEM AOR:3→3'-see LNK

‘She saw the calf that you had me take back home.’ (140512 fushang he yaomo1-zh) {0003969#S128}

In examples (64) and (65), the person configuration indexes causer and causee, not the direct object.

The theme of secundative verbs can be relativized using the same type of con-
structions (§23.5.4.2).

23.5.3.4 Only argument of transitive verbs with dummy subjects

The only argument of dummy transitive verbs (§14.3.5), despite resembling a di-
rect object, is relativized with subject participles, as *tu-ku-rku* in (66) (§22.4.2.7)
and *ku-ku-tsʰoʔ* in (67) (§22.4.2.8).

(66) *nu̯re ri tcʰuwwu̯r tu-rke n̥u tce, tce [tcʰuwwu̯r*
DEM:LOC LOC blister IPFV-put.in[III] be:FACT LNK LNK **[blister**
tu-ku-rku] nu̯nw cimby̯rom n̥u
IPFV-SBJ:PCP-put.in] DEM phlycten be:FACT
‘(At the place where the skin is burnt), a blister forms there, the blister
that forms is a phlycten.’ (27-tWfCAI 122) {0003710#S115}

(67) tce icqʰa mbrvz yu [u̯-mat ku-ku-tsʰoʔ]
LNK the.aforementioned rice GEN 3SG.POSS-fruit IPFV-SBJ:PCP-attach
nu̯ u̯-tsʰu̯ya p̰u̯-fse
DEM 3SG.POSS-shape SENS-be like
‘Its shape is a bit like that of grains of rice (growing on the stalk).’
(19-khWlu) {0003540#S85}

Finite clauses and object participial clauses cannot be used to relativize these arguments. This is one of the clues (§16.2.3, §14.3.5) that the verbs in these con-structions are only partially transitive.

23.5.4 Quasi-objects

A certain number of absolutive arguments that are not indexed as direct objects on the verb (§14.3.2)) have objectal properties: the semi-objects of semi-transitive verbs (§14.2.3) and the themes of secundative verbs (§14.4.2). They can be relativized like direct objects of monotransitive verbs, both with finite and participial relatives (Jacques 2016d).
23.5.4.1 Semi-objects

Semi transitive verbs like *rga* ‘like’, *βγγt* ‘obtain’ or *aro* ‘own’ are morphologically intransitive and their subject is marked in the absolutive (§14.2.3), but they take in addition an absolutive semi-object (§8.1.5). The semi-object can be relativized with either object participial relatives (68) or finite relative clauses as in (69) and (70).

(68) [pya ra nw-kγ-rga] nw qaj ntsw γu
bird PL 3PL-OBJ:PCP-like DEM wheat always be:FACT
'[The food] that birds like is always wheat (not barley).' (23 pGAYaR)
{0003606#S24}

(69) [lʌxtʰa pw-β-a] nw kʰuwtsa pw-ŋu
thing AOR-obtain-1SG DEM bowl PST.IPFV-be
'The thing that I obtained was a bowl.' (elicited)

(70) [azo qazo aro-a] nw kuki ŋu
1SG SHEEP OWN:FACT-1SG DEM DEM.PROX be:FACT
'The sheep that I own is this one.' (elicitation)

23.5.4.2 Theme of secundative verbs

Secundative verbs such as *mbi* ‘give’ or *swxγγt* ‘teach’ index the recipient as direct object, but also take a non-indexed absolutive argument referring to the theme (§14.4.2). When both the subject and the direct object are third person, theme can be relativized either with a finite clause (71, 72) or an object participial clause (ex- ample 24, §23.3.4). Head-internal clauses are most common (71), but prenominal and even genitival ones (§23.2.3) are also found, as in (72).

(71) [sla kw, nyki, kumpyγ-ŋgwam núw-wy-mbi] nw pjγ-qrw
moon ERG FILLER hen-egg AOR-INV-give DEM IFR-break
'She broke the egg that the moon had given her.' (140506 shizi he
huichang de bailingniao-zh) {0003927#S252}

(72) [tx-tcw nw kw, saŋrfyz ra kw pw-wy-swxcyt] yw kʰyndwn
INDEF.POSS-SON DEM ERG buddha PL ERG AOR-INV-teach GEN mantra
nw w-rzaβ χswm nw pjγ-swxcyt
DEM 3SG.POSS-wife three DEM IFR-teach
'He taught his three wives the mantra that the Buddhas had taught him.'
(2012 Norbzang) {0003768#S311}
In finite relative clauses, the inverse 3'→3 configuration is most often found when the transitive subject of the main clause corresponds to the direct object (recipient) of the relative clause, as in (71) and (72), and the relativized element is the theme. Secundative verbs resemble in this regard causativized transitive verbs (§23.5.3.3) and differ from monotransitive verbs, whose objects cannot be relativized using a finite 3'→3 configuration (§23.5.3.1).

The themes of secundative verbs being relativized with the same constructions as their direct objects, ambiguity can arise especially in the case of short relatives. For instance, the participle *a-ky-suxcyt* of *suxcyt* ‘teach’ can be understood as relativizing the direct object/recipient (73a) or the theme (73b). The antipassive can be used to disambiguate: since this derivation removes the object, the only interpretation left for the antipassive participle *a-ky-sy-suxcyt* is theme relativization ‘the (subject) that I taught’ (see also example 80, §16.1.2.4).

(73) a. [a-ky-suxcyt] *nwc* *łamu* *pw-ηu*.
1SG-OBJ:PCP-teach DEM ANTHR PST.IPFV-be
‘The person whom I taught it to was Lhamo.’ (elicited)

b. [a-ky-suxcyt] *nwc* <shuxue> *pw-ηu*.
2SG-OBJ:PCP-teach DEM mathematics PST.IPFV-be
‘The [subject] that I taught them/him/her was maths.’ (elicited)

c. [a-ky-sy-suxcyt] <yuwen> *pw-ηu*.
2SG-OBJ:PCP-ANTIP-teach Chinese what PST.IPFV-be
‘The [subject] that I taught them/him/her was Chinese.’ (elicited)

Finite relatives in direct form can also be used to relativize both the direct object (74a) or the theme (74b).

(74) a. [rpw:l *nwc* tw-mbi-t] *nwc* cw *pw-ηu*?
silver AOR-2-give-PST:TR DEM who PST.IPFV-be
‘To whom did you give money?’ (elicited)

b. [a-tcw **tx-pyro** *nwc* mbi-t-a] *nwc* kwmtcʰw
1SG.POSS-son INDEF.POSS-present AOR-give-PST:TR-1SG DEM toy
*pw-ηu*
PST.IPFV-be
‘The present I gave my son was a toy.’ (elicited)

Finite clauses are needed to specify both TAME and a first or second person subject, as in (74a) and (74b), as object participles cannot index the subject (73a) while at the time taking an orientation preverb.
## 23 Relative clauses

Finite relative clauses are also required to index a first or second person direct object (recipient), for instance in local configurations such as ‘the thing that I have (taught/given) you’ in (75). This type of clause is only interpretable as theme relativization.

(75) *a-tew tw~tw-ŋu nx, [pw-ta-swɛct] nw ci nw-ndwn
1SG.POSS-SON COND~2-be:FACT ADD AOR-1→2-teach DEM a.little IMP-recite
ra
be.needed:FACT*
'If you are my son, recite [the mantra] that I have taught you.' (2012
Norbzang) {0003768#S188}

### 23.5.5 Goal and locative

Relativization of locative/goal adjuncts or arguments with oblique participial clauses is described in §16.1.3.5. This section presents the relativization of locative phrases with finite clauses, object participles and relator nouns.

#### 23.5.5.1 Finite relativization

Locative marking on goals and locative arguments and adjuncts is optional, and they can occur in absolutive form (§8.1.8), like semi-objects (§8.1.5). Another commonality between goal/locative arguments and semi-objects is the ability to be relativized using finite relative clauses (§23.5.4.1).

Finite locative relative clauses are most often prenominal, in particular with a genitive marker (§23.2.3), as in (76).

(76) [ẓara kw-lɣy p̥w-ce-nw] yu tšu ci tu tce
3PL SBJ:PCP-herd IPFV:WEST-go-PL GEN path INDEF exist:FACT LNK
'(At that place), there is a path which they take to go herd [cattle].'
(140522 Kamnyu zgo) {0004059#S292}

Headless (77) and head-internal (78) finite locative relatives are also attested. In the latter case, the head noun cannot receive locative case, and must be in absolutive form.

(77) [ku-rvzi] nw kʰu w-sta cti ndv̥re
IPFV-stay DEM tiger 3SG.POSS-place be.AFF:FACT LNK
'The place where he is [now] is a tiger's lair.' (2003kandZislama)
(78) [kʰa jý-wy-tswm-nu] numu, [lonba com ku]
house IFR-INV-take-away-PL DEM all iron ERG
nuw-ky-sw-βzu] kʰa pjy-ŋu

AOR-OBJ:PCP-CAUS-make house IFR.IPFV-be

'The house where [the king] had taken them, it was a house completely
made of iron' (140505 liuhaohan zoubian tianxia-zh) {0003913#S149}

Non-permanent and non-specific location can be relativized with finite relative clauses, as in (77) and (78). Thus, the finite relative ku-rɣi mu in (77) can be translated as ‘the place where he happens to be’ while ‘the place where he stays (permanently), his staying place’ is better expressed with an oblique participle u-(sr)z-rɣi (§16.1.3.5).

23.5.5.2 Object participle

The negative object participle of the perception verbs mto 'see' and mtsʰym 'hear' has a special use: in (79) for instance, u-mɣ-kɣ-mto means '(somewhere) s/he cannot see him/her', the relativized element being locative rather than object (see §16.1.2.5 for further discussion). This type of relative clauses are always headless.

(79) [icqʰa qaepa ku u-mɣ-kɣ-mto zo] jo-ce
the.aforementioned frog ERG 3SG.POSS-NEG-OBJ:PCP-see EMPH IFR-go
'She went to [a place] where the frog would not find her.' (150818 muzhi
guniang-zh) {0006334#S143}

23.5.5.3 Relator noun

The two inalienably possessed nouns *u-stu* ‘place’ and *u-sta* ‘place’, both origi-
nating from lexicalized oblique participles (Table 16.4, §16.1.3.10) can be used as
relator nouns of prenominal locative relative clauses.

The noun *u-stu* ‘place’ either selects subject participial clauses, as in (80) and (81), or oblique participial clauses (82). The relativized element can be a static location, but also a goal (see 10, §23.2.5).

(80) [wzo ku-rɣi] u-stu zo nw kú-wy-sw-yswy.
3SG SBJ:PCP-stay 3SG.POSS-place EMPH DEM IPFV-INV-CAUS-be.tight
'One presses the place (in the cow's hide) where [the bug] is.'
(25-akWzgumba) {0003666#S11}
23 Relative clauses

(81) [nwnw tw-yntym ly-kw-za] w-stu nwn
DEM INF:II-be flat AOR:UPSTREAM-SBJ:PCP-start 3SG.POSS-place DEM
w-mpʰwsku tu-kw-ti nu.
3SG.POSS-rump IPFV-GENR-say be:FACT

‘(When one goes upstream), the place where [the slope of the mountain] starts getting flatter (i.e. the point of inflection in the slope of the mountain) is called the ‘rump’ (of the mountain).’ (150908 Wmphsku)
{0006302#S8}

(82) zara [nɔ́ s-y̌ ɣnbaɣ] w-stu nwtcu
3PL 3PL.POSS-OBL:PCP-hide 3SG.POSS-place DEM:LOC
jo-nu-łok-nu tce,
IFR-AUTO-come.out-PL LNK

‘They came out of their hiding place.’ (140426 luozi he qiangdao-zh)
{0003814#S23}

The noun *u-sta*, though also compatible with subject participial clauses, is
more often found with finite relative clauses, as illustrated by (83) and (85).

(83) [pw-nvŋkwŋke] u-sta nwa rcanu, tw-cnaβ
PST.IPFV-DISTR:walk 3SG.POSS-place DEM:LOC UNEXP:DEG INDEF.POSS-snot
pw-kv-βde zo fse
AOR-OBJ:PCP-throw EMPH be lik e:FACT

‘The places where [the slug] has passed look like snot has been spilled
[on them].’ (26-qro) {0003682#S128}

While *u-stu* and *u-sta* have very close meanings, in the case of verbs taking a goal such as *ru* ‘look at’ (§15.1.2.4), a semantic difference can be observed: the former specifically indicates the goal (84a), while the latter is used to indicate the place where the action takes place (84b).

(84) a. ly-ru w-stu nwtcu
AOR:UPSTREAM-look 3SG.POSS-place DEM:LOC
‘The direction (upwards) he looked.’ (elicited)

b. ly-ru w-sta nwtcu
AOR:UPSTREAM-look 3SG.POSS-place DEM:LOC

‘The place where/from which he looked upwards.’ (elicited)

For instance, in (85), the clause tʰu-nvqʰaru w-sta cannot be understood as ‘the
place where he had looked back (in whose direction he looked)’.
(85) lo-ce tce tcelo [tʰu-nu]
IFR:UPSTREAM-go LNK upstream AOR:DOWNSTREAM-look.back

u-sta ly-azyut ny li cʰy-nyqʰaru.

3SG.POSS-place AOR-reach ADD again IFR:DOWNSTREAM-look.back

'He went up there, and when he arrived at the place up there that he had looked back from, he looked back again.' (2003 kAndzwsqhaj.2)

23.5.6 Instrument

Instruments are most commonly relativized using oblique participial relatives (§16.1.3.6). All instrument oblique relatives in the corpus are headless, and often limited to the participle itself. When the nominalized verb is transitive, the participial relative can contain an object as in (86).<fnref n="7" />

(86) numu [qandzi cʰu-sy-nda] nu tʰoŋtʰyri nu-rmi
DEM bullet IPF-OBL:PCP-ram DEM ramrod SENS-be.called

'What is used to ram a bullet [into the muzzle of the gun] is called a ramrod.' (28-CAmWGdW) {0003712#S52}

Instrumental participial relative clauses can take the generic inalienably possessed noun *u-spa* 'material' as overt head, to disambiguate with other types of relatives, in particular locative ones, built with an oblique participle (§16.1.3). For instance, in (87), the focus is on the use of the path (a path specially made in order to be able to walk inside the field), rather than simply on the location ('the place where one walks').

(87) tce tu-ji u-χcsl tu-ku-ŋke
LNK INDEF.POSS-field 3SG.POSS-middle IPFV-GENR:S/O-walk

my-kʰu ma ty-ryku tu tce tce, ny yu

NEG-be.possible:FACT LNK INDEF.POSS-crops exist:FACT LNK LNK DEM GEN
[tu-sy-ŋke] **u-spa**, u-tsu <zhuanmen>

IPFV-OBL:PCP-walk 3SG.POSS-material 3SG.POSS-path specially

u-rkoz pú-wy-βzu ngryl tce numu

3SG.POSS-special IPFV-INV-make be.usually.the.case:FACT LNK DEM

tso nu ftcru tu-ku-ti ny

path DEM summer.path IPFV-GENR-say be:FACT

'One cannot walk in the middle of the fields, because there are crops. To walk into it, one specially makes a path, and that path is call 'summer path''. (definition, 15-06-05)

<footnote n="7">⁷Antipassivization is required to demote the direct object even for participial verb forms (§18.6.7.4).</footnote>
Alternatively, in the case of verbs with a sigmatic causative prefix in instru-
mental function (§17.2.5.8), the instrument can be relativized as if it were a tran-
sitive subject using the ku- participle (§16.1.1.4, §23.5.2), for example u-kuu-suu-
mpuhul ‘(the thing) that it reproduces with, (the thing) which makes it reproduce’
in (88).

(88) tceri nwnu [u-kuu-suu-mpʰul] nʷi ʷ-zr
but DEM 3SG-SBJ:PCP-CAUS-reproduce DEM again 3SG.POSS-root
ŋu-cti ma u-ryi ŋu-maɣ.
SEVE-be.AFF LNK 3SG.POSS-seed SEVE-not.be
‘What it reproduces with is its root, not its seeds.’ (11-paRzwamWntoR)
{0003476#S100}

23.5.7 Comitative

Comitative arguments marked with the postposition cʰo (§8.2.5) can be relativized with the oblique participle (§16.1.3.7). Such relatives are generally headless, as in (89).<fnref n="8" />

(89) wzo u-χti nɣ-me tce, uu-svzdu pa tce
3SG 3SG.POSS-companion IFR-not.exist LNK SENS-be.pitiful LNK
u-svz-rxkrvz ri maŋe, u-kuu-qur ri
3SG.POSS-OBL:PCP-discuss also not.exist:SENS 3SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-help also
maŋe
not.exist:SENS

‘Her husband passed away, poor her, she has nobody to talk with, and nobody to help her.’ (12-BzaNsa) {0003484#S111}

If overt, the head does not take the comitative postposition cʰo as in (90), show-
ing that this type of relative cannot be head-internal and is rather postnominal
(§23.4.4).

(90) **turme** [a-su-ytmumi]              **nui** lyβzaŋ **nui**-rmi.
person 1SG.POSS-OBL:PCP-be.on.good.terms DEM ANTHR SENS-becalled
‘The person I am on good terms with is Lobzang.’ (elicited)

<footnote n="8">⁸The verb *rskryz* ‘have a discussion’ can select a comitative argument (see example 124, §8.2.5).</footnote>
23.5.8 Dative

Dative arguments (marked with the relator nouns *u-ɛki* or *u-pʰe*, §8.3.1) can only
be relativized with oblique participial clauses (§16.1.3.7). For example, the recip-
ient of the indirecitive verb *ti* ‘say’ (§14.4.1) is relativized with the participle *sɣ-ti*
‘(person) to whom one talks to’, as in (91).<fnref n="9" />

(91) **tceri** [“*a-ki*” **sx-ti]** **dɛn** **ma** az̥o γu̥,
**LNK** 1SG.POSS-younger.sibling **OBL:** PCP-say be.many:FACT **LNK** 1SG GEN
**nykinu̥**, *a-ki*, **[tci-mu**] **tci-wa**
**FILLER** 1SG.POSS-younger.sibling 1DU.POSS-mother 1DU.POSS-father
**ku̥-naχtcu̥ŋy** *a-ki*, **numu̥ra** *nu̥-cki* **tce**
**SBJ:** PCP-be.the.same 1SG.POSS-younger.sibling **DEM:** PL 3PL.POSS-DAT LOC
“*a-ki*” **tu-ti-a**, *a-wymu̥*
1SG.POSS-younger.sibling IPFV-say-1SG 1SG.POSS-brother
**u̥-rjit** **tce** “*a-ki*” **tu-ti-a**.
3SG.POSS-children **LNK** 1SG.POSS-younger.sibling IPFV-say-1SG
‘There are many [people] to whom one says ‘my younger sibling’; those
of my “younger siblings” whose parents I share, I say ‘my younger
sibling’ to them, and I (also) say ‘my younger sibling’ to my brothers’
children.’ (140425 kWmdza02) {0003786}

The subject can be optionally indexed as a possessive prefix on the oblique
participle, as in (92).

(92) [a-z-rɣ-tʰu] nu tsʰu̩ndzu̩n <laoshi> ŋu
1SG.POSS-OBL:PCP DEM ANTHR teacher be:FACT
‘The [person] I ask is teacher Tshendzin. (elicited)

There are no examples of head-internal dative relative clauses, with the rela-
tivized element taking dative marking.

23.5.9 Time adjuncts

Oblique participial clauses can have a temporal interpretation, both with transi-
tive verbs (93) and intransitive stative verbs (94). This way of relativizing tempo-
ral adjuncts is however quite limited (§16.1.3.7).

<footnote n="9">⁹The relative clause *tci-mu tci-wa ku̥-naχtɔŋuy* is analyzed in §23.5.10.1.</footnote>
## 23 Relative clauses

(93) [w̥-sɣ-pʰu̥t] nu̥, u̥-sŋi nu̥ a-mɣ-pu̥-pe tce
3SG.POSS-OBL:PCP-cut DEM 3SG.POSS-day DEM IRR-NEG-IPFV-be.good LNK
tce li tu-ku̥-cu̥-ngo p̥u̥-ŋgrɣl
LNK again IPFV-GENR:S/O-CAUS-be.sick SENS-be.usually.the.case
'If the day when [the tree] is cut is not auspicious, it makes people sick.'
(24-kWqar) {0003620#S9}

(94) [txjmnɣ w̥-sɣ-dny] zo p̥u̥-ŋu, tʰamtham̥.
mushroom 3SG.POSS-OBL:PCP-be.many EMPH SENS-be now
'Now is a [period] when mushrooms are abundant.' (conversation,
16-08-11)

The more common way of relativizing temporal adjuncts is by using finite clauses followed by a temporal relator noun in 3SG possessive form such as *u̥-sŋi* 'the day when...' (95), *u̥-xpa* 'the year when...' (96), or *u̥-raŋ* 'the time when...' etc.

(95) [[slvzwn tu] cʰo] [Ьmbɣwzwn tu] w̥-sŋi
lunar.eclipse exist:FACT COMIT solar.eclipse exist:FACT 3SG.POSS-day
nw̥nw̥, skvŕma mɣ-sna ra tu-ti-nw̥ ŋu
DEM time NEG-be.good:FACT PL IPFV-say-PL be:FACT
'They said that the day of a lunar or a solar eclipse is not auspicious.'
(29-mWBZi) {0003728#S155}

When these prenominal relatives are used as temporal adjuncts in the main clause, with or without (96) locative marking, they serve to express temporal clause linking (§25.3.4.1).

(96) [iẓora <maozhuxi> nwo-me] w̥-xpa nw̥nw̥, skvŕtcin
1PL chairman.Mao AOR-not.exist 3SG.POSS-year DEM Venus
mape tu-ti-nw̥ p̥u̥-ŋgrɣl.
not.exist IPFV-say-PL PST.IPFV-be.usually.the.case
'They say that the year when our Chairman Mao passed away, Venus did not appear.' (29-LAntshAm) {0003726#S75}

### 23.5.10 Possessor

Possessors of intransitive subjects and direct objects can be relativized using the same relative constructions as their possessees. It is unclear whether possessors of other arguments can be relativized (in particular possessors of transitive subjects).
23.5.10.1 Possessor of intransitive subject

Possessors of intransitive subjects are relativized with subject participial clauses (§16.1.1.5). In this construction, the subject of the clause is overt and takes an obligatory possessive prefix, such as the 3PL *mu-* in (97).<fnref n="10" />

(97) [n<u>u</u>-mtcʰi k<u>u</u>-d>y̥n] n<u>u</u>ra
3PL.POSS-mouth SBJ:PCP-be.many DEM:PL
‘Those who talk too much’ (24-qro) {0003626#S112}

The head noun can be overt as in (98), with determiner repetition (§23.3.5.1).

(98) ak<u>u</u> z<u>u</u> [q<u>apri ci</u> u-kyχcy1 u-Br<u>u</u> k<u>u</u>-tu]
east LOC snake INDEF 3SG.POSS-top.of head 3SG.POSS-horn SBJ:PCP-exist
ci γγ<u>zu</u> tce
INDEF exist:SENS LNK
‘In the east, there is a snake with a horn on his head.’ (2005, divinitation)

Prenominal possessor relatives are also attested, but extremely rare, and the
third person possessive prefix on the possessee is required as in (99).

(99) [u-<u>cu</u> ku-<u>tu</u>] r<u>gγy</u>i pjγ-cti
3SG.POSS-additive SBJ:PCP-exist tsampa IFR.IPFV-be.AFF
‘It was tsampa mixed with broad beans.’ (i.e. poor quality tsampa)
(2003-kWBRa)

Subject possessor relative can also occur in apposition with another relative
clause, as in (100).

(100) [u-mi ku-zu~zri zo] [rkaŋraŋ ku-rmi]
3SG.POSS-leg SBJ:PCP-EMPH~be.long EMPH ANTHR SBJ:PCP-becalled
ci pu-<u>tu</u> pu-ŋu
INDEF PST.IPFV-exist SENS-be
‘There was someone called Rkangring who had long legs.’ (2005
Norbzang)

First or second person possessors can also be relativized, as in (101) and (102)
(see also 4, §6.1).

<footnote n="10">¹⁰This expression may be a nativized calque from Chinese 多嘴 <duōzuǐ> ‘big mouth’.</footnote>
(101) azo [a-χti ku̯-tu] p̱u-ηu-a
1SG 1SG.POSS-companion SBJ:PCP-exist SENS-be-1SG

‘I am someone with a husband.’ (i.e. whose husband is still alive, unlike
hers) (12-BzaNsa) {0003484#S110}

This type of relative can trigger either third person singular indexation, or
index the relativized element: both options (3SG *ηu* ‘s/he/it is’ and 2SG *tu-ηu* ‘you
are’) have been tested and are possible, as shown in example (102).

(102) [nɔ̃z̩o nɔ̃-mu nɔ̃-wa ku̯-tsʰo̊z]
2SG 2SG.POSS-mother 2SG.POSS-father SBJ:PCP-be complete

nɔ̃/tu-ηu

be:FACT/2-be:FACT

‘You are someone both of whose parents are still alive.’ (elicited)

In example (103),<fnref n="11" />, the relativized element corresponds to the *third person com-
ponent* of the first dual (exclusive) possessive prefix **tçi-** on the noun dyad **tçi-mu**
**tçi-wa** ‘our parents’ (§9.2.2.2).

(103) [tçi-mu tçi-wa ku̯-naχtćwɣ]
1DU.POSS-mother 1DU.POSS-father SBJ:PCP-be.same

‘Those whose parents are the same as mine.’ (140425 kWmdza02)

{0003786}

Although the verb *naχtćwɣ* ‘be the same’ can select a comitative argument
(§8.2.5), (103) is not an example of comitative relativization (§23.5.7). Rather, the
construction from which (103) has been relativized is the one in (104), where the
equality concerns the possessors of the intransitive subject.

(104) tci-mpitcʰyz ra p̱w-naχtćwɣ
1DU.POSS-temper PL SENS-be.the.same

‘We have the same temperament = She has the same temperament as I.’
(12-BzaNsa) {0003484#S53}

In the participial relative taking *mɔ̃-kũ-sɔ̃-mto* ‘the one that is not visible’ as its main verb in (105), the head *smar* ‘river’ is not the possessor of the subject in the proper sense, but the possessor of a noun (*ũ-βzũr* ‘its side’) subject of a clause embedded within another clause (headed by the participle *kũ-fse* ‘that is like…’) serving as the subject of *mɔ̃-kũ-sɔ̃-mto* ‘the one that is not visible’.

<footnote n="11">¹¹The context of the relative clause (103) is found in example (91) (§23.5.8).</footnote>
(105) [maka tcekʷ ku-ku̱-ru tce tcendi smar [[u-βzw̱
at.all east IPFV:EAST-GENR:S/O-look LNK west river 3SG.POSS-side
tcʰi kʷ-fse ŋu] kʷ-fse] m-sx-mto žo]
what SBJ:PCP-be like be:FACT SBJ:PCP-be like NEG-SBJ:PCP-PROP-see EMPH
scʰiẓ nux-azγu t pn-u̱.
APPROX.LOC AOR:WEST-reach SENS-be

'He arrived at a river where if one looked from one bank to the other, what was on the other side was not at all visible.' (Divination 2005)

This particularly convoluted example is however not representative of what
is usually found in the corpus.

In (106), we find a prenominal relative containing another verb in subject participle form that can be interpreted a possessor relativization, as in (34): *u-kuu-χsu kuu-me* 'having no feeder'.

(106) [u-pci ku-rṣi] [u-ku-χsu ku-me]
3SG.POSS-outside SBJ:PCP-stay 3SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-feed NMZL:S/A-not.exist
lwlu γγzu tce numu kupa ku <yemao> tu-ti ŋu
cat exist:SENS LNK DEM Chinese ERG wild.cat IPFV-say be:FACT
'There are cats that live outside, that nobody feeds, Chinese people call them wild cats.' (21-IWlu) {0003576#S2}

However, there are cases of relative clauses with the subject participle of the
negative existential verb *ku-me* and an *intransitive* verb in participial (or finite)
form in the preceding complement clause, for instance *tx-kuu-mbri* in (107). It is
manifest that here the relativized element is neither the subject of *me* 'not exist'
nor a possessor, but rather the subject of the verb of the complement clause *mbri*
'cry, sing' (see §23.5.11.4).

(107) pyγtw nux kuŋy [[tw-yjyn cinγ zo ty-ku-mbri]
bird DEM also one-time even.one EMPH AOR-SBJ:PCP-make.noise
ku-me], nux to-yγscγscγt zo to-mbri pü-ŋu,
SBJ:PCP-not.exist DEM IFR-do.quickly EMPH IFR-make.noise SENS-be
'Even the bird, which had not even sung once [since it had come to the
palace], immediately started singing.' (2012 qachGa) {0004087#S165}

The clause *tw-yjın cinγ zo ty-ku-mbri ku-me* here is in fact the nominalized
version of the postverbal negative construction (§22.5.4). In main clauses, this
construction combines a negative existential verb in impersonal (third singular)
form with a complement clause in finite form. In (107), we see that when the in-
transitive subject of a postverbal negative construction is nominalized, both the
matrix verb *me* ‘not exist’ and the verb of the complement clause *ty-kuu-mbri* oc-
cur in subject participle form (§23.5.11.4). This construction, though superficially
similar to that in (106), is therefore different from it.

23.5.10.2 Possessor of object

Possessors of objects can be relativized with object participial relatives (108) or
finite relatives (109) exactly like direct objects (§23.5.3), but like subject posses-
sors, they require the possessee to be overt and to bear a possessive prefix (*u*-sroь
'its life' in 108 and *u*-kho 'its house' in 109).

(108) icqʰa [py̥ytcoú u-sroь k-kv-ri] nʷ
the aforementioned bird 3SG.POSS-life AOR-OBJ:PCP-SAVE DEM
to-tcɛyt tce
IFR-take.out LNK

'He took out (from his bag) the bird whose life he had saved.' (140428
yonggan de xiaocaifeng-zh) {0003886#S67}

(109) [qro ta-fsraŋ] numu, [u-kʰo]
ant AOR:3→3'-protect DEM 3SG.POSS-hive
mu-tʰa-su-pʰut] numu̯ra yu̯ nuw-r宋ylpu (nw) ku, qro
NEG-AOR:3→3'-CAUS-take.off DEM:PL GEN 3PL.POSS-king DEM ERG ant
rcanu, ston̩tsu ku̇mu̩ zo jo-yut.
UNEXP:DEG thousand five EMPH IFR-bring

'The queen (king) of the ants that he had saved, whose anthill he had
saved from destruction (by his brothers), brought five thousand ants.'
(140510 fengwang-zh) {0003939#S98}

23.5.11 Relativization out of complement clause

possessor Relativization of arguments and adjuncts out of complement clauses
is possible in certain conditions.<fnref n="12" />

<footnote n="12">¹²For an example of arguments inside complements which *cannot* be relativized, see §15.2.10.6.</footnote>
23.5.11.1 Intransitive matrix verbs

In the case of modal verbs taking subject complement clauses such as ra 'be
needed', 'be necessary' and kʰu 'be possible', subject participle clauses are at-
tested to relativize not the intransitive subject of these verbs (§23.5.1), but rather
arguments of the subject complement clause, including direct objects (110), 111)
or transitive subjects (112).

(110) tce jisŋi [[twu-tʰe] kü-ra] út-tu?

LNK today 2-ask[III]:FACT SBJ:PCP-be.needed QU-exist:FACT

'Is there anything you need to ask today?' (conversation 17-08-21)

(111) [k-tɔ́tsɔ́ kü-ra] [ra kumɔ̈ tu-kü-nɔ̈-ti]

[[[INF-show] SBJ:PCP-be.needed] PL also IPFV-SBJ:PCP-AUTO-say
numüra tcayi tu-syrmi-nü ngryl.

DEM:PL parrot IPFV-call-PL be.usually.the.case:FACT

'People call 'parrots' those who tell [everything], including things that
should [remain] hidden.' (24-qro) {0003626#S121}

(112) [ty-rγku tu-kü-nɔ̈-ndza], [[twurme ntswi twu-nyo-nw]
INDEF.POSS-crop IPFV-SBJ:PCP-AUTO-eat people always 2-wait:FACT-PL
my-kü-ra], [koŋla turme kü-pw-pe zo]
NEG-SBJ:PCP-be.needed really people SBJ:PCP-emph-be.good EMPH
a-nw-tw-yβzu-nw smülym
IRR-PFV-2-become-PL prayer

'May you become nice people who eat crops and do not need to wait (i.e.
ambush) for humans (to eat them).' (2005 Norbzang)

In addition to core arguments, subject participial clauses are also used to rela-
tivize goals (113) and locative adjuncts (114).

(113) [[ce-a] kü-ra] nɔ̈ u alo nyu

GO:FACT-1SG SBJ:PCP-be.needed DEM upstream be:FACT

'[The place] where I have to go is upstream.' (elicited)

(114) [[aẓo-swso nyu-nw-pe-a] kü-kʰu] nwtcu
1SG-as.wish IPFV-AUTO-do[III]-1SG SBJ:PCP-be.possible DEM:LOC
nw-ce-a nyu
VERT-go:FACT-1SG be:FACT

'I am going back to a place where I can do as I like.' (140426 jiagou he
lang-zh) {0003804#S69}
23.5.11.2 Semi-transitive matrix verbs

The subject participle of the semi-transitive cʰa ‘can’ can be used to relativize the subject of the complement clause, when it is at the same time subject of cʰa itself, as in (115) or in (122) below (§23.5.11.4).

(115) [si [wuma tu-mbro] mɣ-ku-cʰa] ci ŋu tce,
tree really IPFV-be.high NEG-SBJ:PCP-can INDEF be:FACT LNK
'It is a tree that cannot grow very high.' (12-Zmbroko) {0003490#S83}

Objects in complement clauses are relativized with the object participle kɣ-cʰa
as in (116), which can in addition take a possessive prefix coreferent with the
transitive subject of the complement clause (§16.1.2.1). In (116) for instance, the
prefix u- on u-mɣ-kɣ-cʰa is coreferent with qaliaɣ 'eagle'.

(116) [[qaliaɣ ku, nykinu, nwcimu ma ku-su su
eagle ERG FILLER immediately SBJ:PCP-be.alive
cʰu-nu-tsu m] u-mɣ-kɣ-cʰa] nwnu ra
IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-VERT-take.away 3SG.POSS-NEG-OBJ:PCP-can DEM:PL
'Those (the animals) that the eagle is not able to carry away while they
are still alive.' (150819 RarphAB) {0006356#S1}

23.5.11.3 Transitive matrix verbs

With transitive complement-taking verbs such as rŋo ‘experience’ (§24.5.6.1) or spa ‘be able’ (§24.5.3.4), the subject participle occurs if the relativized element is the (transitive or intransitive) subject of the complement clause, as in (117) or (118).

(117) pɣa [[kɣ-rcmi] u-ku-spa] ci
bird INF-speak 3SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-be.able INDEF
‘A bird that is able to speak’ (2005 Norbzang)

(118) [kɣ-ce] pw-ku-rŋo pjγ-dγn-nu ri
INF-GO AOR-SBJ:PCP-experience IFR.IPFV-be.many-PL LNK
‘Many people have gone there (those who have gone there were many).’
(140514 huishuohua de niao-zh) {0003992#S82}

To relativize the direct object of a transitive verb in the complement clause, the complement-taking verb can be in finite form (119) or in object participle form (120), as if the complement-internal objects were the direct objects of the main verb of the relative clause (§23.5.3).
(119) [azo [ky-mto] pu-rjo-t-a] **tcbehmpw ci tu**
1SG INF-SEE AOR-experience-PST:TR-1SG girl INDEF exist:FACT
tce,
LNK

‘There is a girl whom I saw before and...’ (150819 haidenver-zh)
{0006314#S369}

(120) [[kmrypwy kw k-y-mtsuy] pu-k-y-rjo] **twrme nw**
mosquito ERG INF-bite AOR-OBJ:PCP-experience person DEM
‘Someone who has been stung by mosquitoes before’ (elicited)

The contrast between *pu-ku-rjo* in (118) and *pu-k-y-rjo* (120) is not as straight-
forward as it might seem at first glance. The transitive verb *rjo* lacks non-generic
inverse forms, and treats both subjects and objects of its velar infinitive clauses
in the same way as transitive subject in the matrix clause, both in terms of inde-
xation and flagging (§24.5.6.1).

23.5.11.4 Complement type

The complements whose arguments or adjuncts are relativized can be either fi-
nite (110, 112, 113, 114, 115) or infinitival clauses (111, 117, 119), just like when the
complement-taking verbs are in finite form. In addition, the verb of the comple-
ment clause can also bear subject participle form if the relativized element is the
subject of the complement clause, as in (121) and (122) (see also §16.1.1.5, §16.1.1.6).

(121) [[smrnkʰaŋ kw-ce] kw-ra] γγzu.
hospital SBJ:PCP-go SBJ:PCP-be.needed exist:sens
‘There are people [with nosebleed] who have to go to the hospital.’

(122) [[kwki w-ku-ku-ndum] ku-cʰa] ci ŋu
DEM.PROX 3SG.POSS-IPFV-SBJ:PCP-read SBJ:PCP-can INDEF be:FACT
‘She is someone who can read this.’ (2003 sras)

Pairs of verbs in subject participle form should not necessarily be analyzed
as complement clauses embedded in relatives. In (123), *pu-ku-nGLYPH<3>glut* ‘(bone) that
has been broken, fracture’ is not a (subject) complement of *ku-tʰu* ‘the one that is
serious’ (which is not a complement-taking stative verb). Rather, *wuma z̥o pu-ku-
nGLYPH<3>glut ku-tʰu* is simply a head-internal relative clause (§23.4.3) with the subject
participle (itself a headless relative clause) *pu-ku-nGLYPH<3>glut* as its subject.
(123) [wuma zo [pur-kw-nGLWT] kw-tʰu] nura qʰe
really EMPH AOR-SBJ:PCP-ACAUS:break SBJ:PCP-be.serious DEM:PL LNK
ndyre, tcʰaɣcaŋ tu-te qʰe tce tu-xtcɣr ŋu.
LNK splinter IPFV-put[III] LNK LNK IPFV-attach be:FACT
‘As for the fractures that are serious, he puts a splinter on them and
attaches it.’ (140426 laxthab) {0003810#S7}

23.5.12 Constraints on relativizability

Table 23.1 summarizes the syntactic functions accessible to relativization in main clauses in Japhug, indicating the clause types available for relativizing each function. The relatives can be headless in all cases, except that of possessor relativization, where a possessive prefix on the possessee is required (§23.5.10). Intransitive subjects and object are preferentially relativized with head-internal clauses, while transitive subjects, goals and adjuncts are more often relativized by pre-nominal clauses.

<table><caption>Table 23.1: Summary of relative clauses in Japhug</caption><thead><tr><th rowspan="2">Function</th><th colspan="3">Participial Clause</th><th rowspan="2">Finite Clause</th></tr><tr><th>kw-</th><th>kɣ-</th><th>sɣ-</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>S</td><td>✓</td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>possessor of S</td><td>✓</td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>A</td><td>✓</td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>O</td><td></td><td>✓</td><td></td><td>✓</td></tr><tr><td>possessor of O</td><td></td><td>✓</td><td></td><td>✓</td></tr><tr><td>semi-object</td><td></td><td>✓</td><td></td><td>✓</td></tr><tr><td>theme</td><td></td><td>✓</td><td></td><td>✓</td></tr><tr><td>goal</td><td></td><td></td><td>✓</td><td>✓</td></tr><tr><td>dative</td><td></td><td></td><td>✓</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>comitative</td><td></td><td></td><td>✓</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>instrument</td><td>(✓)</td><td></td><td>✓</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>time adjunct</td><td></td><td></td><td>✓</td><td>✓(prenominal)</td></tr><tr><td>locative adjunct</td><td></td><td></td><td>✓</td><td>✓(prenominal)</td></tr></tbody></table>
Not all adjuncts are relativizable in Japhug: causees (§8.2.2.6), standards of comparative constructions (marked by the postpositions *sɣz* or *stɑuk*, §8.2.7) and exceptive phrases in *ma* ‘apart from’ (§8.2.8) apparently cannot be relativized, following a well-known cross-linguistic generalization (Keenan & Comrie 1977).

In addition, relativization of the direct object of transitive verbs (in subject participle form) in the purposive clauses of motion verbs is not possible, as discussed in §15.2.10.6. Many arguments or adjuncts from complement clauses can be relativized (§23.5.11), but the limits on relativizability in embedded clauses is a topic for further fine-grained research.

# 23.6 Relative clauses and focalization

## 23.6.1 Pseudo-cleft constructions

Among the possible means of focalizing noun phrases, most if not all languages use an equative construction with a headless relative clause (or a relative clause with an overt head noun, if this head noun is different from the focalized noun phrase) in the topicalized position and the focalized noun phrase as the nominal predicate, as in English ‘[What matters] are **his ideas**’ or ‘[The thing that matters] is **meaning**’.

Such constructions are generally referred to as pseudo-clefts, by contrast with cleft sentences, a type of construction (such as English ‘It is **his ideas** [that matter]’) where the focalized noun is the head of the clause defining it, that clause being built like a relative, but sometimes presenting language-specific differences with relative clauses of the same type.<fnref n="13" />

Pseudo-cleft constructions in Japhug consist of a headless relative clause (generally with the determiner *nu* in topicalizing function, §9.1.5.4) followed by a nominal predicate with an affirmative (*ηu* ‘be’, *ɛti* ‘be’) or negative (*maɛk* ‘not be’, §13.1.2) copula.

Pseudo-clefts in Japhug do occur in intransitive subject (124 and 161), direct object (125 and 126) or semi-objects (68, §23.5.4.1) functions.

(124) [stu kwh-mɔuku jɔ-yu-kwh-ye] nw r宋lpu pjy-ηu.
most SBJ:PCP-be before AOR-SBJ:PCP-come[II] DEM king IFR.IPFV-be
‘The one who came first was the king.’ (140514 xizajiang he lifashi-zh)
{0003996#S62}

<footnote n="13">¹³Creissels (2006c: 123–124) points out for instance that in French clefting of dative phrases (*C’est à Jean que tu as donné le livre*) differs from the corresponding relativization (*La personne à laquelle tu as donné le livre*).</footnote>
(125) *u-ky-ndza* nwnw *nw tce, tw-ci* u-ŋgw
3SG.POSS-OBJ:PCP-eat DEM DEM LNK INDEF.POSS-water 3SG.POSS-inside
qajw nura p̥u-ŋu rca ma
bugs DEM:PL SENS-be SFP LNK
‘What [the otter] eats is aquatic animals, probably.’ (28-qapar)
{0003720#S86}

When the predicate contains a first or second person pronoun, person indexation on the copula is obligatory (on the indexation rules of copulas, see §22.5.1.1). In (126) for instance, replacing the copula in the predicate *nɔ̃zo tw-ŋu* by third person form †*nɔ̃zo ŋu* would be completely agrammatical.

(126) [aẓo a-ky-nw-rga] nw nzyo tw-ŋu tce
1SG 1SG.POSS-OBJ:PCP-APPL-like DEM 2SG 2-be:FACT LNK
‘The one whom I love is you.’ (160708 riquet5) {0006185#S27}

Pseudo-cleft used to focalize transitive subjects (127) are rare, and mainly concerns instruments (§23.5.6) rather than agents.

(127) [*u-xtypa* tu-*kw-rqoβ] *nw pɛtʰiβ ŋu.*
3SG.POSS-belly IPFV-SBJ:PCP-hug DEM belly.band be:FACT
‘[The thing that] is attached around (‘hugs’) its belly is the belly band.’
(30-tAsno) {0003758#S84}

Oblique participles can be used in pseudo-clefts to focalize locative adjuncts (128).

(128) ma [*u-s-y-dyn] nw tcetu rwŋgu ŋu.
LNK 2SG.POSS-OBL:PCP-be.many DEM up.there pasture be:FACT
‘The [place] where they are [most] numerous is up there on the pastures.’ (17-xCAj) {0003528#S81}

Most pseudo-clefts are participial relatives as in the examples above, but there are also finite object relatives (§23.5.3) as in (129).

(129) [*tu-tw-mtsʰi] nwnw, mbaly-pw p̥u-maβ
IPFV-2-lead DEM OX-DIM SENS-not.be
‘What you are leading is not a calf, (but rather....)’ (140512 fushang he yaomo) {0003967#S137}
An alternative (and much rarer) type of pseudo-cleft has the headless relative as the nominal predicate, as in (130).

(130) *ŋu-yŋwu matci tcendyre nw [stu zo w-ku-nwzdwoy] nw
IFR-cry because LNK DEM most EMPH 3SG.POSS-OBJ:PCP-WORRY DEM
pjo-cti tce
IFR.IPFV-be ADD LNK

‘He cried because it was what he was most worried about.’ (140506 shizi he huichang de bailingniao-zh) {0003927#S64}

Although pseudo-cleft constructions are well-attested in the corpus, they are not the main morphosyntactic device to focalize constituents in Japhug. Other focalizing constructions include sentence-final copulas (§22.5.3.2) and focus particles (§9.1.6). Some focalized noun phrases are also devoid of any specific marking of focalization, even intonational ones (§22.1.2.3).

### 23.6.2 Non-equative pseudo-cleft

In addition, we find pseudo-cleft constructions whose second member is not a nominal predicate with a copula, but rather a clause which could stand as a complete sentence. The subject participle of *pe* ‘be good’ is commonly used in these constructions in affirmative (*ku-pe* ‘what is good is that…’, ‘fortunately…’) or negative form (*ku-pe* ‘what is bad is that…’, ‘unfortunately…’) as in (131).

(131) [*m*-ku-pe] tce icqʰa, [*w*-mu nw,
NEG-SBJ:PCP-be.good LNK FILLER 3SG.POSS-mother 3SG.POSS-mother
βdaŋmu nw zatsa *ŋu-si*].
DEM queen DEM soon IFR-die
‘Unfortunately (what is bad is that…), her mother, the queen, died early.’
(140504 baixuegongzhu-zh) {0003907#S12}

In such constructions, the (topicalized) participial clause is followed by the linker *tce* in topicalizing function (§9.1.5.5) rather than the determiner *nw*.

(132) *tceri [m*-ku-*naχtcwoy] tce, [*w*-ndzru *yvzu].
but NEG-SBJ:PCP-be.similar LNK 3SG.POSS-claw exist:SENS
‘What is different [between the footprints of the bear and those of a small child] is that [the former] has claws.’ (21-pri) {0003580#S37}
## 23.7 Quantification

Relative clauses are found in three quantificational constructions.

First, correlative relative clauses occur with interrogative pronouns used as free-choice indefinites (§23.2.5). In (133) for instance, the relative whose main verb is the participle *ku-tu* has the pronoun *tɛ́h̩i* ‘what’ in apposition with the object participle *nr-kr-tʰu* ‘(the things) that you ask’ as head, with the meaning ‘any’ or ‘whatever’.

(133) [[**nr-kr-tʰu**] **tɛ́h̩i** **ku-tu**] **tɣ-tʰe**
2SG.POSS-OBJ:PCP-ask what SBJ:PCP-exist IMP-ask[III]
**jɣɣ-o**
be.possible:FACT-SFP

‘Ask any/whatever question you [may] have.’ (conversation, 17-09-06)

Second, totalitative reduplication (§12.4.1.5) indicates universal quantification of the relativized element (§23.3.2). In particular, the reduplicated form of the *ku~ku-tu* ‘all those that/who exist’ of the existential verb *tu* ‘exist’ can follow nouns (134), with a meaning similar to the adverbial determiner *tʰamtɛ́rt* ‘all’ (§9.1.3.1).

(134) **a-zda** **ra ku~ku-tu** **zɔ**
1SG.POSS-companion PL TOTAL~SBJ:PCP-exist EMPH
**a-tɣ-buɣ-nu** **smuɣm**
IRR-PFV-miss.home-PL prayer

‘May all of my companions miss home!’ (2005 Norbzang)

Constructions such as that in (134) originate from head-internal (or postnominal) participial relatives (‘all my existing companions’). However, it is unclear whether this analysis is still valid synchronically, and even whether *ku~ku-tu* is still a participle. It may have been reanalyzed as a postnominal quantifier, as suggested by the fact that it can occur with pronouns, as in (135), where an interpretation in terms of a relative clause, whether restrictive (‘all those of you who exist’?) or non-restrictive (‘you, all the existing ones’?) is more difficult.

(135) **nuzɔra ku~ku-tu** **zɔ** **lɣ-nu-jyɛ́t-nu**
2PL TOTAL~SBJ:PCP-exist EMPH IMP:UPSTREAM-VERT-turn.back
‘Turn back and go to your homes.’ (2005 Norbzang)
Third, headless relative clauses (§23.4.1) in existential constructions (§22.5.1.2) are more often used than indefinite pronouns (§6.6) to express non-specific indefinite entities, whether humans ('someone', 136) or inanimate ones ('something', 137).

(136) [a-<dianhua> w-kw-lyt] yyzu
1SG.POSS-phone 3SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-release exist:SENS
‘There is someone calling me on the phone!’ (conversation, 22-08-2018)

(137) swŋgw si w-mat a-pw-dyŋ tce, nw w-xpa
forest tree 3SG.POSS-fruit IRR-IPFV-be.many LNK DEM 3SG.POSS-year
nw pw-rkwn ma kʰro k mto múj-ɣi ma
DEM SENS-be.few LNK much OBJ:PCP-see NEG:SENS-come LNK
[w-kɣ-ndza] yzyu.
3SG.POSS-OBJ:PCP-eat exist:SENS

‘In years when there are many fruits on the trees in the forest, there are fewer *Garrulax sp.* (Bymurcu) because they do not come [where they can be] seen, as they have **things** to eat (in the forest).’ (23-pGAYaR)
{0003606#S77}

Head-internal relatives (§23.4.3) can have a similar meaning if their head noun is a generic noun like *turme* ‘person’ (§6.2.2), as in (138).

(138) icqʰa [turme kw-ngo] yzyu tce, w-kw-rtɔv
just before person SBJ:PCP-be.ill exist:SENS LNK 3SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-see
jɣ-ari-a wo!
AOR-go[II]-1SG SFP
‘There is someone who is sick, I went to see him/her.’ (conversation)

Headless relative clauses also occur with a partitive meaning (some individuals among a group), as in (139). Note the difference in interpretation of the proposition *w-kɣ-ndza yzyu* in (137) ‘it has something to eat’ and in (139) ‘there are some (fishes) that it eats’.

(139) qafy cʰo qajw w-ŋgwz kwny, [w-kɣ-ndza]
fish COMIT bugs 3SG.POSS-inside:LOC also 3SG.POSS-OBJ:PCP-eat
yyzu, [w-mɣ-kɣ-ndza] yzyu.
exist:SENS 3SG.POSS-NEG-OBJ:PCP-eat exist:SENS
## 23 Relative clauses

[u̯-kʊ̯-nʊ̯-mʊ̯m],

[u̯-mʊ̯-kʊ̯-nʊ̯-mʊ̯m]

3SG.POSS-OBJ:PCP-TROP-be.tasty 3SG.POSS-NEG-OBJ:PCP-TROP-be.tasty

ɣɣzu.

exist:SENS

‘Among fishes and other marine animals, there are **some** that [whales]ᵢ eat and **some** that theyᵢ don’t eat, **some** that theyᵢ find tasty and **some** that theyᵢ don’t find tasty.’ (160703 jingyu) {0006169#S21}

Since Japhug lacks negative pronouns (§6.6), the only way to express a meaning corresponding to negative pronouns in Japhug is by combining a headless relative clause with a negative existential verb (§13.4.2), as in (140).

(140) nʊ̯-kʊ̯-nʊ̯y̥-mu

me

2SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-APPL-be.afraid notuez:FACT

‘Nobody is afraid of you!’ (2002 qaCpa)

Headless relative clauses in negative constructions are often embedded in a participial relative with the positive existential verb tu ‘exist’, as in (141).

(141) tceri [nwa̯ra [u̯-cw̯-kʊ̯-pʰu̯t]

ra kʊ̯-tu]

LNK DEM:PL 3SG.POSS-TRAL-SBJ:PCP-take.off PL SBJ:PCP-exist

me

ma

notexisted:FACT LNK

‘But nobody goes and picks [wild strawberries].’ (because nobody likes to eat them) (11-paRzwamWntoR) {0003476#S81}

## 23.8 Relative vs. complement clauses

This section discusses constructions which present real or apparent ambiguity between relative and complement clauses, and proposes a few syntactic tests to disambiguate the two.

To the cases studied below, the adnominal complement clauses (§24.6), which resemble prenominal relatives (§23.4.2), must be added.

### 23.8.1 Ambiguity (finite clauses)

Finite relative clauses (§23.2.2), when they occur as objects or semi-object of verbs of perception (*mto* ‘see’, *mtsʰɔm* ‘hear’ etc) or cognition (*tso* ‘know, understand’, ‘know’ etc) may not be easily distinguishable from complement clauses,
as this type of verb can take either nominal objects/semi-objects or complement clauses, and both finite relatives and finite complements are found with the same demonstrative determiners *nw* and *nunw* (§23.3.5.2, §24.3.3).

For instance, in (142), the clause *mbrutɛw la-tɛ́yt* (§23.5.3) can either be interpreted as a head-internal finite object relative clause (§23.4.3, §23.5.3) ‘the knife that (the butcher) had unsheathed’ or as a complement clause (§24.2.3) ‘that (the butcher) had unsheathed his knife’. Both interpretations would make sense in the context (§24.4.1).

(142) spjaŋkʷ bŋwz ni kʷ nwnw n, [mbrutɛw la-tɛ́yt] nʷ
wolf two DU ERG DEM FILLER knife AOR:3→3'-take.out DEM
pa-mto-ndzi tce, wuma zo ŋy-mu-ndzi.
AOR:3→3'-see-DU LNK really EMPH IFR-be.afraid-DU
'The two wolves, seeing that he had unsheathed his knife (or: seeing the
knife that he had unsheathed), were very afraid. (150902 liaozhai
lang-zh) {0006340#S29}

Three criteria (already mentioned in §23.2.2) can however help disambiguating
between the two analyses in specific contexts.

First, the presence of totalitative reduplication (§23.3.2) indicates that the sub-
ordinate clause can only be analyzed as a relative, as in (143).<fnref n="14" />

(143) stu kʷ-xtci nʷ kʷ nʷra [tw~tɔ-amʷ-ti-ndzi] nʷ
most SBJ:PCP-be.small DEM ERG DEM:PL TOTAL~AOR-RECIP-say-DU DEM
pjγ-mtsʰyγm.
IFR-hear
‘The youngest [boy] heard all the things that they had said to each
other.’ (160630 poucet1) {0006065#S32}

Second, finite subordinate clauses whose verb is in the Inferential, Sensory, Egophoric, Irrealis or Imperative cannot be relative clauses. For instance *mʷ-pjγ-pe* in Inferential Imperfective must be a complement clause.

(144) tce wżo si ty-mda kówtwz ny nʷ
LNK 3SG die:FACT AOR-be.the.time only.then ADD DEM
[mu-pjγ-pe] nʷ ko-tso ri ŋy-maqʰu ŋu-ŋu.
NEG-IFR.IPFV-be.good DEM IFR-understand LNK IFR-be.late SENS-be
‘Just before dying, he understood that [what he had done] was not good,
but it was too late.’ (aesop nongfu yu she-zh) {0006268#S113}

<footnote n="14">¹⁴The relativized element of this headless clause is the semi-object, see §18.4.2.1 on the argument structure of *amuti* ‘say to each other’.</footnote>
Third, finite relative clauses cannot relativize subjects, and therefore ‘plain’ intransitive verbs (excluding semi-transitive verbs §14.2.3 and verbs with goals §14.2.4) cannot occur in finite relative clauses (except in the case of locative and time adjunct relativization, §23.5.9). Therefore, clauses such as *mu-pjɛ̌-pe* ‘it was not good’ in (144) and *tu-ɣɔ̌wu* ‘it cries/howls’ in (145) cannot be interpreted as subject relatives ‘(the thing) that was not good’ or ‘(the wolf) that howls’.

(145) *nɔ̌ [tu-ɣɔ̌wu] nɔ̌ u-mtsʰŷm*      *pwo-rpo-t-a*
DEM IPFV-cry DEM 3SG.POSS-BARE.INF:hear AOR-experience-PST:TR-1SG
*ma*
LNK
‘I did hear [wolves] howl.’ (27-spjaNkW) {0003704#S27}

23.8.2 Ambiguity (non-finite clauses)

Due to the resemblance between the velar infinitives *ku-* and *k* (§16.2.1) on the one hand and the subject (§16.1.1.3) and especially object participles (§16.2.1.1), distinguishing between infinitival clauses and participial relatives is not always trivial.

In (146), we find a series of non-finite verb forms in *ku-* and *kact-* in clauses that are object of the complement-taking verb *fɔ́yt* ‘tell’ (§24.2.1). Given the meaning of this example, it could appear to be preferrable to analyze these examples as complement clauses, translating <yazi> *tɔ́-kɔ́-murku*, *tɔ́-kɔ́-ndza* as ‘(he told him) that he had stolen and eaten a duck’ and *u-βri* ...*n̥u-ku-łɔ́k* as ‘that his body started itching, and that feathers started growing on it’.

(146) *tce nwa* [pw~pw-ku-fse] *nwa, [<yazi>*
LNK DEM:PL TOTAL~PST.IPFV-SBJ:PCP-be like DEM:PL duck
*tɔ́-kɔ́-murku*, *tɔ́-kɔ́-ndza]*, *qʰe cɔ́r tce [u-βri]*
AOR-OBJ:PCP-steal AOR-OBJ:PCP-eat LNK evening LOC 3SG.POSS-body
*tɔ́-ku-rɣza]* *qʰe, [u-βri tce icqʰa, <yazi>]*
AOR-SBJ:PCP-itch LNK 3SG.POSS-body LOC the aforementioned duck
*ɣu u-muj* *n̥u-ku-łɔ́k]*, *nwa pjɛ̌-fɔ́yt.*
GEN 3SG.POSS-feather AOR-SBJ:PCP-come.out DEM:PL IFR-tell
‘He told [the old man] everything that had happened, about the duck
that he had stolen and eaten, and his body itching, and the duck
feathers that had grown on it.’ (150904 maya-zh) {0006364#S26}

However, the problem with analyzing these clauses as infinitival complement clauses is that the intransitive motion verb *łɔ́k* ‘come out’, being dynamic, never
takes a *k* infinitive, and that the form *nu-ku-łok* can only be a subject participle ‘(something) that has come out’. For this reason, the non-finite clauses in (146) have to be analyzed as head-internal and headless (object and subject) participial relative clauses.

An analysis of clauses in *kact-* as infinitive complement clauses is restricted to complement-taking verbs which unambiguously select *kact-* infinitives of plain intransitive verbs (§16.2.1.1, §24.2.1).

### 23.8.3 Participial clauses in core argument function

Some verbs such as the verbs of pretence *zγγρα* ‘pretend’ and *nućpwz* ‘pretend’ ‘dress up as’, ‘imitate’ select subject participle clauses as objects or semi-objects such as *ku-ngo* in (147), which could appear to be similar to the purposive complement of motion verbs (§24.4.2.1).

(147) [ku-ngo] to-zγγρα tce
SBJ:PCP-be.sick IFR-pretend LNK
‘She pretended to be sick.’ (Nyima Wodzer 2002)

However, there is clear evidence that these clauses are in fact headless relatives: (147) can literally be translated as ‘she pretended to be a sick person’. The difference with purposive clauses can be shown by three tests.

First, unlike motion verbs, pretence verbs can take nouns as objects (as shown by 148 and 156) instead of clauses with subject participles.

(148) qačpa to-nućpwz, qačpa w-rqʰu to-ŋga,
frog IFR-pretend frog 3SG.POSS-skin IFR-wear
‘He dressed up as a frog, he wore a frog’s skin.’ (2002 qaCpa)

Second, these verbs can occur with a participial clause whose subject is overt and different from the subject of the verb of the matrix clause, as in (149) where *tɣ-pɣtso* ‘child’ is the subject of the verb *ŋŋwu* ‘cry’ in the participial clause, but not the subject of *nućpwz* ‘pretend’, ‘disguise as’, ‘imitate’ (§24.4.2.3). Such a subject mismatch would be completely ungrammatical with a purposive clause.

(149) [tɣ-pɣtso ku-ywu] zo kɣ-nućpwz
INDEF.POSS-child SBJ:PCP-cry EMPH INF-imitate
mɣ-spe-a ma nu mwma spe-a
NEG-be.able[III]:FACT-1SG LNK DEM apart.from be.able[III]:FACT-1SG
‘I cannot imitate a child crying, but apart from that I can imitate
[anything].’ (27-kikakCi) {0003700#S134}
Third, we find examples like (150) where the subject of the verb in the main clause is not coreferent with the subject of the participial clause but with the possessor of the subject. These cases can be accounted for as possessor relative clauses (§16.1.1.5, §23.5.10.1): (150) could thus be literally translated as ‘he pretended to be someone whose leg hurt’.

(150) tce [w̥-mi kʷ-m] to-nwcpwz
LNK 3SG.POSS-leg SBJ:PCP-hurt IFR-pretend
‘He pretended to feel pain in his leg.’ (140426 lang yisheng-zh)
{0003808#S9}

### 23.8.4 Relativized complement clauses

In (151), the clause ṣn̥aekspa ku tu~ta-tut ‘all (the things that) the sorcerer had said’ is a headless object finite relative (§23.5.3); the presence of totalitative reduplication in particular, shows that it cannot be interpreted as a complement clause (§23.3.2).

(151) tceri [ṣn̥aekspa ku tw̥-ta-tut] nw̥ to-stu
LNK sorcerer ERG TOTAL~AOR:3→3' -say[II] DEM IFR-do lik e
‘He did it everything the way that the sorcerer had said.’ (140511
alading-zh) {0003953#S85}

The syntactic function of this relative clause in the main clause is semi-object of the secundative verb stu ‘do like’, which encodes the manner of the action as semi-object, and the entity subjected to the action as the direct object (§14.4.2).

In view of (151), it is tempting to analyze the clause “nu a-ty-fse n̥u-ra” ty-tu-tut ‘(that) you said “it should be (done) like that” in (152), which occurs in the same syntactic context, as a finite object relative clause too, differing from that of (151) by being head-internal (§23.4.3) instead of headless.

(152) [[“n̥u a-ty-fse p̥u-ra”] ty-tu-tut] n̥u
DEM IRR-PFV-be. like SENS-be. needed AOR-2-say[II] DEM
ty-stu-t-a ny
AOR-do. like-PST:TR-1SG be:FACT
‘I did it [the way that] you said should be done.’ (28-smAnmi)
{0004063#S315}

What is remarkable about the construction in (152) is that the relativized element is not a noun, but the (object) complement clause *n̥u a-ty-fse n̥u-ra* ‘it should be (done) like that’, embedded within the relative.
A common example of relativized complement clause is found when the transi-
tive perception verb *mtsʰem* ‘hear’ (§24.5.5) occurs with the object participle *kɛr-ti*
of the verb *ti* ‘say’ as in (153). In this example, *turme nu ko-nurŋu* has a double
status: it is the object complement clause of *kɛr-ti* within the relative, and at the
same time, it constitutes the relativized element of the head-internal participial
clause (§23.5.3).

(153) ‘[[‘turme nu ko-nurŋu’] kɛr-ti] mɔ- pɔ-mtsʰam-a
person DEM IFR-have.pig.disease SBJ:PCP-say NEG-AOR-hear-1SG
‘I have never heard of people getting the pig disease.’ (25-khArWm)
{0003644#S77}

The literal meaning of this construction can be conveyed in English as ‘I have
not heard “a man got the pig disease” being said’.
<figure><img src="image_30.png" /></figure>
# 24 Complement clauses

## 24.1 Introduction

This chapter, based on Sun's (2012) work on Tshobdun and on earlier research on Japhug (Jacques 2008; 2016a), presents an account of complement clauses and complementation strategies<fnref n="1" /> in Japhug.

This chapter comprises six sections. The first section following the introduction §24.2 provides a classification of complement clauses based on the form of the main verb in the clause. The second one, §24.4 presents an overview of complementation strategies (including ambiguous relative clauses). The third one, §24.3 analyses a certain number of morphosyntactic specificities of complement clauses (aside from verbal morphology) that distinguishes them from the corresponding independent clauses. The fourth section, §24.5 surveys complement-taking verbs and describes the complement clause types and complementation strategies that they are compatible with. The fifth one, §24.6 discusses complement-taking nouns and noun-verb collocations and how they differ from pre-nominal (§23.4.2) and genitival (§23.2.3) relative clauses. The sixth section, §24.7 briefly analyzes syntactic errors related to complementation in the corpus.

In this chapter, all complement clauses are systematically indicated between square brackets (with double embedding in some cases).

The sections on participles (§16.1) and infinitives (§16.2) in a previous chapter partially overlap with some of the topics covered in this chapter.

## 24.2 Complement types

This section illustrates the different categories of complements attested in Japhug. Five main types of complement clauses are distinguished: velar infinitival complements, bare infinitival complements, finite complements, multiclausal complements and reported speech. In addition, Japhug has many different complementation strategies, discussed in §24.4.

<footnote n="1">¹On the notion of complementation strategy, see (Dixon 2006: 34–40) and §24.4.</footnote>
## 24.2.1 Velar infinitive clauses

Velar infinite clauses (§16.2.1) are one of the most common types of complement clauses in Japhug (§16.2.1.5). Two velar infinitives are attested, *kuu*- for stative verbs and impersonal intransitive verbs, and *kuv*- for dynamic and/or morphologically transitive verbs.

A recurrent problem in the study of subordinate clauses in Japhug is the ambiguity between velar participles and infinitives (§16.2.1.1), making participial clauses and infinitival clauses only distinguishable in specific contexts, and the ambiguity between complement clauses and relative clauses with some complement-taking verbs (§23.8, §24.4.1). As a result, participial (§23.2.1) and finite relative clauses (§23.2.2) are in some case difficult to differentiate from velar infinitival complement clauses (§24.2.1) and finite complement clauses (§24.2.3), respectively.

### 24.2.1.1 Case marking

While velar infinitives bear no person indexation markers, noun phrases receive the same case markers in infinitive clauses as in independent clauses, showing that infinitives have the same argument structures as finite verb forms.

When an argument is shared between the complement and the matrix clause, it does not necessarily have the same syntactic function in both clauses, as in (1), where *txcime* ‘lady’ is transitive subject in the complement clause (see §14.4.2 on the argument structure of *stu* ‘do like’) and intransitive subject in the matrix clause (§14.2.3).

(1) [txcime n̥u ku n̥ura kx-stu] pjs-cʰa
princess DEM ERG DEM:PL INF-do.like.this IFR-can
‘The princess succeeded in doing it.’ (140511 alading-zh) {0003953#S241}

In this sentence, the noun takes the ergative marker *kuu* in accordance with the verb of the complement clause (§8.2.2.1), showing that it belongs to the complement clause rather than to the matrix clause directly. This is the most commonly observed pattern in Japhug texts: in infinitival clauses, the shared arguments more often take the case marking selected by the verb of the complement clause than that of the matrix clause.

However, when the complement-taking verb is a stative verb, there are cases where the ergative on the transitive subject is optional, as shown by (2) (without ergative on *turme* ‘person’; Tshendzin has confirmed that this example is correct) and (3) (with ergative). The precise conditions for this phenomenon still remain to be investigated.
(2) [u̯-mat nũ kʊ-ndza] sna, [twrme kʊ-ndza] sna
3SG.POSS-fruit DEM INF-eat be.good:FACT people INF-eat be.good:FACT
'It's fruit is nice to eat, it is nice for people to eat.' (09-stoR) {0003470#S45}

(3) [nunu turme ku kʊ-ndza] sna
DEM people ERG INF-eat be.good:FACT
'It is nice for people to eat.' (13-NanWkWmtsWG) {0003492#S157}

### 24.2.1.2 Coreference restrictions

Coreference restrictions between the arguments of complement clauses with kʊ-infinitives and their matrix clauses differ from verb to verb, and four cases can be distinguished.

First, in the case of impersonal verbs such as ra 'be needed', 'be necessary' (§24.5.3.1), there is no argument coreference between the matrix clause and the complement clause. In this case, the arguments are neither indexed on the matrix verb nor on the verb in the complement clause.

Second, with a few transitive complement-taking verbs such as the transitive spa 'be able' (§24.5.3.4) and the intransitive nɛr 'dare' (§24.5.3.5), coreference between the subject of the matrix clause and that of the complement clause is required.

Third, a handful of verbs, including *suxcʰa* (§24.5.3.3), the causative of *cʰa* ‘can’ (§17.2.4.8), have coreference between the subject of the complement clause and the *object* of the matrix clause.

Fourth, for most verbs taking infinitives (like the semi-transitive *rga* ‘like’ or the transitive *rno* ‘experience’), the subject of the matrix clauses can be coreferential to either the subject of an intransitive verb (4), the subject of a transitive verb (5), the object (6) and also possessors of core arguments (§24.5.6.1).

(4) tsuku tce [kʊ-nu] wuma z̥o rga-nu̯ tce
some LNK INF-sing really EMPH like:FACT-PL LNK
'Some people like to sing.' (26-kWrNukWGndZWr) (S=S) {0003672#S102}

(5) az̥o [qaju̯ nura kʊ-nyrtoχpjv̥t] pu̯-rga-a tce
1SG bugs DEM:PL INF-observe PST.IPFV-like-1SG LNK
'I liked to observe bugs.' (26-quspunmbro) (A=S) {0003684#S15}

(6) maka [tu-kʊ-nyɔvjoʊv], [tu-kʊ-fstv̥t] nũ pu̯-rga-nũ
at.all IPFV-INF-flatter IPFV-INF-praise DEM IPFV-like-PL
'They like to be flattered or praised.' (140427 yuanhou-zh) (P=S)
{0003870#S53}
Other types of complement clauses differ from velar infinitive clauses by their
constraints on coreference (see §24.2.2.2).

24.2.2 Bare infinitives and dental infinitives

Complement clauses with bare (§16.2.2) and dental infinitives (§16.2.3) are less
widespread than those with velar infinitives. Only a limited number of comple-
ment-taking verbs select them: phasal verbs (including za 'begin', syza 'begin',
sthut 'finish', and jry 'finish'), causative verbs derived from adjectives, the aspec-
tual verb rno 'experience' and the causative supa 'cause to do' (§24.5.1.3). With
the exception of jry 'finish', these complement-taking verbs are all morphologi-
cally transitive.

In the Tshobdun corpus Sun & Blogros (2019), the cognate verbs *je?* ‘begin’ and
*joy?* ‘finish’ take velar infinitives, and there is no infinitival form comparable to
the Japhug dental infinitive.

24.2.2.1 Complementary distribution

Bare and dental infinitives are found in complementary distribution. Bare infini-
tives occur when the main verb of the complement clause is morphologically
transitive (§14.3.1) as in (7).

(7) pxjkʰu pjw-si cwŋgw zo [u-ca w-ndza]
still IPFV-die before EMPH 3SG.POSS-flesh 3SG.POSS-BARE.INF:eat
tu-za-nu cti
IPFV-start-PL be.AFF:FACT

'[The lions] start eating its flesh before it dies (i.e. while it is still alive).'
(20-sWNgi) {0003562#S44}

Dental infinitives on the other hand are found when the verb of the comple-
ment clause is intransitive as in (8) (including labile verbs §14.5.1.1) or transitive
with dummy subject (9) (§14.3.5).

(8) [azo a-ku (a-mvtsa), tw-mŋym] ta-za
1SG 1SG.POSS-head 1SG.POSS-MZCh INF:II-hurt AOR:3→3'-start
‘My headᵢ, cousin, when itᵢ starts hurting...’ (TaRrdo 2003 conversation)
(9) *u-muntov* *nu* *pu-ṿgra* *tce* [*u-ṿgw*

3SG.POSS-flower DEM AOR-ACAUS:cause.to.fall LNK 3SG.POSS-inside

*u-mat* *tw-ṿzu*] *na-za* *ri* *tce*

3SG.POSS-fruit INF:II-make AOR:3→3'-start LOC LNK

‘When its flower has fallen, and its fruit has started growing inside...’
(12-ndZiNgri) {0003488#S109}

Since most complement-taking verbs selecting dental infinitives are transitive, case marking on the common subject can either be in the ergative or in the ab-solutive (§24.3.2).

### 24.2.2.2 Coreference restrictions

Bare and dental infinitives strongly differ from velar infinitives as to their coreference restrictions. When the verb *rpo* ‘experience’ occurs with velar infinitives, the subject of the matrix clause can be coreferential with either the subject, the object or even the possessor of the intransitive subject of the complement clause (§24.5.6.1).

The ambiguity between transitive subject or object coreference is particularly clear with the verb *ṇrkʰu* ‘invite’ (to one’s home as a guest, see examples 10 and 11), as with this verb both arguments are equal in terms of volition and control.

(10) [*wzo kʷ kʷ-ṇykʰu] pʷ-rp̥o-t-a
3SG ERG INF-invite AOR-experience-PST:TR-1SG

‘I have been to his house as a guest.’ (= ‘He invited me to come to his house as a guest and I came.’) (P=A)

(11) [*wz̥o kʷ-ṇykʰu] pʷ-rp̥o-t-a
3SG INF-invite AOR-experience-PST:TR-1SG

‘He has been to my house as a guest.’ (= ‘I have invited him to come to my house as a guest and he came.’) (A=A)

In the case of bare infinitives, on the other hand, the subjects of the matrix and complement clause must be coreferent, but the object of the matrix clause can, however, be neutralized to third person.

In example (12), the shared subject (referring to the host) is 3SG. The verb of the matrix clause takes the complement clause as a 3SG object (hence the verb takes the 3→3' form without 1SG marking), while the verb of the complement
## 24 Complement clauses

clause takes a 1SG object (referring to the guest), marked by the possessive prefix *a-*.<fnref n="2" />

(12) [a-nykʰu] pa-rŋo
1SG.POSS-BARE.INF: invite AOR:3→3'-experience
'I have been to his house as a guest.' (= 'He invited me to come to his house as a guest and I came.')

(13) [wwo u-nykʰu] pw-rŋo-t-a
3SG 3SG.POSS-BARE.INF: invite AOR-experience-PST:TR-1SG
'He has been to my house as a guest.' (= 'I invited him to come to my house as a guest and he came.')

This generalization is observed for all transitive verbs taking bare infinitive complement clauses. However, the intransitive impersonal verb *jγy* 'finish' takes the bare infinitive clause as intransitive subject, and remains in third person singular regardless of the subject and object of the complement clause, as in (14), where although the subject of the complement clause is third person plural, no plural marker can appear on *jγy*.

(14) [nwa̯ra w-ti] to-jγy tce
DEM:PL 3SG.POSS-BARE.INF:say IFR-finish LNK
'After saying that, (they went to the park)' (140515 congming de wusui xiaohai-zh) {0003998#S15}

With dental infinitives, subject coreference is the same, except in the case of transitive verb with dummy subject (example 9, §24.2.2.1), where the subject of the matrix verb is coreferent with the sole argument of the complement clauses, whose status is intermediate between that of a subject and an object (§8.1.4).

### 24.2.3 Finite complements

Complement clauses, like relative clauses (§23.2.2), can have a verb in finite, rather than infinitival form in Japhug and other Gyalrong languages. These constructions are called “finite complement clauses” in the present work, corresponding to Sun’s (2012: 475-477) “S-like (sentence-like) clauses”.<fnref n="3" /> This category

<footnote n="2">²In the English translation, the 1SG is rendered as a subject, because translating *a-nykʰu pa-rŋo* as ‘He invited me’ would be inexact, as this English sentence does not imply that the 1SG did attend the invitation.</footnote>

<footnote n="3">³I chose “finite” rather than “S-like” to avoid confusion with “S” as abbreviation for “intransitive subject”.</footnote>
excludes reported speech complement, which present different characteristics (§24.2.5).

### 24.2.3.1 TAME forms

In finite clauses other than reported speech, TAME marking in the complement clause presents some restrictions. Of the 11 primary TAME categories (§21.1), only the Imperfective (§21.2.4) and the Factual Non-Past (§21.3.1.3) are compatible with most if not all verbs selecting finite complement clauses, regardless of the TAME category of the matrix verb. In (15) for instance, the verb of the complement clause is the Imperfective while that of the matrix clause is in the Aorist.

(15) [aẓo a-ŋga ra tu-nu-ŋge-a, jyyšt ju-nu-ce-a] ra
1SG 1SG-clothes PL IPFV-AUTO-wear[III]-1SG toilet IPFV-AUTO-go-1SG PL
ty-cʰa-a
AOR-can-1SG

‘I am able now to get dressed by myself and use the bathroom by myself (again, after an accident).’ (conversation, 17-08-21)

The Irrealis (§21.4.1.4) and Imperative (§21.4.2.4) are also found, but only with modal auxiliaries such as ra ‘be needed’ as in (16). Unlike in Tshobdun (Sun 2007b: 807), verbs of cognition such as suwo ‘think’ do not select the Irrealis; although complement clauses in the Irrealis are found with these verbs, they are best analyzed in Japhug as reported speech (§21.4.1.4, §24.2.5).

(16) ndvre [kw-xtcw~xtci a-mɣ-púr-wɣ-nu-cluɣ]
LNK INF:STAT-be.small IRR-NEG-PFV:DOWN-INV-AUTO-drop
pu-ra ma rca nw pu-ndɔv qʰe cla
SENS-be.needed because UNEXP:DEG DEM SENS-be.brittle LNK at.once
zo pjw-ngrw pu-cti.
EMPH IPFV-ACAUS:break SENS-be:AFF

‘However, one should not let it drop at all, otherwise, as it is very brittle, it would break at once.’ (30-Com) {0003736#S26}

Other TAME categories, such as Aorist (§21.5.1.7) or Inferential (18), are only attested in the complement clause if the matrix verb is also in the Aorist or in the Inferential, respectively.<fnref n="4" /> No semantic difference has yet been ascertained between Imperfective complements (15) and complements whose TAME category is copied from that of the matrix verb (17); the latter are considerably rarer.

<footnote n="4">⁴This constraint may not apply to complements of perception and cognition verbs such as mto ‘see’ (§24.5.5).</footnote>
## 24 Complement clauses

(17) [kw-xtcw-xtci tγ-nγηkwηke-a] tγ-cʰa-a.
SBJ:PCP-EMPH~be.small AOR-walk.around-1SG AOR-can-1SG
'I am now able to walk around a little bit (again, after an accident).'
(conversation, 17-08-21)

(18) [zdum kw-jaъ nɔcʰy-su-yγyt] pjγ-cʰa
cloud SBJ:PCP-be.black DEM IFR:DOWNSTREAM-CAUS-turn.back IFR-can
jwa-ŋu.
SENS-be
'He succeeded in making the black cloud retreat.' (25-kAmYW-XpAltCin)
{0003642#S61}

The TAME agreement between the matrix verb and the verb of the complement clause is not limited to Aorist and Inferential, and is also attested with Irrealis and Egophoric Present, as in (19) and (20), respectively.

(19) [nwnw a-kγ-yut] a-pw-cʰa tce nwnw pʰy
DEM IRR-PFV:EAST-bring IRR-PFV-can LNK DEM be.efficient:FACT
'If he succeeds in bringing him here, it will be efficient [to cure my
disease].' (2011-04-smanmi)

(20) [nγ-cqʰe smγn ku-tw-ndze] w-kú-ra?
2SG.POSS-cough medicine PRS-2-eat[III] QU-PRS-be.needed
'Do you have to take medicine for your cough (now)?' (conversation
2019-08-16)

Examples like (17), (18) and (19) are not analyzable as serial verb constructions, since subject coreference is not always observed, depending on the matrix verb (§24.2.3.3).

### 24.2.3.2 Coreference restrictions

There are four different patterns of coreference restriction between the arguments of finite complement clauses and those of the matrix verb.

The first type includes verbs like *spa* ‘be able’ (§24.5.3.4), which require coreference between their subject and the (transitive or intransitive) subject of the complement clause. In (21), both the verb of the complement clause and the matrix verb are in 1SG→3 form, with 1SG coreference. The same coreference restriction is observed when this verb takes a velar infinitive complement (§24.2.1.2).
(21) [<weixin> tu-lat-a] nūra múj-spe-a.
Wechat IPFV-release-1SG DEM:PL NEG:SENS-be.able[III]-1SG
'I am not able to use Wechat.' (conversation, 17-03-27)

The second type is represented by the semi-transitive complement-taking verb *rga* ‘like’, which allows co-reference between its subject and either the (transitive or intransitive) subject (22) or the object (23) of the complement clause (Jacques 2016a: 238).

(22) [nū ku-nū-ta-j] wuma zo rga-j
DEM IPFV-AUTO-put-1PL really EMPH like:FACT-1SG
‘We like to put it (in the tea kettle to make tea).’ (30-macha) {0003746#S11}

(23) [n ku tu-ku-нъюю-ю-а] nūra rga-a
2SG ERG IPFV-2→1-flatter-1SG DEM:PL like:FACT-1SG
‘I like it when you flatter me.’ (elicited)

The third type includes impersonal modal and aspectual verbs such as *ra* ‘be needed’, ‘be necessary’ or *ntsʰi* ‘have better’, which take their complement clause as their intransitive subject (§24.5.3.1. For instance, in (24), the modal auxiliary *ntsʰi* can only occur in 3SG form, and cannot take the 2SG indexation of the verb in complement clause.

(24) [nъzo mъlъn zo pjū-tu-si] ntsʰi
2SG absolutely EMPH IPFV-2-die be.better:FACT
‘You must die!’ (140512 fushang he yaomo1-zh) {0003969#S22}

Fourth, verbs of perception and cognition such as *mto* ‘see’ (§24.5.5) have no constraints on person indexation and neither require nor prohibit any coreference between main and complement clause.

### 24.2.3.3 Finite complements vs. serial verb constructions

Some complement-taking verbs such as *cʰa* ‘can’ occur with clauses sharing the same subject and the same TAME category, as in (25). This could appear to be analyzable as a serial verb construction (§25.1.5) or pseudocoordination (Lødrup 2014).

(25) *qajdo nū ku* [*tw-ci ko-tsʰi] *pjʌ-cʰa.*
*crow* DEM ERG INDEF POSS-water IFR-drink IFR-can
‘The crow succeeded in drinking water.’ (aesop kouke de wuya-zh)
## 24 Complement clauses

However, I prefer to analyze these constructions as a particular type of finite complements with TAME agreement between the matrix verb and the complement verb (§24.2.3.1).

Subject coreference is not a specificity of this construction, but rather a property of the complement-taking verb (§24.2.3.2). With impersonal verbs such as *ra* ‘be needed’, which do not require subject coreference, TAME agreement is also attested, as in (26), where the verb *to-ti-nu* is in the Inferential (a category that does not normally occur in finite complement clauses, §24.2.3.2) by agreeing with the matrix verb *pjy-ra*.

(26) [“ya” ny “ya” nu to-ti-nu] *pjy-ra*.
yes ADD yes DEM IFR-say-PL IFR.IPFV-be.needed
‘They had no other choice but to say ‘yes’.’ (140518 jinyin chengbao-zh)
{0004028#S54}

Phasal verbs such as *za* ‘begin’ and *stʰut* ‘finish’ (§24.5.6), which generally select bare/dental infinitives (§24.2.2), are marginally used in the construction, as in (§27).

(27) [juxco tcʰi ty-tu-nu ma-t ty-tw-za-t] zo nu, cvr
this.morning what AOR-2-do-PST:TR AOR-2-start-PST:TR EMPH DEM night
myctsa wzo ty-nu me ra
until 3SG IMP-do[III] be.needed:FACT
‘That which you have started doing this morning, do it until night.’
(140515 jiesu de laoren-zh) {0004004#S122}

### 24.2.4 Multiclausal complements

Complements are not always restricted to one single clause. Example (28) illustrates a finite biclausal complement: *cʰa* ‘can’ (§24.5.3.2) has two complement clauses, the first of which *u-mi pju-sw-ytse* specifies the manner of the second one (§25.4.1).

(28) ma ju-mtsaŋ ka ma zo ma nu ma [[u-mi
LNK IPFV-jump completely EMPH LNK DEM apart.from 3SG.POSS-foot
pju-sw-ytse] [tu-ŋke]] mũj-cʰa
IPFV-CAUS-be.inserted[III] IPFV-walk NEG:SENS-can
‘It only jumps, as it is not able to walk with its feet (by taking steps).’
(28-qaCpa2) {0003716#S4}
Multiclausal infinitive complements are also found, as in (29), though they are
ambiguous with infinitive complements embedded within other infinitive com-
plements, as in (30) (a manner causative complement, §24.5.1.4) or complements
containing converbial manner clauses (§16.2.1.7).

(29) [k-nwrtsw] [kting] ra tç-cʰa
INF-crawl INF-walk PL AOR-can

‘When [the baby] is able to crawl and walk, ...’ (140426 tApAtso
kAnWBdaR1)

(30) [[kç-ndza] kç-yç-ndwβ] múj-kʰw tce
INF-chew INF-CAUS-be minút e NEG:SENS-be.possible LNK
lú-wy-sw-qioʌ p w-ŋu tce
IPFV-INV-CAUS-vomit SENS-be LNK

'[Dogs]ᵢ cannot chew [pyŋyxçaj]ᵢ (a type of grass) into fine parts, and itᵢ
makes them vomit.' (140505 panaxCAj) {0003915#S4}

Another type of biclausal complement, exemplified by (31) and (32), comprises
an affirmative verb form, followed by its negative counterpart, expressing a dis-
junction 'whether X or not X'.

(31) [[w-ngra pe] [m-y-pe]] nw, [[kç-nyma pe]
3SG.POWSSalary good:FACT NEG-be.good:FACT DEM INF-work good:FACT
[m-y-pe]] arytcʰa
NEG-be.good:FACT be.determined.from:FACT

'Whether his salary is good or not is determined by/depends on whether
his work is good or not.' (elicited)

(32) [[w-spa rtau] [m-y-rtau]]
3SG.POWSSubmaterial be.enough:FACT NEG-be.enough:FACT
tx-z-rxteʰe
IMP-CAUS-be.determined.from[III]

‘Determine [the quantity of clothes that you are going to make] based on
whether the [quantity of] cloth is sufficient.’ (elicited)

With bare and dental infinitives, multiclausal complements are only attested
in the simultaneity construction (§24.5.1.3).
24.2.5 Reported speech

Verbs of speech (such as *ti* ‘say’ or *fɔrt* ‘tell’) and cognition (in particular *suso*
‘think’, ‘want’) can take reported speech complements, in which the speaker ei-
ther (exactly or partially) reproduces a sentence uttered by the person he is quot-
ing, or verbalizes the words he assumes a person is thinking. These clauses have
finite verb forms, and are thus a sub-category of finite complement clauses, but
present some properties distinguishing them from the complements studied in
§24.2.3.

24.2.5.1 Sentence final particles

Reported speech clauses stand out among complement clauses in having no re-
striction on the verb form, in particular in terms of TAME (§24.2.3.1), and also
in their ability to occur with sentence final particles, which are otherwise never
found in subordinate clauses, including relatives, complements and other types
of clauses.

For instance, the complement clause in (33) contains the imperative/hortative
particle *je* (§10.4.1) as well as an interjection, and in (34) we find the utterance
mitigation particle *loβ* (§sec:fsp.attitude).

(33) “ja, tʰu-numbju-m-nu je” to-ti.
INTERJ IMP-warm.by.fire-PL SFP IFR-say
‘She said: ‘Come, get warm by the fire!’’ (160703 poucet3-v2) {0006221#S27}

(34) *ty-tcw* *nw kw* “*nw my-nytsa* loβ” to-ti,
INDEF.POSS-son DEM ERG DEM NEG-be.appropriate:FACT SFP IFR-say
kʰro mʷ-to-kʰu.
much NEG-IFR-agree
‘The boy said ‘This is inappropriate’ and did not agree [to marry her].’
(150828 donglang) {0006312#S56}

24.2.5.2 Hybrid indirect speech

While Japhug allows direct speech quotation, the corpus reveals examples of mis-
matches between the viewpoint of the original speaker (the person whose speech
or thoughts are quoted, subject of the complement-taking verb of speech/thought
which selects the reported speech clause) and the current speaker (the person
quoting the words of the original speaker).
In the present work, these phenomena are referred to as Hybrid Indirect Speech (Jacques 2016a following Tournadre (2008)).<fnref n="5" /> In Hybrid Indirect Speech, the verb morphology (in particular person indexation) invariably presents the viewpoint of the original speaker, while pronouns and adverbs follow that of the current speaker.

Since grammatical relations are mainly marked by verb morphology and overt pronouns are not common (§6.1), distinguishing between Direct Speech and Hybrid Indirect Speech is only possible in a minority of cases. Mismatch between pronouns and person indexation only occurs when a pronoun or possessive prefix is overt, *and* that pronoun or prefix indexes a referent that is assigned a different grammatical person by the original speaker and the current speaker.

Example (35) provides an example of this phenomenon. The verb *nuyi* ‘he comes/will come back (home)’ in the complement clause of the verb *k-susō* ‘think’ is in the Factual Non-Past 3SG. In the same clause we find the 2SG pronoun *n}*z̥o; there is no pause between the pronoun and the verb, and no indication from the prosody that *n}*z̥o is left-dislocated.

(35) ma nɣ-wa kw [nɣz̥o n}*w}*i] kɣ-susō kw kʰa
LNK 2SG.POSS-father ERG 2SG come.back:FACT INF-think ERG house
u-rkw tce wmaɣ χsw-txwur pa-sw-lst
3SG.POSS-side LNK soldier three-circle ARO:3→3'-CAUS-release
cti tce
be.AFF:FACT LNK

**Direct:** 'Your father, thinking 'He is coming back', put three rings of soldiers around the house.'

**Indirect:** 'Your father, thinking that *you are coming back*,'

**Hybrid indirect:** 'Your father, thinking that 'you' is coming back,' (2003
qachGa) {0003372#S155}

This type of mismatch between pronouns and indexation on the verb is anomalous and never found in independent sentences. Here the verb form corresponds to the point of view of the original speaker (indicated in blue in all following examples), whose original sentence would have been *u}*z̥o *n}*yi (3SG come.back:FACT 'he is coming back'). The pronoun reflects the point of view of the current speaker (in red), for whom the equivalent sentence would be converted to *n}*z̥o *tu}*-n}*yi (2SG 2-come.back:FACT 'you are coming back'), since the addressee of the current situation corresponds to the subject of the original situation.

<footnote n="5">⁵Aikhenvald (2008) also uses the term “Semi-Indirect Speech”.</footnote>
Examples (36a), (36b) and (38) illustrate that possessive prefixes on nouns undergo the same shift towards the point of the view of the current speaker, while the verb remains in the same form that was either thought or uttered by the original speaker.

In (36a) and (36b), the possessive forms *w-tɛw* ‘his son’ and *w-pi* ‘her brother’ underwent a shift to third person (representing the point of view of the current speaker). The original sentences corresponding to the complement clauses in (36a) and (36b) are presented in (37a) and (37b): the possessive pronoun is first person and coreferential with the subject of the main verb.

(36) a. rgvtpu nɔ w kw “w-tɔw nɔ a-nw-ytwy-a” pγ-swso old.man DEM ERG 3SG.POSS-SON DEM IRR-PFV-meet-1SG IFR-think cti be.AFF:FACT

Direct: ‘The old man thought “I wish I could meet my son”.’

Indirect: ‘The old manᵢ wanted to meet hisᵢ son.’

Hybrid indirect: ‘The old manᵢ thought Iᵢ wish Iᵢ could meet hisᵢson’.’
(150908 menglang-zh) {0006320#S36}

b. tcendvre ta-ki nɔ w kw [w-pi lnk INDEF.POSS-younger.sibling DEM ERG 3SG.POSS-elder.sibling yw w-sci tu-nγme-a ra] pγ-swso GEN 3SG.POSS-revenge IPFV-make[III]-1SG be.needed:FACT IFR-think tce, lnk

Direct: ‘The [younger] sister thought “I have to get revenge on my brother”.’

Indirect: ‘The [younger] sisterᵢ wanted to get revenge on herᵢ brother.’

Hybrid indirect: ‘The [younger] sisterᵢ thought Iᵢ have to get revenge on herᵢ brother’.’ (xiong he mei)

(37) a. a-tcɔ w nɔ w a-nw-ytwy-a (ra) 1SG.POSS-SON DEM IRR-PFV-meet-1SG be.needed:FACT ‘I wish I could meet my son.’ (elicitation based on 36a)

b. a-pi yw w-sci tu-nγme-a 1SG.POSS-elder.sibling GEN 3SG.POSS-revenge IPFV-make[III]-1SG ra be.needed:FACT ‘I have to get revenge on my brother.’ (elicitation based on 36b)
Example (38) illustrates the same phenomenon as in (36a) and (36b), but with the verb of speech *ti* ‘say’ instead of *suso* ‘think’. In this example, we know from the context that the girl is the addressee, so that if the sentence were in direct speech, a second person singular prefix form *n*-*kwmtcʰu* (2SG.POSS-toy) ‘your toy’ would be expected instead.

(38) tɔcime nɔi kɔi pjɔi-tɔi-mtsʰɔi
Girl DEM ERG IPFV-CONV:IMM-hear LNK DEM 3SG.POSS-toy DEM
ju-yɔi-t-a ηu] u-kɔi-ti pjɛ-tu ndʒre,
IPFV-bring-1SG be:FACT 3SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-say IFR.IPFV-exist LNK

**Direct:** 'As soon as the girl heard that there was someone saying "I will bring your toy".'

**Indirect:** 'As soon as the girl heard that there was someone saying that he would bring her toy.'

**Hybrid indirect:** 'As soon as the girl$_i$ heard that there was someone saying "I will bring her$_i$ toy".' (140429 qingwa wangzi-zh) {0003890#S49}

In (39), one could be tempted to analyze the pronoun *użo* ‘he’ as exterior to the reported speech clause, as the subject of the matrix verb *suso* ‘think’. However, since *suso* is transitive and requires its subject to be marked with the ergative (§8.2.2.1), this analysis is not possible. Instead, *użo* ‘he’ belongs to the complement clause whose verb *rɣi* ‘stay’ is intransitive. The person mismatch, as in (35) above, is due to Hybrid Indirect Speech: the verb form *mu-pu-rɣi-a* with first singular marking reflects the viewpoint of the original speaker (the subject of the verb *mu-nu-susɔm*), while the pronoun *użo* ‘he’ corresponds to that of the current speaker (the narrator of the story).

(39) “użo χsɔ-rni χsɔ-rzaŋ ma mu-pu-rɣi-a”
3SG three-day three-night apart.from NEG-PST.IPFV-stay-1SG
pɔ-nu-susɔm pjɛ-ηu
IPFV-AUTO-think[III] PST.IPFV-be

**Direct:** 'He was thinking "I have only stayed for three days and three nights".'

**Indirect:** 'He was thinking that **he had only stayed** for three days and three nights.'

**Hybrid Indirect:** 'He was thinking that **he have only stayed** for three days and three nights.' {0003376#S96}
A potentially even more confusing case occurs when the original speaker is the current speaker's addressee, and when both the original and the current speakers are referred to in the original utterance. This is the situation observed in (40), a sentence pronounced by a fox who helped a prince to succeed in various tasks. Here, the first singular possessive prefix *a-* on the possessed noun *u̯-tṣunlyn* 'favour' and the first person singular suffix *-a* on the verb *pu̯-nu̯-fswy-α* do not correspond to the same referent. The verb form *pu̯-nu̯-fswy-α* 'I will pay back' is the sentence that the fox attributes to his addressee (the prince), so that the first person here corresponds to the prince, while the possessive prefix on *u̯-tṣunlyn* 'favour' reflects the point of view of the fox and thus refers to himself.

(40) **a-tṣunlyn** *pu̯-nu̯-fswy-α* *u̯-pu̯-tw̯-swsym* *ny̯, nu̯*
1SG.POSS-favour IPFV-AUTO-pay.back-1SG Q-IPFV-2-think[III] LNK DEM
**tx-ste** *ti* *pu̯-ŋu*
IMP-do.this.way[III] say:FACT SENS-be

**Direct:** 'If you think "I will return the favour (which I received from you)", do like that.'

**Indirect:** 'If you want to return the favour (which you received from me), do like that.'

**Hybrid Indirect:** 'If you think "I will return the favour (which you received from me), do like that." {0003372#S192}

In such a situation, the referents corresponding to first and second person are exactly reversed between the point of view of the current and the original speaker, and therefore between pronouns and possessive prefixes on the one hand and verbal indexation on the other hand.

The corresponding sentence in Direct speech would be (41), with a second person singular possessive prefix on the noun *u̯-tṣunlyn* 'favour' instead.

(41) **ny̯-tṣunlyn** *pu̯-nu̯-fswy-α*
2SG.POSS-favour IPFV-AUTO-pay.back-1SG
'I will return the favour (which I received from you).'

Surprisingly, despite this complex shift of perspective between the original speaker and the current speaker, there is no logophoric pronoun in Japhug (Haugège 1974; Nikitina 2012). A logophoric pronoun is, however, attested in the closely related Stau language, which appears to have a similar system of Hybrid Indirect Speech (Jacques et al. 2017).

Hybrid indirect speech is not rare in Japhug, and this grammar contains additional examples, such as (90) in §10.4.4).
## 24.3 Morphosyntactic properties of complement clauses

### 24.3.1 Word order and constituency

Complement clauses, are strictly preverbal in Japhug like other core arguments (§22.1.1), except in the case of right dislocated constituents (§22.1.3) such as the infinitive clause *kʷ-s-fstwn* ‘to serve’ in (42) (§24.5.7).

(42) *tcʰi tu-tw-ste ηu, [kʷ-sq-fstwn]*
what IPFV-2-do like [III] be:FACT INF-APASS-serve
‘How do you treat people?’ (2002 qaCpa)

While complement clauses are generally located directly before the verb, in examples such as (43) the subject of the matrix verb inserted after the complement clause.

(43) *[nzyo kʷ-cu-nŋo] azo mw-プu-cʰa-a*
2SG INF-CAUS-be-defeated 1SG NEG-IPFV-can-1SG
‘I cannot defeat you anymore.’ (140513 abide he mogui-zh) {0003975#S83}

Discontinuous complement clauses are rare in Japhug. The only clear example in the corpus is (44). In this example, the 1SG pronoun *azo* is the subject of the matrix clause, and has no syntactic role in the complement clause, but it appears between the transitive subject *lulu ku* ‘the cat’ and the object *bnuẓ* ‘two’ of the complement clause. Despite the rarity of this construction, this sentence was not considered to be unusual by Tshendzin when listening again to the recording.

(44) *[lulu ku azo bnuẓ zo ka-ndo] pw-mto-t-a*
cat ERG 1SG two EMPH AOR:3→3'-take AOR-see-PST:TR-1SG
‘I saw a cat catching two of them.’ (22-kumpGatCW) {0003590#S53}

### 24.3.2 Case marking

When the verb of the matrix and the complement clauses sharing the same subject have different transitivity values, there is a conflict in case assignment on their common subject, which can either take absolutive (§8.1.1) or ergative marking (§8.2.2).

Examples (45) and (46) provide a minimal pair illustrating this optional treatment. In both examples, the matrix verb *rga* ‘like’ is semi-transitive (and its subject cannot take ergative marking), while *ndza* ‘eat’ is transitive (and thus requires a subject with the ergative).
In (45), the subject *fsapaɣ ra* ‘farm animals’ has no ergative marking, showing that its case marking is assigned by the semi-transitive *rga* ‘like’ (§14.2.3), and therefore that the infinitival complement clause in this example is restricted to the sole infinitive verb form *kɣ-ndza* ‘to eat’.

(45) *fsapaɣ ra [kɣ-ndza] wuma rga-nu*
animals PL INF-eat very like:FACT-PL
‘Farm animals like to eat it.’ (19-qachGa mWntoR) {0003546#S107}

By contrast, in example (46), the common subject *paɣ ra* ‘pigs’ takes the ergative *ku* selected by the transitive verb *ndza* ‘eat’ in the complement clause, suggesting that it should be analyzed as belonging to the complement clause.

(46) [*paɣ ra ku kɣ-ndza] wuma zo rga-nu
pig PL ERG INF-eat very EMPH like:FACT-PL
‘Pigs like to eat it.’ (12 ndZiNgri) {0003488#S137}

In (46) it is not possible to argue that the case marking on the subject is a case of long-distance ergative (§8.2.2.2), since *paɣ ra ku* does not serve as subject for a transitive verb located a few clauses afterwards; in fact there is no mention of the pigs in the rest of the text.

Examples (47) and (48) with dental infinitive complements (§24.2.2) containing an intransitive verb (§16.2.3) and the transitive matrix verb *za* ‘begin’ illustrate the opposite situation: the transitive verb requires the ergative on third person subjects (§8.2.2), while the intransitive one precludes it. In (47), the common subject is in the absolutive, showing that it owes its case marking to the intransitive verb *ŋke* ‘walk’, and therefore that it belongs to the complement clauses.

(47) [<xinbada> nu tce li tu-ŋke] to-ẓa
Sinbad DEM LNK again INF-walk IFR-begin
‘Sinbad started to walk again.’ (140511 xinbada-zh) {0003961#S206}

In (48), the common subject is in the ergative following the transitive matrix verb *za* ‘begin’ (§24.5.6.2), and is thus located outside of the complement clause.

(48) *pytceu nu ku [nucimuma zo tu-nuryo] cʰy-ẓa*
bird DEM ERG immediately EMPH INF-sing IFR-begin
‘The bird immediately started to sing.’ (140514 huishuohua de niao-zh)
{0003992#S208}
## 24.3 Morphosyntactic properties of complement clauses

In the case of transitive matrix verbs such as *rno* ‘experience’ that allow coreference between the subject of the matrix clause and either the subject or object of the complement clause, the common argument receives ergative marking even when it is the object in the complement clause, as illustrated by example (169) (§24.5.6.1).

### 24.3.3 Determiners

Finite (§24.2.3), reported speech (§24.2.5) and infinitive (§24.2.1) complement clauses, like relative clauses (§23.3.5.2), are often followed by *nu* and *nunu* (49) (which occur as demonstrative pronouns and determiners, §6.9, §9.1.2, §9.1.5.4, §9.1.4.3) and/or by the plural marker *ra* (50) (§9.1.1.2), which adds the nuance that other activities may be implied. For instance, in (50), *n̥u-nuqambwmbjom ra múj-spe* can be glossed as ‘it is not able to fly (and do other related activities)’.

(49) [mɣ-ky-ce] *nʷ* mɣ-kʰʷi ri
NEG-INF-GO DEM NEG-be.possible:FACT LNK
‘[I] have no choice but to go.’ (2005 Norbzang)

(50) sxtcʰa *nʷ* ju-rvtye ku-fse qʰe, tu-ŋke ma
ground DEM IPFV-measure.by.span INF:STAT-be like LNK IPFV-walk LNK
nʷ ma [nʷ-nuqambwmbjom] ra múj-spe
DEM apart.from IPFV-fly PL NEG:SENS-be.able[III]
‘The [inchworm] moves as if it were measuring the ground span by span,
it is not able fly.’ (26-qambalWla) {0003680#S72}

These markers are analyzed in this grammar as determiners of the entire complement clause rather than as complementizers, the analysis proposed by Sun (2012: 481) concerning a similar construction in Tshobdun. As evidence for the analysis as determiners, note that the position of the markers *nu* and *ra* relative to complement clauses is exactly the same as that between demonstrative and plural determiners and nouns in a noun phrase (§9.1.2). In particular, circumposed determiners are attested with complement clauses as in (51), where the reported speech complement *tɛʰeme jɛ́-yut-a* ‘I brought a girl’ is both preceded and followed by plural markers.<fnref n="6" />

<footnote n="6">⁶Examples like (51) directly refute my previous claim (Jacques 2016a: 258) that determiners of complement clauses are strictly postclausal.</footnote>
## 24 Complement clauses

(51) *nwa* [tcʰeme jγ-yuṭ-a] *ra mu-to-ti*
DEM.PL girl AOR-bring-1SG PL NEG-IFR-say
‘He did not say that he had brought a girl home (and the related events).’
(150909 hua pi-zh) {0006278#S50}

Bare and dental infinitival clauses (§24.2.2) rarely take the determiners *nw* and *ra*, but examples such as (52) are attested in the corpus.

(52) [pyγtcu̯ ra tw-mbri] ra ta-za-nu̯ pw-tsu
bird PL INF:II-cry PL AOR:3→3-start-PL PST.IPFV-have.time.to
'[The solar eclipse] lasted long enough for the birds to start singing (as if
night had come).' (29-RmGWzWn) {0003730#S30}

### 24.3.4 Restrictive and additive focus

Various focus markers are inserted between the complement clause and the matrix verb, including the additive/scalar focus marker *kun* ‘also, even’ (§9.1.6.1) in (53).

(53) [kγ-nu-βlu] *kunγ mγ-sna*
INF-AUTO-burn also NEG-be.good:FACT
'It is not even good for burning (as firewood).' (11-qarGW) {0003480#S100}

In (54), the exceptional construction *ma nu ma* ‘apart from that’ (§8.2.8) located between the infinitival clause *kγ-mtsʰγm* and the matrix verb has a different status from *kunγ* in (117), as the matrix verb *pu-riṇo-t-a* (*AOR-experience-PST:TR-1SG*) in affirmative form can be inserted after the complement clause (*kγ-mtsʰγm pu-riṇo-t-a ma nu ma mu-pu-riṇo-t-a*) and its absence in (54) is due to elision.

(54) [kγ-mtsʰγm] ma nu ma mu-pu-riṇo-t-a
INF-hear LNK DEM apart.from NEG-AOR-experience-PST:TR-1SG
‘I only heard about it.’ (I did not see it and do not even claim that it exists, of a mythological animal) (20-RmbroN) {0003560#S108}

### 24.3.5 Raising of preverb orientation

With the exception of finite complements and some velar infinitives (§16.2.1.2), verbs in complement clauses generally lack orientation preverbs, and only the matrix verb encodes orientation.
## 24.3 Morphosyntactic properties of complement clauses

While some complement-taking verbs keep the same orientation regardless of the complement type and the lexical orientation of the verb in the complement clause (for instance, *rjo* ‘experience’ always takes the DOWNWARDS orientation, §24.5.6.1), other matrix verbs, in particular causative verbs (§24.5.1.4) and phasal verbs such as *za* ‘begin’ (§24.5.6.2), select the orientation of the complement verb. This phenomenon is illustrated in Table 24.1 and the following examples.

<table><caption>Table 24.1: Examples of raising of preverb orientation from the complement clause of *za* ‘begin’, Inferential 3SG(→3’)</caption><thead><tr><th>Orientation</th><th>Example</th><th></th><th>Dental/bare inf.<br>+ za 'begin'</th><th></th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>upwards</td><td><b>to-mna</b><br>'s/he got better'</td><td>(213),<br>§21.5.2.4</td><td><b>tw-mna to-za</b><br>'s/he started getting better'</td><td>(55)</td></tr><tr><td>downwards</td><td><b>pj-y-fc-yt</b><br>'s/he told it'</td><td>(127),<br>§16.1.3.7</td><td><b>uw-fc-yt pj-y-za</b><br>'s/he started telling it'</td><td>(56)</td></tr><tr><td>upstream</td><td><b>lo-fsok</b><br>'the day broke'</td><td>(68),<br>§24.4.2.1</td><td><b>tw-fsok lo-za</b><br>'the day started breaking'</td><td>(57)</td></tr><tr><td>downstream</td><td><b>c-h-y-l-yt</b><br>'s/he played'<br>(the flute)</td><td>(151),<br>§15.1.5.8</td><td><b>uw-lyt c-h-y-za</b><br>'s/he started playing'<br>(the flute)</td><td>(58)</td></tr><tr><td>eastwards</td><td><b>ko-rja-k-ndzi</b><br>'they danced'</td><td></td><td><b>tw-rja-k ko-za-ndzi</b><br>'they started dancing'</td><td>(59)</td></tr><tr><td>westwards</td><td><b>ŋy-munmu</b><br>'s/he moved'</td><td></td><td><b>tw-munmu ŋy-za</b><br>'s/he started moving'</td><td>(60)</td></tr></tbody></table>

As shown in Table 24.1, the orientation preverb on *za* in examples (55) to (60) (in all of these cases a D-type preverb marking the Inferential, §15.1.1.1) is the same as that found when the verb in the complement clause is used as a main verb conjugated in the Inferential.
(55) *tw-mna* to-za tce
INF:II-be.better IFR:UP-start LNK
‘He started getting better.’ (150907 yingning-zh) {0006264#S52}

(56) *w-χpi* w-fcyt pjγ-za.
3SG.POSS-story 3SG.POSS-BARE.INF:tell IFR:DOWN-start
‘He started telling her a story.’ (140517 buaishuohua-zh) {0004018#S65}

(57) *tw-fsov* lo-za tce,
INF:II-be.light IFR:UPSTREAM-start LNK
‘The day broke.’ (140511 yinzi-zh) {0003963#S38}

(58) *juli w-lγt* cʰγ-za
flute 3SG.POSS-BARE.INF:release IFR:DOWNSTREAM-start
‘He started playing the flute.’ (140513 mutong de disheng-zh)
{0003977#S138}

(59) *tw-r* ko-za-ndzi
INF:II-dance IFR:EAST-start-DU
‘They started dancing.’ (140504 huiguniang-zh) {0003909#S141}

(60) *tw-muŋmu pγ-za*
INF:II-move IFR:WEST-start LNK
‘It started moving.’ (150904 yaoshu-zh) {0006394#S77}

When an orientable verb (§15.1.2) is found in the complement clause, *za* can
take the indefinite orientation preverbs as in (61).

(61) *li tw-ce jo-za*
again INF:II-go IFR:INDEFINITE-start
‘He started leaving.’ (140511 xinbada-zh) {0003961#S273}

The verb *za* ‘begin’ can also be used with nominal objects as in (62).

(62) *rɣyo cʰγ-za*
song IFR:DOWNSTREAM-start
‘It started singing (i.e. began a song).’ (140519 yeying-zh) {0004040#S75}

If the object in question has a corresponding denominal verb, such as *nurɣyo*
'sing' from *rɣyo* 'song' (§20.7.1), the same orientation preverb that *za* takes when
used with the base noun will be the same as that selected by the corresponding
denominal verb: for instance, *DOWNSTREAM* is found in both cases in (62) and
(63).
(63) *py̥xtew nʷ ku nwcim̥uwa z̥o tw-nu̥rɣ̥o cʰy-za*
bird DEM ERG immediately EMPH INF-sing IFR:DOWNSTREAM-start
'The bird immediately started to sing.' (140514 huishuohua de niao)
{0003992#S208}

All phasal verbs (§24.5.6.2) and causative complement-taking verbs behave like
*za*. Additional examples of this phenomenon with *stʰut* ‘finish’ are presented in
§24.5.6.2.

## 24.4 Complementation strategies

Dixon (2006) introduces the term “complementation strategy” to refer to con-
structions with a meaning corresponding to that expressed by complement clauses
in some languages, but which either are not core arguments or the verb of the
main clause or are not clauses with a complete argument structure (Dixon 2006:
34–40). Complementation strategies include nominalizations (when the verb sheds
its argument structure as it becomes a noun), relative clauses (which are formally
a modifier of a core argument), serial verb constructions and clause linking.

### 24.4.1 Relative clauses in core argument function

Some complement-taking verbs can alternatively select (semi-)objects instead of
complement clauses. For instance *cʰa* ‘can’ occurs with the noun 考试 <kǎoshì>
‘exam’ (borrowed from Chinese) (64).

(64) <kaoshi> pw-cʰa
exam AOR-can
'He passed the exam.' (12-BzaNsa) {0003484#S69}

In (65), the clause *tw~ta-tut* superficially resembles a finite complement clause (§24.2.3), but four pieces of evidence indicate that it should rather be analyzed as a headless relative clause in semi-object function like the noun <kaoshi> in (64).

(65) *tx-pxtso* nʷ ku nura [*tw~ta-tut*] nura
INDEF.POSS-child DEM ERG DEM:PL TOTAL~AOR:3→3' -say[II] DEM:PL
*pjy-cʰa*
IFR-can
'The child had succeeded in doing everything that [the old king] had said.'
(140428 yonggan de xiaocaifeng-zh) {0003886#S240}
## 24 Complement clauses

First, the subject of both clauses are not co-referential (this example cannot be interpreted as meaning 'the boy succeeded in saying all these things'). If the subordinate clause in (65) were a complement, subject coreference would be expected (§24.2.3.2). Second, the verb of the relative clause has totalitative reduction, a morphological device found in relative clauses (§23.3.2), but not in complement clauses. Third, the verb of the relative clause is in the Aorist while that of the main clause is in the Inferential; in finite complement clauses other than reported speech, the verb could be in the Aorist only if the matrix verb were in Aorist form too (see §24.2.3.1). Fourth, it is possible to add an overt head noun in (65).

Correlative relative clauses (§23.2.5) particularly commonly occur as objects or semi-objects. For instance, in (66) the clause *w-wa tɛh{i} ty-stu-t-a* can be analyzed as the semi-object of the secundative verb *stu* ‘do like’ (§14.4.2, §24.5.7).

(66) [w-wa tɛh{i} ty-stu-t-a] nuw tu-ste-a
3SG.POSS-father what AOR-do like-PST:TR-1SG DEM IPFV-do like[III]-1SG
nyu-tɔv
SENS-be.needed

‘I have to deal with him in the same way as I dealt with his father. (=How I treated his father, I have to treat him like that)’ (2012 Norbzang)
{0003768#S135}

Ambiguity between finite or participial relative clauses on the one hand, and finite and infinitival complement clauses on the other hand, is pervasive in the case of verbs of cognition and perception such as *mto* ‘see’ (§23.8.1, §23.8.2) as in (67), where *ty-ky-ta* can be either analyzed as an object participle (§16.1.2) or a velar infinitive (§24.2.1). Disambiguization between the two analyses is possible when the verb is dynamic intransitive (§23.8.2).

(67) nwcimwma zo icqʰa [kwim nutcu w-ftaɣ
immediately EMPH the aforementioned door DEM:LOC 3SG.POSS-mark
ty-ky-ta] nuw pjy-mto
PDV-INF/OBJ:PCP-put DEM IFR-see

‘She immediately saw the mark that had been put on the door / that someone had put a mark on the door.’ (140512 alibaba-zh) {0003965#S177}

### 24.4.2 Participial clauses

Putting aside participial relative clauses used with verbs compatible with both nouns and complement clauses (§24.4.1, §23.8.2), participial clauses are found in
four types of complements and complementation strategies: purposive clauses, constructionalized object relative clauses, essive participial clauses and genuine participial complements.

### 24.4.2.1 Purposive clauses of motion verbs

The motion verbs *ce ‘go’, yi ‘come’ and tov ‘come out’* (§15.1.2.1) select purposive clauses whose verb is obligatorily in participle form (§15.2.10).<sup>7</sup> The participles in this construction cannot take orientation, polarity and associated motion pre-fixes.

Both subject and object purposive clauses are found. Subject purposive clauses are subject participial clauses (§16.1.1.6), as in (68) and (69). In this construction, there is obligatory coreference between the subject of the motion verb and that of the purposive clause, unlike other superficially similar constructions (§24.4.2.3).

(68) lo-fsov tce tce ty-mu nw [w-tcw
IFR-be.bright LNK LNK INDEF.POSS-mother DEM 3SG.POSS-son
w-kw-car] ch-y-ce tce,
3SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-search IFR:DOWNSTREAM-go LNK
‘When the sun came up (in the morning), the mother went to look for her
son.’ (tWJo 2012) {0004089#S31}

(69) pri nw [w-zda w-kw-car] jo-to.
bear DEM 3SG.POSS-companion 3SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-search IFR-come.out
‘The bear came out to look for its companion (another bear).’ (elicited)

To express coreference with the *object* of the purposive clause (in the case of a transitive verb), the object participle is normally used instead (§16.1.2.6). Coreference between the object of the complement clause and the subject of the matrix clause is possible only if the object has control over the action as in (70); control of the subject of the purposive clause is not necessary in this case.

(70) [kʰro k-y-mto] múj-yi ma w-k-y-ndza y-yzu.
much OBJ:PCP-see NEG:SENS-come LNK 3SG.POSS-OBJ:PCP-eat exist:SENS
‘(In the years when there are a lot of things to eat in the forest), it<sub>i</sub> does
not come to [places where it<sub>i</sub> can] be seen, because it<sub>i</sub> has things to eat.
(23-pGAYaR) {0003606#S77}

<footnote n="7">⁷This construction is reminiscent of the use of the future participle with motion verbs in Ancient Greek (Vernhes 1996: §177.B).</footnote>
There is however at least one unexplained exception. The verb *nuβlymtcʰʰyt*
‘ask to perform a task’ (71) consistently occurs in *subject* participle form in the
purposive construction in the meaning ‘go/come to perform a task (at someone’s
invitation)’, where coreference is thus between the subject of the motion verb
and the object of the transitive verb. The *k* participle is also acceptable with
motion verbs, but this construction is not attested in texts. This problem deserves
additional research.<fnref n="8" />

(71) azoblama ty-nublymtcʰʰat-a
1SG lama AOR-ask.to-perform.a task-1SG
‘I asked a lama to perform a [ceremony] for me.’ (elicited)

(72) ku-nublymtcʰʰyt ce-a ra
SBJ:PCP-ask.to-perform.a task go:FACT-1SG be.needed:FACT
‘(Their lama said:) “I have to go to perform [a ceremony at someone’s invitation].”’ (160720 kandZislama) {0006147#S5}

When the verb in the subject purposive clause is transitive, the participle has a possessive prefix coreferent with the object as in the case of relative clauses (§16.1.1.1), and the subject can either take absolutive marking following the motion verb (which is morphologically intransitive), as in (68), or ergative marking following the verb of the purposive clause as in (73). This difference in case marking can be analysed as reflecting clausal structure: in (73), the subject *ty-rjit ra* ‘the children’ belongs to the purposive clauses, whereas in (68), the subject *ty-mu nu* lies outside of it.

(73) u-fso-soz tce, [ty-rjit ra ku nu
3SG.POSS-tomorrow-morning LNK INDEF.POSS-child PL ERG DEM
u-ku-car] jo-ce-nu nu-ŋu tce
3SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-search IFR:UPSTREAM-go SENS-be LNK
‘The next morning, the children went (there) to look for him.’ (2012
Norbzang) {0003768#S281}

The goal of the motion verb can, however, occur within the purposive clause,
as in (74), where the subject in ergative form *u-wa nu ku* ‘his father’ is stranded
from the transitive verb *u-ku-n-nyjo* by the goal *kʰapa tce* ‘downstairs’.

<footnote n="8">⁸Another puzzling feature of this construction is the fact that there is no obligatory possessive prefix on the participle, and that when present, it indexes the subject rather than the object.</footnote>
(74) [u̱-wa nʷ kʷ kʰapa tce u̱-kʷ-n-ny̱jo]
3SG.POSS-father DEM ERG downstairs LOC 3SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-AUTO-wait
pjγ-yi.
IFR:DOWN-come

‘His father came downstairs to wait for him.’ (140506 loBzi) {0003923#S5}

Motion verbs with purposive clauses have some semantic overlap with the
corresponding associated motion prefixes (§15.2.1); the functional difference be-
tween the two constructions is discussed in §15.2.10.

Apart from the three motion verbs above, a few verbs expressing imminent
aspect such as *ayuγyu* ‘be about to’ also selects participial clauses (§24.5.6.3), as
shown by (75).

(75) kʷ-maqʰu tce, tγ-tcw nʷ [kʷ-si] to-rγŋgat
SBJ:PCP-be-after LNK INDEF.POSS-SON DEM SBJ:PCP-die IFR-be.about.to
‘The man was about to die.’ (2002 rkongrgjal2)

Although there is potential ambiguity between purposive clauses and headless
participial relative clauses (§23.4.1) used with motion verbs, ambiguous sentences
are not common in the corpus. The presence of determiners such as the indefinite
*ci* in (76) shows that the participial clause can only be a relative and is not inter-
pretable as a purposive clause. However, *u̱-kʷ-mtsʰi jγ-y̱e* without the determiner
could indeed be parsed as ‘s/he came to lead it’.

(76) [tsʰi̱t u̱-kʷ-mtsʰi] ci jγ-y̱e tce
goat 3SG.POSS-lead INDEF AOR-come[II] LNK
‘Someone came leading a goat.’ (chen-pear)

24.4.2.2 Purposive clauses of manipulation verbs

Manipulation verbs such as *tsum* ‘take away’ or *yut* ‘bring’ (§15.1.2.2) occur with
non-finite purposive clauses in *k-*, as in (77), rather than subject participles like
the motion verbs (§24.4.2.1) despite obligatory subject coreference.

(77) u̱-mbro u̱-ndži nʷra [kʷ-ntsγe] jo-tswm
3SG.POSS-horse 3SG.POSS-skin DEM:PL OBJ:PCP-sell IFR-take-away
‘He took the horses’ skins to [the market] to sell them.’ (150814
kelaosi-zh) {0006276#S82}
The non-finite verb form *k-ntsye* could in principle be either analyzed as an infinitive or as an object participle (§16.2.1.1). Unlike infinitival clauses, the *ké-* clauses in this construction can be optionally followed by quantifiers as in (78) and by the relator noun *w-spa* ‘material’ as in (79) and (80).

In addition, all of these examples present coreference between the object of the transitive verb of the main clause and that of the participial clause, reminiscent of the use of object participles in the purposive clauses of motion verbs to express coreference between the intransitive subject of the motion verb and the object of the transitive verb of the purposive clause (see example 70 in §24.4.2.1 above and §16.1.2.6).

(78) *kutcu* *rca* [*kCTION*] *w*-kuxtcw~xtco*
DEM.PROX:LOC UNEXP:DEG OBJ:PCP-sell 3SG.POSS-EMPH~basket
ju-ywt-nw cti.
IPFV-bring-PL be.AFF:FACT
'[People] bring many basketfuls [of mushroom] to sell.' (23-mbrAZim)
{0003604#S103}

(79) [kessat] w-spa jó-wy-tswm jw-ηu.
OBJ:PCP-kill 3SG.POSS-material IFR-INV-take-away SENS-be
‘He was taken away to be executed.’ (tou dongxi de xiaohai-zh)

(80) *twrme nsw kw laχtcʰa* [*kessyɛ*] (*w*-spa)
person DEM ERG thing OBJ:PCP-sell 3SG.POSS-material
kw-dw~dyn jo-yut.
SBJ:PCP-EMPH~be.many IFR-bring
‘The man brought a lot of things to sell.’ (elicited)

These clauses are (at least historically) to be analyzed as participial clauses
in essive function (§8.1.7): *kessyɛ (w-spa)* and *kessat (w-spa)* in the examples
above literally mean ‘(bring/take away) as something to be sold/as someone to
be killed’, hence their use in purposive function. This construction is not specific
to manipulation verbs: in (81), the verb of the main clause *χsu* ‘raise’, ‘feed’ is also
found with the same type of participial clause.<fnref n="9" />

<footnote n="9">⁹In (81) however, the object of *kessza* is not coreferent with that of the main verb, unlike what is found with the manipulation verbs.</footnote>
(81) *paw nura* ко *lowski*, [*ca kɔ-ndza] u-spa
pig DEM:PL ADVERS of-course meat OBJ:PCP-eat 3SG.POSS-material
ku-χsu-nu pjγ-ηu ri
IPFV-feed-PL IFR.IPFV-be LNK
‘As for the pigs, people of course raise them for their meat.’ (150820
kAnWCkat) {0006256#S26}

24.4.2.3 Constructionalized participial relative clauses

The verbs of pretense select subject participial relative clauses as objects or semi-objects.<fnref n="10" />

The status of the clauses with subject participles occurring with these verbs, though superficially similar to the purposive clause (§24.4.2.1), is, however, entirely distinct. These clauses are not specific constructions, but simply headless relative clauses in object or semi-object function. This is shown by the fact that the same verbs are also found with participial head-internal clauses as in (82), where the three nouns *pyrštew* ‘bird’, *kʰuna* ‘dog’ and *lulu* ‘cat’ are intransitive subjects of the participial clauses, and are not coreferent with the subject of their matrix verb *tu-nuɛpuz*. This example can be literally translated as ‘it is able to imitate a singing bird, a barking dog and a meowing cat.’ (see also §23.8.3).

(82) u-zda nura, [[pyrštew ku-γγwu], [kʰuna ku-γndzu], 3SG.POSS-companion DEM:PL bird SBJ:PCP-cry dog SBJ:PCP-bark [lulu ku-γγwu] ku-fse, nura tu-nuɛpuz] ju-spe cat SBJ:PCP-cry INF:STAT-be like DEM:PL IPFV-imitate SENS-be.able[III] ‘It is able to imitate other animals, sing like a bird, bark like a dog, meow like a cat or call like a fox.’ (27-kikakCi) {0003700#S132}

24.4.2.4 Participial complements

In addition to the constructions studied above, subject participles also occur in
a handful of syntactic contexts where an infinitival complement is normally ex-
pected; I call these clauses ‘participial complements.’

The velar infinitive + existential verb construction expressing impossibility
(§16.2.1.6) has a variant with Imperfective subject participles, as in (83).

<footnote n="10">¹⁰Unlike the cases discussed in §24.4.1, these verbs cannot take genuine complement clauses, and require participial relatives.</footnote>
24 Complement clauses

(83) **tu-kʷ-yi** /p-γv-me/ qʰe,
IPFV:UP-SBJ:PCP-come IFR-CAUS-not
'She made it impossible for her to come out (again).' (2003-kWBRa)

In addition, when a complement-taking verb is itself in the subject participle form, it is possible for the complement either to be in the expected form (infinitive or finite), or to be in the subject participle form itself. For instance, in example (84) the subject participle **ku-cʰa** 'the one who can' takes a complement whose verb is a subject participle with a possessive prefix coreferent with the object (**ndzi-ku-svndu**), instead of the expected **ky-** infinitive (or finite clause).

(84) [[rŋal ku ndzi-ku-svndu] ku-cʰa] ku-fse
silver ERG 3DU-SBJ:PCP-exchange SBJ:PCP-can SBJ:PCP-be like
pʷ~pʷ-tu n
COND~PST.IPFV-exist if

'If there was someone who could redeem [the life of the two brothers] with money, ...' (140507 jinniao-zh) {0003931#S327}

24.4.3 Action nominals

Some light verbs, in particular **βzu** ‘make’ (§22.4.2) are combined with action nominals (§16.4) in highly grammaticalized constructions.

24.4.3.1 *tu-* action nominals

The *tu-* action nominals (§16.4.1) can be combined with the verb *βzu* ‘make’ to express habitual actions, especially actions taking a considerable amount of time. For instance *tu-taʔ* cʰu-βze ‘she was weaving’ in (85) and *tu-ekʰo p互ú-wy-nu-βzu* ‘(when) we dry (grains in the field)’ refer to actions taking place every day (and taking up most of the day) during a certain time period.

The main verb *βzu* takes over the orientation selected by the verb in action nominal form (§24.3.5): *DOWNSTREAM* in (85) (§15.1.4.5) and *DOWNWARDS* in (86).

(85) **tɣ-tcʷ** **nʷ** **lu-rɣ-ji**, **tce** **tcʰeme** **nʷ** **ku** **li**
**INDEF.POSS-boy** **DEM** **IPFV-APASS-plant** **LNK** **girl** **DEM** **ERG** again
**tu-taʔ** **cʰu-βze** **tce**, **muontoʔ ra**
**NMLZ:ACTION-weave** **IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-make[III]** **LNK** **flower** **PL**
**tu-t qʰe** **ku-nʷ-rɣzi-ndzi** **pjγ-ŋu**.
**IPFV-sew** **LNK** **IPFV-AUTO-stay-DU** **IPFV.IFR-be**

‘The boy was working in the fields, the girl was weaving and doing embroidery, they were living like that.’ (150828 donglang) {0006312#S133}
(86) tcendvre *tw-ckʰo*      pjw̌-wy-*nw-βzu*      qʰe,
LNK NMLZ:ACTION-dry.in.the.sun IPFV:DOWN-INV-AUTO-make LNK
*nw k-yndzwr*   *w-spa*      *nw pjw̌-wy-*ckʰo*
DEM OBJ:PCP-grind 3SG.POSS-material DEM IPFV:DOWN-INV-dry.in.the.sun
tce *nw-rom*   *kówmwz*   *cʰw̌-wy-*ndzwr* ra tce, *uwuwura*
LNK AOR-be.dry only-after IPFV-INV-grind be.needed:FACT LNK DEM:PL
*yw̌-tu-*mw̌rki*   *tu-*ndze   *ŋu*.
CISL-IPFV-steal[III] IPFV-eat[III] be:FACT

'When we dry things in the sun, when we dry the grains before grinding
(one grinds them only after they have dried), it comes, steals them and
eats them.' (22-CAGpGa) {0003586#S62}

This construction is found with both transitive (86) and intransitive verbs (87).
In the former case, the object is not overt. Although *βzu* remains transitive, this
construction shares with the antipassive derivations (§18.6) the function of de-
moting the object (§18.6.8.3).

(87) *ryyo ra cʰu-βzu-nu, tw-rja    ra pjw-βzu-nw*  
song PL IPFV-make-PL NMLZ:ACTION-dance PL IPFV-make-PL  
*pjχ-ŋgrzl*   *pn-ŋu*  
INDEF.IPFV-be.usually.the.case SENS-be  
'(Every year, when the festival took place), [people] would sing and  
dance.' (150906 toutao-zh) {0006326#S13}

Action nominals either refer to the action itself or an object affected by the
action (§16.4.1). While the collocation with βzu 'make' probably derives from
the first meaning of the action nominals, in some examples we have to take into
consideration that the second meaning of the action nominal may intervene. For
instance, in (86), *tuckʰo* + βzu can be understood as 'to do the action of drying
in the sun', but also as 'to do the action related to grains that are dried in the
sun', since the grains in question are directly referred to in the next clause as
*ky-ylndzwr* *w-spa* 'grains) to be ground'.

Action nominals can also occur with *lrt* ‘release’, though this construction is considerably less productive. This collocation can be used to indicate a sudden semelfactive action as in (88), and the object can be overt.

(88) tce azo a-mtʰu *m* ta-*nw*-t *sw* m      qʰe, a-ja
LNK 1SG 1SG.POSS-meat AOR:UP:3→3′-VERT-take.away LNK 1SG.POSS-hand
ra *tw-*m *w* r *b* w *z* w      cʰy-lyt      qʰe, ty-se
PL NMLZ:ACTION-scratch IFR:DOWNSTREAM-release LNK INDEF.POSS-blood
pa-tcxt.

AOR:3→3'-take.out

‘The kite took away the meat (that was in my hand), it scratched my hand, and made it bleed.’ (150909 qandZGi) {0006358#S9}

Apart from *βzu* and *lšt*, the transitive verb *kʰšt* ‘do repeatedly’, ‘do for a long time’ also selects action nominals, but with ergative case marking (§8.2.2.10). The modal verb *ra* ‘be needed’ (§24.5.3.1) can take degree nominals as subjects (§16.3.5) instead of finite or infinitival complements.

### 24.4.3.2 Simultaneous action nominals

The simultaneous action nominals, prefixed in *tu-tu-* (§16.4.3), are also used in collocation with *βzu* ‘make’. As in the previous construction, there is raising of the orientation preverb onto the main verb *βzu* (§24.3.5). For instance, in (89) the *DOWNWARDS* orientation preverb *pjγ-* on *βzu* from the nominalized verb *numdar* ‘jump’.

With an intransitive verb, the simultaneous constructions occur with a dual or plural subject, and means that several individuals referred do an action together at the same moment, as *tu-tu-numdar* ‘jumping together’ in (89). The auxiliary *βzu* can even take the indefinite orientation prefixes *jγ- ja-* as in (214) when occurring with a motion verb.

(89) mtsʰu w-ŋgw tu-tu-numdar pjγ-βzu-ndzi
lake 3SG POSS-inside SIMULT-NMLZ:ACTION-jump IFR:DOWN-make-DU
‘They (the two of them) had jumped into the lake together.’ (nyima wodzer 2003)

When used with transitive verbs, this construction is only found with dual or plural objects, and implies that several entities were subjected to the action together at the same time, as *tu-tu-tṣaβ* ‘causing to roll down together’ in (90), or that several object end up being tied together as result of the action as with *tu-tu-tṣuβ* ‘sewing together’ in (91).

(90) pri cʰo jlɛkru nwa tu-tu-tṣaβ zo
bear COMIT DEM:PL basket SIMULT-NMLZ:ACTION-cause.toasnake DOWN-EMPH
pjγ-βzu
IFR:DOWN-make
‘He made the basket with the bear [in it] roll down (together).’
(2011-13-qala)
The comitative (§8.2.5) can be used as in (90) and example (213) in (§16.4.3) to
link two nouns referring to the patients that undergo the action together.

(91) *tw-ŋga* *tw-tw-tṣwβ* *kɣ-βzu-t-a*
INDEF POSS-clothes SIMULT-NMLZ:ACTION-sew AOR-make:PST:TR-1SG
'I stiched the clothes together.' (elicited)

In the case of transitive verbs, the verb *βzu* ‘make’ takes the indexation of both
subject and object, as in (92) where it takes the portmanteau *ta-* prefix, showing
that the simultenous action nominal does *not* have object function.

(92) *nwẓora tw-tw-qur* *ty-ta-βzu-nw*
2PL SIMULT-NMLZ:ACTION-help AOR-1→2-make-PL
'I helped you all at the same time.' (elicited)

24.4.3.3 Compound action nominals

The verb *βzu* ‘make’ is also combined with noun-verb compound action nomi-
nals (§16.4.7) as semi-object. Two such compound nominals have been identified.
With *kʰramba* ‘lie’ as first element, this construction means ‘pretend to do *X*’
(where *X* stands for the second element of the compound) as in (93) and (94).

(93) [kʰramba-qur] ma-ty-kwr-βzu-a
lie-help NEG-IMP-2→1-make-1SG
‘Do not pretend to help me!’ (elicited)

(94) [kʰramba-nvre] nɣ-βzu
lie-laugh IFR-make
‘He pretended to laugh.’ (elicited)

With the lexicalized participle *kuzya* ‘a long time’ as first element of the com-
pound, it means ‘do *X* for a long time’ as in (95) (§16.4.7).

(95) *qajyi pjúw-wy-rṣpyi* *tce tce, li [kuwy-rṣlaj] zo
bread INF-INV-mix.flour.and.water LNK LNK again long.time-knead EMPH
pjúw-wy-βzu.
IPFV-INV-make
‘When one mixes flour and water to make bread, one has to knead [the
dough] for a long time.’ (160706 thotsi) {0006133#S34}
When the verbal component of the compound action nominal is transitive, both its subject and objects are indexed on the verb *βzu* ‘make’, as shown by the 2→1 configuration in (93). In addition, the orientation preverb on *βzu* reflects the lexicalized orientation of the verb in the compound (§24.3.5), for instance *UPWARDS* in (93), *WESTWARDS* in (94) and *DOWNWARDS* in (95).

The verb *lrt* ‘release’ (§22.4.2.2) is also productively used with action nominal compounds (§16.4.7) comprising a verb root such as *rpu* ‘bump into’ or *tɛ́hʷ* ‘gore, stab’ as second element.

### 24.4.4 Coordination

Some verbs take post-verbal coordinated clauses instead of complement clauses. A clausal linker is inserted before that clause, showing its non-subordinated status. There are several constructions of this type.

First, some attitudinal verbs such as *bmu* ‘suspect’, *nusumg̃niz* ‘hesitate’, *nušlw- mbwy* ‘guess, estimate’ or *nušjuβtsʰšt* ‘guess, estimate’ occur in a coordinating construction strikingly similar to that described in Tshobdun by Sun (2012: 487– 488): the attitudinal verb is followed by the affirmative copula *cti* ‘be’ and a linker such as *ri* or *ma*, as in (96) and (97).

(96) *nʷ* *tu-*nʷlwmby-a* *cti* *ri*, *wžo* *kʷ* *k* *nʷ*
DEM IPFV-guess-1SG be.AFF:FACT LNK 3SG ERG OBJ:PCP-work DEM
sɣpe
do.well:FACT

'I suppose that he will perform this task well.'

(97) *tu-*bnu-a *cti* *ma* *wžo* *kʷ* *ta-*twt* *ŋu*
IPFV-suspect-1SG be.AFF:FACT LNK 3SG ERG AOR:3→3'-say be:FACT
mašk mɣ-xsi
not.be:FACT NEG-GENR:know

'I am wondering whether what he said is true or not (suspecting that it is not true).' (elicited)

Second, the verbs of perception *rtoš* ‘look’, *ru* ‘look at’ and *sɣŋo* ‘listen’ occur (exclusively in the Imperfective, §21.2.7) in narratives in a coordinating construction with the linkers *tce* or *qʰe* as in (98) and (99).

(98) *ku-*rtoš *tce* [*tcʰeme* *nʷ* *wuma* *zɔ* *pjɣ-mpcɛr*]
IPFV-look LNK girl DEM really EMPH IFR.IPFV-be.beautifull

‘He saw that that the girl was very beautiful.’ (150909 xiaocui-zh)

{0006386#S42}
(99) tce lu-ru tce [uŋ-gw̥ nutcu w̥zo
LNK IPFV:UPSTREAM-look.at LNK 3SG.POSS-inside DEM:LOC himself

lu-ntcʰy̥r p̥u-ŋu]
IPFV:UPSTREAM-be.reflected SENS-be

'[The rooster] looked at [a window] and [saw] its own reflection in it.'
(150819 kumpGa) {0006388#S62}

The verb of speech fɛyt 'tell' is often used in the Imperfective with a zero object cataphorically referring to reported speech clause(s) following it. The reported speech clause(s) can serve as complement of another verb of speech as in (100) or be free-standing.

(100) kwɔŋŋgw̥ pjw-fɔyt-nw tce, "nw̥tcu tcaɣpa pjv-tu"
in.former TIMES IPFV-tell-PL LNK DEM:LOC bandit IFR.IPFV-exist

tu-ti-nw tce,
IPFV-say-PL LNK

'In former times, people used to say that there were bandits there.'
(17-lhazgron)

These constructions are particularly common in texts translated from Chinese, where they might reflect calque from original language since in Chinese the perception verb precedes the complement, but it is also found in non-translated texts as in (101) (see also ku-rtoɣ 'he saw that...' in 10, §21.2.2) and there is no doubt that it is a native construction.

(101) p̥u-svŋo tce, smyt kubka nura, wuma zo nw-me,
IPFV-listen LNK TOPO noble DEM:PL really EMPH 3PL.POSS-daughter

nw-me χswm pjv-tu tce
3PL.POSS-daughter three IFR.IPFV-exist LNK

'He had heard that nobles of Smad had three daughters.' (2002 qaCpa)

Third, some verbs optionally use a coordinating construction instead of complementation, without constructionalized semantic difference, in particular similative verbs (§24.5.7).

## 24.5 Complement-taking verbs

An exhaustive survey of complement-taking verbs in Japhug would require a much larger corpus than the one available and a complete monograph of at least
the size of the present grammar. For this reason, only a selection of the most frequent complement-taking verbs in the corpus is treated in this section. For each verb, the available complement types and complementation strategies are listed and exemplified.

Negative existential verbs can also take (subject) complements, but are discussed in §22.5.4.

### 24.5.1 Causative verbs

Some verbs derived with the causative prefixes (§17.2, §17.3) take complements or occur in complementation strategies. Three types of constructions are attested, expressing periphrastic causative, simultaneous events and manner.

#### 24.5.1.1 Periphrastic causative constructions

In addition to the sigmatic and velar causative derivations (§17.2, §17.3), a variety of periphrastic causative constructions are also attested. Four groups of verbs are used as causative auxiliaries, including both causative verbs and non-derived verbs.

First, *βzu* ‘make’ can be combined with subject participles of adjectival stative verbs to express change of state or increase of degree, as in (102) and (74).

(102) cʰu-ndu-nw tce [kw-ndu~nduβ] zo cʰu-βzu-nu
IPFV-grind-PL LNK SBJ:PCP-EMPH~be.fine EMPH IPFV-make-PL
‘They grind [tobacco] and make it very smooth.’ (30-CnAto)
{0003734#S8}

Example (103) illustrates the fact that the velar causative γχwxti ‘make bigger’ is semantically similar to the use of βzu with the participle ku-wxti.

(103) u-pʰu ῖu-wxti tce, nwa tʰamtcxt ma-tχ-tu-yχ-wxti,
3SG.POSS-price SENS-be.big LNK DEM:PL all NEG-IMP-2-CAUS-be.big
azo nw tu-nu-χti-a [nwa stʰwi kw-wxti]
1SG DEM IPFV-AUTO-buy[III]-1SG DEM:PL as.much SBJ:PCP-be.big
u-pʰu ma-tχ-tu-βze, [kw-tṣaŋ] ci tχ-βze
3SG.POSS-price NEG-IMP-2-make[III] SBJ:PCP-be.fair a.little IMP-make[III]
‘It is too expensive, don’t make it that expensive, I will buy it, don’t
make its price that expensive, offer it for a fair price.’ (Bargaining 12, 12)

This construction is not restricted to stative verbs. It is attested with transitive verbs as in (104) to express indirect causation.
(104) cwβjiz kw-fse cʰγ-ta tce, w-kwr
flat.stone SBJ:PCP-be like IFR:DOWNSTREAM-put LNK 3SG.POSS-mouth
w-ŋgw tce, [tw-ci pjw-kw-lγt] to-βzu
3SG.POSS-in LOC INDEF.POSS-water IPFV-SBJ:PCP-release IFR-make

'He positioned [the leaf of a rhododendron] like a flat stone [next to his younger brother's si mouth] in such a way that water could flow into his mouth.' (2011-05-nyima)

With dynamic verbs however, the preferred construction is to use an impersonal modal verb such as kʰu 'be possible' or ra 'be needed' (§24.5.3.1) in partici-
pial form taking a complement verb, as in (105).

(105) la-rγci-nu tce, [[lu-nu-łok]
AOR:3→3'-pull-PL LNK IPFV:UPSTREAM-AUTO-come.out
mγ-kw-kʰu] tu-βzu-nu
NEG-SBJ:PCP-be.possible IPFV-make-PL

'They pull [on the thread] (to close the opening) and prevent it from coming out.' (30-CnAto) {0003734#S38}

Second, the sigmatic causative forms sw-βzu, sw-pa, sw-γβzu and su-γpa derived from the verbs βzu 'make', pa 'do', aβzu 'become, grow' and apa 'become' (on the latter two verbs see §18.1.2) are also commonly used as causative auxiliaries.

Like the base verb βzu, these causative verbs are also most often used with a modal impersonal auxiliary in subject participle form as in (106), (107) and (110).

(106) [cw-kγ-βde mγ-kw-ra] nw ndzizo kw
TRAL-INF-throw NEG-SBJ:PCP-be.needed DEM 2DU ERG
nw-tw-su-γβzu-ndzi ŋu
AOR-2-CAUS-become-DU be:FACT

'Thanks to both of you, there is no need to throw [people] (in the lake) anymore.' (2011-05-nyima)

(107) a-tw-ci ŋw-tw-s-qarndw̥m tce [[aẓo
1SG.POSS-INDEF.POSS-water IPFV-2-CAUS-be.muddy LNK 1SG
tw-ci kw-ymgri kγ-tsʰi] mγ-kw-kʰu]
INDEF.POSS-water SBJ:PCP-be.clear INF-drink NEG-SBJ:PCP-be.possible
ŋw-tw-su-γpe ŋu-ŋu
IPFV-2-CAUS-become[III] SENS-be

'You have spoiled my water, you have made it so I am unable to drink clear water.' (lang he yang-zh)
Other complement-taking stative verbs such as *sna* ‘be good, be worthy’, also occur in this causative construction, as in (§108).

(108) tce tx-mtʰuṁ tʰamtcyt [kx-ndza mx-ku-sna]
LNK INDEF.POSS-meat all INF-eat NEG-SBJ:PCP-be.good
puu-sw-yβze pū-cʰa.
IPFV-CAUS-become[III] SENS-can

‘[Maggots] can make all the meat improper for consumption (unfit to eat).’ (25-akWzgumba) {0003632#S100}

The causee can be indexed as an object on the causative verb, as in (109) or (110) (which have 2SG and 1SG causees, respectively), but this indexation is only optional, as shown by examples such as (107) which rather select a 3SG object despite the 1SG causee.

(109) pra pa nutcu (...) ku-ta-z-rɣi tce,
cliff 3SG.POSS-down DEM:LOC IPFV-1→2-CAUS-stay LNK
[tu-ci nwmw spikuku zo tcetu (...) ny-taq
INDEF.POSS-water DEM every.day EMPH up.there 3SG.POSS-on
nutcu pjuu-ku-lyt] zo tu-ta-sw-yβzu
DEM:LOC IPFV:DOWN-SBJ:PCP-release EMPH IPFV-1→2-CAUS-become
ŋu tce
be:FACT LNK

‘(I will not kill you), but I will keep you under the cliffs, so that the water flows down onto you.’ (150901 changfamei-zh) {0006352#S153}

(110) [mw-tu-kx-nxtuṭi ku-ra] tý-wy-sw-βzu-a-nw
NEG-IPFV-INF-DISTR:say SBJ:PCP-be.needed AOR-INV-CAUS-make-1SG-PL
nd>a cti ma
reason be.AFF:FACT LNK

‘It is because they made me [swear] not to tell anyone about it.’ (tWxtsa 2003)

Another verb that can be used with the modal verbs *ra* and *kʰu* in a periphrastic causative construction is *tcoyt* ‘take out’. It is rarer and only compatible with negative participial forms to express the meaning ‘prevent from X’.

(111) [kx-ylwlyt mx-ku-ra] nx-tu-tcyt
INF-fight NEG-SBJ:PCP-be.needed IFR-2-take.out
‘You stopped them from fighting.’ (elicited)
Fourth, the velar causatives γγra 'cause to have to' and γγkʰu 'make it possible to' of the modal auxiliaries involved in the constructions above can take infinitive or finite complement clauses (§17.3.2.3) to express indirect causation as in (112).

(112) [k-sci] mɔ-ncr-tɔ-yγ-kʰu-t
INF-be.born NEG-IPFV-2-CAUS-be.possible-PST:TR
'You made it impossible for me to be born.' (Gesar)

### 24.5.1.2 Periphrastic tropative

The causative verb *supa* 'cause to do' (from *pa* 'do', on which see §24.5.2, §22.4.2.5), among other functions (for instance §24.5.1.3), has the meaning 'consider *X* to be *Y*'.

The parameter *Y* can be a stative verb in participial form, such as *ku-βdi* in (113).

(113) tγ-cpʰγt nu a-pw-yndzymstu tce, nu [kw-βdi]
INDEF.POSS-patch DEM IRR-IPFV-be.level LNK DEM SBJ:PCP-be.well
tu-sw-pa-nu ŋu
IPFV-CAUS-do-PL be:FACT
'If the patch is level (if it is neatly sewn), people consider it [to have been sewn] well.' (12-kAtsxWB-29) {0003486#S26}

The object *X* can receive ergative case (§8.2.2.7) to express a comparative meaning 'consider *X* to be more *Y* (§26.2.1), as in (114). Ergative marking in this construction can be ambiguous, since the subject (experiencer) of *supa* also receives ergative case.

(114) nu w-spa ra p̱u-naχtcwɣ cti, tce
DEM 3SG.POSS-material PL SENS-be.the same be.AFF:FACT LNK
tʰoŋrau nu ku [ku-mu tu-sw-pa-nu ŋu
bucket.alcohol DEM ERG SBJ:PCP-be.tasty IPFV-CAUS-do-PL be:FACT
'Although its ingredients are the same (as those used to make other types of alcohol), [some people] consider alcohol in a bucket to be tastier.' (30-thoNraR) {0003762#S16}

The combination of *sw-pa* with participles is semantically similar to the tropative *nɛ́r-* derivation (§17.5). For instance, the second clause in (114) can be glossed as (115) with the tropative verb *nɛ́rmum* 'find tasty' (in this example, the ergative on *tʰoŋrau* 'alcohol in bucket' is also a comparee marker, and does not mark transitive subject).
(115) tʰoŋraɣ nɔi kiŋ pɔi-nɔ-mtɔm-nɔi
bucket.alcohol DEM ERG SENS-TROP-be.tasty-PL
‘They consider alcohol in bucket to be tastier.’ (elicited)

Unlike the **nɔ-** tropative derivation,<fnref n="11" /> the **su-**pa periphrastic tropative can be
used with nouns as parameters, instead of stative verbs. As shown in (116), the
direct object is the person/entity that the subject considers to have the property
described by the parameter, while the parameter Y (here the noun ngumdzuy
‘leader’) is a semi-object, not indexed on the verb.

(116) nzyo ngumdzuy tu-ta-su-pa ŋu
2SG leader IPFV-1→2-CAUS-do be:FACT
‘I consider you to be [my] leader.’ (elicited)

The participle clauses in the periphrastic tropative construction (such as in 113 and 114 above) can be analyzed as headless participial relative clauses (§24.4.2.3). The literal meaning of this construction is thus ‘consider X to be something that is Y.’

24.5.1.3 Simultaneity

In addition to its periphrastic causative and tropative functions discussed in the
previous section, the causative verb *supa* ‘cause to do’ also occurs in a construc-
tion expressing simultaneity between two actions.

This construction requires two complements, either two bare infinitives as
in (117) or a combination of a bare infinitive with a dental infinitive as in (118),
connected by the comitative cʰo.

(117) tce u-ti cʰo u-nyma ra ci zo
LNK 3SG.POSS-BARE.INF:say COMIT 3SG.POSS-BARE.INF:work PL one EMPH
to-su-pa
IFR-CAUS-do
‘As he said it, he did it at the same time.’ (150826 liyu tiao longmen-zh)
{0006266#S40}

<footnote n="11">¹¹The *nu*- denominal prefix can be sporadically used with a tropative meaning (§20.7.2), for instance *nuŋgra* ‘treat as an enemy’ from *ŋgra* ‘enemy’, but it synchronically different from the tropative *nɔ-*, though these two prefixes are historically related (§20.10.3).</footnote>
## 24.5 Complement-taking verbs

(118) *nwcimwma w-ti*      *cʰondvre w-tu-ce*      *ci*
immediately 3SG.POSS-BARE.INF:say COMIT 3SG.POSS-INF:II-go one
*to-sw-pa tce*
IFR-CAUS-do LNK

‘As he said this, he immediately went [there].’ (150830 baihe jiemei-zh)
{0006368#S173}

Unlike other syntactic contexts (§24.2.2) where dental infinitives does not take possessive prefixes, in this construction they obligatorily take a possessive prefix coreferent with the intransitive subject, as shown by the forms *w-tu-ce* vs. *a-tu-ce* in (118) and (119), respectively.

(119) *w-ti*      *cʰo a-tu-ce*      *ci*
3SG.POSS-BARE.INF:say COMIT 1SG.POSS-INF:II-go one
*t-y-sw-pa-t-a*
AOR-CAUS-do-PST:TR-1SG LNK

‘I said it and went there [at the same time].’ (elicited based on 118)

### 24.5.1.4 Manner

Both sigmatic (§17.2) and velar causative (§17.3) causative derivations from adjective verbs can be used as complement-taking verbs, expressing the manner in which the action described in the complement clause takes place.

This construction is found with dental/bare infinitival complements (120) or velar infinitival complements (121). Additional example sentences are presented in §17.2.4.7 and §17.3.2.2.

(120) *ki t-y-nd-y̯m tce, koyla zo, [w-pw*
DEM.PROX IMP-take[III] LNK completely EMPH 3SG.POSS-keep(1)
*w-pa] a-t-y-tu-y-y-βdi ma*
3SG.POSS-BARE.INF:keep(2) IRR-PFV-2-CAUS-be.well LNK
‘Take this and keep it safe (make sure not to lose it).’ (140428 mu e
guniang-zh) {0003880#S23}

(121) [*n-y-kw-mŋ-y̯m koyla k-y-rtoŋ] *a-pw-tu-sw-bzyβ*
2SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-hurt completely INF-look IRR-PFV-2-CAUS-be.careful
‘Let [a doctor] carefully examine your condition.’ (elicited)
24.5.2 pa ‘do’

The transitive verb pa, which occurs as a light verb (§22.4.2.5) and presents erga-
tive lability (§14.5.1.4), selects imperfective infinitive complements when used in
the meaning ‘discuss and agree/decide to do X’ (122). All examples of this con-
struction in the corpus occur with B-type orientation preverbs on the infinitive
(§16.2.1.2).

(122) [n̥wtcu tce p̥w-ky-γtwγ tce ku-ky-nyjw-jo] to-pa-ndzi ri,
DEM:LOC LNK IPFV-INF-meet LNK IPFV-INF-RECIP-wait IFR-do-DU LNK
‘The two of them agreed to meet there and wait for each other.’ (150820
qaprANar) {0006246#S44}

The verb *pa* can take more than one infinitive complement. There is generally
subject coreference between the clauses. However, in example (123) the singular
subject of the infinitive clauses corresponds to only part of the dual subject of
*pa*.<fnref n="12" />

(123) [wwo ku-ky-rvzi tce tu-ky-qur] to-pa-ndzi.
3SG IPFV-INF-stay LNK IPFV-INF-help IFR-do-DU
‘They_i+j had a discussion and decided that he_i would stay and help him_j.’
(140512 fushang he yaomo-zh) {0003967#S45}

The verb of speech *kštupa* ‘tell’, which selects reported speech complements,
is derived from *pa* (§14.3.4, §20.13.1).

24.5.3 Modal verbs

Modality in Japhug is encoded by TAME categories (§21.4), derivations such as
the abilitivative (§19.3), various sentence final particles (§10.4.4), and most im-
portantly by complement-taking modal auxiliaries and noun-verb collocations
(§24.6.3.3). This section provides a description of the use of some of the most
common auxiliaries.

In addition to the verbs discussed in this section, some verbs of cognition such
as *suso* ‘think’ also have modal functions (§24.5.4.1).

<footnote n="12">¹²This interesting sentence differs from the original Chinese text, which has 酉长... 决定留下来
帮助他 <qiúzhāng juédǐng liúxiàlái bāngzhù tā> ‘The chieftain ... and decided to stay and help
him’. The dual *to-pa-ndzi* is a translation error, but Tshendzin considered the resulting sentence
to be grammatical and meaningful, though semantically different from the original text.</footnote>
24.5.3.1 Impersonal modal verbs

An important number of modal auxiliary verbs in Japhug are intransitive, and take a complement clause as their subject, and are therefore in 3SG invariable form (§14.2.7), regardless of the subject or object in the complement clause. The verbs *ra* ‘be needed’, ‘need’, *toוק* ‘have to’, ‘have better’,<fnref n="13" /> and *kʰu* ‘be possible’ are used with either finite complements (§24.2.3) or velar infinitives (§24.2.1), as shown by (124) and (125) on the one hand, and (126) on the other hand. In addition, *ra* is also attested with degree nominals (§16.3.5).

(124) tʰa [aẓo-suwo p<u>u</u>-n<u>u</u>-pe-a] kʰu
later 1SG-as.wish IPFV-AUTO-do[III]-1SG be.possible:FACT
(‘(Once he dies), it will become possible for me to do whatever I want.’
(28-smAnmi) {0004063#S56}

(125) [k<u>ut</u>tu ku-r-a] p<u>u</u>u-to<u>ka</u>
DEM.PROX:LOC IPFV-stay-1SG SENS-be.needed
‘I had better (have no choice but to) stay here.’ (28-qajdoskAt)
{0003718#S75}

When impersonal verbs are combined with velar infinitive complement, the subject is not indexed anywhere in the clause. This construction occurs with generic person, as in (126) and (127), but not exclusively, as shown by (128) with an implicit 1SG transitive subject in the complement clause, which has the same meaning as that in (124) above.

(126) [ẓara n<u>u</u>-sk<u>yt</u> m<u>y</u>-k<u>y</u>-β<u>zu</u>] m<u>w</u>j-kʰ<u>u</u>.
3PL 3PL.POSS-speech NEG-INF-make NEG:SENS-be.possible
‘There was no choice but to speak their language (with them, as they did not understand Japhug or Chinese) (150901 tshuBdWnskAt)
{0006242#S21}

(127) n<u>u</u> n<u>u</u>-mb<u>u</u>t qʰe, tce [t<u>u</u>-mp<u>itsi</u> k<u>y</u>-y<n<u>u</u>>χa]
DEM AOR-ACAUS:take.off LNK LNK GENR.POSS-life INF-<AUTO>have.a.gap
to<u>ka</u>
be.needed:FACT
‘If it (one’s tooth) falls out, one is left with a gap [in one’s teeth] all one’s life.’ (27-tWCGArgu) {0003708#S58}

<footnote n="13">¹³This modal verb is probably grammaticalized from the motion verb *toוק* ‘come out’ (§15.1.2.1).</footnote>
(128) [azo-swso k-kw-pa] tu-kʰu cti
1SG-as.wish INF-AUTO-do IPFV-be.possible be.AFF:FACT
'Then it will become possible for me to do whatever I want.' (150907
niexiaoqian-zh) {0006262#S107}

The modal auxiliaries *ntsʰi* ‘have better’, *zgɣt* ‘have to’ and *jɣɣ* ‘be allowed’ are
almost only attested with finite complement clauses, as in (129) and (130).

(129) a-ki kutcu kɣ-rɣi tce, [azo
1SG.POSS-younger.sibling DEM.PROX:LOC IMP-stay LNK 1SG
tu-ci z-pu-car-a] pu-ntsʰi
INDEF.POSS-water TRAL-IPFV-look.for-1SG SENS-have.better
'Brother, stay here, let me look for water.' (2011-05-nyima)

(130) [azo pjw-si-a] p̥w-zgɣt ma
1SG IPFV-die-1SG SENS-be.needed LNK
'I must die (I deserve to die).' (nongfu yu she-zh)

Despite being homophonous to the phasal verb *jɣɣ* ‘finish’ (§24.5.6), the modal verb *jɣɣ* ‘be allowed’ differs from it both in meaning and in complement type: the modal *jɣɣ* takes finite complements (131), while the phasal *jɣɣ* selects dental/bare infinitives (see example 14, §24.2.2.2).

(131) qʰe [pul-kʰam-a] jɣɣ ri, [nɣ-rca
LNK IPFV-give[III]-1SG be.allowed:FACT LNK 2SG.POSS-together.with
tu-ku-tsum-a] ra
IPFV:UP-2→-take-away-1SG be.needed:FACT
'I can give it to you (I agree to give it to you), but then you have to take
me (to heaven) with you.' 31-deluge) {0004077#S99}

Both verbs however are compatible with velar infinite complements, as shown
by (132) and (133), respectively. However, examples of infinitive complements
with the modal *jɣɣ* as in (133) are extremely rare.

(132) [tɣ-lu kɣ-tcɣt] pul-jγγ
INDEF.POSS-milk INF-take.out AOR-be finished
'After she had finished milking, ...' (2014-kWLAG)

(133) tceri tʰam tce [nura kɣ-stu] múj-jγγ ma,
LNK NOW LNK DEM:PL INF-do likе NEG:SENS-be.allowed LNK
'Now doing these things (i.e. killing whales) is not allowed.' (160703
jingyu) {0006169#S41}