## 7 Numerals and counted nouns

Example (48) with *tu-tu-xpa* ‘some years’ from *tu-xpa* ‘one year’ clearly illustrates the functional difference with approximate numerals (§7.2 and §7.3.1.3), as the meaning of the distributed counted noun cannot be translated here as ‘a few years’ – the years when the income is good are not necessarily contiguous in time.

(48) *tu-tu-xpa* tce a-*pu-pe* tce, *kʰruitsu* *u-ro*
one-one-year LNK IRR-IPFV-be.good LNK ten.thousand 3SG.POSS-excess
*jamar* *pu-fsoŋ* *pu-cʰa*
about IPFV-earn SENS-can

‘Some years if [his income] is good, he can earn more than ten thousands [renminbi].’ (14-siblings) {0003508#S161}

An alternative distributed form involves partial reduplication of the stem of the counted noun and replacing the numeral prefix by a third singular possessive *u-*, as in the conversion from counted noun to inalienably possessed noun (§7.3.4.1). In (§49), the counted noun *tu-pʰu* ‘one tree’ is changed to *u-pʰu~pʰu* ‘some trees’. The other distributed form *tu-tu-pʰu* could also be used in the same context without meaning difference.

(49) zgoku ku-mbro tce, ckrzy ku-wxti ra nu
mountain NMZL:S/A-be.tall LNK oak NMZL:S/A-be.big PL DEM
u-rcʰyβ ri u-pʰu~pʰu zo tu tce
3SG.POSS-between LOC 3SG.POSS-PART~tree EMPH exist:FACT LNK
‘On high mountains, among big oaks, there are some [of these little trees].’ (16-CWrNgo) {0003518#S168}

This distributed form puts emphasis on the non-contiguousness and spread over distribution of the entities designated by the reduplicated counted noun: in (§49) for instance, its presence implies that the little trees are not clustered, but rather scattered among the oaks.

Distributed counted nouns can also be repeated to put even more emphasis on the scattered distribution (see §7.3.2.3).

### 7.3.1.7 Historical perspectives on the numeral prefixal paradigm

Most non-Tibetan languages of Western Sichuan/Northern Yunnan have counted nouns (generally called ‘classifiers’, see §7.3.3) with numeral-counted noun order (see for instance Zhang 2014, Michaud 2017: 163–194). It is striking that among the quasi-isolating languages (Lolo-Burmese, Naish), numeral prefix paradigms
are commonly a pocket of irregular morphology (Bradley 2005, Michaud 2011); this is also true in some Hmong-Mien languages (see Gerner & Bisang 2010).

By contrast, while Japhug and the other Gyalrong languages have a richer morphology in general, the numeral prefixal paradigms are, with only few exceptions (§7.3.1.5), suspiciously regular. The historical interpretation of this observation is not completely straightforward (Jacques 2017c), but in any case counted nouns are morphologically like determinative compounds (§5.5.1.1) with a numeral as first element, undergoing bound state in the case of more integrated numerals (some of the numerals under 100, see §7.3.1.1, §7.3.1.2 and §7.3.1.3) and immune from it in the case of higher numerals (§7.3.1.4).

One morphological alternation common to all numeral prefixes under 10 is the loss of the codas, otherwise a rare phenomenon in noun compounds (see §5.4.2.2). For numerals above 10, there is some degree of free variation in the preservation of the codas (see for instance example 34 p.250); the forms preserving codas are rarer, and may be ongoing analogical levelling.

Even in the case of lower numerals, there are indirect traces of the former existence of codas, in particular in irregularities (§7.3.1.5). A few counted nouns like *tu-xpa* ‘one year’ and *tu-yjrn* ‘one time’ have velar fricative preinitials *x-/y-* which are lacking in some forms of the paradigm.

In the case of *tu-xpa* ‘one year’, note the alternative stem -pa (*squ-xpa* ‘ten years’ vs. *squ-pa* ‘ten years’), the time ordinals (§7.5.2), the adverb *pakuku* ‘every year’ and the verb *pa* ‘pass X years’ (see example 118, §22.4.1.4) from which the counted noun *tu-xpa* ‘one year’ is historically derived. Cognates of this root -pa appear in other Burmo-Gyalrongic languages such as Naish (Jacques & Michaud 2011) but are restricted to time ordinals, and do not occur as counted nouns. Even in the closely related Stau language, time ordinals such as *javə* ‘last year’ and *pəvə* ‘this year’ have a root -və cognate to Japhug -pa, but the corresponding counted noun *e-fku* ‘one year’ has a different root which left no trace in the Gyalrong languages. The generalization of the -pa root to the counted paradigm is probably a common Gyalrong innovation (see §7.3.4.3).

A possible explanation for this *x-/y-* element is that it originates from the coda of the numeral ‘one’ (although replaced by *ci* ‘one’, this former numeral is still found in the element *-tuy* in *sqaptuy* ‘eleven’) through false segmentation (*tuk-pa* → *tu-kpa* → *tu-xpa* ‘one year’) and subsequent generalization to the whole paradigm.<fnref n="6" /> It is not an example of *x-/y-* nominalization (§16.5.2).

<footnote n="6">⁶Note that since proto-Gyalrong *kp-* regularly yields βy- with metathesis (Jacques 2004: 272), this false segmentation must have occurred *after* the *kp-* → βy-* sound change, which is not shared with other Gyalrong languages.</footnote>
## 7 Numerals and counted nouns

### 7.3.2 Counted nouns in quantifying function

This section discusses the use of counted nouns in quantifying function, as noun modifiers, head of a noun phrase or a sentential quantifier.

The main functions of counted nouns include partitive, distributive, restrictive and iterative meanings.

#### 7.3.2.1 Partitive

When occurring as postnominal modifiers, most counted nouns are essentially *partitive* in meaning, referring to a certain number of individuals from a group, and are not used to express indefiniteness (§7.3.2.7): the polyfunctional determiner *ci* ‘one’ (§9.1.4.1) occurs instead in this meaning.

Thus, a phrase such as *turme tu-rdoь combining the noun turme ‘person’ with the generic counted noun tu-rdoь ‘one piece’ (see § 7.3.3 on counted noun selection) is generally either to be translated as a partitive ‘one of them’ as in (50).

(50) turme wnwz pjv-tu tce, turme tu-rdoь nwi rcanw,
people two IFR.IPFV-exist LNK people one-piece DEM UNEXP:DEG
w-stxrju wja zo tu-βze tce,
3SG.POSS-truth completely EMPH IPFV-do[III] LNK
‘There were two persons, one of them always told the truth (and the
other one was a liar).’ (140427 yuanhou-zh) {0003870#S3}

The partitive meaning is found even when the individual counted noun occurs on its own without overt head noun as in (51).

(51) w-tcw kwβde pw-tu ri, wzo kw-fse
3SG.POSS-son four PST.IPFV-exist but 3SG SBJ:PCP-be lik e
kw-cqraь tw-rdoь ciny pw-me pw-ηu
SBJ:PCP-be.intelligent one-piece even PST.IPFV-not.exist SENS-be
‘He had four sons, but not even one of them was smart like him.’ (2005
tAwa kWcqraR)

The partitive meaning is found in particular when counted nouns modify mass nouns, such as paьca ‘pork’ in (52).
(52) *pakuku zo pawkwa tw-rdoq, qʰe tce tce stɔv*
*every.year EMPH pork one-piece LNK LNK LNK broad.bean*
*cnth-ynt,*
*IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-bring*
*‘Every year, he would bring a piece of pork and broad beans.’ (140501)*
*tshering skyid) {0003902#S34}*

7.3.2.2 Distributive

Counted nouns can also have a distributive meaning ‘each of them’ when another
numeral or counted noun occurs in the same clause, indicating that each of the
members of the group performs the same action, the verb can either receive plu-
ral (as in 53 and 43) or singular indexation (example 54). This is a particular case
of fluid number indexation (§14.6.1).

(53) tce tce turme tw-rdoq kw kʰuna cnwz χswm jamar tu-ndo-nu
LNK LNK person one-piece ERG dog two three about IPFV-take-PL
‘Each [of the hunters] takes two or three dogs.’ (150829 KAGWcAno)
{0006420#S24}

(54) turme tw-rdoq kw cʰymdsru tw-ldza tu-nu-ndym
people one-piece ERG drinking.straw one-CL IPFV-AUTO-take[III]
‘Each person takes one straw.’ (30-tChorzi) {0003760#S33}

Counted noun with a collective meaning (§7.3.3.2) such as *tu-tupu* ‘one house-
hold’ also frequently have a partitive meaning, especially when combined with
a numeral.

(55) tce tw-tupu tce, u-qazo kuβdvsqi, kuupysqi jamar
LNK one-household LNK 3SG.POSS-sheep forty fifty about
pu-tu.
PST.IPFV-exist
‘Each household used to have about forty or fifty sheep.’ (160712 smAG)
{0006073#S23}

Temporal counted nouns such as *tu-sŋi* ‘one day’ (§7.5.1) are generally repeated when used in distributive function in the meaning ‘every (day)’ (§7.3.2.3). However, in combination with other counted nouns, they can mean ‘per ...’ as in (56), even without repetition.
## 7 Numerals and counted nouns

(56) *tw-sŋi tce tw-kʰu̯tsa jamar tw-rdoš kʷ pjʷ-tsʰi pʷ-cʰa.*
one-day LNK one-bowl about one-CL ERG IPFV-drink SENS-can
'One [cat] can drink about one bowl of milk per day.' (21-IWLU)
{0003576#S44}

When no other numeral or counted noun is present, the modifier of Tibetan origin *raŋri* ‘each’ (from ὁμολόγος *raŋ.re* ‘each’; see also §9.1.3.3) can be used to specify the distributive meaning as in (57).

(57) *tw-tu̯pʷ* raŋri yʷ, nʷ-mbro pjy-tu...
one-household each GEN 3PL.POSS-horse IFR.IPFV-exist
‘Each household used to have horses etc.’ (150820 kAnWCkat)

Counted nouns can have a combined distributive and partitive meaning ‘each one of their…’, such as *tw-ntsi* ‘one of a pair’ in (58).

(58) *tce tcʰeme ra kʷ nʷ-χpʷm tw-ntsi ka-ta-nʷ,*
*LNK girl PL ERG 3PL.POSS-knee one-of.a.pair AOR:3→3'-put-PL*
*ty-tcʷ ra kʷ nʷ-χpʷm bŋwz ka-ta-nʷ ri,*
*INDEF.POSS-SON PL ERG 3PL.POSS-knee two AOR:3→3'-put-PL LNK*
'[Each of] the girls (in their group) put one of their knees, the boys put their two knees [as a support for the tea kettle].’ (2005-stod-kunbzang)

### 7.3.2.3 Repetition of counted nouns

Repeating a counted nouns with the same numeral prefix has either a distributive or a distributed meaning.<fnref n="7" />

Example (59) illustrates the distributive meaning (‘each’, ‘each single’, ‘one by one’) of counted noun repetition with an individual counted noun (*tw-ldza* ‘one long object’) and also a partitive counted noun (*tw-spra* ‘one handful’). Repeated counted nouns of measure can be used to refer to the unit in which a whole mass of elements (here the hemp stalks) is divided into (‘into bundles’, ‘bundle by bundle’).

(59) *ty symu nʷ tce tuŋcγa tú-wy-lyt tce, [...] tw-ldza*
hemp DEM LNK sickle IPFV-INV-throw LNK one-longobject
*tw-ldza peticy-pʰut tce tce numu li tw-spra*
one-longobject IPFV-INV-pluck LNK DEM again one-handful

<footnote n="7">⁷If the numeral prefixes are different however, an approximate numeral interpretation results, see §7.3.1.3.</footnote>
tw-spra tú-wy-xtcyr.

one-handful IPFV-INV-tie

'As for hemp, one uses a sickle and cuts [the stalks] one by one and then ties them into bundles.' (14-tasa) {0003510#S50}

The distributive meaning also occurs with repeated temporal counted nouns, as in (60).

(60) tce tw-xpa tw-xpa tu-łoъ qʰe tce qartsw tce pjw-kʰrʷ
LNK one-year one-year IPFV-come.out LNK LNK winter LNK IPFV-be.dry
cti.

be.AFF:FACT

'It grows every year (i.e. it is an annual plant), and dies in winter.' (140512 tAzraj) {0003971#S10}

Alternatively, rather than juxtaposing counted nouns, coordinating them with the additive n (§8.2.6) as in (62) also results in a distributive meaning.

(61) tce numa ndvre w-pw nʷ tw-rdoъ ny tw-rdoъ
LNK COW TOP.ADVERS 3SG.POSS-offspring DEM one-piece ADD one-piece
ma me tw-xpa tw-yjyn ma pw-rypw

apart.from not.exist:FACT one-year one-time apart.from IPFV-bear.young
mɣ-cʰa

NEG-can:FACT

'As for cows, they [have] their young only one by one, and can only bear young once a year.' {0003404#S123}

(62) numu mürmwmbju nʷ tw-tcʰa ny tw-tcʰa ntsw tuwurca ntsw
DEM swallow DEM one-pair ADD one-pair always together always
ku-rɣi-nuŋ tce

IPFV-stay-PL be:FACT LNK

'Swallows are always in pairs.' (03-mWrmWmbjW) {0003382#S49}

Repeated counted nouns also express a distributed meaning as in (63). Like the distributed numeral prefixes (§7.3.1.6), this construction indicates that the entities referred to by the counted nouns are scattered more or less homogeneously.
## 7 Numerals and counted nouns

(63) *tw-rdoь tw-rdoь ku-fse tu-loь nu ma
one-piece one-piece SBJ:PCP-be like IPFV-come.out be:FACT LNK
m-y-arykʰumkʰyл.
NEG-be.heterogeneously.distributed:FACT
'It grows in scattered fashion, not in clusters here and there.'
(22-BlamajmAG) {0003584#S124}

It is also possible to repeat counted nouns with distributed numeral prefixes to emphasize even more the scattered distribution as in (64).

(64) tceri tw-tw-rdoь tw-tw-rdoь pwa-nu ma ku-yndzwrya
LNK one-one-piece one-one-piece SENS-be LNK SBJ:PCP-be.neighbours
kw-fse kw-yrykʰumkʰyл kw-fse
SBJ:PCP-be like SBJ:PCP-be.heterogeneously.distributed SBJ:PCP-be like
maŋe.
notuez:SENS
'This type of mushroom grows] one by one [in isolation], not one next to
the other (clustered together), not in patches.' (24-zwArqhAjmAG)
{0003630#S76}

### 7.3.2.4 Restrictive

The only context where the phrase *turme tw-rdoь* consistently means ‘one person’ is in restrictive constructions (‘only one person’) with the exceptive postposition *ma* ‘apart from’ (§8.2.8), as in (65). In negative restrictive constructions with *ciny* ‘(not) even one’, individual counted nouns with the numeral *tu-* ‘one’ also occur as in (66).

(65) tʰam turme tw-rdoь ma me
now people one-piece apart.from not.exist:FACT
'Now there is only one person [in that place].'(140522 tshupa)
{0004053#S35}

(66) qartsu tce u-jwaь tw-mpcar ciny u-ku
winter LNK 3SG.POSS-leaf one-leaf not.even 3SG.POSS-head
kw-ndzoь me.
SBJ:PCP-ANTICAUS:attach exist:FACT
'In winter, not even one leaf [remains] on it.' (11-mYAm) {0003474#S33}
As illustrated by the following pair of examples (from a similar episode in
two traditional stories), in this construction both noun+individual counted noun
(67)<fnref n="8" /> or plain numeral (68) can occur.

(67) *turme wnu-rdoь ma*   *maņe-tci*   *tce,*
people two-piece apart.from not exist:SENS-1DU LNK
*ky-yndndyzqwyr*   *my-nw-cʰa-tci,*
INF-RECIP:eat.on.one's.own NEG-AUTO-can:FACT-1DU
‘There are only two of us, we cannot eat on our own [without sharing
with each other].’ (2003 Kunbzang)

(68) *tcizo wnuz ma*   *maņe-tci*   *tce, żaka k*
1DU two apart.from not exist:SENS-1DU LNK each INF-AUTO-make
*my-rtaŕ-tci*
NEG-be.enough:FACT-1DU
‘There are only two of us, there are not enough of us to each act on our
own.’ (2002 qaCpa)

In examples (69) and (70), also with noun+individual counted noun, there is
no specific restrictive construction, but there is an implicit restrictive meaning
(‘because of (just) one person’, ‘only one staff’).

(69) *turme tu-rdoь w-ndza*   *nw zo to-stu-nw*   *cti*
people one-piece 3SG.POSS-reason DEM EMPH IFR-do lik e-PL be.AFF:FACT
*ri,*
**LNK**
‘They did all that because of one person.’ (2003 smanmi2)

(70) *nwzora yu*   *nw-cymwydu cʰo*   *kw-fse*   *nw u-tsʰyšt*   *nw,*
2PL GEN 2PL.POSS-gun COMIT SBJ:PCP-like DEM 3SG.POSS-instead DEM
*tcizo yu*   *tci-typi*   *tw-ldza*   *pw-tu*   *tce, nw*
1DU GEN 1DU.POSS-staff one-long object PST.IPFV-exit LNK DEM
*ky-nw-tʰu-tci*   *cti*   *wo*
**AOR-AUTO-spread-1DU** be.AFF:FACT FSP
‘Instead of guns like you have, we (only) had one staff, and we laid it over
[the river to walk on it as a bridge].’ (2003 Kunbzang)

Individual counted nouns can also express a combination of partitive and re-
strictive meaning, ‘just X of them’, as in (71).

<footnote n="8">⁸The 1DU suffix on the existential verb *maņe-tci* is a case of partitive indexation (§14.6.1.3).</footnote>
## 7 Numerals and counted nouns

(71) *tw-rdoš ma-pú-wy-sat ra ma tce rcanu*,
one-piece NEG.IMP-PFV-INV-kill be.needed:FACT LNK LNK UNEXP:DEG
*kyryxpa zo cʰu-car tce nu u-zda nu ku*
several.years EMPH IPFV-search LNK DEM 3SG.POSS-companion DEM ERG
*pu-car ny pu-car tce*
IPFV-search LNK IPFV-search LNK

‘One should not just kill one of them, otherwise it will look for it for years, its mate will search and search for it.’ (22-qomndroN) {0003598#S34}

Another type of restricted meaning is, in the case of mass nouns such as *rdyštak*
‘stone’, the meaning ‘in one piece’ as in example (72), with the individual counted
nouns *tu-ldza* ‘one long object’ or *tu-rdoš* ‘one piece’ (the storyteller hesitates
between the two) occurring here not as noun modifier, but as nominal predicates
with the participle of the copula *ŋu* ‘be’ (§22.5.1.1). In this example, *tu-rdoš* is in
this analysis a noun phrase on its own.

(72) *rdyštak tu-ldza, tu-rdoš ku-ŋu ku yjpu*
stone one-longcotject one-piece SBJ:PCP-be ERG watchtower
*χsw-ldza rjylsa w-kyri kutcu a-pw-tu,*
three-longcotject palace 3SG.POSS-front here IRR-IPFV-exist
‘If from one monolith (a stone which is in one piece), three towers were
made here in front of the palace, (I would feel much better).’ (2003
smanmi2)

Unlike languages such as Chinese, where the meaning ‘alone’ can be expressed
by the numeral ‘one’ with a quantifier (一个人 <yīgèrén> ‘one person, alone’),
this meaning is not normally conveyed by counted nouns in Japhug, but rather
by the adverbial root -sti ‘alone’ (see §22.2.2.4).

### 7.3.2.5 Sentential quantifying function

Some counted nouns, rather than being used as postnominal quantifiers, can
have scope over the whole sentence. Two constructions can be distinguished:
the iterative/semelfactive construction, in which the counted nouns designate
the number of time that an action takes place, and the pseudo-object construc-
tion.

Only a minority of counted nouns can be used in the iterative/semelfactive
construction. This group includes temporal counted nouns like *tu-yjrn* ‘one time’
(§7.5.1), counted nouns derived from verbs (§7.3.4.3) such as *tu-tvteʰu* ‘hitting
with the hoe one time' (from *tɔ́ h u* 'gore, stab') and *tu-tɔ́ fskv́r* 'one turn' (from *fskv́r* 'turn around') or from ideophones (§7.3.4.4) such as *tu-tɔ́ xur* 'one turn'.

Semelfactive counted nouns can either be used as objects of an auxiliary verb, mainly *lɔ́t* 'release' (§22.4.2.2), as in (73) and (74), or as sentential quantifiers (§7.3.2.5), as in (75) with the intransitive verb *mtɛ́ur* 'turn'.

(73) *qaw k ANT cʰu-rYtcʰu* to-lYt
hoe several-hitting with the hoe IFR-release
'He hit several times with the hoe.' (elicited)

(74) *wnu-tyxur to-lYt* pnu-ŋu
two-turn IFR-throw SENS-be
'He ran two laps.' (2003 sras)

(75) *χcʰa pcoW laWNu-tyxur ku-mtcw̥r, we pcoW laWNu-tyxur ku-mtcw̥r*
right side a.few-turn IPFV-turn left side a.few-turn IPFV-turn
ŋu.
be:FACT
'It turns several times on the right, and several times one the left.' (150826
qro kWnWkhABGa) {0006362#S5}

In the pseudo-object construction, counted nouns semantically related to the
*patient* of the main verb (even in intransitive constructions lacking an object)
occur to express the meaning ‘not even one ...’ (in a negative construction) or
‘a few...’. This construction is most clearly illustrated with intransitive verbs. In
examples (76) and (77), the intransitive verbs with *rundzytsʰi* ‘have a meal’ and
*rucmi* ‘speak’ cannot take overt object noun phrases (they are not semi-transitive,
see §14.2.4), but occur here with counted noun quantifiers referring to the non-
overt patients (the food in 76 and the words in 77), which would be the object of
the corresponding transitive verbs *ndza* ‘eat’ and *ti* ‘say’.

(76) *ty-pytso* ra tw-mu *u-xcyt* ku
INDEF.PLOSS-child PL NMLZ:action-be.afraid 3SG.PLOSS-strength ERG
tu-tu-kw̥r *ciny zo* kY-rundzytsʰi mw-pjy-cʰa-nw̥.
one-INDEF.PLOSS-mouth even EMPH INF-eat NEG-IFR.IPFV-can-PL
'The children were so afraid that they could not even eat one mouthful.'
(160704 poucet4-v2) {0006097#S52}

(77) *laWNu-ŋka ruccmi-tci*
few-word speak:FACT-1DU
'Let us speak a few words.' (elicited)
## 7 Numerals and counted nouns

In these examples, adding an overt noun would be agrammatical, and the quantifiers *tu-tu-kur cinɛ̱ zo* ‘not even one mouthful’ and *lʌnɛ̱ -ŋka* ‘a few words’ cannot be analyzed as objects. Rather, they are sentential adverbs, whose grammatical status is comparable to that of temporal counted nouns (§7.5.1).

### 7.3.2.6 Other

We also find examples of counted nouns without partitive, distributive, restricted or iterative meaning.

This the case in particular for counted nouns with a collective meaning, denoting a group of entities whose quantity can be precise (*tu-tɔ̃hɑ* ‘one pair’) or unspecified (*tu-bov* ‘one group’, *tu-tu蓬* ‘one household’ or *tu-tu蓬hʊ* ‘one hive’). In (78) for instance, *bɛ̱ tu-tu蓬* means ‘two households’, not ‘two of the households’ or ‘each of the households’. Note also the plural (rather than dual) indexation on the verb *tu-mu*, showing the inherent collective meaning of the counted noun *tu-tu蓬u* ‘one household’. Plural indexation here is optional (§14.6.1.1). In this example, *bɛ̱ tu-tu蓬u* is *not* a modifier of the placename *taβrdo*: this placename is an absolutive locative adjunct (§8.1.9).

(78) tʰam taβrdo bɛ̱ tu-tu蓬 tu-nu
now placename two-household exist-pl
‘Now there are two households in Tarrdo.’ (140522 tshupa) {0004053#S19}

This number quantification meaning is also attested with non-collective counted nouns. For instance, in (79), *χsw-ldza* ‘three (long objects)’ occurs in the same context as the numerals *ci* ‘one’ and *χsum* ‘three’. In (80) likewise, it is clear from the context that neither a partitive, distributive, nor restrictive interpretation is possible.

(79) tɛ̱ endyre tɔ̱-tɔ̱ w nɔ̱ w kɔ̱ tɔ̱ ni ci na-ɛ̱ ar xco̱ ndzu
LNK INDEF POSS-SON dem ERG staff one AOR:3→3'-search twig
χsw-ldza, qapi χswm kʰvzʃi w-ηgw
three-long object white.stone three feedbag 3SG POSS-inside
pa-rku pω-ηu.
AOR:3→3'-put.in SENS-be
‘The boy looked for a staff, and put three twigs and three stones in the
(horse’s) feedbag.’ (2005-stod-kunbzang)
(80) tce nu̯tcu tce tṣu u̯-rk̪u zw si t'u-pʰu pjy-tu,
LNK DEM:LOC LNK path 3SG.POSS-side LOC tree one-tree IFR.IPFV-exist
‘There, on the side of the road, there was a tree.’ (The divination 2002)
{0003364#S10}

However, this function is not very widespread in native texts.

In texts translated from Chinese or elicited material however, this usage is very common, as speakers will easily calque the Chinese noun+classifier construction. In example (81) for instance *qajy tu̯-ldza* ‘one fish’ is very probably calqued from Chinese 一条鱼 yī-tiáo yú (one-CL fish).<fnref n="9" />

(81) *qajy tu̯-ldza* cʰondv̪re qacʰy̪a ci pjy-mto pu̯-ny
fish one-longobject COMIT fox one IFR-see SENS-be
‘He saw a fish and a fox.’ (140505 xiaohaitu-zh) {0003921#S40}

Future studies on the use of counted noun as quantifiers should be therefore exclusively based on texts not translated from Chinese and conversation, not on translations and elicitation.

### 7.3.2.7 Definiteness

In Japhug, counted nouns are not specifically used to mark indefiniteness; they can even occur with demonstratives such as *nu* ‘that’ in noun phrases with a definite referent. In (82) and (83) for instance, the bowl of oil and the tree in question were mentioned earlier in the the story and are clearly definite.

(82) kʰa cʰy-zyu̯t tce tu̯-kri tu̯-kʰu̯tsa nuy
house IFR:DOWNSTREAM-reach LNK INDEF.POSS-oil one-bowl DEM
ko-cku̯t.
IFR-drink.completely
‘He arrived at the house and drank the bowl of oil.’ (140501 mdzadi)
{0003905#S23}

(83) si tu̯-pʰu nu̯ u̯-pʰaek u̯-ntsi nu̯
tree one-tree DEM 3SG.POSS-half 3SG.POSS-one.of.a.pair DEM
pjy-rom zo, u̯-pʰaek u̯-ntsi nu̯
IFR.IPFV-be.dry EMPH 3SG.POSS-half 3SG.POSS-one.of.a.pair DEM

<footnote n="9">⁹The original text from which (81) was translated is 不久，老三又看见了一条鱼和一只狐狸. The counted noun *tu̯-ldza* ‘one long object’ however is really applied to fishes, snakes and worms in Japhug even in non-translated texts (§7.3.3).</footnote>
## 7 Numerals and counted nouns

pjy-k-yŋŋi-ci
zo,
IFR.IPFV-PEG-be.green-PEG EMPH

‘One half of that tree was dead and the other half was green.’ (The divination 2002) {0003364#S11}

### 7.3.3 Counted nouns and semantic classes

This section presents the semantic restrictions on the use of particular counted nouns. It also discusses the cases of nouns that are compatible with several counted nouns.

#### 7.3.3.1 Non-collective counted noun

The counted noun *tu-rdoɔ* ‘one piece’ can occur as postnominal modifier with a considerable variety of nouns, designating people, animals, inanimate objects, including mass nouns; it is the counted noun by default.

A minority of nouns select other individual counted nouns referring to specific shapes: *tu-ldza* ‘one long object’, *tu-mpɛar* ‘one leaf’ and *tu-pʰu* ‘one tree’.

The counted noun *tu-ldza* ‘one long object’, like Chinese 一条 <yitiáo> ‘one long object’ or 一根 <yigēn> ‘one long object’, occurs in the corpus with nouns belonging to the following semantic categories:

* Stick-like objects: *u-ru* ‘its stalk’, *tɔ-yrm* ‘root’, *tɔŋi* ‘walking stick’, *taqaβ* ‘needle’, *tumpa* ‘arrow’, *dɔrɔu* ‘fern’ or *ndzu* ‘stick’, ‘chopsticks’ (ex. 84)

* Limbs, hair and other protruding body-parts: *tu-mi* ‘foot, leg’, *tɔ-kɔrme* ‘head hair’, *tɔ-muj* ‘feather’, *ta-ŋru* ‘horn’.

* Limbless animals: *qapri* ‘snake’, *qajy* ‘fish’

* Towers: *ŋŋu* ‘watchtower’

(84) tci-xcvndzu χsw-ldza pw-tu tce
1DU.Poss-twig three-longobject PST.IPFV-exist LNK
‘We had three twigs.’ (2003 Kunbzang)

The counted noun *tu-mpɛar* ‘one leaf’ occurs with flat objects, including tree leaves (with *tɔ-jwɑ* ‘leaf’ as in 85), sheets of cloth (with *raz* ‘cloth’) and snowflakes (with *tɔjpa* ‘snow’).
(85) *w-jwaŋ nɔŋ ẅnɔŋ-mpcər ma me tce*
3SG.POSS-leaf DEM two-leaf apart.from not exist:FACT LNK
'It only has two leaves.' (16-CWrNgo) {0003518#S176}

The counted noun *tu-mpcar* ‘one leaf’ can also refer to money (in present-day China, bank notes are by far more common than coins even for small amounts of money), meaning ‘one renminbi’.

The counted noun *tu-phu* ‘one tree’ occurs with the generic noun *si* ‘tree’ or names of particular species.

### 7.3.3.2 Collective counted noun

Most nouns referring to humans and animals can occur with the counted noun *tu-bov* ‘one group’. However, the collective counted noun *tu-juy* ‘one pack’ appears to be exclusively used with horses. Its only attestations in the corpus (for instance 86) are found in a translated text.

(86) *li nɔŋ jamar ki a-jγ-tü-ce tce, tcendγre ntütcu tce,*
again DEM about DEM:PROX IRR-PFV-2-go LNK LNK DEM:LOC LNK
*müzwu mbro tü-juy tu tce,*
more horse one-herd exist:FACT LNK
‘Continue going again for about that distance, and there will be a pack of horse.’ (150824 kelaosi-zh) {0006276#S193}

### 7.3.3.3 Multiple counted nouns

Some nouns are compatible with more than one counted noun postnominal modifier, with different connotations. For instance *zgo* ‘mountain’ can be used with the generic counted noun *tu-rdov* ‘one piece’ as in (87), but also with *tu-ldza* ‘one long object’ as in (88) in the meaning ‘mountain range’ and also with *tu-tymbaj* ‘one side’ to mean ‘mountain face’.

(87) *nɔў-kʰa ẅ-rkɔў zgo tü-rdov pwo-ri*
DEM house 3SG.POSS-side mountain one-piece AOR-be.left
‘When there was only one mountain left [on his way back] home, ...’
(Lobzang03)

(88) *rŋgwkyta nɔў li zgo ẅnɔ-wldza tu tce,*
TOPO DEM again mountain two-longobject exist:FACT LNK
‘[As for the placename] Rngukata, there are also two mountain ranges.’
(140522 Kamnyu zgo) {0004059#S62}
## 7 Numerals and counted nouns

In other cases, the change of counted noun does not entail a radical semantic contrast. For instance, the noun *si* 'tree', while generally used with *tu-pʰu* 'one tree', is also attested with the counted noun *tu-ldza* 'one long object', as in (89), without clear semantic difference.

(89) maka rdystaickho si rcanw tw-ldza cinγ
completely stone COMIT tree UNEXP:DEG one-long(object even.one
zo kw-me scʰiz kt-ndzi pɔŋ-ŋu,
EMPH SBJ:PCP-not.exist INDEF.LOC AOR:EAST-reach-DU SENS-be
‘They arrived at a place where there was no stones and not even one tree.’
(2003 Kunbzang)

### 7.3.4 Counted nouns and other parts of speech

This section presents the derivations from other parts of speech (including other nominal classes, such as inalienably and alienably possessed nouns) into counted noun, and from counted noun into other classes.

#### 7.3.4.1 Counted nouns and inalienably possessed nouns

Counted nouns and inalienably possessed nouns stand out among other nouns in having an obligatory prefix. Since the citation form of both classes of nouns – the numeral ‘one’ prefix *tu-* and the indefinite possessor prefixes *tu-/-ty-* – are homophonous, it is not unexpected that conversion occurs between the two classes.

Given the fact that numeral prefixes are a closed class (see §7.3.1 and in particular §7.3.1.4), when one needs to use a quantifier without numeral prefix equivalent, it is necessary to convert the counted noun into an inalienably possessed noun in third person singular form, with the quantifier before it. In example (90), the quantifier *nw tʰamtɔrt* ‘that many’ cannot be converted to a prefix, and therefore the counted noun *tw-tuɒpʰu* ‘one type’ is converted to an inalienably possessed noun in 3SG possessive form *u-tuɒpʰu*.

(90) tce paick tu-yjɔn pjúw-wy-ntcha nɔ nɔ tʰamtɔrt u-tuɒpʰu
LNK pig one-time IPFV-INV-butcher DEM DEM all 3SG.Poss-type
pɔŋ-łɔk ra
IPFV-come.out be.needed:FACT
‘Each time one kills a pig, one will get that many types [of foodstuff from it].’ (05-paR) {0003400#S89}
Similarly, in (91), the more complex phrase *yurza w-ro* ‘more than one hundred’ with the emphatic *zo* occurs with the 3SG prefix.

(91) *yurza w-ro* *zo w-tupw* *tu-j*
hundred 3SG POSS-excess EMPH 3SG POSS-household exist:FACT-1PL
‘There are more than one hundred households of us.’ (22-kumpGatCW)
{0003590#S29}

Example (92) illustrates a third case of conversion from counted noun to in-
alienably possessed noun: a third singular possessive on the converted counted
noun indicates here indefinite number, which makes it possible to specify the
quantity as the predicate (*pjy-k-yntc̣h-w-ci* ‘they used to be many’) instead of the
numeral prefix (*kyntc̣h-w-tupw* ‘many households’, see §7.3.1.4).

(92) *kwcwŋgw nʷ, w-tupw* *pjy-k-yntc̣hʷ-ci* *nɣ*,
former.time DEM 3SG.Poss-household IFR.IPFV-PEG-be.many-PEG SFP
‘In former times, the households [there] were many.’ (140522 tshupa)
{0004053#S67}

Conversion from counted noun to inalienably possessed noun is also obser-
ved when a prenominal demonstrative or adnominal clause is present, as in (93)
and (94). Conversion is however not obligatory, as shown by (95) (see additional
examples in §7.1.5).

(93) *nʷ w-xpa* *nʷ taχpa* *wuma pjy-pe*
DEM 3SG.Poss-year DEM harvest really IFR.IPFV-be.good
‘On that year, the harvest was really good.’ (02-montagnes-kamnyu)
{0003378#S60}

(94) [arco pw-ŋu] w-sŋi nwtcu tce
be.finished.up:FACT PST.IPFV-be 3SG.Poss-day DEM:LOC LOC
‘The day when [the appointed time] was about to be finished,’ (2003 sras)

(95) tcendvre nʷ tu-sŋi nwnw mw-pjy-ko
LNK DEM one-day DEM NEG-IFR-defeat
‘On that day, he failed in his attempt [to force her to take him with her].’
(02-deluge2012) {0003376#S68}

Finally, in the case of counted nouns expressing body-based units of length,
conversion to an inalienably possessed noun has a very specific meaning. These
## 7 Numerals and counted nouns

units have a value that depends on the person of reference (few pairs of people have exactly the same handspan). The possessive prefix serves to indicate the person whose body part serves as the reference as in *a-tya* ‘my handspan’ in (96). It is the only case that a counted noun converted to inalienably possessed noun can take a possessive prefix other than 3SG.

(96) ku-zri nu-ra, tu-tya ma kuki caŋtaŋ
SBJ:PCP-be.long DEM:PL one-span apart.from DEM.PROX up.from
ty-zri, azo a-tya jamar ci ma me.
NEG-be.long:FACT 1SG 1SG.POSS-span about one apart.from notuezFACT
‘As for its length, it is at most one handspan, only the length of my
handspan.’ (28-tshAwAre) {0003722#S50}

Conversion from inalienably possessed noun to counted noun also exists, but is very marginal in Japhug. When inalienably possessed nouns are converted to counted nouns referring to a quantity, they are alienabilized (§5.1.2.9) and the numeral prefixes are added to the noun stem with its indefinite possessor prefix. For instance, the counted noun *tu-tu-kur* ‘one mouthful’ (example 76 p.265) or *tu-ty-ste* ‘one bladder of’ (97) are derived from the body part inalienably possessed nouns *tu-kur* ‘mouth’ and *ty-ste* ‘bladder’.

(97) tce kduxpanaχpu yu u-me yu nu, tu-ci
LNK ANTHR GEN 3SG.POSS-daughter GEN DEM INDEF.POSS-water
tu-ty-ste, tyrcov swrna ci to-rku-nu,
one-INDEF.POSS-bladder clay figurine INDEF IFR-put.in-PL

‘They gave to Gdugpa Nagpo’s daughter a bladder full of water and a clay figurine (to take with her on the road, as her dowry).’ (2003 smanmi2)

Direct conversion from inalienably possessed noun to counted noun without alienabilization is rarer, and it is not always obvious whether the inalienably possessed noun, or the counted noun is primary. For instance, the counted noun *tu-qiu* ‘one half’ (see §7.6.1) is likely to have been derived from the inalienably possessed noun *u-qiu* ‘half’, but the other directionality cannot be excluded.

Clearer cases is provided by the inalienably possessed *u-mdoŋ* ‘colour’ (from Tibetan *sāṃg* mdog ‘colour’), which derives a counted noun with the numeral prefix *kyntc* ‘many’ (on which see §7.3.1.4) in (98), and the native inalienably possessed noun *ty-kač* ‘wing’ from which the counted noun *tu-kač* ‘the length of one arm’ originates (§7.4).
(98) *tceri k(55, 167, 599, 222],

7.3.4.2 Counted nouns and alienably possessed nouns

Alienably possessed nouns designating containers can be converted to a partitive counted nouns by adding the numeral prefixes to the noun stem. For instance, the noun *kʰutsa* ‘bowl’ has a corresponding counted noun *tu-kʰutsa* ‘one bowl’ as in (99).

(99) tuu-kri tuu-kʰutsa pjγ-tu
INDEF POSS-oil one-bowl IFR.IPFV-exist
‘They had one bowl [full] of oil.’ (140501 mdzadi) {0003905#S6}

The same is true of nouns borrowed from Tibetan and Chinese such as *pʰoŋ*
‘bottle’ (from 瓶 <píng> ‘bottle’). As an alienably possessed noun, *pʰoŋ* designates
the bottle itself (not its content), and takes postnominal numerals (as in 100).

(100) pʰoŋ kuβde γγzu
bottle four exist:SENS
‘There are four bottles.’ (elicited; can refer for instance to empty bottles)

Converted to a counted noun *tu-pʰoŋ* ‘one bottle’ it refers to the quantity of
liquid contained in a bottle, and typically follows a mass noun as in (101).

(101) cʰa kuβde-pʰoŋ pjγ-k-γ-ta-ci.
alcohol four-bottle IFR.IPFV-PEG-PASS-put-PEG
‘There were four bottles [full] of alcohol.’ (140510 sanpian sheye-zh)
{0003945#S49}

The derivation process is quite productive, and potentially new counted nouns
meaning ‘a ... full of’ can be derived from any alienably possessed noun if a mean-
ing can be made out of it, as in tu-co from co ‘valley’ in (102), which means in
this particular context ‘an entire valley full of ...’.
7 Numerals and counted nouns

(102) mbro tu-co ku-fse, qazo tu-co ku-fse nw,
horse one-valley SBJ:PCP-be like sheep one-valley DEM
fsapaq rmwrmi zo nw tu-co ny tu-co zo
animal all kinds EMPH DEM one-valley LNK one-valley EMPH
pw-tu pw-ŋu.
PST.IPFV-exist SENS-be

'There was one valley entirely for each species of animals, like one valley full of horses, one valley full of sheep.' (2005 Kunbzang)

7.3.4.3 Counted nouns and verbs

The derivation of verbs into counted nouns and that of counted nouns into verbs are both productive processes in Japhug.

Counted nouns of verbal origin are either built by adding a numeral prefix to the verb stem (as *tu-fkur* ‘one load’ from *fkur* ‘carry on the back’) or to the verb stem with an additional prefix *tx-* (*tu-txrbmu* ‘one heap’ from the transitive verb *rmbu* ‘heap up’, §16.4). Note also the simultaneous action nominal with two prefixes *tu-tu-*, which can be analyzed as involving a counted noun derived from a verb (§16.4.3).

Most deverbal counted nouns are from transitive verbs, but examples from in-
transitive verbs are also found. For instance, in (103) the counted noun *tu-tsʰoz*
'one complete set' (from the stative intransitive verb *tsʰoz* 'be complete') trans-
lates Chinese 一整套 <yīzhěngtào> ' one complete set'.

(103) nwmw ku icqʰa rŋu l ku tu-ŋga
DEM ERG the aforementioned silver ERG INDEF.POSS-clothes
tʰu-kv-βzu ci tu-tsʰoz pjv-βde.
AOR-OBJ:PCP-make INDEF one-complete.set IFR-throw.down
'[The bird] threw her a complete set of clothes that had been made in
silver.' (140504 huiguniang-zh) {0003909#S106}

Deverbal counted nouns are either partitive counted nouns (§7.3.2.1), designat-
ing a quantity of objects resulting from the action of the verb (for instance *tu-fkur*
'one load' or *tu-tsvtsuy* 'one pile' from *rtsuy* 'pile up' as in 104) or semelfactive
counted nouns (§7.3.2.5), referring to the number of time an iterative/semelfac-
tive action takes place (such as *tu-tvtvɔ̃h'u* 'hitting with the hoe one time' from
tvɔ̃h'u 'gore, stab').
(104) cɛrɔɪ nɔɪ kɔɪ-tɛ́ rtsuγ to-βzu-ndzi tce
bone DEM two-pile IFR-make-DU LNK
‘They had make two piles from the bones.’ (2002nyimavodzer)

(105) qaɣ tɔɪ-tɔctʰɔɪ ta-lɔt
hoe one-hitting with hoe AOR:3→3'-throw
‘He used the hoe one time.’ (2003 qachGa) {0003372#S86}

There also are more lexicalized and synchronically less obvious examples of counted nouns derived from verbs. For instance the temporal counted noun *tu-xpa* ‘one year’ originates from the intransitive verb *pa* ‘pass X years’ illustrated in (106) (see also example 118 in §22.4.1.4 and the account of the -x- element in *tu-xpa* proposed in §7.3.1.7).

(106) kʰa na-βde nɔɪ sqamnɔɪz to-pa tce
house AOR:3→3'-leave DEM twelve IFR-pass.X.years LNK
‘Twelve years had passed since she had left home.’ (150828 huamulan-zh)
{0006396#S127}

Since Situ, Zbu and Tshobdun all have cognates of *tu-xpa* ‘one year’, this non-trivial derivation must have occurred at the time of their common ancestor, but not earlier. Other Burmo-Gyalrongic languages, even Horpa and Khroskyabs (Jacques et al. 2017) have a root related to Japhug *pa* ‘pass X years’ for time ordinals (§7.5.2), but not for the corresponding counted noun.

Derivation of transitive verbs from counted nouns with the denominal prefix *rɣ-* is well-attested, for instance *rɣtya* ‘measure by handspan’ from *tu-tya* ‘one span’. A complete list of these verbs and the various meanings of this derivation is presented in §20.4.2.

### 7.3.4.4 Counted nouns and ideophones

Deideophonic counted nouns are quite common, and belong to all major functional categories described above. In the following discussion, ideophones (§10.1) are by default cited in pattern II (§10.1.2.2), though other patterns are mentioned in some cases where appropriate.

The collective counted nouns *tu-boɣ* ‘one group’ and *tu-ɣuy* ‘one pack’ originate from the ideophonic roots found in *boɣboɣ* ‘in group, in order’ and *ɣuyγuy* ‘in great number (of long objects)’, respectively. The presence of plain voiced initial stops in these roots is a clue to their ideophonic origin (§10.1.5.1).
## 7 Numerals and counted nouns

The semelfactive/iterative counted noun *tu-tɛ̃xur* ‘one turn’ comes from the ideophonic root of *xurxur* ‘round’ (pattern III *xurnur* ‘turning around’) with an additional prefix *tɛ̃*. This prefix is possibly the trace of an intermediate stage as an inalienably possessed noun, with a two-step derivation IDEOPHONE → inalienably possessed noun → counted noun.

Direct derivation from ideophone to semelfactive counted noun is also attested, for instance *tu-łum* ‘one period of sleep’ (107) from the root in *łumłum* ‘have a nice sleep’ without the *tɛ̃-* prefix.

(107) li tufɔkskʰa tce tu-łum pjɛ̃-nwzwɔβ tce li ʊ̃-jmnɔ
again dawn LNK one-sleep IFR-sleep LNK again 3SG.POSS-dream
ko-ntcʰyr tce
IFR-appear LNK

‘(The mother was so worried she could not sleep all night.) At dawn, she had a little sleep and had again a dream.’ (2012 Norbzang) {0003768#S159}

## 7.4 Measures

Measures of size, weight and volume are mainly expressed by counted nouns, though some unpossessible nouns are also found.<fnref n="10" /> Most or these words are falling out of use, and being replaced by Chinese words, or calques from Chinese.

Table 7.11 presents the counted nouns used in Japhug for measures of lengths. The obsolete forms are indicated in brackets. The counted nouns *tu-tya* ‘one span’ and *tu-jɔm* ‘the length of two outstretched arms’ are very commonly used in narratives and conversations (their Chinese equivalents are 一乍 <yīzhǎ> ‘one span’ and 一度 <yītuǒ> ‘the length of two outstretched arms’, respectively). There are two ways to measure the handspan, *ndzɔ́kyta* ‘length between the thumb and the forefinger’ and *ŋaktyi* ‘length between the thumb and the middle finger’; these nouns are followed by the *tu-tya* when one wants to specify which of the measures one chooses, as in *ŋaktyi tu-tya*. The counted noun *tu-ka* ‘the length of one arm’ (related to *tɔ́-ka* ‘wing’) is less common that the other ones in Table 7.11 but attested for instance in (108).

(108) tsuku tce tce tu-jɔm kwny tu-zri
some LNK LNK one-length.of.two.outstretched.arms even IPFV-be.long
múj-cʰa, tu-ka jamar, tu-ka tce tce kuki
NEG:SENS-can one-arm.length about one-arm.length LNK LNK DEM:PROX

<footnote n="10">¹⁰Measures of time are discussed in §7.5.</footnote>
jamar, kuki jamar tu-zri p̥u-cʰa.

about DEM:PROX about IPFV-be.long SENS-can

‘Some of them cannot even grow up to the length of one fathom, they
can only grow up to the length of one arm, this much.’ (16-RlWmsWsi)

{0003520#S115}

<table><caption>Table 7.11: Units of length</caption><tr><td><i>tu-tγa</i> 'one span'</td></tr><tr><td><i>(tu-kʰa</i> 'one foot')</td></tr><tr><td><i>tu-ka</i> 'the length of one arm'</td></tr><tr><td><i>tu-jɔm</i> 'one fathom' (the length of two outstretched arms)</td></tr><tr><td><i>(tu-tununa</i> 'one mile')</td></tr></table>

The counted noun *tu-tununa* ‘one mile’ derives from the *tu-* actional nomi-
nal (§16.4.1) of the verb *nuna* ‘rest’, designating a milestone on the road indicat-
ing travellers’ resting places (at regular intervals). Distances are counted now
however only in kilometers using Chinese (including Chinese numerals), as for
instance the expression 三公里 <sāngōnglǐ> ‘three kilometers’ in (109).

(109) a-pi tcʰeme numu mbarkhom u-rku
1SG.POSS-elder.sibling girl DEM Mbarkham 3SG.POSS-side
<xiaoshuigou> <sangongli> nwtcu tʰu-γe.
ANTHR three.kilometers DEM:LOC AOR:DOWNSTREAM-come[II]

‘My elder sister came to Xiaoshuigou, three kilometers from Mbarkham.’
(140501 tshering skyid) {0003902#S39}

Not all nouns of measure are counted nouns. In traditional stories, the unpossessible noun χραχtsʰrt ‘yojana’ from Tibetan འཇུགསྡུ་ dpag.tsʰad ‘yojana’ occurs to designate a mythical measure of distance taken from Indian sources. Numerals are indicated as postnominal numeral modifiers as in (110).

(110) tu-sŋi χραχtsʰrt kungu p̥u-túr-wy-tswm cʰa
one-day yojana nine IPFV:WEST-2-INV-take.away can:FACT
'[This horse] can carry you (west) nine yojanas in one day.' (2003
smanmi)

For measuring the surface of fields, the term *tu-rkoŋcγl*, illustrated by example
(111), is still in use.
## 7 Numerals and counted nouns

(111) mzyw tw-rkoŋcvl jamar tce ky-clu
more one-unit.of.fieldvufield about LNK INF-plow
lu-jyγ pwa-ŋu
IPFV:UPSTREAM-finish SENS-be
'One more unit and the plowing will be finished.' (elicited)

In the traditional society, cereals were more often measured by volume (using containers of various size) than by weight, an action called *ɛtso* 'measure by scooping'. Table 7.12 presents the known units of volume.<fnref n="11" /> Among them, χtsiw 'bushel' and cpyo 'ten bushels' occurs as either alienably possessed or counted nouns. The relationship between the units of volume is described in (112).

<table><caption>Table 7.12: Units of volume</caption><tr><td><i>tw</i>-χtsiw</td><td>'one bushel'</td></tr><tr><td><i>tw</i>-cpyo</td><td>'ten bushels'</td></tr><tr><td><i>tw</i>-γna</td><td>'thirty bushels'</td></tr><tr><td><i>tw</i>-po</td><td>'one dou'</td></tr></table>

(112) squ-χtsiw tce tce nw cpyo pwa-ŋu. tce tw-cpyo
ten-bushel LNK LNK DEM ten.bushels SENS-be SENS-be ten.bushels
pwa-ŋu. cpyo numw tce tce, mzyw fswsqu-χtsiw
SENS-be ten.bushels DEM LNK LNK even-more thirty-bushel
a-ty-ypwa ppa tce tce numw tw-γna. tce nw
IRR-PFV-accumulate LNK LNK DEM one-thirty.bushels LNK dem
tw-γna pjy-ŋu tce tce nw caŋtaŋ
one-thirty.bushels IFR.IPFV-be LNK LNK DEM up.from
tw-sy-ctso pjy-me tce,
3SG.PLOSS-OBJ:PCPblique-measure IFR.IPFV-not的存在
'Ten bushels was a cpyo, after the cpyo, thirty bushels put together was a
tw-γna. After that, there was no container used to measure [grains].'
(140515 rJama) {0004006#S24}

The units of weight include tw-sraŋ 'one ounce' (from Tibetan sགསར 'ounce'), rjypcγrt 'half pound' (from the first syllable of བརྗོད་རྒྱལ་ས་གསལ 'scales' with བརྗོད་པ་རྒྱལ་སོགས 'unit of measure' corresponding to Chinese 一斗 <yīdōu> 'one dou' (about ten liter in the metric system). The other units are native words.

<footnote n="11">¹¹Among these units, *tw-po* 'one dou' apparently comes from Tibetan *kṣaṇa* 'unit of measure' corresponding to Chinese 一斗 <yīdōu> 'one dou' (about ten liter in the metric system). The other units are native words.</footnote>
‘half’) and the counted noun *tu-turpa* ‘one pound’ derived from *turpa* ‘axe’ (see §7.3.4.2).<fnref n="12" />

(113) kwćwŋgw rjama w-taɣ tce, kwrcy-sraŋ tce
in.former TIMES weighing.scales 3SG POSS-on LNK eight-pound LNK
rjyxpcyšt, sqapry-sraŋ tce tuu-turpa pjyŋ-yu.
half.pound sixteen-ounce LNK one-pound IFR.IPFV-be
‘In former times, on the scales, one half pound was eight ounces, and
one pound was sixteen ounces.’ (140515 rJama) {0004006#S2}

## 7.5 Counting time

### 7.5.1 Temporal counted nouns

Japhug has native counted nouns for time durations related to solar and lunar cycles: *tu-xpa* ‘one year’, *tu-sla* ‘one month’, *tu-sŋi* ‘one day’, *tɔ-rẓaɣ* ‘one night’ (also used to express 24 hours). There are no native concepts for ‘weeks’ or ‘ten days’; the expression of hours is presented in §7.5.4. Other temporal counted nouns include *tu-mŋuutsi* ‘one lifetime’ (from Ṣ mi.tsʰe ‘human life’), *tu-tupcuxur-tɛʰaɣ* ‘one generation’ and *tu-rzuɣy* ‘one section’, ‘one instant’, and *tu-skɔrma* ‘one minute’ (from Tibetan Ṣamkar.ma ‘star, minute’)

The temporal counted nouns *tu-sŋi* ‘one day’ and *tɔ-rẓaɣ* ‘one night’ are commonly used in apposition with the same numeral prefix to express the meaning ‘X days and X nights’, as in (114).

(114) χsw-sŋi χsɣ-rẓaɣ zo pjy-rzyi
three-day three-night EMPH IFR.IPFV-stay
‘He stayed there for three days and three nights.’ (2011-13-qala)

To express the meanings corresponding to English ‘after’ or ‘later’ with a time span, the idiomatic way in Japhug is to use verbs such as *tsu* ‘pass (of time)’, as shown by example (115) and (116). Note that *tsu* ‘pass (of time)’ is a semi-transitive verb (§14.2.3) whose semi-object is the time period expressed by the counted noun, and whose subject is the person affected by the passing of time (see for instance 116 with 1SG indexation).

<footnote n="12">¹²This may be an ancient calque from ㄢ<sub>1</sub> <jin> ‘pound’, which also meant ‘axe’ in Old Chinese. Apart from *tu-turpa* ‘one pound’, all technical terms related to weighing are from Tibetan (including *rjama* ‘scales’ and *skyr* ‘weigh’).</footnote>
## 7 Numerals and counted nouns

(115) *w-tu-γ-wxti*      *pjγ-saχaVK*      *zo*      *tu-sŋi*
3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-FACIL-be big IFR.IPFV-be extremely EMPH one-day

*tγ-tsu*  *tce*,  *χsw-sŋi*  *tγ-kw-tsu*  *to-fse.*  *χsw-sŋi*

AOR-pass LNK three-days AOR-SBJ:PCP-pass IFR-be like three-day

*tγ-tsu*  *tce*,  *tu-sla*  *tγ-kw-tsu*  *to-fse.*  *tu-sla*

AOR-pass LNK one-month AOR-SBJ:PCP-pass IFR-be like one-month

*tγ-tsu*  *tce*,  *tu-xpa*  *tγ-kw-tsu*  *to-fse.*

AOR-pass LNK one-year AOR-SBJ:PCP-pass IFR-be like

'He grew extremely fast, one day after [he was born] he looked like [an infant] who was three days old, after three days he looked like a [baby] who was one month old, after one month he looked like a [toddler] who was one year old.' (2012 Norbzang) {0003768#S103}

(116) *tcʰorzi w-ŋgw*      *cʰw-kw-rku-a,*      *χsγ-rzaVK*
jar      3SG.POSS-inside IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-2→1-put.in-1SG three-days

*tγ-tsu-a*  *tce*  *ci*  *a-tγ-kw-rtoVK-a,*

AOR-pass-1SG LNK once IRR-PFV-2→1-look-1SG

'Put me in a jar, and three days later have a look at me.' (2003 Kunbzang)

The postposition *cungwu* 'before' (§8.2.11) occurs after temporal counted nouns in examples such as (117) (see also 157 below); the relator noun *w-qʰu* 'after, behind' (§8.3.5) is not used in this way except in texts translated from Chinese (where it is likely calqued) as in (118).

(117) *kungwuqsqw-xpa cungwu nura*  *tcʰeme ra wuma zo*  *kw-taVK*
nine.ten-years before DEM:PL girl  PL really EMPH SBJ:PCP-weave

*pw-dyn*

PST.IPFV-be.many

'Nine or ten years ago, there were many weavers among women.'
(thaXtsa2002)

(118) *kwβdγ-xpa w-qʰu*      *tce*      *kukutcu*  *tu-kγ-ywwwum*
four-year  3SG.POSS-after LNK here      IPFV-INF-RECIP:gather

*to-nw-pa-nw.*

IFR-AUTO-make-PL

'They agreed to meet again at this place in four years.' (140508 benling gaoqiang de si xiongdi-zh) {0003935#S23}

In order to express meanings such as 'beginning' or 'end' of a time period indicated by a counted noun, verbs such as *arço* 'be finished' are used as in (119) instead of nouns or participles like *w-sγyjγy* 'its end'.
(119) *ywjpa tw-xpa pw-yrc*o *cungw tce, <lunwen> kx-ryt*
this.year one-year IPFV-be finished before LNK dissertation INF-write
*pjw-jy yra.*
IPFV-finish SENS-be needed
'He has to finish writing his dissertation before the end of this year.'
(elicitation)

Temporal counted nouns are generally used on their own without head noun.
The counted noun *tw-xpa* ‘one year’ however does occur with the noun *lu* ‘year’
(from Tibetan *l*o ‘year’) in some traditional stories as in (120).

(120) *lu χsw-xpa pw-ŋke-j* *pw-ra ri,*
year three-year PST.IPFV-walk-1SG PST.IPFV-be-needed LNK
‘We had to walk for three years.’ (2003 sras)

The temporal counted nouns *tw-sla* ‘one month’ and *tw-xpa* ‘one year’ have
the special forms *kxr-y-sla* ‘several months’ and *kxr-y-xpa* ‘several years’ as in (121)
and (122) with what appears to be a numeral prefix *kxr-y-* ‘several’.<fnref n="13" /> This prefix
cannot however be used with any other counted nouns, even *tw-sŋi* ‘one day’.

(121) *tw-ji uŋgw kxr-y-xpa zo*
INDEF.POSS-field 3SG.POSS-inside several-years EMPH
*pw-a-nu-rku kwny, pjw-tsyi m-y-cʰa.*
PST.IPFV-PASS-AUTO-put.in also IPFV-rot NEG-can:FACT
‘Even if it remains in [the ground of] the field for several years, it does
not rot.’ (08-qaJAGi)

(122) *kxr-y-sla zo tw-ŋga ra ma-nu-wy-χtci qʰe*
several-months EMPH INDEF.POSS-clothes PL NEG:IRR-PFV-INV-wash LNK
*tce zrwy ku-βže cti.*
LNK louse IPFV-grow be.AFF:FACT
‘If one does not wash clothes for several months, lice will grow in it.’
(21-mdzadi) {0003578#S51}

7.5.2 *Time ordinals*

Japhug has two series of time ordinals, one for days (Table 7.13) and another one for years (Table 7.14). In the following discussion, I adopt Michailovsky’s (2003)

<footnote n="13">¹³These two counted nouns are also compatible with the approximate numeral prefix *lʌmnu-* ‘a few’ as in *lʌmnu-sla* ‘a few months’ and *lʌmnu-xpa* ‘a few years’ (§7.2).</footnote>
7 Numerals and counted nouns

notations: $D^{-\alpha}$ ‘α day(s) ago’, $D^{+\beta}$ ‘in β day(s)’, $Y^{+\gamma}$ ‘γ year(s) ago’, $Y^{+\delta}$ ‘in δ year(s)’.

<table><caption>Table 7.13: Japhug day ordinals</caption><thead><tr><th>Day</th><th>Time ordinal expression</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>-2</td><td>jufcundzi 'two days ago', 'the other day'</td></tr><tr><td>-1</td><td>jufcur 'yesterday'</td></tr><tr><td>0</td><td>jisnj 'today'</td></tr><tr><td>+1</td><td>fso 'tomorrow'</td></tr><tr><td>+2</td><td>fsyndi 'the day after tomorrow'</td></tr><tr><td>+3</td><td>qhyndi 'in three days'</td></tr><tr><td>+4</td><td>nyndi 'in four days'</td></tr><tr><td>+5</td><td>bzindi 'in five days'</td></tr><tr><td>+6</td><td>pytsyndi 'in six days'</td></tr></tbody></table>

The Japhug system has relatively few ordinals for past days and years (some Kiranti languages have terms for up to $D^{-6}$ and $Y^{-4}$, as shown by Michailovsky 2003), but stands out by having six ordinals for future years (no Kiranti languages has more than $D^{+6}$ and $Y^{+4}$ in Michailovsky’s 2003 data). However, the $D^{+5}$ βzindi ‘in five days’, $D^{+6}$ pγtsγndi ‘in six days’ and the corresponding year ordinals $Y^{+5}$ and $Y^{+6}$ are not used any more in day-to-day speech even by the eldest speakers.

The $D^0$ to $D^{-2}$ and $Y^0$ to $Y^{-2}$ ordinals have a prefix ji-/ju-/ja-, which is probably of demonstrative origin. This prefix also occurs in the derived ordinals juymur ‘this evening’ and juxzo ‘this morning’ (see Tables 7.15 and 7.16 below), as well as in some frozen adverbs, such as jγxtsʰi ‘this time’ (from tu-xtsʰi ‘one time’) and jinde ‘these days’. Cognates of this prefix are found in other time ordinals elsewhere in Gyalrongic. In the case of γujpa ‘this year’, this prefix surfaces as a preinitial -j- to the root -pa ‘year’ (see §7.3.1.7 on the etymology of this noun). The γu- (from *wə-) prefix may be cognate to the prefix pə- in pəvə ‘this year’ and pəsŋə ‘today’ in Stau.

The expressions jufcundzi ‘two days ago’ and japandzi ‘two years ago’, which are based on the $D^{-1}$ and $Y^{-1}$ forms with a suffix -ndzi, can be analyzed as time ordinals ($D^{-2}$ and $Y^{-2}$, respectively), as in (123).<fnref n="14" />

<footnote n="14">¹⁴This suffix -ndzi is not attested elsewhere, but is probably related to the syllable -ri of the relator noun u-γγri ‘before, in front of’, from an earlier *-n-ri with epenthesis (*-ndri) and fricativization of the resulting *dr cluster.</footnote>
<table><caption>Table 7.14: Japhug year ordinals</caption><thead><tr><th>Year</th><th>Time ordinal expression</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>-2</td><td>japandżi 'two years ago', 'a few years ago'</td></tr><tr><td>-1</td><td>japa 'last year'</td></tr><tr><td>0</td><td>yujpa 'this year'</td></tr><tr><td>+1</td><td>fsaqʰe 'next year'</td></tr><tr><td>+2</td><td>fsyndɔpa 'in two years'</td></tr><tr><td>+3</td><td>qʰyndɔpa 'in three years'</td></tr><tr><td>+4</td><td>ŋyndɔpa 'in four years'</td></tr><tr><td>+5</td><td>βzindɔpa 'in five years'</td></tr><tr><td>+6</td><td>pɛtsyndɔpa 'in six years'</td></tr></tbody></table>

(123) nʷ ma kʷ-dyn japa mʷ-ty-χtw-t-a.
DEM apart.from SBJ:PCP-be.many last.year NEG-AOR-buy-TR:PST-1SG
japandzi alo, łaltcym kʷ z-ŋy-car tcendsre
two.years.ago upstream ANTHR ERG TRAL-IFR-search LNK

'Last year, it did not buy a lot [of edible fern]. The year before, up there (in Kamnyu), Lhalcam collected some.' (conversation, 14.05.10)

However, in many cases, they have less specific meanings such as 'a few days ago' and 'a few years ago', as shown by (124), referring to an event that had occurred more than one week before.<fnref n="15" />

(124) jwfcuwdzi pʷ-tu-χcu-ndzi ma, a-ŋga
last.days AOR-2-be.strong-du LNK 1SG.POSS-clothes
lɔ-tu-su-yuɔt-ndzi nʷ, a-xtsa nʷ wuma pʷ-pe tce
AOR-2-CAUS-bring-du DEM 1SG.POSS-shoe DEM really SENS-be.good LNK
nʷ ku-nʷ-ŋge-a, a-tsa wuma pʷ-βze
DEM PRS-AUTO-wear[III]-1SG 1SG.POSS-adapted really SENS-make[III]

'Thank you both for the other day, the clothes that you have sent me, the shoes are very nice, I wear them, they are my size.' (conversation, 15.04.18)

<footnote n="15">¹⁵This use reminds of the English expression 'a couple of days ago', which can mean up to a week ago.</footnote>
## 7 Numerals and counted nouns

Even the $Y^{-1}$ ordinal *japa* ‘last year’ can have a less specific meaning if combined with *dal* ‘early’ and the locative *ri* as *japa dal ri* ‘a few years ago’ as in (125). No other time ordinal can be used with *dal* ‘early’ or other modifiers.

(125) *japa dal ri, ftcar ri, ьмьцьцьн ыць* рць-ти-нць *ma last.year early LOC summer LOC solar.eclipse exist:SENS SENS-say-PL SFP*
‘A few years ago, they said there was a solar eclipse during summer.’
(29-RmGWzWn2) {0003730#S24}

The day ordinals from $D^{+2}$ to $D^{+5}$ contain a suffix -ndi, which attaches to the bound state forms of *fso* ‘tomorrow’ in $D^{+2}$ *fsyndi* and *u-qʰu* ‘after, behind’ in $D^{+3}$ *qʰыndi*. The $D^{+5}$ form *βzindi* contains the bound state *βzuu* of the Japhug pronunciation *βzi* of the Tibetan numeral འབྲི་ ‘four’ (see §7.1.1), presumably meaning ‘the fourth day after tomorrow’.

Year ordinals from $Y^{+2}$ to $Y^{+5}$ (Table 7.14) are built by simply adding the root -pa ‘year’ (see §7.3.1.7 and § §7.3.4.3) to the bound state of the corresponding day ordinals $D^{+2}$ to $D^{+5}$. The $Y^{+1}$ time ordinal *fsaqʰe* ‘next year’ comes from the bound state of *fso* ‘tomorrow’, and the second element may be from the counted noun *u-qʰu* ‘after, behind’ followed by the locative suffix *-j* with regular vowel fusion (§8.2.4.4).

<table><caption>Table 7.15: Morning ordinals</caption><thead><tr><th>Day</th><th>Morning ordinal</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>-2</td><td>jufcundzisoz 'the morning of two days ago'</td></tr><tr><td>-1</td><td>jufcusoz 'yesterday morning'</td></tr><tr><td>0</td><td>juxço 'this morning'</td></tr><tr><td>+1</td><td>fsosoz 'tomorrow morning'</td></tr><tr><td>+2</td><td>fsyndisoz 'in two days in the morning'</td></tr><tr><td>+3</td><td>qʰыndisoz 'in three days in the morning'</td></tr></tbody></table>

In addition, there are morning ordinals (Table 7.15) which derive from the corresponding day ordinals by adding the noun *soz* ‘morning’ (with the exception of *juxço* ‘this morning’), and the evening and night ordinals (Table 7.16) which are built by adding the bound form *-mur* (found in *tw-ymur* ‘one evening’ and *murkurku* ‘every evening’). These ordinals are not attested after $D^{+3}$, though the forms could be built easily; note the absence of bound state, except for $D^{-1}$, where *jufcur* ‘yesterday’ loses its coda, as in *jufcusoz* ‘yesterday morning’.
Note the isolated $q^huj$ ‘this afternoon’ Table 7.16), which can refer to the time period between noon and the night (including the early evening).

As shown by (126), it is also possible to combine day ordinals with other time nouns such as *turmu* ‘dusk’ to indicate particular moments of previous or future days.

(126) juſcwindzi-mur ny-pi ku-wxti w-taſ
two.days.ago-evening 2SG POSS-elder.sibling SBJ:PCP-be.big 3SG POSS-on
ko-nqoſ-a ri mw-tý-wy-tswm-a, juſcwr turmu
IFR-hang-1SG LNK NEG-AOR:UP-INV-take.away-1SG yesterday dusk
tce ny-pi tułyt nſ w-taſ ko-nqoſ-a
LNK 2SG POSS-elder.sibling second.sibling DEM 3SG POSS-on IFR-hang-1SG
ri mw-tý-wy-tswm-a tce, jwymur ndyre nyzo
LNK NEG-AOR:UP-INV-take.away-1SG LNK this.evening TOP ADVERS 2SG
tu-ku-tswm-a ra
IPFV:UP-2→1-take.away-1SG be.needed:FACT

‘Two days ago, during the evening, I clung onto your eldest sister but she did not take me away (to heaven), yesterday at dusk I clung onto your second eldest sister but she did not take me away, this evening take me away.’ (07-deluge) {0003426#S55}

<table><caption>Table 7.16: Evening ordinals</caption><thead><tr><th>Day</th><th>Evening</th><th>Night</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>-2</td><td>juſcwindzimur 'the evening of two days ago'</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>-1</td><td>juſcumur 'yesterday evening'</td><td>juſcwr 'yesterday night'</td></tr><tr><td>0</td><td>q<sup>h</sup>uj 'this afternoon',<br>juſymur 'this evening'</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>+1</td><td>ſsomur 'tomorrow evening'</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>+2</td><td>ſsymbdimur 'in two days in the evening'</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>+3</td><td>q<sup>h</sup>ymbdimur 'in three days in the evening'</td><td></td></tr></tbody></table>

Time ordinals can be used either on their own as (123), (124) or (126) above, or be followed by the linker tce as in (127). They are never used with the locative postpositions ri, zu, or tſu (which are used to mark some temporal adjuncts, §8.2.4.1), except for the $D^{-1}$, $S^{-2}$, $Y^{-1}$ and $Y^{-2}$ ordinals which can occur with ri, as in (128).
7 Numerals and counted nouns

(127) fsyndi tce li kumak ji-ky-nyma yyzu
in.two.days LNK again other 1PL.POSS-OBJ:PCP-work exist:SENS
'After tomorrow we have something else to do.' (conversation, 2012.12)

(128) japa ri tce, <hongyuan> <caizhengju> ri pw-cʰa, <kaoshi>
last.year LOC LNK ANTHR finance.office LOC AOR-can exam
pw-cʰa
AOR-can

'Last year, he passed the exam for the finance office in Hongyuan.'
(12-BzaNsa) {0003484#S69}

Time ordinals can be converted to inalienably possessed nouns with the third singular prefix *u-* to change the reference time from the present to a point of time in the past or a to hypothetical time reference. For instance, from *fso* 'tomorrow' one can build *u-fso* 'the next day' or *u-fsospi* 'the next day' (by adding the counted noun *tu-spi* 'one day'), as in (129), (130) or (131).

(129) u-fso-spi tce tce li pjy-nytsok-nu tce
3SG.POSS-tomorrow-day LNK LNK again IFR-dig.up.silverweed-PL LNK
'The next day, they dug up again silverweed roots.' (07-deluge)
{0003426#S46}

(130) nu tu-rza nwa apw-nu-fse tce,
DEM one-night DEM IRR-IPFV-AUTO-be like LNK
u-fso-soz tce u-ci zo pu-łov
3SG.POSS-tomorrow-morning LNK 3SG.POSS-water EMPH IPFV-come.out
pu-nu
SENS-be

'If you leave it one night, the next day in the morning the juice comes
out.' (conversation 14.05.10)

(131) tce tu-ji w-ŋgw pjw-nu-ce tce,
LNK INDEF.POSS-field 3SG.POSS-inside IPFV:DOWN-AUTO-go LNK
w-fsaqʰe tce li tu-łov pu-nu tce.
3SG.POSS-next.year LNK again IPFV:UP-come.out SENS-be LNK
'[Its seed] goes into [the soil of] the field, and it grows again the next
year.' (13-NanWkWmtsWG) {0003492#S105}
### 7.5.3 Other derived time adverbs

Japhug has a series of distributive adverbs meaning ‘every/each X’ (Table 7.17). These adverbs are derived from time nominals (mainly counted nouns, but also alienably possessed nouns like *soz* ‘morning’) by adding a suffix -ku and then applying partial reduplication (§4.1). If the nominal root has a coda such as that of *-mur* ‘evening’ (as in *tu-ymur* ‘one evening’), this coda is resyllabified and undergoes reduplication together with the suffix, as in the form *murkurku* ‘every evening’ (not †*murkuku*).

The /w/ of the preceding syllable tends to become [u] due to vowel assimilation (§3.3.1.2); since vowel assimilation always occurs in the forms without a reduplicated cluster, the transcriptions *śnikuku* ‘every day’ and *pakuku* ‘every year’ are used in this grammar (Table 7.17) instead of the more phonological representations /śnikuku/ and /pakuku/.

These adverbs are commonly used with the emphatic marker *zo*, as in (132).

<table><tr><td>(132)</td><td><strong>murkurku zo kntcʰaɣ a-pi w-pʰe</strong></td></tr><tr><td></td><td>every.evening EMPH street 1SG.POSS-elder.sibling 3SG.POSS-DAT</td></tr><tr><td></td><td><strong>kw-nri pui-yi-a, ... pw-ŋu.</strong></td></tr><tr><td></td><td><strong>SBJ:PCP-have.supper ... PST.IPFV-be</strong></td></tr><tr><td></td><td>‘Every evening, if would go in the town at my elder brother’s home to have supper and...’ (140501 tshering skyid) {0003902#S110}</td></tr></table>

This morphological derivation is not productive, and cannot be used with any other temporal counted noun, even *tu-sla* ‘one month’ – the distributive modifiers *raŋri* ‘each’ or *ruri* ‘each’ are used instead (§9.1.3.3).

<table><caption>Table 7.17: Distributive time adverbs</caption><thead><tr><td>Time nominal</td><td>Adverb</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>soz ‘morning’</td><td>soskuusku ‘every morning’</td></tr><tr><td>tu-ymur ‘one evening’</td><td>murkurku ‘every evening’</td></tr><tr><td>tu-sŋi ‘one day’</td><td>śnikuku ‘every day’</td></tr><tr><td>tu-xpa ‘one year’</td><td>pakuku ‘every year’</td></tr></tbody></table>

### 7.5.4 Clock time

Japhug has a series of words borrowed from Tibetan that can be used to refer to hours and minutes. The alienably possessed *tutsʰot* ‘time, hour, clock’ from
7 Numerals and counted nouns

Tibetan གསར་གླིང་ dus.tsʰod ‘time, hour’ (note that tu- here is not a prefix, but repre- sents the Tibetan syllable གསར་གླིང་ dus ‘time’), if directly followed by a numeral (or the generic counted noun tu-rdoབ ‘one piece’) refers to hours, as in examples (133) and (134).

(133) cɣr tuitsʰot sqamnwz zo tce a-jɣ-tuw-z-nɣtwuy tce,
night hour twelve EMPH LNK IRR-PFV-2-CAUS-happen.to.be.at LNK
‘You will have to make sure to be there at midnight.’ (2003 qachGa)
{0003372#S26}

(134) tce numw ci ta-cu-mŋỵm numw tuitsʰot tur-rdoབ jamar
LNK DEM one AOR:3→3'-caus-hurt DEM hour one-piece about
mɣctṣa mɣ-zi.
until NEG-subside:FACT
‘When [nettles] start causing pain, it won’t stop for about one hour.’
(11-mtshalu) {0003472#S7}

To express a length of time in minutes, the noun *tutsʰot* ‘time, hour, clock’ is
followed by the counted noun *tu-skɣrma* ‘one minute’, as in (135).

(135) tuitsʰot sqampu-skɣrma, ynysqi-skɣrma jamar tv-tsu tce
time fifteen-minute twenty-minute about AOR-pass LNK
ku-smi cti.
IPFV-be.cooked be.AFF:FACT
‘After fifteen or twenty minutes, it is cooked.’ (160706 thotsi)
{0006133#S50}

To ask about clock time, the interrogative pronoun *tʰystuy* ‘how many’, ‘how much’ occurs with the verb *zyut* ‘arrive’ as in (136) (see also §6.5.3).

(136) nɣki nux tuitsʰot tʰystuy ko-zyut?
DEM:DISTAL DEM hour how.many IFR-reach
‘At your place, what time is it?’ (conversation, 14.12.24 – the question
refers to the time lag between Paris and Mbarkham)

These expressions, although used in the everyday language in Japhug, are
calqued from Chinese since they follow modern time counting units and are all
recent. Another calque from Chinese includes *tu-teulŋyβ* ‘one unit of tobacco’ as
in (137), from the expression 一斗烟的功夫 <yī dǒu yān de gōngfū> ‘time of one
unit of tobacco’.
(137) tʰamaka twn-tcwnyβ k sko u-raŋ jamar
tobacco one-tobacco.unit INF-smoke 3SG.POSS-time about
pu-ra
SENS-be.needed
'One needs about the time of a tobacco smoke.' (elicited)

7.6 Basic arithmetic operations

Although Japhug lacks an elaborate mathematical vocabulary, it is possible to
express at least the basic arithmetic operations without recourse to Chinese.

The counted noun *tw-rdoχ* ‘one piece’ is used instead of the numeral *ci* ‘one’ is
calculations (see 138 below).

Additions are expressed by the construction in (138) and (139),<fnref n="16" /> with the verb *ta* ‘put’ (or alternatively, *yxju* ‘add’) and the locative noun *u-taχ* ‘on, above’, literally ‘If one puts Y on the top of X, it makes Z’ corresponding to *X + Y = Z*.

(138) kwmŋu u-taχ tw-rdoχ pjú-wy-ta tce kwtsγy tu-βze
five 3SG-on one-piece IPFV:DOWN-INV-put LNK six IPFV-do[III]
ŋu.
be:FACT
'Five plus one equals six.' (gram140505 math, elicitation)

(139) nyzo kućnウ-ku nt p WPWηυ ny, kućnωz u-taχ kurcat
2SG seven-eight DEM as.for LNK seven 3SG-on eight
pjú-wy-ta tce sqamŋu pu-ŋu sqamŋu tce ju-tw-nu-ce
IPFV:DOWN-INV-put LNK fifteen SENS-be fifteen LNK IPFV-2-VERT-GO
pu-ŋu tce,
SENS-be LNK
'As for the expression 'seven eight' [that your father in law has told]
you, seven plus eight equals fifteen, [it means that] you go back [to your
husband's home] in fifteen days.' (2005 tAwa kWcqraR)

In the case of subtractions, the main verb is *tɛrɛt* ‘take out’ combined with the
downstream orientation preverb (the preverb *cʰu-* in 140, §15.1.4.2). The minuend
(*tw*-rdoχ in 140) is the object of *tɛrɛt* ‘take out’, and the subtrahend (*kwmŋu* in 140)

<footnote n="16">¹⁶The form *kućnウ-kuircat* (with the numeral prefix *kućnω-* on the numeral *kuircat* ‘eight’) in
example (139) is part of a riddle in the story, and is not a normal way to express additions in
Japhug.</footnote>
## 7 Numerals and counted nouns

is encoded with the relator noun *u-ŋgw* ‘inside’ (§8.3.4.4). Alternatively, the verb *swxtɛ́hək* ‘make diminish’, causative of *tɛ́hək* ‘diminish’ (§17.2.1.4) can also occur (selecting the *DOWNWARDS* orientation). The construction is exactly the same as in (140), replacing *cʰú-wy-tɛ́yt* by *pjú-wy-swxtɛ́hək*.

(140) *kwmŋu u-ŋgw t̥u-rdoɔ kʰú-wy-tɛ́t tce kwβde ma*
 five 3SG-inside one-piece IPFV-INV-take.out LNK four apart.from
 *ŋu-me ŋu*
 IPFV-notuez BEFACt

‘If one takes out one from five, only four remain = five minus one equals four’ (gram140505 math, elicitation)

Japhug is rarely used for multiplication. The counted noun *tu-zloɔ* ‘one time’ can convey a multiplicative meaning as in example (141). Note that this counted noun of Tibetan origin has two alternative forms for ‘two times’, the regular *bnu-zloɔ* and the hybrid form *kŋu-zloɔ* with an irregular numeral prefix that seems influenced by the Tibetan numeral *gñis* ‘two’ (see §7.1.6.1, §7.3.1.5). Divisions are treated in the section on fractions (§7.6.1).

(141) *kwngut n̥u χswm yu χsw-zloɔ ŋu*
 nine DEM three GEN three-time be:FACT
 ‘Nine is three times three.’ (gram140505 math, elicitation)

### 7.6.1 Fractions

Japhug does not have specific names for fractions other than *u-qiu* ‘half’. This inalienably possessed noun has no prefixal form, and to express the meaning ‘half a X’, the only available construction is the one illustrated in (142) and (143), combining a counted noun with the numeral prefix ‘one’, the genitive *yu* and *u-qiu* ‘half’.

(142) *tw-jom yu u-qiu jamar*
 one-length.of.two.outstretched.arms GEN 3SG.POSS-half about
 *p̥u-rp̥i*
 SENS-be.long
 ‘[Its tail] is about half a fathom (i.e. one arm) long.’ (24-ZmbrWpGa)
 {0003628#S63}

(143) *n̥mu tu-xpa yu u-qiu n̥u p̥-cqʰlyšt.*
 DEM one-year GEN 3SG.POSS-half DEM IFR-disappear
 ‘Half a year passed.’ (150907 laoshandaoshi-zh) {0006398#S97}
The denominal verb *n̥qiu* ‘pass half of’ (§20.7.1) can be used with temporal counted nouns to express the same meaning (144).

(144) *tw-sla* p̥-n̥qiu
one-month IFR-pass.half
‘Half a month passed.’ (elicited)

The additive interpretation ‘and a half’ can be expressed by coordinating the counted noun and the inalienably possessed *u-qiu* ‘half’ using the comitative *cʰo*
‘and, with’, as in (145).

(145) ki kw-fse tw-jom cʰo
DEM.PROX SBJ:PCP-be like one-length.of two.outstretched.arms COMIT
w-qiu jamar kw-zri ra
3SG.P POSS-half about SBJ:PCP-be.long be.needed:FACT
‘They need [a piece of leather] long like one fathom and a half.’
(24-mbGo) {0003621}

Alternatively, the additive meaning ‘and a half’ can be expressed with the coun-
ted noun *tw-qiu* ‘one half’, which derives from *u-qiu* ‘half’ (§7.3.4.1).

(146) tce w-p̥rthß tce, tw-p̥rme tw-qiu jamar, wnw-p̥rme jamar
LNK 3SG.P POSS-between LNK one-year one-half about, two-year about
ma kw-me wja.
apart.from SBJ:PCP-not.exist completely
‘(Some women had thirteen or fifteen children) Between each of them,
there was only one year and a half or two years.’ (140426 tApAtso
kAnWBdaR, 89; see the preceding sentence in example 55 in §9.1.3.2)

For more complex fractions, the counted nouns *tw-tucur* ‘one part’, *tw-tvsum*
‘one part’ or *tw-tukro* ‘one part’ are used. Two related constructions are possible;
in the following discussion, X represents the numerator, Y the denominator (the
fraction X/Y).

The first one is a noun phrase with the structure *Y-tucur u-ŋgw X-tucur*, lit-
erally ‘X parts among Y parts’, illustrated by example (147). This may be a calque
of the Chinese construction *Y分之X* (*Y-fēn zhī-X*) literally ‘X of Y parts’, a way
of expressing fractions attested from Han dynasty documents (Anicotte 2015) to
standard Mandarin.
7 Numerals and counted nouns

(147) *kwmŋu-twccwr* w-ŋgw *χsw-twccwr*
five-part 3SG-inside three-part

$\frac{3}{5} = $ 'Three parts among five parts.' (elicited)

An alternative possibility is to use the auxiliary verb *lɔ́yt* 'release' as in (148), but
such construction is biclausal (the second clause lacks a verbal predicate, §22.3).

(148) χsw-twccẃ tú-wy-ĺyt tce tw-twccẃ
three-part IPFV-INV-release LNK one-part

$\frac{1}{3}$; literally ‘Making three parts, one part.’ (elicited)

Divisions can be expressed using the constructions in (149a) and (149b).

(149) a. sqi nʷ kwmγu-twccẃ tú-wy-ĺyt tce, wncwz ny wncwz
ten DEM five-part IPFV-INV-release LNK two LNK two
pńu-wy-βzu kʰw
IPFV-INV-make be.possible:FACT

b. sqi nʷ kwmŋu-twкro petic-pwy-lst tce, wncwz ny wncwz
ten DEM five-part IPFV-INV-throw LNK two LNK two
pnc-pwγ-syβzu kʰy
IPFV-INV-transform be.possible:FACT

$\frac{10}{5} = $ 2; literally ‘Making 5 parts out of 10, one can make them in sets of
two’.

In these examples, the numerator is a left-dislocated numeral followed by the
determiner *nuw*, the denominator a counted noun serving as object of *lɔ́yt* 'release'
as in the fraction in (148), and the result of the computation is indicated by a
distributive repetition of the numeral with the additive postposition *ny* (§7.3.2.3).
# 8 Postpositions and relator nouns

Japhug is particularly poor in case-marking morphology, and grammatical relations are indicated by verbal morphology (treated in Chapter 14) combined with postpositions and relator nouns.<fnref n="1" /> In this chapter, I first present the various possible functions of bare (absolutive) noun phrases, and then describe the uses of all postpositions and relator nouns in combination with noun phrases. Some postpositions and relator nouns also occur in various types of subordinate clauses (§25.1.1).

## 8.1 Absolutive

In Japhug *absolutive* refers to the bare form of a noun phrase, without postposition, relator noun or locative suffix. This form is used for intransitive subject, object and various other grammatical functions described in this section, in particular goals and some locative phrases, for which locative postpositions (§8.2.4) and relator nouns (§8.3.4) are optional.

### 8.1.1 Intransitive subject

The only argument of morphologically intransitive and syntactically monoactantial verbs, the intransitive subject (S), is in absolutive form and is indexed on the verb, as *tɛʰeme nwra* ‘the women’ with plural indexation in (1).

(1) *tcʰeme nwra tʰu-sta-nu*
woman DEM:PL AOR-wake.up-PL
‘The women woke up.’ (2005 Norbzang)

Apparent examples of ergative *ku* with third person intransitive subjects are due to the effect of long distance ergative marking (§8.2.2.2), due to bracketing issues between main clause and complement clause (§24.3.2) or to errors, as in example (2): the intransitive *sta* ‘wake up’ only takes an absolutive argument

<footnote n="1">¹Word order also plays a minor role (§22.1).</footnote>
## 8 Postpositions and relator nouns

(as in 1 above), and the ergative *ku* is preceded and followed by pauses, reflecting the hesitation of the narrator. As an isolated sentence, the use of ergative is considered to be a grammatical in this example.

(2) *nuw* *jamar kóbmwuz* *nuw* *lulu* *nuw*, /kw/, *cʰy-sta*. DEM about only.then DEM cat DEM ERG IFR-wake.up (150826 shier shengxiao) {0006284#S146}

Some morphologically intransitive verbs have a second argument, which can be either absolutive (semi-objects §8.1.5 or goals §8.1.8) or oblique (dative with *ru* ‘look at’, genitive with *ra* ‘be needed’ and existential verbs §8.2.3.2, comitative with *naχtɛwuy* ‘be the same’ §8.2.5), but in all these cases the argument indexed on the verb is always in absolutive form.

The intransitive subject can only be relativized using subject participial relatives (§23.5.1).

### 8.1.2 Transitive subject

The transitive subject (A argument) is usually marked by the ergative postposition *ku* (§8.2.2). The ergative is optional with first and second person pronouns in transitive subject function, as shown by examples such as (3), where *mto* ‘see’ is a transitive verb. The use of ergative on these pronouns is however possible, especially in the case of contrastive focalization (§8.2.2.1).

(3) *azo* *nuw* *muw-puw-mto-t-a* *ri* *nuw* *u-sŋi* *wuma* *zɔ*
1SG DEM NEG-AOR-see-TR:PST-1SG LNK DEM 3SG.POSS-day really EMPH
*puw-yγndzɔ*
PST.IPFV-be.cold
'I did not see it (the eclipse), but on that day is was very cold.'
(29-RmGWzWn2) {0003730#S23}

Third person transitive subjects are obligatorily marked with the ergative *ku* (§8.2.2.1). Apparent counterexamples in the corpus are due to the emphatic use of third person pronouns (§6.4), or to errors involving hesitations.

### 8.1.3 Object

Morphologically transitive verbs (§14.3.1) take an object (O argument) in absolute form, indexed by the verb morphology (§14.3.2). For instance *tsuku turme ra* ‘some people’ in (4) has no case marking, and is coreferent with the plural
indexation on *kú-wy-mtswy-nu* ‘they are stung’ (with inverse marking, §14.3.2.8). Only absolutive phrases can be indexed as objects; there are no verbs in Japhug indexing a postpositional phrase other than an ergatively marked transitive subjects.

(4) tsuku turme ra kú-wy-mtswy-nu tce múj-ьdwу,
some people pl ipfv-inv-bite-pl lnk neg.sens-be.serious
‘Some people, when they are stung [by bees] are fine.’ (26-ndzWrnaR)
{0003678#S61}

Objects (like semi-objects, §8.1.5) can be relativized by object participial relatives or by finite relatives (like semi-objects, goals §8.1.8 and locative phrases §8.1.9).

Most transitive verbs have a strict requirement on the semantic role of the object. However, speakers can in limited cases select an object with a different role with stylistic effect. For instance, the verb *zmbri* ‘play’ (an instrument), ‘make noise with’ normally takes a object a musical instrument or any other noise-making implement (§17.2.2.4), as in (5a). However, in the next sentence of the same story (5b), this verb appears with the phrase *u-mu cʰo ndʒi-ky-ndza kγ-tsʰi ku-duu-dyn* ‘a lot of food and drink for (him) and his mother’ as object, a resultative construction: the direct object is not the instrument used to make the noise, but rather the boon obtained by making noise with the wish-granting *pʰantsut* ‘plate’.

(5) a. [icqʰa pʰantsut nu] ta-zmbri pũ-ηu
the.aforementioned plate DEM AOR:3→3'-make.noise SENS-be
‘He made noise with the (magical wish-granting) plate (by hitting on it). (2003 tWxtsa)

b. [u-mu cʰo ndʒi-ky-ndza kγ-tsʰi
3SG.POSS-mother COMIT 3DU.POSS-OBJ:PCP-eat OBJ:PCP-drink
ku-duu-dyn zo nu] ta-zmbri nγ,
SBJ:PCP-EMPH-be.many EMPH DEM AOR:3→3'-make.noise ADD
‘He [made appear] a lot of food and drink for him and his mother by making noise (with the wish-granting plate).’ (2003 tWxtsa)

### 8.1.4 Sole argument of predicates of natural forces

While some verbs referring to natural forces are intransitive (*nmu* ‘shake (of earthquakes)’), §19.7.1), most are morphologically transitive auxiliary verbs (mainly *lɔt* ‘release’, *βzu* ‘make’, *ta* ‘put’ and *rku* ‘put in’), used in collocation with a noun in absolutive form, as in (6) and (7).
The presence of the progressive *asu*- prefix in (6) and of the C-type Aorist *ta*- preverb (§15.1.1.1) in (7) show that these verbs are morphologically transitive (§14.3.1). The noun in these collocations is also relativized like a direct object (§23.5.4).

(6) *tw-mw* *pww-ysw-lyt*
INDEF.POSS-sky SENS-PROG-release
'It is raining.' (heard in context)

(7) *claš* *zo* cʰw-mda cʰŋgw tce tce qale
IDPH(I):suddenly EMPH IPFV-be.the.time before LNK LNK wind
*ta-βzu* tce tce cʰw-tṣaβ ŋu tce,
AOR:3→3'-make LNK LNK IPFV-cause.to.fall be:FACT LNK
'When there is wind suddenly before [the barley] is fully ripe, it presses
them [on the ground, and it cannot grow any more].'(25-cWXCWz)
{0003636#S41}

However, these constructions have intransitive-like properties: no ergatively marked argument can occur, they are in dental infinitive rather than bare infinitive form when used with phasal complement-taking verbs (see 186, §16.2.3 and §24.2.2.1), and they are relativized like intransitive subjects (§23.5.3.4).

### 8.1.5 Semi-object

Some morphologically intransitive verbs in Japhug can take a second absolutive argument (§14.2.3, Jacques 2016d: 4–5, Jacques 2016a: 224). The verb *rga* ‘like’ is such an example; in (9) the intransitive subject *paš ra* ‘pigs’ and *nwša* ‘cow’ are in absolutive form, with 3PL indexation on the verb for the first. The second argument *cirngo* ‘Anisodus tanguticus’ is topicalized. In (9), the subject is topicalized, and the second argument *nw* ‘that’ appears just before the verb, in absolutive form (in this particular case, the 1SG indexation suffix merges with the verb stem in the Kamnyu dialect, §3.3.1.3).<fnref n="2" /> This second argument is called *semi-object*.

<footnote n="2">²The semi-transitive *rga* ‘like’, though it can take an overt object as in (9), tends to be used more often with complement clauses or left-dislocated objects, the applicative *murga* ‘like’ being preferred with definite objects, §17.4.1.</footnote>
(8) cirngo numu, paq ra my-rga-nu ri, numa wuma
Anisodus.tanguticus DEM pig PL NEG-like:FACT-PL LNK cow really
zo rga.
EMPH like:FACT
'The Anisodus tanguticus, pigs don't like it, but cows do.' (16-CWrNgo)
{0003518#S9}

(9) azo ko ntu my-rga-a
1SG TOP.ADVERS DEM NEG-like-1SG
'But as for me, I don't like it.'

Other verbs taking semi-objects include tso 'know, understand' (10), syŋo 'listen', rmi 'be called'.

(10) naŋrzoŋ w-ntu-tw-tso?
interior decoration QU-SENS-2-understand
'Do you understand [the word] 'interior decoration'?' (12-BzaNsa)
{0003484#S82}

Semi-objects are relativized either with object participles in kty- (§16.1.2.4) or with finite relative clauses (§23.2.2, §23.5.4.1). Semi-objects are also found in some triactantial verbs. In particular, the theme of secundative verbs is a type of semi-object (§8.1.6).

### 8.1.6 Theme

There are both secundative and indirective ditransitive verbs in Japhug (§14.4). In the case of indirective verbs, the theme is the object, while the recipient being marked with an oblique case, as in example (11) with the verb kʰo 'give', 'pass over'. With this type of verbs, the theme is relativized in exactly the same way as the object of a monotransitive verb (§14.4.1) and is indexed on the verb.

(11) w-mu w-cki tɔtʃu nw ŋy-kʰo.
3SG.POSS-mother 3SG.POSS-DAT lamp DEM IFR-give
'He gave the lamp to his mother.' (140511 alading-zh) {0003953#S161}

With secundative verbs, the recipient is the object and appears in absolutive form, with object indexation. The theme of these verb is also in the absolutive, as a-me 'my daughter' in (12).
## 8 Postpositions and relator nouns

(12) a-me ta-mbi ra
1SG.POSS-daughter 1→2-give:FACT be.needed:FACT
'I will give you my daughter.' (28-smAnmi) {0004063#S281}

The theme of a secundative verb cannot be indexed by the verb morphology. In (13), the theme is the numeral *bnuwz* 'two', but dual indexation on *nuu-ta-mbi* 'I gave X to you' is not possible, as the form *nuu-ta-mbi-ndzi* (*AOR-1→2-give-DU*) can only mean 'I gave X to both of you', the number referring to the recipient and not the theme (§14.4.2).

(13) m as ma bnwz nuu-ta-mbi ri, nyzo cʰy-twi-cɣɣz
NEG-1→2-give:FACT LNK two AOR-1→2-give LNK 2SG IFR-2-give.back
cti tce
be.AFF:FACT LNK

'I won't give her [my youngest daughter] to you, as I gave you two [of my daughters], and you sent them back.' (2002 qaCpa)

However, the theme of a secundative verb is relativized like the object of a
monotransitive verb (§16.1.2.4, §23.5.4.2), and it can be considered as a sub-type
of semi-object (§8.1.5).

### 8.1.7 Essive

Essive noun phrases are not arguments of the sentence, but are used to indicate
'the property of fulfilling the role of an N' (Creissels 2014: 606; Jacques 2016a:
225).

In Japhug, bare noun phrases without any case marker can be interpreted as
essive adjuncts, such as *nɔ́-r* 'your wife' in (14) and *nɔ́-kwumtɛ́ hɔ́* 'your toy'
(15). These adjuncts are neither recipients (in both examples the recipient is 2SG,
encoded as object of the ditransitive verb *mbi* 'give', §14.4.2) nor themes (in 14 the
theme is *ji-me* 'our daughter', and it serves as object of the indiretive *kʰo* 'give',
§14.4.1; in 15 the theme is non-overt).

(14) ji-me nw nɔ́-reries β pwe-kʰo-tci je, pwe-ta-mbi
1PL.POSS-daughter DEM 2SG.POSS-wife IPFV-give-1DU SFP IPFV-1→2-give
je to-ti
SFP IFR-say

'He said: 'We will give you our daughter in marriage.' (150831 laoshu
jianv-zh) {0006374#S53}
(15) *nɔ́-kwɔmtcʰu pɔ́-ta-mbi*
2SG.POSS-toy IPFV-1→2-give
'I give it to you as a toy.' (28-kWpAz) {0003714#S166}

Since essive adjuncts are formally indistinguishable from absolutive arguments such as objects and intransitive subjects, some sentences may appear to be ambiguous. In (16), the noun *turme* ‘person’ could be interpreted as the subject, and the phrase *kuki stu kw-xtci ki* as a topic.

(16) *kuki* *stu kw-xtci* *ki turme pɔ́-pe tce*
DEM.PROX most SBJ:PCP-be.small DEM.PROX person SENS-be.good LNK
'The smallest one is very nice as a person.' (31-deluge) {0004077#S122}

That *turme* here is not the subject can be seen if one chooses a first or second person form: in (17), the noun *turme* is still present despite 2SG indexation on the verb. This piece of evidence demonstrates that the analysis as essive adjunct is the only possible one.

(17) *nɔ́zo turme wuma pɔ́-tu-pe*
2SG person really SENS-2-be.good
'You are very nice as a person.' (elicited)

It is common to have a related word as essive and as the subject or object which it refers to. In (18), for instance, the inalienably possessed noun *tu-ylenti* ‘dung’ occurs as both intransitive subject of the verb *pe* ‘be good’ (with 3SG possessive prefix) and as essive adjunct, in the latter in the specialized meaning ‘fertilizer’. Note that the essive adjunct is closer to the verb than the oblique phrase in *u-tạw* (§22.1.1.1).

(18) *tsʰɔ́t nɔ́ yɔ́ u-ylenti nɔ́nwɔ́ tɔ́-rɔ́ku u-taɔ́*
goat DEM GEN 3SG.POSS-manure DEM INDEF.POSS-crops 3SG.POSS-on
*tu-ylenti wuma zo pe.*
INDEF.POSS-manure really EMPH be.good:FACT
'Goat manure is very good as a fertilizer for the crops.' (05-qaZo)
{0003404#S27}

In (19), the noun *mbro* ‘horse’ occurs both in the object of *rku* ‘put in’ (meaning here ‘include the dowry’) and in the essive adjunct *a-mbro* ‘as a horse (for me)’.
(19) mbro *tw-skst* kw-tso ci, a-mbro
horse c.POSS-speech SBJ:PCP-understand INDEF 1SG.POSS-horse
tɔ̃-rku-nw ra
IMP-put.in-PL be.needed:FACT
‘Give me a horse who understands human speech as my horse.’ (2003
kandzWsqhaj)

The essive adjunct can be either closer to the verb than the core argument it refers to, as in (112), (18) and (19) above, or further away as in (20), where the intransitive subject of *mɔ̃-ra* ‘is not needed’, *rŋu l* ‘silver’, occurs between the verb and the essive *ũ-pʰũ* ‘as its price’.

(20) aẓwɣ ũ-pʰũ rŋu l mɣ-ra,
1SG:GEN 3SG.POSS-price silver NEG-be.needed:FACT
‘I don’t want money as the price [for these clothes].’ (140506 shizi he
huichang de bailingniao-zh) {0003927#S235}

With the monotransitive verb *pʰut* ‘take out, cut’, an essive adjunct can be
used to express the purpose of the action as in (21).

(21) tsuku kw paβndza pʰu-nũ-pʰũt-nũ pʰu-ηu ri,
some ERG hogwash IPFV-AUTO-pluck-PL SENS-be LNK
‘Some people cut [Sambucus] as hogwash.’ (12-ndZiNgri) {0003488#S28}

This essive phrase sometimes occurs with the noun *ũ-spa* ‘material’ with this verb as in (22), a construction that is in the process of grammaticalizing into a purposive construction when used with a participial clause (§24.4.2.2).

(22) zγγmbu ũ-spa pʰu-nũ-pʰũt-nũ nγrsl
broom 3SG.POSS-material IPFV-AUTO-cut-PL be.usually.the.case:FACT
‘They cut it to make brooms. (‘as a material for brooms’)’ (140505 sWjno)
{0003919#S21}

Some verbs, like *sɣrtsi* ‘count as’ (§17.2.8), have an essive argument (rather than adjunct), which is not indexed on the verb and receive no case marking, as shown by (23), where the essive argument is *a-t* ‘my son’.

(23) aẓo a-tcɔu tu-ta-nw-svrtsi ŋu
1SG 1SG.POSS-son IPFV-1→2-AUTO-consider.as be:FACT
‘I consider you as my son.’ (elicited)
The transitive verb *wum* ‘gather’ can also select an essive argument different from the object when used in the meaning ‘take as a student’, as in (24).<fnref n="3" /> In this example the object is 1SG, and the essive is the noun *nɛ́r-slama*, with a possessive prefix coreferent with the subject. The verb *wum* in this meaning requires the orientation *EASTWARDS* in its centripetal function (see example 92, §15.1.4.3).

(24) *wortcʰi zɔ* azɔ nɛ́-slama ku-ku̯-wum-a
please EMPH 1SG 2SG.POSS-student IPFV-2→1-gather-1SG
‘Please take me as your student.’ (150907 laoshandaoshi-zh) {0006398#S35}

Verb ellipsis may explain the presence of essive noun phrases with verbs that are not usually used with adjuncts of this type. For instance, in (25), the nouns *py̥r-tɔu* ‘bird’ and *tɛ́r-mdzu* ‘thorn’ are not objects (there 1SG object indexation on both *pú*-wy-*su*-sat-*a* and *tʰú*-wy-*su*-sat-*a*) and are analyzable as essive adjuncts ‘me, as a bird/thorn’, ‘while I was a bird/thorn’.<fnref n="4" />

(25) *a-pi* ku̯ nwa̯ra pw-fse tce, py̥wtɔu ri
1SG.POSS-elder.sibling ERG DEM:PL PST.IPFV-be liken LNK bird also
púr-wy-su-sat-a, tɛ́r-mdzu ri tʰú-wy-su-sat-a
AOR-INV-CAUS-kill-1SG INDEF.POSS-thorn also AOR-INV-CAUS-kill-1SG
‘Your elder sister was like that, she had me killed [while I was a] bird, and
had also me killed [while I was a] thorn.’ (2005 Kunbzang)

The presence of these adjuncts in this particular context is probably due to the ellipsis of *tɛ́r-sci-a* ‘I was born’, an intransitive verb which takes essive noun phrases with the meaning ‘be reborn as, be reincarnated as’ as in (26).

(26) nɔ̯ w-qʰu tce py̥wtɔu tɛ́-sci-a, nɔ̯ w-qʰu tce
DEM 3SG.POSS-after LNK bird AOR-be.born-1SG DEM 3SG.POSS-after LNK
tɛ́r-mdzu tɛ́-sci-a qʰe
INDEF.POSS-thorn AOR-be.born-1SG LNK
‘After that I was reborn as a bird, and after that I was reborn as a thorn.’
(2003 Kunbzang)

<footnote n="3">³This expression is similar to Chinese 收……为徒 <shōu> ... wéitú> ‘take as a disciple’, where 收 shōu has the same meaning as *wum* ‘gather’, and where the essive is overtly marked by 为 wéi.</footnote>

<footnote n="4">⁴This example comes from a story where the main character was repeatedly killed by her sister, and reborn several times, first as a bird, and then as a thorn, as described in (25), from another version of the same story.</footnote>
### 8.1.8 Goal

Motion verbs (*ce* ‘go’, *yi* ‘come’, *łok* ‘come out’ etc), manipulation verbs (*yut* ‘bring’, *tsum* ‘take away’ etc) and some perception verbs (like *ru* ‘look at’) have arguments referring to the location towards which the action is directed. These arguments are not indexed in the verb morphology (in particular, motion verbs are intransitive, see §14.2.4). They can be marked with locative postpositions (§8.2.4.1) or dative (§8.3.1), but also occur in absolutive form, as *turme-kʰa* ‘other people’s house’ in (27).

(27) *tce nuu-mrzaβ qʰe tce turme-kʰa jy-ari cti qʰe*
LNK AOR-marry LNK LNK people-house AOR-go[II] be.AFF:FACT LNK
‘She married and went to [live in] other people’s (her in laws’) house.’
(14-siblings) {0003508#S9}

Goals can be relativized (§23.5.5) using oblique participial relatives (§16.1.3.5) or finite relatives (§23.5.5.1), but not object participial relatives except in a very restricted context (§23.5.5.2), unlike most absolutive arguments.

### 8.1.9 Location

In addition to goals, absolutive noun phrases expressing a static location are found in Japhug, in particular with the verb *ryzi* ‘stay’ as in (28). Locative postpositions can also occur, but are optional (§8.2.4.1).

(28) *tce pjw-sy-swxcat-a pw-yu tce, rqaco pw-ryzi-a,*
LNK IPFV-ANTIPASS-teach-č PST.IPFV-be LNK TOPO PST.IPFV-stay-1SG
*tsʰuβdwn pw-ryzi-a.*
TOPO PST.IPFV-stay-1SG
‘When I was teaching, I lived in Rqakyo and in Tshobdun.’ (150819
kumpGa) {0006388#S2}

Absolutive locative phrases are also found with some transitive verbs, as *nuw-mtʰy* ‘their waist’ with *rtyβ* ‘attach’ in (29).

(29) *turme ra kw nuu-mtʰy* p̥w-rtβ-nw̥.
people PL ERG 3PL.POSS-waist IPFV-attach-PL
‘People attach [badger skin] around their waist (as a remedy for
rheumatism).’ (27-spjaNkW) {0003704#S126}

Oblique participial relatives (§16.1.3.5, §23.5.5.1) or finite relatives (§23.5.5.1) are
used to relativize these absolutive locative phrases.
### 8.2 Postpositions

Postposition are invariable words which necessarily follow a noun phrase, and specify the syntactic function of that noun phrase, be it core argument or adjunct. They cannot be used on their own, and at the very least require a demonstrative pronoun such as *nu* (§6.9.1).

Although their uses have commonalities with relator nouns (§8.3), they differ from those in lacking a possessive prefix. Postposition stacking is rare; only two cases exist: the sequence of locative postpositions *tɛu zu* and *tɛe* (§8.2.4.1) and also the case of genitive postpositional phrases used in the meaning ‘the one from/ of ...’ (with an elided head noun), as in (30), where the genitive *yu* is followed by the comitative (§8.2.5).

(30) *tce* *pjɛka* *yu* *cʰo* *wuma* *zo* *naχtceuy.*

LNK pumpkin GEN COMIT really EMPH be.similar:FACT

‘Its [little thorn-like things] are like those of the pumpkin.’ {0003518#S55}

#### 8.2.1 Independent words vs. clitics

Since other Gyalrongologists, in particular Sun (1998; 2014a), treat the postpositions in related languages as clitics rather than as independent words as is done in the present work, a justification of the present analysis is necessary.

In Japhug, the postpositions *ku* ‘ergative’ (§8.2.2) and *yu* ‘genitive’ (§8.2.3) do have some clitic-like characteristics: they cannot be used without a preceding noun phrase (or a subordinate clause, §25.1.1), are unstressed, and in the case of the genitive have special irregular forms with pronouns (§6.3).

However, a pause can occur between these postpositions (31) and the noun phrase they follow. For instance, in example (31), a two second pause (with an inspiration) is found between the phrase *nuya ra* and the following ergative *ku*.

(31) *tce* *twrtsi* *nuy* *pjúr-wy-βzu* *tce, nuya ra, ku*

LNK cow.food DEM IPFV-INV-make LNK COW PL ERG

*ny-muw-nuy* *cʰo* *wuma* *zo* *yu-cuw-fka-nuy*

TROP-be.tasty:FACT-PL COMIT really EMPH INV-CAUS-be.satiated:FACT-PL

‘They make cow food with flour, the cows find it tasty, and it satisfies their hunger.’ (140513 tWrtsi) {0003985#S15}

A filler (§10.3) can even be inserted between the noun phrase and the following ergative, as in (32).
8 Postpositions and relator nouns

(32) tcendre icqʰa <xifangping> nʷ, nnʷ, kʷ
LNK the aforementioned ANTHR DEM FILLER ERG
ʻu-wo ɣu nʷnʷ tʰu ci u-tu t̪saŋ ci
3SG.POSS-father GEN DEM something 3SG.POSS-justice INDEF
a-pu̯tu ra' ntsu pu̯-sws ym pjx-ŋu.
IRR-IPFV-exist be. needed: FACT always SENS-think [III] IFR-be
'Xi Fangping wanted to obtain justice for his father.' (150909
xifangping-zh) {0006408#S28}

Such cases are by no means exceptional; at least 54+35 examples of ergative and genitive preceded by a pause are attested in the corpus (they can be found by searching *ku* or *yw* preceded by a comma). Most of these cases are found in sentences where the speaker hesitates, and are especially common in texts translated from Chinese.

The same is true of all postpositions studied in this section. Examples of pause between the noun phrase and the following postposition can be found for most of them, for instance (33) for the locative *zu* (§8.2.4.1).

(33) <bageda> ktyi nwmwtcu, zw, ntykinw,
TOPO OBJ:PCP-say DEM:LOC LOC FILLER
'In the [place] called Baghdâd...' (140515 facaimeng-zh) {0004000#S2}

8.2.2 Ergative

The ergative *ku*, like genitive *yw*, is borrowed from Tibetan (Jacques 2016b) and shares with the Tibetan ergative the functions of marking transitive subject, instrument and cause. It has however a series of specific functions not found in Tibetic languages, such as that of comparee (§8.2.2.7), distributive (§8.2.2.8), and oblique argument (§8.2.2.10) marker. It is homophonous with the orientation ad-verb *ku* EASTWARDS (§22.2.6).

Although postpositional phrases in *ku* have a different syntactic status depending on the various sub-functions of this marker (as can be shown with tests like relativization), *ku* is glossed as *ERG* in all cases.

The postposition *ku* does not appear in combination with the additive focus marker *kuŋr* ‘also, even’ (§9.1.6.1), regardless of its function.

8.2.2.1 Transitive subject

The core function of *ku* is marking the subject of morphologically transitive verbs. Ergative is obligatory on third person transitive subjects as in (34), and
is agrammatical on objects and intransitive subjects, except in the case of long
distance ergative (§8.2.2.2) and some semi-transitive verbs (§8.2.2.3). Apparent
counterexamples are speech errors (§8.1.1).

(34) **tceri w-tcuw** **nw kw nw pjy-swχsyl**
**LNK** 3SG POSS-SON DEM ERG DEM IFR-recognized
‘But the son realized it (that she was a râkshasî).’ (28-smAnmi)
{0004063#S19}

Transitive subjects in the ergative most often precede the object as in (34), but
can also follow it as in (35), an example illustrating a third person inanimate
(*tusqar* kw ‘tsampa’) acting on first/second person (§14.3.2.1).

(35) **nyzo tusqar kw nγki** **nw tʰu-tu̯-wy-stu** cti tce,
2SG tsampa ERG DEM.MEDIAL DEM AOR-2-INV-do lik e be.AFF:FACT LNK
‘Tsampa made you the [way you are now].’ = ‘You grew that big by eating
tsampa.’ (2011-07-tWsqar)

While ergative is obligatory on third persons, it is optional on first and second person pronouns, as shown by example (36) where *aẓo* ‘1SG’ is in absolutive form with the transitive verb *mŋo* ‘prepare’.

(36) **makw** **n, aẓo ty-mŋo-t-a,** **kwki** **kw tci**
not.be:FACT SFP 1SG AOR-prepare-PST:TR-1SG DEM.PROX ERG also
**mγ-βze** **rca!**
NEG-make[III]:FACT SFP
‘No, it is I who prepared [our lunch], she does not do it.’ (Answer to the
question ‘Did she prepare your lunch?) (conversation 140510)

Using the ergative on a first or second person pronoun in transitive subject
function is however never impossible, as in (37), and more common in the case
of contrastive focus (§22.1.2.3).

(37) **nw kw-fse** tce tyscoz wzo kw p̱u-sw-yu̱t, azo kw
DEM SBJ:PCP-be like LNK letter 3SG ERG IPFV:WEST-CAUS-bring 1SG ERG
**ku-sw-tswm-a** tce,
IPFV:EAST-CAUS-take.away-1SG LNK
‘And like that, she sent me letters, and I sent her letters.’ (12-BzaNsa)
{0003484#S24}

Transitive subjects are relativized using subject *ku*- participial relative clauses,
the participle taking a possessive prefix coreferent with the object (§16.1.1.1).
8.2.2.2 Long distance ergative

Postpositional phrases in *ku* referring to the subject of a transitive verb can be
stranded from their verb by another clause with an intransitive verb.

In (38), for instance, the clause *nu ma u̯-kɔ̯pa pjʊ-me qʰe* ‘she had no other way’ separates the subject *tɔ̯cime nu ku* ‘the princess’ from the main verb *to-ti* ‘she said’; note the presence of a pause and of the filler *nɔ̯kinu* after the transitive subject. The transitive subject here also happens to be coreferent with the possessor of *u̯-kɔ̯pa* ‘her method, her way’ in the standing clause, resulting in a surface case mismatch.

(38) **tcendyre tɔ̯cime** *nɔ̯ ku, nɔ̯kinu, nɔ̯ ma* **u̯-kɔ̯pa**
**LNK** young.lady DEM ERG FILLER DEM apart.from 3SG POSS-method
**pjʊ-me** **qʰe** ‘jʊy** jʊy** jʊy’
**IPFV.IFR-not.exist** LNK be.possible:FACT be.possible:FACT be.possible:FACT
**to-ti** *nɔ̯-ŋu*.
**IFR-say** SENS-be
‘The young lady had no other way but to say “yes, yes, yes”.’ (140428 mu
e guniang-zh) {0003880#S86}

Similarly in (39), the minimal clause *jo-yi* ‘he came’ consisting of a single verb occurs between the subject *icqʰa rgɔ́tpu nu ku* ‘the old man’ and the rest of the main clause *lɔ́ndzɪ nunu jo-tsʰi* ‘he stopped the demon”.

(39) icqʰa rgɔ́tpu nɔ̯ ku, jo-yi tɔ̆e, nɔ̯ki, lɔ́ndzɪ
the.aforementioned old.man DEM ERG IFR-come LNK FILLER demon
nɔ̯n u̯ jo-tsʰi
DEM IFR-block
‘The old man came and stopped the demon.’ (140512 fushang he
yaomo1-zh) {0003969#S59}

Here the intransitive subject of *jo-yi* ‘he came’ and the transitive subject of
*jo-tsʰi* ‘he blocked him’ happen to be coreferent. If analyzed superficially, (39)
could seem to be an example of ergative appearing on an intransitive subject.
In isolation, however, without context, a clause such as *d̥rgɔ́tpu nu kw jo-yi* is
not considered to be correct by native speakers, showing that it is preferable to
analyze *jo-yi* as an incision in this context rather than forming a constituent with
the preceding postpositional phrase in *ku*.
### 8.2.2.3 Intransitive subject

Genuine examples of intransitive subjects with ergative appear to be neverthe-
less attested at least with some semi-transitive verbs like *tso* ‘know, understand’
as in (40). It is optional and much less common than the absolutive form.

(40) cw kw tso ma
who ERG understand:FACT LNK
‘Who would know.’ (150909 xiaocui-zh) {0006386#S59}

Ergative marking on the subject of reflexive verbs (which are morphologically intransitive, §18.3) is also attested for marking emphasis, with the same pronoun preceding and following the ergative (for instance *tuzo kw tuzo* in example 15, §6.2.1).

### 8.2.2.4 Instrumental

In addition to marking the transitive subject, the postposition *ku* occurs on in-
struments, as in (41). It is possible to find examples with postpositional phrases
in *ku*, one corresponding to the subject and the other one to the instrument, as
in (42). No good examples of instruments in *ku* are found with an intransitive
main verb in the corpus (only manner or causal adjuncts are found, §8.2.2.5).

(41) w-pw nw w-lu kw cʰw-sw-χse pw-ŋu.
3SG.POSS-young DEM 3SG.POSS-milk ERG IPFV-CAUS-feed[III] SENS-be
'[The whale] feeds its young with milk.' (160703 jingyu) {0006169#S14}

(42) rpu kw nwmw kw w-βri a-pw-sw-χtci ndyre,
king ERG DEM ERG 3SG.POSS-body IRR-PFV-CAUS-wash LNK
mɣzw nɣ-sɣ-scit tʰaŋ ny!
even-more TROP-PROP-be.happy:FACT HYPOTH SFP
‘If the king washes his body with this, he will find it even nicer.’ (140514
xizajiang he lifashi-zh) {0003996#S83}

When an instrument in *ku* occurs in a clause, the main verb generally takes the causative prefix as in (41) and (42), as if the instrument were a type of causee – it differs from a causee however in that in the case of the latter the postposition *ku* is optional (§8.2.2.6). Causative marking in clauses with instruments is optional, and one can find the two constructions with or without the causative marker side by side in the same narrative, as shown by examples (43) and (44).
## 8 Postpositions and relator nouns

(43) *qartsʰaz; w-ndʒi*   *ku* cʰu-βzu-nu tce, nu stu ku-żru.
deer 3SG.POSS-hide ERG IPFV-do-PL LNK DEM most SBJ:PCP-precious
‘They make [shoes] with deer hide, it is the most precious [type of skin].’
(30-mboR) {0003748#S46}

(44) *qartsʰaz w-ndʒi*   *vʃa* ku ẓo tʰu-k-su-βzu
deer 3SG.POSS-hide entirely ERG EMPH AOR-OBJ:PCP-CAUS-do
'[It is] entirely made of deer hide.' (30-mboR) {0003748#S51}

The instrument is mainly a concrete object, but can also refer to an entire
action, as in (45) where the anaphoric *nu* ‘that’ refers to the actions described in
the previous clauses.

(45) *tɔ-tcw*   *nɔ* *kɔ* spikuku ẓo si ẓ-lu-pʰũt tce, nɔ*
**INDEF.POSS-son** DEM ERG every.day EMPH tree TRAL-IPFV-fell LNK DEM
*pnu-ntsye-ndzi tce, nɔ* *kɔ* ndʒi-xtu cʰu-su-χsu-ndʒi
IPFV-sell-DU LNK DEM ERG 3DU.POSS-belly IPFV-CAUS-feed-DU
*pu-ŋu* *pu-ŋu,*
PST.IPFV-be SENS-be

‘The son went every day to fell trees, they sold [the wood], and they fed their bellies this way.’ (2003 tWxtsa)

Instruments differ from transitive subjects in that they are relativized using oblique participles in *sɔ-(z)-* (§16.1.3) rather than subject participles.

### 8.2.2.5 Manner and cause

Postpositional phrases in *ku* can also describe the manner in which an action takes place, or its cause. Manner adjuncts in *ku* are generally formed with abstract nouns (§16.4.2) as *tɔ-mqe* ‘verbal fight’ and *tɔ-ndut* ‘dispute’ in (46) and *tɔŋrɔm* ‘pain’ in (47). Unlike instruments, manner adjuncts do not trigger the addition of a causative prefix on the main verb, and are fully compatible with intransitive verbs.

(46) *kumpɣa cʰo*   *kʰuina* ni li *tɔ-mqe*
chicken COMIT dog du again INDEF.POSS-verbal.fight
*tɔ-ndut*   *ku* jo-ɣi-ndzi tce,
INDEF.POSS-dispute ERG IFR-come-DU LNK
‘The chicken and the dog came fighting and arguing [with each other].’
(150826 shier shengxiao-zh) {0006284#S119}
(47) *tyŋym ku* pjw-si *pu-ra*.
pain ERG IPFV-die SENS-be-needed
'[The animal that is devoured alive by the lions] dies in pain.' (20-sWNgi)
{0003562#S45}

Causal adjuncts, like manner adjuncts, also take the postposition *ku* without causative form on the verb, as in (48). The inalienably possessed noun *u-ndza* 'cause' in particular is often used with the ergative to specify a cause (49).

(48) *kʰa u-qrum nq kw tce tce pu-yucu*
house 3SG.POSS-shade DEM ERG LNK LNK SENS-be.cool
'Due to the shade of the buildings, [this road] is not exposed to the heat of the sun.' (conversation 2014-05-10)

(49) *qambalula nq, nq u-ndza kw tʰa uβry-si ma*
butterfly DEM DEM 3SG.POSS-cause ERG later RH.Q-die:FACT SFP
'The butterfly might die because of that.' (150818 muzhi guniang)
{0006334#S189}

Various subordinate clauses with finite or non-finite verbs are also made with the postposition *ku* (see §25.5 and §25.6.1.2 for instance).

### 8.2.2.6 Causee

Causative verbs in *sw(y)-/z-* derived from transitive verbs have three arguments: causer, causee and object (§14.4.3, §17.2.4.2). The causer is treated as the transitive subject, and is marked with the ergative. The causee can also receive ergative marking as *qapri ku-paq nq ku* 'the black snake' in (50) and *ku-wyrum nq ku* 'the white one' (51). The most common word order is to put the causee before the object as in (50), but the opposite order is also attested as in (51).

(50) *li mdabzw yi to-lyt tce, tcendyre, nyki, qapri*
again bow one IFR-release LNK LNK filler snake
ku-paq nq ku ku-wyrum nqmu lo-sw-qiov tce
SBJ:PCP-be.black DEM ERG SBJ:PCP-be.white DEM IFR-CAUS-vomit LNK
tce py-sw-ykylst.
LNK IFR-CAUS-detach

'He shot an arrow and caused the black snake to vomit the white one, and separated it [from the other one].' (28-smAnmi) {0004063#S100}
(51) *to-lxt* tce tcendvre nunw qapri kw-pa>w nw,
IFR-release LNK LNK DEM snake SBJ:PCP-be.black DEM
kw-wyrum nw kw lo-sw-qio>w tce py-sw-ta.
SBJ:PCP-be.white DEM ERG IFR-CAUS-vomit LNK IFR-CAUS-put
'He shot [an arrow] and caused the white one to vomit the black snake
and to release it.' (28-smAnmi) {0004063#S94}

However, the presence of ergative on the causee is optional, as shown by exam-
ple (52) where the causee *u-tɛu stu kw-xtɛi nu* ‘his youngest son’ is in absolutive
form.

(52) *rfylpu kw u-tcwn stu kw-xtci nw c-ko-z-rwru.*
king ERG 3SG.POSS-SON most SBJ:PCP-be.small DEM TRAL-IFR-CAUS-guard
‘The king sent his youngest son to guard [the trees].’ (140507 jinniao-zh)
{0003931#S37}

When the object is third person, and the causee first or second, the causee is
obligatorily indexed, as in (53a) (see §17.2.4.2 for more examples), resulting in
a verb form that is identical with that when both causer and causee are third
person, and the object is first or second person as in (53b). With such ambiguous
verb forms, the presence of the ergative postposition on the causee as *a-tɛu kw*
'my son' in (53b) is a way to disambiguate from the interpretation of the noun as
object as in (53a).

(53) a. *wwo kw a-tcwn pŵ-wy-sw-mto-a*
3SG ERG 1SG.POSS-SON AOR-INV-CAUS-see-1SG
'He let me see my son.' (elicited)

b. *wwo kw a-tcwn kw pŵ-wy-sw-mto-a*
3SG ERG 1SG.POSS-SON ERG AOR-INV-CAUS-see-1SG
'He let my son see me.' (elicited)

No minimal pair similar to (53a) and 53b), where the ergative on the causee
has a disambiguating function, is attested in the corpus.

8.2.2.7 Comparee marker

In the comparative construction (§26.2), in addition to the standard markers (such
as *sвz* and its variants, see §8.2.7), the postposition *kw* can appear on the compa-
ree, although the comparee is syntactically an intransitive subject (indexed on
the stative adjectival predicate).
The comparee with ku can either precede (54) or follow the standard, but most often this marker appears when no overt standard is present as in (55). In all of these examples, including the last one, the marker ku is optional.

(54) **mahi** *numu* ku azo syz cʰa
water.buffalo DEM ERG 1SG COMP can:FACT
'The water buffalo is stronger than me.' (150831 laoshu jianv-zh)
{0006374#S59}

(55) **ndzi-tsʰu**ya nura wuma naχtcuɣ. tceri tuŋgilaŋlaŋ nu ku
2DU.POSS-form DEM:PL really be.similar:FACT but fir.cone DEM ERG
xtci.
be.small:FACT
'Their shape is similar, but the fir cone is smaller.' (08-tWrgi)
{0003464#S74}

See Jacques (2016b) for a historical hypothesis explaining how the ergative marker came to be used to mark the comparee.

### 8.2.2.8 Distributive

The postposition ku, when occurring with a counted noun designating a quantity, can be used to focus on the distributive meaning ('for one X', 'per'). It occurs in constructions with intransitive verbs where no agent or instrument is present, but exclusively to express the price of the quantity designated, as in (56) (see additional examples in Jacques 2016b: 5–6). It cannot be used with time counted nouns.

(56) **tu-tuŋrpa** ku sqi jamar p<u>u</u>-ra.
one-pound ERG ten about SENS-be.needed
'You need ten [renminbis] per pound [of Angelica].' (17 ndZWnW)
{0003524#S22}

As argued in Jacques (2016b: 23), this construction results from the elision of a verb such as *syndu* 'exchange', which can take as instrument (§8.2.2.4) the counted noun expressing a quantity, as in (57).

(57) **tu-tuŋrpa** ku yurza jamar p<u>ú</u>-wy-syndu p<u>u</u>-kʰu
one-pound ERG hundred about IPFV-INV-exchange SENS-be.possible
'One can exchange (sell) one pound for a hundred [renminbis].' (elicited)
### 8.2.2.9 Partitive

The intransitive verb *mtsʰyšt* ‘be full’ generally has a dummy subject, and selects a locative argument and a partitive argument, indicating the material / elements that the location is full of. This partitive argument is generally in a absolutive form, as in (58), but we also find examples with the ergative, as in (59).<fnref n="5" />

(58) tṣapa tʰamtcyt, nʷ-mbro nʷ-jla, nʷna paq nʷra
pen all 3PL.POSS-horse 3PL.POSS-hybrid.yak cow pig DEM:PL
jγ-mtsʰγt.
IFR-be.full
‘All the pens had become full of horses, hybrid yak, cows and pigs.’
(28-qajdoskAt) {0003718#S125}

(59) w̥-pa n̥wtcu rca, kʷ-n kʷ pjγ-mtsʰγt

3SG.POSS-DOWN DEM:LOC UNEXP:DEG SBJ:PCP-watch ERG IPFV.IFR-be.full

zo

EMPH

‘Down [the stage], [the seats] were full of spectators.’ (150822 yan muouxi de ren-zh) {0006384#S50}

Another verb with an optional partitive argument, which can take ergative marking, is the passive *amar* ‘be smeared with’ (example 20, §18.1.3).

### 8.2.2.10 Oblique argument

The transitive verb *kʰyšt* ‘do repeatedly’, ‘do for a long time’ and its causative form *sw-kʰyšt* ‘cause to do repeatedly’, ‘cause to do for a long time’ occur in a construction with instrumental-like noun phrases marked with the ergative *ku*, indicating the action which is performed repeatedly or done over a long time. These noun phrases can include either an action nominal derived from a verb with the prefix *tuu-* (§16.4) as in (60), or an underived action noun, as in (61) and (62).

<footnote n="5">⁵Although (59) is translated from Chinese, the original has 下面坐满了观众 <xiàmiàn zuòmǎn le guānzhòng> ‘Below, the spectator seats were filled’, and there is nothing in the structure of the original sentence that could allow to interpret the ergative as a calque. In addition, Tshendzin confirmed that the ergative is correct here.</footnote>
(60) *tw-qiov* kw tó-wy-sw-kʰyt zo tce, tce
NMLZ:ACTION-vomit ERG IFR-INV-CAUS-do.a.long.time EMPH LNK LNK

nóvmwz ny twy numw ló-wy-sw-tcyt
only.then LNK poison DEM IFR-INV-CAUS-take.out

[The medicine] caused [Gesar] to vomit a long time until he expelled the poison.' (Gesar)

(61) ta-ma kw ta-kʰyt zo
INDEF.POSS-work ERG AOR:3→3'-do.a.long.time EMPH

'He did a lot of work.' (elicited)

Example (62), with the verb *kʰyt* ‘do repeatedly’, ‘do for a long time’ taking 1SG→3 indexation (§14.3.2.1), shows that the ergative phrase cannot be analyzed as a transitive subject; moreover, the fact that adding the causative in this case would imply a real causative interpretation (‘cause X to repeatedly’) also indicates that this phrase is not an instrumental adjunct (see §8.2.2.4).

(62) kʰycyl kw ty-kʰat-a zo
conversation ERG AOR-do.a.long.time-1SG EMPH

'I have a long conversation.' (elicited)

No other verb takes this type of oblique ergative phrase.

### 8.2.3 Genitive

With the exception of particular forms for some pronouns (§6.3), the genitive postposition has the invariant form *yu* in Kamnyu Japhug. Like the ergative *kw*, it is likely borrowed from the Amdo clitic -yə/-kə (Haller 2004: 62). It is used in possessive contructions, but also expresses beneficiary and recipient.

#### 8.2.3.1 Possession

The genitive *yu* occurs in various type of possessive constructions, including genitival noun complements and possessive existential predicates (§22.5.2.1).

Inside the noun phrase, the genitive occurs between possessor and possessum, and a possessive prefix is found on the possessum (§5.1.1.2), as in (63).
8 Postpositions and relator nouns

(63) ri yzndza yu u-jwaŋ nwra m-y-wxti ri,
LNK Agastache.rugosa GEN 3SG.POSS-leaf DEM:PL NEG-be.big:FACT LNK
p-aŋ zo q-h'e,
be.black:FACT EMPH LNK

‘The leaves of the *Agastache rugosa* are not large and quite dark in colour.’
(11-qarGW) {0003480#S120}

Genitival phrases without possessive prefix on the possessum are rare but do exist, in particular when the possessum is a noun borrowed from Chinese and non-fully nativized like 国语 <guóyǔ> ‘national language’ in (64).

(64) izo yu <guoyu> p-u-ny tce, nunu kxswfse yu
1PL GEN national language SENS-be LNK DEM all GEN
ji-rju p-u-ny tce,
1PL.POSS-speech SENS-be LNK

‘[Chinese] is our national language, it is our common language.’ (150901 tshuBdWnskAt) {0006242#S14}

For singular noun possessors, the presence or not of a third person possessive prefix *u-* is not always easy to tell from recordings, as due to the external sandhi (§4.3), *yu* *u-* merges as /yü/ when no pause occurs between the two. In careful speech, the third person prefix is clearly audible.

Nominal modifiers can sometimes be marked like possessors, with the genitive and/or with a possessive prefix on the following head noun, see §8.2.3.3.

The genitive can also appear between a noun phrase and a relator noun (§8.3), and even be followed by focus markers in this position, as in (65).

(65) tw-ci ku-wxti yu kwny u-rku ri nwra
INDEF.POSS-water SBJ:PCP-be.big GEN also 3SG.POSS-side LOC DEM:PL
tu ngryl.
exist:FACT be.usually.the.case:FACT
‘[Dragonflies] are also found near large rivers.’ (26-quspunmbro)
{0003684#S7}

In these constructions, the genitive is always optional, and the prefix on the possessum suffices to express possession, as in (66) (see §5.1.1.2).

(66) paχci u-jwaŋ tsa fse ri, nu syzny artum,
apple 3SG.POSS-leaf a.little be likeregularly:FACT LNK DEM COMP be round:FACT
‘[Its leaves] are a little like the leaves of an apple tree, but more round.’
(09-mi) {0003466#S13}
When the possessum is elided however, the genitive postposition becomes obligatory, as in (67).

(67) *w-ryi numu, nyki, <beigua> yu syz
3SG.POSS-seed DEM FILLER pumpkin GEN COMP
puu-jauju.

SENS-be.thick.and.strong

‘Its seeds are thicker than those of the pumpkin.’ (16-CWrNgo)

{0003518#S126}

While there are transitive and semi-transitive verbs expressing possession (§22.5.2), the most common possessive construction involves an existential verb taking the possessum as subject, with the possessor marked by a possessive prefix on the possessum, and optionally with the genitive, as in (68).

(68) *qartsʰaz pʰu nuy yu u-krw yzyu
deer male DEM GEN 3SG.POSS-horn exist:SENS

‘The male deer has horns.’ (27-qartshAz) {0003702#S32}

This construction is also used for abstract possession, as in (69).

(69) azuy a-βlu tu
1SG:GEN 1SG.POSS-trick exist:FACT

‘I have an idea.’ (140507 tangguowu-zh) {0003933#S28}

The causative verbs *yxtu* ‘cause to have’ and *yyme* ‘destroy’, ‘cause not to exist/ have’ derived from *tu* ‘exist’ and *me* ‘not exist’ (§17.3.2.3) select an oblique argument with the genitive, as in (70). Although this argument could be considered to be a type of beneficiary (§5.1.1.4), we observe here stability in case marking of the possessor between the base construction and the derived causative one.

(70) wzo kw maka k m-ku-yrco kw-fse
3SG.POSS ERG at.all INF-USE NEG-INF:STAT-be.finished INF:STAT-be like

zo turju laχtcʰa wzo yu tu-yx-te-a

EMPH wealth thing 3SG.POSS GEN IPFV-CAUS-exist[III]-1SG

jyγ

be.possible:FACT

‘[If someone saves me], I will make him have more wealth and riches than he can ever use.’ (140512 yufu yu mogui-zh) {0003973#S80}
## 8 Postpositions and relator nouns

Not all combinations of existential verbs and genitival phrases are existential possessive constructions. For instance, in (71), the second clause could appear to contain a possessive construction meaning 'the mouse only has half of it', but the context makes it clear that a different interpretation is necessary (§26.2.5).

(71) *qamtcw̥r nʷ ʷi-mt̥h̥i numw βzw sʷzny mʷzw žo amtcoŋ
shrew DEM 3SG.POSS-mouth DEM mouse COMP yet EMPH be.pointy
tce nʷ βzw yʷ ʷi-qiʷ kwny me
LNK DEM mouse GEN 3SG.POSS-half even notuez.FACT

'The shrew's mouth is even sharper than that of the mouse, and [its size]
is not even half that of the mouse.' (27-spjaNkW) {0003704#S192}

### 8.2.3.2 Recipient and beneficiary

The genitive can be used to mark the recipient by the indirecitive verb *kʰo* ‘give’, ‘pass over’, as in (72) and (73).

(72) cʷ žo stu kʷ-m pʷ-tʷ-mto-t numw, laχtčh’a
who EMPH most SBJ:PCP-be.first AOR-2-see-PST:TR DEM thing
pʷ-nnʷ-ŋu, turme pʷ-nnʷ-ŋu nʷ, azųy nʷ-kʰy̮m
PST.IPFV-AUTO-be person PST.IPFV-AUTO-be DEM 1SG:GEN IMP-give[III]
tce tcendsre, azo pʷ-ta-lšt jšt
LNK LNK 1SG IPFV-1→2-release be.possible:FACT

‘Give me the first thing that you see [when you arrive home], be it a person or an object, and I will release you.’ (140506 shizi he huichang de bailingniao-zh) {0003927#S48}

(73) jst-tswm tce icqʰa nʷ kuβka nʷ yu
IMP-take.away LNK the.aforementioned DEM noble DEM GEN
a-nu̥-tw-kʰy̥m
IRR-PFV-2-give[III]
Take it and give it to the nobleman.’ (150831 renshen wawa-zh)
{0006418#S43}

The recipient of the verb *kʰo* ‘give’, ‘pass over’ can alternatively also be marked by a possessive prefix on the inalienably possessed noun *tų-j* ‘hand, arm’ (with the meaning ‘hand over’, §8.3.6) or, with the dative relator nouns *u̥-čki* or *u̥-pʰe* (§8.3.1).

The genitive is selected by a few intransitive modal verbs to indicate the experiencer/beneficiary, in particular *ra* ‘be needed’, ‘need’, *čzi* ‘be necessary’, as in (74) and (75).
(74) azwy *u-c*γr<u> ra
1SG:GEN 3SG.POSS-bone be.needed:FACT
'I want its bones.' (07-deluge) {0003426#S9}

(75) azwy wuma zo *kzi
p<u>u-ηu, a-k<u>-ntcʰoz
1SG:GEN really EMPH be.necessary:FACT SENS-be 1SG.POSS-OBJ:PCP-use
sna p<u>u-ηu
be.good:FACT SENS-be
'It will be useful for me, it will have good use of it.' (150902 hailibu-zh)
{0006316#S44}

The experiencer/beneficiary can also be marked by possessive prefixes on the subject, without genitive, as in (76) (see also §5.1.1.4 for additional examples).

(76) azo a-rηw<u> a-χs<u>r ra m<u>-ra
1SG 1SG.POSS-silver 1SG.POSS-gold PL NEG-be.needed:FACT
'I don't need silver or gold.' (2014-kWLAG)

Other intransitive verbs selecting genitive arguments include *ŋgr<u>* ‘succeed’. In (77), in addition to the oblique 2SG argument *n<u>zy<u>y*, the verb takes the infinitival complement clause *βda<u>mu k<u>-ndo* as intransitive subject.

(77) [βda<u>mu k<u>-ndo] n<u>zy<u>y a-p<u>u-ŋgr<u> qʰe, tce>nγre tu-t<u>u-ŋke
queen INF-take 2SG:GEN IRR-PFV-succeed LNK LNK IPFV-2-walk
maka m<u>-ra
at.all NEG-need:FACT
'If you succeed in becoming the queen, you will not need to walk anymore.' (140504 huiguniang-zh) {0003909#S188}

The genitive also occurs with beneficiaries/maleficiaries as adjuncts, not selected by the main verb, with transitive verbs such as *n<u>yma* ‘do’ (78) and *wum* ‘gather’ (81) or stative intransitive verbs such as *pe* ‘be good’ as in (79) with the meaning ‘be favourable, advantageous to’. It is not the only possible way of expressing beneficiary; the relator noun *u-ta<u>β* also has this function in collocation with the stative verb *pe* ‘be good’ (§8.3.4.3), with the slightly different meaning ‘be nice to’.

(78) n<u>zy<u>y tcʰi tu-n<u>yme-a ra, t<u>y-ti
2SG:GEN what IPFV-do[III]-1SG be.needed:FACT IMP-say
'Tell me what I shall do for you.' (140511 alading-zh) {0003953#S168}
(79) *w-fso* tʰw-wxti tce azwɣ mɣ-pe
3SG.POSS-tomorrow AOR-be.big LNK 1SG:GEN NEG-be.good:FACT
‘In the future, when he will have grown up, he will cause me trouble.’ (‘he will not be good to me’, 2011-05-nyima)

The beneficiary adjunct is not necessarily contiguous with the verb on which it depends, as in (80) where the genitive phrase *izora yu* ‘for us, on our behalf’ is separated from the verb *thu* ‘ask’ by a lengthy complement comprising two clauses.

(80) *izora yu* [tcʰi tu-fse-j tce ji-tw-ci
1PL GEN what IPFV-be lik e-1PL LNK 1PL.POSS-INDEF.POSS-water
ɣɣzu] tu-tw-tʰe w-tu̯w-cʰa?
exist:SENS IPFV-2-ask[III] QU-2-can:FACT
‘Can you ask on our behalf how we should do to have water?’ (2005 divination)

Beneficiary genitive phrases can occur as predicates with a copula as *wazɣy* ‘3SG:GEN’ in (81).

(81) tʰɔvtym ka-wum tce, wazɣ pjɔ-maɣ kw, tcoɣtsi rjylpu
taxes AOR:3→3’-collect LNK 3SG:GEN IFR.IPFV-not.be ERG ANTHR king
ɣw ku-wum,
GEN IPFV-collect

‘The taxes that he had collected were not for himself, he was collecting them for the king of Cogtse.’ (150901 NAjstsa) {0006248#S28}

In this use too, it is alternatively possible to indicate the beneficiary as a possessive prefix on the object, without genitive postposition, as in (82).

(82) χsyr kʰutsa w-ŋgw nwtcu a-tw-ci ci
gold bowl 3SG.POSS-inside DEM:LOC 1SG.POSS-INDEF.POSS-water a.little
tɔ-rke ma wuma piri-srau-a
IMP-put.in[III] LNK really SENS-be.thirsty-1SG
‘Please pour some water in the golden bowl for me, I am thirsty.’ (140428 mu e guniang-zh) {0003880#S44}

The genitive is also attested with a noun-verb collocations (§22.4), like *w-kirnoχ + mtɔur* ‘feel dizzy’, in which the possessor of the noun is an experiencer as in (83). This example also illustrates the use of the genitive followed by a focus marker, as in (65) above.
(83) tceri fsapaq yu kuny u-kyrnoq pu-mtcuq pu-ny
LNK animal GEN also 3SG.POSS-head SENS-turn SENS-be
‘But animals too can feel dizzy.’ (29-tAmtshAzkAkWndo) {0004065#S66}

Finally, the experiencer subject argument demoted by the proprietive derivation can also in some cases be optionally encoded with the genitive case (see example 182, §18.8).

### 8.2.3.3 Other uses

The genitive yu occurs with various types of noun complements which are semantically neither possessive or beneficiaries/recipients.

Nouns used as prenominal modifiers are in rare cases followed by a genitive postposition before the head noun. If the head noun is an alienably possessed noun, the presence of a third singular possessive prefix u- is optional, as shown by examples such as (84) and (85).

(84) χsvr yu, nskinu, kʰutsa ci to-nu-ndo.
gold GEN FILLER bowl INDEF IFR-AUTO-take
‘He took a golden bowl’ (140508 shier ge tiaowu de gongzhu-zh)
{0003937#S152}

This type of construction is most common in texts translated from Chinese, but does also occur in more spontaneous material as in (85), with a complex modifier *ftsoq kungut u-pʰu* ‘the price of nine female hybrid yaks’.

(85) tcendre u-jab nutcu [ftsoq kungut u-pʰu]
LNK 3SG.POSS DEM:LOC female.hybrid.yak nine 3SG.POSS-price
yu srwnloq pjv-k-y-rku-ci
GEN ring IFR.IPFV-PEG-pass-put.in-PEG
‘She had a ring worth nine female hybrid yak in her hand.’ (2003gesar)

In a construction with a prenominal modifier marker in the genitive, even when a possessive prefix is present on the head noun (in particular when it is an inalienably possessed noun), that prefix does not necessarily refer to the modifier. For instance, in (86), the third plural possessive prefix *nu-* on *nu-mgozmγrγβ* ‘their vegetables’ refers to the people eating the vegetable, not the modifier *tux-palγskγr* ‘the whole year’ (on whose formation see §5.7.8.3) which would require a third singular prefix instead (an option which is also attested with this noun). Alternatively, it is also possible to have an indefinite possessor prefix on the head
noun if inalienably possessed, as in (87). Note that both options are attested in the construction with a prenominal modifier without the genitive, as seen in §5.1.4.

(86) tce nwnw twxpalyskyr yu n̥-mgozmyrṣβ n̥ u ma
LNK DEM whole.year GEN 3PL.POSS-vegetable DEM DEM apart.from
pjy-me.
IFR.IPFV-not.exist
'It was the only vegetable that they had the whole year.' (140522 kAmYW
tWji) {0004055#S22}

(87) tw-xpa yu tw-yli n̥ cʰú-wy-tcɛt
one-year GEN INDEF.POSS-manure DEM IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-INV-take.out
tú-wy-rmbu
IPFV-INV-heap
'People take out (from the stable) the whole year's manure and heap it
up.' (2010-tArAku)

Some apparently unclassifiable uses of the genitive can be accounted for to some extent by assuming the elision of a head noun. For instance, in (88), the phrase *izora yu*, meaning ‘in our language’, can be explained as coming from *izora yu ji-skɔt* ‘our language’ used as a absolutive locative phrase (§8.1.9) ‘in our language’, with elision of the head noun. This example does not illustrate a separate function of the genitive: it is simply a particular case of possessive.

(88) <longtoutan> n̥u kupa-skɔt cti. tce izora yu tcʰi
TOPO DEM Chinese-language be.AFF:FACT LNK 1PL GEN what
tu-ku̥-ti ŋu m-y-xsi.
IPFV-GENR-say be:FACT NEG-GENR:know
'Longtoutan is a Chinese word; I don't know how it is said in our
[language].' (150820 qaprANar) {0003798#S2}

The same is true of the use of the genitive with the verb *mŋyrm* ‘feel pain’ and its causative *cwmŋyrm* ‘cause pain’, which take a body part (not the person or animal feeling pain) as their subject and object, respectively. In (89), the genitive first person *aẓwuy* ‘1SG:GEN’ is not an oblique argument or even a malefactive adjunct. Rather, its presence implies an elided noun *a-βri* ‘my body’ (‘he caused pain to my body’). It is however likely that sentences like this are the pivot constructions which made possible the reanalysis of possessive genitive phrases as benefactive/ malefactive adjuncts.
(89) azwy ta-cu-mŋỵm, azwy a-laχtcʰa ra

1SG:GEN AOR:3→3'-CAUS-be.painful 1SG:GEN 1SG:POSS-thing PL

ja-nu-tswu-m-nu

AOR:3→3'-VERT-take-away-PL

‘He hurt me and took away my things.’ (140426 luozi he qiangdao)

{0003814#S31}

The genitive can also occur between prenominal relatives (§23.2.3) and their head noun. In this construction the head noun generally does not take a possessive prefix. This type of relative is particularly common in story translated from Chinese, where it calques the prenominal relatives in the <de>, as in (90). The same situation has been observed in Khroskyabs (Lai 2017: 640–643).

(90) [ku-yŋndʒo ri ku-me], [ku-sy-mtsu̯r ri
SBJ:PCP-be.cold also SBJ:PCP-not.exist SBJ:PCP-PROP-be.hungry also

ku-me], [ky-nušu̯mwu̯zdwy ri mɔ-yu̯-ra] yu̯

SBJ:PCP-not.exist INF-worry also NEG-SBJ:PCP-be.needed GEN

svtcʰa nu̯tcu jo-ce-ndzi p̯u-ŋu.

place DEM:LOC IFR-go-DU SENS-be

‘The two of them went to a place where they was cold cold and hunger, and where one did not need to worry.’ (140519 mai huochai de xiao nvhai-zh) {0004036#S171}

However, this type of relative is also attested, though rarer, in non-translated texts, for instance in (91) with intransitive subject relativization.

(91) tce [tw-xpa tu-ku-łok] yu̯ swjno nu̯ ŋu tce,
LNK one-year IPFV-SBJ:PCP-come.out GEN TOPO DEM be:FACT LNK

‘It is an annual plant.’ (18-NGolo) {0003530#S98}

Genitival prenominal relative clauses are to be distinguished from relatives as possessors, as in (92), where the possessum *u̯-rjɔŋgo* ‘its radiating pain’ is not an argument of the relative *tw-cy̯a ku̯-mŋỵm* ‘a tooth that hurts’.

(92) *tw-cy̯a* *a-ty̯-mŋỵm* *tce tce ty̯-rca*
*GENR.POSS-tooth* *IRR-PFV-be.painful* *LNK LNK INDEF.POSS-following*

*tw-ymba, tw-ku* *nwa* *tu-mŋỵm* *p̯u-ŋu tce,*

*GENR.POSS-cheek* *GENR.POSS-head* *DEM:PL IPFV-be.painful* *SENS-be* *LNK*
nwnw “[tw-cy̥a kʷ-m] yw ʷ-r̥go

DEM INDEF.POSS-tooth SBJ:PCP-be.painful GEN 3SG.POSS-radiating.pain

ɣy̥zu” tu-kʷ-ti ɣu.

exist:SENS IPFV-GENR-say be:FACT

‘When one has a toothache, and that one feels pain in one’s cheek or a headache, one says ‘the toothache has a radiating pain.’” (140516 WrJANgo) {0004012#S3}

Adnominal complement clauses (§24.6) can also take a genitive marker, as in (93).

(93) [<donggua> cʰo <qiezi> ni tcʰi zo múj-naχtcuɣy] yw
gourd COMIT eggplant DU what EMPH NEG:SENS-be.the.same GEN
u̯-tcʰa a-jɣ-tw-yuɣt ra

3SG.POSS-information IRR-PFV-2-bring be.needed:FACT

‘[Go there and come back to] tell me in what way gourd and eggplant differ from each other.’ (2010-02-yitian bi yitian-zh)

Some relative clauses can take possessors marked in the genitive, as in (94) and (95). It is debatable whether the genitival phrase belongs to the relative in this type of construction.

(94) tce pɑk yu [stu ʷ-kχ-nuɣmga], izora

LNK pig GEN most 3SG.POSS-OBJ:PCP-want.from 1PL

ji-kχ-nuɣmga nʷ ʷ-ca ɣu tce

1PL.POSS-OBJ:PCP-want.from DEM 3SG.POSS-meat be:FACT LNK

‘What is most wanted from pigs, what we want from them is their meat.’ (05-paR) {0003400#S13}

(95) slama ra yu [tʰuɣtʰyci kʷ-fse], nʷ kχ-rχ-βzjoz ra

student PL GEN something SBJ:PCP-be lik e DEM INF-ANTIPASS-learn PL

ŋu-stu műj-stu

nʷ, nʷ-stu

ŋu-na-nu̯

SENS-be.assiduous SENS-be.assiduous DEM 3PL.POSS-truth SENS-work-PL

múj-nyma-nu, nwnuŋa nʷ-pʰama ra nʷ-cki

NEG:SENS-work-PL DEM:PL 3PL.POSS-parent PL 3PL.POSS-DAT

kʷ-rχ-fcɣt pʷ-ra.

GENR:S/O-ANTIPASS-tell:FACT SENS-be.needed

‘One has to tell the parents all kinds of things concerning the students, whether they try hard or not, whether they work seriously or not.’ (150901 tshuBdWnskAt) {0006242#S17}
The genitive *yu* can optionally be used after the object in purposive complements (§24.4.2.1) containing a transitive verb as in (96); in this type of clauses, the verb is in subject participial form and transitive verbs take a possessive prefix coreferent with the object (§16.1.1.1).

(96) rgystu nšu yuš u-ku-rtok jo-yi.
old.man DEM GEN 3SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-see IFR-come
‘He came to see the old man.’ (150908 menglang-zh) {0006320#S12}

### 8.2.4 Locative

#### 8.2.4.1 Core locative postpositions

There are three locative postpositions in Japhug, *zu*, *tcu* and *ri*, the latter being homophonous with the correlative additive focus *ri* (§9.1.6.2). The exact conditions of their uses is still an unsolved problem of Japhug grammar. They appear to be always optional (goals and locative adjuncts can always be in absolutive form, see §8.1.8 and 8.1.9) and seem to be interchangeable, as is illustrated in this section.

All three postpositions can be used to express static location, motion into, motion or from a place. Location or motion (into/from/on) a surface, (into/from/in) a container or with/without contact does not seem to be relevant factors for the selection of the locative postpositions.

The locative *tcu* is most often used in combination with a demonstrative *nu*
as in (97), a form identical to the locative of the demonstrative pronoun (*nuteu*
‘there’, see §6.9.3). Without demonstrative, *tcu* is also found as in (98) and (99).

(97) japa tce alo <ercha> nutcu, nykinu, icqʰa tsʰapa co
last.year LNK upstream TOPO DEM:LOC FILLER FILLER TOPO valley
nutcu twnyt cʰy-yi.
DEM:LOC rock slide IFR:DOWNSTREAM-come
‘Last year, at Ercha, at the valley of Tshapa, there was a rock slide.’
(160715 nWNa) {0006067#S1}

(98) jo-nu-ce tce, tšu tcu ny-mtsuŋ,
IFR-AUTO-go LNK road LOC IFR-be.hungry
‘He went away, and on the road he felt hungry.’ (2002 qajdoskAt)
{0003366#S109}
(99) kʰyxtyndo tcu ko-zo
side.of.the.top.terrace LOC IFR-land
'[The raven] landed on the side of the top terrace.' (2002 qajdoskAt)
{0003366#S124}

The above examples show *tcu* used for location without motion (97), motion via a place (98), motion onto a place resulting in contact with the surface (99), and (100) illustrates *tcu* expressing motion from the inside.

(100) nwmw kwβwa ra yw nw-kʰa w-kum nwtcu
DEM nobleman PL GEN 3PL.POSS-house 3SG.POSS-door DEM:LOC
cʰy-nw-tɔv tce,
IFR:DOWNSTREAM-AUTO-come.out LNK

'He went out from the door of the nobleman's house.' (140513 mutong de disheng-zh) {0003977#S153}

The same diversity of uses is found with the locative *zu*; (101) shows *zu* expressing static location ('in their hands') and motion from a place ('from the sky'). Example (102) illustrates *zu* used with the verb *zo* 'land', which is attested with *tcu* in (99). Note that in another version of the same story by the same speaker, the relator noun *u-taɣ* 'on, above' (§8.3.4.1) is found instead of a locative postposition (see 3 in §5.1.1.2).

(101) twmukyrji u-me kwɛnwg nw nw-jaɣ zw, nykinw,
heaven 3SG.POSS-daughter seven DEM 3PL.POSS-hand LOC FILLER
<shanzi> kw-mpɛw~mpɛy̥r zo, qale
fan SBJ:PCP-EMPH~be.beautiful EMPH wind
u-sɣ-lyt nw pjγ-k-ysw-ndo-nw-ci tce,
3SG.POSS-OBL:PCP-release DEM IFR.IPFV-PEG-PROG-hold-PL-PEG LNK
twmwnymkʰa zw pjγ-nw-tɔv-nw.
sky LOC IFR:DOWN-AUTO-come.out-PL
'The seven daughters of heaven, holding beautiful fans in their hands,
came down from the sky.' (150828 niulang-zh) {0006318#S47}

(102) a-mbro u-jme zw kɣ-zo,
1SG.POSS-horse 3SG.POSS-tail LOC IMP-land
'Land on my horse's tail.' (2014-kWLAG)

The postposition *zu* is related to the suffix -s in Situ, which expresses motion from an origin or towards a goal (Lin 1993: 330–331). Situ is certainly most archaic
in this regard (as it also preserves a locative -j suffix of which only lexicalized traces remain in Japhug, §8.2.4.4), and the Japhug form has to be explained as debonding from suffix to clitic to independent word (see 33 in §8.2.1 for evidence that *zu* is not a clitic). Japhug-internal evidence for the degrammaticalization is the otherwise unexplainable voicing to *z*, a process that applied to all fricative codas (§3.2.2), and the fact that some frozen forms preserve a -z suffix, in particular the approximate locative *cʰiẓ* (§8.2.4.2), the related indefinite pronoun *ciscʰiẓ* ‘somewhere’ (§6.6.5) and the relator *u-ŋguẓ* ‘inside, among’ (see 223 and 224 in §8.3.4.2) and the postposition *kaz* ‘while ... still’ (§5.8.3).

The locative *ri* also occurs in all the meanings attested above for *tɛu* and *zu*, though due to homophony with the additive correlative *ri* (§9.1.6.2), some examples are ambiguous. Examples (103) and (104) show the locative *ri* marking static location and motion towards a place, respectively.

(103) *kʰyxtu ri pw-ryzi-a*   *tce ty-mtʰuw*   *tu-ndze-a*

terrace LOC PST.IPFV-stay-1SG LNK INDEF.POSS-meat IPFV-eat[III]-1SG
*pw-ŋu ri,*

PST.IPFV-be LNK

‘I was on the terrace eating meat.’ (150909 qandZGi) {0006358#S4}

(104) *tce nuy nuy-kʰa*   *ri wzo k-ari*   *u-qʰu*   *tce,*

LNK DEM 3PL.POSS-house LOC 3SG AOR:EAST-go[II] 3SG.POSS-after LNK

‘After he went to [his wife’s family’s] house...’ (14-siblings)

{0003508#S165}

The same interchangeability and optionality of the locative postpositions is observed when these are combined with relator nouns (§8.3.4.5). Although the three postpositions are almost identical in their range of uses, there are nevertheless differences in their compatibilities. With the locative demonstrative pronouns *kure* ‘here’, and *nuure* ‘there’ (§6.9.3) as well as *aɛrɛndu* ‘everywhere’, only *ri* can be added, as in (105). The postpositions *tɛu* and *zu* can be combined as *nuytɛu* *zu* as in (106); no other combination of locative postpositions are possible.

(105) *tcendvɛr tsʰuβdwn kw-sy-suxcɛyt*   *lY-ari-a.*   *tce*

LNK   TOPO   NMLZ-ANTIPASS-teach   AOR:UPSTREAM-go[II]-1SG LNK

*nuure*   *ri*   *li*   *a-kumpya*   *pw-tu*   *tce*

DEM:LOC LOC again 1SG.POSS-hen PST.IPFV-exist LNK

‘I went to Tshobdun to teach. There, I had a hen again.’ (150819 kumpGa)

{0006388#S69}
(106) wzo tcekwnutcu zw pjy-r-yzi qhe
3SG EAST DEM:LOC LOC IFR.IPFV-stay LNK
‘(When) he was on the east side, ...’ (28-qajdoskAt) {0003718#S145}

All three postpositions are also used with time adjuncts, but do present some noticeable differences in usage. They can be interchangeably used with temporal relator nouns such as *w-raŋ* ‘during, the time when’ (§8.3.5), but in other contexts

With counted nouns expressing time (§7.5.1), there is not a single example with *zu* in the corpus. The postposition *ri* is used to express a point in time (as in 107), while *tcu* mostly means ‘within (the time period)’ as in (108).

(107) tw-xsoz ri tce jo-yi ri, w-βri tzyri yzyu,
one-morning LOC LNK IFR-come LNK 3SG.POSS-body dew exist:SENS
p-w-yci.
SENS-be.wet
‘One morning, [our hen] came [back from the forest, where it was
laying eggs] and its body was wet from the dew.’ (150819 kumpGa)
{0006388#S19}

(108) tw-xpa nutcu [...] tw-twphu, yzo nura ku, yz-yzga nwnw, nwnw
one-year DEM:LOC one-hive bee DEM:PL ERG honey DEM DEM
squ-twirpa w-ro nw ku-sw-yjtw-nw pw-c-ha-nw.
ten-pound 3SG.POSS-excess DEM IPFV-CAUS-accumulate-PL SENS-can-PL
‘In one year, one hive, the bees, the honey, they can gather more than
ten pounds of it.’ (26-GZo) {0003668#S33}

The form *tce*, which is mainly analyzable as a linker (§25.1.6) and in some cases a topic marker (§9.1.5.5) occurs with locative and temporal adjuncts and could be analyzed as a postposition in these usages (see also §8.2.4.4). With the temporal counted nouns, like *ri* it expresses a specific point in time as in (109) rather than a duration.

(109) tce tw-sŋi tce p-y-k-ytw-y-ci tce,
LNK one-day LNK IFR-PEG-meet-PEG LNK
‘One day, [the bear finally] met [the rabbit].’ (2011-13-qala)

### 8.2.4.2 Approximate locative

The suffix -cʰu is used to indicate approximate location, referring to a broad area rather than a specific place, like the plural *ra* (§9.1.1.2). In (110) it means ‘area/
region', while in (111) it can be translated as 'side' and is opposed to *w-stu* 'straight ahead'.

(110) tce kupa-cʰu nwra, atʰi pcoŋ nwra,
LNK Chinese-APPROX.LOC DEM:PL downstream side DEM:PL
w-pci nwra kw kure ri
3SG.POSS-outside DEM:LOC ERG DEM.PROX:LOC LOC
ɣu-cʰu-su-χtu-nu ŋu.
CISL-IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-CAUS-but-PL be:FACT
'People from the Chinese areas downstream, outsiders, send [people]
here to buy [these mushrooms]. (20-grWBgrWB) {0003554#S57}

It also occurs with various relator nouns, in particular *w-qʰu* ‘after, behind’ and *w-ŋgw* ‘inside’ as in (111) and (112), respectively. The form *w-qʰu-cʰu* exclusively has a locative meaning, unlike *w-qʰu* which can be used with the temporal meaning ‘after’ Note that *w-ŋgw* undergoes vowel assimilation to [*w-ŋgućʰu*], showing that it must be analyzed as a suffix rather than as a postposition. Most relator nouns cannot be used with *cʰu*, for instance one cannot say †*w-kyri-cʰu*.

(111) w-jwaɣ w-kyri w-stu nũ pũ-yrŋi,
3SG.POSS-leaf 3SG.POSS-front 3SG.POSS-direction DEM SENS-be.green
w-jwaɣ w-qʰu-cʰu nũ pũ-pyì,
3SG.POSS-leaf 3SG.POSS-behind-APPROX.LOC DEM SENS-be-grey
'The upper side of its leaves is green, and the lower side is grey.'
(13-NanWkWmtsWG) {0003492#S7}

(112) tce w-xtypa cʰo w-mi, w-jaɣ,
LNK 3SG.POSS-lower.belly COMIT 3SG.POSS-foot 3SG.POSS-hand
w-ŋgw-cʰu nwra pũ-wyrum.
3SG.POSS-INSIDE-APPROX.LOC DEM:PL SENS-be.white
'The lower part of its body, its feet, its paws, the inside part are white.'
(20-xsar) {0003568#S23}

The approximate locative -cʰu is commonly used in particular with the lo 'upstream' / tʰi 'downstream' and ku 'east' / ndi 'west' locative adverbs (§22.2.6), as in (113).<fnref n="6" />

<footnote n="6">⁶For the use of *myctṣa* ‘until’ to express restrictive focalization in (113), see §8.2.9.</footnote>
(113) pa juł pcoł nyki, tw-ji w-rku nwra maka
down village side FILLER INDEF.POSS-field 3SG.POSS-side DEM:PL at.all
me. rungu kumy lo-c'u koŋla zo
not exist:FACT pasture also upstream-APPROX.LOC completely EMPH
kw-yndzo myctsa t'i nwra me
SBJ:PCP-be.cold until downstream DEM:PL not的事实
'It is not found down in the villages, near the fields. Even on the
pastures, it only exists at high altitudes where it is very cold, not lower.'
(15-babW) {0003512#S107}

The suffix -cʰu is itself related to the indefinite locative postpositions cʰiz and scʰiz 'at/in/towards a X, somewhere where X' as in (114), which come from the combination of -cʰu with the locative suffix -z (degrammaticalized as the locative postposition zu, see §8.2.4.1). For the notation -iz (instead of the more etymological -uz) here, see §3.5.2. In the case of the variant scʰiz, the root of -cʰu was both prefixed and suffixed by the locative -z.

(114) tce tcekʷ-kʷ zo scʰiz svstɔŋ zo scʰiz
LKN east~EMPH EMPH INDEF.LOC desert EMPH INDEF.LOC
k-azyút-nw ʔnw-ŋu, nyki, si ri kw-me, rd
AOR:EAST-reach-PL SENS-be FILLER tree also SBJ:PCP-not.existing stone
ri kw-me scʰiz zo kty-azyút-nw ʔnw-ŋu.
also SBJ:PCP-not.existing INDEF.LOC EMPH AOR:EAST-reach-PL
'Further east, they arrived at a desert, somewhere where there were
neither trees nor stones.' (2005 Kunbzang)

The postpositions cʰiz and scʰiz have reduced forms cʰu and scʰu with loss of
final -z (see 115 below), probably originally sandhi variants.

(115) nuw-rjara cʰu pjy-k-ymdzw-ci tce,
3PL.POSS-yard INDEF.LOC PST.IPFV-PEG-sit-PEG LNK
'She was sitting in their yard.' (150907 yingning-zh) {0006264#S57}

There is also a rarer disyllabic variant of the approximate locative cʰizw as in
(116), with the fully syllabic form zu of the locative postposition.

(116) tw-βzw̋r cʰizw, nyki, kw-spo w ci
INDEF.POSS-corner INDEF.LOC FILLER SBJ:PCP-have.a.hole INDEF
pjy-tu tce,
IFR.IPFV-exist LNK
'In one of the corners, there was a hole.' (140510 sanpian sheye-zh)
{0003945#S62}
Some nouns use a suffix -cʰu (homophonous with the reduced form of cʰiż
in 115) to indicate direction, and are not compatible with cʰiż and other forms:
мұрғоқ-cʰu 'towards the opposite side' and тu-mu-cʰu 'towards the sky', the lat-
ter mainly used with the verb ru 'look at' to mean 'lying on one's back face up
(towards the sky)' as in (117).

(117) tce tw-mu-cʰu nw u-ku-ru nw
LNK INDEF.POSS-sky-towards DEM 3SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-look.at DEM
u-ymyr u-ngu zo c-pjy-lyt,
3SG.POSS-mouth 3SG.POSS-inside EMPH TRAL-IFR-release

'It dropped [the medicine] inside the mouth of [Gesar], who was [lying on his back] face up towards the sky.' (Gesar)

### 8.2.4.3 tce: linker or postposition

The word tce is one of the most common words in Japhug, and it has several
different morphosyntactic functions, including that of linker (§25.1.6) and topic
marker (§9.1.5.5). In addition, it is also used as a postposition, expressing both
motion and location; it especially commonly occurs with an ablative meaning,
as in (118) and (119). Its etymology is discussed in the following section (§8.2.4.4).

(118) kutcu zgo tce tcekú zgo
DEM.PROX:LOC mountain LOC east mountain
ku-nu-tswm pú-ngryl ma
IPFV:EAST-AUTO-take.away SENS-be.usually.the.case LNK

'[The crossoptilon] would take [the weasel] from the mountain here to
the mountain over there (on the other side of the river).'
(23-qapGAmtWmtW) {0003608#S82}

(119) tu-ci nwra pa tce tak kja zo
INDEF.POSS-water DEM:PL down LOC up completely EMPH
yu-tswm pjy-ra.
INV-take.away:FACT IFR.IPFV-be.needed

'One had to bring water from the lower part [of the valley] upwards.'
(140522 RdWrJAt) {0004061#S7}

The postposition tce is also found with temporal adjuncts, as in (120).
(120) *qartsu tce pw-jpum ftcar tce tu-mbro ny.
winter LOC IPFV-be.thick summer LOC IPFV-be.high be:FACT
'It grows thicker in winter, and taller in summer. (07-tAtho)
{0003432#S19}

It appears in the expression *u-sum tce* ‘in his opinion, in his mind’ as in (121) and (122); the core locative postpositions are not used in this meaning.

(121) azo a-swum tce, nu-krw zo yzyu cti tce
1SG 1SG.POSS-mind LOC 3PL.POSS-horn EMPH exist:SENS be.AFF:FACT LNK
‘In my opinion, [since] they have horns, (they should be able to fight the
predators off).’ (20-RmbroN) {0003560#S59}

(122) tce uzo u-swum tce tce tu-tswum tce tcendvre izora
LNK 3SG 3SG.POSS-mind LOC LNK IPFV:UP-take LNK LNK 1PL
ji-sytcʰa ra lonba zo tu-ci pw-sw-yβze
1PL.POSS-place PL all EMPH INDEF.POSS-water IPFV-CAUS-become[III]
to-kymwɣ.
IFR-have.the.intention
‘In his mind, [the snake] wanted to take the water upwards and
transform our whole area into water.’ (150820 qaprANar) {0006246#S19}

Distinguishing between the uses of *tce* as a postposition and as a topic marker (§9.1.5.5) is not always trivial; it is analyzed as a topic marker when it can be replaced by *nu* §9.1.5.4, or when two *tce* appear in a row as in (122): in this case, the first one is a postposition and the second one a topic marker.

### 8.2.4.4 Traces of the locative suffix *-j

Situ has a locative suffix -j, also used in the possessive construction (Lin 1993: 325–330), which has disappeared in Japhug, though a few traces remain.

The form *tce*, which is mainly used as a linker (§25.1.6) and also occurs as postposition (§8.2.4.3) and as a topic marker (§9.1.5.5), probably originates from the combination of the locative postposition *tçu* and the locative suffix *-j*, with vowel merger at a stage preceding the sound change *o → u* (*tco-j → tce*; see §3.3.3 for a discussion of these sound changes).

Another trace of the locative suffix *-j* is found in the linker *qʰe* ‘then’ and the time ordinal *qʰuj* ‘this afternoon’ (§7.5.2), combining the relator noun *u-qʰu* ‘after, behind’ (§8.3.5) with the coda *-j*, in the former with vowel fusion (an earlier lexicalization), and the latter without fusion. The form *qʰuj* ‘this afternoon’ shows
that the suffix *-j was still productive in Japhug after the sound change *o → u took place.

The interrogative pronoun *ŋoj* ‘where’, variant of *ŋotɛu* ‘where’ (§6.5.4), also has a trace of the *-j* suffix without vowel fusion.

Finally, the suffix *-re* in the locative pronouns *kure* ‘here’, *nure* ‘there’ and related forms is most probably the plural marker *ra* (§9.1.1.2) to which the locative *-j* has been added, with the same vowel fusion as in the forms above (§6.9.3).

### 8.2.5 Comitative

Postpositional phrases with the comitative postposition *cʰo* ‘and, with’ and its variants *cʰondɛre* and *cʰonɛ́* (comprising the additive *nɛ́* and the linker *ndɛre*) are selected by verbs with non-singular subjects (§14.2.6), including *naχtɛwɣ* ‘be the same’ (§9.1.7), *amumi* ‘be on good terms’ (123), *rɣkrɣz* ‘have a discussion’ and reciprocal verbs (§18.4.1).

(123) [wɔzɔ cʰo] ku-naχtcuɣy [swjno, xcaj ma
3SG COMIT SBJ:PCP-be.the.same vegetables grass apart.from
mɣ-ku-ndza nwra cʰonɛ́] amumi-nu tce,
NEG-SBJ:PCP-eat DEM:PL COMIT be.on.good.terms:FACT-PL LNK
'[The rabbit] is on good terms with [the animals] which eat only grass
and vegetables like him.' (04-qala2) {0003392#S31}

(124) [kʰu cʰondɛre] mbro ni to-rɣkrɣz-ndzi.
tiger COMIT horse DU IFR-discuss-DU
'The tiger and the horse had a discussion.' (20-tArka) {0003566#S31}

Postpositional phrases in *cʰo* can be considered to be oblique arguments, since they are relativized using the oblique participle (§16.1.3.7, §23.5.7). However, verbs that select *cʰo* phrases index not only the intransitive subject proper, but the sum of the subject and the *cʰo* phrase, which can be in the dual as in (125) (the white birch and the red birch) or in the plural (123) (the rabbit and the other animals).

(125) tce w-rqʰu nw yuwrni lawtma w-ŋgw
LNK 3SG.POSS-bark DEM be.red:FACT apart.from.the.fact 3SG.POSS-inside
nw [sxjku cʰo] nw-naχtcuɣy-ndzi ri
DEM birch COMIT SENS-be.the.same-DU LNK
'Apart from the fact that its bark is red, it is identical in the inside with
the birch.' (06-mbrAj) {0003414#S11}
The verb *naχtɛuɣ* ‘be the same’ with a *cʰo* phrase can be used in an equative construction (§26.3.1.1).

Apart from the function presented above, *cʰo* ‘and, with’ is commonly used to link together two nouns inside a single noun phrase, as in (126). In this case too, the main verb of the clause indexes the whole noun phrase, comprising the sum of referents designated by the nouns linked by *cʰo*.

(126) *a-ww*          *cʰo a-ki*          *ni*
1SG.POSS-grand.father COMIT 1SG.POSS-younger.sibling DU
*cʰu-ɣi-ndʒi* ra ma *znı-sti* *ky-rʒzi*
IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-come-DU be.needed:FACT LNK 3DU-alone INF-stay
*mɣ-cʰa-ndʒi* tce,
NEG-can:FACT-DU LNK

‘My grandfather and my younger brother have to come, they cannot stay by themselves.’ (2011-05-nyima)

The marker *cʰo* can also link verb phrases and even entire clauses (see §25.6.2.1 and Jacques 2014a: 313).

Given the apparently equal status of the two linked nouns in (126), in particular with regard to indexation, it is legitimate to wonder whether analyzing it as a postposition makes more sense than considering it to be a coordinator; this question is explored in §9.2.1).

A *cʰo* phrase can be followed by the associative plural marker *ra* (§9.1.1) as in (127) to mean ‘et cetera’, and the whole phrase can take case marking such as ergative.

(127) *tceri wwo ndre, qajdo cʰo* ra kw ndɣ tú-wy-ndza cti
but 3SG ADVERS CROW COMIT PL ERG ADVERS IPFV-INV-eat be.AFF:FACT
‘But it is eaten by crows and other [animals].’ (26-NalitCaRmbWm)
{0003676#S134}

The ergative *kw* is however optional on comitative phrases, as shown by (128), where ergative marking would be expected on the phrase *u-pw* ra *cʰo*.

(128) [*u-pw* ra *cʰo*] *twtwurca to-ndza-nu tce*
3SG.POSS-young PL COMIT together IFR-eat-PL LNK
*to-nu-zy-y-cu-fka-nu* zo *pu-ŋu.*
IFR-AUTO-REFL-CAUS-be.full-PL EMPH SENS-be
‘[The eagle] ate them together with its fledglings and they ate to their full.’ (huli yu shanying-zh)
A postpositional comitative phrase can also serve as a dual or plural possessor, as if from a complex noun phrase ‘X cʰo Y’ with elided Y element, as in (129).<fnref n="7" /> See §9.2.1 for additional discussion.

(129) tce w-rzaβ cʰo ndzi-me ci tu tce,
LNK 3SG.POSS-wife COMIT 3DU.POSS-daughter one exist:FACT LNK
'He and his wife have a daughter.' (14-siblings) {0003508#S281}

The comitative is also used in the simultaneous action construction (§16.4.3, §24.4.3.2)

### 8.2.6 Additive

The additive adposition *ny*, possibly from Tibetan *སྐ na* 'locative', appears after the protasis of some conditional clauses (§25.2.1), but it also occurs in direct adja-cency between two nouns (generally identical ones), most commonly to express repeated action as in (130) and (131).

(130) tɣ-rpi nɣ tɣ-rpi zo pŋw-sw-βzu-nw
INDEF.POSS-sutra ADD INDEF.POSS-sutra EMPH IPFV-CAUS-make-PL
pŋw-ŋu tce,
SENS-be LNK
'They ask [lamas] to chant sutras after sutras.' (2003kandZislama)
{0006147#S81}

(131) tce w-χti nɔ w cʰa ntsɔ ku-tsʰi
LNK 3SG.POSS-companion DEM ERG alcohol always IPFV-drink
pwn-ŋu tce cʰa nɣ cʰa ku-tsʰi pjen-cti tce
PST.IPFV-be LNK alcohol add alcohol IPFV-drink IPFV-be.AFF LNK
'Her husband used to drink all the time, drank alcohol again and again.'
(17-lhazgron)

It can also be interpreted as gradual increase (132) and/or the meaning ‘all the way’ with locative nouns as in (133).

(132) tw-ci nɔ taŋ ny taŋ ny taŋ tu-yi
INDEF.POSS-water DEM up ADD up up ADD up IPFV:UP-come
pjy-cti
IFR.IPFV-be.AFF
'The water was raising up and up.' (31-deluge) {0004077#S19}

<footnote n="7">⁷Note that (129) does not mean ‘There is his wife and their daughter’ (dual indexation would be expected on the verb).</footnote>
## 8 Postpositions and relator nouns

(133) tšu ny tšu pjš-ce qʰe,
path add path ifr:down-go lnk
'He went all the way down.' (140511 alading-zh) {0003953#S102}

The additive can also occur between finite verbs with a similar range of mean-
ings (§19.4), with numerals and counted nouns (§7.3.2.3) to express distributivity,
and with ideophones to describe a rhythmically occurring action (§10.1.2.3).

### 8.2.7 Standard marker

Japhug has several postpositions that are mainly used to mark the standard in the comparative construction. The most common one is *sɣz* ‘compared with’, but the variants *stɑk*, *szyŋy*, *stɑŋny*, *sustɑk* (117 in §15.1.5.5) *χtanɣ* (68, §10.4.1) and *suχta* are also attested (see §5.8.4 concerning their etymology). Their relative frequency appears to be speaker-dependent, and no meaningful difference could be detected between them.

In the comparative construction (§26.2.1), the comparee is the intransitive subject of the main verb (the parameter, generally an adjectival stative verb) and is indexed on the verb. The comparee is either in the absolutive or in the ergative (§8.2.2.7). The standard is necessarily marked by one of the postpositions listed above, and cannot be indexed on the main verb. Neither the standard nor the comparee are required to be overt. An adjectival stative verb with a standard postpositional phrase as in (134) is a well-formed comparative construction. Examples like (135) with overt comparee and standard are rarer.

(134) *qandzyi sɣzny pɔu-wxti, qaliak sɣzny pɔu-xtci*
falcon *COMP SENS-be.big* eagle *COMP SENS-be.small*
'It is bigger than a falcon, and smaller than an eagle.' (2011-08-kuwu)

(135) *uwo nwo azo sɣz tu-xpa wxti*
3SG DEM 1SG COMP one-year be.big:FACT
'She is one year older than me.' (12-BzaNsa) {0003484#S85}

The standard marker *sɣz* (and its variants) also occurs in a construction expressing progressive increase throughout the time, where a time counted noun like *tu-sni* ‘one day’ or *tu-xpa* ‘one year’ is followed by the standard marker and then repeated, as *tu-xpa sɣz tu-xpa* ‘more year after year’ in (136). This construction, although attested in non-translated texts, is more common in texts from Chinese, where it calques the construction ‘一年比一年 <yīnián bǐ yīnián>’ ‘more year after year’. The more idiomatic Japhug construction to express the same
meaning is through partial reduplication of the first syllable of the main verb (§12.4.1.4).

(136) *nuw-jwaB* *nw*, [...] *tw-xpa* *syz* *tw-xpa* *lu-dyn* *ŋu*
3PL.POSS-leaf DEM one-year COMP one-year IPFV-be.many be:FACT
*ma*
LNK

‘There are more needles (‘leaves’) each year.’ (08-saCW) {0003462#S17}

The standard markers can also be used with subordinate clauses (§25.6.2.3).
The standard marker with the distal demonstrative *nw* *syznɣ* has the meaning
‘rather than that, could ... as well’ as in (137).

(137) *ny-mu* *ky-fsraŋ* *my-tw-cʰa* *tce*, *nuy* *syzny*,
2SG.POSS-mother INF-protect NEG-2-can:FACT LNK DEM COMP
*a-rca* *jy-yi* *tce*, *a-rca*, *nyki*, *laxci*
1SG.POSS-following IMP-come LNK 1SG.POSS-following FILLER trade
*pu-βzjoz*
IMP-learn

‘You cannot save your mother, rather than that, come with me to learn some abilities.’ (150826 baoliandeng-zh) {0006370#S140}

This phrase can also be used as a scalar marker ‘even’ with scope over the
following clause, as in (138), and occurs in incremental additive constructions
‘not only X, but also Y’ (§25.6.2.3).

(138) *ki* *ky-rtsi* *ku-tu* *me* *ny*, *aŋo* *nuy* *syzny*,
DEM.PROX INF-count SBJ:PCP-exist not技术服务:FACT SFP 1SG DEM COMP
*nykinu*, *kʰa* *ku-qanu*-nuu *u-ŋgw* *zu*, *nykinu*,
FILLER house SBJ:PCP-EMPH~be.dark 3SG.POSS-inside LOC FILLER
*tw-cpyβ* *kuβde-rzwɣ* *ty-ky-lst* *nuŋu*
INDEF.POSS-corpse four-section AOR-OBJ:PCP-release DEM
*ku-sylɣi-a* *cʰa-a* *cti* *ny!*
IPFV-combine-1SG can:FACT-1SG be.AFF:FACT SFP
‘[What you ask] is nothing, I am even able to put together a corpse that
had been cut into four pieces in a dark house.’ (140512 alibaba-zh)
{0003965#S151}

The phrase *nuw syyŋr* is also used as a marker of adversative topic as in (139),
where it can be replaced by the marker *wo* (§9.1.5.3).
(139) **kwki** *sylappʰyn ki* *nw* *syzny* p<u>u</u>-wxti *wo tce* kʰa
DEM.PROX basin DEM.PROX DEM COMP SENS-be.big SFP LNK house
*ju-*nw-*tswu*-a *tce*,
IPFV-VERT-take-1SG LNK

‘This basin is really big, I will take it home.’ (150831 jubaopen)
{0006294#S20}

8.2.8 **Exceptive**

The exceptive postposition *ma* ‘apart from’ and its reduplicated variant *muma*
are not selected by any verb, and only used in adjunct postpositional phrases as
in (140).

(140) *kum ci* *muma* *numu tce* *znde kfa* *zo cti*
door one apart.from DEM LNK wall completely EMPH be.AFF:FACT
‘Apart from one door, there are walls everywhere.’ (2011-11-kha)

The exceptive *ma* ‘apart from’ is used in particular in restrictive focus con-
structions (§9.1.6.5).

When the scope of the restrictive construction is on an entire clause rather
than a single noun phrase, the clause is followed by the linker *ma* (homophonous
with the exceptive) and an exceptive phrase limited to the demonstrative pro-
noun *nw* (here in resumptive use, coreferent with the entire preceding clause)
and the postposition *ma*, as in (141). The first *ma* in this construction is not to be
analyzed as the postposition: while it is possible to reduplicated the second one
as in *ma nu muma* (example 142), reduplication of the first *ma* is not attested.

(141) [az<u>wy</u> *u*-ca *ra*] *ma* *nw* *ma*
1SG.GEN 3SG.POSS-meat be.needed:FACT LNK DEM apart.from
*kw-ra* *me*
SBJ:PCP-be.needed not.exist:FACT
‘I want its meat, and nothing else.’ (02-deluge2012) {0003376#S13}

(142) *tx-pytso* *kw-y<u>y</u>wu *zo* *k<u>y</u>-n<u>w</u>cp<u>w</u>z
INDEF.POSS-child SBJ:PCP-cry EMPH INF-imitate
*m<u>y</u>-spe-*a* *ma* *nw* *muma* *spe-*a
NEG-be.able[III]:FACT-1SG LNK DEM apart.from be.able[III]:FACT-1SG
‘I cannot imitate a child crying, but apart from that I can imitate
[anything].’ (27-kikakCi) {0003700#S134}
The postposition *ma* ‘apart from’ is also found in a periphrastic modal construction (§21.7.5).

### 8.2.9 Terminative

The postposition *mṛctṣa* ‘until’ is used after noun phrases to indicate temporal (143) or locative (144) limit. It can be used in opposition with the egressive postpositions (see 154 in §8.2.10) or with *kōʾmuẓ* ‘only after’ (example 160 in §8.2.11).

(143) *tṛ-pṛtso* kuʾ-dyn nura tce, tw-pyrme,
INDEF.POSS-child SBJ:PCP-be.many DEM:PL LNK one-year.old
ʾbnw-pyrme jamar mṛctṣa tw-nw ku-tsḥi-nw.
two-year.old about until INDEF.POSS-breast IPFV-drink-PL
‘In [families where] children are numerous, [mothers] breastfeed [the children] until [they are] one or two years old.’ (140426 tApAtso
kAnWBdaR)

(144) *akw mṛctṣa yw-ku-ta-lyt*
east until CISL-IPFV:EAST-1→2-release
‘I will accompany you until the [land of the] east.’ (28-smAnmi)
{0004063#S205}

In combination with the demonstrative *nw* ‘that’, *mṛctṣa* ‘until’ means ‘otherwise’, as in (145).

(145) *kṛ-sṛŋo* ʾuʾa qḥe, nw-mtcḥi kṛ-χpjyt ʾuʾa kw
INF-hear completely LNK 3PL.POSS-mouth INF-observe completely ERG
kú-wy-spa cti. nw mṛctṣa mṛ-kḥw.
IPFV-INV-be.able be.AFF:FACT DEM until NEG-be.possible:FACT
‘(In order to learn the Tshobdun language, since it has no writing system), one has no choice but to listen and observe people’s mouth to learn it, otherwise it is not possible.’ (150901 tshuBdWnskAt)
{0006242#S42}

With a verb in negative form, the terminative can express restrictive focalization of locative and temporal adjuncts (§9.1.6.5), as in (146).

(146) *izora pxjkḥu <yiyue> <ershiduohao> mṛctṣa múj-lyt-nw* kḥi.
1PL still January twentieth-plus until NEG:SENS-release-PL hearsay
‘[At] our [place], they will only have [vacations] on the twentieth
something of January, they say.’ = ‘They won’t have [vacations] until
the twentieth of January.’ (conversation, 14-12-24)
## 8 Postpositions and relator nouns

The terminative postposition *mɔ̃c̥tʃa* can also be used to build temporal subordinate clauses (§25.3.2.3).

### 8.2.10 Egressive

There are six egressive postpositions in Japhug, which are built by combining the root *c̥aŋ/-c̥oŋ* (among the words where -aŋ and -oŋ are in free variation; the variant *c̥aŋ-* is generalized in the orthography, see §3.5.1) with either the root of locative relator nouns (§8.3.4) or orientation adverbs (§15.1.1.4) as shown in Table 8.1. There is a one-to-one relationship between the orientations of these postpositions and the six definite orientations found in verb morphology (§15.1.1.4).

The egressive postpositions are mainly used with noun phrases of location expressing length or height (147) or a reference point marking a limit (148). However, *c̥aŋtaŋ* ‘up from’ and *c̥aŋpa* ‘down from’ can also follow noun phrases referring to time reference or durations, as in (149, 150) or more generally any quantity (151). No examples of these postpositions following finite subordinate clauses have been found.

(147) *turme tur-fsu* *caŋtaŋ* *tu-mbro* *mɔ̃-cʰa*. people GENR.POSS-same.size up.from IPFV:UP-be.high NEG-can:FACT ‘It cannot grow bigger than a person.’ (11-qarGW) {0003480#S25}

(148) *ma kwtcimke nwnwtcu, akw ku-ru* *tce, prakwu caŋdi* LNK TOPO DEM:LOC east IPFV:EAST-look.at LNK TOPO west.from *sɔ̃-mto, andi tce tce, cwnco caŋkw nɔ̃ sɔ̃-mto tce, PROP-SEE:FACT west LNK LNK TOPO east.from DEM PROP-SEE:FACT LNK ‘In Kuchimke, looking towards the east, [the areas] to the west of Praqwu are visible, and in the west, [the areas] to the east of Shyufkyo are visible.’ (150904 tshAcim) {0006274#S28}

(149) *kwnηsqy-rzaŋ caŋtaŋ cʰu-mdu-nu* *mɔ̃-ŋgrzl* fifty-day up.from IPFV-live.up.to-PL NEG-be.usually.the.CASE:FACT *tu-ti-nu* *pu-ŋu*. IPFV-SAY-PL SENS-be ‘They cannot live more than fifty days, it is said.’ (26-GZo) {0003668#S39}

(150) *tce stu kw-rdn* *nwnu tu-xpa [tw-yjn caŋtaŋ]* LNK most SBJ:PCP-be.many DEM one-year one-time up.from
ku-ymutuy pw-me

GENR-RECIP:meet PST.IPFV-not.exist

‘At most, we would only meet once per year (we had no opportunity to meet more than once a year).’ (12-BzaNsa) {0003484#S38}

(151) w-pw nwnw χswm caŋtaw tu
3SG.POSS-young DEM three up.from exist:FACT
múj-ngryl

NEG:SENS-be.usually.the.case

‘It does not usually have more than three offsprings.’ (2011-08-kuwu)

The postposition caŋtaw ‘up from’ is by far more common than all the other ones, and is often combined with a negative predicate in a comparative construction (meaning ‘at most, no more than ...’, §26.2.4, §26.4.3), as shown by (147), (149), (150) and (151) above.

In addition to the locational, temporal and quantitative meanings presented above, caŋtaw ‘up from’ and caŋpa ‘down from’ can be used to refer to relative age (down from the upper generation, up from the lower generation, as shown in 152) or social status (up from the lowliest person, as in 153).

(152) ny-mu ny-wa ni caŋpa, a-ye
2SG.POSS-mother 2SG.POSS-father DU down.from 1SG.POSS-grandchild
canτa w-rundzaŋspa-nw je!

up.from IMP-be.careful SFP

‘Be careful, [all of you] from your parents (in the upper generation) to my grandson (in the lower generation).’ (conversation, 29-09-2020)

(153) wortci ho byru ci caŋtaw zo ty-sw-γwwwum-nw tce,
please EMPH miller INDEF up.from EMPH IFR-CAUS-RECIP:gather-PL LNK
‘Please gather [everybody], from the miller (i.e. the lowliest of servants)
up [to the highest ranking person].’ (2003 kandZislama)

The egressive postpositions can be used in contrast with the terminative myctša ‘until’, as in (154).

(154) tw-mke caŋpa tce tce ki tw-mymke
INDEF.POSS-neck down.from LNK LNK DEM.PROX INDEF.POSS-ankle
myctša ku-zywt ku-rŋyi pju-ŋu ra.

until SBJ:PCP-reach SBJ:PCP-be.long IPFV-be be.needed:FACT

‘[Tibetan clothes] have to be long [enough] so as to reach the ankle down from the neck.’ (30-tWNga) {0004069#S3}
<table><caption>Table 8.1: Egressive postpositions</caption><thead><tr><th>Postposition</th><th>Relator noun</th><th>Orientation adverb</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>ɛaŋtɑk 'up from'</td><td>u-taк 'on, above'</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>ɛaŋpa 'down from'</td><td>u-pa 'below, under'</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>ɛaŋlo 'upstream from'</td><td></td><td>alo 'upstream'</td></tr><tr><td>ɛaŋtʰi 'downstream from'</td><td></td><td>atʰi 'downstream'</td></tr><tr><td>ɛaŋku 'east from'</td><td></td><td>aku 'eastwards'</td></tr><tr><td>ɛaŋdi 'west from'</td><td></td><td>andi 'westwards'</td></tr></tbody></table>

As other postpositional phrases, egressive phrases followed by demonstratives (§9.1.2) mean ‘the person(s)/thing(s) from X’, with a locative (155) or temporal (156) interpretation.

(155) izora ku, nyki, tsʰuβdwn caŋlo nwa 'stypa-pw'
1PL ERG FILLER TOPO upstream.from DEM:PL pl.n.-person
tu-ti-j ny.
IPFV-say-1PL be:FACT
‘We call the people [who live] in Tshobdun and further upstream
‘Stotpa.’ (23-tCAphW) {0003614#S12}

(156) sqamnw-pyrme caŋpa nwnw tw-cγa tu-nvsci
twelve-years.old down.from DEM GENR.POSS-tooth IPFV-exchange
kʰu
be.possible:FACT
‘Those under twelve years old, their teeth can be replaced.’
(27-tWCGArgu) {0003708#S55}

The postposition *caŋlo* ‘upstream from’ is homophonous with, and historically related to, the noun *caŋlo* ‘seating place’ (for old people and ladies) (§15.1.4.4).

### 8.2.11 Other temporal postpositions

Apart from the locative, terminative and egressive postpositions, a certain number of specifically temporal postpositions are found in Japhug, including *ɛwŋgw* ‘before’, *ɛimuma* ‘immediately after’, *kɔvmuz* ‘only after’, *pçintçɛt* ‘since’, *jɛz* ‘when’ and *ɛŋpɛi* ‘since’, ‘from ... on’. All can be used with noun phrases and subordinate clauses; the latter use is studied in the section on temporal clauses (§25.3).
The postposition *cungwu* ‘before’ is an ancient compound containing as first element the bound state of a root cognate to Tangut 矯2104 ㄩi¹.¹⁰ ‘formerly, before’ and the relator noun *w-ŋgw* ‘inside’ (§8.3.4) as second element. It contrasts with *w-qʰu* ‘after, behind’ (§8.3.5), and can follow a noun phrase referring to a point in time, as in the common expression *saχswi cungwu* ‘before lunch’ (with the noun *saχswi* ‘lunch’), or a duration, as in (157) and (158). The latter example shows that *cungwu* ‘before’ can be used to refer to events occurring *after* the current temporal point of reference (in 158, before three days from the present in the story).

(157) *txte* sqamŋu-*sn̥i cungw nwtcu tce, nɣki, nw-rław tce
that is fifteen-day before DEM.LOC LNK FILLER AOR-disappear LNK
nw-me pw-ŋu pwi-ŋu, tcʰeme nw,
AOR-notuezist PST.IPFV-be SENS-be girl DEM
‘That is, fifteen days before, she had disappeared, that girl.’ (tWxtsa)

(158) χsw-*sn̥i χsɣ-rzaŋ mɣctṣa a-mɣ-tɣ-tu-rγru ra ma
three-day three-night until IRR-NEG-PFV-2-get.up be.needed:FACT LNK
tce mɣ-pʰγn nura to-ti. matci tceth’a χsw-*sn̥i
LNK NEG-be.efficient:FACT DEM:PL IFR-say because later three-day
χsɣ-rzaŋ cungw wzo pwi-pʰγo pjγ-ra lo
three-night before 3SG IPFV-flee IFR.IPFV-be.needed SFP
‘[The rabbit] said “Don’t get up until three days and three nights [have passed]”, because [the rabbit was buying time] and had to flee before [the end of] these three days and nights.’ (140427 qala cho kWrtsag)
{0003852#S28}

The postposition *cungwu* ‘before’ however most commonly occurs with subordinate clauses, and requires a finite verb in the Imperfective (§21.2.3, §25.3.2.1). It is attested following personal pronouns, as in (159), *cungwu* ‘before’ refers to an action concerning the referent of the pronoun, whose nature can be determined from the context, as if the main verb of a subordinate clause had been elided.

(159) az̥o cungw a-pi ra atu rɣzi-nw tce, nwnura
1SG before 1SG.POSS-elder.sibling PL up.there stay:FACT-PL LNK DEM:PL
ɣw nwi-rmi tɣ-z-mɣke qʰe,
GEN 3PL.POSS-name IMP-CAUS-be.first[III] LNK
‘Before [you choose a name for] me, [choose] the names of my elder
brothers up there first.’ (Gesar)
The common adverb *kuɛwŋgw̥* ‘in former times’ comes from the combination of the bound state of the proximal demonstrative *ki* ‘this’ (§6.9) with the postposition *ɛwŋgw̥* ‘before’. The phrases *ki ɛwŋgw̥* ‘before this’ *nu ɛwŋgw̥* ‘before that’ with the demonstratives *ki* ‘this’ and *nu* ‘that’ are also attested.

While the neutral antonym of *ɛwŋgw̥* ‘before’ is the relator noun *u̯-qʰu* ‘after, behind’ (§8.3.5), subsequent temporality can also be expressed by *ɛimuma* ‘immediately after’ and *kówtwuz* ‘only after’ (one of the rare uninflected words with a non-final stress, §3.7). These postpositions are mainly attested following the demonstrative pronoun *nu*, and often used adverbially as *nu ɛimuma* ‘immediately’ and *nu kówtwuz* *nɣ* ‘only then’, but are also attested with temporal and conditional clauses (§25.3.3.2, §25.2.2) and with temporal counted nouns or adverbs as in (160), which also illustrates the opposition between *kówtwuz* ‘only after’ and the terminate postposition *myɛtṣa* ‘until’ (§8.2.9).

(160) *u̯-xso* zNGwloN wNnw, tce sqamŋu-xpa myɛtṣa u̯-mat
3SG.POSS-normal walnut DEM LNK fifteen-year until 3SG.POSS-fruit
ku-tsʰoV múj-cʰa. pú-wɣ-ji ɛimuma, u̯-ryi
IPFV-attach NEG:SENS-can AOR-INV-plant just_after 3SG.POSS-seed
pjú-wɣ-ji u̯-qʰu, sqamŋu-xpa kówtwuz *nɣ* u̯-mat
IPFV-INV-plant 3SG.POSS-after fifteen-year only_after LNK 3SG.POSS-fruit
ku-tsʰoV ŋu tu-ti-nu̯ ŋgrɛl tce,
IPFV-attach be:FACT IPFV-say-PL be.usually.the.case:FACT LNK

‘Usually, the walnut tree cannot have walnuts until fifteen years [have passed]. Just after one has planted it, after one plants its seeds, it is only fifteen years later that it bears nuts, they say.’ (12-ndZiNgri)

{0003488#S151}

There is an adverb *kówtwuz* ‘only then’ (found for instance in 60, §8.2.2.10) whose meaning is identical to *nu kówtwuz* *nɣ* ‘only then’, and apparently results from the fusion of the demonstrative *nu* with the root -owtwuz. The origin of the *k-* element in *kówtwuz* ‘only after’ is unclear; it could be the fused form of the proximal demonstrative *ki* (§6.9.1).

The postposition *pɛintɛyt* ‘since’ (from Tibetan གཉམ་གླིང་ pʰiin.tɛʰad ‘thereafter’) can follow a date (161) or a subordinate clause, and is most often used with the relator noun *u̯-qʰu* ‘after, behind’ to mean ‘from that time on’ as in (162). Another postposition, *ɛaŋpɛi* ‘since’, ‘from ... on’ (combining the *ɛaŋ-* element found in egressive postpositions §8.2.10 with -pɛi from Tibetan གཉམ་གླིང་ pʰi ‘later’) can be used like *pɛintɛyt* ‘since’ following *u̯-qʰu* ‘after, behind’ as in (163), or after temporal clauses (§25.3.3.3). The two postpositions *pɛintɛyt* ‘since’ and *ɛaŋpɛi* ‘since’, ‘from
## 8 Postpositions and relator nouns

(165) tce w-ŋgu jyznγ tce, w-mγlvjaк nγra
LNK 3SG.POSS-beginning when LNK 3SG.POSS-limb DEM:PL
mw-cʰu-pʰaк-nw tce, tce nw γw w-ndʒi ku-fsw-fse
NEG-IPFV-cut-PL LNK LNK DEM GEN 3SG.POSS-skin SBJ:PCP-EMPH-be like
nw pjw-qaк-nw tce tce
DEM IPFV-remove.skinn-PL LNK LNK

‘In the beginning, they don’t cut off the limbs (from the cattle’s body), and take out the skin [in such a way as to preserve its shape] exactly like [that of the living animal].’ (06-BGa) {0003408#S68}

## 8.3 Relator nouns

Relator nouns are inalienably possessed nouns (§5.1.2) used to mark the grammatical relations of oblique arguments or adjuncts. They differ from postpositions by at least three properties.

First, they have an obligatory possessive prefix, which is coreferent with the preceding noun phrase or clause when one is present (generally the third person singular *u-* prefix).

Second, unlike postpositions, which require at the very least a demonstrative (§8.2), they can occur without a preceding noun phrase or clause if the referent indicated by the possessive prefix is definite (including first or second person, as in 166) or generic (see example 59 in §5.1.3).

(166) juſfcwir <gongxun> a-cki jy-γe.
yesterday ANTHR 1SG.POSS-DAT AOR-come[II]
‘Yesterday Gong Xun came to [see] me.’ (160320, conversation)

Third, the genitive γw (§8.2.3) can optionally occur between the preceding noun phrase and the relator (as in 167 below and 65), since relator noun phrases are a subtype of the possessive construction (§8.2.3.1).

(167) tce smyt twmda rjyłpu γw w-cki nwtcu, nykinw,
LNK TOPO TOPO king GEN 3SG.POSS-DAT DEM:LOC FILLER
w-rzaβ w-ku-tʰu cʰy-ce tce,
3SG.POSS-wife 3SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-ask IFR:DOWNSTREAM-go LNK
‘He went to ask the king of the lower valley for [one his daughter to take as] a wife.’ (2014-kWlAG)
In addition, most relator nouns still preserve non-grammaticalized uses revealing their diachronic source, and some of them can be followed by the locative postpositions (§8.2.4.1) or by other relator nouns.

### 8.3.1 Dative

Two dative markers are attested in Japhug, *w-ɛki* and *w-pʰe*; some speakers like Tshendzin prefer the former (as in 166, 168, 169), but most speakers I have recorded favor the latter (for instance, Kunbzang Mtsho who tells the story from which 170 is taken).

The dative can be followed by the locative postpositions *zu* and *tcu*, as in (168), (174) and (177).

(168) *nw mbro tu-skvt ku-tso numw w-cki*
DEM horse INDEF.POSS-speech SBJ:PCP-understand DEM 3SG.POSS-DAT
zu .... to-ti
LOC IFR-say
‘She said ... to the horse who could understand speech’
(2003kAndzWsqhaj)

The dative is used to mark the recipient or addressee. It occurs with indirecitive verbs of speech such as *ti* ‘say’ (168, 169 and 170), *fɛrt* ‘tell’ and *tʰu* ‘ask’ (171), and also with some intransitive verbs of speech such as *ruɛmi* ‘speak’ (172).

(169) *icqʰa srwnmw nw ku, [...] smynmimitok kucana*
the.aforementioned râkshasî DEM ERG ANTHR ANTHR
w-cki ‘nvs̥o tcʰi w-rwy tw-ŋu’ to-ti ri,
3SG.POSS-DAT 2SG what 3SG.POSS-race 2-be:FACT IFR-say LNK
‘The râkshasî asked Smanmi Metog Koshana, ‘What type of being are
you?’ (28-smAnmi) {0004063#S357}

(170) *tce ty-tcu nw ku w-wa w-pʰe nura*
LNK INDEF.POSS-son DEM ERG 3SG.POSS-father 3SG.POSS-DAT DEM.PL
pu-ku-fse nura to-ti p̥u-ŋu
AOR-SBJ:PCP-be like DEM.PL IFR-say SENS-be
‘The boy told his father the things that had happened.’ (2012-qachGa)
{0004087#S171}
(171) nɔ̈zo ၿ-mx-pn-tn-stu nɔ̈, zara nɔ̈-cki tɔ̈-tʰe
2SG QU-NEG-SENS-2-believe LNK 3PL 3PL.POSS-DAT IMP-ask[III]
jɔ̈y
be.possible:FACT
‘If you don’t believe it, ask them!’ (140508 shier ge tiaowu de
gongzhu-zh) {0003937#S181}

(172) nɔ̈ tɔ̈-pɔ̈tso nɔ̈ ၿ-cki to-rücmi.
DEM INDEF.POSS-child DEM 3SG.POSS-DAT IFR-speak
‘It spoke to the child.’ (150831 renshen wawa-zh) {0006418#S36}

It also occurs with verbs of giving to mark the recipient as in (173) with the verb kʰo ‘give’, ‘pass over’, but also the source as in (174) with verbs such as rŋo ‘borrow’, sɔ̈mbi ‘ask for’ and χtu ‘buy’ (§14.4.1, §17.2.5.7).

(173) ၿ-nmaq ၿ-cki pɔ̈-kʰo tce,
3SG.POSS-husband 3SG.POSS-DAT IFR-give LNK
‘She gave it to her husband.’ (qajdoskAt)

(174) kʷ-r yerma ra nʷ-cki n̂atcu, kwxteo ci z-p;-rŋo,
SBJ:PCP-work PL 3PL.POSS-DAT DEM:LOC basket INDEF TRAL-IFR-borrow
'[The snow leopard] borrowed a basket from the workers.' (qala2002)

With the verb kʰo ‘give’, ‘pass over’ the recipient is more often encoded with
the genitive or a possessive prefix on the theme (§8.2.3.2) or with the semi-gram-
maticalized noun tu-jaq ‘hand, arm’ (§8.3.6).

The semi-transitive verb *ru* ‘look at’ can mark its goal with the dative, as in
(175); this is however optional, as this verbs also takes goals in the absolutive
(§8.1.8) or locative (§8.2.4).

(175) tce tɔ̈ne nɔ̈ nɔ̈y-me tce, tce tɔ̈ne ၿ-cki
LNK sun DEM APPL-be.afraid[III]:FACT-1SG LNK LNK sun 3SG.POSS-DAT
kʃa z̈o c-tu-ru tce, tuz̈o tw-cki maka
completely EMPH TRAL-IPFV:UP-look.at LNK GENR GENR.POSS-DAT at.all
z̈o mɔ̈-ru
EMPH NEG-look.at:FACT
'[If the yeti catches you], it is afraid of the sun, it looks at the sun the
whole time, and does not look at you.' (140510 mYWrgAt) {0003941#S13}
The dative *u-čki* derives from a relator noun meaning ‘side’, ‘near’ or ‘at X’s place’ (with or without motion). These locative meanings are still marginally present in Japhug in examples like (166) above and (176), (177) and (178) below.

(176) *u-rte* *nw* *u-rna* *u-čki* *pw-kw-nqoV*
3SG.POSS-hat DEM 3SG.POSS-ear 3SG-DAT AOR:DOWN-NMLZ:S/A-hang
*nwnw pjy-mja* *tce* *u-ku* *u-taV to-ta.*
DEM IFR:DOWN-take LNK 3SG.POSS-head 3SG-on IFR-put
‘He took the hat that was hanging on his ear and put it on his head.’
(140505 liuhaohan zoubian tianxia-zh) {0003913#S161}

(177) *tyŋe cʰo* *slyŋe zŋgri ra* *nw-pʰe* *nwtcu* *kɔ-nɣcqa*
sun COMIT moon star PL 3PL.POSS-DAT DEM:LOC INF-bear
*a-pw-tw-cʰa* *ra* *ma,*
IRR-PFV-2-can be.needed:FACT LNK
‘[When you are] close to the sun, the moon and the stars, you will have to bear [the heat and the cold], otherwise...’ (2003kandZislama)

(178) *li* *tcetu* *ty-ye* *qʰe,* *u-wa* *u-čki*
again up.there AOR:UP-go[II] LNK 3SG.POSS-father 3SG.POSS-DAT
*ku-nw-rɣzi,* *tceki* *pw-ari* *qʰe,* *u-wu*
IPFV-AUTO-stay, down.there AOR-go[II] LNK 3SG.POSS-grand.father
*u-wi* *ni* *ndzi-čki* *ju-nw-ce* *qʰe,*
3SG.POSS-grand.mother DU 3DU.POSS-DAT IPFV-AUTO-go LNK
‘When she comes up there, she stays at her father’s house, and when she goes down there, she goes to her grandparent’s place.’ (14-siblings)
{0003508#S283}

The dative in combination with a copula can express temporary and alienable possession, as in (179). It is marginal in comparison with the genitive *mihi est* possessive construction (§22.5.2.1).

(179) *kure* *azo a-čki* *cti* *ma,* *wzo u-čki*
DEM:PROX:LOC 1SG 1SG.POSS-DAT be.AFF:FACT LNK 3SG 3SG.POSS-DAT
*me* *wo.*
notuezFACT SFP
‘(The key) is with me here, she doesn’t have it.’ (so she asked me for it)
(conversation, 2021-01)
8.3.2 *Secutive*

The secutive relator noun *w-rca* ‘following’ is used with verbs of motion such as *gi* ‘come’ to express the meaning ‘follow’, ‘come/go with’ as in (180).

(180) azo kumy ny-rca yi-a cti
1SG also 2SG.POSS-following come:FACT-1SG be.AFF:FACT
'I am coming/going with you.' (2011-05-nyima)

The secutive can have a meaning similar to that of the comitative adverb (§5.8.1)
'together with X', as in (181).

(181) pynmawombyr yu w-cyrw w-βyi w-rca
ANTHR GEN 3SG.POSS-bone 3SG.POSS-ash 3SG.POSS-following
tsʰuntsʰun zo ta-wum-nu pru-ŋu
IDPH(II):neat EMPH AOR:3→3'-collect-PL SENS-be
'They collected all of Padma 'Od-'bar's bones together with his ashes.'
(2005 Norbzang)

The secutive phrase can follow (181), or precede (182) the noun phrase it ac-
companies.

(182) tu-jyγγt w-rca ty-se
INDEF.POSS-feces 3SG.POSS-following INDEF.POSS-blood
cʰu-nu-χo
IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-AUTO-come.out
'(In the case of this disease), blood comes out together with the feces.'
(24-pGArtsAG) {0003624#S109}

With the indefinite possessor prefix *tx-rca* and *tu-tu-rca*, the secutive appears in adverbial function with the meaning ‘together’ (example 23, §7.1.7), though in examples such as (183) the form *tx-rca* retains its nominal status.

(183) cōv nwmw ty-ryku ty-rca ōu,
buckwheat DEM INDEF.POSS-crops INDEF.POSS-following be:FACT
swjno mab.
grass not.be:FACT
'Buckwheat is a type of crops, it is not a [type of] grass.'
(13-NanWkWmtsWG) {0003492#S64}

In addition, the unexpected focus marker *rcanu* (§26.1.1.4) and the epistemic
sentence final particle *rca* (§10.4.4) are historically related to the secutive.
### 8.3.3 Deputative

The relator noun *w-tsʰyt* has two meanings. First, it can serve as a deputative relator noun ‘instead of, on behalf of’ as in (184) and (186). No verb selects this relator noun.

The deputative adjunct can correspond to the intransitive subject (as in 184, with the verb *tu* ‘exist’), the transitive subject (as in 185, with *yujtsi* ‘support’) or the object.

(184) *nwɔzora yu* *nw-t-y-sno* *kw-fse*
2PL GEN 2PL.POSS-INDEF.POSS-saddle SBJ:PCP-be lik
*u-tsʰyt* *nw*, *tci-zo yu*, *tci-xcyndzu* *χsw-ldza*
3SG.POSS-instead.of DEM 1DU GEN 1DU.POSS-twig three-long object
*pu-tu* *tce*, *nwnw* *ly-nw-βlu-tci* *cti* *wo*
PST.IPFV-exist LNK DEM AOR-AUTO-burn-1DU be.AFF:FACT SFP

‘Instead of a saddle like yours, we had three twigs, this is what we burned.’ (Kunbzang 2003)

(185) *azo ny-tsʰyt*, *nyki*, *si* *nw* *tu-yujtsi-a*
1SG 2SG.POSS-instead.of FILLER tree DEM IPFV-support-1SG
*jyY*
be.possible:FACT

‘I can support the tree for you/instead of you (while you fetch it).’
(150830 afanti-zh) {0006380#S132}

The noun phrase headed by *w-tsʰyt* can be either an adjunct as in (184) and (185), the object of the verb *βzu* ‘make’, or a nominal predicate with a copula as in (186) and (187). In the latter case, to express the meaning ‘do to X instead of to Y’, a biclausal construction ‘do to X, (X) is instead of Y’ is used as in (187).

(186) *si maŋe* *tce tce nwnwtcu tce*, *nw-si*
*tree not existed:SENS LNK LNK DEM:LOC LNK 3PL.POSS-wood*
*u-tsʰyt* *pwa-ŋu*
3SG.POSS-instead.of SENS-be

‘[Since] there are no trees, [dung] is used there to replace the firewood.’
(05-tamar) {0003406#S8}

(187) *nw t-y-nw-ndym* *tce azo a-tsʰyt* *ŋu tce*
DEM IMP-AUTO-take[III] LNK 1SG 1SG.POSS-instead.of be:FACT LNK

‘Take these [as a compensation] instead of having me [as your wife].’
(2003kAndzwsqhaj2)
The examples (185) and (187) also show that the relator noun *u̱-tsʰ́yt* ‘instead of’ can occur with a first or second person possessive prefix.

Second, *u̱-tsʰ́yt* also means ‘with proper measure’, mainly occurring in adverbial function as in (188) or in collocation with the verb *βzu* ‘make’ in the sense ‘do with proper measure’ as in (189).

(188) **rkaŋraŋ** *u̱-tsʰ́yt*          **tsa** *pṉ-kw̱-nyctṣaβli-a-nw̱*
ANTHR 3SG.POSS-proper.measure a.little IPFV-2→1-torture-1SG-PL
**ra ma**̱ **ma**
SFP SFP

‘Rkangrang, don’t go over the top in your torturing of me (‘torture me with proper measure’), please? (2012 Norbzang) {0003768#S184}

(189) *u̱-tsʰ́yt*          *tu̱-sw̱-βzu̱-nw̱*          *múj-kʰ̱w̱*          *ma,*
3SG.POSS-proper.measure IPFV-CAUS-make-PL NEG:SENS-be.possible LNK
*nw̱-ky̱-kʰ̱o*   *nw̱*   *mur-tʰ̱a-cku̱t*   *m a
AOR-OBJ:PCP-give DEM NEG-AOR:3→3′-eat.completely until
tu̱-ndze *pṉ-cti*.
IPFV-eat[III] SENS-be.AFF

‘They cannot make [the monkey eat] with measure, as it continues eating the [food] that is given to it until there is none.’ (19-GzW)
{0003536#S58}

In some contexts as in (190), *u̱-tsʰ́yt* ‘proper measure’ in adverbial used is better translated as ‘depending on the circumstances’.<fnref n="8" />

(190) tce numu u-tsʰ́yt numu u-pu̱ ci ci
LNK DEM 3SG.POSS-proper.measure DEM 3SG.POSS-young once once
ḇnw̱z tu, ci ci tu̱-rdoov ma me tce
two exist:FACT once once one-piece apart.from not exist:FACT LNK
núndza pṉ-ŋu.
for this reason SENS-be

‘This is why, depending on the circumstances, sometimes [the goat] has two kids, sometimes only one.’ (05-qaZo) {0003404#S25}

The inalienably possessed noun *u̱-tsʰ́yt* (at least in the meaning ‘proper measure’) is borrowed from ṣ *tsʰ́ad* ‘measure, limit’. It occurs as second element in

<footnote n="8">⁸This example is taken from a text describing goats and sheep; goats are called *tsʰ́yt* in Japhug, but it is clear from the context that *u̱-tsʰ́yt* cannot be the 3sg possessed form of this noun, though the two forms are indeed homophonous.</footnote>
the compound *xtɛrtsʰɛrt* ‘restraint of one’s appetite’ (with the bound state *xtɛr-* of *tu-*xtu ‘belly’).

### 8.3.4 Locative relator nouns

The dearth of specific locative postpositions (§8.2.4) other than the egressive ones (§8.2.10) in Japhug is compensated by the existence of many relator nouns expressing various types of location, as shown in Table 8.2.

As other relator nouns, they can follow noun phrases (including headless relative clauses), with the possessive prefix agreeing in person and number with the preceding constituant, but can also occur on their own if the referent is definite, as *uu-taɣ* ‘on, above’ in (191) and (222) below.

(191) *uu-taɣ* zuu kɛ-amdzuu nɛ tɛ-lu pa-tɛxt
3SG.POSS-on LOC AOR-sit LNK INDEF.POSS-milk AOR:3→3'-take.out
puu-ηu
SENS-be
‘She sat on him and milked.’ (2005 Kunbzang)

#### 8.3.4.1 The tridimensional system

The first six nouns in Table 8.2 are derived from orientation adverbs (§22.2.6). The vertical dimension relator nouns *uu-taɣ* ‘on, above’ and *uu-pa* ‘below, under’ are simply built by adding a possessive prefix to the root of the adverb, while the other ones combine the bound state of the adverbial root (*lɔ*-, *tʰɔ*-, *kɔ*-, *ndɔ*-* from *lo*, *tʰi*, *ku* and *ndi*, respectively) with a suffix -cu. This hexameric system comprising three pairs of elements along three dimensions (vertical, fluvial, solar) is the same as found in verbal morphological (§15.1.1.4) and also egressive postpositions (§8.2.10).

#### 8.3.4.2 Other locative relator nouns

Outside of the tridimensional system, other locative relator nouns also occur in antithetic pairs, in particular *uu-ɛyri* ‘before, in front of’ vs. *uu-qʰu* ‘after, behind’ (the latter also occurs as a temporal relator noun, cf §8.3.5), *uu-ŋgw* ‘inside’ vs. *uu-pɛi* ‘outside’ and *uu-mŋu* ‘opening, edge, border’ vs. *uu-ndo* ‘edge, border’ or *uu-qa* ‘bottom of’.

A few of these relator nouns are borrowed from Tibetan, as indicated in Table 8.2), but most of them are native Gyalrong words. In particular *uu-ɛyri* ‘before, in front of’ is one of the very rare cases of a disyllabic word that has a cognate
(193) **tce** n̥wnu kʷ-spəw
ŋu, u-ŋgw
nʷ

**LNK DEM SBJ:PCP-have.a.hole be:FACT 3SG.POSS-inside DEM so tce**

**be.hollow:FACT LNK**

‘Its [inside] has a hole, its inside is hollow.’ (12-Zmbroko) {0003490#S21}

Some of the relator nouns above can derive verbs of location such as *m* ‘be first’ and *mɛrci* ‘be outside’ with the denominal prefix *m*- (§20.6).

The meaning of the relator nouns *u-mŋu* and *u-ndo* requires a specific description. These nouns are not antithetic to another in all cases. The basic (non-grammaticalized) meaning of *u-mŋu* is the border of the opening or mouth of a container / bag (194), or the shoreline (of a lake), as in (195). In this use, it is opposed to *u-qa* ‘bottom of’, as in (196).

(194) **tcendsre n̥wnu kʰůtса u-mŋu**
**jamar kʷ-wxti**
**tu,**
**LNK DEM bowl 3SG.POSS-border about SBJ:PCP-be.big exist:FACT**
‘Some are about as big as the mouth of a bowl.’ (22-BlamajmAG)
{0003584#S122}

(195) **tcendre pẙstca nʷ mtsʰu u-mŋu**
**n̥wtcu ʻswt'**
**LNK bird DEM lake 3SG.POSS-border DEM:LOC IDPH.I:sound to-ti to-nu-łov.**
**IFR-say IFR:UP-AUTO-come.out**
‘The bird came out of the shore of the lake with a noise.’ (2014-kWLAG)

(196) **mtsʰu u-qa**
**zw nɛrww mɣ-kʷ-naχtcaɣ**
**ci**
**lake 3SG.POSS-bottom LOC jewel NEG-SBJ:PCP-be.similar INDEF yɣzu tce,**
**exist:SENS LNK**
‘At the bottom of the sea, there is a jewel unlike any other.’ (2012 Kunbzang) {0003768#S11}

The basic meaning of *u-ndo* includes ‘extremity’ (for instance, of a limb as in 197) and also ‘end’ in both the locative and temporal sense (198).

(197) **u-ka**
**u-ndo**
**n̥wə**
**hənmi ETS-PAW.**

**3SG.POSS-wing 3SG.POSS-border DEM:PL a.little SENS-be.black**

‘The extremities of its wings are a bit black.’ (23-scuz) {0003612#S122}
(198) *w-ndo* tce maka *kw-tu* p̱w-me p̱w-ŋu tce,
3SG.POSS-border LNK at.all SBJ:PCP-exist IPFV-not.exist SENS-be LNK
'In the end, nothing is left.' (04-xiaocunzhuang-zh) {0003394#S56}

In the case of clothes, *w-ndo* refers to the lower opening (towards the feet), as opposed to the collar, as in (199).

(199) tce nʷ w-ndži n̥wnʷ pjʷ-χtsyβ-nʷ tce tce
LNK DEM 3SG.POSS-skin DEM IPFV-tan-PL LNK LNK
tʷ-ŋgɑ w-ndo ri ku-lyt-nʷ,
INDEF.POSS-clothes 3SG.POSS-border LOC IPFV-release-PL
tʷ-ŋgɑ w-kuŋa, w-psyɒv w-ku,
INDEF.POSS-clothes 3SG.POSS-collar 3SG.POSS-sleeves 3SG.POSS-top
w-ndo nʷra ku-lyt-nʷ, tu-sʷ-fskyːr-nʷ ŋu.
3SG.POSS-border DEM:PL IPFV-release-PL IPFV-CAUS-surround-PL be:FACT
'They tan its hide (of the otter) and put it on the lower opening of the
clothes, on the collar of clothes, the cuffs of the sleeves and the lower
opening, and make it around [these openings].'(28-qapar) {0003720#S90}

A contrast between *w-mŋu* and *w-ndo* occurs in their uses as relator nouns, indicating opposite extremities or sides. In the case of fields (as in 200), *w-mŋu* designates the higher side of the field (towards the mountain), while *w-ndo* refers to the side closer to the river (all arable lands in Gyalrong area lie in narrow valleys).

(200) *qazmbri nʷ, tʷ-ji* w-ndo, tʷ-ji
vine DEM INDEF.POSS-field 3SG.POSS-border INDEF.POSS-field
w-mŋu nʷra akyndwmdyt zo tu-łov
3SG.POSS-border DEM:PL everywhere EMPH IPFV:UP-come.out
cti
be.AFF:FACT
'The vine, it grows everywhere, on both sides of the fields.' (06-qaZmbri)
{0003526#S18}

The relator noun *w-mŋu* can also designates the top extremity of stairs, as in (201); for the lower side, either *w-qa* 'bottom of' or *w-ndo* can be used (the former more commonly).

(201) *cʷŋgluɣ y nʷ rskaɣt w-mŋu* zʷ na-ta p̱w-ŋu
pestle DEM stairs 3SG.POSS-border LOC AOR:3→3'-put SENS-be
'He put the pestle on the top of the stairs.' (tWJo 2005)
The superlative derivation (§5.7.9) can be applied to most locative relator nouns, as *u-mŋuɔcumŋu* from *u-mŋu* in (202), where it means that the liquid completely fills the bowl to the point of touching the border of its mouth, flowing out at the slightest motion.

(202) tšʰa tš́-wy-rku tce kʰwtsa u-mŋucumŋu stʰu ci tea AOR-INV-PUT.IN LNK bowl 3SG.POSS-BORDER:SUPERLATIVE SO.MUCH tu-zy ut my-ra ma kY-ndo tce sy-cke IPFV:UP-reach NEG-BE.NEeded:FACT LNK INF-Take LNK PROP-BURN:FACT ‘When one pours tea, it should not reach the limit of the mouth of the bowl, otherwise it will be burning when one holds it.’ (elicited)

In addition to the relator nouns described above, the inalienably possessed noun *u-stu* ‘straight ahead’ is mainly used as an adverb, but can also serve as a relator noun to indicate the goal of a motion verb as in (203).

(203) tce pʰa abrgot ri li wzo u-stu zo pY-yi LNK BOAR also again 3SG 3SG.POSS-STRAIGHT EMPH IFR:WEST-COME qʰe, cymwydw kY-lyt mw-pjY-nYz qʰe pʰa abrgot jo-nw-ce. LNK GUN INF-RELEASE NEG-IFR.IPFV-DARE LNK BOAR IFR-AUTO-GO ‘The boar came directly at him, but he did not dare to shoot and the boar went away.’ (150829 phaRrgot) {0006414#S8}

### 8.3.4.3 The relator noun *u-tak* ‘on, above’

The relator noun *u-ta「k* ‘on, above’ is mainly used to build locative adjuncts or goals (see examples in §8.3.4.5), but it is also selected by a certain number of verbs to mark an oblique argument.<fnref n="10" />

The intransitive verb *atsa* ‘prick’ and its causative form *sxtsa* ‘prick, pierce’ encode the piercing object as intransitive subject and object, respectively. The patient (the person or object being pricked) is encoded as an oblique argument in *u-ta「k*; example (204) illustrates the intransitive verb *atsa* with a generic human argument (§5.1.3).

<footnote n="10">¹⁰The relator noun *u-ta「k* is homophonous with the bare infinitive *u-ta「k* of the verb *ta「k* ‘weave’ (§16.2.2), as in example (198), §16.3.2, but the resemblance between the two forms is fortuitous.</footnote>
(204) tce ᵃ-ku ku-ɣmtcoŋ pɔ-ŋu tce, tɔ-taк
LNK 3SG.POSS-head SBJ:PCP-be.pointy SENS-be LNK GENR.POSS-on
ku-otsa tce pɔ-cɔ-mpɔ-y.
IPFV-prick LNK SENS-CAUS-hurt
'[The fir needles] are pointy-headed, they prick people, it hurts.'
(08-tWrgi) {0003464#S26}

The intransitive verb **nqoɣ** 'hang' has an additional volitional meaning of 'grab, lean on', taking an object or person with both hands with body contact. It is attested for instance to describe a person who has fallen in the water, reaching for floating pieces of wood in order not to sink as in (205) or jumping on the back of someone and grabbing her to prevent her from leaving (206). The object or person being grabbed is marked with **u-taк**.

(205) nɔuɔ zmbroɔ nɔ-ky-χtɣr nɔ u-taк kɣ-nqoɣ-nɔ
DEM ship AOR-OBJ:PCP-scatter DEM 3SG.POSS-on IMP-hang-PL
ra
be.needed:FACT

'Grab the [pieces of the] ship that have been scattered.' (2012 Norbzang)
{0003768#S30}

(206) turmukʰa tce tułyt nɔ u-taк ko-nqoɣ tce
evening LOC second.sibling DEM 3SG.POSS-on IFR-hang LNK

'In the evening, he grabbed the second sister.' (07-deluge) {0003426#S46}

Some stative verb also optionally select an oblique argument in **u-taк**, in particular to express a beneficiary/maleficiary with the verbs **pe** 'be good' and **ŋyŋ** 'be evil', in the meaning 'be good to X, be nice with X, treat X well' and 'treat X badly', as in (207). The genitive can alternatively be used to mark the beneficiary with these verbs (§8.2.3.2), but the meaning is rather 'be advantageous' or 'be harmful' depending on polarity.

(207) maka zo u-taк mɔ-pjɣ-pe-ndzi qʰe,
at.all EMPH 3SG.POSS-on NEG-IPFV.IFR-be.good-DU LNK
pjɣ-ŋyŋ-ndzi
NEG-IPFV.IFR-be.bad-DU

'They did not treat him well, they treated him badly. (2014-kWlAG)
(208) a-pi ra a-taɣ nɔu-tupe 1SG.POSS-elder.sibling PL 1SG.POSS-on 3PL.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.good puu-sre zo tce PST.IPFV-be.ridiculous EMPH LNK ‘My elder brothers treated me very well.’ (140501 tshering skyid) {0003902#S46}

The bipartite verb stu=mbat ‘try hard’ (§11.6.3) can also take a beneficiary in *u-taɣ*, with the meaning ‘care about X and treat X well’ as in (209).

(209) ny-taɣ stu-a mbat-a zo cti 2SG.POSS-on try.hard(1):FACT-1SG try.hard(2):FACT-1SG EMPH be.AFF:FACT ‘I will treat you well.’ (2005lobzang)

Other intransitive verbs selecting oblique arguments in *u-taɣ* include *nurɛyt* ‘slightly touch in passing’ (designating the object touched), *ndzɔv* ‘be attached’ (120, §18.5.5) and the labile verb *rpu* ‘bump into’ (§14.5.2).

The transitive verb *lɔyt* ‘release’, when used as a light verb (§22.4) in collocation with nouns expressing either objects, weapons or substances that are thrown or that the subject hits people with, selects a phrase in *u-taɣ* to indicate the recipient, as in (210) and (211). This recipient, although syntactically quite different from an object or a semi-object, can however be relativized using the object participle (§16.1.2.5).

(210) u-taɣ tu-mci pjúu-wɣ-lɔyt 3SG.POSS-on GENR.POSS-spit IPFV-INV-release ‘If one spits on it,’ (08-qaJAGi) {0003458#S27}

(211) kjoɣ ra nɔu-taɣ kwny kɣ-ari tce scoɔ-qʰu ci servant PL 3PL.POSS-on also AOR:EAST-go[II] LNK ladle-back once tu-lɔyt, nɔu-ye tce tɔŋkʰuɛt ci tu-lɔyt IPFV-release AOR:WEST-come[II] LNK fist once IPFV-release ‘Every time she went right she would hit the servants with the back of the ladle, every time she went left she hit them with the fist.’ (2002 qaCpa)

In addition, the relator noun *u-taɣ* is required with some categories of nouns in specific contexts.

First, *u-taɣ* in combination with a noun designating a type of transport (boat, car etc) can express the transportation used in a particular trip. With the verb *ce*
'go' taking the orientation UPWARDS, the meaning is 'to take (a boat, a car etc)'
as in (212).

(212) zmbrw *u-taɣ to-ce tce jo-nu-ce
boat 3SG.POSS-ON IFR:UP-go LNK IFR-VERT-go
'He took a boat and went back home.' (150907 niexiaoqian-zh)
{0006262#S130}

The verb łoɣ 'come out' with the orientation DOWNWARDS in combination with
u-taɣ expresses the meaning 'take off (a boat, a car etc)' as in (213); the relator
noun itself is neutral as to the type of location (static, motion from, motion to-
wards)), a topic discussed in more detail in §8.3.4.5.

(213) zmbrw u-taɣ pγ-łoɣ-nu
boat 3SG.POSS-ON IFR:DOWN-come.out-PL
'They took off the boats.' (140508 shier ge tiaowu de gongzhu-zh)
{0003937#S144}

To designate the means of transportation used during the whole travel (as
opposed to the begin and end points of the travel as in 212 and 213), the relator
noun *u-ŋgw* ‘inside’ can also be used (§8.3.4.4).

The relator noun *u-taɣ* also occurs to refer to a written medium, as in (214).

(214) tce jwyi u-taɣ tu-fcγt tce,
LNK book 3SG.POSS-ON IPFV-tell LNK
'It is told in a book, that...' (27-qaCpa) {0003716#S5}

8.3.4.4 The relator noun *u-ŋgw* ‘inside’

The relator noun *u-ŋgw* ‘inside’ is only partially grammaticalized (§8.3.4.2). How-
ever, it is selected by a few verbs to mark an oblique argument, in particular the
goal of the transitive verbs rku ‘put in’ (§14.4.1) and lγt in the meaning ‘sow,
spread’ as in (215).

(215) kʰuitsa u-ŋgw tu-ci tu-rku-nu tce,
bowl 3SG.POSS-inside INDEF.POSS-water IPFV-put.in-PL LNK
'People used to put water in a bowl, and...' (29-mWBZi) {0003728#S117}
(216) **tw-ji** *w-ŋgw* **zw** *tsʰyt* *w-yli* **nw**
**INDEF.POSS-field** 3SG.POSS-inside LOC goat 3SG.POSS-manure DEM
**cʰúw-wỳ-lyt** **tce**, **tỳ-ryku** **wuma zo**
**IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-INV-release** LNK **INDEF.POSS-crops** really EMPH
**tu-sỳpe** **cʰa**
**IPFV-do.well** can:FACT

‘If one spreads goat manure on the fields, it can make the crops grow really well.’ (05-qaZo) {0003404#S28}

It is also found in combination with motion verb to express the means of transportation used during the whole travel, as in (217).

(217) <chuzu> *w-ŋgw* **tʰw-ye-a** **tce**
taxi 3SG.POSS-inside AOR:DOWNSTREAM-come[II]-1SG LNK
‘I came on a taxi.’ (2010-01-Dpalcan)

### 8.3.4.5 Locative relator nouns and locative postpositions

All locative relator nouns can be also used with the locative postpositions *zu*, *ri*, *tçu* and the fused forms of the latter two with the demonstratives *mure* and *mutçu* (§8.2.4). Example (218) illustrates the use of *w-taɣ* ‘on, above’ and *w-pa* ‘below, under’ with the locative *ri* expressing both static position (with the existential verb *tu* ‘exist’) and motion towards (with the verb *lyt* ‘release’, here specifically meaning ‘direct water’).

(218) *w-tʰycu* **maytʰi** **qʰajŋgw** **nw** *kw*, *nyki*, *βy*a
3SG.POSS-downstream downstream water.trough DEM ERG FILLER mill
*w-pa* **ri** **tcʰuykʰyr** **tu** **tce**, **tcʰuykʰyr**
3SG.POSS-under LOC water.wheel exist:FACT LNK water.wheel
*w-taɣ* **ri** **cʰw-lyt** **tce**, **tcʰuykʰyr** *w-taɣ*
3SG.POSS-on LOC IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-release LNK water.wheel
*nwre* **ri** *βγrrnyjwaɣ* *ky-ti* **tu** **tce**
DEM:LOC LOC blades OBJ:PCP-say exist:FACT LNK

‘The inferior water trough – under the mill there is a water wheel – [the water trough] directs [the water] onto that water wheel – on the water wheel there are things called ‘blades’.’ (06-BGa) {0003408#S23}

Example (219) illustrates *w-pa* ‘below, under’ with the locative *ri* expressing motion from a place.
(219) *u-tʰoʔu* *u-pa* ri tu-łoʔu *nuka*
3SG.POSS-earth 3SG.POSS-below LOC IPFV:UP-come.out DEM:PL
múj-cʰa
NEG:SENS-can
'[Its shoots] cannot come out from under the ground.' (15-babW)
{0003512#S41}

Examples (220) and (191) above show the combination of *u-taʔ* ‘on, above’ with the locative *zu*, also for static position and motion.

(220) *χsyr* kʰri *u-taʔ* zw pjɣ-ryżi tce
gold bed 3SG.POSS-on LOC IFR.IPFV-stay LNK
uu-tuw-yγyχsrwu pjɣ-saχaʔ za.
3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.handsome IFR.IPFV-be.extremely EMPH
‘He was sitting on the golden bed, very handsome.’ (2014-kW1AG)

The uses are attested with the locative *tceu*, as shown by (221) and (222). No clear criterion accounting for the presence or absence of these locative postpositions in combination with the relator nouns has been found.

(221) *rjymtsʰu* yu *u-rku* qambut *u-taʔ* nuctu pjɣ-ryżi.
ocean GEN 3SG.POSS-side sand 3SG.POSS-on DEM:LOC IFR.IPFV-stay
‘He stayed on the beach.’ (140511 xinbada-zh) {0003961#S159}

(222) tce *u-taʔ* nuctu pyymuj tw-spra nuy pɣ-χtyr.
LNK 3SG.POSS-on DEM:LOC feather one-handful IFR-scatter
‘He scattered a handful of feathers on it.’ (28-smAnmi) {0004063#S309}

There is one case of a fossilized *zu* locative (§8.2.4.1) with the relator noun *u-ŋgwu* ‘inside’, the form *u-ŋgwuz* ‘inside, among’, which is used in particular to single out an element for a group, in particular in a superlative construction (223) (§26.4.1) or to describe an intermediate colour (with stative verbs, as in example 224).

(223) *krendziʔi* nuy-ŋgwuz stu ku-xtci numu ku ...
COLL:siblings 3PL.POSS-among:LOC most SBJ:PCP-be.small DEM ERG
nuka ntsw tu-ti pjɣ-ŋu.
DEM:PL always IPFV-say IFR.IPFV-be
‘The youngest among the sisters was always saying ...’ (150828
donglang) {0006312#S26}