Impersonal modal verbs, in addition to finite complements in the Imperfective, are also found with Imperative (§21.4.2.4, §21.4.3.2) and Irrealis (§21.4.1.4) complements.

Verbs without alternation between stem I and stem III (§12.2.2; in particular intransitive verbs) that select the EASTWARDS orientation take the k'y- orientation preverb in the Imperative (§21.4.2.1), a form which can be superficially similar to a velar infinitive. For instance, the form k'y-nu-r'y'i in (134) could in principle either be parsed as an infinitive or an Imperative. However, the only possibility here, as demonstrated by the fact that the Imperative dual k'y-nu-r'y'i-nd'i or plural k'y-nu-r'y'i-nu forms can occur in the same context, while the infinitive does not inflect for person and number.

(134) [n'zo kutcu k'y-nu-r'y'i] j'y
2SG DEM.PROX:LOC IMP-AUTO-stay be.allowed:FACT
'You can stay here.' (140504 baixuegongzhu-zh) {0003907#S91}

The impersonal auxiliary ngwu 'succeed', on the other hand, is only found with velar infinitive complements, as in (135).

(135) w-kʰa k'y-nu-βzu m'u-pj'y-ngwu
3SG.POSS-house INF-AUTO-make NEG-IFR-succeed
'(As he spends all his time singing rather than working, in the end) he
did not manage to build his house.' (26-NalitCaRmbWm) {0003676#S50}

The verbs kʰu 'be possible' and j'y 'be allowed' both encode epistemic modality, but the former is used in the case of possibility due to external circumstances, while the latter expresses permission by the speaker (30, 134), the addressee (in interrogative forms such as úw-j'y, see 288, §21.7.4.1), or another referent (136).

(136) tce [tw-xpa tw-yjn ma pw-ytw-y-nu] múj-j'y
LNK one-year one-time apart.from IPFV-meet-PL NEG:SENS-be.allowed
'They can only meet (i.e. they are not allowed by the gods of heaven to
meet more than) once a year.' (150828 niulang-zh) {0006318#S181}

Among the verbs discussed in this section, only ra and kʰu are attested in forms other than 3SG. The verb kʰu, in addition to its function as modal auxiliary, can occur with any person when used in the meaning 'agree, listen to, obey' (without complement clause) as in (137) with a 2PL subject.
24 Complement clauses

(137) múj-tw-kʰu-nw qʰe tce, tce atu a-mu ci
NEG:SENS-2-agree-PL LNK LNK LNK up.there 1SG POSS-mother INDEF
tu tce, nw w-cki zw yu-tu-nu-tʰu-nw ma
exist:FACT LNK DEM 3SG POSS-DAT LOC CISL-IMP-AUTO-ask-PL LNK
‘(I am telling you that I am not the person you are looking for), you
don’t want to [listen to me], my mother is up there, come (with me) and
ask her (about it) as suits you.’ (2003 sras)

As for ra, in the meaning ‘need’ it does not need to have a complement clause as subject, and can select a noun or even a first or second person referent as in (138) (see also 37, §14.2.7).

(138) azuy mY-tw-ra
1SG:GEN NEG-2-need:FACT
‘I don’t need you’ (elicited)

The experiencer (the person/entity in need) is marked as a genitive oblique argument (§8.2.3.2), either as a genitive pronoun (138) or as a possessive prefix (139).

(139) nzyo ny-ku-qur ty-ra tce
2SG 2SG POSS-SBJ:PCP-help AOR-need LNK
‘When you need someone to help you…’ (140506 shizi he huichang de
bailingniao-zh) {0003927#S156}

The causative verbs yra ‘cause to have to’ and ykʰu ‘make it possible to’ (derived by the velar causative prefix from ra ‘be needed’ and kʰu ‘be possible’, respectively), are also complement-taking verbs, used in one of the periphrastic causative constructions (§17.3.2.3, §24.5.1.1).

24.5.3.2 cʰa ‘can’

The verb cʰa ‘can’ is morphologically intransitive, and can either be used as a plain intransitive (in the meaning ‘be fine’, see for instance 6, §21.1.4) or as a semi-transitive verb (§14.2.3) selecting either a finite complement (§24.2.3) or an infinitive one (§24.2.1), as shown by (140).

(140) [a-sroŋ kri] ri mɣ-tw-cʰa, [tu-ku-qur-a] ri
1SG POSS-life INF-save also NEG-2-can:FACT IPFV-2→1-help-1SG also
mɣ-tw-cʰa
NEG-2-can:FACT
‘You can neither save my life nor help me.’ (shizi he lare neithaoshu-zh)
## 24.5 Complement-taking verbs

With finite complements, *cʰa* ‘can’ can either have subject coference as in (140, 141a, 142) or be used as an impersonal verb as in (141b), with slightly different meanings.

(141) a. [cʰu̯w-tu̯w-mu̯ci] tu̯w-cʰa
IPFV-2-be.rich 2-can:FACT
‘You can become rich.’ (elicited)

b. [cʰu̯w-tu̯w-mu̯ci] cʰa
IPFV-2-be.rich can:FACT
‘It will be possible for you to become rich.’ (140515 facaimeng-zh)
{0004000#S11}

Since the 1SG form *cʰa-a* (*can:FACT-1SG*) is phonetically identical to the 3SG *cʰa* (*can:FACT*), distinguishing between these two patterns is not possible when the subject is 1SG (or 3SG). Clear examples of the *cʰa* in impersonal use (where it can be tested) are rare.

All examples in the corpus of *cʰa* ‘can’ with a verb in 2SG→1SG form in the complement clause have 2SG indexation as in (140) above and (142) below.

(142) [aẓo p̥u̯-kw-cu̯y-mu-a] mɣ-tu̯-cʰa
1SG IPFV-2→1-CAUS-be.afraid-1SG NEG-2-can:FACT
‘You cannot scare me.’ (140516 guowang halifa-zh) {0004008#S52}

### 24.5.3.3 suuxcʰa ‘can’

The verb *suux-cʰa* is the sigmatic causative derivation (§17.2) of *cʰa* ‘can’ (§24.5.3.2). It is nearly always in negative form. It can occur with an overt nominal object in the meaning ‘cause to be (un)able to bear’ (example 37, §17.2.4.8). As a complement-taking verb, it requires a velar infinitive complement (§24.2.1), and exclusively occurs in inverse form with a non-overt causer, and has the specific meaning of ‘make (physically) unable to X’, with a non-overt implicit agent, the piglet or lamb in (143) and the bee in (144).

(143) tʰu̯w-wxti-nu̯ tsa tce tce, ta-tswm tce tu-ɣyrbɣjyβ
AOR-be.big-pl a.little LNK LNK AOR:3→3'-take-away LNK IPFV-struggle
p̥u̯-cti tce wẓo [kɣ-tswm] mʷ-p Mare-wy-suux-cʰa.
SENS-be.AFF LNK 3SG INF-take-away NEG-SENS-INV-CAUS-can
‘When [piglets and lambs] have gotten big, [if the eagle tries to] carry away [one of them]i, iti struggles and [the eagle] is not strong enough to take iti away.’ (150819 RarphAB) {0006356#S5}
(144) γazo kw-fse kw-wxti nwra rcanw, [zaza zo
bee SBJ:PCP-be like SBJ:PCP-be.big DEM:PL UNEXP:DEG SOON EMPH
kъ-sat] mý-wy-swx-c^a ma wzo pw-xtci, ci nw
INF-kill NEG-INV-CAUS-can:FACT LNK 3SG SENS-be.small INDEF DEM
pw-wxti tce
SENS-be.big LNK

'In the case of a (relatively) big [insect] like a bee, [the spider] cannot kill it; quickly, because it is small while the other one is bigger.'
{0003674#S100}

The transitive subject of the infinitival clauses *kъ-tsum* and *zaza zo kъ-sat* in (143) and (144) is here coreferent with the causee of *sux-c^a*. Since *c^a* is morphologically intransitive, this causee is syntactically equivalent to the direct object. It is one of the rare complement-taking verbs with obligatory object-subject co-reference (§24.2.1.2).

### 24.5.3.4 spa 'be able'

The transitive *spa* 'be able', 'know how to' is historically a lexicalized abilitative of *pa* 'do' (§19.3.1). It indicates abiliy that was acquired through a learning process. This verb can either select a noun or a noun phrase as object (145, 146).

(145) azo kupa-skъt múj-spe-a
1SG Chinese-language NEG:SENS-be.able[III]-1SG
'I am not able to [speak] Chinese.' (160721 XpWN) {0006181#S84}

In Inferential or Aorist forms, it can be understood as 'learn how to' ('acquire the ability to').

(146) conβzu ko-spa
carpentry IFR-be.able
'He learned carpentry.' (elicited)

Alternatively, *spa* 'be able' takes infinitival (§24.2.1) or finite complement clauses (§24.2.3) as in (147). Subject coreference between *spa* and the verb in the complement clause is required (§24.2.1.2, §24.2.3.2).

(147) [“a-mu” tu-ti] w-pú-spe?
1SG.POSS-mother IPFV-say QU-SENS-be.able[III]
‘Can he (a baby) say “mummy”?’ (conversation, 15-01-13)
24.5.3.5 *nɛrz* ‘dare’, *pʰot* ‘dare’

The verbs *nɛrz* ‘dare’ and *pʰot* ‘dare’ (the second is barely used in the Kamnyu dialect) can be used with both infinitival and finite complements. They require subject coreference.

In example (148) with the verb *nɛrkʰu* ‘invite’ (to one’s home as a guest’ (one of the few transitive verbs implying a volitional action of both subject and object, §24.2.2.2 ), the interpretation ‘I do not dare to go to his house as a guest’ (with coreference of the object of the complement clause and the subject of the main clause) is not possible, and a different construction is needed to express this meaning (149, with an object participle as explained in §24.4.2.1).

(148) [cɔ- k y - n y kʰu] m y - n a z - a
TRAL-INF-invite NEG-dare:FACT-1SG
'I do not dare to go and invite him.' (elicited)

(149) [[k y - n y kʰu] k y - c e ] m y - n a z - a
OBJ:PCP-invite INF-go NEG-dare:FACT-1SG
‘I do not dare to go [to his house] as a guest.’ (elicited)

The verb *nɛrz* ‘dare’ is attested in a double negation constructions ‘not dare not to X’ (example 23, §13.3).

24.5.4 Verbs of cognition

24.5.4.1 suso ‘think’, ‘want’

The verb *suso* describes either a cognitive process ('think that *X*') or volitional deontic modality ('want to *X*').

As a modal verb, it either takes infinitive complement clauses (150, §24.2.1), or finite clauses (151, 152, §24.2.3), with subject coreference between the complement and the main clause.

(150) [cʰyci k y -tsʰi] ta -su so -nw tce, tce ki
alcohol INF-drink AOR:3→3'-want-PL LNK LNK DEM.PROX
u - qa u - tʰu m n u ła u - χ c o w - n u tce
3SG.POSS-bottom 3sg.POSS-cork DEM IPFV-remove-PL LNK
‘When people want to drink the alcohol, they remove the cork at the bottom (of the jar).’ (160703 araR) {0006101#S63}
24 Complement clauses

(151) [ku-yu̯t-a] nu̯-swso-t-a ri jy̯-nu̯-jmuw-t-a ma
IPFV:EAST-bring-1SG AOR-want-PST:TR-1SG LNK IFR-AUTO-forget-1SG LNK
'I wanted to bring it but I forgot it.' (23-tshAYCAnW) {0003616#S2}

(152) [a-rγy̯o p̯u̯-tw-syŋo] ty-tu̯-swso-t tce, a-yu̯-jy̯-ku̯-swy̯e-a
1SG.POSS-song IPFV-2-listen AOR-2-want-PST:TR LNK IRR-CISL-invite-1SG
qʰe nu̯ cti
LNK DEM be.AFF:FACT

'When you want to listen to my songs, send people to come and invite
me and that's it.' (140519 yeying-zh) {0004040#S227}

The verb *suso* normally selects the **WESTWARDS** orientation as in (151) (or **DOWNWARDS** when used in the Past or Inferential Imperfective (§21.5.3), but examples (150) and (152) also show that it sometimes occurs with the Aorist **UPWARDS** orientation preverbs *tš-* or *ta-* in temporal clauses meaning “when *X* wants to *Y*” (§21.5.1.4).

24.5.4.2 **tso** 'know, understand', 'know', **swχsrl** 'recognize', 'realize'

The semi-transitive verb tso 'know, understand', 'realize', 'know' can take nomi-
nal semi-objects (§14.2.3), and occur with three types of complement clauses or
complementation strategy. First, it takes finite complete clauses (§24.2.3) as in
(153).

(153) numu [ty-tcu
nuy u̯w u̯-kʰa
nwcu tcʰeme
DEM INDEF.POSS-SON DEM GEN 3SG.POSS-house DEM:LOC girl
ku̯-mpcɣr ci yzyu] nuw ko-tso-nuw.
SBJ:PCP-be.beautiful INDEF exist:SENS DEM IFR-understand-PL
'They realized that there was a beautiful girl in the boy's house.' (150828
donglang) {0006312#S89}

Second, subject participial clauses in ku- occur as semi-objects of this verb
(§24.4.1), as in (154).

(154) li [icqʰa tycime nu̯ mpu-pu̯-ku̯-si] nu̯
again the aforementioned girl DEM NEG-AOR-SBJ:PCP-die DEM
ko-tso
IFR-understand

‘She realized that the girl had not died.’ (140504 baixuegongzhu-zh)
{0003907#S174}
Third, *tso* also selects a (finite or participial) correlative clauses with an inter-
rogative pronoun as in (155).

(155) [tɔ̃-rzaub tʰystuy nɔ̃-ari] mɔ̃-pjɔ̃-tso
INDEF.POSS-time how.much AOR-go[II] NEG-IFR-understand
‘He had not realized how much time had passed.’ (28-smAnmi)
{0004063#S246}

The transitive *swɔ́χsɔ́l* ‘recognize’, ‘realize’ also takes finite complement clauses
(see 210, §15.2.8.1) or participial clauses as in (156).

(156) tce nwnw kw [qazo tɔ̃-kw-nwcpwz] nɔ̃ pjɔ̃-swɔ́χsɔ́l.
LNK DEM ERG sheep AOR-SBJ:PCP-disguised DEM IFR-recognize
‘He (the shepherd boy) had noticed that the [nobleman] was disguised
as a sheep.’ (40513 mutong de disheng-zh) {0003977#S58}

However, despite being superficially identical to (154) above, in (157) *swɔ́χsɔ́l*
selects as direct object the 1SG intransitive subject of the participial clause. A
possible way to explain this observation is to analyze the participial clause *azo
tcʰeme kw-ŋu* as a relative clause whose head is *azo* (‘me who am a girl’).

(157) <liangshanbo> nɔ̃ kw [azo tcʰeme kw-ŋu] nɔ̃
ANTHR DEM ERG 1SG girl SBJ:PCP-be DEM
a-mɔ̃-púu-wɣ-swɔ́χsal-a
IRR-NEG-PFV-INV-realize-1SG
‘[I hope that] Liang Shanbo will not realize that I am a girl.’ (150826
liangshanbo zhuyingtai-zh) {0006244#S73}

24.5.4.3 βzjoz ‘learn’ and *suxcɛrt* ‘teach’

The verbs of learning *βzjoz* ‘learn’ and *swuxcɛrt* ‘teach’ take infinitive complements,
as shown by (158) and (159).

(158) [<tuolaji> kɔ̃-lɔ́t] ra ka-βzjoz
tractor INF-release PL AOR:3→3'-learn
‘He learned to drive a tractor.’ (14-siblings) {0003508#S208}

In the case of the secundative verb *swuxcɛrt* (§14.4.2), the direct object is the
person being taught, the 2SG in (159), while the infinitive clause is the theme.

(159) [tyfsri kɔ̃-βzu] ci pjɔ̃-ta-swuxcɛrt
thread INF-make a.little IPFV-1→2-teach
‘Let me teach you how to make a thread.’ (vid-20140506043657)
24.5.5 Verbs of perception

The transitive perception verbs *mto* ‘see’ and *mtsʰỵm* ‘hear’, ‘smell’, ‘feel (non-visually)’ express non-volitional perception. The contrast between *ru* ‘look at’ (§24.4.4) and *mto* can be illustrated by (160), where the latter has a meaning close to ‘find’.

(160) kʰura s-cʰỵ-ru ri mɔ-pjỵ-mto
window PL TRAL-IFR:DOWNSTREAM-look LNK NEG-IFR-see
‘She went and looked from the window but did not see him.’ (140505
xiaohaitu-zh) {0003921#S61}

These two verbs are compatible with finite complements (§24.2.3), as in (161),
without any coreference restriction.

(161) [swɔŋgi nɔ wu-ɣɣwu] nɔ pjỵ-mtsʰỵm
lion DEM IPFV-cry DEM IFR-hear
‘[The mouse] heard that the lion was crying.’ (shizi he laoshu-zh)

They are incompatible with infinitival complements, but often take participial
or finite relative clauses as objects (§23.8.2, §24.4.1).

Non-finite verb form in *kʷ-*, such as *kʷ-ntsye* in (162) resemble velar infinitives, but since intransitive dynamic verbs do not occur with *kʷ-* in this context, these forms are analyzed as object participles (§16.2.1.1).

(162) tce [u̍-rdoχ nɔ kʷ-fse kʷ-ntsye] nɔ
LNK 3SG.POSS-grain DEM SBJ:PCP-be lik e OBJ:PCP-sell DEM
mʷ-pʷ-mto-t-a
NEG-AOR-see-PST:TR-1SG
‘I have not seen its grains (of buckthorn) sold as is (it is always sold in
processed form).’ (09-mi) {0003466#S55}

The verb *mtsʰỵm* is often used in combination with the form *kʷ-ti* as in (163).
This form could be analyzed as a complementizer, but since positive evidence of
its grammaticalized status is not obvious, I analyze *kʷ-ti* here as an object par-
ticiple taking an object complement clause (*nɔu ɲu-sỵ-mtsuɣ*). That complement
clause itself is also the relativized element of the head-internal object participial
clause [“*nɔu ɲu-sỵ-mtsuɣ*” *kʷ-ti*] (§23.8.4), a construction that can be glossed as
‘I have not heard “It bites people” being said’.
(163) [[nʷi pʷi-s-mtsʷi] kʷ-ti] mʷ-p mó-wy-mtsʰy m.
DEM SENS-APASS-bite OBJ:PCP-say NEG-AOR-INV-hear
'I have not heard that it bites people.' (28-tshAwAre) {0003722#S69}

With intransitive verbs, the subject participle in *ku-* is always found in the clauses occurring as the object of *mto* and *mtsʰy m*, as in (164). Such clauses are to be analyzed as participial relatives (§24.4.1).

(164) pjw-ru qʰe [tcekì tʷ-ci ŋŋ-gw ɔɔzo
IPFV:DOWN-look LNK down INDEF.POSS-water 3SG.POSS-in 3SG
pʷ-kʷ-ntcʰy r] nʷ pjy-mto.
AOR:DOWN-SBJ:PCP-appear DEM IFR-see
'He looked down, and saw his own reflection in the water below
(himself reflected in the water).' (140519 chou xiaoya-zh) {0004034#S164}

In (165), *mtsʰy m* even takes as object a head-internal relative clause in *ku-*(rather than *kʷ-* as in 163 above), with the transitive subject as relativized element (§23.5.2).

(165) pʷ-svŋo tce [icqʰa sŋa spaa nʷ kʷ “tytšu
IPFV-listen LNK the aforementioned sorcerer DEM ERG lamp
yʷ-ty-svndu-nʷ” w-kʷ-ti] nʷ pjy-mtsʰy m tce
CISL-IMP-exchange-PL 3SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-say DEM IFR-hear LNK
'She heard the sorcerer saying 'Come and exchange [your] lamp'.'
(140511 alading-zh) {0003953#S212}

Verbs of perception and cognition also occur with finite clauses containing interrogative pronouns which look like correlatives (§23.2.5), such as *ŋotc u j- nʷ-łok* in (166).

(166) [ŋotc u jv-nw-rłok] tci mʷ-p w-mto-j, [ŋotc u jv-cqʰlyt]
where IFR-AUTO-come.out also NEG-AOR-see-1PL where IFR-disappear
tci k y-cwfta w m p y-cʰa-j
also INF-remember NEG-IFR-can-1PL
‘We neither saw where she came from, nor can we remember which
way she went.’ (2003 sras)

Although the volitional perception verbs *svŋo* ‘listen’ (labile), *rtoɔ* ‘look’ (transitive) and *ru* ‘look at’ (§15.1.2.4) can have nominal objects or semi-objects, they do not take complement clauses. However, they do occur in coordinating complementation strategies (§21.2.7, §24.4.4).
## 24.5.6 Phasal verbs and other aspectual auxiliaries

Aspectual and phasal complement-taking verbs present a much greater variety of constructions than modal verbs. Table 24.2 summarizes the constructions attested with each verb, not all of which are equally common.<fnref n="14" />

<table><caption>Table 24.2: Inventory of phasal and aspectual auxiliaries in Japhug</caption><thead><tr><th>Verb</th><th></th><th>I.</th><th>BI</th><th>F.</th><th>Compl. strategy</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>rŋo 'experience'</td><td>tr.</td><td>✓</td><td>✓</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>sɔ̃za 'begin'</td><td>tr.</td><td>✓</td><td>✓</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>ẓa 'begin'</td><td>tr.</td><td>✓</td><td>✓</td><td>§24.2.3.3</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>stʰut 'finish'</td><td>tr.</td><td>✓</td><td>✓</td><td>§24.2.3.3</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>sɔtɛwtsi 'continue'</td><td>tr.</td><td>✓</td><td></td><td>§24.2.3.3</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>nuftɛaka 'prepare'</td><td>tr.</td><td>✓</td><td></td><td>✓</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>suyjγy 'finish'</td><td>tr.</td><td>✓</td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>kʰyt 'do repeatedly'</td><td>tr.</td><td>✓</td><td></td><td></td><td>§24.4.3</td></tr><tr><td>jγy 'finish'</td><td>impers.</td><td>✓</td><td>✓</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>ŋgrɔl 'be usually the case'</td><td>impers.</td><td></td><td></td><td>✓</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>rɔŋgat 'be about to'</td><td>intr.</td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td>§24.4.2.1</td></tr><tr><td>aywγu 'be about to'</td><td>intr.</td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td>§24.4.2.1</td></tr><tr><td>mda 'be the time'</td><td>impers.</td><td>✓</td><td>✓</td><td></td><td></td></tr></tbody></table>

As shown in §24.2.2.2, verbs in this group have different coreference restrictions depending on the complement type: when transitive verbs select bare/dental infinitive complements, coreference is required between the subject of the complement clause and that of the matrix verb.

### 24.5.6.1 Experiential

The transitive verb rŋo can be used with a nominal object in the meaning ‘try, taste’ (of food), as shown in (167) with the sigmatic causative sw-rŋo ‘let X taste’ (§17.2).

<footnote n="14">¹⁴The abbreviations are as follows: I. (velar infinitive, §24.2.1), BI (bare infinitive and tu- infinitive, §24.2.2), F. (finite complement, §24.2.3), tr. (transitive), impers. (intransitive impersonal).</footnote>
(167) azo n paχci ci tu-ku-su-rno-a
1SG 2SG POSS-apple a.little IPFV-2→1-CAUS-taste-1SG
‘Let me taste your apples.’ (150904 zhongli-zh) {0006348#S15}

As a complement-taking verb, *rno* means ‘have already done…’ (like Chinese 曾经……过 céngjīng…guò), and commonly occurs with both bare/dental infinitival complements (§24.2.2) and velar infinitival complements (§24.2.1). These two complement types differ by their coreference restrictions: the former requires subject coreference (§24.2.2.2), while the latter does not.

In example (168), the first sentence azo kty-mtsuy mu-pu-rno-t-a is ambiguous, and could be translated as either ‘I have never bitten it’ (subject coreference) or ‘I have never been bitten by it’ (object coreference), regardless of the fact that the 1SG is a transitive subject in both cases as shown by the absence of an inverse prefix and the presence of the -t- suffix (§14.3.2.1, §21.1.3). The verb rno ‘experience’ lacks inverse forms other than the generic subject (§14.3.2.5), and the 3→1SG inverse form ḫmu-pú-wy-rno-a is rejected, and cannot be used to replace mu-pu-rno-t-a in (168).

(168) azo [kty-mtsuy] mu-pu-rno-t-a ri, xpültcwn ku
1SG INF-bite NEG-AOR-experience-PST:TR-1SG but p.n ERG
pjy-rno
IFR-experience
‘I have never been stung [by a wasp], but Dpalcan has.’ (26-ndzWrnaR)
{0003678#S19}

In the second sentence, the personal name xpültcwn predictably takes the erga-
tive, being the transitive subject of rno ‘experience’. However, it is at the same
time object of (elided) infinitive kty-mtsuy ‘to bite’ present in the first clause, and
the absolutive form would be expected if the verb in the complement clause had
precedence over the matrix verb, as happens in some cases (§24.3.2). The com-
plete clause without elision would xpültcwn ku kty-mtsuy pjy-rno ‘Dpalcan has
been stung (by a wasp) before’.

(169) xpültcwn ku [kty-mtsuy] pjy-rno
p.n ERG INF-bite IFR-experience
‘Dpalcan has been stung [by a wasp] before’. (elicitation based on 168)

The sentence (169) is also ambiguous, but can be interpreted as expressing
coreference between the transitive subject of rno ‘experience’ with the object of
## 24 Complement clauses

the transitive verb *mtsuy* ‘bite’, with the ergative flagging of the matrix clause taking over the absolutive marking expected in the complement clause.

The subject of *rŋo* ‘experience’ can also be coreferential with the possessor of the intransitive subject in the complement clause, as in example (170), where the non-overt subject should be *a-xtu* ‘my belly’, as in (171) (§22.4.1.5).

(170) azo pw-xtcu-xtci-a ze ri twxtŋỵm nw-atwy-a tce,
1SG PST.IPFV-EMPH-be.small-1SG EMPH LOC dysentery AOR-meet-1SG LNK
[nw kɔ-mŋỵm] pw-rŋo-t-a
DEM INF-hurt AOR-experience-1SG
‘When I was very small, I had dysentery, [my belly] ached.’
(24-pGArtsAG) {0003624#S116}

(171) [a-xtu kɔ-mŋỵm] pw-rŋo-t-a.
1SG.POSS-belly INF-hurt AOR-experience-PST:TR-1SG
‘I have had stomachache.’ (elicited)

However, despite the fact that *rŋo* indexes either the subject or the object of its complement clause without difference in the matrix clause as illustrated by (168) and (169) above, their relativization patterns are different. The subject of the infinitive clause is relativized by means of the subject participle *pw-kuw-rŋo*, while the object is relativized by using either a finite relative clause or the object participle *pw-ku-rŋo* (§23.5.11.3).

### 24.5.6.2 Phasal verbs

Phasal verbs such as *za* ‘begin’ and *stʰut* ‘finish’ are most often attested with dental or bare infinitives (§24.2.2.1) as in (172). They can also take velar infinitives as in (173).

(172) [nʷ u̯-ti] ta-stʰu̯t
DEM 3SG.POSS-BARE.INF:say AOR:3→3'-finish
‘When she finished saying that…’ (150818 muzhi guniang-zh)
{0006334#S122}

(173) [tw-nʷ kɔ-jtsʰi] na-stʰu̯t tce tce
INDEF.POSS-breast INF-give.to.drink AOR:3→3'-finish LNK LNK
tɔ-pvtsɔ nʷ li u̯-sta nʷtcu ko-cu-rŋgw
INDEF.POSS-child DEM again 3SG.POSS-bed DEM:LOC IFR-CAUS-lay
‘After she had finished breastfeeding, she put back the child on his bed.’
(140429 jiedi-zh)
In addition, some phasal verbs are also attested with finite complements shar-
ing the same TAME and person indexation (§24.2.3.3), though this construction
is considerably rarer.

(174) [nwhra pa-ßzjoz] pa-stʰuut tce u-sloχpwn nw kw
DEM:PL AOR:3→3'-learn AOR:3→3'-finish LNK 3SG.POSS-teacher DEM ERG
taqaβ tuu-ldza ný-wy-mbi
needle one-CL IFR-INV-give

'When he finished learning this [craft], his teacher gave him a needle.'
(140508 benling gaoqiang de si xiongdi-zh) {0003935#S95}

Unlike rŋo ‘experience’ (which selects the DOWNWARDS orientation), phasal verbs take the lexical orientation of the verb in the complement clause (§24.3.5), UPWARDS in (172) (§15.1.5.8), EASTWARDS in (173) (§15.1.5.10) and DOWNWARDS in (174).

24.5.6.3 Imminent aspect

The intransitive verb *r}*ŋgat means ‘prepare to depart’ when used on its own
without a subordinate clause. It also selects participial clauses like motion verbs
(§24.4.2.1), with the meaning ‘be about to’. With subject participial clauses in
kuu- as in (175), there is coreference between the subject of *r}*ŋgat and that of its
subordinate clause.

(175) [kw-si] tɔ-yŋgat, tu-rɔru mɔ-nɔ-cʰa ri, nɔ
SBJ:PCP-die AOR-be.about IPFV-get.up NEG-AOR-can LNK DEM
u-cγa ra pɔ-tsʰoz zo.
3SG.POSS-tooth PL PST.IPFV-be complete EMPH
'Even when she was about to die (from old age), when she was not able
to get up anymore, (...) she still had all her teeth.' (27-tWCGArgu)
{0003708#S24}

Like motion verb, *r}*ŋgat ‘be about to’ also takes object participial clauses in
k}*- with coreference with the object of the clause ‘be about to be X’ as in (176).

(176) j-yw-ari tce, (...) twrme [kw-sat] t-kw-rŋŋgat (...) 
AOR-2-go[II] LNK person SBJ:PCP-kill AOR-SBJ:PCP-be.about.to
wnwz tw-mtym ri

two 2-see[III]:FACT LNK

'When you go there, you will see two people who are about to be killed.'
(140507 jinniao-zh) {0003931#S305}
The intransitive contracting verb *ayuyu* ‘be about to’ has the same meaning as *r̥ŋgat*, and is used in the same constructions (177), though it is slightly less frequent.

(177) [a-kʷ-bn̥dʷ] tu-tw-ɣyʷyu pʷ-ŋu tce
1SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-hit IPFV-2-be.about.to SENS-be LNK
‘You are about to hit me.’ (2014-kWLAG)

The meaning of the imminent aspect auxiliaries overlaps with that of the Proximative (§21.6.2, §21.6.2.1), as shown by examples (178) and (179) from the same passage of two versions of the same story, the former (178) with Periphrastic Proximative (§21.6.2.1) and the latter with *r̥ŋgat* ‘be about to’.

(178) az̥o yʷ-caβ-a ty-ŋu tce, n̥z̥o χcʰa nʷ
1SG INV-catch.up:FACT-1SG AOR-be LNK 2SG right DEM
a-nʷ-tw-ctʰwz
IRR-PFV:WEST-2-turn.towards
‘When they are about to catch up with me, turn the [thing in your] right
[hand] in [their direction].’ (2011-04-smanmi)

(179) [azo a-kʷ-caβ] ty-r̥ŋgat-nʷ tce, n̥z̥o kʷ sŋaʔ
1SG 1SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-catch.up AOR-be.about.to-PL LNK 2SG ERG sorcery
kʷmtcʰoχswm a-nʷ-tw-ctʰwz
triratna DEM IRR-PFV:WEST-2-turn.towards
‘When they are about to catch up with me, turn the triratna in [their
direction].’ (2003 smanmi)

### 24.5.6.4 Habitual aspect

The habitual aspect auxiliary *ŋgrɛ́l* ‘be usually the case’ is not compatible with infinitival complements. It only occurs with finite complements, as in (180).

(180) [cɛr tce tu] ŋgrɛ́l, [tu-mbri]
night LOC exist:FACT be.usually.the.case:FACT IPFV-call
ŋgrɛ́l
be.usually.the.case:FACT
‘[Owls] appear, howl during the night.’ (22-pGAkhW) {0003594#S19}

In the Past Perfective with an Imperfective complement, it expresses a former habit ‘use to X’ (181).
## 24.5 Complement-taking verbs

(181) [azo kumpya cʰu-nu-χse-a] pwo-ŋgrzl
1SG chicken IPFV-AUTO-feed[III]-1SG PST.IPFV-be.usually.the.case
'I used to raise chickens (for my own sake).' (150819 kumpGa)
{0006388#S68}

The auxiliary ŋgrzl, especially in negative form, can have overtones of epis-
temic (182) or deontic modality (183).

(182) nzyo tuu-maak maka mɔ-ygrzl ma,
2SG 2-not.be:FACT NEG-be.usually.the.case:FACT LNK 2SG
nzyo ma ji-zda pwo-kuu-rzyi me
apart.form 1PL.POSS-companion AOR-SBJ:PCP-stay not.exist:FACT
'It is impossible that it is not you [who stole it], since there was nobody
else in our vicinity.' (31-deluge) {0004077#S97}

(183) tcʰeme u-cki "a-βγo" tu-kuu-ti
girl 3SG.POSS-DAT 1SG.POSS-FB IPFV-GENR-say
mɔ-ygrzl
NEG-be.usually.the.case:FACT
'One cannot address a woman as 'my uncle.' (140425 kWmda02)
{0003786}

### 24.5.7 Similative verbs

The verbs fse 'be like' and stu 'do like' are semi-transitive (§14.2.3) and secundative (§14.4.2), respectively. Both select as semi-object the manner in which the action is performed.

These verbs are found with velar infinitive complements (§24.2.1), either with a demonstrative expressing the action (such as nu in 184) or in questions with the interrogative pronoun tɛʰi 'what' (§6.5.1) as in (185). The demonstrative or the interrogative pronoun are always located closer to the similative verb than the infinitive clause.

(184) tce [cɔmwɣydwo kɔ-lyt] nwo tu-stu-nwo pwo-nyo
LNK gun INF-release DEM IPFV-do like-PL SENS-be
'People shoot with guns like that.' (28-CAmWGdW) {0003712#S90}

(185) [kɔ-pʰyɔ] tceʰi a-ty-fse-j?
INF-flee what IRR-PFV-be.like-1PL
'How will we flee?' (2012 Norbzang) {0003768#S60}
The subject of the infinitival clause is always coreferent with that of *fse* or *stu*, but its object is never indexed on the matrix verb. For instance, although *fsraŋ* 'protect', 'save' and *buwa* 'carry on the back' are transitive verbs that can index first or second person objects (see for instance 44, §14.3.2.3), in (186) and (187) the 2SG object is not indexed on the matrix verb *stu*, otherwise the forms *tu-ta-stu* (IPFV-1→2-do like) and *a-tx-tú-wy-stu* (IRR-PFV-2-INV-do like) would be expected. These examples show that the complement clause saturates the direct object of *stu*.

(186) [nyzo kx-fsraŋ] tcʰi tu-ste-a?
2SG INF-protect what IPFV-do like[III]-1SG
‘How [can] I save you?’ (150901 dongguo xiansheng he lang-zh)
{0006336#S39}

(187) pyγtcwu kw [nyzo kx-buwa] tcʰi a-ty-ste
bird ERG 2SG INF-carry.on.the.back what IRR-PFV-do like[III]
cti?
be.AFF:FACT
‘How will the bird carry you on its back?’ (2003 zrAntCW tWrme)

Alternatively, *stu* can also index as object the object of the verb in the infinitival clause, as shown by (188), a sentence whose meaning is the same as that of (186).

(188) [nyzo kx-fsraŋ] tcʰi tu-ta-stu?
2SG INF-protect what IPFV-1→2-do like[III]
‘How [can] I save you?’ (elicitation based on 186)

Deixis manner verbs are also often used in a variety of complementation strategies. First, they occur with a coordinated clause (generally in the Factual Non-Past) expressing the purpose of the action, as in (§24.4.4). Second, they can take as semi-object a totalitative relative (§23.3.2) as object (§24.4.1) as in (190) in the meaning ‘do everything in the same way as X’ (where X is the transitive subject of the relative). Third, *fse* and *stu* are found in serial verb constructions (§25.4.1.2).

(189) tcʰi ci z̥o tú-wy-stu tce pʰy n
what INDEF EMPH IPFV-INV-do like LNK be.efficient:FACT
‘What should [we] do to successfully [treat your disease]?’
(2011-04-smanmi)
(190) [tɣ-ww] nu kw tw~ta-stu] zo
INDEF.POSS-grandfather DEM ERG TOTAL~AOR:3→3'-do like EMPH
to-stu
IFR-do like

'He did everything like the old man.' (140511 xinbada-zh) {0003961#S243}

24.5.8 Complement-taking adjectival verbs

Some adjectival stative verbs like *mkʰɣz* ‘be expert’, ‘be knowledgeable’ are semi-
transitive (§14.2.3) and optionally take either a noun (191) or a complement clause
(192) as semi-object in addition to their subject. The complement clause can be
either infinitival (§24.2.1) or finite (§24.2.3).

(191) w-nmaɣ j-ku-ɣe nɔ wɔŋbzu mkʰɣz
3SG.POSS-husband AOR-SBJ:PCP-come[II] DEM carpentry be.expert:FACT
tce
LNK

'Her husband who came [to live in her family] is very good at carpentry.'
(14-siblings) {0003508#S250}

(192) tciz̥o rcanu, [kɣ-taɣ] wuma zo mkʰɣz-tci
1DU UNEXPECTED INF-weave really EMPH be.expert:FACT-1DU
‘We are very good at weaving.’ (140521 huangdi de xinzhuang-zh)
{0004047#S20}

Adjectives such as *nqa* ‘be difficult’, *mbat* ‘be easy’, which unlike *mkʰɣz* ‘be expert’ do not have a semi-object, can take infinitival or finite complement clauses as their subject (193).<fnref n="15" />

(193) <gang> stʰwci múj-rko qʰe, pɔ-mpɔ qʰe
steel as.much NEG:SENS-be.hard LNK SENS-be.soft LNK
[tu-ŋgɣɣ, pɔ-ɣjʊ] nwa pɔ-mbat
IPFV-ACAUS:bend IPFV-be.curved DEM:PL] SENS-be.easy
'[Iron] is not as hard as steel, it is soft and bends easily.' (30-Com)
{0003736#S41}

Even in nominalized forms such as the degree nominals (§16.3), these verbs
retain the ability to take subject complements (§16.3.2), as in (194).

<footnote n="15">¹⁵Note that this construction has a meaning close to that of the facilitative *nuyu-* derivation (§18.9).</footnote>
## 24 Complement clauses

(194) [cʰu-wxti] u-tu-mbat
pu-sre
zo
IPFV-bebig 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.easy SENS-be.ridiculous EMPH
'It grows extremely easily.' (25-akWzgumba) {0003632#S70}

Other adjectival stative verbs selecting infinitival complements as intransitive subjects include *apaj* 'be done quickly' (195) or *pe* 'be good' (196).

(195) [ky-nuwrdo] ri mɔ-arpaj ma ku-ndu-nduβ
INF-pick.up also NEG-be.quick:FACT LNK SBJ:PCP-EMPH~be.small
cti
be.AFF:FACT
'It takes a lot of time (it is not done quickly) to pick up [the Zanthoxyllum seeds], because they are very small.' (07-tCGom)
{0003434#S15}

(196) tɔtso u-ngu nutcu [staxpu k-y-ji] m-p-e
earth.type 3SG.POSS-in DEM:LOC pea INF-plant NEG-be.good:FACT
'Planting peas in tɔtso-type earth is not good.' (25-cWXCWz)
{0003636#S70}

Some adjectival verb such as *kzyβ* 'be careful' select bare infinitive complements (§16.2.2) like their causative form (§24.5.1.4).

## 24.6 Complement-taking nouns

Not all noun-modifying clauses should be analyzed as relative clauses: only subordinate clauses whose head noun (overt or covert) has a syntactic role in the clause (whether argument, adjunct or possessor) can be considered to be a relative.

### 24.6.1 Complement-taking nouns and denominal verbs

In examples (197) and (198), the head noun *ftɛaka* 'method', 'manner' is neither a core argument nor an adjunct. It is not possible to convert the infinitive subordinate clauses *mu-tu-ky-mbro* 'not become too high' and *qartsyβ ky-ky-βzu ra ky-tyβ* 'thresh the (grains) that have been harvested' into independent sentences that would include *ftɛaka*. These clauses should therefore be analyzed as adnominal complement clauses, rather than a prenominal relatives.
(197) a-<u>xuetang>
<u>u-tu</u>-mbro
<kongzhi>
1SG.POSS-blood.sugar 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.high control
<u>tu</u>-βze-a <u>ŋu</u>. [m<u>u</u>-tu-<u>kγ</u>-mbro] <b>ftcaka</b> <u>tu</u>-βze-a
IPFV-do[III]-1SG be:FACT NEG-IPFV-INF-be.high manner IPFV-do[III]-1SG
<u>ŋu</u>.
be:FACT

'I control my blood sugar, I do what I can to prevent it from being too
high'. (conversation, 15-12-05)

(198) [qartsyβ kγ-kγ-βzu ra kγ-tyβ] **ftčaka** yu-βzu
harvest AOR-OBJ:PCP-make PL INF-thresh manner INV-make
ra
be.needed:FACT

'Then one has to prepare to thresh the [grains] that have been
harvested.' (2010.10)

The construction exemplified by (197) and (198) is a collocation combining the complement-taking noun *ftčaka* with the verb *βzu* ‘make’, meaning either ‘do by any means possible’ (as in 197) or ‘prepare to X’ (198). In the latter meaning, the collocation is homonymous with the transitive denominal verb *nuftčaka* ‘prepare’ (§20.7.2), which also selects velar infinitive complements, as shown by (199), uttered just before (198) in the same recording.

(199) [kγ-tyβ] kú-wγ-n<u>u</u>ftcaka ra
INF-thresh IPFV-INV-prepare be.needed:FACT
'One has to prepare the threshing.' (2010.10)

The infinitive complement *kγ-tyβ* in (199) is exactly parallel to the adnominal complement clause in (198). This parallelism between complement-taking noun and the complement-taking denominal verb derived from it is not found in all the cases (§24.6.3), but confirms the observation that the adnominal clause in (198) is not a prenominal relative.

24.6.2 Adnominal complement clause and possessor

Among complement-taking nouns, some like *ftčaka* ‘method’, ‘manner’ (§24.6.1, §24.6.3.1) and *kowa* ‘manner’ (§24.6.3.1) are alienably possessed nouns, but most (§24.6.3) are inalienably possessed (§5.1.2.6).

Two categories must be distinguished among these inalienably possessed nouns.
First, some nouns such as *u-skvšt* ‘language’, ‘sound’ (§24.6.3.2) always take a 3SG
## 24 Complement clauses

possessive prefix coreferent with the complement clause (treated as possessor of the noun), as in (200).

(200) ji-wú
ku “a-m-jy-tu-yi-nu”
w-skýt
1PL.POSS-grandfather ERG IRR-NEG-PFV-2-come-PL 3SG.POSS-language
to-βzu cti
IFR-make be.AFF:FACT

‘(By these words) our father-in-law means that he does not want us to come back’ (he means: ‘don’t you come back’) (2005 tAwakWcqraR)

Other nouns like *w-sum* ‘mind’ (§24.6.3.3) on the other hand select as possessor the experiencer, which may not be 3SG, and the complement clause is not syntactically a possessor. For instance, in (201) the possessor of -sum is 2SG, not 3SG as would be expected if the finite clause *nu-βdaʌmu nu tu-tu-ndʌm* were the possessor of this noun.

(201) [nʌr-βdaʌmu nu tu-tu-ndʌm] *nɛr-sum* úr-ce?
3PL.POSS-queen DEM IPFV-2-take[III] 2SG.POSS-mind QU-go:FACT
‘Do you want to become their queen?’ (150818 muzhi guniang-zh)
{0006334#S472}

### 24.6.3 Overview of complement-taking nouns

Complement-taking nouns selecting infinitive (§24.2.1), finite (§24.2.3) or reported speech complements (§24.2.5) can be divided into three semantic groups.

#### 24.6.3.1 Nouns of manner

The alienably possessed nouns *ftɛaka* ‘method’, ‘manner’ (§24.6.1) and *kowa* ‘manner’,<fnref n="16" /> both borrowed from Tibetan (from འཁྲུག་མ btɛa.ka ‘implement’ and འཁྲུག་བ bkod.pa ‘arrangement’, ‘method’, respectively), occur in collocation with the verb βzu ‘make’ (§22.4.2.1) in the meanings ‘try to X by any means’ (in Chinese 想尽办法 <xiǎng jin bànfǎ> ‘try to do by any means’) or ‘prepare’. They can select an infinitive clause with raising of the person indexation on the main verb, as shown by the 3→2SG form *tú-wy-βzu* ‘they will X you’ in (202).

<footnote n="16">¹⁶These nouns are both translated into Chinese as 办法 <bànfǎ> ‘method’, ‘means’, ‘manner’.</footnote>
## 24.6 Complement-taking nouns

(202) **a-rjit** ra nʷ-yi-nʷ cti tcetʰa, [kʷ-ndza] 1SG.POSS-offspring PL VERT-come:FACT-PL be.AFF:FACT soon INF-eat
**kowa** túr-wy-βzu cti tce ku-ta-sʷ-yṇba manner 2-INV-make:FACT be.AFF:FACT LNK IPFV-1→2-CAUS-hide
ŋu
be:FACT

‘My children are coming back home soon, and they will try to eat you, let me hide you.’ (2012 Norbzang) {0003768#S258}

The complement-taking transitive denominal verbs *nuftɛaka* ‘prepare’ and *nuw-*
*kowa* ‘prepare’ (§24.6.1) can be derived from these two nouns.

### 24.6.3.2 Nouns of speech and sound

The inalienably possessed nouns related to speech and noise *u-ti* ‘way of saying’, ‘wording’, ‘expression’, *u-fcɛt* ‘story’, *u-skɛt* ‘language’, ‘sound’, *tɔ-zgra* ‘sound’, ‘noise’ and *tu-tcʰa* ‘information, news’ (about someone) (§5.1.2.13), and the alienably possessed *kʰyɛctl* ‘discussion’ can occur with finite complement clauses (203, 204) (see also 18, §10.1.2.10) or reported speech complements (205).

(203) **tceri** [zławicɛrɣβ ku tcʰoz pɔr-asw-zgruβ]
but Zlaba.shesrab ERG religion PST.IPFV-PROG-accomplish
**w-fcɛt** tu ma [jʊm pɔr-asw-car]

3SG.POSS-story exist:FACT but wife:HON PST.IPFV-PROG-search

**w-fcɛt** me
3SG.POSS-story notuezFACT

‘People say that Zlaba shesrab was studying religion, not looking for a wife.’ (sras 79-80)

(204) [ɲu-nuqambumbjom] **u-zgra** nʷ “vurwuurwuur” tu-ti
IPFV-fly 3SG.POSS-noise DEM ONOM IPFV-say
ŋgrɛl.
be.usually.the.case:FACT

‘The sound it makes when it flies is ‘vrvr’ (as its flying sound, it says ‘vrvr’).’ (26-quspunmbro) {0003684#S13}

As shown by (203) and (204), *u-fcɛt* ‘story’ and *tɔ-zgra* ‘sound’ can take complements even without a noun-verb collocation.
The noun *w-skṛt* ‘language’, ‘sound’ mainly takes complements when occurring with *βzu* ‘make’ (§22.4.2.1) or *stu* ‘do like’. The collocation with this verbs means ‘do/say something that means X’ as in (205)<fnref n="17" /> or (200) (in §24.6.2 above).

(205) [wortcʰi zo pyjkʰu ma-ty-tw-lyt tce, nykinw, pyjkʰu
please EMPH yet NEG-IMP-2-release LNK FILLER yet
a-pwɪ wu-nwɪ pwo-jtsʰi-a
1SG.POSS-young INDEF.POSS-breast IPFV-give.to.drink-1SG
ra] w-skṛt ra to-βzu tce [...] tce nwnw
be.needed:FACT 3SG.POSS-speech PL IFR-make LNK LNK DEM
nw-jyy tce tcendvre w-pwɪ nw ki kw-fse
AOR-finish LNK LNK 3SG.POSS-young DEM DEM.PROX SBJ:PCP-be like
py-yγntaβ, tce [ty-lyt jyy] w-skṛt
IFR-put LNK IMP-release be.allowed:FACT 3SG.POSS-speech
kwra to-stu

DEM.PROX:PL IFR-do like

'[The monkey mother] made [a sign to the hunter] meaning 'Please don't shoot yet, I still have to nurse my baby.' (...) and once she had finished, she put her baby aside like that, and made a sign meaning '(now) you can shoot.' (19-GzW) {0003536#S69}

The noun *tu-tcʰa* ‘information, news’ takes reported speech clauses when used in collocation with *yut* ‘bring’ in the meaning ‘(go somewhere) and come back to tell about X’, as in (206) (see also 50, §5.1.2.13). This construction is also compatible with participial complementation strategies (§24.6.4).

(206) <donggua> cʰo <qiezi> ni tcʰi zo múj-naχtcwɣ] yu

gourd COMIT eggplant DU what EMPH NEG:SENS-be.the.same GEN
u-tcʰa a-jy-tu-yut ra

3SG.POSS-information IRR-PFV-2-bring need:FACT

'[Go there and come back to] to tell me how gourds and eggplants are different.' (yici bi yici you jinbu-zh)

Among the nouns of speech and sound, *w-ti* ‘way of saying’ and *w-fcrt* ‘story’ are bare action nominals (§16.4.6) deriving from *ti* ‘say’ and *fcrt* ‘tell’, respectively. The rest were borrowed from Tibetan as nouns; their sources are སྤེ skad ‘language’, སྤེ sgra ‘sound’ and ཅྲེ tcʰa ‘part’, respectively.

<footnote n="17">¹⁷The poignant anecdote in (205) shows that the collocations *w-skṛt* + *βzu* and *w-skṛt* + *stu* are used even when the expression is not linguistic but based on gesture and facial expression. The hunter did not have the heart to shoot the monkey mother (see example 82 in §10.4.3).</footnote>
24.6.3.3 Nouns of cognition

The noun of cognition *tu-sum* ‘mind’ occur in collocation with the motion verb
*ce* ‘go’ in the meaning ‘want to X’ (§22.4.1.1) with either finite clause as in (207)
and (209a) (see also 201 in §24.6.2) or an infinitival one as in (208)(209b).

(207) [[nɣzo ju-tu̯-ce] a-sum műj-ce]] ndza ŋu
2SG IPFV-2-go 1SG.POSS-mind NEG:SENS-go reason be:FACT
‘This is because I don’t want you to leave.’ (140506 shizi he huichang de
bailingniao-zh) {0003927#S68}

(208) [“ya” k-ti] w-sum mū-pjγ-ce
yes INF-say 3SG.POSS-mind NEG-IFR.IPFV-go
‘He did not want to say “yes”.’ (140506 shizi he huichang de
bailingniao-zh) {0003927#S56}

The possessive prefix on the complement-taking noun encodes the experi-
encer, while the motion verb ᶜe ‘go’ remains in 3SG form. When the complement
clause is an infinitival clause, its subject must be coreferent with the experiencer
in the main clause as in (209b) and (208). However, when the complement clause
is finite, subject corefence is possible (209a, 201) but not required (207).

(209) a. [č-ku-nu̯-rncwu-] a-sum műj-ce
TRAL-IPFV-AUTO-lie.down-1SG 1SG.POSS-mind NEG:SENS-go

b. [cw-kv-rŋgw] a-sum műj-ce
TRAL-INF-lie.down 1SG.POSS-mind NEG:SENS-go
'I don't want to go to sleep.' (elicited)

The verb *ce* ‘go’ in this construction is never found in the Aorist or the Inferen-
tial. To express an inchoative meaning, the motion verb *yi* ‘come’ occurs instead
with *tu-sum*, as in (210).

(210) daltsutsa tce tce kʷ-nu̯-ce tsa u̯-sum to-yi.
slowly LNK LNK INF-VERT-go a.little 3SG.POSS-mind IFR-come
‘He slowly started thinking of going home.’ (150907 laoshandaoshi-zh)
{0006398#S53}

Like *tu-sum*, the noun *u-čjiz* ‘wish’ (a fossil -z nominalization, §16.5.1) occurs
in collocation with *yi* ‘come’ (§22.4.1.1). This collocation, which means ‘feel like/
want to X’, has the same morphosyntactic properties as those described above: it
is compatible with both infinitive complement clauses (211) and finite ones (212).
## 24 Complement clauses

(211) [k-nyma] *tw-ijiz* maka m-yi.
INF-work GENR.POSS-wish at.all NEG-come[III]:FACT
‘(When one is sick), one does not feel like working.’ (27-tWfCAI)
{0003710#S17}

(212) icqʰa [χpwn kw-tsʰu nw kw tw-ci
the.aforementioned monk SBJ:PCP-be.fat DEM ERG INDEF.POSS-water
c-tu-re] nw w-ijiz mw-pj-yi
TRAL-IPFV:UP-bring[III] DEM 3SG.POSS-wish NEG-IFR.IPFV-come
‘The fat monk did not feel like (going down the river and) bringing the
water [up to the monastery]. (150830 san ge heshang-zh) {0006416#S100}

### 24.6.3.4 Time

The noun *ta-ka* ‘free time’ can take infinitival complements, in particular when occurring in collocation with existential verbs (§22.4.1.3) as in (213).

(213) [vdwrfyt azo ky-ce] a-ka mane
TOPO 1SG INF-go 1SG.POSS-free.time notuezENS
‘I don’t have time to go to Gdongbrgyad.’ (conversation, 2016-03-20)

### 24.6.3.5 Cause

The noun *u-ndza* ‘cause’, which is used as a relator noun to indicate the cause or the beneficiary (§8.3.6.2) with noun phrases, is also attested with finite and infinitive complement clauses, as in (214). With ergative marking, they can either serve as causal (§25.5.2) or purposive (§25.5.4) subordinate clauses.

(214) tce nw [rjydwu m-u-pu-ky-βzu] u-ndza ku
LNK DEM lumps NEG-IPFV-INF-make 3SG.POSS-reason ERG
tu-ci ku-mu-staŋ nucu pjúw-wy-fkri tce tce
INDEF.POSS-water SBJ:PCP-be.cold DEM:LOC IPFV-INV-melt LNK LNK
rjydwu m-y-βze
lumps NEG-make[III]
‘In order to prevent lumps from forming, one melts the flour in cold
water [by mixing it] and lumps do not form.’ (140428 rJAdWm)
{0003882#S8}
24.6.4 Relative clauses as a complementation strategy

Some inalienably possessed nouns can take subordinate clauses that look like
complement clauses but are in fact relatives.<fnref n="18" />

For instance, in (215), the clause *tu-ndze* ‘(the thing that) he eats’ is formally a headless finite object relative clause (§23.5.3). The head noun *ty-di* ‘smell’ has no syntactic role in that clause and is not the relativized element. Otherwise, the construction would be nonsensical, its expected meaning being something like ‘the smell that he eats’. The relation between the prenominal clause and its head in (215) is simply the same as that between a possessor and its possessee (§8.2.3.1), and it is preferable not to analyze here *tu-ndze* as a complement clause, since its meaning is not ‘the smell of him eating’ (on the ambiguity between finite relative and complement clauses, see §23.8.1).<fnref n="19" />

(215) [tu-ndze] nʷ yʷ u̱-di nʷ pjγ-mtsʰγm-nʷ tce tce
IPFV-eat DEM GEN 3SG.POSS-smell DEM IFR-perceive-PL LNK LNK
jo-yi-nu̱.
IFR-come-PL
'[The flies] smelled [the jam] that he was eating and came.' (140428
yonggan de xiaocaifeng-zh) {0003886#S11}

Example (216) provides a similar case with a head-internal finite relative. It is
obvious here that *u-χpi* cannot be the relativized element (since the head noun
*ckom* ‘muntjac’ is overt). At the same time, if *azo ckom tu-mtsʰi-a* were a comple-
ment clause, the expected meaning would be ‘a story about (why) I am leading
this muntjac’.

(216) kʷki [azo čkom tu-mtsʰi-a] ki yu̱ w-χpi
DEM.PROX 1SG muntjac IPFV-lead-1SG DEM.PROX GEN 3SG.POSS-story
ci pjʷ-fcat-a
INDEF IPFV-tell-1SG
‘I will tell (you) a story about this muntjac that I am leading.’ (140512
fushang he yaomo-zh) {0003967#S75}

The adnominal clauses in (215) and (216) are thus relative clauses used as pos-
sessors of inalienable nouns.

<footnote n="18">¹⁸A similar situation occurs with complement-taking verbs (§24.4.1, §23.8.3).</footnote>

<footnote n="19">¹⁹The precise meaning of this sentence has been ascertained with Tshendzin. The corresponding passage in the Chinese text from which it has been translated is 果酱味招来了一群苍蝇 <guǒjiàngwèi zhāolái le yiqún cāngyǐng> ‘The smell of the jam attracted a swarm of flies’: the adnominal construction in (215) is thus not due to calquing from the original.</footnote>
With non-finite clauses, given the similarity between participles and infinitives (§16.2.1.1), there are cases where deciding whether a clause is a participial relative serving as possessor or an infinitival complement clause is not trivial (on ambiguity between participial clauses and infinitival complements, see §23.8.2).

For instance, in (217), the Chinese borrowing 标准 <biāozhǔn> ‘criterion’ takes as possessor the clause(s) *tζʰeme ku- pe mχ- ku- pe*, whose status is ambiguous. If one analyses the form *ku- pe* as a subject participle (§16.1.1), *tζʰeme [ku- pe] [mχ- ku- pe]* can be seen as two post-nominal participial relative clauses in apposition sharing the same head noun, implying a translation ‘the criterion (distinguishing between) good and bad women’. If on the other hand *ku- pe* is analyzed as a stative infinitive (§16.2.1), the subordinative clauses are infinitival complements, and the translation would rather be ‘criterion (by which one judges whether) a woman is good or bad’. In this particular case, since both syntactic analyses are meaningful, the fact that the postclausal noun is a Chinese borrowing makes it difficult to reliably use elicitation to distinguish between the two possibilities (for instance, by testing whether a dynamic intransitive verb would rather have a *kχ-* prefixed form in this context).

(217) [tcoheme ku-pe mχ-ku-pe] nwo ywo koŋla zo
woman ?-be.good NEG-?-be.good DEM GEN really EMPH
wo-<biaozhun> pwo-ŋu

3SG.POSS-criterion SENS-be

'It is [one of the] criteria [by which one judges whether] a woman is good or bad.' (thaXtsa 2002)

Tests can be applied to non-finite adnominal clauses occurring with *wu-tcoha* ‘information, news’. This noun, in addition to finite complement clauses (§24.6.3.2), is compatible with non-finite clauses in *ku-* or *kχ-* as in (218). The fact that non-stative intransitive verbs in this construction have *ku-* rather than *kχ-* however (*jχ-ku-γe* instead of ?*jχ-kχ-γe*) shows that these clauses are participial clauses, and therefore that they should be analyzed as relative clauses like (215) and (216) above, despite what the meaning of this construction suggests. The constituent [a-tco w tχ-ku-γe] *w-tcoha* in (218) thus literally means ‘news about my son who came’.

(218) [a-tco w jχ-ku-γe] yw w-tcoha ja-ywšt
1SG.POSS-SON AOR-SBJ:PCP-come[II] GEN 3SG.POSS-news AOR:3→3'-bring
'S/he came to tell [me/you] that my son came.' (elicited)
## 24.7 Syntactic errors

Example (219) presents an interesting case of incorrect exchange of prefix between the verb in the complement clause and the complement-taking verb.

Since the complement-taking verb *stʰut* ‘finish’ is embedded in a temporal clause in *cungu* ‘before’, it would be expected to be in the Imperfective (§25.3.2.1), while its complement verb should either be in the bare infinitive or the velar infinitive as in (220) (§24.5.6.2).

(219) †[wso kw [nwa tu-rýt] k-stʰút] cungu tce
3SG ERG DEM:PL IPFV-draw INF-finish before LNK
‘Before he had finished drawing it.’ (160718 huashetianzu-zh)
{0006123#S27}

(220) [wso kw [nwa kв-рvt] tu-stʰút] cungu tce
3SG ERG DEM:PL INF-draw IPFV-finish before LNK
Correction of (219)

In (219) however, the complement-taking verb is in Velar Infinitive form and the complement verb in the Imperfective, the opposite of the correct form (220).

Tshendzin has no hesitation to recognize (219) as a speech error, which is nevertheless unusual enough to deserve mention.
<figure><img src="image_31.png" /></figure>
25 Other types of multicausal
constructions

**25.1 Classification of multicausal constructions**

This chapter, based on Jacques (2014a), discusses multicausal constructions other
than (headless or noun modifying) relative clauses, complement clauses in core
argument function and clauses involving the expression of degree (discussed in
chapters 23, 24 and 26, respectively).<fnref n="1" />

The constructions treated in this chapter involve different degrees of subordination, from highly dependent (§25.1.1) to loose parataxis (§25.1.6). This section provides an overview of the criteria that can be used to classify subordination subtypes in Japhug.

**25.1.1 Marked subordinate clauses**

Some subordinate clauses can be distinguished from main clauses by overt mor-
phological marking. Four types of overt marks of subordination can be distin-
guished.

First, converbs (§16.2.1.7), found in particular in temporal (§25.3.3.2, §25.3.4.2) and manner (§25.4.2) clauses), being non-finite forms, cannot serve as the predicate of main clauses.

Second, verb-initial reduplication (§12.4.1.2) and the prefix *u*- in non-interrogative clauses (§21.7.4) are non-ambiguous markers of the protasis of a conditional construction (§25.2.1).

Third, relator nouns with prenominal complements (§24.6) or prenominal rela-
tives (§23.2.4) in absolutive, locative or ergative form are used to build temporal
(§25.3.3.1, §25.3.4.1) and causality (§25.5.2, §25.5.4) clauses.

Fourth, postpositions can either contribute to subordination marking in com-
bination with relator nouns (for instance, the ergative in causal clauses, §25.5.2),

<footnote n="1">¹Some relative and complement clauses in essive function, or with oblique cases, are however discussed in this chapter (§25.1.1).</footnote>
or serve on their own as subordinating markers, as in the case of the locative
position in temporal clauses (1, see also §25.3).

(1) a-ъи kw [jy-ari] nutcu tce, nykinw,
1SG.POSS-younger.sibling ERG AOR-go[II] DEM:LOC LOC FILLER
qapi jo-rymbumbri qʰe, tcendre nw jo-nwNqʰu-j qʰe,
white.stone IFR-drop.while.going LNK LNK DEM IFR-follow-1PL LNK
tce kʰa jy-azyut-i
LNK house AOR-reach-1PL

‘When he_i went (to the forest), our younger brother_i dropped white stones_j one by one on the way as he was going, and we followed them_j and found our way home.’ (160701 poucet2) {0006155#S49}

Example (1) also illustrates that in addition to the markers listed above, word order and case marking are important additional clues of subordinating status. The subject *a-ъи* ‘my younger brother’ takes ergative case following the transitive verb *jo-rymbumbri* ‘he dropped them one by one on the way’ (§8.2.2.2), instead of absolutive case as would be expected if it belonged to the subordinate clause *jy-ari nutcu* ‘when he went there’ (since *jy-ari* is intransitive), showing that this clause is embedded within the main clause. In some cases the case marking mismatch is the only evidence that a clause is subordinate (§25.1.4).

25.1.2 Correlative clauses

Correlative constructions comprise two or more clauses with a parallel syntac-
tic structure, each obligatorily marked by overt coordinating markers. With the
exception of correlative relatives (§23.2.5), correlative constructions are not very
widespread in Japhug: usually only one of the two clauses has obligatory mark-
ing.

The correlative additive focus markers *ri* and *tçi* (§9.1.6.2, §25.6.2) are one of
the clearest cases of correlative constructions. As shown by (3), they follow the
noun phrase on which they have scope, and the rest of the clause, including the
verb, can be repeated as in (2).

(2) zakastaka ш-мдоь tçi my-ku-naχtcwy γyzu,
each.his.own 3SG.POSS-colour also NEG-SBJ:PCP-be.the.same exist:SENS
ш-tsʰuya tçi my-ku-naχtcwy γyzu.
3SG.POSS-shape also NEG-SBJ:PCP-be.the.same exist:SENS
‘Each of them (species of starfishes) has its own different colour and
different shape.’ (180421 haixing) {0006113#S15}
Other examples of correlative construction include the relator noun *w-juja* 'along with' with incremental initial reduplication (§12.4.1.4) in the second clause (§25.3.4.2).

### 25.1.3 Periphrastic tenses and subordination

Japhug has quite a few periphrastic TAME categories, combining a verb in the Imperfective or the Factual with a copula (§21.2.2, §21.4.1.7, §21.5.3.5, §21.6.2.1). It is common to observe chains of verbs in the Imperfective sharing a single copula. For instance, in (3), the copula *njw-ɛti* in the Sensory has scope over two verbs, *pju-nwcwirŋo* and *pju-ŋgra*. Such chains can be long, and comprise more than ten verbs in the Imperfective (example 10, §21.2.2).

(3) *tceri qartsw tce tce w-jwaŋ nsw pju-nwcwirŋo tce*
LNK winter LOC LNK 3SG.POSS-leaf DEM IPFV-redden LNK
*pjw-ŋgra* **pwn-ɛti.**
IPFV-ACAUS:cause.to.fall SENS-be.AFF
‘In winter, its leaves redden and fall.’ (14-sWNgWJu) {0003506#S10}

In (4), the copula *njw-ŋu* occurs two times: the first occurrence has scope over one verb (*tu-nw-łɔv*), and the second one over two verbs (*ɛ-tu-nwrdɔv* and *tu-ndze*).

(4) *nwnw la-clu-nw* cʰo la-lya-nw tce tce qandże
DEM AOR:3→3'-plough COMIT AOR:3→3'-dig LNK LNK earthworm
*tu-nw-łɔv* **pwn-ŋu.** tce nw ɛ-tu-nwrdɔv tce
IPFV-AUTO-come.out SENS-be LNK DEM TRAL-IPFV-collect LNK
*tu-ndze* **pwn-ŋu.**
IPFV-eat[III] SENS-be
‘When [people] plough and dig the earth, earthworms come out, and crows go (into the fields) and pick [the earthworms] and eat them (one by one).’ (140511 qajdo kW qandzxe tundże) {0003955#S20}

Although all verbs in examples (3) and (4) are finite, only the last verb of the chain can be considered to be fully conjugated, while the non-final verbs (*pju-nwcwirŋo* in 3 and *ɛ-tu-nwrdɔv* in 4) lack an element of their conjugation. For this reason, it is possible to consider that the last member of a periphrastic TAME chain is the main verb, and that all preceding clauses are subordinate.
25.1.4 Unmarked embedded clauses

Embedded clauses such as *tɛ́h̩i a-tɔ́-fse-a* in (5) lack any formal subordinating morphology. However, their subordinating status is shown by the fact that they occur inside the main clause, located between two constituents: in (5), the embedded clause is preceded by the transitive subject *tɔ́cime kw* (which is not an argument of that clause) and followed by the main verb.

(5) *tɔ́cime kw[tcʰi a-tɔ́-fse-a] tce mý-wy-mto-a kw*
princess ERG what IRR-PFV-be lik e-1SG LNK NEG-INV-see:FACT-1SG SFP
‘What should I do [in order] not to be seen by the princess?’ (140505
xiaohaitu-zh) {0003921#S77}

In (6), the clause *u-mPAk Jy-z-nymbu* is inserted between the main verb *pjy-mto*
and its transitive subject *rjylpu nuk*. This transitive subject is coreferent with
the 3SG possessor of *u-mPAk*, object of the verb *Jy-z-nymbu* ‘it dazzled it’ in the
embedded clause, and the presence of the ergative *kw* shows that it receives its
case marking from the main verb rather than from the embedded subordinate
clause.

(6) tɔ́-wi nɔ̈ u kwa tɔ́-ri nɔ̈ u rjɔ́ lpu
INDEF.POSS-grandmother DEM ERG INDEF.POSS-thread DEM king
u-tcʰaɣla scʰiz pjy-k-yz-nɔ̈ ndundo-ci
3SG.POSS-yard APPROX.LOC IFR.IPFV-PEG-PROG-take.here.and.there-PEG
tce, rjylpu nɔ̈ u kwa [u-mPAk Jy-z-nymbu] zo pjy-mto tce,
LNK king DEM ERG 3SG.POSS-eye IFR-CAUS-be.bright EMPH IFR-see LNK
‘The old woman was taking the (well-spun) threadᵢ here and there in the
yard of the king, and the kingⱼ saw itᵢ as itⱼ dazzled hisⱼ eyes (i.e. itⱼ was
so well spun that it was dazzling bright).’ (2012 Norbzang) {0003768#S129}

Unmarked embedding is also found in serial verb constructions. In (7), the
manner clause with *stu* ‘do like’ (§25.4.1.2) occurs between the instrument *u-jak*
*ku* ‘with its paw’ and *lu-z-nakje* ‘it reaches into it’. The presence of the causative
prefix *z-* indicates that the instrumental phrase is selected by *lu-z-nakje* (§17.2.5.8),
not by *tu-ste*.

(7) tce u-jak ku [ki tu-ste] lu-z-nakje
LNK 3SG.POSS-hand ERG DEM:PROX IPFV-do lik e[III] IPFV-reach. into[III]
jn-ŋu
SENS-be
'[The cat] reaches with its paw [into the whole] like this.' (27-spjaNkW)
{0003704#S47}
The examples (5), (6) and (7) above illustrate that unmarked embedded finite clauses have a considerable variety of semantic functions, including purposive clauses (§25.5.4), temporal clauses of simultaneity (§25.3.4.2) and manner clauses (§25.4.1), respectively.

### 25.1.5 Serial verb constructions

In Japhug, as in Tshobdun (Sun 2012: 490–491), we find serial verb constructions comprising two verbs sharing TAME category and subject (and often, but not in all cases, objects).

One of the verbs expresses the main action, and the other describes the manner in which the action is performed (§25.4.1). Unlike Tshobdun, there is no constraint in Japhug against inserting a linker such as *tɛe* between the two verbs in the serial construction, as shown by example (8).<fnref n="2" />

(8) [u̯-ka|r nu̯ ki tu-ste] tce
3SG.POSS-wing DEM DEM.PROX IPFV-do like[III] LNK
[tu-z-mbri] p̱u-ŋu
IPFV-CAUS-make.noise SENS-be
'[The grasshopper] makes noise by [moving] its wings like this.'
(26-kWrNukWGndZWr) {0003672#S72}

In some cases, embedding of the first clause into the second one can occur (§25.1.4), suggesting that a syntactic hierarchy exists between them.

There are three main types of serial verb constructions in Japhug, involving deideophonic verbs (§25.4.1.1), similative verbs (§25.4.1.1) and bipartite verbs (treated in §11.6.3 in another chapter). Constructions that are superficially similar to serial verb constructions but better analyzed as finite complement clauses are discussed in §24.2.3.3.

### 25.1.6 Coordination and parataxis

When none of the four set of criteria described above (§25.1.2, §25.1.3, §25.1.4, §25.1.5) are applicable, there remain a residue of clauses in parataxis or linked by *tɛe* (§8.2.4.3) or *qʰe*, without a clear subordinating hierarchy.

In (9), all verbs are in the Imperfective, without correlative element (§25.1.2), final copula (§25.1.3) or embedding (§25.1.4). The verbs *pju-sat* ‘it kills it’ and *ju-ɣu̯t*

<footnote n="2">²This construction cannot be considered monocausal, and thus differs from what is usually understood as ‘serial verb constructions’ in many languages (Aikhenvald 2006: 6), but I keep Sun’s terminology for want of a better term.</footnote>
'it brings it' share the same subject and object, but unlike in serial constructions (§25.1.5) where both verbs express two aspects of the same action, *pju-sat* and *ju-yut* refer to two actions occurring one after the other.

(9) tce w-pci ju-ce tce, [ci ci pywtew pju-sat ju-yut], LNK 3SG.POSS-outside IPFV-GO LNK one one bird IPFV-kill IPFV-bring [ci ci βzw pju-sat ju-yut], [ci ci qapi ra pju-sat tce one one mouse IPFV-kill IPFV-bring one one mole PL IPFV-kill LNK ju-yut]. IPFV-bring

'(When her kittens are hungry), [the cat mother] goes out and sometimes kills a bird and brings it, sometimes kills a mouse and brings it, sometimes kills a mole or something and brings it [to them].'(21-IWLU) {0003576#S36}

Simple coordination and parataxis can both express temporal subsequence (§25.3.3.1) as in (9) between the first clause and all the following ones, and between *pju-sat* and *ju-yut* in each of the three clauses. Parataxis can also indicate disjunction (§25.6.4), for instance between the three pairs of clauses (in squared brackets) in (9).

Coordination with tce and qʰe can in addition be used to indicate logical consequence (§25.5.1) and neutral addition (§25.6.2.1).

### 25.1.7 Tail-head linkeage

Tail-head linkage is a type of linking strategy whereby an element (generally the verb) of one clause is repeated in the following clause (see de Vries 2005 for a typological overview). Such constructions are well-attested in languages of Western Sichuan (see for instance Zhang 2013: 688–693). In Japhug, they occur predominantly with parataxis and loose temporal succession linking with finite clauses coordinated by linkers such as tce or qʰe. It is a very common strategy both for ensuring narrative coherence, and providing time for the storyteller to prepare the narration of the following events without hesitating and using speech fillers (§10.3).

Tail-head linkage can involve an entire sentence, as in (10), but often leaves out a constituent: for instance in (11) the intransitive subject *tx-pytso numu* is not repeated.
(10) [nʷ-me stu kʷ-xtci nʷ pγ-mbi-nʷ], tce
3PL.POSS-daughter most SBJ:PCP-be.small DEM IFR-give-PL LNK
[nʷ-me stu kʷ-xtci nʷ pγ-mbi-nʷ tce], tce
3PL.POSS-daughter most SBJ:PCP-be.small DEM IFR-give-PL LNK LNK
tcʰeme nʷ to-nuŋbrγpʷ,
girl DEM IFR-ride

‘They gave [him] their daughter (in marriage), and as they gave [him]
their daughter (in marriage), the girl mounted [a horse].’ (2002 qaCpa)

(11) tcendɛ́re [tɣ-pvtsɔ numɔ li swcŋgw zɔ jo-ce]. [swcŋgw zɔ jo-ce] tce
DEM boy DEM again forest LOC IFR-go forest LOC IFR-go LNK
tcendɛ́re, pʰaŋrgot nɔ kw tɣ-pvtsɔ nɔ pa-mto tce
LNK boar DEM ERG boy DEM IFR:3→3'-see LNK

‘The boy went again into the forest, and as he went into the forest, the
boar saw the boy.’ (140428 yonggan de xiaocaifeng-zh) {0003886#S218}

In some cases, the verb form is slightly different in the repeated clause. For instance in (12), the verb form in the first clause is in inverse configuration 3'→3PL (the TAME is probably Inferential, though in this context the contrast between Inferential and Aorist is neutralized, §14.3.2.7) while that in the second clause is in direct configuration 3SG→3'.<fnref n="3" />

(12) sqʰi ɔu-rkɔ uwtcu kɔ́-wy-su-ymdzɔ-u. sqʰi ɔu-rkɔ u
tripod 3SG.POSS-side DEM:LOC IFR-INV-CAUS-sit-PL tripod 3SG.POSS-side
nwtcu ka-su-ymdzɔ tce, (...) ra to-ti
DEM:LOC AOR:3→3'-CAUS-sit LNK PL IFR-say

‘[The woman] had them sit by the hearth. She had them sit by the hearth, and said (...).’ (160703 poucet3) {0006107#S46}

25.2 Conditional constructions

Conditional constructions are biclausal, comprising a subordinate clause (the pro-
tasis) and a main clause (the apodosis). The apodosis describes a result which
takes place if the condition in the protasis is fulfilled. Depending on whether the
protasis is a fact or a hypothetical situation, several types of conditionals can

<footnote n="3">³Aorist is used in the second clause of (12) to mark a point of temporal reference, §21.5.1.4, §25.3.4.1.</footnote>
be distinguished: real, concessive, counterfactual and hypothetical. Some temporal clauses, such as iterative coincidence (§25.3.1), can also be considered to be a subtype of conditionals, but are treated in §25.3.

### 25.2.1 Real conditionals

In real conditional constructions, the verb in the protasis has either initial reduction (§12.4.1.2) or the Interrogative *u*- prefix (§21.7.4.2) and is followed by the additive postposition *n* (§8.2.6), as shown by (13) and (15) on the one hand, and (16) on the other without semantic difference.

Non-past TAME categories, in particular the Factual Non-Past (13) or the Sensory (14) are used when the protasis concern a present state or an ongoing action whose truth value is known to the speaker, as in (13) and (14).

(13) [pr̥nma>wmbγr tu̥-tw̥-ηu] n, pw̥-ta-suwcɛt nwu nw̥-ndwu
ANTHR COND~2~be:FACT ADD AOR-1→2-teach DEM IMP-read
ra
be.needed:FACT

'If you (really) are Padma 'Od'bar, recite [the mantra] that I have taught
you.' (2005 Norbzang)

(14) [tw̥rme p̥w̥-p̥w̥-ma>w] nɛ, a-ku p̥w̥-sypʰar-a ŋu
person COND~SENS-not.be ADD 1SG.POSS-head IPFV-shake-1SG be:FACT
tce tce, jɛ̯-pʰ-yo
LNK LNK IMP-flee

'If (the thing in the tree) is not a man, I will shake my head, and you (had better) flee.' (khu 2012) {0004085#S48}

The Aorist in the protasis (§21.5.1.5) can express potential future events (15), but also generic conditions (17).

(15) [tw̥rjw̥ laχtcʰa cʰo rŋuɛl ra mpu~mp̥-jy̥-tw̥-ypuɛt] nɛ, nɛkinpu,
fortune thing COMIT silver PL COND~NEG-AOR-2-bring ADD FILLER
pjwu-ta-sat ŋu
IPFV-1→2-kill be:FACT

'If you do not bring goods and money, we will kill you.' (160706 poucet6)
{0006109#S101}

The Inferential occurs in the two protases in (16) in a generic context to specifically express a condition which only becomes testable after a special procedure
(removing bandages) has been applied, when the action or change of state in the protasis cannot be directly observed.

(16) **kẉcnẉ-rza jamar tɔ-tsu tce tce pju-rle tce tu-rtok tce,**
seven-day about AOR-pass LNK LNK IPFV-untie[III] LNK IPFV-look LNK
**tce w-tó-pe ny tce nw ma my-ra,**
LNK QU-IFR-be.good ADD LNK DEM apart.from NEG-be.needed:FACT
**w-mú-to-pe ny tce li tu-xtcyr ŋu.**
QU-NEG-IFR-be.good ADD LNK again IPFV-attach be:FACT
‘After seven days, [the doctor] unties [the splint] and looks, if [the fracture] has healed, [the splint] is not needed anymore, if it has not improved, [the doctor] attaches [the splint] again.’ (140426 laxthab)
{0003810#S11}

Although the postposition coming after the verb in the protasis is almost always *nɔ* as in the examples above, this is not a requirement; for instance in (17) the form *mw~mɔ~-nú-wy-su-qʰrut* ‘if one does not scrape it with it’ in the protasis is rather followed by *qʰe*.

(17) **tce [tw-ndzrw ku mw~mɔ~-nú-wy-su-qʰrut]** qʰe
LNK GENR.POSS.nail ERG COND~NEG-AOR-INV-CAUS-scrape LNK
**múj-ŋgra.**
NEG:SENS-ACaus:cause.to.fall
‘[Nits] (are firmly attached and) will not detach unless one scrapes them with one’s nail.’ (21-mdzadi) {0003578#S62}

In reduplicated conditional forms, the negative prefix *mw-* has the special form *mw~mɔ~* (§13.1.1), while no such vowel alternation occurs with negative prefixes in Interrogative forms (*w-*mú-*to-pe* in 16) or suppletive negative verbs (14).

Apart from reduplicated conditional and Interrogative, a third way of marking the protasis in a real conditional construction is the Irrealis (§21.4.1.5). While the Irrealis usually marks counterfactuals (§25.2.4) conditionals, it also occurs in real conditionals as in (18) and (19), in particular in the case of possible but not highly frequent events. The Irrealis only very rarely followed by *nɔ*, and most commonly occurs with the linker *tce*.

(18) **a-nu-pat-nu tce tu-tcʰa ny tu-tcʰa nw, nyki**
IRR-PFV-be.tired-PL LNK one-pair LNK one-pair DEM electric.wire
**<dianxian> taq, qʰe swku taq nucu tu-nua-nu tce**
3SG.POSS-on LNK treetop 3SG.POSS-on DEM LOC IPFV-rest-PL LNK
‘If/Whenever [the swallows] are tired (from flying), they rest in pairs on electrical wires or on trees.’ (03-mWrmWmbjW-zh) {0003382#S50}
## 25 Other types of multiclausal constructions

(19) *kʰu̯na nuw a-ty-ngo tce tcendsre p̯u-sp̯u ku-fse p̯u-nyu*
*dog dem irr-pfv-be.ill lNK lNK ipfv-be.mad sBJ:pcp-be sENS-be*
*‘If a dog gets ill (from rabbies), it will become like mad.’ (29-chWsYu)*

### 25.2.2 Necessary condition

Necessary condition ('only if') can be expressed using the postposition *kóvmtwz* 'only after' (§8.2.11, §25.3.3.2) as connecting element between the two clauses. The protasis selects the Irrealis, the apodosis is in the Imperfective and the whole construction is under the scope of the modal verb *ra* 'be needed' as in (20) and (21).

(20) *nuw kyswſse kw a-pwu-tsʰi-nuw tce nuw kóvmtwz ny*
*dem all erg irr-pfv:down-drink-pl lNK dem only.then add*
*kyswſse cʰu-tsʰu-nuw ra tce,*
*all ipfv-be.fat-pl be.needed:faCT lNK*
*‘It is only if all [of the pigs] get to eat (hogwash) that they will all grow*
*fat.’ (i.e. a person has to be appointed to prevent the pigs from fighting,*
*otherwise the weaker pigs would get nothing to eat).’ (160708 paRtshi*
*WkWrWru)*

(21) *zraβ a-pwu-tu kóvmtwz ny tsʰynmu cʰu-rypw tce*
*male.goat irr-ipfv-exist only.then add female.goat ipfv-bear.young lNK*
*tce nuw p̯u-mpʰu̯l ra.*
*lnk dem ipfv-reproduce be.needed:faCT*
*‘Nanny goats can bear young and reproduce only if a male goat is*
*present.’ (05-qaZo) {0003404#S5}*

### 25.2.3 Concessive conditional

There are three types of concessive conditional constructions: scalar ('even if'), alternative ('whether ... or') and universal ('whatever, whenever, wherever etc') in Japhug. These conditional present two morphological commonalities concerning the verb in the protasis.

First, in the majority of cases, this verb takes the Autive prefix *-nu*- §19.1.4, Jacques 2014a: 298–300), sometimes with emphatic gemination to *-nnu*-. Second, it never takes conditional initial reduplication (§12.4.1.2) or the Interrogative prefix (§21.7.4.2) unlike the verb in the protasis of real conditionals (§25.2.1).
25.2.3.1 Scalar concessive conditional

In scalar concessive conditionals, the protasis is followed by the scalar focus marker *kunɛ́r* ‘also, even’ (§9.1.6.1), and contains a verb in the Past Imperfective (22) or the Imperfective (23) with the autive prefix (§19.1.4).

(22) *tɔ́-mtʰu̯m* ndɛ́re, [nɔ́-kwɔ́-yγdi] *pu̯-nɔ́-ŋu] kʊnγ
INDEF.POSS-meat LNK AOR-SBJ:PCP-be.smelly PST.IPFV-AUTO-be also
tu-ndze cti.
IPFV-eat[III] be.AFF:FACT
'[Crows] eat meat even if it has become smelly.' (22-qajdo) {0003596#S20}

(23) [cʰú-wɣ-nu̯-βlu̯] kuŋy, tu-nu̯t ʊo ŋu ri,
IPFV-INV-burn also IPFV-be.ignited ADVERS be:FACT LNK
u̯-kryt nɔ́ pαv zo qʰe, maka
3SG.POSS-charcoal DEM be.black:FACT EMPH LNK at.all
pu̯-yɣ-mpje mɣ-cʰa.
IPFV-CAUS-be.warm[III] NEG-can:FACT
Even when one burns it, although it does ignite, its charcoal is black and
it does not warm anything. (17-thowum) {0003526#S9}

25.2.3.2 Alternative concessive conditional

Alternative concessive conditional constructions express that the outcome in
apodosis will occur irrespective of a list of alternative possibilities, indicated by
several protases.

In (24), each of the protases contains copula *pu̯-nu̯-ŋu* in Past Imperfective (§21.5.3.1) Autive (§19.1.4) form, and share a single apodosis. In the clause *qaju̯ ku̯ tu-ndze pu̯-nnu̯-ŋu*, this copula is combined with the Imperfective verb *tu-ndze* 'it eats it' to build a Periphrastic Past Imperfective construction (§21.5.3.5).

(24) [tɔ̯-cɣa pɔ̯-kw̯-NGrɔ̯ pɔ̯-nnw̯-ŋu],
INDEF.POSS-tooth IPFV-SBJ:PCP-ACAUS:break PST.IPFV-AUTO-be
[pɔ̯-kw̯-ɣytsu̯r pɔ̯-nnw̯-ŋu] qʰe, [qaju̯ ku̯ tu-ndze
AOR-SBJ:PCP-crack PST.IPFV-AUTO-be LNK bug ERG IPFV-eat[III]
pɔ̯-nnw̯-ŋu], nɔ̯fse tu-ku̯-mŋy̯m pɔ̯-nnw̯-ŋu], nɔ̯nw̯
PST.IPFV-AUTO-be like.that IPFV-SBJ:PCP-hurt PST.IPFV-AUTO-be DEM
ku̯ wuma zo nɔ̯smy̯n.
ERG very EMPH heal:FACT
'Whether one's tooth is broken, cracked, decayed or whether it simply
hurts, he (a particular dentist) treats it very well.' (27-tApGi)
{0003706#S132}
The presence of a periphrastic TAME category with a copula is not required. In (25), the protases contain an Aorist Autive verb form *kʷ-nu̯-rŋgʷ-nu̯*.

(25) [stymku kw-fse kʷ-nu̯-rŋgw-nu̯], [swku w-pa pasture SBJ:PCP-be like AOR-AUTO-lie.down-PL tree.top 3SG.POSS-under kʷ-nu̯-rŋgw-nu̯], [praw-pa kʷ-nu̯-rŋgw-nu̯], AOR-AUTO-lie.down-PL cliff-under SBJ:PCP-be like wnu̯nw n̯u̯-ŋga w-ta w̯ pjw̯-ta-nu̯. AOR-AUTO-lie.down-PL DEM 3PL.POSS-clothes 3SG.POSS-on IPFV-put-PL 'Whether [travelers] sleep in pastures, under trees or in caves, they put it on their blankets.' (30-mboR) {0003748#S34}

The alternative is often between the affirmative and negative versions of the same event (polar alternative concession), a meaning close to that of the scalar concessive conditional. In such cases, the conditional constructions has two protases, the first in affirmative form, and the second with the corresponding negative form as in (26). The same apodosis can be repeated after each protasis.

(26) [tw̯-sw̯m pw̯-a<nu̯>ri] ny ju-kw̯-ce, GENR.POSS-mind PST.IPFV-<AUTO>go[II] LNK IPFV-GENR:S/O-go, [mw̯-pw̯-a<nu̯>ri] ny ju-kw̯-ce pw̯-ra NEG-PST.IPFV-<AUTO>go[II] LNK IPFV-GENR:S/O-go PST.IPFV-be-needed 'One had to go whether one liked it or not.' (14-siblings) {0003508#S194}

The alternative concessive conditional is one of the few constructions where even transitive verbs such as *n* 'agree' occur in the Past Imperfective (§21.5.3.1).<fnref n="4" />

(27) [pa-n-nɣla] ce-a, [mw̯-pa-n-nɣla] PST.IPFV:3→3-AUTO-agree LNK IPFV:go-1SG ny ce-a ra NEG-PST.IPFV:3→-AUTO-agree LNK IPFV:go-1SG be-needed:FACT 'I will go whether he agrees or not.' (elicited)

A more concise type of alternative concessive construction shown in (28) avoids repeating the content of the protasis and of the apodosis, and marks the alternative by combining the affirmative (*pw̯-nu̯-ŋu*) and negative (*pw̯-nu̯-ma w̯*) copulas after the verb in the protasis.

<footnote n="4">⁴The verb *ntyla* ‘agree’ selects the UPWARDS orientation, as shown by the form *to-ntyla* ‘he agreed’ in example (169), §16.2.1.7.</footnote>
(28) **[ta-nɔ́la pɔ́-nɔ́-ŋu pɔ́-nɔ́-ma] ce-a**
AOR:3→3-agree PST.IPFV-AUTO-be PST.IPFV-AUTO-not.be IPFV:go-1SG
ra
be.needed:FACT
'I will go whether he agrees or not.' (elicited)

Another way to indicate alternative concession is the interrogative particle *ci* (§10.4.2) as in (29).

(29) **[nɔŋa ŋu] ci, [mbro ŋu] ma, pjɔ́-nɔnd>y**
cow be:FACT SFP horse be:FACT LNK IPFV-be-poisoned
pɔ́-ŋgr>l
SENS-be.usually.the.case
'Whether it is a cow or a horse, they end up poisoned.' (25-qarmWrwa)
{0003648#S19}

In addition to these constructions, polar alternative concession ‘whether or not’ can be expressed by a construction combining a negative existential verb with biclausal complements, comprising the same verb in bare root form followed by the bare root prefixed with the negative prefix *mɔ́-*, as in (30). This unusual construction is discussed in more detail in §16.2.2.2.

(30) **[[ce] mɔ́-ce] tu-me] ma kɔ́-nɔma tu-cʰa**
BARE.INF:go NEG-BARE.INF:go 2-not.exist:FACT LNK INF-work 2-can:FACT
me qʰe naχtcɔ́y cti
not.exist:FACT LNK be.the same:FACT be:FACT
'[It does not matter] whether you go or not, you are not able to do anything, it amounts to the same.' (elicited)

### 25.2.3.3 Universal concessive conditional

Universal concessive conditional constructions comprise a protasis with an interrogative pronoun (in free-choice indefinite function, §6.6.6, §23.7) and a main verb in the Aorist or Past Imperfective. In addition, the autive (§19.1.4) occurs either in the protasis, with emphatic reduplication as (31) or (33) or in the main clause as in (32). The emphatic marker *zo* (§26.1.1.5) often follows the subordinate clause.
(31) **kwumcku** nʷ tce, w-dwx̱m wuma žo mʷm tce, [...]
garlic DEM LNK 3SG.POSS-fragrance really EMPH be.tasty:FACT LNK
[tcẖi <cai> t́y-wy-nw-βzw-βzu] žo pjw-tu ra.
what dish AOR-INV-AUTO-EMPH~make EMPH IPFV-exist be.needed:FACT
‘Garlic has a nice smell, (...), whatever dish one prepares, there has to be
[garlic] (in it).’ (07-kWmCku) {0003428#S25}

(32) **tcʰomba** tce [tʰyjtcu u-кijiz ty-yɛ] qʰe ju-nnu-yi
cold LNK when 3SG.POSS-wish AOR-come[II] LNK IPFV-AUTO-come
cti ma
be.AFF:FACT LNK
‘A cold (the disease) comes whenever it wants (i.e. it occurs
spontaneously).’ (22-tAmbrWm) {0003600#S7}

(33) [tcʰi pw-nu-fsv-fse] žo ny-rca
what PST.IPFV-AUTO-EMPH~be like EMPH 2SG.POSS-together
tu-kw-tswm-a ra
IPFV-2→1-take.away-1SG be.needed:FACT
‘In any case (whatever the circumstances are like), take me with you.’
(07-deluge) {0003426#S58}

Examples of universal concessive conditionals without autive prefix are how-
ever also attested, as in (34).

(34) [ŋotcu nʷ-łu-łov] žo wuma žo syydwy
where AOR-EMPH~come.out EMPH really EMPH be.annoying:FACT
‘No matter where it grows, it is very annoying.’ (5-khArWm)
{0003644#S18}

Universal concessive conditionals are semantically close to correlative relative clauses with free-choice interrogative pronouns (§23.2.5) such as (35).

(35) **kwaz** tce [ažo tcʰi tw~ty-stu-t-a] **nʷ** tx-ste
INTERJ LNK 1SG what TOTAL~AOR-do like-PST:TR-1SG DEM IMP-do like[III]
je
SFP
‘Come on, do everything in the same way as me.’ (i.e. in whatever way I
act, act in this way) (140511 xinbada-zh) {0003961#S240}
First, the verb *tu~tr-stu-t-a* totalitative initial reduplication (§23.3.2), a specificity of relative clauses.

Second, the interrogative pronoun *tɛ́h̩i* has a different syntactic function in these constructions. In the correlative relative (35), *tɛ́h̩i* is the relativized element, and serves as direct object of both the verb in the subordinate clause and that in the main clause.<fnref n="5" /> In the universal concessive conditionals (31) and (33), *tɛ́h̩i* in the subordinate clauses has no syntactic role in the main clause.

### 25.2.4 Counterfactuals

In counterfactual constructions, the protasis describes a condition that is known to be false, and the apodosis indicates an outcome that would have occurred if the condition had been true. In Japhug, counterfactual conditionals have strict requirements on TAME marking in both the protasis and the apodosis. The verb in the protasis is in the Irrealis (§21.4.1.5), and the Past Imperfective is required in the apodosis even for transitive dynamic verbs (§21.5.3.4), as illustrated by (36) and (37).<fnref n="6" />

(36) [azo n kw icqʰa nwtcu yw-tu-kw-qur-a
1SG 2SG ERG just before DEM:LOC CISL-IPFV-2→1-help-1SG
a-pw-ŋu] tce, nwmw wuma zo
IRR-PST.IPFV-be LNK DEM really EMPH
pw-nx-pe-t-a ma
PST.IPFV-TROP-be.good-PST:TR-1SG LNK
‘If you had come and helped me right before, I would have appreciated it.’
(140427 liangge shibiang he qiangdao-zh) {0003848#S22}

(37) tʰam tce nɣki χawo [azo a-mi a-pw-tu] tce, nw rɣslpu
now LNK FILLER if. only 1SG 1SG.POSS-leg IRR-IPFV-exist LNK DEM king
w-tcw nw w-rkw nwtcu kw-rɣzi nw azo
3SG.POSS-SON DEM 3SG.POSS-side DEM:LOC SBJ:PCP-stay DEM 1SG
a-pw-ŋu-a pw-ra
IRR-IPFV-be-1SG PST.IPFV-be.needed
‘If only I had legs now, the one next to the prince would have had to be
me.’ (said by the little mermaid, who has no legs) (150819 haidenver-zh)
{0006314#S142}

<footnote n="5">⁵See §14.4.2 for an account of the argument structure of the similative verb *stu* ‘do like’.</footnote>

<footnote n="6">⁶In a previous publication (Jacques 2014a: 301), I claimed that there were counterfactual constructions with a verb in the Factual Non-Past in the apodosis (example 99), but this was an erroneous interpretation.</footnote>
## 25.3 Temporal clauses

### 25.3.1 Iterative coincidence

Iterative coincidence is a biclausal construction comprising a temporal subordinate clause (A) and a main clause (B), expressing that each time the event in A takes place, that in B necessarily follows, and that this has taken place several times in the past. It can be generally translated as ‘each time A then B’. As shown by (38) and (39), the temporal clause generally takes a verb in the Aorist with initial reduplication (§12.4.1.3) like the protasis of a conditional construction (§12.4.1.2, §25.2.1), followed by the emphatic marker *zo* (§26.1.1.5).

(38) [twrme ra jw~jy-ye-nw] zo tu-nwrmyzu pjy-nyu tce
people PL ITER~AOR-come[II]-PL EMPH IPFV-show.off IFR.IPFV-be LNK
‘Each time people came, he would show off.’ (2011-10-qajdo)

(39) tw-mw kw-ka-lšt zo zdwmlašwšwru ju-nw-lok
sky ITER~AOR-release EMPH snail IPFV-AUTO-come.out
nyu
be:FACT
‘Each time it rains, snails come out.’ (elicited)

Alternatively, unreduplicated Aorist in its function to mark a temporal reference point (§21.5.1.4, §25.3.4.1) can be interpretable as iterative coincidence when the verb in the main clause is in the Imperfective, as in (40).

(40) tce [ly-zo-nw] qʰe twturca lu-zo-nw,
LNK AOR:UPSTREAM-land-PL LNK together IPFV:UPSTREAM-land-PL
[tʰny-nwqambwmbjom-nw] qʰe twturca cʰny-nwqambwmbjom-nw,
AOR:DOWNSTREAM-fly-PL LNK together IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-fly-PL
‘When they land they all land together, when they fly they all fly
together.’ (23-scuz) {0003612#S74}

### 25.3.2 Precedence

Three types of constructions are used to express temporal precedence between the event described in the main clause precedes that of the temporal subordinate clause: neutral precedence, immediate precedence and terminative.

These temporal clauses normally occur before the main clause, hence resulting in a nonICONIC temporal relationship between the two clauses, since the first (subordinate) clause describes an event occurring *after* that in the second one (the main clause).
25.3.2.1 Neutral precedence

There is only one available construction in Japhug to express that the action of
the main occurs before that of the temporal clause without further aspectual
specifications: clauses with the postposition ᵃuŋŋu 'before' (§8.2.11). The verb in
ṣuŋŋu clauses is required to be in the Imperfective (§21.2.3). In (41) for instance,
replacing the Imperfective form ju-si by the corresponding Aorist (nu-si), an
infinitive (kʷ-si or any other finite or non-finite form would result in a utterly
agrammatical sentence.

(41) [-si] uŋŋu p̱u-nu-NGYT-ndzi
IPFV-die before AOR-AUTO-ACAUS:separate-DU
'They had divorced before she died.' (14-siblings) {0003508#S296}

A syntactic error involving a verb in a temporal clause in ᵃuŋŋu ‘before’ is
presented in §24.7.

25.3.2.2 Immediate precedence

Immediate precedence can be expressed by three constructions.

First, a clause in the Factual Non-Past (§21.3.1) with linker t�kʰa ‘about to’ can
describe a action that took place just before that of the main clause, as in (§42)
and (§43).

(42) lamu ku[ yi-ndzi] tkʰa tce p̱uww u-cki uzo ku
ANTHR ERG come:FACT-DU about.to LNK donkey 3SG-DAT 3SG ERG
ta-twu nwra ci to-sw�jit
AOR:3→3-say[II] DEM IFR-remember LNK
‘Lhamo remembered [what] she had said to her donkey as they were
about to depart (to come here).’ (2002 qajdoskAt) {0003366#S63}

(43) [ambo] tkʰa tce tce p̱u-mu-a tce, tce a-jαw
burst:FACT about.to LNK LNK SENS-be.afraid-1SG LNK LNK 1SG.POSS-hand
p̱u-muŋmu p̱u-cti qʰe
IPFV-move SENS-be:AFF LNK
'(When I was aiming), as [the gun] was about to burst (i.e. to go off), I
was afraid and my hand moved.' (28-CAmWGdW) {0003712#S126}

Alternatively, the ju- Proximative prefix (§21.6.2) and the Periphrastic Proxi-
mative (§21.6.2.1) can be used to express this meaning, as illustrated by (44) and
(45).
(44) [cɛr jʊ̯-jʊ̯-azyʊt] tce (...) u̯-kʊ̯rme nʊ̯ pjʊ̯-cʊ̯-nqoʊk
night PROX-AOR-arrive LNK 3SG.POSS-hair DEM IFR-CAUS-hang
‘Just before the night fell, [the witch] hung her hair [on the window of
the tower].’ (140506 woju guniang-zh) {0003929#S142}

(45) tʊ̃rmʊ̃ ko-yi tce zatsa qanʊ̃ pjʊ̃-ŋu
evening IFR-come LNK soon be.dark:FACT IPFV.IFR-be
‘The evening came and it was about to be dark (i.e., it was getting dark).’
(140510 fengwang-zh) {0003939#S55}

### 25.3.2.3 Terminative

The terminative postposition *mɔctṣa* ‘until’ (§8.2.9) occurs with finite clauses to express the end point of the event described in the main clause. In terminative clauses, verbs nearly always take a negative prefix as in (46) and (47), and the polarity contrast is neutralized.

(46) nʊ̃-kʊ̃-kʰo nʊ̃ [mʊ̃-tʰa-ckʊ̃t] mɔctṣa tu-ndze
AOR-OBJ:PCP-give DEM NEG-AOR:3→3'-eat.completely until IPFV-eat[III]
jʊ̃-cti.
SENS-be.AFF
‘[The monkey] (cannot control its urge to eat, and) eats [the things that
people] have given him it none are left (until it has completely finished
eating them).’ (19-GzW) {0003536#S58}

(47) [“jʊ̃-ce jʊ̃y” mʊ̃-tʊ̃-tʊ̃t-a] mɔctṣa ma-nʊ̃-tʊ̃-mʊ̃nmu
IMP-go be.allowed:FACT NEG-AOR-say[II]-1SG until NEG-IMP-2-move
ra
be.needed:FACT
‘Don’t move until I tell [you] that you can go.’ (qala 2002)

Non-negative terminative clauses are rare but attested, as in (48), especially when the main clause is in negative form itself.

(48) [zɪmkʰɪỹm zo tu-ndza-nʊ̃] mɔctṣa kʊ̃-mqlaʌ mʊ̃j-βze.
long.time EMPH IPFV-chew-PL until INF-swallow NEG:SENS-make[III]
‘[The animals] do not swallow until they have chewed it for along time.’
(19-qachGa mWntoR) {0003546#S186}
25.3.3 Subsequence

Temporal succession can be expressed by simple coordination, the order of the
clauses mirroring the temporal sequence of the events they describe (§25.1.6).
The present section however focuses on subordinating construction devoted to
encoding temporal subsequence between the subordinate clause and the main
clause.

25.3.3.1 Neutral subsequence

The most common way to specify temporal succession between two clauses is to
use the locative/temporal relator noun *u-qʰu* ‘after, behind’ (§8.3.4.2). The tem-
poral clauses are in finite form, in particular in the Aorist as in (49) and (50).

(49) [<weixiao> kwβde-xpa pu-stʰut-a] u-qʰu tce tcendre,
nursing.school four-year AOR-finish-1SG 3SG.POSS-after LNK LNK
<fenpeigongzuo> tce bdurjyt l'C-wy-lat-a-nuw
assign.work LNK TOPO AOR:UPSTREAM-INV-release-1SG-PL
‘After I finished the four years of nursing school, they assigned me a
work position and sent me to Gdongbryad.’ (140501 tshering skyid)
{0003902#S116}

The relator noun *u-qʰu* can be optionally followed by the linker *tce*, by locative postpositions such as *ri* (§8.2.4.1) and can even be modified by the adverb *tsa* ‘a little’ as in (50).

(50) [swuntšwy nwnw ty-łov] w-qʰu tsa ri tce tce,
Pleiades DEM AOR-come.out 3SG.POSS-after a.little LOC LNK LNK
qandże tu-łov nyu.
earthworm IPFV-come.out be:FACT
‘The [constellation of the] earthworm appears a little after the Pleiades
have come out.’ (29-mWBZi) {0003728#S25}

Alternatively, and more rarely, the relator *u-mpʰru* ‘after, following’ (§8.3.5)
can be used to indicate temporal subsequence, as in (51).

(51) [tw-mw ka-lyt] w-mpʰru nw tu.
INDEF.POSS-sky AOR:3→3'-release 3SG.POSS-after DEM exist:FACT
'It is found after it has rained.' (23-mbrAZim) {0003604#S72}
25.3.3.2 Immediate subsequence

Temporal clauses with the immediate converb (§16.6.3) describe an event imme-
diately followed by the action referred to in the main clause (52).

(52) tce [nɔ̃ tu-tũ-łɔ̃v]         zo         qʰe cʰũ-pʰũ-nt-nũ
                                                    LNK DEM IPFV-IMM:CONV-come.out EMPH LNK IPFV-take.out-PL
        cʰũ-βde-nũ      cti.
        IPFV-throw-PL be.AFF:FACT

'As soon as it comes out (in fields), [the farmers] pluck it off and throw it away.' (16-CWrNgo, 35 {0003518#S34}

The main clause can also contain a stative verb, depicting a temporary state
beginning just after the event of the converbial clause (53).

(53) tce [tu-tũ-łob]         tce rqʰyrqʰyt         zo
                                                    LNK IPFV-IMM:CONV-come.out LNK IDPH(II):fresh.and.firm EMPH
        nɔ̃-pa
        SENS-AUX

'When [this mushroom] has just come out, it is nice and firm.'
(24-zwArqhAjmAG) {0003630#S15}

Another way to express immediate subsequence is a temporal clause with the temporal postposition *cimuma* ‘immediately after’ (§8.2.11) taking a clause with a verb in the Aorist. This construction is semantically very close to the immediate converb, but more commonly found when the main verb is a stative verb like *arqurcu* ‘be wrinkled’ in (54).

(54) nɔ̃ ty-łob cimuma tce pɔ̃-yrqurcu
DEM AOR-come.out immediately.after LNK SENS-be.wrinkled
‘When [the stalk of the fern] has just come out, it is all wrinkled.’
(13-NanWkWmtsWG) {0003492#S161}

The postposition *kɔ́ymuz* ‘only after’ (§8.2.11), which imposes no requirement on the TAME category of the verb in the subordinate clause, indicates that the event in the subordinate clause is a prerequisite for that in the main clause to occur, as shown by (55).
## 25 Other types of multiclausal constructions

Second, prenominal clauses with temporal relator nouns in 3SG possessive forms such as *u-sŋi* ‘the day when…’, *u-xpa* ‘the year when…’, *u-raŋ* ‘the time when…’ or other ones as in (58) can mark the time period when the action in the main clause takes place. These clauses can be formally as a subtype of finite prenominal relative clauses (§23.5.9).

(58) [pw-nuwdar-ndʒi] w-ymw̱r nwtcu tce mtsʰu nʷ
AOR-jump-DU 3SG.POSS-evening DEM:LOC LOC lake DEM
cʰu̱mcʰu̱m zo, tce, tu-skym pjγ-syza
IDPH(II):slowly EMPH LNK INF:II-dry.up IFR:DOWN-start

‘In the evening when they jumped [into the lake], the level of the lake started to drop slowly and the lake disappeared’ (2003, Nyimawozer 2)

Third, the locative postpositions ri, tce and zu (§8.2.4.1) can also occur with finite clauses, with a temporal meaning even without temporal relator noun as in (59).

(59) wnuwntcu ko [twzo pw-ku-xtci] ri
DEM:LOC ADVERS:TOP GENR PST.IPFV-GENR:S/O-be.small LOC
rcanu, mtcʰi ku-wxtu-wxti zo pw-tu.
UNEXP:DEG sea.buckthorn SBJ:PCP-EMPH~be.big EMPH PST.IPFV-exist

‘There, when we were young, there was a huge sea buckthorn.’ (140522 Kamnyu zgo) {0004059#S331}

Fourth, the temporal postposition jγz ‘when’ and its variant jγznγ (§8.2.11) can take finite clauses as in (60).

(60) ma [izora pw-xtci-j] jγz tu-ndza-j
LNK 1PL PST.IPFV-be.small-1PL when IPFV-eat-1PL
mw-pw-ŋgrzl ma
NEG-PST.IPFV-be.usually.the.case LNK

‘When we were little, we did not eat it.’ (13-NanWkWmtsWG) {0003492#S167}

### 25.3.4.2 Simultaneity

There are two types of subordinate clauses expressing an ongoing action or event taking place at the same time as that of the main verb without serving as a point of temporal reference, unlike the constructions discussed in §25.3.4.1 above.
First, finite clauses with the relator nouns *u-kʰukʰa* ‘while’ and *u-juja* ‘along with’, ‘while’ describe events that occur together with, and serve as background to the action of the main clause, as in (61) and (62). There are no coreference restrictions on the arguments of the subordinate and the main clauses.

(61) tcendsre [tu-nusmɔn] u-kʰukʰa tu-ryma-nus
LNK IPFV-treat 3SG-the.same.time IPFV-work-PL
[The lepers]ᵢ worked (there) while [the doctor] was treating themᵢ.'
(25-khArWm) {0003644#S60}

(62) [numu ju-rjuy] u-kʰukʰa u-se ku-tsʰi
dem ipfv-run 3sg-the.same.time 3sg.poss-blood ipfv-drink
pu-cti.
sens-be:aff
'[The lion] drinks [its prey's]i blood while it is (still) running.'
(20-sWNgi) {0003562#S50}

The relator *u-juja* ‘along with’ differs from *u-kʰukʰa* in that it implies a simul-
taneous gradual change of degree in both the event or state of the subordinate
clause and that of the main clause. The verb of the subordinate clause is gene-
rally in the Perfective (though a few Imperfective forms are also attested), while
that of the main clause can be in any TAM form, in particular with incremental
initial reduplication (§12.4.1.4) indicating gradual increase as in (63).

(63) [uwo tɔ̃-wxti] u-juja tce u-jwaוק nwmw
3SG AOR-be.big 3SG.POSS-along LNK 3SG.POSS-leaf DEM
pũ-pũ-nduβ zo pũ-ŋu.
INCR~IPFV-be.tiny EMPH SENS-be
‘As it grows big, its leaves become more and more tiny.’ (09-mi)
{0003466#S15}

The clause in *u-juja*, rather than a gradual change of state across time, can
indicate change across space, as in (64), where *tɔ̃-mbro* does not mean that the
mountain becomes higher, but rather that the person observing the plants moves
higher in the mountain.

(64) zgoku tɔ̃-mbro u-juja nw zmbri tu-tũ-ldzuw
mountain AOR-be.high 3SG.POSS-along DEM willow INCR~-IPFV-be.flexible
zo ŋu
EMPH be:fact
‘The higher [ones goes] in the mountain, the more the [wood] of the
willows is flexible.’ (07-Zmbri) {0003438#S39}
## 25 Other types of multiclausal constructions

Second, gerundive clauses (§16.6.1.3) are an alternative possibility to indicate a background event or state occurring concurrently with the event of the main clause, as in (65), though in some cases gerunds express manner rather than temporal overlap (§25.4).

(65) *nwnw p̱w-nwɣ-me*   *rwtci, nʷ kuŋγ ku-χse*   *pʷ-ra.*
DEM IPFV-APPL-fear[III] LNK DEM also IPFV-feed[III] SENS-be.needed
tce [sɣz-nwɣ-mu-ɣmu] zo ku-χse pʷ-ra.
LNK GER-APPL-fear EMPH IPFV-feed[III] SENS-be.needed
'Even though itᵢ is afraid of itⱼ, itᵢ has to feed itᵢ, and itⱼ has to feed itᵢ
while being afraid of itᵢ.' (24-ZmbrWpGa) {0003628#S100}

### 25.3.4.3 Opportunity

The postposition *kaz* 'while ... still' (and its variant *kaznɣ*; its etymology is discussed in §5.8.3) has a meaning close to that of Chinese *趁着 <chènzhe>* 'while ... still', 'taking the opportunity of...'. It requires a finite clause as in (66) and (67).

(66) *icqʰa*   *tw-ndżi*   *nʷ ni, [yʷrŋi]*   *kaznɣ*
the.aforementioned INDEF.Poss-skin DEM FILLER be.wet:FACT while
*nwnw nwnwtcu pjw-tšwβ-nʷ tce tce*
DEM DEM:LOC IPFV-sew-PL LNK LNK
'They would sew the skin while it was still wet.' (06-BGa) {0003408#S76}

The transitive verb *naχtʰŋβ* 'seize the opportunity' can select as object a finite clause or a participial clause with a similar meaning: in (67), both constructions redundantly occur.

(67) *nwẓora tce ki*   *pʷ-nwẓwβ kaznɣ, [kʷ-nwẓwβ]*   *nʷ*
2PL LNK DEM.PROX SENS-sleep while SBJ:PCP-sleep DEM
*ky-naχtʰŋβ-nʷ*   *tce, jɣ-pʰɣo-nʷ*
IMP-take.the.opportunity-PL LNK IMP-flee-PL
'Flee while this one [the ogre] is sleeping.' (160706 poucet6) {0006109#S78}

## 25.4 Manner clauses

### 25.4.1 Serial verb construction

The main function of serial verb constructions (§25.1.5) in Japhug is to express manner. The most grammaticalized serial constructions involve deideophonic and similative verbs.
Serial verbs constructions can themselves occur as complements of a single complement-taking verb, resulting in a multiclausal complement (§24.2.4).

### 25.4.1.1 Deideophonic verbs

Deideophonic verbs (§20.9) commonly occur in serial verb constructions. The transitive deideophonic verb *nudruß* ‘gore again and again’ for instance, is only attested in serial construction with *tcʰu* ‘gore, stab’ as in (68). The ideophonic verb can either follow (68) or precede the main verb (69), the latter construction being by far more common.

(68) **icqʰa** *srwnmw nʷ to-tcʰu to-nuudruß* tce
the.aforementioned râkshasî DEM IFR-gore IFR-repeatedly.gore LNK
*pjy-sat*
IFR-kill
'[The rhinoceros] gored the râkshasî repeatedly and killed her.'
(28-smAnmi) {0004063#S381}

(69) *srwnmw nʷ to-nuudruß* zo to-tcʰu
râkshasî DEM IFR-repeatedly.gore EMPH IFR-gore
'[The rhinoceros] gored the râkshasî repeatedly and killed her.' (elicited
on the basis of 68)

### 25.4.1.2 Similative verbs

The similative verbs *stu* ‘do like’ and *fse* ‘be like’<fnref n="7" /> commonly occur in a serial verb construction to indicate the way in which the action takes place. They are always the first verb of the series.

The ditransitive verb *stu* (§14.4.2) is found with transitive verbs, and shares its subject and object with them, as shown by (70) (generic transitive subject) and (71) (3PL→1SG).

(70) [u̯-ru nʷ ki tú-wy-stu] [pjú'-wy-qlu̯t]
3SG.POSS-stalk DEM DEM:PROX IPFV-INV-do lik IPFV-INV-break
'One breaks its stalk like this.' (14-tasa) {0003510#S76}

In addition, in some cases it takes the orientation of the other verb (EASTWARDS in 71), rather than its intrinsic orientation (UPWARDS as in 70).

<footnote n="7">⁷I adopt the term “similative verb” (Creissels 2017b) rather than “manner deixis verbs” that I used in previous publications, since these verbs do not express deixis on their own, and require a demonstrative.</footnote>
(71) [azo kuki ntsu kú-wy-stu-a-nu] tce,
1SG DEM:PROX always IPFV-INV-do like-1SG-PL LNK
[kú-wy-znukʰrʊm-a-nu]
IPFV-INV-punish-1SG-PL
‘They tortured me like this.’ (Gesar)

The demonstratives *ki* and *kuki* in (70) and (71) are semi-objects that are not
shared with the other verb.

With intransitive verbs, *fse* ‘be like’ is used instead of *stu*. It shares its intrans-
sitive subject with the other verb, as shown by (72) where both *fse-a* and *ndzur-a*
have 1SG indexation.

(72) az̥o nũu snicɛr zo kutcʊu [ki fse-a]
1SG DEM night.and.day EMPH here DEM:PROX be lik e:FACT-1SG
[ndzur-a] ntsu̥ pũra tce
stand:FACT-1SG always SENS-be.needed like
‘I have to stand like this night and day.’ (The divination, 2002)
{0003364#S44}

There are cases when *fse* rather than *stu* occurs with transitive verbs, and which
could superficially appear to be cases of serial verb constructions with transitiv-
ity mismatch. In (73) the transitive verb *nučʰymda* ‘drink with a straw’ is preceded
by *fse*, with 1PL coreference between the object of the former and the intransitive
subject of the latter.

(73) tʰu̥-rgyɛz-i, sna nũ-me-j tce [ki tɔ̥-fse-j]
AOR-be.old-1PL be.good AOR-not.exist-1PL LNK DEM.PROX AOR-be lik e-1SG
tce [cʰú-wy-nučʰymda-j] cti
LNK IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-INV-drink.with.a.straw-1SG be.AFF:FACT
‘Now that we have become old and useless, we became like this, they
drink our [blood] with straws (planted in our back).’ (2005 Norbzang)

However, note that although *tɔ̥-fse-j* and *cʰú-wy-nučʰymda-j* share one argu-
ment, their TAME category is different, and the two clauses constitute a simple
case of coordination rather than a serial verb construction: *ki tɔ̥-fse-j* means ‘we
became like this’ rather than ‘(they treated) us like this’. The corresponding gen-
uine serial verb construction is shown by (74), where *nučʰymda* occurs with *stu*
as expected, and the two verbs have the same person-number configuration and
TAME category (like 71 and 70 above).
(74) tʰu̯-tw̯-rgɣz tce [ki tú̯-wy̯-stu]
AOR-2-be.old LNK DEM.PROX 2-INV-do.like:FACT
[tú̯-wy̯-nwcʰɣmda] cti tce,
2-INV-drink.with.a.straw:FACT be.AFF:FACT LNK

'When you become old, they will drink you (your blood) like this with a
straw (planted on your back)' (2012 Norbzang) {0003768#S58}

Some non-deideophonic verbs expressing manner such as *nyxeyt* ‘do with force’ (like its Tshobdun cognate *nwſefet* ‘exert oneself’, Sun 2012: 490–491) can also be used in a serial verb construction.

### 25.4.1.3 Other verbs of manner

Other verbs of manner can also occur in a serial construction, for instance the distributed action verb *amuzyut* ‘be evenly distributed’ (examples 178 and 179, §18.7) or atelic motion verbs like *ŋke* ‘walk’ (19, §15.1.2.1) or *nuqambumbjom* ‘fly’ (example 65, §19.4).

### 25.4.1.4 Simultaneous action

Serial verb constructions can be used to describe a secondary action simultaneous with the main action, optionally marked with the emphatic *zo* (§26.1.1.5) as *pjy-sŋur* ‘it was snoring’ in (75).

(75) pjy-sŋur zo pjy-nwzwβ cti ma, maka zo
IFR.IPFV-snore EMPH IPFV.IFR-sleep be.AFF:FACT LNK at.all EMPH
mw-pjy-swχsvl.
NEG-IFR-realize

‘[The aquatic monster] was snoring in its sleep, and did not notice anything.’ (140508 benling gaoqiang de si xiongdi-zh) {0003935#S185}

### 25.4.1.5 Degree

Serial constructions can also describe the degree, intensity or extent of an action (§26.1.3), even for non-gradable predicates. In these constructions, the verb describing the main action or state is in the first position, and a stative verb of degree (such as *arco* ‘be finished’, *tcohəm* ‘be too much’ or *rtaŋ* ‘be enough’) occurs in second position, as in (76).
(76) wuma zo kw-tso nwra nw-si-nw nw-arco-nw
really EMPH SBJ:PCP-understand DEM:PL AOR-die-PL AOR-be.finished-PL
cti
be.AFF:FACT
‘The [elders] who knew [traditional stories] really well have all died.’
(conversation, 2016-03-20)

25.4.2 Manner converbs

Infinitive converbial clauses (§16.2.1.7) can indicate the manner of the action of
the main clause, or a background event. The converb can be optionally followed
by the ergative *kw* and/or the emphatic *zo* (§26.1.1.5), as in (77) and (78).

(77) [k-rfɔ:ŋ] (kw) (zo) jo-ce
INF-run ERG EMPH IFR-go
‘He went running.’ (elicited)

(78) tce kwcɔŋgɔ ji-si nwra [kty-fkur]
LNK in/former.times 1PL.POSS-WOOD DEM:PL INF-carry.on.the.back
kfa kw jú-wy-sw-vzyw-t-nw pw-ra.
completely ERG IPFV-INV-CAUS-reach-PL PST.IPFV-be.needed
‘In former times, one used to transport firewood exclusively by carrying
it on one’s back.’ (140430 tWfkur) {0003898#S19}

The converb is often in negative form, meaning ‘without ...ing’ as in (79) and
(80).

(79) [ɔ-yi ra nw-m-y-k-y-swz] nw rŋɔl nw jy-mbi.
3SG.POSS-relative PL 3PL.POSS-NEG-INF-know DEM silver DEM IFR-give
‘She_i gave him money without her_i relatives knowing (about it).’
(28-qajdoskAt) {0003718#S161}

(80) tɔ-mu nw kw rcanw, maka zo mɔ-kɔ-rwswɔso kw
INDEF.POSS-mother DEM ERG UNEXP:DEG at.all EMPH NEG-INF-think ERG
to-nɔla
IFR-agree
‘The woman accepted without thinking at all.’ (150907 yingning-zh)
{0006264#S113}

The manner infinitive clauses can express the degree of the state or action in
the main clause, as in (81) and (82).
(81) [tw-mpa>w k-y-c> m-y-k-y-s-y-c^ha] zo m>ym
GENR.POSS-eye INF-open NEG-INF-PROP-can EMPH hurt:FACT
'[This disease] hurts so much that one cannot open one's eyes.'
(25-kACAI) {0003640*S32}

(82) βzw nw kw [tcʰi k-y-c^ha] zo to-nwrdok ny to-nwrdok
mouse DEM ERG what INF-can EMPH IFR-collect ADD IFR-collect
'The mouse collected as much [fruits] as it could.' (IWlu 2002)
{0003361*S32}

The stative/impersonal infinitives in ku- are also used as converbs for some anticausative verbs, modal auxiliary and existential verbs (§16.2.1.7) as in (83), and some have become lexicalized as adverbs (§16.2.1.8).

(83) nw [tw-ja>w k-y-lyt m-y-kw-ra]
DEM GENR.POSS-had INF-release NEG-INF:STAT-be-needed
tw-ci kw cʰw-sw-mtcw>r
INDEF.POSS-water ERG IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-CAUS-turn
pw-n>gr>l
PST.IPFV-be-usually.the.case
'The water would make the [toy waterwheel] turn without needing to use one's hand.' (08-kWmtChW) {0003452*S20}

In addition, gerundive clauses (§16.6.1.3), which are used to describe actions that are simultaneous with that of the main clause (§25.3.4.2), occur in clauses that express manner more than temporal overlap, as in (84).

(84) [kutcu s-y-mtsw~mtsw>r ku-r>y>it-a tce, jis>ni ndy
DEM.PROX:LOC GER-be.hungry IPFV-stay-1SG LNK today ADVERS
tumw>kw>mpci kw p>u>-wy>-nw-mbi-a cti
heaven ERG AOR:DOWN-INV-AUTO-give-1SG be.AFF:FACT
'I am hungry while staying here, but today the heavens have sent me down [these humans to eat].' (2012 Norbzang) {0003768*S250}

## 25.5 Causality

### 25.5.1 Consequence

The only specific marker of consequence is the linker núndza 'for this reason' (85).
25 Other types of multiclausal constructions

(85) *w*-mtw *y}*zu tce, tce *núndza* qapy*mtwmtw
3SG.POSS-crest exist:SENS LNK LNK for this.reason hoopoe
tu-ti-*nw* *pu*-ŋu
IPFV-say-PL SENS-be
'It has a crest, and for this reason it is called 'hoopoe'.'
(23-qapGAmtWmtW) {0003608*S19}

This linker results from the fusion (§5.1.1.5) of the noun *w*-ndza 'cause' used in
causal clauses (§25.5.2) with the distal demonstrative *nw* in anaphoric function
'the reason of (the preceding sentence)' (§6.9.1).<fnref n="8" />

However, consequence is more generally simply indicated by the linkers tce
and/or qʰe (§25.1.6), as illustrated by (86).

(86) tcʰem pw-cti-a qʰe tɣ-tcw ra nw-cki
girl-DIM PST.IPFV-be-1SG LNK INDEF.POSS-son PL 3PL.POSS-DAT
ku-r a múj-naz-a qʰe kɣ-ɣy-cu-fka
IPFV-stay-1SG NEG:SENS-dare-1SG LNK INF-REFL-CAUS-be.full
pw-pw-naz-a
NEG-PST.IPFV-dare-1SG

'As I was a little girl, I did not dare to stay at a boy's place, and thus did
not dare to eat my fill.' (17-lhazgron)

25.5.2 Cause

The causal linker *matçi* ‘because’ is the main way to indicate cause in Japhug. In
this construction, it is not clear which clause is the main clause, since the linker
can be prosodically linked to both the preceding, or the following one, even with
a pause after *matçi* as in (87). The clause preceding *matçi* expresses the result/
consequence (consequence clause), and the one following it the cause (causal
clause).

(87) ma nwnw kʰro mɣ-sɣ-mto. matci pw-xtci.
LNK DEM much NEG-PROP-see:FACT because SENS-be.small
'That [species of ant] is barely visible, because it is [so] small.' (26-qro)
{0003682*S79}

<footnote n="8">⁸The phrase *numu w-ndza* without vowel fusion is also found in exactly the same context in the same text.</footnote>
Example (88) cannot be analyzed as an attestation of a preposed *matçi* causal clause, since the clause that follows *qʰe w-yli d-y̮n* is a redundant consequence clause (§25.5.1), repeating the real consequence clause *paq yu w-yli d-y̮n*, which is located in the expected place before the linker *matçi*.

(88) *paq yu w-yli d-y̮n* [*matci m-y-ndze z-o-pig GEN 3SG.POSS-manure be.many:FACT because NEG-eat[III]:FACT EMPH me]* [qʰe w-yli d-y̮n-notuezFACT LNK 3SG.POSS-manure be.many:FACT]

‘Pigs create a lot of manure because they eat anything, and so they create a lot of manure.’ (05-paR) {0003400#S98}

The shorter form *ma*<fnref n="9" /> can also mark cause as in (89). However, *ma* has many additional functions, including marking precautioning (§25.5.6), adversative (§25.6.1) and expletive (§25.6.3) clauses.

(89) *w-jwaq n-w (...) tu-ost-yko z-o m-y-cʰa ma m-pw. 3SG.POSS-leaf DEM IPFV-be.straight EMPH NEG-can LNK be.soft:FACT*

‘Its leaves do not grow straight (i.e. they hang down), as they are soft.’

(07-kWmCku) {0003428#S12}

Alternatively, the relator noun *w-ndza* ‘cause’ (§8.3.6.2, §24.6.3.5) with ergative (and/or locative) postpositions can serve to build causal clauses, as in (90).
In some rare cases, *w-ndza*-clauses can have a purposive meaning (example 214, §24.6.3.5).

(90) [“nyzo w-rwz y-yzu” ty-tw-t-a-2SG 3SG.POSS-supernatural.power exist:SENS AOR-say[II]-1SG w-ndza] zw kw a-pa a-ma ni 3SG.POSS-reason LOC ERG 1SG.POSS-father.HON 1SG.POSS-mother.HON DU kw “mtsʰukʰa w-ngw tce (...) tyrca pw-ce ma ERG lake 3SG.POSS-in LOC together IMP:DOWN-go apart.from m-y-jy-y” NEG-be.allowed:FACT

‘Because I said that you had supernatural powers (§24.2.5.2), my parents [said] ‘go together with him into the lake.’ (Nyima wodzer 2003.2)’

<footnote n="9">⁹The two forms are historically related: *matçi* is probably a combination of *ma* with the additive topic marker *tçi* (§9.1.6.2).</footnote>
Instead of being marked with the ergative, the causal clauses can also serve as predicate of a copular construction (example 175, §21.5.1.4). Predicative causal clauses occur often standalone as in (91), without any overt clause expressing the result.

(91) [“n<u>u ma-t<u>y-t<u>u-ste,</u> n<u>u ma-t<u>y-t<u>u-fse</u>” tu-t<u>u-ti-n<u>u</u>] nd<u>za</u>
DEM NEG-IMP-2-do like[III] DEM NEG-IMP-2-be like IPFV-2-say-PL reason
<u>ηu</u> wo
be:FACT SFP

‘(If your son wants so much to see his grandparents), this is because you
(his parents always) tell him ‘Don’t act like that, don’t be like that.’
(unlike grandparents, who are more lenient).’ (conversation 16-08-11)

Apart from *ndza*, the relator nouns *u-tʰuri* ‘mercy’ and *u-xcɛrt* ‘strength’ can
also be used to indicate cause on both noun phrases (§8.3.6.2) and subordinate
clauses.

The noun *u-tʰurri* ‘mercy’ is specifically used to indicate beneficial actions
thanks to which a desirable result is obtained (92).

(92) [<guojia> kw ta-n<u>u</u>sm<u>yn</u>] u-tʰu<u>rri</u> tce tce (...) tʰam tce
country ERG AOR:3→3'-heal 3SG.POSS-mercy LNK LNK now LNK
<u>wuma zo</u> t<u>y</u>-pe-n<u>u</u>.
really EMPH AOR-be.good-PL

‘Thanks to the fact that [our] country[‘s government] has healed them,
(...) now they are much better.’ (140522 RdWrJAt) {0004061#S131}

The locution *X u-xcɛrt ku* Y with the ergative specifically means ‘do X so much/to the extent that Y’, as in (93), specifying not only that X is the cause of Y, but in addition that X was performed to/with a sufficiently high degree/ frequency/ to make the action/situation Y possible.<fnref n="10" /> More data on degree causal constructions is provided in §26.1.2.2.

(93) tsʰupa ci pj-tu tce tcendvɛ̃rə, [kʰu kw tý-wy-ndza-n<u>u</u>]
village INDEF IFR.IPFV-exist LNK LNK tiger ERG AOR-INV-eat-PL
<u>u-xcɛrt</u> kw t<u>y</u>-mu kytsa ci
3SG.POSS-strength ERG INDEF.POSS-mother COLL:family INDEF
pjv-ri-nd<i>zi</i> tce
IFR.IPFV-remain-DU LNK

‘There was a village, but a tiger had eaten them (i.e. the villagers) so that
only a mother and her daughter remained.’ (khu 2012) {0004085#S2}

<footnote n="10">¹⁰The locution *X u-xcɛrt ku* is reminds of French *à force de X*.</footnote>
### 25.5.3 Prerequisite

Prerequisite constructions do not express the direct cause of the action/situation in the main clause, but simply the basic conditions for that action or situation to be possible, like 既然<jìrán> 'since' in Chinese. This meaning is expressed by a clause in the Aorist as in (94), formally similar to a temporal clause (§21.5.1.4, §25.3.4.1).

(94) <huangdi> (...) tú-wy-su-ndo-a tzy-cʰa tzy-ŋu tce (...)
emperor IPFV-INV-CAUS-take-1SG AOR-can AOR-be LNK
<jiaohuang> nuw zgrwy tú-wy-su-ndo-a cʰa tce,
pope DEM certainly IPFV-INV-CAUS-take-1SG can:FACT LNK
c-tzy-ti ra
TRAL-IMP-go be.needed:FACT

'Since [the golden fish] has succeeded in making me emperor, he will certainly succeed in making me pope, go and tell him that.' (140430 yufu he tade qizi-zh) {0003900#S194}

The minimal clause *nuw tzy-ŋu tce* can have a prerequisite interpretation 'given these circumstances, in this case' as in (95).

(95) *nuw tzy-ŋu tce tce, si lú-wy-yŋjw, smi a-ty-wxti tce*
DEM AOR-be LNK LNK WOOD IPFV-INV-add fire IRR-PFV-be.big LNK
*ŋw-pʰyŋ*
SENS-be.efficient

'In this case, if one adds more wood, and the fire gets bigger, it should work.' (150827 taisui-zh) {0006390#S62}

### 25.5.4 Purposive clauses

Five main constructions are available in Japhug to express purpose.<fnref n="11" />

First, the purposive converb (§16.6.2) is a non-finite verb form dedicated to expressing the purpose of the action in the main clause. It is built by combining the prefix *sɣ(z)*- with a B-type preverb (§15.1.1.1), the reduplicated verb stem and a possessive prefix coreferent with one of the core arguments of the purposive clause (and almost always in negative form). Purposive converbs are productive: even denominal verbs of Tibetan origin such as *nutceʰomba* 'catch a cold' (96) can

<footnote n="11">¹¹This section does not include the participial clauses (§16.1.1.6) used as supine purposive clauses of motion verbs (§24.4.2.1).</footnote>
derive this type of converbs. However, they are barely attested in the Japhug
corpus, and simpler constructions are preferred to express purpose.

(96) a-tcwn ṇu-m-tu-syz-nwtcʰombu~mba tu~ŋga
1SG.POSS-SON 3SG.POSS-NEG-IPFV-PURP:CONV INDEF.POSS-clothes
kw̥-ja tɣ-ẓ-ŋga-t-a
SBJ:PCP-be.thick AOR-CAUS-wear-PST:TR-1SG

'In order to prevent my son from catching a cold, I made him wear heavy clothes.' (elicited)

Second, the verb *numga* ‘want from’ can be combined with an infinitival clause to express purpose, as in (97) to express the aim of the action in the main clause.

(97) tce [kupvz nw mw-ŋu-ky-βzu ky-numga], izvra,
LNK type.of.bug DEM NEG-IPFV-INF-grow INF-want.from 1PL
ji-mtʰum nwra <binggui> tu-χtu-j tce nw u-ŋgw ri
1PL.POSS-meat DEM:PL refrigerator IPFV-buy-1PL LNK DEM 3SG.POSS-in LOC
pjw-nuw-rku-j cti ma
IPFV-auto-put.in-1PL be.AFF:FACT LNK

'In order to prevent *kupvz* bugs from growing (in the meat), we buy refrigerators and put our meat in it.' (28-kWpAz) {0003714#S45}

The verb *numga* in this function is generally a velar infinitive *ky-*numga in converbial function (§16.2.1.7) as in (97) and (98a), but a finite verb is also possible (98b). The infinitival clause can be focalized, serving as the predicate of a copular construction in *ŋu* (98c).

(98) a. kurw-skýt ky-βzjoz ky-numga ku, mbarkʰom msvctṣa
Gyalrong-language INF-learn IN-want.from ERG TOPO until
jy-ye-a ŋu.
AOR-come[II]-1SG be:FACT

b. kurw-skýt ky-βzjoz ky-numga-t-a tce,
Gyalrong-language INF-learn AOR-want.from-PST:TR-1SG LNK
mbarkʰom msvctṣa jy-ye-a ŋu.
TOPO until AOR-come[II]-1SG be:FACT

'I came all the way up to Mbarkham to learn the Gyalrong language.'
(elicited)
c. mbarkʰom ju-yi-a nu, kuru-skýt kzjoz

TOPO IPFV-come-1SG DEM Gyalrong-language INF-learn

kthinmga ſu

INF-want.from be:FACT

‘(The reason why) I come to Mbarkham is to learn the Gyalrong language.’ (elicited)

Third, the relator noun *u-spa* ‘material’ (§16.1.3.10, §23.2.4) can take object (99) and subject (100) participial clauses with a purposive meaning. These constructions are to be analyzed as essive participial clauses (§24.4.2.2).

(99) turme ra ku u-<shipin> jo-lyt-nu tce [nuunu]

people PL ERG 3SG.POSS-video IFR-release-PL LNK DEM

u-kynmjo] u-spa jo-lyt-nu ſu-ŋu.

3SG.POSS-OBJ:PCP-watch 3SG.POSS-material IFR-release-PL SENS-be

‘People send him this video for him to watch it.’ (conversation 2019-02-26)

(100) [kuru-skýt u-kw-ßzjoz] u-spa, mbarkʰom

Gyalrong-language 3SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-learn 3SG.POSS-material TOPO

mctṣa jy-če-a ſu.

until AOR-come[II]-1SG be:FACT

‘I came all the way up to Mbarkham to learn the Gyalrong language.’

(elicited)

Essive participial clauses without *u-spa* can also have a purposive meaning, as in (101).

(101) ku-yγkav ra ku tu-ndo-nu. [nu-ku-qur] tu-ndo-nu

SBJ:PCP-hunt PL ERG IPFV-take-PL 3pl.POSS-SBJ:PCP-help IPFV-take-PL

pjy-ŋgryl.

IPFV.IFR-be.usually.the.case

‘(In former times), hunters would take [dogs] (on a hunt). They would take dogs to help them (i.e., as their helpers).’ (05-khWna) {0003398#S33}

Fourth, a biclausal construction comprising a clause containing a simulative verb (*fse* ‘be like’ or *stu* ‘do like’) in finite form with the interrogative pronoun (§6.5.1), and another finite clause *Y* linked by *tce*, specifically means ‘what should *X* do in order to *Y*’ as in (102a) and (102b).
25 Other types of multiclausal constructions

(102) a. iz̥o̥ra yu̥ tcʰi tu-fse-j tce ji-tw-ci
1PL GEN what IPFV-be like-1PL LNK 1PL.POSS-INDEF.POSS-water
ɣyɣu (...) tu-tw-tʰe w-túr-cʰa
exist:SENS IPFV-2-ask[III] QU-2-can:FACT

‘Can you ask for us what we [need to] do in order to have water?’
(said by villagers living in a desert where there is no water,
divination 2005)

b. numu̥ra ku̥ tcʰi a-ty-stu-nu̥ tce
DEM ERG what IRR-PFV-do like-PL LNK
nu̥-tw-ci yu̥zu?
3PL.POSS-INDEF.POSS-water exist:SENS

‘What should they do in order to have water?’ (divination 2005)

The clause in *fse* can be embedded within the clause *Y*, as shown by example
(5) (§25.1.4).

Fifth, purposive meaning can be expressed by a clause in the Irrealis (§21.4.1 with the adverb tceth'a 'later' as in (103). This type of construction resembles pre-cautioning clauses (§25.5.6), but with opposite polarity.

(103) lu-zyut cungw tce nuctu ku-γyrat-a tceth'a
IPFV:UPSTREAM-arrive before LNK DEM:LOC IPFV-throw-1SG later
a-m-y-l-y-zyut
IRR-NEG-PFV:UPSTREAM-arrive

‘Before it arrives, I will throw [the enchanted white stone], so that it
does not arrive.’ (25-kAmYW-XpAltCin) {0003642#S57}

Finally, clauses with the relator *u̥-ndza* ‘cause’ can also have a purposive interpretation (example 214, §24.6.3.5, which resembles causal clauses §25.5.2).

25.5.5 Justification clauses

Justification clauses (Lopes 2009) differ from strictly clausal clauses in that there
is no direct causal relationship between the main clause and the justification
clause. Rather, the truth value of the latter allows to make an inference concern-
ing the truth value of the latter.

In Japhug, there is no dedicated construction to express such meaning, and as
in many languages, the clausal linkers *ma* and *matci* (§25.5.2) can be used (104).
(104) cʰa tci ko-tsʰi matci lo-βzi cti ri
alcohol also IFR-drink LNK IFR-be.drunk be.AFF:FACT LNK
'He had also drunk alcohol, since he was drunk.' (140506 loBzi)
{0003923#S13}

The justification meaning is clearest when the verb of the main clause takes the Probabilitative *um*-(§21.7.2.1) or the Rhetorical Interrogative *uβrɣ-*(§21.7.3.3) prefixes with peg circumfix, and that in the clause following *ma* is in the Sensory, as in (105) and (106).

(105) cɛxco pɛnmawombɛr jo-nu-ɣi uŋr-yu-ŋu-nci ma, kʰa
these.days ANTHR IFR-VERT-come PROB-PEG-be-PEG LNK house
pwo-yo-kʰu-nw
SENS-have.smoke-PL
'Maybe Padma 'Od'bar came back in the last few days, since there is
smoke coming out from their house.' (2012 Norbzang) {0003768#S193}

(106) jwfcwcɛr uβrɣ-pw-tu-nuZWβ-ci ma nɣ-mpaɣ pwo-yuwrni
last.night RH.Q-PST.IPFV-2-sleep-PEG LNK 2SG.POSS-eye SENS-be.red
'It seems that you did not sleep (well) last night, since your eyes are red.'
(elicit)

The use of *ma* as a sentence final particle with the modal tenses (§10.4.4) pos-
sibly originate from constructions as in (105) and (106) with elided justification
clauses.

25.5.6 Precautioning clauses

Precautioning constructions comprise a clause describing an undesirable result, and another clause referring to a measure that can be taken to prevent this result. The precautioning meaning can be expressed with a negative purposive clause (§25.5.4); in particular, purposive converbs, which are almost always in negative forms (§16.6.2), could be described as a type of precautioning clauses.

However, the most common way of expressing precautioning meaning in Ja-
phug is by coordinating a clause in the Irrealis (§21.4.1), the Imperative (§21.4.2)
or the Prohibitive (§21.4.3) indicating the preventive measure, with a clause in
the Factual Non-Past (§21.3.1) referring to the undesired event. The two clauses
are coordinated by the linker *ma* (107) and/or the adverb *tʰa* ‘later’ or *tcoetʰa*, as
illustrated by (108) and (109), a crosslinguistically common strategy to express
precautioning meaning (Angelo & Schultze-Berndt 2016).
## 25 Other types of multiclausal constructions

(107) ma-jy-tu-ce ma tu-ndzaβ
NEG-IMP-2-go LNK 2-ACAUS:cause.toCommander.toeDown:FACT
'Don't go (to the temple on the mountain to do circumambulations), you
might fall down.' (conversation, conversation 15-12-05)

(108) n<u>u</u> kʰamba ma-ty-βze-a ra ma tce
DEM lie NEG-IMP-make[III]-1SG be.needed:FACT LNK LNK
<lishijizai> pj<u>u</u>-tu-βze cti tcetʰa, n<u>u</u>nu rcan<u>u</u>
history record IPFV-2-make[III] be:AFF:FACT LNK later
<u>&lt;zuzubeibei&gt;</u> ku y<u>u</u>-nymqe-a-n<u>u</u>.
generations ERG INV-scold:FACT-1SG-PL
'I musn't tell lies, as you are making a historical record, and the past
generations would scold me.' (27-kikakCi) {0003700#S208}

(109) a-m-tʰu-sta ma tcetʰa ju-n<u>u</u>-ce cti
IRR-NEG-PFV-wake LNK later IPFV-VERT-go be.AFF:FACT
'May she not wake up (Don't wake her up), otherwise she will go away.'
(150818 muzhi guniang-zh) {0006334#S103}

There is no categorical requirement for the first clause to contain a modal TAME category. In (110), we find instead the negative form mশ-пе 'it is not good' with a non-finite clause that can either be interpreted as a stative infinitive ('it is not good (if) they are thin') or a subject participle ('the thin ones are not good').

(110) ro<b>re</b> n<u>u</u> kumv [wuma zo ku-xtsʰu<u>m</u>] mশ-pe ma
fence.rail DEM also really EMPH INF:STAT-be.thin NEG-be.good LNK
tce pj<u>u</u>-ql<u>u</u>t-n<u>u</u>.
LNK IPFV-break-PL

'As for fence rails also, it is not good [where they are] too thin, otherwise [the hybrid yaks in the cowshed] will break them.' (150902 mkhoN) {0006300#S38}

## 25.6 Other constructions

### 25.6.1 Adversative

#### 25.6.1.1 Concession

The most common way of expressing concession is the linker tceri 'but, however', which can occur in sentence-initial position, after a pause as in (111).
(111) *w-βri* nwra *qapri w-βri* wuma zo pw-fse,
3SG.POSS-body DEM:PL snake 3SG.POSS-body really EMPH SENS-be like
w-rme ri kw-tu maŋe. tceri w-mvlyjaŋ
3SG.POSS-hair also SBJ:PCP-exist notSKI:SENS LNK 3SG.POSS-limb
γyzu.
exist:SENS

[The gecko's] body looks a little bit like the body of a snake, and it too
has no hair. However, it has limbs.' (28-tshAwAre) {0003722#S7}

The shorter variant *ri*<fnref n="12" /> is also used to indicate concession (112) when used between coordinated clauses. When *ri* follows noun phrases or complement clauses, it is a different marker, either that of additive focus ‘also’ as in (111) above (§9.1.6.2, §25.6.2) or a locative postposition (§8.2.4.1).

(112) kuwu nw izo kutcu ji-zimkʰym tce tu
bearded.vulture DEM 1SG DEM.PROX:LOC 1PL.POSS-region LOC exist:FACT
ri m-dын
LNK NEG-be.many:FACT
'Bearded vultures are found here in our region, but not many.'
(2011-08-kuwu)

The linker *ma* also has a concessive meaning in some contexts, as in (113).
This function possibly derives from its use as an expletive postposition mean-
ing ‘apart from’ (§8.2.8, §25.6.3).

(113) *qaliaŋ nɔ* to-z-nwymaz ma k-sat nɔ mɔ-pjers-cʰa
eagle DEM IFR-CAUS-have.a.wound LNK INF-kill DEM NEG-IFR-can
‘He wounded the eagle, but could not kill it.’ (150902 hailibu-zh)
{0006316#S19}

The topic marker *ndʒre* (§9.1.5.3) can also indicate adversative meaning, with
scope overt one constituent of the sentence, in (114) over an infinitival clause.

<footnote n="12">¹²The form *tceri* is a combination of the linker *tce* with *ri*; the concessive meaning of *ri* itself possibly derives from its function as a locative postposition, used with a finite clause as a temporal subordinator as in (59) (§25.3.4.1).</footnote>
25 Other types of multiclausal constructions

(114) painku tci ndze, nua ka uci ndze. tce [twrme
pig ERG too eat[III]:FACT cow ERG too eat[III]:FACT LNK people
ky-ndza] ndre m-sna.
INF-eat CONTRAST:FOC NEG-be.good:FACT
‘Pigs eat it, cows eat it, but it is not good for people to eat.’
(17-ndZWnW) {0003524#S118}

In the register of traditional stories, the locution *jinbala* *zu* is also employed to mark adversative clauses as in (115). The linker *jinbala* is borrowed from Ti-betan 皇帝’s jin.pa.la, a non-finite form of the copula 皇帝’s jin ‘be’ which also has adversative meaning in the classical language.

(115) tce rfvlu pu nuf uuf-rga jinbala zu “e, a-tcu
LNK king DEM AOR-be.happy although LOC INTERJ 1SG.POSS-son
ki stvbetaht ci muf-cu-c ha ku” jy-su so tce
DEM.PROX contest INDEF NEG-APPREHENSIVE-can SFP IFR-think LNK
‘Although the king was happy (about that), he thought ‘I am worried
that my son will not win the contest.’ (2003 sras)

Finally, velar infinitive converbs (§16.2.1.7) with the ergative can have an adver-
sative interpretation, as in (116), where the converbial clause is better translated
by ‘although ...’ than ‘without...’.<fnref n="13" />

(116) “jy-yi” kwny my-ky-ti ku, “ny-rzaß yu-ku-bze-a”
IMP-come also NEG-INF-say ERG 2SG.POSS-wife CISL-IPFV-make[III]-1SG
to-ti, rfvlu pu nuf u-cki.
IFR-say king DEM 3SG.POSS-DAT
‘Although [the king had not] said ‘come’ (i.e. ‘without the king saying
‘come’), she told the king ‘I am coming to become your wife.’ (140511
yinzi-zh) {0003963#S21}

25.6.1.2 Rectification

The negative copula maь ‘not be’ followed by the ergative kuь negates the first
clause (A), and indicates that the events described by following clause(s) B in-
stead are true. The meaning of this construction can be glossed ‘not A, but rather
B’ as in (117).

<footnote n="13">¹³In the Chinese original, …便主动要求嫁给国王 <biàn zhūdòng yāoqiú jiàgèi guówáng> ‘... and she asked to marry the king of her own initiative’, what corresponds to the converbial clause is the adverb <主动> <zhūdòng> ‘of ...’s own initiative’. This construction cannot be a calque.</footnote>
(117) kwjka nunw swŋgw cʰiz c-ku-rɣloks pɔ-mak
chough DEM forest APPROX:LOC TRAL-IPFV-make.nest SENS-not.be
kw, (...) kuxtco w-mbe w-ŋgw ri ku-rɣloks
ERG basket 3SG.POSS-old.one 3SG.POSS-in LOC IPFV-make.nest
‘The chough does not go in the forest and makes a nest there, but rather
makes a nest (...) in old baskets, (...)’ (22-CAGpGa) {0003586#S45}

The adversative additive adverb *mýryz* ‘instead’, ‘on the contrary’ (and its
variant *mýryz nr*), semantically similar to Chinese 反而 <fǎn’ér> ‘instead’, specif-
ically indicates an undesirable result that occurs contrary to expectation instead
of the intended result.

The clause expressing the intended result can take the comparative postposi-
tion (standard marker) *sɣz* ‘compared with’ (§8.2.7), as in (114).

(118) pjɔ-kw-nwβlu-a tce, nunw kw-pʰy n syzny, mýryz
IFR-2→1-cheat-1SG LNK DEM SBJ:PCP-be.efficient COMP instead
a-mpʰwz w-ntcʰw r pa-nw-pʰw t
1SG.POSS-bottom 3SG.POSS-piece AOR:3→3'-AUTO-take.off
‘You cheated me, not only was [your healing method] not efficient [to
treat my illness], but it took off a chunk of my bottom. (140427 qala cho
kWrtsAG) {0003852#S40}

In most cases however, *mýryz* occurs without any additional marker, as in
(119).

(119) cvr tce zŋgri nɔ w-nɔrzaβ zo tce tɔ-kɔrme cʰů-wɣ-rɔci
night LOC star DEM AOR-marry EMPH LNK GENR.POSS-hair IPFV-INV-pull
ri, cʰů-kw-zri maŋe, mýryz pɔ-mŋy m a.
LNK IPFV-PCP:SBJ-be.long not.exist:SENS instead SENS-hurt SFP
‘In the night when there was a shooting star, we pulled our hair
(thinking that our hair would grow longer), but not only did [our hair]
not grow longer, [but the only thing that it did was] it hurt.’
(29-mWBZi) {0003728#S98}

25.6.1.3 Evidential rectification

The Aorist *tɔ-mda* (§21.5.1) of the verb *mda* ‘be the time’, without complement clause, and following a clause with the adversative linker *ri*, has the special meaning ‘actually’, ‘it turns out that…’, ‘but in fact …’. It is specifically used when a
25 Other types of multiclausal constructions

referent realizes that that the reality (the rectification clause) was different from
his/her/its original belief or expectation.

This construction is common in stories translated from Chinese, as in (120) and (121), where *tɣ-mda* corresponds to the Chinese linkers 结果 <jiéguǒ> ‘in the end’ or 原来 <yuánlái> ‘it turns out that’.<fnref n="14" />

(120) <u>huangshang</u> nʷ kʷ ko-m tce to-rtoKenn ri, nykinu,
emperor DEM ERG IFR-catch LNK IFR-look LNK FILLER
**tɣ-mda** tce, nʷnu nyki, совсок kʷ-qarŋe kʷ
AOR-be.the.time LNK DEM FILLER paper SBJ:PCP-be.yellow ERG
**tɣ-kɣ-βzu** pjγ-cti.
AOR-OBJ:PCP-make IFR.IPFV-be.AFF

[Wang Taichang, was accused of holding an imperial robe, a crime punishable by death] The emperor, [had] him arrested, but when he examined [the so-called imperial robe], it turned out that it was [just] made of yellow paper.' (150909 xiaocui-zh) {0006386#S86}

The rectification clause is always in the Inferential (§21.5.2), not only in nar-
ration as in (120), but also when reflecting the point of view of the speaker as in
(121). It can be used with the mistaken expectation construction (§21.7.5.1).

(121) aẓo “nʷ cʷ tʷ-ŋu kʷ” nʷ-suwo-t-a ri, tɣ-mda
1SG DEM who 2-be:FACT SFP AOR-think-PST:TR-1SG LNK AOR-be.the.time
tce nykinu, a-ftsa pjγ-tu-ŋu
LNK FILLER 1SG.POSS-ZCh IFR.IPFV-2-be

‘I was wondering who you were, but it turns out that you are my
nephew!’ (150907 yingning-zh) {0006264#S68}

The adverb *təmdaŋə* ‘actually’ in Tshobdun (Sun & Blogros 2019: 44;802) is
probably grammaticalized from a cognate construction.

25.6.2 Addition

25.6.2.1 Neutral addition

Neutral additive constructions describe events that are related but for which neither a temporal sequence, a causal nor a hierarchical relationship can be assumed. This type of meaning can be expressed by coordinated clauses (§25.1.6) with the linkers tce or qʰe as in (122) or parataxis (123).

<footnote n="14">¹⁴For instance, the original of (121) is 原来是我的外甥来了 <yuánlái shì wǒ de wàishēng láile> ‘it turns out that (the one who came, you) is my nephew’.</footnote>
(122) zara χswm ma pjγ-me-nw tce tcendre nw-nwŋa
they three apart from IFR.IPFV-not.exist-PL LNK LNK 3PL.POSS-COW
ci pjγ-tu.
INDEF IFR.IPFV-exist
‘There were only the three of them, and they had a cow.’ (07-deluge)
{0003426#S3}

(123) w-pʰoŋbu ra pwo-wxti, pwo-tsʰu zo.
3SG.POSS-body PL SENS-big SENS-fat EMPH
‘Its body is big and fat.’ (26-GZo) {0003668#S12}

A more specific way to indicate neutral addition is the comitative cʰo ‘and, with’ and its variants cʰondyre and cʰonɛ́ (§8.2.5), which are used as a clause linkers in addition to its function as noun phrase coordinator.

(124) mbro szyңx pwo-wxti. pwo-mbro cʰo pwo-wxti.
horse comp SENS-be.big SENS-be.high COMIT SENS-be.big
‘It is larger than a horse. Higher and larger.’ (19-rNamoN) {0003552#S12}

The comitative cʰo can follow the linkers qʰe and tce when used to link clauses as in (125), but notice that the emphatic marker (§26.1.1.5) and the linker zo qʰe are repeated in both the clause preceding cʰo and the one following it.

(125) tce nw w-ryi a-m-ce ra ma
LNK DEM 3SG.POSS-grain IRR-NEG-PFV:DOWN-go be.needed:FACT LNK
pjw-tsyi m-cʰa tce tcendre a-nw-yci zo qʰe
IPFV-be.rotten NEG-can:FACT LNK LNK IRR-PFV-get.wet EMPH LNK
cʰo ftcar a-kv-ndzɔk zo qʰe li tu-łɔk
COMIT summer IRR-PFV-ACAUS:attach EMPH LNK again IPFV-come.out
cti
be.AFF:FACT
‘One should not let its grains go into [the ground], because they cannot
rot, and when they get wet and the spring comes, they grow again.’
(08-qaJAGi) {0003458#S46}

The coordinated clauses do not need to have a completely parallel syntactic
structure: in (126), the clause preceding cʰo has an adjectival stative predicate,
while the second one contains an existential verb with the nominal kʰatɔk ‘varie-
gated’ (§5.2.2).
25 Other types of multiclausal constructions

(126) *w-ku* *nwra rcanw*, *wuma zo* *p̥w-mpcɛr* cʰo
3SG.POSS-head DEM:PL UNEXP:DEG really EMPH SENS-be.beautful COMIT
kʰatorov *zo* γγzu
variegated EMPH exist:SENS
'It's head, it is very beautiful, and variegated.' (24-qro) {0003626#S76}

25.6.2.2 Correlative addition

The correlative (§25.1.2) additive focus markers *tci* and *ri* (§9.1.6.2) follow noun
phrases in a series of two or more clauses in parataxis. The main verbs of these
clauses are often identical and redundant, but are not always necessarily so, as
in (127), where a clause with *tsʰi* ‘drink’ is conjoined with clauses with *ndza* ‘eat’
as main verb.

(127) [ca] *tci p̥w-ndze*, [cɛci] *tci p̥w-tsʰi*, [tɣ-lu
meat also SENS-eat[III] meat.stew also SENS-drink INDEF.POSS-milk
ta-mar] *tci p̥w-ndze*
INDEF.POSS-butter also SENS-eat[III]
'[Pigs] eat meat, slurp meat stew, and also eat butter and have milk.'
(05-paR) {0003400#S29}

These markers can also have scope over verbs, in the existential construction
as in (128) or with a modal auxiliary verb as main predicate as (129). The meaning
of this construction is ‘both X and Y’ when used with positive copulas or modal
verbs, and ‘neither X nor Y’ with negative ones.

(128) *kwroz* *kw-mum* *ri maŋe*, *kwroz*
specially SBJ:PCP-be.tasty also notuezENS specially
*mɣ-ku-ɣɣ-mpɣt* *ri maŋe* *qʰe*,
NEG-SBJ:PCP-FACIL-be.spoiled also notexist:SENS LNK
'[Scoring bread] neither [makes it] specially tasty nor really [prevents
it from] spoiling.' (160706 thotsi) {0006133#S26}

(129) tcendv̥re tu-rwɛmi ri mɣ-ku-kʰu, cʰu-nwriyo ri
LNK IPFV-speak also NEG-SBJ:PCP-be.possible IPFV-sing also
mɣ-ku-kʰu ci pɣ-k-ɣβzu-ci.
NEG-SBJ:PCP-be.possible INDEF IFR-PEG-become-PEG
'She became unable to speak and to sing.' (150819 haidenver-zh)
{0006314#S285}
### 25.6.2.3 Incremental addition

Four constructions meaning ‘not only ... but also ...’ (called in Chinese 递进复句 <dijin fùjù> ‘incremental complex clause’) are found in Japhug.

First, the locutions **ко alala ri** or **ко alala ma**, comprising the adversative topic marker **ко** (§9.1.5.3) and the adversative **ri** (§25.6.1.1), can express incremental addition as in (130).

(130) wzo [pjy-mpcyr] во alala ri, ryyo ri
3SG IPFV.IFR-be.beautful ADVERS not.only LNK song also
pjy-mkʰyz, tw-rjaj ri pjy-mkʰyz.
IFR.IPFV-be.expert NMLZ:ACTION-dance also IFR.IPFV-be.expert
'Not only was he good-looking, he was also very talented at singing and
dancing.' (160702 luocha-zh) {0006135#S4}

Second, the relator noun *u-txjuu* ‘addition’,<fnref n="15" /> from which the denominal verb *yyjuu* ‘add’ was originally derived, has the grammaticalized meaning ‘in addition to X’, ‘not only X, but also Y’ when used as clausal linker as in (131).

(131) [cw-mŋym] u-txju tce ny-syzonzon
CAUS-hurt:FACT 3SG.POSS-addition LNK SENS-cause.numbing.sensation
zo ny
EMPH be:FACT
'Not only does [nettle] hurt, it also causes a numbing sensation.' (140428
mtshalu) {0003878#S5}

The noun *u-txjuu* can also follow the demonstrative *nu* (§6.9.1), anaphorically referring to the preceding clause(s) (132).

(132) rfylpu nw kw wuma zo (...) tó-wy-raχtcyz,
king DEM ERG really EMPH IFR-INV-cherish
ŋý-wy-mgrun. tce nw u-txju tce tcendyre li
IFR-INV-receive.as.guest LNK DEM 3SG.POSS-addition LNK LNK again
icqʰa nw, u-rzaβ ra ny-car.
FILLER DEM 3SG.POSS-wife PL IFR-search
'The king (...) treated him well as a guest, and in addition found a wife
for him.' (140511 xinbada-zh) {0003961#S34}

<footnote n="15">¹⁵This form originates from an alienabilized abstract noun in ty- (§16.4.2.</footnote>
25 Other types of multiclausal constructions

Third, the locution *mɛra ma*, which is possibly grammaticalized from the negative form of the modal verb *ra* ‘be needed’, ‘be necessary’ (§24.5.3.1) with the adversative linker *ma* (§25.6.1.1), also has the same meaning as the constructions described above.

(133) *twtsye w-kw-βzu nw kw paχci mw-ŋv-mbi mɛra ma*
commerce 3SG.POSS-make DEM ERG apple NEG-IFR-give not only LNK
*nw svzny to-nvmqe tce jo-swv-ce.*
DEM COMP IFR-scold LNK IFR-CAUS-go
‘The merchant not only did not give him an apple, but scolded him and
sent him away.’ (150904 zhongli-zh) {0006348#S16}

Fourth, the form *mɛkwijy kwi*, from the negative participle or infinitive of either the modal auxiliary *jyjy* ‘be allowed’ (§24.5.3.1) or the phasal verb *jyjy* ‘finish’ (§24.5.6.2), also means ‘not only X, but’ as in (134).

(134) *tš-mtʰušm nwa tu-ndze mškwjy kwi, u-di*
INDEF.POSS-meat DEM:PL IPFV-eat[III] not only ERG 3SG.POSS-smell
*jw-cw-mnym*
SENS-CAUS-smell
‘Not only does [the mouse] eat meat, it also stinks it up.’ (27-spjaNkW)
{0003704#S187}

When the first clause is in negative form as in (133), the meaning of incremen-
tal additive construction is similar to the adversative additive construction with
*mýyryz* ‘instead’ ‘not only **¬X**’, but on the contrary **Y**’ (§25.6.1.2). The locution *nw
svz(ny)* ‘rather than that, instead’ can be added in the second clause.

These first three additive markers also found on noun phrases, instead of sub-
ordinate clauses (§9.1.6.3).

25.6.3 Excessive

25.6.3.1 la'ma 'apart from the fact that'

The postposition *lašma* ‘apart from the fact that’, which derives from the excep-
tive postposition *ma* ‘apart from’ (§8.2.8), cannot take a noun phrase, and requires
a finite clause instead, as in (135)
(135) tce [u̯-rqʰu nu̯ yu̯rni] laқma u̯-ŋg̤u nu̯
LNK 3SG.POSS-skin DEM be.red:FACT apart.from 3SG.POSS-inside DEM
sy̥ku cʰo p̥u-naχtewy-ndzi ri
white.birch COMIT SENS-be.the same-DU LNK

'Apart from the fact that its bark is red, its inside is the same as that of
the white birch.' (06-mbrAj) {0003414#S11}

The semantic scope of *laқma* can however be a noun phrase, if the verb in the
exceptive clause is repeated in the main clause, as in (136).

(136) [kɣ-kɣ-pu kɣ-kɣ-sqa kw-fse nwra
AOR-OBJ:PCP-bake AOR-OBJ:PCP-cook SBJ:PCP-be like DEM:PL
mɣ-ndze] laқma, nw w-ro nw lonba tu-ndze
NEG-eat:FACT apart.from DEM 3SG.POSS-rest DEM all IPFV-eat
cti.
be.AFF:FACT

'Apart from the fact that it does not eat food that has been baked or cooked, it eats everything else (=apart from cooked food, it eats everything else).' (19-GzW) {0003536#S11}

25.6.3.2 ṭḍimāṣṇy ‘at least’

The linker tɛ́ h imawny or tɛ́ h imaw, optionally combined with tsak ‘just, only’, occurs
in imperative or hortative sentences with the meaning ‘at least’. As illustrated
by (137) (where tsak occurs in one version of the story, and does not occur in
the other) and (138), tɛ́ h imawny is placed at the beginning of the clause, while tsak
either follows the verb or a constituent overt which it has scope.

(137) wortcʰi wojɣr zo tcʰimawny a-yi ra nw-pʰe
please please emph at.least 1SG.POSS-relative PL 3PL.POSS-DAT
cu̯-ryfcɣt-tci (tsak) ma tcetʰa yu̯-nuzdwy-a-nu̯
tral-tell:FACT-1DU just lNK later inv-worry.about:FACT-1SG-PL
'Please, at least let the two of us go and inform my relatives, otherwise
they will be worried about me.' (qachGa 2012) {0004087#S74}

(138) tcʰimaw “pwn-twn-χcwn” tsak tu-ti-a ma
at.least PST.IPFV-2-be.strong just IPFV-say-1SG LNK
‘I [should] at least say ‘thank you’.’ (2014-kWLAG)
The linker *tɛʰimaaŋɛr* is built from the interrogative pronoun *tɛʰi* ‘what’ (§6.5.1), the negative copula *maɛ>* ‘not be’ (§13.1.2) and the postposition *nɛ>* (§8.2.6). The original meaning of this locution was probably ‘whatever it is not’, with the free-choice indefinite function of *tɛʰi* (§6.6.6).

### 25.6.4 Disjunction

Exclusive disjunction is expressed by the linker *numaɛŋɛr*, either between the two alternative clauses as in (139) or in a correlative construction (§25.1.2), repeated before each clause (140).

(139) tce cʰi-βde-nu nmaɛŋy fsapaɛr p-mbi-nu
LNK IPFV-throw-PL otherwise animal IPFV-give-PL
ŋgrvl ma
be.usually.the.case:FACT LNK
‘(People uproot it and) either they throw it away, or give it to the animals (to eat).’ (12-Zmbroko) {0003490#S117}

(140) nmaɛŋy tú-wɣ-nu-xsuɛr, nmaɛŋy <ban> tú-wɣ-βzu tce.
otherwise IPFV-INV-AUTO-fry otherwise mix IPFV-INV-make LNK
‘People either fry it, or mix it in salad.’ (conversation 14-05-10)

The linker *numaɛŋɛr* ‘otherwise’ has stress on the second syllable (*numaɛ́naɛr*), and transparently comes from the demonstrative *nu* (§6.9.1), the copula *maɛ* ‘not be’ (§13.1.2) and the adposition *nɛ*, probably from what originally was the protasis of a conditional construction ‘if it is not’, with initial reduplication †*nug* *nug*~*maɛ* *nɛ* or Interrogative †*nug* ú-**maɛ** *nɛ* (§25.2.1, §12.4.1.2).

In questions, disjunction between several clauses can be express by adding the interrogative particle *ɛi* after each clause except the last, as in (141).

(141) χsvr rjyskyt u-taɛr tu-nu-ce ci, rŋuɛl rjyskyt u-taɛr
gold stairs 3SG.POSS-on 2-AUTO-go:FACT SFP silver stairs 3SG.POSS-on
tu-nu-ce ci, com rjyskyt u-taɛr tu-nu-ce ci, si
2-AUTO-go:FACT SFP iron stairs 3SG.POSS-on 2-AUTO-go:FACT SFP wood
rjyskyt u-taɛr tu-nu-ce?
stairs 3SG.POSS-on 2-AUTO-go:FACT
‘Will you go on the golden stairs, the silver stairs, the iron stairs, or the wooden stairs?’ (2005 Kunbzang)

Both *numaɛŋɛr* ‘otherwise’ and *ɛi* are only very rarely used with noun phrases instead of clauses (§9.2.3).
# 26 Degree and comparison

## 26.1 Absolute degree and intensifiers

This section describes the constructions available to express the absolute degree of a property of a referent, without standard of comparison.

All degree constructions can be used with the emphatic marker *zo*, either following a degree adverb, or in sentence-final position (§22.2.7).

### 26.1.1 Degree adverbs

Degree adverbs in Japhug are intensifiers meaning ‘really, much, very, a lot’. There is also a comparative degree adverb *mrzyu* ‘even more’ (treated in §26.2.3 below) and a superlative adverb *stu* ‘most’ (§26.4.1). There are no adverbs indicating a degree above or under a limit such as ‘too much’ or ‘not enough’; the degree nominal construction must be used instead to express this meaning (§26.1.2.1).

#### 26.1.1.1 wuma ‘real, really’

The most common intensifier in Japhug is *wuma* ‘really’, from Tibetan *སྤྱ་མ་* *no.ma* ‘real, true’. While marginally attested as a postnominal attribute meaning ‘real’ (§9.1.8.1), its most widespread function is to serve as clausal intensifier, with (1a) or without (1b) the emphatic marker *zo*.

(1) a. *nwa* pwo-fse tce wuma zo pwo-ngw-tci
DEM:PL SENS-be like LNK really EMPH SENS-be.poor-1DU
‘We are very poor like that.’ (divination)

b. *a-mu* cʰo wuma pwo-ngw-tci
1SG.POSS-mother COMIT REALLY SENS-be.poor-1DU
‘My mother and I are very poor.’ (divination)

The intensifier is not necessarily adjacent to the verb, and some constituents can be inserted, for instance absolutive nouns in essive function (§8.1.7) such as *turme* ‘as a person’ in (2).
(2) w-χti
nú wuma zo turme pe ma
3SG.POSS-companion DEM really EMPH person be.good:FACT LNK
‘Her husband is a very nice person.’ (‘he is very nice as a person.’)
(14-siblings) {0003508#S315}

The flexibility in the position of *wuma* can be useful to distinguish head-internal relatives from postnominal ones (§9.1.8.3, §23.4.3, §23.5.1.1).

The intensifier *wuma* is not restricted to adjectival stative verbs. It can be used with tropative verbs (§17.5) as in (3), but also modal verbs such as *cʰa* ‘can’ (§24.5.3.2) and action verbs that do not have an intrinsic degree parameter such as *ndza* ‘eat’ (4).

(3) tce nú tý-wy-tɔ́yt tce núŋa nú kwá wuma pɔ́u-nɔ́-mɛ́ yɔ́m
LNK DEM AOR-INV-take.out LNK COW DEM ERG really SENS-TROP-hurt
‘When one removes (the parasite by squeezing it out), the cow finds it
very painful.’ (25-zrW) {0003666#S26}

(4) maka tyci qaj nwa wuma zo ndze.
at.all barley wheat DEM:PL really EMPH eat[III]:FACT
'[The dove] eats wheat and barley a lot.' (22-CAGpGa) {0003586#S29}

When *cʰa* ‘can’ takes an infinite complement, *wuma* generally follows the com-
plement clause, as in (5), whereas with finite complements it is generally located
inside of the complement clause (6).

(5) [si k-pʰaɣ] wuma zo cʰa-a
tree INF-chop really EMPH can:FACT-1SG
‘I am very good at felling trees.’ (2011-10-qajdo)

(6) tɔ́-ji w-ŋgw zɔ́ tshʰyt w-yli nɔ́
INDEF.POSS-field 3SG.POSS-in LOC goat 3SG.POSS-manure DEM
cʰú-wɣ-y-lɔ́yt tce, [tɔ́-ryku wuma zo tu-sype]
IPFV-INV-release LNK INDEF.POSS-crops really EMPH IPFV-do.well
cʰa
can:FACT
‘If one spreads goat manure on the fields, it can make the crops (grow)
really well.’ (05-qaZo) {0003404#S28}

The intensifier *wuma* can be combined with *stʰuici* ‘so much’ (§5.8.4).
(7) nū fsapāk ra kū ndza-nū ri, wuma stʰuci m-nū.
DEM animal PL ERG eat:FACT-PL LNK really so.much NEG-like:FACT-PL
'The animals eat it, but don't like it so much.' (12-Zmbroko) {0003490#S97}

26.1.1.2 kʰro ‘much’

The adverbs *kʰro* ‘much’ and *zimkʰym* ‘much’ can serve as intensifiers of noun
phrases (§9.1.3.4) but can also have scope over the whole clause, in pre-verbal
position. Unlike *wuma* and *nustʰuci/kustʰuci* (§26.1.1.3), they are more often used
with action verbs, and can both refer to the quantity and intensity of actions
(‘much’, ‘a lot’) or to the time taken by the action (‘for a long time’), as in (8) and
(9), respectively.

(8) kʰro zo pjγ-ŋke pjγ-ra tcendγre, pjγ-nwzwβ.
much EMPH IFR.IPFV-walk IFR.IPFV-be-needed LNK IFR-sleep
‘He had had to walk a lot (on that day, was very tired), and fell asleep.’
(140430 yufu he tade qizi-zh) {0003900#S224}

(9) kʰro zo pγ-car ri mw-pjγ-mto
much EMPH IFR-search LNK NEG-IFR-see
'[The prince] looked for her for a long time, but could not find her.'
(140504 huiguniang-zh) {0003909#S181}

Both intensifiers can be reduplicated as *kʰu~kʰro* and *zu~zimkʰym* as in (10).

(10) zu~zimkʰym zo akyndwndyt zo pγ-nythuuthu
EMPH-much EMPH everywhere EMPH IFR-DISTR:ask
'[The bear] asked around [about the rabbit] everywhere for a long time.'
(2011-13-qala)

The adverb *zimkʰym* comes from ḫe-Imamān *zīj.kʰams* ‘country, universe’ (also bor-
rowed as the noun *zījkʰym* ‘country, realm’, sometimes also pronounced *zimkʰym*),
and its grammaticalization as an intensifier perhaps went through a semantic
change ‘universe’ ⇒ ‘in the whole universe, universally’ ⇒ ‘everywhere’ ⇒ ‘for
a long time; much’.

26.1.1.3 Demonstrative+stʰuци ‘so much’

The combination of anaphoric demonstratives (§6.9) with the adverbs stʰuци ‘so much’ and stʰamtçyt ‘so much’ (§5.8.4) expresses the meaning ‘so (much)’.
The demonstratives can be in free form, but can also merge with *stʰuci* and
*stʰamtcvt* into the degree adverbs *kustʰuci* ‘this much’ (11), *nustʰuci* ‘that much’,
*kustʰamtcvt* ‘this much’ and *nustʰamtcvt* ‘that much’ (12).

(11) a-rzaβ ri kustʰuci pwell-mpcyr, a-mbro ri 1SG.POSS-wife also so.much SENS-be.beautful 1SG.POSS-horse also kustʰuvi pw-zru, a-pytew ri kustʰuvi pw-mpcyr so.much SENS-be.strong 1SG.POSS-bird also so.much SENS-be.beautful ‘My wife is so beautiful, my horse so strong, my bird so beautiful.’ (2003 qachGa) {0003372#S119}

These degree adverbs can directly precede the verb as in (11), but can also occur
before the subject as in (12).

(12) tʰu-kw-ndzaβ nw to-ndzur qʰe, li pjy-rjak.
AOR-SBJ:PCP-ACAUS:cause.toasnack DEM IFR-stand LNK again IFR-dance
kusthamtcvt zo icqha u-fuli nw
that.much EMPH the.aforementioned 3SG.POSS-flute DEM
pjy-mpcyr.
IFR.IPFV-be.beautful
‘(The rich mani started dancing under the influence of the music and fell
down). The onei who had fallen down stood up and danced again. This
was the extent to which [the shepherd boy’s] flute [music] was beautiful.’
(‘his flute music was that beautiful’) (140513 mutong de disheng-zh)
{0003977#S149}

The demonstrative can anaphorically refer to a previous entity or a previous
clause, as in (12), where it is focalized.<fnref n="1" />

26.1.1.4 Unexpected degree

The unexpected/high degree marker *rcanw* or *rca* indicates that the situation or
action described by the predicate that follows is unexpected (13), intensifies to
a noticeable (and not foreseeable) extent (14) or occurs with a remarkably high
degree or intensity, with (15) or without (16) surprise.

<footnote n="1">¹Although from a text translated from Chinese, this sentence was added by Tshendzin and is not in the original.</footnote>
(13) wo nx̥o rcanu tcʰi p̥u-tw-n̥me ŋu ma, az̥o
INTERJ 2SG UNEXP:DEG what SENS-2-do[III] be:FACT LNK 1SG
tu-mu ku pw-ku-sw-χtci-a, tvndz̥o nu!
INDEF.POSS-sky ERG AOR-2→1-CAUS-wash-1SG cold SFP
‘You, what are you doing, you caused me to be drenched by the rain.’
(kWLAG 2014)

(14) to-k-yntmqaj-ndzi-ci tce rcanu, zwrwzri tce
IFR-PEG-RECIP:scold-DU-EVD LNK UNEXP:DEG progressively LNK
ko-k-yndundo-ndzi-ci,
IFR-PEG-RECIP:take-DU-PEG
‘They scolded each other and progressively started to fight,’ (IWlu2002)

(15) mbro rcanu w-xest ku-tw-tu zo nw-ntsʰyr
horse UNEXP:DEG 3SG.POSS-strength SBJ:PCP-EMPH~exist EMPH AOR-neigh
p̥u-nu,
SENS-be
‘The horse neighed with all his strength.’ (2003 qachGa) {0003372#S57}

The adverb *rcanu* is particularly common in the degree construction with a *tu*- degree nominal (§16.3), as in (16). In this particular construction, *rcanu* does not necessarily express unexpectedness.

(16) tce numu lwlu a-pu-me rcanu, βzw
LNK DEM cat IRR-IPFV-not.exist UNEXP:DEG mouse
u-tw-ŋyn saχaɣ.
3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.evil be.extrremely:FACT
‘If there are no cats, the mice are extremely fierce (cause a lot of
damages).’ (21-IWlu) {0003576#S32}

In addition to its function as a degree adverb, *rcanu* also contributes to information structure: it marks the constituent preceding it as a topic, and the part of the sentence following it as a focus.

### 26.1.1.5 Emphatic

The emphatic marker *zo* is one of the most common words in Japhug. It is never obligatory, but frequently occurs after all the intensifiers described above.

It is one of the few adverbs that can follow the main verb (§22.2.7, §23.3.6), in particular with the stative verb *saχaɣ* ‘be extremely’ as in (§17).
26 Degree and comparison

(17) *tyŋe u-rkʊ*
*ty-arnbat*
$qʰe u-tw-sy-cke$
sun 3SG.POSS-side AOR:UP-be.near LNK 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-PROP-burn
*pjy-saχaŋ*
*zo ri*
IFR.IPFV-beextremely EMPH LNK
‘When he approached the sun, it was extremely hot.’ (31-deluge)
{0004077#S110}

It also occurs after ideophones (§10.1.7) and deidephonic verbs (§20.9).

With personal pronouns, the emphatic *zo* can mean ‘by oneself’, as in (18)
(§6.4).

(18) *azo zo nwnu c-pjw-sat-a ra*
1SG EMPH DEM TRAL-IPFV-kill-1SG be.needed:FACT
‘I have to kill her myself.’ (140504 baixuegongzhu) {0003907#S113}

It also appears on various types of subordinate clauses, in particular man-
ner (including serial verb constructions §25.4.1.4 and converbial clauses §25.4.2,
§16.6.1.3), temporal (§16.6.3, §25.3.1), conditional (§25.2.3.3) and neutral addition
clauses (§25.6.2.1).

The emphatic marker may be historically related to the -zo stem of personal pronouns (§6.1) or, alternatively, be a cognate to the Tibetan particle w̌: jāŋ ‘also, even’.

26.1.2 Degree nominals

26.1.2.1 Monoclausal degree nominal construction

An alternative way to indicate the degree of a stative predicate is to use degree nominals (§16.3, §16.3.4) as intransitive subjects of degree verbs like *saχaŋ* ‘be extremely’, *svre* ‘be ridiculous’, ‘be extremely’ (19), *tɛʰom* ‘be too much’ (21) or *rtaŋ* ‘be enough’ (20). The TAME is expressed on the degree verb, which is always in 3SG (§14.2.7). Degree nominals can also serve as possessors of the subject *u-ġrɣl* ‘order, rule’ in the collocation *u-ġrɣl+me* ‘be extremely’ (example 112 in §22.4.1.3).

(19) *azo kwny a-xtu*   *u-tw-mŋy m*   *pwn-svre*
1SG also 1SG.POSS-belly 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-hurt SENS-be-extremely
*zo*
EMPH
‘Me too, my belly hurts a lot.’ (literally: ‘the degree of my hurting is
ridiculously high’) (qala 2002)
(20) **kwki** *tw-ci* *ki* *w-tw-rnaw*
DEM.PROX INDEF.POSS-water DEM.PROX 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be deep
*múj-rtaw*
NEG:SENS-be.enough
‘This water is not deep enough.’ (2010-03-zh)

The use of *sъre* as degree verbs illustrates a semantic change from ‘funny, ridiculous’ to intensifier, similar to that of French *drôlement* (*drôlement difficile*) or of English *ridiculously* (*ridiculously difficult*).

The possessive prefix is coreferent with the entity whose property is referred to by the nominalized verb, for instance 2SG in (21).

(21) *nyzo* ny-tw-xtci *tcʰom-o*
2SG 2SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.small be.too.much:FACT-SFP
‘You are too young.’ (150828 huamulan-zh) {0006396#S28}

Causative forms of degree verbs (§17.2.6), for instance ɣytcʰom ‘cause to be too much’, can also be occur with degree nominals, as in (22).

(22) **kwki** **maka** *w-tw-cqraw*
DEM.PROX at.all 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.intelligent
*ty-ɣy-tcʰom-a* *wβry-ŋu* *γe?*
AOR-CAUS-be.too.much-1SG RH.Q-be:FACT SFP
‘I hope that I did not cause her to become too intelligent.’ (hist160709 riquet6-v2) {0006159#S11}

With *naχtćwy* ‘be the same’ as degree verb, the degree construction becomes an equative construction (§26.3.1), with the comitative postposition *cʰo* ‘and, with’ (§8.2.5).

(23) **zmbri** cʰo *w-tw-wxti* naχtćwy
willow COMIT 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.big be.the same:FACT
‘It is as big as a willow (its degree of “bigness” is the same as that of a willow).’ (08-qaCti) {0003456#S7}

The lexicalized infinitive form *kr-ti* of the verb *ti* ‘say’ and the ergative can optionally follow the degree nominal (24).
(24) *ksa*      *ni ndzi-tw-ηgw*      *kɛ̌-ti kʷ*
parent.and.child DU 3DU.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.poor INF-say ERG

*pw-saχaVK*      *z̥o*
PST.IPFV-be.extr emely EMPH

‘The mother and her child were extremely poor.’ (2005 Norbzang)

Degree nouns are not the only type of nouns that can occur in this construc-
tion. Abstract nouns in *t- (§16.4.2) such as *tχραVK ‘thirst’ (25) or underived ab-
stract nouns such as *rχηom ‘outrage’ can also be used, though much less com-
monly. This construction however differs from the previous one in that the de-
gree verb *saχaVK indexes the experiencer as intransitive subject (3PL in 25).

(25) *tɔ-ɛ̌pɑVK*   *kɔ̌-ti*   *kʷ*   *pʷ-saχaVK-nʷ*   *z̥o*
NMLZ:ABSTRACT-thirst INF-say ERG PST.IPFV-be.extr emely-PL EMPH

*pw-rɣzi-nʷ*   *pʷ-ηu*
PST.IPFV-stay-PL SENS-be

‘[The people there] live in extreme thirst.’ (divination 2005)

Example (25) is in addition a hybrid construction combining the abstract nom-
inal and the degree verb with a serial verb construction of degree (§26.1.3).

Without a degree verb, degree nominals and other abstract nouns can be used
as predicates to express high degree in exclamation (§16.3.3), often with the sen-
tence final particle *nu*, as in (26).

(26) *nɔ̃-tw̃-sxjndɔ̃t*   *nʷ!*
2SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.cute SFP
‘You are so cute!’ (heard in context)

26.1.2.2 Consequence degree construction

Degree nominals and abstract nouns can also occur with the ergative marker *kʷ*
followed by a finite clause describing a consequence or a particular aspect of the
high degree reached ('so X that Y'; in the following, the clause X is referred to as
'degree clause', and Y as 'consequence clause'), as in (27). This type of construc-
tion is a subtype of causality clause linking (§25.5).
(27) *w-tu-nymbu* kw [rfylpu $k^h$xtvndo kw-nwjaŋsa
3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.shiny ERG king side.of.the.roof SBJ:PCP-be.idle
*nu* γw *u-mpaŋ* na-z-nymbju zo *pu-pu*.

DEM GEN 3SG.POSS-eye AOR:3→3'-CAUS-be.shiny EMPH SENS-be

'It was so shiny that it dazzled the eyes of the king, who was staying idle on the side of the roof (of the palace).' (2005 Norbzang)

It is possible for several degree nominals to share a consequence clause. For instance, in (28), the degree nouns *nu-tu-γyuzruy* and *a-tu-γyuzruy* are followed by only one marker *kw* and have a common consequence clause *múj-cha-a*. Here, the additional clause *ci tu-pe tce* 'putting together' specifies that it is the conjoined quantity (of lice) referred by the two degree nominals that is the cause of the consequence clause, and therefore implies that the absence of a consequence clause just after the first degree noun *nu-tu-γyuzruy* is not due to ellipsis.

(28) *paŋ ra ci* nu-tu-γyuzrwy, azo ci
pig PL one 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-have.a.lot.of.lice 1SG one
*a-tu-γyuzrwy* kw [ci tu-pe tce
1SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-have.a.lot.of.lice ERG one IPFV-do[III] LNK
*múj-cʰa-a]*

NEG:SENS-can-1SG

'Pigs have so many lice and I have so many lice that all put together, I can't bear it.' (2005 Kunbzang)

As in the monoclausal construction, the lexicalized infinitive form *k-ti* of *ti* 'say' can optionally be added before the ergative, as in (29) (see also 141, §22.4.2.4).

(29) *w-tu-paŋt* k(176, 927, 853, 1012],

The same meaning ‘... is so *X* that ...’ can also be expressed by a finite clause *X* followed by the relator noun *w-xeɣt* ‘strength’ with the ergative *kw* (§8.3.6.2, §25.5.2), as in (30).

(30) *pu-maqʰu* *u-xeɣt* kw, [kw-fsoŋ* tʰyŋgat ri
IPFV-be.aft.er 3SG.POSS-strength ERG SBJ:PCP-be.light AOR-be.about LOC
*kɔŋmwz* tu-łɔv ŋu.]
only.then IPFV-come.out be:FACT

'[This star] is so late that it only comes out when the day is about to break.' (29-mWBZi) {0003728#S40}
26.1.3 Serial verb construction

Some stative verbs of degree (in particular *tɛ́h̃om* ‘be too much’ and *rtaɛ́* ‘be enough’) can occur in a serial verb construction (§25.4.1.5) with the same meaning as the monoclausal degree construction (§26.1.2.1): examples (31a) and (31b) are synonymous, though the former is more frequent.

(31) a. *w̃-tʊ̃-xtc̃i* **pw̃-tc̃h̃om**
3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.small SENS-be.too.much

b. *pw̃-xtc̃i* **pw̃-tc̃h̃om**
SENS-be.small SENS-be.too.much
'It is too small.' (elicited)

The serial verb construction as a whole can serve as a complement clause, as in (32) where the constituent between square brackets is the subject of the verb *múj-pe* ‘it is not good’ (§24.5.8).

(32) [nɔ́ŋa ra nɔ́-taɛ̃ tu-dɛ̃n tu-tc̃h̃om] *múj-pe*
COW PL 3PL.POSS-on IPFV-be.many IPFV-be.too.much NEG:SENS-be.good
ma
LNK
'It is not good when there are too many (ticks) on cows.' (25-xCelwi)
{0003664#S30}

26.1.4 Exeption

A manner clause (§25.4) containing the expletive phrase *nu ma* ‘apart from that’ (§8.2.8) and a negative verb form can convey an extreme degree, as in (33).<fnref n="2" />

(33) a. *nɔ́ w̃ ma* azo maka, kx-nɔ́-rga *múj-k̃h̃w̃* zo
DEM apart.from 1SG at.all INF-APPL-like NEG:SENS-be.possible EMPH
**pw̃-rga-a**
SENS-like-1SG
'I like it a lot (to the extent that it is not possible to like it more than I
do).' (140521 huangdi de xinzhuang-zh) {0004047#S126}

<footnote n="2">²Example (33a) is a rendering of Chinese 我表示十二分地满意 <wǒ biǎoshì shièr fēn de mǎnyì>, a sentence that plays on the expression 十分满意 <shífēn mǎnyì> ‘100% satisfied'.</footnote>
<table><tr><td>b.</td><td><b>n<u>u</u></b> ma</td><td><b>k<u>y</u>-n<u>u</u>-rga</b></td><td><b>m<u>y</u>-k<u>u</u>-k<sup>h</sup><b>u</b></b></td><td><b>zo</b></td></tr><tr><td></td><td colspan="4">DEM apart.from INF-APPL-like NEG-INF:STAT-be.possible EMPH</td></tr><tr><td></td><td><b>j<u>u</u>-rga-a</b></td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td></td><td>SENS-like-1SG</td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td></td><td colspan="4">'I like it a lot.' (elicitation based on 33a)</td></tr></table>

## 26.2 Comparative

Adjectival stative verbs in Japhug do not have specific comparative or superlative forms,<fnref n="3" /> and comparison is expressed by means of postpositions, adverbs or verbs marking relative degree.

### 26.2.1 The postpositions syz and ku

As illustrated in (34), it is possible in Japhug to mark both the standard of comparison (by the postposition syz 'than', §8.2.7), and the comparee (by the ergative ku (§8.2.2.7)).<fnref n="4" />

<table><tr><td>(34)</td><td><b>u</b>-<b>vi</b></td><td>sz</td><td><b>u</b>-<b>pi</b></td><td>n<u>u</u></td><td><b>k<u>u</u></b></td></tr><tr><td></td><td>3SG.POSS-younger.sibling</td><td>COMP</td><td>3SG.POSS-elder.sibling</td><td>DEM</td><td>ERG</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>STANDARD</td><td>STD.MRK</td><td>COMPAREE</td><td></td><td>CMP.MRK</td></tr><tr><td></td><td colspan="4"><i>mpcyr</i></td><td></td></tr><tr><td></td><td colspan="4">be.beautiful:FACT</td><td></td></tr><tr><td></td><td colspan="4">PARAMETER</td><td></td></tr></table>

'The elder sibling is more beautiful than the younger sibling.' (elicited)

The comparee marker is optional when the standard phrase is overt, as shown by (35), where the comparee *u-rzaβ* 'his wife' is in absolutive form.

<table><tr><td>(35)</td><td><b>u</b>-<b>ra</b>β</td><td><b>a</b>zo sz</td><td><b>w</b>xti</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>3SG.POSS-wife 1SG COMP</td><td>be.big:FACT</td><td></td></tr><tr><td></td><td colspan="3">'His wife is older than me.' (14-siblings) {0003508#S179}</td></tr></table>

This construction is exclusively used for comparisons of superiority. To express comparison of inferiority, one either has to select the antonym of the parameter, or to reformulate with another construction such as that with egressive postpositions (§26.2.4).

<footnote n="3">³There is one potential example of a comparative derivation in Japhug between *sna* ‘be good, be worthy’ and *mna* ‘be better’ (§19.7.10), but in the additional examples, this remains speculative.</footnote>

<footnote n="4">⁴In this section, the term “standard marker” (STD.MRK) corresponds to Dixon’s (2008) MARK. The “comparee marker” (CMP.MRK) could be equated with Dixon’s INDEX.</footnote>
The standard marker can follow a genitive postpositional phrase, when the entities being compared are possessees, and the second one is elided, as in (36). The genitive is however optional in this context, as shown by (37), when we find *mbro syz* instead of expected *mbro yu* *syz*.

(36) *w-rna* *nw* [*mbro yw*] *syz* *p̥w-wxti*.
3SG.POSS-ear DEM horse GEN COMP SENS-be.big
'It's ears are bigger than those of the horse.' (20-tArka) {0003566#S5}

(37) *tceri w-pʰoŋbu* *nw* *mbro syz* *koŋla zo* *p̥w-wxti*.
L NK 3SG.POSS-body DEM horse COMP really EMPH SENS-be.big
'It's body is bigger than [that of] a horse.' (19-rNamoN) {0003552#S34}

When the standard is not overt, the comparee markers *ku* (as in 38) or *mɔzw*
(§26.2.3). obligatory.

(38) *tw-yli* *kw-dyn* *w-stu* *qandże* *nw kw*
INDEF.POSS-dung SBJ:PCP-be.many 3SG.POSS-place earthworm DEM ERG
*pn-jpum*.
SENS-be.thick

‘The earthworms that are in places where there is a lot of dung (fertilizer)  
are fatter.’ (25-akWzgumba) {0003632#S117}

The comparee marker *kw* can occur on the *possessor* of the comparee rather
than on the comparee itself, as in (39).

(39) *aẓo kw* *a-laz* *pn-sna*
1SG ERG 1SG.POSS-karma SENS-be.good
‘I am luckier [than you].’ (140515 huli he yelv-zh) {0004002#S18}

The parameter indexes the comparee, never the standard, as shown in (40),
where the main verb has 2SG indexation. The comparee can be relativized like a
normal intransitive subject (§23.5.1.2), but the standard cannot (§23.5.12).

(40) *tyru* *w-tcw* *nw syz* *p̥w-tw-rzi!*
chieftain 3SG.POSS-son DEM COMP SENS-2-be.heavy
‘You are heavier than the prince!’ (140506 woju guniang-zh)
{0003929#S131}

The parameter can be combined with expletive phrases with ma ‘apart from’
(§8.2.8) containing counted nouns, to specify more precisely the difference in
degree between the two referents as in (40).
(41) wantcin syzny wn-wy-pyrme ma my-xtci
ANTHR COMP [two-years apart.from] NEG-be.small:FACT
'He is only two years younger than Dbangcan.' (14-siblings)
{0003508#S219}

Comparees and standards are generally nouns, noun phrases or postpositional
phrases as in the examples above, but can also be temporal adverbs (42) or sub-
ordinate clauses, in the Irrealis (§21.4.1), or other modal categories as in (43).<fnref n="5" />

(42) jufcur syz jwsnj kw pw-mpja
yesterday COMP today ERG SENS-be.warm
'Today is warmer than yesterday.' (elicited)

(43) nuy syzny [a-puw-si] kw pw-mna
DEM comp IRR-PFV-die ERG SENS-be.better
'It is better that he dies.' (150909 xiaocui-zh) {0006386#S108}

26.2.2 Intensifier tsa ‘a little’

The degree adverb tsa ‘a little’, one of the very rare adverbs to occur postverbally
(§22.2.7), can by itself express comparison of superiority as in (44).

(44) kw-myku ch-w-kw-twut nuy pw-tcur tsa
SBJ:PCP-be.first IPFV-SBJ:PCP-ripen DEM SENS-be.sour a.little
'The [variety of apple] that ripens earlier is a bit soure.' (07-paXCi)
{0003430#S42}

It can be combined with an overt standard marked by either syz 'than' (45) or
st^uci 'so much' (example 91, §22.2.7).

(45) wmuicw syz pw-wxti tsa
Garrulax COMP SENS-be.big a.little
'It is a bit bigger than the Garrulax sp.' (23-qapGAmtWmtW)
{0003608#S12}

<footnote n="5">⁵The original Chinese is 还不如死了算了 <háibùrú sǐ le suànle> ‘It is better if he dies’. The use of the ergative in rectification subordinate clauses (§25.6.1.2) is historically related to this construction (Jacques 2016b).</footnote>
(50) *a-tu-mbro* ki *kum ki* mɔ-yu.
1SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.high DEM.PROX door DEM.PROX NEG-just.be:FACT
'I am bigger than this door.' (elicited)

The non-past form mɔ-yu has been further grammaticalized as a degree adverb mɔ-yu 'even more', which can be combined with the standard marker sɔ-y, as in (51). This construction indicates that the standard already has a very high degree relative to the parameter, and that the comparee's degree is even higher.

(51) *qamtcu̯r nɔ̯ u-mtcʰi* nɔ̯u nɔ̯ βzu̯ sycnɔ̯ mɔ-yu zo
shrew DEM 3SG.POSS-mouth DEM mouse COMP even-more EMPH
amtco
be.pointy:FACT
'The shrew's mouth is even sharper than that of the mouse.'
(27-spjaNkW) {0003704#S192}

### 26.2.4 The egressive postposition ɛaŋtaɛk 'up from'

The egressive postpositions (§8.2.10), in particular ɛaŋtaɛk 'up from', can be combined with a verb (or a complex predicate) in negative form, meaning 'no more than X', where the standard X is the noun phrase preceding ɛaŋtaɛk as in (52) and (53).

(52) [*tɔ̯-tya ɛaŋtaɛk] mɔ-zri.
one-span up.from NEG-be.long:FACT
'It is not longer than one handspan.' (28-tshAwAre) {0003722#S49}

(53) *u-ru* ra(...), [*tɔ̯-jaʌndzu* ɛaŋtaɛk] *pɔ-jpʊm*
3SG.POSS-stalk PL GENR.POSS-finger up.from IPFV-be.thick
mɔ-cʰa ma
NEG-can:FACT LNK
'It's stalk cannot grow/become thicker than a finger.' (15-babW)
{0003512#S20}

The egressive ɛaŋtaɛk 'up from' also occurs in one of the superlative constructions (§26.4.3).

### 26.2.5 Negative existential verbs

The negative existential verb me (§22.5.1.2), combined with the scalar focus marker kuŋu 'also, even' (§9.1.6.1), can have the meaning 'not even as big as X', as in (54), where the noun zruuy 'louse' is the standard of comparison.
(54) *qajuβlama* k *ci* tu *tce, nu* rca
bug OBJ:PCP-say INDEF exist:FACT LNK DEM UNEXP:DEG
kw-xtcw~xtci ci zo cti. zrwy kwny
SBJ:PCP-EMPH~be.small INDEF EMPH be.AFF:FACT louse also
me.
notuezFACT

'There is an [insect] called *qajuβlama*, it is very small. It is not even as big
as a louse.' (28-kWpAz) {0003714#S136}

Another example of this construction is found in (71) in (§8.2.3.1).

26.3 Equative and similative

26.3.1 Entity equative

This section discusses entity equative constructions, which express that two en-
tities have a property in equal degree ('X is as Y as Z'; Haspelmath & Buchholz
1998). No less that five constructions are available to express this meaning.

26.3.1.1 Nominalized equative construction

The nominalized entity equative construction is a particular case of the degree
nominal construction (§26.1.2.1), with *naχtćwy* ‘be the same’ as degree predicate.
It has three subvariants.

In the first variant (corresponding to Haspelmath's (2017) type 5 – Primary
reach equative unified), the comparee and the standard are included in a noun
phrase, with the comitative marker *cʰo* (and its longer variant *cʰondvre*, §8.2.5)
serving as the standard marker, as in (55).

(55) *qalekwtsʰi numu cʰondvre βzar* ni ndzi-tw-wxti
bird.sp DEM COMIT buzzard DU 3DU.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.big
COMPAREE STD.MRK STANDARD PARAMETER
naχtćwy.
be.identical:FACT
PARAM.MRK

'The *qalekwtsʰi* bird is as big as the buzzard.' (literally: 'The *qalekwtsʰi* bird and the buzzard are identical in their degree of bigness.') (23-RmWrcWftsa)
{0003610#S42}
The degree noun can be in dual/plural as in (55) and (57), corresponding to the sum of the numbers of the comparee and the standard, or in the singular as in (56): even though two referents are present here, the 3SG possessive *u-* is used, coreferent with the comparee.

(56) *qro numu dudut cʰo u-tu-wxti naχtcwy.*
pigeon DEM dove COMIT 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.big be.the same:FACT
'The pigeon is as big as a dove.' (24-qro) {0003626*S2}

These two possibilities are in free variation: example (57), from the same text as (56) and referring to the same situation, has dual marking.

(57) *tce dudut cʰo ndzi-tu-wxti naχtcwy zo*
LNK dove COMIT 3DU.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.big be.the same:FACT EMPH
'It is as big as a dove.' (24-qro) {0003626*S17}

In the second variant, the nominalized parameter takes a possessive prefix only coreferent with the comparee, and the standard together with the comitative (the standard marker) *follows* the parameter, as in (58).

(58) *qaliaw nuw u-tu-wxti nuw qandzyi cʰo naχtcwy*
eagle DEM 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.big DEM hawk COMIT
COMPAREE PARAMETER STANDARD STD.MRK
tsa
be.identical:FACT a.little
PARAM.MRK PARAM.MRK
'The eagle is about as big as the hawk.' (19-qandZGi) {0003548*S36}

In the third variant, the parameter takes a third person singular possessive prefix, and the comparee and standard are marked by person indexation on the verb. In (59), the standard and the comparee are the speaker and the addressee; they are not expressed by overt pronouns, but are rather indexed on the verb by the 1DU suffix -tçi.

(59) *tce u-tu-muştak pwi-naχtcwy-tci tce, qʰe*
LNK 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.cold SENS-be.identical-1DU LNK LNK
PARAMETER PARAM.MRK-COMPAREE+STANDARD
nuw-tvjpa pwi-rkwn ma
2PL.POSS-snow SENS-be.few SFR

'It is as cold here as it is in your place, you don't have a lot of snow.' ('You and I are identical as to coldness'; conversation, 2014/11)
26.3.1.2 Serial verb constructions

Serial verb constructions with the similative verb *fse* ‘be like’ (§25.4.1.2), or more rarely *næχtɛuɣ* ‘be the same’ and *afsuja* ‘be of the same size’ as first verb can also be used as an entity equative.<fnref n="6" />

The semi-transitive verb *fse* ‘be like’ (§14.2.3) takes the comparee as subject and the standard as semi-object. Since it is syntactically linked to the standard, it is analyzed here as the standard marker rather than as the parameter marker.

(60) *nɔu* li *u-wa* fswfse zo pjγ-fse
DEM again 3SG.POSS-father completely like EMPH IFR.IPFV-be like
COMPAREE STANDARD PARAM.MRK STD.MRK
*pjγ-svjlɔv*
IFR.IPFV-be.ugly
PARAMETER

[The frog son] was as ugly as his father. ' (150818 muzhi guniang-zh)
{0006334#S98}

The reduplicated degree adverb *fsuſſe* ‘completely identical’ which derives
from *ſſe* ‘be like’ optionally occurs in this construction as a parameter marker.

(61) *u-qa* nu̯ra li ku̯maɣ tyjmuɣ nu̯ra
3SG.POSS-root DEM:PL again other mushroom DEM:PL
fsuſſe zo fse.
completely.identical EMPH be. like:FACT
'It's root is completely identical to that of other mushrooms.'
(23-mbrAZim) {0003604#S107}

Both *fse* ‘be like’ and the stative verb occurring with it in the serial construction (the parameter) are in participial form in (62), forming a relative clause with the comparee as the relativized element. The superlative construction studied in §26.4.3 is essentially a particular use of such relativized equative sentences.

(62) azo ku-fse kwh-ycaha zo kwuwa yurza
1SG SBJ:PCP-be. like SBJ:PCP-be.capable EMPH young.man hundred
STANDARD STD.MRK PARAMETER COMPAREE

<footnote n="6">⁶These constructions correspond to Haspelmath's (2017) type 1 (Only equative standard-marker).</footnote>
kwrcaṭ ra

eight be.needed:FACT

‘I need one hundred and eight able young men like me.’ (2012 Norbzang)
{0003768#S16}

The verb *naxṭcuy* ‘be the same’ requires in addition the comitative *cʰo* on the
standard (as in the preceding construction, §26.3.1.1), as shown by (63).

(63) <bali> nū, kukutcū izora cʰo naṭtcuy jamar
toPO dem here 1PL comit be.the.same:FACT about
comparee STANDARD STD.MRK STD.MRK PARAM.MRK PARAM.MRK
pū-muṣṭaḳ pū-tw-ti
SENS-be.cold SENS-2-say
PARAMETER

‘You said that it was as cold in Paris as here by us.’ (conversation, 11-08-2016)

26.3.1.3 Possessed noun

The inalienably possessed noun *u-fsu* ‘of the same size’ (§5.1.1.5, §20.8.2) can be
used as standard marker, as in (64) and (65). The possessive prefix is coreferent
with the standard; when the standard is the generic noun *turme* ‘person’, the
prefix can either be in 3SG as in (64), or with the generic possessor prefix (§6.2.2).

(64) tu-mbro tce, turme u-fsu jamar tu-bże
IPFV-be.high LNK man 3SG.POSS-equal.in.size about IPFV-grow
cʰa.
can:FACT
‘When it grows, it can grow about the size of a person.’ (12-ndZiNgri)
{0003488#S4}

(65) *u-tu-mbro* n<u>u</u> *tu-mtʰy<u>y</u> *u-fsu*
3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.high dem genr.poss-waist 3SG.POSS-equal.in.size
*jamar ma* *tu-mbro* *my-cʰa*
about apart.from IPFV-be.high neg-can:FACT
‘As for its size, it can grow only about as high as a person’s waist.’
(18-NGolo) {0003530#S169}
## 26 Degree and comparison

The parameter is optional in this construction. It can be expressed either as a coordinated clause as in (64), as a degree nominal or as the main predicate as in (65). Only *mbro* ‘be high’ and *wxti* ‘be big’ are compatible with *u-fsu*.

A similar construction is reported in Situ (Lin 1993: 377).

### 26.3.1.4 stʰuci ‘so much’ and jamar ‘about’

The adverbs stʰuci ‘so much’ (on its etymology, see §5.8.4) and jamar ‘about’ (from Tibetan wམ་ཁ་ jar.mar ‘about’) are used as standard marker. The former one stʰuci essentially occurs in a negative equative construction ‘not as X as Y’ (where X is the parameter and Y the standard) as in (66).

(66) kwmcku w-jwaɣ stʰuci mɣ-r宋m
garlic 3SG.POSS-leaf so.much NEG-be.broad
‘[Its leaves] are not as broad as garlic leaves.’ (07-Cku) {0003424#S88}

The latter one *jamar* ‘about’ can be combined with either adjectival stative verbs such as *wxti* ‘be big’ (67), or with existential verbs (§22.5.1.2) as in (68).

(67) qajdo bncuz jamar wxti
crow two about be.big:FACT
‘It is about as big as two crows.’ (19-qandZGi) {0003548#S8}

(68) u-mat yu u-ru nuz zri tce, tce tuu-tya
3SG.POSS-fruit GEN 3SG.POSS-stalk DEM be.long:FACT LNK LNK one-span
jamar, ki jamar tu tce
about DEM.PROX about exist:FACT LNK
‘The stalk of its fruit is long, about a handspan long, about this long.’
(16-CWrNgo) {0003518#S210}

### 26.3.2 Property equative

In property equative constructions (‘*X*ᵢ is as *Y* as he/she/itᵢ is *Z*’), two parameters (comparee parameter *Y* and standard parameter *Z*), rather than two entities, are compared. No example of such constructions is found in the Japhug corpus. In Jacques (2018c), I used Perrault’s fairy tale *Riquet à la Houppe*, whose whole plot is based on property equative sentences, as a way to conduct elicitation on this topic.

Property equatives, e.g. ‘*X*ᵢ is as stupid as *s*/*he*ᵢ is beautiful’ (a sentence occurring several times in the story), can be expressed in Japhug in three different ways.
## 26.3 Equative and similative

First, the standard parameter is in degree nominal form, followed by the pos- sessed noun *w-fsu* ‘of the same size’ (§26.3.1.3), and the comparee parameter is the main predicate of the construction, in finite form (69).

(69) *w-tw-mpcvr*      *yw* *w-fsu*      *jamar ci*
3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.beautiful GEN 3SG.POSS-equal.in.size about INDEF
*pw-kʰe*      *cti*
SENS-be.stupid be.AFF:FACT

'S/heᵢ is stupid to the extent of his/herᵢ beauty.' (elicited)

Second, the two verbs used as paramaters are in degree nominal form, linked by the comitative postposition *cʰo*, and serve as subject of the verb *afsuja* ‘be of the same size’ (70).

(70) *w-tw-mpcvr*      *cʰo* *w-tw-kʰe*      *comit*
3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.beautiful *comit* 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.stupid
*nw* *pw-*yfsuja*      *cti*
DEM SENS-be.of.the.same.size be.AFF:FACT

'His/her beauty and his/her stupidity are equal.' (elicited)

Third, it is possible to express the same meaning with a correlative construc- tion, as in (71), though this may be a calque from Chinese.

(71) *tcʰi* *jamar kw-mpcvr*      *nw*, *nw* *jamar ci* *pw-kʰe*
what about SBJ:PCP-be.beautiful DEM DEM about INDEF SENS-be.stupid
*cti*
be.AFF:FACT

'A much as s/he is beautiful, s/he is stupid.' (elicited)

### 26.3.3 Similative

Similative constructions express similarity in the manner in which an action is performed, rather than equal degree.

#### 26.3.3.1 Similative verbs

The main similative construction involves the similative verbs *fse* ‘be like’ or *stu* ‘do like’ in parataxis as in (72).
(72) *nwnw pri nw kw, n̥ki, turme pw-fse tce, n̥kinw icqʰa nw,
DEM bear DEM ERG FILLER man SENS-be like LNK FILLER FILLER DEM
tɔ-ryku tci tu-ndze, ca tci tu-ndze, (...)
INDEF.POSS-crops also IPFV-eat meat also IPFV-eat
p̥w-ŋgrxl.
SENS-be.usually.the.case
'The bear, like a man, eats grains and meat.' (21-pri) {0003580#S17}

Alternatively, the infinitive *kw-fse* of *fse* ‘be like’ as a manner converb (§16.2.1.7, §25.4.2) can convey similative meaning, either with a noun phrase or an infinitive clause (73).

(73) [kɔ-ynwɣro] kw-fse tú-wy-ndza cti ma
INF-play INF:STAT-be like IPFV-INV-eat be.AFF:FACT LNK
'People eat it for fun (as if to play, not as part of a real meal).' (08-rasti)
{0003460#S53}

26.3.3.2 Similative denominal stative verbs

The denominal prefix *arw-/-ŋrwo-* derives stative verbs meaning ‘be X-like’ out of nouns (§20.2.2), as in (74), an example in degree nominal form (§16.3.3) spon- taneously produced by Tshendzin as a side comment on a story that we were transcribing.

(74) *w-tu-ywu-sujno* nʷ!
3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-DENOM:SIMILATIVE-grass SFP
'[The princess cuts their head as easily/casually] as if it were grass.'
(heard in context)

The more elaborated sentence (75) was given as an explanation for (74).

(75) *kɔ-pʰu-tu-mbat* ku
INF-cut 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-DENOM:SIMILATIVE-easy ERG
p̥u-ywu-sujno zo
SENS-be likegrass EMPH
'It is as easy to cut as if it were grass.' (elicited)

In this construction, the standard is the verbalized noun, the comparee is the intransitive subject, and the denominal prefix *arw-/-ŋrwo-* is the standard marker. The parameter can be optionally indicated as a degree nominal as in (75).
This unusual similative construction is productive, since it can be applied to nouns from Tibetan or Chinese. It does not fit in any of Haspelmath's (2017) six types of equative constructions, but bears some resemblance to the "similative adjective" derivation in -lágan in Saami (Ylikovski 2017: 5.1).

## 26.4 Superlative

### 26.4.1 Degree adverb

The superlative adverb *stu* ‘most’ is generally located before the verb, and optionally takes the emphatic *zo*. It most commonly expresses absolute superlative as in (76).

(76) nyzo stu zo tu-mkʰyz tce, tce nyzo c-ty-nyme
2SG most EMPH 2-be.expert:FACT LNK LNK 2SG TRAL-IMP-do[III]
‘You are the best, do it!’ (150822 laoye zuoshi zongshi duide-zh)
{0006298#S37}

When the subject has a certain property in the highest degree only relative to a certain class (relative superlative), this class can be specified with the relator noun *u-ŋgwz* ‘inside, among’ (§8.3.4.5), as in (77).

(77) nw pyxtcw nw-ŋgwz stu xtci low.
DEM bird 3PL.POSS-among most be.small:FACT SFP
‘It is the smallest of all birds.’ (24-ZmbrWpGa) {0003628#S116}

Most examples of this construction appear with subject participle (§16.1.1) of adjectival stative verbs as in (78), and object participles (§16.1.2) with transitive experiencer verbs as in (79).

(78) kwcuŋgw tce <aizheng> k-ti pw-me tce,
long.ago LNK cancer OBJ:PCP-say PST.IPFV-not.exist LNK
k y-ku-nyndza nw stu zo kw-ŋy n
AOR-SBJ:PCP-have.leprosy DEM most EMPH SBJ:PCP-be.evil
k y-pa pw-ŋu.
OBJ:PCP-consider PST.IPFV-be
‘In former times, nobody talked about cancer, and leprosy was considered
to be the most terrible [of all diseases].’ (25-khArWm) {0003644#S32}
26 Degree and comparison

(79) tce tw-ci ၊r-ku tu-łok tce, nč stu
LNK INDEF.POSS-water 3SG.POSS-side IPFV-come.out LNK DEM most
tw-ky-nw-rga ņu tce
3SG.POSS-APPL-like be:FACT LNK

'It grows near the water, it is what it likes the most.' (09-mi) {0003466#S6}

The superlative adverb is also attested with transitive dynamic verbs of action,
as in the pseudo-cleft construction (§23.6.1) in (80).<fnref n="7" />

(80) [stu zo ၊-ky-ndza] nwnw tw-ŋga,
most EMPH 3SG.POSS-OBJ:PCP-eat DEM INDEF.POSS-clothes
tɔ-rme kw-fse, tw-ŋga nwra ņu.
INDEF.POSS-hair SBJ:PCP-be like INDEF.POSS-clothes DEM:PL be:FACT
'What it eats most is clothes, clothes (made of animal fur).' (28-kWpAz)
{0003714#S74}

Oblique participles (§16.1.3) are also compatible with the superlative adverb,
as shown in (81).

(81) [stu w-sy-dn] nš stymku nwa ņu-nw.
most 3SG.POSS-OBL:PCP-be.many DEM grassland DEM:PL be:FACT-PL
'The place where it is most numerous is the grasslands.' (19-qachGa
mWntoR) {0003546#S23}

26.4.2 Possessed participle

Another possibility to express superlative meaning is with a stative verb in sub-
ject participial form with a third plural possessive marker (§16.1.1.1), as in (82),
where the headless participial relative in square brackets, literally meaning ‘the
beautiful one (among/of) all birds’ is to be understood as ‘the most beautiful of
all birds.’

(82) tce [pya tʰamtcɛt yu nwh-kwh-mpcɛr] nwh rmyβja
LNK bird all GEN 3PL.POSS-SBJ:PCP-be.beautiful DEM peacock
ŋwh-ŋu.
SENS-be
'The peacock is the most beautiful of all birds.' (24-ZmbrWpGa)
{0003628#S79}

<footnote n="7">⁷The phrase *ty-rme ku-fse* ‘like hair’ is incomplete; the correct way to express the meaning ‘clothes made of animal hair’ is the head-internal relative clause *ty-rme ku tw-ŋga tʰu-ky-βzu* (see 40, §23.4.3).</footnote>
This construction is only attested with *mpcrr* ‘be beautiful’ and *mna* ‘be better’.

26.4.3 Negative existential

Another way of expressing superlative meaning in Japhug is by means of a nega-
tive existential verb (§13.1.2, §22.5.4) combined with a participial relative of *fse* ‘be
like’, as in (83). This construction is a particular use of the equative construction
described in §26.3.1.2.

(83) ama, a-pi kʰu nʷ tcʰiindza ku-tw-nxpʰuwhy tce
SURPRISE 1SG POSS-elder.sibling tiger DEM why PRS-2-DISTR:flee LNK
[nvz̥o ku-fse] ku-svγ-mu me
2SG SBJ:PCP-be like SBJ:PCP-PROP-fear notuez:FACT
‘Brother tiger, why are you running away like that, you are the most
dreadful [animal].’ (literally: ‘There is no one dreadful like you.’) (2005
khu)

This construction is potentially ambiguous: the clause *X ku-fse ku-svγ-mu me*
can be interpreted as meaning either *‘X is the most dreadful thing’* or *‘there is
nothing dreadful that is like X’*.

It is possible in some cases to use orientation preverbs to disambiguate be-
tween these two meanings. In example (84),<fnref n="8" /> the verbs *tso* ‘know, understand’
and *suz* ‘know’ in the superlative construction take the *upwards* prefix *tu-* instead
of the expected *EASTWARDS* (*ku-tso-a* IPFV-understand-1SG) and *DOWNWARDS* (*pju-*
*suz-a* IPFV-know-1SG) prefixes that they normally select.

(84) azo [nʷ ku-fse] zo maka tu-tso-a
1SG DEM SBJ:PCP-be like EMPH at.all IPFV:UP-understand-1SG
me, tu-suz-a me
not.exist:FACT IPFV:UP-know-1SG not.exist:FACT
‘This is what I know best.’ (literally: ‘There is nothing that I understand,
that I know like that.’ 140519 yeying-zh) {0004040#S59}

With the *UPWARDS* prefix *tu-* as in (84), only the superlative interpretation is
possible, while with the *DOWNWARDS* prefix *pju-* as in (85) the superlative inter-
pretation is excluded, and only the negative existential one is found.

<footnote n="8">⁸Example (84) is translated from 夜莺,我再熟悉不过了<yèyīng, wǒ zài shùxī bùguòle> ‘The
nightingale, I am quite familiar with it’, with the with the construction 再……不过zài... bùguò
involving a negated surpass comparative, and the negative existential verb here is possibly a
case of calque. However, Chinese influence cannot be a factor in the use of orientation preverbs
in (84) and (85).</footnote>
(85) az̥o [nu ku-fse
pjuu-suz-a]
me
1SG DEM SBJ:PCP-be like IPFV:DOWN-know-1SG not.exist:FACT
'I know of no such thing.' (elicited)

I interpret this difference as a matter of semantic scope. In (84), the clause *nu ku-fse* 'like that' is outside of the scope of the negation, and the negation applies to the minimal relative clauses *tu-tso-a* '(that) I understand' (§23.5.4.1) and *tu-suz-a* '(that) I know' (§23.5.3.1) exclusively.

With the *DOWNWARDS* prefix *pjuu-* on *suz* 'know' as in (85), the scope of the
negation is different: it applies to the whole constituent indicated between square
brackets ('there is nothing like that that I know').

This contrast cannot however be generalized to all verbs; more research is
necessary to ascertain the extent and the functional explanation for this puzzling
phenomenon.

Instead of *ku-fse*, egressive postpositions such as *caŋtaʔ* ‘up from’ (§8.2.10,
§26.2.4) can also be used in a superlative construction as in (86).

(86) az̥o caŋtaʔ ku-cʰa ku-rkaŋ me
1SG up.from SBJ:PCP-can SBJ:PCP-robust not.exist:FACT
‘I am the most able one, the most robust one.’ (literally: ‘There is no one
that is more robust/able than me’) (140425 shizi huli he lu-zh)
# 27 Kinship

## 27.1 Introduction

Kinship terms (§5.1.2.4) in Japhug are all inalienably possessed nouns (§5.1.2), and are presented in this section in their indefinite possessor form (§5.1.3), which generally also serves as the citation form.

This section is not concerned with the morphosyntactic properties of these nouns (which is treated in §5.1.3), but rather with the semantic structure of the system.

The meanings of the terms are described using the abbreviations presented in Table 27.1, which, combined with each other (for instance MB and eZ represent ‘mother’s brother’ and ‘elder sister’, respectively), offer a concise way to represent the possible parameters relevant to the description of kinship terms (Kroeber 1909).

<table><caption>Table 27.1: Standard abbreviations used to describe kinship terms</caption><tr><td>F</td><td>Father</td><td>M</td><td>Mother</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>B</td><td>Brother</td><td>Z</td><td>Sister</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>S</td><td>Son</td><td>D</td><td>Daughter</td><td>Ch</td><td>Child</td></tr><tr><td>H</td><td>Husband</td><td>W</td><td>Wife</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>♂</td><td>Male possessor</td><td>♀</td><td>Female possessor</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>e/+</td><td>Elder</td><td>y/-</td><td>Younger</td><td></td><td></td></tr></table>

The term “male/female possessor” corresponds to what Kroeber (1909: 78–79) calls ‘sex of the person through whom the relationship exists’ or ‘sex of the connecting relative’, encoded as inalienable possessor in Japhug. For instance, *tr-snom* ‘sister’ (♂Z) is only used with reference to the sister of a male (§27.2.2.1).

Kinship terms can be divided into self-reciprocal terms, in which both members of the relationship use the same term to refer to each other (from instance *tr-mrtsa* ‘mother’s sister’s child’ MZCh, §27.2.3.1), and non-self-reciprocal ones, which usually have to be described in reciprocal pairs.
To determine the reciprocal term, one applies to each symbol in the formula the equivalences in Table 27.2, starting from the end. Special care should be given to the sex of the connecting relative.

For instance, the reciprocal of MB is obtained by combining ($\text{♂B|♂Z}$) with ($\text{♀S|♀D}$): of the two options of ($\text{♂B|♂Z}$), the second one $\text{♂Z}$ is selected because the following element $\text{♀(S|D)}$ has a female connecting relative, hence $\text{♂Z(S|D)}$, equivalent to $\text{♂ZCh}$.

<table><caption>Table 27.2: Reciprocal terms</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th colspan="3">Reciprocal</th></tr><tr><th></th><th>neutral</th><th>♂</th><th>♀</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><th>F</th><td>♂Ch</td><td>♂S</td><td>♂D</td></tr><tr><th>M</th><td>♀Ch</td><td>♀S</td><td>♀D</td></tr><tr><th>B</th><td></td><td>♂B</td><td>♂Z</td></tr><tr><th>Z</th><td></td><td>♀B</td><td>♀Z</td></tr><tr><th>S</th><td></td><td>♂F</td><td>♂M</td></tr><tr><th>D</th><td></td><td>♀F</td><td>♀M</td></tr><tr><th>Ch</th><td></td><td>F</td><td>M</td></tr><tr><th>W</th><td></td><td>♀H</td><td></td></tr><tr><th>H</th><td></td><td>♂W</td><td></td></tr></tbody></table>

This procedure is useful to calculate the reciprocal of more complex configurations. For instance, the reciprocal of FFBDS can be obtained in the following way:

• ($\text{♂F|♂M}$)+(($\text{♀F|♀M}$)+($\text{♂B|♂Z}$)+($\text{♂S|♂D}$)+($\text{♀S|♂D}$))

• $\text{♂(F|M)}\text{♀}+(\text{F|M})\text{♂}+(\text{B|Z})\text{♂}+(\text{S|D})\text{♂}+(\text{S|D})$

• $\text{♂MFBS}(\text{S|D})$

• $\text{♂MFBSCh}$

It makes it possible to easily recheck which configurations are intrinsically self-reciprocal, for instance maternal parallel cousins MZCh:

• $(\text{F|M})+(\text{♀B|♀Z})+(\text{♀Ch})$
• (F|M)º+(B|Z)º+Ch

• MZCh

Japhug lacks a specific vocative form of kinship terms (§5.3.1), unlike Tshob-
dun, Sun (1998: 133) for instance, and there are only a few different terms of
address and terms of reference.

Given the important changes in Gyalrong society since the 1950s, and in par-
ticular the fact that all speakers of Japhug are now bilingual in Chinese, it is not
surprising that the kinship system is undergoing considerable reshaping. The
aim of this chapter is to document use of the kinship terms both by contempo-
rary younger speakers, and the system as it used to be in the traditional society,
before massive Chinese influence.

The data in this chapter are mainly based on Tshendzin’s explanations of the
use of the system in a text from the corpus (140425 kWmdza), but are also drawn
from observations of the actual use of kinship terms in conversations.

**27.2 Kinship terms by generations**

This section is an overview of the uses of all kinship terms, first EGO's parents, their siblings and their parents (§27.2.1), EGO's siblings (§27.2.2), EGO's cousins (§27.2.3) and finally EGO, EGO's siblings and EGO's cousins' children and grandchildren (§27.2.4). It also includes information on affines, though the terminology is considerably poorer than for consanguines.

**27.2.1 Ascending generations**

**27.2.1.1 EGO's parents**

Two series of terms are in use for EGO's parents, the common terms *tx-mu* ‘mother’ and *tx-wa* ‘father’, and the honorific ones, borrowed from Tibetan *tx-pa* ‘father’ and *tx-ma* ‘mother’. The terms for ‘mother’ and ‘father’ can be combined without any linker with a collective meaning ‘parent’, but the order is rigidly ‘mother’ followed by ‘father’ (1)<fnref n="1" /> in the case of the native terms, and the opposite in the case of the honorific ones (*a-pa* *a-ma* ‘my parents’), as is discussed in more detail in §9.2.2.2.

<footnote n="1">¹The opposite order ḫnš-wa nš-mu is agrammatical.</footnote>
## 27 Kinship

(1) nγ-mu nγ-wa ni
2SG.POSS-mother 2SG.POSS-father DU
‘Your parents.’ (many occurrences)

The native terms *tγ-mu* and *tγ-wa* can be alienabilized (§5.1.2.9) and become terms of reference for elder people as in (2).

(2) kʰa w-byri kw-nγwak tγ-mu
house 3SG.POSS-before SBJ:PCP-have.a.good.time INDEF.POSS-mother
nwra kw nw-sγz-nwmbjwm smi cʰw-nw-βlw-nw
DEM:PL ERG 3PL.POSS-OBL:PCP-warm.by.fire fire IPFV-AUTO-burn-PL
pjγ-ŋu
IFR.IPFV-be

‘The old women who were resting in front of the house were burning a fire to keep themselves warm.’ (2002 qaCpa)

### 27.2.1.2 EGO’s parent’s siblings

There are different terms for parallel and cross-uncles and aunts (Table 27.3), which are all native terms with cognates in Tangut (Jacques 2012e) except possibly for *tγ-ŋi* ‘father’s sister’, which is borrowed from Tibetan *wšə́ ?a.ne* ‘paternal aunt’.

<table><caption>Table 27.3: Terms for EGO’s parents’s siblings and their spouses</caption><thead><tr><td>Uncle/Aunt</td><td>Spouse</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>MB (cross-uncle) tγ-rpu</td><td>MBW tγ-łak</td></tr><tr><td>MZ (parallel aunt) tγ-łak</td><td>MZH tγ-βyo</td></tr><tr><td>FB (parallel uncle) tγ-βyo</td><td>FBW tγ-łak</td></tr><tr><td>FZ (cross-aunt) tγ-ŋi</td><td>FZH tγ-βyo</td></tr></tbody></table>

The terms for parallel aunts and uncles also serve to designate parent’s siblings’ spouses, as described in (3). Note in this excerpt the use of the autive *nw-* on *tu-kuu-nu-ti* ‘one calls (them)’ reflecting the ‘casual’ spontaneous function (§19.1.4), emphasizing the fact that no specific term exists (compare with 30 in §19.1.4).
27.2 Kinship terms by generations

(3) *tw-ri* *u-nmač* *cʰondvre tw-łak*
GENR.POSS-FZ 3SG.POSS-husband COMIT GENR.POSS-MZ
*u-nmač* *ra nč-cki* *tce tce li* “*a-βyo*”
3SG.POSS-husband PL 3PL.POSS-DAT LNK LNK again 1SG.POSS-FB
*tu-kč-u-nč-ti* *cti* *ma nč ma* *zaka*
IPFV-GENR-AUTO-say be.AFF:FACT LNK DEM apart.from each
*u-rmi* *me.* (...) *tw-rpu* *yč* *u-rzaβ*
3SG.POSS-name notuezFACT GENR.POSS-MB GEN 3SG.POSS-wife
*u-cki* *tce* “*a-łak*” *tu-kč-ti* *ŋu.*
3SG.POSS-DAT LNK 1SG.POSS-MZ IPFV-GENR-AUTO-say be:FACT
*tu-βyo* *yč* *u-rzaβ* *u-cki* *li* “*a-łak*”
GENR.POSS-FB GEN 3SG.POSS-wife 3SG.POSS-DAT again 1SG.POSS-MZ
*tu-kč-ti* *cti.*
IPFV-GENR-AUTO-say be.AFF:FACT

'One calls one's father's sister's and one's mother's sister's husbands
*a-βyo* 'my father's brother'. Apart from that they don't have their own
term. One calls one's mother's brother's and one's father's brother's
wives *a-łak* 'my mother's sister'. (140425 kWmdza05) {0003789}

They can be used as polite address terms for elder people (§5.3.3). In addition,
*tw-βyo* is also a term of address for lamas, expressing respect.

The mother's siblings term *tw-rpu* 'mother's brother' and *tw-łak* 'mother's sister' can also designate their children (the maternal cross-cousins, §27.2.3.2) and their grandchildren (§27.5).

Conversely, the reciprocal of *tw-rpu* 'mother's brother', the term *tw-ftsa* 'sister's child' (§27.2.4.2), can be applied to EGO's paternal grandfather's sisters' children (FFZCh), who belong to EGO's parent's generation, due to the same generational skewing rule (§27.5).

27.2.1.3 G⁺²

The terms *tw-wu* ‘grandfather’ and *tw-wi* ‘grandmother’ are used to refer to EGO’s
grandparents and their siblings, and also as an affectionate for (unrelated) el-
ders who are two generations above EGO. This term is also applied to great-
grandparents and all generations above.

As an effect of the Omaha skewing rules (§27.5), the children of EGO's pa-
ternal great-grandfather's sisters (FFFZCh), who belong to EGO's grandparents'
generation, are downgraded three generations, and called by the term *tw-ftsa* 'sis-
ter's child' (§27.2.4.2) by EGO, and they answer back using the $G^{+1}$ terms *t̥-rpwu*
'mother's brother' and *t̥-laŋ* 'mother's sister' (§27.2.4.5).

## 27.2.2 Siblings

There are two competing systems for designating siblings in Japhug, one encoding the gender of the sibling and that of the possessor and the other relative age.

### 27.2.2.1 Gender-based system

The gender-based sibling terminological system comprises four terms (Table 27.4), which all have cognates in Tangut with identical functions (Jacques 2012e). The ♂B and ♀Z terms (in grey shading) are self-reciprocal: for instance, anyone EGO addresses as *a-xtrγ* 'my brother' replies back with the same word. The groups of same-sex siblings calling each other *a-xtrγ* 'my brother' or *a-sqʰaj* 'my sister' can be referred to by the social relation collective nouns *kndzixtrγ* 'brothers' and *kndzisqʰaj* 'sisters' derived from *t̥-xtrγ* and *t̥-sqʰaj*, respectively (§5.7.8.1).

<table><caption>Table 27.4: Sibling terms in Japhug</caption><thead><tr><th>Sex of connecting relative (possessor)</th><th>Brother</th><th>Sister</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Male</td><td>t̥-xtrγ ♂B</td><td>t̥-snom ♂Z</td></tr><tr><td>Female</td><td>t̥-wrmu ♀B</td><td>t̥-sqʰaj ♀Z</td></tr></tbody></table>

By contrast, *t̥-snom* ♂Z and *t̥-wrmu* ♀B are non-self-reciprocal, and are used as reciprocal pairs of each other. If EGO is male, he refers to his sister(s) as *a-snom*, and they/she refers to him as *a-wrmu*, and reciprocally if EGO is female. The compound collective noun *kndziwrmusnom* 'brother and sisters' built from these two nouns (§5.7.8.1) is used to designate groups of siblings of different sex.

In addition to siblings sharing the same parents, these terms can also be applied to paternal parallel cousins (FBCh, §27.2.3.1) and siblings of spouses (WB, WZ, HB, HZ, §27.2.5).

### 27.2.2.2 Relative age-based system

The relative age-based system only comprises two terms, *t̥-pi* 'elder sibling' and *ta-ŋi* 'younger sibling'. It distinguishes the relative age of the kin and his/her connecting relative (possessor).
Like the terms of the first system, *tɛ́-pi* and *ta-ki* can be used for paternal parallel cousins (§27.2.3.1) and spouses of siblings (§27.2.5), and also as affectionate address terms for non-kins of the same generation. The paternal cross-aunt (FZ) also uses *ta-ki* to call her cross-nephews (BCh §27.2.4.2); the gender-based sibling terminology cannot be used to refer to cross-nephews.

Both systems are possible for address and reference, but the former (Table 27.4) is more frequently used for reference, and the latter for address.

In addition, it is possible to add *tɛ́hɛ́me* ‘girl’ or *tɛ́-tɔ́u* ‘son’, ‘male’ as postnominal modifiers (9.1.8.1) to *tɛ́-pi* ‘elder sibling’ and *ta-ki* ‘younger sibling’ to specify the gender of the sibling, as in (4).

(4) a-ki tɛ́-tɔ́u kɔ́mηu tu tce, 1SG.POSS-younger.sibling INDEF.POSS-son five exist:FACT LNK ‘I have five younger brothers.’ (14-siblings) {0003508#S270}

### 27.2.3 Cousins

Parallel and cross-cousins (children of parent’s siblings) are designated by different terms in Japhug.

#### 27.2.3.1 Parallel cousins

There is no dedicated term for paternal parallel cousins (FBCh). They are terminologically identified with siblings (§27.2.2), and both the gender-based terms (§27.2.2.1) and the relative age-base terms (§27.2.2.2) can be applied to them (5).

(5) tɔ́-βγo γɔ́ u-tɔ́u cʰondγre u-me nɔ́ra GENR.POSS-FB GEN 3SG.POSS-son COMIT 3SG.POSS-daughter DEM:PL nɔ́-cki tce, tce kɔ́-wxti ra nɔ́-cki 3PL.POSS-DAT LNK LNK SBJ:PCP-be.big PL 3PL.POSS-DAT “a-pi” tu-kɔ́-ti, kɔ́-xtci ra nɔ́-cki 1SG.POSS-elder.sibling IPFV-GENR-say SBJ:PCP-be.big PL 3PL.POSS-DAT “a-ki” tu-kɔ́-ti γu. 1SG.POSS-elder.sibling IPFV-GENR-say be:FACT ‘As for one’s father’s brother’s sons and daughters, one calls the elder ones a-pi ‘my elder sibling’ and the younger ones a-ki ‘my younger sibling’.’ (140425 kWmdza01) {0003785}

Maternal parallel cousins have a dedicated term *tɛ́-mɔ́tsa*, probably a lexicalized compound from *tɛ́-mu* ‘mother’ (in bound state *mɔ́-*, §5.4.1) and *tɛ́-ftsa* ‘sister’s child’, literally ‘mother’s nephew’. A cognate compound is also found in
Situ (Zhang & Fan 2020). This term is self-reciprocal, as shown in (6) (see also 92 §18.4.2.1 for a description of the same rule with a different wording).

(6) **tw-ław** *yw u-rjit* *nwa tce ty-tcw*
GENR.POSS-FZ GEN 3SG.POSS-offspring DEM:PL LNK INDEF.POSS-son
*pu-nu-ŋu* *tcʰeme pu-nu-ŋu* *tw-mytsa* *ŋu*
PST.IPFV-AUTO-be girl PST.IPFV-AUTO-be GENR.POSS-MZCh be:FACT
(...) *twzo kumy “a-mytsa”* *tu-ku-ti, wzo kumy “a-mytsa”*
GENR also 1SG.POSS-MZCh IPFV-GENR-say 3SG also 1SG.POSS-MZCh
*tu-ti*
IPFV-say

'One's mother's sister's children, whether boy or girl, are one's maternal parallel cousins (*tw-mytsa*). (...) One calls [them] *a-mytsa*, and they also reply *a-mytsa*.' (140425 kWmdza04) {0003788}

However, some younger speakers also casually use the relative age sibling
terms to refer to maternal parallel cousins (7).

(7) **jinde tʰam tce “a-pi** *a-ki”*
nowadays now LNK 1SG.POSS-elder.sibling 1SG.POSS-younger.sibling
*tu-nu-ti-nu* *ŋu ma*
IPFV-AUTO-say-PL be:FACT LNK

'Nowadays [maternal parallel cousins] call [each other] *a-pi* 'my elder sibling' and *a-ki* 'my younger sibling' (casually).' (140425 kWmdza01)
{0003785}

27.2.3.2 Cross-cousins

By contrast, the cross-cousins are referred to by unequal terms. As explained in (8), the paternal cross-cousins (father's sister's children FZCh) are called using the term *ty-ftsa*, the same as sister's children (§27.2.4), and they reply back by calling their maternal parallel cousins (mother's brother's children MBCh) with *ty-rpu* and *ty-ław*, terms that also refer to the parallel cousins's parents (mother's brother MB and his wife MBW, §27.2.1).

(8) **tw-pi** *yw u-rjit* *nwa kw twzo tw-cki*
GENR.POSS-FZ GEN 3SG.POSS-children DEM:PL ERG GENR.GENR.POSS-DAT
"*a-rpu*", *ty-tcw* *pu-ku-ŋu* *ny* "*a-rpu*"
1SG.POSS-MB INDEF.POSS-son PST.IPFV-GENR-be ADD 1SG.POSS-MB