these morphophonological phenomena are easier to state by assuming the underlying vowel *u* for all prefixes.

Third, the assimilation from *u* to *i* following palatal and alveolo-palatal consonants appears to be general in the morphology of the language, including partially reduplicated forms, whose rhyme is replaced by -u* (§4.1). For instance, Tshendzin judges that the reduplicant here transcribed as -c<u>- of the reduplicated form *nyc<u>u<e>e* 'go around' (from *c<u>e* 'go') to be phonetically closer to *c<i>* 'polar interrogative' than to *c<u>u* 'who'. Adopting a transcription with *i* in the prefixes in Table 3.12 would therefore only make sense if reduplicated forms of syllables with palatal and alveolo-palatal consonants are also transcribed with *i* (thus *nyc<i>u<e>e* instead of *nyc<u>u<e>e*). However, such an orthography would cause unnecessary problems when automatically researching for reduplicated forms in the corpus. Since also in this case the pronunciation of the grapheme *u* as /i/ is completely predictable, and could be corrected automatically without difficulty, I choose to keep an etymological transcription.

<table><caption>Table 3.12: Verbal prefixes with palatal or alveolo-palatal onsets and high unrounded vowels</caption><thead><tr><td>Prefix</td><td>Function</td><td>Reference</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>pju/i-</td><td>Orientation prefix, B-type, downwards</td><td>§15.1.1.1</td></tr><tr><td>cʰu/i-</td><td>Orientation prefix, B-type, downstream</td><td>§15.1.1.1</td></tr><tr><td>ŋu/i-</td><td>Orientation prefix, B-type, westwards; sensory</td><td>§15.1.1.1</td></tr><tr><td>j<u>/i-</td><td>Proximative</td><td>§21.6.2</td></tr><tr><td>c<u>/i-</td><td>translocative associated motion</td><td>§§15.2.1.2</td></tr><tr><td>c<u>/i-</td><td>apprehensive</td><td>§§21.7.1</td></tr><tr><td>c<u>/i-</td><td>causative</td><td>§17.2.2.1</td></tr><tr><td>c<u>/i-</td><td>denominal</td><td>§20.3.2</td></tr></tbody></table>

In other words, in the transcription adopted in this work I transcribe the contrast between *u* and *i* before palatal and alveolo-palatals when non-predictable (in noun and verb stems), but neglect it and use *u* throughout in verbal prefixes and reduplicated syllables.

### 3.5.2.4 Verbal suffixes and possessive prefixes

A few unstressed verb suffixes have alveolo-palatal onsets and high unrounded vowels: the dual indexation suffixes 1<u>DU</u> -t<i>c<i>u</i> and 2/3<u>DU</u> -nd<i>zi</i> (§14.2.1.1, §14.3.2.1)
and the suffix -ci (§11.4). It is clear that these suffixes originally had a schwa-like
vowel rather than a front vowel as in most Gyalrong languages (see §14.8.1), but
here too Tshendzin considers the vowel of these suffixes to be /i/ rather than
/w/ (the suffix -ci, for instance, according to her resembles ci ‘one’ more than cu
‘stone’), and since no vowel fusion or other phenomena takes place with these
suffixes (unlike verbal prefixes), using an etymological notation would have been
an unnecessary complication.

In the prefixal possessive paradigm (§5.1.1), we also find a series of prefixes
with palatal and alveolo-palatal onsets and high unrounded vowels: 1DU tcen-, 1PL
ji- and 2/3DU ndzi-. Unlike verbal prefixes, but like the verbal indexation suffixes,
possessive prefixes in the Kamnyu dialect of Japhug never undergo vowel fusion
and remain invariable. The vowel is phonologically /i/, as shown by the min-
imal pair between ndzunu ‘Angelica’ and the dual possessive ndzi-nu ‘their<sub>du</sub>
breast’ (§3.5.2.2.2). For these reasons, I prefer a phonological (with -i) rather
than etymological (with -u) transcription for these prefixes.

3.5.3 The contrast between /ɣ/ and /e/ after palatal and alveolo-palatal consonants

The vowels /ɣ/ and /e/ in Kamnyu Japhug contrast in very few contexts. In
word-final stressed open syllables, only /e/ is found, /ɣ/ being attested only in
clitics and unstressed final syllables in words such as *kunɣ* ‘also, even’. In closed
syllables, /e/ is only found with the coda /-t/ in the past 2SG→3 of transitive -e
stem verbs (§3.3.2); the word-final -et vs. -ɣt are the only cases where /ɣ/ and /e/
are clearly contrastive.

In non-final open syllables, there are no examples of minimal pairs involving
a contrast between /ɣ/ and /e/. Phonetic [e] is clearly heard after palatal and
alveolo-palatal consonants when the vowel of the following syllable is /e/, for
instance in words such as *tceʰeme* ‘girl’ or *srrtyele* ‘extend (limbs)’, but in other
contexts I generally transcribe γ throughout, except when the word is an obvious
compound whose elements are recognized by the speakers (for instance *tceʰa*
‘later’, ‘soon’ from *tce* ‘then’ and *tʰa* ‘later’).

3.5.4 The contrast between /ɣ/ and /a/

The contrast between /ɣ/ and /a/, while clear in most contexts, is difficult to
perceive in unstressed syllables when followed by a uvular (in particular when
followed by a cluster with a uvular preinitial) and in syllables containing a (due
to regressive assimilation of height, §3.3.1.2).
In slow syllable-by-syllable pronunciation, Tshendzin makes it clear that some unstressed syllables preceding a uvular have /a/ rather than /r/. This concerns the indefinite possessor prefix in words such as *ta-ki* 'younger sibling', *ta-ktu* 'horn', *ta-ki* 'dirt', *ta-kuuβ* 'shadow', *ta-krum* 'light, shadow', *ta-χpi* 'shape, model', *ta-krɛt* 'charcoal', *ta-kyaz* 'soot' and *ta-ka* 'free time' (§ §5.1.2), and the fossilized prefix in nouns such as *taqaβ* 'needle'. The noun *tɛr-kaρ* 'wing', however, has *tɛr-* rather *ta-*.

Another context where the variant *ta-* is found is with the *m-* initial nouns *ta-ma* ‘work’ and *ta-mar* ‘butter’. Note that a contrast exists with the honorific noun *tɛr-ma* ‘mother’ (§5.1.2), showing that the two allomorphs *tɛr-* and *ta-* are synchronically contrastive in the Kamnyu variety at least for some speakers.

With some verbal prefixes, in particular the antipassive prefixes *rɛr-/ra-* and *sɛr-/sa-* (§18.6), the proprietive *sɛr-/sa-* (§18.8) and the tropative *nɛr(y)-/na-* (§17.5.1) and several denominal prefixes), the *a* allomorph is found where followed by a stem with a uvular preinitial. For instance, the antipassive of *χtu* ‘buy’ is *raχtu* ‘do shopping’ with the variant *ra-* rather than *rɛr*. Not all prefixes in *r-* present this alternation: for instance, the causative, facilitative and denominal prefixes *yɛr-* never have a variant †*ya-*.

However, in the case of orientation preverbs (§15.1.1.1) and other inflectional prefixes, no such phonologically determined alternation is found. For instance, the A-type preverb *tɛr-* UPWARDS remains unchanged when preceding stems with a uvular preinitial as in *tɛr-χtu-t-a* (AOR-buy-PST:TR-1SG) ‘I bought it’, where the prefix *tɛr-* is different from the corresponding C-type preverb *ta-* in *ta-χtu* (AOR:3 →3'-buy) ‘he bought it’.

3.6 Speech errors and self-corrections

The Japhug corpus, being exclusively an oral one, contains many speech errors, and immediate self corrections by the speakers, which have been systematically transcribed. Table 3.13 presents examples of phonological errors that are followed by self-corrections in the corpus.

Phonological errors can result in the replacement of a word by a similar-soun-
ding one (as in the case of *sqi* ‘ten’ for *sqʰi* ‘tripod’), but more often by a non-sense
form. Errors generally involve one phonological feature at a time, including aspi-
ration, nasality and place of articulation, especially the contrast between dental
and alveolo-palatal affricates, and that between uvular and velars. A more puz-
zling replacement is that of /χ/ by /r/ (saχaɣ → sara) despite the absence of any
common phonological feature between these two phonemes.
<table><caption>Table 3.13: Examples of self-corrections in the Japhug corpus</caption><thead><tr><th>Erroneous form</th><th>Correct form</th><th>Error type</th><th>Reference</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>[sqi] ‘ten’</td><td>sqʰi ‘tripod’</td><td>aspiration</td><td>(160703 poucet3)<br>{0006107#S47}</td></tr><tr><td>[twsŋɔr]</td><td>tw-skɔrma ‘one cent’</td><td>nasal/oral</td><td>(150825 baishe zhuan-zh)<br>{0006342#S69}</td></tr><tr><td>[tsʰo-]</td><td>tɛʰorzi ‘jar’</td><td>dental/alveolo-palatal</td><td>(160703 araR)<br>{0006101#S48}</td></tr><tr><td>[tɛʰu]</td><td>tsʰu rɔun ‘often’</td><td></td><td>(160630 abao-zh)<br>{0006197#S107}</td></tr><tr><td>[sara-]</td><td>saχaɔ ‘it is extremely...’</td><td>rhotic/uvular</td><td>(160712 smAG)<br>{0006073#S20}</td></tr><tr><td>[qapri] ‘snake’</td><td>qapi ‘white stone’</td><td></td><td>(160630 poucet2)<br>{0006155#S2}</td></tr><tr><td>[uŋŋo]</td><td>u-jmŋo ‘his dream’</td><td>yod metathesis</td><td>(160630 abao-zh)<br>{0006197#S109}</td></tr><tr><td>[pjɔka]</td><td>pɔjka ‘squash’</td><td></td><td>(150827 mengjiangnv-zh)<br>{0006290#S15}</td></tr><tr><td>[uŋri]</td><td>u-ŋu u-ntsi ‘one of her horns’</td><td>vowels</td><td>(160715 nWNa)<br>{0006067#S10}</td></tr><tr><td>[pyɔjmnɔt]</td><td>pyɔjmt (unidentified species of plant)</td><td>insertion</td><td>(140505 sWjno)<br>{0003919#S21}</td></tr></tbody></table>
The phoneme /j/ is particularly prone to metathesis, either within initial clusters (u̯jmn̯o → u̯mn̯o, with fusion of /j/ and /ŋ/ as /n/, see §4.2.1.9), or across vowels (p̯rjka → pj̯rka).

## 3.7 Suprasegmentals

Unlike all other Gyalrong languages, including Tshobdun (Sun 2005), Situ (Lin 2012) and Zbu (Gong 2018), Japhug has no tonal contrasts. However, there is morphologically determined stress. Phonological words only have one stress, which is located by default on the final syllable of the word (§3.8.1, §11.6.1).

The personal agreement suffixes (§14.2.1, §11.3) and the peg suffix -ci (§11.4) never receive stress, and their vowels are optionally devoiced. For instance, tš-ndza-t-a ‘I ate it’ (AOR-eat-PST-1SG) is realized as [tšndzátą] or [tšndzáta]. Stress can be antepenultimate in the case of verb forms with two suffixes as in to-k-šmu-rpú-ndži-ci ‘they bumped into each other’ (IFR-PEG-RECIP-bump-DU-PEG).

There are only three verbal prefixes which can attract stress: the inverse -wy- (§14.3.2.7), the negative Sensory múj- (§13.1.1, §21.3.2.1), and the interrogative u- (§21.7.4.1). Outside of verbal morphology, the only other process that affects stress is the comitative adverb derivation (§5.8.1). Some ideophones have emphatic stress on the first syllable (§10.1.5.4), but it is not phonologically distinctive.

A few function words have penultimate stress: kúnr ‘also’ (§9.1.6.1), cínr ‘not even one’ (§9.1.6.4), nóymuz and kóymuz ‘only after’ (§8.2.11).

## 3.8 Word structure

### 3.8.1 Wordhood

Although no native expression exists to designate ‘words’ in Japhug (as in the immense majority of the world’s languages, Dixon & Aikhenvald 2002), speakers have an intuitive notion of a minimal unit which can be the object of metalin guistic discourse, as opposed to prefixes and suffixes.

The intuitive notion of ‘word’ can be correlated with some phonological and morphological criteria.

The clearest phonological criterion for wordhood is stress. Stress is by default word-final, and words have at most one stress. Most function words, including linkers (§25.1.6), determiners (§9.1), postpositions (§8.2) and even relator nouns (§8.3) lack stress (unless they receive special emphasis). In example (1), the
stressed syllables are indicated by an acute accent, and the unstressed function
words by a grave accent.

(1) **tcè byzmí cì** | **pjy-tú-ndzi** | **tcè ty-rzáβ** | **nù lamú**
| LNK couple **INDEF** IFR.IPFV-exist-DU LNK **INDEF.POSS-wife** DEM ANTHR
| **pjy-rmí.** | **ty-tçú** | **nùi tsʰuráng** | **pjy-rmí.**
| IPFV.IPFV-be-called **INDEF.POSS-son** DEM ANTHR IPFV.IPFV-be-called
| 'There was a couple, the wife was called Lhamo, and the man Tshering.'
| (28-qajdoskAt) {0003718#S2}

There are only three groups of exceptions to word-final stress placement (for instance the unstressed suffix -ndzi in 1), as seen in the previous section (§3.7). Given its predictability, stress is not noted in the transcription employed in this grammar, except on stress-attracting prefixes.

Among the morphological criteria for wordhood (§11.6), the scope of partial reduplication can be employed, at least for the word classes that allow it. Initial reduplication, almost exclusively restricted to verb forms (§12.4.1), applies to the *first syllable of the word* almost without exception.<fnref n="6" /> In the case of verbs, several additional morphological tests converge to indicate the same left boundary. For the right boundary of the words, partial reduplication is less useful, as it only applies to stems (§12.4.2): inflectional suffixes are never reduplicated.

Inflectional suffixes (§11.3), in particular person indexation suffixes (§14.2.1.1, §14.2.1.2), do present clitic-like properties, since they are not stressed, and are outside the scope of reduplication. However, these morphemes cannot be isolated, follow a rigid order, have non-adjacent dependencies with verbal prefixes (§11.4), and no external element can be inserted between them. Moreover, the 1SG marker -a, despite being unstressed when following consonant-final verb stems, undergoes fusion with vowel-final stems (§3.3.1.3), causing vowel mergers. The verbal word in Japhug is thus slightly larger than the prosodic domains of stress and partial reduplication (Schiering et al. 2010).

There are, however, three problems challenging the notion of ‘word’ in Japhug: clitized sentence final particles (§11.6.2), bipartite verbs (§11.6.3) and prenominal attributes (§9.1.8.2) when they receive no stress. These issues are discussed in more detail in the relevant sections.

<footnote n="6">⁶The only exception is the reduplicated subject participle *ku~ku-tu* of the existential verb *tu* ‘exist’, which can take (non-reduplicated) possessive prefixes, but this may be a lexicalized form (§12.4.1.5).</footnote>
3.8.2 Non-final syllables

Putting aside function words, monosyllables are considerably less common than polysyllables in Japhug; in particular, verbs can be monosyllabic only in one form of their paradigm (3sg Factual Non-past, §21.3.1.1), and inalienably possessed nouns are always at least disyllabic (§5.1.2).

The stem-final syllable (excluding inflectional suffixes), in addition to having stress by default, is also generally the part of the word with the maximum of phonological contrasts. Since polysyllabic roots are rare, non-final syllables are in the immense majority of cases either prefixes or compound roots.

Prefixes have strong phonotactic constraints: with the sole exception of some orientation preverbs (§15.1.1.1). Their main vowels are always /u/ (including [i] in contexts where the contrast is neutralized or quasi-neutralized §3.5.2), /r/ and /a/, and they cannot have aspirated or plain voiced consonants. Specific classes of prefixes have even stricter constraints: productive nominalization prefixes can only be obstruents (§16) and verbal derivation prefixes (Chapters 17, 18, 19 and 20) can only contain nine consonants: /m/, /n/, /s/, /z/, /ç/, /z/, /r/, /j/ and /ɣ/ (a subset of the consonants that occur as preinitials, §4.2).

Roots occurring as non-final elements of compounds do not have such strin-
gent constraints on consonants, but due to a process of rhyme reduction (bound
state, §5.4.1), most vowels are converted to either /u/ or /r/.

Hence, in non-final syllables, the vowels are mostly restricted to /a/, /u/, or /r/,
the latter two being subject to rounding by vowel harmony (§3.3.1.2) or as-
similation with /u/ (§4.2.1.1, §4.2.2.4, §14.3.2.7). An example of a typical Japhug
word is the verb form /atɔ́tw:yγγγzó/ (2), which has a vowel other than /a/, /u/,
or /r/ only in the last syllable.

(2) a-ty-tu̯-zy-y-y-zo
IRR-PFV-2-REFL-CAUS-be.light
‘Make yourself light.’ (from 59, §18.3.4.1)

Vowels other than /a/, /u/, or /r/ in non-final syllables of verb and noun
stems are only found in four cases. First, there is a handful of synchronically
unanalyzable polysyllabic nominal and verbal stems with /o/, /u/ or /i/ in non-
final syllables, for instance ngocna ‘spider’, juli ‘flute’ or nupodudi ‘tickle’. Second,
compounds whose first element does not undergo bound state can preserve any
vowel (for instance qrormbu ‘anthill’ from qro ‘ant’ and rmbu ‘heap up’). Third,
Tibetan loanwords, especially in the most recent layers (§3.3.3), are not subject to
the phonotactic constraints of native nouns and allow any combination of vowels
(for instance lɔŋbutɛ̃h i ‘elephant’ from glaŋ-po.tɛ̃h e ‘elephant’).
# 4 Consonant clusters and partial reduplication

## 4.1 Partial Reduplication

A useful test to analyse and classify clusters is partial reduplication (Jacques 2007), a very productive process which can be applied to both verb and noun stems and has a variety of morphosyntactic functions depending on the position of the syllable affected by reduplication.

Partial reduplication of the first syllable of the verbal complex can mark the protasis of a conditional construction (§12.4.1.2), iterative coincidence (§12.4.1.3), degree incrementation (§12.4.1.4) and totalitative relativization (§12.4.1.5). When the target of partial reduplication is the last syllable of the verb, it can indicate emphasis (§12.4.1.6, §12.4.3), and also serve as a secondary exponent (§12.4.2) of several derivational processes, such as reciprocal (§18.4.1), distributed action (§19.4), auto-evaluative (§19.5), attenuative (§19.6), as well as some non-finite verb forms (gerund §16.6.1 and purposive converb §16.6.2). Outside of verbal morphology, we find partial reduplication in comitative adverbs (§5.8.1), perrelative (§5.8.2) and collectives (§5.7.8.2). There are in addition a few sporadic cases of full reduplication (§19.7.11, §18.6.5).

When partial reduplication is applied to a syllable, the rhyme of the reduplicated syllable is changed to /w/ in the reduplicant (other types of partial reduplication are treated in §19.4.2). This vowel can undergo rounded assimilation to [u] when the base syllable has the main vowel /u/ or /o/ (§3.3.1.2).

Some clusters are only partially copied: when the last consonant of a cluster is one of the non-nasal sonorants (/r/, /l/, /j/, /w/, /ɣ/ or /k/), and the preceding consonant is neither a non-nasal sonorant nor a sibilant or alveolo-palatal fricative, the sonorant is deleted, as in the gerund of *mbyom* ‘be in a hurry’, which yields *sɣ-mbuu- mbyom* (example 245, §16.6.1.3) instead of †*sɣ-mbyuu- mbyom*, or the emphatic form *kʰu- kʰro* from *kʰro* ‘much’ (§26.1.1.2), instead of †*kʰru- kʰro*.

However, in *some* of the clusters ending in a non-nasal sonorant, but whose penultimate consonant is either a non-nasal sonorant, a sibilant (/s/, /z/) or an
### 4 Consonant clusters and partial reduplication

alveolo-palatal fricative (/c/, /z/), the final sonorant is not deleted in partial reduplication. For instance, the emphatic reduplication of the infinitive of *acъryi* ‘be quick’ is *ku-ъҫъryu-ryi* (1), not †*ku-ъҫъru*~ryi, and the perlative (§5.8.2) of *tъ-jroъ* ‘trace’ is *u-jru-jroъ* ‘following X’s trace’, not †*u-ju*~*jroъ*.

(1) *ku-ъҫryu-ryi* zo, tu-su-mtcuъ ngryl
INF:STAT-EMPH-be.quick EMPH IPFV-CAUS-turn be.usually.the.case:FACT
'It makes it turn very quickly.' (18-NGolo) {0003530#S130}

However, in the cluster *rj-* for instance, the glide *j* is deleted, as in the negative *gerund masъrurju* ‘quietly, in secret’ from *arju* ‘speak’ (§16.6.1.2). A precise inventory of the clusters with sonorant deletion is provided in §4.2.2 and §4.2.3.

Partial reduplication is crucial in analyzing and classifying consonant clusters. Sonorants that undergo deletion when partial reduplication is applied are henceforth designated as *medial* consonants (corresponding to the terms 介音 < jièyīn> ‘medial’ in the Chinese phonological tradition and ORTHODOX CHAPMAN ‘attached letter’ in the Tibetan one) and do not belong to the same phonological constituent as the rest of the onset.

## 4.2 Inventory of consonant clusters

Japhug counts at least 423 clusters in syllable onset position: 319 clusters with two consonants and 104 with three consonants.<fnref n="1" /> In addition, there are additional types of consonant clusters across syllable boundaries (§4.2.3.1) and secondary clusters due to vowel fusion (§3.3.1.3), which are too numerous to be systematically surveyed. While the number of clusters in Japhug is considerably smaller than that of Khroskyabs, which counts as many as 757 (Lai 2017: 101), it is still much richer than most languages in the Trans-Himalayan family.

In the following discussion, phonemes or clusters found exclusively in ideophones (§10.1) or Tibetan loanwords are systematically indicated, in order to bring out the phonotactics of inherited Japhug vocabulary. For each cluster, an example is provided; in the case of verb roots, the base stem is indicated, rather than a conjugated form (unlike what was done in Jacques 2019c).

### 4.2.1 Preinitials

This section deals with consonant clusters whose last consonant is not one of the six non-nasal sonorants (/r/, /l/, /j/, /w/, /ɣ/ or /k/) and thus cannot contain a medial consonant.

<footnote n="1">¹A few new clusters have been discovered since the article Jacques (2019c) was written.</footnote>
## 4.2 Inventory of consonant clusters

Clusters of this type have a limited number of possible consonants in first position: /w/, /s/-/z/, /c/-/z/, /l/, /s/-/r/, /j/, /x/-/ɣ/, /χ/-/k/, /n/, /m/ and the homorganic nasal, to which must be added a few clusters in stop+/c/. These consonants, which correspond to both ὕστα sŋon.ⁿdʒug 'prefixed letter' and ḫɔ́ ṣɔ́ mgo.tcen 'superscript letter' in Tibetan traditional grammar, are referred to as *preinitial*. The last consonant of these clusters is called the *initial* (ཉི་གླི mɪŋ.gʒi 'radical letter' in Tibetan). The following sections list clusters by preinitial, and in each table present them by place and mode of articulation of the initial. Clusters with three consonants are dealt with separately.

It is striking that (except in the stop+c- clusters, which are secondary, §4.2.1.10), all preinitials are either sonorants or fricatives. There are no stop preinitials in Japhug, unlike in Situ, which allows labial and velar stops (Zhang 2016: 44). The preinitial stops p- and k- in Situ regularly correspond to Japhug /w-/-/ and /x/-/ɣ-/-/ or /χ/-/k-/-/, suggesting that a general rule of preinitial fricativization took place in Japhug (Jacques 2004: 273).

### 4.2.1.1 /w/+C clusters

Table 4.1 lists all consonant clusters in Japhug with /w/ as first element not ending in a non-nasal sonorant.

The phoneme /w/ has fricativized allophones when occurring as first member of a consonant cluster (§3.2.1), transcribed here as f- before unvoiced obstruents, and β- before all voiced consonants. It does not appear before nasal or prenasalized segments, due to a nasalization rule *wN- → mN-,* attested notably in the irregular m- allomorph of the γγ- causative (§17.3.1). It cannot be followed by any of the labial consonants: for instance †fp- and †βb- are not acceptable onsets. Some clusters with /w/ + voiced obstruents (βz- and βg-) are only attested in Tibetan loanwords.

Clusters with three consonants whose first element is /w/ and the last one is not a sonorant are all restricted to Tibetan borrowings (verb forms with the past tense b- prefix, for example βzŋur from ṁngil bsgilur 'change') except for /wxt/, which is realized as [xʷt] with a labiovelarized fricative, rounding the preceding unrounded vowels /w/ and /wh/: the participle kuu-wxti 'the big one' is realized as [kuxʷti]. Not all speakers maintain the contrast between /wxt/ and /xt/; the verb wxti 'be big' is the only item with this cluster.

Non-segmental realizations of /w/, limited to vowel rounding, are also found in the group wyr- (treated in §4.2.2.4) and the inverse prefix wy- (§14.3.2.7).
## 4 Consonant clusters and partial reduplication

<table><caption>Table 4.1: List of consonant clusters with /w/ as a first element (15+8); clusters only found in Tibetan loanwords are shaded in light grey.</caption><tr><td>/t/</td><td>/wt/</td><td>u-ftaak 'sign'</td></tr><tr><td>/d/</td><td>/wd/</td><td>βduut 'demon'</td></tr><tr><td>/ts/</td><td>/wts/</td><td>ftsoø 'female hybrid yak'</td></tr><tr><td>/tsʰ/</td><td>/wtsʰ/</td><td>ftsʰi 'feel better'</td></tr><tr><td>/s/</td><td>/ws/</td><td>fsaj 'fumigation'</td></tr><tr><td>/z/</td><td>/wz/</td><td>βzaŋsa 'friend'</td></tr><tr><td>/tç/</td><td>/wtç/</td><td>ftçar 'summer'</td></tr><tr><td>/tçʰ/</td><td>/wtçʰ/</td><td>ftçʰur 'put vertically', 'pour down'</td></tr><tr><td>/ç/</td><td>/wç/</td><td>fcak 'repent'</td></tr><tr><td>/z/</td><td>/wz/</td><td>βzar 'buzzard'</td></tr><tr><td>/ts/</td><td>/wtṣ/</td><td>ftṣi 'melt'</td></tr><tr><td>/c/</td><td>/wc/</td><td>tu-fcaak 'dorsal mat'</td></tr><tr><td>/ʒ/</td><td>/wʒ/</td><td>βji 'chase'</td></tr><tr><td>/k/</td><td>/wk/</td><td>fkca 'be full'</td></tr><tr><td>/g/</td><td>/wg/</td><td>βgoz 'prepare'</td></tr><tr><td>/wxt/</td><td></td><td>wxti 'be big'</td></tr><tr><td>/wst/</td><td></td><td>fstun 'take care of', 'serve'</td></tr><tr><td>/wrt/</td><td></td><td>frtyn 'be trustworthy'</td></tr><tr><td>/wsk/</td><td></td><td>fskr 'turn around'</td></tr><tr><td>/wzg/</td><td></td><td>βzgcr 'delay'</td></tr><tr><td>/wzd/</td><td></td><td>βzdu 'collect'</td></tr><tr><td>/wzj/</td><td></td><td>βzjur 'change, correct'</td></tr><tr><td>/wrj/</td><td></td><td>βrjan 'stretch tight' (skin)</td></tr></table>

### 4.2.1.2 Sibilant+C clusters

Table 4.2 lists all consonant clusters with a sibilant fricative /s/ or /z/ as first element not ending in a non-nasal sonorant.

The contrast between /s/ and /z/ is neutralized before obstruents: we find s- before unvoiced stops, fricatives and affricates and z- before voiced ones (including prenasalized stops). With nasals, a contrast is found between sm- and sn- on the one hand, and their voiced counterparts zm- and zn- on the other hand. The latter are only found in morphologically complex nouns or verbs, as several sibilant prefixes. These include the causative (§17.2.1.1), the oblique participle (§16.1.3.1), the gerund (§16.6.1.1) and the abilitative (§19.3) prefixes, all of which have z- al-
## 4.2 Inventory of consonant clusters

<table><caption>Table 4.2: List of consonant clusters with /s/ or /z/ as a first element (23+0)</caption><tr><td>/p/</td><td>/sp/</td><td>spoz 'incense'</td></tr><tr><td>/b/</td><td>/zb/</td><td>zbaš 'be dry'</td></tr><tr><td>/mb/</td><td>/zmb/</td><td>tzymbur 'silt'</td></tr><tr><td>/m/</td><td>/sm/</td><td>smar 'river'</td></tr><tr><td>/zm/</td><td>/st/</td><td>zmaqʰu 'cause to be late'</td></tr><tr><td>/t/</td><td>/sth/</td><td>staxpu 'pea'</td></tr><tr><td>/td/</td><td>/sth/</td><td>stʰaβ 'put against'</td></tr><tr><td>/d/</td><td>/zd/</td><td>zdum 'cloud'</td></tr><tr><td>/nd/</td><td>/znd/</td><td>znde 'stone wall'</td></tr><tr><td>/n/</td><td>/sn/</td><td>sna 'be good, be worthy'</td></tr><tr><td>/zn/</td><td>/zn/</td><td>znvjja 'find X a shame'</td></tr><tr><td>/c/</td><td>/sc/</td><td>scoš 'scoop'</td></tr><tr><td>/ch/</td><td>/scʰ/</td><td>scʰyt 'recede' (water)</td></tr><tr><td>/j/</td><td>/zj/</td><td>nuuzju 'suffer losses'</td></tr><tr><td>/nj/</td><td>/znj/</td><td>zŋŋa 'plant sp.'</td></tr><tr><td>/n/</td><td>/sŋ/</td><td>ṣṇaŋne 'fasting'</td></tr><tr><td>/k/</td><td>/sk/</td><td>skym 'ox'</td></tr><tr><td>/kh/</td><td>/skʰ/</td><td>rkryskʰi 'pan'</td></tr><tr><td>/g/</td><td>/zg/</td><td>zga 'sauce'</td></tr><tr><td>/ng/</td><td>/zŋg/</td><td>akʰŋzŋga 'call'</td></tr><tr><td>/ŋ/</td><td>/sŋ/</td><td>ṣŋaš 'curse'</td></tr><tr><td>/q/</td><td>/sq/</td><td>sqamnuz 'twelve'</td></tr><tr><td>/qʰ/</td><td>/sqʰ/</td><td>sqʰi 'tripod'</td></tr></table>

lomorphs when prefixed to polysyllabic stems whose first syllable has a single sonorant followed by a vowel. In particular, zmaqʰu 'cause to be late' and znvjja 'find X a shame' in Table 4.2 are the causative derivations of maqʰu 'be after', 'be late' (§20.6) and nvjja 'be a shame' (§17.2.5.9), respectively.

Before non-nasal sonorants, a voicing contrast is attested between /sj-/ vs. /zj-/ (§4.2.2.2), /sl-/ vs. /zl-/ (§4.2.2.3), /sr-/ vs. /zr-/ (§4.2.2.4) and /sy-/ vs. /zy-/ (§4.2.2.5).

The sibilant preinitials are compatible with all stops, but do not occur with affricates, whether dental, alveolo-palatal or retroflex, except in heterosyllabic clusters (§4.2.3.1). The loanword koxtcwn 'brocade' from ཉོགས་ཆོན་གོ་ཚོགས་ཤེན་ 'brocade'
### 4 Consonant clusters and partial reduplication

suggests that a sound change *stɛ̃- → xtɛ̃- has removed all instances of sibilant+alveolo-palatal clusters.

The aspiration contrast in unvoiced stops and affricates is not neutralized after the s- preinitial, as shown, for instance, by the minimal pair stʰoɔ ‘push’, ‘press’ vs. stoɔ ‘broad bean’.

#### 4.2.1.3 /l/+C clusters

There are considerably fewer clusters with an /l/ preinitial than with other preinitials. These clusters are listed in Table 4.3. They contain a high proportion of ideophones and Tibetan loanwords, as the genuine proto-Gyalrong *l- preinitial has changed to j- in most contexts (§4.2.1.6).

<table><caption>Table 4.3: List of consonant clusters with /l/ as a first element (17+1); light grey shading indicates clusters only attested in Tibetan loanwords, and dark grey clusters only found in ideophones.</caption><tr><td>/p/</td><td>/lp/</td><td>tu-lpɣy 'one piece'</td></tr><tr><td>/m/</td><td>/lm/</td><td>tɔlmuz 'straw covering the balcony'</td></tr><tr><td>/t/</td><td>/lt/</td><td>ltɣβ 'fold'</td></tr><tr><td>/tʰ/</td><td>/ltʰ/</td><td>ltʰumumi 'coming slowly (sleep)'</td></tr><tr><td>/d/</td><td>/ld/</td><td>lduyi 'bharal'</td></tr><tr><td>/n/</td><td>/ln/</td><td>lni 'wither'</td></tr><tr><td>/ts/</td><td>/lts/</td><td>çγltsaɔ 'leather coat'</td></tr><tr><td>/tsʰ/</td><td>/ltsʰ/</td><td>tsʰγltsʰγt 'small and weak'</td></tr><tr><td>/tɛ̃/</td><td>/ltɛ̃/</td><td>rtγltɛaɔ 'horse whip'</td></tr><tr><td>/tɛʰ/</td><td>/ltɛʰ/</td><td>ltɛʰγltɛʰγt 'hanging' (of fluffy objects)</td></tr><tr><td>/dʒ/</td><td>/ldʒ/</td><td>ldzajku 'green'</td></tr><tr><td>/dz/</td><td>/ldz/</td><td>ldzajldzaj 'hanging' (big object)</td></tr><tr><td>/c/</td><td>/lc/</td><td>lcuylcuy 'drenching'</td></tr><tr><td>/cʰ/</td><td>/lcʰ/</td><td>tu-lcʰuy 'one section' (of a bag)</td></tr><tr><td>/ŋ/</td><td>/lŋ/</td><td>ŋŋlŋŋt 'hanging' (fruit)</td></tr><tr><td>/x/</td><td>/lx/</td><td>lxγβlxγβ 'thick' (clothes)</td></tr><tr><td>/q/</td><td>/lq/</td><td>lqγŋlqγt 'toddling'</td></tr><tr><td>/lpɛ̃/</td><td>/qalpɛa</td><td>'open' (fern leaf)</td></tr></table>

A possible example of an additional cluster /lŋ-/ is found in the verb *nundzu-lŋuz* ‘doze off’, but both /nw.ndzwul.nŋuz/ and *nw.ndzu.lŋuz* are possible syllabifications.
The cluster *lpɛ̃-, only attested in *qalpɛa ‘open’ (of fern leaf), is discussed further in §4.2.1.10.

### 4.2.1.4 /r/+C clusters

Table 4.4 lists all consonant clusters not ending in a non-nasal sonorant with the rhotic /r/ or its unvoiced counterpart, the retroflex fricative /ʃ/, as first element.

The contrast between /r/ and /ʃ/ is almost completely neutralized in preinitial position, the former occurring with voiced obstruents, and the latter with unvoiced ones. The symbol *r* is used in the orthography employed in this grammar for the archiphoneme {r,ʃ} preceding obstruents, except in the group ʃχ-.

However, a contrast between /r/ and /ʃ/ is found before sonorant initials, in particular with the palatal nasal (/ɲ-/ vs. /ɲ-/), the velar nasal (/ɲ-/ vs. /ɲ-/) and the velar fricative (/ɲ-/ vs. /ɲ-/ see §4.2.2.5).

When preceding sonorants, /r/ is initial when occurring before *w* and *j* (§4.2.2.1, §4.2.2.2), but preinitial in *rl-*, *ry-* and *rɪ-* (§4.2.2.3, §4.2.2.5, §4.2.2.6).

There is one case of a preinitial *r* apparently originating from a rhotacized sibilant, in the verb form *arnglum* ‘be caved in’ (§4.2.2.3, §19.7.9).

### 4.2.1.5 Alveolo-palatal+C clusters

Table 4.5 lists all consonant clusters with an alveolo-palatal fricative /c/ or /z/
as preinitial and not ending in a non-nasal sonorant.

As in the case of the sibilant preinitials *s-* and *z-*, the voicing contrast between /c/ and /z/ is neutralized in preinitial position before obstruents, the former occurring when followed by unvoiced stops, fricatives and affricates, and the latter when followed by voiced ones.

A voicing contrast is attested between /cṇ-/ and /zṇ-/; but the latter only occurs when the *z-* allomorph of the translocative prefix (§15.2.1.2) precedes the A-type *nu-* or C-type *na-* ‘westward’ orientation preverbs (§15.1.1.1), as in examples (97) (§9.1.5.2) and (4) (§11.2.2).

Before non-nasal sonorants, the voiced contrast is attested between /cl-/ vs. /zl-/ (§4.2.2.3, also only with the translocative prefix), /cr-/ vs. /zr-/ (§4.2.2.4) and /cɣ-/ vs. /zɣ-/ (§4.2.2.5).

Unlike sibilant preinitials, alveolo-palatal preinitials are compatible with affricates of all places of articulation, even alveolo-palatal affricates in the cluster *cţe-* found in the noun *sṛcṭcwy* ‘strap’ (to carry children). There is evidence, however, that *ctsʰi-* dissimilated to *jtsʰi-* in the irregular causative *jtsʰi-* ‘give to drink’ (§4.2.1.6, §17.2.2.5).
4 Consonant clusters and partial reduplication

<table><caption>Table 4.4: List of consonant clusters with /r/ and /ʃ/ as a first element (35+0)</caption><tr><td>/p/</td><td>/şp/</td><td>tw-rpa 'axe'</td></tr><tr><td>/pʰ/</td><td>/şpʰ/</td><td>rpʰγbrpʰγβ 'flapping wings'</td></tr><tr><td>/mb/</td><td>/rmb/</td><td>armbat 'be near'</td></tr><tr><td>/m/</td><td>/rm/</td><td>rmγβja 'peacock'</td></tr><tr><td>/t/</td><td>/şt/</td><td>rtalu 'horse year'</td></tr><tr><td>/tʰ/</td><td>/ştʰ/</td><td>u-pγrtʰγβ 'between'</td></tr><tr><td>/d/</td><td>/rd/</td><td>rdγstak 'stone'</td></tr><tr><td>/nd/</td><td>/rnd/</td><td>rnde 'find'</td></tr><tr><td>/n/</td><td>/rn/</td><td>rnaγ 'be deep'</td></tr><tr><td>/ts/</td><td>/ştş/</td><td>rtsot 'vengeance'</td></tr><tr><td>/tsʰ/</td><td>/ştşʰ/</td><td>rtsʰom 'have a crack' (bucket)</td></tr><tr><td>/dz/</td><td>/rdz/</td><td>rdzardza 'insolent'</td></tr><tr><td>/ndz/</td><td>/rndz/</td><td>rndzγkγŋe 'shade of the mountain'</td></tr><tr><td>/s/</td><td>/şş/</td><td>rsuβrsuβ 'hairy'</td></tr><tr><td>/z/</td><td>/rz/</td><td>tw-rzuy 'one section'</td></tr><tr><td>/tç/</td><td>/ştç/</td><td>nurtça 'tease'</td></tr><tr><td>/tçʰ/</td><td>/ştçʰ/</td><td>rtçʰwukju 'caterpillar'</td></tr><tr><td>/ndz/</td><td>/rndz/</td><td>cirndzi 'sand'</td></tr><tr><td>/ç/</td><td>/şç/</td><td>rcuβrcuβ 'rough'</td></tr><tr><td>/z/</td><td>/rz/</td><td>tγ-rzaβ 'wife'</td></tr><tr><td>/c/</td><td>/şc/</td><td>tγ-rcoγ 'mud'</td></tr><tr><td>/cʰ/</td><td>/şcʰ/</td><td>u-rcʰarcʰγβ 'interstice'</td></tr><tr><td>/j/</td><td>/rj/</td><td>rjaγ 'dance'</td></tr><tr><td>/jγ/</td><td>/rjγ/</td><td>rjγaλo 'bolt'</td></tr><tr><td>/jη/</td><td>/rjη/</td><td>şpokşpok 'long and thin'</td></tr><tr><td>/rη/</td><td>/rjη/</td><td>rjηη 'be ancient'</td></tr><tr><td>/k/</td><td>/şk/</td><td>rko 'be hard'</td></tr><tr><td>/kʰ/</td><td>/şkʰ/</td><td>tγ-rkʰom 'feather rachis'</td></tr><tr><td>/g/</td><td>/rg/</td><td>rga 'like'</td></tr><tr><td>/ŋg/</td><td>/rŋg/</td><td>rŋgγm 'hard piece'</td></tr><tr><td>/ŋ/</td><td>/rŋ/</td><td>tw-rŋa 'face'</td></tr><tr><td>/q/</td><td>/şq/</td><td>rqoγ 'hug'</td></tr><tr><td>/qʰ/</td><td>/şqʰ/</td><td>tγ-rqʰu 'hull, skin'</td></tr><tr><td>/NG/</td><td>/rNG/</td><td>çirNGo 'Anisodus tanguticus'</td></tr><tr><td>/χ/</td><td>/şχ/</td><td>şχuşχi 'with big nostrils'</td></tr></table>
<table><caption>Table 4.5: List of consonant clusters with /c/ and /z/ as a first element (18+0)</caption><tr><td>/p/</td><td>/cп/</td><td>ҫрак 'be thirsty'</td></tr><tr><td>/pʰ/</td><td>/cпʰ/</td><td>ҫпʰыт 'patch' (vt)</td></tr><tr><td>/mb/</td><td>/zmb/</td><td>zmbыр 'ulcer'</td></tr><tr><td>/m/</td><td>/çm/</td><td>çmi 'mix'</td></tr><tr><td>/t/</td><td>/çt/</td><td>çte 'contaminate'</td></tr><tr><td>/tʰ/</td><td>/çtʰ/</td><td>çtʰуз 'turn towards'</td></tr><tr><td>/d/</td><td>/zd/</td><td>zduyzduy 'strong, tough'</td></tr><tr><td>/n/</td><td>/çn/</td><td>çnat 'heddle'</td></tr><tr><td>/n/</td><td>/zn/</td><td>z-nu-çar 'go and look for it'</td></tr><tr><td>/ts/</td><td>/çts/</td><td>ŋyjçtsa 'foreman'</td></tr><tr><td>/tç/</td><td>/çtç/</td><td>syçtçuy 'strap' (to carry children on the back)</td></tr><tr><td>/tş/</td><td>/çtş/</td><td>çtşanlaŋ 'hanging and swinging'</td></tr><tr><td>/k/</td><td>/çk/</td><td>çkom 'muntjac'</td></tr><tr><td>/kʰ/</td><td>/çkʰ/</td><td>çkʰo 'spread'</td></tr><tr><td>/g/</td><td>/zg/</td><td>zgaк 'exactly'</td></tr><tr><td>/ŋg/</td><td>/zŋg/</td><td>zŋgu 'cross river'</td></tr><tr><td>/ŋ/</td><td>/çŋ/</td><td>çŋакçŋак 'bright yellow'</td></tr><tr><td>/q/</td><td>/çq/</td><td>çqыжыр 'cross-eyed'</td></tr><tr><td>/qʰ/</td><td>/çqʰ/</td><td>çqʰалок 'latch'</td></tr><tr><td>/NG/</td><td>/zNG/</td><td>zNGuloк 'walnut'</td></tr></table>

There are two examples of alveolo-palatal preinitials followed by a palatal segment: zŋ- and cčh-, but they are not stable and hence not included in Table 4.5. They only occur when the z- and c- allomorphs of the translocative prefix are found before the B-type һу- and cʰу- or the D-type һы- and cʰы- 'westward' and DOWNSTREAM orientation preverbs. These clusters are always in free variation with zŋ- and scʰ-, respectively, which are considerably more common (Table 15.10, §15.2.1.2), since the translocative prefix generally undergoes a palatal dissimilation rule to a dental fricative s- or z- when it precedes a palatal consonant. The non-dissimilated clusters cčh- and zŋ- are extremely rare: the former is only attested in one single example in the corpus (2), and the second in a handful of verb forms (see for instance 178, §15.2.1.2). These non-dissimilated forms are undoubtedly due to analogical levelling, which generalized the alveolo-palatal allomorphs of the translocative.
## 4 Consonant clusters and partial reduplication

(2) a-tʰu-y<nu>ku

cti

ma azo

IRR-PFV:DOWNSTREAM-<AUTO>call be.AFF:FACT LNK 1SG

c-cʰu-zyγ-βde-a

cti

ma

TRAL-IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-REFL-throw-1SG be.AFF:FACT LNK

'Let her call [me], I am going to throw myself (in the river).' (22-qajdo)

{0003596#S53}

Secondary clusters with alveolo-palatal preinitials are created by prefixes with the shape ᶜ- or ṣ-, including allomorphs of the translocative as mentioned above (§15.2.1.2), but also irregular causatives (§17.2.2.3, §17.2.2.4) and perhaps lexicalized oblique participles (§16.1.3.10).

### 4.2.1.6 /j/+C clusters

Table 4.6 lists all consonant clusters with the semi-vowel /j/ as first element not ending in a non-nasal sonorant. It cannot precede alveolo-palatal obstruents and palatal stops.

<table><caption>Table 4.6: List of consonant clusters with /j/ as a first element (12+1)</caption><tr><td>/p/</td><td>/jp/</td><td>jpum 'be thick'</td></tr><tr><td>/m/</td><td>/jm/</td><td>jmuut 'forget'</td></tr><tr><td>/t/</td><td>/jt/</td><td>ajtu 'accumulate'</td></tr><tr><td>/nd/</td><td>/jnd/</td><td>syjndyt 'be cute'</td></tr><tr><td>/n/</td><td>/jn/</td><td>jnom 'be flexible'</td></tr><tr><td>/ts/</td><td>/jts/</td><td>tx-jtsi 'pillar'</td></tr><tr><td>/tsʰ/</td><td>/jtsʰ/</td><td>jtsʰi 'give to drink'</td></tr><tr><td>/tʃʰ/</td><td>/jtʃʰ/</td><td>qajtʃʰa 'Aegyptius monachus'</td></tr><tr><td>/ndzʰ/</td><td>/jndzʰ/</td><td>jndzγz 'be thick' (powder)</td></tr><tr><td>/k/</td><td>/jk/</td><td>tx-jkuuz 'secret'</td></tr><tr><td>/ŋ/</td><td>/jŋ/</td><td>tx-jŋoɔ 'hook'</td></tr><tr><td>/q/</td><td>/jq/</td><td>jqu 'be able to lift'</td></tr><tr><td>/χ/</td><td>/jχ/</td><td>ajχoɔ 'be flat' (belly)</td></tr><tr><td>/jmŋ/</td><td>/tmŋ/</td><td>tuu-jmŋo 'dream'</td></tr></table>

Most of these clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle (§4.2.3.2), but those that are attested in verb roots (such as *jpum* 'be thick') can occur in word-initial position in the Factual Non-Past (§21.3.1).
Comparison with Zbu reveals that one of the sources of the Japhug *j-* preinitial is proto-Gyalrong *l-* (Jacques 2004: 271–272): for instance *jmuut* ‘forget’, *tx-jtsi* ‘pillar’, *tx-jme* ‘tail’ and *tu-jmŋo* ‘dream’ correspond to Zbu *lmât, tɔltsiʔ, -lmɛ́?* and *-lmáʔ*, respectively (Gong 2018: 43; 53; 288). In other cases, *j-* comes from a dissimilated coronal fricative, as in *jtsʰi* ‘give to drink’ (§17.2.2.5) and perhaps *jqu* ‘be able to lift’ (§19.3.1).

The group *jmɣ-* in *tu-jmŋo* ‘dream’ has two preinitials /j/ and /m/. The labial nasal is the ancient initial (as shown by the Zbu cognate *-lmá?*), and the nasal velar arose as a trace of proto-Gyalrong vowel velarization *-lmaɣŋ → *-jmyo → -jmŋo* (Jacques 2004: 44; on velarized vowels in proto-Gyalrong, see §4.2.2.5).

When preceding sonorants, /j/ is preinitial in all cases: *jw-*, *jl-*, *jr-*, *jɣ-*, *jɛ-* and *rɛ-* (§4.2.2.1, §4.2.2.3, §4.2.2.4, §4.2.2.5, §4.2.2.6).

### 4.2.1.7 Velar+C clusters

Table 4.7 lists all consonant clusters with the velar fricatives /x/ and /ɣ/ as preinitial and not ending in a non-nasal sonorant.

Velar preinitials are not compatible with dorsal (velar and velar) initial consonants, but are attested with all other places of articulations. The complementary distribution between *x* (before unvoiced segments) and *ɣ* (before voiced segments, including obstruents and nasals) is complete, and the voicing contrast can be considered to be completely neutralized in preinitial position.

Comparison with Situ shows that some of these velar fricative preinitials originate from velar presyllables *kə-* (Jacques 2014b: 6). Two non-productive prefixes are sources of velar+C clusters: the animal velar prefix (§5.6.2) and the lexicalized participle *x/γ-* prefix (§16.5.2). Another source of secondary velar preinitials is the intrusive *γ* found as element of some derivation prefixes, including the *swy-* (§17.2.1.4) and *cwy-* (§17.2.2.2) allomorphs of the causative, the *nuy-* allomorph of the applicative (§17.4.2), the *nɛy-* allomorph of the tropative (§17.5.1) and the *sɔy-* allomorph of the proprietive (§18.8.1).

In addition, the velar preinitial in some counted nouns like *tu-xpa* ‘one year’ is due to a *fausse coupe* (§7.3.1.7).

### 4.2.1.8 Uvular+C clusters

Table 4.8 lists all consonant clusters with the uvular fricatives /χ/ and /k/ as first element and not ending in a non-nasal sonorant. They cannot precede velars except in heterosyllabic clusters (§4.2.3.1).
## 4 Consonant clusters and partial reduplication

<table><caption>Table 4.7: List of consonant clusters with /x/ and /ɣ/ as a first element (23+0)</caption><tr><td>/p/</td><td>/xp/</td><td>tu-xpa 'one year'</td></tr><tr><td>/mb/</td><td>/ɣmb/</td><td>tu-ymba 'cheek'</td></tr><tr><td>/m/</td><td>/ɣm/</td><td>tu-ymaz 'wound'</td></tr><tr><td>/t/</td><td>/xt/</td><td>xtut 'wild cat'</td></tr><tr><td>/tʰ/</td><td>/xtʰ/</td><td>xtʰom 'put horizontally'</td></tr><tr><td>/d/</td><td>/ɣd/</td><td>γdγso 'species of grub'</td></tr><tr><td>/nd/</td><td>/ɣnd/</td><td>γnda 'ram'</td></tr><tr><td>/n/</td><td>/ɣn/</td><td>γnγsqi 'twenty'</td></tr><tr><td>/ts/</td><td>/xts/</td><td>xtsγçna 'tip of the shoe'</td></tr><tr><td>/tsʰ/</td><td>/xtsʰ/</td><td>xtsʰum 'be thin'</td></tr><tr><td>/s/</td><td>/xs/</td><td>xsar 'goral'</td></tr><tr><td>/z/</td><td>/γz/</td><td>γzu 'monkey'</td></tr><tr><td>/tç/</td><td>/xtç/</td><td>xtçi 'be small'</td></tr><tr><td>/tçʰ/</td><td>/xtçʰ/</td><td>xtçʰut 'can contain'</td></tr><tr><td>/ndz/</td><td>/γndz/</td><td>γndzγβ 'disastrous fire'</td></tr><tr><td>/ç/</td><td>/xç/</td><td>xçaj 'grass'</td></tr><tr><td>/z/</td><td>/γz/</td><td>γzo 'bee'</td></tr><tr><td>/tş/</td><td>/xtş/</td><td>nrxtsu 'bring in passing'</td></tr><tr><td>/ş/</td><td style="background-color: #808080;"><span style="border: 1px solid black; padding: 1px 3px;">/xş/</span></td><td>xşγxşγt 'long and thin'</td></tr><tr><td>/c/</td><td>/xc/</td><td>xcat 'be many'</td></tr><tr><td>/cʰ/</td><td>/xcʰ/</td><td>tγlγxcʰi 'fresh milk'</td></tr><tr><td>/j/</td><td>/γj/</td><td>γjαβ 'churn'</td></tr><tr><td>/jɪ/</td><td>/γjɪ/</td><td>u-γŋaŋ 'disaster'</td></tr></table>

The voicing contrast between /χ/ and /k/ is only attested before sonorants: a handful of ideophones have the cluster /χn/ contrasting with /kpn/. Uvular preinitials are particularly common in Tibetan loanwords, where they correspond to the g- and d- sŋon.ⁿdzug. The voiced fricative /k/ is more often realized as an epiglottal [ʃ] in this context.

Some uvular preinitials come from the reduced allomorphs χ- and k- of the uvular animal prefix qa- (§5.6.1).
<table><caption>Table 4.8: List of consonant clusters with /χ/ and /к/ as a first element (25+0)</caption><tr><td>/p/</td><td>/χp/</td><td>χpi 'story'</td></tr><tr><td>/pʰ/</td><td>/χpʰ/</td><td>taχpʰe 'slap'</td></tr><tr><td>/b/</td><td>/кb/</td><td>кbъкбγβ 'thick and big'</td></tr><tr><td>/mb/</td><td>/кmb/</td><td>аъмбум 'be concave'</td></tr><tr><td>/m/</td><td>/км/</td><td>мтак 'army'</td></tr><tr><td>/t/</td><td>/χt/</td><td>χтγrma 'offerings'</td></tr><tr><td>/tʰ/</td><td>/χtʰ/</td><td>naχtʰγβ 'seize the opportunity'</td></tr><tr><td>/d/</td><td>/кд/</td><td>кдγy 'umbrella'</td></tr><tr><td>/nd/</td><td>/кnd/</td><td>кндγr 'be scattered' (anticausative)</td></tr><tr><td>/n/</td><td>/кн/</td><td>кпавпа 'both'</td></tr><tr><td>/ts/</td><td>/χts/</td><td>χtso 'it is clean'</td></tr><tr><td>/tsʰ/</td><td>/χtsʰ/</td><td>χtsʰγχtsʰγt 'small and active'</td></tr><tr><td>/ndz/</td><td>/кndz/</td><td>кндγr 'cut' (with scissors)</td></tr><tr><td>/s/</td><td>/χs/</td><td>χsγr 'gold'</td></tr><tr><td>/z/</td><td>/кz/</td><td>кzγβ 'be careful'</td></tr><tr><td>/tç/</td><td>/χtç/</td><td>χtçonγ 'rheumatism'</td></tr><tr><td>/ç/</td><td>/χç/</td><td>χçu 'be strong'</td></tr><tr><td>/z/</td><td>/кz/</td><td>кзunu 'young man'</td></tr><tr><td>/tş/</td><td>/χtş/</td><td>χtşwydţa 'butter tea'</td></tr><tr><td>/ş/</td><td>/кxş/</td><td>кxγχşγt 'light (clothes)'</td></tr><tr><td>/c/</td><td>/χc/</td><td>χconkronγ 'cross-legged (sitting)'</td></tr><tr><td>/cʰ/</td><td>/χcʰ/</td><td>χcʰa 'right'</td></tr><tr><td>/j/</td><td>/кj/</td><td>кя 'completely'</td></tr><tr><td>/jъ/</td><td>/къj/</td><td>къγyкъγγi 'enormous'</td></tr><tr><td>/jп/</td><td>/къп/</td><td>къпγχпγγr 'without energy'</td></tr><tr><td>/кп/</td><td>/къп/</td><td>къпγγrpa 'steward (monastery)'</td></tr></table>
## 4 Consonant clusters and partial reduplication

### 4.2.1.9 Nasal+C clusters

The Tables 4.9 and 4.10 list all consonant clusters with a nasal consonant as preinitial and without medial consonant.

Unlike the previous preinitials, nasals can never be directly followed by any non-nasal sonorant: groups such as *mj-, *mw-, *mr-, *ml-, *my- and *mw- are not attested in onset position (they are, however, found as heterosyllabic clusters, §4.2.3.1). This gap is due to a combination of two sound changes.

First, the medials *j and *y were nasalized when preceded by a nasal, so that pre-Japhug *mj- and *my- became *myn- (in *tu-mna* ‘arrow’, compare *mda* ‘arrow’ from *mla*, Hill 2019: 18) and *mn- (in *tu-jmno* ‘dream’, see §4.2.1.6), respectively.

Second, pre-Japhug *mr- became *mbr- by epenthesis, as shown by *mbro* ‘horse’, *mbro* ‘be high’ and *mbri* ‘cry, sing’ (in Burmese *mrañh, mrañ? and *mraññ,*, Hill 2019: 60;259).

Additionally, nasal preinitials cannot be followed by any fricative. As in Tabetan (Li 1933), this absence is due to the conversion of post-nasal fricatives to the corresponding affricates, as in *tu-mtsʰi* ‘liver’ (from *m-si, Burmese *asaññh,*, Hill 2019: 56).

<table><caption>Table 4.9: List of consonant clusters with a homorganic nasal as first element (14+1)</caption><tr><td>/p/</td><td>/mp/</td><td>mpu 'be soft'</td></tr><tr><td>/pʰ/</td><td>/mpʰ/</td><td>mpʰul 'reproduce'</td></tr><tr><td>/t/</td><td>/nt/</td><td>ntaβ 'be stable'</td></tr><tr><td>/tʰ/</td><td>/ntʰ/</td><td>ntʰγβ 'be caught between'</td></tr><tr><td>/ts/</td><td>/nts/</td><td>ntsu 'always'</td></tr><tr><td>/tsʰ/</td><td>/ntsʰ/</td><td>ntsʰγr 'neigh' (of horse)</td></tr><tr><td>/tçʰ/</td><td>/ntçʰ/</td><td>ntçʰoz 'use'</td></tr><tr><td>/tş/</td><td>/ntş/</td><td>ntşu 'weed with a hoe' (vt)</td></tr><tr><td>/c/</td><td>/nc/</td><td>ncγr 'press'</td></tr><tr><td>/cʰ/</td><td>/ncʰ/</td><td>ncʰoγ 'shrink'</td></tr><tr><td>/k/</td><td>/ŋk/</td><td>ŋke 'walk'</td></tr><tr><td>/kʰ/</td><td>/ŋkʰ/</td><td>ŋkʰor 'arrive'</td></tr><tr><td>/q/</td><td>/nq/</td><td>nqa 'be difficult'</td></tr><tr><td>/qʰ/</td><td>/nqʰ/</td><td>nqʰi 'be dirty'</td></tr><tr><td>/mpç/</td><td></td><td>mpçγr 'be beautiful'</td></tr></table>
While voiced stops and affricates with homorganic prenasalization are monophonemic (§3.2.1), unaspirated and aspirated ones (Table 4.9) are better analyzed as clusters. All places of articulation are possible, from labial (*mp(ʰ)-) to uvular (*nq(ʰ)-). The special case of *mpɛ̈- is discussed in §4.2.1.10.

Two non-homorganic prenasalized preinitials are also attested, /m-/ before all places of articulation except labials (where *m-* corresponds to the homorganic nasal preinitial), and *n-* before (voiced) labials and velars (Table 4.10). When preceded by /m/ or /n/, the contrast between plain voiced and prenasalized voiced stops and affricates is neutralized; for instance the *b* in *nb-* stands for the archiphoneme {b,mb}. In the case of the cluster *mɣ-*, since the prenasalized phoneme /nɣ/ lacks a plain voiced counterpart (§3.2.1), the only analysis possible is /mŋg-/.

In the orthography used in this grammar, the simplified (but non-ambiguous) transcription *mɣ-* is used.

The other nasal phonemes /ɲ/ and /ŋ/ are not attested as preinitials: for instance, clusters such as ḫηp- or ṭŋt- are prohibited.

Some *m-* preinitials come from the nasalization of *w-* before nasal or prenasalized stops (as in the irregular causative *mŋo* ‘prepare’ from ŋo ‘be prepared’, see §17.3.1), a sound law accounting for the absence of preinitial /w/ in this context (§4.2.1.1). This sound law does not operate across syllables (§4.2.3.1), and heterosyllabic clusters with a non-nasalized coda -β followed by a nasal do exist.

Some *n-* preinitials originate from former *t-* before nasal or prenasalized stops, as in *tuu-ŋŋa* ‘debt’ (§4.2.1.9; see also Jacques 2014b). Another source is a reduced *n-* allomorph of denominal *nuu-* (as in *ngo* ‘be ill’ from the noun *tuu-ŋgo* ‘disease’, §20.7.1).

### 4.2.1.10 Stop+č clusters

A handful of onsets have an unvoiced stop followed by č, including *kč-* (as in *kçilu* ‘year of the dog’ from ṣ ṣ̥i *kʰi.lo* ‘year of the dog’, *pč-*, (*tupči* ‘flax’) as well as *lpc-* (§4.2.1.3) and *mpč-* (§4.2.1.9). These clusters, found in both native vocabulary and borrowings from Tibetan, mainly originate from the combination of aspirated stops *pʰ* and *kʰ* with the medial -j-.

Evidence that these groups should not be synchronically analyzed as /kʰj-/ and /pʰj/ underlyingly comes from two facts. First, the groups *pʰj-* and *kʰj-* are otherwise attested (§4.2.2.2). Second, the clusters (*C*)(*p|k*)č- are not affected by partial reduplication; for instance *mpčŋr* ‘be beautiful’ is reduplicated as *mpɛ̈u~mpɛ̈ŋr* (see for instance 302, §21.8.3.2), not ṭ*mpʰu~mpɛ̈ŋr* as would have been expected if *mpɛ̈ŋr* were really ṭ/*mpʰjɛ̈r*/.<fnref n="2" />

<footnote n="2">²In addition, *mpɛ̈ŋr* ‘be beautiful’ is probably borrowed from ṣ{ɔ̃k̃i}mtɛ̈h̃or-po ‘handsome’, so that the analysis as /mpʰj/ is wrong even historically.</footnote>
4 Consonant clusters and partial reduplication

<table><caption>Table 4.10: List of consonant clusters with a non-homorganic nasal as first element (24+0)</caption><tr><td>/t/</td><td>/mt/</td><td>ty-mtu 'knot'</td></tr><tr><td>/tʰ/</td><td>/mtʰ/</td><td>mtʰu 'spell'</td></tr><tr><td>/nd/</td><td>/md/</td><td>mda 'be the time'</td></tr><tr><td>/n/</td><td>/mn/</td><td>mna 'be better', 'heal'</td></tr><tr><td>/ts/</td><td>/mts/</td><td>ty-mtsu 'button'</td></tr><tr><td>/tsʰ/</td><td>/mtsʰ/</td><td>mtsʰy m 'hear'</td></tr><tr><td>/ndz/</td><td>/mdz/</td><td>mdzadi 'flea'</td></tr><tr><td>/tco/</td><td>/mtco/</td><td>mtcoo 'be sharp'</td></tr><tr><td>/tcoʰ/</td><td>/mtcoʰ/</td><td>ty-mtcoʰo 'wedge'</td></tr><tr><td>/ndz/</td><td>/mdz/</td><td>tu-mdz u 'tongue'</td></tr><tr><td>/tş/</td><td>/mtş/</td><td>mtşykʰoz 'bib'</td></tr><tr><td>/ndz/</td><td>/mdz/</td><td>mdzuyuy 'bedbug'</td></tr><tr><td>/c/</td><td>/mc/</td><td>tymcar 'tongs'</td></tr><tr><td>/cʰ/</td><td>/mcʰ/</td><td>tu-mcʰi 'gall'</td></tr><tr><td>/ŋj/</td><td>/mj/</td><td>tu-mja 'jaw'</td></tr><tr><td>/ŋ/</td><td>/mj/</td><td>myrm 'species of tree'</td></tr><tr><td>/k/</td><td>/mk/</td><td>tu-mke 'neck'</td></tr><tr><td>/kʰ/</td><td>/mkʰ/</td><td>mkʰyz 'be expert'</td></tr><tr><td>/ŋg/</td><td>/mg/</td><td>tu-mga 'advantage'</td></tr><tr><td>/ŋ/</td><td>/mj/</td><td>myrm 'feel pain'</td></tr><tr><td>/ng/</td><td>/mg/</td><td>tamgom 'clamp'</td></tr><tr><td>/mb/</td><td>/nb/</td><td>anbaş 'hide'</td></tr><tr><td>/m/</td><td>/nm/</td><td>ty-nmaş 'husband'</td></tr><tr><td>/ŋg/</td><td>/ng/</td><td>ngut 'be strong', 'be resistant'</td></tr><tr><td>/ŋ/</td><td>/nŋ/</td><td>nŋo 'lose'</td></tr></table>
### 4.2.2 Medials

This section deals with consonant clusters whose last consonant is one of the six non-nasal sonorants (/r/, /l/, /j/, /w/, /ɣ/ or /ŋ/). These sonorants can either be medials (§4.1) or initials, depending on whether they are deleted when the cluster is partially reduplicated. They are always medials when the preceding consonant is not one of the possible preinitials (§4.2.1). Clusters ending in a non-nasal sonorant whose penultimate element is a possible preinitial (sibilant/ alveolo-palatal fricative or non-nasal sonorant)<fnref n="3" /> are referred to as *ambiguous clusters*, as they need to be systematically tested with partial reduplication to determine the phonological status of the final sonorant (initial or medial).

The secondary clusters with medial glides created by the effect of synizesis (§3.3.1.3) with the 1sg suffix -a (§14.2.1.1) are not included in the listing below, even though what is transcribed as *Ce|i-a* and *Co|u-a* in the orthography is homophonous with *Cja* and *Cwa*, respectively. Including them would have the effect of introducing an enormous number of secondary and predictable clusters. In addition, synizesis of *Cw-u* generates the [u] allomorph of /w/, constituting a seventh glide not found in the vocabulary.

#### 4.2.2.1 C+/w/ clusters

Table 4.11 lists all clusters ending in /w/. Clusters of this type are very rare, as a combination of two sound changes have removed all instances of proto-Gyalrong *Cw-. First, the labiovelars, still preserved in Zbu, have merged with plain velars (for instance *nuŋa* ‘cow’, Zbu *ŋwé?, Gong 2018: 40), and the remaining instances of *w- have become γ (as in *tu-ζγa* ‘tooth’ from *-cwa, §4.2.2.5).

There are no clusters with labial consonants followed by w, but there is a triple contrast between *hw-*, *χw-* and *xw-*: it is the only context where minimal pairs between the glottal /h/, the uvular /χ/ and the velar /x/ unvoiced fricatives can be found.

The combination of cluster-final /w/ with the rhyme -a is homophonous with the result of synizesis of the 1sg -a with verb stems in -o and -u; for instance, the 1sg possessive *a-rwa* ‘my tent’ is not distinguishable from *aro-a* ‘I own’ (§3.3.1.3). Both are phonetically realized as [arwa].

Clusters in w are mainly found in ideophones and Chinese loanwords (including nativized ones such as *kwitsut* ‘cupboard’ from 柜子 <guìzǐ> ‘cupboard’ with

<footnote n="3">³Nasal sonorants cannot directly precede non-nasal sonorants in syllable onset position, due to a series of sound changes (§4.2.1.9), so they are not possible preinitials when the initial is a non-nasal sonorant.</footnote>
## 4 Consonant clusters and partial reduplication

<table><caption>Table 4.11: List of consonant clusters ending in /w/ (10+0)</caption><tr><td>/d/</td><td>/dw/</td><td>dwaŋdwaŋ</td><td>'out of his head'</td></tr><tr><td>/z/</td><td>/zw/</td><td>zwɛr</td><td>'mugwort'</td></tr><tr><td>/l/</td><td>/lw/</td><td>lwoz</td><td>'become sick again'</td></tr><tr><td>/r/</td><td>/rw/</td><td>rwa</td><td>'yak felt tent'</td></tr><tr><td>/s/</td><td>/sw/</td><td>ayušwaŋ</td><td>'be a match'</td></tr><tr><td>/j/</td><td>/jw/</td><td>jwajwa</td><td>'very thin'</td></tr><tr><td>/k/</td><td>/kw/</td><td>kwitsut</td><td>'cupboard'</td></tr><tr><td>/x/</td><td>/xw/</td><td>xwɛrnyxwɛr</td><td>'rotating quickly'</td></tr><tr><td>/χ/</td><td>/χw/</td><td>χwɛr</td><td>'Hor' (place name)</td></tr><tr><td>/h/</td><td>/hw/</td><td>hwɛrhwɛr</td><td>'wide-mouthed'</td></tr></table>

a mysterious coda -t). The only native clusters with w as final element are jw- (as in tr-jwaš 'leaf') and zw- (zwr 'mugwort'), where the w comes from the lenition of a voiced labial stop (Jacques 2004: 325–329).

In ambiguous clusters, cluster-final -w- is a medial consonant in /zw/ and /lw/, as shown by the distributed action derivation (§19.4) ny-zu~zwɛr 'burn everywhere' and ny-lu~lwoš 'spill everywhere' from zwɛr 'burn' and lwoš 'spill' (not ḫny-zwu~zwɛr or ḫny-lwu~lwoš).

In jw, the labial glide is initial, as it is not deleted in reduplication, for example in the comitative adverb kš-jwu~jwaš 'together with (its) leaves' (§5.8.1) from tr-jwaš 'leaf'. The cluster rw is intriguing, as it presents two alternative reduplication patterns. The labial glide is treated as initial in the distributed action derivation ny-rwu~rwt 'dig everywhere' from rwt 'dig' (not ḫny-ru~rwt), but in the comitative derivation, rwa 'yak felt tent' can either be reduplicated as kš-ru~rwa or kš-rwu~rwa 'together with the felt tent'.

### 4.2.2.2 C+/j/ clusters

Tables 4.12 and 4.13 list all clusters ending in /j/. This glide can follow consonants of all places of articulation except palatals, alveolo-palatals and retroflex consonants (other than /r/). In the orthographical system used in this grammar and previous publications on Japhug, /j/ is transcribed as <j> after /k/, /ɣ/, labial consonants and dental fricatives, and as <i> after velar and uvular stops, as well as dental stops and affricates and /l/.

In ambiguous clusters, cluster-final /j/ is medial when following /r/, /l/ and /s/ (/rj-/, /lj- and /sj-/), and initial when preceded by /w/, /ɣ/ and /k/ (/wj-/,
<table><caption>Table 4.12: List of biconsonant clusters ending in /j/ (20)</caption><tr><td>/p/</td><td>/pj/</td><td>pjalu</td><td>'year of the cock'</td></tr><tr><td>/b/</td><td>/bj/</td><td>bjuubjuuy</td><td>'hanging in great number'</td></tr><tr><td>/mb/</td><td>/mbj/</td><td>mbjom</td><td>'be fast'</td></tr><tr><td>/w/</td><td>/wj/</td><td>tɛ́hɪ́βja</td><td>'duck'</td></tr><tr><td>/d/</td><td>/dj/</td><td>dioɛ́dioɛ́</td><td>'evenly mixed'</td></tr><tr><td>/nd/</td><td>/ndj/</td><td>ndiɛ́ndiɛ́t</td><td>'gracious'</td></tr><tr><td>/ts/</td><td>/tsj/</td><td>tsiaŋnɛ́tsiaŋ</td><td>'very tall, moving'</td></tr><tr><td>/ndz/</td><td>/ndzj/</td><td>ndziaɛ́</td><td>'be tight' (knot)</td></tr><tr><td>/s/</td><td>/sj/</td><td>sjaŋnɛ́sjaŋ</td><td>'shaking one's head'</td></tr><tr><td>/z/</td><td>/zj/</td><td>zjaŋzjaŋ</td><td>'big'</td></tr><tr><td>/l/</td><td>/lj/</td><td>qaliaɛ́</td><td>'eagle'</td></tr><tr><td>/r/</td><td>/rj/</td><td>tw-rju</td><td>'word'</td></tr><tr><td>/k/</td><td>/kj/</td><td>kio</td><td>'cause to glide'</td></tr><tr><td>/kʰ/</td><td>/kʰj/</td><td>kʰuukʰju</td><td>'oval'</td></tr><tr><td>/ŋg/</td><td>/ŋgj/</td><td>ŋgio</td><td>'slip', 'glide'</td></tr><tr><td>/ɣ/</td><td>/ɣj/</td><td>tw-ɣjɛ́n</td><td>'one time'</td></tr><tr><td>/q/</td><td>/qj/</td><td>qiaβ</td><td>'be bitter'</td></tr><tr><td>/qʰ/</td><td>/qʰj/</td><td>qʰiuqʰiu</td><td>'blunt (colour)'</td></tr><tr><td>/NG/</td><td>/NGj/</td><td>NGia</td><td>'come loose'</td></tr><tr><td>/k/</td><td>/kj/</td><td>kjit</td><td>'think of', 'miss', 'remember'</td></tr></table>

/ɣj-/ and /kj-/).

There is in addition a highly unstable cluster z̥j- when the alveolo-palatal allo-morph of the translocative prefix (§15.2.1.2) precedes the 'unspecified' orientation preverbs. As in the case of the other palatal preverbs, the dissimilated dental allo-morph z- is more commonly found (§4.2.1.5, §15.2.1.2). There is no example with z̥j- in the corpus, and all instances of this cluster come from elicitation of verb forms with the translocative.

Clusters with velar stops+/j/ and dental affricates+/j/ are clearly distinctive with palatal stops (kio 'cause to glide' vs. co 'valley', cf. Table 3.2.1, §3.3) and alveolo-palatal affricates (ndziaɛ́ 'be tight' (of knot), 'be deep' (of colour), 'be completed' vs. ndz̥aɛ́ 'swim'). There are no perfect minimal pairs between alveolo-palatal affricates and dental stop+/j/ clusters, as they are very rare and restricted to a handful of ideophones, but quasi-minimal pairs such as ndiɛ́ndiɛ́t 'gracious' and ndz̥vβ 'be burned' (§18.5.1) suffice to establish the reality of this phonological contrast.
## 4 Consonant clusters and partial reduplication

Aspirated velar and labial stops followed by /j/ are rare, since pre-Japhug *kʰj- and *pʰj- have changed to kɛ- and pɛ-, respectively (§4.2.1.10). This sound change, however, did not affect the cluster spʰj- (Table 4.13), and new instances of /kʰj-/ have been created from interjections.

The combination of cluster-final /j/ with the rhyme -a is homophonous with the result of synizesis of the 1SG -a with verb stems in -e and -i.

<table><caption>Table 4.13: List of triconsonantal clusters ending in /j/ (18)</caption><tr><td>/wsj/</td><td>tr-fsjit</td><td>'whistle'</td></tr><tr><td>/wzj/</td><td>βzjoz</td><td>'learn'</td></tr><tr><td>/spj/</td><td>spjanku</td><td>'wolf'</td></tr><tr><td>/spʰj/</td><td>spʰjar</td><td>'spread out to dry'</td></tr><tr><td>/stj/</td><td>stianystian</td><td>'jumping'</td></tr><tr><td>/sqʰj/</td><td>sqʰiar</td><td>'stretches'</td></tr><tr><td>/ltʰj/</td><td>ltʰiyltʰiyr</td><td>'well-ironed (clothes)'</td></tr><tr><td>/lbj/</td><td>lbjuulbjuuy</td><td>'hanging'</td></tr><tr><td>/şpj/</td><td>rpju</td><td>'turn sour' (milk)</td></tr><tr><td>/rmbj/</td><td>tr-rmbja</td><td>'flash of lightning'</td></tr><tr><td>/ştsj/</td><td>rtsiak</td><td>'be steep' (road)</td></tr><tr><td>/şqʰj/</td><td>tr-rqʰioak</td><td>'groove'</td></tr><tr><td>/rNGj/</td><td>artrngioak</td><td>'be grooved'</td></tr><tr><td>/χtsj/</td><td>χtsiu</td><td>'bushel'</td></tr><tr><td>/χpj/</td><td>χpjyr</td><td>'observe'</td></tr><tr><td>/χsj/</td><td>u-χsjuuβ</td><td>'slough'</td></tr><tr><td>/mpj/</td><td>mpja</td><td>'be warm'</td></tr><tr><td>/mtsj/</td><td>tr-mtsioak</td><td>'beak'</td></tr><tr><td>/nqj/</td><td>nqiaβ</td><td>'dark side of the mountain'</td></tr></table>

In triconsonantal groups, /j/ can co-occur with all preinitials except velar and alveolo-palatal fricatives and itself (Table 4.13).

A group c pj- with alveolo-palatal preinitial does exist, but it is not completely stable. It only occurs when the c- allomorph of the translocative prefix (§15.2.1.2) precedes the B-type pjw- or the D-type pj- DOWNWARDS preverbs (§15.1.1.1), as in examples such as (117) (§8.2.4.2). It is in free variation with spj- in this context, as the translocative has another s- allomorph when preceding pj- and cʰ- (§15.2.1.2). For instance in (3) we find s-pjw-lrt-nw instead of c-pjw-lrt-nw (the more common form).
<table><tr><td>(3)</td><td>tusqar tu-ndo-nu</td><td>tce, qrormbu pnu-car-nu</td><td>tce nure</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>tsampa</td><td>IPFV-IPFV-take-PL LNK anthill</td><td>IPFV-look.for-PL LNK DEM:LOC</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>s-pjw-lxt-nu</td><td>ŋgrvl.</td><td></td></tr><tr><td></td><td>TRAL-IPFV:DOWN-release-PL</td><td>be.usually.the.case:FACT</td><td></td></tr><tr><td></td><td colspan="3">'[Faithful Buddhist people] take tsampa<sub>j</sub>, look for an anthill<sub>j</sub> and spill it<sub>i</sub> there<sub>j</sub>.' (26-qro) {0003682#S71}</td></tr></table>

### 4.2.2.3 C+/l/ clusters

Tables 4.14 and 4.15 list all clusters ending in /l/. The lateral sonorant cannot follow retroflex affricates, dental stops and alveolo-palatal affricates.

<table><caption>Table 4.14: List of biconsonant clusters ending in /l/ (18)</caption><tr><td>/p/</td><td>/pl/</td><td>plut 'destroy'</td></tr><tr><td>/mb/</td><td>/mbl/</td><td>mblut 'be destroyed'</td></tr><tr><td>/w/</td><td>/wl/</td><td>ßlu 'burn'</td></tr><tr><td>/ts/</td><td>/tsl/</td><td>tsluytsluy 'completely wrapped up'</td></tr><tr><td>/s/</td><td>/sl/</td><td>sloš 'dig' (with snout)</td></tr><tr><td>/z/</td><td>/zl/</td><td>tu-zloš 'one time'</td></tr><tr><td>/ç/</td><td>/cl/</td><td>çlu 'plough'</td></tr><tr><td>/z/</td><td>/z/</td><td>z-lo-ru 's/he went and looked upstream'</td></tr><tr><td>/r/</td><td>/rl/</td><td>rlaš 'disappear'</td></tr><tr><td>/c/</td><td>/cl/</td><td>claŋclaj 'round and smooth'</td></tr><tr><td>/j/</td><td>/jl/</td><td>jla 'male hybrid yak'</td></tr><tr><td>/k/</td><td>/kl/</td><td>klukluy 'stiff'</td></tr><tr><td>/g/</td><td>/gl/</td><td>glγglγy 'pressed'</td></tr><tr><td>/ŋg/</td><td>/ŋgl/</td><td>cungluy 'pestle'</td></tr><tr><td>/ɣ/</td><td>/ɣl/</td><td>γle 'knead, rub'</td></tr><tr><td>/q/</td><td>/ql/</td><td>qlut 'break' (vt)</td></tr><tr><td>/qʰ/</td><td>/qʰl/</td><td>qʰlu 'naga'</td></tr><tr><td>/ng/</td><td>/ngl/</td><td>nglut 'break' (vi)</td></tr><tr><td>/k/</td><td>/kl/</td><td>tu-klα 'forearm'</td></tr></table>

The cluster zl- is only attested when the translocative prefix occurs before UPSTREAM preverbs (§15.2.1.2). In the clusters with the fricative /s/ or a sonorant as first element (/sl/, /wl/, /jl/, /rl/, /ɣl/ and /k/), /l/ is initial. For instance,
### 4 Consonant clusters and partial reduplication

the distributed action derivation (§19.4) of *sloš* ‘dig’ and *yle* ‘knead, rub’ are *nršlušu-sloš* ‘dig everywhere with snout’ *nršylu-yle* ‘rub again and again’ (not †*nršsu-sloš* and †*nršyu-yle*), and the comitative adverb (§5.8.1) from *jla* ‘male hybrid yak’ is *kš-jlu-jla* ‘together with his/her/their hybrid yak(s)’ (not †*kšr-juš-jla*).

On the other hand, /l/ is medial in /ɛl/, as shown by the fact that the verb *ɛlu* ‘plough’ has the distributed action derivation *nr-ɛwu-ɛlu* ‘plough everywhere’ (not †*nr-ɛwu-ɛlu* as would have been expected is /l/ were initial).<fnref n="4" /> The groups /zl/ and /zl/ are not found in words that can be subjected to partial reduplication, and their status is undecidable at the present moment.

<table><caption>Table 4.15: List of triconsonantal clusters ending in /l/ (12)</caption><tr><td>/scl/</td><td>sclanšclanj 'bald'</td></tr><tr><td>/sql/</td><td>sqlum 'collapse'</td></tr><tr><td>/sqʰl/</td><td>asqʰlu 'be concave'</td></tr><tr><td>/ɛpl/</td><td>ɛplošɛploš 'round and smooth'</td></tr><tr><td>/ɛkl/</td><td>ɛkličkli 'round and stiff'</td></tr><tr><td>/ɛql/</td><td>ɛqluβnɛcqluβ 'walking in the water'</td></tr><tr><td>/ɛqʰl/</td><td>ɛqʰlɛt 'disappear'</td></tr><tr><td>/rNGl/</td><td>arNGlum 'be caved in'</td></tr><tr><td>/χpl/</td><td>χplošχploš 'round like a ball'</td></tr><tr><td>/kŋŋl/</td><td>kŋŋliškŋŋli 'big and tall'</td></tr><tr><td>/mql/</td><td>mqlaš 'swallow'</td></tr><tr><td>/mGl/</td><td>twu-mGLa 'one step'</td></tr></table>

In triconsonantal clusters (Table 4.15), the medial /l/ co-occurs with dental, alveolo-palatal and uvular fricatives, as well as /r/ and /m/. The only word with a preinitial /r/ and a medial *l*, *arNGlum* ‘be caved in’, derives from *sqlum* ‘collapse’ by prenasalization alternation (§19.7.9): the *r-* originates here from rhotacism of *s-* (through *ṣ*).

#### 4.2.2.4 C+/r/ clusters

The Tables 4.16, 4.17 and 4.18 list all clusters ending in /r/. The rhotic sonorant can follow all places of articulations except retroflex fricatives and affricates.

<footnote n="4">⁴In Jacques (2004: 25:59), I claimed that /ɛl/ could be reduplicated either with or without deletion of /l/, but I have not been able to confirm my earlier data and it may have been an error.</footnote>
<table><caption>Table 4.16: List of consonant clusters with two elements ending in /r/
(26)</caption><tr><td>/p/</td><td>/pr/</td><td>pri 'bear'</td></tr><tr><td>/pʰ/</td><td>/pʰr/</td><td>kʰyphʰru 'spraying water with the mouth'</td></tr><tr><td>/b/</td><td>/br/</td><td>brubruw 'having pimples'</td></tr><tr><td>/mb/</td><td>/mbr/</td><td>mbrɛt 'break' (vi)</td></tr><tr><td>/w/</td><td>/wr/</td><td>βraɛ 'attach to'</td></tr><tr><td>/d/</td><td>/dr/</td><td>droŋdroŋ 'big and dirty'</td></tr><tr><td>/ts/</td><td>/tsr/</td><td>tsri 'be salty'</td></tr><tr><td>/ndz/</td><td>/ndzr/</td><td>ndzri 'wring'</td></tr><tr><td>/s/</td><td>/sr/</td><td>sruw 'cotton'</td></tr><tr><td>/z/</td><td>/zr/</td><td>zru 'sunny side of the mountain'</td></tr><tr><td>/tç/</td><td>/tçr/</td><td>tçruynɛtçruy 'crunching'</td></tr><tr><td>/ç/</td><td>/çr/</td><td>çri 'leak'</td></tr><tr><td>/z/</td><td>/zr/</td><td>zru 'be strong'</td></tr><tr><td>/c/</td><td>/cr/</td><td>crwycruy 'in a mess'</td></tr><tr><td>/cʰ/</td><td>/cʰr/</td><td>cʰrybcʰryb 'messy and dirty'</td></tr><tr><td>/j/</td><td>/jɛ/</td><td>jruyyruy 'gurgling'</td></tr><tr><td>/j/</td><td>/jɛ/</td><td>tɔ-jroɔ 'trace'</td></tr><tr><td>/k/</td><td>/kr/</td><td>krɔy 'shear, mow'</td></tr><tr><td>/kʰ/</td><td>/kʰr/</td><td>kʰro 'much'</td></tr><tr><td>/g/</td><td>/gr/</td><td>gruβgruβ 'matsutake'</td></tr><tr><td>/ŋg/</td><td>/ŋgr/</td><td>ŋgrɔl 'be usually the case'</td></tr><tr><td>/ɣ/</td><td>/ɣr/</td><td>γro 'suffocate'</td></tr><tr><td>/q/</td><td>/qr/</td><td>qro 'pigeon'</td></tr><tr><td>/NG/</td><td>/NGr/</td><td>NGraɛ 'be torn'</td></tr><tr><td>/k/</td><td>/kr/</td><td>kruwlu 'hornless'</td></tr></table>
## 4 Consonant clusters and partial reduplication

In the ambiguous clusters with a sonorant as first element (/wr/, /jr/, /ɣr/ and /kr/), /r/ is initial, as shown by the perlative *w-jru~jroV* 'following X's trace' (§5.8.2), the emphatic participle *ku-wɣru~wyrum* 'very white (one)' (98, §5.5.1.2) and the reciprocal *a-zyγkrw~kre* 'respect each other' from *zyγkre* 'respect'.

By contrast, in ambiguous clusters with a coronal fricative as first element (/sr/, /zr/, /çr/, /zr/), /r/ is medial, as illustrated by the emphatic participles *ku-zu~zri* 'very long (one)' (in 100, §23.5.10.1), *ku-ẓu~ẓru* 'very strong (one)' and *ku-ɣyχsu~χsru* 'very handsome (one)' (4).<fnref n="5" /> Tshendzin rejects reduplication of these clusters without deletion: †*ku-ẓru~zri* and †*ku-ẓru~ẓru* are not grammatical.

(4)  ku-ẓu~ẓru z̥o ku-ɣyχsu~χsru z̥o
young.man SBJ:PCP-EMPH~strong EMPH SBJ:PCP-EMPH~handsome EMPH
ŋy-k-yβzu-ci
IFR-PEG-become-PEG
‘(The fox) became a strong and handsome young man.’ (2012 qachGa)
{0004087#S183}

The /w/ preinitial in the group *wyr-* is not realized as a separate segment (§4.2.1.1). It is an orthographic device used to indicate that the preceding back unrounded vowels /w/ and /r/ turn into their rounded counterparts when adjacent. For instance, reduplicated participle *ku-wyrw~wyrum* ‘very white (one)’ is phonetically realized as [kuyruyrum].

An extra-short *svarabhakti* vowel can be heard in some clusters with -r- medial, in particular after coronal affricates and dorsal stops. For instance, *ch̥r-kro* ‘s/he distributed it’ can be realized as [ch̥rkəro].

The retroflex affricates originate at least in part from clusters of dental stops followed by *r*; direct evidence for the sound change *tr- → tʃ-* comes from alternations between /tʃ/ and /r/, as that between the numeral *kuṭṣγγ* ‘six’ and *ṣqaprγγ* ‘sixteen’ (§7.1.3) and between *ṭsu* ‘road’ and *ftṣṛru* ‘path in the middle of the fields’ is a compound of *ftṣar* ‘summer’ and *ṭsu* ‘road’ (§5.4.3.2). The gap in the system caused by this sound change has been filled by some ideophones in *dr-* (§10.1.5.1); the only non-ideophone with a cluster of this type is *qumdron* ‘crane’, whose onset can either be analyzed as /dr/ or as /ndr/, as the contrast between /d/ and /nd/ is neutralized due to assimilation with the /m/ coda of the preceding syllable.

In triconsonantal clusters (Tables 4.17 and 4.18), the medial /r/ is compatible with all preinitials except itself.

<footnote n="5">⁵Reduplication of the simple /sr/ cluster in the comitative adverb *kš-su~srun* ‘together with (its) cotton wool’ (§5.8.1) confirms that /r/ is medial in /sr/, not only in /χsr/.</footnote>
## 4.2 Inventory of consonant clusters

<table><caption>Table 4.17: List of consonant clusters with three elements ending in /r/ with a non-nasal preinitial (32)</caption><tr><td>/wkr/</td><td>fkrwz</td><td>'be greedy'</td></tr><tr><td>/wγr/</td><td>wγrum</td><td>'be white'</td></tr><tr><td>/wsr/</td><td>fsraj</td><td>'protect'</td></tr><tr><td>/spr/</td><td>sprušku</td><td>'reincarnated'</td></tr><tr><td>/zbr/</td><td>zbrilu</td><td>'year of the snake'</td></tr><tr><td>/zmbr/</td><td>szzmbru</td><td>'anger' (vt)</td></tr><tr><td>/st<sup>h</sup>r/</td><td>st<sup>h</sup>ruβ</td><td>'dangling (of snot)'</td></tr><tr><td>/scr/</td><td>scrašscraš</td><td>'very small'</td></tr><tr><td>/zγr/</td><td>zγrajzraj</td><td>'soft and bloated'</td></tr><tr><td>/skr/</td><td>skraskra</td><td>'impolite'</td></tr><tr><td>/sk<sup>h</sup>r/</td><td>tw-sk<sup>h</sup>ru</td><td>'body'</td></tr><tr><td>/zgr/</td><td>zgrawa</td><td>'leather sack'</td></tr><tr><td>/sqr/</td><td>szsqra</td><td>'limit'</td></tr><tr><td>/çpr/</td><td>acprum</td><td>'be badly sewed'</td></tr><tr><td>/zmbr/</td><td>zmbri</td><td>'willow'</td></tr><tr><td>/çtr/</td><td>çtraŋçtraŋ</td><td>'long and soft'</td></tr><tr><td>/zdr/</td><td>zdranzdran</td><td>'long and soft'</td></tr><tr><td>/çkr/</td><td>çkrγz</td><td>'oak'</td></tr><tr><td>/zgr/</td><td>zgruy</td><td>'certainly'</td></tr><tr><td>/zŋgr/</td><td>zŋgri</td><td>'star'</td></tr><tr><td>/çqr/</td><td>çqraš</td><td>'be intelligent'</td></tr><tr><td>/zNGr/</td><td>zNGro</td><td>'Jew's harp'</td></tr><tr><td>/jkr/</td><td>jkrut</td><td>'congeal'</td></tr><tr><td>/jtsr/</td><td>jtsraβ</td><td>'delay departure'</td></tr><tr><td>/xpr/</td><td>γγxpra</td><td>'dispatch'</td></tr><tr><td>/χpr/</td><td>tç<sup>h</sup>uwcri</td><td>'salamander'</td></tr><tr><td>/kmbr/</td><td>tašmbra</td><td>'jump' (of horse)</td></tr><tr><td>/χsr/</td><td>γγχsru</td><td>'be handsome'</td></tr><tr><td>/kzr/</td><td>czraŋczraj</td><td>'dishevelled'</td></tr><tr><td>/χcr/</td><td>χcuχcri</td><td>'thin, diluted'</td></tr><tr><td>/kγr/</td><td>kγwγri</td><td>'fat and soft'</td></tr><tr><td>/kgr/</td><td>kgra</td><td>'enemy'</td></tr></table>
## 4 Consonant clusters and partial reduplication

<table><caption>Table 4.18: List of consonant clusters with three elements ending in /r/ with a nasal preinitial (9)</caption><tr><td>/ncr/</td><td>ncuŋcri</td><td>'thin, diluted'</td></tr><tr><td>/ŋkʰr/</td><td>ŋkʰruли</td><td>'screw'</td></tr><tr><td>/ngr/</td><td>ngruβ</td><td>'accomplish'</td></tr><tr><td>/Nqr/</td><td>u-ŋqra</td><td>'broken one'</td></tr><tr><td>/mtsr/</td><td>mumtsruɣ</td><td>'drink with a straw'</td></tr><tr><td>/mpʰr/</td><td>mpʰruwu</td><td>'divination'</td></tr><tr><td>/mkʰr/</td><td>mkʰroŋ</td><td>'be reincarnated'</td></tr><tr><td>/mgr/</td><td>mgruŋ</td><td>'treat', 'invite'</td></tr><tr><td>/nbr/</td><td>nbraŋ</td><td>'loosen the earth' (vt)</td></tr></table>

### 4.2.2.5 C+/ɣ/ clusters

The Tables 4.19 and 4.20 list all clusters ending in /ɣ/. The velar fricative can follow all places of articulations except retroflex affricates, velars and uvulars.

In ambiguous clusters, the /ɣ/ is initial in /zy/ and when preceded by a non-nasal sonorant (/wɣ/, /jɣ/, /lɣ/ and /ry/, as illustrated by the distributed action derivation (§19.4) nɔ-lyu~lya 'dig everywhere' from *lya 'dig' (not †nɔ-lu~lya). The velar sonorant is medial in /ɛɣ/, as shown by the comitative adverb (§5.8.1) kɔ-ɛu~ɛya 'together with its teeth' (not †kɔ-ɛu~ɛya) from *tu-ɛya 'tooth'.<fnref n="6" /> The group /zɣ/ cannot be tested with partial reduplication.

Cluster-final γ is secondary, and has at least three proto-Gyalrong origins.

First, it comes from proto-Gyalrong medial *-w-, as in *lya 'dig' (Situ rwâ, Huang & Sun 2002) or *tu-tya 'one span' (Situ tə-təwá; the Tibetan cognate ɔɔmtʰo 'span' underwent Laufer's law, Jacques 2009; Hill 2011b). Most *-w- medials in the inherited vocabulary have undergone this sound change (except after dorsals, where they have disappeared), and the present w medials are secondary (§4.2.2.1).

Second, it originates from the lenition of velar stops in clusters with two stops in proto-Gyalrong, as in *pya 'bird' (from *pk-, see Cogtse Situ pká, Huang & Sun 2002).

Third, it is a secondary trace of velarized vowels (Jacques 2004: 231), as in *txjpyom 'ice' (from *tx-lpaɣŋ, see Zbu talvám?, Gong 2018: 13).

In triconsonantal clusters (Table 4.20), medial γ can occur with all preinitials except velar fricatives and the labial w- and m-, a further clue of its diachronic origin from *w. Combinations /-w.Cɣ-/- are possible, however, in heterosyllabic clusters (§4.2.3.1), as in the noun *laβzyi 'steamed turnip'.

<footnote n="6">⁶In Jacques (2004: 59), I claimed that /ɛɣ/ could be reduplicated either with or without deletion of /ɣ/, but in my more recent data only the variant with deletion is attested.</footnote>
<table><caption>Table 4.19: List of consonant clusters with two elements ending in /ɣ/ (25)</caption><tr><td>/p/</td><td>/pɣ/</td><td>pya 'bird'</td></tr><tr><td>/pʰ/</td><td>/pʰɣ/</td><td>pʰγo 'flee'</td></tr><tr><td>/b/</td><td>/bɣ/</td><td>subyi 'species of bush'</td></tr><tr><td>/mb/</td><td>/mbɣ/</td><td>mbγaɣ 'turn over' (vi)</td></tr><tr><td>/w/</td><td>/wɣ/</td><td>βγa 'mill'</td></tr><tr><td>/t/</td><td>/tɣ/</td><td>tw-tya 'one span'</td></tr><tr><td>/tʰ/</td><td>/tʰɣ/</td><td>tʰγe 'acorn'</td></tr><tr><td>/d/</td><td>/dɣ/</td><td>dyrrdyrr 'dumb'</td></tr><tr><td>/nd/</td><td>/ndɣ/</td><td>ndyrndyr't 'shaking'</td></tr><tr><td>/ts/</td><td>/tsɣ/</td><td>tsyi 'rot'</td></tr><tr><td>/ndz/</td><td>/ndzy/</td><td>tw-ndzyi 'fang'</td></tr><tr><td>/s/</td><td>/sɣ/</td><td>sγa 'rust'</td></tr><tr><td>/z/</td><td>/zɣ/</td><td>zyut 'arrive'</td></tr><tr><td>/l/</td><td>/lɣ/</td><td>lya 'dig'</td></tr><tr><td>/tɛ/</td><td>/tɛɣ/</td><td>tɛγaɣ 'squeeze out'</td></tr><tr><td>/tɛʰ/</td><td>/tɛʰɣ/</td><td>tɛʰγaɛtɛʰγaɣ 'completely'</td></tr><tr><td>/ndz/</td><td>/ndzγ/</td><td>ndzγaɣ 'be squeezed out'</td></tr><tr><td>/c/</td><td>/cɣ/</td><td>tw-cγa 'tooth'</td></tr><tr><td>/z/</td><td>/zγ/</td><td>zγr- 'reflexive prefix'</td></tr><tr><td>/r/</td><td>/rγ/</td><td>tw-ryi 'seed'</td></tr><tr><td>/s/</td><td>/sγ/</td><td>ṣγrlṣγrl 'transparent and round'</td></tr><tr><td>/cʰ/</td><td>/cʰγ/</td><td>qacʰγa 'fox'</td></tr><tr><td>/jγ/</td><td>/jγγ/</td><td>jγγrjγγr 'plump and huge'</td></tr><tr><td>/j/</td><td>/jγ/</td><td>jγγt 'turn around'</td></tr></table>
## 4 Consonant clusters and partial reduplication

<table><caption>Table 4.20: List of consonant clusters with three elements ending in /ɣ/ (21)</caption><tr><td>/spɣ/</td><td>spɣi 'storehouse'</td></tr><tr><td>/zbɣ/</td><td>tzkzbyak 'headache'</td></tr><tr><td>/stɣ/</td><td>stγrrnstγγr 'jumping'</td></tr><tr><td>/lcʰγ/</td><td>lcʰyaklcʰyak 'nice to wear'</td></tr><tr><td>/ldzɣ/</td><td>stooldzγγm 'straw from broad beans'</td></tr><tr><td>/cɣpɣ/</td><td>cγpγo 'ten bushels'</td></tr><tr><td>/cɣpʰγ/</td><td>cγpʰγo 'flee with'</td></tr><tr><td>/jmbγ/</td><td>nxjmbγom 'have vertigo'</td></tr><tr><td>/jpγ/</td><td>jpγom 'freeze'</td></tr><tr><td>/jndγ/</td><td>nwjndγo 'echo' (vi)</td></tr><tr><td>/rmbγ/</td><td>tx-rmbyo 'drum'</td></tr><tr><td>/rpγ/</td><td>rpγo 'up on the mountain'</td></tr><tr><td>/rpʰγ/</td><td>w-rpʰγγt 'upper door frame'</td></tr><tr><td>/χpγ/</td><td>tw-χpγi 'thigh'</td></tr><tr><td>/kmbγ/</td><td>kmbγi 'sun'</td></tr><tr><td>/mpʰγ/</td><td>mpʰyakmpʰyak 'very tight'</td></tr><tr><td>/ntcʰγ/</td><td>ntcʰyak 'splash'</td></tr><tr><td>/ntʰγ/</td><td>antʰyak 'bounce'</td></tr><tr><td>/ntsγ/</td><td>ntsγe 'sell'</td></tr><tr><td>/ntsʰγ/</td><td>ntsγtsʰγγz 'bump into'</td></tr><tr><td>/pcγ/</td><td>pcγγpcγγt 'many people, very noisy'</td></tr><tr><td>/ncʰγ/</td><td>ncʰyak 'birchbark'</td></tr></table>

### 4.2.2.6 C+/k/ clusters

Clusters with k as last element are listed in Table 4.21. The uvular fricative is medial only in a handful of clusters with dental or alveolo-palatal affricates, where it contrasts with γ, as shown by the minimal pair *tw-ndzki* 'collar bone' vs. *tw-ndzyi* 'fang'.

In ambiguous clusters, with the dental fricative /zk/ and non-nasal sonorants (/wk/, /lk/, /rk/ and /jk/), /k/ is always initial, as illustrated by *rkγkγ~βγa* from *rkγkγa* 'roar', *kw-γkw~rkγom* 'very rough (one)' from *rkγom* 'be rough' and *kw-γjkw~jγu* 'very bent (one)' from *ajγu* 'be bent'.

One of the origins of cluster-final k is the result of the lenition of the uvular stop *q* in double stop clusters, as in *βγa* 'prevail, win' (from *pq-*, Jacques 2004: 330, as shown by the Situ cognate *pkâ*, Huang & Sun 2002: 603).
<table><caption>Table 4.21: List of consonant clusters ending in /к/ (8)</caption><tr><td>/w/</td><td>/wк/</td><td>бка 'prevail, win'</td></tr><tr><td>/ndz/</td><td>/ndzk/</td><td>ту-ndzkъ 'collar bone'</td></tr><tr><td>/z/</td><td>/zk/</td><td>зкъпъсъ 'sling'</td></tr><tr><td>/l/</td><td>/lk/</td><td>лка 'gunny bag'</td></tr><tr><td>/tç/</td><td style="background-color: #d3d3d3;">/tçк/</td><td>тъвънътъвъз 'crunchy'</td></tr><tr><td>/tçh/</td><td style="background-color: #d3d3d3;">/tçhк/</td><td>тъвънътъвъз 'crunchy'</td></tr><tr><td>/r/</td><td>/rk/</td><td>ръом 'be rough'</td></tr><tr><td>/j/</td><td>/jk/</td><td>аъви 'be bent' (of legs, trees etc)</td></tr></table>

### 4.2.3 Summary

Table 4.22 summarizes the numbers of clusters identified in §4.2.1 and §4.2.2. Since in ambiguous clusters (§4.2.2) partial reduplication is not always available to determine whether the final non-nasal sonorant is medial or initial, no attempt is made at distinguishing between [initial+medial] and [preinitial+initial] clusters in this table.

Clusters with four elements can appear at least at the phonetic level if the last syllable of a verb stem with a triconsonantal onset undergoes synizesis with the 1SG -a suffix (§3.3.1.3). The denominal verb *γγjmŋo* 'dream of' (§20.5.2) from the noun *ту-jmŋo* 'dream' (§4.2.1.6) provides examples like *pjý-wy-γγ-jmŋo-a* (IFR-INV-DENOM-dream-1SG) 's/he dreamed of me' realized as [pjó.ye.jmŋwa] with a complex onset [jmŋw] comprising four segments.

Attested ambiguous clusters are listed in Table 4.23. Grey shading indicates phonotactically impossible combinations, due in particular to the constraints against the combination of velars and uvulars (§4.2.2.5, §4.2.2.6), and against the combination of alveolo-palatals with /j/ (§4.2.1.6, §4.2.2.2). Orange colour indicates [initial+medial] clusters, whose final sonorant is removed in partial reduplication. Blue colour marks [preinitial+initial] clusters, whose final sonorant is unaffected by reduplication. Clusters left in white are those for which partial reduplication cannot be tested. The cluster *rw* has two possible reduplication patterns (§4.2.2.1) and is thus left unmarked.

Even though some of the clusters cannot be subjected to testing with partial reduplication, the data in Table 4.23 suggest the following rules:

* If the first element of the ambiguous cluster is an alveolo-palatal fricative (//c//, //z//), the following sonorant is *medial*.
## 4 Consonant clusters and partial reduplication

<table><caption>Table 4.22: Count of consonant clusters</caption><thead><tr><th>type</th><th>CC</th><th>CCC</th><th>total</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>wC</td><td>15</td><td>8</td><td>23</td></tr><tr><td>s/zC</td><td>23</td><td>0</td><td>23</td></tr><tr><td>lC</td><td>17</td><td>1</td><td>18</td></tr><tr><td>ş/rC</td><td>35</td><td>0</td><td>35</td></tr><tr><td>jC</td><td>13</td><td>1</td><td>14</td></tr><tr><td>ç/żC</td><td>20</td><td>0</td><td>20</td></tr><tr><td>x/ɣC</td><td>23</td><td>0</td><td>23</td></tr><tr><td>χ/ъC</td><td>25</td><td>0</td><td>25</td></tr><tr><td>NC</td><td>14</td><td>1</td><td>15</td></tr><tr><td>m/nC</td><td>25</td><td>0</td><td>25</td></tr><tr><td>Cç</td><td>2</td><td></td><td>2</td></tr><tr><td>Cw</td><td>10</td><td>0</td><td>10</td></tr><tr><td>Cj</td><td>20</td><td>19</td><td>39</td></tr><tr><td>Cl</td><td>19</td><td>12</td><td>31</td></tr><tr><td>Cr</td><td>25</td><td>41</td><td>66</td></tr><tr><td>Cɣ</td><td>25</td><td>21</td><td>46</td></tr><tr><td>Cъ</td><td>8</td><td>0</td><td>8</td></tr><tr><td>total</td><td>319</td><td>104</td><td>423</td></tr></tbody></table>

<table><caption>Table 4.23: Ambiguous clusters</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>/w/</th><th>/j/</th><th>/r/</th><th>/l/</th><th>/ɣ/</th><th>/ъ/</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>/ç/</td><td></td><td></td><td>/çr/</td><td>/çl/</td><td>/çɣ/</td><td>/çъ/</td></tr><tr><td>/ż/</td><td></td><td></td><td>/żr/</td><td>/żl/</td><td>/żɣ/</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>/s/</td><td></td><td>/sj/</td><td>/sr/</td><td>/sl/</td><td>/sɣ/</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>/z/</td><td>/zw/</td><td>/zj/</td><td>/zr/</td><td>/zl/</td><td>/zɣ/</td><td>/zъ/</td></tr><tr><td>/l/</td><td>/lw/</td><td>/lj/</td><td></td><td></td><td>/lɣ/</td><td>/lъ/</td></tr><tr><td>/r/</td><td>/rw/</td><td>/rj/</td><td></td><td>/rl/</td><td>/rɣ/</td><td>/rъ/</td></tr><tr><td>/w/</td><td></td><td>/wj/</td><td>/wr/</td><td>/wl/</td><td>/wɣ/</td><td>/wj/</td></tr><tr><td>/j/</td><td></td><td>/jw/</td><td>/jr/</td><td>/jl/</td><td>/jɣ/</td><td>/jъ/</td></tr><tr><td>/ɣ/</td><td></td><td>/ɣj/</td><td>/γr/</td><td>/γl/</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>/ъ/</td><td></td><td>/ъj/</td><td>/ъr/</td><td>/ъl/</td><td></td><td></td></tr></tbody></table>
* If the first element of the ambiguous cluster is a glide (/w/, /j/) or a dorsal sonorant (/ɣ/, /k/), the following sonorant is *initial*.

* If the first element of the ambiguous cluster is a dental fricative (/s/, /z/), the rhotic /r/ or the lateral /l/, the following sonorant is *medial* if it is a glide or /l/, and it is *initial* if it is the rhotic or a dorsal sonorant.

### 4.2.3.1 Heterosyllabic clusters

In addition to the clusters attested in onset position described in this chapter, another type of consonant clusters is found whenever a closed syllable is in non-final position in the word. These heterosyllabic clusters, whose first element is the coda of the first syllable, present considerably fewer phonotactic constraints than onset clusters.

The most obvious difference is the fact that, while a strict prohibition against having the same segment as preinitial and a medial is observed in onset clusters, this constraint does not apply in heterosyllabic ones. For instance, the noun *tɛ́hʷr-pru* ‘rain shelter’, a compound from Tibetan Ṡɛ́ tɛ́hər ‘rain’ and the native word *t牆pru* ‘rain shelter’, has the sequence *-r.pr-*, which would be completely impossible as syllable onset (§3.4.1).

The phoneme /w/, realized as -β in coda position (§3.2.2), does not become an unvoiced fricative when followed by an unvoiced obstruent in the next syllable, as in the noun *slhəŋ* ‘school’, which is not realized as †slatsfkhəŋ as would have been expected if the /w/ were in preinitial position (§4.2.1.1). The coda -β is generally deleted when it precedes labial stops, especially the voiced /b/ in ideophones. For instance, the pattern II ideophone (§10.1.2.2) from the root |bχβ| is bχbχβ ‘stubborn, bulky’; the alternative realization bχβbχβ is also possible.

Unlike /w/ in preinitial position (§4.2.1.9), the coda -β does not assimilate with nasals or prenasalized onsets that follow it. For instance, the coda -β in the last syllable of verb stems is not nasalized by the dual -ndʒi or plural -nu indexation suffixes (§14.2.1.2): *pjuu-fkaβ-nu* (IPFV-cover-PL) ‘they cover it’ (example 163, §15.1.5.11) cannot be realized as †[pjifkámnu]. The same is true in noun compounds; for example *jlχβndʒu* ‘weft stick’ from *tujlχβ* ‘weft’ and *ndʒu* ‘stick’.

A puzzling cluster -p-t- is observed in the numeral *sqaptuy* ‘eleven’ (§7.1.3). The -p- is a linking element between the bound form *sqa-* ‘ten’ and the following numerical, also found in other Gyalrongic languages (Jacques 2017c), but its expected form would be the preinitial *f-* (from /w/) in this position. It is better analyzed as the coda of the first syllable.

The dental /t/, which exists as coda (§3.2.2), but not as preinitial (§4.2.1), is attested in heterosyllabic clusters followed by unvoiced labial or velar stops, mainly
### 4 Consonant clusters and partial reduplication

in Tibetan loanwords such as *rgསpu* ‘old man’ (from རྦད་པོ་ rgad-po ‘old man’) or *mtསʰསtkʰo* ‘house shrine’ (on which see §3.3.3). In compounds, the coda /t/ is either lost in non-final syllables (§5.4.2.2), or nasalizes to [n] if the following segment is a nasal sonorant or a prenasalized obstruent (§5.4.2.1), in particular with the dual -ndzi and plural -nu indexation suffixes (§14.2.1.2), so that even heterosyllabic clusters with /t/ a first element are infrequent.

Exceptions to the loss of -t before coronal stops and affricates do exist, however, for instance *tsphསྤta*, the name of a type of sewing method, compound of *ts་-gpkʰt* ‘patch (n)’ (§16.4.6) with the verb *ta* ‘put’ (§22.4.2.6). In this noun, a geminated -t.t- occurs across syllable boundaries.

While dental fricative preinitials cannot precede affricates (§4.2.1.2), the coda /z/ does occurs before the dental affricate *tsʰh-* in the cluster -s.tsʰh- in *mbrསtsʰi* ‘rice gruel’ (from *mbrསz* ‘rice’ and *tutsʰi* ‘rice gruel’), assimilating in voice (§5.4.2.1).

The preinitial /j/ is not compatible with palatal and alveolo-palatal initials (§4.2.1.6), but the coda /j/ can precede those segments across syllable boundary, as in *qajzmbraས* ‘ear of wheat’ from *qaj* ‘wheat’ and *zmbraས* ‘ear’ (of corn).

The velar coda /ɣ/ is generally deleted before velar stops, even in redupli-cated ideophones. For instance, the pattern II ideophone (§10.1.2.2) from the root |gɣɣ| ‘curved; moving with difficulty’ is *gɣgɣy*, though *gɣŋgɣy* is also possible. There is only one example of γ preceding a uvular segment even across sylla-ble boundaries: the sigmatic causative *swγvaས* ‘cause to hatch’ from *vaks* ‘hatch’ (§17.2.1.4). The Tibetan form *འྲྩག་སྤྲོག་ mbrug.glog* ‘thunder and lightning’ would have been expected to yield †*mbrwγ.བloས* in Japhug, but we find instead *mbrwylor* (in dialects other than Kamnyu) or *mbywloས* ‘thunderstorm’ in Kamnyu with irreg-ular metathesis of γ and r.

The uvular /k/ can surface before velar and uvular stops in heterosyllabic clusters (unlike when it occurs as preinitial, §4.2.1.8), as in *tavki* ‘up and down’ (§5.5.2.2; realized as [*tavki*]) and *qʰoqʰoས* ‘ingot’. The uvular coda is deleted, how-ever, in the compound *paskγγ* ‘pig to be fattened’ from *paས* ‘pig’ and *skγγ* ‘fatten’ (pig), avoiding the non-attested cluster -k.sk-.

When preceding unvoiced obstruents, the fricative codas /z/, /ɣ/ and /k/ as-similate in voice and are converted to [s], [x] and [k], respectively (§5.4.2.1).

Onset clusters with nasal preinitials followed by non-nasal sonorants have been completely eliminated by a series of sound changes detailed in §4.2.1.9. How-ever, the nasal codas /m/, /n/ and /ŋ/ can occur before syllables with *l*-, *r*-, *j*-, *w*-, *γ*- or *k*- as onset. For instance, we find -n.l- in *srunloས* ‘ring’, -m.γ- (instead of -mbr-) in *nrṣtsumγuyt* ‘take away and bring back’ (from *tsum* ‘take away’ and *γuyt* ‘bring’, §20.12), -n.r- in *smṛnrwγ* ‘medicinal plants’ (from *མྱོན་རྫིགས་ sman.rigs* ‘type of materia medica’) or -m.j- (instead of -mŋ-) in *zuṃjuy* ‘barrel handle’ (compound
## 4.2 Inventory of consonant clusters

of *zum* ‘bucket’ and *u-ju* ‘its handle’, from ཁྲིམ་ *zom* ‘bucket’ and གླུབ་ *ju.ba* ‘handle’, respectively). These clusters, although heterosyllabic, are reduplicated as a whole when partial reduplication is applied, as in the comitative adverb (§5.8.1) *kṛ-srunlu-nloK* ‘together with his/her ring’ from *srunloK* ‘ring’ (instead of ṛkṛ-*srunlu-nloK*, an incorrect form).

More complex clusters with a nasal as first element are found when the second member of the compound has a complex onset, for instance -n.rṣ- in χcunrzi ‘Yama’ (from गृहिक् धैः gcin.rdze ‘Yama’, the Buddhist god of the underworld) and -m.xtsḥ- in jpumxtsḥum ‘thickness’ (a compound noun derived from jpum ‘be thick’ and xtsḥum ‘be thin’, §5.5.2.2).

Some heterosyllabic clusters are avoided by insertion of an anaptyctic vowel /u/, in particular in Tibetan loanwords. For instance, སྟེམསྡུག སེམས.sdug ‘sadness, worry’ is borrowed as *sumuzduy* ‘worry’ instead of expected ṛsumzduy, with the *u* breaking the cluster -m.-zd-.

The anaptyctic vowel can be /i/ if the cluster in the second syllable has a palatal or alveolo-palatal preinitial. For instance, ᶜom ‘iron’ and *tx-jŋoK* ‘hook’ are compounded as ᵎmiŋoK ‘iron hook’, in which the preinitial /j/ is converted to /i/.

### 4.2.3.2 The sonority sequencing principle in Japhug

A considerable amount of work in phonology supports the idea that the segments of the world's languages follow a universal scale of sonority (for instance Venne-mann 1988; Blevins 1995; see Ohala 1990 for an opposing view). Several versions of this sonority hierarchy have been proposed, for instance (§5) (Parker 2002: 235).

(5) low vowels > mid vowels > high vowels > /ə/ > glides > laterals > flaps > trills > nasals > /h/ > voiced fricatives > voiced stops > voiceless fricatives > voiceless stops and affricates

The notion of sonority is invoked in particular to account for observed generalizations in the structure of consonant clusters: in many languages, clusters follow the so-called *sonority sequencing principle* (SSP, Blevins 1995: 210):

(6) ‘Between any member of a syllable and the syllable peak, a sonority rise or plateau must occur.’

According to this hierarchy, in onset clusters, sonorants are expected to be closer the syllable nucleus than obstruents (*krV* is favoured over *rkV*), and glides to be closer to the nucleus than any other consonant (*mjV* is preferred over *jmV*).
## 4 Consonant clusters and partial reduplication

Japhug, like other Gyalrongic languages (see in particular Sun 2000b and Lai 2017: 73), is rich in ssp-infringing clusters.

For instance, the 17 biconsonantal clusters with /j/ as first element (13 in §4.2.1.6 and 5 in §4.2.2) all contravene the ssp except for /jw/. Moreover, some of these clusters, such as /jtṣʰ/, /jm/ and /jŋ/, have no ssp-compliant counterpart: †/tṣʰj/, †/mj/, and †/ŋj/ are not attested as syllable onsets (though the last two can occur across syllables, §4.2.3.1).

A certain number of ssp-compliant clusters have been removed by specific sound changes, in particular *mj- → mn-, *mr- → mbr- (§4.2.1.9) and *tr- → tṣ- (§4.2.2.4).

## 4.3 Sandhi

Word boundaries in Japhug can be defined by a combination of criteria, including stress (§3.7) and also morphology in the case of verbs (§11.6.1), but they are not completely impenetrable from a phonological point of view: some sandhi phenomena, including assimilation and resyllabification, do occur across word boundaries.

First, the codas /-z/, /-r/, /-ɣ/, /-ψ/ can assimilate in voicing to the following consonant (§3.2.2), as in heterosyllabic clusters (§4.2.3.1).

Second, the coda /-t/ is nasalized when directly followed by a nasal or pre-nasalized segment, and tends to drop when followed by a dental, alveolo-palatal and retroflex segment. In (§7) for example, the -t coda of *rumbcʰyt* ‘offering to the mountain’ drops before the translocative prefix and that of *lṛt* merges with the following affricate *tṣ*.

(7) *rumbcʰyt* s-cʰúw-y-lṛt tce
mountain.offering TRAL-IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-INV-release LNK
puu-pʰyn
SENS-be.efficient

‘If you go and make offerings to the mountain (god), it will solve (your problem).’ (Lobzang) {0003370S#S27}

These rules are optional, and it is possible to find examples in the corpus where they do not take place. For instance, in (§8), the coda -t of *to-lṛt* is clearly audible even before *r*.

(8) *turpa ci to-lṛt ri*
axe once IFR-release LNK
‘He wielded his axe, but ...’ (140430 jin e-zh) {0003893#S37}
4.4 Tibetan script-based orthography

Third, when a [preinitial+initial] cluster is preceded by an open syllable, the preinitial can be resyllabified as coda of the previous syllable. In (§9) for instance, the preinitial χ- of χchʰoie 'right and left' becomes the coda of -rna and voices to [ink], and yields a sequence [-rnak.cʰo-]. This type of phenomenon is considerably rarer than the previous ones.

(9) *w-rna* **χcʰoie** *z̥o* ko-sti.
3SG.POSS-ear left.and.right EMPH IFR-plug
‘He plugged both hid left and his right ears.’ (140514 huishuohua de
niao-zh) {0003992#S183}

Fourth, when a word ending in open syllable precedes a vowel-initial word (§3.3.1.4), the initial vowel a- and w- of the latter very commonly merge with the final vowel of the former. For instance, the sentence in (§10) is realized as [amuxtsa:pwünü]: the w- prefix is elided by merging with the preceding u, and the -a rhyme of w-xtsa merges with the a- prefix of the following word, yielding a phonetically long [a:].

(10) a-mu w-xtsa a-pw-ŋu pw-ra
1SG.POSS-mother 3SG.POSS-shoe IRR-IPFV-be SENS-be.needed
‘Let (me take this) shoe (as a present) for my mother.’ (tWxtsa 2003)

External sandhi is not represented in the transcription used in this grammar.

4.4 Tibetan script-based orthography

The IPA orthography chosen to write Japhug in this grammar is probably not
viable for use by native speakers, and an alternative writing system based on
Tibetan script is preferable. Fortunately, it is relatively easy to transcribe Japhug
into Tibetan script.

Concerning the vowels (§3.3.1), /i/, /u/, /e/ and /o/ can be represented using
the གི་གུ་ *gi.gu*, ནངས་སྤྱུ་ *zabs.k'u*, འགྲེང་བུ་ *ŋreŋ.bu* and ན་རྗོ་ *na.ro* symbols, respectively. The
vowel /ཨ/, being very common word-internally, can be taken as base vowel of
the aksharas. As for /w/, the Old Tibetan གི་གུ་ལོག་ *gi.gu.log* can be employed. Finally,
the /a/ can be represented by the long vowel symbol འཁྲུང་ *ha.tcʰuŋ*.

A few consonants found in Japhug do not have Tibetan equivalents. The letter
ཐུ w can be reserved for the velar fricative /γ/. The uvulars can be differentiated
from the velars by the ཚ་དྷུགས་ tsʰa.rtags, for instance རྣ /q/, འགྲ /NG/ and རྫ /ʃ/. In
coda position however, the contrast between /γ/ and /ʃ/ does not need to be
### 4 Consonant clusters and partial reduplication

transcribed, since these two codas are in complementary distribution with the preceding vowels (§3.3.2). The unvoiced velar fricative can be written as ྡ /x/ and the uvular one as ྡ /χ/ in initial position (for the rare phoneme /h/ and additional diacritic symbol such as ྡ can be employed). In preinitial position, however (§4.2.1.7, §4.2.1.8), the voiced stop symbols should be preferred, since there is no contrast between fricatives and stops in this context.

The retroflex affricates can be represented by the Sanskrit symbols for retroflex stops (ञ /tṣ/, ଙ /tṣʰ/ and ଳ /dz̥/) and the retroflex fricative by the corresponding Sankrit consonant (ञ /ṣ/).

The glide /w/ in initial position can be written as པ /w/ with ପ୍ରଧ୍ଯାତ୍ର tsʰa.rtags, but as medial (§4.2.2.1) the ମ୍ଯ୍ଯ ମа.zur can be employed. Medial -ṛ- and -क- can be represented by underscript ମ୍ଯ and ମ, for instance in ମ୍ଯିଗ pyaṃ ‘turn over’ and ଦ୍ରିମ୍ଯ tu-ndzki ‘collar bone’.

The clusters with fricatives preceding prenasalized obstruents can be transcribed by combining a prefixed ଈ marking prenasalization with a superfixed letter marking the fricative, as in ଈମ୍ଯ zmbru ‘boat’, ଈମ୍ଯ zŋgri ‘star’ or ଈମ୍ znde ‘wall’. Since the voicing contrast is neutralized in this position (§4.2.1.2, §4.2.1.5), the unvoiced fricative symbols ମ s and ମ୍ଯ can be used.

The following examples illustrate how this script can be used to write complete sentences.

(11) c-ty-ṭṭuṭ-t-a
TRAL-AOR-buy-PST:TR-1SG
॥गतिः ॥
'I went and bought it.'

(12) tṛ-rṣaβ nwa pja-rṣ-cpʰyt
INDEF.POSS-wide DEM IFR.IPFV-APASS-patch
॥ ਕੁਬਨੈ ਪ੍ਰਭਾ ਹੈ ॥
'The wife was patching clothes.' {0003366#S20}

(13) w-me nw kw andi paχci pw-ntṣye ŋu
3SG.POSS-daughter DEM ERG west apple IPFV-sell be:FACT
ਦੇਖਿੰਦਾ ਕੀ ਅਧੀ ਪ੍ਰਭਾ ਸਿੱਖਿੰ ਅਸ੍ਰੇਤਿੰ ॥
'Her daughter is selling apples over there.'
# 5 Nominal morphology

This chapter focuses on possessive prefixes, compounding and noun derivations.

It does not discuss flagging, number and quantification, as these grammatical
categories are expressed by independent words or clitics, such as postpositions
and noun modifiers, and are treated in chapters 8 and 9.

Nominalization (including lexicalized deverbal nouns) and denominal verbal-
ization are treated in chapters 16 and 20, respectively.

The morphology of counted nouns (quantifiers, time nominals) is discussed in §7.3, and that of nouns of location in §8.3.4.

## 5.1 Possessive prefixes

Nouns in Japhug can be divided into four main subclasses, *inalienably possessed* nouns, *alienably possessed* nouns, *unpossessible* nouns and *counted* nouns, depending on the type of prefixes they can take. The present section focuses on the first two, the ones that are compatible with possessive prefixes. Unpossessible nouns are treated in §5.2, and counted nouns in §7.3 in another chapter.

### 5.1.1 Possessive paradigm

The paradigm of possessive prefixes in Japhug is shown in Table 5.1. It presents obvious commonalities with the personal pronouns (§6.1) and the indexation suffixes (§14.8.1). Table 5.1 includes comparative data on the dialect of Tatshi (from Lin & Luoerwu 2003, Lin 2011 and personal communication), which differs from Kamnyu in having non-palatalized forms in the dual prefixes.

In this paradigm, the contrast between second and third person is neutralized
in the dual and plural, while it is preserved in pronouns and person indexation.

The *indefinite possessor* prefixes *tu-/* *ts-/* *ta-* only occur on inalienably pos-
sessed nouns (§5.1.2.1). The syntactic function of these prefixes corresponds to
that of the “absolutive” suffix in Nahuatl (“suffixe absolu” in Launey 1994: 207).
The *indefinite possessor* prefixes saturate the possessive prefixal slot, just like an-
tipassive prefixes (§18.6) saturate the object function of transitive verbs. They do
<table><caption>Table 5.1: Possessive prefixes in Japhug</caption><thead><tr><th>Person</th><th>Kamnyu dialect</th><th>Tatshi dialect</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>1SG</td><td>a-</td><td>a-</td></tr><tr><td>2SG</td><td>ny-</td><td>na-</td></tr><tr><td>3SG</td><td>uw-</td><td>ə-</td></tr><tr><td>1DU</td><td>tçi-</td><td>tsə-</td></tr><tr><td>2/3DU</td><td>ndzi-</td><td>ndzə-</td></tr><tr><td>1PL</td><td>ji-</td><td>ji-</td></tr><tr><td>2/3PL</td><td>nu-</td><td>nə-</td></tr><tr><td>indefinite</td><td>tu-/ty-/ta-</td><td>tə-/ta-</td></tr><tr><td>generic</td><td>tu-</td><td>tə-</td></tr></tbody></table>

not mark that the noun is indefinite,<fnref n="1" /> but rather indicate that it lacks a definite possessor, when the possessor is unknown or irrelevant.<fnref n="2" />

Possessive prefixes other than the indefinite possessor prefixes are collectively referred to as “definite possessor prefixes”. The semantic difference between indefinite and generic possessors is discussed in §5.1.3.

The vowel contrast /u/ vs. /r/ vs. /a/ on the indefinite possessor prefixes is lexically determined (§5.1.2.1). This contrast is neutralized on definite possessor prefixes, which all have the same form regardless of the noun. This neutralization is an innovation: in Situ, the vowel contrast is present on all possessive prefixes (Lin 1993: 168–169),<fnref n="3" />

Stacking of possessive prefixes is not allowed in Japhug, with the exception of the combination of a definite possessor prefix with an indefinite possessor prefix tu- or ty- to turn an inalienably possessed noun into an alienably possessed one (see §5.1.2.9).

The only irregularities in possessive morphology are found with a- initial nouns (§5.1.1.1).

<footnote n="1">¹On the various strategies to express definiteness in Japhug, see §9.1.4 and §9.1.4.3.</footnote>

<footnote n="2">²A reviewer suggests the term “neutral” instead, but I find it not specific enough, and “absolutive” is to be avoided for obvious reasons, in a language with numerous constructions following ergative-absolutive alignment (§2.5.5).</footnote>

<footnote n="3">³Prins (2016: 118–119) analyzes the vowel as part of the nominal root.</footnote>
### 5.1.1.1 a- initial nouns

Unlike verbs (see §12.3), nouns whose stem begins with a *a-* are extremely rare in Japhug. Nevertheless, as is the case with verbs, the vowel *a-* merges with any prefixed element, so that nouns of this type do not have regular possessive forms. The only noun in *a-* to commonly receive possessive prefixes is *arab* ‘liquor’ (a loanword from ṣ-r-q- ?a.rag ‘liquor’). Its possessive forms are highly anomalous: 1SG *az-y-raq, 2SG n-y-q-y-n-y-raq and 2PL n-w-y-n-u-raq (as in 1), combining the pronoun in *bound state* (§5.4) followed by the possessive prefix, which takes over the initial *a-*.

(1) n-w-y-n-u-raq ú-ra
2PL-2PL.POSS-liquor QU-be.needed:FACT
‘Do you need liquor?’ (elicited)

To account for these forms, it is necessary to assume that the initial *a-* was re-analyzed as a 1SG possessive prefix. However, this analysis did not occur directly. The expected 1SG possessive form *a-arab (1SG.POSS-liquor) would automatically yield *a-raq by vowel fusion (following the rule described in §12.3). The resulting 1SG *a-raq then became the pivot for the analogical reshaping of the rest of the paradigm, from which for instance *n-y-raq (2SG.POSS-liquor) was generated (replacing putative earlier forms such as *n-y-arab */naraq/). Due to homophony with the base noun arab, the 1SG pronoun az-o was systematically added and *a-z-o-a-raq underwent morphological fusion to the attested az-y-raq, followed by the rest of the possessive paradigm.

### 5.1.1.2 The expression of possession

Possession cannot be expressed without a possessive prefix on the possessee, except for a handful of constructions where a pronoun occurs instead (§6.1.2).

Possessive prefixes can be used on nearly any noun (except the unpossessed nouns, see §5.2), including recent borrowings from Chinese (or quasi-code switching), as 老家 lǎojīā ‘native place’ in (2). They also occur on several non-finite verbal forms, including participles (see §16.1.1.1 and §16.1.2.1), bare infinitives (§16.2.2) and degree nominals (§16.3).

(2) az-o yu a-<laojia> yu u-lycu nüre ri
1SG GEN 1SG.POSS-old.house GEN 3SG.POSS-upstream there LOC
ku-ry-zi-nu yu
IPFV-stay-PL be:FACT
‘They live in a place upstream from my old house.’ (14-siblings)
{0003508#S215}
In the case of first or second person possessors, it is possible to have simply a possessive prefix on the noun, (*a-yri* 'my friend', *a-mbro* 'my horse' and *a-ka* 'my enemy' in 3), a personal pronoun and a possessive prefix (same person and number, as in 4) or even a pronoun, the genitive clitic *yu* and a possessive prefix as in (2) (§8.2.3.1).

(3) *a-yri* ci *tw~tw-ŋu* ny, *a-mbro*
1SG.POSS-friend INDEF COND~2-be:FACT LNK 1SG.POSS-horse
*u-lwa* *u-tač* ky-zo, *a-ka* ci *tw~tw-ŋu*
3SG.POSS-mane 3SG-on IMP-land 1SG.POSS-enemy INDEF COND~2-be:FACT
ny, *a-mbro* *u-jme* *u-tač* kx-zo
LNK 1SG.POSS-horse 3SG.POSS-tail 3SG-on IMP-land

'If you are my friend, land on my horse's mane, if you are my enemy, land on my horse's tail.' (2002 qaCpa)

(4) *azo a-mbro* n*rywurwmbotcʰi ŋu, *tw-sni* *χpaχtsʰyt ci
1SG 1SG.POSS-horse ANTHR be:FACT one-day yojana INDEF
*nú-wy-tswm-a* cʰa
IPFV:WEST-INV-take.away.1SG can:FACT

'My horse is Norbu Rinpoche, he can make me cross one yojana per day.'
(2003 smanmi2)

It is possible to have a first singular possessive preceded by a first plural pro-
noun, as in (5) (see §14.6.1 for other examples of person mismatch involving 1PL
pronouns).

(5) *izo a-mu* *nw* tʰamtʰam *kwrcptuɣ* tʰu-azyuut ŋu.
1PL 1SG.POSS-mother DEM NOW 81 AOR-reach be:FACT
'My mother is now 81.' (2010-histoire09-2)

In the case of a possessee shared by the speaker and the addressee, the 1SG pos-
sessive is the preferred form. For instance, a couple of parents or grandparents
talking to each other about their son or their grandchild more often use *a-tc<u>*
'my son' or *a-ye* 'my grandchild' than a 1DU or a 2SG possessor such as *tçi-ye* 'our
grandchild' or *ny-ye* 'your grandchild', as I have noticed by participant observa-
tion. Nevertheless, the use of other possessive prefixes than 1SG in such contexts
is not agrammatical, and systematically occurs in texts translated from Chinese
(by calquing), as in (6).

(6) tcï-tc<u> *pu-svzd<u>u*pa,
1DU.POSS-son SENS-be.pitiful
'Our poor son!' (150831 renshen wawa-zh) {0006418#S15}
### 5.1.1.3 Definiteness and obviation

Nouns with a definite possessor in Japhug can be indefinite, unlike in most languages of Europe. They can occur with an indefinite determiner (example 3 above). With a quantifier such as *tu-rdoь* ‘one piece’ as in (7), a noun with a definite possessor is interpreted as referring to a certain number of persons out of a group (‘one of his X’).

(7) **ty-tcwn** nʷ kʷ w-zda **tw-rdoь w-pʰe to-ti,**
**INDEF.POSS-SON DEM ERG 3SG.POSS-companion one-CL 3SG-DAT IFR-say**
**tw-rdoь nʷ kʷ li ci w-pʰe tce**
**one-CL DEM ERG again INDEF 3SG-DAT LNK**
**ŋy-k-y-sʷ-ympw-mtsʰʷ-mtsʰymp-nʷ**
**IFR-PEG-RECIP-CAUS-RECIP-hear-PL**
‘The boy told one of his companions, and that one another one, and [in this way] they informed each other.’ (2012 Norbzang) {0003768#S70}

Unlike in Algonquian languages, but like in Mapudungun (Haude & Zúñiga 2016), inverse marking on the verb (§14.3.2.2) is *not* required if the subject is a possessed noun whose possessor is also object of the same sentence, as shown by example (8) where the direct form *na-βde* appears. In other words, nouns with a third person possessor are not automatically *obviative* (see Jacques 2010a and §14.3.3.2 for additional discussion).

(8) **w-rzaβ** nʷ kʷ na-βde
3SG.POSS-wife DEM ERG AOR:3→3'-throw.away
‘Hisᵢ wife left himᵢ.’ (14-siblings)

The inverse form *nú-wy-βde* is also possible in exactly the same context – example (9) comes from the same text and refers to the same event.

(9) **w-rzaβ** cʰo w-tcwn nʷ c̪načna kʷ nú-wy-βde
3SG.POSS-wife COMIT 3SG.POSS-SON DEM both ERG AOR-INV-throw.away
‘Hisᵢ wife and hisᵢ son left himᵢ.’ (14-siblings) {0003508#S266}

Although not obligatory, the inverse on the verb (like in example 9) is more common than a direct form (example 8) in this type of configuration (§14.3.2.2).
5.1.1.4 Other uses of possessive prefixes

Possessive prefixes are also used to express beneficiaries, recipients and other oblique arguments, such as the ‘person needing’ in the construction with the verb ra ‘be needed’, as in (10).<fnref n="4" />

(10) a-mbro tabndo ku-tso ci tci ra
1SG.POSS-horse speech SBJ:PCP-understand one also be.needed:FACT
‘I also need a horse who understands speech.’ (2003kAndzwsqhaj2)

In the case of beneficiaries and recipients, if a genitive pronoun or genitive phrase is present, the presence of a possessive prefix is possible (11) but not obligatory (12), in particular in the case of possessed nouns that already have a definite possessor (13).

(11) azwɣ a-ku-ra ci tu tce nɔya' 1SG:GEN 1SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-be.needed INDEF exist:FACT LNK DEM yes tɣ-ti ra IMP-say be.needed:FACT
‘There is one thing I need, and you have to say “yes” to it.’ (140429 qingwa wangzi-zh) {0003890#S47}

(12) azwɣ ku-ra me 1SG:GEN SBJ:PCP-be.needed not.exist:FACT
‘I don’t need anything.’ (2005 Norbzang)

(13) azwɣ u-lu ra 1SG:GEN 3SG.POSS-milk be.needed:FACT
‘I want its milk.’ (02-deluge2012) {0003376#S12}

We also find 3SG possessive prefixes u- indexing not a possessor or a beneficiary/recipient, but anaphorically referring to a whole clause, as in (14), where u-cʰa does not mean ‘its/his alcohol’, but ‘the alcohol made in the fashion described in the previous clause’.<fnref n="5" />

<footnote n="4">⁴See §8.2.3.2 for a more detailed account of the expression of beneficiaries in Japhug.</footnote>

<footnote n="5">⁵As pointed out by a reviewer, this type of construction reminds of the diachronic evolution from third person possessive suffix to definite article in Amharic (Rubin 2010).</footnote>
(14) kwacungwa tce icqʰa zmbrawfaj nɔ̈ wu nwmw

in.former.times LNK the.aforementioned boat.oar DEM ERG DEM

cʰa nɔ̈ tú-w-cmi tce u-cʰa mɔ̈

alcohol DEM IPFV-INV-CAUS-mix LNK 3SG.POSS-alcohol be.tasty:FACT

tu-ti-nɔ̈ pwɔŋgryl

IPFV-say-PL PST.IPFV-be.usually.the.case

'In former times, people used to mix the alcohol with boat oars, the alcohol [made this way] is tasty, they used to say.' (cha-31) {0003764*S38}

### 5.1.1.5 The form of the 3SG possessive prefix

Japhug differs from other Gyalrong languages (Table 5.2, data from Sun & Shidanluo 2002, Gong 2014) in that the third person possessive prefix is *not* homophonous with the inverse prefix (§14.3.2.7, §14.3.2.8).

<table><caption>Table 5.2: The form of the 3SG possessive prefix in Gyalrong languages</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>3SG.POSS</th><th>inverse</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Japhug</td><td>u-</td><td>yu-/-wy-</td></tr><tr><td>Tshobdun</td><td>o-</td><td>o-</td></tr><tr><td>Zbu</td><td>wə-</td><td>wə-</td></tr><tr><td>Situ</td><td>və-</td><td>və-</td></tr></tbody></table>

Independently of the question of whether these two prefixes could be historically related (Sansò 2014), it is probable that Japhug is innovative here.

In the same way as the inverse prefix *yu-* has an allomorph transcribed as *-wy-* when preceded by another prefix, realized as vowel rounding in most cases (§14.3.2.7), there is a possible trace of a vowel rounding allomorph of the possessive prefix in the linker *núndza* 'for this reason' (§25.5.1).

This linker originates from a phrase combining the demonstrative *nu* 'that' (on which see §6.9.1, §9.1.2 and §9.1.5.4) with the 3SG possessed form of the noun *u-ndza* 'cause' (§25.5.2). The form *núndza* possibly reflects earlier *nuu-w-ndza*, *-w- being a frozen allomorph of the 3SG possessive prefix in non-initial position.

There is a possible trace of the expected allomorph †*yu-* (from proto-Gyalrong *-wə-*) in the noun *yufsu* 'friend', etymologically 'his equal'; the inalienably possessed noun *u-fsu* 'of the same size', which shares the same root, has a regular possessive prefix that is coreferent with the standard of comparison (as in 15 with the 3PL; see §26.3.1.3 on this construction). The alienably possessed noun *yufsu*
‘friend’ is thus possibly a lexicalized equivalent of *w-fsu ‘of the same size’ (used in one of the equative constructions, §26.3.1.3), whose 3SG prefix was frozen before the change from *γu- to w- occurred.

(15) turme kw-mbro ra nw-fsu jamar tu-zyut ma
person SBJ:PCP-be.high PL 3PL.POSS-equal about IPFV-reach apart.from
mɣ-cʰa
NEG-can:FACT

‘It can only grow about as high as a tall human.’ (15-babW) {0003512#S4}

Furthermore, additional evidence for the idea that the third person prefix con-
tained *-w- comes from the etymology of the reflexive prefix *zyw-*, which is argued
to originate from the third person pronoun (§18.3.7).

It remains unclear why the regular allomorph of the third person possessive is
<u>u</u>- rather than expected †<u>yu</u>-.

A possible explanation could be false segmentation,
due to reanalysis with the genitive marker <u>yu</u>, since the genitive can optionally
occur between the possessor and the possessee, as in (16). A pre-Japhug form
such as *qaɛpa <u>yu</u>-puu could have been misanalyzed as qaɛpa <u>yu</u> uu-puu due to vowel
fusion sandhi (§4.3), and a new allomorph u- extracted from such constructions.<fnref n="6" />

(16) nwnu qaɛpa yu u-puŋ ηu tce,
DEM frog GEN 3SG.POSS-young be:FACT LNK
'It (the tadpole) is the young of the frog.' (hist-28-kWpAz) {0003714#S203}

5.1.2 Inalienably possessed nouns

5.1.2.1 Morphology

Inalienably possessed nouns differ from alienably possessed ones in that they
require the presence of a possessive prefix. Unless when used with the indefinite
possessor prefixes, inalienably possessed nouns are not formally distinguishable
from alienably possessed ones; for instance, *a-pi* ‘my elder sibling’ and *a-mbro*
‘my horse’ both take the 1SG *a-* prefix and no direct clue indicates that the first
noun is inalienably possessed and that the second one is alienably possessed.

The citation form however differs between inalienably and alienably possessed
nouns: the former must take an indefinite possessor prefix (or in some cases a
3SG *u-*), while the latter can occur without possessive prefix, as for instance *tr-pi*

<footnote n="6">⁶The weakness of this hypothesis is that some Japhug dialects have *ku* rather than *yu* as their genitive marker.</footnote>
‘elder sibling’ (with the indefinite *tɛ́*; the bare root †*pi* is not a correct form) vs. *mbro* ‘horse’ (without prefix).

Inalienably possessed nouns are divided into four classes depending on their citation form. The indefinite possessor prefix has three allomorphs (*tu-*, *tɛ́-*, *ta-*) whose distribution is not completely predictable on the basis of phonology or semantics (though some generalizations are provided below). In addition, some inalienably possessed nouns only take definite possessor prefixes. The contrast between these four classes is neutralized when the noun takes a definite possessor prefix (unlike in Situ, see Lin 1993: 168–169 and Prins 2016: 118–119).

The most common allomorph of the indefinite possessor prefix is *tu-*. Inalienably possessed nouns selecting this allomorph, such as *twi-jɑ́v* ‘hand, arm’, have identical indefinite and generic possessor forms (see §5.1.3).

The allomorph *tɛ́-* is also very common, in particular with kinship terms and some body parts (see §5.1.2.3 and §5.1.2.4). The form *ta-* is a phonological variant of *tɛ́-*, occurring mainly with nouns whose stem begins with a uvular such as *ta-kyu* ‘horn’ or *ta-ki* ‘younger sibling’. The contrast between /tɛ́/ and /a/ in this prefix is very difficult to perceive before uvulars with some speakers (see §3.5.4), and the transcription adopted in this grammar (and the online corpus and dictionary) is based on the slow syllable-by-syllable pronunciation of these words by Tshendzin. Two inalienably possessed nouns, however, *ta-ma* ‘work’ and *ta-mar* ‘butter’, have the *ta-* allomorph with an initial *m-*, probably originally due to vowel assimilation (§3.3.1.2, §3.5.4).

The minimal pair between *tɛ́-ma* ‘mother’ and *ta-ma* ‘work’ shows that this vowel contrast, however marginal, is distinctive, and that even if the two allomorphs *tɛ́-* and *ta-* were originally phonologically conditioned, it is no longer the case in Kamnyu Japhug.

Some inalienably possessed nouns never occur with indefinite possessor prefixes, for instance *u-tʰo* ‘ground’ is only attested with the 3SG *u-* prefix (see §5.1.2.11). In some cases, the indefinite possessor form is difficult to elicit and in case of doubt the third singular form is given in the dictionary Jacques (2015–2016) (for instance *u-mdoch* ‘colour’). Future research may reveal an indefinite possessor form for some of these nouns.

When denominal verbs are derived from inalienably possessed nouns, the vocalism of the denominal prefix tends to be the same as that of the indefinite possessor prefix (for instance *tɛ́-βju* ‘mattress’ → *nɛ́βju* ‘use as a mattress’, not †*nwoβju*), though there are exceptions (*twi-ρaχ* ‘shoulder’ → *mɔ́ρaχ* ‘carry on the shoulder’), as discussed in §20.6.

By analogy with several non-finite verb forms, in particular the subject participle of transitive verbs and the bare infinitive, which index one argument (the
object) by a possessive prefix (§16.2.2), the possessors of inalienably possessed nouns are considered to be core arguments, while those of alienably possessed nouns are treated as adjuncts. In other words, inalienably possessed nouns have a valency of 1 like intransitive verbs, while alienably possessed nouns have a valency of 0.<fnref n="7" /> The indefinite possessor prefix can be viewed as a valency-decreasing device, the nominal equivalent of passive and antipassive derivations, especially given its use in the alienabilization of inalienably possessed nouns (see §5.1.2.9). Wider implications of the assumption that possessors of inalienably possessed nouns are core arguments are explored in §24.6.

### 5.1.2.2 Inalienabilization

Derivation from alienably possessed to inalienably possessed nouns is not common in Japhug. An interesting case is that of *uu-ke* ‘reputation’, which originates from the alienably possessed *qale* ‘wind’ with a reduced form *k-* of the class prefix *qa-*, as some second members of compounds (see §5.4.3.2 and §5.6).

Conversion of counted nouns (§7.3) to inalienably possessed nouns is a regular process (§7.3.4.1).

### 5.1.2.3 Body parts

The great majority of body parts are inalienably possessed nouns with the indefinite possessor *tu-*. These include native words, but also borrowings from Tibetan such as *tu-qhoxpa* ‘organs, state of mind’ from Tibetan འཁྱུག་པ་ kʰog.pa ‘innards’ (see §3.4.2 on the phonology of this word).

Among body parts, inalienably possessed nouns selecting the prefix *tx-* are mainly liquids from the body such as *tx-se* ‘blood’, *tx-spwu* ‘pus’ and *tx-lu* ‘milk’ (though some liquids also take the prefix *tu-*, for instance *tu-ctsi* ‘sweat’), hair (*tx-rme* ‘hair’, *tx-kxrme* ‘head hair’ and some animal body parts (*tx-jme* ‘tail’, *tx-ŋku* ‘pig skin’, *tx-rkʰom* ‘feather rachis’).

Parts of plants on the other hand mainly have the prefix *tx-*, as *tx-jwak* ‘leaf’, *tx-tsru* ‘sprout’, *tx-zrɔm* ‘root’ etc.

Alienably possessed nouns are rare among body parts. Some nouns with the *qa-* class prefix (see §5.6) such as *qame* ‘mole’ and *qambyo* ‘earwax’ referring to physical defects or excretions from the body are alienably possessed nouns. A similar situation is observed in Koyukon Athabaskan, where nouns ‘denoting certain temporary or abnormal parts of the body’ are also alienably possessed

<footnote n="7">⁷On nominal valency and inalienability, see also Gutman (2018: 30-31).</footnote>
noun (Thompson 1996: 660), though in Koyukon this subclass is considerably
larger than in Japhug.

The compound *tuciste* ‘amniotic sac’ from *tu-ci* ‘water’ and *ty-ste* ‘bladder’ has a *tu-* which is originally an indefinite possessor prefix (see §5.1.2.11), but which has become frozen after being integrated into a compound (§5.1.2.10), as can be shown by (17).

(17) *w-twciste* cʰy-ndzyak
3SG.POSS-amniotic.sac IFR-ACAUS:squeeze.out
‘Her waters have broken.’ (elicited)

5.1.2.4 Kinship terms

The great majority of kinship terms select the indefinite possessor prefix *ty-* or *ta-* (see chapter 27 for a description of the kinship system). The only kinship terms in *tu-* are *tu-me* ‘daughter’ (but this form is not attested in the text corpus) and *tulyt* ‘second sibling’; however, the *tu-* prefix in the latter word has become non-analyzable and this word has become an unpossessible noun (see §5.2).

There are other unpossessible nouns among kinship terms, including *wołak*
(bad) stepmother', which derives from *ty-łak* 'mother's sister' by replacing the
possessive prefix with an unidentified element *wo-*, and the social relation col-
lectives (§5.7.8.1). Being a unpossessible noun, *wołak* ('bad) stepmother' cannot
take possessive prefixes, and the forms of *ty-łak* 'mother's sister' are used instead
(*a-łak* can mean 'my (bad) stepmother').

Kinship terms do not commonly occur with the indefinite possessor prefix.
For those denoting spouses, forms with the indefinite prefix are found in the
expression ‘look for a wife/husband’, as in (18).

(18) ‘ŋoj tw-ce?’ to-ti, ‘azo ty-rzaβ w-ku-car
where 2-go:FACT IFR-say 1SG INDEF.POSS-wife 3SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-search
ce-a’ to-ti. tce ‘ndzizo ŋoj tw-ce-ndzi?’ to-ti ri, ‘tcizo
go:FACT-1SG IFR-say LNK 2DU where 2-go:FACT-DU IFR-say LNK 1DU
ty-nmaβ w-ku-car ce-tci’ to-ti.
INDEF.POSS-husband 3SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-search go:FACT-1DU IFR-say
‘She said: ‘Where are you going?’; He said: ‘I am looking for a wife.
Where are you going?’; She said ‘We are looking for a husband.’”
(2003-kWBRa)
Kinship terms<fnref n="8" /> also occur with the indefinite possessor prefix to talk about family relationships in abstract terms, as in (19) (see also 56 below). Note that in this example the verb is in the generic transitive subject form (§14.3.2.5). The kinship terms in this sentence cannot take the generic possessor prefix *tu-*, since only one argument in a given sentence can be generic (§14.6.2). If the generic possessor forms (*tu*-**rpw** ‘one’s maternal uncle’ and *tu*-**ftsa** ‘one’s sister’s child’) were used instead, the meaning would be different (‘One’s uncle cannot marry one’s nephew’), as it would include the speaker as a potential possessor.

(19) **tɔ̃-rpwu** cʰo tɔ̃-ftsa ni ci kú-wy-pa
INDEF.POSS-MB COMIT INDEF.POSS-ZC DU one IPFV-INV-make
mɔ̃-ku-ku kʰupu
NEG-INF:STAT-be.possible SENS-be
‘Maternal uncles and sister’s children cannot marry each other.’ (140427
kWmdza stWnmW) {0003844#S14}

Some kinship terms have an extended meaning when they take the indefinite
possessor prefix: they can alternatively be used to denote a class of humans based
on gender and age. The noun *tɔ̃-tɔ̃u* ‘son’ also commonly means ‘boy’ or even
‘male human’ (regardless of age). The nouns *tɔ̃-wa* ‘father’ and *tɔ̃-mu* ‘mother’
can denote older people without reference to their children; translations such as
‘old man’ and ‘old lady’ are more appropriate in these cases, for instance in (20).
The same applies to *tɔ̃-wu* ‘grandfather’ and *tɔ̃-wi* ‘grandmother’.

(20) *pra}*kʰa}*ŋ *zu* tɔ̃-mu          ci   ŵ-ku
      cave          LOC INDEF POSS-mother INDEF 3SG.POSS-head
      tɔ̃-ku-wyru*m* ci   zwŋzwŋ   pju*-rɔ̃zi   tce,
AOR-SBJ:PCP-be.white INDEF IDPH(II):white IFR.IPFV-stay LNK
      ‘In the cave, there was an old woman whose hair was completely white.’
      (2003 sras)

5.1.2.5 Relator nouns

Relator nouns are a subset of inalienably possessed nouns which have been gram-
maticalized as quasi-adpositions and compensate for the relative dearth of post-
positions in Japhug (§8.2). Some are used to express basic grammatical relations
(such as the dative, §8.3.1), as well as most locative and temporal relations with
noun phrases and subordinate clauses (§8.3.4, §25.3.4.1). A list of relator nouns
and a detailed account of their functions is presented in §8.3.

<footnote n="8">⁸The glosses used to describe kinship terms are explained in chapter 27 (Table 27.1).</footnote>
### 5.1.2.6 Complement-taking nouns and relativizers

Inalienably possessed nouns can take nominalized or finite clauses as prenominal modifiers. When the head inalienably possessed noun is at the same time an argument or an adjunct inside its modifying clause, that clause is considered to be a prenominal relative (§23.4.2). The generic inalienably possessed noun *u- spa* ‘material’ is in the process of becoming a relativizer when occurring with a prenominal relative (§23.2.4). In other Gyalrongic languages, such as Khros- kyabs (Lai 2017: 519), former generic nouns have become fully grammaticalized as relativizers (see §16.1.3.10, §23.2.4).

When the head noun is not a participant of the clause, the modifying clause is a complement clause (§24.6, see Jacques 2016a: 239–241). Inalienably possessed nouns selecting complement clauses include for instance *u-skvrt* ‘language, noise’ or *u-ъжiz* ‘wish’ (§24.6.3).

The inalienably possessed noun *u-mdoь* ‘colour’ (from Tibetan སྤྱད་ mdog ‘col- our’) has been further grammaticalized from a complement-taking noun to a sentence-final particle marker of epistemic modality ‘it looks like...’ (§21.8.3.1).

### 5.1.2.7 Property nouns

Property nouns are a subclass of inalienably possessed nouns that designate (mainly in a derogatory fashion) an entity that possesses a particular character- istic. They generally follow another noun as in (21) and (22), but not exclusively (25). In the /noun+property noun/ phrase, the latter is the syntactic head but se- mantically modifies the former (see §9.1.8 on the various attributes found in the noun phrase).

(21) <penzi> *u-pw*, svlaŋpʰyn *u-pw* jamar *pw-wxti*
basin 3SG.POSS-little.one basin 3SG.POSS-little.one about IPFV-be.big
cʰa
can:FACT
'It can grow about as big as a little basin.' (18-NGolo) {0003530#S45}

(22) kʰa *u-nqra* tce znde *u-mbe* ma tʰam
house 3SG.POSS-broken.one LNK wall 3SG.POSS-old.one apart.from now
kw-tu me.
SBJ:PCP-exist not.exist:FACT
'Now there is nothing [there], apart from some ruins and old walls.'
(140522 tshupa) {0004053#S58}
These phrases can be turned into compounds made of the first noun and a quasi-suffix corresponding to the property noun. All diminutive and derogatory suffixes described in §5.7.3 and §5.7.5 (Table 5.3) have corresponding property nouns. In the case of *sɔ́lappʰɔ́n u-pu* from example (21) for instance, it is possible to say *sɔ́lappʰɔ́n-pu* ‘little basin’ as one word. In some cases the non-final element is in bound state, as in *kʰɔ́nqra* ‘ruin’ from *kʰa* ‘house’ and *u-nqra* ‘broken one’, a form which occurs in (23), in the same text as (22) (referring to the same house). The opposite however is not always possible; for instance, lexicalized diminutives like *staxpu* ‘pea’ from *stɔ́v* ‘broad bean’ cannot be turned into a phrase with *u-pu* ‘little one’ as second element.

(23) tce nɔ́ wytsoBVsta nɔ́nwɔ́ kʰɔ́Nqra cti tʰam tce kwhryz̥i
LNK DEM place.name DEM ruins be:AFF:FACT now LNK SBJ:PCP-stay
me
notuez:FACFCT

‘Now Tatsogsta (‘the place of silverweed’) is a house in ruins, nobody
lives there.’ (140522 tshupa) {0004053#S56}

Property nouns are not necessarily always contiguous to the noun that they
follow. In (24), the indefinite determiner *ci* (§9.1.4.1) redundantly occurs both after
the constituent *yzw* *ku-xtɔ́w~xtçi* (a relative clause, §9.1.8.3) and the property
noun *u-pu* ‘the little one’. The nouns *yzw* and *u-pu* are thus separated by the
participle *ku-xtɔ́w~xtçi* and the determiner *ci*.

(24) wo nɔ́nwɔ́, yzw ku-xtɔ́w~xtçi ci u-pw
INTERJ DEM monkey SBJ:PCP-emph~be.small INDEF 3SG.POSS-little.one
ci pw-cti
INDEF SENS-be.AFF

‘Oh, this is [just] a little monkey.’ (18-04-28 xiyouji01-zh) {0006111}

The property nouns *u-do* ‘old one’ and *tw-mbe* ‘old thing’ differ in that the
former one is used for living things (including animals and plants), while the
second occurs with inanimate objects. The quasi-suffix *-rqu* is mainly used in
*tw-cirqu* ‘cold water’.

The noun *u-jlu* ‘uncooked’ (used in particular with *stɔ́v* ‘broad bean’) has be-
come grammaticalized as a restrictive focus marker (§9.1.6.5).

Property nouns are not commonly used with an indefinite possessor prefix;
in attested examples, it is always *tw-*. Their origins are diverse: *u-pu* ‘little one’
derives from *tw-pu* ‘offspring, young’ (see §5.7.3), while *tw-mbe* ‘old thing’, *u-kʰe*
## 5.1 Possessive prefixes

<table><caption>Table 5.3: Property nouns and corresponding quasi-suffixes</caption><thead><tr><th>Property Noun</th><th>Suffix</th><th></th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td><i>u-pu</i> 'little one'</td><td><i>-pu</i></td><td>diminutive</td></tr><tr><td><i>u-nqra</i> 'broken one'</td><td><i>-nqra</i></td><td>derogatory</td></tr><tr><td><i>u-do</i> 'old one'</td><td><i>-do</i></td><td></td></tr><tr><td><i>t-y-mbe</i> 'old thing'</td><td><i>-mbe</i></td><td></td></tr><tr><td><i>u-kʰe</i> 'something nasty'</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td><i>u-rqu</i> 'cold thing'</td><td><i>-rqu</i></td><td>other</td></tr><tr><td><i>u-xso</i> 'empty, normal'</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td><i>u-jlu</i> 'something uncooked'</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td><i>u-maŋ</i> 'in big groups'</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td><i>u-rkoz</i> 'something special'</td><td></td><td></td></tr></tbody></table>

‘something nasty’ and *u-do* ‘old one’ originate from *mbe* ‘be old’, *kʰe* ‘be stupid’ and *do* ‘be old (of plants)’ by deverbal derivation (§16.4.6). The property noun *u-maŋ* ‘in big groups’ derives from *maŋ* ‘be many’, itself from Tibetan *sīc- maŋ* ‘many’. Some *tr-* prefixed nouns of verbal origin like *tykʰe* ‘idiot, fool’ (from *kʰe* ‘be stupid’) may come from former property nouns.

The property noun *u-xso* ‘empty, normal’ is related to the verb *so* ‘be empty’; it originally comes from its subject participle (the regular form *kuu-so* ‘empty’ is still attested) with loss of vowel and fricativization of the velar participle prefix (see §16.5.2). It had no corresponding quasi-suffix, but does appear as second element in some compounds (see for instance §5.7.8).

The most common meaning of *u-xso* is ‘normal, usual, common’, a meaning already very different from the base verb. It occurs both before and after the noun with which it is linked (compare 25 and 26). It is also used adverbially, meaning ‘usually’ or ‘without doing anything’ (27).

(25) *u-pa* *pu-ku-ce* *nuw tce kumaq turme*,
3SG.POSS-down IPFV:WEST-SBJ:PCP-go DEM LNK other people
*u-xso* *turme ra nuw-tcʰaŋra* *pjy-ŋu*
3SG.POSS-normal people PL 3PL.POSS-toilet IFR.IPFV-be
‘The toilet for other people, for normal people (i.e., not lamas), were on
the [balcony] facing west under it.’ (08-kWqhi) {0003454#S8}
## 5 Nominal morphology

(26) *nyzo turme w-xso tw-maъ
2SG people 3SG.POSS-normal 2-not.be:FACT
‘You are not a normal human.’ (150829 taishan zhi zhu-zh) {0006350#S39}

(27) w-xso ku-ryzi tce, w-βri nwmw scoь-pw
3SG.POSS-normal IPFV-stay LNK 3SG.POSS-body DEM ladle-DIM
pw-kγ-βьum zo fse
AOR:DOWN-OBJ:PCP-COVER EMPH be like:FACT

‘When [the ladybug] is resting (staying like that, without doing anything), its body looks like a little laddle put upside down.’
(26-kWlAGpopo) {0003670#S3}

The meaning ‘empty’ is however also attested; in (28) it is used adverbially, and
note that the possessive prefix is coreferent with the plural intransitive subject.

(28) toьde tce tcendyre, nw-xso
a.moment LNK LNK 3PL.POSS-empty
cʰγ-nw-čoь-nw.
IFR:DOWNSTREAM-AUTO-come.out-PL
‘A moment later, they came out empty-handed.’ (140512 alibaba-zh)
{0003965#S34}

The obsolete property nouns *w-te ‘big’ is not productive, but traces of it are
still attested in some compounds (§5.7.4).

### 5.1.2.8 Exclamative inalienably possessed nouns

A small class of inalienably possessed nouns in Japhug occur as exclamative verbless nominal predicates (§22.3), sometimes with the sentence final particle *nw* (§10.4.5). This class includes degree nominals (§26.1.2.1), as well as the non-derived *tw-scawa* ‘poor X’ and *tw-kʰi* ‘lucky X’.

The inalienably possessed noun *tw-scawa* ‘poor X’ only occurs in the exclamative constructions, as in (29) and (30). In example (29), the possessive prefix is coreferent with the entities that experience suffering (the pigs).

(29) tsuku ku paьndza p̥w-nu-pʰu-t-nu p̥w-ŋu ri, paь ra
some ERG hogwash IPFV-AUTO-pluck-PL SENS-be LNK pig PL
nw-scawa ma mγ-muṁ ma w-tw-qiaβ
3PL.POSS-poor LNK NEG-be.tasty:FACT LNK 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.bitter
saχaк zo.

be-extremely:FACT EMPH

‘Some people cut [Sambucus] as hogwash, poor pigs, it is so bitter.’

(12-ndZiNgri) {0003488#S28}

The possessive prefix on this noun can also be coreferent not with the person suffering, but rather with another person who caused it, and expresses his apologies in this manner, as in (30).

(30) wo a-txeme a-scawa, wo a-tycime a-scawa
INTERJ 1SG.POSS-lady 1SG.POSS-poor INTERJ 1SG.POSS-lady 1SG.POSS-poor
‘My lady, sorry [for what] I [have done to you].’ (2014-kWLAG)

Alternatively, the indefinite possessive form *tu-scawa* can occur, even if the person/entity experiencing misfortune is definite and known, as in (31).

(31) wo tu-scawa, ku-tu-tso mw-pu-ra
INTERJ INDEF.POSS-poor IPFV-2-understand NEG-PST.IPFV-be.needed
‘Alas and woe, you should not have known that.’ (2012 Norbzang)
{0003768#S142}

The inalienably possessed noun *tu-kʰi* ‘lucky X’ is another example of the nominal exclamative construction, as in (32), with the possessive prefix coreferent with the person experiencing good luck. This noun can also occur in the idiom *tu-kʰi+ŋgw* ‘be lucky’, as in (33).

(32) cw yu ŋu kw, n̥u-kʰi ye!
who GEN be:FACT SFP 3PL.POSS-how.lucky SFP
‘Whose are these, how lucky they are!’ (2003 Kunbzang)

(33) a-kʰi j̩u-ŋgw
1SG.POSS-lucky(1) SENS-be.lucky(2)
‘I am lucky.’ (140425 shizi puluomixiusi he daxiang-zh) {0003798#S40}

### 5.1.2.9 Alienabilization

It is possible to turn an inalienably possessed noun into an alienably possessed one by adding a definite possessor prefix before the indefinite one; this is the only case of possessive prefix stacking in Japhug. This process is very productive, and better illustrated by minimal pairs; the following examples involve the inalienably possessed nouns *tu-ci* ‘water’, *tɔ́-lu* ‘milk’ and *tɔ́-muj* ‘feather’.
## 5 Nominal morphology

The noun *tu-ci* 'water' with a definite possessor (*u-ci* 'its juice/water') refers either to the juice of a plant, or to water in which a plant has been soaked as in (34)

(34) wzo tu-ci
kw-sɣ-cke
u-ŋgw pjúw-wɣ-ɣ-la,
3SG INDEF.POSS-water SBJ:PCP-PROP-burn 3SG-in IPFV-INV-CAUS-soak
tce nʷ yʷ u-ci
u-ŋgw nʷtcu tu-mi
LNK DEM GEN 3SG.POSS-water 3SG-in DEM:LOC GENR.POSS-foot
pjúw-wɣ-ɣ-la
tce nʷnʷ, χtcoŋ
nʷ pʷ-pʰɣn
IPFV-INV-CAUS-SOAK LNK DEM, rheumatism DEM SENS-be.efficient
pʷ-ti-nʷ ri,
SENS-say-PL LNK

'One puts it in hot water, and then one puts one's feet in that water, and it is efficient against rheumatism, they say.' (20-sWrna) {0003564#S133}

The alienabilized form *u-tu-ci* 'its water', as in (35), is used to talk about water given to an animal to drink, or water absorbed by a plant.

(35) tceri u-tu-ci
wuma z̥o na-bzi
but 3SG.POSS-INDEF.POSS-water really EMPH TROP-be.necessary:FACT
tce, u-tu-ci
nʷ mʷ-pjʷ-mbrýt
LNK 3SG.POSS-INDEF.POSS-water DEM NEG-IPFV-ACAUS:break
pʷ-ra.
SENS-be.needed

'But it needs water a lot, it needs to have water continuously.' (07-Zmbri) {0003438#S10}

When a definite possessor is present on the noun *tɣ-lu* 'milk' in a form such as *u-lu* 'her milk', that prefix refers to the animal producing the milk, as in (36).

(36) tɣ-pi
kw-wxti
nʷ kw nʷŋa yʷ u-lu
INDEF.POSS-elder.sibling SBJ:PCP-be.big DEM ERG COW GEN 3SG.POSS-milk
nʷ cʰondsvre w-ča
nʷ to-nʷ-ndo.
DEM COMIT 3SG.POSS-meat DEM IFR-AUTO-take
'The elder brother took the cow's milk and meat.' (02-deluge2012) {0003376#S18}

The form *u-tɣ-lu* 'his/its milk' with alienabilization is used on the other hand when indicating the person or animal drinking the milk, as in (37).
(37) tce w-tɔ̃-lu pjúw-wỹ-rku tce núnw

LNK 3SG.POSS-INDEF.POSS-milk IPFV:DOWN-INV-put.in LNK DEM

pjúw-tsʰi qʰe,
IPFV:DOWN-drink LNK

'People pour milk for it (i.e., the cat) to drink, and it drinks it.' (21-IWLU)
{0003576#S43}

The inalienably possessed noun *tɔ̃-muj* ‘feather’ takes as its possessor a bird (or a bird body part such as ‘wings’), as in (38).

(38) jinde tce w-kũ-sat koŋla maŋe tce, nuw

nowadays LNK 3SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-kill completely not.exist:C LNK DEM

qarma w-muj kúny tɔ̃-ja wó

crossoptilon 3SG.POSS-feather also GENR.POSS-hand NEG:SENS-come SFP

'Nowadays, nobody kills them, and one cannot get crossoptilon feathers.'
(23-qapGAmtWmtW) {0003608#S152}

Its alienabilized form, such as *w-tɔ̃-muj* ‘his feather’ in (39), is used when the
feather is detached from the body of the bird, and belongs to a human.

(39) tvtcúpw kú-xtci nuw yu w-tɔ̃-muj nuw
boy:DIM SBJ:PCP-be.small DEM GEN 3SG.POSS-INDEF.POSS-feather DEM

li w-tʰo

nwtcu pjy-nw-jỹỹ

again 3SG.POSS-ground DEM:LOC IFR:DOWN-AUTO-go.back

'The younger boy's feather fell back on the ground again.' (140510
sanpian yumao) {0003947#S65}

As the examples above show, alienabilized inalienably possessed nouns occur to refer to disconnected or severed body parts, for instance body parts removed from an animal that are used or owned by a human or another animal on which they do not grow. They are also used for bodily fluids that have left the body, or also clothes that are not worn but held in the hand. Similar phenomena are observed in other Gyalrong languages (see Sun 1998: 140 on Tshobdun).

The referent marked by the possessive prefix can be beneficiary as in (37) or
possessor as in (39). Alienabilization is also observed with prenominal modifiers
(§5.1.4), in compounding, when the indefinite possessor prefix of an inalienably
possessed noun is preserved in the final member of the compound (see §5.4.3.1),
in comitative adverbs derived from inalienably possessed nouns (§5.8.1) and in
conversion from inalienably possessed noun to counted noun (§7.3.4.1). A related
phenomenon is also the optional neutralization of possessive prefixes in relative clauses (§23.3.4).

A lexicalized way of alienabilizing nouns is by compounding with a generic possessor. For instance, *pyr-muj* ‘feather’ is an alienably possessed noun built from the bound state of *pya* ‘bird’ with the inalienably possessed noun *tr-muj* ‘feather’. Here the first element of the compound *pyr-* saturates the inalienable possessor without need to use the prefix *tr*–.

5.1.2.10 Frozen indefinite possessors

Alienably possessed nouns with a disyllabic root whose first element is *tu*- or *tr*–, with the exception of loanwords such as *tursa* ‘grave’ (from 5x-rs dur.sa ‘grave’), are mainly ancient inalienably possessed nouns whose indefinite possessor prefix *tu*– has become frozen and reanalyzed as part of the root. Comparison with other Gyalrong languages can demonstrate that such reanalysis took place in Japhug.

For instance, the noun *turme* ‘person’ is alienably possessed in Japhug (as shown by examples such as 40), but in the Situ language the 3SG form of *tə-rmî* ‘man’ is *wə-rmî* (Lin 2009: 183;197), showing that *tə-* is the indefinite possessor prefix, cognate of Japhug *tu*–.

(40) ci nw ty-tcw nw xawo, nwnw azo a-turme nw
one DEM INDEF POSS-boy DEM INTERJ DEM 1SG 1SG.POSS-man DEM
a-pw-ŋu ndsre, nw w-tw-pe nw
IRR-IPFV-be LNK DEM 3SG-NMLZ:DEG-be.good FSP
‘That boy, if only he could be my man, it would be so nice.’ (2014-kWlAG)

This shift may be due to the fact that the 3SG form is used in Situ in construc-
tions where the non-possessed form is preferred in Japhug, such as in prenominal
relatives (Lin 2009: 190), and was therefore less prone to lexicalization. The stem
-rme of *turme* ‘person’ is still attested as second element of compounds like *tu-
pyrme* ‘one year of life’ (whose first element *pyr-* is related to the stem of *tu-xpa*
‘one year’, §7.3.1.7).

The noun *txjmry* ‘mushroom’ is alienably possessed, but the stem *jmry-* ap-
pears as first element of compounds such as *jmryni* ‘russula’, suggesting that it
was formerly inalienably possessed and occurred without its indefinite posses-
sor prefix in this compound (see §5.4.2.4). The status of *txjmry* ‘mushroom’ as
a former inalienably possessed noun is less surprising if one takes into account
the likely etymological relationship with Chinese 帽 mawH ‘hat’ (from *mʿuk-s;
etymology suggested by L. Sagart; see also the Tibetan cognate ṛmog ‘helmet’,
Zhang et al. 2019). If the noun for ‘mushroom’ in Japhug and other Gyalrongic languages comes from ‘hat’ (cf Breton *tog touseg* ‘toad hat’ for ‘mushroom’), it is expected that it would become an inalienably possessed noun (like *tx-rte* ‘hat’), and for the indefinite possessor *tx-* to become frozen after the noun ceases to be a term for head covers.

5.1.2.11 Unusual inalienably possessed nouns in Japhug

While it is crosslinguistic expected that nouns of body parts or kinship terms are
inalienably possessed, we also find in Japhug inalienably possessed nouns denot-
ing natural entities such as *tu-ci* ‘water’, *tu-mu* ‘sky, weather’ or *u-tʰo* ‘ground’,
a highly unusual fact. There is no grand insight about Gyalrong Weltanschauung
to be gained from this observation however; explanations should be sought in
the etymology of these words, and solved on an item per item basis.

The noun *tu-ci* ‘water’ also means ‘juice’ or ‘water in which X has been soaked’ with a definite possessor, as was seen in §5.1.2.9. Cognates are found in Core Gyalrong languages, but not in West Gyalrongic (Stau ɣrə and Wobzi Khroskyabs jdə, Jacques et al. 2017: 610) or elsewhere in the family, and it is therefore a good candidate for a Core Gyalrong lexical innovation.

Japhug has a transitive verb *ci* ‘pour completely’ (of grains or liquids), from which a bare action nominal *u-ci* ‘(liquid/grain) that has been poured out’ could have been regularly derived (see §16.4.6; similar to *u-ndzuu* ‘instruction, advice’ from *ndzuu* ‘educate’ in example 41 below). The meaning ‘water’ would then be trivial narrowing of the meaning of this noun ‘water poured out’, then replacing the older term for ‘water’ still preserved in West Gyalrongic. Bare action nominals being inalienably possessed nouns (§16.4.6), the form of *tu-ci* ‘water’ accounted for by this etymology.

The stative verb *aci* ‘be wet’ is then derived, after the semantic narrowing, from the noun *tu-ci* ‘water’ by denominal derivation (§20.2.1) – despite superficially looking like a passive of *ci* ‘pour completely’ (of grains or liquids) (§18.1), it is only indirectly derived from it.

Concerning *tu-mu* ‘sky, weather’, it superficially resembles a noun with non-
analyzable *tu-* prefixal element, but the status of this element as an indefinite
possessor prefix can be ascertained with rare examples such as (41). In addition,
note the compound *kundzarmu* ‘type of rain’ contains the root *-mu* as its last
syllable (see a precise definition of this noun and a discussion of its etymology
in 51, §16.1.1.7).
(41) *u-ndzu* *m-y-ku-sŋŋo* *u-mu*
3SG.POSS-instruction NEG-NMLZ-S/A-listen 3SG.POSS-sky

mbuš

ACAUS:take.off:FACT

‘Those who do not listen to advice from other people do not end well.’
(‘their sky falls’) (elicited)

There is no clear explanation of how this noun come have become inalien-
ably possessed, but I propose here a tentative etymology. Cognates of *tu-mu*
‘sky, weather’ are attested elsewhere in the Trans-Himalayan family, but mainly
in languages that poorly preserve presyllables (for instance Yongning Na *my* l°,
Michaud 2017: 132). Yet, in Rawang, among the conservative languages, has a
word *dvmò* ‘celestial being’ (LaPolla & Poa 2001: 13), with the same vowel corres-
pondence to Japhug /-u/ as *sharø* ‘bone’ with *ɛrɛu* ‘bone’. Moreover, the name
55 dmu, attested in Tibetan texts to refer to a type of divinity, is probably related
to the Gyalrong etymon for ‘sky’ (Stein 1961: 63–64) and provides additional sup-
port for the antiquity of a dental presyllables in this etymon.

If *dvmø* and *55 dmu* are indeed cognate with Japhug *tu-mu* ‘sky, weather’,<fnref n="9" /> this
noun may originally have been disyllabic, and its first syllable reinterpreted as
indefinite possessive; the form *u-mu* ‘his sky’ in (41) would then be a backforma-
tion, an idea compatible with its very marginal character.

The Japhug noun *u-tʰoʔ* ‘ground’ cannot take any possessive prefix other than 3SG *u-*, not even the indefinite possessor prefix. It has no known cognates in other Gyalrongic languages, but it is a perfect match for a Tibetan word with the shape *tʰog* (compare the other borrowed noun *tʰoʔ* ‘thunder’ from Tibetan Ṣk̂y *tʰog* ‘thunder’). Two etymologies accounting for the possessive prefix on *u-tʰoʔ* can be proposed. On the one hand, it could be a bare action nominal (§16.4.6) from the transitive verb *tʰoʔ* ‘stamp on’. On the other hand, it could alternatively be a borrowing from Tibetan, a hypothesis requiring a four step scenario.

First, Japhug borrowed the Tibetan relator noun Ṣk̂y-tʰog(tu) ‘on’ as u-tʰoʔ *‘on’*
(not attested), adding a third person possessive prefix like all relator nouns (see
§8.3). This relator noun was in competition with the existing native equivalent
u-tak ‘on, above’.<fnref n="10" />

<footnote n="9">⁹Another potential cognate could be Rawang muq ‘sky, thunder’, but the final glottal stop transcribed -q is from a former *-k, and this word is better compared to Situ ta-rmōk ‘thunder’ (Zhang 2016: 73)</footnote>

<footnote n="10">¹⁰It is not surprising in Japhug to have several competing relator nouns for the same functional slot; the same is true of the dative *u-čki* and *u-pʰe*, see §8.3.1.</footnote>
Second, it became restricted to the collocation *sṛtṛ'hā w-t'hōk zuw 'on the ground' (not attested), with the native locative zuw and the noun of Tibetan origin sṛtṛ'hā 'earth'.

Third, the tautological collocation *sṛtṛ'hā w-t'hōk zuw 'on the ground' was reduced to w-t'hōk zuw 'on the ground' (attested).

Fourth, the noun w-t'hōk 'ground' was created by backformation from the locative phrase w-t'hōk zuw 'on the ground'. The fact that the locative postposition /zuw/ is always optional (§8.2.4.1) made this step less unlikely. Thus, Japhug possibly attests an example of degrammation (see Norde 2009: 135) from a relator noun meaning 'on' (with or without motion) to a common noun meaning 'ground'.

The etymologies discussed above suggest that inalienably possessed nouns referring to natural phenomena in Japhug were created by unrelated pathways.

### 5.1.2.12 Adverbial inalienably possessed nouns

Some inalienably possessed nouns can be used adverbially (§22.2). In this function, the possessive prefix can be neutralized to indefinite possessor or third singular possessor, as w-stu 'truth, truly' in (42), but in some cases it can also be coreferent with an argument, and different inalienably possessed nouns display different alignment patterns.

(42) *koŋla w-stu zo a-pw-tw-r'y-βzjoz, <zuoye> really 3SG.POSS-truth EMPH IRR-PFV-2-ANTIP-study homework a-pw-tw-r'y-βze, IRR-PFV-2-do[III] 'Study seriously, do your homework.' (conversation 140501)

The prefix of the inalienably possessed noun w-stu 'truth, truly' can be coreferent with the singular or the transitive subject (like the 2SG prefix n'y- in 43), but never with the object, thus displaying an accusative alignment.

(43) *nyzo n'y-stu zo w-ŋw-ku'-nw-rga-a n'y, 2SG 2SG.POSS-really EMPH QU-IPFV-2→1-APPL-like-1SG LNK 'If you really love me,...' (150907 yingning-zh) {0006264#S136}

On the other hand, w-βra 'it is X's turn to...' presents a neutral alignment pattern: the possessive prefix can be coreferent with the intransitive subject, the object (as in 44), or the transitive subject (45).
## 5 Nominal morphology

(44) *icqʰa* *n* *nɔ-za* *nɔpɔ-sat-a* *nyu* *tce*, *tʰam tce*
just before 2SG.POSS-companion DEM AOR-kill-1SG be:FACT LNK now LNK
*nɔʒzo* *nɔ-βra* *pɔŋ-ta-sat* *ra*
2SG 2SG.POSS-turn IPFV-1→2-kill be.needed:FACT
'I just killed your companion, now it's your turn.' (elicited)

(45) *nɔj nɔ-βra* *tɔ-ndze*
2SG 2SG.POSS-turn IMP-eat[III]
'It is your turn to eat.' (elicited)

Thus, the alignment pattern of each adverbial inalienably possessed noun must be specified.

### 5.1.2.13 Biactantial inalienably possessed nouns

A few inalienably possessed nouns, such as words designating speech or presents, select more than one argument, and can be considered to be the nominal equivalent of ditransitive verbs (if alienably and inalienably possessed nouns are compared to intransitive and transitive verbs, respectively, §5.1.2.1). Since only one argument however is marked by a possessive prefix on the noun (possessive prefix stacking is not possible except for alienabilization, see §5.1.2.9) a choice has to be made as to which of the two arguments, the speaker/giver or the addressee/recipient, is marked on the noun.

The possessive prefix of inalienably possessed noun *tɔ-pɔro* 'present' always marks the giver; the recipient of the present (which is optional) receives genitive case.

For instance, in (46) the genitive pronoun *nɔʒwɔy* encodes the recipient, and the 1SG possessive prefix on the noun is coreferent with the subject of the main verb. In (47), the recipient is not overt, and the 2SG prefix on the noun is again coreferent with the transitive subject of *yut* 'bring'.

(46) *nɔʒwɔy* *a-pɔro* *tceʰi* *ju-yɔt-a* *ra?*
2SG:GEN 1SG.POSS-present what IPFV-bring-1SG be.needed:FACT
'What present should I bring for you?' (140504 huiguniang-zh)
{0003909#S27}

(47) *nɔʒzo* *duɔxpa* *pɔ-tɔ-tu* *ma li* *nɔ-pɔro* *jɔ-tɔ-yɔt!*
2SG hardship PST.IPFV-2-exist LNK again 2SG.POSS-present AOR-2-bring
'Thank you, you brought another present [for me].' (elicited)
Other biactantial nouns use possessive prefixes to indicate the recipient rather than the agent. For instance, the inalienably possessed noun *ty-rkuz* ‘parting present’ (a rare example of -z nominalization suffix in Japhug, see §16.5.1) always marks the recipient, as in (48), never the agent – the form *ny-rkuz* ‘your parting present’ with 2SG possessive prefix can only mean ‘a parting present for you’, not ‘the parting present you give to me/him’.

(48) *kuki* *ny-rkuz* *nyu*
DEM:PROX 2SG.POSS-parting present be:FACT

‘This is a parting present for you.’ (28-smAnmi) {0004063#S248}

In other cases, the alignment of possessive prefixes on an inalienably possessed noun depends on the particular construction where it appears. For instance, the inalienably possessed noun *tw-tɛ́h’a* ‘information, news’ (about someone) marks the recipient when used with the verbs *kʰo* ‘give’ or *tu* ‘exist’, but has neutral alignment in other contexts. In (49), the indirecitive verb *kʰo* ‘give’ (§14.4.1) does not index the recipient, whose only mark is the possessive prefix on *a-tɛ́h’a* ‘news for me’. Changing the prefix to the third singular *u-* to refer to the subject here would be agrammatical (see however §2.8.5 and §24.2.5.2 on hybrid indirect speech).

(49) *a-tcw* *kw* *a-tcʰa* *mw-na-kʰo*.
1SG.POSS-SON ERG 1SG.POSS-NEWS NEG-AOR:3→3'-give

‘I have not heard from my son.’ (‘My son did not give me any response.’) (elicited)

However, in other constructions, there are no such constraints on the use of possessive prefixes on *tw-tɛ́h’a* ‘information, news’(about someone): for instance, with the verb *yut* ‘bring’ (§24.6.3.2) in (50), although the recipient is second person dual, *u-tɛ́h’a* takes the 3SG prefix, coreferent with the preceding complement clause (using second person singular *ny-tɛ́h’a* here would be agrammatical).

(50) ‘ma-nu-tw-ywu-ndzi tce azo tu-ce-a tce atu
NEG-IMP-2-cry-DU LNK 1SG IPFV:UP-go-1SG LNK up

*c-tu-tʰe-a* *tce*, *ndzi-pa* *ndzi-ma* *ni*

TRAL-IPFV-ask[III]-1SG LNK 2DU.POSS-father 2DU.POSS-mother DU

*u-pu-nujvo-ndzi kw* *u-tcʰa* *pju-yut-a*

QU-IPFV-scold-DU QU 3SG.POSS-information IPFV:DOWN-bring-1SG

‘Don’t cry, I will go up there, ask whether your parents will scold you and come back to tell you.’ (2003-kWBRa)
Alignment effects are also found with alienably possessed nouns. For instance, the alienably possessed *skurma* ‘present’ can also optionally take a possessive prefix, which is always coreferent with the recipient, not with the agent, as shown by (51), where *nɛ́r-mu yu u-skurma* means ‘a present (sent) to your mother’ and *a-skurma* can only mean ‘a present sent to me’ (from a text explaining the meaning difference between *skurma*, *tɛ́r-pɛ́rro* and *tɛ́r-rkuz*).<fnref n="11" />

(51) nɛ́r-mu yu tʰuɛci tu-rke-a tce
2SG.POSS-mother GEN something IPFV-put.in[III]-1SG LNK
ju-tu-tsu tce nuwu nɛ́r-mu yu u-skurma
IPFV-2-take.away LNK DEM 2SG.POSS-mother GEN 3SG.POSS-present
ju-su-yuɛt-a ņu nɛ́r-mu ku a-ty-rke
IPFV-CAUS-bring-1SG be:FACT 2SG.POSS-mother ERG IRR-PFV-put.in[III]
tce, a-jy-tu-yuɛt tce, tce nuwu li a-skurma
LNK IRR-PFV-2-bring LNK LNK DEM again 1SG.POSS-present
jy-ky-su-yuɛt ņu
AOR-OBJ:PCP-CAUS-bring be:FACT

‘When I prepare something for your mother and you take it to her, [I can say] ‘I sent a present to you mother’, if your mother prepares something and you bring it [to me], it is ‘a present sent to me.” (def-skWrma)

Other inalienably possessed nouns of this type include *tu-nŋa* ‘debt’ (§16.4.6, used with the verbs *tso* ‘pay’, *łok* ‘come out’ and *sti* ‘block’), which select as possessor the person owing money (rather than the one to whom one owes money), and *u-pʰuupʰu* ‘alms’, whose possessor is the person receiving alms (example 78, §19.4.1).

5.1.3 Indefinite vs. generic possessor

The generic possessive prefix *tu-* is formally identical to the indefinite possessor prefix of some inalienably possessed nouns, but must be strictly distinguished from it. Five criteria can be used to determine if a *tu-* prefix is generic, rather than indefinite.

First, generic possessors are coreferent with the generic argument indexed on the verb, by the prefix *ku-* for intransitive subject and object and the inverse prefix *wuyu-* for transitive subject (§14.3.2.5): there can only be one generic argument in a given clause (see also 15, §6.2.1).

<footnote n="11">¹¹Japhug has three words that can be translated as ‘present’: *tɛ́r-pɛ́rro* is used for presents one give to the recipient in person, *tɛ́r-rkuz* is a parting present one gives before a person leaves a place, and *skurma* is a present given with the help of a third party.</footnote>
For instance, in (52), we know that the *tu-* prefixes in *tu-mtɛ́h̩i* ‘one’s mouth’ and *tu-ɛya* ‘one’s teeth’ are generic and not indefinite possessors because they refer to the same generic human as the transitive subject of the verbs *pʰut* ‘take out, cut’ and *ndza* ‘eat’ in the previous clause, marked by the inverse prefix (§14.3.2.5).

(52) tce pú-wy-pʰut tce tú-wy-ndzaŋgrɛ́l ri,
LNK IPFV-INV-take.out LNK IPFV-INV-eat be.usually.the.case:FACT but
wuma zo tu-mtɛ́h̩i cʰo tu-ɛya ra
really EMPH GENR.POSS-mouth COMIT GENR.POSS-tooth PL
pú-swý-paŋ ŋu.
IPFV-CAUS-be.black be:FACT
‘One can pluck it and eat it, but it causes one’s mouth and teeth to
become black.’ (11-qarGW) {0003480#S58}

Second, the generic possessor prefix appears on alienably possessed nouns, as in example (53) with *tu-kʰa* ‘one’s house’ and *tu-laχtɛ́hʰa* ‘one’s things’, the generic forms of *kʰa* ‘house’ and *laχtɛ́hʰa* ‘thing’.

(53) tce aŋndwndyt zo ku-zo qʰe w-qe ku-lyt qʰe
LNK everywhere EMPH IPFV-land LNK 3SG.POSS-feces IPFV-throw LNK
wuma zo tu-kʰa cʰo tu-laχtɛ́hʰa ra
really EMPH GENR.POSS-house COMIT GENR.POSS-thing PL
sw-nqʰi.
CAUS-be.dirty:FACT
‘(Flies) land everywhere, shit and make one’s houses and things dirty.’ (25
akWzgumba) {0003632#S56}

Third, the generic *tu-* occurs on inalienably possessed nouns that normally select the *t*-indefinite possessor prefix, such as *tu-rjit* ‘one’s child’ and *tu-rpu* ‘one’s maternal uncle’ in examples (54) and (55), by contrast with the citation forms *tir-rjit* ‘child’ and *tir-rpu* ‘mother’s brother’.

(54) nɔw kw-fse tce twzo tu-rjit kumɔ za
DEM SBJ:PCP-be like LNK GENR GENR.POSS-child also early
mɔ-sci tu-ti-nɔ
NEG-FACT:be.born IPFV-say-PL
‘People say that in this way, one’s child will be born late.’ (27 qartshaz)
{0003702#S109}
(55) *tw-rpw* *w-rjit* *w-cki* tce tce “*a-rpw*
GENR.POSS-MB 3SG.POSS-offspring 3SG-DAT LNK LNK 1SG.POSS-MB
*a-ław*” *tu-kw-ti* *ŋu*.
1SG.POSS-MZ IPFV-GENR-say be:FACT

'One has to say 'my maternal uncle, my maternal aunt to one's maternal
uncle's sons and daughters.' (140425 kWmdza01) {0003785}

The use of the generic possessive *tw-rpw* ‘one’s maternal uncle’ in (55) can be
contrasted with the indefinite possessed form with *tw-* in example (56).

(56) *nyzo ty-rpw* *w-rjit* *a-pw-tw-ŋu, tce tce azo kw
2SG INDEF.POSS-uncle 3SG.POSS-offspring IRR-IPFV-2-be LNK LNK 1SG ERG
‘*a-rpw*’ *tu-ti-a* *kw-ra*.
1SG.POSS-uncle IPFV-say-1SG SBJ:PCP-be.needed

'If you are the maternal uncle's son, (and I am the nephew) I have to
address [you] as 'my uncle.' (140425 kWmdza)

Fourth, in the case of inalienably possessed nouns whose indefinite posses-
sive is *tw-*, such as *tw-*mcʰi ‘mouth’, the indefinite and generic forms are ho-
mophonous, but are nevertheless distinguishable. In the case of a generic form
the generic pronoun *twuzo* ‘one’ (§6.2.1) can always be added as in (57).

(57) *twuzo syz kw-mna, kw-yzwɔ́xtso ra a-pw-ŋu ny, twuzo*
GENR COMP SBJ:PCP-be.better SBJ:PCP-be.clean PL IRR-IPFV-be LNK GENR
*tw-*mcʰi *maŋtaw nwtcu pw-łɔv* *ŋu*.
GENR.POSS-mouth upper side DEM:PL IPFV-come.out be:FACT

'If [one gets this disease after using the bowl of] someone who is cleaner
than oneself, the [pimple] will appear on one's upper lip.' (25-khArWm)
{0003644#S9}

Additionally, a generic noun such as *turme* ‘person’ can occur as possessor of
a noun with a generic possessive prefix as in (58). This usage is similar to that
found in other generic constructions.

(58) *turme yu* *tw-ca* *u-mdoɔ* *tsa asu-ndo*
people GEN GENR.POSS-flesh 3SG.POSS-colour a.little PROG-take:FACT
*ku-fse*
SBJ:PCP-be.like
'It has a little the colour of human flesh.' (14-sWNgWJu) {0003506#S91}
Fifth, possessed case markers such as the dative *tu-cki* (§8.3.1) do not have indefinite possessive forms, and therefore if prefixed in *tu-*, it will always mark a generic possessor, as in (59) – such forms are often preceded by the generic pronoun *tużo* ‘one’ anyway.

(59) ma tu-cki wuma zo zγγ-sur-γrmbat tce núndza
LNK GENR-DAT really EMPH REFL-CAUS-be.near:FACT LNK for this.reason
kʰe tu-ti-nu pni-ŋu.
stupid:FACT IPFV-say-PL SENS-be
'It comes near humans a lot, so people call it 'stupid'.' (23-scuz)
{0003612#S59}

### 5.1.3.1 The generic possessor as a first person marker

As in the generic verbal forms (§14.6.1.4, §14.6.2), the generic possessive prefixes can be used as an indirect way to express first person singular or plural. In example (60) the generic as first person and the first person are used in two contiguous clauses, both referring to the narrator.<fnref n="12" />

(60) tce tu-mu tu-wa ra tu-rku
LNK GENR.POSS-mother GENR.POSS-father RA NEG:SENS-stay-PL
múj-rγzi-nu tce, azo a-wi ci pw-tu.
LNK 1SG 1SG.POSS-grandmother INDEF PST.IPFV-exist
'My parents were not by my side, but I had a grandmother [to take care of me].' (2010-09)

### 5.1.3.2 Comparative perspectives

Indefinite and generic possessive dental stop prefixes are found in all Gyalrong languages (Sun 1998), but only indirect traces thereof exist in Khroskyabs (Lai 2017: 155).

Outside of Gyalrongic, potential cognates of these prefixes include the ‘relative prefix’ *tə-* in Ao (Coupe 2007: 84–85, as first noticed by Wolfenden 1929: 141–142) and some *d-* or *g-* prefixes in body parts in Tibetan (see Jacques 2014d).

### 5.1.4 Prenominal modifiers

When prenominal modifiers occur with inalienably possessed noun, this head noun can either take a 3SG possessive prefix, or undergo alienabilization (§5.1.2.9).

<footnote n="12">¹²On the phrase *tu-mu tu-wa* in (60), see §9.2.2.2.</footnote>
Thus in (61) we find χsyr tš-sno ‘golden saddle’ with the indefinite possessor prefix tš-; χsyr w-sno with the 3SG possessive prefix is also attested in the same text. Neutralization of possessors of alienably possessed nouns is also attested in relative clauses (§23.3.4).

(61) χsyr tš-sno tʰa-nu-ta pü-ŋu,
gold INDEF.POSS-saddle AOR:3→3'-put SENS-be
‘He harnessed the golden saddle (on the horse).’ (2003 qachGa)
{0003372#S50}

However, when the whole modifier+head noun complex is possessed, the possessor is rarely marked by a possessive prefix on the head noun; rather, the prefix occurs on the leftmost noun of the phrase, as in (62), where the 1SG prefix a- occurs on the modifier χsyr ‘gold’, and alienabilization of the head noun tš-rte ‘hat’ (compare with the form a-rte ‘my hat’ when no prenominal modifier is present).

(62) a-rte, a-χsyr tš-rte ra kwny nzywy
1SG.POSS-hat 1SG.POSS-gold INDEF.POSS-hat PL also 2SG:GEN
pü-kʰam-a jry
IPFV-give[III]-1SG be.possible:FACT
‘I will even give you my hat, my golden hat.’ (140429 qingwa wangzi-zh)
{0003890#S53}

When the head noun is an alienably possessed noun, it is not usual either to
strand the modifier and the following noun by putting a possessive prefix on the
latter. The possessor is normally indicated by a possessive prefix on the leftmost
word. For instance in (63) the 2SG prefix nš- occurs on the modifier χsyr ‘gold’.

(63) nš-χsyr kʰutsa nura ku-kü-sü-ntcʰoz-a
2SG.POSS-gold bowl DEM:PL IPFV-2→1-CAUS-USE-1SG
‘Let me use your golden bowl.’ (140429 qingwa wangzi-zh) {0003890#S132}

However, we do find cases with a stranded NP modifier when the possessor
on the head noun is first or second person, as in (64), where the prenominal mo-
difier χsyr ‘gold’ does appear before the possessive prefix a-.<fnref n="13" /> This construction,
though rarer, is considered to be acceptable by native speakers. Other examples
are found with unpossessible modifiers (§5.2.1).

<footnote n="13">¹³The alternative form a-χsyr kuwtcʰu is possible to express the same meaning, and does occur in the same text.</footnote>
(64) numu a-kumteʰu, χsvr a-kumteʰu numu k a-pu-tu-cʰa
DEM 1SG.POSS-toy gold 1SG.POSS-toy DEM INF-bring IRR-IPFV-2-can
qʰe,
LNK

'If you can bring my toy, my golden toy back...' (140429 qingwa
wangzi-zh) {0003890#S51}

Note that unlike the inalienably and alienably possessed noun modifiers discussed above, *pronominal* prenominal modifiers (§6.8) do not take possessive prefixes that have scope over the head noun. For instance, with the modifier *kumaq* 'other', the possessive prefix must appear on the following noun, as second person *ny-* on *slama* 'student' in (65).

(65) kumaq ny-slama ci tu-tu-ndym ju-tu-yut úr-ny
other 2SG.POSS-student INDEF IPFV-2-take[III] IPFV-2-bring QU-be:FACT
'So you are bringing other students of yours?' (conversation)

## 5.2 Unpossessible nouns

In addition to inalienably and alienably possessed nouns seen in the previous sections, Japhug also has a category of unpossessible nouns, which includes names of places and ethnic groups (as in Koyukon Athabaskan, Thompson 1996: 651), colour terms of Tibetan origin and some derived nouns like the 'social relation collectives' (§5.7.8.1). With the exception of colour terms (§5.2.2), these nouns can modify other nouns and are one of the three classes of 'property words' (corresponding to the adjectives of Standard Average European), alongside adjectival stative verbs (§2.2) and property nouns (§5.1.2.7).

### 5.2.1 Place names

Place names (*mbarkʰom* 'Mbarkham', *k* 'Kamnyu' etc) and names of ethnic groups (such as *kuru* 'Tibetan' or *kupa* 'Chinese'), like personal names, cannot take possessive prefixes when used independently. They can only be used with independent pronouns as in (66) or (72) below.

(66) izora ji-pʰe kymu nütcu <xiaoxue> <yinianji>
1PL 1PL.POSS-DAT TOPO DEM:LOC primary.school first.grade
<ernianji> pu-ndun-a.
second.grade AOR-read-1SG

'I studied the first and second grade of primary school at our place in
Kamnyu.' (140501 tshering skyid) {0003902#S12}
5 Nominal morphology

These types of nouns can serve as strictly prenominal modifiers (as in *kuru* *sṛtcḥa* ‘Tibetan areas’) and commonly occur as first member of nominal compounds (as in *kuruṣṛmwཡdu* ‘traditional gun’, with *ṣṛmwཡdu* ‘gun’ as second element, see §5.5.1.1). Although these nouns are unpossessible by themselves, when used as first members of a compound, or even as prenominal modifiers (on which see §5.1.4), they can take a possessive prefix which has scope over the head noun, as in examples (67) and (68), where the 1PL possessive prefix *ji-* occurs prefixed on the name *kuru* ‘Tibetan’ and on the place name *kṛmṛnu* ‘Kamnyu’.

(67) *nwtcu tce izora ji-kurw-lςγr* ηu
DEM:LOC LNK 1PL 1PL.POSS-Tibetan-new.year be:FACT
‘At that time, it is our Tibetan new year.’ (conversation)

(68) *nzyo ji-kymprw-skst* nwnw <quanshijie> zo
2SG 1PL.POSS-pl.n.-language DEM whole.world EMPH
ju-tw-sw-yzywt ηu
IPFV-2-CAUS-reach be:FACT
‘You are spreading our Kamnyu language to the whole world.’
(conversation)

The pair of examples in (69) and (71) illustrates the different behaviour of un-
possessible nouns as first elements of compounds on the one hand, and as noun
modifiers on the other. In (69), *kuru-rmi* ‘Tibetan name’ constitutes a single com-
pound noun (from *kuru* ‘Tibetan’ and *ty-rmi* ‘name’; the phrase *kuru w-rmi* is
also possible).

(69) *nṛ-kuru-rmi*
2SG:POSS-Tibetan-name
‘Your Tibetan name.’

(70) †*kuru* nṛ-rmi
Tibetan 2SG:POSS-name

The possessive prefix occurs before *kuru*. Stranding the modifier as in (70) is
considered to be agrammatical by native speakers.

(71) *nzywy* <faguo> nṛ-rmi
2SG:GEN France 2SG.POSS-name
‘Your French name.’
In (71) however, the modifier *faguo* 'France, French' (from Chinese) cannot be compounded with *tš-rmi* 'name' and cannot take possessive prefixes. This is a rare example where a noun modifier can be stranded from the stem of the head noun by a definite possessor prefix (§5.1.4).

Place names followed by the plural *ra* designate the people living in the place (72), even without -pu suffixation (§5.7.6). Example (72) also shows that in this usage, it is possible to use a personal pronoun in apposition as in *iẓo kṛmnyu ra* 'we Kamnyu people'.

(72) izo kṛmpu ra kw tcʰuχpri tu-ti-j ŋu. rcaqo ra cʰo m(176, 412, 857, 525],

‘We Kamnyu people call it *tcʰuχpri*, and people from Rqakyo and Mangi call it *tcʰuχpuχpri*.’ (25-tChWXpri) {0003662#S20}

Place names can take some prenominal modifiers such as *pʰa* ‘whole’ as in (73), but no example of bare place names with prenominal demonstratives have been found.

(73) pʰa bdut nウ ウ-ηgw tce rqaco cʰo katca nウ stu
whole TOPO DEM 3SG.POSS-inside LNK TOPO COMIT TOPO DEM most
ɣyndz̥o
cold:FACT

‘In the whole of Gdongbrgyad, Rqakyo and Kacha are the coldest.’ (140522 RdWrJAt) {0004061#S11}

Place names and ethnic names can be used as core arguments, or nominal predicates with a copula, as in (74) and (75).

(74) a-wa nwnw kupa ŋu
1SG.POSS-father DEM Chinese be:FACT
‘My father is Chinese.’ (140501 tshering skyid) {0003902#S4}

(75) tce wnω-twipu nwnw taqrdo ōu
LNK two-household DEM TOPO be:FACT
‘These two households are Taqrdo.’ {0004053#S20}

Like locative relator nouns (§8.3.4), bare place names can be used without post-
position to express motion (76) or static location (77), but are also found with
locative postpositions, most often ri as in (78) but also tceu or zuw (as in 66 above).
(76) a-pi
kw tý-wy-ndo-a tce tce, mbarkʰom
1SG.POSS-elder.sibling ERG AOR-INV-take-1SG LNK LNK TOPO
tʰú-wy-yut-a,
AOR:DOWNSTREAM-INV-bring-1SG
‘My elder brother brought me to Mbarkham.’ (140501 tshering skyid)
{0003902#S27}

(77) kwcaŋgw tce kymɔ̃w yjw kwcaŋw pjy-tu.
former.days LNK TOPO watchtower seven IFR.IPFV-exist
‘In former times, there were seven watchtowers in Kamnyu.’ (140522
GJW) {0004051#S1}

(78) tce alo tsʰuβdwn ri pw-rzy-j tce
LNK upstream TOPO LOC PST.IPFV-stay-1SG LNK
‘We were living up there in Tshobdun.’ (28-kWpAz) {0003714#S164}

Toponyms hardly ever occur as transitive subjects with the ergative postposi-
tion (§8.2.2.1). The only example in the corpus is (79), in the context of a mytho-
logical story associated with a cliff called *qapryŋar* in Kamnyu village.

(79) tce tw-mw lyt tkʰa tce, qapryŋar
LNK INDEF.POSS-weather release:FACT at.the.time LNK placename
w-stu ri pw-kw-ru tce zdwn ci
3SG.POSS-direction LOC IPFV:WEST-GENR:S/O-look LNK cloud INDEF
tu-nw-łov ņu. tʰam kwny zdwn
IPFV:UP-AUTO-come.out be:FACT now also cloud
tu-nw-łov ņu tce, nw maka qapryŋar kw zdwn
IPFV:UP-AUTO-come.out be:FACT LNK DEM at.all placename ERG cloud
to-tcyt ra tu-ti-nw
IFR-take.out PL IPFV-say-PL
‘And when it is about to rain, when one looks towards Qaprangar, a cloud
comes out from it. Even now a cloud comes out, and [the elders] say
‘Qaprangar released a cloud.’ (140522 Kamnyu zgo) {0004059#S317}

5.2.2 Colour nouns

Colour names of Tibetan origin, such as *ldzaŋku* ‘green’ from ཁྲིན་གླིང་ *ldzaŋ.gu* ‘green’,
*བྱསྟརྶམྱ་* ‘dark red’ from དམར་སྟོག་* dmar.smug ‘dark red’ or *kʰatoς* ‘variegated’ from
*བཀྲིག་* *kʰa.dog ‘colour, multicolour’ designate objects or animals with a particular
colour. To serve as predicates, they need an existential verb (80), like participles of adjectival stative verbs of colour (81).

(80) *w-muj* *nwra* *wuma zo* *mpcr*, *kʰatov* *zo*
3SG.POSS-feather DEM:PL really EMPH be.beautful variegated EMPH
*tu*.
exist:FACT
‘Its feathers are very beautiful and variegated.’ (24-kWmu) {0003618#S64}

(81) *qambalwla rcanw* *w-mdov* *żakastaka zo* *kw-ŋu*
butterfly UNEXP:DEG 3SG.POSS-colour each EMPH SBJ:PCP-be
*tu*. .... *kw-qarŋe* *tu*, *ldżankw* *tu*,
exist:FACT .... SBJ:PCP-be.yellow exist:FACT blue/green exist:FACT
*kw-ŋrŋi* *tu*, *kw-ŋaŋ* *tu*.
SBJ:PCP-be.green exist:FACT SBJ:PCP-be.black exist:FACT
‘There are butterflies with all kinds of colours, yellow, green, blue/green, black. (26-qambalWla) {0003680#S2}

These nouns are only very rarely used as postnominal modifiers (§9.1.8.1); (82) is such an example.

(82) *tx-ri* *kʰatov* *nw* *kw* *tʰw-k-βzu* *nw*
INDEF.POSS-thread variegated DEM ERG AOR-OBJ:PCP-CAUS-make DEM
*snalŋactʰyβ* *tu-kw-ti*
multicolour.lace IPFV-GENR-say
‘[The laces] that are made of multicoloured thread are called *snalŋactʰyβ*.’
(30-rkAsnom) {0003754#S32}

The adjectival stative verbs in *arw-* derived from them (for instance *aruldżankw* ‘be green’, see §20.2.2) are as common as the colour nouns, and their participles are generally used as noun modifiers instead of the colour nouns.

### 5.2.3 Other unpossessible nouns

Unpossessible nouns other than proper names and colour terms include nouns occurring as postnominal modifiers like *tulýt* ‘second sibling’<fnref n="14" /> as in (83), and privative nouns in *-lu* described in (§5.7.1).

<footnote n="14">¹⁴In *tulýt* ‘second sibling’ the *tu-* element in this word is originally an indefinite possessor prefix, but has become lexicalized.</footnote>
## 5 Nominal morphology

(83) *nú-me* *twulšt* *nú* *ŋú-mbi-nú*
3PL.POSS-daughter second.sibling DEM IFR-give-PL
‘They gave him their second daughter.’ (2002 qaCpa)

Numerals under 99 are also unable to take possessive prefixes and serve as postnominal modifiers (§7.1.1), and can be considered to be a subclass of unpossible nouns.

## 5.3 Personal names

This section focuses on three topics: the absence of vocative forms, the Tibetan origin of personal names, and their use with pronouns and possessive prefixes.

### 5.3.1 Vocative

Unlike other Gyalrong languages, Japhug does not have specific vocative forms for personal names and kinship terms. In Tshobdun, Sun (1998: 133) and Sun (2005: 53) reports that personal names in the vocative have stress retraction. The same is found in Khroskyabs (Lai 2017: 153). In Situ, inalienably possessed nouns have their possessive prefixes replaced by *a-* in vocative forms (Nagano 2003: 471, Prins 2016: 177).

In Japhug, due to the almost complete loss of contrastive stress (§3.7) and the fact that the 1SG possessive prefix has the form *a-* (§5.1.1) unlike in Tshobdun and Situ (where it is *ŋa/-/ŋə-*), there is no specific vocative form for either personal names or kinship terms.

A prefix *a-* does occur in the familiar form of personal names (reminding of Lin’s 1993: 162 description of this prefix as a 爰称 ‘pet name’ marker), but not exclusively in vocative use as in example (84) where we see the name *acɛ́β* as transitive subject, familiar form of a Tibetan name with *scɛ́β* as second element (see §5.3.2 below).

(84) *kw-lɣɣ* *acɛ́β* *nú* *kw, w-pʰuŋgw* *nutcu*
SBJ:PCP-graze Askyabs DEM ERG 3SG.POSS-fold.of.clothes DEM:LOC
*qaputum* *ci* *na-rku* *pú-ŋu,*
pebble.from.flint INDEF AOR:3→3'-put.in SENS-be
‘The shepherd Askyabs put a pebble in the folds of his clothes (to avoid forgetting what he had to told the king).’ (Kunbzang)
Since similar a- prefixes exist in Tibetan and Chinese, and since personal names are exclusively borrowed from one of these languages (there are no clear remnants of native personal names in Japhug), it is likely that the familiar form of the names was also borrowed.

### 5.3.2 Tibetan names

Speakers of Japhug generally have Tibetan names (*kuruu w-rmi* or *kuruu-rmi*, §5.2.1), and in addition a Chinese official name which may or may not be related to the Tibetan one (see 69 §5.2.1 on the use of ethnic or countries names as prenominal modifiers with the inalienably possessed noun *tw-rmi* ‘name’). Buddhist or Bonpo monks are also given religious names (in Japhug *χpun w-rmi*, see 85).

(85) tce χpun w-rmi nʷ, azo a-rmi nʷ stynbipima
LNK monk 3SG.POSS-name DEM 1SG 1SG.POSS-name DEM ANTHR
tý-wy-syʾrmi-a-nʷ.
AOR-INV-give.name-1SG-PL
‘They gave me the name Bstanpa’i nyima as my monk name.’ (160721
XpWN) {0006181#S36}

In one traditional story, we find an example of person names based on Japhug words as in (86), but it looks so strange that the narrator felt it necessary to specify that these are people’s names.

(86) zrʾntcw turme ci pjʿ-yu, twpci kʿu-rmi ci
mung bean person INDEF IFR.IPFV-exist flax SBJ:PCP-call INDEF
pjʿ-yu, turme nʿu-rmi pʿu-yu ny
IFR.IPFV-exist people 3PL.POSS-name SENS-be SFP
‘There was [a lady] was was called “Mung bean”, and [another one] called
‘Flax’, these are names of people.’ (zrAntCW)

Names used by Japhug speakers are not markedly different from those found
in other Tibetan areas. Lady names often include the suffixes *ltʿrm*, *rcit* or *mtsʰu*,
(from ʾum *ltʿam* ‘lady, sister’, *mʿid* ‘happy’ and *mtṣʰo* ‘lake’), and there are also
non-gender specific suffixes like *scʿβ* (from *skʿabs* ‘protector’, for instance
*tṣʰuraj scʿβ* from *tʿṣinʿskʿabs* ‘p.n.’)).

Many Tibetan names have alternative readings reflecting different reading traditions belonging to more than two layers (see §3.3.3 and Jacques 2004: 83–200 on the layers of Tibetan borrowings in Japhug). For instance, some people with the Tibetan name *བླིནྟ་ལྷ་* "pʰrin.las" ‘Karma’ are called *mpʰrulrz* (with preservation
of the coda), other *mphruli* (with Amdo-type change to -i). The names however tend to have non-Amdo phonological features even for people of the younger generation. For instance, the name ཀླུ་དགའ་ *kun.dga* ‘Ânanda’ is pronounced *kunga* without assimilation of the dental nasal to a velar nasal, and ཀླུ་བཟང་ *kun.bzan* ‘Sar-vabhadra’ is *kunuwzanj* with an anaptyctic vowel (§4.2.3.1).

### 5.3.3 Alienably possessed or unpossessible nouns?

Personal names superficially look like unpossessible nouns, as they do not usually occur with possessive prefixes, even when taking placenames as modifiers, as in *taŋrdo χpuytɛin* ‘Dpalcan from Taqrdo’ (see 92 in §5.3.4)

Personal names commonly occur preceded by kinship terms which, being inalienably possessed nouns (§5.1.2.4), have a possessive prefix as in (87).

(87) *a-nmaŋ* **χpuytɛin**
1SG.POSS-husband ANTHR

‘My husband Dpalcan.’ (heard in context)

It is considered impolite to address someone from an older generation than oneself without adding a kinship term – for instance, the author of this grammar, being much younger, has to address the aforementioned Dpalcan as *a-βyo χpuytɛin* with the 1SG form of *ty-βyo* ‘father’s brother’.

Although personal names rarely occur with possessive prefixes, there is no grammatical constraint against it. There is one such example in the whole corpus, in a conversation where a clarification was needed. Tshendzin asks about Dpalcan, younger brother of Tshering Sgrolma, but she does not understand at once, because Tshendzin’s husband is also called Dpalcan; thus Tshendzin says (88c) with the possessed form *nw-χpuytɛin* ‘your*pl* Dpalcan’ to disambiguate between the two.

(88) a. **χpuytɛin kumaŋ ku-nuŋhuŋi mu-jo-ce ú-ŋu.**
ANTHR other SBJ:PCP-do.work NEG-IFR-go QU-be:FACT
(Tshendzin): ‘Dpalcan did not go for another job, did he?’

b. **ka?**

SFP
(Tshering Sgrolma): ‘What?’

c. **χpuytɛin, nuzo nu-χpuytɛin nuz**

ANTHR 2PL 2PL.POSS-ANTHR DEM
(Tshendzin): ‘Dpalcan, your Dpalcan.’ (140510 tshering)
Given the existence of such forms, personal names are treated as a subclass of alienably possessed nouns rather than as unpossessible nouns. Only plural forms (*ji-χp̥rltɛin* ‘our Dpalcan’, *zara nu-χp̥rltɛin* ‘their Dpalcan’ etc) are attested.

### 5.3.4 Personal names and modifiers

Proper nouns are more often than not used without demonstratives and determiners (see §9.1.4.4). However, examples of person or place names taking the postnominal distal determiners *nu* or *nunu* (§9.1.2) are not rare (89 and 90).

(89) *pimawozɛr nu* kw, *srunmw nu* pjɛ-ftwɛl,
ANTHR DEM ERG râkshasî DEM IFR-subdue
‘Nyima ‘Odzer subdued the râkshasî.’ (2011-4-smanmi)

(90) <dangshi> χp̥rltɛin nunu snarndi lɔ-ari
at.that.time ANTHR DEM TOPO AOR:UPSTREAM-go[II]
‘At that time (the Wenchuan earthquake, in 2008), Dpalcan had gone to Snarndi.’ (180420 waJW)

It is possible to use a dual or a plural marker on a personal name to designate a group of people sharing the same name, without any associative plural meaning, as in (91).

(91) a-pu-ŋu tce, χp̥rltɛin bɛnw, nu maq ny χswu
IRR-IPFV-be LNK ANTHR two DEM not.be:FACT LNK three
kw-fse kw-naχtewy tewu̯rca a-pu-rvzi-nu tce,
NMZL:S/A-be like NMZL:S/A-be:identical together IRR-IPFV-stay-PL LNK
‘χp̥rltɛin ni, χp̥rltɛin ra’ nwa tu-ku-ti kʰu.
ANTHR DU ANTHR PL DEM:PL IPFV-GENR-say be.possible:FACT
‘For instance, if two or three [people called] Dpalcan live together, one
can say ‘the two Dpalcans’, ‘the Dpalcans’. (elicited) {0006081#S9}

To distinguish between persons with the same name (a common occurrence among speakers of Japhug, given the relatively limited inventory of Tibetan names available), house names (*kʰa u-rmi*) are generally added as prenominal modifiers, as in (92).
## 5 Nominal morphology

(92) χρυλτειν u-kʰa nu taŋrdo rmi tce taŋrdo χρυλτειν ANTHR 3SG.POSS-house DEM TOPO beiss called: FACT LNK TOPO ANTHR tu-ku-ti.
IPFV-GENR-say
‘Dpalcan’s house is called Taqrdo, so one [can] call him ‘Taqrdo Dpalcan’.’
(elicit)

If two persons from the same household have the same name, locational modifiers (§5.7.2) can be used instead, as illustrated in (93).

(93) nuy maŋ ny, ndʒi-kʰa u-rmi kuyu DEM not be: FACT LNK 3DU.POSS-house 3SG.POSS-name also a-pu-nαχtewy tce, kʰa kundi, lotʰi ku-fse IRR-IPFV-be-identical LNK house east.west up.down.stream SBJ:PCP-be lik e nwa tce, maylo χρυλτειν, maŋtʰi χρυλτειν, mayku χρυλτειν, DEM:PL LNK upstream ANTHR downstream ANTHR east ANTHR mayndi χρυλτειν, nwa tu-ku-ti nŋrsl. west ANTHR DEM:PL IPFV-GENR-say be usually the case: FACT
‘Otherwise, if their house name is also the same, using the east-west or the upstream-downstream dimensions, one can say ‘Dpalcan from upstream, downstream, east or west.’ (elicited)

Like other nouns, personal names can also occur as head of non-restrictive relatives, as in (94) and (95), though such uses are rather uncommon. No examples of personal names as heads of head-internal relatives have been found.

(94) tcendre icqʰa blapsaŋtcʰin [χswu ma LNK the aforementioned Gesar three apart from mu-tu-ku-rzaŋ] nuy, NEG-AOR-SBJ:PCP-pass.days DEM
‘Gesar, who was only three days old,’ (Gesar 81)

(95) [nuy cwŋgw u-nmaŋ pw-ku-nu] tsʰuraŋ ny pjy-mto DEM before 3SG.POSS-husband PST-SBJ:PCP-be ANTHR DEM IFR-see
‘See saw Tshering, who had been her husband before.’ (2002 qajdoskAt)
{0003366#S101}
## 5.4 Bound state

The term *bound state* refers to the non-autonomous form of (mainly nominal, but also verbal and adverbial) roots occurring as non-final element of compounds.<fnref n="15" />

In Gyalrongic languages including Japhug, nominal compounds generally exhibit modifier-head order. Thus, the form undergoing bound state alternation in Japhug is often the modifier noun,<fnref n="16" /> except in Noun-Verb compounds where the second element is an adjectival stative verb.

This section presents the various types of alternations attested for first or other non-final members of compounds, in particular vowel alternation (the most common type). Additionally, exceptional changes to the final members of compounds are discussed in §5.4.3.

### 5.4.1 Vowel alternations in non-final members of compounds

Regular bound state is Japhug applies to open syllables, following the correspondences in Table 5.4.

<table><caption>Table 5.4: Regular bound state in Japhug</caption><thead><tr><td>Base</td><td>SC</td><td>Example</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>/-a/</td><td>/-r/</td><td>βγγsni 'mill axle' from βγa 'mill' + <i>tu-sni</i> 'heart'</td></tr><tr><td>/-e/</td><td>/-r/</td><td>tζhemypu 'little girl' from tζheme 'girl' + <i>u-pu</i> 'little one'</td></tr><tr><td>/-o/</td><td>/-r/</td><td>mbrγsno 'horse saddle' from mbro 'horse' + <i>tr-sno</i> 'saddle'</td></tr><tr><td>/-u/</td><td>/-r/</td><td>tr-kxrme 'head hair' from <i>tu-ku</i> 'head' + <i>tr-rme</i> 'hair'</td></tr><tr><td>/-i/</td><td>/-w/</td><td>smuyot 'light of the fire' from <i>smi</i> 'fire' + <i>yot</i> 'warm light'</td></tr></tbody></table>

Table 5.4 shows that vowels other than /i/ shift to /r/, and /i/ to /w/.

In a few cases, /u/ can also alternate with /w/, as in ηγτɛu- which occurs in the expression ηγτɛukxri + kʰu 'be obedient' (more details on this form are provided in §6.6.6), the bound state of ηotɛu 'where'.

<footnote n="15">¹⁵The term *status constructus* or *construct state* is also used in Gyalrongic linguistics (Jacques 2012d, Lai 2017: 163–164, Gates & Kim 2018) to describe to the same phenomenon, but I decided to follow the advice of a reviewer and to change it to avoid confusion with works such as Creissels (2006a), Creissels (2017a) or Gutman (2018: 30) in which ‘construct form’ refers to a specific form that is obligatory on the head noun in specific noun-modifier constructions (including with a possessive marker).</footnote>

<footnote n="16">¹⁶In addition, in Japhug the possessed forms of nouns do not show morphological alternations (§5.1.1) with the only exception of *qale* 'wind' (§5.1.2.2).</footnote>
## 5 Nominal morphology

The vowel /i/ also alternates with /ɔ/ in bound state, as in *qapryftsa* ‘centipede’ from *qapri* ‘snake’ and *tx-ftsa* ‘sister’s child’ or *tuu-muŋrau* ‘astragalus’ from *tuu-mi* ‘foot, leg’ and *tuu-muŋa* ‘eye’.

Nouns ending in /-u/ never have a bound state form that is different from the base form, as for instance *tumupa* ‘slug’ from *tuu-mu* ‘sky, weather’ and *pa* ‘pig’.

Vowel alternation in closed syllables is very rare, and affects only a few stems with /o/ as the main vowel (Table 5.5). The bound state *cym-* of *com* ‘iron’ occurs in a few other nouns, but the form *sta*-*k-* (with internal sandhi to *sta*χ-, cf. §5.4.2.1) from *sto*-*k* ‘broad bean’ is unique.

<table><caption>Table 5.5: Irregular bound state in closed syllable stems</caption><thead><tr><th>Base</th><th>SC</th><th>Example</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>/-oɔ/</td><td>/-aŋ/</td><td>staχpu ‘pea’ from stoɔ ‘broad bean’ + u-pu ‘little one’</td></tr><tr><td>/-om/</td><td>/-ɔm/</td><td>cymtsʰoɔ ‘iron nail’ from com ‘iron’ + tytsʰoɔ ‘nail’</td></tr></tbody></table>

### 5.4.2 Other alternations

Apart from the regular vowel changes described above, four types of alternations are observed in non-final member of compounds: internal sandhi, coda loss, reduced forms and loss of the possessive prefix.

#### 5.4.2.1 Internal sandhi in compounds

First, the first element of a cluster undergoes internal sandhi (§4.2.3.1, §4.3), with voicing and nasal assimilation as in Table 5.6.

There are cases of irregular internal sandhi attested only in lexicalized compounds. For instance *jaŋntsɔŋpa* ‘one-handed axe’ from *tuu-ja*-*k* ‘hand, arm’, *uu-ntsi* ‘one of a pair’ and *tuu-rga* ‘axe’, showing a rule /к/ → /ŋ/ /_[-nasal] which is not productive in the language (as shown by words such *tuu-ja*-*ndzu* ‘finger’, also with *tuu-ja*-*k* ‘hand, arm’ as first element).

#### 5.4.2.2 Loss of codas in compounds

Coda loss is not a regular process in first elements of compounds. The following is a list of some of the most representative examples.<fnref n="17" />

<footnote n="17">¹⁷Further examples can be found in numerals (see §7.2 and §7.3.1).</footnote>
<table><caption>Table 5.6: Internal sandhi in compounds</caption><thead><tr><th>Type</th><th>Example</th><th></th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Nasal</td><td>/t/ → /n/ /_[+nasal]</td><td>tsʰɪŋnu 'ewe'</td></tr><tr><td>assimilation</td><td></td><td>from tsʰɪt 'goat' + mu 'female'</td></tr><tr><td>Voicing</td><td>/ɣ/ → /x/ /_[-voiced]</td><td>zrupu 'little louse'</td></tr><tr><td>assimilation</td><td></td><td>from zruɣ 'louse' + u-pu 'little one'</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>/k/ → /χ/ /_[-voiced]</td><td>tu-jaχpa 'palm'</td></tr><tr><td></td><td></td><td>from tu-jaк 'hand, arm' + pa 'down'</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>/z/ → /s/ /_[-voiced]</td><td>mbr 'rice gruel'</td></tr><tr><td></td><td></td><td>from mbrɣz 'rice' + tutsʰi 'rice gruel'</td></tr></tbody></table>

* Loss of /-β/:

nqiaβ 'dark side of the mountain' + zwyr 'mugwort' → nqiazwyr 'Artemisia sp.'

* Loss of /-t/:

xtut 'be short' + rjyi 'be long' → xturjyi 'length' (n)

tsʰɪt 'goat' + ta-krw 'horn' → tsʰɪkrw 'goat horn'

* Loss of /-z/:

qartsʰaz 'deer' + tu-ndzі 'skin' → qartsʰyndzі 'deer hide'

* Loss of /-r/:

zwyr 'mugwort' + wyrum 'be white' → zwyyrum 'Artemisia sp.'

çyr 'night' + u-χcyl 'center' → çyχcyl 'middle of the night'

* Loss of /-ɣ/:

txjmγ 'mushroom' + -sti 'alone' → jmγtγsti 'species of mushroom'

tu-mtʰγγ 'waist' + rŋgyβ 'attach' → tu-mtʰγrŋgyβ 'waistline of the trousers' (where one can tuck things in)

* Loss of /-к/:

çok 'buckwheat' + wyrum 'be white' → çyγrum 'type of buckwheat'

paк 'pig' + ty-qa 'paw, root' → pγqa 'stuffed pig feet'
With the exception of the loss of -t, which is relatively common, the other cases are rare and cannot be predicted by any rule based on phonology (the presence of a cluster in the following element is irrelevant, for instance). Some of them occur with other alternations in the second syllable (cf §5.4.3.2).

### 5.4.2.3 Reduced forms

A handful of nouns have reduced bound state forms when occurring as the first member of a compounds.

The noun *nuya* ‘cow’ corresponds to the syllable *ŋu-* in the compounds *ŋuŋu* ‘udder’ (with *tu-*nu ‘teat’ as second element), *ŋuqe* ‘cow dung’ (with *tu-qe* ‘shit, dung’) and *ŋȗlitcȃmbum* ‘dung beetle’ (on which see §5.4.3.2), which would be the regular bound state from a stem *ŋa-. The apparent ‘loss’ of a *nu-* element is due to the fact that the noun *nuya* ‘cow’ is itself an ancient compound comprising *tu-*nu ‘teat’ as first element (‘bovid with udders’).

In the case of *kʰuina* ‘dog’, we find the bound state *kʰu-* in the compounds *kʰuńdzi* ‘dog skin’ (with *tu-ńdzi* ‘skin’ as second element), *kʰudo* ‘old dog’ (see §5.7.5), *kʰuſtsʰoſ* ‘hunting with dogs’ (probably a noun-verb compound with *tsʰoſ* ‘attach’, see also the related incorporating verb in §20.13.1) and a few plant names such as *kʰulu* ‘Euphorbia helioscopia’ (a possessive compound meaning ‘(the plant) having dog milk’ – referring to its toxic juice, see §5.5.1.2) and *kʰuŕtsʰȏz* ‘Polygonum sp.’ (‘dog lung’; the second element is *tu-rtsʰȏz* ‘lung’). Unlike *nuya* ‘cow’, whose reduced bound state corresponds to the second syllable, the syllable *kʰu-* corresponds to the first syllable of *kʰuina* ‘dog’, which must also be an obscured compound. The etymology of the element -na is unclear.

### 5.4.2.4 Loss of possessive prefix

Some inalienably possessed or alienabilized nouns lose their possessive prefix (or frozen indefinite possessive *tu-/tɔ-*, see §5.1.2.10), as for instance the noun *jmɛ́rtaš* ‘weevil’, which comes from *tɔ-jme* ‘tail’ and *artas* ‘be forked’ (‘forked tail’).<fnref n="18" /> Its first element *tɔ-jme* ‘tail’ loses the prefix *tɔ-* and undergoes regular vowel alternation.

Similar examples are particularly common with *tu-xtsa* ‘shoe’, as mainly parts of the shoes are referred to by alienably possessed noun compounds with *xtsɛr-* as first element (*xtsɛrçna* ‘tip of the shoe’, *xtsɛrku* ‘sides of the shoe’ etc).

In some derivations that originate from compounds, such as the privative (§5.7.1) or the derogatory (§5.7.5), the indefinite possessor prefix is also removed.

<footnote n="18">¹⁸The verb *artas* ‘be forked’ itself is denominal from *tɔ-rtaš* ‘branch’ (§20.2.1).</footnote>
### 5.4.3 Final member of compounds

Morphological changes affecting the last members of compounds are less common than those on the first members. The only productive morphological alternation in this context is the loss of possessive prefix when the last member is an inalienably possessed noun.

#### 5.4.3.1 Loss of possessive prefix

In compounds with an inalienably possessed noun as final element, the indefinite possessor prefix is lost as a rule, as in for example in the plant name *kʰunajme* 'Setaria viridis' from *kʰuna* 'dog' and *tir-jme* 'tail'.<fnref n="19" />

Exceptions are very few. They include compounds whose second element is itself a compound, such as *lurndzitvrltsʰaɛk* 'Delphinium sp.' from *lurndzí* 'ghost' and *tvlvtshaɛk* 'milk filter'; the second element is from *tir-lu* 'milk' in bound state and *tsʰhaɛk* 'sieve'. In *lurndzí-tir-lr-tsʰaɛk* (ghost-indef.poss-milk-sieve), the indefinite possessor prefix *tir-* has become frozen when the compound *tvlvtshɔɛk* 'milk filter' was formed, and is therefore not subject to deletion.

Another exceptional example is *u-qataŋu* 'hoof' from *tir-qa* 'paw, root', 'root', 'bottom' and *ta-ŋu* 'horn', perhaps because the second element was perceived as being alienabilized, meaning 'the horn-like thing on the foot'; in alienabilized possessive forms, definite possessor prefixes are stacked onto the indefinite possessive instead of replacing it, see §5.1.2.9).

#### 5.4.3.2 Alternations

Morphophonological alternations affecting last members of compounds are very rare in Japhug.

Internal sandhi influencing the second member of a compound rather than the first occur when a root ending in /-к/ is followed by a cluster with a velar fricative as first element. Thus, the incorporating verb *amŋaχtsʰum* 'be petty' is the denominal of a lost compound *mŋaχtsʰum* comprising *tu-mŋaɛ* 'eye' as first element and *xtsʰum* 'be thin': the combination of -к + *xtsʰ-* yields -χtsʰ-.

Several cases of alternations in the last member are found with animal nouns with the uvular class prefix *qa-*, which has a variant /χ-/-к-/-/ in this context in some compounds (see §5.6.1 and §5.6.4).

<footnote n="19">¹⁹The absence of the bound state *kʰu-* is indicative in this case of a later loanword, perhaps calqued from Chinese 狗尾草 <gōuwěicão> 'Setaria viridis'.</footnote>
Other alternations are restricted to specific lexical items, which are discussed below one by one (rŋgɣβ ‘attach’, yurni ‘be red’, tšu ‘road’ and tu-yli ‘excrement, dung’).

The inalienably possessed noun *tu-mtʰyŋgɣβ* ‘waistline of the trousers’ (a noun whose meaning is better explained by an example sentence like 96) is a compound of the noun *tu-mtʰyɣ* ‘waist’ with the transitive verb *rŋgɣβ* ‘attach’, which appears as a uvularized allomorph *-rŋgɣβ* not attested elsewhere: it is unclear why uvularization took place in this word (dissimilation with the coda /-ɣ/ of the previous root is unlikely).

(96) tsʰi tš-mda tce nš uwo u-cʰymdyru nš
drink:FACT AOR-be.the.time LNK DEM 3SG 3SG.POSS-drinking.straw DEM
pjš-nš-rše tce pjš-nš-tsʰi,
IPFV:DOWN-AUTO-insert LNK IPFV:DOWN-AUTO-drink
nš-na-tsʰi tce tce li tu-nš-χcɔv tce
NEG-AOR:3→3'-drink LNK LNK again IPFV:UP-AUTO-take.out LNK
u-mtʰyŋgɣβ cʰu-nš-rše
3SG.POSS-tuck IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-AUTO-insert
‘When it is time to drink, he inserts his straw [into the jar] and drinks from it, and when he does not drink any more, he takes it out and tucks it back into his trousers.’ (30-tChorzi) {0003760#S35}

The noun *ftɛrpu* ‘path in the middle of the fields’ is a compound of *ftɛar* ‘summer’ and *tsu* ‘road’ (such paths are made during summer to allow workers to work in the field without damaging the crops, see a definition in 87 in §16.1.3.6). The first element *ftɛr-* is the bound state of *ftɛar* (with loss of final consonant) and the form *-ru* for the second member of the compound is a clue that *tsu* comes from earlier *-t-ro* with a dental stop+/r/ cluster changing to a retroflex affricate (see §4.2.2.4 and §7.1.3) – the *-t-* element being prefixal (perhaps a fossilized indefinite possessor prefix).

The noun *jmɛrni* ‘russula’ clearly derives from *tšjmɛrγ* ‘mushroom’ and *yurni* ‘be red’, but while the loss of the *tšr-* prefix can be explained (see §5.1.2.10), the form of the second element (without *r-* preinitial) is a mystery. The form *-rni* (without *yu-*, a prefix possibly of denominal origin, §20.5.1) is found in *qrorni* ‘red ant’ with *qro* ‘ant’ as first element (a late innovation specific to the Kamnyu di-alect). The compound *ŋrɛlitcɔmbušt* ‘dung beetle’, with the irregular bound state *ŋr-* (see §5.4.2.3) of the noun *nšŋa* ‘cow’, contains a syllable *-li* clearly derived from the inalienably possessed noun *tu-yli* ‘excrement, dung’.<fnref n="20" />

<footnote n="20">²⁰The second part of the noun *-tɔmbušt* contains *ɔmbušt* ‘be concave’.</footnote>
The examples above show that most of the forms with an irregular second member also present some irregularity in the first member of the compound.

### 5.5 Compound nouns

Nominal compounds in Japhug can be build by compounding nouns, but also verbs, adverbs and ideophones. In this section, compounds are first classified by the part of speech of their elements, and then by the semantic relationship between these elements.

#### 5.5.1 Noun-Noun compounds

Noun-Noun compounds can be divided in three classes: Determinative, possessive and coordinative compounds.

##### 5.5.1.1 Determinative compounds

In determinative (or endocentric) compounds, the two elements either have a genitival or an attributive relationship.<fnref n="21" /> Modifier-Head order is by far the most common, but Head-Modifier is found in some compounds based on postnominal modifiers.

While genitive phrases are followed by a noun with a third person possessive prefix (§8.2.3.1), in the corresponding compounds the possessive prefix is deleted (except the indefinite possessor prefix in exceptional examples, see §5.4.3.1).

In this type of compounds, the first element is most commonly in bound state if derived from a word ending in open syllable, both for highly lexicalized compounds *qaɛpɛrnoɛ* ‘wild strawberry’ (‘frog’s brain’, from *qaɛpa* ‘frog’ and *tuu-rnoɛ* ‘brain’) and more transparent ones (*jlɛndzɪ* ‘hybrid yak hide’ from *jla* ‘male hybrid yak’ and *tuu-ndzɪ* ‘skin’).

Among determinative compounds, we commonly find nouns denoting locations and places or ethnic names such as *kuuru* ‘Tibetan’ and *kupa* ‘Chinese’ (as in *kupaŋga* ‘Chinese-style clothes’ or *kupastaχpu* ‘soja’)(with *staχpu* ‘pea’, on which see §5.4.1).

Some compounds comprise elements that are themselves compounds. For instance, the first element *suŋŋwu* ‘forest’ in *suŋŋwurmiβja* ‘lophophorus’ (with *rmiβja* ‘peacock’) and *suŋŋwuprijka* ‘type wild squash’ (with *prijka* ‘squash’) is a compound

<footnote n="21">²¹I use this term to encompass both the traditional notions of *karmadhāraya*- and *tatpuruṣa*-* since pre-nominal modifiers are not easily distinguishable from possessors, this distinction would not be practical.</footnote>