(51) *stonka* tce li, *n*, *pw-nw-yur* qʰe, li *pjw-tsyi* qʰe
autumn LNK again FILLER AOR-DENOM-frost LNK again IPFV-rot LNK
*mw-pw-sna* cti.

NEG-IPFV-be.good be.AFF:FACT

'In autumn, when [the *Arisaema consanguineum*] get frosted, it rots and dies.' (14-sWNgWJu) {0003506#S166}

(52) *twɣur pa-ta*, *kw-dn* zo *mw-pa-ta*.

frost AOR:3→3-put SBJ:PCP-be.many EMPH NEG-AOR:3→3-put
‘There was a bit of frost, but not much.’ (conversation, 15-12-17)

Third, the *nw-/nɣ-* denominal prefixes can also derive verbs of motion towards a location, such as *nɣχcvl* ‘go to the center’ (from *w-χcvl* ‘center’). These verbs differ from the verbs of location derived with the *mɣ-* prefix such as *mɣχcvl* ‘be in the center’, which express a static position without motion (Table 20.12, §20.6).

Fourth, these prefixes can be used to build verbs describing an activity related to the base noun. The denominal verbs can have the same meaning as a light verb construction in βzu ‘make’, as in the case of *nurɣyo* ‘sing’ (§15.1.5.8) and *rɣyo + βzu* ‘sing’. Alternatively, the corresponding complex predicate can be an existential construction (§22.4.1.3): compare the use of the denominal verb *nusaχsw* ‘have lunch’ in (53a) with that of the base noun *saχsw* ‘lunch’ combined with the existential verb *tu* ‘exist’ in (53b).

(53) a. *w-tš́-tw-nw-saχsw?*
QU-AOR-2-DENOM-lunch

b. *nɣ-saχsw* *w-pẃ-tu?*
3SG.POSS-lunch QU-PST.IPFV-exist

‘Did you have lunch?’ (both heard in context several times)

The *rw-/rɣ-* denominal prefix is more commonly used for these meanings (in examples such as *rundz*ʰi ‘have a meal’ from *ndzirswi* ‘meal’, §20.4.1), and the choice between the nasal and the rhotic denominal prefixes is lexically determined.

Fifth, when the base noun expresses a profession or social status, the denominal verb in *nw-* means ‘become X’ (54a), synonymous with the light verb construction with *ndo* ‘take’ (§22.4.2.4) as in (54b).

(54) a. *ja{mrcʰu}qa lɣ-nw-χpmbu*

ANTHR AOR:UPSTREAM-DENOM-master

‘Yagmakhiqa became the master.’ (2003-kWBRa)
b. χpwnbu la-ndo

master AOR:3→3:UPSTREAM-take

‘He became the master.’ (elicited)

The rhotic prefixes also appear in this function, though only on two nouns: **χpwn** ‘monk’ and **tɛ́rmu** ‘nun’ (*rɛ́χpwn* ‘become a monk’ and *rutɛ́rmu* ‘become a nun’, §20.4.1). Using the **nu**- denominal prefix instead of the rhotic prefixes with these two nouns is not ungrammatical, but less unfelicitous.

The verb *nškjoš* from *kjoš* ‘servant’ is labile, and means ‘work as a servant’ in intransitive use (see §14.5.1.4 and §20.7.2 for further discussion).

Sixth, when the base noun designates an animal or a plant, the *nu*/-/*nɛ́* prefix most often means ‘search/look for/collect X-. This highly productive function corresponds semantically to the combination with the verb *pʰušt* ‘take out, cut’ in the case of plants: in (55) for instance, the same action is redundantly referred to by the verb *numtsʰalu* ‘search for nettle’ and by *mtsʰalu* ‘nettle’ followed by *pʰušt*.

(55) *ku*-*nu*-*mtsʰalu*,

*mtsʰalu u*-*ku*-*pʰušt*

jo-yi

SBJ:PCP-DENOM-nettle nettle 3SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-take.out IFR-come

‘She came to collect nettle.’ (140520 ye tiane-zh) {0004044*S345}

When the base noun refers to animal, this denominal derivation has the same meaning as the verb *tɛ́rɛt* ‘take out’, ‘extract’ as shown by (56) where both con- structions redundantly occur.

(56) *lu-fsɔk*

*cungw tce tcendvre ku*-*nu*-*qafy*

*ntsw ju-ce*

IPFV-be.day before LNK LNK

SBJ:PCP-DENOM-fish always IPFV-go

*pjy-ŋu*

*tcendvre qafy ntsw*

*z-lu-tcɛ́t*

IFR.IPFV-be LNK

fish always TRAL-IPFV:UPSTREAM-take.out

*pjy-ŋu tce*,

IFR.IPFV-be LNK

‘[The fisherman] always went fishing before daybreak.’ (140512 yufu yu mogui) {0003973*S8}

Like the rhotic prefix, the *nu*- denominal prefix also has a deadverbial function, and occurs in *nškywur* ‘do suddenly’ from *kškywur* ‘suddenly’ (compare with *rškywur* ‘happen suddenly’, §20.4.1).

A possible irregular reduced allomorph *n-* of the intransitive denominal *nu-* prefix is possibly found in the verb *ngo* ‘be ill’, which is derived from the inalien-
ably possessed noun *tu-ŋgo* ‘disease’: the group *ng-* represents /nŋg-/ phonologically (§4.2.1.9). This irregular allomorph appears to also be attested with some transitive verbs (§20.7.2).

## 20.7.2 Transitive

The *nu-/n}*-*-* denominal prefix is also used to derive transitive verbs, with a considerable variety of meanings, all with high productivity. In the following, in order to clarify the glosses, *X* represents the base noun, and *Y* the object of the corresponding transitive *nu-/n}*-*-* denominal verb.

First, transitive denominal verbs in *nu-/n}*-*-* can have a tropative function ‘treat/consider *Y* as *X*’, as in the case of *nušgra* ‘treat as an enemy’ from *kgra* ‘enemy’. The verb *nušjoš* ‘give orders to’ (from ‘treat as a servant’) from *kjoš* ‘servant’ is labile, and means ‘work as a servant’ when conjugated intransitively. It is one of the very few verbs with ergative lability in Japhug (see §14.5.1.4).

The opposite (anti-tropative) meaning ‘be treated as *X* by *Y*’ is found in *n}*-*me* ‘be adopted as a daughter’ (from *tu-*-*me* ‘daughter’: ‘become *Y*'s daughter’), the transitive equivalent of the *m}*-*-* derivation found in the intransitive verb *m}*-*t}*-*u* ‘be adopted as a son’ (from *t}*-*t}*-*u* ‘son’, §20.6).

Second, the transitive *nu-/n}*-*-* denominal has an instrumental function like the sigmatic denominal (§20.3.2). This function can be subdivided into two cases: ‘use *X* to do to *Y*’ as in *n}*-*tar* ‘hit with a stick’ (selecting the entity being hit as object) from *t}*-*tar* ‘stick’ and ‘use *Y* as an *X*’ as in *n}*-*ŋi* ‘use as a walking stick’ from *t}*-*ŋi* ‘walking stick’ (selecting as object the implement used to replace a walking stick, as shown by 57).

(57) *u*-rkoŋtoŋ *nuu:*-*w* *ci* *to*-ndo *tce* *to*-n}*-*p}*-*i* *tce*
3SG.POSS-femur DEM INDEF IFR-take LNK IFR-DENOM-walking.stick LNK
‘He picked one of its femurs up and used it as a walking stick.’ (140511
xinbada-zh) {0003961#S70}

Third, when the base noun refers to the body part (or a substance coming
from) of a plant or an animal, the denominal verb can mean ‘take the *Y* from
the *X*’, the object *X* being the possessor of that body part. The meaning of this
derivation is similar to that of the verbs *pʰut* ‘take out, cut’ and *tceŋt* ‘take out’ with
the corresponding base nouns:<fnref n="12" /> for instance, *n}*-*rme* ‘remove the hair’ (shear)
expresses the same meaning as *t}*-*rme* ‘hair’ with *pʰut* in example (58).

<footnote n="12">¹²The same is true of the intransitive denominal verbs in *nu-/n}*-*-* meaning ‘search/look for/collect *X***’ discussed above.</footnote>
<table><caption>Table 20.15: Transitive denominal verbs in *nuu/-nux-</caption><thead><tr><th>Base noun</th><th>Denominal verb</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td><b>tɔ́-pɔ́tso</b> ‘child’</td><td><b>nutɔ́pɔ́tso</b> ‘treat as a child’</td></tr><tr><td><b>ɛ́gra</b> ‘enemy’</td><td><b>nuiɛ́gra</b> ‘treat as an enemy’, ‘be hostile to’</td></tr><tr><td><b>tuu-me</b> ‘daughter’</td><td><b>nɔ́me</b> ‘be adopted as a daughter’</td></tr><tr><td><b>smɔ́n</b> ‘medicine’</td><td><b>nusmɔ́n</b> ‘treat’, ‘heal’</td></tr><tr><td><b>tuu-рау</b> ‘shoulder’</td><td><b>nɔ́traу</b> ‘carry on the shoulder’</td></tr><tr><td><b>tɔ́tar</b> ‘stick’, ‘staff’, ‘rod’</td><td><b>nɔ́tar</b> ‘hit with a stick’</td></tr><tr><td><b>tɔ́ni</b> ‘walking stick’</td><td><b>nɔ́ni</b> ‘use as a walking stick’</td></tr><tr><td><b>ɔ́muuydu</b> ‘gun’</td><td><b>nuiɔ́muuydu</b> ‘shoot at’ (with a gun)</td></tr><tr><td><b>tɔ́-βju</b> ‘mattress’</td><td><b>nɔ́βju</b> ‘use as a mattress’</td></tr><tr><td><b>tɔ́-rme</b> ‘hair’</td><td><b>nɔ́rme</b> ‘remove the hair’</td></tr><tr><td><b>tɔ́-qa</b> ‘paw, root’</td><td><b>nɔ́qa</b> ‘uproot’</td></tr><tr><td><b>tɔ́-rqh<u>u</b> ‘hull, skin’</td><td><b>nɔ́rqh<u>u</b> ‘peel’</td></tr><tr><td><b>tɔ́-lu</b> ‘milk’</td><td><b>nɔ́lu</b> ‘milk’ (a cow)</td></tr><tr><td><b>tuu-rdo<u>u</b> ‘one piece’</td><td><b>nurdo<u>u</b> ‘collect piece by piece’</td></tr><tr><td><b>tɔ́-mbru<u>u</b> ‘anger’</td><td><b>nɔ́mbru<u>u</b> ‘get angry with’</td></tr><tr><td><b>tɔ́-re</b> ‘laugh (n)’</td><td><b>nɔ́re</b> ‘laugh at’</td></tr><tr><td><b>tɔ́-sŋut</b> ‘bite’</td><td><b>nɔ́sŋut</b> ‘gnaw’, ‘bite’</td></tr><tr><td><b>tɔ́jkuz</b> ‘secret’</td><td><b>nɔ́jkuz</b> ‘conceal from’</td></tr><tr><td><b>tuu-mgl<u>la</b> ‘one step’</td><td><b>nugl<u>la</b> ‘step over’, ‘cross’</td></tr><tr><td><b>u<u>u</b>-qh<u>u</b> ‘after, behind’</td><td><b>nuuqh<u>u</b> ‘go along, follow’</td></tr><tr><td><b>tuu-skh<u>ru</b> ‘body’</td><td><b>nuskh<u>ru</b> ‘be pregnant with’</td></tr></tbody></table>
<table>
  <tr>
    <td>(58)</td>
    <td>nwna ku-fse, qazo ku-fse nura</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>cow SBJ:PCP-be like sheep SBJ:PCP-be like DEM:PL</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>cʰu-n-rme ngryl. nwnu</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-DENOM:TR-hair be usually the case:FACT DEM</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>u-rme cʰu-pʰu ma</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>3SG.POSS-hair IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-take off be usually the case:FACT LNK</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>'[Bats] remove the hair of cows and sheep, they remove their hair.'</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>(25-qarmWrwa) {0003648#S16}</td>
  </tr>
</table>

With the counted noun *tu-rdoš ‘one piece’* (§7.3.2.2) the transitive denominal derivation yields the distributed action meaning *nurdos‘pick up one by one*.

Fourth, when the base noun is an abstract noun, the transitive denominal in
*nu-/*nɔ-* expresses an action directed toward a patient or stimulus, as in *nɔmbru*
‘get angry with’ (from *tɔ-mbru* ‘anger’, see also §20.3.1). Among these verbs, *nɔrre*
‘laugh, laugh at, mock’ from the inalienably possessed noun *tɔ-re* ‘laugh (n)’ is
labile (§14.5.1.3).

Fifth, denominal verbs in *nu-* can have idiosyncratic meanings associated with a noun+verb collocation. For instance *nuskʰru* ‘be pregnant with’ (41, §20.4.3) from *tu-skʰru* ‘body’ derives from the collocation *tu-skʰru + NEG + βdi* ‘be pregnant’ (§22.4.1.5), but it did not integrate the verbal root *βdi* ‘be well’ and the negative prefix.

Irregular allomorphs of the transitive denominal *nu-* prefix include the re-
duced form *n-* in *ntsye* ‘sell’ from *tutsye* ‘commerce’ (§20.10.1.1, and *nuN-* with
an intrusive homorganic nasal in the transitive motion verb *nuNqʰu* ‘go along,
follow’ (§15.1.2.1) which derives from *u-qʰu* ‘after, behind’.

20.7.3 Pairing with other denominal prefixes

The *nV-* denominal prefixes are most commonly paired with *rV-* prefixes (§20.4.3).
When a transitive *nV-* denominal verb (§20.7.2) occurs in pair with an intransitive
*rV-* verb (§20.4.1), for instance *nukryz* ‘discuss’ vs. *rskryz* ‘have a discussion’, the
intransitive verb serves as the functional antipassive of the transitive one, and
the *nV-* verb cannot take the antipassive *rɔ-* prefix (§18.6.8.5).

The *nɔ-* denominal prefix also derives dynamic verbs (both transitive and in-
transitive) paired with proprietive denominal verbs in *sɔ-* (§20.3.1).

These verbs are not compatible with the proprietive *sɔ-* derivation (§18.8): the
corresponding stative *sɔ-* denominal is used instead. For instance, the transitive
denominal verb *nɔŋaβ* ‘consider to be unpleasant’, ‘be embarrassed by’ (from
*tɔŋaβ* ‘unpleasant thing, wrong’) lacks a proprietive form such as †*sɔ-*-*nɔŋaβ*, and
the denominal *sṛŋaβ* ‘be unpleasant’, ‘be embarrassing’ (21 in §20.3.1) is used
instead.

Denominal verbs in n- can however take the s- antipassive prefix (§18.6.2),
for example sънъre ‘laugh at people’ from nъre ‘laugh’ (§14.5.1.3).

Some *sъ-/nъ-* denominal pairs have lost their base noun. For instance, there
is no abstract noun †trqa in Kamnyu Japhug corresponding to the pair sргqa
‘be bearable’/nргqa ‘endure’. Nevertheless, like synchronic denominal verbs such
as nγŋaβ ‘consider to be unpleasant’, the transitive form in these pairs cannot
undergo the proprietive derivation: the denominal sγqa (59) is used instead of a
putative form such as †sγ-nγqa.

(59) a-χρωμ μω-μηγμ ri, m-y-kω-sycqa mane
1SG.POSS-knee SENS-hurt LNK NEG-SBJ:PCP-be.bearable not oxyST:SENS
‘My knee hurts, but nothing unbearable.’ (elicited)

Pairing with other denominal prefixes such as yu-/γy- (§20.5.2) is also attested,
but with less straightforward semantic correspondences between the two verbs.

20.8 Other denominal verbs

20.8.1 Zero-derivation or backformation?

While there are non-finite verbs and deverbal nouns lacking any specific nomi-
nalization affix (bare infinitives §16.2.2 and bare action nominals §16.4.6), there
is little evidence in Japhug for denominal zero-derivation.

Table 20.16 includes cases of noun-verb pairs in which the semantics of the verb is innovative: the nouns have the same meanings as those of their cognates in other Trans-Himalayan languages such as Chinese and Tibetan (for evidence that these nouns are not borrowed from Tibetan, see Jacques 2004: 162 and Hill 2014c), but there is no trace of the corresponding verbs outside of core Gyalrong languages.

The inalienably possessed nouns *ta-mar* ‘butter’, *tr-mkum* ‘pillow’ and *twjpyom*
‘ice’ formally look like bare nominalizations (§16.4.2, §16.4.6) from the corres-
ponding verbs. The etymological relationship between *ta-mar* ‘butter’ and *mar*
‘smear’, while not completely obvious, is supported by the existence of the *figura*
*etymologica* in (60) and the typological parallel provided by the French denominal
verb *beurrer* ‘smear’ (not necessarily butter) from *beurre* ‘butter’.
<table><caption>Table 20.16: Verbs backformed from nouns in Japhug</caption><thead><tr><th>Noun</th><th>Verb</th><th>Cognates</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>ta-mar 'butter'</td><td>mar 'smear'</td><td>ṣṣṣ: mar 'butter'</td></tr><tr><td>tṛ-mkum 'pillow'</td><td>mkum 'have one's head turned towards'</td><td>枕 *t.kəm? → tṣimX 'pillow'</td></tr><tr><td>tṛjpyom 'ice'</td><td>jpyom 'freeze'</td><td>冰 *rpəm → piŋ 'ice'</td></tr><tr><td>ndzom 'bridge'</td><td>ndzom 'form a layer of ice'</td><td>: zam.pa 'bridge'</td></tr></tbody></table>

(60) ta-mar kṣa zo ku-mar-nw
INDEF.POSS-butter completely EMPH IPFV-smear-PL
'They smeared it completely with butter.' (30-komar) {0003738#S11}

The inalienably possessed noun *tṛ-mkum* ‘pillow’ is related to the rare orient-
ing verb (§15.1.2.4) *mkum* ‘have one’s head turned towards X while lying in bed’,
as in (61).

(61) tṛ-tcw nṣṣ, soz tce, rṣru tṛkʰa tce, tcʰeme nṣṣ
INDEF.POSS-son DEM morning LOC get.up:FACT moment LOC girl DEM
yṣṣ [...] w-jeṣṣ pcoṣṣ nṣṣtcu ntsṣṣ
GEN 3SG.POSS-tail side DEM:LOC always
cʰw-r-mkwṣṣṣ pjv-ŋu
IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-head.towards IFR.IPFV-be

‘The man, in the morning, when he was about to get up, had his head
towards the tail of the woman.’ (rkoNrJAl2002)

In both cases, the cognates in Chinese and Tibetan suggest that the verbs in
Japhug are secondary. I propose that rather than being cases of denominal zero-
derivation, these verbs were back-formed from the nouns on the model of bare
nominalizations.

The case of the verb *ndzom* ‘form a bridge of ice (over a body of water)’ (62)
is more puzzling, since the noun *ndzom* ‘bridge’ from which this verb originates
is alienably possessed and does not have a frozen *tṛ-* prefix. There is no model
from which this verb could have been backformed.

(62) tw-ci ko-ndzom
INDEF.POSS-water IFR-form.abridge.of.ice
‘A bridge of ice formed over the river.’ (elicited)
A possible scenario for the backformation hypothesis is that a *nu*- denominal verb (§20.7) was first derived from the base noun, and its *nu*- prefix was then reinterpreted as an autive prefix (§19.1).<fnref n="13" /> As a consequence of this backformation, a prefixless verb, whose stem is identical to that of the base noun, was created, following the pathway in (63).

$$ (63) \quad \begin{array}{l} \textit{ndzom} \Rightarrow *\textit{nu-ndzom} \Rightarrow *\textit{nu-ndzom} \Rightarrow \textit{ndzom} \\ \textit{bridge} \Rightarrow *\textit{DENOM-bridge} \Rightarrow *\textit{AUTO-form.a bridge} \Rightarrow \textit{form.a bridge} \end{array} $$

A synchronic example of ongoing reanalysis of the *nu*- denominal prefix as an autive prefix is provided by the transitive verb *numgla* ‘step over’, ‘cross’, which derives from the counted noun *tuu-mgla* ‘one step’. An anomalous form *ja-mgla* (64) without the *nu*- prefix is found in the corpus, and can be explained as having been backformed from *ja-uu-mgla* (see 20, §15.1.2.1, with a similar context) by this mechanism.

(64) *rirsβ tʰirsuy ja-ruaɣ, tuu-ci tʰirsuy*
mountain how.many AOR:3→3'-cross INDEF.POSS-water how.many
*ja-mgla* mɣ-xsi ma,
AOR:3→3'-step.over NEG-GENR:know LNK
'It is not now how many mountains and rivers he crossed.' (160706
poucet6) {0006109#S44}

### 20.8.2 Vowel alternation

The inalienably possessed noun *u-fsu* ‘of the same size’, used in one of the equative constructions (§26.3.1.3, §5.1.1.5, Jacques 2018c), is etymologically related to the stative verb *fse* ‘be like’. This *u* / *e* alternation, which is similar to that of Stem III (§12.2.2.1) and a few other isolated examples (§19.7.12), is possibly due to a *-j* suffix.

## 20.9 Deidephonic verbs

In addition to nouns (and some adverbs such as *wlywur* ‘suddenly’, §20.4.1), some verbalizing prefixes can take ideophones as input.

<footnote n="13">¹³Both the spontaneous (§19.1.4) and the permutive (§19.1.5) functions of the autive would be compatible with the meaning of the verb *ndzom* ‘form a bridge of ice’.</footnote>
20.9.1 γγ- and sγ- deideophonic verbs

The most productive deideophonic prefixes are γγ- and sγ-. Verbs derived with these prefixes can be built from most (though not all) ideophonic roots, either from the reduplicated root (type I) or from a root with partial reduplication in l- (type II).

Type I deideophonic verbs can be illustrated by the intransitive verb γγpla klek
'flick, extend and retract' (of a snake's tongue) (65a) and its transitive counterpart
sγpla klek (65b).

(65) a. *qapri γω ω-mdz̥u* ῇω-γγ-*pla klek* *zo*
snake GEN 3SG.POSS-tongue SENS-DEIPH:INTR-flicking EMPH
‘The snake’s tongue is flicking.’ (elicited)

b. *qapri kw ω-mdz̥u* ῇω-sγ-*pla klek* *zo*
snake ERG 3SG.POSS-tongue SENS-DEIPH:TR-flicking EMPH
‘The snake is flicking its tongue.’ (elicited)

Despite the fact that the reduplicated root -pla klek in these verbs resembles
the type II ideophonic pattern (which has a stative meaning, §10.1.2.2), its mean-
ing corresponds to that of the type III pattern ‘dynamic action’ ideophone, namely
pla klek ‘flickering’ (§10.1.2.3).<fnref n="14" /> Compare (65b) with the corresponding light
verb construction (66), which uses the similative verb stu ‘do like’ (§10.1.7.3). In
this particular case, the deideophonic verb in (65b) expresses a faster motion than
the construction in (66), but this semantic difference is not generalizable to all
deideophonic verbs.

(66) *qapri kw ω-mdz̥u* *pla klek* *zo* ῇω-γsw-stu
snake ERG 3SG.POSS-tongue IDPH(III):flickering EMPH SENS-PROG-do like
‘The snake is flicking its tongue.’ (elicited)

As a general rule, type I verbs in γγ- and sγ- have a meaning that corresponds to
that of the type III ideophone based on the same root. They differ from each other
in that the prefix γγ- builds intransitive verbs, whose synthetic counterpart is a
light verb construction with an intransitive verb such as ὧγγstu ‘act like’ (§10.1.7.3),
whereas sγ- derives transitive verbs with a causative meaning ‘make X do/be’ like
the construction with stu ‘do like’ (66).

Type II deideophonic verbs have partial reduplication of the ideophonic root
in l-, and semantically correspond to pattern IV (§10.1.2.4), expressing spatially

<footnote n="14">¹⁴The type II pattern *pla klek* of the ideophonic root *-pla klek* has a entirely unrelated meaning: ‘completely white’.</footnote>
distributed action (note that the distributed action derivation also presents the *l*-reduplication, §19.4). Most ideophonic roots either derive type I or type II deideophonic verbs. For instance, there is no verb †yy-plak-laク from the root -plak discussed above (the verb in 65a is yy-plak-plak), and the type II deideophonic verb yyɛtṣaŋlaŋ ‘balance’ from -ɛtṣaŋ has no correspond type I verb †yyɛtṣaŋɛtṣaŋ despite the fact that a type III pattern ideophone ɛtṣaŋnyɛtṣaŋ ‘balancing’ does exist.

An example of an ideophonic root allowing four deideophonic patterns is -fuy.
The type I verbs γy-fuyuy (vi) and sy-fuyuy (vt), like the corresponding ideophone
fuyny-fuyu, mean ‘shake’, while the type II verb γy-fuyuluy (vi) and sy-fuyuluy (vt)
instead mean ‘wiggle, squirm, creep’, expressing a great number of individuals
and/or motion in all directions; these verbs are particularly appropriate to refer
to insects, snakes or fishes (see for instance 67), but can also be applied to describe
a crowd of people.

(67) tce qapri qačpa [...] pjy-yy-fuyլuy zo cti
LNK snake frog IPFV.IFR-DEIDPH:INTR-wiggling EMPH be.AFF:FACT
‘There were [many] snakes and frogs wiggling [everywhere].’ (2003
kWBRa)

This meaning can also be conveyed by the type IV ideophone *fuynɛrluy* ‘wig-
gling’.

The deideophonic functions of γy- and sy- are certainly related to their deno-
minal function. The prefix γy- is also used to derive dynamic intransitive verbs
such as γywu ‘cry’ (from tzwu ‘cry’ (n), §20.5.1), and the meaning of sy- as a deideo-
phonic prefix is reminiscent of the causative/instrumental function of sigmatic
denominal prefixes (§20.3.2).

Tshobdun has cognate prefixes *wv-* and *sv-* with similar functions (Sun & Shi-
danluo 2004; Sun 2014a).

20.9.2 *nu*- deideophonic verbs

Deidephonic verbs in *nu-* are built on non-reduplicated ideophonic roots, but
like the γy- and sy- prefixes (§20.9.1), they have a meaning based on that of
type III pattern ‘dynamic action’ ideophones. The *nu-* derivation yields transi-
tive verbs which differ from sy- deideophonic verbs in lacking a causative mean-
ing. For instance, the verb *nuxur* ‘turn around’ (68) from the root -xur ‘turn’
expresses rotational motion of the subject (with a complex predicate involving
the motion verb *skyrwa* + ὅε ‘make circumambulations’, §22.4.1.1), like the type
III ideophone *xurnɛ́xur*, which occurs with the corresponding denominal verb *ru-skɛ́rwa* ‘make circumambulations’ (§20.4.1).

(68) skɛ́rwa kɔ́-nɔ́-xwr-a zɔ́ kɔ́-ari-a
circumambulation AOR-DENOM-turn-1SG EMPH AOR-go[II]-1SG
‘I made circumambulations [again and again].’ (elicited)

(69) *xurn* *zo kɔ́-ru-skɔ́rwa-a*
IDPH(III):turn EMPH AOR-DENOM-circumambulation-1SG
‘I made circumambulations [again and again].’ (elicited)

By contrast, the corresponding transitive verb *sɛ́xurxur* ‘cause to turn’ (again and again, quickly) expresses induced motion of the object.

In some cases the *nu-* and *sɛ*- deideophonic verbs are very close semantically,
as illustrated by *nu-bɔ́bɛ́* (70a) and *sɛ-bɔ́bɔ́bɛ́* (70b). Both of these express the action
of repeatedly throwing down heavy objects which make a loud noise when reach-
ing the ground, with no care for safety. The difference between the two verbs is
subtle, *sɛ-bɔ́bɔ́bɛ́* putting more focus on the speed and the quantity of objects.

(70) a. *rdɔ́stɑ́ pa-nɔ́-bɔ́b*  zɔ̈ pa-βde
stone AOR:3→3-DEIDPH-heavy/object EMPH AOR:3→3:DOWN-throw

b. *pa-sɔ́-bɔ́bɔ́b*  zɔ̈ pa-βde
AOR:3→3-DEIDPH-heavy/object EMPH AOR:3→3:DOWN-throw

c. *bɔ́bβnɔ́bɔ́b*  zɔ̈ pa-βde
IDPH(III):heavy/object EMPH AOR:3→3:DOWN-throw
‘He threw [stones] down, going ‘boom’ [on the ground] again and
again.’ (elicited)

20.9.3 *a-* and *nɛ̃-* deideophonc verbs

A few verbs in *a-* can be built from reduplicated ideophonic roots, with a mean-
ing equivalent to the type II ideophonic pattern (§10.1.2.2). For instance, the ideo-
phone *bɔ́bɔ́b* ‘in a group, in a cluster’ (71) is the source of the intransitive verb
*abóbɔ́b* ‘cluster around’, ‘huddle’.

(71) tce ngocna me, porst me, w-pw tɔ́-tu
LNK big.spider whether small.spider whether 3SG.POSS-young AOR-exist
tce, kuki icqʰa, [...] w-taк nuwure
LNK DEM.PROX the.aforementioned 3SG.POSS-ON DEM:LOC
20.10 The denominal origin of voice prefixes

boьboь zo ku-ndzoь-nu tce

IDPH(II):in.group EMPH IPFV-ACAUS:attach-PL LNK

'When spiders, whether big ones or small ones, have offspring, those
attach in clusters on them.' (26-mYaRmtsaR) {0003674#S107}

(72) kʰwzxpu ra nʷ-mu w-cki

puppy PL 3PL.POSS-mother 3SG.POSS-DAT

ko-k-y-boьboь-nu-ci ma p̥u-nγ-ndžo-nu̥

IFR-PEG-DEIDPH-in.group-PL-PEG LNK SENS-DENOM-cold-PL

'The puppies huddled against their mother, as they feel cold.' (elicited)

Intransitive deideophonic verbs in *a-* pair with transitive verbs in *n* such as
*{nъboьboь* ‘cluster around’. The subject of transitive *nъboьboь* encodes the same
semantic role as that of the intransitive subject of *aboьboь*, while its direct object
corresponds to the referent marked with the relator noun *u-taк* ‘on, above’ in the
intransitive equivalent.

(73) ku-myci ra yu, nu-tcu nura ku tcʰeme ci

SBJ:PCP-be.rich PL GEN 3PL.POSS-son DEM:PL ERG girl INDEF

pjγ-k-yz-nγ-boьboь-nu-ci

PST.IPFV-PEG-PROG-DEIDPH-in.group-PL-PEG

'Children from rich [families] were grouped around a girl.' (160630
abao-zh) {0006197#S84}

It is possible to analyze *nγ-* deideophonic verbs as applicative derivations (§17.4)
from *a-* deideophonic verbs with regular vowel fusion *nu-γ- → nγ-* (§17.4.2), pro-
moting oblique arguments in *u-taк* ‘on, above’ to object status.

In addition to ideophones expressing ‘grouping, clustering’ like *boьboь*, the *a-*
derivation is also compatible with ideophones of shape like *alulju* ‘be cylindrical’
from *ljulju* ‘cylindrical’. Such verbs do not have a *nγ-* counterpart.

20.10 The denominal origin of voice prefixes

There is a remarkable similarity in Japhug between some valency-changing pre-
fixes on the one hand, and denominal prefixes on the other hand, as illustrated by
Table 20.17. These correspondences suggest that a historical relationship exists
between these pairs of prefixes.

The resemblance between these two series of prefixes is not specific to Japhug,
and found in all Gyalrongic languages, in particular Khroskyabs (Lai 2017: 527).
<table><caption>Table 20.17: Voice derivations and denominal prefixes</caption><thead><tr><th>Voice</th><th></th><th>Denominal derivation</th><th></th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Sigmatic causative<br>su(y)-/z-</td><td>§17.2</td><td>Instrumental/<br>causative denominal su(y)-/sr-</td><td>§20.3.2</td></tr><tr><td>Applicative nu(y)-</td><td>§17.4</td><td>Transitive denominal nu-</td><td>§20.7.2</td></tr><tr><td>Tropative nr(y)-</td><td>§17.5</td><td>Transitive denominal nr-</td><td>§20.7.3</td></tr><tr><td>Passive a-,<br>Reciprocal a-</td><td>§18.1<br>§18.4.1</td><td>Stative denominal a-</td><td>§20.2.1</td></tr><tr><td>Antipassive ry-</td><td>§18.6.1</td><td>Intransitive denominal ry-/ry-</td><td>§20.4.1</td></tr><tr><td>Antipassive sr-</td><td>§18.6.2</td><td>Proprietive denominal sr-</td><td>§20.3.1</td></tr><tr><td>Proprietive sr-</td><td>§18.8</td><td>Proprietive denominal sr-</td><td>§20.3.1</td></tr></tbody></table>

The following sections (in particular §20.10.1) provide evidence that these resem-
blances are due to the fact that the derivations in Table 20.17 actually historically
originate from the corresponding denominal derivations (see also Jacques 2014b;
2015d, Lai 2017: 527–529, Lai under review).

Not all valency-changing prefixes in Japhug are related to denominal deriva-
tions: the reflexive zyr- in particular derives instead from the incorporation of the
3SG pronoun (§18.3.7 and Jacques 2010b), and some derivations such as the autive
and anticausative are probably inherited from proto-Trans-Himalayan (§19.1.7,
§18.5, Sagart & Baxter 2012, Jacques 2015e).

20.10.1 The origin of the *ry-* antipassive prefix

The resemblance between the *ry-* applicative (§18.6.1) and the intransitive denominal *ry-* prefix (§20.4.1) suggests that a historical relationship between these prefixes is possible. In addition, the fact that the antipassive only has cognates in Tshobdun and Zbu (Sun 2006b; 2014a, Jacques 2021) makes it unlikely that this derivation is very ancient.

A few antipassive verbs have formal and semantic irregularities (§18.6.1). In
this section, I show that these irregularities are shared with corresponding action
nominals (§20.10.1.1, §20.10.1.2), and that this observation is a crucial piece of
evidence to propose that the antipassive prefix originates from the denominal
derivation of action nominals from transitive verbs (§20.10.1.4).
20.10.1.1 Formal commonalities between antipassive verbs and action nominals

Two antipassive verbs have irregularities is stem formation: *rънъа* ‘have a debt’, ‘owe money’ from *ia* ‘buy on credit, owe’ has an intrusive *-n-* element between the antipassive *rъ-* prefix and the stem *-ia*, and *rъtsye* ‘do business’ presents the opposite situation: the corresponding transitive verb *ntsye* ‘sell’ has an extra pre-fixal *n-* element (§18.6.1).

These morphological specificities are not isolated: the action nominals *tu-nja*
‘debt’ (§16.4.6) and *tutsye* ‘commerce’ (§16.4) have the same stem as the corre-
ponding antipassive verbs.

This commonality between action nominals and the corresponding antipas-
sive verbs is explainable if one assumes that the latter derive from the former
by a denominal *rъ-*, on the model of *rъkrъz* ‘have a discussion’ and *rъma* ‘work’
from *tukrъz* ‘discussion’ or *ta-ma* ‘work’ (n) (§20.4.1), rather than directly from
the corresponding transitive verbs.

The *n*- element in *tu-n* ‘debt’ may be analyzable as a nasalized dental nomi-
nalization prefix (*-t-* *a → -n{a*, §16.4.6), and the relationship between *rън{a* and
the base verb *{a is thus indirect, as shown in* (74).

(74) *ha* ‘owe’ → *-nqa* ‘debt’ → *rънqa* ‘have a debt’

The verb *rъtsye* ‘do business’ is also directly derived from *tutsye* ‘commerce’
rather than from the transitive *ntsye* ‘sell’. The *n*- element on *ntsye* is explainable
as a reduced allomorph of the transitive denominal *nu-* prefix (§20.7.2). Thus,
while *rъtsye* ‘do business’ is synchronically perceived as deriving from *ntsye*, both
verbs historically actually derive from the action nominal *tutsye*, as shown in
Figure 20.1.

<figure><img src="image_26.png" /><figcaption>Figure 20.1: The derivational history of *ntsye* and *rъtsye*</figcaption></figure>
20.10.1.2 Semantic commonalities between antipassive verbs and action nominals

Commonalities between antipassive verbs and action nominals are not restricted to stem formation as in §20.10.1.1 above.

The formally regular antipassive verb *rýpyaъ* ‘reclaim land’, ‘clear land for farming’ has a restricted meaning in comparison with the corresponding transitive verb *pyaъ* ‘turn over’: while the latter can occur with a wide range of objects, the former is exclusively used to refer to turning uncultivated land into fields (from the meaning ‘plough’ of the base verb, §18.6.3). The same semantic restriction is also observed with the action nominal *tupyaъ* ‘land clearing’, used in collocation with *tçyt* ‘take out’ with a meaning close to that of the antipassive *rýpyaъ*.

(75) *mw-lo-ny-tsoъ-ndzi*      *kw tupyaъ*
NEG-IFR-DENOM-silverweed-DU ERG field.clearing
*lo-tcxt-ndzi*
IFR:UPSTREAM-take.out-DU
‘They did not collect silverweed, and cleared fields for farming (instead).’
(31-deluge) {0004077#S144}

This common semantic restriction suggests that the action nominal *tupyaъ*
and *rýpyaъ* are related, and can be accounted for by assuming that the latter is
a denominal derivation from the former, rather than directly deriving from *pyaъ*
‘turn over’, as shown in (76).

(76) *pyaъ* ‘turn over’, ‘plough fields’ → *tupyaъ* ‘land clearing’ → *rýpyaъ* ‘clear land for farming’

20.10.1.3 Irregular prefix

Another irregular antipassive involves the prefix rather than the stem: the verb *rususo* ‘think’, ‘ponder’ (§14.5.1.3) from *suso* ‘think’ has *ru-* rather than the regular *rý-* prefix. This irregular form is easily accounted for by the hypothesis that antipassive verbs are denominal derivations from action nominals: *rususo* is the expected regular rhotic denominal from the bare action nominal *tuu-suso* ‘thought’ (§16.4.6).
20.10.1.4 Pathway of reanalysis

Evidence from irregular antipassive verbs presented above in §20.10.1.1, §20.10.1.2 and §20.10.1.3 suggest that the formal resemblance between the *r}*- antipassive prefix and the intransitive rhotic denominal *ru-/*r}*- prefix is not simply a coincidence, but that the antipassive derivation came into being from the verbalization of an action nominal, following the pathway presented in Figure 20.2.

<figure><img src="image_27.png" /><figcaption>Figure 20.2: The origin of the antipassive *r}*-</figcaption></figure>

The transitive verb first undergoes nominalization into either an action nom-
inal in *tu-* (§16.4) or into a bare action nominal (taking either a definite or an
indefinite possessive *tu-* or *t}*-, §16.4.6). This action nominal then takes the rhotic
intransitive denominal prefix. The rhotic prefix removes the *tu-/*t}*- prefix irre-
spective of whether it is an indefinite possessor prefix or a dental nominalization
prefix, following a general property of denominal derivations in Japhug (§20.1.1,
§16.4.4).

With the exception of the few verbs studied in the section above, where a
morphological or semantic irregularity in the action noun left a trace on the
antipassive verb, the intermediate step leaves no traces. It is possible that once
a sufficient number of verbalized denominal action nouns had been created by
this process, the antipassive derivation became productive and that antipassive
verbs were directly derived from the transitive base verbs.

Even if the antipassive prefix has become functionally separate from the in-
transitive denominal *r}*- in Japhug, many antipassive verbs remain synchroni-
cally ambiguous: for instance, the verb *r}*c*pʰ]*t* ‘patch clothes’ can either be ana-
lyzed as the antipassive equivalent of c*]*pʰ]*t* ‘patch’ or as a denominal from *t}*-c*]*pʰ]*t*
‘patch (n)’ (§18.6.8.3).

The pathway in Figure 20.2 is not specific to Gyalrong languages; antipassive
affixes from ancient light verb constructions with action nominals have been
documented in Mande and elsewhere (Creissels 2012, Sansò 2017), providing a
parallel example of the functional overlap between denominal verbalization and
light verb constructions in Japhug (§20.1.2).

The same two-step mechanism can be used to account for the other resem-
blances between denominal prefixes and valency-changing derivations in Ta-
ble 20.17. More generally, action nominalization neutralizes the transitivity of
the verb stem, and the new argument structure of the derived verb is determined
by the denominal prefix.

20.10.2 The proprietive and antipassive *s}*-* prefixes and their tropative counterpart

The form and meaning of the proprietive *s}*-* derivation (§18.8) are close to that
of the denominal proprietive *s}*-* (§20.3.1). The *s}*-* denominal verbs often occur
in pairs with transitive or intransitive *n}*-* denominal verbs from the same noun
(§20.7.3), as in *s}**re ‘be ridiculous’ and *n}**re ‘laugh’, ‘laugh at’ (from *t}*-*re ‘laugh
(n)’, Table 20.4, §20.3.1).

Both the proprietive *s}*-* (§18.8) and the tropative *n}*-* (§17.5) can be accounted
for by assuming a pathway similar to that of the antipassive (Figure 20.2), by
supposing *s}*-* and *n}*-* denominal derivations from abstract nouns (§16.4.2) or
degree nominals (§16.3). The intermediate abstract nouns are actually attested in
many cases, as in (77) and (78).

(77) *mu* ‘be afraid’ → *tumu* ‘fear’ → *s}**ymu ‘be frightening’

(78) *mpc}**r ‘be beautiful’ → *t}**mpc}**r ‘beauty’ → *n}**mpc}**r ‘find beautiful’

In addition, the proprietive verb *s}**γ*nat ‘be exhausting’ (from *n}*at ‘be tired’)
with the allomorph *s}**γ*-* presents the same intrusive *-γ-* element as the abstract
noun *t}**γ*nat ‘tiredness’, supporting the idea that this noun was indeed the inter-
mediate step between the base verb and its proprietive form.

When the base verb undergoing action nominalization and proprietive verbal-
ization is transitive, there is a potential ambiguity, since the proprietive deriva-
tion selects as intransitive subject a referent either possessing a particular prop-
erty or having the tendency or propensity to perform a particular action. With
action verbs such as *mtswy* ‘bite’, the most natural interpretation will be ‘have
the propensity to bite’ rather than ‘tend to be bitten’ (79), yielding an antipassive
derivation (§18.6.2).

(79) *mtswy* ‘bite’ → \* *tumtswy* ‘action of biting’ → *s}**mtswy ‘bite people’
20.10 *The denominal origin of voice prefixes*

With verbs of cognition, an ambiguity is possible; for instance the *sr*- deriva-
tion from the transitive verb *nuzduy* ‘worry about’ is interpretable either as pro-
prietive *srnuzduy* ‘causing people to worry’ (§18.8.4) or as the antipassive ‘worry
about people’ (§18.8.6). Both of these meanings can be explained as proprietive
denominal derivations from an abstract noun *tV-nuzduy* ‘worry’.

20.10.3 Applicative, sigmatic causative and passive

Following the same type of pathways as for antipassive, proprietive and tropative
derivations, the applicative *nu*(*y*)- (§17.4), the causative *su*(*y*)- (§17.2) and the pas-
sive *a*- can be analyzed as having historically originated from the transitive *nu*-
(§20.7.2), the causative/instrumental *su*(*y*)- (§20.3.2) and the stative *a*- (§20.2.1)
denominalizations from an action nominal, as illustrated in (80).

(80) a. *mu* ‘be afraid’ → *tumu* ‘fear’ → *nuymu* ‘be afraid of’
b. *nat* ‘be tired’ → *tγynat* ‘tiredness’ → *suynat* ‘exhaust’, ‘cause to be tired’
c. *tsʰoVK* ‘attach’ → *tsu-tsʰoVK* ‘attachment’<fnref n="15" /> → *atsʰoVK* ‘be attached”

The reduplicated reciprocal (§18.4.1) originates from a stative denominal verb with reduplication expressing plural subject (as in Stau, where not only reduplication but even triplication is attested with this meaning, Gates 2017), from which the reciprocal function was a pragmatic inference.

While the applicative, like the antipassive, is restricted to the Core Gyalrong
languages and is certainly a recent innovation, the situation is more complex in
the case of the passive and the causative.

The *a*- passive, which originates from *ŋa-*, is probably related to the valency-
decreasing *ŋV-* prefix found in Kuki-Chin (Jacques & Chen 2007), which also
expresses reciprocal, reflexive and even antipassive in some cases (So-Hartmann
2009: 203–209, Mang 2006: 57, Konnerth 2021). The sigmatic causative, which
has highly complex morphology across Gyalrongic languages (Sun 2007a; Lai
2016), is also widespread in the Trans-Himalayan, and has been discussed in a
considerable number of works, including Conrady (1896), Sagart & Baxter (2012),
Mei (2012), Handel (2012) and Jacques (2015d).

The existence of the cognates of the valency-changing prefixes *a-* and *su*(*y*)- in other branches of Trans-Himalayan could been seen as contradicting the hypothesis that they originate from denominalization prefixes. However, two pieces of

<footnote n="15"><sup>15</sup>This hypothesized action nominal is indirectly attested as the bare infinitive in (181) (§16.2.2.1).</footnote>
evidence suggest that the pathway of reanalysis developed to account for the
origin of the antipassive is also applicable to these two prefixes.

First, the sigmatic prefix also has a denominal function in various Trans-Hi-
malayan languages from Jinghpo (Dai & Xu 1992: 72, Kurabe 2016: 88) to Old
Chinese (Conrady 1896). There is consensus among scholars that this function is
at least equally as old as the causative one.

Second, the irregular *sr*- allomorph of the causative in *srmi* ‘give a name’ (§17.2.2.7) can be accounted for by analyzing this transitive verb as a causative denominal (§20.3.2) from the noun *ty-rmi* ‘name’ rather than a direct causative derivation from the verb *rmi* ‘be called’. It is therefore possible either that the postulated pathways in (80b) and (80c) above have taken place independently in several branches, or that the reanalysis had already been completed in the ancestral language ancestral. These hypotheses do not imply that the reanalysis took place only once in each language. In all languages that have preserved the sigmatic denominal and that have some form of bare nominalization, pathways similar to (80b) can have occurred repeatedly even after the sigmatic causative had been fully grammaticalized.

20.11 Loan verbs

While Tibetan verbs are generally borrowed directly (Jacques 2019d), Chinese verbs and adjectives need to undergo denominal derivation to be compatible with verbal morphology.

Speakers born after 1990 profusely use verbs of Chinese origin.<fnref n="16" /> Chinese adjectives can be borrowed almost freely with either the *nuu-* (§20.7.1) or the *ruu-* (§20.4.1) denominal prefixes, as illustrated by *nuu*< *yan*> ‘be strict’ (from *pü*< *yán*> ‘severe, strict’) in (81) and *ruu*< *fuza*> ‘be complicated’ (from 复杂 <fùzá> ‘complicated’) in (82). The *nuu-* and *ruu-* prefixes are apparently freely interchangeable in this type of words.

(81) wzo u-tw-nu-<yan> w-grvl mu
3SG 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-DENOM-strict 3SG.POSS-order at.all
pu-me
PST.IPFV-not.exist
‘He was extremely strict.’ (phurpa 2010)

<footnote n="16">¹⁶Due to the high variability of the pronunciation of Chinese loanwords in Japhug, I make no attempt here at representing them in phonological shape, and use pinyin except in highly lexicalized examples.</footnote>
(82) *pwo-rwo-*<u>*fuza*</u> wo
SENS-DENOM-complicated SFP
'It looks complicated!' (heard in context)

For action verbs, the choice of the *ru-* and *nu-* prefixes is conditioned by transi-
tivity (§20.4.3): *ru-* denominal verbs are intransitive, for example *rukʰxwi* ‘have
a meeting’ (from 开会 <kāihuì> ‘have a meeting’), while their *nu-* counterparts
are transitive (*nuukʰvjxwi* ‘meet about’). In some cases a light verb construction
with the Chinese verb borrowed as a noun also exists; for instance, in addition to
*ruukʰvjxwi* ‘have a meeting’, it is possible to use *kʰvjxwi* ‘meeting’ in collocation
with βzu ‘make’ as in (83).

(83) *kʰvjxwi pwo-ysw-βzu-nw*
meeting SENS-PROG-make-PL
‘They were having a meeting.’ (17-lhazgron)

Borrowed verbs, although they have undergone denominal derivation, some-
times preserve morphosyntactic peculiarities of the corresponding verb in Chi-
nese. For instance, although the manipulation verb *nutʰaj* ‘carry’, like 抬 <tái>
‘lift, carry’, specifically means ‘lift up and carry (something heavy, of more than
one person)’ with a constraint on the number of the subject (see example 21,
§15.1.2.2).

**20.12 Compound verbs**

Compounds verbs combine two verb roots (henceforth referred to as ‘*V*₁’ and ‘*V*₂’
following the Kirantological tradition) within the same stem. Unlike bipartite
verbs (§11.6.3, Jacques 2018a), the two verb roots are not separable and cannot
take redundant person indexation affixes.

Most compound verbs have a denominal prefix (Table 20.18). In some cases,
the *V*₁ preserves the form of the independent verb, but in other cases occurs in
bound state (§5.4), as in *apymbat* ‘be easy to do’, where the root of the base verb
*pa* ‘do’ undergoes /-a/ → /-r/ /vowel alternation. Alternations in the *V*₂, as in the
case of *axteuxte* ‘be of uneven size’ (with /xti/ → /xte/ alternation, §20.2.1), are
much rarer.

Some compound verbs clearly derive from a compound noun by denominal
derivation. This is the case of stative verbs derived from compound nouns of
dimension such as *axteuxte* ‘be of uneven size’ (Table 20.1, §20.2.1, §5.5.2.2), and
<table><caption>Table 20.18: Denominal compound verbs in Japhug</caption><thead><tr><th>Compound verb</th><th>V<sub>1</sub></th><th>V<sub>2</sub></th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>rъjoъβzur 'tidy up' (vt)</td><td>joъ 'raise' (vt)</td><td>βzur 'move' (vt)</td></tr><tr><td>nъcupa 'open and close' (vt)</td><td>cu 'open' (vt)</td><td>pa 'close', 'do' (vt)</td></tr><tr><td>axtъuxte 'be of uneven size'</td><td>xtci 'be small' (vi)</td><td>wxti 'be big' (vi)</td></tr><tr><td>argyle 'be extremely happy' (vi)</td><td>rga 'be happy' (vi)</td><td>=le</td></tr><tr><td>andzъmstu 'well-ironed' (vi)</td><td>ndzъm 'be warm' (vi)</td><td>astu 'be straight' (vi)</td></tr><tr><td>apъmbat 'be easy to do' (vi)</td><td>pa 'do' (vt)</td><td>mbat 'be easy' (vi)</td></tr><tr><td>nъrtoχpjъt 'observe' (vt)</td><td>rtoъ 'look' (vt)</td><td>χpjъt 'observe' (vt)</td></tr><tr><td>nъscъlъt 'take somewhere and back home' (vt)</td><td>sco 'see off' (vt)</td><td>lъt 'release', 'get so. back home' (vt)</td></tr><tr><td>nъtsumyut 'take away and bring back' (vt)</td><td>tsum 'take away' (vt)</td><td>yut 'bring' (vt)</td></tr><tr><td>nundzъmbyom 'be in a hurry to eat' (vi)</td><td>ndza 'eat' (vt)</td><td>mbyom 'be in a hurry' (vi)</td></tr><tr><td>nundzъqъr 'not let eat together' (vt)</td><td>ndza 'eat' (vt)</td><td>qъr 'choose' (vt)</td></tr><tr><td>nurkorlut 'be obstinate' (vi)</td><td>rko 'be hard' (vi)</td><td>arlut 'be many' (vi)</td></tr><tr><td>nurъngumbri 'make noise in the bed' (vi)</td><td>rъngu 'lie down' (vi)</td><td>mbri 'cry, sing' (vi)</td></tr><tr><td>raχtuutsye 'do business' (vi)</td><td>χtu 'buy' (vt)</td><td>ntsye 'sell' (vt)</td></tr></tbody></table>

also rъjoъβzur 'tidy up', whose corresponding compound action noun joъβzur 'tidying up' is used in collocation with the light verb βzu 'make' (§5.5.2.1).

The verb argyle 'be extremely happy' does not derive from a compound noun *rgyle, but rather from the bipartite verb rga=le, which only occurs in non-finite forms (§11.6.3).

The other verbs in Table 20.18 lack a corresponding compound noun. For instance, although apъmbat 'be easy to do' presumably derives from a noun *pъmbat 'easiness to do' rather than directly from pa 'do' and mbat 'be easy', there is no such noun in Kamnyu Japhug. It is probable that such a noun used to exist, and that only its derived denominal verb was preserved.

A clue that denominal compounds do not directly derive from their base verbs is offered by raχtuutsye 'do business'. The V<sub>2</sub>-tsye has the same form as that found
in the action noun *tutsye* ‘commerce’ and the antipassive *rutsye* ‘do business’, ‘sell things’ (§18.6.1), while the corresponding transitive verb *ntsye* ‘sell’ has an additional *n-* prefix. The explanation for the absence of *n-* in *raχtutsye* is that this verb comes from a compound *χtutsye* ‘commerce’ directly built from the action noun *tutsye* rather than from the transitive verb *ntsye* ‘sell’. Although *χtutsye* is not in common usage, it is considered to be marginally acceptable by Tshendzin.

Some compound verbs lack denominal prefixes, as shown in Table 20.19. However, the fact that the $V_1$ occurs in bound state in the case of *ngvjtsʰi* ‘feed’ (ŋgγ̣-from *ngu* ‘feed’) and that all the $V_1$ of all of these verbs have a prenasalized onset may suggest a denominal origin: since the denominal *nu-* prefix has an irregular *n-* or homorganic *N-* allomorph (§20.7.1, §20.7.2), it is possible that the denominal prefix here was absorbed by the preexisting prenasalization of the $V_1$: *n-ŋgγ̣-ɛtʰi → *ŋgγ̣-ɛtʰi → ngvjtsʰi*.

<table><caption>Table 20.19: Compound verbs without denominal prefix</caption><thead><tr><th>Compound verb</th><th>V<sub>1</sub></th><th>V<sub>2</sub></th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>mpumnu 'be soft and smooth' (vi)</td><td>mpu 'be soft' (vi)</td><td>mnu 'be smooth' (vi)</td></tr><tr><td>mtsurɛpɑk 'be hungry and thirsty' (vi)</td><td>mtsur 'be hungry' (vi)</td><td>ɛpɑk 'be thirsty' (vi)</td></tr><tr><td>ngvjtsʰi 'feed' (vt)</td><td>ngu 'feed' (vt)</td><td>jtsʰi 'give to drink' (vt)</td></tr><tr><td>mbijtsʰi 'give to eat and drink' (vt)</td><td>mbi 'give' (vt)</td><td>jtsʰi 'give to drink' (vt)</td></tr></tbody></table>

The semantic relationship between the $V_1$ and the $V_2$ differs across compound verbs. In most cases, the compound has an additive meaning ‘do $V_1$ and $V_2$’, as in *nrtsumyut* ‘take away and bring back’ (in particular, all verbs in Table 20.19 are of this type). Another possibility is a head-complement relationship, as that illustrated by *apymbat* ‘be easy to do’, whose meaning is equivalent to a construction with *mbat* ‘be easy’ taking a complement clause containing the verb *pa* ‘do’ (§18.9).

## 20.13 Incorporation

Japhug has few dozen complex verb stems comprising a nominal and a verbal root. Nearly all of these verbs contain a denominal prefix, and incorporation is
thus analyzed in Japhug as a subtype of denominal derivation (Jacques 2012d).

Although noun incorporation is not a frequent phenomenon in Japhug, its productivity is undeniable, as it applies to loanwords, as shown by the verb *yü* < *piaozi* > *fsoš* ‘earn money’ (84), whose base noun 票子 < *piàozi* > ‘ticket’, ‘paper money’ is from Chinese and whose base verb *fsoš* ‘earn’ comes from Tibetan བསྟོགས་ *bsogs* ‘accumulate’.

(84) *ny-mbro* cʰo *ny-rŋulostu-rke-a* tce
2SG.POSS-horse COMIT 2SG.POSS-silver IPFV-put.in[III]-1SG LNK
kʷ-yu-<piaozi>-fsoš jy-ce tce
SBJ:PCP-DENOM-money-earn IMP-go LNK

‘I will give you a horse and some silver, go and earn some money.’
(Lobzang 2005)

### 20.13.1 Incorporation and denominal derivation

A considerable proportion of incorporating verbs in Japhug are denominal derivations from Noun-Verb action nominal compounds (§5.5.5.2, §5.5.5.3) which are still synchronically attested. Table 20.20 presents a sample of incorporating verbs with the corresponding action nouns, as well as the base nouns and base verbs. These action nominals also occur in collocation with light verbs, with meanings similar to those of the incorporating verbs (§20.1.2, §20.13.4).<fnref n="17" />

When the incorporating verb is transitive, its direct object corresponds in some cases to an oblique argument in the light verb construction. For instance, the verb *nuzgrutcʰu* ‘give a nudge’ encodes the patient (the person receiving the nudge) as object (85), while in the light verb construction with the compound *zgrutcʰu* ‘nudge’, the patient is marked by the relator noun *u-taš* ‘on, above’ (86) (§8.3.4.3).

(85) *t́-wy-nu-zgru-tcʰu-a*
AOR-INV-DENOM-elbow-stab-1SG
‘He gave me a nudge.’ (elicited)

(86) *a-taš* *ny-zgru-tcʰu* *ma-ty-tu-lyt* *ma ŋu-mŋyam*
1SG.POSS-ON 2SG.POSS-elbow-stab NEG-IMP-2-release LNK SENS-hurt
‘Don’t give me a nudge, it hurts.’ (elicited)

Alternatively, the patientive argument can be encoded as a possessive prefix on the base nominal compound. For instance, the object of the *nušnušnaš* ‘harm’

<footnote n="17">¹⁷Japhug (pseudo-)incorporating verbs are typologically similar to the type of οἰκοδομέω ‘build’ in Greek (Benveniste 1966a).</footnote>
<table><caption>Table 20.20: Examples of incorporating verbs from noun-verb compounds</caption><thead><tr><th>Incorporating verb</th><th>Noun</th><th>Verb</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>γu-c<sup>h</sup>γ-ts<sup>h</sup>i<br>'drink alcohol' (vi)</td><td>c<sup>h</sup>a 'alcohol'<br>↔c<sup>h</sup>γts<sup>h</sup>i 'alcohol drinking'</td><td>ts<sup>h</sup>i 'drink' (vt)</td></tr><tr><td>γu-γlu-t<sup>g</sup>γt<br>'take out dung' (vi)</td><td>tu-γli 'dung'<br>↔γlut<sup>g</sup>γt 'removing dung out of the stables'</td><td>t<sup>g</sup>γt 'take out' (vt)</td></tr><tr><td>γu-cu-p<sup>h</sup>ut<br>'take out stones' (vi)</td><td>cu 'stone'<br>↔cup<sup>h</sup>ut 'taking stones' (out of the fields)</td><td>p<sup>h</sup>ut 'take out, cut' (vt)</td></tr><tr><td>γu-k<sup>h</sup>u-ts<sup>h</sup>o<sup>u</sup><br>'hunt with dogs' (vi)</td><td>k<sup>h</sup>una 'dog'<br>↔k<sup>h</sup>uts<sup>h</sup>o<sup>u</sup> 'hunting with dogs'</td><td>ts<sup>h</sup>o<sup>u</sup> 'attach' (vt)</td></tr><tr><td>γu-rj<sup>u</sup>-fso<sup>u</sup><br>'earn a fortune' (vi)</td><td>tu-rj<sup>u</sup> 'fortune'<br>↔rj<sup>u</sup>fo<sup>u</sup> 'earning money'</td><td>fo<sup>u</sup> 'earn' (vt)</td></tr><tr><td>γu-su-p<sup>h</sup>ut<br>'cut firewood' (vi)</td><td>si 'wood'<br>↔sup<sup>h</sup>ut 'firewood cutting'</td><td>p<sup>h</sup>ut 'take out, cut' (vt)</td></tr><tr><td>γu-t<sup>g</sup>γm-ts<sup>h</sup>i<br>'lead the way' (vi)</td><td>t<sup>g</sup>u 'road'<br>↔t<sup>g</sup>γmts<sup>h</sup>i 'leading the way'</td><td>mts<sup>h</sup>i 'lead' (vt)</td></tr><tr><td>nu-zgru-t<sup>g</sup>u<br>'give a nudge' (vt)</td><td>tu-zgru 'elbow'<br>↔zgru<sup>g</sup>u 'nudge'</td><td>t<sup>g</sup>u 'gore, stab' (vt)</td></tr><tr><td>ηγ-κ<sup>g</sup>-t<sup>g</sup>u<br>'give a headbutt' (vt)</td><td>tu-ku 'head'<br>↔κ<sup>g</sup>t<sup>g</sup>u 'headbutt'</td><td>t<sup>g</sup>u 'gore, stab' (vt)</td></tr><tr><td>nu-sn<sup>u</sup>-πα<sup>u</sup><br>'harm' (vt)</td><td>tu-sni 'heart'<br>↔snuπα<sup>u</sup> 'harming people'</td><td>πα<sup>u</sup> 'be black' (vi)</td></tr><tr><td>ηγ-p<sup>h</sup>u-xtsu<br>'break clods of earth' (vi)</td><td>τ<sup>g</sup>-p<sup>h</sup>u 'clod (of earth)'<br>↔τ<sup>g</sup>p<sup>h</sup>uxtsu 'breaking clods of earth'</td><td>xtsu 'pound' (vt)</td></tr><tr><td>ηγ-q<sup>h</sup>a-ru<br>'look back' (vi)</td><td>u-q<sup>h</sup>u 'after, behind'<br>↔q<sup>h</sup>aru 'look back'</td><td>ru 'look at' (vi)</td></tr></tbody></table>
(2SG in 87) refers to the person who is harmed, and corresponds to the prefix on the compound noun *snuŋpaŋ* ‘harming people’ in the light verb construction (3PL in 88).

(87) ma-nu-tu-mu tce azo mu-ta-nu-snu-PAV
NEG-IMP-2-be.afraid LNK 1SG NEG-1→2-DENOM-heart-black:FACT
‘Don’t be afraid, I will not do any harm to you.’ (140429 jiedi-zh)

(88) turme ra nu-snwa-PAV pwa-ysw-bzu tce
people PL 3PL.POSS.heart-black SENS-PROG-make LNK
‘It was harming people.’ (150827 taisui) {0006390#S30}

Table 20.20 only includes examples with the denominal prefixes *yu-* (§20.5) and *nu-/n*- (§20.7), but other denominal prefixes are attested in this construc-
tion. In particular, the alternative forms *rurjufsok* ‘accumulate a fortune’ (with
the rhotic denominal, §20.4) and *suzgrutc*ʰu ‘give a nudge’ (with the instrumen-
tal sigmatic denominal, §20.3.2) are attested alongside *yuurjufsok* ‘accumulate a
fortune’ and *nuzgrutc*ʰu ‘give a nudge’.

This use of the term “incorporation” to refer to this construction is debatable, since unlike prototypical incorporation, which originates from noun-verb coalescence (Mithun 1984), in the case of Japhug a two-step process has to be posited: (i) action nominal compounding followed by (ii) denominal derivation. However, this derivation process is not isolated cross-linguistically: similar constructions are found in Ancient Greek (Benveniste 1966a) and may be posited for proto-Algonquian (Garrett 2004; Jacques 2012d).

Not all incorporating verbs derive transparently from Noun+Verb compounds. In spite of the presence of a denominal prefix on the verb, the expected action nominal is not always attested. For instance, the intransitive verb *nujlɔŋlɔŋ* ‘herd hybrid yaks’ (from *jla* ‘male hybrid yak’ and *lɔŋ* ‘graze’) might have been derived from a noun such as *^julɔŋlɔŋ*, but no such noun exists anymore.

In some cases, denominal derivations are derived directly from a Noun+Verb collocation. Table 20.21 presents examples of denominal verbs in *nu-/-n*- and *s*-coming from lexicalized complex collocations. In these constructions, the base verb is intransitive, and the base noun its subject (§20.13.3.1). Some of the nouns and/or verbs are orphan lexemes (§22.4.3.1, §22.4.3.2), and are not attested as free elements.

Three types of denominal derivations are found in Table 20.21, all indepen-
dently attested with simple nouns. First, we find stative intransitive verbs in *nu*-
(§20.7.1), whose intransitive subject corresponds to the possessor of the base noun
as in the case of *nupsmkʰe* ‘be skinny’ (compare 89a and 89b).
<table><caption>Table 20.21: Incorporating verbs from noun-verb collocations</caption><thead><tr><th>Incorporating verb</th><th>base noun</th><th>Noun+verb collocation</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>nusymmkhe 'be skinny' (vi)</td><td>usym 'flesh'</td><td>usym + khe 'be skinny'</td></tr><tr><td>nusymmsu 'be plump' (vi)</td><td>usym 'flesh'</td><td>usym + su 'be plump'</td></tr><tr><td>syzilos 'be disgusting' (vi)</td><td>tsu-zi 'nausea'</td><td>tsu-zi + loz 'have nausea'</td></tr><tr><td>nyzilos 'have nausea' (vi)</td><td>tsu-zi 'nausea'</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>symbruŋgw 'be detestable' (vi)</td><td>tsy-mbru 'anger'</td><td>tsy-mbru + ngw 'be angry'</td></tr><tr><td>nyrzmym 'cherish' (vt)</td><td></td><td>usra + mym 'cherish'</td></tr><tr><td>sywombi 'be discouraging', 'be hopeless' (vi)</td><td></td><td>uswo + mbi 'be discouraged', §18.5.4</td></tr><tr><td>nywombi 'lose hope' (vt)</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>nusrowmbryt 'be in agony' (vi)</td><td>tsu-srow 'life'</td><td>mryt 'break', 'be cut' §18.5</td></tr></tbody></table>

(89) a. nus-tu-nu-ny-m-khe
SENS-2-DENOM-flesh-be.skinnny
‘You are skinny.’ (heard in context)

b. ny-nym nus-khe
2SG.POSS-flesh SENS-be.skinnny
‘You are skinny.’ (140517 mogui de jing zh) {0004022#S22}

Second, some verbs make use of the sy- proprietive denominal prefix (§20.3.1). The verb syzilos ‘be disgusting’ is paired with the ny- denominal nyzilos ‘have nausea’ (other verb pairs of the same type are found in Table 20.4), while sy- mbruŋgw ‘be detestable’ instead corresponds to the simple denominal symbru ‘get angry’ (§20.3.1).

Third, the transitive verbs nyrzmym ‘cherish’ and nywombi ‘lose hope’ have a tropative meaning (§20.7.2). Their transitive subjects corresponds to the possessor of the base noun, as shown by (90a) and (90b).

(90) a. atcu nus-ny-rcy-mjam-a
1SG.POSS-son SENS-DENOM-cherish(1)-cherish(2)-1SG
‘I cherish my son.’ (elicited)

b. atcu a-rcu mrym
1SG.POSS-son 1SG.POSS-cherish(1) cherish(2):FACT
‘I cherish my son.’ (elicited)
Other incorporating verbs probably originate from a Noun+Cerb collocation which does not exist anymore. From instance, *ampanxtshum* ‘be petty’ (91) derives from *tu-mpank* ‘eye’ and *xtshum* ‘be thin’ with the denominal prefix *a-*, but no collocation *tu-mpank + xts*<sup>h</sup>*um* exists, though the etymological relationship with the base noun and verb is still synchronically transparent.

(91) *pu-tu-y-mpank-ts*<sup>h</sup>*um*
SENS-2-DENOM-eye-be.thin
‘You are petty-minded.’ (elicited)

There are also a handful of incorporating verbs without a dedicated denominal prefix, as illustrated by Table 20.22.

<table><caption>Table 20.22: Incorporating verbs without dedicated denominal prefix</caption><thead><tr><th>Incorporating verb</th><th>base noun</th><th>base verb</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td><i>ampu</i> ‘have rickets’ (vi)</td><td><i>tu-mi</i> ‘foot, leg’</td><td><i>ajpu</i> ‘be bent’ (vi)</td></tr><tr><td><i>akuptso</i> ‘be pointy-headed’ (vi)</td><td><i>tu-ku</i> ‘head’</td><td><i>amtso</i> ‘be pointy’ (vi)</td></tr><tr><td><i>kutupa</i> ‘tell’ (vt)</td><td><i>kut</i> ‘the thing that is said’</td><td><i>pa</i> ‘do’ (vt)</td></tr></tbody></table>

In the case of *ampu* ‘have rickets’ and *akuptso* ‘be pointy-headed’, the nom-inal stems *mp-*, *kut-*, and *su-*, in bound state appear to be infixed within the stem of the base verbs *ajpu* ‘be bent’ and *amtso* ‘be pointy’. The stem *a<sub>m</sub><i>*u</i>*<sub>pu</sub><i>*u</i>* in addition lacks the *-j-*, preinitial found in *ajpu*.

Infixation is not the only possibility to account for these two verbs however, since the initial *a-* syllables themselves are probably frozen denominal prefixes (see also §19.7.7). An alternative hypothesis is that both the apparent base verbs and the incorporating verbs are derived. The intransitive verb *nuṣuṣṣ<i>e</i>* ‘transport wood’ provides a possible model. This compound verb, which comes from the compounding of *si* ‘wood’ (with vowel alternation *su-*, §5.4.1) and the root of *nuṣ<i>e</i>* ‘transport’, at first glance seems to be a case of noun infixation within the stem *nuṣ<i>e</i>*. However, the existence of the action nominal *suṣ<i>e</i>* ‘firewood transportation’ shows that *nuṣuṣ<i>e</i>* ‘transport wood’ is a trivial example of denominal incorporation like the verbs in Table 20.20 above. The anomaly here is the verb *nuṣ<i>e</i>* ‘transport’, whose *nu-* prefix must be secondary – a likely explanation for this prefix is that *nuṣ<i>e</i>* is a denominal derivation from a lost action nominal *tup-z<i>e</i>* ‘transportation’.
<figure><img src="image_28.png" /><figcaption>Figure 20.3: The derivational history of *nuswuzbe* ‘transport wood’</figcaption></figure>

Hence, as illustrated in Figure 20.3, *nuswuzbe* ‘transport wood’ is only indirectly related to *nuuzbe* ‘transport’, and the infixation hypothesis is certainly wrong in this case. A scenario in the same lines is possible for *amu* ‘have rickets’ and *akymtzo* ‘be pointy-headed’.

The only example of nominal incorporation without a denominal prefix is the defective verb *kutupa* ‘tell’ (its conjugation is presented in Table 14.15, §14.3.4), which comes from the compounding of the object participle *k-y-ti* ‘the thing that is said’ (§16.1.2) with *pa* ‘do’. Non-denominal incorporating verbs are much more common in Khroskyabs (Lai 2017: 388–411) than in core Gyalrong languages.

## 20.13.2 Incorporation and other derivations

Like other denominal verbs, incorporating verbs undergo productive voice derivations. In some cases, only the derived verb exists: for instance, the intransitive *anurgyuru* ‘look at each other’s face’ has the form of a reduplicated reciprocal (§18.4.1) from a transitive verb *nu-rg-y-ru* ‘look at X’s face’ (from *tu-rna* ‘face’ and *ru* ‘look at’, §20.13.3.3), but no such base verb exists at least in the Kamnyu dialect of Japhug (§18.4.1.3).

## 20.13.3 Syntactic function of the incorporated word

The incorporated nouns have four syntactic functions: intransitive subject, object/semi-object, goal/location adjunct and instrument. There are no examples of incorporated transitive subjects in Japhug.

### 20.13.3.1 Incorporation of intransitive subject

Intransitive subject incorporation is found in verbs deriving from noun+intransitive verb collocations such as those listed in Table 20.21 above such as *nusrokm-bryt* ‘be in agony’ from *tu-sro* ‘life’ and *mbryt* ‘break’, ‘be cut’. None of these
verbs has a dummy intransitive subject: the incorporated subject does not saturate the subject function. Rather, either the possessor of the base noun (see examples 89a and 89b above in §20.13.1) or an external referent is promoted to intransitive subject status (or to object status in the case of transitive verbs such as *nɛrɛrmiɛr* ‘cherish’).

There are no clear examples of subject incorporation among verbs deriving from noun+verb action nominals.

### 20.13.3.2 Incorporation of object

Object incorporation is found in some incorporating verbs that derive from noun+verb action nominal compounds such as those presented in Table 20.20 (§20.13.1) and others which probably originate from lost compounds. It is a saturating incorporation, which removes the object from the argument structure of the verb: incorporating verbs of this type are all intransitive, while their base verbs are all transitive. Typical examples include *yucʰi tsʰi* ‘drink alcohol’ (from *cʰa* ‘alcohol’ and *tsʰi* ‘drink’) or *nɛpʰu xtsu* ‘break clods of earth’ (from the stem of *tɛr-pʰu* ‘clod’ (of earth) with *xtsu* ‘pound’) (§20.13.4).

Some lexicalized noun+verb collocations have an incorporating form. For instance, the transitive verb *ru*, which only<fnref n="18" /> occurs with the noun *zruuy* ‘louse’ with the meaning ‘pick lice off’, can also incorporate the same noun to yield *nuzruuyru* ‘pick lice off’.

The semi-transitive verb *rga* ‘like’ (§14.2.3) can incorporate a semi-object, as in *nuçmurga* ‘be talkative’, ‘like to talk a lot’ (with the bound state *çmu-* of the inalienably possessed noun *tu-çmi* ‘word’) and *nuçʰrga* ‘like to drink alcohol’ (with *cʰ-* from *cʰa* ‘alcohol’).

### 20.13.3.3 Incorporation of goal/locational adjunct

Goals or locational adjuncts can also be incorporated. Unlike objects (§20.13.3.2), they do not saturate the object function of the verb and the incorporating verb has the same transitivity as that of the base verb. For instance, the verb *nɛrqʰrga* ‘put on’ (of clothes worn on the shoulders on the top of other clothes) is transitive as is the base verb *rga* ‘wear’ and selects as object the garment that is worn, typically a raincoat (see 187, §9.2.3). The incorporated noun *u-qʰu* ‘after, behind’

<footnote n="18">¹⁸This verb must (at least synchronically) be distinguished from two homophonous verbs: the intransitive *ru* ‘look at’ (§15.1.2.4) and the transitive *ru* ‘fetch, bring’ (which requires an associated motion prefix, §15.2.9).</footnote>
(in bound state $q^h$-) here indicates the location where the piece of garment is worn ('wear on the back').

However, goal argument saturation occurs when the base verb requires a goal argument. For instance, *ru* ‘look at’ selects a goal or dative arguments (§14.2.4), but the incorporated verb *nɛrqʰaru* ‘look back’, which contains the locational noun *u-qʰu* ‘after, behind’ (with the bound form $qʰa$- rather than $qʰɔ-$), is strictly intransitive.

The intransitive verb *nukʰɛrŋgw* ‘lie down to rest’ provides an example of locational adjunct incorporation. It derives from the noun $kʰa$ ‘house’ ($kʰɔ-$) and the intransitive verb *rŋgw* ‘lie down’, ‘sleep’. The original sense of this verb was probably ‘lie down (somewhere) in the house’ or perhaps even more specifically ‘lie down in the dining room’ (the term $kʰɛrjmu$ ‘dining room’ contains the bound state $kʰɔ-$ as first element), but it has now lexicalized further, meaning ‘lie down to rest in a casual way’ in a place unfit for this purpose and not necessarily within the house (as illustrated by 92).

(92) smɛt tɔmda rplu nɔra ɣu nɔ-sakaβ tɔu nɔtcu
pl.n pl.n king DEM:PL GEN 3PL.POSS-well path DEM:LOC
c-kɔ-rɣi pɔ-ru. lo-nɔ-kʰɔ-rŋgw ku-fse ndʒre
TRAL-AOR-stay SENS-be AOR-DENOM-house-lie.down SBJ:PCP-be like LNK
‘He went to the water well of the king of Smad, and stayed there. He lay down on the ground in a casual way.’ (2005-stod-kunbzang)

### 20.13.3.4 Incorporation of instrument

Instrument incorporation, like object incorporation (§20.13.3.2), is found in de-
nominal verbs deriving from action nominal compounds (Table 20.20). Like goal
and locational adjunct incorporation (§20.13.3.3), it does not saturate the object
function: the verb *nuzgručʰu* ‘give a nudge’ from *tu-zgru* ‘elbow’ and *tčʰu* ‘gore,
stab’ is transitive like its base verb, as shown by example (85) (§20.13.1 above).

Some instrument incorporating verbs are lexicalized, for instance *nu-rmbu-χtçi* from *tu-rmbi* ‘urine’ (regular bound state *rmbu-*) and *χtçi* ‘wash’ does not mean ‘wash with urine’; *χtçi* is to be understood here as ‘drench’ (as in ‘drenched in the rain’ in 13, §26.1.1.4), and although *nu-rmbu-χtçi* probably originally meant ‘piss on’, its present meaning is instead ‘spray a liquid on’, in particular of a species of ants (93).
(93) tce nwtcu tce qro nšu š-mpaš ṣ-ŋgw ra ku-ce,
LNK DEM:LOC LNK ant DEM 3SG.POSS-eye 3SG.POSS-in PL IPFV:EAST-go
š-mpaš nšu ku-mtswy ny tu-nšu-rmbw-χtci nura tce,
3SG.POSS-eye DEM IPFV-bite ADD IPFV-DENOM-urine-wash DEM:PL LNK
‘(When the bear comes to eat them), the ants go into its eyes, bite its eyes
and spray acid on them.’ (26-qro) {0003682#S45}

Instruments other than body parts can be incorporated, for instance *tš-jlšβ*
‘steam’ in the verb *nšjlšβsqa* ‘stew’ from *sqa* ‘cook’. However, this is also a lexi-
calized incorporating verb, which does not mean ‘cook with steam’ as could have
been expected, but rather ‘stew for a long time’.

Instrument incorporation is more common with transitive verbs, but examples
also exists with intransitive verbs, for instance *numbrumtsaš* ‘skip rope’ from
*tumbri* ‘rope’ (*mbru*-) and *mtsaš* ‘jump’.

20.13.4 Incorporation and other constructions

Incorporating verbs occur in the same contexts as the corresponding non-com-
pounded syntactic constructions when these exist, both in the case of incorpor-
ating verbs from noun+verb collocations such as *nupšmkʰe* ‘be skinny’ (94) (see
also 89a and 89b above) and of those from action nominal compounds such as
*npšpuxtsw* ‘break clods of earth’ (95).

(94) icqʰa qazo nšu-ḫŷm ku-su nura qʰe
the.aforementioned sheep 3PL.POSS-flesh SBJ:PCP-be.plump DEM:PL LNK
pu-nwýw-krýy, qazo ku-nšu-ḫŷm-kʰe nura [...]
SENS-FACIL-shear sheep SBJ:PCP-DENOM-flesh-be.skiny DEM:PL
múj-nwýw-krýy.
NEG:SENS-FACIL-shear
‘Sheep that are plump are easy to shear, but sheep that are skinny are
difficult to shear.’ (160712 smAG) {0006073#S27}

(95) maka lu-ku-nṣpʰuXTsw tce tce rcanu,
at.all IPFV-GENR:S/O-DENOM-clod-pound LNK LNK UNEXP:DEG
tṣ-pʰu lú-wy-xtsu tce,
INDEF.POSS-clod IPFV-INV-pound LNK
‘When people break clods of earths, ...’ (26-mYaRmtsaR) {0003674#S82}

Nevertheless, these constructions are not completely equivalent. The minimal
triplet in (96) can be used to illustrate some of the differences between them.
(96) (i) cw-pʰwut nʷ-βzu-t-a
stone-take.off AOR-do-PST:TR-1SG

(ii) nʷ-yu̯-cw-pʰu̯t-a
AOR-DENOM-stone-take.off-1SG

(iii) cw nʷ-pʰu̯t-t-a
stone AOR-take.out-PST:TR-1SG

‘I cleared the stones [from the field].’ (elicitation)

The non-compounded construction (iii) is the only one that can occur if the argument is referential or takes a determiner (unlike languages like Hopi which allow determiners to have scope over an incorporated noun, see Hill 2003; Haugen 2008). In the light verb construction with the action nominal compound *cupʰu̯t* ‘taking stones’ (out of the fields, before ploughing) (i) and the incorporating verb *yucupʰu̯t* ‘take out stones’ (ii), the bound nominal element *cw-* cannot be used to refer to specific stones that have been previously mentioned. A similar constraint is observed with other denominal verbs (§20.1.2). The light verb construction (i) is used to highlight that an action takes a long time or effort, or occurs many times in this particular example.

The usage differences between (i)–(iii) in (96) however are not generalizable to all incorporating verbs, in particular because the existence of an incorporating verb does not imply that the constructions in (i) and (iii) also exist, and because compounding is not always compositional. The triplet of constructions in (97) with *n* ‘look back’ (§20.13.3.3), the compound *qʰarupu* ‘look back’ (§20.13.1) and the non-compounded construction with *u̯-qʰu* ‘after, behind’ and *ru* ‘look at’, illustrate a different situation.

(97) (i) wzo nʷ, tatpa ta-ta ma qʰarupu mucin zo
3SG DEM faith AOR:3→3'-put LNK look.back at.all EMPH
nʷ-pa-lyt ny̯ ty̯-ari nʷ-ŋu̯.
NEG-AOR:3→3'-release ADD AOR:UP-go[II] SENS-be
‘He kept faith and did not look back at all and went up (did not fall down and reached the heavens).’ (2005 Norbzang)

(ii) tsʰoŋχpwn ny̯rwxβzaŋ wzo muma zo pw-nγ-qʰa-ru-nw
ANTHR ANTHR 3SG apart.from EMPH AOR-DENOM-BACK-look-PL
nʷ-ŋu, kw-kw-tu zo pw-atγr-nw nʷ-ŋu,
SENS-be TOTAL~SBJ:PCP-exist EMPH AOR-fall-PL SENS-be
‘Apart from Tshong dpon Norbzang, they looked back, and all of them fell down.’ (2005 Norbzang)
(iii.a) *w-ърw* *nw* *ki* *tu-fse* *qʰe w-qʰu*
3SG.POSS-horn DEM DEM.PROX IPFV-be like LNK 3SG.POSS-behind
*ri* *lu-ru*,
LOC IPFV:UPSTREAM-look
'It's horn is turned towards its back like that.' (20-RmbroN)
{0003560#S99}

(iii.b) *tcʰeme nw* *lo-ce* *tce si w-qʰu* *nwcçu*
girl DEM IFR:UPSTREAM-go LNK tree 3SG.POSS-behind DEM:LOC
*lo-ru* *ri*,
IFR:UPSTREAM-look LNK
(150901 changfamei-zh)
'The girl went there and looked behind the tree.'(150901
changfamei-zh) {0006352#S207}

(iii.c) *jo-cqʰlɣt-ndzi* *tce, ndzi-qʰu* *jo-ru ma nw*
IFR-disappear-du LNK 3DU.POSS-behind IFR-look LNK DEM
*ma w-kɣpa* *pjɣ-me.*
apart.from 3SG.POSS-manner IFR.IPFV-not exist
'The two them disappeared, and the only thing she could do was
looking at them from behind (at their back as they were going away).'
(140506 shizi he huichang de bailingniao-zh) {0003927#S208}

The examples above show that the collocation of *u-qʰu* ‘after, behind’ and *ru*
‘look at’ is semantically quite different from the compound *qʰaru* ‘look back’ and
its corresponding denominal incorporating verb: its range of meanings includes
‘be turned behind, towards the back’ (iii.a), ‘look behind *X*’ (iii.b) or ‘look at *X*
from behind’ (iii.c). The light verb construction (i) and the incorporating verb
(ii) by contrast can only be used in the sense of ‘look back’. Unlike in (96), the
light verb construction (i) is not used to express either protracted or repeated
action since *qʰaru* ‘look back’ is semelfactive, but rather occurs in (97) to put more
emphasis on the negation of the action (he did not look back in the slightest).

The contrast between the three constructions in (96) and (97) also has to do
with the relative frequency of the verbal forms in which they appear. In partic-
ular, an important proportion of incorporating verbs in the corpus are subject
participles (as in 94 above) or generic forms (as in 95).
# 21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

## 21.1 Introduction

All finite verb forms in Japhug have one primary TAME (tense, aspect, modality, evidentiality) category, encoded by orientation preverbs (§21.1.1), stem alternations (§21.1.2) and additional affixes in some cases (§21.1.3). Primary TAME categories can be combined with secondary aspectual and modal prefixes (§21.6, §21.7).

Table 21.1 summarizes the primary TAME categories in Japhug. Labels such as ‘Imperfective’ or ‘Egophoric Present’ are conventional names for Japhug-specific morphological verbal categories, and therefore capitalized in this chapter and in the whole grammar following the convention proposed by Haspelmath (2010: 674) and others. The use of these terms makes no implication that they have any crosslinguistic validity or that the Japhug categories are amenable to direct comparison with TAME categories in other languages.

Apart from the Factual Non-Past, all primary TAME categories take one orientation preverb. Some categories, such as the Sensory, are marked by the same preverb on all verbs. Other categories select a preverb belonging to one of the four series (A, B, C or D, see Table 21.2 below and Table 21.1.1, §15.1.1.1), whose orientation is lexically specified by the verb (§15.1.5).

Primary TAME categories in Japhug are divided into four groups: Non-Past (Factual, Egophoric Present, Sensory, §21.3), Imperfective (which is mainly used in subordinate clauses or in periphrastic constructions, §21.2), Past (Aorist, Inferential, §21.5) and Modal (Imperative, Irrealis, Dubitative, §21.4). This classification is based on both semantic and formal features, and is justified in each of the sections of this chapter.

In addition to the primary categories, periphrastic TAME categories are built by combining finite verbs with the copula *ηu* ‘be’. The main verb can be in the Imperfective (§21.2.2), §21.5.3.5), in the Factual Non-Past to express periphrastic Proximative (§21.6.2.1) or in the Inferential (§21.5.2). The use of the copula as
<table><caption>Table 21.1: Primary TAME categories</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th></th><th>Stem</th><th>Preverb</th><th>Reference</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td rowspan="3">Factual Non-Past</td><td>FACT</td><td>1 or 3</td><td>no preverb</td><td>§21.3.1</td></tr><tr><td>SENS</td><td>1 or 3</td><td><i>pu</i>-</td><td>§21.3.2</td></tr><tr><td>PRS</td><td>1 or 3</td><td><i>ku</i>-</td><td>§21.3.3</td></tr><tr><td>Imperfective</td><td>IPFV</td><td>1 or 3</td><td>B</td><td>§21.2</td></tr><tr><td rowspan="4">Aorist</td><td>AOR</td><td>2</td><td>A or C</td><td>§21.5.1</td></tr><tr><td>PST.IPFV</td><td>2</td><td><i>pu</i>-</td><td>§21.5.3</td></tr><tr><td>Inferential</td><td>IFR</td><td>1</td><td>D</td><td>§21.5.2</td></tr><tr><td>Inferential Imperfective</td><td>IFR.IPFV</td><td>1</td><td><i>py</i>-</td><td>§21.5.3</td></tr><tr><td rowspan="3">Irrealis</td><td>IRR</td><td>1 or 3</td><td><i>a</i>- + A</td><td>§21.4.1</td></tr><tr><td>IMP</td><td>1 or 3</td><td>A</td><td>§21.4.2, §21.4.3</td></tr><tr><td>DUB</td><td>1 or 3</td><td><i>ku</i>- + autive</td><td>§21.4.4</td></tr></tbody></table>

postverbal TAME auxiliary should not be confused with its focalizing function (§22.5.3.2).

## 21.1.1 Preverbs

Some of the Primary TAME categories require the same preverb with all verbs (Egophoric Present, Sensory, Dubitative). The other categories (Imperfective, Aorist, Inferential, Irrealis, Imperative) only specify preverb type (§21.1.1.1), while the orientation of the preverb is either lexically determined, or expresses spatial orientation (in the case of orientable verbs §15.1.2).

### 21.1.1.1 Morphology

Orientation preverbs in Kamnyu Japhug come in four series, which contribute (in combination with other formatives and morphological devices) to mark TAME, transitivity and person. Each series comprises seven orientations, divided into Upper orientations (up, upstream, eastwards), Lower orientation (down, downstream, westwards) and unspecified orientation (§15.1.1.1). Table 21.2 lists the rules of preverb formation. The C- is the initial consonant of the preverb, which encodes the orientation: t- UPWARDS, p- DOWNWARDS, l- UPSTREAM, tʰ-/cʰ- DOWNSTREAM, k- EASTWARDS, n-/ŋ- WESTWARDS and j- ‘unspecified’.
Upper vs. Lower orientation preverbs have a different vocalism (except for type C preverbs, whose vowel is neutralized to Ca-), and type B and D lower orientation preverb have a palatalized onset, realized as cʰ- for downstream preverbs (rather than ḫtʰi-j-.) and as n- for WESTWARDS preverbs. A complete list of all preverbs in presented in Table 15.1 (§15.1.1.1). Only types A and B are attested on non-finite forms (§16.1.1.2).

<table><caption>Table 21.2: Orientation preverbs and TAME categories</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>Upper</th><th>Lower</th><th>TAME categories</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>A</td><td>C<u>-</u></td><td>C<u>u-</u></td><td>AOR, PST.IPFV, IMP, IRR</td></tr><tr><td>B</td><td>C<u>-</u></td><td>C<u>ju-</u></td><td>IPFV, SENS, PRS, DUB</td></tr><tr><td>C</td><td>C<u>-</u></td><td>C<u>-</u></td><td>AOR (3→3')</td></tr><tr><td>D</td><td>C<u>-</u></td><td>C<u>j</u><u>r</u><u>-</u></td><td>IFR, IFR.IPFV</td></tr></tbody></table>

### 21.1.1.2 Ambiguity with type A preverbs

Type A preverbs occur with a wide range of TAME categories. In particular, Aorist and Imperative both select the type A preverb, without any additional prefix. A few ambiguous forms do exist in the case of intransitive verbs in particular: for instance, *k<u>r</u>-*r<u>z</u>*i with the type A EASTWARDS preverb *k<u>r</u>*- and the verb *r<u>z</u>*i ‘stay’ can either be analyzed as an 2SG imperative ‘stay!’ or as a 3SG Aorist ‘he stayed’. However, four additional morphological marks can help disambiguate between the two categories in some contexts.

First, Aorist selects stem II (§12.2.1), and Imperative stem III (§12.2.2, §21.1.2). Second, transitive verbs in Aorist take type C preverbs instead of type A. Third, the -t past tense suffix is found in the Aorist, but not in the Imperative (§21.1.3). Fourth, the rules of vowel contraction (§12.3) are different across TAME categories: the contracting vowel of the stem merges with the preverb as Ca- in the Aorist and Past Imperfective, and as C<u>r</u>- in the Imperative and the Irrealis. For instance, a contrast can be observed between the 3SG Aorist /kamdz<u>w</u> / (*k<u>r</u>*-amdzu<u>w</u>, AOR-sit) ‘s/he sat down’ and the 2SG Imperative /k<u>r</u>mdz<u>w</u> / (*k<u>r</u>*-umdzu<u>w</u>, IMP-sit) ‘sit!’.

Syncretism occurs in the cases of verbs whose lexical orientation is WESTWARDS and EASTWARDS, the Imperfective of such verbs is identical to the Ego-phoric Present or Dubitative on the one hand, and the Sensory on the other hand (except in specific contexts, see §13.1.1, §22.5.1.2). For instance, the form
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

ku-omdzu-a of the verb amdzu 'sit', which takes the EASTWARDS preverbs, can either be analyzed as Imperfective (IPFV-sit-1SG) or Egophoric Present (PRS-sit-1SG) depending on the context.

Likewise, verbs selecting the DOWNWARDS orientation have Aorist and Inferential forms that are identical to their Past Imperfective and Inferential Imperfective forms, respectively. Given the constraints on the occurrence of the non-periphrastic Past Imperfective (§21.5.3), however, such cases are much rarer.

21.1.1.3 Orientation preverbs and aspect

The Past Imperfective and Inferential Imperfective preverbs *pu-* and *pjy-* correspond to the *DOWNWARDS* preverbs of series A and D, respectively. The grammaticalization process from ‘downward’ orientation to imperfective has occurred (probably independently) in all core Gyalrong languages, and is discussed in detail in Lin (2011).

There are two additional less grammaticalized cases of orientations used with a specific aspectual meaning, and overriding the intrinsic orientation of the verb.

First, the *DOWNSTREAM* orientation occurs with stative verb to express progressive change of state occurring naturally, in particular to describe the growth of plants and animals (§15.1.5.5). This usage is common with the adverb *zuruwzri* ‘progressively’, and is observed across various TAME categories, including for instance the Inferential (1), the Imperfective (2, 3) and the Aorist (3). The verbs *mtsʰyšt* ‘be full’, and *wxti* ‘be big’ normally select the *UPWARDS* orientation (see example 118, §15.1.5.5), and *yurni* ‘be red’ the *WESTWARDS* orientation.

(1) *nw-muj* *nura zuruwzri* cʰy-mtsʰyt
3PL.POSS-feather DEM:PL progressively IFR:DOWNSTREAM-be.full
‘Progressively, the [little birds] became full of feathers.’ (bailingniao he
xiaoniao-zh)

(2) *qandże* *nw xtei* *qʰe kur-xtew-xtei* ma
earthworm DEM be.small:FACT LNK SBJ:PCP-EMPH~be.small apart.from
*maŋe, taqaβ jamar ma* *maŋe tce zuruwzri*
notuez:SENS needle about apart.from not.exist:SENS LNK progressively
*cʰu-wxti* *pu-cti.*
IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-be.big SENS-be.AFF
‘The earthworm is small, only about as small as a needle, and then it
grows progressively.’ (25-akWzgumba) {0003632#S110}
(3) *zurwazri* tce cʰu-yuwrni tce
progressively LNK IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-be.red LNK

tʰu-yuwrni tce tce cʰu-tuut ŋu tce,
AOR:DOWNSTREAM-be.red LNK LNK IPFV-be.ripe be:FACT LNK

'It progressively becomes red, and after it has become red it ripens.'

(16-RlWmsWsi) {0003520#S17}

Second, the UPWARDS orientation in the Aorist overrides the lexical orientation of stative verbs to indicate a point of temporal reference in temporal clauses. For instance, the negative existential verb me 'not exist' (§15.1.5.7), whose intrinsic orientation is WESTWARDS, occurs with the UPWARDS orientation as in (4) in the meaning 'when there is no...' without inchoative aspect 'when ... disappears' as is usually found in the Aorist (see also §21.5.1.4, Jacques 2014a: 283, fn 10).

(4) *nuw ma* ty-me tce *pu-pʰuut-nuw*
DEM apart.from AOR:UP-not.exist LNK IPFV-take.out-PL

'When there is nothing other than this, people cut it.' (140427
qamtsWrmdzu) {0003854#S12}

21.1.1.4 Orientation preverbs and evidentiality

The Sensory *pu-* and Egophoric Present *ku-* markers correspond to the WEST-
WARDS and EASTWARDS preverbs of series B, respectively. It is unlikely that a
pair of preverbs encoding the solar dimension (§15.1.3.3) was directly grammatic-
alized to express an evidential contrast.

However, an extended function of the EASTWARDS/WESTWARDS contrast is the expression of centripetal vs. centrifugal orientation (§15.1.4.3). The centripetal meaning of the EASTWARDS orientation goes back at least to proto-Gyalrong, since it is attested in Situ, and the metaphorical use of centripetal/cislocative marker to express speaker affectedness could have been further grammaticalized as an egophoric marker.

21.1.2 Stem alternation

Stem alternation (§12.2) has a lower functional load than preverbs to encode TAME, since stem II is only attested on a handful of irregular verbs (§12.2.1) and stem III, although found on an important number of transitive verbs (§12.2.2.1), is restricted to only a small subset of the paradigms, as it marks both TAME and person/number (§12.2.2.2).
## 21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

Three cases of systematic redundancy between stem alternation and orientation preverbs are observed. First, stem III alternation is redundant as a TAME marker (but not as a transitivity marker, §14.3.1) with B type preverbs in the Imperfective, the Sensory and the Egophoric. Second, in 3→3' configurations, stem II and C type preverbs redundantly mark Aorist (§12.2.1). Third, stem III is redundant with the contrast between A and C type preverbs to distinguish between Imperfective and Aorist forms in the case of transitive verbs; taking *ndza* 'eat' as an example of an alternating transitive verb, its 2SG→3 Imperative *tx-ndze* 'eat it!' (stem III, A preverb) differs from its 3SG→3' Aorist *ta-ndza* 's/he ate it' (base stem, C preverb) by both the preverbs and the stems.

Since intransitive verbs lack the contrast between A and C type preverbs (and also stem III), stem II is the only clue to disambiguate between the third person Aorist and Imperative, which are both marked by A type preverbs: for instance, while non-alternating verbs such as *rxzi* 'stay' have ambiguity between these two forms (§21.1.1.2), irregular alternating verbs such as *e̯e* 'go' make a clear distinction between Aorist 3SG (*jx-ari* AOR-go[II] 's/he went') and Imperative 2SG (*jx-ɛe* IMP-go 'go!') and the corresponding dual and plural forms. It is the only case when stem alternation is critical for distinguishing between two TAME categories.

### 21.1.3 Other affixes

Aside from preverbs and stem alternation, there are a few formatives used to mark primary TAME categories.

The negative prefixes (slot -5, §11.2.1) have different forms depending on TAME categories, and one of them, the Sensory Negative *múj-* (§13.1.1) is a portmanteau encoding both polarity and TAME.

The Past Transitive -t (slot +1, -z in some dialects of Japhug, §11.3) is a secondary exponent of some TAME categories, only found in the 1/2sg→3 person configurations (§14.3.2.1) of Aorist, Perfective and Imperfective Inferential, Past Imperfective (§21.5) and Apprehensive (§21.7.1.1), unless the Progressive *asw-* is also present (§21.6.1.1).

The prefix *a-* in slot -6 (§11.2.1) is the main marker of the Irrealis (§21.4.1.1), together with type A preverbs and (when applicable) stem III.

Secondary TAME categories (§21.6, §21.7) are encoded by several prefixes in slots -6 and one in -1 (the Progressive §21.6.1).
21.1.4 Evidentiality and person

As in many languages with evidential systems (Sun 2018), person and evidential-
ity present some degree of interaction in Japhug.

The Sensory (§21.3.2) and Inferential (§21.5.2) have restrictions on the use of
first person in declarative clauses. First person subjects are not impossible, but
have very specific meanings (see §21.3.2.6 and §21.5.2.3).

The Egophoric Present, on the other hand, is not compatible with second per-
son in declarative clauses, and with first person in interrogative ones.

Like most languages of the Tibetosphere, interrogative sentences generally adopt the perspective of the addressee rather than that of the speaker, causing a phenomenon referred to as ‘anticipation rule’ (Tournadre & LaPolla 2014: 244) or ‘flipping’ (San Roque et al. 2017): the speaker anticipates the answer of the addressee and uses the form that he expect the addressee will choose to respond to the question. For instance, in example (5), the speaker uses the Factual because she expects and answer with the Factual such as *swuz-a* (know:FACT-1SG) ‘I know’.

(5) *nyj w-túw-swuz?*

2SG QU-2-know:FACT

‘Do you know it?’ (19 GzW) {0003536#S8}

As a result of this change of perspective, compatibilities between evidential
markers and first vs. second person are always reversed between declarative and
interrogative sentences (§21.3.3.2).

The addressee perspective however is not a syntactic rule. The addressee is free
to adopt the evidential form suggested by the speaker who asked the question, or
to choose another form if he sees fit: see Garrett & Bateman (2007) for an account
of this phenomenon in Tibetan. It is also possible to have in the same question
two verbs referring to the addressee with the Egophoric Present in one case and
the Sensory in the other, as in (6).

(6) *wo, w-kú-tw-pe,*

w-púw-tw-cʰa?

INTERJ QU-EGOPH-2-be.good QU-SENS-2-be.fine

‘Are you feeling well, are you fine?’ (140425 shizi huli he lu-zh)

21.2 Imperfective

The Imperfective is one of the most common finite verb forms in Japhug, but
rarely appears on its own without an auxiliary verb. It mainly occurs in pe-
riphrastic TAME constructions (§21.2.2) and subordinate clauses (§21.2.3, §21.2.4).
## 21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

A specific hortative function (§21.2.5) has developed from its use in complement clauses with a modal auxiliary. In addition, verbs of perceptions are used in the Imperfective in specific contexts (§21.2.7).

### 21.2.1 Morphology

The Imperfective selects type B preverbs (§21.1.1.1, §15.1.1.1), and stem III (§12.2.2.1, §21.1.2) when appropriate. The preverb orientation is not neutralized. Table 21.3 shows the Imperfective 3SG→3' and 3PL→3' forms of some transitive verbs, illustrating all six orientation preverbs and alternation between stem III (in 3SG→3') and stem I (in 3PL→3').

<table><caption>Table 21.3: Examples of Imperfective verb forms (3→3' transitive configurations)</caption><thead><tr><th>Verb</th><th>Orientation</th><th>Imperfective</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>ndza 'eat'</td><td>UPWARDS</td><td>tu-ndze, tu-ndza-nu</td></tr><tr><td>ko 'prevail over'</td><td>DOWNWARDS</td><td>pju-kym, pju-ko-nu</td></tr><tr><td>lya 'dig'</td><td>UPSTREAM</td><td>lu-lye, lu-lya-nu</td></tr><tr><td>ßlu 'burn'</td><td>DOWNSTREAM</td><td>c<sup>h</sup>u-ßli, c<sup>h</sup>u-ßlu-nu</td></tr><tr><td>ndo 'take'</td><td>EASTWARDS</td><td>ku-ndym, ku-ndo-nu</td></tr><tr><td>suso 'think'</td><td>WESTWARDS</td><td>nuu-susym, nuu-suso-nu</td></tr></tbody></table>

Table 21.4 presents the Imperfective paradigms of the transitive verb ndza 'eat' (UPWARDS) and of the intransitive contracting verb amdzu 'sit' (EASTWARDS), with vowel contracting of the preverb and the vowel of the stem in the first and third person subject forms.

Verbs selecting the EASTWARDS or WESTWARDS orientation (§15.1.3.3, §15.1.4.3, §15.1.5) present syncretism between Imperfective on the one hand, and Egophoric Present or Sensory on the other hand. For instance, the 3SG→3' form juu-susym of the verb suso 'think' (which requires the WESTWARDS preverbs), can either be Imperfective or Sensory (§21.3.2.1, §21.2.6). Similarly, the 1SG forms ku-rzyi-a and ku-omdzu-a of the verbs rzyi 'stay' and amdzu 'sit' (whose lexical orientation is EASTWARDS, see Table 21.4), can be Imperfective or Egophoric Present (§21.3.3.1).

Verbs selecting other orientations do not have such ambiguity; for instance, the verb ryma 'work' (selecting UPWARDS orientation) has different Imperfective, Egophoric Present and Sensory forms: tu-ryma, ku-ryma and juu-ryma, respectively.
<table><caption>Table 21.4: Examples of Imperfective paradigms</caption><tr><td>1SG(→3')</td><td><strong>tu-ndze-a</strong></td><td>ku-omdzu-a</td></tr><tr><td>1DU(→3')</td><td><strong>tu-ndza-tçi</strong></td><td>ku-omdzu-tçi</td></tr><tr><td>1PL(→3')</td><td><strong>tu-ndza-j</strong></td><td>ku-omdzu-j</td></tr><tr><td>2SG(→3')</td><td><strong>tu-tu-ndze</strong></td><td>ku-tu-ymdzu</td></tr><tr><td>2DU(→3')</td><td><strong>tu-tu-ndza-ndzi</strong></td><td>ku-tu-ymdzu-ndzi</td></tr><tr><td>2PL(→3')</td><td><strong>tu-tu-ndza-nu</strong></td><td>ku-tu-ymdzu-nu</td></tr><tr><td>3SG(→3')</td><td><strong>tu-ndze</strong></td><td>ku-omdzu</td></tr><tr><td>3DU(→3')</td><td><strong>tu-ndza-ndzi</strong></td><td>ku-omdzu-ndzi</td></tr><tr><td>3PL(→3')</td><td><strong>tu-ndza-nu</strong></td><td>ku-omdzu-nu</td></tr><tr><td>1→2SG</td><td><strong>tu-ta-ndza</strong></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>2SG→1SG</td><td><strong>tu-ku-ndza-a</strong></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>3'→3SG</td><td><strong>tú-wy-ndza</strong></td><td></td></tr></table>

## 21.2.2 Use in periphrastic TAME categories

Periphrastic TAME categories with a main verb in the Imperfective are used to express habitual or ongoing actions. In these constructions, the main verb expresses person/number and aspect, while the copula encodes tense, modality and evidentiality.

The examples in (7) (with the verb *ndza* ‘eat’ in the 3SG→3’ configuration) illustrate attested possibilities. With a copula in the Factual Non-Past *ŋu* (7a) or in the Sensory *pu-ŋu* (7b), the periphrastic construction has a non-past meaning with an evidential contrast between non-Sensory and Sensory (there is no Periphrastic Egophoric). When the copula is in the Past Imperfective *pu-ŋu* or in the Inferential Imperfective *pju-ŋu*, the interpretation is that of a past habitual ‘used to X’ or a Past progressive (§21.5.3.5). Additional periphrastic constructions are also attested with Secondary Modal prefixes on the copula (§21.7).

(7) a. *tu-ndze* *ŋu*
IPFV-eat[III] be:FACT
‘S/he/it eats/is eating it.’ (Periphrastic Imperfective)

b. *tu-ndze* *pu-ŋu*
IPFV-eat[III] SENS-be
‘S/he/it eats/is eating it.’ (Periphrastic Sensory)
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

c. *tu-ndze* pwn-yu
IPFV-eat[III] PST.IPFV-be
‘S/he/it used to eat/was eating it.’ (Periphrastic Past Imperfective)

d. *tu-ndze* pjy-yu
IPFV-eat[III] IFR.IPFV-be
‘S/he/it used to eat/was eating it.’ (Periphrastic Inferential Imperfective)

e. *tu-ndze* a-pwn-yu
IPFV-eat[III] IRR-IPFV-be
‘If s/he eats it…’ (Periphrastic Irrealis)

In these constructions, the copula never takes any person/number indexation markers or associated motion, which can only be found on the main verb. For instance, in (8), the 1SG indexation suffix -a can only occur on *tu-ndze-a*, and putting it on the copula *nyu* here is categorically rejected (although the copula *nyu* ‘be’ is compatible with indexation affixes, §14.2.3)

(8) *ty-mtʰuŋ* tu-ndze-a pwn-yu ri,
INDEF.Poss-meat IPFV-eat[III]-1SG PST.IPFV-be LNK
‘I was eating the meat.’ (150909 qandZGi) {0006358#S3}

Negation can be expressed in these constructions by using the suppletive negative copula maq ‘not be’ (§13.1.2, §13.2, §22.5.3.1), as in (9).

(9) *ma lonba tutuŋca tu-mŋyam pwn-maŋ.*
LNK all together IPFV-hurt PST.IPFV-not.be
‘[My whole head] was not hurting all at the same time.’ (24-pGArtsAG)
{0003624#S74}

Chains of verbs in the Imperfective can share the same copula, which appears at the end, following the last verb. In (10), the Inferential Imperfective copula *pjy-nyu* has scope over no less than ten verbs in the Imperfective (marked in red), sharing the same subjects and expressing a list of actions repeatedly occurring in a particular order every day (the first verb *ku-rtoŋ* ‘he saw that.’ does not belong to this chain, see §21.2.7). One verb in the Aorist (marked in blue) appears in the middle of the Imperfective chain to set a point of temporal reference ‘when they reach (the ground)’.
<table>
  <tr>
    <td>(10)</td>
    <td>ku-rtoɔ kendsre spikuku zo qro xswm pjw-yi-nw</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>IPFV-look LNK everyday EMPH pigeon three IPFV:DOWN-come-PL</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>tce twmwnymkʰa zw pjw-nw-lov-nw tce tce</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>LNK heaven LOC IPFV:DOWN-AUTO-come.out-PL LNK LNK</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>u-tʰov pw-azyut-nw tce, ci pw-zyv-sypʰyr-nw</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>3SG.POSS-ground AOR:DOWN-reach-PL LNK a.little IPFV-REFL-shake-PL</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>tce, tce qro u-ndzi nw pjw-qaw-nw tce, uwoz</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>LNK LNK pigeon 3SG.POSS-skin DEM IPFV-peel-PL LNK apart</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>pw-ta-nw tce, uŋgw tcʰeme kw-mpcw~mpcrr</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>IPFV:WEST-put LNK 3SG.POSS-inside girl SBJ:PCP-EMPH~be.beautiful</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>zo xswm ntsw pw-nw-lov tce</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>EMPH three always IPFV:WEST-AUTO-come.out LNK</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>lu-nvtsov-nw tce, tce twrmukʰa tce li nykinw</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>IPFV-collect.Potentilla.anserina LNK LNK evening LOC again FILLER</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>tvtsov nw tu-nw-ndo-nw zara qro u-ndzi</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>Potentilla.anserina DEM IPFV:UP-AUTO-take-PL 3PL pigeon 3SG.POSS-skin</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>uŋgw nw tu-nw-ŋga-nw tce tce pw-zyv-sypʰyr-nw qʰe</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>3SG.POSS-in DEM IPFV-AUTO-wear-PL LNK LNK IPFV-REFL-shake-PL LNK</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>tce ci u-qʰu ci zo twmwnymkʰa nwtcu</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>LNK one 3SG.POSS-after one EMPH heaven DEM:LOC</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>tu-cqʰlyt-nw ntsw pjy-ŋu.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td>IPFV:UP-disappear-PL always IFR.IPFV-be</td>
  </tr>
</table>

Aside from the habitual and progressive meaning in (7a), the combination of a main verb in Imperfective with a copula in the Factual Non-Past can also express imminent future, as in (11) and (12). In (11), it also appears in the apodosis of a conditional construction to express the result if the condition in the protasis is verified.
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

(11) c-tu-ru-a ņu tce, twrme p̥w~p̥w-ńu n,
TRAL-IPFV:UP-look-1SG be:FACT LNK human COND~SENS-be ADD
a-ku, nųki, tu-svŋovŋov-a ņu tce ty-yi,
1SG.POSS-head FILLER IPFV-nod-1SG be:FACT LNK IMP:UP-come
'I am going to have a look, and if it is a human, I will nod and you can
come (and eat him).' (2012 khu) {0004085#S47}

(12) wo a-mu ma-pw-tu-zγy-sat tce azo
INTERJ 1SG.POSS-mother NEG-IMP-2-REFL-kill LNK 1SG
pjw-nu-yi-a ņu
IPFV:DOWN-VERT-come-1SG be:FACT
'Mother, don't commit suicide, I am coming back.' (2003 kAndzwsqhaj2)

In (13), the Imperfective verb yu-ju-re-a refers to an event expected to occur
several years in the future. However, this is still analyzable as an imminent future,
as this action is to take place immediately after the point of future temporal
reference expressed by the verb jy-nuγe-a in the Aorist (§21.5.1.4).

(13) kuki tw-tchʰyγdwn ki nzyo u-pw tx-pe
DEM.PROX one-jar DEM.PROX 2SG 3SG.POSS-safekeeping IMP-do[II]
tce, azo jy-nu-ye-a tce tce yu-ju-re-a ņu
LNK 1SG AOR-VERT-come[II]-1SG LNK LNK CISL-IPFV-fetch[III]-1SG be:FACT
'Keep this jar (of olives for me while I am gone), when I come back I will
come and take it back.' (140516 yiguan ganlan-zh) {0004014#S23}

The existence of Periphrastic TAME categories, in addition to the primary and
secondary categories, makes the Japhug TAME system extremely complex. At
the present stage of my knowledge of the language, the semantic differences
between some categories still eludes me.

For instance, the (Primary) Sensory and the Periphrastic Sensory can both ex-
press habitual or generic actions, as in (14) where both forms appear redundantly
(with tail-head linkage, §25.1.7).

(14) tce ma nwnw dudut n̥u kw tcyom kwny p̥w-ndze.
LNK LNK DEM dove DEM ERG xanthoxylum also SENS-eat[III]
tcyom kwny p̥w-ndze tce tu-ndze p̥w-ńu,
xanthoxylum also SENS-eat[III] LNK IPFV-eat SENS-be
p̥ju-kre p̥w-ńu.
IPFV-cause.to.fall[III] SENS-be
'The dove also eats xanthoxylum. It also eats xanthoxylum, and makes it
fall (from the tree).' (22-CAGpGa) {0003586#S31}
There is overlap between the use of postverbal copulas in the periphrastic TAME constructions and their function as focus marker (§13.2, §22.5.3.2). In (15), the negative copula *ma* and the emphatic affirmative *cti* are used both to build the Periphrastic Imperfective, and to express contrastive focus on the dative recipient.

(15) *nyzo ny-pʰe*   *tu-ti-a maq*,   *pynmawombyr u-pʰe*
2SG 2SG.POSS-DAT IPFV-say-1SG not.be:FACT ANTHR 3SG.POSS-DAT
*tu-ti-a cti*
IPFV-say-1SG be.AFF:FACT

‘I am not saying it to you, I am saying it to Padma ’Od’bar.’ (2005
Norbzang)

21.2.3 Use in temporal clauses

Chains of verbs in the Imperfective without subordinating relation, but possibly
sharing a tense-marking copula, can indicate a succession of events, as in (10)
above. The Imperfective also occurs in subordinate temporal clauses expressing
precedence or simultaneous action.

Temporal clauses of temporal precedence headed by the postposition *cungwu*
'before' (§8.2.11, §25.3.2.1, Jacques 2014a: 286–287) require the Imperfective, to the
exclusion of all other finite and non-finite verb forms. In (16) and (17) for instance,
only *lu-fsoq* and *ku-lyt* can occur with *cungwu*, and neither infinitive (§16.2) or
Aorist forms (§21.5.1) are possible, regardless of the TAME form of the verb of
the main clause (Inferential in 16, Past Imperfective in 17).

(16) tce nw u-fso lu-fsoq cungw qʰe li nura
LNK DEM 3SG.POSS-tomorrow IPFV-be.bright before LNK again DEM:PL
c-to-stu.
TRAL-IFR-do like

‘The next day, before the day broke, he went (there) and did like [she had
said].’ (28-smAnmi) {0004063#S336}

(17) tu-mu ku-lyt cungw nw u-tu-sy-cke
INDEF.POSS-sky IPFV-release before DEM 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-PROP-burn
pu-saχaɣ zo
PST.IPFV-be.extrremely EMPH
‘Before it rained, it was very hot.’ (conversation, 17-09-2018)
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

In temporal clauses with *u-kʰukʰa* ‘while’, Imperfective express an action occurring simultaneously with that of the main clause, as in (18) and (19). However, unlike *c<u>uŋ<u>g<u>a*, u-kʰukʰa* does not select the Imperfective and other finite TAME forms are possible (§25.3.4.2).

(18) az̥o pj<u>-ta-s<u>u>x<u>c<u>t u-kʰ<u>w<u>kʰ<u>a
1SG IPFV-1→-teach 3SG.POSS-while IPFV-weave be:FACT
'I will teach you (how to weave) and weave at the same time.' (elicited)

(19) qʰe u-p<u> tu-n<u> p<u>u-jtsʰi u-kʰ<u>w<u>kʰ<u>a,
LNK 3SG.POSS-young INDEF.POSS-breast IPFV-give.to.drink 3SG.POSS-while
<u>u-ku k<u>ura tu-ste tce z<u>r<u>u<u>y ra
3SG.POSS-head DEM.PROX:PL IPFV-do lik[e[III] LNK louse PL
p<u>u-re p<u>u-ŋ<u>. tce z<u>r<u>u<u>ny <u>n<u>ra tu-ndze p<u>u-ŋ<u>.
IPFV-pick.off[III] SENS-be LNK louse DEM:PL IPFV-eat[III] SENS-be
'While [the monkey mother] nurses her baby, she does this to its head at
the same time and picks lice off. Then she eats the lice.' (19-GzW)
{0003536#S36}

21.2.4 Use in complement clauses

The Imperfective is common in complement clauses, in particular with modal verbs. In such clauses, no auxiliary copula is required.

Imperfective occurs in S-complement clauses with modal verbs such as *ra* ‘be needed’, ‘be necessary’ (20, 21), *j<u>y<u>* ‘be allowed’ (22), *nt<u>sʰi* ‘have better’ and *kʰ<u>u* ‘be possible’.

(20) atu py<u>tc<u>u n<u>u pj<u>u-w<u>y<u>-sat p<u>u-ra
up.there bird DEM IPFV-INV-kill SENS-be.needed
‘We have to kill the bird upstairs.’ (2003 Kunbzang)

(21) pj<u>-tu<u>-y<u>i m<u>y<u>-ra
IPFV:DOWN-2-come NEG-be.needed:FACT
‘You don’t have to come down (with us).’ (heard in context)

(22) tu-k<u>u-q<u>ur-a ú<u>-j<u>y<u>
IPFV-2→1-help-1SG QU-be.possible:FACT
‘Could you help me?’ (150901 dongguo xiansheng he lang-zh)
{0006336#S32}
The aspectual auxiliary *ŋgrɛ́l* ‘be usually the case’ (§24.5.6.4) most often selects a complement in the Imperfective, expressing recurring actions or situations, as in (23).

(23) *qala kw nwa kw-fse βlaβlu tu-βze*
hare ERG DEM:PL SBJ:PCP-be like trick IPFV-do[ILI]
*pjɛ-ŋgrɛ́l.*
IFR.IPFV-be usually.the.case
‘The hare used to do tricks like that.’ (31-qala) {0004081#S78}

The Imperfective is also found in object or semi-object complement clauses with modal verbs such as *spa* ‘be able’ (24) or *cʰa* ‘can’ (example 213, §21.5.2.4).

(24) *pwo-krym múj-spe qhe, tcendre nwnw w-pw*
IPFV-share[III] NEG:SENS-be able[III] LNK LNK DEM 3SG.POSS-young
*tw-rdoɔ kw kw [...] tu-nw-ndɔm qʰe, wzo stwsti zo*
one-piece DEM ERG IPFV-AUTO-take[III] LNK 3SG alone EMPH
*tu-nw-ndze pwo-ŋu*
IPFV-AUTO-eat[III] SENS-be
‘[The mother cat] does not know how to share (the food she has brought for her kitten equally), one of the kitten takes [it all] and eats it alone (without giving anything to its mother or the other kittens).’ (21-IWLU)
{0003576#S76}

Imperfective complement clauses are found with main verbs in all primary TAME categories, including perfective ones like the Inferential (213, §21.5.2.4) or the Aorist.

### 21.2.5 Hortative

The Imperfective used without any copula or auxiliary can have a hortative meaning similar to the one it has when combined with a modal auxiliary such as *ra* ‘be needed’ or *ntsʰi* ‘have better’ (§21.2.4).

The hortative function occurs in first person subject forms, with either transitive or intransitive verbs (25).

(25) *ku-zyctʰwz-a ma zdwxpa*
IPFV-reveal.one’s.true.nature-1SG LNK poor
‘Let me show him who I am, poor him.’ (2003kandzwsqhaj)
## 21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

It is also found instead of the Imperative in the 2→1 configurations (26, 27, 28, 29), since the Imperative only allows 2→3 forms (§21.4.2.1).

(26) ku-ku-nъjo-a je
IPFV-2→1-wait-1SG SFP
'Wait for me!' (heard in context)

(27) ju-ku-tswm-a wo, a-wi
IPFV-2→1-take-away-1SG SFP 1SG.POSS-grandmother
'Take me away with you, grandmother!' (140519 mai huochai de xiao
nvhai-zh) {0004036#S151}

(28) nu-me p<u>u</u>-ku-mbi-a-n<u>u</u> ma azo-sti k<u>y</u>-nu-ce
3PL.POSS-daughter IPFV-2→1-give-1SG-PL LNK 1SG-alone INF-VERT-go
m<u>y</u>-c<sup>h</sup>a-a
NEG-can:FACT-1SG
'Give me your daughter, I cannot go back there alone.' (02-deluge2012)
{0003376#S101}

(29) u-p<u>u</u>-n<u>u</u>kumak-a ny p<u>u</u>-ku-s<u>u</u>-b<u>z</u>ju<u>r</u>-a
QU-IPFV-make.a.mistake-1SG ADD IPFV-2→1-CAUS-correct-1SG
'If I make a mistake (when speaking), correct me.' (elicited)

The hortative meaning of the Imperfective occurs in three main contexts: (i) when the clause containing the verb in the Imperfective followed by a causal clause, with the linker *ma* in between, as in (25) and (28); (ii) when the verb is followed by the sentence final particle *wo* (§10.4.1), as in (27); (iii) in the apodosis of conditional constructions (29).

### 21.2.6 Inchoative

With stative verbs, like the Aorist (§21.5.1) and the Inferential (§21.5.2) the Imperfective always expresses ongoing change, whether it appears in main clauses in a Periphrastic tense (30), or in a complement clause (31).

(30) tʰ<u>u</u>r-t<u>u</u>t ri tce cʰ<u>u</u>-w<u>y</u>rum p<u>u</u>r-ŋu.
AOR-be.ripe LNK LNK IPFV-be.white SENS-be
'When it ripens, it becomes white.' (16-CWrNgo) {0003518#S156}
(31) *nú kúny cʰú-myci-ndʒi mú-pjny-cʰa-ndʒi*
DEM also IPFV-be.rich-DU NEG-IFR.IPFV-can-DU
‘Despite [their hard work], they could not become rich. (divination 2003)

This inchoative meaning often appears with initial reduplication of gradual increase (§12.4.1.4), as in (32).

(32) *zúrwzyri tce tcendre w-skɔt *nú tw-tu-mpcɛr*
progressively LNK LNK 3SG.POSS-VOICE DEM INCR~IPFV-be.beautiful
zo ņu
EMPH be:FACT
‘(As the rooster grows bigger), its voice progressively becomes more and more beautiful.’ (22-kumpGa) {0003588#S69}

Verbs selecting the WESTWARDS or EASTWARDS preverbs as intrinsic orientations have syncretism between Imperfective on the one hand, and Sensory or Egophoric Present on the other hand (§21.2.1). For instance, the form *pš-paš* is (inchoative) Imperfective in (33), and (stative) Sensory in (34) (illustrating the comparative use of the Sensory, §21.3.2.5). The only formal difference between them is the presence of the auxiliary *uš* in (33).

(33) *pš-rom tce tce pš-paš zo uš*
AOR-be.dry LNK LNK IPFV-be.black EMPH be:FACT
‘When [the puffball mushroom] dries, it becomes black.’ (22-BlamajmAG)
{0003584#S71}

(34) *tce w-jme núnw ku pš-paš*
LNK 3SG.POSS-tail DEM ERG SENS-be.black
‘It tail is blacker.’ (23-qapGAmtWmtW) {0003608#S58}

### 21.2.7 Perception verbs

The verbs *rtoš* ‘look’ and *tyŋo* ‘listen’, which normally express volitional perception, occur in the Imperfective in an unusual construction which has three main characteristics.

First, the object or semi-object (§14.5.3) of the verb is non-overt, and categorically refers to the immediately following clause(s), which describe(s) the perceived event, as in (35). These clauses are in coordinating relationship with the clause of the perception verb, and are not subordinate complement clauses (§24.4.4).
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

(35) *w-zda* ra *ku* ku-*rtoš-nu* tce, [n̥u[n]u rdzytaš
3SG.POSS-companion PL ERG IPFV-look-PL LNK DEM stone
ŋy-k-yβzu*rcanu*], wuma z̥o *pjy-ŋjyt-nu*.
IFR-PEG-become-PEG UNEXP:DEG really EMPH IFR-regret-PL
'His companion saw that he had been turned to stone, and regretted very
much [not having trusted him].' (150902 hailibu-zh) {0006316#S145}

Second, despite having an Imperfective form, the verbs can express a semelfac-
tive perception (note in particular the presence of the adverb *kływur* ‘suddenly’
in 36 below), rather than an ongoing or recurrent perception when the following
clause is in the Aorist or in the Inferential (as in 35, 36, 37 and 38 below)

(36) spjanckw ku kływur z̥o ku-rtoš tce, kʰuma yu w-mke
wolf ERG suddenly EMPH IPFV-look LNK DOG GEN 3SG.POSS-neck
nwtcu kmazgruw ci pjy-mto jw-ŋu.
DEM:LOC scar INDEF IFR-see SENS-be
'The wolf suddenly saw [that there was] a scar on the dog's neck.'
(140426 jiagou he lang-zh) {0003804#S37}

Third, the perception is non-volitional: the verbs in this construction can be
translated as ‘notice’ (of something unexpected), as shown by the fact that the
verb of non-volitional perception *mto* ‘see’ occurs in the following clause in (36)
to redundantly express the same perception event as *ku-rtoš*.

The clauses referring to the perceived event (shown in square brackets below)
in the Inferential either express actions that had taken place before the percep-
tion event, and whose results only are perceptible (§35, §38), or actions that are
immediately perceived as they occur (§37).

(37) a-wa ku-rwjyγt jy-ce ri, jw-sŋo tce,
1SG.POSS-father SBJ:PCP-go.to.toilets IFR:WEST-go LNK IPFV-listen LNK
[-taš nwtcu twrme ci ]
3SG.POSS-up DEM:LOC man INDEF IFR:WEST-come
'My father had gone to the bathroom, and heard someone coming
upstairs.' (08-kWqhi) {0003454#S10}

The cataphoric object of the perception verb can comprise more than one
clause, as shown by (38).
(38) icqʰa ku-nwcxlymbwmbjom nw cʰy-sta, [...] tcendvre
the.aforementioned SBJ:PCP-racing DEM IFR-wake.up LNK
ku-rtov tce, [u-tu-ci ri pjy-lwov tce, tcendvre
IPFV-look LNK 3SG.POSS-INDEF.POSS-water also IFR-spill LNK LNK
icqʰa nw, tycime nw ri ku-yrqʰu~rqʰi zo jo-nw-ce
FILLER DEM lady DEM also SBJ:PCP-EMPH~be.far EMPH IFR-AUTO-go
cti] tce,
be.AFF:FACT LNK

'The racer woke up, and saw that his water had been spilled, and that the princess had already gone far away.' (140505 liuhaohan zoubian tianxia-zh) {0003913#S121}

In this construction, the Imperfective forms *ku-rtov* and *pu-sŋŋo* can also refer to generic or recurrent events if the following clause is in the Imperfective too, as in example (10) above (§21.2.2).

The Imperfective of perception should be distinguished from the regular uses of the perception verbs *rtov* ‘look’ and *sŋŋo* ‘listen’ in the Imperfective. In (39) and (40) for instance, the direct objects of the verb *rtov* do not cataphorically refer to the following clause, but rather to concrete entities (the leopard’s head in 39, two birds in 40), and there is no non-volitional perception interpretation.

(39) tce kwrtsy numu w-ku numu kú-wy-rtov tce, lulu tsa
LNK leopard DEM 3SG.POSS-head DEM IPFV-INV-look LNK cat a.little
w-tsʰuy a fse,
3SG.POSS-shape be likemy:FACT

‘Looking at the leopard’s head, it seems a bit like that of the cat.’
(27-qartshAz) {0003702#S159}

(40) azo ndvre ku-rtov-a pu-naχtcwy-ndzi cti.
1SG LNK IPFV-look-1SG SENS-be.the在同一 be.AFF:FACT

'[When] I look at them (i.e. two species of birds), they look the same.'
(24-ZmbrWpGa) {0003628#S5}

The verb *ru* ‘look at’ occurs in construction similar to that described above for *rtov* ‘look’ and *sŋŋo* ‘listen’ (§24.4.4) as in (41), but it keeps its volitional meaning and is not exclusively found in the Imperfective.
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

(41) ηγqa kγ-ti ci tu tce, kw-γrqʰi
mushroom.sp OBJ:PCP-say INDEF exist:FACT LNK SBJ:PCP-be.far

ju-kw-ru tce, [salaboŋboŋ tsa fse].

IPFV-GENR:S/O-look.at LNK puffball a.little be like:FACT

‘There is [a mushroom] called ηγqa (cow’s foot), when one looks at it
from far away, it is a bit like a puffball.’ (22-BlamajmAG) {0003584#S79}

21.3 Non-past categories

This section discusses Factual Non-Past (§21.3.1), Sensory (§21.3.2) and Egophoric Present (§21.3.3), three TAME categories which have two commonalities. First, they almost always occur in sentences referring to Non-Past events (one exception is discussed in §21.3.2.7). Second, they do not have an inchoative meaning when used with stative verbs, unlike the Imperfective (§21.2.6). Like the Imperfective and the Modal categories, they select stem III in transitive direct configurations with singular subject and third person object (§12.2.2.2).

Minimal pairs between these three categories can be found in specific contexts (Jacques 2019a), and the tripartite evidential contrast between them is discussed in §21.3.4.

21.3.1 Factual Non-Past

21.3.1.1 Morphology and glossing

The Factual is the only finite TAME category in Japhug without an orientation preverb and any other prefix in slot -3.<fnref n="1" /> In the case of verbs without stem III alternation (i.e. transitive verbs with a non-alternating rhyme and intransitive verbs), it is realized as the bare stem. It selects the negative prefix *mr*- (§13.1.1).

Complete paradigms of transitive and intransitive verbs in the Factual Non-Past are presented in §14.3.2, and need not be repeated here.

In spite of the absence of overt marking for most verbs, the gloss FACT is nevertheless always specified on verbs in the Factual in this grammar, whether or not stem alternation occurs. This gloss is marked as a suffix (verb:FACT), rather than as a prefix, to avoid confusion with derivational prefixes, since suffixes (§11.3 are fewer than prefixes (§11.2), and also because stem III, which occurs in Factual singular subject forms, is suffixal in origin (§12.2.2.1).

<footnote n="1">¹The term Factual', taken from Oisel's (2013) study of modern Lhasa Tibetan, corresponds to the category referred to as 'assertive' in older publications on Tibetan languages (Lhasa Tibetan yod.pa.red).</footnote>
The formation of the Factual is regular. However, the copula *ŋu* ‘be’ lacks an Egophoric Present form (*†ku-ŋu-a* is not accepted, see §21.3.3), and it thus appears that the preverbless forms of this verb are syncretic, analyzable either as Factual or Egophoric Present (however, no attempt will be made at distinguishing those two categories in the glosses).

A few verbs, such as *kṛtupa* ‘tell’ and *mr-xsi* ‘one does not know’, cannot take orientation preverbs and are only attested in the Factual (§14.3.4).

Due to the absence of orientation preverbs, vowel contraction with prefixes located before slot -3 (§11.2.1) only occur in first or third person forms of the Factual (§12.3). Otherwise, contracting verbs surface with initial *a-* in Factual Non-Past non-negative form.

### 21.3.1.2 Main clauses

The Factual has two main functions when used in an independent clause without an auxiliary verb.

First, in the case of stative verbs, the Factual occurs to describe facts considered to belong to everybody’s common knowledge. Example (42) illustrates five verb forms in the Factual in this use (highlighted in bold), including copulas and adjectives.

(42) tce kumpy:tew nunu pyy:teu nu:-rca, ku:-xtci ci
LNK sparrow dem bird 3PL-among SBJ:PCP-be.small INDEF
zdovzdov ŋu tce, wzoxtci ri wuma
IDEO:STAT:small.and.cute be:FACT LNK 3SG be.small:FACT but really
zo cqrav tce u:-mpav u:-rkw nunu ra
EMPH be.smart:FACT LNK 3SG:POSS-eye 3SG:POSS-border dem PL
ku:-pav ku:- tú-wy-fskr, nu:- u:-ta p ri, hanumi,
SBJ:PCP-be.black erg ipfv-inv-surround dem 3SG-on loc a.little
ku:-xtew:-xtci ku:-ywri ku:-fse tu,
SBJ:PCP-EMPH-be.small SBJ:PCP-be.red SBJ:PCP-be.like exist:FACT
u:-xtya pa nu:- ra, u:-rqopa pjw-że tce, nu:- ra,
3SG:POSS-belly dem PL 3SG:POSS-throat ipfv-begin[III] LNK dem PL
u:-jme mw-tʰu:-nw-łov myctsa nu:- wyrum
3SG:POSS-tail neg-aor-auto-come.out until dem be.white:FACT
‘Among the birds, the sparrow is tiny and cute. Although it is small it is
very smart. Its eyes are surrounded by black [feathers], and above that
there are some red [dots]. Its belly is white from the throat to the tail.’ (22
kumpGatCW) {0003590#S3}
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

The Imperfective cannot occur in this function with stative verbs, since it has an inchoative meaning (§21.2.6). With dynamic verbs however, the Imperfective does occur to express general knowledge, especially in generic forms (as in *tú-wy-fskxr* IPFV-INV-surround ‘it surrounds it’ above) or with a dummy subject (S/ A) (*pjw-że* IPFV-begin[III] ‘it begins’ above).

The Factual also is also found in this function with dynamic verbs, in particular when the subjects are overt and/or definite, as in (43).<fnref n="2" />

(43) *w-ku* kw-mpw *nw* pú-wy-pʰwɪt tce, *nwŋa* ra kw
3SG.POSS-head SBJ:PCP-be.soft DEM IPFV-INV-pluck LNK COW PL ERG
ndza-nw, paŋ kw my-ndze
eat:FACT-PL pig ERG NEG-eat:FACT
‘One plucks the [leaves] on the extremities, the soft ones, cows eat it,
pigs don’t.’ (06 qaZmbri) {0003416#S19}

Second, with dynamic verbs, the Factual can express immediate future. In as-
sertive sentences with first person subject (44), or in interrogative sentences with
second person subjects (45), the Factual can be interpreted as indicating the in-
tention to perform an action.

(44) *ŋotcu* tɔ́u-ce *nɔ́-qʰu-qʰu* *yi-a*, *nɔ́-ŋga*
where 2-go:FACT 2SG.POSS-EMPH~after come:FACT-1SG 2SG.POSS-clothes
*nɔ́-xtsa* *fkur-a*
2SG.POSS-shoes carry:FACT-1SG
‘Wherever you go, I will go after you, I will carry your clothes and your
shoes.’ (26-kWlAGpopo)

(45) mbarkʰom tʰyjtcu tɔ́u-yi?
Mbarkham when 2-come::FACT
‘When are you coming to Mbarkham?’ (Conversation 2014)

The Factual can also be used to express non-intentional future events when
the speaker has reasonable reasons for assuming that they will take place as in
(46).

(46) si-a pγ-swso, tʰa yu-sat-a pγ-swso
die:FACT-1SG IFR-think in.a.moment INV-kill:FACT-1SG IFR-think
‘He thought “I will die”, he thought “It will kill me”.’ (Buxiejiang gaizuo
yisheng-zh)

<footnote n="2">²The Imperfective would also be possible here, however.</footnote>
Verbs in the Factual in this function can be combined with the affirmative
copula *cti* ‘be’ (47) to emphasize the certainty that the action will take place.

(47) **tce**thªa yi cti ma, spikuku zo ju-yi
in.a.moment come:FACT be:AFF:FACT LNK every.day EMPH IPFV-come
pwn-cti tce nwn ntswn tu-ti pwn-cti
SENS-be:AFF LNK DEM always IPFV-say SENS-be:AFF
'It will come soon: it comes everyday and each times says this.' (qaCpa
2003)

They are also compatible with sentence final particles of epistemic modality
such as *tʰaŋ* ‘maybe, probably’ (48), which can be used to temper the degree of
assertion.

(48) a-mu jwymwr tce tci-scawa ye ma kʰu
1SG POSS-mother today.evening LNK 1DU POSS-poor SFP LNK tiger
yi tʰaŋ ny
come:FACT SFP SFP
‘Mother, poor us, this evening the tiger is probably coming (for us).’ (The
tiger)

**21.3.1.3 Use in complement clauses**

The Factual is found in the complement clause of modal auxiliaries such as *ra* ‘be needed’ and *jnyy* ‘be allowed’, but occurrences are considerably fewer than those of the Imperfective (§21.2.4). It is used to refer to actions just about happen at the time of utterance (as in 49 and 50), rather than generic statements.

(49) nwna-j ú-jyy
rest:FACT-1SG QU-be.allowed:FACT
‘Could we rest?’ (2003 qachGa) {0003372#S138}

(50) azo kw-kaβ ce-a ra
1SG SBJ:PCP-scoop go:FACT-1SG be.needed:FACT
‘I have to go to scoop water.’ (2014-kWLAG)

**21.3.1.4 Use in Periphrastic TAME categories**

The Factual occurs in fewer Periphrastic TAME constructions than the Imperfective (§21.2.2).
## 21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

With the Past Imperfective *pu-ŋu* and Inferential Imperfective *pjx-ŋu* forms of the copula *ŋu* ‘be’, it is used to build the Periphrastic Proximative (§21.6.2.1).

Some speakers (in particular Kunbzang Mtsho) combine the Factual with the Sensory *pu-ŋu* of the copula to express the same meaning as the Inferential in narratives, notably with the verb *ti* ‘say’, where the constructions in (51) occurs instead of *to-ti* (IFR-say) ‘s/he said’ (§21.5.1.8).

(51) ‘...’ *ti* **pu-ŋu**
say:FACT SENS-be
‘S/he said: ‘...’ (many examples)

This form may however not be Factual in the proper sense, but rather the trace that *ti* ‘say’ (a highly irregular verb, §12.2.1.1) used to have irregular preverbless forms (§15.1.1.5). The archaic form *kʰu-ti* ‘s/he said’ provides additional support for this idea (§21.5.4).

### 21.3.2 Sensory

#### 21.3.2.1 Morphology

The assertive Sensory form of regular verbs is built by combining the B type WESTWARDS *puu*- preverb with stem I or stem III depending on person and transitivity (§12.2.2.2; stem II also occurs in one case, see 55 below). It is thus potentially ambiguous with the Imperfective of verbs selecting WESTWARDS as their intrinsic orientation. Examples (33) and (34) in §21.2.6 illustrate this syncretism between Sensory and Imperfective.

The negative Sensory is marked by the portmanteau prefix *múj-* (§13.1.1), differing from the negative Imperfective form *mu-* of verbs selecting the WESTWARDS preverbs. The *múj-* prefix is not compatible with contracting verbs (§12.3) however: their negative Sensory form is *mu-*-*mu-*, as in (52).

(52) *yzwštʰwz ndvre, swjno tci mu-*puu-*y-rtsi, si tci
Selaginella LNK grass also NEG-SENS-PASS-count tree also
mu-*puu-*y-rtsi.
NEG-SENS-PASS-count
‘The *Selaginella* can be counted neither as a species of grass nor as a tree.’
(16-RlWmsWsi) {0003520#S93}

The Sensory commonly appears in combination with the Progressive *pu-*-*xsw-* / *pu-*-*xz-* with transitive verbs. The negative form of the Sensory progressive is *mu-*-*mu-*, (53), like that of a contracting verbs.
(53) **tw-mw** *pъjkъu mw-pw-ysw-lъt* ri, qale
**INDEF.POSS-sky yet** **NEG-SENS-PROG-release** LNK wind
*pw-ysw-βzu*.

SENS-PROG-make

‘It is not yet raining, but there is wind.’ (conversation, 15-06-05)

The Sensory form of the verb *ti* ‘say’ has stem *I* *nuw-ti* when occurring without the Progressive (54), but unexpectedly selects stem *II* *nuw-ysw-tut*, *nuw-ys-tut* with Progressive (55), which also presents the irregular allomorph -ys- (§21.6.1.1).

(54) **nw kw-fse** **a-pa** **a-ma** **ni kw** *nuw-ti-ndʒi*
DEM SBJ:PCP-be like 1SG.POSS-father 1SG.POSS-mother DU ERG SENS-say-DU
tce

LNK

‘My parents are saying these things.’ (2003nyima2)

(55) **a-łaъ** **kw** *nw* *nuw-ys-tuъt*
1SG.POSS-FZ ERG DEM SENS-PROG-say[II]

‘My aunt is saying [those things].’ (2003 smanmi2)

The irregular existential verbs *γρzu* ‘exist’ and *maŋe* ‘not exist’ are the suppletive Sensory forms of *tu* ‘exist’ and *me* ‘not exist’ (§13.1.2, §14.2.2). They are the only verbs whose Sensory forms is not marked by a prefix.

### 21.3.2.2 Direct perception

The Sensory is used to express access to information (Tournadre & LaPolla 2014) through any of the senses, most commonly vision, but also hearing (56), touch (57), smell (58) and taste (59). It implies the discovery of a previously unknown fact or confirmation of an uncertain fact.

(56) **tu-mbri tce w-skъt** *wuma zo* *pъw-mpcъr*
IPFV-cry LNK 3SG.POSS-voice really EMPH SENS-be.beautifull

‘When it cries, its voice is very beautiful.’ (04-cuiniao-zh) {0003390#S25}

(57) *pъw-wy-nyrnyle tce pъw-mpw.*
IPFV-INV-touch LNK SENS-be.soft

‘It is soft to the touch.’ (19-khWlu) {0003540#S23}
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

(58) tce nʷu tu-nymnym-nu tce, cymtsʰo u̯-di, pʷu~pʷu-ŋu
LNK DEM IPFV-smell-PL LNK musk 3SG.POSS-smell COND~PST.IPFV-be
ny, u̯-di pʷu-mnym, tce nwnu̯ tce u̯-fsa
LNK 3SG.POSS-smell SENS-be.smell LNK DEM LOC 3SG.POSS-snare
tu-ta-nu̯ pʷu-ŋgrvl.
IPFV-put-PL SENS-be.usually.the.case
'[The hunters] sniff [the places] (where they find deer hair). The smell of musk, it is very strong. They put the snare there.' (27-kikakCi)
{0003700#S64}

(59) tú-wy-ndza tce wuma zo pʷu-mu̯m pʷu-ti
IPFV-INV-eat LNK really EMPH SENS-be.tasty SENS-say
'She said: '[These ferns] (prepared this way) are very nice to eat.' (said just after eating them; conversation 14.05.10)

Although in the above examples there is no implication that the person pro-
ducing the sound or the objects mentioned in the sentences are not visible to the
speaker, in these contexts vision is largely irrelevant to determine the property in
question, and there is no ambiguity as to which sensory channel was responsible
for obtaining the information.

21.3.2.3 Endopathic and extra-sensorial perception

As in other languages of the area, but unlike Lhasa Tibetan (Tournadre & LaPolla 2014), the Sensory form is used for endopathic sensations (pain, itch, cold etc) relating to the speaker, as in example (60).

(60) tʰam tce múj-cʰa-a, a-mi pʷu-mŋym.
NOW LNK NEG:SENS-can-1SG 1SG.POSS-foot SENS-hurt
'I can't now, my foot hurts.' (21-kuGrummAG) {0003574#S61}

In (61), the Sensory is used in a generic sentence, when the speaker has ex-
perienced himself the feeling and recounts his experience while presenting it as
a generic fact (§14.6.1.4), and thus do not count as a real example of endopathic
Sensory with an experiencer other than the speaker.

(61) kʷa-maqʰu qʰe tʷ-cγa pʷu-mŋym
SBJ:PCP-be.after LNK GENR.POSS-tooth SENS-hurt
'Afterwards our teeth hurt.' (27-tApGi) {0003706#S66}
In (62), which describes the effects of foot and mouth disease on cattle, the speaker uses the Sensory to describe an inference about the endopathic feelings of the cattle suffering from the disease (they are in pain), based on information from vision and hearing (their whining and behaviour).

(62) **nʷ-mci** *kwum* maka múj-cʰa-nʷ tce nʷ-mci
3PL.POSS-saliva INF-collect at.all NEG:SENS-can-PL LNK 3PL.POSS-saliva
*tu-yxrwβrʷ*  *z̥o*  *pʷ-ŋu.* tce nʷ-rqo *pʷ-mŋy̯m* rca,
IPFV-flow.continuously EMPH SENS-be LNK 3PL.POSS-throat SENS-hurt SFP
‘They cannot keep the saliva in their mouths, and it flows continuously.
Their throats hurt.’ (27-kharwut) {0003698#S6}

In (63) likewise we have the Sensory used with *m* ‘feel pain’ to describe an event visually witnessed by the speaker.

(63) **kwcnɣsqi** tʰʷ-azywšt ri, tce pxjkʰu ʷ-mi *pʷ-mpym* tce ri,
seventy AOR-reach but LNK already 3SG.POSS-foot SENS-hurt LNK but
nʷ kwnɣ kʰa tsʰitsuku *pʷ-nɣme* cti.
DEM also house some.things SENS-work[III] be.AFF:FACT
‘He is seventy, his foot hurts already, but even so he does all sorts of work
at home.’ (14-siblings) {0003508#S48}

The Sensory is also possible in the case of extra-sensory perception obtained by divination. In (64), it occurs on the verb *pʷ-ɣ-rku* which refers to a present situation (unknown to other people) and on *pʷ-pʰŋn* about a future event.

(64) “p-q̱a ṉw̱tcu χsyr tʷ-taṉgoV pʷ-ɣ-rku tce, nʷ
3SG.POSS-root DEM:LOC gold one-basket SENS-PASS-be.put.in LNK DEM
a-tɣ-sʷ-tcɣt tce pʷ-pʰŋn” pʷ-ti
IRR-PFV-CAUS-take.out LNK SENS-be.efficient SENS-say
‘(After performing the divination), [the lama] said ‘There is one basketful
of gold (buried) at the root [of the tree]ᵢ, if [the tree]ᵢ asks someone to
take it out, that will solve itsᵢ problems).’ (2003 divination)

### 21.3.2.4 The expression of surprise

Japhug has several interjections specifically used to express surprise (§10.2.1), *amaŋ* and *mtsʰaŋri* ‘how strange’.

The Sensory often occurs in such contexts, as in (65), as expected for a direct visual perception (§21.3.2.2). This use of the Sensory evidential is what motivated
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

its analysis as a mirative marker in some languages (Hill 2012, DeLancey 2012, Aikhenvald 2012).

(65) *amay, n̥wstʰuacyi p̥u-mbro*
INTERJECTION:SURPRISE SO.much SENS-be.high
'It is so high!' (150826 liyu tiao longmen-zh) {0006266#S73}

When the predicate is a stative verb, the degree nominal construction (§16.3.4, §22.3), can alternatively be used to express the unexpected high degree of the observed property.

(66) *amay, nʷu w-tu̥-syle, mtsʰyri,*
INTERJECTION:SURPRISE DEM 3SG-NMLZ:DEG-be.funny how.strange
w-tu̥-symtsʰyri nʷu
3SG-NMLZ:DEG-be.surprising SFP
'It is so funny, so surprising!' (150830 baihe jiemei-zh) {0006368#S111}

21.3.2.5 Other functions

The Sensory is commonly used instead of the Factual for describing facts about animals that do not live in Tibetan areas. Compare for instance the forms of the stative verbs *syumu* ‘be frightening’ and *mpɛyɛr* ‘be beautiful’: they appear in the Factual when referring to spiders or flowers found in the area (67 and 68) and in the Sensory when referring to lions and gnus, which the speaker has only seen in zoos or in the television (69 and 70). The choice of the Sensory instead of the Factual in such context might be a way for the speaker to highlight the fact that this information comes from his/her own personal experience, because s/he may not take for granted that everybody shares this knowledge.

(67) ngonpu ngocna kx-ti ci tu tce, nwnu wxti
disaster spider OBJ:PCP-say INDEF exist:FACT LNK DEM be.big:FACT
nʷ stoχ jamar tu. kú-wy-rtoχ tce syy-mu.
DEM bean about exist:FACT IPFV-INV-look.at LNK PROP-be.afraid:FACT
‘There is one that is called “disaster spider”, it is big, like the size of a bean.’
It is terrifying to look at it.’ (26 mYaRmtsaR) {0003674#S35}

(68) n̥wnu̥ w-mu̥ntoχ nʷ mpcɛy.
DEM 3SG.Poss-flower DEM be.beautiful:FACT
'It has a beautiful flower.' (15-babW) {0003512#S58}
(69) **swŋgi nɔpɔ-y-y-mu.**
lion DEM SENS-PROP-be.afraid
‘Lions are terrifying.’ (20 sWNgi) {0003562#S64}

(70) <jiaoma> nɔ` pɔ-rpe`r
gnu DEM SENS-be.beautifull
‘Gnus are beautiful.’ (20-RmbroN) {0003560#S126}

The Sensory is also common in all finite comparative constructions (§26.2), whether the comparee is marked with the ergative (71) (§8.2.2.7) or the standard takes the comparative postposition (72) (§8.2.7). The presence of the Sensory in such constructions might be due to the fact that comparisons require an evaluation of the respective positions of the standard and the comparee on a scale, and that the result of this comparison is thus ‘freshly’ obtained information.

(71) s|yzw̩n kʷ pʷ-dyn, tce tʷ-xpa tce kʷ-yjyn jamar
lunar.eclipse ERG SENS-be.many LNK one-year LOC two-times about
y̩yzu, b̩mby̩zw̩n pʷ-rkʷn cti.
exist:SENS solar.eclipse SENS-be.few be.AFF:FACT
‘Lunar eclipses are more numerous, they occur about twice a year, while
solar eclipses are rarer.’ (29-mWBZi) {0003728#S150}

(72) w-rna n̩u mbro yw̩ syz p̩w-wxti.
3SG.POSS-ear DEM horse GEN COMP SENS-be.big
‘Its ears are bigger than those of the horse.’ (20-tArka) {0003566#S5}

The use of the Sensory is not obligatory in such constructions: the Factual is
also possible.

### 21.3.2.6 Sensory evidential and person

With second person subjects, the Sensory is very commonly used to state a fact about the addressee that the speaker noticed (not something he knew previously). For instance, in contrast to (74) in the Factual in which the addressee’s (recent) actions are irrelevant, a sentence such as (73) can be used if the speaker witnessed something revealing the proficiency of the addressee.

(73) p̩w-tw-mkʰy̩z
SENS-2-be.expert
‘You are good.’ (heard in several conversations)
## 21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

(74) *nyzo stu zo tw-mkʰyz* tce, tce *nyzo c-ty-nyme*
2SG most EMPH 2-be.expert:FACT LNK LNK 2SG TRAL-IMP-do[III]
'You are the best, do it!' (150822 laoye zuoshi zongshi duide-zh)
{0006298#S37}

With first person subjects, the Sensory is not rare. It is common with verbs such as *rga* ‘be happy’ whose intransitive subject is the experiencer, as in (75) (see §21.3.4 on the contrast between Sensory, Egophoric Present and Factual in such contexts).

(75) *ny-tcw* *ty-sci* tce *pwc-pe* tce *papa, azo*
2SG.POSS-child AOR-born LNK SENS-good LNK good 1SG
*pw-rga-a*
SENS-be.happy-1SG
'It is nice that you now have a son, I am happy.' (conversation 2013)

With non-experiencer adjectival stative verbs, it can occur if the speaker discovers something about oneself, for instance from the behaviour of others as in (76).<fnref n="3" />

(76) *azo ndyre* *pwc-syjloŋ-a* tce, *tyrkaŋkci* *kuny zo*
1SG on.the.other hand SENS-be.ugly-1SG LNK hunting.dog also EMPH
*kú-wy-mtswy-a* *múj-swsym*
IPFV-INV-bite-1SG NEG:SENS-think[III]
'I am [so] ugly that even a hunting dog does not want to bite me.' (140519
chou xiaoya-zh) {0004034#S79}

### 21.3.2.7 Tense and aspect

The Sensory never has an inchoative meaning with stative verbs, unlike the Imperfective (§21.2.6). It can be used to describe both ongoing events or habitual/generic situations (§21.3.2.5). With transitive verbs, it often occurs with the progressive (§21.3.2.1).

The Sensory is mainly found in non-past contexts. However, unlike the Factual and the Egophoric, the Sensory can refer to past events. In (77), the verb *pwc-ti-pwc* 'they say/said' concerns an event that had occurred decades before.

<footnote n="3">³This example is taken from the translation of Andersen's story 'The Ugly Duckling', when a hunting dog appears before the eponymous character but does not bite him.</footnote>
(77) azo a-pʰe “nɔ̃zo ju-tɔ̃-ce ra” pɔ̃-ti-nɔ̃.
1SG 1SG.POSS-DAT 2SG IPFV-2-go be.needed:FACT SENS-say-PL
‘They said to me: “You have to go.”’ (2010-09)

The Sensory **pɔ̃-ti** of the verb **ti** ‘say’ is the normal way to report the words
uttered by a third person, when the speaker has heard them directly (as is ob-
viously the case in 77). The Aorist **ta-tut**, which is used to describe past events
directly witnessed by the speaker (§21.5.1.2), is never found in conversations to
quote someone else’s words (it occurs in temporal §21.5.1.4 and relative §21.5.1.6
clauses).

The Sensory also occurs in future contexts in the apodosis of conditional clause
to express the prediction of a likely outcome, as in (78) (see also 64, §21.3.2.3).

(78) nɔ̃ tɔ̃-ŋu tce tce, si lú-wy-γyjɔ̃, smi a-tɔ̃-wxti tce
DEM AOR-be LNK LNK WOOD IPFV-INV-add fire IRR-PFV-be.big LNK
pɔ̃-pʰŋ
SENS-be.efficient
‘(He thought:) “In this case, if [I] add more firewood, and the fire gets
bigger, it should work.”’ (150827 taisui-zh) {0006390#S62}

The Sensory is also found to express events that one has not yet perceived, but
which one expects to be perceptible, as illustrated by the use of the verbs γγzu
‘exist’ and w-pw-ηu ‘isn’t it’ in (79).

(79) aki c-pw-syŋo ma [...] “ndzaŋlan turme jo-yi
down.there TRAL-IMP:DOWN-listen LNK Jambudvîpa man IFR-come
tce, tw-ci k-y-kw-nwχtcyn w-ngw
LNK INDEF.POSS-water AOR-SBJ:PCP-be.fierce 3SG.POSS-inside
c-pjú-wy-βde p-w-ra” w-kw-ti ci
TRAL-IPFV:DOWN-INV-throw SENS-be.needed 3SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-say INDEF
γγzu tce, w-pw-ηu kw?
exist:SENS LNK QU-SENS-be QU
‘Go and listen down there to [see whether] there is someone saying “A
man from Jambudvîpa has come, let us throw him into the fierce water.”’
(28-smAnmi) {0004063#S149}
### 21.3.3 Egophoric Present

#### 21.3.3.1 Morphology

The Egophoric Present is built combining the B type EASTWARDS ku- preverb with stem I or stem III depending on person and transitivity (§12.2.2.2). Verbs selecting EASTWARDS as their intrinsic orientation therefore have syncretism between Imperfective and Egophoric. For instance, the form ku-rɣzi-a is in the Egophoric Present in (80) and in the Imperfective in (81) (see §21.2.4 on this use of the Imperfective).

(80) *kʷire* ku-rɣzi-a
DEM.PROX:LOC PRS-stay-1SG
'I am here.' (heard in context)

(81) *kutcu* ku-rɣzi-a *ŋu-łok*
DEM.PROX:LOC IPFV-stay-1SG SENS-be.needed
'I had better (have no choice but to) stay here.' (28-qajdoskAt)
{0003718#S75}

Unlike the Sensory (§21.3.2.1), the Egophoric Present does not have a special negative form, and selects the *mu-* negative prefix, as in (82).

(82) *ku-ɣrqʰi* *kɣ-ce* *mu-ku-cʰa-a*
SBJ:PCP-be.far INF-go NEG-PRS-can-1SG
'I cannot go very far.' (for now, due to an accident; conversation 17-09-21)

The Egophoric Present form of the existential verbs *tu* 'exist' and *me* 'not exist' is regular: *ku-tu* and *ku-me* (83), respectively. The copulas *ŋu* 'be' and *maŋ* 'not be' lack an Egophoric Present form.

(83) *aẓo kʷire a-ka* ku-me tʷ-mgo
1SG here 1SG.POSS-free.time PRS-not.exist INDEF.POSS-food
ku-osu-βzu-a cti
PRS-PROG-make-1SG be.AFF:FACT
'I don't have time, I am making food.' (Rkangrgyal) {0003943#S72}

Transitive verbs often combine the Egophoric Present with the Progressive *asu-* (§21.6.1.1). The vowel of the preverb merges with that of the Progressive prefix as *ku-osu- / ku-oz-*, as in (84).
(84) *ca къа zo ku-o<nu>sw-ndza-j ma fsapaq
meat completely EMPH PRS-PROG<AUTO>-eat-1PL LNK animal
w-tw-si w-gryl maŋe.
3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-die 3SG.POSS-order notuezENS

‘(These days) we are eating only meat, as (farm) animals have been dying in great numbers (due to a disease).’ (2003 kandZislama)

### 21.3.3.2 Egophoric Present and first/second person indexation

The Egophoric Present, while common in conversations, is nearly non-existent in narrative and procedural texts (outside of quotations) unlike the Factual and the Sensory.

In declarative sentences, Egophoric Present can occur with first person subject, whether intransitive subject as in *ku-nuna-j* ‘we are resting’ (85) or transitive subjects as in *ku-taɣ-α* ‘I am weaving it’ (86).

(85) *kure ku-nuna-j
here EGOP-rest-1PL
‘(Today, on the National Holiday), we are resting here.’ (conversation,
16-10-01)

(86) <kuabao> w-spa ci ku-taɣ-a
satchel 3SG.POSS-material INDEF PRS-weave-1SG
‘I am weaving a satchel.’ (conversation, 14-11-25)

No example of Egophoric Present with second person subject in declarative sentences has been found in the corpus, nor could such an example be elicited. However, second person objects are possible, as in (87).

(87) *kure ku-ta-n*
DEM.PROX:LOC PRS-1→2-wait
‘I am right here waiting for you.’ (heard in context)

As a result of the anticipation rule (§21.1.4), the person constraint on the Egophoric Present is reversed in interrogative sentences. As shown by (88) and (89), the Egophoric Present appears with second person subjects, and is not attested with first person. These two questions expect answers such as (93) and (80) (in §21.3.3.1) with first person and Egophoric.
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

(88) *u̱-kú-tu̱-scit-nu̱?
QU-PRS-2-be.happy-PL
‘Are you (and your family) happy?’ (2002 qaCpa)

(89) *ŋotcu ku-tu̱-rɣzi?
where PRS-2-stay
‘Where are you?’ (heard in context)

The person constraints described above are the reason for calling the TAME
category discussed in this section “egophoric”, designating a type of evidentiality
specifically marking ‘information as known through conscious personal involve-
ment’ (Hill 2020).<fnref n="4" />

21.3.3.3 Egophoric Present and third person

The Egophoric Present can occur with third person subjects. This use is partic-
ularly common in declarative sentences when the subject is a noun with a first
person possessive prefix, whether an abstract inalienable noun as in the case of
a-ka ‘my free time’ in (83), or kinship terms as in (90).

(90) a-wi cʰo a-wa ni nɣo nɣ-ndɔ
1SG.POSS-grandmother COMIT 1SG.POSS-father DU 2SG 2SG.POSS-reason
ku wuma zo ku-nusumuzduy-ndzi tce
ERG really EMPH PRS-worry-DU LNK
‘Grandmother and Father are very worried because of you.’ (150819
haidenver-zh) {0006314#S462}

Conversely, Egophoric is also frequent with second person possessors in inter-
rogative sentences, such as *nɣ-ma* ‘your work’ as in (91a).

(91) a. *nɣ-ma*   *u̱-kú-dɣn?
           2SG.POSS-work QU-PRS-be.many
           ‘Do you have a lot of work?’ (heard in context)

b. *a-ma*   *ku-dɣn*
           1SG.POSS-work PRS-be.many
           ‘I have a lot of work.’

<footnote n="4">⁴Hill argues in favour of replacing “egophoric” with the term “personal evidential”.</footnote>
With non-possessed subjects nouns, it also occurs when the first person is a beneficiary, marked either as a possessor (92) or with oblique flagging as in the clause *a-taɣ wuma ku-sna* ‘he is nice to me’ in (93) above.

(92) χpvltcin ku a-ma ra ku-oz-nyma
ANTHR ERG 1SG.POSS-work PL PRS-PROG-do
‘Dpalcan is doing my housework (in my stead).’ (conversation, 16-04-12)

(93) tcʰeme nɔku 'wuma zo ku-scit-i, rJslpu ri a-taɣ wuma
girl DEM ERG really EMPH PRS-be.happy-1PL king also 1SG-on really
ku-sna, ク JOV ra ri wuma zo ku-pe-nu' to-ti
PRS-be.kind servant PL also really EMPH PRS-be.good IFR-say
'The girl said: 'We are very happy, the king is very kind to me, the
servants are very nice.' (2002 qaCpa)

The use of Egophoric with third person subjects is an instance of what has been termed ‘broad egophoric’ by (Gawne 2017: 89). Japhug appears to allow a wider range of third person referents to occur with egophoric than most languages. There are examples of Egophoric Present with third person subjects in which the personal involvement of the speaker is not immediately obvious.

In (94), we find Egophoric Present on the main verb, even though the transitive subject and the speaker were not together at time of utterance.<fnref n="5" />

(94) *alan* nvki, *kdurjst* ri <shangban> *ku-osu-βzu*
ANTHR FILLER TOPO LOC office.work PRS-PROG-do
‘Alan, she is doing office work in Gdongbrgyad (these days).’
(conversation, 2014-12-24)

In (95), the use of the Egophoric Present is not straightforward.<fnref n="6" />

(95) ku-ngo wuma zo rkum, <abazhou> [...]
SBJ:PCP-be.sick really EMPH be.few:FACT Rngaba
pw-nu-mu-me cti qʰe, pYjkʰu
PST.IPFV-AUTO-EMPH~not.exist be.AFF:FACT LNK still
ku-nu-me.
PRS-AUTO-not.exist

<footnote n="5">⁵There is however a relationship between them, since the subject of (94) is the daughter of the speaker.</footnote>

<footnote n="6">⁶It is possible that the speaker selects this form because she describes a situation that directly concerns herself, since she is among the inhabitants of the district, who are not sick from the disease.</footnote>
‘There are few people sick (from Covid), (here) in Rngaba district there never was anyone, and even now there is not (a single) one.’
(conversation 2020-07-31)

Tshendzin explains the form *ku-nu-me* ‘there is not’ here as (96) with the Fac-
tual Non-Past.

(96) ‘*tʰam kʊnɣ me*’

k(449, 351, 589, 376],

now also not Scientific say SENS-BE

‘It means “not even now”.’

21.3.3.4 Tense and aspect

The Egophoric Present expresses ongoing events or repeated actions occurring
during a short time range around the present time. Thus, the sentence (97) can
either mean ‘What are you doing right now?’ or ‘What are you doing these days?’.

(97) *tcʰi ku-tw-nymc?*
what PRS-2-do[III]
‘What are you doing (now, these days)?’ (heard in context)

These two meanings are also possible when the Egophoric Present is combined
with the Progressive, as shown by (98) and (94).

(98) *alan ku ji-pyri ku-osu-βzu.*
ANTHR ERG 1PL.POSS-dinner PRS-PROG-make
‘Alan is preparing the dinner for us (right now).’ (conversation, 15-01-02)

The Egophoric Present marks actions or states that are temporary. For in-
stance, *mu-ku-cʰa-a* ‘I cannot do it’ in (99) (and 82 in §21.3.3.1 above) means that
the speaker describes a non-permanent situation: she previously was able to do
it, and will presumably be soon able to do it again when she has fully recovered.

(99) *pxjkʰu kʊnɣ wɔzo ku ku-oz-nyma cti ma pxjkʰu*
still also 3SG ERG PRS-PROG-do be.AFF:FACT LNK still
*mu-ku-cʰa-a wo.*
NEG-PRS-can-1SG SFP

‘Even now, he is still doing [the housework], as I am still unable [to do it]
(due to an accident).’ (conversation, 17-09-01)
The Factual (100) or the Sensory are used instead when describing situations that have become permanent.

(100) **tham** *a-pu̯-ŋu, tu-ndze-a* **maka** *mɔ-cʰa-a*
**now** **IRR-IPFV-be** **IPFV-eat** [III]-1SG at.all **NEG-can:** FACT-1SG
‘Now, I cannot eat [the fruit of the *Ribes stenocarpum*] at all (anymore, because it is too sour, unlike when the speaker was a child and did not mind about the sourness).’ (18-NGolo) {0003530#S20}

The Egophoric Present is restricted to present tense. In (101), the form ku-ta-
 NXJO
 ‘I (will) be waiting for you’ referring to a future event is rather analyzable
 as an Imperfective, given the syncretism between these two in the case of this
 verb.

(101) *a-jy-tu-yut tce, azo cʰo [...] tycime nwo ku nwnu kANTcʰawo*
 *IRR-PFV-2-bring LNK 1SG COMIT princess DEM ERG DEM town*
 *yu w-pci nuctu ku-ta-nxjo.*
 *GEN 3SG POSS-outside DEM:LOC IPFV-1→2-wait*
 'When you bring [the bird], the princess and I will be waiting for you
 outside of the town.' (140507 jinniao-zh) {0003931#S281}

The Egophoric Present can also occur in the case of periods of time including the present and the past. For instance, when asked whether she had seen a particular person, who was present at the time in Mbarkham, Tshendzin said the sentence (102) with the Egophoric Present.

(102) *mw-ku-otuy-a*
*NEG-PRS-meet-1SG*
'I have not been meeting him (these days).' (conversation 16-03-10)

21.3.4 Tripartite contrast

The tripartite contrast between Egophoric Present (103), Sensory (104, 105) and Factual (106) with the experiencer stative verbs such as *scit* ‘be happy’ in declarative sentences with a first person subject can help understanding the semantics of these TAME categories in this context.

(103) ku-scit-i
PRS-be.happy-1PL
‘We are happy.’ (conversation, in a response to a new years’ greeting)
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

(104) *nwtcu* *pwn-scit-a* *cti* *li* *tce* *tce a-zda*
DEM:LOC SENS-be.happy-1SG be.AFF:FACT again LNK LNK 1SG-companion
*ri* *pwn-pe-nw*,
also SENS-be.good-PL

‘I am very happy there, the people with me are very nice.’ (140501 jingli)
{0003902#S149}

(105) *nw tš-ŋu tce, aẓo ndyre, blonbytcʰi syz*
DEM AOR-be LNK 1SG on.the.other hand elephant COMP
*ndyre* *pwn-scit-a* *tce a-kʰi* *pwn-ŋgw*
on.the.other hand SENS-be.happy-1SG LNK 1SG.POSS-luck SENS-be.lucky
‘Things being as they are, I am happier than the elephant, I am luckier
than him.’ (140425 shizi puluomixiusi he daxiang-zh) {0003798#S40}

(106) *xsw-xpa jš-tsu-j, nwtshwciz o* *scit-i,*
three-year AOR-pass-1SG so.much EMPH be.happy:FACT-1PL
*amumi-j*
be.on.good.terms:FACT-1PL

‘We have been together for three years now, we are so happy together.’
(2005 Norbzang)

In (106), the speakers (humans stranded on an island) include the addressees (rākshasīs in human shape) in the first plural, and state their happiness together as an commonly agreed fact (the first step in a plan to cheat the rākshasīs), hence the use of the Factual.

In (105), the selection of the Sensory here may be due to the presence of a
comparative construction (§21.3.2.5). In (104) the choice of the Sensory rather
than the Egophoric Present expresses that when thinking about it, the speaker
feels that she is happy. The Egophoric Present in (103) entails the continuous
conscience of being in a state of happiness, and that this state is temporary.

21.4 Modal categories

21.4.1 Irrealis

21.4.1.1 Morphology

The Irrealis has three exponents: a dedicated prefix *a-* in slot -6 (§11.2.1), a type A preverb in slot -3, and stem III in appropriate forms (§12.2.2.1, §21.1.2), as illustrated by (107a). A cognate verb form with identical triple exponence in found in Tshobdun (Sun 2007b).
With dynamic verbs, the preverb follows the lexically selected orientation of the verb (for instance *ty* - UPWARDS in 107a). Stative verbs take the DOWNWARDS *pu* - preverb like the Past Imperfective (§21.5.3.1) when used with a stative meaning, as in (107b), and the intrinsic orientation (WESTWARDS in 107c) when occurring with an inchoative meaning.

(107) a. $a^{-6}ty^{-3}-ndze$
IRR-PFV-eat[III]
'Let it/him/her eat/ if s/he/it eats'

b. $a^{-6}pu^{-3}-me$
IRR-IPFV-not.exist
'If it does not exist'

c. $a^{-6}nw^{-3}-me$
IRR-PFV-not.exist
'If it disappears'

Unlike the Imperative (§21.4.2.1), the Irrealis is compatible with all person configurations.

### 21.4.1.2 Main clauses

In main clauses, the Irrealis has four main functions. The first three (wish, jussive and uncertainty) are treated in this section, and the fourth one (delayed imperative) in §21.4.1.3.

First, it can express a wish, often in combination with the predicative noun *smułym* 'prayer' (§21.8.3.2; see also in Tshobdun Sun 2007b: 804), as in (108), or with the sentence final particle *ku* (§10.4.2) as in (109).

(108) pja mwindżamuχtcuy nu-skχt a-pu-tu-tso smułym
bird all.kinds 3PL.POSS.speech IRR-IPFV-2-understand prayer
'May you understand the speech of all species of birds!'
(2003kandZislama)

(109) turme ci a-nu-ypa-a ku
human INDEF IRR-PFV-become-1SG SFP
'If only I could become a human!' (150819 haidenver-zh) {0006314#S229}

While in (109) the wish is virtual, example (10) is a magical formula pronounced by a lama, and the Irrealis has a performative function, conveying to the addressee the ability it describes.
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

Second, the Irrealis can occur with third person referents with a jussive meaning (see also Sun 2007b: 811 on Tshobdun), expressing either that the speaker allows the subject to perform the action (110), a request or an order. Jussive Irrealis clauses can be used in a purposive complementation strategy (§21.4.1.6).

(110) *a-tʰu̯-yi*, *a-tʰu̯-yi*
IRR-PFV:DOWNSTREAM-come IRR-PFV:DOWNSTREAM-come
‘Let him come, let him come (as he wishes).’ (2003 Kunbzang)

In combination with the Autive (§19.1), the jussive Irrealis expresses that the speaker does not care about the actions of the third person subject, as in (111) (compare with the Autive Imperative, §21.4.2.3).

(111) *u-ŋú-wy-sat-a* *ny* *a-pú-wy-nú-sat-a* *ma* *ny-pʰŋo-tci*
QU-SENS-INV-kill-1SG add IRR-PFV-INV-AUTO-kill-1SG LNK NEG-flee-1DU
‘If she is to kill me let her kill me, we will not flee.’ (2002nyimavodzer)

With second persons, the Irrealis is found instead of the Imperative to express non-controllable actions. In (112), compare for instance the non-controllable verb *mna* ‘be better’ in the Irrealis with the controllable one *rɣzi* ‘stay’ in the Imperative.

(112) *pxjkʰu a-tx-tu̯-mna,* *mɣzw kx-rɣzi*
still IRR-PFV-2-be.better yet IMP-stay
‘[Wait till] you get better, stay a little more.’ (said to a convalescent person who wants to leave the place where she is taken care of.’
(12-BzaNsa) {0003484#S97}

The negative Irrealis is also more felicitous than the Prohibitive (§21.4.3) with non-controllable verbs, such as *nutcʰomba* ‘catch a cold’ in (113).

(113) *a-m-tx-tu̯-nutcʰomba* *ra* *ma* *tce* *nx-cqʰe*
IRR-NEG-PFV-2-have.a.cold be.needed:FACT LNK LNK 2SG.POSS-cough
*pn̥-tʰu̥* *pn̥-ŋu wo*
SENS-be.serious SENS-be SFP
‘Don’t catch a cold, otherwise your cough will be become even more serious.’ (conversation 17-09-01)

Third, in interrogative clauses, the Irrealis can express the uncertainty of the speaker on his/her ability to realize the action, as in (114).
(114) andi ki stʰuːci smar kuː-wxti iːzo k-βzwir tcʰi
west DEM.PROX so.much river SBJ:PCP-be.big 1PL INF-CAUS-move what
a-ty-stu-j?
IRR-PFV-do like-1PL
‘How can we move such a huge river? (2005 tAwakWcqraR)

21.4.1.3 Delayed imperative

The Irrealis can be used as a delayed or postponed imperative. This function indicates, according to Sun’s (2007b: 809) apt description of the same phenomenon in Tshobdun, ‘the speaker’s physical inaccessibility as an eyewitness, rather than simply delayed compliance.’

In (115), the verb in the Irrealis *a-ty-tu-ti* refers to an action to be realized at a future moment expressed by the temporal clause in the Aorist *jty-tu-azyuut* ‘when you arrive…’ (§21.5.1.4), when the speaker will not be present to remind the addressee to perform the action.

(115) [kʰa kty-mto jty-tu-azyuut] tce qʰihihi χsw-ŋka a-ty-tu-ti
house INF-SEE AOR-2-ARRIVE LNK INTERJ three-word IRR-PFV-2-SAY
ra
be.needed:FACT
‘When you arrive within seeing distance from the house, say qʰihihi
three times.’ (qachGa 2012) {0004087#S160}

The contrast between the Irrealis and the Imperative to express delayed command can be illustrated by the following pair of examples from two versions of the same story, referring to the same action (the method to pass a dangerous place where a pair of magical boulders crush all people coming between them) but from a different perspective.

In (116), a nâga explains the method to the main character (Nyima 'Odzer). The nâga is not coming with him; only Nyima 'Odzer and his horse intend to cross the boulders. Therefore, the Irrealis verb forms *a-kty-tu-βraʌ* and *a-ty-tu-zyγ-yγ-zo* are selected, as the nâga will not be present when Nyima 'Odzer will have to realize these actions.

(116) nʷ-tu̯-armbat-ndʒi tce, n-mbro w-jme zʷ
AOR:WEST-2-be.near-DU LNK 2SG.POSS-horse 3SG.POSS-tail EMPH
pʰuːpi a-kty-tu̯-βraʌ, ntyz̥o ty-muj stʰuːci
potentilla.fruticosa IRR-PFV-2-attach 2SG INDEF.POSS-feather so.much
## 21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

a-ty-tu-zy-y-y-zo, n-y-mbro qale sthuci

IRR-PFV-2-REFL-CAUS-be.light 2SG.POSS-horse wind so.much

a-nu-zy-y-y-mbjom

IRR-PFV-REFL-CAUS-be.quick

'When you approach [the boulders], attach a branch of *Potentilla fruticosa* to the tail of your horse, make yourself as light as a feather, and may your horse be as quick as the wind.' (Smanmi2003.2)

By contrast, in (117), it is the horse Rtamchog Rinpoche who explains to Nyima 'Odzer how to cross the boulders. Since these two characters will do the crossing together, the horse uses the Imperative *ty-zy-y-y-zo* instead of the Irrealis (§21.4.2.2).

(117) azo nwi, qale jamar zo tu-zy-y-y-mbjom-a nzo nwi

1SG DEM wind about EMPH IPFV-REFL-CAUS-be.quick-1SG 2SG DEM

ty-muj jamar ty-zy-y-y-zo

INDEF.POSS-feather about IMP-REFL-CAUS-be.light

'I will make myself as quick as the wind, make yourself as light as a feather.' (28-smAnmi) {0004063#S111}

In negative forms likewise, the Irrealis is better than the Prohibitive (§21.4.3.2) if the addressee is to refrain from doing an action in the absence of the speaker who issued the order/request/suggestion not to do it, as in (118), where both assertive and negative Irrealis verbs in delayed imperative function are found.

(118) [...] ntsu kytupe ri, maka u-jau a-ky-tw-ndym, always tell:FACT LNK completely 3SG.POSS-hand IRR-PFV-2-take[III]

a-ky-tw-sytcitşi zo a-ly-tw-ywt ma

IRR-PFV-2-continue EMPH IRR-PFV:UPSTREAM-2-bring LNK

u-skyt a-m-y-ky-tw-syrym

3SG.POSS-word IRR-NEG-2-listen[III]

'She will not stop saying '...' but don't release your grasp on her hand, and directly bring her (here), and don't listen to her words.' (qachGa 2003) {0003372#S68}

### 21.4.1.4 Complement clauses

According to Sun's (2007b: 807) description of Tshobdun, the Irrealis is required when occurring with matrix verbs expressing desire or intention. In particular,
he points out that the verb *səsiʔ* means ‘think’ when the complement clause is in realis mode, and ‘desire, want’ with a complement clause in the Irrealis.

In Japhug, the cognate verb *suso* ‘think’ has the meaning ‘want’ rather with Infinitive or Imperfective complement clauses (§24.5.4.1), such as (119).

(119) [nʷu wuma žo tu-ndze-a] pʷ-swsam-a
DEM really EMPH IPFV-eat[III]-1SG SENS-think[III]-1SG
'I want to eat it very much.' (140506 woju guniang-zh) {0003929#S35}

Complement clauses in the Irrealis with *suso* ‘think’ as matrix verb are in all cases reported speech, reflecting functions such hypothetical protasis and apo-dosis (§21.4.1.5) in (120) or jussive (§21.4.1.2) as in (121) and (122).

(120) χawo žo kʷ-dʷ-dyn kʷ a-k-nuštsʰỳβ-nyu tce
INTERJ EMPH SBJ:PCP-EMPH~ ERG IRR-PFV-attack.in.pack-PL LNK
a-ty-tcʰuʷ-nu tce, a-puš-sat-nu kʷ pʷ-swsam-a ri
IRR-PFV-gore-PL LNK IRR-PFV-kill-PL SFP SENS-think[III]-1SG LNK
'I am thinking that if only they attacked in a pack and gored [the lion],
they would probably kill it.' (20-RmbroN) {0003560#S60}

(121) “nwnu tce kʷ-xtcʷ-xtci ci tu-tcat-a tce nʷ
DEM LNK SBJ:PCP-EMPH~be.small INDEF IPFV-take.out-1SG LNK DEM
a-ty-ndze” pče-sušo
IRR-PFV-eat[III] IFR-think
‘He thought: ‘I will take a few (olives from the jar) so that she [can] eat
some.’ (140516 yiguan ganlan-zh) {0004014#S39}

The used of reported speech with *suso* ‘think’ in (122) is a semi-grammaticalized
purposive construction (§21.4.1.6), where the Irrealis is not obligatory: similar
purposive clause with other TAME categories are also attested.

(122) “a-mi nwnu a-ty-mna” pʷ-swsam-a tce, nʷra
1SG.POSS-leg DEM IRR-PFV-be.better SENS-think[III]-1SG LNK DEM
ku-z-nwsman-a nù.
PRS-CAUS-treat-1SG be:FACT
‘In order for my leg to get better, I am treating it (with footbaths).’
(conversation 2013-11-12)

The Irrealis in jussive function in a reported speech clause ('I am thinking 'may my leg get better') is semantically close to 'want' ('I want my leg to get better').
## 21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

This may explain how the Irrealis became required with the Tshobdun matrix verb *səsiʔ* in the meaning ‘want’.

Like the Imperative (§21.4.2.4), the Irrealis occurs in subject complement clauses with modal auxiliary verbs such as *ra* ‘be needed’, *ntsʰi* ‘have better’ and *jɛ́ yɛ́* ‘be allowed’, with a jussive meaning as in (123) and (124), or a delayed imperative, as in (115) above (§21.4.1.3).

(123) *a-ww*          *cʰo a-ні*          *ni*
1SG.POSS-grandfather *COMIT* 1SG.POSS-younger.sibling *DU*
* cʰʷ-yi-ndzi*          *ra*          *ma zyni-sti*          *ky-rvzi*
IPFV:DOWNSTREAM-come-DU *be.needed:FACT* LNK 3DU-alone INF-stay
* m-a-ndzi*          *tce, [a-tʰʷ-yi-ndzi]*          *ra*
NEG-can:FACT-DU LNK IRR-PFV:DOWNSTREAM-come-DU *be.needed:FACT*
‘My grandfather and younger brother have to come (with me), as they
cannot stay on their own, let them come.’ (2011-05-nyima 208-209)

(124) *ki pʷ-sy-čke tce, [a-nʷ-yču]*          *pʷ-ntsʰi*
DEM.PROX SENS-PROP-burn LNK IRR-PFV-cool.down SENS-be.better
‘This [tea] is too hot, let it cool down.’ (elicited)

### 21.4.1.5 Conditional clauses

In the protasis, the Irrealis competes with initial reduplication (§12.4.1.2), Prohibitive (§21.4.3.2) and Interrogative (§21.7.4.2). When the apodosis is in the Factual Non-Past, the Irrealis protasis expresses a condition whose probability of being realized may not be high, but which, if it is verified, almost certainly brings the outcome expressed in the apodosis (at least in the speaker’s opinion), as in (125).

(125) *nʷ a-jy̥-ce tce tceth'a kx-zyu̯t mʷ-ch'a tce si*
DEM IRR-PFV-go LNK soon INF-arrive NEG-can:FACT LNK die:FACT
* cti tce
be.AFF:FACT LNK
‘Should he go there, he would not be able to reach [his goal], and would
die.’ (28-smAnmi) {0004063*S55}

The combination of a protasis in the Irrealis and an apodosis in the Past Imperfective is used to express counterfactual meaning (§21.5.3.4, §25.2.4), as in (126).
(126) **tcizγy** n<u>u</u> ku<u>f</u>-se ci a-p<u>w</u>-tu nd<u>re</u>, ku<u>ra</u>
1DU:GEN DEM SBJ:PCP-be lik>e INDEF IRR-IPFV-exist LNK DEM.PROX:PL
ku<u>f</u>-se m<u>u</u>-pu<u>-nγγk<u>u</u>ηke-tci wo
SBJ:PCP-be lik>e NEG-PST.IPFV-DISTR:walk-1DU SFP

'If we had that (much cattle and fields), we would not be wandering
around like this.' (2005 Kunbzang)

21.4.1.6 Purposive

The Irrealis occurs in purposive complementation strategies. Two constructions are attested. First, as in (127), the Irrealis clauses expresse the purpose of an action referred to in another clause.

(127) kʰyxtu сu-nyak-tci tce, [ny-kyrme a-ty-zbak]
rooftop TRAL-have.fun:FACT-1DU LNK 2SG.POSS-hair IRR-PFV-be.dry

‘Let us go to the rooftop platform to rest, so that your hair can dry (after
bathing).’ (2002 qaCpa)

Second, with a similative verb such as *fse* ‘be like’ or *stu* ‘do like’ and inter-
rogative pronoun as in (128), the Irrealis clause rather corresponds to the action
needed to realize the purpose, which is indicated by a coordinated clause *pu-pʰy*
‘(so that) it is efficient/it works/it solves it’.

(128) [n<u>u</u> tceʰi a-ty-fse] tce p<u>u</u>-pʰy<u>n</u>
DEM what IRR-PFV-be like LNK SENS-be.efficient
‘How [should he do] to solve [this problem]?’ (Divination 2005)

21.4.1.7 Periphrastic Irrealis

The Periphrastic Irrealis combines the Irrealis copula *a-pwu-ŋu* with one or a chain
of several verbs in the Imperfective, as in (129) (see also §21.2.2).

(129) [uŋ-g<u>u</u> pj<u>u</u>-ku-se tce tu-ku ci
3SG.POSS-inside IPFV:DOWN-GENR:S/O-go LNK GENR.POSS-head a.little
pj<u>ú</u>-wy-n<u>u</u>-s<u>y</u>ct, pj<u>ú</u>-wy-n<u>u</u>-χtci] a-p<u>u</u>-ŋu nd<u>re</u>, wuma
IPFV-INV-AUTO-comb IPFV-INV-AUTO-wash IRR-IPFV-be LNK really
zo s<u>y</u>-scit tʰaŋ ny!
EMPH PROP-be.happy:FACT SFP SFP

'If one were to dive (in the water), comb and wash one's hair, it would be
very nice!' (140515 congming de wusui xiaohai-zh) {0003998#S24}
## 21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

It replaces the Imperfective Irrealis (§21.4.1.1) in the case of telic verbs (see §21.5.3.5).

### 21.4.2 Imperative

#### 21.4.2.1 Morphology

The Imperative is built by combining type A preverbs with stem I or stem III depending on transitivity and number (§21.1.2). It only has second person subject forms, which are however never marked with the second person *tu*- prefix, unlike in other TAME categories (§14.2.1.2). In addition, transitive verbs can only take a third person object; 2→1 configurations cannot be expressed with the Imperative, and the Imperfective in hortative function is used instead (§21.2.5).

The Imperative can occur with an overt second person pronoun referring to the subject (see examples 135, §21.4.2.3 and 138, §21.4.2.4).

Table 21.5 illustrates the Imperative paradigms of *ndza* ‘eat’, a transitive verb with stem III alternation (§12.2.2), *amdzu* ‘sit’, an intransitive contracting verb (§12.3), and *ce* ‘go’, a verb with stem II alternation (§12.2.1)

<table><caption>Table 21.5: Examples of Imperative paradigms</caption><thead><tr><th>Person</th><th><i>ndza</i> 'eat'</th><th><i>amdzu</i> 'sit'</th><th><i>ce</i> 'go'</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>2SG(→3)</td><td><i>tγ-ndze</i></td><td><i>kγ-γmdzu</i></td><td><i>jγ-ζe</i></td></tr><tr><td>2DU(→3)</td><td><i>tγ-ndza-ndzi</i></td><td><i>kγ-γmdzu-ndzi</i></td><td><i>jγ-ζe-ndzi</i></td></tr><tr><td>2PL(→3)</td><td><i>tγ-ndza-nu</i></td><td><i>kγ-γmdzu-nu</i></td><td><i>jγ-ζe-nu</i></td></tr></tbody></table>

For intransitive verbs which are neither contracting nor have stem II alternation, the Imperative forms are identical to the third person Aorist forms (§21.1.1.2).

The Imperative lacks negative forms: the Prohibitive (§21.4.3) or negative Irrealis (§21.4.1.2) are used instead.

#### 21.4.2.2 Main clauses

The Imperative expresses actions that the speaker wishes the addressee to realize. It is appropriate for blunt orders (§130), requests (131), and also polite invitations (§132).

(130) *jγ-ζe!*
*IMP-go*
'Go away!' (many examples)
(131) **tɔ́ w de** *tce jɔ́-lɔ́t* *je ma a-<dianhua>*

a.moment LNK IMP-release SFP LNK 1SG.POSS-phone

*w̥-kʷ-lɔ́t* *y̥-zu*

3SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-release exist:SENS

‘Call me in a moment, there is someone calling me on the phone!’
(conversation, 22-08-2018)

(132) <guazi> *tɔ́-ndza-ndzi*

melon.seed IMP-eat-DU

‘Eat some melon seeds!’ (conversation 14-05-10)

The Imperative is not restricted to immediate commands/requests. In (133), the actions referred to by the Imperative verbs *lɔ́-rɔ́ci* ‘pull it’ and *tʰu̥-sɪtco̥t* ‘add firewood’ are to be realized (in the presence of the speaker) at two points of reference in the future indicated by temporal clauses in the Aorist (§21.5.1.4).

(133) “*a-wi* smi *tʰu̥-w-sɪtcɪt*” *tɔ́-tɔ́t-a* *tce*

1SG.POSS-grandmother fire IMP-add.firewood AOR-say[II]-1SG LNK

*lɔ́-rɔ́ci*, “*a-wi* smi *lɔ́-rɔ́ci*”

IMP:UPSTREAM-pull 1SG.POSS-grandmother fire IMP:UPSTREAM-pull

*tɔ́-tɔ́t-a* *tce tʰu̥-w-sɪtcɪt* *ra*

AOR-say[II]-1SG LNK IMP-add.firewood be.needed:FACT

‘When I say ‘grandmother, add firewood’, remove the firewood, and when I say ‘grandmother, remove the firewood’, add firewood.’ (2005 Kunbzang)

As in Tshobdun (Sun 2007b: 809), the Irrealis is found instead of the Imperative to express actions to be performed at a point in the future in the absence of the speaker (§21.4.1.3).

The Imperative does not commonly occur for non-controllable verbs, especially stative verbs. However, this constraint is more pragmatic than morphosyntactic, and in some contexts, even a verb like *mbro* ‘be high’ can be used in the Imperative, as in (134). In this type of example, the Imperative *tɔ́-mbro* is identical to the 3SG Aorist.<fnref n="7" />

<footnote n="7">⁷In principle, the quotation in (134) could also mean ‘It grew by one node per day’, but Tshendzin is positive that an Imperative was meant here.</footnote>
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

(134) tce nwnw cyr tce tu-mbri tce “covcocdcvocdcocvoc covcocdcvocdcocvoc”
LNK DEM night LOC IPFV-sing LNK IDPH(X):cry IDPH(X):cry
tu-ti ŋu tce, “tw-sŋi tw-rtsyγ ty-mbro, tw-sŋi tw-rtsyγ
IPFV-say be:FACT LNK one-day ONE-node IMP-be.high one-day ONE-node
ty-mbro” tu-ti ŋu tu-ti-nw ŋgrvl.
IMP-be.high IPFV-say be:FACT IPFV-say-PL be.usually.the.case:FACT
‘(In June, when crops are about to grow), [the tacovcoŋ bird]i sings in the
night, making the sound cocvocdcvocdcovoc, people say that iti tells (the
crops) ‘Grow by one node everyday!’.’ (23-scuz) {0003612#S105}

21.4.2.3 Imperative and autive

With the Autive prefix (§19.1), the Imperative has two distinct and nearly opposite
meanings.

First, it can indicate a mild suggestion or a request for a favour (§19.1.3), as in
(135).

(135) laŋjwy nzyo ty-nw-ndym je tce, azo jyyt ci
staff 2SG IMP-AUTO-take[III] SFP LNK 1SG toilet INDEF
lu-ce-a ny
IPFV:UPSTREAM-go-1SG SFP
‘Take the staff, I am going to the toilet.’ (2005 khu)

Second, it is also used in a mocking way to express defiance (§19.1.4), as in (136)
and (137).

(136) n̥w-n̥w-n̥re ma nzyo qacpa ny-rzaβ ny-ku-mbi
IMP-AUTO-laugh LNK 2SG frog 2SG.POSS-wife 2SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-give
kw-tu me
SBJ:PCP-exist not-existent
‘Laugh as you wish, nobody will give you a wife, you frog.’ (2002 qaCpa)

(137) kynβdi je a-ww twjo, a-qe
farewell SFP 1SG.POSS-grandfather demon 1SG.POSS-shit
kw-sy-ckw-cke ci ty-nw-ndze
SBJ:PCP-PROP-EMPH-burn INDEF IMP-AUTO-eat[III]
‘Farewell, old demon, eat my hot shit!’ (2005 tWJo)
### 21.4.2.4 Complement clauses

The Imperative is commonly used in complement clauses of modal verbs. The combination of the modal auxiliary *jγγ* 'be allowed' with an Imperative complement clause expresses that the speaker politely allows the addressee to undertake an action that the addressee himself intends to do, as in (138) and (139).

(138) [nγz̥o tγ-nw̥-ndym] jγy
2SG IMP-AUTO-take[III] be.possible:FACT
'Please take it.' (divination)

(139) nγ-kγ-tʰu w-yγzu nγ, [tγ-tʰe] jγy
2SG.POSS-OBJ:PCP-ask QU-exist:SENS ADD IMP-ask[III] be.possible:FACT
'If you have a question, please ask.' (conversation, 14-11-08)

The modal verb *ra* 'be needed' with Imperative is used in requests (140) and also blunt orders with death treats (141).

(140) c-tγ-tʰe ra
TRAL-IMP-ask[III] be.needed:FACT
'Go and ask him about it.' (divination)

(141) c-tγ-re ra ma cw-kγ-ru
TRAL-IMP-bring[III] be.needed:FACT LNK TRAL-INF-bring
mw~mγ-pw~tw-cʰaŋu nγ nγ-srγm nγ-sroŋ
COND~NEG-AOR-2-can be:FACT LNK 1SG.POSS-root 1SG.POSS-life
lγt-i
throw:FACT-1PL
'Go and bring it here; if you do not succeed in going and bringing it here, we will destroy your root and your life.' (2005 Norbzang)

### 21.4.2.5 Serial verb constructions

Two verbs in the Imperative can be used in a Serial Verb Construction (§25.4.1), the first verb conveying the manner in which the action is performed, as in (142).

(142) tγ-mbyom z̥o tγ-ce ra
IMP-be.in.a.hurry EMPH IMP:UP-go be.needed:FACT
'Hurry up and go upstairs!' (160706 poucet6) {0006109#S5}
## 21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

The first verb can be in the prohibitive (§21.4.3), a construction meaning ‘do $V_2$ without doing $V_1$’ (143).

(143) *kuki* *tṣu* ki *ma-nu̯-tu̯-βde* *z̥o* *jγ-ce*
DEM.PROX path DEM.PROX NEG-IMP-2-throw EMPH IMP-go
‘Go along this path without leaving it!’ (140507 jinniao-zh)
{0003931#S207}

### 21.4.3 Prohibitive

#### 21.4.3.1 Morphology

The Prohibitive is built by combining the dedicated negative prefix *ma-* (§13.1.1), a type A preverb and the stem III of the verb when appropriate (§12.2.2.1, §21.1.2). In second person subject forms, unlike the Imperative (§21.4.2.1), the second person prefix obligatorily occurs, as in *ma-nu̯-tu̯-te* ‘don’t put him/her/it’ (144).

(144) *nu̯tcu* ma-*nu̯-tu̯-te ma *tγ-pγtso* ra *nu̯-sta*
DEM:LOC NEG-IMP-2-put[III] LNK INDEF.POSS-child PL 3PL.POSS-place
*cti*
be.AFF:FACT
‘Don’t put her there, it is the place for the children.’ (2003kAndzwsqhaj2)

Unlike the Imperative (§21.4.2.1), the prohibitive has no constraints on person. It can occurs in 2→1 configurations (145), but also with a first person intransitive (146) or transitive subject (147) and also in very rare cases in the third person (148).

(145) *ma-tγ-ku̯-ndza-a* tcetʰa *nγ-χpi* *pjw̯-fcat-a*
NEG-IMP-2→1-eat-1SG later 2SG.POSS-story IPFV-tell-1SG
‘Don’t eat me, and I will tell you a story.’ (tWJo 2012) {0004089#S60}

(146) *ża* ma-*ty-nu̯na-tci* *qʰe*
soon NEG-IMP-rest-1DU LNK
‘(In order to catch up with the wasted time), let us not stop (working) early (today).’ (conversation 14-05-10)

(147) *nw* *kʰramba* ma-*ty-βze-a* *ra* *ma*
DEM lie NEG-IMP-make[III]-1SG be.needed:FACT SFP
‘I musn’t tell lies.’ (27-kikakCi) {0003700#S208}
(148) tce *tw-*mdzu *u-taъ ma-*nw-*ytcaъ ra ma
LNK GENR.POSS-tongue 3SG.POSS-on NEG-IMP-stain be.needed:FACT LNK
*tw-*mdzu tu-syzonъzoη zo qʰe cʰu-*nwymbxβ
GENR.POSS-tongue IPFV-make.numb EMPH LNK IPFV-swell
cti.
be.AFF:FACT

'[The *Arisaema consanguineum*]ᵢ mustn't get on one's tongueⱼ, as itᵢ
makes itⱼ numb and swell up.' (14-sWNgWJu) {0003506#S133}

The preverb is optional in second person prohibitive forms. For instance with *ti* ‘say’, *ma-*tw-*ti* (*NEG:IMP-2-say*) and *ma-*ty-*tw-*ti* (*NEG-IMP-2-say*) both occur in free variation.

Despite the clear morphological differences between the Prohibitive and the Imperative, given the fact that these two categories are in complementary distribution and there is no risk of confusion, the type A preverb is glossed as IMP and the negation as NEG (to avoid a redundant gloss PROHIB on both prefixes). When the preverb is elided, the negative *ma-* is glossed as NEG:IMP.

21.4.3.2 Functions

The Prohibitive with a second person subject is essentially the negative counterpart of the Imperative, with exactly the same range of functions (§21.4.2.2), including orders, requests and polite suggestions, such as the polite expression *ma-*ty-*tw-*raъble (149), which corresponds to Chinese **不用客气 <búyòngkèqì>** ‘you’r welcome’.

(149) *ma-*ty-*tw-*raъble, ty-zyy-cu-fka je
NEG-IMP-2-be.polite IMP-REFL-CAUS-be.full SFP
‘Please eat your fill!’ (heard in context)

The prohibition can refer to an action to happen in the future, as in (150), where
the moment when the action is to be avoided is indicated by the temporal clause
in the Aorist (§21.5.1.4).

(150) tcetu ty-ari-tci tce, w-tw-yvndzo
up.there AOR:UP-go[II]-1DU LNK 3SG.POSS-NMLZ:DEG-be.cold
saχaъ zo ri, “wtcʰwcʰu” ma-tw-ti
be.extrremely:FACT EMPH LNK INTERJ NEG:IMP-2-say
‘When we go up there (in the sky, near the moon), it will be extremely
cold, but don’t say “brrr.”’ (07-deluge-64) {0003426#S62}
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

The negative Irrealis can also be used as a delayed prohibitive (§21.4.1.3) as in (151), contrasting with the Prohibitive in the same way as the Irrealis in delayed imperative function contrasts with the Imperative (§21.4.2.2): the Prohibitive and Imperative imply that the speaker will be present when the action is to be realized or avoided (as in 150), while the Irrealis occurs when the speaker will not be present.

(151) *icqʰa* *rwaʌk* ra kw ta-twit *nwaɪə*, *twaɪrme*
the aforementioned animal *PL ERG AOR:3→3'-say[II DEM:PL people*
*u-cki* *a-m-tʃ-u-tu-ti* *ma*
*3SG.POSS-DAT IRR-NEG-PFV-2-say LNK*
'You will have to avoid telling humans what the animals say.' (150902
hailibu-zh) {0006316#S80}

Like the Imperative (§21.4.2.4), the prohibitive also occurs in subject comple-
ment clauses with auxiliaries such as *ra* ‘be needed’ (147, §21.4.3.1).

A construction with the same verb occurring in the Imperfective followed by
its Prohibitive form in the first person, with the alternative interrogative particle
*ci* (§10.4.2) in between, is used to express hesitation between two possibilities
(152).

(152) ku-ce-a ci ma-k-a kw IPFV:EAST-go-1SG SFP NEG-IMP-go-1SG SFP
'[I wonder] whether to go or not.' (elicited)

The Prohibitive is also used in manner clauses meaning ‘without doing X’,
sharing their subject (and also possibly object) with another verb in the Impera-
tive or the Imperfective, as in (153) (see also 143, §21.4.2.5).

(153) s(146, 963, 821, 1108],

The Prohibitive is also found in the protasis of conditionals (§25.2), as in (154).
This type of ‘warning’ conditional construction expresses a possible undesirable
result occurring if the subject fails to perform the action designated by the verb
in the Prohibitive.
(154) **ty-mth<u>um</u>** ku<u>ny</u> ky-ky-sqa n<u>ura</u> z<u>atsa</u>
**INDEF.POSS-meat also** AOR-OBJ:PCP-COOK DEM:PL soon
**ma-tý-wy-nuβda<u>w</u>** qʰe, w-ta<u>w</u> ri ku<u>w</u>-wy<u>rum</u>
**NEG-IMP-INV-take.care** LNK 3SG.POSS-top LOC SBJ:PCP-be.white
**ku-te**
**IPFV-put[III]**

‘In the case of meat also, if one fails to take care of cooked [meat] in time, white stuff will appear on it.’ (20-sWrna,60) {0003564#S55}

Finally, it can also be used in a counterfactual construction as in (155).

(155) **nw** s<u>yzny</u>, n<u>yz</u>o ku<u>w</u> ma-ty-ku<u>w</u>-sw<u>-cqa<u>w</u>-a ku<u>w</u>
DEM COMP 2SG ERG NEG-IMP-2→1-CAUS-be.intelligent-1SG ERG
**pjy-mna!**
PST.IFR-be.better

‘It would have been better if you had not made me smart!’ (160711
riquet8-v2) {0006201#S18}

21.4.4 Dubitative

The Dubitative ku- is formally identical to the B type EASTWARDS preverbs, which
also markes the Imperfective and the Egophoric Present (§21.3.3). It always oc-
curs with the Autive -nu- prefix (§19.1 and with the polar question ci particule
(§10.4.2, see example 156), the interrogative ku (§10.4.2, 158) or the alternative
polar question construction (combining a positive followed by the equivalent
negative verb form as in 157).

(156) tce lu-ky-nu-ji nw ku<u>w</u> zru tu-ti-nu
LNK IPFV-OBJ:PCP-AUTO-plant DEM ERG be.strong:FACT IPFV-say-PL
<u>nyu</u> -ny tce my-xsi. ku-nnu-zru ci ku<u>ma</u>.
SENS-be LNK NEG-GENR:know:FACT DUB-AUTO-be.strong QU SFP
'The cultivated [variety of Angelica] is better (than the wild one), they
say, I don't know, maybe it is better.' (17-ndZWnW) {0003524#S33}

(157) ku-nu̯-pʰy̯n m<u>u̯</u>-ku-nu̯-pʰy̯n m<u>y</u>-xsi
DUB-AUTO-be.efficient NEG-DUB-AUTO-be.efficient NEG-GENR:know:FACT
ma
SFP

'I don't know whether it is efficient or not (as medicine).' (19-GzW)
{0003536#S100}
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

In addition, dubitative verb forms are followed either by the sentence final particles *kuma* or *kuye* (§10.4.2) as in (156) or a verb form such as *mr-xsi* ‘one does not know’ (§ 157).

The dubitative is mainly used to express doubts while reporting opinions from other people (as in 156 and 157), but with the interrogative *ku* as in (158), its meaning is rather that of emphasis on the fact that the speaker has no clue about the answer to the question (as in French *donc...bien* in ‘*Qui donc cela peut-il bien être?*’).

(158) wo, n<u>u</u> cw ci ku-n<u>u</u>-ŋu ku?
INTERJ DEM who INDEF DUB-AUTO-be QU
‘Who on earth is it [who does all] that?’ (2014-kWLAG)

21.5 Past categories

The Aorist, Past Imperfective, Inferential Perfective and Inferential Imperfective all strictly express past tense events or states when occurring in main clauses. In addition, they all take the past transitive -t suffix (§21.1.3) in 1SG→3 and 2SG→3 forms of open stem verbs (see §21.5.1.1, §21.5.2.1 and §21.5.3.1).<fnref n="8" />

This section describes the morphology of these TAME categories, their uses
in main clauses and subordinate clauses, and also the semantic contrast between
them in various contexts.

21.5.1 Aorist

21.5.1.1 Morphology

The Aorist is built by combining stem II (§12.2.1, or stem I for non-alternating verbs) with either A-type (159) or C-type preverbs (160) depending on person configuration and transitivity (§15.1.1.1, §21.1.1.1): the latter are restricted to transitive direct 3→3' configurations (§14.3.2.2).

(159) t<u>r</u>-y<u>e</u>-j
AOR:UP-come[II]-1PL
‘We came up.’ (many attestations)

<footnote n="8">⁸The only non-past TAME category that is compatible with the -t suffix is the Apprehensive (§21.7.1).</footnote>
(160) *ta-tušt*
AOR:3→3'-say[II]
'S/he said it.' (many attestations)

In addition, like the Inferential, the Aorist takes the 1/2SG→3 Past transitive suffix -t (§11.3, §21.1.3). Complete paradigms of transitive and intransitive verbs in the Aorist are presented in §14.3.2, and need not be repeated here.

Some Aorist verb forms are ambiguous and could be interpreted as belonging to other TAME categories. The ambiguity with the Imperative (§21.4.2.1) is discussed in detail in §21.1.1.2. A more difficult case is that between Past Imperfective *puu-* (§21.5.3) and the Aorist of stative verbs selecting *DOWNWARDS* as their intrinsic orientation (§15.1.5). The only way of differentiating between the two is the clear inchoative meaning of stative verbs in the Aorist (§21.5.1.3), showing that *puu-rom* in (161) can only be analyzed as an Aorist ‘(when) it has dried’ rather than as a Past Imperfective ‘it was dry’ (see also example §21.2.6, §33).

(161) *w-jwašt* rcanw *puu-rom* kwny w-mdzu nw
3SG.POSS-leaf UNEXP:DEG AOR-be.dry also 3SG.POSS-thorn DEM
myz w zo mtcov
even-more EMPH be.sharp:FACT
‘When its leaves have dried, the thorns (on the leaves) are even sharper.’
(18-NGolo) {0003530#S66}

21.5.1.2 Main clauses

The Aorist occurs in main clauses to express past perfective events that the speaker has witnessed him/herself. It is used to report actions that the speaker has performed himself, as in (162) and (163), unlike the Inferential, which is only compatible with first person in very specific contexts (§21.5.2).

(162) *nw kw-fse rcanw, <qibajin> zo*
DEM SBJ:PCP-be lik e UNEXP:DEG seven.or.eight.pounds EMPH
ty-χtu-t-a. tce <dong> pu-βzu-t-a
AOR-buy-PST:TR-1SG LNK freeze AOR-make-PST:TR-1SG
'[Nettles] like that, I bought seven or eight pounds. Then I put them in
the refrigerator.' (conversation, 14-05-10)

In the absence of any adverb with a function comparable to English ‘already’ in Japhug, the Aorist is used to express this meaning, in combination with a tense adverb as in (163).<fnref n="9" />

<footnote n="9">⁹Tshendzin said (163) answering a question I had already asked a few days before.</footnote>
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

(163) juwcwndzi nɔ-cki ty-tut-a ma, wuma zo
a.few.days.ago 2SG.POSS-DAT AOR-say[II]-1SG LNK really EMPH
a-tsa zo p̥w-βze
1SG.POSS-adapted EMPH SENS-make[III]

‘I already told you a few days ago, [the shoes you have sent me] fit me really well.’ (conversation, 2019-05-26)

Actions that the speaker has witnessed as a passive participant are also expressed with the Aorist rather than the Inferential.

(164) a-kʷ-rtoʷ jy-ye tce yu-nu̥-wy-mbi-a
1SG.POSS-SBJ:PCP-look AOR-come[II] LNK CISL-AOR-INV-give-1SG
‘He came to see me and gave it to me.’ (conversation, 17-09-21)

In (165), the choice of the Aorist *ka-lýt* and the Past Imperfective *pu-wxti* reflects the fact that the speaker has directly seen the snowfall (rather than deducing its occurrence from the presence of snow on the ground). By contrast, the Inferential *to-ndżi* ‘it melted’ (rather than the Aorist *ty-ndżi*) indicates that the speaker has not witnessed the melting, and only deduced that it has occurred due to the absence of snow, despite the snowfall in the previous night (§21.5.2.2).

(165) kutcu hanumi p̥u-y̥ndz̥o. juwcwcyr tyjpa
DEM.PROX:LOC a.little SENS-be.cold yesterday.night snow
ka-lýt. ka-lýt ri m̥u-p̥u-wxti. jisŋi tce
AOR:3→3'-release AOR:3→3'-release LNK NEG-PST.IPFV-be.big today LNK
lonba to-ndżi.
all IFR-ACAUS:melt

‘Here it is a bit cold. It snowed yesterday evening. There was snow but not much, and now it has melted completely.’ (conversation, 17-11-23)

The Aorist is also used to describe the events that the speaker has seen on a film, for instance the pear stories, as in (166).

(166) ty-pytso ku-y<nu>yro tsuku yzyu-nu
INDEF.POSS-child SBJ:PCP-<AUTO>play several exist:SENS-PL
jy-ye-nu̥ tce, n̥u̥ra ku̥ w-paχci ra kty-wum
AOR-come[II]-PL LNK DEM:PL ERG INF-collect AOR:3→3'-help-PL LNK
ta-qur-nu̥ tce, ta-swy-ndzur-nu̥
AOR:3→3'-CAUS-stand-PL

‘There were some children playing (there), they came, helped him to collect the apples (that had been spilled) and helped him up.’ (chen-pear)
For events that have occurred in a more remote past, the requirement on direct (visual) perception may be less strict. For instance, in (167), the verbs in the Aorist express a series of events that have happened to a member of the speaker's extended family. They did not live in the same household, and did not meet very frequently, and the speaker did not witness all of the events, but is familiar enough with the situation to feel entitled to use the Aorist rather than the Inferential.

(167) *nú-mu* *nú* *ty-ngo* *qʰe ci ci* *nú-si* *kw-fse* ci
3PL.POSS-mother DEM AOR-be.ill LNK one one AOR-die SBJ:PCP-be like one
ci *ty-mna* *kw-fse* *qʰe* *kwcnú-xpa zo* *tʰú-mdú*.
one AOR-be.better SBJ:PCP-be like LNK seven-year EMPH AOR-live.up.to
‘Their mother got ill, and survived seven years, sometimes looking like
she had died, sometimes looking like she was getting better.’
(14-siblings) {0003508#S31}

21.5.1.3 Change of state

In main clauses, stative verbs (other than copulas, §22.5.1.1) in the Aorist always express a change of state, whether adjectival verbs such as *dyn* ‘be many’ (168) or existential verbs (169).

(168) *núre* *kúmáw* *rcoŋ* <banqian> *jʊ-kʊ-ŋe* *núra*
DEM:LOC other side move AOR-SBJ:PCP-come[II] DEM:PL
*tu-nú* *tce, ty-dyn-nú*.
exist:FACT-PL LNK AOR-be.many-PL
‘(Now) there are people who have come from other places (to settle in
that village), [and the number of inhabitants] has increased.’ (140522
tshupa) {0004053#S85}

(169) *ny-<dian>* *nú-me*
2SG.POSS-electricity AOR-not.exist
‘Your [cellphone] is out of battery.’ (you don’t have any electricity
anymore) (heard in context)

The Aorist is however found on stative verbs in some temporal subordinate clauses (§21.5.1.4) without change of state meaning.

In addition to stative verbs, some modal verbs such as cʰa ‘can’ select the UPWARDS orientation with an inchoative meaning, as illustrated by example (17) (§24.2.3.1) (see also §21.5.2.4).
21.5.1.4 Temporal subordinate clauses

The Aorist is used in subordinate clauses to mark a point of temporal reference.
It occurs in generic statements to indicate the period when an event takes place.
For instance in (170), the temporal clause *ftɛ̃ar kɣ-ndzɔv* ‘when summer arrives’
must select the Aorist; no other TAME category would be possible here.

(170) *u-fsaqʰe, [ftɛ̃ar kɣ-ndzɔv] qʰe li tu-łɔv.
3SG.POSS-next.year summer AOR-ACAUS:attach LNK again IPFV-come.out
‘The next year, when the warm season (spring) arrives, it comes out
again.’ (of a perennial plant, 18-qromJoR) {0003532#S134}

Direct visual perception is irrelevant in temporal clauses. In (171), the Aorist *j-ye* occurs even though the speaker is only reporting a story about a parrot that she has not witnessed personally, and only heard from someone else. Here the meaning of the Aorist is simply to state the temporal condition when the following actions (utterance of human speech) take place.

(171) *turme jɣ-ye tce <laikerenle> tu-ti, tce <nihao>
person AOR-come[II] LNK a.guest.has.arrived IPFV-say LNK hello
tu-ti.
IPFV-say
‘(Of a parrot which is able to say a few words) When someone comes,
[the parrot] says ‘A guest has arrived’, and says ‘hello’.” (24-qro)
{0003626#S102}

With stative verbs, the Aorist can exceptionally be used without inchoative
meaning (§21.5.1.3) in temporal clauses, but always with the **UPWARDS** *tɣ*-preverb.
For instance in (172), *tɣ-jpum* and *tɣ-xtsʰum* mean ‘when it is thick’ and ‘when it
is thin’, not ‘when it becomes thick/thin’, which would be expressed with the
intrinsic **WESTWARDS** preverbs (see also 140, §15.1.5.7 and 4, §21.1.1.3).

(172) *tɣ-jpum* tce tcendɣre tɔu-sŋi kʰro lú-wɣ-taɣ
AOR-be.thick LNK LNK one-day much IPFV-INV-weave
pɔu-kuɣ-cʰa ma tɣ-xtsʰum tce tce, koŋla
SENS-GENR:S/O-can LNK AOR-be.thin LNK LNK completely
lú-wɣ-taɣ múj-sɣ-cʰa
IPFV-INV-weave NEG:SENS-PROP-can
‘When [the threads] are thick, one can weave a lot in one day, when
they are thin, it is not possible to weave.’ (2011-06-thaXtsa)
Apart from stative verbs, a similar use of the **UPWARDS** orientation is found with the transitive verb *suso* ‘think’, ‘want’ in some contexts (§24.5.4.1).

While the Aorist is restricted to past events in main clauses, it is found in temporal clauses to express points of time reference in the future. In (173) and (174), the Aorist forms *pu-tu-nu-ye-nu* ‘when you come back’ and *pu-tu-ari* ‘when you go down’ refer to events that have not yet taken place at the time of utterance. The use of the Aorist in future contexts is also observed in conditional clauses (§21.5.1.5).

(173) *nuz̥o pu-tu-nu-ye-nu*      *nuz̥u cuparkʰyrkʰyt*
2PL AOR:DOWN-2-VERT-come[II] DEM:LOC stone.step
*a-pu-tu-łov-nu*      *tce az̥o tʰylwa p̥wyŋwy*
IRR-PFV:DOWN-2-come.out-PL LNK 1SG earth IDPH(II):soft
*pju-łov-a*      *ŋu*
IPFV:DOWN-come.out-1SG be:FACT

‘When you come back, take the stone steps, I will come down on the soft earth.’ (2014-kWLAG)

(174) *tcetʰa pu-tu-ari*      *tce, ki a-ky-tu-ctʰwz*
SOON AOR:DOWN-2-go[II] LNK DEM.PROX IRR-PFV:EAST-2-turn.towards
*tce, tcetʰa ju-nu-ce-nu*      *cti*
LNK SOON IPFV-VERT-go-1SG be.AFF:FACT

‘When you go down there, turn [this magical object] in their direction (of the râkshasas), and they will go back (from where they are from).’
(2011-04-smanmi)

In (175), both the temporal clause and the main clause contain a verb in the Aorist, but in the latter, that verb *nu-me* ‘it disappeared’ is embedded in a complement clause headed by the noun *u-ndza* ‘cause’ (§25.5.2, §24.6.3.5, with elided possessive prefix), while the main verb *ŋu* ‘be’ is in the Factual.

(175) *a-ka*      *tu*      *ri, tcetʰa nu-mbryt*      *tce tce*
1SG.POSS-free.time exist:FACT LNK SOON AOR-ACAUS:break LNK LNK
[a-<dian> *nu-me*] *ndza*      *ŋu*
1SG.POSS-electricity AOR-not.exist reason be:FACT

‘I have time (to talk with you), but in a moment when [the phone line] disconnects, it will be because [my cellphone] is out of battery.’
(conversation)
## 21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

The Aorist in subordinate clauses is not always used to fix a point of temporal reference, however. It can also refer to an event preceding those of the following clauses, and which the speaker has witnessed (as in main clauses, §21.5.1.2). In (176), the clause *tɔ́-mtʰu̯m mú-wy-mbi-a* is not to be translated as ‘when (s/he/ someone) gave/gives meat’ (a translation that is possible in other contexts), but rather as ‘(someone) had given me’ with as pluperfect, as a background event that took place before the whole story begins.

(176) *tɔ́-mtʰu̯m* *nú́-wy-mbi-a* *tce, tu-ndze-a* *pwo-ŋu*
*INDEF.POSS-meat AOR-INV-give-1SG LNK IPFV-eat[III]-1SG PST.IPFV-be*
*tce, kʰyxtu ri* *pwo-rγzi-a.*
*LNK roof LOC PST.IPFV-stay-1SG*

‘[Someone] had given me [a piece of] meat, and I was eating it, I was staying on the roof platform (and then a kite flew down and robbed it). (150909 qandZGi) {0006358#S2}

### 21.5.1.5 Conditional clauses

In the protasis of reduplicated conditional (§12.4.1.2), the Aorist has a purely aspectual function, and does not express absolute past tense, but past tense relative to the apodosis.

The Aorist occurs in the protasis in generic contexts, as in (177).

(177) *tɔci, qaj, stɔk* *stačpɔi nɔra* *mɔ-ny-tʰú-wy-yndzɔr ny*
*barley wheat broad-bean peas* *DEM:PL COND~NEG-AOR-INV-grind ADD*
*kɔ-ndza mɔ-kʰu̯*
*INF-eat NEG-be.possible:FACT*

‘If we don’t grind barley, wheat, broad beans and peas, they cannot be eaten.’ (06-BGa) {0003408#S5}

It is also found in conditional constructions referring to future events, as in (178) and (179). This usage reminds of the use of the Aorist in future temporal clauses (such as 173, §21.5.1.4).

(178) *tw-tɔ-tw-twɔt* *nɔ tce pjo-ta-sat ŋu*
*COND~AOR-2-say[II] add LNK IPFV-1→2-kill be:FACT*
‘If you tell [people] about it, I will kill you.’ (150901 changfamei-zh) {0006352#S48}
(179) *pwn-pwn-ŋo*   *nɔ*, *ndzizo* *knwz yu* *ndzi-ku*
COND~AOR-be.defeated ADD 2DU two GEN 2DU.POSS-head
*cń̥u-wŋ-y-pń̥u*   *ra*
IPFV-INV-take.off be.needed:FACT

'If he fails, we will decapitate both of you.' (140505 liuhaohan zoubian tianxia-zh) {0003913#S103}

The Aorist is less felicitous in the protasis of counterfactuals (§25.2.4), where the Irrealis is used instead (§21.4.1.5).

21.5.1.6 Relative clauses

The Aorist commonly occurs in finite relative clauses (§23.2.2), as in the object
head-internal relative in (180).

(180) *icqʰa*   [*sruŋlo申請-pw kw-fse*   *na-kʰo*]   *nwnw*
the.aforementioned ring-DIM SBJ:PCP-be lik e AOR:3→3-give DEM
*ko-ctʰwz*
IFR:EAST-turn.towards

'He_i' turned the little ring that [Smanmi Metog Koshana] had given him_i
in their direction (of the râkshasas). (28-smAnmi) {0004063#S161}

The verb in the relative can also undergo totalitative reduplication of the first
syllable (§12.4.1.5), as *tw~ta-stu* ‘all (the ways) in which she had done it’.<fnref n="10" />

(181) [w-pi kwn tw~ta-stu] nwn to-stu qʰe
3SG.POSS-elder.sibling ERG TOTAL~AOR:3→3'-do like DEM IFR-do like LNK

'She did everything like her elder sister.' (2014-kWlAG)

In relative clauses, the contrast between Aorist and Inferential is neutralized,
as only the Aorist can appear. Thus, in both (180) and (181) above, the verb of the
relative clause in the Aorist, while that of the main clause is in the Inferential.
The events referred to in the Aorist in these relative clauses occur in the Inferen-
tial earlier in the stories: compare for instance the Inferential *n̥-kʰo* in the main
clause in (182) with the Aorist *na-kʰo* in the relative in (180).

<footnote n="10">¹⁰The object of the verb *stu* ‘do like’ refers to the manner in which the action is performed, not its patient (§14.4.2).</footnote>
## 21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

(182) srunlok-pu ku-fse ci p-y-kho.
ring-DIM SBJ:PCP-be.like INDEF IFR-give
'[Smanmi Metog Koshana] gave him something like a little ring.'
(28-smAnmi) {0004063#S150}

### 21.5.1.7 Complement clauses

Some finite complement clauses take the Aorist when the main verb is also in the Aorist, as in (183).

(183) azo [nu-z-nyre-t-a] pw-cha-a
1SG AOR-CAUS-laugh-PST:TR-1SG AOR-can-1SG
'I succeeded in making her laugh.' (140430 jin e-zh) {0003893#S166}

### 21.5.1.8 Periphrastic Narrative

Some speakers (in particular Kunbzang Mtsho) use the Periphrastic Narrative instead of the Inferential as the main TAME category of narration when telling traditional stories.

The Periphrastic Narrative combines a verb in the Aorist with the copula in the Sensory *pu-nyu*. In (184), the periphrastic construction *t*ʰu-sta-nu *pu-nyu* 'they woke up' corresponds to an Inferential *c*ʰy-sta-nu in a similar story told by another speaker (185).

(184) nsw vmaq kw-kw-tu zo tʰu-sta-nw psw-nyu.
DEM soldier TOTAL~SBJ:PCP-exist EMPH AOR-wake-PL SENS-be
'All the soldiers woke up.' (2003 qachGa) {0003372#S39}

(185) icqha ku-ruru vmaqmi nura cʰy-sta-nu.
the.aforementioned SBJ:PCP-guard soldiers DEM:PL IFR-wake-PL
'The guards woke up.' (140507 jinniao-zh) {0003931#S145}

As in the case of other periphrastic TAME constructions (see in particular 10, §21.2.2 concerning the Periphrastic Imperfective), a chain of several verbs in the Aorist can share one copula. In (186) for instance, the copula *pu-nyu* has scope over two clauses, each containing a verb in the Aorist (*ta-tut* and *mu-ta-tut-ndzi*, respectively).
(186) tce [kw-wxti ni ndzi-pʰe ta-tut] ri, [kw-wxti ni LNK SBJ:PCP-big DU 3DU.POSS-DAT AOR:3→3'-say[II] LNK SBJ:PCP-big DU kw mw-ta-tut-ndzi] ɲw-ŋu. ERG NEG-AOR:3→3'-say[II]-DU SENS-be

‘He told itᵢ to the two elder [sisters]j, but theyj did not tell itᵢ [to theirj parents].’ (2005-stod-kunbzang)

In the case of the verb *ti* ‘say’, while the regular Periphrastic Narrative is attested (186), we also find a periphrastic form *ti ɲw-ŋu* (187) with the Factual *ti* instead of the Aorist *ta-tut*.

(187) “*a-pi* ɲw-ćrak-a” *ti* ɲw-ŋu
1SG.POSS-elder.sibling SENS-be.thirsty-1SG say:FACT SENS-be
‘She said: “Sister, I am thirsty.”’ (2003 Kunbzang)

The verb *ti* ‘say’ in the Factual can share a copula with verbs in the Aorist in Periphrastic Narrative chains. In (188), the Factual form *ti* belongs to the same chain as the following Aorist form *ta-tut*, and *ɲw-ŋu* has scope over both of them. This periphrastic construction is similar to that of (186) above, but with a verb in the Factual instead of the Aorist in the first clause.

(188) [stu kw-xtci nɔ̃ w-pʰe ti] nɔ̃, [nɔ̃ kw li most SBJ:PCP-be.small DEM 3SG.POSS-DAT say:FACT ADD DEM ERG again ta-tut] ɲw-ŋu AOR:3→3'-say[II] SENS-be

‘He told itᵢ to the youngest [sister]j, and shej told itᵢ [to her parents].’

(2003 Kunbzang)

## 21.5.2 Inferential

In this section, the term “Inferential” is used as abbreviation for “Inferential Perfective”, as opposed to the ‘Inferential Imperfective discussed in §21.5.3.

### 21.5.2.1 Morphology

In the Kamnyu dialect of Japhug, the Inferential is built from the stem I of the verb with type D preverbs (§15.1.1.1, §21.1.1.1). For instance, the verb *ɛe* ‘go’ (whose stem II is -ari, §12.2.1), has the Inferential 3SG form *jo-ɛe* (IFR-say) ‘he said’ with the indefinite orientation type D preverb *jo-* and the stem I -ɛe.
21 Tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality

In the Xtokavian dialects of Japhug, there are only two series of preverbs (A and B), and the Inferential is marked by combining the B type preverbs with the Inferential prefix *a*. The second person prefix *tu*- is inserted between the preverb and the Inferential *a*- (compare 10a and 10b, §15.1.1.3).

Transitive verbs with open syllable stem with first and second person singular subjects and third person object in addition select the -t past tense suffix (§11.3, §21.1.3, -z in some dialects of Japhug), as illustrated by (189), (192) and (190) (see also 203, §21.5.2.3).

(189) az̥o cʰa kʰro ko-tsʰi-t-a
1SG alcohol much IFR-drink-PST:TR-1SG
‘I drank a lot of alcohol.’ (aesop zuoke de gou-zh)

(190) maka nɔ́-βzaŋlɔ́ n βze-a ra ma
completely 2SG.POSS-payback make[III]:FACT-1SG be.needed:FACT LNK
a-tcɛ́u uš-srov ko-tu̱-ri-t tce
1SG.POSS-son 3SG.POSS-life IFR-2-save-PST:TR LNK
‘I have to return the favour, as you have saved my son’s life.’
(2011-04-smanmi)

The verb *ti* ‘say’ is irregular in lacking this suffix in the Inferential; the 1SG and 2SG Inferential of this verb are thus *to-ti-a* and *to-tu̱-ti* as in (191), not †*to-ti-t-a* and †*to-tu̱-ti-t*.

(191) tce nɔ̱ u̱-qʰu tce tcʰi to-ti-a?
LNK DEM 3SG.POSS-after LNK what IFR-say-1SG
‘What did I say after that?’ (140522 Kamnyu zgo) {0004059#S159}

The Inferential occurs with the negative prefix *mu*- (§13.1.1), as in (192).

(192) mu̱-to-ta-t-a
NEG-IFR-put-PST:TR-1SG
‘I did not put [the tea on the oven].’ (Conversation, 28-04-2018, Dpalcan)

In the Kamnyu dialect, the preverbs are prevented from merging with the ini-
tial *a-* of contracting verbs (§12.3) by insertion of the peg circumfix (§11.4), to
avoid confusion with the Imperfective (since the result of the vowel merger of B
type and D type preverbs with *a-* is identical). This insertion occurs in third (193)
and first person (see 205, §21.5.2.3) forms.
(193) koŋla turme pγ-k-γβzu-nu-ci
really person IFR-PEG-become-PL-PEG
'[The puppets] became real people.' (150822 yan muouxi de ren-zh)
{0006384#S42}

In the second person, the prefix *tu*- occurs in slot -2 (§11.2.1, like the prefixal element *k(w)*- of the peg circumfix.) between the preverbs and the verb stem,

(194) nyzo pya pγ-tu-γβzu cti tce
2SG bird IFR-2-become be.AFF:FACT LNK
'You have become (been transformed into) a bird.' (160630 abao-zh)
{0006197#S143}

Table 21.6 presents the paradigms of a regular transitive verb (*tsʰi* 'drink'), the irregular *ti* 'say' (both with a 3SG object) and an intransitive contracting verb (*aβzu* 'become, grow') in the Kamnyu dialect.

<table><caption>Table 21.6: Inferential paradigms</caption><thead><tr><th>Subject</th><th>tsʰi 'drink'</th><th>ti 'say'</th><th>aβzu 'become, grow'</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>1SG(→3')</td><td>ko-tsʰi-t-a</td><td>to-ti-a</td><td>ŋŋγ-k-γβzu-a-ci</td></tr><tr><td>1DU(→3')</td><td>ko-tsʰi-tçi</td><td>to-ti-tçi</td><td>ŋŋγ-k-γβzu-tçi-ci</td></tr><tr><td>1PL(→3')</td><td>ko-tsʰi-j</td><td>to-ti-j</td><td>ŋŋγ-k-γβzu-j-ci</td></tr><tr><td>2SG(→3')</td><td>ko-tu-tsʰi-t</td><td>to-tu-ti</td><td>ŋŋγ-tu-γβzu</td></tr><tr><td>2DU(→3')</td><td>ko-tu-tsʰi-ndzi</td><td>to-tu-ti-ndzi</td><td>ŋŋγ-tu-γβzu-ndzi</td></tr><tr><td>2PL(→3')</td><td>ko-tu-tsʰi-nu</td><td>to-tu-ti-nu</td><td>ŋŋγ-tu-γβzu-nu</td></tr><tr><td>3SG(→3')</td><td>ko-tsʰi</td><td>to-ti</td><td>ŋŋγ-k-γβzu-ci</td></tr><tr><td>3DU(→3')</td><td>ko-tsʰi-ndzi</td><td>to-ti-ndzi</td><td>ŋŋγ-k-γβzu-ndzi-ci</td></tr><tr><td>3PL(→3')</td><td>ko-tsʰi-nu</td><td>to-ti-nu</td><td>ŋŋγ-k-γβzu-nu-ci</td></tr></tbody></table>

The contrast between upper A-type (*ty-*, *ly-*, *ky-*, *jy-*) and D-type preverbs (*to-*, *lo-*, *ko-*, *jo-*) is neutralized when followed by the inverse prefix (see Table 15.2, §15.1.1.1), so that transitive verbs without stem II alternation selecting the upper orientations have syncretism between Aorist and Inferential. For instance, the phonetic form [kóŋndo] is ambiguous between the Aorist 3'→3 *ký-wy-ndo* (AOR-INV-take) and the Inferential 3'→3 *kó-wy-ndo* (AOR-INV-take), both translatable as 'someone/it/s/he grabbed him/her'.