# Accessibility and the ‘everyday mobility–work–household’ triad: an exploration during the COVID-19 crisis in low-income peripheries of Lima and Bogotá

Jérémy Robert, Omar Pereyra Cáceres, Hernando Sáenz Acosta, Vincent Gouëset

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## To cite this version:

Jérémy Robert, Omar Pereyra Cáceres, Hernando Sáenz Acosta, Vincent Gouëset. Accessibility and the ‘everyday mobility–work–household’ triad: an exploration during the COVID-19 crisis in low-income peripheries of Lima and Bogotá. Area Development and Policy, 2024, 10 (2), pp.162-180. 10.1080/23792949.2024.2320653. hal-04661257

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Submitted on 15 Jan 2026

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# Accessibility and the “Everyday Mobility – Work – Household” Triad: An exploration during the Covid-19 Crisis in Low-Income Peripheries of Lima and Bogotá<fnref n="1" />

**Abstract**

How do people make decisions on where, when, and how to commute? And how did the pandemic crisis affect their commuting patterns? Based on exploratory interviews in Lima and family chronicles collected in Bogotá during 2020; and a second round of interviews in six low-income areas in the peripheries of these two cities during 2021, this article offers a panoramic view of the changes experienced in low-income neighbourhoods and their families during these recent years of pandemic. These changes bring to light the role of intra-household arrangements regarding mobility and accessibility. We suggest that mobility and accessibility can better be understood on more systemic level (influenced by intra-household arrangements), as a collective phenomenon (based on the household's resources and the household's needs), and even as a collective decision-making process.

**Keywords**

Covid-19 / Accessibility / Low-income neighbourhoods / Gender inequalities / Latin America

**Resumen**

¿Cómo se toman las decisiones sobre dónde, cuándo y cómo desplazarse al trabajo? ¿Y cómo afectó la crisis pandémica a los patrones de desplazamientos? A partir de entrevistas exploratorias en Lima y relatos familiares recabados en Bogotá durante el año 2020, además de una segunda ronda de entrevistas en seis áreas con bajos ingresos en las periferias de estas dos ciudades durante el año 2021, este artículo ofrece una visión panorámica de los cambios experimentados en barrios de bajos ingresos y sus familias durante estos recientes años de pandemia. Estos cambios sacan a la luz el papel de los acuerdos en los hogares con respecto a movilidad y accesibilidad. Proponemos que la movilidad y la accesibilidad se entenderían mejor a un nivel más sistémico (influenciado por los acuerdos en los hogares), como un fenómeno colectivo (basado en los recursos y necesidades de cada hogar), e incluso como un proceso colectivo de toma de decisiones.

**Palabras clave**

COVID-19 / Accesibilidad / Barrios populares / Desigualdades de género / América Latina

**Résumé**

Comment les individus décident-ils du lieu, du moment et de la manière de se déplacer pour se rendre au travail ? Et comment la crise pandémique a-t-elle affecté leurs habitudes de déplacement ? En s'appuyant sur des entretiens exploratoires menés à Lima et des chroniques familiales recueillies à Bogotá en 2020, ainsi que sur une série d'entretiens réalisés en 2021 dans six zones en périphérie populaire de ces deux villes, cet article offre une vue d'ensemble des changements vécus par les familles durant les années de pandémie. Ces évolutions mettent en lumière le rôle des arrangements intra-familiaux en matière de mobilité et d'accessibilité. Nous suggérons que la mobilité et l'accessibilité peuvent être mieux comprises à un niveau systémique (influencé par les arrangements internes au ménage), en tant que phénomène collectif (reposant sur les ressources et les besoins du ménage) et même comme un processus de prise de décision collective.

**Mots-clés**

Covid-19 / Accessibilité / Quartiers défavorisés / Inégalités de genre / Amérique latine

<footnote n="1">¹ This paper is a result of the ANR-funded MODURAL Project (https://modural.hypotheses.org/le-projet).</footnote>
# 1. Introduction

The crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic triggered massive upheaval in peoples' lives, not least of which were the significant changes to working dynamics and the restrictions on everyday mobility. This has been the case of the cities of Lima (Perú) and Bogotá (Colombia), which underwent lengthy periods of strict confinement (from March to July 2020), followed by a gradual recovery of the rhythms of mobility. The crisis period was marked by the precarisation of work and a widespread reduction in household income, particularly in the low-income peripheries, which are characterised by high levels of informal labour and the impossibility of access to remote work (Oviedo & Guzmán, 2020; Rojas, 2021). The measures taken to limit the spread of COVID-19 caused the most severe problems of accessibility in these peripheries, associated with long distances to the urban centres of employment and, on the other hand, by the high socioeconomic vulnerability and the precarious working conditions of populations compelled to seek a daily income to survive (Vega Centeno et al., 2022).

The objective of this article is to explore and provide evidence of how the relationship between employee location, everyday mobility practices, and intra-household arrangements influences the accessibility of activities that underpin household economies. The hypothesis we seek to explore is that accessibility is a dynamic variable that depends on the interrelation between the urban structure (distance between place of residence and employment); transport provision (coverage, quality, cost, etc.), and users' resources and mobility capital or "motility" (Kaufmann et al., 2004). This motility refers to the skills and knowledge of individuals, but also to the tactics that allow households to organise in response to an emergency situation.

The article begins with a brief state of the art focusing on workplace accessibility. This is followed by a description of the methodology, including the corpus of information and the analysis strategy used. After recalling the primary impacts of the pandemic on mobility and everyday life,
we present two major findings. The first is the reduction in mobility and the organisation of new
barrio-level activities as a consequence of dwindling employment and increasing mobility costs
during the pandemic. The second finding concerns the influence of intra-household arrangements
on accessibility – in particular, the extra workload caused by the pandemic in terms of household
chores and care activities, which largely fell to women and reinforced gender inequalities within
the household. Based on these results, we discuss accessibility as a dynamic variable and a factor
in individual and collective decision-making, before closing with some perspectives on the public
policy implications.

## 2. Literature review and conceptual framework

Our reflection draws from studies on the “accessibility shift” (Levine, 2020), which proposes to focus on people's needs and their prospects of reaching their destinations, rather than solely on transport provision. This reflection is also inspired by the “mobility turn,” which seeks to understand movement as a form of inhabitation (Sheller & Urry, 2006) and as a social and cultural practice. The problematisation of movement requires a focus on the object of movement and the reasons for it. Following this line of thought, the accessibility shift proposes that transport planning need not be limited to quantitative indicators in terms of demand or flows; rather, it should take into account the needs of people according to where they live, where they want to go, why they move, and how capable they are of moving. Among the studies within this framework, we are especially interested in those that seek to uncover inequalities of accessibility based on people's practices and experiences (Jirón & Mansilla, 2013; Blumenberg & Weinstein, 2014; Vecchio et al., 2020). As noted by Vecchio et al., (2020), the literature primarily emphasises economic disparities, overlooking other variables such as gender, age, or ethnicity. Another overlooked aspect is the interdependence between individuals – particularly within households – that characterises the
necessity of mobility and the decisions that allow for it. This article seeks to contribute to the elucidation of these dimensions while also adding a temporal dimension to the analysis, factoring in the impact of the COVID crisis and how it prompted reconfigurations of accessibility in a relatively short time. Thus, our goal is to foster a better understanding of accessibility from the perspective of individuals.

Accessibility can be understood as “people’s ability to access the places where certain services and opportunities needed – or desired – by people are provided” (Hernández 2012: 119; Levy & Dureau, 2002). This conceptualisation enables the integration of two key elements explored by the literature. On the one hand, the structural elements that determine access to opportunities, such as the structure of the city or transport systems; and on the other, the characteristics of individuals and their abilities to move around the city. Accessibility therefore depends on both the opportunities that the environment offers or denies people and their capacities to make use of these opportunities. The alignment or misalignment between these two elements determines the level of vulnerability in terms of accessibility for each individual or population group. In Latin American cities, the low-income peripheries are characterised for having fewer opportunities and therefore poorer conditions of accessibility. They house the poorest population groups, while central areas amass the largest offerings of jobs, goods, and services. This configuration translates into longer and more onerous commutes, a larger number of transfers, and higher transportation costs for inhabitants of the peripheries (Blanco, 2021; Bocarejo & Oviedo, 2012; Robert et al., 2022; Vasconcellos, 2010; Vega Centeno et al., 2019).

On the other hand, the accessibility of the city's resources to individuals varies according to their personal resources, skills, or characteristics. Income disparities are, of course, the foremost factor creating disparities in mobility opportunities (Vasconcellos, 2010). Several qualitative studies, especially ethnographic ones, have shown that individuals with comparable resources and
characteristics not only make use of the transport system in different ways but also face (for better or worse) the various barriers they come across in their movements in different ways (Jirón & Mancilla, 2013; Jirón & Imilán, 2018). Similarly, spaces of mobility tend to be more violent for women, subjecting them to harassment, abuse, and even violence (Allen et al., 2018; Moscoso et al., 2020). Physical characteristics related to age, disability, or other factors also enter the equation.

All this in mind, to what extent are mobility decisions individual? Much of the literature on mobility and accessibility stress the centrality of individual characteristics and capacities when facing obstacles or barriers to movement. This methodological individualism has come in for criticism, leading to calls for a sharper focus on the relational considerations that form the background to what can be regarded as individual decisions. For instance, Cass, Shove & Urry (2003), in a critique of accessibility conceived for certain predefined social types, such as the adult male traveling to work, invited consideration of the phenomenon within a network of social relations. This conception implies the inclusion, among other aspects, of the household structure in the analysis of mobility (Miralles-Guash, 2009; Porter et al., 2023).

The question of intra-household arrangements is long-standing in the social sciences. Classical studies on the survival strategies of the poorest stress the role of social networks (Lomnitz 1975; Gonzáles de la Rocha 1994; Dureau, 2006): sustaining households by way of extended families or those with members from different generations<fnref n="2" /> and calling on social networks composed of family members or friends in the same neighbourhood (in the form of *compadres*, *cuates*, or neighbours) are prevalent practices that are crucial to resolving survival problems and accessing opportunities. However, it is also known that most care work (both within and outside

<footnote n="2">² In the study areas of the MODURAL Project--all of them working-class average number of individuals per household is slightly higher than the average: 3 versus 2.9 in Bogotá (DANE 2018), and 3.8 versus 3.65 in Lima (INEI 2017)</footnote>
the home), as well as the work involved in preserving these social networks, is assumed primarily
by women, despite their increasing participation in the job market (Gonzáles de la Rocha, 2020).
This “feminisation of responsibility and obligation” (Brickell & Chant, 2010) has implications for
the mobility of women (Orfeuil, 2002), both in the Global North and South (Porter et al., 2023;
Jirón & Zunino, 2017). Levy (2013) shows that travel decisions are embedded in social relations
as much as they are influenced by class, gender, age, and ethnicity, and are “negotiated in the
household because it implies moving into the public space of the city” (p. 58). In Latin American
societies straining under the weight of patriarchal systems (Soto Villagrán, 2014), the norms of
both biological and social reproduction tend to take the form of mobility restrictions for women
(Levy, 2009), leading to shorter-distance journeys primarily within local areas.

The issue of care is central to explaining the specific patterns of mobility of women within households and their access to various urban resources (Jirón et al., 2022). Cosacov has shown how tasks related to family care (looking after grandchildren, collecting children from kindergarten, running errands for grandparents etc.), influence mobility and give rise to “relations of cooperation and affect [...] sustained through a dedication of time that spatial proximity facilitates in the context of a big city.” (2017: 46). Further qualitative studies on mobility emphasise that travel decisions and modes of transportation often hinge upon or are driven by other caregiving responsibilities (Jirón & Mansilla, 2013; Jirón & Mansilla, 2018; Gutiérrez, 2012). It has also been stressed that this set of arrangements often go undetected (whether because studies do not enquire into them or because people do not mention them as they are not directly asked about them) and thus tend to be invisibilised in the study of mobility (Jirón, 2018).

These key variables in the composition of accessibility for individuals and households were
profoundly affected by the pandemic. In the case of the cities of Bogotá and Lima, Guzmán et al.
(2021) and Robert et al. (2021), respectively, have shown how the confinement measures
exacerbated the differences between affluent and the unprivileged, as well as exposing major inequalities of access to essential services. Mobility inequalities related to the urban structure, as well as the effects on labour activities, explain why peripheral low-income neighbourhoods suffered the most severe disruptions to their everyday lives (Vega Centeno et al., 2022). The impacts took the form of abandonment of activities due to the confinement measures, as well as the loss of jobs and/or income that could not be sustained through telework (Guzmán et al., 2020; Guzmán, 2022). As far as mobility is concerned, inhabitants from low-income peripheries were compelled to continue moving around to make a daily living, with increased dependence on public transport, despite their fears of contagion. These phenomena show that the option of non-mobility during the period of confinement constituted a privilege through which some were able to protect their health and wellbeing, and, conversely, that the vulnerability of the poorest sectors was reflected in their inability to restrict their movement (Checa et al., 2020; Jirón, 2020a). Thus, immobility emerges as a category that entails different everyday crossroads (Riquelme Brevis et al., 2022) that can be both voluntary and forced: it is a privileged for those who can work from home or, alternatively, a sign of increasingly precarious living conditions.

Meanwhile, the crisis meant a juxtaposition between work, study, household chores, and caregiving (Jirón, 2020b). And as we have noted the impact was felt predominantly by women, marked by a dramatic rise in domestic and caregiving activities as well as situations of violence (Malaver-Fonseca et al., 2021; Proyectamos Colombia SAS, 2021). Thus, we propose the hypothesis that the pandemic compelled a reconfiguration of intra-household arrangements, and that these new arrangements influence household mobility strategies and access to life opportunities.
**3. Context of study and methodology**

Our objective is to explore the role of residential location and intra-household arrangements
in access to a resource as key as work. We concentrate on households located in the low-income
peripheries of Lima and Bogotá (see Map 1). Both cities, each with approximately 10 million
inhabitants, are characterised by pronounced socio-spatial segregation, leading to significant
spatial mismatch. The working-class populace resides primarily in these low-income peripheries,
which are predominantly residential areas far from the main centres of employment. Nevertheless,
these areas also exhibit social diversity, accommodating workers from both formal and informal
sectors, small entrepreneurs, university graduates, and middle-class households (Quijano, 1967;
Roberts, 1995; Dureau et al., 2015). Both cities are subject to public transport provision that can
be considered deficient due to poor coverage, extensive travel distances, numerous transfers, and
considerable time and financial costs. Consequently, mobility is one of the foremost sources of
dissatisfaction expressed in perception surveys.

<figure><img src="image_3.png" /><figcaption>Map 1 - Neighbourhoods of the study and transportation systems in both cities</figcaption></figure>
Both cities have made innovations in public transport, with the implementation of bus rapid
transits (BRTs) --the *Transmilenio* in Bogotá since 2001, and the *Metropolitano* in Lima since
2010. Lima also initiated a metro line in 2012, while Bogotá introduced an urban cable car in 2018.
Additionally, integrated bus systems like the SITP in Bogotá (from 2011) and the SIT in Lima
(from 2012), complement these BRT networks. However, despite these advancements, many
peripheral areas still lack access to these systems. Instead, they rely on regular buses (some formal,
others less so), *colectivo* taxi pools, and short-range rickshaw services such as *mototaxis* in Lima
and *bicitaxis* in Bogotá. These modes of transport are subject to varying degrees of control by the
authorities, which seek to modernise and formalise provision but which, at the same time,
demonstrate a degree of permissiveness by recognising that this supply fills a gap in the provision
of formal mobility services. Although the bicycle is an option in Bogotá, it has next to no presence
in the peripheries of Lima, as with other forms of micromobility in either city.

Although the two cities have long presented difficulties in terms of access to employment by
the low-income sectors, these conditions became more visible during the COVID-19 pandemic.
The literature reviewed prompts us to analyse mobility decisions, taking into account the multiple
barriers as well as the individual and collective strategies in response to this new context – but also,
and in particular, what transpires within households and how decisions are made at that level. The
advantage of this perspective is that it allows us to glimpse unexpected phenomena and
problematics, which becomes particularly pertinent amid changing situations during COVID. This
is demonstrated by Porter et al. (2023) in their study of the impact of the pandemic on everyday
mobility in African cities, in which care only emerged a posteriori, during the information
collection and gathering stages, as a central topic in the research.
The corpus of information for the present study is primarily qualitative and was obtained in the framework of the MODURAL Project, which studies the everyday mobility of people who inhabit the low-income peripheries of Lima and Bogotá. For this article, we draw on information collected in both cities at two moments (see Table 1).

<table><caption>Table 1 - Information collected</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th colspan="2">Lima</th><th colspan="2">Bogotá</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>2020</td><td>10 interviews (with residents)</td><td>One low-income periphery: Huaycán</td><td>36 family chronicles: university students and their families (146 individuals in total)</td><td>Different sectors of the city (students at U. Santo Tomás)</td></tr><tr><td>2021</td><td>40 interviews (residents and key actors)</td><td>Two low-income peripheries: Pachacútec and Independencia</td><td>80 interviews (residents and key actors)</td><td>4 low-income peripheries: El Lucero (Ciudad Bolívar), El Paraíso (Bosa), El Rincón (Suba), Altos de Cazucá (Soacha).</td></tr></tbody></table>

The first block of information was gathered between September and December 2020, just after the period of strict confinement in both cities. The primary objective of this stage was to document the impacts of the health crisis on the living conditions of people in both cities, above all in terms of mobility practices. In Lima, we conducted 10 remote interviews with residents from the low-income peripheral community of Huaycán (in eastern part of the city). In Bogotá, we collected 36 chronicles from families of university students. These chronicles were conceived as an exploratory exercise to understand mobility restrictions imposed by the health crises. This methodological strategy, similar to that employed by Porter et al. (2023) by way of diaries, allowed us to uncover household experiences during the confinement measures, including the affective dimensions, and to bring to light situations that were not anticipated. It is important to highlight that both the interviews and the family chronicles do not restrict to homogenous income groups. As mentioned, while low-income peripheries are primarily inhabited by economically disadvantaged families, they also exhibit socially diversity.
Consequently, the interviews in Huaycán (Lima) included individuals with university degrees and white-collar workers. Similarly, the collection of family-chronicles in Bogotá encompassed families residing in low-income peripheries alongside those reliant on manual work for income. Despite this heterogeneity, these data sources enabled us to identify a spectrum of situations and experiences, develop exploratory hypotheses, and explore new research avenues within this unique context. These problematics, particularly the intra-household arrangements and the importance of care in mobility decisions, were explored in greater depth during the second block of information-gathering.

The second block of information was collected between June and November 2021. At that stage, several of the public health restrictions were still in place (e.g., use of facemasks, capacity limitations on public transport, among others) although economic and transportation activities had resumed. In both cities, we conducted interviews (40 in Lima, 80 in Bogotá) in the study areas (all of them low-income peripheries): Independencia and Pachacútec in Lima; and El Lucero - Ciudad Bolivar, El Porvenir - Bosa, El Rincón de Suba, and Altos de Cazucá in Bogotá. The interviews aimed to gather information about area characteristics, mobility spaces, routines, COVID-19 induced changes, and experiences of interviewees with diverse profiles (men, women, elderly adults, cyclists, people with short- and long-distance mobility) and key informants (municipal officials, transport union leaders, neighbourhood leaders). Given the public health situation, most of the interviews were conducted remotely via telephone or online platforms. Additionally, field visits were carried out under pandemic-related restrictions, involving permanent mask usage, conversations in outdoor settings, and brief visits.
<table><caption>Table 2 - Household characteristics (number of cases per format)</caption><thead><tr><th>Variable</th><th>Format</th><th>Lima interviews</th><th>Bogotá interviews</th><th>Bogotá chronicles</th><th>Total</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td rowspan="4">Household profile</td><td>Single-parent</td><td>8</td><td>16</td><td>7</td><td>31</td></tr><tr><td>Biparental</td><td>13</td><td>22</td><td>19</td><td>54</td></tr><tr><td>Extended</td><td>10</td><td>7</td><td>10</td><td>27</td></tr><tr><td>No data</td><td>19</td><td>35</td><td>0</td><td>54</td></tr><tr><td rowspan="5">Household socioeconomic level</td><td>Precarious</td><td>10</td><td>16</td><td>0</td><td>26</td></tr><tr><td>Precarious / intermediate</td><td>0</td><td>22</td><td>1</td><td>23</td></tr><tr><td>Intermediate</td><td>13</td><td>26</td><td>33</td><td>72</td></tr><tr><td>Well-off</td><td>15</td><td>9</td><td>2</td><td>26</td></tr><tr><td>No data</td><td>12</td><td>7</td><td>0</td><td>19</td></tr><tr><td rowspan="3">Journey profile</td><td>Short (&lt; 30 min)</td><td>18</td><td>31</td><td>3</td><td>52</td></tr><tr><td>Long (&gt; 30 min)</td><td>18</td><td>32</td><td>30</td><td>80</td></tr><tr><td>No data</td><td>14</td><td>17</td><td>3</td><td>34</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Total</td><td>50</td><td>80</td><td>36</td><td>166</td></tr></tbody></table>

While our data collection encompassed a diverse corpus, aiming for comprehensive insights, we endeavoured to maintain systematicity throughout. While informants span various socioeconomic strata and locations – especially notable in Bogotá -for this paper, we solely present information from individuals residing in low-income areas of both cities, primarily in the peripheries. This aligns with the social heterogeneity prevalent in these areas, accommodating individuals from middle-class, working-class, and economically disadvantaged backgrounds. For clarity and context, for quoted informant's occupation, place of residence, and year of information collection are provided. We carried out the systematisation process a posteriori, using Excel, in order to group similar phenomena into comparable categories across the different blocks of information in order to respond to the main research hypotheses. A first stage involved a characterisation of the profile and level of the households and their travel patterns (Table 2). The second stage allowed us to sketch out three categories in order to explore relationships within the everyday mobility– work–household triad (Table 3).
The categories developed were (1) the impact of COVID-19 on employment; (2) the impact of COVID-19 on labour mobility (after strict confinement); and (3) intra-household arrangements. We assigned codes within each category to identify the diversity of the situations uncovered. This analysis seeks to elucidate themes that emerged as important during the accounts of the participants.

<table><caption>Table 3 - Systematisation and codification of the corpus in Lima and Bogotá (number of interviews and chronicles in which the code appears at least <fnref n="3" /></caption><thead><tr><th>Category</th><th>Code</th><th>Lima interviews</th><th>Bogotá interviews</th><th>Bogotá chronicles</th><th>Total</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td rowspan="3">COVID-19 impact on employment</td><td>Job loss</td><td>5</td><td>15</td><td>1</td><td>21</td></tr><tr><td>Reduction in income</td><td>13</td><td>22</td><td>10</td><td>45</td></tr><tr><td>No impact (or minimal)</td><td>19</td><td>32</td><td>10</td><td></td></tr><tr><td rowspan="5">COVID-19 impact on occupational mobility (after strict confinement)</td><td>Continuation of journeys to work or study</td><td>26</td><td>54</td><td>13</td><td>93</td></tr><tr><td>Decreased mobility</td><td>16</td><td>14</td><td>4</td><td>34</td></tr><tr><td>Increased mobility (longer or more frequent commutes)</td><td>5</td><td>2</td><td>2</td><td>9</td></tr><tr><td>Mobility as a resource (since before pandemic)</td><td>10</td><td>19</td><td>0</td><td>29</td></tr><tr><td>Mobility as a resource (starting from pandemic)</td><td>3</td><td>2</td><td>0</td><td>5</td></tr><tr><td rowspan="2">Intra-household arrangements</td><td>Distribution of household roles and tasks (not including caregiving)</td><td>1</td><td>13</td><td>4</td><td>18</td></tr><tr><td>Caregiving (looking after/helping another person)</td><td>7</td><td>13</td><td>9</td><td>29</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Total</td><td>50</td><td>63</td><td>53</td><td>166</td></tr></tbody></table>

<footnote n="3">³ The figures in the square correspond to the number of interviews and chronicles in which the code appears at least once. It is important to note that the absence of any of the phenomena analysed (codes) in the interviews and chronicles does not necessarily reflect its non-existence; the data gathering instruments were not designed to capture all the phenomena analysed, as some themes emerged during the process. Since the unit of analysis is the household, different situations can occur simultaneously within a single household (such as loss the loss of a job by one member and an increase in earnings for another). In these cases, both phenomena are noted.</footnote>
# 4. Findings

## 4.1 Reduction in mobility and new activities amid the pandemic

Two of the main impacts of the pandemic that we observed repeatedly in the interviews were the reduction in mobility and the realisation of new local activities (related to services, mobility, and delivery). These changes were more numerous and circumstantial in 2020, while more permanent situations were detected in 2021. They reflect a paradox. On the one hand, we noted greater accessibility related to the unfolding of labour dynamics on a local level. But on the other hand, we discerned a loss of accessibility related to greater isolation and disconnect from the major urban centres and the opportunities that they provide.

There was an initial period of drastic and systematic mobility restrictions during the early months of the pandemic in 2020. These restrictions were by to employment in the case of some households; for instance, many domestic workers were dismissed for fear of contagion. These workers present especially complicated conditions of mobility (Montoya & Escovar, 2021), as they generally come from the working-class peripheries and work in the city's most affluent neighbourhoods. Long hours and poor connections between the two spaces compound the precariousness and informality of their status. Thus, they were among the groups that suffered the most from the pandemic.

This is how Valeria, a community leader from (Lima), referred to the situation faced by female domestic workers during the most critical stages of the pandemic (2020):

> "They go out less. [...] The women have been left unemployed; most of them work in homes, in houses, and so they've been told 'Well, you know what? You can't [work here] because the way you come, you'll infect me.' [...] So now they don't get involved in anything, you see. They don't leave their houses. (August 2021)."

Fear of contagion was a recurring factor in people's avoidance of leaving their homes, and often
resulted in a loss of work. As Eliana, from Altos de Cazucá in Bogotá, remarked: *I used to make blood sausage, corn cakes, but with this whole pandemic thing I'm scared of going out to the butcher (July 2021)*". These voluntary restrictions added to those imposed externally (for instance, in case of loss of work) and disproportionately affected the most vulnerable poor sectors.<fnref n="4" />

Once the most severe stage of the pandemic was over (April to August 2020), most of the interviewees returned to their pre-pandemic travel routines, be they short- or long-distance. However, we also observed various situations of change:

**An initial form of change involved the shift to teleworking.** For instance, those who worked in fields such as education, administration, and sales progressed to virtual work from the start of the pandemic in March 2020. However, in the low-income neighbourhoods in which we conducted interviews in 2021, we only identified six people out of a total of 120 who were engaged in telework at that point.

**A second form of change affected those who were required to make longer commutes to sustain their income.** These were individuals who sought a new form of employment. Such is the case of Shirley in Huaycán (Lima), who lost her job at a call centre and started traveling to districts of Metropolitan Lima that she would not normally go to before the pandemic. "*I recently had to go to [...] an interview for wine. I had to go to my cousin's house in San Martín; She told me about it. [...] Yes. I'm traveling personally to go to interviews (October 2020)*". This also included those in occupations linked to mobility, especially taxi drivers, who said they had to work longer hours or make longer commutes to maintain their income. There were also those who had to carry out more, though not necessarily longer, commutes. Change of residence was another factor that motivated increases in mobility, in terms of either distance or intensity.

<footnote n="4">⁴On the differentiated effects of the pandemic on vulnerable groups see CEPAL (2022). Specifically on the case of Perú see World Bank (2023)</footnote>
A third type of change affected individuals who experienced restrictions to their mobility.

Examples include people who opted to reorganise their work activity in the local such as sellers, construction workers, or people who opted to start new ventures from their homes or neighbourhoods. These ventures were often highly precarious and itinerant (itinerant sellers), particularly in the case of individuals and households in vulnerable socioeconomic situations. These individuals had no significant savings and no alternative means of support, and started new activities like selling different products in the streets.

Moreover, the interviewees spoke about the emergence of local businesses of various kinds, such as restaurants, bodegas, or other stores. These were typically small businesses in which the owners themselves served the public. Often, they cropped up in their own homes, or else in local commercial zones. But there were some cases where these businesses managed to employ, at least occasionally, other local residents for activities such as serving the public or home deliveries.

Another common form of activity that came up as an alternative was local transportation.
Mobility, which has always been a safe sector offering individuals informal work at times of crisis,
then became a main source of income. In Independencia (Lima) Rosa told us that "*The number of
vehicles, and motos [mototaxis] has increased. This is also because they say 'I don't have much
work, I'll get going with a moto.'* Moto, moto, it's all motos. So, there are tons of informal vehicles,
aren't there? Buy your moto and get to work. No one controls you, no one says a thing. Free reign.
June 2021)". Mototaxis provide a local (short-distance) mobility service in which people from that
same area (generally young men) engage. Take Renato, a 39-year-old handyman in the construction
industry who also operated a mototaxi service in Huaycán (Lima) but aspires to buy a car: "*Well,
my goal for the future, I want to settle all my debts. My dream is to be able to buy a car, yes a car,
for work*. (November 2020)". This was also the case of Daniel (Huaycán, Lima), a 38-year-old
physical education teacher (November 2020), who opted to buy a mototaxi. Daniel learned to drive,
got his license, and now manages to generate about half his pre-pandemic income.
Moreover, many interviewees, in both Lima and Bogotá, mentioned the involvement of the Venezuelan population in activities of this description, often informally.

Local delivery services also became premanent. In Bogotá, we encountered students who provided delivery services by bicycle to supplement their household income. This is the case of Martín, in Altos de Cazucá (Bogotá), who delivered yogurts one or two days per week. Martín spoke of how, "just one family member has fixed work and that's my younger brother. The rest of us live informally, independently (June 2021)". In Huaycán (Lima), we also saw the emergence of home delivery services, generally carried out on foot and sometimes by bike, motorcycle, or mototaxi. These small local businesses are replacing the Rappi or Glovo food delivery apps, found mainly in the central districts and which did not have much of a presence in Huaycán before the pandemic. While the working-class peripheries are highly dependent on the city centre for employment, a new neighbourhood economy seems to have developed.

In these initiatives –itinerant sales, retail businesses, and transportation cantered on the local – the entry costs are relatively low. They require an investment in inputs or a transport unit, usually met through available savings or loans. Such activities arise as neighbourhood-level alternatives for residents and are sustained by internal neighbourhood dynamics. They respond to a need for households to generate income in a context of economic crisis (at the national and household levels).

These dynamics can reflect an improvement in accessibility. Local development and proximity to work are highly valued by some of the interviewees, such as Alina, a cleaner who lives with her husband and two adult children in Bosa (Bogotá) and who found (in 2021) a job just a 20-minute walk away from her house. Alina views this as an improvement on her previous mobility situation: "Oh, yes! Of course, it obviously is [better]. To be honest the transport is just awful horrible, because my girlfriends, they have to commute using the SITP [Bogotá's bus
network] or take the Transmilenio (the BRT system), and for them, not one of them says that it isn't
difficult. (July 2021)". Héctor, who works as a psychologist in Bosa (Bogotá), listed the benefits of
the new job he found closer to his home:

> "For one thing, I save financially because I don't spend money. Health, because I don't get stressed out with the transport, I don't get flustered about arriving late, so it gives you peace of mind when it comes to health and all that. And the proximity which helps me to never arrive late, to get back quickly to share time with my family, at home, so it's an advantage. (July 2021)".

But in contrast to these situations, we also found evidence of precarisation of living conditions, marked by the development of a small-scale survival economy that was precarious, usually informal, and often spurred by what little savings were available.

In sum, the changes in workplace accessibility reveal a range of situations. The loss of accessibility on a macro (or city-wide) scale was offset in part by greater accessibility, on a micro (or local) scale, of nearby spaces. Yet, these changes hinge on the popular economy's ability to generate such jobs and on people's access to the necessary resources to initiate these ventures. In other cases, the reduction in mobility reflected a precarisation of household situations and, consequently, a loss of accessibility.

## 4.2 Intra-household arrangements: women bore the brunt

The lockdown thus created a new state of affairs: children staying inside and studying at home due to schools being closed; parents teleworking, unable to work, or forced to spend more time away from home to make up for lost income; disruption of consumption habits, and curtailment of the support that was previously given to elderly or vulnerable parents living at home or elsewhere. In this context, the disruptions to household economies and the changes of mobility
strategy hinge on intra-household arrangements. These arrangements, though pivotal in understanding household access, tend to be overlooked by the interviewees themselves. They influence decision about to travel, whether short or long distance, as well as the level of economic investment for various reasons.

The restrictions imposed in the first stages of the pandemic (as well as the magnitude of the infection and death rates, especially in Lima) compelled the households to develop specific strategies for the reallocation of duties. Leaving the home was considered a major risk that could affect all household members but especially elderly relatives. Decisions were made on who would go out shopping, who would remain indoors, who would go out to work, and who would stay at home to care for whomever. In some cases, it was the men and sometimes the young people in the household who would go out. And in several households, the women took charge of the domestic chores at home. Some households implemented strategies whereby household members took turns to do different tasks – particularly to protect the more vulnerable members. Such is the case of Camila, who lives in the low-income peripheral area of Fontibón (Bogotá):

"In the family environment we decided we would look after my mother and my aunt as well as ourselves, as they are the elderly members of the household. So, because we knew that the pandemic was not just a passing thing, we worked out a strategy for at least four months at the family and co-habitation levels, in which the only ones who went out were my brother Jonathan and I. [...] my other two siblings, with one of them working and the other on an internship, it was very difficult for them to help us. (September 2020)".

As well as this reorganisation of activities, we observed an increase in household chores and caregiving responsibilities. This was particularly notable in the Bogotá family chronicles, owing to the methodology and the timing of application (2020, just after the strict confinement ended). In these cases, there was an increase in tasks, largely given the need to cook for all members but also
due to increased cleaning and biosecurity requirements: responsibilities that, in the vast majority
of cases, were assumed by women (especially mothers, but also grandmothers and daughters).
The testimony of Linda, a student in Bogotá residing in a poor neighbourhood (Chapinero) in the
city centre, explicitly illustrated the gender inequalities:

"In my house, the household chores are divided up. My mum Valeria is generally the one who washes clothes and does the cleaning, and I clean my own room and make breakfast, and sometimes also lunch and dinner when I want to. On the other hand, my grandmother does the cooking along with my aunt [...] who is also a housewife. She also takes care of cleaning for herself and her grandson Santiago [...] who, as is typical in a patriarchal society, mustn't do anything in the home, not even [tidy] his own bedroom. (September 2020)"

A central variable in the organisation and everyday routines of households was especially during
school closures requiring support for children attending virtual classes, and later, when in- person
learning resumed (from September 2020 at private schools and February 2021 at public schools
in Bogotá, and from 2022 in Lima). The issue emerged in 20 interviews, with women
predominantly assuming caregiving responsibilities within the household. In several households,
women stayed at home to look after their children (Madariaga, 2009; Moscoso et al., 2020), and
with the pandemic these responsibilities also came to be assumed by women who also studied or
were in paid work (Observatorio de Mujeres y Equidad de Género de Bogotá, 2021; Ortiz Escalante
et al., 2021). These new activities often resulted in reduced mobility and difficulties in resuming
in-person work. Many participants highlighted the assistance received from family networks,
particularly grandmothers. This was the case of Leila in El Lucero, Bogotá, a commercial
representative in a socioeconomically precarious situation, who found herself alone with her 13-
year-old daughter.
"I spend the time working, to be honest, every day. [...] Besides Sundays, [although] there are some Sundays when you work to increase production, they measure us by production. And my girl, well in truth my mum lives in the neighbourhood, because my mum looks after the girl. And, well, she's 13 now and she doesn't let anyone else care for her because, to be honest, she doesn't trust anyone. [...] "So I don't dare leave the neighbourhood because of the fact of my girl (July 2021)."

In 12 interviews, the respondents – all of them women – mentioned caring for family members besides children, such as parents, grandparents, and others. Most of the testimonies referred to care within the same household which had as a consequence restriction of mobility. Yenny, a student from a poor family in Engativa (a low-income peripheral area in Bogotá) told us: “I haven't been able to go out because my family unit is vulnerable, as my grandmother is elderly and my mum has hypertension. Given that, as much as I want to go out, however close it may be, I prefer to stay at home. (September 2020)”. Mariana, who runs a small business and lives Kennedy, another low-income peripheral area in Bogotá, referred to a similar situation involving her mother: “Because we live in the same housing estate as my grandparents, [she] went to see them every day, to take care of them, to keep them company, to make them lunch and dinner, among other things. (September 2020)”. Karen in Huaycán (Lima) told us she “keeps tabs on my family members in the area. I visit them to see if they're alright or if they need anything. (December 2020)”.

In many cases, these activities – household chores, care for young children or elderly adults – accumulate, requiring a considerable investment of time and creating consequences for mobility and accessibility (Jirón et al., 2022). The configuration of households and the occupations of their members influence these decisions. In the case of Mauricio and Álcida, both working for a logistics company and residing in Bosa, Bogotá, caregiving activities affect parents. Álcida mentioned: "In the morning, I get up and see to my husband. [In the first stage of the pandemic] at 5:30 I wake up
my son who studies virtually here at home, and help him keep up with his classes. [Once her son resumed in-person classes] I go out to work at 1, I drop him off at school in the morning, and a lady is helping us pick him up. This routine affected her forms of mobility: "I'm too tired to get about on a bicycle, because I work from the morning until 8 at night when I finish. I work all day because here at home I wash-up, cook, tend to Sergio, who's doing this thing and the next thing, and I go along and keep on working, doing the same thing". Mauricio, the father, also took part: "[When] my wife is away I go and check up on him, stay with him, give him food, check his homework, feed him at around 8 at night, and make sure he brushes his teeth." On the other hand, he complained about a lack of time with his son "because there is no way, because the transport is very poor, so you're having to divide your time between the family and work. I'm away from my boy a lot [...] whereas if I had more time to spend with him, we'd go to a park, go out for ice cream, go off to play and then time to eat, and it would be a whole lot better." (July 2021)".

In the household of José Miguel, who resides with his wife and two children in Bosa (Bogotá), the situation is different. José Miguel transitioned to virtual work during the pandemic and noted that he had not been affected by domestic chores: "AI started working here at home almost four months ago, as soon as the pandemic started. It was much better because I don't need to get up so early, work more comfortably, if you want to work without shoes on you can, even in pyjamas - you can do it no problem. Well, I can say that, because I'm a man, because we men don't pay much attention to household stuff. (June 2021)." This example attests to a situation of inequality in the division of responsibilities in which the woman assumes the most work and tends to make the most sacrifices. José Miguel added "I've spoken to female colleagues who are the moms of the household. They felt more stressed because apart from having to take care of the kids, lunch, their role, they also had to get through their workdays. From my point of view as a man, fine, great, and the tasks I was assigned weren't so tedious. So, it was okay. I liked the idea of working from
*home*. (June 2021) ”.

Certainly, household chores and intra-household arrangements influence women's access.
For instance, Alicia (July 2021), employed as a cleaner in Bosa (Bogotá) mentioned that if her
work had been farther away, she would have had to quit in order to look after her children and
husband. The fact of having to come far from your workplace is a great difficulty, especially for
households where caregiving responsibilities fall primarily on women. It is crucial to highlight this
increased burden on women, which counters a previous trend towards greater emancipation.
Further research will undoubtedly be needed once the public health crisis is over to determine
whether this was simply a by-product of events or part of a more fundamental trend (Tabbush,
2021; Zúñiga-Olave & Herrmann-Lunecke, 2022).

4.3 Accessibility as a dynamic variable and a factor in individual and collective decision-making

Beyond the classical determinants used in the measurement of accessibility (transport
provision, job location, and individual characteristics), our analysis explores the last one
(individual characteristics). The information collected shows that accessibility is a dynamic
variable that fluctuates based on a series of factors, such as changes in the household economy and
in family arrangements due to the pandemic. Amid this decline in conditions of accessibility, four
important dynamics can be discerned:

- In the first dynamic, the patterns of long commutes are maintained, but with the burden of household chores borne by at least one woman in the household.
- In the second dynamic, mobility is reduced, which can imply either an improvement in quality of life (less travel time and financial outlay without a decline in working conditions in cases of better-off households) or, conversely, a deterioration in the household situation marked by the risk of isolation and job insecurity.

- In the third dynamic, there is a change of employment to the mobility sector, whether as an operator, a driver, or a deliverer, which can provide more flexibility but can also be somewhat precarious.

- The final dynamic is work from home, but this applies only to a small minority in the working-class peripheries.

The array of strategies and changes implemented by households are a product of collective decisions necessitated by new junctures, both within and outside the home. Any alteration in one component of the system is likely to trigger changes to other components. We propose a metaphor likening these arrangements and ensuing decisions to a game of chess, where pieces move according to the position of the others. These are collective decisions. Factors such as household composition, the presence or absence of dependent children or vulnerable adults, and the existence or non-existence of support networks have a direct influence on collective decisions and arrangements. In this context there is evidence of pronounced gender inequality in which women tend to assume a greater load and make more sacrifices, especially in lower income households (Jirón et al., 2022; Malaver-Fonseca et al., 2021). These combinations of variables ultimately reflect the accessibility and decision-making capacity of each individual within the household. A lower level of accessibility corresponds to fewer options, such as a more limited ability to choose (of whether to work, what type of work, and where) and to adapt to a new situation. We found that the intra-familiar arrangements, by restricting or expanding options, are a key element in understanding the level of accessibility of individuals. These results open up possibilities for
research that explores more systematically these arrangements and the different types of individual
situations.

**5. Conclusions**

Beyond the specific context of the 2020 public health crisis, these exploratory findings offer avenues for research while contributing to our understanding of accessibility as a product not only of investment in time and money but also of strategies, compromises, and sacrifices made by individuals and households. Evidencing these components or determinants of accessibility – within its conceptualisation as an adjustment variable between work opportunities and household capital – also has implications in policy terms (Hernández, 2012; Oviedo, 2022; Tiznado-Aitken et al., 2022).

As a result of the COVID-19 pandemic, the peripheral neighbourhoods became at once more isolated and more dependent on centres of employment and long commutes. A new socio-spatial stratification appears to have been mapped out between those who go out and generate income and demand services, and those who provide these services. This situation has contributed to the emergence of local economic activities, primarily in retail and mobility. However, it can also be associated with a decline in living conditions, social isolation, and fewer opportunities. When it comes to public policies, this phenomenon attests to the need to continue working on public transport systems in order to improve connections between the working-class peripheries and sites of employment. The development of initiatives aimed at deconcentration of public services and support of local ventures is another option to consider with the aim of better supporting the accessibility conditions of these peripheries. The often-informal dynamics linked to transport provision and delivery services, for instance, may represent improvement opportunities. Factoring
low-income peripheries, with their realities and difficulties, into current post-pandemic debates (such as those related to the 15-minute city or sustainable mobility) offers an interesting opportunity for research and reflection.<fnref n="5" />

The second key point is the collective element to mobility decisions, where gender inequalities emerge as a critical flaw. One of the objectives of this article is to evidence the importance of intra-household decision-making and intra-household arrangements when exploring mobility and accessibility. Yet, a more comprehensive exploration on how these decisions and arrangements are made is needed. An intersectional analysis involving class, gender, age, and others factors could yield insights into these processes. Similarly, delving into the relationship between pendular mobility and other types of mobility (care-mobility, and others) needs further exploration. This has implications for improving the flexibility of transport systems, responding to a given set of situations rather than at a given time (Martens,

2017). Strategies might include public infrastructure that facilitates household organisation and caregiving tasks, such as Bogotá's *Manzanas del Cuidado* program.<fnref n="6" /> Examining working conditions, particularly for women and advocating for more flexible schedules, is another avenue for exploration. This research agenda seeks to stimulate continued exploration of the relationship between mobility and care activities, in the context of COVID-19 but also beyond (Porter et al., 2023).

<footnote n="5">⁵ See, for example, the post by Carlos Moreno Luna, http://ieu.unal.edu.co/en/medios/noticias-del-ieu/item/en-las-ciudades-latinoamericanas-se-dificulta-implementar-el-modelo-de-15-minutos-dada-la-gran-segregacion-carlos-augusto-moreno-luna</footnote>

<footnote n="6">⁶ https://bogota.gov.co/mi-ciudad/mujer/sistema-distrital-de-cuidado-beneficiados-con-manzanas-del-cuidado</footnote>
The role of collective decision-making, particularly at the household level, and the arrangements made in response to internal and external changes are compelling areas. Enhancing especially for the most people and groups, demands beyond the realm of mobility and transport. This necessitates attention to local development, land use concerns, labour policies, and public services. Moreover, the influence of social contexts on mobility decisions should be duly acknowledged.

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