# The mobility of transgender women in the city of Yaoundé, Cameroon: becoming visibly invisible

Brenda Masanga Ngum

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DOI: 10.4000/153kj

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Brenda Masanga Ngum, "The mobility of transgender women in the city of Yaoundé, Cameroon: becoming visibly invisible", *Belgeo* [Online], 3 | 2025, Online since 05 November 2025, connection on 07 February 2026. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/belgeo/80195; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/153kj

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# The mobility of transgender women in the city of Yaoundé, Cameroon: becoming visibly invisible

Brenda Masanga Ngum

1. Over the past several decades, sexual and gender minorities across various African countries have faced fierce adversity, driven by widespread social exclusion, systemic discrimination, and even state-sanctioned repression (Awondo, 2010; Broqua, 2012; Epprecht, 2012). Such pervasive and institutionalized violence (Reid and Dirsuweit, 2002) often leads to enduring ruptures within family networks and enforced isolation, all driven by deeply entrenched heteronormative practices embedded in both familial and legal structures (Ngum, 2024). In societies that label them as “outsiders” (Becker, 1963), these women are relegated to lives of marginalization and public invisibility (Oudenhuijsen, 2021), particularly in urban environments. Cameroon offers a particularly revealing case for examining the interplay between visibility and repression in public spaces as relates to transgender¹ persons.

2. Since the early 2000s, increased media coverage and the politicization of homosexuality have significantly shaped the experiences and trajectories of LGBT communities in Cameroon (Awondo, 2012). A pivotal moment occurred in 2006, when private newspapers published a controversial list of mostly high-profile individuals alleged to be homosexuals. This act thrust the issue into the public sphere, triggering a wave of complex and often contradictory developments (Machikou, 2009). On one hand, the event intensified the existing hostility towards people with nontraditional sexual orientations, resulting in severe human rights violations and, in some cases, fatal consequences. On the other hand, it ignited a surge in grassroots LGBT activism across a visible chunk of the country.

3. Notwithstanding, the efforts of activists continue to unfold within a climate of deep-seated resistance. Non-heteronormative identities and practices remain heavily stigmatized, framed through a vocabulary of condemnation—diabolical, un-African, mystical, unnatural, immoral—that sustains discrimination and legitimizes persecution
in both urban and rural areas of Cameroon (Gueboguo, 2006; Ngomo, 2007; Lado, 2012; Menyengue, 2016; Biligha, 2017; Foe, 2017; Geschiere & Orock, 2020).

4 This complex configuration has a profound impact on the mobility of trans women in the capital city of Yaoundé, which constitutes the central focus of this article. The present study seeks to examine how ongoing persecution in public spaces affects trans women's ability to move freely and participate fully in urban life on an equal footing with cisgender persons. It also explores the strategies these women develop to navigate the city and sheds light on the fluidity of the relationship between mobility and gender (Hanson, 2010).

## Literature review

5 Mobility practices play a crucial role in shaping gender identity and expression (Lubitow et al., 2017). In the Global South, research has shown that men and women experience mobility in markedly different ways, with women often described as having “poor mobility” in public spaces due to insecurity, fear of harassment, and economic constraints (Cresswell and Uteng, 2008). These factors limit access to safe transportation and restrict women’s everyday movements and urban participation (Dunckel, 2016). Marginalized groups, including sexual and gender minorities, often face compounded forms of immobility (Hannam et al., 2006; Kaufmann, 2002).

6 Geographic scholarship has shown that public spaces are constructed through gender-normative and heteronormative logics, reinforcing exclusionary hierarchies (Cresswell and Uteng, 2008). Individuals who do not conform to binary gender norms—particularly trans persons whose identities transcend the feminine/masculine dichotomy—encounter heightened barriers in navigating urban environments (Valentine, 2007; Bornstein, 1998; Broqua and Geoffrion, 2023). Transgender individuals, whether socially, hormonally, or surgically transitioned (Hérault, 2005; Giama, 2011), face structural and interpersonal challenges that render public mobility a site of vulnerability and exclusion. The concept of queer mobilities underscores how identity, visibility, and harassment shape LGBTQ+ experiences in public transportation (Weintrob et al., 2021). Transmobilities research further reveals how intersecting forms of oppression influence how transgender and gender-nonconforming individuals navigate the urban space (Lubitow et al., 2017). Violence and harassment are common experiences for this population, directly impacting their access to public spaces (Gordon and Meyer, 2007; Grant et al., 2011; Doan, 2007). Perceptions of safety vary across locations and identity markers (Abelson, 2014; Browne et al., 2010), with trans women facing higher rates of violence than trans men—often due to both their gender identity and societal perceptions of femininity (Jauk, 2013). These challenges undermine trans women’s right to the city (Lefebvre, 1967; Spire, 2019), limiting access to urban amenities and reinforcing exclusion through heteronormative norms (Enright, 2019; Auby, 2022).

7 Despite growing scholarship on gendered mobility and trans geographies, most research remains centered on the Global North, leaving the lived experiences of gender-diverse communities in the Global South significantly underexplored (Rama, 2018; Ivanova and O’Hern, 2024). This article seeks to address that gap by focusing on the mobility of trans women in Cameroon, contributing to a geographically decolonial understanding of trans identities and transmobilities (Côte, 2001; Hirt, 2022).
## Context

8 Yaoundé, the political capital of Cameroon, has an estimated population of 4,854,260, as of 2025 (World Population Review, 2025). While precise data on the number of women in the city is unavailable, a 2023 UN-Habitat report indicates a gender imbalance, with 113 men for every 100 women. There is currently no official data on the transgender population in Yaoundé, though the World Population review suggest that approximately 2,500 transgender individuals live across Cameroon (World Population Review, 2025). Gender disparities remain deeply entrenched, significantly influencing women's social, economic, and cultural development (World Bank, 2025). These challenges are even more pronounced for transgender women, who face systemic barriers to education, employment, and housing (Ngum, 2024).

9 Transidentity in Cameroon is primarily approached through the legal and medical frameworks. Legally, homosexuality² is criminalized under Article 347-1 of the Penal Code, which punishes consensual same-sex relations with prison sentences ranging from six months to five years and fines up to 200,000 CFA francs (330 euros). Additionally, Article 83 of the Cybercrime and Cybersecurity Law targets LGBTQ+ individuals by criminalizing online expressions deemed “immoral,” a term often interpreted to include same-sex content and communication. Medically, transidentity is addressed almost exclusively within the context of HIV/AIDS prevention, where transgender persons are classified as “vulnerable population groups” (Ministry of Public Health, 2024). This designation has led to the establishment of community support groups in seven regions of the country. Despite these efforts, gender-based violence against transgender individuals remains widespread and deeply concerning.

## Database and methodology

10 This paper is based on an ethnographic study undertaken in an advocacy organization for the rights of transgender women during the course of my PhD studies between March and December 2020³. The study is built around biographical interviews with 30 women who self-identify as transgender women and are either members of an organization fighting for the rights of transgender women in the town of Yaoundé or sympathizers of such organizations. Thanks to this port of entry into the trans community, the leaders of this organization scheduled the meetings with transgender women. Each biographical interview lasted an average of three hours, and each woman was interviewed at least twice, except for one who was met just once. All biographical interviews were conducted at the organization's head office.

11 The biographical interviews began with a brief introduction, and an invitation for the participants to introduce themselves: “I am Brenda Masanga, a doctoral student in sociology, and I work on transgender women in Cameroon. And you? Could you introduce yourself?” At the end of the discussion, the interviewees were given the opportunity to ask questions, as well. This approach helped to create a relaxed atmosphere, offering them the chance to inquire about my identity and intimacy, and to revisit certain aspects of their narratives.
12 The interviews were recorded, with the participants' prior consent, on a mobile's phone Dictaphone. The interviews were later entirely transcribed, analyzed and theme-coded using SONAL transcription software⁴.

13 All interviews have been anonymized in the text, and new first names assigned with account for the sensitivities of each person; the new first names chosen by transgender women tend to reflect their personalities (González, 2018). The interview dates have also been modified to reinforce anonymity.

14 This article is also based on my observation of transgender women both in the trans safe and unsafe spaces of the town. During the period from April to December 2020, I was able to attend all the weekly meetings of the organization, six working meetings of the RITAC⁵ network, and five focus groups.

15 In addition to these formal observation opportunities, I had several instances of exchanges with members of trans associations outside the trans associative environment: during outings to the market, when carrying out administrative procedures, eating, going to church, and walking around the city. Also, since April 2020, I have been accepted into two WhatsApp groups of trans organizations in Cameroon.

16 The discussions, which centered on the challenges inherent to mobility and the strategies formed to overcome these challenges, constitute the corpus and basis of the findings presented in this article.

<table><caption>Table 1. Participant's demographics.</caption><thead><tr><th>N°</th><th>Pauconym</th><th>Age range</th><th>Level of education</th><th>Profession</th><th>Grew up with</th><th>Gender Identity</th><th>Accommodation</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>1</td><td>Aimé</td><td>(25 - 30)</td><td>Second year university</td><td>Student</td><td>Both parents</td><td>Masculine/Feminine</td><td>Student Housing</td></tr><tr><td>2</td><td>Angel</td><td>(25 - 30)</td><td>First degree</td><td>Student</td><td>Single parent</td><td>Masculine</td><td>Student Housing</td></tr><tr><td>3</td><td>Aviva</td><td>(30 - 35)</td><td>Secondary</td><td>Trans organization staff</td><td>Single parent</td><td>Feminine</td><td>Renting apartment</td></tr><tr><td>4</td><td>Avandu</td><td>(25 - 30)</td><td>Primary</td><td>Un employed</td><td>Both parents</td><td>Masculine/Feminine</td><td>Housed by partner</td></tr><tr><td>5</td><td>Celestin</td><td>(30 - 35)</td><td>Bachelor's degree</td><td>Student</td><td>Single parent</td><td>Masculine</td><td>Student Housing</td></tr><tr><td>6</td><td>Classe</td><td>(20 - 25)</td><td>Primary</td><td>Buy am sell am a</td><td>Single parent</td><td>Masculine</td><td>No fixed lodging</td></tr><tr><td>7</td><td>Fabrice</td><td>(15 - 20)</td><td>Bachelor's degree</td><td>Student</td><td>Both parents</td><td>Masculine</td><td>Student Housing</td></tr><tr><td>8</td><td>Coma</td><td>(20 - 25)</td><td>First year university</td><td>Student</td><td>Sisters</td><td>Masculine</td><td>With Family</td></tr><tr><td>9</td><td>Frank</td><td>(20 - 25)</td><td>First year university</td><td>Student</td><td>Both parents</td><td>Masculine</td><td>With parents</td></tr><tr><td>10</td><td>Frangois</td><td>(20 - 25)</td><td>First year university</td><td>Student</td><td>Both parents</td><td>Masculine/Feminine</td><td>With parents</td></tr><tr><td>11</td><td>Jaurès</td><td>(25 - 30)</td><td>Primary</td><td>Unemployed</td><td>Both parents</td><td>Masculine</td><td>No fixed lodging</td></tr><tr><td>12</td><td>Kim</td><td>(30 - 35)</td><td>Primary</td><td>Unemployed</td><td>Grand mother</td><td>Feminine</td><td>Living partially</td></tr><tr><td>13</td><td>Lucas</td><td>(25 - 30)</td><td>Primary</td><td>Dancer</td><td>Both parents</td><td>Feminine</td><td>Renting apartment</td></tr><tr><td>14</td><td>Margot</td><td>(30 - 35)</td><td>Secondary</td><td>Trans organization staff</td><td>Single parent</td><td>Feminine</td><td>Renting apartment</td></tr><tr><td>15</td><td>Cynnaïn</td><td>(30 - 35)</td><td>Undisclosed</td><td>Undisclosed</td><td>Maternal Family</td><td>Masculine/Feminine</td><td>With Family</td></tr><tr><td>16</td><td>Fassy</td><td>(25 - 30)</td><td>Secondary</td><td>Make up artist</td><td>Maternal Family</td><td>Masculine/Feminine</td><td>Renting apartment</td></tr><tr><td>17</td><td>Poggy</td><td>(25 - 30)</td><td>Primary</td><td>Unemployed</td><td>Both parents</td><td>Feminine</td><td>Housed by friend</td></tr><tr><td>18</td><td>Pierre</td><td>(25 - 30)</td><td>Bachelor's degree</td><td>Student</td><td>Single parent</td><td>Masculine/Feminine</td><td>With Family</td></tr><tr><td>19</td><td>Scott</td><td>Undisclosed</td><td>Secondary</td><td>Unemployed</td><td>Single parent</td><td>Feminine</td><td>No fixed lodging</td></tr><tr><td>20</td><td>Sebastien</td><td>(20 - 25)</td><td>First year university</td><td>Student</td><td>Both parents</td><td>Masculine</td><td>With parents</td></tr><tr><td>21</td><td>Stepane</td><td>(25 - 30)</td><td>First year university</td><td>Staff trans organization</td><td>Both parents</td><td>Feminine</td><td>Renting apartment</td></tr><tr><td>22</td><td>Tresors</td><td>(25 - 30)</td><td>Second year university</td><td>Staff of trans organization</td><td>Both parents</td><td>Feminine</td><td>Renting apartment</td></tr><tr><td>23</td><td>Viviane</td><td>(30 - 35)</td><td>Undisclosed</td><td>Unemployed</td><td>Both parents</td><td>Masculine/Feminine</td><td>No fixed lodging</td></tr><tr><td>24</td><td>Vinnick</td><td>(20 - 25)</td><td>High school graduate</td><td>Student</td><td>Both parents</td><td>Masculine</td><td>With parents</td></tr><tr><td>25</td><td>Aviva</td><td>Undisclosed</td><td>Undisclosed</td><td>Undisclosed</td><td>Undisclosed</td><td>Undisclosed</td><td>Undisclosed</td></tr><tr><td>26</td><td>Dior</td><td>(30 - 35)</td><td>Master's degree</td><td>Manager trans organization</td><td>Both parents</td><td>Feminine</td><td>Renting apartment</td></tr><tr><td>27</td><td>Marthe</td><td>(30 - 35)</td><td>Primary</td><td>Sex worker</td><td>Both parents</td><td>Feminine</td><td>Renting apartment</td></tr><tr><td>28</td><td>Beyonce</td><td>(30 - 35)</td><td>Primary</td><td>Sex worker</td><td>Single parent</td><td>Feminine</td><td>Renting apartment</td></tr><tr><td>29</td><td>Cathy</td><td>(25 - 30)</td><td>Master</td><td>Manager trans organization</td><td>Both parents</td><td>Feminine</td><td>Renting apartment</td></tr><tr><td>30</td><td>Sandra</td><td>(25 - 30)</td><td>Secondary</td><td>Staff trans organization</td><td>Maternal Family</td><td>Feminine</td><td>Renting apartment</td></tr></tbody></table>

17 With the exception of two participants, all the trans women interviewed for this study have lived their entire lives in Yaoundé. They all rely exclusively on public transportation for mobility within and beyond the city. This reliance reflects broader patterns of economic marginalization faced by transgender individuals, particularly
trans women, who routinely encounter cissexist discrimination in employment and
limited access to financial resources (Connell, 2010; Doan, 2010; Schilt, 2010).

Results

Threefold “Trans safe” transportation system

18
The necessity of a trans-safe transportation system derives from the daily mobility challenges trans women face as a result of the way society treats them. Within the trans community in Yaoundé certain prerequisites need to be met before a transgender woman may be advised to freely move within the town, visibly expressing her femininity. She is supposed to be able to effectively “cispass” (Garfinkel, 2020; Beaubatie, 2019). The continued presence of certain tokens of masculinity (Mignot, 2014) even after social gender transition, as well as the inability to effectively “cispass,” is a major obstacle for the mobility of transgender women in this context. This forces certain transgender women to refrain from expressing their gender identity in public spaces, thereby enforcing “trans invisibility”. They chose to perform a masculine identity or conceal their gender expression (Lubitow et al., 2017) in public spaces.

19
For those who chose to express their femininity in public, the multiple and pervasive attacks from individuals have forced them to design a transportation system that enables them to circulate somehow “freely” within the town, while avoiding becoming victims of violence based on the gender nonconformity that they epitomize. Harassment and violence are presented as major impediments to the travel experiences of transgender or nonconforming gender individuals (Gandy et al., 2021; Garcia et al., 2022; He et al., 2022)

20
A “trans safe” mobility system is paramount in order to ensure safe movement through urban space. Although this “trans safe” mobility system intent is to facilitate mobility within the town, the founding principle of this “trans safe” transportation system is based on “immobility” (Lubitow et al., 2020, 5). The imposed immobility or reduced mobility is linked to the issues of insecurity that transgender people face in the public realm and their fear of physical harm. Martha highlighted on this issue:

> "... I hardly ever go out, you know. If you see me outside, it's because I have something very important to do out there. You will never see me wandering around the city just like that. What would I be looking for? I'd be looking for my death, mama! Even to come here, I hesitated a lot before coming. It's just that since the director explained to me that it's important for the trans community and all, I said okay, I'll make an effort to come... "⁶

Given the fact that it is impossible to stay immobile, these women have had to develop
a “trans safe” threefold transportation system that includes carpooling, public taxis,
and private hire of public means of transportation.

Carpooling, which is not an entirely new transport system in Africa (Lombard and Steck, 2015; Ballo, 2023) is the most cost-effective and safe transportation option for these women. A few trans-friendly members of the LGB (Lesbian Gay and Bisexual) community in Yaoundé own private vehicles. For events, meetings, training sessions, or social gatherings, these women arrange for a pickup. They may converge to a designated safe spot, or the driver (an LGB member) will pick them up from their respective locations. This strategy allows them to meet their mobility needs with minimal-to-no security risks. Kim explains how the members of the trans community
in Yaoundé have put in place an informal carpooling system as a strategy to reduce risks of aggression and ensure a certain degree of mobility within the town.

"We don't just go out like that oh, hummm, it's very complicated for us to be able to move up and about here. (...). Sometimes we are obliged to ask a friend to help us out. If we have an event or something that many people are going to attend. We start to organize ourselves, we find out those who are coming, those who have their personal cars and all of that... then depending on where you live, we try to organize for people who live in the same area to be picked up by the same person."⁷

An additional strategy in this trans-safe transportation system is the use of public transportation. To effectively navigate public transportation (taxis and moto taxis), these women need to be adept at managing potential social interactions (De Alba and Aquilar, 2012) in those settings. The challenge here is to use public transportation while minimizing interactions with other individuals who might note peculiarities in their gender expression.

Interview excerpts from Dior illustrates the strategy put in place to avoid interactions with other passengers in a taxi.

**"Brenda: Can you explain again how you manage to take a taxi?**

Dior: Well, as I told you yesterday, I don't take just any taxi to move around. When I have to take a taxi, it is a whole job, my sister (laughs); if I see that the taxi already has a passenger in the back, I do not get in. Either I must be the first to sit in the back and then move behind the driver, or I sit in the front (...).

Brenda: And why do you choose these two seats in the taxi?

Dior: Hmm! When I sit behind the driver, I already have two advantages. First, the driver cannot see me in his rearview mirror; he does not have the chance to look at me for long and start observing me. In addition, when I am sitting behind the driver, I do not get out of the taxi midway; I only get out when I reach my destination. Whereas if I sit in the middle or at the other end, I will spend my time getting in and out for people to get in and out. That is too risky!

Brenda: And what about the front seat?

Dior: That is even better. If the front seat is free, I pay for two seats so that I am not overcrowded. There, I am in my corner, not talking to the people in the taxi. I know I am safe until I reach my destination. I will not be obliged to get in and out anywhere in town. Even the driver doesn't have the chance to look at me too much."⁸

21

This strategy employed by transgender women illustrates their daily efforts to navigate the delicate balance between visibility and invisibility. By deliberately choosing specific seats in public taxis, they reproduce a long-standing tactic of "invisibility" historically adopted by members of the LGBT community in contexts where non-heteronormative identities and practices are criminalized (Currier, 2012).

22

Private hire of motos taxis is the last strategy put in place within this-trans safe transportation system. One of the main benefits of this strategy is the fact that it eliminates all forms of social interactions in public and reduces significantly the risk of being outed in public. Through this strategy, transgender women rely on a trusted network of taxi and moto-taxi drivers who are aware of their gender as assigned at birth.

"I don't move around just like that, you know! What I do is, if I need to go somewhere, I call one of the drivers I work with. So I can't just get up and, vroom, go out! No no! I have moto-taxi drivers I work with. And they know who I am (know my assigned gender at birth). So I tell them, for example, that I'm here and I want to go there. I also give them the length of time I will spend where I am going. (...). Also, what I do is I even tell one or two people that, look, I'm moving around, here's my itinerary and everything, I'm with this particular driver. That way, if something
happens to me or if they don't hear from me for a while, at least they'll know where I was and with whom."⁹

23 Private hiring of trans-friendly transportation is widespread within the LGBT community in Yaoundé, especially with transgender persons who are most at risk of gender-based violence within the town. For this reason, the trans community keeps an informal base of trans-friendly and trustworthy drivers.

## Social mapping of the city of Yaoundé

24 As they face the risk of being outed, transgender women implement a strategy similar to “social mapping.” A concept borrowed from the works of Susan Ferguson, here refers to the social cartography of the city of Yaoundé (Ferguson, 2007). They delineate risk zones based on neighborhoods and inhabitants as shown in Figure 1. They prioritize elements such as social interactions within neighborhoods, as well as the social and racial classes of the inhabitants. They draw connections between social and racial classes with homophobic and/or transphobic acts (Martina, 2019).

"I only do my shopping at Casino. Either at Casino de la Poste or I go to Casino Bastos. At least there, you are sure to be safe. You will meet a certain type of people. White people and all. People of a certain class with a certain level of education. There you have it! You will never see me go to popular markets and other places like that, it's too risky."¹⁰

25 According to this social mapping strategy, non-white, less educated, and less affluent individuals are more transphobic as opposed to people belonging to different social classes. Therefore, their mobility in the town of Yaoundé is essentially reduced to these trans-safe spaces. A conscious effort is made to avoid crowded zones of the town, especially if they are found within the unsafe areas of the town. Thanks to this strategy, transgender women are able to accomplish basic daily life tasks, such as grocery shopping, without putting their lives at risk.

26 In addition, this social mapping tool is used to determine the place of residence of most transgender women, at least for those who can afford to live in the trans-safe neighborhoods of the town.

"It's very tough for us; we are forced to rent in residential neighborhoods. At least there, you are sure to encounter a certain kind of people. It is like, even if you don't have money, you are forced to rent an expensive apartment to have peace. Because in the popular neighborhoods, if you stay there, you will have problems. People will come one day and ask if you are a man or a woman, even threatening to strip you naked and all."¹¹
<figure><img src="image_3.png" /><figcaption>Figure 1. Trans safe zones in Yaoundé.</figcaption></figure>

27 Transgender people's access to public spaces is greatly affected by harassment (Doan, 2007). Urban spaces that are characterized by high risks of harassment and/or violence are systematically avoided by transgender women. This prevents transgender people from benefiting from the amenities and services offered within these urban spaces. This is clearly illustrated in the figure below, where we see how trans women are compelled to travel long distances to do basic shopping at markets which are located not only far but are much more expensive than the ones found around their neighborhoods and place of work.
<figure><img src="image_4.png" /><figcaption>Figure 2. Geographies of safety in the city of Yaoundé.</figcaption></figure>

28

The spatial strategies employed by trans women in Yaoundé cannot be understood without acknowledging the enduring influence of the legacy of colonialism on the city's structure and social imagination. Homosexuality and trans identity are still widely perceived as “un-African”, rather an identity associated with whiteness (Bourrelly, 2015), a view that reinforces exclusion and marginalization. These perceptions are reinforced even in the city's urban layout, which continues to reflect colonial-era racial segregation. Former colonial districts are associated with modernity, safety, and openness, while working-class neighborhoods are often viewed as dangerous or socially conservative (Freund, 2007; Njoh, 2009). Such spatial imaginaries persist and shape how gender-diverse individuals navigate the city. Yet trans women do not passively accept these inherited hierarchies. Instead, they engage with them pragmatically, transforming colonial memory into a strategic resource. By identifying and interpreting zones as “safe” or “risky,” they construct adaptive mobility practices that allow for both protection and visibility. This topological knowledge enables them to move through a city still marked by intersecting mix of race, gender, and class. The way they navigate the city is not merely reactive—it is resourceful, grounded in lived experience, and shaped by a shared history of femininity in Cameroon. In this way, trans women reconfigure urban space, asserting agency within a landscape that has long denied them recognition.

Conclusion

29

This article contributes to the extremely limited body of research on transmobilities in African urban contexts. The findings presented in this article reveal how harassment and fear of physical harm significantly constrain the mobility of transgender
individuals in Yaoundé, Cameroon. These pressures force many of these women to limit their movements within urban spaces to the bare minimum, resulting in a form of forced immobility. In reaction, some transgender women have developed creative strategies—such as trans-specific transportation networks—to navigate the city more safely. While these systems offer a degree of protection, they remain largely inaccessible to the majority due to their high cost, which far exceeds the financial means of most transgender women, who generally live in precarious economic conditions. As a result, these mobility solutions tend to benefit only a privileged subset within the community.

30

Moreover, the article highlights how transgender women's mobility is often contingent on their ability to remain socially invisible. Only those who can successfully "pass" as cisgender women are able to move freely through the city without attracting hostility. In this context, visibility becomes a liability, and mobility is only granted through erasure—what this study refers to as “trans invisibility.”

31

This research is peripheral in multiple respects. Trans studies remain scarce in African contexts, with most scholarship rooted in the lived experiences of transgender individuals in Europe, Asia, and North America. Decentering this knowledge is essential for fostering a geographically decolonized approach to transidentity in Africa—one that reflects how gender is perceived, embodied, and negotiated by diverse individuals. Crucially, it shows how trans inhabitants navigate and inhabit cisnormative urban spaces in postcolonial cities.

32

The concept of transmobilities is also relatively new in African scholarship. Existing research has primarily focused on international mobility, particularly the trajectories of gender migrants within and beyond the continent (Camminga, 2019; Chossière, 2022; Aulanier, 2023; Bouchet-Mayer, 2023). No studies to date have examined transmobilities within an African city. This article, among the first to do so, underscores the importance of including transgender and gender nonconforming individuals in analyses of the intersection between gender, space, and class (Bauer et al., 2021). It also highlights the need to account for social, cultural, and economic factors when studying transmobilities (Abelson et al., 2023). Once envisioned as a development goal (United Nations, 2015), trans mobility has increasingly become a privilege—one that remains out of reach for many transgender women who continue to face daily mobility challenges shaped by systemic exclusion (Shakibaei and Vorobjovas-Pinta, 2022).

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## NOTES

1. In this paper, I use the term transgender and trans to designate persons whose gender identity and expression does not correspond to their sex assigned at birth.

2. Transidentity is assimilated to homosexuality in Cameroon.

3. Gaining access to this sensitive field, given Cameroon's sociopolitical context, proved particularly complex—especially due to my identity as a non-trans person. After facing multiple
refusals for meetings and dialogue, I sought the support of a former activist from the country's first LGBT organization. His intervention enabled me to conduct initial interviews with leaders of trans associations in Yaoundé. However, my true integration into this community was made possible through the gradual building of trust and friendship with these women. Our connection was shaped by the mutual sharing of experiences, fears, setbacks, and, more broadly, a shared narrative of femininity in Cameroon.

4. All interviews were conducted in French. The interview excerpts in this text have been translated from French to English by the author.

5. RITAC – Réseau Indépendants des Trans* de l'Afrique Centrale.

6. Interview with Martha in June 2020 in Yaoundé.

7. Interview with Kim in September 2020 in Yaoundé.

8. Interview with Dior in June 2020, Yaoundé.

9. Interview with Marthe in June 2020, Yaoundé.

10. Interview with Dior in June 2020, Yaoundé.

11. Interview with Martha in June 2020, Yaoundé.

## ABSTRACTS

Drawing on the work on “transmobilities,” this article aims to highlight the mobility issues and challenges faced by transgender women in Cameroon. This research is unprecedented, as there are no studies on this vulnerable and stigmatized population in the context of Francophone Africa, and even less so on spatiality issues. This work is centered on an ethnographic research carried out in Cameroon with thirty women who self-identify as transgender women, as part of a doctoral study. It employs biographical interviews, semi-structured interviews, and participant observation to derive its analyses. From the life stories and lived experiences of these transgender women, it emerges that the extremely transphobic context of society forces transgender women into sedentariness, or even immobility. To navigate these realities, they implement strategies to move around the city of Yaoundé. They develop a costly but “safe” transportation system, which also leads them to become invisible within urban spaces.

En s’appuyant sur les travaux sur les « transmobilités », cet article vise à mettre en lumière les enjeux et défis de mobilité des femmes trans au Cameroun. Une recherche inédite, car il n’existe pas de recherches sur cette population vulnérable et stigmatisée dans le contexte de l’Afrique francophone, et encore moins sur les enjeux de spatialité. Ce travail est centré sur une recherche ethnographique menée au Cameroun auprès de trente femmes qui s’identifient comme étant trans, dans le cadre d’une recherche doctorale. Elle mobilise les entretiens biographiques, entretiens semi-directifs et de l’observation participante pour tirer ses analyses. À partir des récits de vie et du vécu de ces femmes trans, il ressort que le contexte extrêmement transphobe de la société oblige les femmes trans à la sédentarité, voire à l’immobilité. Pour contourner ces réalités, elles mettent en œuvre des stratégies pour pouvoir circuler librement dans la ville de Yaoundé. Elles mettent en place un système de transport coûteux mais « trans safe », qui favorise leur invisibilisation dans l’espace urbain.
# INDEX

**Keywords:** transidentity, mobility, transmobility, spatiality, transphobia, Cameroon

**Mots-clés:** transidentité, mobilités, transmobilités, spatialité, transphobie, Cameroun

# AUTHOR

BRENDA MASANGA NGUM

Université Paris Cité

ORCID 0009-0006-6234-5620

brenda.masanga@gmail.com