# Optimism, a conceptual complexity but a health resource?

Charles Martin-Krumm

► To cite this version:

Charles Martin-Krumm. Optimism, a conceptual complexity but a health resource?. Jolanta Burke; Ilona Boniwell; Beth Frates; Liana S. Lianov; Ciaran A. O'Boyle. The International Routledge Handbook of Positive Health., 1, Routledge, 2023, 9781003378426. 10.4324/9781003378426. hal-05047209

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Optimism, a conceptual complexity but a health resource?

Charles Martin-Krumm

VCR, School of Psychologists Practitioners of Paris of the Institut Catholique de Paris,

Research Unit "Religion, Culture and Society" (EA 7403), France

APEMAC, University of Lorraine Research Unit (UR) 4360 University of Lorraine, Metz,

France

Armed Forces Biomedical Research Institute (IRBA), Brétigny sur Orge, France

Martin-Krumm, C. (2024). Optimism, a conceptual complexity but a health resource? In J. Burke, I. Boniwell, B. Frates, L. Lianov, & O. Boyle (Eds.), *The International Routledge Handbook of Positive Health*. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003378426

Abstract

While optimism is regularly discussed among friends, family or even colleagues, and is traditionally associated with beneficial consequences, while its corollary, pessimism, is associated with deleterious effects, it is clear that many scientific studies reveal its conceptual complexity and the study of its consequences. The objective of this chapter is therefore to propose a sorting out of the different conceptual approaches that can be identified in the literature, to propose definitions, to evoke measurement tools, potential consequences in the field of health and finally intervention methods. Limitations and perspectives will of course be proposed for discussion and finally a concluding section will at least momentarily close the debate to which this concept gives rise.

Take away message

1. Optimism is a simple concept to discuss at first glance, but it is in fact complex.

2. While the consequences of optimism are generally beneficial to the individual and those of pessimism deleterious, care must be taken because optimism can be unrealistic, giving rise to illusions that do not encourage the person to act. Pessimism, on the other hand, can have positive aspects, particularly when, in terms of strategy, it enables the individual to protect himself from anxiety.

3. It is possible to intervene but the intervention must be situated in the appropriate theoretical framework in order to identify the levers on which to act. The practitioner must therefore quickly take an option in order to identify the problem (i.e. defensive pessimism or true pessimism), to intervene on the prioritisation of presumed difficulties, on the explanations given in the face of adversity or on the level of hope.
# Introduction

The world's populations are confronted with multiple crises that are becoming global in scope, whether they are health crises (COVID 19), environmental crises (e.g., land resource issues), natural disaster crises (e.g., earthquakes in Turkey in 2023), or political or geo-political crises (e.g., the war in Ukraine). Inevitably, these crises have an impact that sometimes sets some individuals on the path of various psychological pathologies, depression or eco-anxiety. However, other individuals seem to get through these events without being particularly affected. What are the variables that could explain these inter-individual differences? Is it the environment in which they live that sustains them? Or is it individual resources that play a protective role? If it is a question of individual resources, potentially developed in a supportive environment, which resources could it be?

It is possible to assume that the ability of individuals to continue to project themselves positively into the future despite adversity is a key. Indeed, once the person is able to project themselves into a future that is favourable to them, they are oriented towards the future and not towards the past, which they might be likely to interpret negatively and brood over. Instead of feeling helpless, instead of perceiving a lack of control over the environment, these people can be active and adopt appropriate behaviours to deal with the situations they face, particularly in the area of health. This ability to project positively into the future may correspond to optimism. In other words, optimism can reveal people's ability to project themselves positively into the future despite the adversity they face. It is clear that it is very easy to talk about optimism, that it can be seen as a protective psychological resource for example. But what exactly is it? Only a capacity to project oneself positively into the future? A particular way of seeing the world? Something else?

The purpose of this chapter is to provide some answers to these questions. Optimism is often mentioned in a trivial way in conversations between friends, for example. Generally speaking, it is a positive projection towards the future. However, it is clear that optimism covers a range of concepts that need to be defined in order to be studied. It will then be possible to assess the level of optimism, identify its consequences and potential methods of intervention. Firstly, some preliminaries will be developed and then direct and indirect approaches will be discussed (e.g., Martin-Krumm, 2012). The different parts will be structured around a common outline, definition and assessment, health consequences, and intervention. Antecedents will not be addressed. A final section will conclude by outlining the perspectives in this field of research and the limitations.
Conceptual preliminaries

Optimism, therefore, would be to be confident in the positive outcome of an event, whereas pessimism would consist rather in expecting the worst. From a scientific point of view, how can we go further than this trivial way of looking at things?

First, it is necessary to differentiate optimism from related concepts. For example, for Chang (2001), the Locus of Control developed by Rotter (1966) could be a source of confusion. In the same vein, a number of studies have highlighted a tendency for individuals to expect positive events rather than negative ones, as if there is an optimism bias that leads them to 'see life as rosy' (Sharot, 2011, for a review), an optimism bias that can go as far as unrealistic optimism, which can be defined as the erroneous belief that one's own risk of facing problems is lower than that of other people (Weinstein, 1980). At their core, the findings of Sharot et al. (2007) reveal how unrealistic optimism is maintained even when the person is confronted with reality. In particular, differences in information encoding are thought to play a role in the adjustment of beliefs that maintain unrealistic optimism. Underestimating the risk of being confronted with negative events may have an adaptive function. The interest may also be to reduce the stress and anxiety that may be associated with expecting negative events (e.g., Sharot et al., 2011). However, this belief must result in a mistake to be labelled unrealistic optimism. In a similar vein, individuals may expect to live longer than average and underestimate their chances of divorce (Weinstein, 1980), or overestimate their chances on the labour market (Hoch, 1984). What should be considered here as positive illusions, also known as comparative optimism, when moderated, have a beneficial impact on adaptive goal-achieving behaviour and have an effect on both mental (Taylor & Brown, 1988) and physical health (Scheier & Carver, 1987).

Is it a state linked to a particular situation or rather a general personality trait? It is clear that optimism is considered to be a personality variable common to people, all of whom possess it but to varying degrees. The work therefore falls within the framework of *differential psychology*. A certain uniformity in the published results is noted. These show that invariably, whatever the type of measure, optimism is associated with desirable characteristics such as happiness, perseverance, achievement and health (Peterson, 2000, p. 47), or that it is one of the protective factors against adjustment disorders (Southwick et al., 2005). Is this always the case? Given that it is associated with many variables without the reasons for this association being explained, Peterson describes it as a "velcro" construct on which everything hangs (2000, p. 47). It is therefore clear that optimism and pessimism can be considered from different angles, with various conceptualizations, without there necessarily being any marked disagreement
between the different research streams. It is also possible to consider that the levels of generality and stability will depend on the definition adopted with regard to the object of the research. It is in the measurement of these variables that the differences are most apparent, although correlations or trends have been observed in the scores obtained from different questionnaires (Martin-Krumm, 2012). It is therefore possible to identify different conceptions of optimism and pessimism which will have varying levels of generality and stability. For each of them, measurement tools are associated, for defensive pessimism (e.g., *Optimism-Pessimism Prescreening Questionnaire*, OPPQ; Norem & Cantor, 1986a), for dispositional optimism (e.g., LOT-R; Scheier et al., 1994), for hope (e.g., Hope Scale; Snyder et al., 1991) or for explanatory styles (e.g., *Attributional Style Questionnaire*, ASQ; Seligman et al., 1979). For Chang (2001), on the one hand, the multiple angles of attack are a richness for understanding what may be at play with this variable, but on the other hand, the pooling of data and comparison of results are made more problematic.

While the contours of this construct are beginning to emerge, particularly with regard to certain virtues associated with it, the very nature of this variable must also be considered. Schematically, two types of conception co-exist. In one, described as the direct conception, optimism and pessimism are based directly on the individual's expectations. If these are rather positive (e.g., *I believe in my chances of success*; *When I am going through difficult times, I always think that things will get better*) he or she will be considered rather optimistic. In the other conception, described as indirect, optimism and pessimism are not measured directly, but through other indicators such as the individual's willingness to mobilize his or her resources to achieve the goals he or she has set and the confidence in the means he or she believes he or she has to achieve them (e.g., I am actively seeking to achieve my goals; I always think it will get better), *I actively seek to achieve my goals*; *Even when others show signs of discouragement, I know I can find a solution to the problem*), or trait attributions according to their internal or external, stable or unstable, general or specific character.

The objective of this contribution is therefore to develop the direct conceptions of optimism, strategy optimism with its corollary, defensive pessimism, and more particularly that of Carver and Scheier which has given rise to an abundant literature, then two indirect conceptions, hope and the theory of Explanatory Styles. Evaluation tools will be presented with the potential consequences of the psychological construct evoked on health or illness. Finally, limitations and research perspectives will be proposed.
# 1. What are direct conceptions of optimism?

Several theories consider optimism from a direct approach. The most representative are probably those developed by Norem and Cantor (1986a, 1986b) or by Carver and Scheier (1982). By direct approach, it is understood that optimism is based here directly on the positive expectations of individuals. Pessimism, on the other hand, is based on negative expectations of the individual.

## 1.1 Strategic optimism and defensive pessimism

While trivially optimism is always associated with beneficial consequences for the individual and pessimism with deleterious consequences, the theoretical framework developed by Norem and Cantor (1986a, b) reveals that caution is needed.

### Definition and measurement

These are strategies rather than stable and general personality traits, whether they are optimism or defensive pessimism strategies. They are used unconsciously and are specific to the domains in which the individual operates (Norem, 2001). According to Norem (1998), the individual may use one in a given context and the other in a different context, which does not necessarily guarantee success. This does not necessarily guarantee success, however. Indeed, they may not be used adequately, hence the need for adjustments according to a logic in which costs and benefits are taken into account. Strategies can contribute to the regulation of emotions and behaviour, and have emotional and motivational consequences. A measurement tool has been developed, the Optimism-Pessimism Prescreening Questionnaire (OPPQ; Norem & Cantor, 1986a). While most propositions in other theoretical frameworks suggest that an individual is either optimistic or pessimistic, here the authors consider that he or she may be one or the other depending on the context. The strategy of defensive pessimism reflects a strong anxiety of the individual who, in order to control it, needs to anticipate a set of obstacles on the way to success in order to prepare himself accordingly. It thus allows the individual to protect himself from anxiety, which is therefore rather beneficial for him. The strategic optimist, on the other hand, might appear to be overconfident but in fact seeks to avoid anything that might generate anxiety.

### Consequences

Defensive pessimism will enable the individual to protect himself against a possible failure by preparing for it, to cushion the effects if necessary, and to motivate himself by
increasing the effort made in order both to succeed and to increase the pleasure experienced by
having the feeling of having done well (Showers & Ruben, 1990).

Therefore, even if many studies attest that optimism is associated with beneficial
consequences in terms of coping, satisfaction or well-being, it must be noted that this
framework proposes an alternative. Indeed, defensive pessimism, while it certainly reflects a
lack of self-confidence and a high level of anxiety, nevertheless allows for success or
satisfactory performance thanks to the analysis of conditions and possible scenarios by the
person who resorts to it, and protects against anxiety. Conversely, the optimistic strategy is not
necessarily associated with success either, because of a possible overconfidence that would lead
the individual to neglect certain aspects of the task. In summary, defensive pessimism does not
necessarily result in self-fulfilling prophecies (Norem, 2001) because those who resort to it use
their anxiety by focusing on the task at hand and their efforts. Optimists, on the other hand,
seem to be content with their self-confidence, which would tend to do them a disservice.
However, both strategies have the advantage of promoting success, whether or not anxiety is
present. For those who use defensive pessimism, negative affect and anticipation are needed to
strengthen their focus, whereas anticipating the course of events can be detrimental for those
who use the optimism strategy, as reflection does not fit with their strategy (Norem, 2001).
Finally, care should be taken if an individual may appear anxious about potentially deleterious
aspects of their health, or overconfident. This confidence, which would translate into strategic
optimism, would ultimately protect them from the negative effects of anxiety on their health.
In other words, these strategies may reveal the implementation of effective anxiety protection
measures.

## Intervention

If management were to be envisaged, it would probably not consist of seeking to
reassure the person who displays this form of pessimism, but rather of naming the obstacles
that he or she perceives in reaching the goal, prioritizing them according to their risk of
occurrence and accompanying him or her in his or her preparation. For the person who uses an
optimistic strategy, considering that it is a functional response intended to avoid anxiety, for
example, it is possible to consider that it is necessary to let him/her do it but to be present in
order to manage possible mistakes that may not be made.
## 1.2. Carver and Scheier's Dispositional Optimism

### Definition and measurements

According to Carver and Scheier (2001), "optimists are people who expect to have positive experiences in the future. Pessimists are those who expect to have negative experiences" (p. 31). Optimism is conceived here as a cognitive variable that consists of a general confidence in having positive outcomes, this confidence being based on a rational estimate of the person's likelihood of success and confidence in self-efficacy. This optimistic disposition based on the person's general expectations has consequences for how the person regulates his or her actions in the face of difficulties or stressful situations. These expectations can be generalized across a variety of situations that are stable over time. It is in this context that dispositional optimism is defined as the stable tendency of participants to believe that they will have more positive than negative experiences overall in their lifetime (Carver, & Scheier, 1982). According to this perspective, when an individual begins to be aware of contradictions between his or her behavioural or standard goals and his or her present situation, an evaluation procedure is initiated. There would be a feedback loop that would allow progress towards the goal. This loop has four sub-functions: an input, a reference value, a comparison and an output. According to Carver and Scheier (2009), 'a discrepancy, or discrepancy, detected between input and output through this comparison is often called an "error signal" and the output is then a response to the detected error' (p. 209). If the individual believes that the contradictions between his or her goals and the present situation or the reference value are likely to be reduced, he or she will make a new effort to achieve them. An optimist will be able to stand up, face the problems he/she faces, give it his/her best shot and persevere. Rather than ignoring difficulties, they will accept reality and focus on solving problems in order to find solutions. These problems will in turn have less physical and emotional impact than for a pessimistic individual. If the expectation is more negative, efforts are reduced or a cessation of further attempts to make efforts follows. According to this model, there is a disposition of individuals to be optimistic or pessimistic.

It is possible to identify several tools to measure this disposition. The Life Orientation Test was created by Scheier and Carver (1985) and later revised (LOT-R; Scheier et al., 1994). This questionnaire has also been adapted for children (Youth Life Orientation Test; Ey et al., 2005) and also exists in a longer version, Extended Life Orientation Test (ELOT; Chang et al., 1997). The psychometric qualities of these different scales are satisfactory.
## Consequences

When confronted with problems, the optimistic individual would develop coping strategies, whereas the pessimistic individual would adopt a more passive and fatalistic approach. More specifically, optimists would adopt "vigilant" strategies (i.e., non-defensive attitude, "active" coping, involvement) whereas pessimists would be more inclined to adopt "avoidant" strategies (i.e., avoidance, denial, fatalism, resignation). Scheier and Carver (1987) argue that the more effective the optimist's cognitive strategies are, the more this should reduce the potential negative effects of stressors on physical and emotional health. It is possible to believe that optimism serves as a protective factor when a person faces difficulties in his or her life (Scheier & Carver, 1985). Several studies have therefore established a link between optimism and health. It is thought to promote physical and psychological health (e.g., Scheier & Carver, 1987; Carver et al., 1993). Optimism has been shown to be an important predictor of positive adjustment or subjective well-being (Diener et al., 1985). Lai (1997) has also shown that optimism promotes psychological and physical well-being. Those who are more optimistic about life are less prone to depression and loneliness. In the field of cancer management, specifically breast cancer, Bozo et al (2009) have demonstrated the link between optimism and post-traumatic growth in patients in the post-chemotherapy period. High levels of optimism and social support predicted post-traumatic growth. With the same type of patients, Büyükaşik-Çolak et al. (2012) were able to show that the impact of optimism on post-traumatic growth was moderated by coping strategies. The role of problem-focused coping was mainly highlighted in relation to emotion-focused coping. The relationship between optimism and problem-focused coping has been demonstrated in the context of post-traumatic growth. During the coronavirus pandemic, Agbaria and Mokh (2022) were able to confirm this link between optimism and coping with stress. Research results often reveal that optimism interacts with other variables and is not a sole predictor of health benefits. For example, Prati and Pietrantoni (2009) found a positive relationship between social support, optimism, coping strategies and post-traumatic growth. These findings could largely be replicated by Cassidy (2013), particularly in relation to the importance of support and optimism. In terms of support, Chopik et al (2018) highlighted the impact of living with a spouse with high levels of optimism. This research found beneficial effects on the health of the spouse without observing any change in the level of optimism itself. This beneficial effect of high optimism and low pessimism on the ageing of the individuals themselves has been demonstrated independently of the couple relationship (Craig et al., 2023). Chopik et al (2020) showed that in general the level of optimism changes over the life course independently of life events and that this change follows
an inverted U-shaped curve. Similarly, Kubzansky et al (2018) show that optimism has a beneficial effect on a set of biological functions that mitigate the deleterious effects of a range of stressors and episodes of psychological distress. Optimism also protects against hypertension (Kubzansky et al., 2020). In fact, the detailed results reveal that the relationship is complex. People with high levels of optimism are found to be able to project themselves positively into the future and tend to adopt health behaviours. This relationship between optimism and health behaviours had already been observed for sleep or alcohol consumption (Trudel-Fitzgerald et al., 2019), or for health behaviours in general (Boehm et al., 2018). Recently, Pavani and Colombo (2023) showed that the effects of optimism on emotional well-being were mediated by ruminations and appreciation, but not by avoidance or problem solving. The value of optimism in the field of quality of life and health has been amply demonstrated, as revealed by the results of the study by Kavya and Sannet (2023) which focused on young adults. According to these researchers, optimism, happiness and life satisfaction are very largely correlated. Optimism also protects against burnout (Fabella & Dela Paz-Aler, 2023).

Overall, the results show a link between optimism and perceived health. When it comes to objective health, with indicators based on biomarkers for example, the results are more mixed. This is the case in a study by Arbel et al (2020) which shows that in elderly couples, optimism and pessimism do not play a significant role in the level of biomarkers of cardiovascular disease, either in the person him/herself or in the influence he/she has on his/her partner. Kretz (2019) warns that inappropriate optimism and overly positive messages can be as deleterious and discouraging as pessimism. The beneficial aspects of optimism should therefore be put into perspective, even if the results of a body of work converge in this sense.

## Intervention

The fact that optimism is considered as a dispositional variable, and therefore stable, undoubtedly justifies the difficulty of identifying studies dealing with interventions. Indeed, if dispositional optimism turns out to have rather beneficial consequences for the individual, how can one accompany a patient who turns out to be rather pessimistic? The fact that it is difficult to identify publications dealing with intervention does not imply that it is impossible to consider them. Indeed, given that this is an expectancy-based approach, it is possible to assume that it is possible to have an approach that would consist of formulating goals, positive projections into the future, and identifying the means to achieve them in the same way as can be envisaged for hope, a framework that will be developed in the following. Such an approach would require the design of tools to measure the level of achievement of defined health goals, which is classically
practiced in the context of functional rehabilitation when it comes to achieving goals in terms
of joint amplitude following surgery. Craig et al (2023) suggest that interventions to promote
health would in turn increase optimism and reduce pessimism. Indeed, health is often seen as a
consequence of optimism, but the relationship may be the reverse. In other words, supporting a
patient in health behaviours is likely to have an effect on his or her level of optimism, which in
turn could support health behaviours. The authors situate these interventions at the level of
individuals (e.g., quitting smoking and engaging in physical activity), health professionals (e.g.,
caring for the elderly and providing access to existing health care facilities for all), and even
the community as a whole (e.g., access to volunteer work or access to community service). This
work is at the crossroads between the responsibility of health professionals, who should, for
example, help their patients to stop smoking (e.g., hypnosis sessions, motivational talks,
prescription of patches) or to practice physical activities (e.g., by teaching the principles of
progressiveness, by helping patients to enjoy themselves, etc.) and the responsibility of a local
policy in favour of the general interest. Other means exist. For example, Wahyuni et al (2019)
were able to show that a web-based intervention based on optimism, coping and life satisfaction
increased the level of optimism.

Direct conceptions of optimism or pessimism have been defined and their consequences outlined. If there are also indirect conceptions, which theoretical frameworks can be used? Their definitions will be developed as well as their consequences and intervention strategies.

## 2. What are indirect conceptions of optimism?

### 2.1 Hope

It is customary to consider that "hope is life". Following Krafft's (2023) considerations, while 'an optimistic person' may be inclined not to take into account the seriousness or urgency of a situation, a person who is hopeful would be active in his or her search for a solution, in his or her way of confronting difficulties. They are likely to identify them and adjust their behaviour, considering that something can be done (Kraff, 2022, p. 101). Therefore, hope would have several advantages compared to optimism considered in terms of disposition. For Kadlac (2015), it implies a realistic approach to the present and the future which in turn protects against excessive levels of optimism or pessimism.

Like optimism as presented, hope can also be broken down into direct and indirect approaches. This theoretical field will be developed in this order.
### 2.1.1 Hope from a direct approach

A new theoretical framework has emerged under the impetus of Krafft and particularly Krafft et al. (2017). The aim was initially to propose a short measurement scale. This led to a new conceptualisation of the concept.

#### Definition and measurements

As part of the international study on hope developed by Krafft et al. (2018) and Krafft (2022), a new scale to measure people's perception of hope was developed. It is based on the hope and optimism subscale of the World Health Organization Quality of Life, Spirituality, Religion, and Personal Beliefs Questionnaire (WHOQOL-SRPB). Its value was tested by comparing it with the Adult Dispositional Trait Hope Scale (Snyder et al., 1991). The scale and this conceptualization of hope are the result of the aggregation of different elements existing in different tools and allowing direct access to the perception that individuals have of their level of hope. Several precautions have been taken in order to avoid confusion between the different potential theoretical constructs. The term hope was systematically used and not both hope and optimism. The items were therefore formulated in such a way as to directly access the perception of the individuals "i.e., I feel hopeful; I am hopeful with regard to my life; Hope improves the quality of my life; Even in difficult times I am able to remain hopeful; In my life, hope outweighs anxiety; My hopes are usually fulfilled".) The results of the different stages of the validation procedure revealed the robustness of the scale and a convergent validity in line with the literature with regard to Self-Efficacy, resilience, gratitude for example (Krafft et al., 2017). In the end, it is therefore a new conceptualization of hope considered from the point of view of the perception that people have of their level of hope.

#### Consequences

The consequences of hope seen from this angle have essentially consisted of studying the predictive force of hope on the meaning of life, satisfaction or well-being in different types of populations, young, adult and ageing. Essentially, these are cross-cultural perspectives made possible by the nature of the mode of administration of the different scales making up the Hope Barometer. Indeed, as a whole, the sessions of this study since 2017 have been administered via a website, which makes it possible both to mobilize a large number of respondents and to solicit participants of many nationalities. On the other hand, to date, it does not appear that any studies have been carried out in the area of health or intervention. However, effects on well-
being have been demonstrated (e.g., Krafft et al., 2021). This is an understanding of hope that
is attracting increasing interest. It can be assumed that such studies will be carried out in the
near future.

2.1.2 Hope from an indirect approach

The indirect approach to hope has a history of development, conceptualization and study
in general. It will now be developed further.

Definition and measurements

Snyder develops a model that is structured around two dimensions. For Snyder, Irving,
and Anderson (1991)hope can thus be defined as "a positive motivational state based on an
interaction between energy and motivation directed towards goals (agency), as well as the
different ways of achieving them (pathways)". Goals are the cognitive component that forms
the glue of hope theory (Snyder, 1994). They provide mental targets that are expressed as
images or representations (Snyder, 2002). They vary in terms of their temporal structure,
revealing the coexistence of short-term and long-term goals. For Snyder (2002)For Snyder
(2002), people get closer to their goals by thinking about viable solutions, "pathways", to reach
them. The "agency" dimension concerns the motivational dimension of the theory of hope and
refers to the confidence and will that one deploys to achieve an expected result.

In its formulation, this concept was considered at two levels, trait and state, with ad hoc
measurement tools. The *Trait Hope Scale was* developed by Snyder et al. in 1991. It identifies
the dispositional level of hope in adults. A specific scale has been developed for children (*The
Children's Hope Scale*; (Snyder et al., 1997). Several measures have been developed including
scales for 'state' hope. Indeed, moving down the hierarchical system from the most general to
the most specific, Feldam et al (2009) propose a scale designed to measure the level of hope
concerning specific and identified goals (*A Goal-Specific Hope Scale*). This scale is based on
the trait questionnaire but the items are readjusted to address specific rather than general goals.
To measure hope in a specific situation, i.e. "here and now", a scale has been developed (Snyder
et al., 1996). In the end, there are a large number of measurement tools that can either measure
hope as a trait variable or as a state for general or very specific contexts.

Consequences

Hope has effects on patient well-being, resilience (Munoz et al., 2019), acceptance of
care and pathological consequences (e.g., Cheavens et al., 2006). Studies have mainly focused
on the consequences of hope in people with severe conditions such as cancer (e.g., Ho et al., 2011)mental illnesses (e.g., Werner, 2012) as well as in individuals with severe trauma such as burn victims (Barnum et al., 1998) or war veterans (e.g., Gilman et al., 2012). Other studies have also looked specifically at the impact of hope on the health of older people (e.g., Moraitou et al., 2006). Hope is thought to promote the use of coping strategies (e.g., Berg et al., 2008)Hope is believed to promote the use of coping strategies (e.g. Berg et al., 2008), enabling the development of adaptive behaviours in terms of prevention, screening or management of symptoms relating to certain pathologies (e.g., Irving et al., 2004). In particular, hope would enable people with cancer to better cope with the invasive nature of certain treatments, as well as the pain and fatigue generated, through a process of decentring negative affects and focusing on more positive thoughts (e.g., Hood et al., 2012). Given its relevance, the antecedents of hope are also being studied and some have revealed the impact of Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACE) and Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). Munoz et al's (2018) study found that survivors of childhood trauma had high levels of PTSD, anxiety and low levels of hope, with the effects of ACEs on hope being mediated by PTSD and anxiety.

## Intervention

The undeniable interest of this theoretical framework is that it offers intervention modalities that are simple to implement. They are based both on the definition of the goals that may animate the person, the way he/she achieves them and the energy he/she is willing to commit to their achievement. The last aspect undoubtedly points to functional connections with existential psychology (the meaning that these goals have for the person) as well as the theory of self-determination. Indeed, if the achievement of goals is likely to feed the person's basic needs (i.e. social closeness, autonomy and fulfilment), it is likely that he or she will put all the energy required for their achievement. A range of potential strategies are presented in the literature (e.g., Lopez, 2013). Goal setting can be achieved through the number of physical activity sessions a person is willing to schedule into their schedule. Intervening on the operative component will consist in imagining different ways to reach the goal through the choice of physical activity(ies), the duration of the sessions, their intensity and the type of knowledge that the person will be able to acquire about him/herself (e.g., connected watches). A return to the motivational component will consist of ensuring that the person is involved in a pleasurable practice rather than in a forced practice that would be solely focused on their health.
Another very popular theory is part of this indirect approach to optimism. This is the theory of explanatory styles.

## 2.2 Explanatory styles

The theory of explanatory styles (Abramson et al., 1978) has had a very original trajectory since it goes back to the theories of control and acquired resignation (Overmier & Seligman, 1967; Seligman & Maier, 1967; Seligman, 1975), from which it rapidly emancipated itself. This theory requires conceptual clarification, which will be provided below, both because of the consequences in terms of measurement and intervention.

## Definition and Measures

This last conceptualisation of optimism according to an indirect approach consists of taking into account the causal schemas of individuals which they use to explain in a recurrent manner the causes of the events they face. It is this pattern that will reveal the optimistic or pessimistic nature of the individual's worldview. According to this theory, when an individual fails in a situation in which he or she perceives no way to achieve the goal, he or she learns the futility of his or her efforts and may become resigned. Learned resignation corresponds to a perception of independence between behaviours and results, which gives rise to an expectation of uncontrollability that can extend beyond the situation that generated the learning. Subsequently, elements borrowed from causal attribution theory (e.g., Weiner, 1974) led to a reformulation of learned resignation theory (Abramson et al., 1978), emphasising the way in which the individual explains the uncontrollability of the events he or she faces. The concept of 'attributional style' or 'explanatory style' or 'worldview' was born. Research around this concept has gradually moved away from the strict problems of learned resignation and now contributes to issues of a person's optimistic or pessimistic orientation (e.g., Chang, 2000).

Abramson et al (1978) therefore developed resignation theory by taking into account how the person explains or interprets his lack of control over a situation. The nature of his response - the causal attribution he formulates - then provides the characteristics of the resignation that follows. If the causal attribution is stable ('this is going to go on for a long time because no matter what I do, nothing will change'), it will induce chronic resignation; if it is unstable, then the resignation will be transitory. On the other hand, if the causal attribution is global ("it's all the same"), then the symptoms of resignation will be likely to generalise to various domains (i.e. global learned resignation). On the other hand, if the causes are specific, then the symptoms will be confined to a particular domain (i.e., specific learned resignation).
Finally, the perception of a lack of control attributed to an internal cause ("it's all my fault"), will lead to a decrease in self-esteem (i.e., personal learned resignation), which will not be the case, if the cause invoked is External ("it's very difficult") (i.e., universal learned resignation). At this point, a potentially problematic aspect can be noted. Indeed, considering that the theory of styles is linked to that of resignation, an external cause supposedly revealing an optimistic view of events when confronted with adversity ultimately reveals a lack of control over the environment. Indeed, when the cause is external, it potentially implies a lack of control over it. This is undoubtedly one of the reasons that led Peterson (2000) to envisage that dimensions could be adjusted, in particular the removal of the locus of causality.

The first explanatory style measure to be developed was the Attributional Style Questionnaire (ASQ; Seligman et al., 1979). Several variants were subsequently developed (e.g., Children's ASQ; Kaslow et al., 1978; Forced-Choice ASQ; Reivich & Seligman, 1991), for the academic environment (e.g., Academic ASQ; Peterson & Barrett, 1987) or the financial environment (e.g., Financial Service ASQ; Proudfoot et al., 2001), or even for sport for example (Sport Attributional Style Scale; SASS, Hanrahan et al., 1989). Another evaluation procedure has been proposed, based on a qualitative approach. This is the Content Analysis of Verbatim Explanations (CAVE; Peterson et al., 1992).

These different tools give a glimpse of the theoretical developments that have been proposed. Indeed, whereas initially it was a variable that was considered at a general level, the various studies that have been carried out have shown that it is more related to a context, which has led to a hierarchical organisation of this psychological construct (Martin-Krumm et al., 2006). Another advance was to consider that style was not situated on a continuum ranging from the least to the most optimistic or the least to the most pessimistic. An orthogonality of axes was considered (Martin-Krumm et al., 2006; Salama et al., 2006), coupled with a hierarchy that could go from the most general to the most specific. The consequences in terms of intervention are important to take into account and for some reinforce previous practices (e.g., Seligman, 1991). They will be discussed in the rest of this paper. More recently, a new measurement scale based on hypothetical negative events has been validated (Travers et al., 2015).

## Consequences

Initially, the consequences of style were considered in the area of health and more specifically mental health, or rather illness (i.e., depression), positioning the explanatory style as a risk factor if it is pessimistic. This type of style is associated with poorer mental health
(e.g., Peterson & Bossio, 2000), more depressive symptoms (e.g., Gillham et al., 2000), lower immune system efficiency (Brennan & Charnetsky, 2000), resilience (e.g., Martin-krumm et al., 2003), more injuries (Peterson et al., 2001) or irrational thoughts (Ziegler & Hawley, 2001) and anxiety (e.g., Mineka et al., 1995). For their part, the work of Jones and Rakovshik (2019) confirmed the impact of style on social anxiety disorder and on inflated sense of responsibility. However, the results of this research should be treated with caution, given that explanatory style was measured using the CDSII (McAuley et al., 1992), a scale initially designed to measure causal attributions. Other work has replicated this type of result to some extent, but by differentiating scores on the two subscales of explanatory style, the negative and positive hypothetical events of the ASQ (Peterson et al., 1982). Jose et al. (2019) were able to show that the optimism subscale predicted well-being and satisfaction and the pessimism subscale predicted depression and anxiety while revealing that these effects were mediated by the ability to enjoy life. The Paquet et al. study (2020) also found that having an optimistic style protected people from burnout and that intervening on style could have an effect on reducing the impostor phenomenon in the work environment, with all the deleterious health effects that may be associated with it (Zanchetta et al., 2020). Like other concepts related to optimism, style also has effects on well-being. For example, the study by Han et al. (2022) revealed effects on the well-being of tourism professionals. Specifically, an optimistic style was positively associated with well-being, while a pessimistic style was negatively associated. The effects of style were also found on diagnoses and subsequent behaviours (Douzenis & Seretis, 2015). Patients' explanations or attributions of feelings or somatic events have mostly been studied in reference to mental disorders such as panic disorder and hypochondria. This understanding is multifaceted and the way in which people perceive an external event (or bodily sensation) influences their reaction to that event and therefore has an effect on them. Explanatory style is considered a psychological attribute and is a term used alternatively to attributional style. This is sometimes confusing. Explanatory style, as defined, can influence diagnosis and treatment as well as illness behaviour. Beyond this cautionary note, it is important to be careful in analysing the procedures that researchers use. They are themselves likely to maintain this confusion, as in the study by Jones and Rakovshik (2019).

## Intervention

Taken together, the various studies reveal the beneficial effects of an optimistic style on health in general and on mental illness in particular, as well as on well-being (e.g., Abramson et al., 2000). The corollary has also been demonstrated. A pessimistic style has a negative
impact on health. Therefore, interventions designed to enable a person to switch from a pessimistic to an optimistic style make sense, especially as such interventions have been shown to optimise the management of depression in cognitive therapies, particularly when combined with interventions on explanatory flexibility defined as the variability of an individual's responses to stable and global negative event items of the Attributional Style Questionnaire (Peterson et al., 1982). Moore et al.'s (2017) study highlighted the importance of interventions on these dimensions in particular, whereas for everyday life or health in general, interventions could be made on all three dimensions, internality, stability and globality of styles (Seligman, 1991, 2011). In principle, it is a matter of the practitioner getting the patient to discuss the causes he or she spontaneously invokes for the events he or she faces. It is not about getting them to finally realise that they are wrong in the explanation given, determined by their explanatory style, but rather about enabling them to identify alternative causes and more specifically to challenge their internality, stability and level of wholeness. The practitioner can draw on past experiences, especially when they have been successful, to support the reflection

In the military field, an intervention in which the explanatory style component has been integrated makes it possible to strengthen the resilience of military personnel with a view to preventing PTSD (e.g., Cornum et al., 2011). Depression prevention programmes were quickly developed, including the *Penn Optimism Program for* youth in a school setting (e.g., Jaycox et al., 1994). Since then, many other prevention or resilience-building programmes have been developed and their effectiveness tested. In terms of intervention, these essentially consist of identifying the perception of events that an individual may face, how they interpret them (i.e. to what causes they attribute them) and the consequences that follow in terms of emotions, behaviour or knowledge. The aim of the intervention is then to allow the person to discuss the causes they have spontaneously invoked, to find alternative causes, to identify the emotions they feel. This intervention can be optimised by strengthening the person's mindfulness. In the end, considering that the person's primary problem is the perception of his or her lack of control over events, the most important aspect to develop is probably his or her regaining control over his or her environment. Contrary to what was initially assumed from a theoretical point of view, this amounts to considering that attributing the lack of control over situations to internal causes, with the appropriate support, is undoubtedly the starting point in order to allow the individual to act on said causes. More than the locus of causality, it is undoubtedly the dimension of personal control that is in question here, while taking up the recommendations of Moore et al. (2017) regarding the dimensions of stability and globality of the causes invoked.
General discussion

The main theoretical frameworks related to optimism were discussed in a synthetic way. This was done on the basis of a classification according to which it was possible to group them in terms of direct approaches (i.e., defensive pessimism strategy, dispositional optimism) and indirect approaches (i.e., hope and explanatory styles) knowing that hope itself could be declined in terms of direct and indirect approaches (Fig. 1). Conceptual elements were provided as well as evaluation modalities. Their impacts on health were described. Principles of intervention were discussed.

In view of these different perspectives, it is clear that while it seems easy to talk about optimism in the context of popular psychology, caution is called for when the discussion takes a scientific turn. There are two aspects to be considered, depending on whether it is a question of research or intervention.

<table><caption>**Figure 1**

*Different conceptions of optimism*</caption><thead><tr><th colspan="4">Optimism</th></tr><tr><th colspan="2">Direct Approaches</th><th colspan="2">Indirect Approaches</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><th>Strategies</th><td>Dispositional optimism</td><th>Explanatory styles</th><td>Direct Hope Approach</td></tr><tr><th colspan="2"></th><th>Indirect Hope Approach</th><td></td></tr></tbody></table>

In research, not all problems related to the measurement of constructs and their definition as developed here are resolved, for dispositional optimism and for explanatory styles for example. Eichner et al (2014) had already warned the scientific community about this dichotomy, optimistic or pessimistic. They therefore sought to provide semantic points of caution, optimists or optimistic. Indeed, rather than considering a continuum going from pessimism to optimism, it is advisable to consider things differently, which would better reveal the complexity of the human being who can consider himself sometimes one and sometimes the other depending on the moment, the context or the situation. This had already been envisaged by Benyamini in patients suffering from arthritis (2005). This possibility has also
been considered in the context of the study of explanatory styles. Work has revealed positive correlations between the two subscales optimism style and pessimism style, whereas the correlations should theoretically be negative. This has led to a theoretical development highlighting the orthogonality of the axes with the possibility of identifying four profiles (e.g., Salama-Younès et al., 2009). Therefore, if it is conceivable that different profiles can be identified, whatever the theoretical frameworks, dispositional optimism or explanatory styles, high pessimism and low optimism (i.e., true pessimism), high optimism and low pessimism (i.e., true optimism), high for both (i.e., realistic), low for both, which profile is the most protective? Which has the most deleterious effects? These questions open up promising perspectives to which cluster analyses would undoubtedly provide some answers. Another question concerns the calibration of the scales. What are the thresholds above which a person can be considered to be at risk of developing depression, for example? Furthermore, if optimism has its virtues, at what threshold does it become unrealistic to fall into what would be considered positive illusions or even illusions of control as mentioned by Bortolotti (2018)? At what thresholds is there a bias (Sharot, 2011)? At what point does a switch from resource to illusion occur (Chopik, 2021)? These questions as a whole also lead to philosophical reflections (see Milona, 2020, for a review). In terms of research, there is an entire section dealing with antecedents that have not been addressed here, although a number of questions arise. How much of this is genetic, for example? Or interactions with the psychosocial environment, education, life events?

In terms of intervention, it is ultimately just as necessary to be cautious. First of all, simply because if optimism has an overall positive impact on people's health, it is not directly but often through complex processes. What are these processes? What are the variables that interact with optimism? Indeed, what studies show is that there is a cascade of interactions that ultimately benefit the individual. Therefore, intervening is completely justified, but at what level exactly? On the level of optimism directly, like certain interventions on styles or on hope? On behaviours on the assumption that there will be effects on optimism in return? Which interventions precisely? How sustainable are the effects? What added value? These questions reveal not only how difficult it is to intervene, but also how difficult it is to evaluate the effectiveness of an intervention in order to differentiate between the quality of the therapeutic alliance with the patient and the effectiveness of the intervention itself.

## Conclusion

This contribution reveals how complicated it is to talk about a concept that is so popular. Of course, it is not the only one! It could be the same for resilience or motivation. Talking about
optimism does not necessarily mean thinking about the opposite of pessimism. Both may
deserve special attention. In the end, optimism has not only beneficial effects and pessimism
deleterious effects. Their respective effects on health are indirect. They are variables that are
not general but rather specific to certain contexts. They may fluctuate even if their evolution
seems to follow an inverted U-shaped curve. It may be unrealistic, biased or even an illusion of
control. In terms of intervention, the practitioner must inevitably ask himself the question of
the nature of the optimism or pessimism that drives his patient. He must know that he can
intervene mainly on the explanations given for negative events, on their levels of internality,
stability, globality and controllability. An alternative is to intervene on the patient's level of
hope, on the goals they set for themselves, the means they perceive to achieve them and their
level of motivation.

Overall, the ability to project positively into the future has proven to be crucial for
people's health during the successive containment phases that populations have faced in the
pandemic (e.g., Martin-Krumm et al., 2020) and therefore deserves the attention it has received
in this contribution.

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