# Second homes in Alpine resort communities: a critical approach of spatial and housing policy effectiveness

Quentin Benoît Guillaume Drouet

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Quentin Benoît Guillaume Drouet. Second homes in Alpine resort communities: a critical approach of spatial and housing policy effectiveness. European Journal of Spatial Development, 2025, 22 (1), pp.62-96. 10.5281/zenodo.17097561. hal-05253379

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# Second homes in Alpine resort communities: a critical approach of spatial and housing policy effectiveness

Quentin Benoît Guillaume Drouet, Université Savoie Mont Blanc

## Abstract

The Alps are characterised by diverse legal frameworks that regulate second homes. Winter sports resorts, which are highly exposed to tourism gentrification and real estate market pressures provide a suitable context for exploring the effectiveness of public policies aimed at limiting the growth of second homes and improving the housing market for permanent residents.

Using document review, interviews and territorial data, we examined how spatial planning regulations of second homes and housing policies in French, Switz, Italian, Austrian and Slovenian municipalities are often undermined by household strategies to circumvent land use control. In most of those areas, the mere adoption of a stricter legal framework is not sufficient to regulate the development and use of second homes. Effective implementation and enforcement mechanisms face challenges due to the agility of private residential use, sometimes supported by stakeholders in tourism destinations, and to ethical concerns related to privacy rights. Our findings suggest that, despite studying second home regulations and land use as well as housing policies, further research is needed on the influence of tourism gentrification on housing affordability. This research could inform alternative policy measures that balance economic development with equitable housing access, ensuring the needs of permanent residents are addressed.

## Keywords

Second homes, Alps,
Spatial planning, Land
use, Permanent
population, Housing
policies

## Introduction

Many Alpine destinations face highly competitive real estate markets between first homes, second homes and professional tourism accommodations (Gruber et al., 2024), largely driven by their tourism attractiveness (André-Poyaud et al., 2010). The ongoing growth of second homes in the Alps (Drouet & Koderman, 2023) and the difficult access to permanent housing (Schindelegger & Sehrer, 2025) are prompting authorities to regulate the development of second homes with spatial planning and housing policy instruments (Mühlinghaus, 2006; Borsdorf, 2013; Clivaz 2015). The scope of public policies regulating second homes have been
subject to different studies in the last decades (Gallent & Tewdwr-Jones, 2000; Roca 2013; Hall & Müller, 2018). However, most existing studies primarily focus on identifying and contextualising these measures, while relatively few have evaluated their effectiveness or critically examined the extent to which they contribute to housing affordability and the settlement of a permanent population. Restrictive policies implemented in Austria have proven ineffective in curbing the development of second homes more than a decade ago (Heuck, 2012; Borsdorf, 2013). In Switzerland, the impact of comparable regulations has been weakened by a pro-growth coalition composed of local stakeholders and external (Clivaz & Nahrath, 2010; Gerber & Tanner, 2018).

Moreover, some researchers suggest that second homes may be epiphenomenal, reflecting broader processes rather than serving as direct causes of depopulation in rural areas (Coppock, 1977; Marjavaara, 2009, Hall & Müller, 2018). Practitioners working for local authorities are still looking for measures that would be truly effective in achieving a balance between tourist accommodation, second homes, accommodation for seasonal tourist workers and permanent housing supply. Therefore, we identified a research gap concerning the recent impacts of spatial planning and housing policies, particularly those targeting second homes in Alpine tourism hotspots. Our study aims to provide renewed insights of second home regulations and housing policies, the degree to which they are implemented and how they appear to affect areas that are highly attractive to second home investors. Specifically, we address the following question: How do local stakeholders in ski resort communities approach the issue of second homes and what kinds of measures are in place to preserve the supply of affordable housing for the permanent population? To what extent do spatial restrictions on second homes and related housing policies contribute to maintain permanent population in Alpine ski resort municipalities?

The Alps are rich in various socio-geographical, institutional and legal nuances. It therefore offers highly relevant areas of study to examine how tiered public initiatives interact with a similar phenomenon of second home development. Winter sports resorts are a compelling example of areas exposed to tourism gentrification processes and competitive housing market. We have compared different contexts of Alpine area using cases from ski resort communities to refine our understanding of the scope of public initiatives at the local level. Special attention was given to selecting resorts that are prominent international destination and characterised by high real estate values with challenges in maintaining permanent population. We selected villages and towns that have existed prior to the development of ski resorts but recorded in the last decade contrasting demographic trends, while the number of second homes continues to rise. Based on a short literature review we retained five municipalities to be able to study different spatial planning instruments and housing policies, including La Clusaz in France, Nendaz in France, Kitzbühel in Austria, Badia/Abtei in Italy and Kranjska Gora in Slovenia.
This paper jointly addresses the spatial regulation of second homes and housing policies, as these dimensions are deeply interconnected through residential dynamics (Hall & Müller, 2018), including trends such as remote work, seasonal migration, and multi-local lifestyle (Elmi & Perlik, 2014). Several econometric methods have been developed to assess public policy (Givord, 2014), typically based on statistical observations tied to specific initiatives rather than broad policy frameworks. However, R. Desplatz and M. Ferracci (2016) highlight the limitations of causal evaluation due to numerous potential biases. Isolating the effect of a single measure within a broader set of planning instruments or housing policy actions remains a challenge. Moreover, numerous criteria may apply for evaluating public policies, such as effectiveness, efficiency, equity, acceptability, accessibility, adequacy to need, accountability, ethical considerations, responsiveness, or the decision-making and arbitration process (Thomas & Palfrey, 2007, Schiffino, 2016).

Transalpine institutions have identified the challenges related to second homes and defined broad guidelines for preserving a sustainable Alpine living space through an international treaty, the Alpine Convention, and a European strategy for the Alpine region (Alpine Convention (ed.), 2013). However, most public interventions and spatial planning instruments addressing second homes remain primarily the responsibility of national, regional and local authorities, particularly when it comes to land-use regulation and housing policies (Heuck, 2012; Borsdorf, 2014). The multi-level governance theory framework (Marks, 1992; Bache and Flinders, 2004) provides a valuable lens for examining the regulation of second homes in Alpine regions. Originally developed in the European Union setting (Marks, 1992), this theory invites us to consider policies at multiple levels to understand how they are shaped and interact. Comparing how regulations and policies operate across different Alpine ski resort communities provides an opportunity to understand why some experience stronger pressures from second home development than others. The attractiveness of many Alpine resorts to international buyers further stimulates cross-border dynamics that challenge national policy approaches. Building on this theoretical framework, our research focuses on exploring the effectiveness of implemented measures across different contexts, rather than limiting the analysis to a single case. Our study focuses on the municipal level while also considering national and subnational policies that affect this level. To this end, we performed an analytical review of spatial planning and housing policy documents, conducted semi-structured interviews with local stakeholders, and analysed relevant statistical data. In a first section, we present the key findings from previous research related to the phenomenon of second homes in the studied Alpine areas, real estate pressure and tourism gentrification. In the second section, we introduce the case studies and related national or subnational legal context of spatial planning instruments and housing policy to be considered for our analysis. In the third section, we specify the method used in our study. In the fourth section, we present our results on the objectives regarding second homes and demographic perspectives targeted
by spatial planning instruments, land use management and housing policies, the implemented
measures and perceived effectiveness by stakeholders. Finally, we discuss our findings in the
light of other previous studies.

Understanding second home development in alpine ski resorts within the
broader context of real estate pressure and tourism gentrification

The role of second homes in tourism destinations has been extensively studied from
economic, environmental, and social perspectives (Coppock, 1977; Roca, 2013; Hall & Müller,
2004). Second homes have become a significant focus within tourism research (Hall & Müller,
2004; Marjavaara, 2009) not only because of their substantial influence on local and regional
tourism economies (Machiavelli, 2011), but also because they are often located in popular
tourist destinations, thereby shaping visitor patterns and broader tourism development
(Blondy et al., 2016). In addition, they are also analysed from the perspective of the real estate
market (Rainer & Steiner, 2025) in particular with regard to the way local stakeholders
interact with second home investors (Zehrer et al., 2008; Gerber & Tanner, 2018), and the
tensions between the rising demand for second homes and the availability of housing for
permanent residents (Coppock, 1977; Marjavaara, 2009; Pairs, 2010; Hiltunen et al., 2013;
Mießner & Naumann, 2024).

The diversity in use, form, and legal status of second homes makes it difficult to establish
a universally accepted definition. The heterogeneity of administrative and fiscal definitions
across Alpine countries further reflects the complexity of this residential category (Drouet &
Koderman, 2023). In this article, we consider second homes as all private dwellings owned by
individuals that are not declared as a primary residence. These housing units may serve a
variety of purposes with different duration of occupancy, such as leisure or remote work stays
by owners, family gatherings, lending to relatives, short-term tourist rentals, or periodic rental
to seasonal workers (Coppock, 1977; Hall & Müller, 2004; Paris, 2010).

The development of second homes in the French Alps has been strongly promoted by the
state since the 1960s, particularly with the *Plan Neige* (Plan for Snow) launched in 1964
(Delorme, 2014). This plan has encouraged private investment in leisure properties, including
second homes, to increase the number of tourist bed capacity and boost the profitability of ski
lifts. Many municipalities in Alpine tourist areas record a share of second homes over 70%,
and a dozen even over 90% (Insee, 2019a).

In the Swiss Alps, hotels were representing most tourist accommodations until the 1950s
(Clivaz & Nahrath, 2010). With the development of ski resorts, apartments and chalets for
owner-occupation or rental became more popular. Between 1960 and 1970, the number of
beds in second homes exceeded the number of beds in hotels in many winter sport resorts
(Clivaz, 2015). The Lex Koller Act (Loi fédérale sur l'acquisition d'immeubles par des
personnes à l'étranger, 1983) restricted foreign investment in second homes by limiting
purchases to people with a permanent residence permit in Switzerland. Eligible foreign households were limited to a one-off purchase from a quota of holiday homes and apartments divided by canton (Loi fédérale sur l'acquisition d'immeubles par des personnes à l'étranger, 1983). Between 1980 and 2000, the number of second homes built grew twice as fast as the number of primary residences, although the pace slowed in the 1990s due to a less favourable economic context (Clivaz, 2007). During the 2000s the construction of second homes remained active including luxury residential properties.

In Italy, second homes became increasingly popular after the Second World War, especially in the wake of the economic boom (Sartoretti, 2012). Urban disturbances and changes in leisure practices have particularly contributed to the growth in second homes in Alpine valleys close to large urban areas (Sartoretti, 2012). The regions of Valle d'Aosta, Liguria and Trentino-Alto Adige, record high shares of second homes among the total number of housing units (Agenzia Entrate, 2017) compared to other northern Italian regions. According to previous studies, occasional occupancy of second homes affects the tourism economy of destination by weakening stores and leisure facilities (Macchiavelli, 2012).

In Austria, the increase in second homes began in the 1960s, mainly due to German investors benefiting from tax incentives (Borsdorf, 2013). During this period, many people from large cities saw second homes as a way of escaping urban noise and pollution. Technical improvements in mobility made it easier to reach remote places that were attractive for their landscape. Austrian federal states such as Tyrol, Salzburg and Carinthia have particularly high rates, sometimes exceeding 50% in the most attractive areas (Borsdorf, 2013).

Until the Second World War, second homes in Slovenia were initially concentrated in the Gorenjska region around the lakes of Bled and Bohinj (Jeršič, 1968). Their development intensified after 1950, especially in the tourist and spa areas in Slovenia (Gosar, 1987). M. Koderman (2013) distinguishes three phases: the conversion of existing properties (1960-1970), the construction of family holiday homes (1970-1980) and the creation of leisure condominiums (1990-2000). After the disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1991, a free-market economy prevailed on the territory of the Republic of Slovenia (Nared et al., 2020) with privatisations of previously state-owned dwellings and increased foreign investment in the national economy (Opačić & Koderman, 2018). The Statistical Office of the Republic of Slovenia reports a share of 20-25% of second homes in the municipalities of Kranjska Gora, Bovec and Bohinj (Statistični urad Republike Slovenije, 2018).

In the two last decade, the number of second homes within the Alpine Convention area has increased, as shown by compiled census data (Sonderegger and Bätzing, 2013; Drouet and Koderman, 2023).

Second homes should be analysed within the broader context of real estate market trends with rising propriety prices and the growing inequalities among households in relation to housing supply. The housing crisis has been the focus of academic research for several decades
and is widely regarded as a structural issue rather than a temporary one (Wiel, 2005; Kesteman, 2013). G.-F. Dumont (2014) explains that the housing crisis is linked to a distortion of the direct relationship between land supply, housing and population. This direct relationship is also nuanced by the decreasing size of households over the last two decades, leading to a greater need for housing for the same population. However, the notion of housing needs is complex, as illustrated by a case study in the Austrian federal state of Tyrol (Gruber et al., 2024), which examined whether housing demand reflects households 'needs or aspirations, and the extent to which public policies address these distinct dimensions. Different purchasing strategies can be observed between landlord-investors and owner-occupiers. Owner-occupiers are often constrained by geographic factors when deciding where to invest, particularly with the need for proximity to their place of employment although the rise of remote work has begun to ease these limitations for some. In contrast, landlord-investors tend to have greater geographic flexibility in their investment choices, which are primarily guided by rental yield rates and tax incentives associated with public policy (Aveline-Dubach, 2005). The high property prices may attract investors in furnished accommodation, whose expected rental income demonstrates strong repayment capacity, rather than first-time buyers who typically have less financial leverage to secure bank financing. These are the consequences of the land bubble theory (théorie de la bulle foncière), which explains the valuation of real estate mainly through the effects of the inflationary environment (Aveline-Dubach, 2005; Friggit, 2015). Because prices are more driven by access to bank credit by the balance between housing demand and land availability, N. Aveline-Dubach (2005) argues that the extent of available built-up areas has therefore little effect on land values.

The annual increase in property prices in ski resorts is 7% in Switzerland and 5.5% in France, while Austria experiences a yearly growth rate of 4% and Italy 2% (Skoczek et al., 2023). Beyond these alpine trends, specific local dynamics or submarket according to the type of real estate are identified (Coulondre & Lefebrvre, 2018). For instance, Kitzbühel has recorded an annual increase of 8% (Skoczek et al., 2023). In 2023, the price per square meter exceeded €8,000 for the vacation apartment market in 30 Alpine ski resorts (Skoczek et al., 2023).

Understanding the current dynamics of ski resort municipalities within the Alpine area, particularly in terms of residential appeal, real estate pressure and seasonal tourism economy requires acknowledging the concept of tourism gentrification (Gotham, 2005, Mießner and Naumann, 2024), with specific reference to alpine gentrification (Perlik, 2011). Mountainous regions are increasingly viewed by urban populations as desirable sites for real estate investment. A notable example is the case of Cortina and the San Vito valley (Carrosio et al. 2019), where property values have surged following the influx of a high-end, elite clientele. This phenomenon illustrates what Carrosio et al. (2019, pp. 36–38) describe as chain gentrification, which produces cascading migratory flows from resorts to lower-valley villages.
This is largely due to their appeal among middle- and upper-income groups and the ongoing escalation of real estate prices in these areas. The growing attractiveness of mountain resorts has led to heightened residential competition, which in turn fosters social segregation (Piquerey, 2016).

## La Clusaz, Nendaz, Kitzbühel, Badia/Abtei and Kranjska Gora: ski resorts areas with different national and subnational legal frameworks to regulate second homes

In this section, we briefly introduce the selected case studies and highlight the various legal frameworks that enable local authorities to regulate second homes development. While our case studies are not intended to be representative of the Alpine countries where they are located, they enrich the analysis by providing insights from diverse local tourism context within different national and subnational legal frameworks. Most of the selected cases are municipality with a higher number of overnight stays in winter than summer: 986,000 in La Clusaz (G2A, 2022); 173,163 in Nendaz although this figure includes only professional tourism accommodation (Société de Développement de Nendaz, 2022), 1,2 million in Alta Badia (Tourismusverein in Alta Badia, 2022) and 640,386 in Kitzbuhel (Kitzbühel Tourismus, 2017). By contrast, Kranjska Gora illustrate a different pattern, with more overnight stays in summer (403,590) than winter (256,530) (Slovenian Tourist Board, 2022).

Researchers who have previously analysed land use and real estate market regulation have already emphasised the need to design policies according to the local context (Gallent & Tewdwr-Jones, 2000; Schindelegger & Sehrer, 2025). Since legislation is not determined at the same level across the Alpine countries, the main legal framework for housing policies and spatial planning applicable to French, Swiss, and Slovenian resorts results from their national contexts, whereas in Austria it stems from the federal state of Tyrol and in Italy from the autonomous Province of Bolzano/Bozen.

### 1. La Clusaz (France)

La Clusaz is in the northern French Alps, within the Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes region and the Haute-Savoie department. The municipality is accessible by car in less than two hours from important cities such as Grenoble, Lyon, Geneva, Bern, and Aosta, assuming favourable traffic conditions. As of 2020, La Clusaz had a population of 1,706 inhabitants and has experienced demographic decline since 1999, primarily driven by a negative migratory balance (INSEE, 2019a). Over the past two decades, the commune has witnessed an aging population alongside a growing number of single-person households. Situated at an altitude of 1,040 meters, the ski resort offers a total of 25,202 beds (G2A, 2022). The share of second homes is notably high, representing 82.6% of the housing stock (Insee, 2019a). The average real estate price reached €10,364 per square meter in 2023 (FNAIM, 2023).
In the French Alps, various national laws have curbed land consumption, e.g. the Act on Mountain Development and Protection (Loi relative au développement et à la protection de la montagne, 1985), the Solidarity and Urban Renewal Act (Loi relative à la solidarité et au renouvellement urbain 2000) and, more recently, the Act on the Fight Against Climate Change and the Strengthening of Resilience to Its Effects (Loi portant lutte contre le dérèglement climatique et renforcement de la résilience face à ses effets, 2021) with the aim of "zero net land taken" ("Zéro Artificialisation Nette"). Second homes are generally subject to the same restrictive building laws as main residences and other new buildings. The French legal framework provides various housing policy measures and spatial planning instruments to local authorities to promote the provision of permanent housing which indirectly restrain the second homes development. In fact, no measure was specifically prohibiting second homes based on land use until 2024. We briefly present the available tools for local authorities below:

- (1) The Local Housing Programme - Programme Local de l'Habitat created by the Law on the Distribution of Competences between Municipalities, Departments, Regions, and the State *Defferre Law* (Loi relative à la répartition de compétences entre les communes, les départements, les régions et l'Etat *loi Defferre*, 1983) is a document that assesses housing needs and provides a basis for municipal decision-makers to establish guidelines, implement measures and allocate budgets to housing policies.

- (2) The construction of social housing can be supported by public authorities with the transfer of municipal land to a social housing organisation, the provision of financial guarantees or subsidies to the construction costs. Some municipalities can also directly develop municipal housing for their own employees.

- (3) The Social Mix Easements -Servitude de mixité sociale introduced by the Act on the National Commitment to Housing (Loi portant engagement national pour le logement, 2006) requires developers to include a minimum share of social rental housing. Municipalities that have a spatial development plan (Plan Local d'Urbanisme) can thus define areas in which new housing projects must include non-profit rental homes.

- (4) The Real Solidarity Lease - Bail Réel Solidaire introduced by the law on Access to Housing and Renovated Urban Planning (Loi pour l'accès au logement et un urbanisme rénové-, 2014) enables the separation of land and buildings over a long period of time. The land is leased for social access to the property by granting the leaseholder rights in rem to build a property. The purchasers therefore only own the building, while the registered land manager (Office Foncier Solidaire- Solidarity Land Office) remains the owner of the land. The Real Solidarity Lease makes it possible to reduce the price of the property by 15 to 30% compared to the market price.

- (5) The Community-managed subdivisions for primary residences (Art. L442-1 of the Town Planning Code - Code de l'urbanisme) include anti-speculation clauses in the sale terms, lasting up to 20 years. These subdivisions developed on municipal land and sold at reduced
prices require buyers to use the property as primary residence or resell only under specific conditions (divorces, professional changes, etc.).

- (6) The participatory housing- *Habitat participatif* created by the Law on Housing Access and Urban Renewal (*Loi pour l'accès au logement et un urbanisme rénové, 2014*) is a cooperative ownership status in which residents acquire shares in the cooperative. The cooperative is the full owner of the land. In addition, the added value of the resale of shares is regulated and members have a veto right over candidates wishing to join the cooperative. These provisions protect the residence from investors seeking for speculative property.

- (7) The creation of housing development company with mixed capital between public funds and employer funds to create or buy housing for employees of local companies.

- (8) The cooperation with private landlords to encourage them to rent out their property to permanent residents rather than tourists. Municipalities can develop public rental support facilities, provide grants for renovation or promote national tax incentives with owners' agreement for renting to low-income households.

- (9) The Mountain Act contract (Article L342-1-5, Tourism Act – *Code du tourisme*) with new tourism complex which allows local authorities to enter into agreements with operators to ensure the regular rental of accommodation for tourism purposes and to establish the obligation to provide accommodation for seasonal staff. This contract includes penalties for non-compliance and prevents the construction of new second homes in tourism real estate projects.

From 2023, the government decided to address more directly second homes with a new set of fiscal and spatial planning instruments. A decree (Décret, 2023) was issued allowing an increase in municipal tax on second homes. In November 2024, new spatial planning tools were introduced with the adoption of the law aimed at strengthening tools for regulating tourist rentals at the local level (*Loi visant à renforcer les outils de régulation des meublés de tourisme à l'échelle locale, 2024*). One measure allows the designation of permanent residential zones in Local Urban Plans (PLUs) in municipalities where second homes account for more than 20% of the total housing stock. Mayors have the option of introducing a daily fine of up to 1000 euros in the event of a violation. Other tools enable control over the change of use of buildings, mandatory registration of furnished tourist rentals, and the possibility of setting quotas by municipal area. This law is still too recent to allow possible assessment on the impact on the housing market.

## 2. Nendaz, (Switzerland)

Located in the canton of Valais, southwestern Switzerland, Nendaz is part of the 4 Vallées ski area, which includes the internationally renowned resort of Verbier. It is accessible by car in under three hours from major cities such as Lausanne, Geneva, Bern, Zurich, and Turin. Train connections are available via Sion, with regular buses from Sion to Nendaz. The
ski resort sits at 1,365 meters, with a population of 6,791 (Office Fédéral de la Statistique, 2023) and offers 23,000 tourist beds (Société de Développement de Nendaz, 2022). The average property price is €7,232/m² (RealAdvisor, 2023), and 63.9% of dwellings are second homes (Office Fédéral de la Statistique, 2023). Municipalities can engage several measures with the Swiss housing and spatial planning legislations:

- (1) Following the 2012 referendum on the so-called Lex Weber, a Second Home Act (Loi fédérale sur les résidences secondaires, 2015) was adopted in 2015 that officially came into force on January 1, 2016, limiting the construction of new second homes to 20% of the total housing stock in each municipality in Switzerland. However, 359 municipalities were already above this threshold (ARE, 2018). In winter sport resorts such as St. Moritz, Verbier and Zermatt, the proportion of second homes is between 50% and 60% (Mühlinghaus, 2006; Clivaz & Nahrath, 2010). The effectiveness of the Swiss Second Home Act (Lex Weber) is shaped by several contextual factors: a delay between its announcement and enforcement, the validity of pre-existing building permits, and early legal ambiguity later clarified by case law. Dwellings built before March 11, 2012, benefit from the former right (ancien droit) and may be resold as second homes, contributing to their growth. These can represent 50-70% of the housing stock. In municipalities where second homes exceed 20%, exceptions apply (ARE, 2023) in the following cases:

* If new tourist accommodation is created within the owner's primary residence.

* If hotel projects are partly financed through the sale of adjacent apartments.

* If hotels are over 25 years old or are no longer economically viable, they may be converted into second homes.

* If protected buildings, for heritage reason, can only be preserved through conversion to second homes.

Although the 2008 crisis influenced investment patterns, the link between Lex Weber and declining second home construction remains unclear (Office Fédéral du Développement Territorial, 2021). Between 2018 and 2022, second homes slightly declined overall, but primary residences benefiting from the former right are often resold as second homes. Demographic stagnation and housing access issues persist, prompting out-migration (ARE, 2023, p. 8).

- (2) Housing policy led by cantonal programs (tax relief, loans, guarantees, equity, personal support, advice) can benefit to local authorities.

- (3) A municipal land policy for permanent housing or to increase the supply of low priced rental housing under the framework of the Federal Act to Encourage Affordable Housing Act (Loi fédérale encourageant le logement à loyer ou à prix modérés, 2003) can be developed. For instance, measures such as land allocation, participation in new construction, and financing of renovations through equity participation, loans, or guarantees may be implemented.
(4) The development of housing cooperatives in partnership with employers can be implemented as previously mentioned in France. In such public utility housing project, the municipality can provide a land and offer an investment loan to a cooperative of developers (e.g., the municipality of Saanen).

In addition to those measures, we can emphasize the specificity of Switzerland by regulating rent increases. A maximum rental value is set for each canton. Rent control, measured against inflation and mortgage rates, maintains affordability and protects tenants (Hilber & Schöni, 2016). If an owner takes the liberty to deviate from the rental market benchmarks, the tenant can sue the owner (Schwaab, 2008). Thus, this Swiss tenant protectionism could perhaps explain that there is significant proportion of tenants in Switzerland. Switzerland has the lowest proportion of owners of primary residences among the Alpine countries studied. The proportion of owners in Switzerland falls to 35.9% in 2022 (Office Fédéral de la Statistique, 2022), compared to 58% in France (Insee, 2019b), which had previously risen.

### 3. Badia/Abtei, (Province of Bolzano/Bozen, Italy)

Situated in the autonomous Province of Bolzano/Bozen in Trentino-Alto Adige, Badia/Abtei is part of the Dolomiti Superski ski area. It is reachable in less than two hours by car from Bolzano/Bozen, Innsbruck, and Trento. The resort lies at 1,315 meters and the community has 3,532 residents (Istituto Nazionale di Statistica, 2021). Alta Badia offers 18,852 beds and recorded 2.3 million overnight stays in 2023 (Tourismusverein Alta Badia, 2023). The average price is €9,492/m² (immobiliare.it, 2023), and second homes represent 35.1% of the housing stock (Istituto Nazionale di Statistica, 2021). Among the 587 second homes in Badia/Abtei, 91.4% are owned by Italians from outside the province, 5% by locals, and 2.1% by Germans (Provincia Autonoma di Bolzano, 2013). Bolzano/Bozen benefits from legislative autonomy in housing and land-use policy, allowing for specific regulatory tools:

- (1) The subsidized housing under agreement—*edilizia conventionata* has been introduced by the provincial urban planning law, (Art.27-79, *legge urbanistica provinciale, 1997*). Since 1997, the Province of Bolzano/Bozen has identified municipalities that are under real estate pressure, so municipalities were obliged to dedicate 60% of their building land for permanent housing (Provincial Urban Planning Law, *legge urbanistica provinciale, 1997*). First-home buyers must have been lived in the region for at least 5 years to be eligible for these plots or housings. From 2007, primary residences can no longer be converted into second homes. The resale of a property is therefore subject to the same criteria for the new buyer. Through this measure, the purchase of second homes is restricted by this regulation, which contributes to the balance in favour of primary residences. The provincial law on Land and Landscape (Art 39, *legge provincial “Territorio e Paesaggio”, 2018*), which came into force in 2020 in the Province of Bolzano/Bozen stipulates that in municipalities and hamlets where second homes
account for more than 10% of the housing stock, 100% of future new or converted homes must be subsidised and reserved for permanent residents.

- (2) The construction of social housing can be developed to increase the supply of non-profit housing in addition to measures in the field of spatial planning and housing policies. There is only one organization responsible for social housing in the Province of Bolzano/Bozen. However, the number of social apartments in Badia/Abtei is very limited and the criteria for allocation are highly selective. The acceptance of social housing request from householders is based on the length of residency or employment, income, number of dependent children, disability, uninhabitability of current home, joining a spouse, etc.

## 4. Kitzbühel (Tyrol, Austria)

Located at 762 meters in Tyrol, Kitzbühel lies 100 km east of Innsbruck and is the main town of the larger administrative district of Kitzbühel with 20 municipalities. In 2020, the municipality of Kitzbühel had a population of 8,225 inhabitants (Statistik Austria). It is accessible within 2.5 hours from Munich, Salzburg, and Bolzano/Bozen and it can also be reached by train in a similar time from Munich and Salzburg. Known for its luxury real estate, Kitzbühel is considered one of Austria's most expensive resorts (Feiersinger, 2017). The municipality offers 45,098 tourist beds (Raumordnung und Statistik 2021), with an average price of €15,700/m² (Skoczek et al., 2023): 73% of dwellings are second homes (Statistik Austria, 2024). The federal state of Tyrol has legislative autonomy over housing and spatial planning, enabling region-specific policy measures:

- (1) In 1997, the Tyrol Spatial Planning Act (Tiroler Raumordnungsgesetz, 1997) set a limit of 8% cap on the number of second homes, and only European citizens were allowed to invest. When Austria joined the European Union in 1995, the Land of Tyrol feared massive investments by residents from Bavaria (Borsdorf, 2013). Second homes may only be built in areas designated for this purpose in spatial planning documents. This law does not apply to buildings and apartments that are dependent on the hotel sector or are rented out by private individuals for leisure purposes. To justify the purchase of a primary residence, the Tyrolean Spatial Planning Act (Tiroler Raumordnungsgesetz, 1997) stipulates a minimum occupancy requirement of 170 days per year. There are exceptions in the case of inheritances and changes in life circumstances.

- (2) The construction of social housing can be carried out by many social housing providers in Tyrol, who have greater capacity to develop new housing projects if municipalities offer land at regulated prices.

- (3) The building right- Baurecht is similar to the principles of the French Real Solidarity Lease where a lease is taken out on the land to grant usufruct to the first-home purchasers. Only the building becomes property of the households. This practice was already widespread
in the development of commercial and office buildings in Austria and is more recently under
development in the residential sector.

5. Kranjska Gora (Slovenia)

With 5247 inhabitants (Statistični urad Republike Slovenije, 2024) Kranjska Gora is located in northwestern Slovenia, near the borders with Austria and Italy, and is part of the Triglav National Park. It is within 2.5 hours by car from Salzburg, Venice, Graz, and Zagreb. The resort has 9,732 tourist beds (Statistični urad Republike Slovenije, 2019) and lies at the foot of the Julian Alps at 806 m. The average property price is €4,510/m² (GURS, 2022), and second homes represent 25% of the housing stock (Statistični urad Republike Slovenije, 2018). In Slovenia, there is no nationwide ban that would specifically apply to second homes built with spatial planning regulatory instruments. The 1981 Triglav National Park Act (Zakon o Triglavskem narodnem parku, 1981) regulates new construction within the boundaries of the park, which restricts the development of second homes. The municipality of Kranjska Gora, an important Slovenian winter sports resort, issued an ordinance regulating second homes in 2020. Two main housing and planning measures defined at the national level are available for municipalities:

- (1) The construction of affordable housing units can be initiated on land owned by the municipality to increase the stock of non-profit housing.

- (2) The purchase of existing private housing stock by the municipality can be undertaken to convert these units into non-profit accommodations.

Additional land management organisations can support municipalities in planning measures for the development of housing project in France (State or Local Public Land Institution - *Etablissement Public Foncier d'Etat ou local*), in Switzerland (Federal Office for Housing- *Office Fédéral du Logement*), in Italy (*Office for the Promotion of Subsidized Housing- Ufficio Promozione dell'edilizia agevolata*), in Austria (Tyrolean Land Fund- *Tiroler Bodenfonds*) and in Slovenia (Housing Fund of the Republic of Slovenia- *Stanovanjski sklad Republike Slovenije*).

Methods

Three methods were combined to assess the local authorities' efforts and approach the effectiveness of implemented measures to regulate second homes and promote the availability of housing for permanent residents. To ensure a comprehensive analysis, we triangulated the findings from policy documents, stakeholder interviews, and statistical indicators. Each method captures distinct dimensions, formal regulations, lived experiences, and observed patterns which were then integrated to identify convergences and discrepancies across Alpine contexts.
First, municipal and supra-municipal (e.g., intermunicipal or regional) documents (urban planning frameworks, housing policies, or other strategic plans) were subject to an analytical review. This allowed us to identify the objectives and challenges related to the research topic across the case studies. In addition, the document analysis enabled us to determine how many of the previously identified regulatory measures were actually implemented by the municipalities, thereby establishing a local effort rate indicator to address the article's first research question.

Semi-structured individual interviews were estimated as the most pragmatic way to obtain information directly from stakeholders. For the preparation of the interviews, the recommendations of a methodological work on survey techniques were used (Berthier, 2016; Bertaux, 2016). A total of 54 interviews were conducted in municipalities and supra municipal level with professionals, elected officials, associations, real estate agencies, tourism offices, businesses, residents and second homeowners. Table 1 lists the different stakeholders interviewed for each of the ski resort communities studied. The transcripts of the interviews were analysed using MAXQDA software to identify quotes from stakeholders referring to positive or negative links between second homes and permanent population, as well as perceived effectiveness or ineffectiveness of spatial restriction or housing policies. This software allowed for the categorisation of paragraphs by topic and the extraction of relevant quotations accordingly.

<table><caption>Table 1 - Breakdown of conducted interviews between 2022 and 2023 by countries studied</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>La Clusaz</th><th>Nendaz</th><th>Kitzbühel</th><th>Badia/Abtei</th><th>Kranjska Gora</th><th>Total</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Elected representative</td><td>1</td><td></td><td></td><td>2</td><td></td><td>3</td></tr><tr><td>Public employees</td><td>4</td><td>3</td><td>3</td><td>1</td><td>1</td><td>12</td></tr><tr><td>Tourism office</td><td></td><td></td><td>1</td><td>1</td><td>1</td><td>3</td></tr><tr><td>Social housing organization</td><td>1</td><td></td><td>1</td><td>2</td><td></td><td>4</td></tr><tr><td>Real estate agency</td><td>2</td><td>3</td><td>4</td><td>1</td><td>1</td><td>11</td></tr><tr><td>Researcher or experts</td><td>1</td><td>2</td><td></td><td>1</td><td>1</td><td>5</td></tr><tr><td>Businesses</td><td>1</td><td></td><td>1</td><td></td><td>2</td><td>4</td></tr><tr><td>Inhabitants / Seasonal workers</td><td>5</td><td>4</td><td>1</td><td>1</td><td>1</td><td>12</td></tr><tr><td>Total</td><td>15</td><td>12</td><td>11</td><td>9</td><td>7</td><td>54</td></tr></tbody></table>

We also used quantitative data on the development of the area to consolidate the assessment of the impact of public policies: changes in number of second homes and demographic changes. This method contributed to observing the evolution of the balance between permanent housing and second homes in parallel with the implementation of these local measures. However, it does not intend to demonstrate causal relationships, as doing so
would require data for numerous other potential variables such as other sectoral policies (e.g., taxation, employment, tourism, and public services) and other potential external factors beyond the scope of public intervention.

# Results

## 1. Analytical review of spatial planning and housing policy documents

This section presents the findings from our analytical review of local urban planning documents. Table 2 identifies, for each case study, major issues or policy objectives related to the permanent populations and second homes. All the municipalities studied express clear goals of demographic growth and promote development benefiting the local population. Only the municipality of La Clusaz explicitly links second homes to demographic challenges in its urban planning document.

<table><caption>Table 2: Identification of issues and objectives in spatial planning and housing policy documents at municipal or supra-municipal level regarding second home and permanent populations.</caption><thead><tr><td>Municipality</td><td>Documents</td><td>Issues or objectives related to the research focus</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td rowspan="3">La Clusaz</td><td>Plan Local d'Urbanisme, Local Urban Plan (approved April 6, 2017)</td><td>"Second homes exert pressure that penalizes local residents, both in terms of purchase and rental. This trend threatens the vitality of village life and generates operational difficulties for the municipality and the local economy. Maintaining, and even increasing, the resident population is a major challenge for La Clusaz in the coming years. Addressing this issue will require the implementation of a housing policy that meets the quantitative and qualitative needs of permanent residents.", (translated from French, Commune de La Clusaz, Rapport de présentation, 2017, p. 4)</td></tr><tr><td>Programme Local de l'Habitat, Local Housing Program (under development)</td><td>The document outlines the creation of a minimum 25% share of social housing and a land policy to support permanent housing. Rental housing comprises 30%, including 44 social housing units. (translated from French, Communauté de Communes des Vallées de Thônes, 2023)</td></tr><tr><td>Schéma de Cohérence Territoriale Fier-Aravis, Fier-Aravis Territorial Coherence Plan (approved Octobre 24 2011)</td><td>Objective to structure "a dynamic living area." (translated from French, Syndicat intercommunal Fier-Arais, 2017)</td></tr><tr><td rowspan="2">Nendaz</td><td>Plan d'aménagement des zones (PAZ), Land Use Zoning Plan</td><td>Currently under development.</td></tr><tr><td>Plan Directeur Cantonal du Valais, Cantonal Master Plan of Valay, (approved June 1, 2019)</td><td>Maintain functions and resident populations in villages and municipalities. The canton of Valais is expected to accommodate 56,000 new residents by 2030. (translated from French, Commune de Nendaz, 2019)</td></tr><tr><td rowspan="2">Badia/Abtei</td><td>Piano Urbanistico Comunale, Municipal Urban Plan (approved September 3, 2019)</td><td>Forecasts an increase of 200 residents between 2020 and 2030. (Agreiter, 2022)</td></tr><tr><td>Piano Provinciale di Sviluppo e Coordinamento Territoriale, Provincial Plan for Development and Territorial Coordination</td><td>Under development since 2021, replacing the 1995 plan. (Provincia autonoma di Bolzano, 2024)</td></tr></tbody></table>
<table><thead><tr><th>Municipality</th><th>Documents</th><th>Issues or objectives related to the research focus</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td rowspan="2">Kitzbühel</td><td>Örtliches Raumordnungskonzept, Local Spatial Planning Concept (December 15, 2014)</td><td>"Maintain and strengthen Kitzbühel's central position and ensure that building land is available to the local population at socially acceptable prices. Given population growth and migration balance, the maximum population is set at 8,300 residents across 4,050 housing units."<br>"The municipality plans 25.2 hectares of building land, with the objective that new constructions remain socially accessible for locals."<br>"The municipality seeks to ensure spatial development opportunities for manufacturing, commerce, tourism, and services characteristic of a city." (translated from German, Stadtgemeinde Kitzbühel. 2013, p. 7)</td></tr><tr><td>Raumverträgliche Tourismusentwicklung 2030, Spatially Compatible Tourism Development</td><td>Permanent housing is not explicitly addressed in the listed objectives. (Land Tirol, 2022)</td></tr><tr><td rowspan="2">Kranjska Gora</td><td>Odlok o prostorskih ureditvenih pogojih za območje Občine Kranjska Gora, Decree on Spatial Planning Conditions for the Municipality of Kranjska Gora (Approved October 2020)</td><td>"Under this ordinance, second homes are defined as holiday houses, vacation apartments, and other housing units used partially or mainly for the owner's needs and not as permanent residences. Existing second homes are considered those not occupied by permanent residents of Kranjska Gora." (Občina Kranjska Gora, 2020a)</td></tr><tr><td>Strategija trajnostnega razvoja 2030 Kranjska Gora, Kranjska Gora Sustainable Development Strategy 2030, p. 29 (Approved June 22, 2022)</td><td>"Above-average property prices contribute to the outmigration of young people from Kranjska Gora and make it difficult to implement a local housing policy, as is typically possible in non-tourist municipalities. The measure aims to combine various short- and long-term actions, including legislative reforms, to increase the stock of affordable housing (non-profit and market-based)." (translated from Slovene, 2020b, p 29)<br>"By investing in multifamily housing, encouraging higher tenant turnover in municipal stock, implementing future spatial planning strategies, and increasing pressure on the state and institutions, the goal is to improve access to permanent housing for young people, families, vulnerable groups, and to meet economic needs." (translated from Slovene, Občina Kranjska Gora, 2020b, p 29)</td></tr></tbody></table>
Figure 1 presents our assessment of the ways local authorities operationalise national or sub-national frameworks to address second home development and support permanent populations. Drawing on our review of spatial planning and housing document and information provided during interviews; we counted how many of the policy measures identified in the third section was implemented by municipalities in 2023.

<figure><img src="image_2.png" /><figcaption>Figure 1: Housing policy measures implemented by local authorities (2023) according to spatial planning and housing document review.</figcaption></figure>

Based on the documents referred in the table 1, the comparative analysis highlights varying degrees of local engagement in housing policy and second home regulation across the five Alpine municipalities.

La Clusaz stands out for mobilising 6 out of 9 identified measures. Efforts to support permanent housing include a local housing program, the creation of 38 social housing units, 51 units under a Real Solidarity Lease, a participatory housing initiative, and social housing construction. The municipality has also implemented building restrictions to limit residential development. However, it lacks key safeguards against second home expansion: 3,944 new tourist beds have been built since 2012 (G2A, 2022) without a mountain Act convention, and no anti-speculation clauses are applied in new build up areas. Although La Clusaz has introduced several housing measures, its policy is recent and most actions, especially on permanent housing projects were still under development by 2023. It is thus too early to assess the demographic impact for this case.

Nendaz has implemented 2 of 4 measures. While the municipality enforces planning approvals under the Weber law and applies rent control for permanent housing, it has not
invested in social housing or housing cooperatives with employers. The limited public intervention contrasts with ongoing population growth, possibly reflecting the influence of broader geographic and economic factors.

Badia/Abtei applies 1 of 2 identified possible measures. The municipality were implementing the subsidized housing under agreement (*edilizia conventionata*) to support housing for locals, but no new social housing has been planned. The limited intervention reflects both legal compliance and land-use constraints. Kitzbühel has activated 1 of 3 measures. The municipality is monitoring second homes in line with Tyrolean law and supports social housing construction on regular basis. However, no new *Baurecht* projects were identified in 2023, and tourist-oriented real estate developments are expanding, suggesting limited success in curbing the growth of second home.

Kranjska Gora implemented 1 of 2 measures, having developed municipal housing on communal land. Nevertheless, it has not pursued acquisition of existing private housing for conversion into affordable rentals.

Overall, the figure reveals a fragmented landscape of policy action. While some municipalities show clear efforts to support permanent housing, few have implemented strong or comprehensive measures to limit second home development. This suggests a gap between planning ambitions and the operational capacity or political will to enforce restrictions on tourism-driven real estate dynamics.

## 2. Stakeholder interviews analysis

Figure 2 illustrates the perceptions of 54 stakeholders across five Alpine ski resort municipalities regarding the relationship between second homes and permanent population capacity. The results were analysed using qualitative coding methods with the support of MAXQDA software. The analysis identifies the number of interviewees in each municipality whose statements confirm key links listed in Table 2. These links include perceived relationships between the growth of second homes and the capacity to host permanent residents in the ski resort community, perceived effectiveness of spatial restrictions on second homes, and identified shortcomings in policy enforcement.
<figure><img src="image_3.png" /><figcaption>Figure 2: Staekholder perspectives on second homes and permanent population capacity based on MAXQDA-coded interviews.</figcaption></figure>

Most interviewees in La Clusaz, Alta Badia and Kranjska Gora perceive second homes as negatively impacting the ability to accommodate permanent residents. Conversely, positive views remain marginal in all cases. While spatial restrictions on second homes are acknowledged in most municipalities, particularly in Nendaz and Kitzbühel, few stakeholders consider these regulatory frameworks effective. Reports of regulatory shortcomings are especially frequent in La Clusaz, Kitzbühel, and Kranjska Gora suggesting persistent challenges in implementation and enforcement. These findings underscore both the widespread concern over second home development and the limitations of current regulatory tools in supporting demographic stability.

Findings from the interviews conducted across several case studies, particularly in Nendaz, Kitzbühel, and Badia/Abtei where spatial restriction are higher reveal that the mere adoption of stricter legislative frameworks is insufficient to effectively regulate the development and use of second homes. Rather, the effectiveness of such measure's hinges on both the robustness of their implementation and the actual capacity for enforcement. In practice, enforcement mechanisms often prove inadequate due to the private nature of residential uses and the ethical concerns surrounding privacy.
In Nendaz, interviews highlighted both the chilling effect of the Weber law on certain investment projects and the creative circumvention of the regulations by others. Real estate agents reported that most transactions now occur within the existing stock of second homes, which remains outside the scope of the Weber law. Municipal authorities noted investor tactics such as omitting kitchen installations to evade the legal definition of a dwelling, or developers offering to build new homes for locals in exchange for the former properties, which can then be freely converted into second homes under the frame of the former right. In some cases, owners benefiting from legacy status have even evicted tenants in permanent housing to sell these units as second homes. The transmission of residency data across cantonal borders appears insufficient, enabling ambiguous residency declarations, especially among teleworkers. Permit applications often include declarations of a primary residence located far from the workplace, with authorities largely dependent on owners' self-reporting.

Second home investments continue to generate immediate economic benefits for local actors, which complicates efforts to limit their development. These benefits include land sale revenues, support for the construction sector, and fiscal income for municipalities. In some instances, the promotion of second homes even remains partially necessary to ensure the financial viability of hotel and para-hotel development projects. Therefore, while public intervention may be a necessary condition for year-round resident population, it is not perceived as a sufficient one when acting in isolation.

In Badia/Abtei, while the measures aim to maintain a balance in favour of the primary residence, market prices are still increasing and do not allow these homes to become more affordable for permanent residents, according to municipal representatives of Val Badia and a local real estate agency. The real estate agency confirms the development of new second homes by investors whose primary residence is more than 4 hours away from the ski resort of Alta Badia, although the opportunities to build or buy in the existing communities are rather limited. Based on their findings on market price trends, the tightening of the newer measures could have a negative impact, contrary to the objective of the subsidized housing under agreement – *edilizia conventionata* (Art 27 and 79, Provincial Urban Planning Law, *legge urbanistica provinciale 11/08/1997*) to provide affordable housing for permanent residents.

Kitzbühel's municipality reported us that no new "vacation residences" have been approved since reaching the 8% legal cap. When illegal use is suspected, the municipality requests documentation and occasionally conducts on-site checks. However, interviewees from local real estate agencies confirmed that most apartment sales are aimed at second home investors, not at permanent residents, due to prohibitively high prices. Evasive practices were identified per interviewed public employees, describing instances where second homes are falsely declared as vacant rather than as permanent residences. Investments in hotel infrastructure also serve as a vehicle for second home use: buyers acquire tourist apartments not intended for personal use, but enforcement lapses over time, particularly after original contractual
terms expire. Based on our interviews with real estate agents, we can assert that the Tyrolean
measures in Kitzbühel are not efficient in the way they are implemented, despite the legal
framework and the municipal legal service of the supervisory authority. In addition to the
restrictions on new buildings, the obligation to occupy the homes for at least 170 days to certify
primary residence and private use remain very difficult to regulate. It is not possible to
determine the proportion of residents who will be absent for long periods of the year.
Authorities face significant difficulties in detecting and regulating such cases, especially when
wealthy investors are supported by legal counsel. Despite formal bans, some residents
continue to rent out units via Airbnb, as confirmed in resident interviews.

In Kranjska Gora, interviews indicate that most new housing built in recent years has been developed as second homes. A real estate agency estimated that most buyers come from the Ljubljana area, even though the municipality also promotes the real estate internationally. According to a municipal employee interviewed on 8 March 2022, only a small number of projects for primary housing have been launched by the municipality, mainly due to financial constraints and technical problems such as flood risks. From a regulatory perspective, limiting the development of second home remains difficult as it is challenging to determine during the building permit process weather a dwelling will only be used solely on an occasional basis. In addition, the local tourism office does not carry out specific actions with second home owners to encourage higher residential occupancy rates.

In La Clusaz, interviewees emphasized that opening new building zones without ensuring public control over land allocation risks favouring wealthier investors rather than enabling access for local first home buyers. Long-term public control over land and housing through instruments such as the construction of social housing or municipal housing, the implementation of Real Solidarity Leases, or the regulation of the land are perceived as a greater potential in generating permanent residential settlement, as expressed in Kitzbühel and Badia/Abtei’s interviews. Nevertheless, such measures have not yet succeeded in curbing housing price inflation in the private market.

In Kitzbühel, non-profit housing organizations, such as Neue Heimat Tirol, play a key role
in providing affordable housing, supported by municipal land transfers. In 2023, 268 social
rental units were in Kitzbühel, within a broader district supply of 1,025.

Private actors also play a significant, albeit uneven, role in meeting local housing needs.
In Kitzbühel district, for instance, religious institutions like the parish remain major
landowners and contributors to affordable housing opportunities. Similarly, support from
seasonal employers or intergenerational family transfers can provide housing solutions in
contexts where public provision is limited. Moreover, tourism entrepreneurs almost
systematically provide accommodation for their employees in Kitzbühel and Badia/Abtei,
which contributes to sufficiently accommodate the workers in the tourism sector. The tourism
bed capacities of the destinations in Val Badia are mainly offered by family businesses in the form of guesthouses or small hotels.

### 3. Statistical data observations

Table 3 presents annual variations in population and the number of second homes across five Alpine municipalities, highlighting contrasting demographic trends and housing dynamics over comparable time periods. Annual variation was calculated as the difference in the number of inhabitants and second homes between two census years, divided by the number of years in the interval. The periods analysed vary by case, depending on the availability of data published by each country's national statistical office. Given the heterogeneity in statistical definitions of second homes and inconsistencies in data collection procedures across contexts (Drouet and Koderman, 2023), the comparability of cases remains inherently limited.

<table><caption>Table 3 – Comparison in annual variations of second homes and population in the case studies.</caption><thead><tr><th>Municipality</th><th>Data Type</th><th>Period</th><th>Value (%)</th><th>Data Source</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td rowspan="2">La Clusaz</td><td>Annual population variation</td><td>2011–2019</td><td>-0.66</td><td>INSEE</td></tr><tr><td>Annual variation in second homes</td><td>2011–2019</td><td>1.35</td><td>INSEE</td></tr><tr><td rowspan="2">Nendaz</td><td>Annual population variation</td><td>2010–2023</td><td>1.03</td><td>Office Fédéral du Développement Territorial</td></tr><tr><td>Annual variation in second homes</td><td>2017–2021</td><td>0.35</td><td>Office Fédéral du Développement Territorial</td></tr><tr><td rowspan="2">Kitzbühel</td><td>Annual population variation</td><td>2013–2021</td><td>0.50</td><td>Statistik Austria</td></tr><tr><td>Annual variation in second homes</td><td>2017–2024</td><td>0.12</td><td>Statistik Austria</td></tr><tr><td rowspan="2">Badia / Abtei</td><td>Annual population variation</td><td>2011–2021</td><td>0.20</td><td>Istituto Nazionale di Statistica</td></tr><tr><td>Annual variation in second homes</td><td>2011–2021</td><td>1.23</td><td>Istituto Nazionale di Statistica</td></tr><tr><td rowspan="2">Kranjska Gora</td><td>Annual population variation</td><td>2011–2023</td><td>-0.06</td><td>Statistični urad Republike Slovenije</td></tr><tr><td>Annual variation in second homes</td><td>2011–2018</td><td>0.60</td><td>Statistični urad Republike Slovenije</td></tr></tbody></table>

The comparative data across the five Alpine municipalities reveal diverse demographic and housing dynamics. Nendaz and Kitzbühel exhibit positive annual population growth (+1.03% and +0.5%, respectively). In contrast, La Clusaz and Kranjska Gora show a slight population decline (-0.66% and -0.06%). The case of Kranjska Gora has already been acknowledged by previous works on the statistical gap between different recorded statistics on second homes and real estate activities that was previously reported (Drouet & Koderman, 2024).

Regarding second homes, all municipalities experienced growth, with La Clusaz (+1.35%) and Badia/Abtei (+1.23%) showing the most pronounced increases. These trends suggest
ongoing pressure from second home markets, which may further strain local housing availability for permanent residents.

The contrast between high increase of second home and modest or declining population trends in some cases raises questions about how effective spatial and housing regulations are in balancing tourism development with the maintenance of permanent populations. These figures provide a quantitative baseline to contextualise the policy analysis.

In the following section, we highlight additional findings from the cases of Badia/Abtei and Kitzbühel. Badia/Abtei illustrates the extent of spatial restrictions on second homes, while the case of Kitzbühel raises questions about the reliability of quantitative estimates in the context of high level of real estate transactions reported in the interviews.

The main measure (Subsidized housing under agreements- *Edilizia convenzionata*) that has been implemented in the Province of Bolzano/Bozen for several years provides a unique study context to understand the scope of this spatial planning instrument in the rebalancing of second and main residences.

The neighbouring municipality of Cortina d'Ampezzo is located on the same massif than Badia/Abtei and is connected to the Super Dolomiti ski area. However, it is located in the province of Belluno, where the regulation of subsidized housing under agreement (*Edilizia convenzionata*) do not apply. We examine recent developments by looking at the municipalities of Badia/Abtei and Cortina d'Ampezzo based on several indicators to identify differences: demographic changes, the change in the number and shares of second homes as well as the increase in the number of main residences. These indicators are shown in Table 4. In Cortina d'Ampezzo, the number of second homes is growing faster than that of main residences, which means that the rate of second homes is increasing (ASTAT, 2011, 2019, 2020, 2021). While our research does not seek to establish a causal relationship between these measures and population growth, the contrasting trends between the population growth in Badia/Abtei and the population decline in Cortina d'Ampezzo are nonetheless noteworthy.

<table><caption>Table 4 – Comparison of two neighbouring municipalities on the same massif with distinct legislative frameworks on the regulation of second homes. Sources: Istituto Nazionale di Statistica 2011, 2021/2021; Istituto provinciale di statistica ASTAT - Provincia Bolzano, 2019.</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>Bolzano/Bozen<br>(with regulations)</th><th>Belluno<br>(without<br>regulations)</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Number of inhabitants in the municipality surveyed</td><td>3525</td><td>5736</td></tr><tr><td>Demographic change from 2011 to 2021</td><td>+ 4.6 %</td><td>-6 %</td></tr><tr><td>Number of second homes in 2011</td><td>657</td><td>4992</td></tr><tr><td>Number of second homes in 2019 (Badia/Abtei) and 2021 (Cortina d'Ampezzo)</td><td>722</td><td>6194</td></tr><tr><td>Change in number of second homes from 2011 to 2019/2021</td><td>+ 9.8 %</td><td>+ 24 %</td></tr></tbody></table>
<table><tr><td>Change in number of primary residences from 2011 to 2021</td><td>+ 26 %</td><td>+ 8.8 %</td></tr><tr><td>Share of second homes in 2021</td><td>35.1 %</td><td>68.7 %</td></tr><tr><td>Change in the share of second homes from 2011 to 2021 (in percentage points)</td><td>-3.1 pts</td><td>+2.8 pts</td></tr></table>

In Kitzbühel, the available distinct data set on holiday homes recorded by municipality, and on second home cases (Statistik Austria, 2017, 2022, 2024), provided by the Federal Statistical Office, offer an opportunity to compare different trends in non-permanent accommodations. However, it is important to note that these datasets do not measure the same dwelling use as the second home cases include seasonal workers or student accommodations. Table 5 shows the numbers of second home from both the database of the Federal Statistical Office and the municipal inventory which is submitted to the Land Tyrol every two years to ensure compliance with the Tyrolean Spatial Planning Act (Tiroler Raumordnungsgesetz, 1997). There is a very large difference between the two estimates for the same year. This can be partly explained by the different definition and treatment of housing units considered in the two databases.

<table><caption>Table 5 –Data on the development of second homes in Kitzbühel according to the municipal inventory under the Tyrolean law and the Federal Statistical Office of Austria. Source: Land Tirol -2017, 2020, 2024; Statistik Austria 2017, 2020,2024a,2024b.</caption><thead><tr><th></th><th>Municipal inventory<br>of regulations under<br>the Tyrol Act</th><th>Database Statistik<br>Austria</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Title of database</td><td>Land Tirol, survey of<br>vacations homes in<br>accordance with § 14(4)<br>TROG (Erhebung der<br>Freizeitwohnsitze<br>gemäß § 14(4) TROG)</td><td>Case of secondary<br>residence<br>(Nebenwohnsitzfäll)</td></tr><tr><td>Number in 2017</td><td>1276</td><td>4396</td></tr><tr><td>Share of second homes in 2017</td><td>17.6 %</td><td>60.9 %</td></tr><tr><td>Number in 2020</td><td>1273</td><td>4945</td></tr><tr><td>Number in 2024</td><td>1266</td><td>5595</td></tr><tr><td>Share of second homes in 2024</td><td>16.3 %</td><td>73 %</td></tr><tr><td>Change in number of second homes 2017-2024</td><td>-0.78 %</td><td>+ 12.4 %</td></tr><tr><td>Change in share of second homes from 2017 to 2024<br>percentage points</td><td>-1.3 pts</td><td>+ 12.1 pts</td></tr></tbody></table>

The shares of second home based on these two databases differ drastically. According to the data from the Federal Statistical Office (Statistik Austria 2017, 2020,2024), the increase in second homes between 2017 and 2024 is 12.4%, while the municipal inventory shows a decrease of 0.78% for the same period (Land Tirol, 2017, 2020, 2024). Although categories
such as students and seasonal workers are included in the data of the Federal Statistical Office, the sustained increase in these numbers over time raises questions. This trend appears difficult to attribute solely to these resident groups and warrants further consideration of the role of second homes, especially when considered alongside other evidence (e.g., interviews with real estate agents).

## Discussion

By combining a review of spatial planning and housing policy documents, interviews, and statistical data, we identified points of convergence or divergence in housing policies and second home regulations, while also highlighting the limitations of current public interventions. For instance, while documents emphasized policies to support permanent residents, interviews revealed that local authorities often balance these goals with tourism development priorities, and statistical trends confirmed uneven growth of second homes across municipalities. This integrated approach reinforced our understanding of the interaction between policy intentions, implementation practices, and observable outcomes, highlighting both the potential and the limitations of existing governance mechanisms. Overall, the combination of methods provided a nuanced picture of how second-home development is regulated and experienced across contexts. While a range of spatial planning and housing measures have been implemented ranging from land-use restrictions to social housing provision, their effectiveness is only partially addressed in our study and appears to vary significantly across contexts, based on the aspects we examined. The findings from interviews and document analysis indicate that the mere existence of stricter legislative frameworks does not guarantee successful outcomes.

In municipalities such as Nendaz, Kitzbühel, and Badia/Abtei, the enforcement of second home restrictions is often challenged by regulatory loopholes, weak monitoring capacities, and the ability of wealthy investors to circumvent legal constraints. Our results confirm previous scientific publications (Zehrer et al., 2009; Heuck, 2012; Borsdorf, 2013; Feiersinger, 2017). As early as 2012, the lawyer J. Heuck pointed out the existence of a large number of illegal “holiday homes” in the Federale States of Tyrol and Salzburg (Heuck, 2012, p. 183). The volatility of private residential use, coupled with legal and ethical limits to state intervention, further undermines control efforts. Moreover, local economic dependencies on second home investments through land sales, construction activity, and municipal tax revenues can discourage stronger regulation. Despite this, some cases (e.g., Kitzbühel, Badia/Abtei) demonstrate that long-term public land control and targeted housing initiatives (such as social housing or solidarity-based leases) can contribute to maintain permanent population, even if they do not reverse housing price inflation. The persistent gap between policy intentions and operational implementation, illustrated by the limited enforcement of strategic plans in places like Kranjska Gora, underscores the need for greater legal capacity. Ultimately, while spatial
regulations of second homes are perceived as necessary tools, they remain insufficient on their
own to ensure demographic sustainability in tourism-driven mountain municipalities.

The statistical observation in Badia/Abtei and Cortina are not sufficient to prove the effectiveness of the measures in the province of Bolzano, as the regulatory aspect is only one component of the territorial systems. Literature and interviews in Val Badia revealed further differences, including in the areas of spatial development, land use, tourism, governance and cultural context (Freschi, 1988; Pescosta et al., 2019). The 1956 Olympic Games attracted foreign investors and the new Olympic and Paralympic Games for 2026 has increased this attraction.

Due to the different interests of decision-makers and economic actors in winter sports resort communities, local inertia in the implementation of regulations could be identified. Indeed, our analysis has showed than not all the existing measures provided by legal frameworks were implemented by local authorities in the studied areas. This may depend on the strategy for optimising tax revenue and on various interests between local actors, but also on the competence of the administration, which can vary locally. Investments in second homes continue to generate direct local economic benefits for different types of local stakeholders as expressed in interviews in La Clusaz, Nendaz, and Kitzbuhel. These include revenue from the sale of land, upfront investment for the construction sector and tax revenue for the municipality. Tourism attractivity enhances the profitability of short-term rentals in real estate located near tourism infrastructures. The real estate sector directly benefits from the tourism attractiveness, as the purchase of holidays accommodations by private individuals serves as both a store of value and a financial investment (Rainer & Steiner, 2025). Our results confirm the growth coalition phenomenon in winter sports resorts previously revealed by several researchers (Clivaz & Nahrath, 2010; Gerber & Tanner, 2018). J-D. Gerber and M. B. Tanner (2018) argue that the effectiveness of the law depends on its ability to reshape existing coalitions of public and private actors who share a common interest in real estate profitability. Tourism plays a crucial role in the valuation dynamics of real estate which make it difficult to reduce the drivers of further investments (Fablet, 2013). Only one of the studied spatial planning documents claimed for the connection of the threat of second homes with demographic decline, even though stakeholders enhanced it during interviews in all the case studied. Finally, the method used for our analysis didn't enable us to demonstrate that the variable of spatial and housing policies on second homes clearly interact with demographic changes. Potential other factors might interact with local dynamics such employment opportunities, and provision of local services (Drouet, 2025). Beyond housing policies and spatial planning instruments, complementary measures, including tourism strategies, banking and tax policies, may affect housing markets and would benefit from a consolidated approach guided by multi-level governance theory. Indeed, the different practices in place in the studied areas reveal complex interactions among stakeholders, reflecting varying interests
and capacities to influence decisions at different levels. The researchers C.A.L. Hilber and O. Schöni (2016) have deciphered the tax policies in Switzerland and the factors that make municipalities attractive. First, there is the tax package as a lever to attract high-income taxpayers. The possibility of adjusting taxes at local level then leads to tax competition between cantons and municipalities. Contrary, C.A.L. Hilber and O. Schöni (2016) observed that increasing a canton's taxes contributes to a decline in the value of land and real estate. Public services are a parameter of this equilibrium, although municipalities are obliged to ensure standards that make them relatively equivalent.

## Conclusion

The Alps are characterised by the diversity of legal frameworks for the development or uses of second homes. Our research focused on tourism municipalities whose infrastructures and renown generate strong demand in the housing market, driven by the increasing value of real estate. The public measures adopted are restrictive depending on the studied municipalities and their national or subnational legal context. These disparities were an opportunity to put them into perspective in an assessment analysis.

While policy documents emphasize land-use restrictions to control second home growth, interviews indicate local authorities often prioritize tourism development. Statistical data show rising second home concentrations, highlighting a gap between regulation and practice. Our findings are consistent with previous studies conducted in Austria (Zehrer et al., 2009; Heuck, 2012; Borsdorf, 2013; Feiersinger, 2017) and Switzerland (Gerber and Tanner, 2018). The control procedures, which tend to be strengthened in the Austrian Tyrol, underline particularly the limited influence of the authorities on private residential use. The adoption of a stricter legal framework alone is not enough to curb the development and use of second homes. The means of implementation and the ability to control are essential for the effectiveness of the measures, but they are hampered by the agility of private residential use and ethical issues regarding respect for privacy.

In Kranjska Gora and La Clusaz which face population declines, support for the development of new permanent housing appears underrepresented compared to the total existing housing stock. In our study, several stakeholders emphasized that the demand for permanent settlement exceeded the supply of affordable housing. Further research could investigate the long-term impacts of public land control and housing policies in municipalities that have implemented enough measures aimed at meeting the housing needs of permanent residents. According to our interviews, measures studied have not led to a fall in prices on the housing market. However, our research did not further elaborate on the analysis of change in real estate prices related to the implemented measures. This could represent a potential avenue for additional studies. Future work could also explore how dominant tourism models contribute to gentrification and real estate pressure, as well as examine potential tourism
development alternatives or regulatory measures to mitigate the growing income gap between tourists, second home buyers, and local first home buyers.

## Acknowledgements

This work is supported by the French National Research Agency in the framework of the "France 2030" program (ANR-15-IDEX-0002) through the LabEx ITEM and the French Ministry for Ecological Transition and Territorial Cohesion (Fonds National d'Aménagement et de Développement du Territoire).

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