# Migration, cultural heritage and resignification of the local territory: the French community of Pigüé
## (Province of Buenos Aires, Argentina)

Christophe Albaladejo, Susana Sassone, Roberto Bustos Cara

► To cite this version:

Christophe Albaladejo, Susana Sassone, Roberto Bustos Cara. Migration, cultural heritage and resignification of the local territory: the French community of Pigüé (Province of Buenos Aires, Argentina). International Conference "Heritages of Migration: Moving Stories, Objects and Home" (Conferencia Internacional "Herencias de la Migración: Huellas materiales y simbólicas del Flujo Transatlántico"), Apr 2017, Buenos Aires, Argentina. **hal-01588607**

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# Migration, cultural heritage and resignification of the local territory: the French community of Pigüé (Province of Buenos Aires, Argentina)

Christophe Albaladejo (1), Susana Sassone (2), Roberto Bustos Cara (3)

(1) y (2) CONICET IMHICIHU Buenos Aires (Argentina), Red Internacional de Investigación AGRITERRIS

(2) Universidad Nacional del Sur, Departamento de Geografia y Turismo (Argentina), Red Internacional de Investigación AGRITERRIS

Mail: albalade@me.com

CONICET IMHICIHU Saavedra 15 5to piso - C1083ACA Buenos Aires-Argentina

## Summary:

How can the revaluation of a past of migrants be a resource for the construction of individual and collective identities and for local development? In this paper we analyze the role of the recent revaluation of a marginal immigration (the French one) in a country strongly marked by massive immigration: Argentina. The objective of the article is to analyze the role of social subjects in this process and, on the other hand, the generation of development and also of resistances or tensions that entails.

The case of the town of Pigüé, a French settlement of the Aveyron of the beginning of the 20th century in the southeast of the province of Buenos Aires, is analyzed. This is a small town of 15,000 inhabitants, linked to agricultural activity, where it is recognized the strength of the reconstruction of its identity as a "French collectivity": the heritage of the main actors, language, written production, gastronomy and local festivities are used as vectors of identity by the descendants, and also to give singularity to the locality and territory in its entirety. These processes lead to a redefinition of the representations of self as well as of the rural locality and of its place in the national society. Is this resignification a resource for local development?
## Objectives, theoretical framework and methodology

In this paper we analyze an endogenous process of social construction of a patrimonial resource linked to the French origin of the colonization of a pampa agrarian locality (Pigüé). We are following the theoretical approach of the social subject (Dubar, 2000) and of social constructivism (Berger & Luckmann, 1989). In other words, we consider that the individual identity of the subject is an essential factor of socialization, that in turn is a construction, both social and individual. Consequently we will analyze in Pigüé the "link with France" of its inhabitants, beyond the fact of being "of French origin", thus extending the concept of "inheritance" to the idea that identity is not transmitted only by the family, but also by belonging to the same territory. This conceptualization makes transmission, and in particular heritage, an active process, a construction that is both a social and individual process, which must find a sense shared locally among the social subjects. We consider that the case of Pigüé, as an example of a recent and very dynamic reconstruction of the past of a marginal (French) immigration in a country of mass immigration (essentially Italian or Spanish), allows to develop this theoretical vision, and to show its analytical and practical interest. This theoretical vision is coherent with the cultural dynamic approach of identity phenomena such as that developed by the authors published by J.-P. Saez (1995), or as the approach of G. Lenclud (1987) who sees "tradition" or "heritage" as a creative work on the past from the present by its social subjects, and not as an historical work.

The methodology is based on the collection and analysis of the discourses on their actions of the main protagonists of the patrimonialisation process, in semi-directed interviews, and then carrying out a structural analysis of their narratives of action (Demazière & Dubar, 1997). This approach explains in particular the direct style of the text and the references to specific individuals as representative cases. In order to carry out this research, we have conducted a series of about twenty interviews - one to three hours each - to local actors.

## Brief history of the colonization in Pigüé

On 4 December 1884 (Andreu, Bataillon, Bennassar, Gaignard, & Tulet, 1993) arrived at the train station called Pigüé (Pi-Hué en Mapuche means "meeting place"), 550 km south-west of Buenos Aires, a contingent of 40 families made up of 162 people. It came directly from their villages in the north of the region of Aveyron in France where they departed by train from the city of Rodez and embarked from the city of Bordeaux on October 25, 1884. Who accompanied them on this trip and then settled with them, has been the same one who recruited them in their native villages of France, François Issaly, a migrant of the Aveyron that the entrepreneur organizer of the colonization, another Aveyron man called Clemente Cabanettes, hired for the task.
In reality neither the region nor the 27,000 ha of the concession bought by Clemente Cabanettes to the investor Eduardo Casey were a desert. After the total war against the Indians of General Roca in 1879, Casey's envoys discovered "intruders" of European origin who long ago raised in peace with the Indians from 1000 to 12,000 heads of cattle each ... But they did not enter into the official history since those who left the first traces today celebrated in local history are those aveyroneses.

Casey bought 275,000 ha and managed to change the route to go through its lands, but with the condition of creating three colonies for each railways stations were built, Pigüé being one of them. Casey then signed a contract with Cabanettes to organize the colonization in lots of 100 ha or multiple of 100, and latter contacted his friend François Issaly so that from the Aveyron he would recruit the first settlers and travel with them.

As of 1888 another batch of people from Avveyron arrived, about 120 families more, in particular in less than on month in 1888 another 40 families arrived. Spaniards, Italians and Germans from the Volga also quickly arrived. Today Pigüé is a city of 15,000 inhabitants, head of a district (Saavedra) of almost 20,000 inhabitants and 3,500 km2.

The first traces of immigration are also found in institutions. The oldest is the Société Française de Secours Mutuels, created in 1891 to address health problems and in general any type of difficulty that could be presented to the French community. Today it has 120 members, but only 15 are really active and very few are francophone. Te Société organize internal events such as the celebration of July 14th (French national festivities) or other protocol events.

## Festivals and commemorations

In the process of patrimonialization of Pigüé's French past, commemorations and collective events play a fundamental role. The first of these events, which acted as a trigger for a collective revaluation of this past, was the celebration of the centenary of the foundation of the town on December 4th, 1984. It seemed to be the initiative of the intendant of the time (Rolando Maurel who is also of origin aveyronés) to travel to the Aveyron to invite to the local authorities.

They came from the order of 140 French who had to be housed in family houses unrelated to France as it overflowed the capacity of reception of families of origin aveyronés. That simple fact allowed to open the link with France to other people and collectivities. The reception of the group of French people, the collective visibility of the French past presented as a common past, have contributed to the entry of the French past into the public space. This event also marked the beginning of the cooperation between Pigüé and
Aveyron, which allowed the financing of many exchange trips and scholarships to which any inhabitant of the Saavedra district could apply regardless of their origin. This cultural cooperation has been the main instrument that allowed to open the game beyond the families of French origin.

In October 1987, during the trip of the President of the French Republic François Mitterrand, Raúl Alfonsín invited his French counterpart to visit Pigüé. More than 10,000 people participated in the event that consolidated the cooperation and made the French past of Pigüé nationally visible, both in Argentina and in France.

Later on, the Brotherhood of Giant Omelette was celebrated every year on the first Sunday of December, since 1999. This Brotherhood society was born in 1973 in the town of Bessières (3000 inhabitants), near the city of Toulouse in France, with the aim of making a giant omelette publicly and free of charge. The brotherhood is a select circle of personalities and notables, which maintains a climate of brotherhood and fun, and grows by co-optation of other influential personalities, politicians, senior officials or entrepreneurs. In Argentina there are 40 members, essentially located in Pigüé.

In 2016 the omelette brought 20,000 people to Pigüé. Some local companies give away eggs, oil and flour to make bread, other companies contribute with money and the Municipality helps with staff and with a truck for the transfer of ingredients. An interlocutor told us: "The omelette inadvertently happened to be the most important and most visible event of the annual fiesta of the town of December 4." If the omelette is free, the vendors of the village make good business with their stands that take advantage of those visits (with particular food roasted and sausages, etc. since in Argentina omelette is not considered "substantive" enough food). In Argentina it is commonly thought that omelette is the French national dish, which casually the event contributed to the process of collective appropriation of the French past that lives the village since 1984 ... It is clearly an initiative of the elite, but with the particularity of not restrict to the population of French origin but on the contrary giving a strong participation to influential members of other communities, participates to the movement of "publicization" of the relation with the French culture, although in that case it was not intentional.

Then in 2001, a group of young people decided to foster exchanges by creating the association Amicale of Exchanges, which establishes a very good level of dialogue with the General Council of the Department of Aveyron. They are of the order of 15 active members in the Amicale, few speak French and some do not have French origins, but all seek to link the town of Pigüé with the French past of the town and create new active links through intense cooperation with France In general and with the Aveyron in particular.

The Amicale created another party that officiates today as a true marker of the past, or in a certain way as an imprint of the French past even though it was a recent invention, is the
festival of aligot. The aligot is a typical Aveyron dish based on mashed potatoes and a cheese, the "tome", which the inhabitants of Pigüé, and even the descendants of French, discovered when the exchange trips to France allows them to visit relatives. The aligot begins to be reality in Pigüé from the production of the "tome" by the agricultural school of the village of Goyena, a colony of 500 inhabitants located 25 kilometers from Pigüé in the same party of Saavedra. This possibility of local production is due to the exchanges from 2008 of students and teachers of this school with the agricultural school of Rodez (lyceum of Larroque), the capital of Aveyron.

From then on the association Amicale of Exchanges with the Aveyron, decides to realize every year the feast of aligot. It was decided to alternate year by half with a feast open to the general public inviting personally to representatives of the three other main "communities" of Pigüé: the Spanish, the Italian and the German ones. We were told by representatives of the Amicale "we do integration, we integrate a lot, we must not neglect the community in general and not only the descendants of the French." In the ballroom, celebrating the anniversary of a very Aveyron event, the main decoration was a great reproduction of the Eiffel Tower, marking with a very French and even Parisian symbol an event based on a meal that, at contrary to the omelette, is strictly identified with the Aveyron. Thus it is clear that the references to the Aveyron past and a reconstruction of the traces of the past that open to the culture and the French identity in a more generic form are very intertwined.

## Monuments, art

The monuments are the reflection of the wills of official interpretation of the history of the people, and even more: they are the sedimentation of the different official interpretations that happened in the time ... Inside these monuments we find many that celebrate the heroes of the French colonization, and provide different stages of interpretation of the past.

The Pigüé cemetery is an exceptional place given the important investments made by the wealthy families of the place, most of them French, in tombstones, statues and many times true mausoleums. At the entrance imposes in particular an impressive bronze angel, authored by Numa Ayrinhac, in tribute to the founder of the Frayssinet family. It is a place systematically visited by French visitors, and the Amicale has made a study of the place to help them locate tombs related to their ancestors more quickly. The construction of memory through art is not only represented in Pigüé by sculpture.

The artist Numa Ayrinhac, who is the author of five monuments in Pigüé, including him from the cemetery, is above all a painter known internationally. He was born in a village in the Aveyron and migrated with his family to Pigüé in 1886, when he was five years old. During the government of Juan Perón, Numa was chosen by Eva Perón to be the author of
their portraits. Some of these portraits, in particular that which has been used for the cover of the book "The reason of my life", has been destroyed by the military after the coup d'état of 1955. His most famous painting is the portrait of the couple of Juan and Eva Perón, today in the Museum of the Bicentennial in Buenos Aires. Today the house of Ayrinhac, where his granddaughter lived until recently, was transformed into a museum. The house itself, built by the artist, is the first object of the museum and even the furniture of the time has been preserved intact, as well as his workshop with all the original artifacts. But even so the museum is a private initiative of his granddaughter and does not receive any consistent support from any institution.

There is another museum in Pigüé that belongs to the municipality and is housed in a historic house in the municipal park, the former home of the treasurer Eduardo Casey. This "regional museum", which was created in 1959, has greatly increased the presence of objects and documents from the French colony since the 1984 event and later in preparation for the arrival of the presidents of France and Argentina in 1987

## Language

Language is the largest footprint left by the French immigration in Pigüé, and it is the one that has been the object of the strongest institutional decisions since the beginning of international cooperation in 1984. It is by far the strongest marker of identity: today the link with France is measured and essentially invoked by the language, rather than during the era while the generation of migrants lived, because it was measured in first stages of colonisation by family ties.

The French Alliance of Pigüé was founded on November 27th, 1946, at a time when the generation of pioneers was beginning to disappear. Until 1984 and in particular until the start of cooperation projects, the Alliance responded to personal wishes of maintaining relationship with a family history. This surely explains that its headquarters is housed in the building of the French Society and maintains strong links with this institution. For 20 years language management became an argument and sometimes a requirement to apply for scholarships and exchange programs, and this helped to curb the fall of enrollments. The current director told us that 30 years ago there were 25 to 30 students, who 20 years ago were only 15, instead of 48 students today.

The Amicale immediately worried about developing the French language, but different from the Alliance: in a "massive" and free way. The idea of the Amicale is to make the relationship with France, through cooperation in particular, the project of the whole people, and even of the whole party. With this vision, they were able to implement a novel project of compulsory teaching of French as a second foreign language for all students in the five primary schools, public or private, of the district. In other words, there are 300 young
people from 9 to 11 years old who have two hours of compulsory French per week.
Without cooperation with France, this achievement would not have been possible, since the
General Council of Aveyron financed teacher training and then paid teachers' salaries
during the four years during which the project was considered as a "pilot experience". The
intention was to familiarize the children in the primary school with the French so that many
could list in the French Alliance when tackling high school. This phenomenon did not
occur in such a massive way, however, since only 7 to 8 adolescent students per year were
enrolled in the Alliance. Where there is really a deep learning of the language, it is when
the person obtains a scholarship to do higher studies, generally a doctorate, with very strong
effects at the level of all the members of the family and not only the fellow.

As a resource for participating in cooperation programs, the latter have not been so
important as to generate expectations of a trip to France in each child. Despite these
limitations, and thanks to these renewed efforts since 1984, the French language is now and
undoubtedly the strongest legacy of immigration.

## The gastronomy

We have identified several foods of French origin that persisted in families of French
origin. We were quoted the "trufada", a dish with potatoes cut fine and fried in very little
oil, cooked until partially disarmed with garlic, parsley and cheese. Also in some families
are prepared hare civet and various delicatessen ("cochonnailles"), in particular the
"fricando" that is a pâté presented in small balls wrapped in a cloth. Some interlocutors
raise geese and prepare "filled neck geese". Some also still raise ducks.

All these meals are prepared and consumed in an exclusively family circle, privately. We
even realized that little was said about these preparations between families. However, two
typical Aveyron foods have managed to be identified collectively as a trace of the common
past: the "estofinado" and the "aligot". The estofinado is a meal originally based on cod, nut
oil and mashed potatoes. Many of our interviewees told us that they prepare it even in the
house, even with common oil and another fish than cod, and that it is consumed in
particular during Good Friday. The current director of the Amicale confessed that the food
that has always been prepared in his family is what made him click with the French culture.
The estofinado (they also say "French cod") is a curiosity of the north of the Aveyron. In
fact it is a local deformation of the English word "stockfish", that is to say cod. This fish
arrived in the Lot valley in the Middle Ages in exchange for local products and served to
prepare the "estofi" or "estofinade", local deformation of the English word. It is the most
conserved Aveyron food in families, and the one that generated more emotion and feeling
of identity when discovering that familiar intimacy is part of a common past.
The aligot, on the other hand, is an "invented footprint," which does not detract from its value or its genuine character, but in fact it is more a marker of the recent relationship with Aveyron (and in particular of cooperation), and actually not (or solely) of the past of immigration. The director of the French Alliance warned us: the aligot is not the food of the North and West of the Aveyron where ours immigrants came from, it is strictly from the East (the Aubrac region). However, the inhabitants of Pigüé who traveled to France discovered it, and the cooperation between the two agricultural schools, with the help of the Jeune Montagne cooperative in France that is leader of the process of requesting a Protected Geographical Indication (PGI) for aligot, has allowed, with much effort and generosity, to reproduce the "tome" in Argentina that allows the manufacture of aligot. Today that food is the central character of the celebration of the departure from France of the first immigrants, on October 25th. The Ambassador of France was invited to the event, he accepted in October 2015, he came with the Consul General of France and the Delegate of the Alliance in Buenos Aires. So the aligot is undoubtedly part of the identity of Pigüé and his French past.

What still did not work is the commercial stage. The dishes mentioned, as well as no other French food, are not served in the restaurants of Pigüé. The Amicale organized a course and a contest in 2014 in French gastronomy bringing a French chef of fame (Frédéric Rubio) to the table. In December 2016, four local chefs were sent to Aveyron for training in Aveyron cuisine at the "Grand restaurant d'application" of the Chambre des Métiers, together with Frédéric Rubio. The aligot has a great advantage since they can easily freeze the portions without altering the taste. Without success: today no French food can be found in the restaurants of Pigüé.

One positive aspect is that the gastronomy has managed to promote the image of a typical Pigüé with its relationship with France both in internally in the district (as did the aligot and, to a lesser extent, the *estofinada*), and at the level of the whole country (just as the giant Omelette).

## Books, written production

The written production on the French immigration of Pigüé is important and ancient. We have already mentioned, for example, research published in France in 1977, and updated sixteen years later, in 1993 (Andreu et al., 1993). The research has had an effect on a local awareness of a French past that needed to be cared for and shared so as not to be forgotten. But the publication of the book has also had its local importance, like many of the other books we cannot mention here. They were not confined to erudite circles, but are known by many inhabitants and in fact many of them are consultable in the Park Museum. Written production on the French origins is thus a reference in the construction of the identity of the
inhabitants. It does not necessarily mean that everyone has read the books to which they
refer, but these books are mentioned and used to legitimize the speech of local actors. It is
to such a point that a rough field of symbolic struggle was generated for the interpretation
of history that has had repercussions in the production and revision of the official historical
narrative and in the exhibition of social markers of history such as monuments, or
collective commemoration dates. The first book in the history of Pigüé, which glorifies the
figure of Casey, was written for the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of Pigüé by Octavio
Federico Ducos (1934), an important herdsman of the area whose family is native to the
region of Pau in France. The Ducos family, who arrived years later than the first contingent
with good economic level and in a better prepared locality, also had been chosen as one of
the proxies of the owner Eduardo Casey, and was in charge of recovering money for him or
evicting the first Settlers who could not finish paying the land. In this dirty job he faced the
leader of this first contingent, François Issaly.

Issaly is also the author of the most impressive document in the history of Pigüé, and
probably of the whole history of transaltantic immigration to Argentina: a detailed diary
which he wrote with perfect regularity from the day he met Clemente Cabanettes in 1882
and in which he decided to participate in the organization of this immigration, until the day
of his death in Pigüé in 1934. There are 5,500 pages written in French in possession today
of his granddaughter Vita, kept in his personal home which is his grandfather's own house.
Vita is analyzing the manuscript grouping the pages of the newspaper in terms of major
issues in order to publish an analysis of the huge document. She also kept the letters
exchanged by Cabanettes and Issaly. The historical value of this documentation is
considerable. Curiously it has been a private object until the death of the mother of Vita
and when Vita feels the commitment that generates such heritage. His training as a
sociologist at the National University of La Plata helped her to understand the importance
of the object and to interpret it, as well as to show how the official history of the people had
been manipulated by a group of notables of French origin. Although often mentioned by
our interlocutors and considered as a great witness of the past, this huge manuscript has not
been completely patrimonialized since it is still preserved in a private house, has no copy
and is not the subject of another research than that of a person who, even though she is a
professional sociologist, is a relative of the author.

In the expectation of Issaly's full journal entry in the public space, another paper by the
same character has had a great public impact and has been the intellectual basis for a
historical review pronounced only in 2014 by the Deliberative Council of the Party of
Saavedra (Pigüé), rehabilitating the figure of François Issaly like unique cofounder of the
town, along with Clemente Cabanettes, and definitively removing Eduardo Casey of that
roll. In the process of argumentation, the expertise of Dr. Horacio Agustín Walter,
professor at the National University of La Plata and an expert on immigration, was
solicited. This Issaly manuscript has been fully digitized by his granddaughter and
presented to the General Council of Aveyron, which archived it and then published it in 2014 with an adapted version (Issaly, 2014). This version of history, written in 1924, gives greater prominence to the first contingent and shows a disenchanted version of the colonization process, with persecutions against settlers who could not afford

Thus, in the history of French immigration in Pigüé, books have played a leading role, not only to remember the facts, but also to bring this immigrant past into the public space. When talking to local actors, books are the first references mentioned because they are given a lot of authority. Recently even the writings have participated in a debate on the interpretation of the past and have fed contradictory versions, making democracy live in the local public space through interpretations, investigations and controversies carried out by the local actors themselves. The writings are seemingly immobile traces that contain not only the data but the way of interpreting them, but the universe of the writings is actually made of constant and active reinterpretations of the previous traces and in turn constitute new traces of the relation with France, already which are largely the result of active links and cooperation involving mobilization and the promotion of new links.

## Conclusion

Our research in Pigüé shows the abundance and strength of the "traces" of the French past and that, rather than in the landscape, in writings, buildings, institutions or museums, in the local food itself. And in the representations and activities of the local community. There would not be many prints today without this considerable work of the collectivity of French origin - and beyond the whole community of Pigüé and around (like the town of Goyena) - to make visible these traces, to transform them, to use them to relate or to appear adenroto And outwardly, to give them a current, sometimes even controversial sense at the local level (as in the case of Casey and Issaly's role in history), and so on. For this same reason, the traces as a social phenomenon require to exist and endure in a human group, and even more in a local society, a constant work of re-creation of the same and even the creation of new tracks that can find a place coherent in this set. It is the case of aligot that was not a dish imported by the settlers, or the omelet that has nothing to do with the history of immigration and yet any Argentine manages to link with it.

Fortunately these new tracks are not the result of a desire to build the tourist value of the place, it did not try to add signs recognizable by external visitors, or likely to be the object of a business. Even the Omelette does not belong to Pigüé's "floklorization" or "touristic" dynamics (despite its economic effect on the feast day of the town), but they are part of internal identity-building process at the local level. It is a process of building a "social heritage" (Saez, 1995) that can be more or less "collective" or centered on local groups (popular heritage) as well as on reduced elites (this is the case of the work of Numa
Ayrinhac), but which never seems to have genuinely ceased to be a social construction of identity and did not fall into folklore or miserableness in which many projects of revivification of local identities or restoration of art has fallen (Grignon & Passeron, 1989; Saez, 1995).

<figure><img src="image_2.png" /><figcaption>Figure 1–SOCIAL APPROPIATION PROCESS OF LOCAL HERITAGE OF MIGRATION</figcaption></figure>

Figure 1 shows in fact two very different ways of local valorization of the inheritance of the past. One goes through a process of transforming inheritance into a "heritage". Patrimonialization is precisely the observed process of transformation of the French heritage in Pigüé since the preparations for the centenary. It is the process that allows each inhabitant of Pigüe to feel concerned, and even identified, with the French past. The complementary role of the Amicale in relation to the French Society has been very important, but nothing would have happened without the cooperation and in particular decentralized cooperation with France. When the French Society maintains its role for the families that has a personal link with France and in the "French community" as a whole, the Amicale completes this role by accompanying a new function of French culture since 1984: to be a common resource to all the population of the town of Pigüé and even the district. But this resource had to materialize in this stage with concrete possibilities of travel or connection with foreign visitors. The French Society had not needed this public resource because it could mobilize private resources. In this sense the institutions and networks of the Amicale and the French Society are complementary. The same is true of compulsory French study in all primary schools which, beyond bases in language for the whole population, are transmitting an interest and a minimal opening towards French culture and
towards an aspect of the history of Pigüé that already left of being private. Instead,
following the courses of the Alliance is a personal demand or a particular trajectory. The
two are complementary.

Editing books, making museums, create local parties, proposing typical foods in public
events, requesting a new analysis of local history by the Deliberative Council participate in
an activity of "publicizing", or making public, the French past, at the level of the town. This
activity is basic in the patrimonialisation that consists in admitting a resource in the public
domain, without depriving of course the families of French origin of the privacy and of the
personal identities that they have constructed. The resources of the cooperation with France
have made it possible to prevent the tourism of Pigüé from providing the incentives and the
resources to revalue the French past, and it has been vital not to skip the patrimonialisation
stage. For this reason, it was necessary for a different institution to emerge from the French
Society to accompany this stage of patrimonialization at a local territorial level (the district,
the population). Only when this stage is sufficiently consolidated, we believe that another
stage of local economic valorisation can be initiated that allows an economic use of the
cultural link. In fact, Pigüé did not enter into this dangerous stage (because of the risks of
floklorization, identity dispossession, rigidification and simplification of the local culture,
commodification, etc.), but it will be difficult to avoid it, because resources from
cooperation have declined.

References

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Ducos, O. F. (1934). *Cincuentenario de la Colonia francesa de Pigüé. Reseña histórica por sus vecinos*. Pigüé, provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina.

Grignon, C., & Passeron, J. C. (1989). *Le savant et le populaire. Misérabilisme et populisme en sociologie et en littérature*. Paris: Gallimard et Le Seuil.

Issaly, F. (2014). *De l'Aveyron à l'Argentine : itinéraire d'un pionnier : chronique de la fondation de la colonie française aveyronnaise de Pigüé / d'après le manuscrit de François Issaly, 1924 ; adaptation de Nadine Costes ; avec la collaboration de Louis Costes et Eduardo Varni*. Rodez: Archives Départementales de l'Aveyron.

Lenclud, G. (1987). La tradition n'est plus ce qu'elle était... Sur la notion de "tradition" et de la "société traditionnelle" en ethnologie. *Terrain, Carnets du Patrimoine ethnologique*(9), 110-123.

Saez, J. P. (1995). *Identités, cultures et territoires*. Paris: Desclée de Brouwer.