# Urban Water Poverty: The Case of Shatila & Sabra, Lebanon

Wafa Issa, Ahmad Dirani, Nizar Hariri

► To cite this version:

Wafa Issa, Ahmad Dirani, Nizar Hariri. Urban Water Poverty: The Case of Shatila & Sabra, Lebanon. Ifpo - Institut français du Proche-Orient; AFD - Agence Française de Développement. 2024. halshs-05008004

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<figure><img src="image_1.png" /></figure>
<figure><img src="image_2.png" /><figcaption>Image of Sabra main street leading to Shatila Camp</figcaption></figure>

# Urban Water Poverty: The Case of Shatila & Sabra, Lebanon

October 2024

Report prepared by: Wafa Issa & Ahmad Dirani

Reviewed by: Ahmad Dirani & Nizar Hariri
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The authors would like to express their gratitude to everyone who contributed and collaborated with them to complete this study, namely:

Ms. Noha Hammoud, Chief Area Officer of Central Lebanon Area – UNRWA, for her cooperation and facilitating the meetings with the relevant experts at UNRWA specialized departments. We thank them for the efforts they made and the valuable information and opinions they provided.

We also thank actors, activists, and authorities in Mar Elias camp, as well as the leaders of the associations in Sabra and Shatila Camp.

Our gratitude extends to the families that welcomed us into their homes and answered the survey questions.

Additionally, we thank our colleagues from the IFPO team and from AFD, for the rich preliminary discussions in planning the study, and for assisting in securing meetings with UNRWA and participating directly in some meetings with the community leaders in the camp.

Wafa Issa & Ahmad Dirani

## DISCLAIMER

This research benefited from funding from the Agence Française de Développement (AFD). Yet, the analysis and conclusions of this document are formulated under the responsibility of their authors. They do not necessarily reflect the point of view of AFD, IFPO or their partner institutions. Assumptions made within the analysis are not reflective of the position of any French government entity.
In partnership
with

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RÉPUBLIQUE
FRANÇAISE

États-Unis
Fédéral

AFD
AGENCE FRANÇAISE
DE DÉVELOPPEMENT

ifw

LibanSYRIE
Liban Jordanien
Terres israéliennes
palestiniennes

Iran
 palestiniens
In partnership
with

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RÉPUBLIQUE
FRANÇAISE

Liban
Égypte
Pays du Levant

<figure><img src="image_6.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_7.png" /></figure>

## List of Acronyms

**CYC:** Children and Youth Center in Shatila

**EBML:** Eastern Beirut Municipal Line

**EDL:** Electricite Du Liban

**JCC:** Joint Christian Committee organization

**LOWER:** Lebanese Observatory for workers and Employees Rights

**NGO:** Non-Governmental Organization

**PCG:** Palestinian Camps and Gatherings

**PPC:** Palestinian Popular Committees

**PRL:** Palestine Refugees in Lebanon

**PRS:** Palestine Refugees from Syria living in Lebanon

**PRC:** Palestinian Refugee Camp

**UNDP:** United Nations Development Programme

**UNHCR:** United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

**UNRWA:** United Nations Relief and Works Agency.
## Contents

<table><tr><td>List of Acronyms</td><td>4</td></tr><tr><td>Executive Summary</td><td>6</td></tr><tr><td>Introduction</td><td>11</td></tr><tr><td>I- Mapping water sources in Shatila</td><td>19</td></tr><tr><td>II- Water Quality</td><td>23</td></tr><tr><td>III- Water Supply Network and Water Management</td><td>26</td></tr><tr><td>IV- Water supply and consumption in Sabra Area</td><td>29</td></tr><tr><td>V- How do the water-poor live with and without water in Sabra and Shatila?</td><td>32</td></tr><tr><td>Conclusion</td><td>40</td></tr><tr><td>References</td><td>42</td></tr><tr><td>Appendix 1- The Activity Plan</td><td>44</td></tr><tr><td>Appendix 2- Key informant interviews' guidelines</td><td>47</td></tr><tr><td>Appendix 3- Household questionnaire</td><td>50</td></tr></table>

## List of Figures

<table><tr><td>Figure 1- Sabra Locality & Shatila Camp / Google Earth image</td><td>16</td></tr><tr><td>Figure 2- Map of Shatila Camp showing locations of the 12 public (PPC) and Private boreholes</td><td>21</td></tr><tr><td>Figure 3- Various sources of potable water</td><td>34</td></tr></table>
Executive Summary

This report presents the findings and conclusions of a study examining water access for residents of the Palestinian Refugee Camp (PRC) of Shatila and its neighboring area, Sabra, in Beirut. The data presented here are derived from fieldwork conducted between the end of June and August 2024, during which data were collected from a sample of households and relevant stakeholders.

The primary objective of this research is to investigate disparities in water access between two interconnected regions with differing governing authorities. Sabra is part of the Tariq al Jadidah district in Beirut; however, nearly half of its area falls within the jurisdiction of the Beirut municipality, while the southern portion, which includes the Shatila camp, is governed by the Ghobeiry municipality. This division of governance naturally leads to variations in the provision of services. Shatila camp, like the other 12 Palestinian Refugee Camps (PRCs) in Lebanon, operates under autonomous management by the Palestinian population, without direct involvement from the Lebanese government. The camp is primarily managed by several official actors, notably the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), as well as the Palestinian Popular Committees (PPC), which function as the de facto municipal authorities within the camp. Shatila is closely linked to Sabra, a vibrant market area where Lebanese citizens, Arab refugees, and non-Arab migrants coexist (Halabi 2004, LOWER 2016, Salih 2017).

The secondary objective of this study is to analyze the living conditions and subsistence challenges faced by the residents of both Shatila and Sabra, with a particular focus on how water insecurity intersects with broader livelihood insecurities, especially in relation to unequal access to municipal services and utilities.

A third objective of this study is to use the urban contexts of Shatila and Sabra as case studies for examining broader water-related issues in Lebanon. These range from public attitudes, perceptions, and awareness of water issues, to local challenges such as water scarcity, and to social conflicts surrounding water supply, conservation, and consumption (Bou Zeid & El-Fadel 2002). This research also seeks to explore how the inhabitants of the camps perceive and understand the realities faced by residents of other regions, their attitudes toward shared urban resources, and the political discourses that emerge around these issues.

The field study employed a mixed-methods approach, emphasizing qualitative over quantitative data. Data were collected from various neighborhoods and sectors within both Shatila camp and Sabra. Key informant interviews were conducted with relevant stakeholders, while one-on-one interviews and surveys were administered to a sample of households in the targeted areas. The sample included individuals from diverse national backgrounds, specifically Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon (PRL), Palestinian Refugees displaced from Syria (PRS), Syrian Refugees (SR), and Lebanese residents (LB).

Due to the fact that Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon are outside of government control, these areas are excluded from municipal services, including water networks. Consequently, Shatila camp is entirely dependent on artesian wells as its primary water source. However, the water extracted from these wells is only suitable for domestic use due to its high salinity. The data collected indicate that the Sabra district, despite being partially connected to the Eastern Beirut Municipal Line (EBML), does not have access to better water sources. Wells and boreholes remain the primary means of water supply in the area, particularly due to the lack of adequate municipal services from Beirut, such as wastewater infrastructure and water networks.
- The Socioeconomic background of the interviewed families

Despite variations in family income, the research revealed that the populations in both Sabra and Shatila Camp are severely impacted by the country's high inflation rates. Family income levels range from a minimum of $150 per month to an exceptional figure of $900 per month, reported in a three-month period prior to the interviews. However, 99% of families in these areas spend more than their income on basic needs. The distribution of household expenses across sectors such as health, food, rent, education, water (both potable and non-potable), and electricity (including both EDL and generator subscriptions) often exceeds 100% of their total income, with some cases reaching as high as 200%. As a result, many families incur debts to afford food and medication, which are prioritized above other needs. The lack of livelihood opportunities, compounded by inflation, makes it increasingly difficult for families to meet their daily living expenses.

Yet, the limited aid available to these families plays a crucial role in their survival. Palestinian Refugee in Lebanon (PRL) families receive medical assistance from UNRWA, and some hospitalization cases are supported through the Palestinian Embassy's Security Fund. In response to the multiple crises, including COVID-19 and the country's economic decline, UNRWA has expanded its support by providing quarterly cash payments. This is in addition to assistance for registered hardship cases and short-term Cash-for-Work projects. Households have increasingly become dependent on occasional charity and NGO support, although these resources have diminished due to decreasing funding.

Not all Syrian refugees registered with the UNHCR are eligible for aid. A significant number have been excluded from the assistance they once received, and currently, only a select group of families receive monthly food vouchers. As a result, most Syrian refugee families are accumulating unmanageable debt, which they are unlikely to repay in the near future.

Borrowing has become a prevalent coping mechanism within the camps. In addition to relying on charitable and NGO assistance, some families borrow water and food items from local vendors. As debts continue to mount, borrowing from neighbors has become more common, reducing the burden on individuals. In many instances, those who are already struggling financially support each other, sharing costs related to power generator fees, internet connections, and water subscription fees. This growing trend of mutual assistance reflects a complex web of solidarity among the camp's residents, where the poor often help each other to survive amidst widespread economic hardship.

- Water quality and quantity

It is well-established that the wells in Shatila camp are characterized by high salinity, although opinions on the water's quality vary among residents. Most interviewees described the quality of domestic water as "bad," primarily due to its salinity. However, only 15% of respondents stated that the well water is free of bacteria, with some noting the occasional presence of a chlorine smell. These individuals also confirmed that water quality is regularly tested. As one participant remarked, "The only problem with the water is its salinity."

Despite the chlorination of the saline water, its harmful effects are not entirely mitigated. The high salinity negatively impacts various aspects of daily life, particularly health. Women reported adverse effects on their infants and children, in addition to personal skin and hair damage caused by using well water for showering. NGOs working with women emphasized the negative consequences of saline water on hygiene and the infections it causes. As a result, all families in the camp purchase fresh water from vendors for
various domestic uses, such as washing groceries, showering, rinsing dishes after using tap water, and washing dark clothes.

The saline water is often described as harmful to both "human and stone," according to experts. The water from the boreholes not only causes damage to the water pipes but also affects the buildings themselves. The combination of high salinity, excessive humidity from the salty water, overcrowded living conditions with vertically extended housing units blocking sunlight, and poor ventilation accelerates environmental degradation within the camp.

Many residents of Shatila, originally from villages in Palestine where they were accustomed to growing plants and trees, face challenges in maintaining greenery in their homes. Only 0.01% of families currently have plants, while others have stopped growing plants due to the high cost of water. The primary obstacles are the salinity of the water and the lack of sunlight within their homes, which prevents plants from thriving.

Nevertheless, the general sentiment among the Shatila population reflects a certain degree of acceptance. As one interviewee put it, "Having saline water is better than not having water at all." All respondents echoed this sentiment, acknowledging the essential nature of water access, even if it comes at a high cost to health and living conditions.

- Water Management

Water supply in Shatila camp is managed through two primary networks: the public network operated by the Coalition Palestinian Popular Committee (PPC) and private well networks. Responses regarding water management varied significantly, particularly when evaluating the PPC's role. Among households connected to the PPC water network, 62.5% rated the management as "good," while 31.5% described it as "not good at all," scoring it between 0 and 4 on a given scale from 0 to 10. Additionally, 6% of respondents expressed uncertainty, answering "don't know."

Residents believe that effective water management extends beyond merely pumping water—it also involves monitoring how it is distributed across the camp. Certain areas receive more pumping hours than others, and issues such as neighbors removing the floating valve from water tanks, allowing water to overflow onto rooftops, create obstacles that prevent water from reaching other tanks. In this context, some families prefer private well networks, which they perceive as more reliable. Households receiving water from private well owners, including saline water, rated the management as "super good," giving it a perfect score of 10/10 on the scale, where 10 represents excellence.

At the same time, some families expressed satisfaction with the PPC's management, describing it as "very good." These respondents highlighted that the PPC promptly repairs damaged pumps, power generators, or network distributors. For these households, the water supply is considered sufficient to fill their 500-liter tanks. This variation in perceptions of water management illustrates the complexities of resource distribution and the differing levels of satisfaction among residents within the camp.

- Costs and expenses of water supply

The monthly subscription fees for the PPC water network in Shatila range from 300,000 LL to 500,000 LL (approximately $3 to $5). According to a PPC representative, these fees are allocated for maintenance and repairs, as no budget is provided to the committee by the authorizing bodies. However, some families are exempt from paying these fees due to their economic hardship and lack of income.
Despite the availability of the PPC water network, some families in Shatila opt to subscribe to private well networks, primarily due to frequent water shortages. These private subscriptions can cost up to $15 per month, with families justifying their choice by citing "fairness in distribution" and "constant maintenance" as key reasons for the higher cost.

The total cost of water supply in Shatila exceeds the cost of both private and public (PPC) subscriptions. All families must purchase additional fresh water for domestic use and drinking. When respondents were asked to calculate their annual water expenses, many were shocked by the total amount. Among the households surveyed, 42% of respondents deemed water costs to be "expensive," with 36% of these categorizing the costs as "very expensive." Conversely, 53% of respondents, including those exempts from the monthly fees, those sharing costs with neighbors, or those whose water bills are covered by a relative, considered the cost to be "affordable." These varying perspectives highlight the financial strain that water expenses impose on families in both Shatila and Sabra, particularly given the essential need for access to clean water.

- Water consumption and attitudes

The respondents emphatically stated that they do not waste water. Families use water sparingly, particularly those who purchase fresh and potable water for domestic use, due to its high cost. The frequent disruptions in water supply have heightened residents' awareness of the value of water, making them more mindful of conserving it whenever it is available. This experience of water insecurity has fostered a culture of careful and intentional usage across the community.

- Potable water

Residents of Sabra and Shatila primarily purchase water for drinking. Only a small percentage of respondents (15%) buy bottled water, while the majority rely on refilled water gallons from nearby shops within the camp due to the lower cost, despite concerns about its cleanliness or adherence to safety standards. There are no regulation or oversight of these water refilling stations or the water purification machines, and some families have reported that the water sometimes has an unpleasant smell.

The cost of potable water is prohibitively expensive for most families. As noted earlier, they purchase refilled water gallons both for domestic use and drinking. A woman, who is the head of a household with four children, explained that she only buys sealed bottled water "when any of us is sick, and for the sick member. I can't afford the costs otherwise." This highlights the financial strain many families face in accessing clean water, particularly for health-related needs.

Challenges and Limitations

The field study encountered several challenges:

- Despite water being a vital and urgent issue, some individuals were hesitant to participate in the questionnaire. This reluctance stemmed from a general mistrust of the study's objectives and funding sources, particularly given the context of ongoing violence in the region (e.g., the War on Gaza) and the positions taken by foreign governments. Additionally, Bangladeshi and Ethiopian families residing in the area declined to participate in interviews, likely due to concerns about the implications for their residence visas.
- While stakeholders were generally willing to answer interview questions, they were often preoccupied with staff and community meetings focused on planning emergency interventions in anticipation of further violence in the country. As a result, scheduled interview appointments were frequently rescheduled.

- The household questionnaire was lengthy and detailed, requiring considerable time to complete. This demanded patience from respondents and resulted in the need for multiple field visits to gather the necessary data.

- Due to weak or absent internet connectivity in Shatila camp, and in many areas of Sabra, the questionnaire was printed and administered in hard copy rather than electronically.

Conclusion

Water boreholes are available in Shatila camp, and the water networks have undergone some rehabilitation. However, the challenges faced by the camp's inhabitants are often attributed to the "poor management" of these resources and the distribution system. This mismanagement has led to the growth of private well businesses. Given that water is a fundamental necessity, many people in the camp subscribe to private well networks despite the high monthly fees. In both cases, families must purchase additional refilled refined water gallons from vendors for domestic use and personal hygiene.

The saline water in Shatila poses significant health risks, particularly for women and children. The impact is felt both physically and mentally, with adverse effects on overall health and well-being. Furthermore, the negative consequences extend to environmental health. Despite these harmful effects, the availability of water is considered a blessing by the residents, with many stating that it is "better than no water at all."

The financial burden of water costs is a significant strain on household budgets, particularly since most families depend on purchasing water from vendors for both drinking and domestic use. In Shatila, water resource and distribution management are also influenced by political conflicts among Palestinian factions. This is evident in the presence of two competing PPCs: one affiliated with the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) and the other with a coalition group. Nepotism within these factions leads to unequal distribution of water between sectors of the camp. A similar situation occurs in the Sabra area, where water distribution is controlled by supporters of specific Lebanese political parties. The absence of government oversight has allowed the emergence of water-related mafias, which thrive amidst political chaos.

In Lebanon more broadly, the population relies on bottled water for drinking. Those with higher incomes tend to purchase sealed bottles or large sealed gallons (10-20 liters) for cooking, often refilling these containers multiple times from water vendors. Meanwhile, poorer families purchase refilled water gallons from vendors for drinking, cooking, and other domestic uses, despite the potential health risks associated with the water's source and the repeated use of plastic containers. This situation underscores the broader issue of water insecurity and the heavy reliance on private vendors to meet basic water needs.
Introduction

This study aims to address the issues of water access for residents of Palestinian Refugee Camps (PRCs) and Gatherings, with a particular focus on the Shatila-Sabra area. The research builds upon previous studies and statistical surveys conducted over the past 20 years in Lebanon by various NGOs and INGOs. The report presents an analysis of the current situation, including the evolution and changes observed over time, while considering the roles of different actors in the water sector and their interactions with both Palestinian and Lebanese stakeholders.

In this context, the report will focus on water sources and access within the broader framework of
physical and environmental health. The water sector is one of three key domains explored in the
study. The research includes an examination of resource management (protection and monitoring
of water sources), water quality monitoring (potable water), and water supply systems (non-
potable domestic water pumping, storage, treatment, and distribution). Specifically, the report will
address the challenges of water access, governance of water services, and provide a general
overview of sanitation conditions. Shatila Palestinian Refugee Camp (PRC) and the Sabra
gatherings have been selected as the case study locations based on their control over water sources,
urban setting, size, and social composition.

A General Overview of water poverty in Lebanon and in Sabra-Shatila

Lebanon, often referred to as a regional water tower, benefits from an average annual rainfall of approximately 855 mm and is home to 40 main rivers, of which only 17 are perennial. The country's three major watersheds—the Litani, Orontes, and Hasbani—account for 44% of Lebanon's land area; however, only 17% of the annual water yield is available during the summer months. Since 2014, Lebanon has faced significant water shortages, heavily relying on groundwater to meet 50% of its agricultural and 80% of its drinking water needs. This overexploitation of groundwater has led to the depletion of aquifers and seawater intrusion, particularly in coastal areas (Alles, 2016). Government services related to water and electricity are severely lacking, with many citizens receiving only 1-3 hours of water supply daily due to inadequate infrastructure and management (World Bank, 2021). The same issues apply to electricity, with service quality varying across cities and districts. Cities are generally better maintained than rural areas. A survey found that only 27% of respondents regularly drink tap water, with many opting for bottled water or purchasing from vendors. In some areas, the water
is unsafe for cooking or even washing (Abdel Al, Guillot, 2016). Palestinian refugee camps (PRCs) in Lebanon are not isolated from these issues, as environmental threats transcend boundaries.

In the Palestinian refugee camps, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) made improvements to water and sanitation infrastructure in 2004 and 2011, but numerous challenges persist (Abdel Al, Guillot, 2016). Municipalities provide minimal support, leaving both Lebanese and Palestinian populations underserved. Sources of water pollution in the camps include household waste pits, leaking pipes, and agricultural runoff.

The water supply network for the camps often terminates at their boundaries. The absence of separate municipal systems leads to the connection of the camp's wastewater and stormwater networks to the municipality's wastewater system, potentially contaminating the clean water supply within the camps. Overcrowding and limited resources exacerbate water distribution challenges, with a significant portion of water sources suffering from high salinity or contamination, which poses health risks such as kidney disease among the refugee population (LPDC, 2018).

Water storage in the camps is also inadequate, with UNRWA relying on boreholes due to insufficient reservoir capacity, further underscoring the ongoing struggle to manage Lebanon's water resources effectively. As highlighted in the UNRWA Environmental Health Strategy for the PRCs in Lebanon (2016-2021) (Abdel Al, Guillot, 2016), these issues remain a significant challenge to both public health and resource management in the refugee camps.

> "Most of the water sources are located inside the camps (74%). [...] The presence of private wells inside and outside the camps impact the aquifers that are already exploited. [...] Lack of natural or artificial recharge implies the static water levels are constantly dropping resulting in higher salinity rates in the coastal aquifers [...] especially in Beirut area." (UNRWA Environmental Health Strategy for the Palestine Refugee Camps in Lebanon; 2016-2021)

## Wastewater and water network systems

In Lebanon, residual water from households generally flows into pits and reservoirs. It is either redirected to the municipal network, ultimately ending up in the sea or a river, or collected by tank
trucks and taken to an unspecified location. Despite investments and support from international donors to improve Lebanon's infrastructure, there is no effective water treatment process in place.

Palestinian refugee camps (PRCs) typically have separate wastewater and stormwater networks that are connected to the municipality's system, either by gravity or pumping. Rainwater is collected from rooftops and also diverted to the wastewater network, which can result in flooding during heavy rains due to inadequate capacity (Abdel Al, Guillot, 2016).

According to the UNRWA's Environmental Health Strategy for the PRCs in Lebanon (2016-2021), tens of millions of US dollars have been invested in the camps' environmental health infrastructure to provide safe water and sanitation services (Abdel Al, Guillot, 2016). The strategy emphasizes that the success of these efforts relies on multiple actors sharing costs and responsibilities within each camp.

It is important to note that since 1970, none of the camps' water supply networks—whether for drinking or domestic use—have been equipped with water meters, making it impossible to measure or bill water consumption (Abdel Al, Guillot, 2016). Additionally, maintenance costs for the agency and other service providers continue to rise as excessive water pressure and corrosion degrade the pipes, causing leaks and operational issues.

The onset of the Syrian crisis in 2011 further intensified the demand for water and other services, as many Syrian refugees and Palestinian refugees from Syria (PRS) moved to Lebanon. This influx exacerbated the already overcrowded housing conditions and strained the already insufficient infrastructure. The situation was particularly dire in camps, which were severely overcrowded even before the arrival of Syrian refugees (SR) and PRS (Chaaban et al., 2016).

The Syrian crisis has only magnified the vulnerability of the 12 densely populated urban territories. Many Syrian refugees have settled in these areas due to the relatively low cost of housing. Currently, Syrians (including PRS) represent more than half of the population in the camps in the Beirut region. A recent census showed that 61.4% of the population of Shatila camp and 51.6% of the population of Burj el Barajneh camp are refugees from Syria.

## The geographical and historical contexts: Description of Sabra and Shatila locations

This study addresses the critical issue of water access in the underserved Palestinian Refugee Camp (PRC) of Shatila and its neighboring Sabra area. Located on the southeastern edge of Beirut,
the area stretches from the east of Sports' City to the borders of the southern suburbs. Historically, the region was covered with pine forests, but years of conflict, displacements from rural south Lebanon, and poor neighborhoods in East Beirut during the civil war—such as Naba'a and Karantina—led to the transformation of the landscape into a densely built-up area with random constructions on state-owned land.

Shatila camp was established in 1949 and is located within the jurisdiction of the Ghobeiry municipality. The camp faced extensive devastation during the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon and was frequently targeted during the Lebanese Civil War, resulting in widespread destruction and the dilapidation of shelters and infrastructure. Shatila and Sabra were also the sites of a massacre in September 1982, where a large number of Palestinian and Lebanese civilians were killed.

Initially comprising around 500 residential units, Shatila has grown significantly over the years, primarily through vertical expansion. New shelters have been added on top of existing ones, often without proper foundations or adequate infrastructure. The growth has resulted in overcrowding and significant challenges to the camp's infrastructure, including water supply and sanitation.

The United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) has provided sanitation services in the camp, including the collection and disposal of solid waste, cleaning of roads and streets, pest control, and maintenance of water, sewer, and stormwater systems. These services expanded following the influx of displaced people due to the Syrian crisis.

Since the 1990s, Shatila has undergone dramatic changes, particularly in terms of population growth. Many of its residents did not return after the Lebanese Civil War; some emigrated to Europe, while others remained displaced in South Lebanon. UNRWA rehoused hundreds of displaced Palestinian families from camps like Tal al-Za'atar and Nabatiyeh who were squatting in Beirut. In addition to Palestinians, lower-income Lebanese families displaced by the war, Syrian workers, and Dom people (known as nawar) settled in the camp due to its relatively lower rents.

The camp's population has continued to increase, especially since 2011, when the Syrian war led to a massive influx of Syrian refugees and Palestinian refugees from Syria (PRS). According to a 2017 survey conducted by the Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee (LPDC), Shatila houses about 14,010 people, with Palestinians representing only about one third of the population (29.7%
from Lebanon, 3.8% from Syria). The majority of the population (57.6%) are Syrians, with the remaining 8.2% being Lebanese and 0.7% from other nationalities<fnref n="1" />.

As generations of displaced people sought to expand into adjacent neighborhoods, Sabra became increasingly integrated with Shatila. Originally a low-income neighborhood in West Beirut, the distinction between Sabra and Shatila has gradually disappeared, and today, they are collectively referred to as the “Sabra and Shatila camps.” These camps now house refugees from Syria, migrant workers from Asia, and impoverished Lebanese who have fallen into poverty due to the country's ongoing economic crisis. This area has come to symbolize the hardships of living in what is known as Beirut’s “misery belt.”

Sabra is a highly overcrowded area that includes two Palestinian refugee gatherings: Said Ghawash and Daouk. It is also home to the Gaza buildings, which were originally part of the Gaza-Ramallah Hospital complex built by the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO). Although damaged during the Lebanese Civil War, these multi-story buildings still stand today, blending into the deteriorated Sabra-Shatila neighborhood. As described by Knudsen (2024), these buildings serve as a physical manifestation of “architectures of precarity,” representing the vertical migration history of people escaping conflict, displacement, and destitution. Most of Sabra’s residents, however, are Lebanese.

One of the area's central features is Souk Sabra (the Sabra market), which attracts poor, often undocumented workers, particularly Syrians. Souk Sabra is one of the busiest street markets in Beirut, characterized by a lively system of retail stalls and informal vendors who take over the streets and sidewalks. The market serves as a focal point in an area marked by territorial tensions, shaped by the influence of local political parties and street lords<fnref n="2" />. The informal nature of the market reflects the broader challenges faced by those living in Sabra and Shatila, where access to services and resources remains scarce.

As of March 2023, statistics from the UNRWA revealed that poverty rates among Palestinian refugees in Lebanon are alarmingly high, with 80% of them reported to be living below the national poverty line, adjusted for inflation. The ongoing socioeconomic crisis in Lebanon has

<footnote n="1">¹ https://www.palquest.org/en/highlight/36124/shatila-refugee-camp</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² https://www.aub.edu.lb/ccecs/cdp/Pages/Suq-Sabra-Upgrading-Project.aspx</footnote>
exacerbated the already dire conditions of these refugees. Not only are they restricted from working in more than 32 different job sectors, but the multiple crises in Lebanon have also deprived them of the daily paid jobs they once relied on. This has further deepened their vulnerability and hardships, leaving many refugees without the means to meet basic needs such as food, shelter, and healthcare.

<figure><img src="image_8.png" /><figcaption>Figure 1- Sabra Locality & Shatila Camp / Google Earth image (below left) shows limits of Shatila camp</figcaption></figure>

Methodology

The report curates a wide range of sources, starting with an extensive literature review and followed by the collection and analysis of primary data. Adopting a microsocial approach, the study focuses on livelihood conditions in the camps, particularly regarding the supply, distribution, and consumption of water and electricity. A mixed methodology was employed, integrating qualitative rather than quantitative data collected from various neighborhoods and sectors within Shatila camp and Sabra.
A total of 14 key informant interviews (KII) were conducted with stakeholders and active figures within the camp, alongside one-on-one interviews with 34 households in the targeted areas. The data from the stakeholders concentrated on management and governance, water quality, the availability and condition of water networks, community conflicts over water distribution, and wastewater systems.

The family questionnaire explored the living conditions of households amidst the country's ongoing socioeconomic crisis. Questions were designed to understand access to both non-drinkable and drinkable water sources, how these sources were managed, and the attitudes, perceptions, and awareness surrounding water consumption. Additionally, the questionnaire touched on conflicts arising from water distribution and investigated the financial burden of securing water amidst Lebanon's economic struggles. A general description of the targeted population follows below (a more detailed description is given in Appendix 1).

**Stakeholders/Actors:** 14 interviews were conducted with the main stakeholders: UNRWA (water and wastewater experts and Shatila camp manager); PPCs in the camp (2); a representative of the People's Committee of Gaza Buildings in Sabra; three managers of local community centers in Shatila and Sabra (these are known to be actively engaged within the community and have been established for decades); and one owner of a private well in Shatila.

**Households:** the 34 families selected came from different sectors and neighborhoods in Sabra and Shatila. The selection sought families of the various nationalities dwelling in these areas, and of different levels of income as much as possible, reaching male and female heads of households, single female parent, and widowed.

The analysis of the report highlights the mechanisms of privilege that are used to gain illegal access to services, as well as the unequal distribution of these services within the camps. Practices such as nepotism, bribery, and the existence of mafias are identified as significant factors that influence how resources, particularly water, are allocated. These practices create disparities, with some individuals or groups receiving preferential treatment, while others are left marginalized, exacerbating the already strained conditions within the camps.

## Challenges and Limitations

The field study encountered several challenges:
# I- Mapping water sources in Shatila

It is said that Shatila camp was established in 1949 when a Palestinian refugee who had arrived in 1948 pitched a large tent in the Horsh area to settle his 20-member family. After a few months in Beirut, he could no longer afford the rent for his one-room apartment. As other villagers joined him, he approached a prominent Beiruti notable, Pacha Chatila, who lived in a nearby villa, and requested land for settlement. Pacha Chatila, the authorized representative of the plot, allowed them to move onto the land.

In 1950, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) officially recognized the settlement as a camp. A year later, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) took over administration of the camp and named it "Shatila," in honor of Pacha Chatila. At the time, the camp's plot measured 39,567 square meters.<fnref n="3" />

At that time, there was no water pipes or networks reaching Shatila Camp. Jamilah Shehadeh, supervisor of Beit Atfal Assumoud Organization Center in Shatila, recalls:

> "In the long past, we didn't have water installations reaching the houses. There was a big tank set in the camp and Abu Hanna, the cistern owner, used to come and fill the tank. All the camp dwellers carried gallons and containers to fill them up with fresh water. The water was potable, clean, and pure. Later, taps were installed to that tank and each tap provided water to one sector of the camp. The camp was small, and the population hardly reached 5,000 people. At each tap was an employee assigned by UNRWA who was responsible to manage the water distribution."

During the 1950s and 1960s, Lebanese authorities have imposed restrictions on the camp to prevent its transformation into a permanent settlement for refugees. Additionally, the refugees were wary of development projects proposed by UNRWA, perceiving them as attempts to permanently resettle them outside Palestine.

Shehadeh proceeded to recall: "When the PLO arrived in Lebanon in the 1960s, artesian boreholes were drilled in coordination with UNRWA. However, the water from these wells was saline. Once the boreholes were operational, pipes were installed to supply water directly to the houses."

<footnote n="3">³ https://www.palquest.org/en/overallchronology-grid?nid=36124</footnote>
<figure><img src="image_9.png" /></figure>

After the PLO's evacuation from Beirut in 1982, Palestinian pro-Syrian factions took over camp management by establishing their own popular committees. When the PLO returned to Lebanon in 2005, represented by the Palestinian Embassy, an additional popular committee was formed to align with the Palestinian Authority's decision in the West Bank. As a result, Shatila camp now has two PPCs, with the Coalition PC managing water and electricity services.

Historically, water in Shatila camp was sourced from the government. One of the original camp residents noted: “*We used to have fresh water many years ago*”, suggesting it came from the Ein-el-Dilbeh spring in Mount Lebanon. However, Sleiman Abdul Hadi, head of the Coalition PPC, explained that water was supplied from Beirut, from what would be called, later on, in the 1990, the Beirut and Mount Lebanon Water Establishment (EBML) “*We used to have water calibers and we paid the subscriptions regularly. The pipes were redirected to the Horsh area in 1985*” he said.

During the War on the Camps period and the siege of Shatila (1985-1988), water installations from the government were redirected to supply houses built on the camp's outskirts for Lebanese displaced from southern villages. “*The first PPC well was drilled in 1986 to save the besieged population in the camp during the War on the Camps*,” narrated Abu Mujahed, director of CYC center in Shatila, and former PPC member with decades of involvement in community care and camp development. He continued to explain: “*It was the second well in the history of the camp.*” Based on his extensive experience, four boreholes were drilled within a small distance inside Shatila camp, “*proving that the camp is water-rich.*” Of these, two boreholes remain active, while the others have been closed.

Abu Mujahed explained that, in the past, Shatila's main water source came from UNRWA. Water was supplied to the camp from the high hills of the Sports City. Later, a 60-inch pipeline from Damour, which serves Beirut, was extended to reach the old UNRWA tank in the center of the camp, providing fresh potable water. With the presence of the PLO, water was distributed to houses, and the pipeline water supplied both water distributors and household tanks until 1985, during the War on the Camps. Amal militias, who besieged the camp, interrupted the pipeline, leaving the residents without water.
<figure><img src="image_10.png" /><figcaption>Figure 2- Map of Shatila Camp showing locations of the 12 public (PPC) and Private boreholes. Two of the 12 are closed.</figcaption></figure>

Currently, Shatila Camp is supplied with underground water from boreholes and wells. Six wells have been established across the camp, with support from UNRWA and UNICEF. Five of these wells are operated by the PPC, while one is run by UNRWA. Of the five PPC wells, four are currently in use, and one is kept on standby for emergency use. The sixth well, established by UNRWA between 2008 and 2010, is equipped with a Reverse Osmosis (RO) system to purify the water for drinking. However, according to engineer Naji Dawali, the chairperson of the Shatila PLO PPC, this $5 million project, funded by the Swiss government, has faced technical issues that have not been resolved, preventing it from achieving its intended goals.
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In addition to these six public wells, there are private wells in the camp that provide water to households through monthly subscriptions. "In total, there are 12 wells in the camp, both public and private," said Abu Mujahed. At least four of these boreholes distribute water via their own established networks, with subscription rates varying between businesses.

UNRWA's water specialist, Ahmad Hamdan, acknowledges that the five operating boreholes are insufficient to meet the camp's water needs. "We have problems with both the quantity and distribution of water," he admits.

The water sources, both public and private, also extend beyond the boundaries of the official camp. Pipes are laid over ground level, reaching the al Rabih Buildings on the northeastern side, the adjacent streets on the northern border, al Hai el Gharbi (the Western Neighborhood) to the west, and al Horsh to the south, extending all the way to the al Rihab Gas Station in the Bir Hasan district.
## II- Water Quality

One of the interviewees mentioned that the wells in the camp supply water “as saline as seawater”. Similar to many wells in Beirut, the water is highly saline due to urban expansion and seawater intrusion. The salinity level is so high that it exceeds both international standards and even Lebanon’s own water quality standards, making it unsuitable for human consumption.

UNRWA’s water and environmental specialists described the water quality as follows:

> "In Shatila, as in other camps in Beirut, the water is unsuitable for drinking due to increasing salinity, which is exacerbated by urban expansion, population growth, and natural factors. The salinity level in Shatila's boreholes reaches up to 25,000 mg, while in other parts of Lebanon it typically registers around 5,000 mg. These levels far exceed the World Health Organization (WHO) standards of 1,000 mg. Groundwater sources in the area are suffering from salinization due to seawater intrusion. As a result, camp residents rely on purchasing drinking and domestic water from small treatment plants located within and around the camps, or from privately owned stores. This places a heavy financial burden on families, many of whom are unable to afford these additional costs."

The Najdeh Association center in Shatila focuses on the development and empowerment of refugee women in marginalized communities. Social workers frequently encounter numerous health issues among the women they serve through their work. Um Nader, manager of the center in Shatila mentioned that many health problems are caused by the saline water, noting that “the use of this type of water leads to rashes and skin diseases in children, as well as infections in women”. She continued: “The UNRWA clinic in the camp is aware of these diseases, as many women visit the clinic for treatment. The situation is particularly dangerous for mothers and newborn babies [...] “That leads people to purchase fresh water for daily use, increasing the financial burden on them.” The same concerns about water quality were echoed by other sources, including the women interviewed.

Dr. Abdul Qader Abbas, UNRWA's Head of the Health Department in Beirut and Mount Lebanon, confirmed the impact of saline water on people's health through medical explanation. He oversees the patients attending the clinic and is well aware of the effects of continuous saline water usage on the human body. He explained that "Ninety-nine percent of the people in the camp rely on
saline water because they cannot afford to purchase fresh water. As a result, some people have started neglecting their personal hygiene in an effort to reduce their water usage. Saline water leads to dehydration and dryness of the skin, causing rashes and sensitivity, which in turn, leads to infections, particularly among children and the elderly. Those with skin injuries experience pain when washing. It is well-known that poor hygiene contributes to skin diseases and fungal infections. Women, who use saline water for personal hygiene, often suffer from genital infections. Additionally, the high sodium concentration in the water causes hair loss."

M. Hamdan, the water specialist at the UNRWA, also confirmed that, "Water safety is our responsibility and is part of the maintenance works we conduct. We regularly test the water. True, water in Shatila was the worst in quality and caused diseases. But the UNRWA worked on the improvement of the water quality and rehabilitated the boreholes through new projects, and we add the needed chlorination quantity."

However, subscribing to private wells prevents Shatila residents from benefiting from regular water testing and chlorination. Um Nader highlighted this issue by stating "Water traders, the owners of private wells, are focused on their businesses; they are neither specialized nor concerned with maintaining the cleanliness and safety of the water."

The pressing need for water drives people to seek the services of private wells. The frequent interruptions in the water supply from the public wells (PPC) have led some Shatila residents to search for alternative sources. However, Hasan Sukkar, the owner of a private well, assures that he conducts regular water testing to ensure its quality. "Safety comes first," he said, "As a businessman, it is my job to ensure clean water to my customers, otherwise, I lose them." He hints to other private wells owners that might be neglecting safety, "Those owners of small wells would find it expensive to carry out the regular testing of water."

Moreover, some families use sterilizers in their water tanks to ensure the water remains clean. In Shatila, one interviewee shared that she not only adds sterilizing cubes to the tank but also cleans it every three months. Similarly, in Sabra, another interviewed family uses sterilizers, and both the husband and wife, who live together in the same house, always empty and clean the tank.

In all cases, people rely on alternative water sources for daily use. They purchase water gallons for drinking and other household purposes from water vendors who buy and store large quantities in their shops. However, the quality of this water is not always guaranteed. At least four of the
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interviewed households reported noticing residues in the drinking water they buy from small treatment plants within the camp. They mentioned that sometimes the water has a bad smell, which makes them hesitant to taste it or even use it for washing dishes. “Other times, it is clean and odorless. We assume the storage tank at the store needed cleaning,” one of the women explained
### III- Water Supply Network and Water Management

In all areas of Lebanon, including the camps, improved water supply and safe water at the source do not necessarily mean the water is safe to drink. UNRWA has constructed the water supply system inside Shatila camp and is responsible for its operation and maintenance. They installed underground networks for fresh water (including a water tower with an RO system) and others for service water from various wells. However, the freshwater networks are not currently in use.

Water is pumped directly from the wells to the network, with pumps powered by electricity either from Electricité du Liban (EDL) or from backup generators. Pumping occurs daily for about 12 hours, with each sector receiving approximately 2-3 hours of water, enough to fill household water tanks placed on rooftops, typically ranging from 500 to 1000 liters in capacity. Only a few households have additional water tanks located on the ground level.

In 2019, with support from the French AFD organization (Agence Française de Développement), UNRWA carried out rehabilitation works in Shatila camp, which included the water networks. The improvements involved replacing the metal pipes with polyvinyl chloride (PVC) and organizing new distribution systems. The primary goal of these works was to address the haphazardly hanging water extensions near electricity cables, which posed safety risks to the community. UNRWA is responsible for the water supply in the camps. Its role includes providing the networks and ensuring the safety of boreholes. The water is disinfected through chlorination and regular testing. Therefore, UNRWA oversees water safety, supervision, maintenance, networks, power generators, and fuel. Two workers are employed by UNRWA to manage the water tower that provides drinking water to camp residents.

Water traders or businessmen establish their own networks, following a similar system of pumping water directly from the boreholes to household tanks. Sukkar, a private well owner who operates three boreholes in the camp, explained that the costs of running the pumps with backup generators have become too expensive. Due to the lack of electricity from Electricité du Liban (EDL), he was forced to supply water to his customers using generators. As a result, he had to increase the subscription fees to sustain his business. He remarked, "Even with the increase in fees, the business is losing. I had to close one of the boreholes and stop some of the employees from working."
The Coalition PPC is responsible for the direct management of water distribution and the operation of the pumps, as well as electricity in the camp. Pumping occurs daily for about 12 hours, with each sector receiving water for about 2-3 hours. The pumps are powered by backup generators that run on diesel fuel. “UNRWA provides the fuel in an acceptable manner,” explained Abdul Hadi. “In case of a fuel shortage, we manage to borrow it. The main concern is to maintain timely pumping. The PPC does not have an allocated budget to provide these services. UNRWA covers 50% of the maintenance expenses. That's why we collect fees from households, ranging between 50,000 LL and 500,000 LL. Some families are completely exempted from payment due to their economic conditions.”

One businessman, a competitor of the PPC's network, claimed that the PPC chairperson (Abdul Hadi) fails to control his employees. “On the contrary, he gives them the freedom to exploit the water distribution and mishandle repairs to the networks,” he said. This, he explained, is one of the reasons that households pay varying fees. He further added, “Sleiman ignores complaints about theft from the water network and allows his staff to vandalize other water businesses.' However, he acknowledged that “to be fair, Abdul Hadi does make efforts to secure funding to repair damages to the pumps or generators to ensure water supply continues.” The core issue, according to him, lies with Abdul Hadi's employees, who are left to manage the networks in the sectors.

When the families interviewed were asked about the management of water, the responses indicated a relatively low level of satisfaction. 81% of the respondents rated the management as 'not too good/fair'; 10% considered it 'not bad'; 7% expressed 'very good' satisfaction; and 2% showed the least satisfaction, giving scores of '1', '0', or '-1'. Complaints focused on issues such as frequent water interruptions, unfair distribution, lack of monitoring of individuals tampering with floating valves, and the recognition of nepotism in the distribution process.

Finally, Shatila camp has separate wastewater and stormwater networks, which are connected to the municipal network either by gravity or pumping. Rainwater is collected from the roofs and also directed into the wastewater network. UNRWA has conducted rehabilitation works on the network in the past two years. UNRWA's environmental health workers at the camp regularly clean the sewage pipes.
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In Sabra, sewage pipes flood during the winter months. According to interviewees, butchers in the market dispose of waste into the pipes, which obstructs the network. The local municipality does not address the residents' complaints or demands. As a result, the population suffers from flooding and unpleasant odors.
## IV- Water supply and consumption in Sabra Area

Sabra serves as a vital lifeline for the poor, offering an open marketplace for all types of goods at the lowest prices. Its population is difficult to determine due to the lack of official statistics, but it is overcrowded with people from various nationalities who seek affordable living and can find low-paying jobs, often away from local authorities' oversight. The area falls under the jurisdiction of Beirut's Tariq al-Jedidah district, yet its connection to Bir Hasan, including Shatila Camp, divides the region between Beirut municipality to the north and Ghobeiry municipality to the south.

Some buildings in the upper (northern) sector of Sabra are connected to the Beirut and Mount Lebanon (EBML) water source, receiving fresh water for domestic use. However, Aida Taha, manager of the JCC NGO center in Sabra, emphasized that “*tap water is not safe to drink [...] the water pipes near the center are exposed due to broken asphalt.*” Workers at the center feel fortunate to have fresh water reaching their tanks. Taha explained that “*water used to be pumped every two days, but now it's supplied every three days for about three hours.*”

At the JCC, residents are lucky to have fresh water, but many nearby buildings, even though they fall under the same municipality, are not connected to the public network. Buildings constructed during the civil war have drilled private wells, while more recent constructions rely on neighboring buildings' wells, which often provide saline water.

Families interviewed shared that municipal work is largely absent. One woman expressed frustration, saying, 'The network pipes reached our street, just in front of our building, and stopped. They didn't even connect the pipes to the houses.'

According to Taha, most of the population in Sabra is still composed of Palestinians. The Palestinian Gatherings in Sabra, located within the Beirut sector, are unable to connect to the network, as they are also excluded from UNRWA services. She noted that water supply in the Al-Daouk and Said Ghawash Gatherings comes from saline-water boreholes established through donations from UNDP.

Sabra also hosts the Gathering of Gaza Buildings, which includes the compound that once housed the Gaza Hospital. The hospital was funded by the PLO in the mid-1970s and became a site of tragedy during the Sabra-Shatila Massacre, later being sabotaged during the War on the Camps.
Nearly 300 families now reside in the four buildings of the former hospital. These families were originally displaced from destroyed camps in the early years of the Civil War. They suffered from the lack of care or services provided by any official party until the early 2000s. At that time, the PARD NGO, in collaboration with and funded by UNDP, rehabilitated the buildings to accommodate the families, helping them convert the hospital rooms into small apartments.

Abu Hasan Shibli, one of the four members of the buildings' committee, shared the story of the water supply struggles faced by the residents

"The Gaza Buildings are not connected to the public water network, as they are not formally recognized as an approved estate by the municipality. In contrast, other buildings on the same street, which are registered with the official Real Estate Office and belong to Lebanese citizens, are connected to the public network but do not receive a water supply. Authorities have confirmed that the Gaza Buildings do not benefit from this supply.

Instead, water reaches the Gaza Buildings through a borehole that provides saline water, drilled with support from the Islamic Jihad, the only faction willing to assist. In 2022, a solar energy system was installed to pump water to rooftop tanks. Prior to this solution, residents had to rely on water tanker trucks for their supply. Those who can still afford it continue to purchase fresh water. Water vendors have set up their own distribution networks and installed meters, allowing residents to pay based on their water usage."

Water is pumped daily to the four buildings, with the duration of pumping varying depending on the number of families and tanks. For example, the Ramallah Building #2, which houses 35 families, requires only one hour of pumping to fill the tanks. In contrast, the other building, home to 100 families, is allotted three hours of pumping. Families pay monthly fees to the committee responsible for the water supply, and the collected funds are used for maintenance and replacing damaged parts of the water station. No conflicts arise over water usage within the buildings or on the street. The pump operates using electricity from Electricité du Liban (EDL) and solar energy.
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Like the rest of Lebanon, residents of Sabra purchase drinking water—either in sealed bottles, gallons, or refilled from vendors. In the Gaza buildings, Shibli mentioned that “people buy gallons of fresh water for cooking, preparing food, and bathing.”
# V- How do the water-poor live with and without water in Sabra and Shatila?

In general, the families interviewed treat water with great caution. One interviewee emphasized "It is so difficult to live without water not even for one day". The experience of living with a shortage of water supply has led people to reduce their water consumption to a minimum.

Although all the interviewed individuals said they wouldn't reduce water consumption to save money, they explained that they don't waste water in the first place because "it is expensive." One interviewee from al Haï-el-Gharbi shared that she wouldn't allow her young daughter to wash the dishes, preferring to do it by herself, for fear of wasting too much water. Another explained that she repeatedly tells her family to close the tap and avoid wasting water. One male interviewee mentioned that his wife shouts at him from behind the bathroom door while he's showering, reminding him to close the tap when it's not needed.

In short, the dwellers of Shatila camp and Sabra highly appreciate water. They are aware of its scarcity in Lebanon. An interviewee from Said Ghawash Gathering in Sabra mentioned overhearing the sound of the generator on the water truck when it pumps water into her neighbors' tanks across the street. "I know it costs them quite a sum of money" she said, "but I thank God for not having to buy cisterns, even if the water available to us is saline."

## Conflicts for water security

Some of the interviewed families in Shatila mentioned that neighbors often create conflicts over the water supply. This usually happens when some try to manipulate the water distribution to fill their own tanks during the limited pumping hours, leaving others without their share. "It starts with shouting" one of the interviewees said, "but it rarely escalates to physical violence." In the building where one woman lives, the landlord resolves the conflict. "The landlord arrives, shouts at everyone, threatens to evict them, and fixes the damage."

Since water supply falls under the responsibility of the Coalition PPC, Naji Dawali, head of the PLO PPC explained, "When a resident comes to our office with a complaint about a water conflict, we tell them to go to Abdul Hadi (Coalition PPC)." On the other hand, Abdul Hadi himself minimized the importance of water conflicts, "We don't leave room for anyone to fight with their
neighbor. They come to us and fight us. People only complain when water is interrupted, which happens only if something breaks. Usually, we repair it quickly."

Outside the limits of Shatila, in al Haï-el-Gharbi and al Horsh, limited conflicts arise because there are no water networks. 'Each household has its own source of water.' Similarly, in Sabra, limited shouting or conflicts occur because people manage their own needs independently, as one interviewee put it.

## Alternative potable water sources

Water refinery trading has been thriving in Lebanon for decades in response to the country's growing demand for fresh potable water. A small business startup in Sabra and Shatila could bring respectable revenues and considerable profits by providing freshwater access to the poor population. As a result, many water stores have opened in the area, using various methods: some have installed water refinery machines, while others use large tanks refilled with purchased water from refinery factories in Beirut or, as people say, from natural sources like mountain springs. Additional sources of potable water include sealed bottles and gallons sold by vendors. Therefore, the sources of potable water for dwellers in Shatila camp are:

i. Refilling gallons from UNRWA's well with the RO system: This source provides drinking water free of charge with trusted quality, as the interviewees described. One of the participants said, "The problem is that we have to fight our way through to fill up the containers." The interviewee said her family depended on this drinking water for a while, "and it was good". The family had to change the source because of the long waiting lines and the distance carrying the gallons from the tower to her house inside the camp.

ii. Refilling containers from the stores with refinery machines in the camp: This solves the problem of the location proximity. "I have no idea if the refinery machine is cleaned regularly or sterilized. But the shop is nearby, and costs are affordable," an interviewee said.

iii. Refilling containers from shops that import refined water or water from natural resources: While some of the interviewees consuming this drinking water said they "don't trust the source of the water," others were confident of the source and trusted the quality. Some of the respondents said, "This water comes from Beirut (the city) and thus it is monitored by health inspectors."
iv. **Purchase of sealed gallons and bottled water:** People in both Sabra and Shatila prefer this type of drinking water because it is considered the most trustworthy. As one interviewee described, it appears clean and pure. However, it is not affordable for many. Consumers of bottled water generally do not have a preference for specific brands, as long as it is 'not Nestle, Saha, or Aquafina,' which are on the boycott list due to their association with the Israeli economy and armament. Instead, they purchase whatever brand is available in the store.

The data collected revealed that 100% of the interviewees in Sabra and Shatila use refilled gallons/containers from water stores. Some refill their containers for cooking and boiling (e.g., tea, coffee), in addition to domestic use. Others purchase refined water solely for domestic purposes, while some refill their containers for all types of use. The chart below illustrates the percentages of common usage for the different types of potable water.

<figure><img src="image_22.png" /><figcaption>Figure 3- Various sources of potable water</figcaption></figure>

Many interviewees noted that water they buy from the water stores sometimes is not pure and smells indicating the unclean storage or machine. Dr. Huda Abdul Rahman at the Palestinian Red Crescent Society (PRCS) clinic in Shatila warned that, "*The water people drink from the stores, believing it is filtered and refined, is not healthy. It is full of bacteria*" [...]. "*I examine
live long. "Despite getting special soil and using fresh water, the plants did not survive. I gave up planting," the woman said.

The complaints shared by the interviewees regarding the harmful effects of continuously using saline water were confirmed by experts. Engineer Nabil Atwat, the Head of the Environmental Health Department at UNRWA in Lebanon, discussed the detrimental impacts of this type of water. He explained: "Saline water impacts everything in the life of the camp. It is the cause of rusting and damaging to water pipes, both the general as well as those inside the houses (taps). It damages washing machines, refrigerators, and metal home utensils such as spoons and knives. Also, salinity of water affects the agricultural wealth. People no longer are planting trees in front of their houses. In the past, planting on rooftops was something common among the people of the camp. They used to raise birds, cats, dogs and other pets. This is no longer seen in the camp." [...] "One of the major environmental impacts is the leakage of water from the tanks, to the streets, then to the aquifers which affects the cleanliness of the artesian water."

## Physical and Mental Health

Dr. Abdul Qader Abbas, Head of UNRWA's Health Department in Beirut, stated: "The impact of saline water extends beyond physical health. It also affects the mental well-being of individuals in the camp who constantly use it. Many, particularly women, experience a loss of the sense of cleanliness or freshness. Some individuals report lower self-esteem, while others have become more aggressive in their interactions with the community. However, some have adapted to using the water and are less affected. Today, people face greater concerns that lead to mental fatigue and distress," referring to the challenging economic conditions.

When the young mother of two in Shatila responded to the question about the type of water she uses at home, her wide-eyed expression and beaming smile directly illustrated the point made by Dr. Abbas in the statement above. The interviewee said, "We have recently subscribed to a fresh water network from a vendor in the camp. We replaced our water tank and installed new water pipes at home. This has resolved my issues of my children's health and mine, and house cleanliness." She recalled how it was difficult for her to comb hers and her daughter's dry hair and suffered from hair loss.

In contrast to the positive energy emanating from the young woman's meeting, other interviewees exhibited sullen expressions and dull stares. Some of the Lebanese and Palestinian participants
<figure><img src="image_23.png" /></figure>

the regular daily pumping of water into the network is generally sufficient, they are aware that incidents of damage may occur any time. A household representative said, “I do laundry every other day so as not to compile the dirty clothes. There’s always the possibility of water interruption due to some repairs at the pumping station.”

Nevertheless, interviewees affirmed that they can conserve some liters of water "if we are obliged to," with such necessity arising during situations when water is rarely pumped or interrupted for at least one day, as they described. Houses in Sabra and Shatila are not equipped with devices to reduce the flow of water from the tap; however, one interviewee mentioned that the type of tap installed in her kitchen sink is "perfect." It functions by lifting the handle to open and closing it by pressing the handle down, thus minimizing the water wasted compared to traditional tap models.

The interviewed women all suggested similar methods to reduce water consumption: rescheduling laundry from 4-5 times a week to once a week; sweeping the floor instead of rinsing it; and collecting the used dishes and utensils to wash them at once each day. The four men respondents, out of the total 34 interviewees, suggested to ask “the lady of the house.” One of them responded with a smile and said, “It’s the woman’s creativity, and it is under her control.”

Alternatively, the interviewees did not suggest any solutions to reduce water usage for personal hygiene. When asked, all participants unequivocally replied “No, not in summer time.” One respondent remarked, “If we have water, why shouldn’t we use what we need, especially in summer?” The only suggestion provided was “not to wash the hair frequently.” At the same time, the respondents emphasized that they are careful in using only the needed water amount.

In implementing its comprehensive Environmental Health Strategy for PRCs in Lebanon (2016-2021), UNRWA completed rehabilitation works of the camps' infrastructure, including Shatila. The process ensured the sewerage pipes are securely separated and away from the water pipes' network. Mahmoud Abbas, director of the Children & Youth Center (CYC) in Shatila, noted that the rehabilitation work was completed to a high professional standard. He stated, “Shatila is no longer a swamp in winter, and it doesn’t smell of sewage when storm water flows.” This improvement also applies to the domestic water network, as the interviewees affirmed that their domestic water usage is free from any sewage odor. To the contrary, it smells of chlorine.
As a result, residents of Shatila feel confident about the cleanliness of the saline water reaching their household water tanks. They are reassured by the knowledge that UNRWA is actively monitoring and ensuring the absence of bacteria. While this monitoring does not extend to the private wells, the latter's networks remain safe from contamination by sewer pipes. Therefore, the people do not use water filters since the tap water is not drinkable. Of the 34 participants, only one household uses a filtering device to the full-automatic washing machine. Showing satisfaction about the end result, the woman explained that, "It clears the water from soil residues and some amount of the salt."

Unlike water for domestic use, potable water is purchased from vendors in Shatila and Sabra. Whereas all the households buy refilled gallons for cooking and boiling, only few buy sealed bottles for drinking. Although the refilled water is sometimes unclear and unclean, the people often choose not to purify it; instead, they prefer to buy a sealed gallon. As one interviewee commented, placing the water in a glass container in the sun to make it drinkable "has not been in practice since long." She continued, "Nowadays, water gallons are available everywhere with easy access and delivery services."

However, a sixty-five-year-old woman in Ard Jalloul recounted an experience when she discovered she had run out of drinking water one night. She boiled some tap water on the oven, allowing it to cool and the residues to settle at the bottom before pouring the boiled water into a glass to drink. She proudly elaborated, "We used this method during the war when access to water was scarce." She then pointed out that her decision to subscribe to a fresh water cistern had proven benefits.

By responding to the interview questions, the randomly selected participants conveyed a sense of uncertainty and vulnerability. The interviewees implied desperate acceptance of the status quo through shy attempts to improve their living by circumventing around affordable solutions. Indeed, they reflected a degree of marginalization experienced by the people living in Sabra and Shatila. It seems they are just trying to make do with the resources they have, rather than having reliable and stable living conditions.
<figure><img src="image_24.png" /></figure>

## Conclusion

As Fatin Hassoun, Shatila Camp Manager, stated, “**UNRWA’s role is to supervise the services provided by the Agency.**” UNRWA established a reverse osmosis (RO) water tower in Shatila and facilitated access to drinking water. In Shatila, the UNRWA still manages the water tower, employing two workers to ensure the proper functioning of the freshwater system. In other camps, however, this responsibility has been handed over to local Palestinian Popular Committees (PPCs).

While UNRWA has rehabilitated water networks and boreholes, conducted water testing, and provided chlorination, it is the PPCs that manage domestic water usage, supported by coordination between the two PPCs in Shatila. According to Hassoun, “*The management is for the PPCs. And they manage these issues for the camp dwellers.*”

In Shatila, residents are largely left to manage their own living conditions, including addressing water management issues, often in the face of difficult economic circumstances. Despite the efforts made by UNRWA to provide clean drinking water through the RO system, the ongoing political conflict between the PPCs has led to corruption and exploitation of resources, which has hindered more sustainable solutions. As Abu Emad Shatila, head of the PLO PPCs in Beirut,
noted, "*Unless the political conflict is resolved, the management of resources in Shatila camp will not change.*"

Local community-based organizations, which focus on issues such as community development, human rights, and refugee rights, struggle to coordinate their efforts effectively. Jamilah Shehadeh of Beit Atfal Assumoud shared that while these organizations used to meet regularly to address issues like cleanliness campaigns, coordination is now less frequent. "*The camp is not for its original residents anymore,*" she concluded.

While local organizations may be able to collaborate on certain issues, the underlying problem of saline water remains unresolved. Local boreholes cannot eliminate the water's salinity.

Several stakeholders have suggested that the responsibility for providing fresh water to the camps should lie with the Lebanese government, as they are part of its territory. Abu Mujahed emphasized that this has been done in other camps, such as Shatila and Burj el Barajneh, where fresh water was extended. "*We are still paying the government for water extensions to Burj el Barajneh, even though they are not receiving water from EBML,*" said Nabil Atwat, Head of UNRWA's Environmental Health Department in Lebanon.

Fresh water can be reintroduced to the camps by partnering with UNRWA, UNICEF, or other bodies. Abu Mujahed suggested that, "*People who want freshwater should pay for the services, which would allow the management to be handled by the government and its international partners.*" He also pointed out that the government already collects fees for electricity in the camps, and it could do the same for water.

Despite the significant efforts and support from donors to improve water quality and access in the camps, experts, activists, and decision-makers from the UNRWA and the camps agree on the fundamental issue: it is the responsibility of the Lebanese government to ensure the provision of water, electricity, and other essential services, as it does across the rest of the country. The government's failure to fulfill these responsibilities is an unjust and unfair stance toward Palestinian refugees in Lebanon.
References

* Alles, Christele (2016a), “Lebanon, a Water Tower?”. https://books.openedition.org/ifpo/13286?lang=en

* Chaaban, J., Salti, N., Ghattas, H., Irani, A., Ismail, T., Batlouni, L. (2016), “Survey on the Socioeconomic Status of Palestine Refugees in Lebanon 2015”, Report published by the American University of Beirut (AUB) and the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA)

* Chaaban, Jad (2014). Profiling Deprivation: An Analysis of the Rapid Needs Assessment in Palestinian Gatherings Host Communities in Lebanon, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-HABITAT)

* Dorai Kamel (2010), Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon. Migration, mobility and the urbanization process, in. Are Knudsen & Sari Hanafi. Palestinian Refugees. Identity, Space and Place in the Levant, Routledge, pp.67-80, 2010, Routledge Studies on the Arab-Israeli Conflict.

* ESCWA (2021), Multidimensional poverty in Lebanon (2019-2021). Painful reality and uncertain prospects. Beirut, Lebanon.

* Hariri, Nizar; Bou Nader, Raymond; Dirani, Ahmad; (2022). Economic Conditions in the Palestinian Camps and Gatherings: A focus on Rashidiyeh and Shatila Camps (Oct-Dec 2021)

* ILO (2012), PALESTINIAN EMPLOYMENT IN LEBANON FACTS AND CHALLENGES Labor force survey among Palestinian refugees living in camps and gatherings In Lebanon
* Jaafar Hadi, Ahmad Farah, Holtmeier Lauren, King-Okumu Caroline (2020), Refugees, water balance, and water stress: Lessons learned from Lebanon. Ambio, 49(6): 1179–1193

* Knudsen, Are J., 2024; Gaza Buildings: Architectures of Precarity in Sabra, Beirut. Chapter 8, *The Urban Refugee - Space, Agency, and the New Urban Condition* (Book)

* LOWER (2016), Palestinian Labor in camps. Sources of income and job opportunities, Mahmoud Al-Ali and the Norwegian People's Aid, Beirut, Lebanon (published in Arabic).

* LPDC - Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee (2018), *Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon: The Reality of Living and the Will to Progress*. Beirut, Dar Al-Mashreq for Publishing and Distribution

* Terre Des Hommes (2020), COVID-19 Rapid Needs Assessment in the Palestinian Camps of Lebanon

* UNDP (2016), LABOR RIGHTS OF PALESTINIAN REFUGEES IN LEBANON. Mahmoud Al-Ali. Policy Dialogues Series - Lebanese-Palestinian Relations

* UN Habitat (2018), Mapping Migration in Beirut Municipality, A Comparative Study of Three Neighborhoods | 2018

* UNRWA (2023), Shatila Profile, Protection Monitoring Report, March 2023

* UNRWA (2018), Environmental Health Response plan in the 12 Palestine Refugee camps in Lebanon (2018-2021); Field Infrastructure and Camp Improvement Programme 2018

* UNRWA (2016), Environmental Health Strategy for the Palestine Refugee Camps in Lebanon 2016-2021

* UNRWA (2020), Annual operational report 2020, *United Nations Relief and Works Agency 2020*.

* UNRWA (2015), Profiling the vulnerability of Palestine refugees from Syria living in Lebanon, 2015. *United Nations Relief and Works Agency 2015*.

* USAID | Lebanon (2017), Water for the World Country Plan 2017

* World Bank (2023), The Grip of New Crisis, Lebanon Economic Monitor, Fall 2023
# Data Collection:

## Households:

In selecting the interviewees, the researchers focused on varying the sources according to the population inhabiting Sabra area and Shatila camp. That is, the families targeted were Palestinian Refugees from Lebanon (PRL), Palestinian Refugees who came from Syria (PRS), Syrian Refugees (SR), and local Lebanese (LB). The selection also included families from different sectors in Shatila as well as various streets in Sabra (neighborhoods). The researchers sought to interview different numbers of members in each household, also attempted to seek various occupations of the head of household, as much as it was possible, with the aim to reveal the different socioeconomic status of the families and the impact of the problem of water.

Hence, the families in this study live within the extended area of Sabra and Shatila: stretching from Al Rihab area on the south border, passing through al Hai al Gharbi (The western neighborhood) and al Hosh, reaching to Shatila camp; and from al Dana border with Sabra (from the north), downwards through Said Ghawash and Daouk gatherings into Sabra main street, including Gaza Buildings and Ard Jalloul area. Within Shatila camp itself, the families interviewed came from different sectors of the camp.

In total, 34 families were interviewed.

## The Stakeholders included:

1. Heads of centers of non-governmental organizations active in the camp

2. Popular Committees (PLO's and the Coalition's)

3. Owner of private wells in the camp

4. UNRWA's camp manager, water specialist, health and environmental health experts. It is worth highlighting here the UNRWA regulations allowed interviews with two experts at within the same setting. However, the responses of each are clarified in the transcripts.

5. Medical doctor

6. Head of the committee of one of Gaza buildings.

Unfortunately, not all the interviewed accepted to use the voice recording. That also applied to some of the families.

These are detailed in the table below, specified by number and date of interview conducted.
<table><thead><tr><td>#</td><td>Date</td><td>Interviews</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>1</td><td>28-Jun-24</td><td>Children and Youth Center in Shatila (CYC)</td></tr><tr><td>2</td><td>03-Jul-24</td><td>Popular Committee - PLO</td></tr><tr><td>3</td><td>16-Jul-24</td><td>Joint Christian Committee (JCC) - Sabra</td></tr><tr><td>4</td><td>16-Jul-24</td><td>Association Najdeh - Shatila</td></tr><tr><td>5</td><td>16-Jul-24</td><td>Private well owner</td></tr><tr><td>6</td><td>19-Jul-24</td><td>Popular Committee - Coalition Groups</td></tr><tr><td>7</td><td>19-Jul-24</td><td>Beit Atfal Assumoud - Shatila</td></tr><tr><td>8</td><td>22-Jul-24</td><td>Ramallah, Gaza Building #2; Head of Committee</td></tr><tr><td>9</td><td>29-Jul-24</td><td>Palestinian Red Crescent Society (PRCS) clinics in Shatila</td></tr><tr><td>10</td><td>02-Aug-24</td><td>UNRWA: Shatila Camp Manager</td></tr><tr><td>11</td><td>02-Aug-24</td><td>UNRWA: WASH Expert</td></tr><tr><td>12</td><td>06-Aug-24</td><td>UNRWA: Environmental Health</td></tr><tr><td>13</td><td>06-Aug-24</td><td>UNRWA: Health</td></tr></tbody></table>
# Appendix 2- Key informant interviews' guidelines

## استخدام المياه - صبرا وشاتيلا

### I. المرجعيات المحلية في المنطقة:

#### الإدارة والحوكمة:

1. هل من الممكن أن تعرفنا عن نفسك، ودورك في مسؤولية المياه في المخيم/المنطقة؟

2. ممكن أن تصف لنا الوضع الحالي للمياه وتنظيمها؟

3. من المسؤول الأول عن إدارة المياه في المخيم (أو المنطقة)؟ من هي الجهات الفاعلة (ائيين، أدوار، صلاحيات...)؟ من يفعل ماذا وكيف؟

4. ما هي الميزانية السنوية للإدارة؟ هل هي كافية؟

5. في الوضع الحالي للمياه، هل تقومون بتلبية حاجات السكان في كل أحياء المخيم؟

6. ما هي العوائق الرئيسية؟

7. كم يبلغ عدد الآبار في المخيم؟ تاريخ إنشاؤها؟ تجهيزاتها؟

8. متى كانت آخر عملية إعادة تأهيل/صيانة للأبار؟

9. هل هناك تعاون بينكم وبين البلدية لضمان الموارد في محيط المخيم؟

10. كيف تصف علاقتك مع أصحاب المصلحة المختلفة (البلدية، الأنروا، اللجنة/اللجان الشعبية...)؟

11. برأيك، ما الذي يمكن تحسينه لضمان إدارة فعالة للمياه؟

12. ما هي التحديات التي تواجه هذا التحسين؟

#### جودة المياه:

- كيف تصف حالة مياه الآبار وأجهزتها؟

- هل هناك أي عوامل خطر خارجية؟ تلوث؟ ...

- هل رؤوس الآبار محمية؟ هل مصادر جمع المياه الجوفية محمية من التلوث؟

- كيف تصنف جودة المياه؟ على مقياس من 1 إلى 10 (1 = سيء جداً، 10 = ممتاز)

- برأيك ما هي الحلول لتحسين جودة المياه؟
شبكات توزيع المياه:

1. ما هي كمية المياه التي تتوزع على المخيم يومياً؟ (الليترات / البرميل)

2. هل هناك جدول واضح وثابت بعدد المرات والأوقات لتوزيع المياه اليومي؟

3. ما هي كمية المياه التي توزعونها يومياً على كل منزل؟ (الليترات / البرميل)

4. كيف تضبطون المساواة في التوزيع؟ هل هناك عدادات مترية

5. هل هناك اشتراك ما يدفعه السكان؟ ما هي قيمته؟ شهري أو سنوي؟

6. هل هي صالحة للشرب؟

7. هل يحدث أن ينقطع تزويد السكان بالمياه؟ متى؟ لماذا؟

8. كيف تعمل هذه الأبار؟

9. ماذا تفعلون عند حدوث عطل في المضخة؟

10. هل هناك كهرباء مؤمنة لتشغيل محطات الضخ؟

11. هل لديكم مولدات كهربائية لتشغيل المضخات؟

12. ما هي الميزانية المخصصة للمياه؟

نظام الصرف الصحي:

1. أين تذهب مياه الصرف الصحي؟

2. أين تذهب مياه الأمطار؟

3. هل هناك تعاون مع البلدية لتمديدات البني التحتية حول المخيم؟ كيف؟

4. برأيك، كيف تصف نظام الصرف الصحي الذي أنشئته البلدية؟

المشاكل والنزاعات المجتمعية:

1. هل تتسبب المياه في نزاعات بين السكان؟ كيف يكون شكل هذه النزاعات؟

2. لمن يلجأ السكان في حل النزاعات بين بعضهم البعض؟ كيف يتم حل النزاعات؟

3. هل تتسبب المياه في نزاعات بين السكان وبين المسؤولين عن إدارة المياه في المخيم/المنطقة؟ كيف يكون شكل هذه المشاكل؟

4. لمن يلجأ أطراف النزاع لحل المشاكل الناجمة عن المياه؟ كيف يتم حل النزاعات؟
<figure><img src="image_25.png" /></figure>

## II. الأخصائيون والخبراء:

1. هل ممكن أن تقدم لنا نظرة عامة عن إدارة المياه في المخيمات والجمعات الفلسطينية؟

2. كيف تصف لنا وضع المياه في مخيم شاتيلا ومحيطة؟

3. هل هناك توزيع عادل للمياه بين الوحدات السكنية / الأحياء في المخيم؟

4. ما هي المعوقات لتوزيع المياه بالعدل في المخيم؟

5. هل يطلب منكم التدخل لحل المشكلات المحلية الناجمة عن المياه (توزيعها، كميتها، ... )؟

6. هل يمكن تحسين النظام المتعلق بالماء؟

7. ما هي التحديات الرئيسية؟

8. هل هناك ما تحب/تحبين إضافته في هذا المجال؟
# Appendix 3- Household questionnaire

## استبيان استخدام المياه - صبرا وشاتيلا

رقم المقابلة:

بتاريخ: أجرى المقابلة:

المنطقة / الحي / الشارع:

### المجيب:

الجنس: ذكر ☐ أنثى ☐

الجنسية: لبنانية ☐ فلسطينية لبنانية ☐ فلسطينية سوريا ☐
غير ذلك: ☐

العمر: 34-18 ☐ 64-35 ☐ +65 ☐

## القسم الأول: المنزل والأسرة

أود أن أسألك بعض المعلومات حول أسرتك.

1. كم عدد الأشخاص الذين يعيشون في منزلك؟

عدد النساء ☐ عدد الرجال ☐ عدد الاطفال ☐

2. كم عدد الغرف التي تعيش فيها أنت وعائلتك؟ ☐

3. ما هو حجم المنزل بالمتر المربع؟ ☐

4. هل المنزل ☐ ملك ☐ إيجار؟

إذا كان إيجاراً، ما هي قيمة الإيجار؟ ☐

هل تدفعون الإيجار: ☐ بالليرة اللبنانية أو ☐ بالدولار الأميركي؟

5. كم شخصاً يعمل في الأسرة؟ ☐

العدد الكلي: نساء: ذكور:
In partnership
with

RÉPUBLIQUE
FRANÇAISE
Jérôme
Égout
Fleneroir

<figure><img src="image_26.png" /></figure>

AFD
AGENCE FRANÇAISE
DE DÉVELOPPEMENT

ifco
Liban
Syrie
شريعة
لبنان
 Jordanie
Teritoires
الاردن
Israel
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Israel
Lebanon
Levant

6. ما هي مهنة المعيل الرئيسي لل familyة؟

<figure><img src="image_27.png" /></figure>

7. ما هي مهنة المعيل الثانوي لل familyة؟

<figure><img src="image_28.png" /></figure>

8. ما هو متوسط الدخل الشهري للأسرة خلال الثلاثة أشهر الأخيرة؟

9. أي نوع من الخزاتات تستخدم لتمجموع/تخزين المياه وما هو حجمها؟

[ اذا لم يكن الجواب واضح بالنسبة لك، اسال المجيب ان ترى بعينك ]

<figure><img src="image_29.png" /></figure>

الحجم (ليتر/برميل)

<figure><img src="image_30.png" /></figure>

نوع الخزان

<figure><img src="image_31.png" /></figure>

الحجم (ليتر/برميل)

<figure><img src="image_32.png" /></figure>

نوع الخزان

10. بماذا تستخدم هذه المياه؟

<table><thead><tr><th colspan="2">ضع إشارة على كل الخيارات المناسبة</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>للشرب</td><td>للطهي وتضير الطعام</td></tr><tr><td>للاسerman, الغسيل</td><td>لسيقي النباتات</td></tr><tr><td>وضوء (طهارة الصلاة)</td><td>استخدامات أخرى</td></tr></tbody></table>

## القسم الثاني: مصادر المياه المنزلية الغير صالحة للشرب / الاستخدام

(المعروفة باسم "مياه الاستخدام" باللغة العربية، وسنشير فيما بعد إليها بالمياه المنزلية للاستخدام اليومي).

أود أن أتعرف على المصادر المختلفة التي تحصل أنت أو أحد أفراد عائلتك على المياه منها للاستخدام اليومي، ولأغراض غير الشرب، ما نسميه عادة بمياه الاستخدام.

لا ☐

نعم ☐

11. ما هو مصدرك الرئيسي للمياه الخاصة للاستخدام؟ هل أنت متصل بشبكة المياه العامة؟
إذا كان الجواب "نعم":

<figure><img src="image_33.png" /></figure>

كم تدفع سنويا؟ الرسوم السنوية أو الشهرية:

هل تعرف مصدر هذه المياه؟ ومن أين تأتي؟ (قصور المياه، آبار، بلدية، منطقة)

المصدر: الشبكة العامة (البلدية أو المخيم) / شراء / بئر: خاص أو عام

من المسؤول عن توفير هذه المياه (أو أيسلطات تتعاون لضمان التوزيع)؟

<figure><img src="image_34.png" /></figure>

12. ما هو مصدرك الثانوي لمياه استخدام؟

(بما في ذلك مياه الأمطار، والباعة، والحنفيات العامة، والاقتراض)
13. هل هناك مصادر أخرى تم استخدامه في السنوات الأربع الماضية: الرجاء التحديد.

14. إذا كان لديك خزان فردي، كم حجمه بالليترات / البرميل؟

16. بأي وتيرة تدفع لملء الخزان في الشتاء؟

15. إذا كان لديك خزان فردي، كم يكلفك ملء الخزان بالكامل؟

متر مكعب او ليترات / برميل في الاسبوع

دولارات اميركية في الاسبوع

17. بأي وتيرة تدفع لملء الخزان في الصيف؟

متر مكعب او ليترات / برميل في الاسبوع

دولارات اميركية في الاسبوع

18. بجانب شاحنات المياه (الكاميون-سيتيرن)، هل لديك وسائل أخرى لشراء المياه الخاصة للاستخدام وكيف؟ (أنابيب من أصحاب الآبار، جالونات من الباعة، محطات الوقود، الخ.)؟ هل يمكننا هنا محاولة تقدير نفقاتك السنوية على مياه الاستخدام، إذا أخذنا بعين الاعتبار الـ12 شهرًا الماضية، بأسعار اليوم؟

<figure><img src="image_35.png" /></figure>

19. كيف تقيم جودة هذه المياه؟ بالمقارنة مع الجيران الآخرين أو المناطق المجاورة، هل تعتقد أن الجودة والكمية أفضل هنا أم أسوأ؟ هل لديك وسائل أخرى لشراء المياه الخاصة للاستخدام، مثل الأنابيب من أصحاب الآبار، أو الجالونات من الباعة، أو محطات الوقود؟

<table><thead><tr><th>المصدر</th><th>جيدة</th><th>جيدة جداً</th><th>مقبولة</th><th>سيئة</th><th>سيئة جداً</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>ICES</td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>الآبار</td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>شاحنات المياه (سيترن)</td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>الباعة / المحلات</td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr></tbody></table>
In partnership
with

<figure><img src="image_36.png" /></figure>

RÉPUBLIQUE
FRANÇAISE

Jérémie
Égout
Fenermetir

<figure><img src="image_37.png" /></figure>

AFD

AGENCE FRANÇAISE
DE DÉVELOPPEMENT

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Liban سوري بابان
Syrie
لبنان سوري
Jericho Jordanie
Territoires palestiniens
Israël arabe

20. بشكل عام، مقارنة مع الجيران الآخرين أو المناطق المجاورة،

هل تعتبر أن الماء متوفّر: بأسعار معقولة؟ ☐ أم أنه مكلف جدًا؟ ☐

كيف تقيم مستوى نفقاتك على مياه الاستخدام؟

<table><thead><tr><td>المصدر</td><td>مكلفة جداً</td><td>معقولة جداً</td><td>معقولة جداً</td></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>ICESM</td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>المياه الحنفيات</td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>الآبار</td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>شاحنات المياه (سيترن)</td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>الباعة / المحلات</td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr></tbody></table>
# القسم الثالث: مصادر المياه الصالحة للشرب

أود أن أتعرف على الأماكن المختلفة التي تحصل منها، أنت أو أحد أفراد عائلتك، على المياه الصالحة للشرب.

## 21. من أين تحصل على المياه الصالحة للشرب؟

[يمكن وضع علامة على أكثر من مصدر. حدد اسم المصدر، وحدد نسبة كل مصدر في إجمالي استهلاك المياه الصالحة للشرب]

<table><thead><tr><th>المصدر</th><th>اسم المصدر</th><th>النسبة المئوية %</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>حنفية عامة ☐</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>ينبوع محمي ☐</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>ينبوع غير محمي ☐</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td> معبأة (قنينة) ☐</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>جالونات / حاويات من الباعة ☐</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>: مياه الحنفية المصفاة للاستخدام ☐</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>غير ذلك (الرجاء التحديد) ☐</td><td></td><td></td></tr></tbody></table>

## 22. إذا كنت تشتري المياه المعبأة بالقنينة، متى تشتريها (عدد المرات)؟

كل يوم ☐

على الاقل مرة في الشهر ☐

على الاقل مرة واحدة في الاسبوع ☐

نادرا جدا ☐

ابدا ☐

## 23. لماذا تفضل هذا النوع من الشراء للحصول على مياه صالحة للشرب؟

<table><thead><tr><th>السبب</th><th>✓</th><th>السبب</th><th>✓</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>عدم وجود مصادر أخرى / وصول مقيد</td><td>4</td><td>وجود خدمة التوصيل</td><td>1</td></tr><tr><td>علاقات شخصية/عائلية</td><td>5</td><td>القرب / الوقت</td><td>2</td></tr><tr><td>النوعية</td><td>6</td><td>الكلفة</td><td>3</td></tr></tbody></table>

اسباب أخرى:

## 24. كم مرة تجد نفسك بدون أي مياه صالحة للشرب في المنزل؟ عند البائع؟

كل يوم ☐

على الاقل مرة في الشهر ☐

على الاقل مرة في الاسبوع ☐

نادرا جدا ☐

ابدا ☐
25. هل كان هناك مصدر غير عادي لمياه الشرب استخدمته في السنوات الأربع الماضية؟ مثل تنقية المياه غير الصالحة بواسطة الشمس، جمع مياه الأمطار، تخزين مياه سحبت من نهر أو ينبوع، أو اقتراض مياه من الجيران؟

<figure><img src="image_39.png" /></figure>

26. ما هو معدل مصروفك الشهري على مياه الشرب؟ (كم تدفع شهرياً لمياه الشرب؟) هل يمكنك أن تحسب التكلفة وتكرارها لتحديد النفقات الشهرية؟

<figure><img src="image_40.png" /></figure>

27. هل تعتبر أن المياه الصالحة للشرب متوفرة باسعار معقولة؟ كم تمثل، على سبيل المثال، من نسبة دخلك الشهري؟

<figure><img src="image_41.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_42.png" /></figure>

28. كيف تقيم جودتها؟ مقارنة بجيرانك؟ وبالمناطق أخرى؟

<figure><img src="image_43.png" /></figure>
## القسم الرابع: استهلاك المياه والاتجاهات/ سلوكيات/ عادات

[أود ان أسألك بعض الاسئلة عن عاداتك في استلاك مياه الشرب]

29. هل لديك موزع (ديسبانسر/براد) للمياه الباردة/الساخنة في منزلك؟

<figure><img src="image_44.png" /></figure>

كلا

<figure><img src="image_45.png" /></figure>

نعم

30. هل لديك أي جهاز لتقليل كمية الماء الخارجة من الحنفية؟ (حنفية ذات عيار تقلل بعد ثوان أو دقائق)

<figure><img src="image_46.png" /></figure>

كلا

<figure><img src="image_47.png" /></figure>

نعم

31. هل لديك أي فلاتر خاصة لتنقية المياه الخاصة بك؟

<figure><img src="image_48.png" /></figure>

كلا

<figure><img src="image_49.png" /></figure>

نعم
32. بحسب علمك، هل يقوم أحد في منزلك أو بين جيرانك أو أقاربك بمعالجة المياه قبل استخدامها أو شربها؟ مثل التسخين أو تنقية بواسطة أشعة الشمس؟ ☐ كلا ☐ عم

<figure><img src="image_50.png" /></figure>

33. هل لديك غسالة ملابس؟ ☐ كلا ☐ عم

<figure><img src="image_51.png" /></figure>

وكم مرة تقوم بغسل الملابس في الأسبوع/الشهر؟ ☐

<figure><img src="image_52.png" /></figure>

34. عدد ونوع المراحيض؟ ☐ عدد المراحيض:

<figure><img src="image_53.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_54.png" /></figure>

النوع

لا يوجد

مراح ض عربي

مراح ض بالتفريغ (كرسي المرحاض)

مراح ض بالتفريغ لا يعمل

مراح ض جماعي (لعدة منازل مثلا)

36. هل تُغلق الحنفية أثناء تنظيف الأسنان، أو الحلاقة، أو غسل اليدين؟ ☐ نعم ☐ حياناً

<figure><img src="image_55.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_56.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_57.png" /></figure>

37. ما هي الوسيلة لديك للاسحمام؟ (حوض استحمام (بانيو)، دش، وعاء خزان؟) إذا كنت تستخدم الدش، هل تغلق الحنفية أثناء توضيبك في الدش؟ ☐ نعم ☐ حياناً

<figure><img src="image_58.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_59.png" /></figure>

38. هل تقوم بجمع المياه المستعملة لاستخدامات أخرى (على سبيل المثال، مياه الحوض لإعادة استخدامها في المرحاض)؟ ☐ نعم ☐ حياناً

<figure><img src="image_60.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_61.png" /></figure>

39. ما نوع مرافق الصرف الصحي (صرف صحي عام، خزان جمع للصرف الصحي، حفرة المرحاض (حمام عربي)، التصريف المباشر إلى أماكن مفتوحة، إلخ)؟ ☐ غير ذلك

<figure><img src="image_62.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_63.png" /></figure>

النوع

صرف صحي عام

خزان جمع للصرف الصحي

حفرة المرحاض (حمام عربي)

التصريف المباشر إلى أماكن مفتوحة

غير ذلك:

40. هل قمت بشيء ما خلال الستة أشهر الماضية لتقليل استهلاك المياه؟ ☐ نعم ☐ لا

<figure><img src="image_64.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_65.png" /></figure>
إذا كانت الإجابة "نعم"، أخبرنا ماذا فعلت؟

<figure><img src="image_66.png" /></figure>

41. هل هناك أي شيء يمكنك فعله اليوم إذا طلب منك أن تقلل استهلاكك بمقدار 5 لتر يوميا؟

<figure><img src="image_67.png" /></figure>

42. كم مرة في الأسبوع يقوم أفراد عائلتك بغسل الملابس؟ هل يتم ذلك باستخدام غسالة أو بغسل اليد؟

عدد مرات الغسيل أسبوعياً:

<figure><img src="image_68.png" /></figure>

غسالة كهربائية ☐

غسل يدوي ☐

43. هل لديك نباتات؟ ☐ نعم ☐

<figure><img src="image_69.png" /></figure>

وإذا كانت الإجابة بنعم، كم لتر ماء تحتاج إلى سقي النباتات في الأسبوع؟

<figure><img src="image_70.png" /></figure>

هل ترويها من مياه الخزان العام؟ ☐ نعم ☐

<figure><img src="image_71.png" /></figure>

<figure><img src="image_72.png" /></figure>

أحيانًا ☐

إذا كانت الإجابة "لا"، من أين تأتي بالماء للنباتات؟

<figure><img src="image_73.png" /></figure>

## القسم الخامس: تصورات حول المياه والوعي حول المياه

44. هل تعتقد أنه بإمكانك تقليل استهلاك الماء في المستقبل؟ أم تعتقد أنه ليس هناك حاجة لك لاستخدام كمية أقل من الماء؟

ولماذا؟

<figure><img src="image_74.png" /></figure>
45. إذا طلب منك تقليل استخدامك الشخصي للماء بمقدار حوالي 5 لترات في اليوم، هل تعرف كيفية القيام بذلك؟ إذا كانت الإجابة بنعم، فصف الطريقة.

<figure><img src="image_75.png" /></figure>

46. هل هناك أي شيء قمت به خلال الستة أشهر الماضية لتقليل استهلاك المياه؟ إذا كانت الإجابة بنعم، كيف نجحت الفكرة ومن أين جاءت لك؟

<figure><img src="image_76.png" /></figure>

47. هل ستقوم بتقليل استخدامك الشخصي للماء فقط إذا كنت ستوفر المال؟ إذا كانت الإجابة "نعم"، ما هي الأسباب الأخرى؟ لماذا لم تفعل ذلك بالفعل؟

<figure><img src="image_77.png" /></figure>

48. من يستهلك الماء بشكل أكبر في منزلك؟ الأطفال، كبار السن؟ ما الفارق؟

<figure><img src="image_78.png" /></figure>

49. هل يحدث خلاف بين أفراد الأسرة بسبب استهلاك الماء؟ هل يُلوم أحد على الاستهلاك الزائد؟ ما نوع النزاعات التي تنشأ عن ذلك؟ وكيف تحاول حل النزاع؟

<figure><img src="image_79.png" /></figure>
51. هل حدث أن يتنازل أحد أفراد العائلة عن الاستerman من أجل توفير المزيد من الماء لأفراد آخرين؟ أو لأغراض أخرى؟
وكم مرة، ومن؟

52. بعد المشاركة في هذه المقابلة، هل تفكر الآن في فعل أو تغيير شيء ما في المنزل بالنسبة لاستخدام الماء، ما تصرفه، وما تصبه أو تشطفه؟

53. هل ستكون أكثر حرصًا / وعيًا عند استخدام المياه من الحنفية، أو عند الاستerman؟

<figure><img src="image_80.png" /></figure>

شكرًا لمشاركتك