America. The career of Ruggiero Romano, Director of the Maison d'Italie since 1957, and Director of Studies at the VIᵉ section of the EPHE, a specialist in Spanish America, helps us to understand. As Maurice Aymard and Roberto Giacone have shown,<fnref n="25" /> more than just providing financial support for researchers at the start of their careers—which contributed to the professionalization process of these players—they acted as mediators between two worlds, for the benefit of students who could find a place to study in Paris, extending a network of contacts that was not limited to the national walls of the houses. Through the processes of cultural exchange, typical of the figure of the passeur—of his “double men”<fnref n="26" />— we can think of the strategic importance of the position of director of a maison for the expansion of academic links between France and South America, or precisely between France and Brazil.

## “THE MECCA OF COMMUNISM”: THE MAISON DU BRÉSIL AS SEEN BY MILITARY GOVERNMENTS

On April 1er 1964, Brazil experienced a coup d'état organized by civilians and soldiers, who overthrew President João Goulart (1961–1964). The military dictatorship lasted 21 years. Anti-corruption rhetoric combined with anti-communist rhetoric, very present in Brazilian society since the 1920s and revived in 1959 with the success of the Cuban revolution, served as the ideological pillars of the government's overthrow. One of the military's ideological axes was to neutralize and eliminate so-called “communist” opponents or those linked to “leftist” and “subversive” ideas. It was no coincidence that one of the first acts undertaken by the putschists was to set fire to the headquarters of the National Union of Students in Rio de Janeiro. The UNE, the only organization representing students at national level, was known during the João Goulart government for defending fundamental reforms [“reformas de base”],<fnref n="27" /> and in

<footnote n="25">²⁵ AYMARD Maurice, GIACONE Roberto (dir.), *En souvenir de Ruggiero Romano, actes de la journée d'études (Maison de l'Italie - Paris, May 28, 2015)*, Paris, Cahiers de l'Hôtel de Galliffet, 2017.</footnote>

<footnote n="26">²⁶ CHARLE Christophe, “Les temps des hommes doubles”, *Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine*, vol. 39/1, 1992, p. 73–85.</footnote>

<footnote n="27">²⁷ The *reformas de base* were the name given by President Goulart's team to the set of structural reforms proposed for the Brazilian state in the educational, fiscal, political and agrarian fields.</footnote>
particular for university reform. The UNE became illegal, but this did not prevent it from playing an important role in opposition to the dictatorship during the 1960s.

After trade unions and rural workers' organizations, academic institutions were the targets of repressive actions.<fnref n="28" /> It is estimated that between twenty and thirty thousand people were arrested in the first few days after the coup, including many professors, renowned academics, and students. Universities were invaded, several rectors deposed, teachers dismissed or retired, and numerous administrative investigations launched against professors and students. Once the new government was installed, there was a radical change in its cadres and ideological orientation, as evidenced by the speech of the new Minister of Education, a former rector of the Federal University of Paraná, to which Flávio Suplicy de Lacerda testifies: “clean up” the Ministry to “disinfect the institutions responsible for training young people by eliminating any element of communism”.<fnref n="29" />

It was against this backdrop that on June 8, 1964, the director of the Maison du Brésil received a decision from the Minister of Education to dismiss him and appoint Francisco Martins, a professor at the Federal University of Ceará, in his place. The news did not seem to satisfy Luís Lisanti, who mobilized to keep his position, by activating his network. Fernand Braudel intervened on behalf of his former student, and even wrote to Castelo Branco, Brazil's new president, asking for Lisanti's extension in office: “I ask you with all the more confidence as I had the pleasure of knowing you personally, having given several lectures in 1947 at the [Military School of] Praia Vermelha.”<fnref n="30" />

For his part, the CIUP's Delegate General, Robert Garric, met the Brazilian Embassy's Chargé d'Affaires, Raul de Vincenzi, to enquire about Lisanti's dismissal: indeed, the CIUP's management had not been informed of this decision. On this occasion, he asked for Lisanti's continuance as director, in the name of the excellence of his work after all the troubles that had marked the mandates of the four previous directors.<fnref n="31" /> As this “visit” was not enough, Garric prepared a scathing document for

<footnote n="28">²⁸ MOTTA Rodrigo Patto Sá, *As universidades e o regime militar*, Rio de Janeiro, Zahar, 2014. p. 23.</footnote>

<footnote n="29">²⁹ *Ibid*, p. 33.</footnote>

<footnote n="30">³⁰ Archives F. Braudel, Correspondance Braudel MS 8510 (72), Dossier Lisanti Filho Luis. Letter 30, May 19, 1964, from Fernand Braudel to Castelo Branco.</footnote>

<footnote n="31">³¹ Brazilian Embassy Archives, 542.93 (85) de 15 de junho de 1964.</footnote>
the attention of the embassy. In this document, the Delegate General reminded the Brazilian authorities of certain important points in the signed agreement concerning the management of the Maison, and in particular the point mentioning that it is the Rector of the University of Paris alone who can appoint directors in the Maisons which are an integral part of the University of Paris, and that it is up to the Board of Directors of the Maison du Brésil to propose one or more names for new directors. He concludes: "For his part, Minister Chenot, President of the CIUP, would be happy to personally discuss all the problems that may arise in the administration of the Maison du Brésil with your Ambassador, once he has taken up his post".<fnref n="32" /> The Ministry of External Relations forwarded the Garric document to the Ministry of Education and Culture, which was forced to cancel the appointment of the new director and retain Luis Lisanti as head of the House. Ministry officials then realized that, apart from budgetary issues and the selection of residents, the Maison did not fall under the authority of the Brazilian Ministry.

So, under the pretext of investigating the problems encountered by the Brazilian houses abroad (as there was also one in Madrid), the government set up a working group within CAPES. The group suggested to the President of the Republic that a new decree be passed, transferring responsibility for the Houses to the Ministry of Foreign Relations and leaving CAPES in charge only of selecting scholarship holders. These suggestions were endorsed in decree no. 56728 of August 16, 1965, which also stipulated that "the Maisons du Brésil will be directed, as provided for in the established agreements, by a director appointed by the Brazilian ambassador in their respective countries, on the indication of the Minister of External Relations with a triple list prepared by a supervisory commission". This commission, comprising two members of the MEC and two members of the MRE, will be chaired by the Chairman of the CAPES Board.

In Brazil, resistance to the regime is growing: students, as well as intellectuals and artists, have formed a front to resist the increasingly authoritarian regime. As a result, the state's surveillance apparatus increased, including abroad. While between 1965 and 1967, the life of the Maison du Brésil did not seem to be affected by this surveillance, the military's suspicion of the House and its potentially "subversive" elements

<footnote n="32">³² Arquivo Nacional, BR DFANBSB AAJ IPM 0236_d. Letter from Robert Garric to the Chargé d'Affaires of the Brazilian Embassy, June 17, 1964.</footnote>
gradually increased. Thus, during 1967, correspondence between the military authorities concerning the circulation of “suspects”<fnref n="33" /> multiplied, as well as on the surveillance of government institutions and the criteria adopted for the exercise of their functions. Concerned about the “veritable propaganda organized with the aim of distorting the truth of events occurring in Brazil” from abroad, the National Security Council sent a request to the Ministry of Education’s Security and Information Division (DSI) to receive lists of candidates’ names, prior to the granting of aid, in order to avoid in future “the paradox of the Brazilian government financially supporting elements who go abroad to denigrate their homeland”.<fnref n="34" />

On May 18, 1967, the head of the National Security Council requested a report from the DSI of the Ministry of Foreign Relations on the Maison du Brésil following the receipt of “unflattering information” about the House’s activities. Accordingly, a report containing full details of its organization and objectives is requested: who currently runs it, whether there is a diplomatic official and, most importantly, whether the House promotes meetings of a political nature.<fnref n="35" /> Surveillance of the House increased in proportion to the resistance movements that were growing in Brazil and abroad, and reaching their peak.

## THE YEAR 1968

The protest organized by the student movement in Brazil grew strongly and exploded in March 1968 with the death of a high-school student killed by the army in Rio de Janeiro. The death of Edson Luís provoked large-scale demonstrations across the country, and the students seemed to win the support of a middle class and part of the press that had supported the coup d'état. While the army was very concerned about the scale of the anti-government demonstrations taking place across the country, the events of May 68 in France only amplified this concern.

On April 24, the Residents' Committee held a meeting with the Director of the Maison du Brésil to draw up a cultural program for

<footnote n="33">³³ Arquivo Nacional, Ofício n.033-1S/2144/67. Em 21.6.1967.</footnote>

<footnote n="34">³⁴ Arquivo Nacional, BR_DFANBSB_N8_0_PSN_EST_0301_d0001de0001. Ofício n 031-1S/2142/67.</footnote>

<footnote n="35">³⁵ Arquivo Nacional, BR_DFANBSB_N8_0_PSN_EST_0301_d0001de0001. Ofício n 019-1S/1104/67.</footnote>
the following month and to discuss the liberalization of the visiting regime in preparation for these events.<fnref n="36" /> On the 26th, Lisanti convened an emergency meeting at the embassy to discuss the problem of the free movement of men and women between residences. During the meeting, Lisanti declares that “the student movements at Nanterre and other universities are having a profound effect on the City”. He votes in favor of freedom of movement, justifying this by the fact that he cannot isolate the Maison du Brésil from the French academic world. Another issue raised by the Director during the meeting is worth highlighting: the “poor recruitment” of scholarship holders, whose level has dropped significantly. He attributed this to recruitment carried out “in a precarious model”, as well as to the (international) context with the emergence of the student crisis. He suggests “the institution of a compulsory psycho-physical examination, which would enable a more precise selection of scholarship holders.” Ambassador Carlos Chagas then addressed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, raising the issue of the low level of recruitment of scholarship holders, with a view to improving the selection process carried out by CAPES.

At an assembly on May 22, 1968, the residents of the Maison du Brésil, in line with the proposals of the student movement, adopted co-management as their mode of community life. The subject of co-management, a watchword among French leftists in this period, as well as the question of freedoms (freedom of expression and political freedoms) would be at the heart of discussions and actions in the years to come between the residents, the Maison du Brésil management and the CIUP. On the other hand, the question of co-management was considered “the fundamental problem” of the House and was the subject of discussions between the Ministry of Foreign Relations and the Ministry of Education and Culture; and above all, it was at the heart of the military’s concerns, as this proposal contradicted its project of “controlling state interventionism”.

On May 29, the Maison du Brésil, like other pavilions in the CIUP such as those for Morocco, Argentina, and Portugal, was occupied. The occupants were people from outside the House, most of them foreign: Spanish, Portuguese, Latin Americans, and only two or three French. According to the various documents, the number of participants varied

<footnote n="36">³⁶ Archives Nationales, 20,090,014/33. Meeting of the Residents' Committee with the Director of the Maison du Brésil, April 24, 1968.</footnote>
widely, from 30 to 100 people.<fnref n="37" /> The aim of the occupation committees was to support the French revolutionary movement, and also to protest against the regimes in place in the Houses' respective countries. The case of Brazil was no exception: with portraits and thoughts of Lenin, Mao Tse-Tung, Fidel Castro and the “great leader” Che Guevara, the red flag was hoisted at 3 a.m. in the director's residence to show the opening of a new era: freedom of opinion and political commitment for Brazilians and Latin Americans studying and working in France. The occupying committee's leaflet clearly stated the intention: “a group of Brazilian revolutionaries, with the support of their French comrades and those of other nationalities, have liberated the Maison du Brésil from the lackey administration of President Costa e Silva's military dictatorship”.<fnref n="38" />

The difference, according to the newspaper *Le Monde*,<fnref n="39" /> is that the occupation was not a peaceful one, and even the Brazilian and French students who supported and participated in the protest movements in Parisian universities were molested in the Maison. The worst happened when a student who was openly opposed to the movement and who claimed to be drawing up a list of communist residents to hand over to the police was locked in his room and interrogated at length, as the newspaper reports. This was Dr. Gilberto Mauricio Pradez de Faria, who was advised by the embassy to return to Brazil. It was the Brazilian embassy, itself close to the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs through the Cultural Relations Directorate, which reported the event: “the doctor [...] was forced to sign a paper declaring him an ‘anti-communist agent in the pay of the Brazilian government’, as well as a receipt for a sum of money extorted from him to help the revolutionary struggle”.<fnref n="40" />

The same fate befell the House manager on the evening of May 30. After having his entire House searched, he was questioned about his situation vis-à-vis the Brazilian government. Luis Lisanti was evicted from his home the following day. Shaken by the event, Lisanti wrote a letter to the Brazilian embassy recounting the events. However, he insisted on showing that the facts were directly linked to the events in Paris, making

<footnote n="37">³⁷ Brazilian Embassy Archives, Director's Report to the Brazilian Embassy.</footnote>

<footnote n="38">³⁸ CHS Archives, 003,839. CC1801_P1CHS_2-Mai68-11 p. 59.</footnote>

<footnote n="39">³⁹ *Le Monde* newspaper, June 2–3, 1968.</footnote>

<footnote n="40">⁴⁰ Brazilian Embassy archives, telegrama confidencial expedido em 04 de junho de 1968.</footnote>
the Maison a kind of “victim” rather than an “agent” of the student mobilizations, thus minimizing the role of Brazilian students in this effervescence. Reaffirming the ebullient French student context has a twofold advantage: it removes the focus from the Brazilian students and presents the Maison du Brésil as a passive agent, even if the military sectors of the regime no longer view this “space” in a positive light. The House was liberated on June 12, when Lisanti began to establish the material losses, proposing that residents and officials report their stolen goods. Although most of the residents did not respond to her appeal, the director filed a legal complaint.<fnref n="41" /> As the situation at the CIUP was still uncertain, Lisanti accepted the delegate general’s suggestion that he temporarily run the Maison, as he had done with other pavilions that had also been invaded (such as those in Spain and Portugal).<fnref n="42" />

In August, Luis Lisanti decided to resign from his position. In September 1968, the Board of Directors approved his resignation and proposed José Alves Guimarães, Director of the Belo Horizonte School of Fine Arts and a man close to the regime, as his successor. At this board meeting, the possibility of making the Maison du Brésil a residence for couples only is raised. Lisanti opposed this suggestion, demonstrating that the Maison had not been designed to accommodate residents of both sexes. Above all, he sensed that this idea, far from corresponding to the French movement on this issue, could diminish the possibility of having militant residents undetected by the regime. The year 1968 ended in Brazil with an Institutional Act (IA) enacted by the military government that made the regime more repressive. AI-5, which, among other measures, provided for the trial of political crimes by military tribunals and the suspension of *habeas corpus* in all cases of crimes against national security, ushered in the harshest period of the dictatorship’s repression, not only with the dismissal of a new batch of professors, but also with the extermination of its opponents, including several students and teachers.<fnref n="43" />

However, it was also at this time that the military government began to reform the university through authoritarian modernization: university

<footnote n="41">⁴¹ National Archives, 20,090,014/30. Minutes, June 14, 1968.</footnote>

<footnote n="42">⁴² Archives nationales, 20,090,014/30. Carta de Luís Lisanti ao Embaixador do Brasil em Paris, em 25 de junho de 1968.</footnote>

<footnote n="43">⁴³ For further information on the dictature’s relationship with universities see, MULLER Angélica, “Violações de direitos humanos na universidade”, in *Brasil, Relatório da Comissão Nacional da Verdade*, tomo 2, dezembro de 2014, p. 265-298.</footnote>
expansion, increased student numbers and, above all, the strengthening and development of graduate courses were the modernizing facets of the regime. On the other hand, the military extended its area of surveillance by creating "security and information agencies" in each federal university, which were to report all information on the faculties and their students to the National Information Service (SNI),<fnref n="44" /> an organization directly linked to the President of the Republic. If in Brazil the military was stepping up its surveillance of opponents, how was it to control Brazilians on French soil? This had become a major challenge for the government. Dissidents advocating ideas opposed to the regime were extremely closely watched, if not exterminated. The libertarian winds of May 68 blowing across the Atlantic haunted Brazilian leaders. For their part, exiles began to use various channels to denounce the dictatorship, making the Maison du Brésil not only a place for disseminating this information, but also a shelter for many illegal immigrants.

## THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE EVENTS OF 1968

In April 1969, the new director of the Maison du Brésil sent a report to the air force surveillance service, describing the situation at the CIUP following the events of the previous year: the forces of law and order were forbidden to enter the CIUP, political regrouping was free, whatever the sensibility; the right to enter and transit freely through the pavilions was guaranteed; freedom to express opinions and put up posters was guaranteed, and freedom to visit the rooms was guaranteed. He explains: "Even with the measures taken to restore order, these conflict with the legitimate interests of the Nation which subsidizes the Maison, with the interests of the residents and with the authority of the director".<fnref n="45" /> Documents from the secret services of the Brazilian armed forces exaggerated the lack of control, the "concession of the most absurd freedoms" and "the generalization of promiscuity between the sexes inside the House" nominally

<footnote n="44">⁴⁴ Under the dictatorship, the National Information System (SISNI) was developed, designating all the bodies intended to produce information for the benefit of the country's security and development policy. At its apex was the National Information Service (SNI); at ministerial level, the Security and Information Divisions (DSI); then in the main autarchies (including universities), the Security and Information Councils (ASI). All these bodies report to the SNI, which in turn reports to the President of the Republic and his military junta.</footnote>

<footnote n="45">⁴⁵ Arquivo Nacional, BR_DFANBSB_AAJ_IPM_0187_d. A casa do Brasil em Paris e as condições de seu funcionamento, em 25 de abril de 1969.</footnote>
denouncing “suspicious” elements.<fnref n="46" /> Reports presenting their vision of French political life and the De Gaulle administration, which “played the socialist a lot”,<fnref n="47" /> show, first of all, a Brazilian military worldview guided by authoritarian political culture and anti-communism:

> "It's not surprising, then, that the students of the Red Guards and Black Flag reign at the Cité Universitaire, and this explains why the police can't intervene because they're part of the government. (...) The armed forces, while maintaining the philosophy of non-intervention, are becoming increasingly dissatisfied with senior management. To compensate for the facilities granted to the Reds and Blacks (anarchists), the military ministries (over there headquarters) no longer include attachés representing so-called socialist countries on their trips. On an almost daily basis, newspapers and magazines carried articles on the "malaise of the armed forces with the French economic situation". Although the "President" is considered "omniscient" thanks to the support of his arms, we forget that it was he who found the means to suppress the May movement. Continuing with this contempt, of everything and everyone, and the growing discontent of all and especially the armed forces, perhaps nothing will happen when Germany again asks for help from the French generals stationed there."<fnref n="48" />

For the military attaché closely observing events in the CIUP, the outcome was clear: the Maison du Brésil, which had become the Maison de la France, had to be closed. Its director has little or no authority over it or its occupants. Because of the actions that took place there, the existence of the Maison du Brésil did more to damage than improve Brazil's image. Finally, it costs the Brazilian government far too much economically ($50,000 a year), "for the prestige of Paris as a Mecca of education (and student subversion)." The attaché concludes: "We believe this should have been closed by now, since May 1968. When we are called upon, we advise Ambassador Bilac Pinto to do so" (He didn't).<fnref n="49" />

<footnote n="46">⁴⁶ Arquivo Nacional, BR_DFANBSB_AAJ_IPM_0236_d. EME - Adido do Exército a Embaixada do Brasil na França. PB 24/69-S/2.1.</footnote>

<footnote n="47">⁴⁷ Arquivo Nacional, Informação N. 020 /1A2/EMA5R, 07 de maio de 1969; ref Of n. 033/69-GP, de 31 de março de 1969.</footnote>

<footnote n="48">⁴⁸ *Ibid*.</footnote>

<footnote n="49">⁴⁹ Arquivo Nacional, INFORMAÇÃO N. 020 /1A2/EMA5R, 07 de maio de 1969; ref Of n. 033/69-GP, de 31 de março de 1969.</footnote>
The Air Force and Navy Command files, drawn up during 1969 and 1970, contain numerous detailed documents on the founding of the pavilion, lists of students, letters from directors, legislation, opinions, press clippings from Brazil and France, follow-up on the question of the implementation of co-management, and lengthy analyses of the situation, written by civilians and military personnel. This clearly shows the military surveillance of this regime and the divergence from the protest movements in France and the lack of authoritarian response from the French government.

This statement becomes even truer when crossed with the diagnosis of the Minister-Counsellor, Chargé d'Affaires, Civil Member of Itamaraty, who wrote a long report on the state of the Maison du Brésil for the Minister of Foreign Relations. In his conclusions, despite noting the weak influence of Brazil on the life of the House, he attempted to present the positive aspects of keeping it open: "In fact, the Maison du Brésil renders important services to Brazilian culture, the welcome it offers [...] to our compatriots who travel to Paris in search of broadening their knowledge and experience, in terms of science, technology, literature and the arts at university level".<fnref n="50" />

In 1970, spurred on by the International Bureau,<fnref n="51" /> residents of the House began a strike against rising rents that lasted several months. With the new co-management statute not yet in place, and under pressure from the military over the “negative” image the Maison du Brésil was spreading, the embassy negotiated a revision of the Maison du Brésil statute with the CIUP to ensure that the Brazilian government withdrew from the institution. On July 22, 1971, the Brazilian ambassador to France, General Aurelio de Lyra Tavares, together with Rector Robert Mallet, signed a deed amending the initial donation from the Brazilian government. In this deed, the composition of the Maison's Board of Directors was reduced from ten to six members, with the elimination of four Brazilian members—the only remaining Brazilian member being a representative of the Embassy—and the Ambassador withdrew as Chairman of the Board. Above all, the “Maison du Brésil” is officially renamed the “Fondation Franco-Brésilienne”.

<footnote n="50">⁵⁰ Brazilian Embassy Archives, 542.93(85)1969/13.</footnote>

<footnote n="51">⁵¹ Brazilian Embassy Archives, 542.93(85). Everyone on rent strike. In: Carta do diretor da MB ao embaixador Bilac Pinto em 04 de março de 1970.</footnote>
As a result of these changes to the statutes, the Brazilian government ceased to send directors on official missions and to provide for the needs of the House. However, the Brazilian government's involvement did not cease on this date: CAPES remained in charge of receiving and selecting Brazilian applicants, which enabled a certain "triage" of candidates, and the military did not cease to "accompany the activities" developed at the MB, as the reports show. Partly a Maison attached to the Fondation nationale of the CIUP and partly a Maison nationale, the direction of the Maison du Brésil was entrusted to French personalities: CNRS researcher Michel Rémi Ferlus until 1975, then French geographer Jean Piwnik until 1991, when negotiations began for the Maison to be directed once again by Brazil.

What could have been part of the modernizing facet of the regime, i.e. the expansion of scientific exchanges between Brazil and France (via the Maison du Brésil), succumbed to its authoritarian and repressive face. Juliette Dumont and Anaïs Fléchet, analyzing Itamaraty's cultural action between 1945 and 1980, have shown that specific policies were introduced in this field, aimed at defending the country's economic and strategic interests, such as developing the popularity of Brazilian productions abroad.<fnref n="52" /> In the artistic world, the situation was often ambiguous, indicating a greater autonomy of the Itamaraty vis-à-vis the military, which ended up financing, for example, presentations by anti-dictatorship Brazilian artists such as Chico Buarque and Gilberto Gil.

Similarly, there was a certain "ambiguity" in the development of academic policy. The military surveillance of "subversive students" on scholarship often escaped the intended control, showing the possible connections and networks of the Franco-Brazilian academic milieu. In addition to simple pragmatism, it therefore seems that this was much more a policy of reaction than proposal on the part of the military. This is the key to understanding Brazil's disengagement from its House in France, as soon as the latter became an important point of opposition to the Brazilian regime, in addition to France's own conjuncture embodied by the leftists; these motives served as justification for such action.

Brazil's political reality contrasted with the "integrating ambition" of the project for a House within the CIUP, which was intended to "teach the future ruling elites of each nation to know and respect each other

<footnote n="52">⁵² DUMONT Juliette, FLÉCHET Anaïs, “Pelo que é nosso!”: a diplomacia cultural brasileira no século XX”, *Revista Brasileira de História*, 34(67), 2014, p. 214.</footnote>
in order to ensure peace, such is the claimed utopia of the CIUP, a pacifist utopia based on the application of the liberal solidarist philosophy to international relations”.<fnref n="53" /> The objective of creating transnational networks, which led to the presence of a Maison du Brésil at the CIUP, was conceived by the State in the 1950s, and was imbued with these principles, signalling Brazil’s desire for dialogue and a presence on the stage of global intellectual production. From 1964 onwards, the militaristic logic based on the doctrine of national security, whose theory was inspired by the French experience in Algeria,<fnref n="54" /> contrasted sharply with these principles and with the free circulation of ideas that prevailed in the City. The result, somewhat logically, was the negation of internationalism.

<footnote n="53">⁵³ KÉVONIAN, Dzovinar, TRONCHET Guillaume (dir), *La Babel étudiante: La Cité internationale universitaire de Paris (1920-1950)*, op. cit. p. 21.</footnote>

<footnote n="54">⁵⁴ NABUCO Araújo Rodrigo (de), *Conquest of minds and trade in arms: French military diplomacy in Brazil (1945-1974)*, PhD thesis in history, Toulouse II University, 2011.</footnote>
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<figure><img src="image_21.png" /></figure>
# To Fight at and for the Cité: Iranian Student Mobilisations in the Cité internationale universitaire de Paris (1948–1979)

Valentin Rebour

On 7 January 1976, the leaders of the Iranian Students Association in France (Union des Étudiants Iraniens en France, UEIF) went on hunger strike at the Maison d'Italie in the Cité Internationale Universitaire de Paris (CIUP). According to the “Foreigners and Minorities” section of the Renseignements généraux (French General Intelligence Division), whose main task is to inform the French authorities about movements and organisations likely to threaten state security, almost eighty people took part in this strike. Four years earlier, however, the Maison de l'Iran had been abandoned by the Iranian authorities, following a tug-of-war with Iranian residents lasting several months. Thus, despite the brief existence of this house (1969–1972), sources testify to the continuous presence of Iranian students at the CIUP from the post-war period to the eve

<footnote>V. Rebour (✉)</footnote>

<footnote>Institut des Sciences Sociales du Politique, Université Paris-Nanterre, Nanterre, France</footnote>

<footnote>e-mail: vrebour@parisnanterre.fr</footnote>
of the 1979 Revolution, and to the significant role of the CIUP for
these students as a space for socialisation, including with other national
communities, and for protest.

Unlike other national student communities whose history within the
CIUP is closely linked to that of their national pavilion, one particularity
of the Iranian student community is its permanent presence at the CIUP
without having its own house. This article examines the way in which
the student community organised and built itself as a political force at
the CIUP between the late 1940s and the 1970s. It examines the way
in which student political opposition was deployed outside the country,
taking a stand against the Shah's authoritarian policies in a context of
hardening imperial rule while turning the Parisian experience into a polit-
ical resource. Indeed, the CIUP provided Iranian students with a space for
not only socialisation but also for political organisation, through mobili-
sations and debate evenings, allowing them to establish themselves as one
of the main forces of opposition to the Pahlavi regime. Yet, the struggles
around the *Maison de l'Iran* in particular placed the CIUP itself at the
heart of their demands. This demonstrated that for these students, Iranian
politics was not the only driving force of their action.

By examining the presence of Iranian students at the CIUP, this article
aims to make these students the subjects—not the objects—of history
and, in doing so, to fill a historiographical void. The Iranian diaspora is
the subject of numerous works, but these focus almost exclusively on the
post-1979 period, be it on political exile,<fnref n="1" /> the political role of students in
contemporary Iran<fnref n="2" /> or the social and cultural permanences and recom-
positions within the diaspora.<fnref n="3" /> Students occupy a marginal place in this

<footnote n="1">¹ Nader Vahabi, *Récits de vie des exilés iraniens: de la rupture biographique à la nouvelle identité*, Paris, France, Elzévir, 2009; *La migration iranienne en Belgique. Une diaspora par défaut*, Paris, France, L’Harmattan, 2011; “La construction sociologique de la carrière migratoire: le cas des migrants iraniens en Europe”, *Migrations Société*, n° 150/6, 2013, pp. 13–39; “The Iranian diaspora in France”, *Migrations Société*, n° 158/2, 2015, pp. 19–40.</footnote>

<footnote n="2">² Fariba Adelkhah, *Les mille et une frontières de l'Iran: quand les voyages forment la nation*, France, Editions Karthala, 2016.</footnote>

<footnote n="3">³ Cameron McAuliffe, “Transnationalism Within: internal diversity in the Iranian diaspora”, *Australian Geographer*, vol. 39, n° 1, 2008, pp. 63–80; Sonja Moghaddari, *Migrations et modernités iraniennes: les familles transnationales*, Paris, France, Éditions du Cygne, 2015; *Internal diversity: Iranian Germans between local boundaries and transnational capital*, Switzerland, Palgrave Macmillan, 2020.</footnote>
research, for both the contemporary and imperial periods. The presence of students abroad during the Pahlavi period has been very little studied, the few works that do exist focusing mainly on their role in the 1979 Revolution, based on activist sources and interviews.<fnref n="4" /> Examining the presence of Iranian students at the CIUP therefore allows us to reflect on the intersection of social and political history, doing so by leaving behind the Iranian political context to give a temporality of its own to this Iranian student community in Western Europe, while also mobilising a more varied corpus to compensate for the preponderance of analyses on the 1979 Revolution.

The history of the Iranian presence at the CIUP is difficult to write, since the Iranian pavilion hosted Iranian students only between 1969 and 1972, before being abandoned by the Iranian authorities to the National Foundation, which manages the entire CIUP estate. From then on, it became necessary to diversify sources used to study the presence of Iranians at the CIUP, beyond the history of the Iranian pavilion alone. To begin with, I worked from the archives of the *Maison de l'Iran*, deposited at the *Archives Nationales de Pierrefitte-sur-Seine* in 2009⁵ containing the agreements signed between the Iranian embassy and the CIUP, as well as correspondence relating to difficulties and tensions in the construction of the pavilion. In addition, using the archives of the French *Renseignements généraux*,<fnref n="6" /> I drew a database of the trajectories of 120 students between 1945 and 1980, at least twenty of whom were official residents of the

<footnote n="4">⁴ Afshin Matin-Asgari, A., *Iranian student opposition to the Shah*, United States, Mazda Publishers, 2002.</footnote>

<footnote n="5">⁵ National Archives, Pierrefitte-sur-Seine site (hereafter: AN Pierrefitte), Archives of the Paris Rectorate and Inter-Academic Services (1921–1994), Cité Internationale Universitaire de Paris Collection, Section on Completed Houses (1924–1994), file “Maison de l’Iran/Avicenna Foundation” (hereafter: Maison de l’Iran/Avicenna Foundation).</footnote>

<footnote n="6">⁶ These boxes are taken from the National Archives in Pierrefitte-sur-Seine. The first boxes are from the Ministry of the Interior collection, Central Directorate of General Intelligence, files of the “Foreigners and Minorities” section (1944–1983), “Middle East” series, “Iran” sub-series (hereafter: MI, DCRG, FM, ME/Iran), boxes 98 and 99. The second box is from the Association Archives, UNEF (National Union of French Students) Archives; International Vice-Presidency Collection, Correspondence exchanged between UNEF and foreign national student unions, file “Confederation of Iranian Students in Europe (1961–1962)” (hereafter: CISE). The last box is from Ministry of the Interior collection, Directorate of Regulations, Bureau of Foreigners, country files (1933–1983), “Iran” series (hereafter: MI, DR, BF/Iran), file 6 “Iranian nationals in France” (hereafter: Iranian nationals in France).</footnote>
CIUP.<fnref n="7" /> As my research focuses on the politicization processes within the Iranian student community in France, sources from the *Renseignements généraux* can give us a precise idea of political practices. In particular, they provide information on conflicts between residents of the *Maison de l'Iran* and diplomatic authorities, as well as on the various Iranian student mobilisations at the CIUP. However, the nature of these documents presents a certain number of limitations,<fnref n="8" /> in particular how non-Iranian actors viewed the student community, the absence of primary sources and the lack of relevance of the analyses proposed. To counter these limitations, six one-and-a-half-hour interviews were conducted in Paris, with former Iranian students<fnref n="9" /> who had lived or frequented the CIUP, five of whom had been active within the Confederation of Iranian Students. It should be noted that none of them lived at the *Maison de l'Iran*, indicating the mistrust of student activists towards the Iranian pavilion. Finally, I occasionally drew on the diplomatic archives of La Courneuve, as diplomatic correspondence between France and Iran regularly revolves around political unrest within the Iranian student community in France.

Based on this diverse corpus, I will examine how Iranian students turned the CIUP into a resource as they increasingly positioned themselves as a force of opposition.

## THE FOUNDING OF THE ASSOCIATION DES ÉTUDIANTS IRANIENS EN FRANCE AT THE CIUP (1947–1962)

### *The Iranian Student Community in Paris After the Second World War*

At the end of the Second World War, among the 2,000 Iranian students who lived abroad, most of them were studying in France,<fnref n="10" /> and more specifically, in Paris. According to *Renseignements généraux* statistics, over

<footnote n="7">⁷ Only one student under surveillance stayed at the Maison de l'Iran.</footnote>

<footnote n="8">⁸ To go further on this methodological point, refer to Laurent Bonelli and Fabien Carrié, “Aux sources de la radicalisation”, in *La fabrique de la radicalité: une sociologie des jeunes djihadistes français*, Paris, Éditions du Seuil, 2018.</footnote>

<footnote n="9">⁹ Names are anonymized at the request of respondents.</footnote>

<footnote n="10">¹⁰ West Germany and the United States in particular soon became the preferred destinations.</footnote>
400 of the 540 Iranian students in France in 1953,<fnref n="11" /> lived in Paris.<fnref n="12" /> This situation can be explained first and foremost by Paris’ importance in the French higher education system, a city where most universities were located. However, from the end of the 19th century, Paris was also home to the majority of Iranians who lived in Europe,<fnref n="13" /> especially Iran’s elite who were known for their Francophilia and familiarity with the French language. Most Iranian students belonged to that social group, and can thus be considered as “heirs”, in the sense given by Pierre Bourdieu.<fnref n="14" /> However, this Parisian centrality masks a spatial fragmentation of the Iranian student community within the capital. Most students lived in hotels in the Quartier Latin, in various pavilions of the CIUP<fnref n="15" /> or in private homes. Thus, the CIUP appears to be just another place of residence.

At the turn of the 1950s, the CIUP was a privileged space for socialisation and political expression for these Iranian students. The politicisation of Iranian students was at the heart of Franco-Iranian diplomatic relations, and resulted in close surveillance of these students by both states. Iranian diplomatic authorities complained about the communist propaganda in Paris, relaying parents’ fears about its alleged influence on their children<fnref n="16" /> and multiplying requests to the French authorities to put a

<footnote n="11">¹¹ This count only takes into account Iranian students staying in France with a student passport, and therefore ignores the large number of students staying in France without going through official channels.</footnote>

<footnote n="12">¹² “Propagande politique exercée sur les étudiants iraniens”, Préfecture de police de Paris, April 15, 1954. AN Pierrefitte, MI, DR, BF/Iran, Iranian nationals in France.</footnote>

<footnote n="13">¹³ Vida Nassehi-Behnam, “L’exil occidental”, *Civilisations*, vol. 38, n° 2, 1988, pp. 209–248.</footnote>

<footnote n="14">¹⁴ Pierre Bourdieu and Jean-Claude Passeron, *Les héritiers: les étudiants et la culture*, France, Les Éditions de Minuit, 1964.</footnote>

<footnote n="15">¹⁵ Some of the students monitored by the Renseignements Généraux stayed at the Maison de la Norvège, the Maison des États-Unis, the Fondation Victor Lyon or the Pavillon hollandais.</footnote>

<footnote n="16">¹⁶ “Colonel J. reports that a number of Iranian families are reluctant to send their children to study in France because of the extremist propaganda to which young Iranians staying in our country would be subjected”, Letter from the Direction des Relations culturelles, service de l’Enseignement et des œuvres to Mr. Pezet, Senator and President of the Union des Français à l’étranger, July 1952. Diplomatic Archives Centre of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, La Courneuve (hereafter: CADC), Asia and Oceania Directorate collection, Levant and Iran Sub-Directorate (1944–1953) (hereafter: Iran 1944–1953), Iranian Students in France.</footnote>
stop to it. The letter from the Imperial Iranian Embassy of 29 January 1950 denounced “the propaganda campaign against the Iranian government [...] undertaken by certain agitators residing in France”, before expressing regret that “unfortunately, these activities, far from ceasing, are redoubling in intensity and the Iranian authorities are beginning to be concerned about the harmful influence they could produce among the Iranian colony and more particularly among students”.<fnref n="17" /> From then on, CIUP appeared to be the epicenter of this communist propaganda. A note from the *Renseignements généraux* in February 1953 bears witness to this: “Following fairly violent incidents between students and the CIUP management, a serious ‘purge’ was undertaken, and the results obtained proved very satisfactory, enabling the removal of particularly active communist elements”, before emphasizing that “the considerable agitation that persists at the CIUP among Iranian students [...] facilitates, to a certain extent, communist propaganda”.<fnref n="18" />

Afshin Matin-Asgari showed that the development of Iranian student activism in Western Europe must be understood first and foremost as a projection of the same activism that had been taking place since the 1930s within the University of Teheran.<fnref n="19" /> In other words, Iranian students had already developed a political consciousness prior to their arrival at the CIUP: as a result of this previous politicisation, sometimes the very cause of their departure,<fnref n="20" /> the CIUP represented an attractive space for socialisation and exchange, not only with other Iranian students, but also with left-leaning and far-left students from France and abroad. It is worth noting that, at the outset of the Cold War, the obsessive fear of communism shared by both French and Iranian authorities often obscured the true political convictions of these Iranian students, and the reasons for their actions. Without denying the influence that Toudeh, the Iranian Communist Party in exile from 1949, sought to exert on students, the majority of Iranian students adhered to the ideas of the National Front of

<footnote n="17">¹⁷ Idem.</footnote>

<footnote n="18">¹⁸ General Intelligence report on communist propaganda at the Cité Internationale. AN Pierrefitte, MI, DR, BE/Iran, Iranian nationals in France.</footnote>

<footnote n="19">¹⁹ Afshin Matin-Asgari, *Iranian student opposition to the Shah*, op. cit.</footnote>

<footnote n="20">²⁰ On this point, see Valentin Rebour, “De la déclaration de poèmes à l’occupation d’ambassade: l’expérience migratoire des étudiants iraniens en exil en France (1950–1979)”, *Journal of international Mobility*, vol. 9, n° 1, 2021, pp. 11–27.</footnote>
Mossadegh, the reformist and nationalist Prime Minister deposed in 1953 during a *coup d'état*.

*The CIUP at the Heart of Student Community Structuring, Between Surveillance and Political Expression*

The *Association des Étudiants Iraniens en France* (AEIF) was founded in Paris in 1948, its first headquarters established on Boulevard Jourdan, within the CIUP. From the outset, the association was financed by membership fees, 100 old francs per month, which is equivalent to 1 new franc or 0.5 dollars, as well as by subsidies from the Iranian embassy.<fnref n="21" /> AEIF members met weekly, either in a pavilion at the CIUP, or at one of their homes. On average, around forty people attended these meetings, which generally resulted in the drafting of records.<fnref n="22" /> At the time of its creation, the AEIF appeared to be a structured and dynamic association, albeit dependent on its embassy.

AEIF presented itself as an association whose vocation was “[to defend] the interests of Iranian students, to strengthen the bonds of friendship between all students and to make Iranian culture and civilization known to the French and vice versa”.<fnref n="23" /> In other words, the AEIF was economically dependent on the Iranian diplomatic authorities, closely monitored by them but also by the French authorities who forbid any dissident political expression among foreign students. Thus, although it undeniably was a political association, it couldn’t present itself as such. The action of this first association was indeed limited to what the Iranian authorities were ready to accept. As a result, AEIF members worked primarily to improve living conditions for students, particularly regarding currency change and accommodation. This is why, in 1948, the association’s first event called for the creation of a national pavilion, not so much for patriotic reasons as for the lower-cost accommodation that the

<footnote n="21">²¹ In 1950, the AEIF received 10,000 old francs from the Iranian diplomatic corps.</footnote>

<footnote n="22">²² These are scattered between the private archives of former militants, the archives of La Contemporaine in Nanterre (France) and, above all, the archives of the International Institute of Social History in Amsterdam.</footnote>

<footnote n="23">²³ Statuts de l'Association des Etudiants Iraniens en France, May 2, 1948, cited by Renseignements généraux. "Propagande politique exercée sur de jeunes étudiants iraniens", Préfecture de police de Paris, January 30, 1953. AN Pierrefitte, MI, DR, BE/ Iran, Iranian nationals in France.</footnote>
CIUP offers.<fnref n="24" /> However, this emphasis on the material hardships of life in France doesn’t imply the absence of political commitments and convictions. Mr. S. recalls that “in the years 1945–1946 up to 1953, you had Iranian students of communist persuasion, who were active, who formed an association. [...] They were the contacts of the CIUP to distribute rooms for students”.<fnref n="25" />

For these Iranian students in Paris, the CIUP is a privileged place to meet and socialize, but also to express their demands.

## THE MAISON DE L'IRAN AS A FOCAL POINT FOR TENSIONS BETWEEN STUDENTS AND IRANIAN DIPLOMATIC AUTHORITIES

The story of the *Maison de l'Iran*, its difficult inauguration and its rapid closure, illustrates the conflictual relationship between Iranian students in France and the Iranian government, which imposed a forced modernization and Westernization of Iranian society as part of the “White Revolution” initiated in 1963.

### *The Genesis of the Maison de l'Iran at the CIUP: A Project Driven by the Top of the Imperial State*

The first discussions on the project to build an Iranian pavilion at the CIUP dated back to 1959, and culminated in a deed of donation the same year, followed by the agreement signed on 3 May 1960 between the Iranian ambassador to France, H.E. Nasrollah Entezam, and the rector of Paris Academy, Jean Louis Sarrailh.<fnref n="26" /> This agreement provided for “the construction of a student residence with around one hundred rooms within the CIUP, and the provision of the furniture and equipment necessary for its operation, all of which is destined to become the property of the University of Paris, under the name of ‘*Université de Paris Maison de l'Iran*’, and to set up a working capital fund and a reserve fund for the

<footnote n="24">²⁴ AN Pierrefitte, MI, DCRG, SEM, MO/Iran, boxes 98 and 99.</footnote>

<footnote n="25">²⁵ Interview with Mr. S., February 15, 2018.</footnote>

<footnote n="26">²⁶ Acte notarié relatif à la donation iranienne à la Cité internationale universitaire de Paris, May 3, 1960. AN Pierreffitte. Maison de l'Iran/Avicenna Foundation.</footnote>
benefit of this residence”,<fnref n="27" /> valued at three million new francs, including a donation to the University of Paris of one hundred thousand new francs as of the month following the signing of this decree.

The construction of this *Maison de l'Iran* at the CIUP can be understood in the light of the Iranian foreign policy pursued by the Shah at the turn of the 1960s. As Damien Richard points out, the project was part of Iran's policy of rapprochement with the Western bloc following the signing of the Baghdad Pact in 1955,<fnref n="28" /> and therefore had a highly symbolic function. Moreover, Iranian authorities sent students to stay in Western countries in order to train an administrative and scientific elite, who would return to Iran once they had obtained their degree. Studying in Europe, and France in particular, has been a common practice among the Iranian aristocracy and urban bourgeoisie from the 1920s-1930s,<fnref n="29" /> while the CIUP also enjoyed a certain reputation as the Shah's wife, *Shabanou* Farah Diba, stayed at the *Collège néerlandais* when she was studying architecture in Paris. Be that as it may, the 1959 deed of gift is explicit as to the imperial motives: "the Maison de l'Iran at the Cité Universitaire de Paris [...] is intended to provide students of Iranian nationality with all the advantages they can enjoy from a stay at the Cité Universitaire and to be associated with the work of intellectual and moral rapprochement between the elites of all the nations that make up the Cité Universitaire de Paris".<fnref n="30" /> In other words, this Iranian pavilion was intended to welcome the young Iranian elite, whom the authorities hoped will be loyal to the crown, following a long-standing practice of training Iranian elites abroad.

<footnote n="27">²⁷ *Ibid*.</footnote>

<footnote n="28">²⁸ Damien Richard, “Constituer un sérieux dossier d’archives de la Cité “: le fonds d’archives de la Cité internationale universitaire de Paris “, In Situ. *Revue des patrimoines*, n° 17, 2011.</footnote>

<footnote n="29">²⁹ This practice is part of the “symbolic function of a stay in the West” developed by Victor Karady for students from Central and Eastern Europe between 1850 and 1939 in the second 19th and first 20th centuries. Victor Karady, “La migration internationale d’étudiants en Europe (1890 - 1940)”, *Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales*, vol. 145, n° 5, 2002, p. 47-60.</footnote>

<footnote n="30">³⁰ Acte de donation de l’ambassade d’Iran à l’Académie de Paris et fondation de la Maison de l’Iran, 1959. AN Pierrefitte, Maison de l’Iran/Avicenna Foundation.</footnote>
*The Short-Lived Maison de l'Iran at the Heart of Tensions Between Imperial Power and Iranian Youth in France*

But the construction of an Iranian pavilion was also part of the imperial government's attempt to keep a tighter grasp on an ever-growing student population in Europe—as the structural weaknesses of Iranian universities<fnref n="31" /> and the prestige of Western diplomas<fnref n="32" /> among many other factors pushed thousands of them to study abroad—this growth allowing them to become a real opposition to the growing authoritarian imperial regime. Indeed, Mohammad Reza Shah, who began his “White Revolution”<fnref n="33" /> in 1963, tended to harden its stance and violently repress all dissent, both in Iran and abroad. In the case of Iranian students in Western Europe, this led to the introduction of a series of administrative and legislative tools to control them. Firstly, a Director General of the Iranian Education Office was designated to be responsible for administering the Iranian student population, supported by national coordinators working in Iranian embassies in Europe.<fnref n="34" /> This surveillance also took more offensive forms. In an internal memo from the Ministry of the Interior,<fnref n="35" /> it is reported that the diplomatic corps refused to renew the passports of students deemed subversive. Complaints have even been lodged by Iranian students who accused the embassy of sending agents to their homes to steal their identity documents.<fnref n="36" /> In so doing, the diplomatic corps hoped to expel from France the elements deemed the most politicised and therefore the most likely to influence the rest of the Iranian

<footnote n="31">³¹ Ervand Ebrahamian, *A history of modern Iran*, Cambridge, United Kingdom, Cambridge University Press, 2008, pp. 123–154.</footnote>

<footnote n="32">³² Valentin Rebour, “De la déclamation de poèmes à l’occupation d’ambassade: l’expérience migratoire des étudiants iraniens en exil en France (1950–1979)”, op. cit.</footnote>

<footnote n="33">³³ The Iranian government's policy of modernizing and westernizing Iranian society began with the agrarian reforms initiated by Prime Minister Ali Amini in 1961.</footnote>

<footnote n="34">³⁴ One respondent, who does not wish to be named, notes the gradual strengthening of this policy of supervision at the end of the 1950s, when the Director General of the Education Office saw his prerogatives reinforced, to fight more effectively on a European scale against student unrest, which was then in the process of being structured into increasingly coordinated associations.</footnote>

<footnote n="35">³⁵ “Iranian [students] confronting their embassy.” AN Pierrefitte, MI, DR, BE/Iran, Iranian nationals in France.</footnote>

<footnote n="36">³⁶ Internal memo from the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, August 30 1965. AN Pierrefitte, MI, DR, BE/Iran, Iranian nationals in France.</footnote>
student community.<fnref n="37" /> On the other hand, young people judged to be loyalists were approached to act as mole, in exchange for the promise of positions of responsibility on their return to Iran or financial benefits.<fnref n="38" /> The founding of the *Maison de l'Iran* in 1969 was seen by some Iranian students as a way of keeping a closer eye on them,<fnref n="39" /> as confirmed by the former students I interviewed who, although they lived in the CIUP, did not reside in this Iranian house.

This conflictual relationship between the imperial authorities and Iranian students may explain why the *Maison de l'Iran* didn't welcome its first residents until 1969, ten years after the deed of donation was signed. The delay between the signing of the deed of gift in 1959, the laying of the foundation stone by the Shah during his visit to France in 1961, the design period up to 1966 and then the inauguration of the Maison in 1969 is officially explained by disagreements between the architects and a whole series of technical difficulties. The CIUP authorities constantly denounced late payments by the Iranian government,<fnref n="40" /> while the 1962 report by the Directorate of Hygiene and Public Safety pointed to a number of dysfunctions in the building's design.<fnref n="41" /> However, it was during this same period that the Iranian student movement in Europe and North America began to take shape. In 1962, the Confederation of Iranian Students National Union (CISNU) was founded in Paris, bringing together all Iranian student movements and associations.

<footnote n="37">³⁷ As early as the late 1940s, correspondence between Iranian and French intelligence services referred to the expulsion of students deemed subversive, with large-scale operations such as the dissolution of the AEIF in 1952 and the dozens of expulsions from France that followed.</footnote>

<footnote n="38">³⁸ Internal memo from the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, August 30 1965. *Op. cit.*</footnote>

<footnote n="39">³⁹ Prefecture report on the resignation of the director of the Maison de l'Iran, (1972). AN Pierrefitte, MI, DCRG, SEM, MO/Iran, box 98, "Central Directorate of General Intelligence, General Intelligence Reports on Iranian Students in France (1960–1980)" (hereafter: General intelligence reports/Iranian students in France).</footnote>

<footnote n="40">⁴⁰ See the correspondence between the Académie de Paris and the Iranian embassy. AN Pierrefitte, Maison de l'Iran/Avicenna Foundation.</footnote>

<footnote n="41">⁴¹ Report from the Hygiene and Public Safety Department to the Paris Prefecture, April 24, 1962. Ibid.</footnote>
*The Maison de l'Iran, Object and Place of Confrontation*

The *Maison de l'Iran* was inaugurated at the beginning of the 1969 academic year, almost ten years after the signing of the donation agreement and in the wake of the events of May 1968, which for the CIUP represented "not so much a rupture as a radicalized convergence of earlier protests".<fnref n="42" /> The tensions within the management of the *Maison de l'Iran*, which ultimately led the Iranian embassy to relinquish control to the *Fondation Nationale* in 1972, reflects the lasting effects of this convergence.

*Renseignements généraux* sources offer a number of factual insights. In a 1971 memo on the resignation of Mrs. Alaam, director of the *Maison de l'Iran* since its opening, the intelligence services note that "if, at that time [1969], [Mrs. Alaam] had no difficulty in carrying out her task as administrator, this was not the case thereafter, due to the untimely initiatives of members of the 'Residents' Committee' of the Progressive Pavilion, who undermined her authority and disturbed the tranquility of the establishment".<fnref n="43" /> The author of the note added that, "on several occasions, the reading room has been used as a meeting place by associations from outside the pavilion, and has hosted prolonged 'hunger strikes' by Iranian students", before noting that "the building itself is frequently covered in graffiti hostile to the Tehran regime".

While the partisan analysis provided by the *Renseignements généraux* is of little interest, this note brings to light several noteworthy elements. To begin with, the *Maison de l'Iran* appeared to Iranian students as a projection of the Shah's coercive and repressive policies at the heart of the CIUP, and the director, appointed by the Iranian authorities, as a relay for these policies. The CIUP was a place of debates and demonstrations, and these tensions illustrate the convergence in 1968 examined by Guillaume Tronchet, between political protest—in this case, students' fierce criticism of the imperial authoritarian regime, taking the form of hunger strikes for example—and resident protest—residents' refusal to see the *Maison de l'Iran* as anything other than a place to live. Thus, the fact the Iranian authorities relinquished the *Maison de l'Iran* testifies the failure of its attempt to control the student population. Secondly, the author of the

<footnote n="42">⁴² See the article of Guillaume Tronchet in this volume.</footnote>

<footnote n="43">⁴³ Resignation of the director of the Maison de l'Iran, 1971. AN Pierrefitte, MI, DCRG, SEM, MO/Iran, General intelligence reports/Iranian students in France.</footnote>
note described the many ways in which residents were taking over their living space. Mr. I., who arrived in France in 1970 and was a member of the French section of the Confederation of Iranian Students, recalls these weekly meetings, "the different political groups having their meetings in the different houses [...] And also demonstrations and also collages. So posters, in the subways. But also graffiti in the subways at 5 a.m., which people didn't like very much [...] We liked to denounce the regime, writing 'Down with the Shah's fascist regime'". The aim was therefore to make visible, the struggle waged by Iranian student youth against imperial power, which, according to the *Renseignements généraux*, brought them into disrepute among French public opinion.<fnref n="44" /> This attests to the success of their efforts to make their struggle visible. Last but not least, the Iran pavilion was a political place for other foreign student communities. The latter found in this *Maison de l'Iran* what the Iranian students had found in the other pavilions before 1969, testifying to a close proximity between these students, as well as a shared vision of the CIUP and its houses as a resource.

## FROM THE 1970S ONWARDS, THE IRANIANS JOINED THE ANTICOLONIALIST STRUGGLES TAKING PLACE IN THE CIUP

The closure of the *Maison de l'Iran* in 1972 and its takeover by the *Fondation Nationale* under the name of *Fondation Avicenne* (Avicenna Foundation) resulted in the eviction of its former residents. In addition, the doubling of the rent with the end of the embassy support made it impossible for them to stay. Moreover, the new pavilion was primarily intended for PhD students and visiting researchers. However, this should not be seen as the end of Iranian student political action at the CIUP.

In this way, the CIUP remained a privileged space for exchanges and rapprochements between student factions. In 1973, following the intervention of the Shah of Iran in the conflict in Dhofar (Sultanate of Oman), a meeting was held at the *Maison du Maroc*. During the meeting, Iran's military intervention was strongly criticized as running counter to the Arab revolutionary movements sweeping the region. A Palestinian student even intervened to call on the Iranians to overthrow the Shah, an ally of

<footnote n="44">⁴⁴ Prefecture report on the closure of the Maison de l'Iran, 7 July 1972. *Ibid*.</footnote>
the United States and Israel.<fnref n="45" /> This episode highlights the closeness of Iranian students to other communities in the CIUP, first and foremost the Moroccan student activists of the *Parti du Progrès et du Socialisme* (Party of Progress and Socialism). Members of this party were unwavering in their support for the Iranian cause. In 1976, Mohammed A., a Moroccan student activist, was arrested at the French border carrying abundant documentation in several languages, including Arabic, from the Confederation of Iranian Students. Adhering to the same anti-colonialist and anti-imperialist ideas, this proximity testifies to the interpenetration of the Moroccan and Iranian radical left movements in the 1970s.

Moreover, the Iranian student community draws on a diversified and transnational repertoire of action, a dynamic found among other student communities, notably the activists of the *Fédération des étudiants d'Afrique noire en France* (Black African Students Federation in France).<fnref n="46" /> The practice of hunger strikes, coupled with the occupation of buildings, became a preferred form of protest action, with the main challenge being to make the demands “visible”, thanks to the spectacular aspect of the action. Thus, in January 1976, in response to an appeal launched by the Confederation of Iranian Students in Frankfurt in support of Iranian political prisoners and to denounce the death sentence passed on ten militants of the Iranian People’s Combatants Organisation (the Mujahedin), the leaders of the *Union des Étudiants Iraniens en France* started a hunger strike in the Maison d'Italie in the CIUP.<fnref n="47" /> But this strike was part of a more general program of action. The hunger strike, which lasted from 7 to 11 January, was accompanied by two other actions. On Saturday 10 January, some thirty Iranian students marched through the central hall of the Gare du Nord station in Paris, distributing leaflets denouncing the executions of political opponents. The following day, Sunday 11 January, a banner reading “Sauvons les dix condamnés à mort en Iran” (“Save the ten condemned to death in Iran”) was hung on the pediment of Notre-Dame Cathedral in Paris.<fnref n="48" /> Thus, far from being

<footnote n="45">⁴⁵ Report on the meeting of Iranian students at the Maison du Maroc. *Ibid*.</footnote>

<footnote n="46">⁴⁶ Françoise Blum, “L’indépendance sera révolutionnaire ou ne sera pas. Étudiants africains en France contre l’ordre colonial”, *Cahiers d’histoire. Revue d’histoire critique*, n° 126, 2015, p. 119–138.</footnote>

<footnote n="47">⁴⁷ Report from the Renseignements Généraux on the Iranian students’ hunger strike, 12 January 1976. *Ibid*.</footnote>

<footnote n="48">⁴⁸ *Ibid*.</footnote>
merely a place of residence, the Cité Universitaire was for Iranian students a space of politicization, but above all of activism, transnational alliances, and visibility for their struggles—a reflection of the tensions between a youth living abroad and an imperial power seeking to control it beyond its borders.

## CONCLUSION

By reconstructing the political trajectory of Iranian students at the *Cité Internationale Universitaire de Paris* between 1948 and 1979, this article highlights a dual dynamic: the emergence of political activism in a context of mobility, and the “territorialisation” of protest within a space initially conceived as apolitical. Far from being a mere place of residence, the CIUP asserted itself as a silent yet central actor in this history: a laboratory for new forms of mobilisation, a space of socialisation and diplomatic confrontation, and—through the *Maison de l’Iran*—a focal point for tensions between an engaged youth and an authoritarian regime intent on monitoring its elites from afar. By examining how Iranian students turned the CIUP into a resource—a lever for political action, a space for collective affirmation and a site of symbolic reappropriation—this article reframes the experience abroad not as the simple extension of pre-existing political commitments, but as a moment of experimentation, creation, and recomposition within a singular Parisian environment. Rather than a passive setting, the CIUP emerges as a political space in its own right—one that calls for closer attention to student living environments as sites of mobilisation. It also reveals the formation of transnational solidarities—between Iranian, Maghrebi, African, and Palestinian students—which sketched out a distinct geography of global protest in the 1970s.
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POURCHET Marie-Astrid, *La Cité internationale universitaire de Paris (1921-1951) : la pensée moderne au cœur de la Cité*, Mémoire de Maîtrise, Université Paris Sorbonne, Saarbrüken, Éd. universitaires européennes, 2011.

*Premier congrès international de l'habitat de l'étudiant*, Congrès international de l'habitat de l'étudiant et Alliance internationale de la Cité universitaire de Paris (éd.), Paris, s.n., 1951.

PRIAULT Madeleine, *La Cité universitaire et son rôle social*, Thèse de droit, Paris, Rousseau, 1931.

RAGOT Gilles, « La Cité universitaire internationale de Paris », *Monuments historiques*, n°148, décembre 1986, pp. 76-80.

RAGOT Gilles, « Le 14ᵉ arrondissement, laboratoire d’architecture moderne », *De Montparnasse à Montsouris*, Catalog of the exhibition organized by the Délégation à l’action artistique de la ville de Paris and the Musée Carnavalet, Paris, musée Carnavalet, 1986, pp. 114-121.

RÉBUGHINI Paola, *La Cité internationale universitaire de Paris. Entre passé et présent*, sociological study commissioned by Joseph Goy, CIUP general delegate, 1998, dactyl.

REIS Jehnie, « Cultural internationalism at the Cité Universitaire : international education between the First and the Second World Wars », *History of Education*, vol. 39, n°2, mars 2010, pp. 155-173.

REIS Jehnie, *French and Foreign Students in Interwar Paris: Creating the Cité Universitaire*, Thesis/Dissertation, University of Virginia, 2007.

RICHARD Damien, « « Constituer un sérieux dossier d’archives de la Cité » : le fonds d’archives de la Cité internationale universitaire de Paris », *In Situ, Revue des patrimoines* [En ligne], 17 | 2011, mis en ligne le 28 février 2012. http://insitu.revues.org/2666

Ruhlmann, Printz, Jallot, créateurs de mobilier pour la Cité internationale universitaire de Paris, catalogue de vente d'objets d'art, Paris, Hôtel Drouot, 2002.

SAIED Malek, *Maison de l'Algérie à la Cité internationale de Paris*, Travail personnel de fin d'études, École d'architecture Paris Val de Seine, 2006.
SÉRÉNI Franck, *Les contacts entre élites internationales dans le cadre de la Cité internationale universitaire de Paris, 1924-1954*, Mémoire de DEA en histoire, Université Paris-I, 1988, dactyl.

SÉRÉNI Franck, « La Cité internationale universitaire de Paris, ambitions mondiales et réalités européennes, 1925-1956 », R. GIRAULT, G. BOSSUAT, *Europe brisée, Europe retrouvée. Nouvelles réflexions sur l'unité européenne au XXe siècle*, Paris, Publications de la Sorbonne, 1994, pp. 89-107.

SERENI Franck, « La Cité internationale universitaire de Paris de la Société des Nations à la construction de l'Europe », *Relations internationales*, n° 72, hiver 1992, pp. 399-407.

SHI Yuhui, *La maison de la Chine - à la Cité internationale universitaire de Paris*, Travail personnel de fin d'études, École d'architecture Paris-La Villette, 2006, 2 vol.

SOUCHIER Marcel (dir.), *Célébration du cinquantenaire de la Cité internationale universitaire de Paris sous le haut patronat de Monsieur Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, président de la République française*, Paris, IDES, 1975.

SPILVOGEL Caroline, *Mise en valeur du parc ouest de la CIUP*, Personal final project : Architecture, Ecole d'architecture de Paris-La Villette, 2010.

SURPIN Séverine, *La maison de la Chine à la CIUP*, Personal final project : Architecture, Ecole d'architecture de Paris-La Villette, 2006.

TARSOT-GALLERY Sylviane (dir.), *La Cité internationale universitaire de Paris : architectures paysagées*, Paris, L'Œil d'or, 2010.

THOMAS Jeanne, « Naissance et croissance de la Cité universitaire », Société historique et archéologique du 14e arrondissement, *Revue d'histoire du 14e arrondissement*, n° 23, 1978-1979, pp. 79-85 (1ère partie), n° 24, 1979-1980, pp. 79-82 (2e partie).

TRONCHET Guillaume, « Mobilités académiques et idéal international à la Cité internationale universitaire de Paris (1920-1950), *Les Cahiers de Framespa*, vol. 6, 2010, online.

TRONCHET Guillaume, “La Cité Universitaire: une joint-venture transnationale dans le Paris des années 1920 et 1930”, in JAUMAIN Serge and VAN DEN DUNGEN Pierre (eds.), *Biermans-Lapôtre: Histoire d’un mécène et de sa fondation*, Brussels, 2013, pp. 85-100.

TRONCHET Guillaume, *André Honnorat. Un visionnaire en politique*, Paris, Maisonneuve et Larose - Hémisphères Editions, 2020.

TRONCHET Guillaume, « La Cité internationale universitaire de Paris : un siècle de rayonnement international », *Servir. Revue des alumni de l'ENA et de l'INSP*, n°523, 2023, pp. 55-57.

VADELORGE Loïc, *De l'université de Paris aux universités d'Île-de-France*, Rennes, PUR, 2016.
VILANOVA Constance, *Défendre les zoniers des fortifications de Paris. Cinquante ans de résistance contre un projet urbain (1880-1930)*, Mémoire de Master 2 d'histoire, Université Paris 1, 2016, dactyl.

## FILMS

*International House*, New-York, 1949. International Houses promotional film. 9,5'.

*La Cité Universitaire de Paris*, réalisateur Guy Grand, 1939. Programmed at the Cinéma français de l'exposition in New York. A new version was financed and produced by the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1951, 26'.<fnref n="2" />.

*La Cité U d'hier et d'aujourd'hui*, réalisateur Jean-Pierre Viquié, Magazine Rencontres, 1990, 7'.

*André Honnorat. Sur les traces d'un bâtisseur*, film by Nathalie Kaufmann and Guillaume Tronchet, directed by Jean-Michel Fouque, produced by Transkom in coproduction with CIUP, with the support of the CNC and the participation of TV5 Monde, 26', 2010.

*Une Cité pas comme les autres*, réalisateur Jean-Luc Magneron,<fnref n="3" /> co-production FR3 – Alliance internationale, 1975, 52'.

## HOUSES AND FOUNDATIONS OF THE CITÉ INTERNATIONALE UNIVERSITAIRE DE PARIS<fnref n="4" />

### Rosa Abreu de Grancher Foundation (Maison de Cuba) – 1933

CULOT Maurice, LAMBRICHS, DELAUNAY Dominique (dir.), *Albert Laprade : architecte, jardinier, urbaniste, dessinateur, serviteur du patrimoine*, Paris, Norma, Cité de l'architecture et du patrimoine, 2007, 399 p. (also architect of the Maison du Maroc and the Lucien Paye residence).

<footnote n="2">² Correspondence and scripts in the CIUP archive: AJ16 7033, carton 7</footnote>

<footnote n="3">³ Resident at the Maison des Provinces de France from 1954 to 1958.</footnote>

<footnote n="4">⁴ Next to the name of the foundation or pavilion is the year of inauguration and any significant changes. In addition to the Cité Universitaire on Boulevard Jourdan, we should mention the Foyer International des Etudiantes on Bd. Saint-Michel in Paris, managed for a time by the Fondation nationale de la CIUP on behalf of the Université de Paris (see Robert Garric, « In Memoriam Miss Watson, 1885-1959 », Annales de l'université reproduced in the Bulletin de l'Alliance, n°36, 1960, pp. 11-12; La Donation Edmond Haraucourt (usufruct ceded in 1959 to the Cité for residents' summer stays, Bréhat Island, Côtes-d'Armor, France); Résidence Lila (Paris, 19th arrondissement, inaugurated in 2006; co-management of the Cité with the City of Paris); Résidence Quai de la Loire (Paris, 19th arrondissement, inaugurated in 2007; management of student accommodation).</footnote>
FAIVRE D'ARCIER Sabine, *La Historia de la Casa de Cuba en París*, Santa Cruz de Tenerife, Ediciones Idea, 2019.

JOUFFRE Valérie-Noëlle, PATARY Bernard, SIMONETTI Pascal (cabinet), Fonda-
tion Abreu de Grancher, ancienne Maison de Cuba : étude historique et
architecturale : rapport, Paris, CIUP, 2009, 2 vol.

HENRY Frédéric, « Cité universitaire », *L'Architecture*, 47ᵉ année, 1934, pp. 97-104 (Maison de Cuba, Maison des étudiants arméniens).

MARGERAND J. L., « La Maison de Cuba à la Cité universitaire de Paris (Fonda-
tion Abreu de Grancher) par Albert Laprade, architecte », *La Construction
moderne*, 48ᵉ année, 1932-1933, pp. 338-341.

Les carnets d'architecture d'Albert Laprade, Paris, Kubik Éd., 2006, 480 p.

Maison de l'Argentine – 1928

BIRGIN Alejandra, *Scenas de la memoria : la Casa Argentina de París en la voz de sus antiguos residentes : la Maison de l'Argentine de Paris dans la voix de ses anciens résidents*. Scènes de la mémoire, Buenos Airez, Ministerio de Educación de la Nacion, 2011, 640 p.

La Fondation de la République argentine à la Cité universitaire de Paris, Paris, Imp. H. Diéval, 1950, 40 p.

La Maison d'Argentine / La Casa Argentina en Paris, Ministerio de cultura y educación de la Nacion (ed.), Paris, CIUP, 1998, 173 p.

L'œuvre du Comité franco-argentin au cours de la guerre mondiale. L'immigration des étudiants étrangers en France. La Cité universitaire. La maison de l'étudiant argentin en France, Paris, Imp. Guillemot & L. de Lamothe, 1923, 30 p. (tiré à part de la *Revue internationale du commerce, de l'industrie et de la banque*, 30 septembre 1923).

LIMA Nino, *La Maison de l'Argentine à la Cité internationale universitaire de Paris (1922-1988)*, Mémoire de Master 2 en Histoire, Université Paris 1, 2018, dactyl.

LIMA Nino, « L'occupation de la Maison de l'Argentine à la Cité internationale universitaire de Paris », *Matériaux pour l'histoire de notre temps*, vol. 127-128, 2018, pp. 61-66.

LIMA Nino, « La Maison de l'Argentine, entre péronisme, dictature militaire et démocratie (1945-1988), in KÉVONIAN D. TRONCHET G., *Le Campus-
monde... op. cit.*, pp. 199-216.

Maison des étudiants arméniens, Marie Nubar Foundation – 1930

HENRY Frédéric, « Cité universitaire », *L'Architecture*, 47ᵉ année, 1934, pp. 97-104 (Maison de Cuba, Maison des étudiants arméniens).

« La Maison des étudiants arméniens de la Cité universitaire, Fondation Marie Nubar », *Revivre*, n°3, mars 1954, pp. 22-23.
MARGERAND J. L., « La Maison des étudiants arméniens à la Cité universitaire de Paris par Léon Nafilyan », *La Construction moderne*, 48ᵉ année, 1932-1933, pp. 510-514.

« Une semaine culturelle arménienne à la Cité », *La Cité*, n°25, 1966, pp. 12-13.

VAZIEUX Sabine, *Léon Nafilyan, architecte, 1877-1937*, Mémoire de maîtrise d'histoire de l'art, Université Paris 4, 1995, 2 volumes, 85 p. et corpus documentaire.

Maison des étudiants-ingénieurs des Arts et Métiers – 1950 and 1961

MINERATH Marc, « La maison des Arts et Métiers à la Cité universitaire de Paris », *Revue de l'économiste*, janvier 1951, pp. 39-41.

Maison des étudiants de l'Asie du Sud-Est (formerly Maison de l'Indochine) – 1930

*La Cité universitaire*, Strasbourg, Édari, s. d. (la Maison des étudiants belges et la Maison des provinces de France par Armand Guéritte ; la Maison des étudiants de l'Indochine par Pierre Martin et Maurice Vieu), 16 p.

HENRY Frédéric, « La maison des étudiants de l'Indochine à la Cité universitaire », *L'Architecture*, 46ᵉ année, 1933, pp. 387-392.

« L'inauguration de la Maison de l'Indochine », *L'Information universitaire*, n° 363, 28 mars 1930.

*La Maison des étudiants de l'Asie du sud-est de la Cité internationale universitaire de Paris : une architecture puisant ses sources en Extrême-Orient*, Paris, CIUP, 2006, 10 p.

*La Maison des étudiants de l'Indochine*, Paris, CIUP, Comité de la Maison de l'Indochine, 1928, 96 p.

MARGERAND J. L., « La maison des étudiants de l'Indochine à la Cité universitaire de Paris par Pierre Martin et Maurice Vieu, architectes », *La construction moderne*, 48ᵉ année, 1932-1933, pp. 306-309.

PAGÈS Pierre-André, Jasinski René, *A la mémoire de Roger Bauduin de Bellevue, directeur de la Maison de l'Indochine, héros de la Résistance, fusillé par les Allemands le 13 juillet 1944 à Nantua, et des anciens résidents de la Maison de l'Indochine morts pour la France – 1946*, Rouen, Imp. de Lecerf, 1946, 16 p.

PLISSON Perrine, *Le jardin de la Maison de l'Asie du Sud-Est à la Cité universitaire*, Mémoire de Master 2, Université Paris-I, ENSA-Versailles, 2008, 72 p.

Avicenne Foundation (formerly Maison de l'Iran) – 1969

« La Maison de l'Iran à la Cité universitaire. André Bloc, Mossem Foroughi, Claude Parent, Hedar Ghiai », *L'architecture d'aujourd'hui*, 32ᵉ année, n° 98, octobre-novembre 1961, p. xviii, 32ᵉ année, n° 99, décembre 1961-janvier 1962, pp. 60-61, 40ᵉ année, décembre 1968-janvier 1969, n°141, pp. 47-49.
JEANROY Audrey, « La Maison de l'Iran (Paris, 1959-1969), un bâtiment signal au cœur de la Cité internationale universitaire de Paris », in MARANTZ Éléonore et MÉCHINE Stéphanie, *Construire l'université : architectures universitaires à Paris et en Ile-de-France (1945-2000)*, Paris : Publications de la Sorbonne, 2016, pp. 163-175.

LEMOINE Bertrand, « La Maison de l'Iran à la Cité universitaire de Paris », *AMC - Le Moniteur architecture*, n° 165, octobre 2006, pp. 94-100.

Claude Parent, *l'œuvre construite, l'œuvre graphique*, Orléans, HYX, 2010.

« Pose de la première pierre de la Maison de l'Iran par leurs Majestés le Chah et l'Impératrice d'Iran », *La Cité*, n°16, 1962, pp. 66-67.

« Pose de la première pierre du pavillon iranien à la Cité universitaire de Paris, 17 octobre 1961 », *Annales de l'Université de Paris*, 31ᵉ année, n° 4, octobre-décembre 1961, pp. 464-473.

REBOUR Valentin, *L'expérience migratoire des étudiant.es iraniens en France (1953-1979)*, Mémoire de Master 1 de Sciences sociales, ENS Lyon, 2018, dactyl.

REBOUR Valentin, *La politisation des étudiants et étudiantes iranien.nes en France. Expériences, sociabilités, mobilisations (1948-1980)*, Mémoire de Master 2 de Sciences sociales, ENS Lyon, 2019, dactyl.

## Biermans-Lapôtre Foundation – 1927

BRAUNS Jean, *Fondation Biermans-Lapôtre. Université de Paris, 1927-1962*, Paris, Imp. V. Bian, 1962, 55 p.

BRAUNS Jean, « La Fondation Biermans-Lapôtre : maison des étudiants belges et luxembourgeois », Société historique et archéologique du 14ᵉ arrondissement, *Revue d'histoire du 14ᵉ arrondissement*, n°23, 1978-1979, pp. 86-87.

Cinquantenaire de la Fondation Biermans-Lapôtre, Bruxelles, Ministère belge des Affaires étrangères, du commerce extérieur et de la coopération au développement, 1977, 64 p.

HUYGUE Renée, « Fondation Biermans-Lapôtre », *L'Architecture*, 41ᵉ année, 1928, pp. 49-56.

« Les 35 ans de la fondation belge », *La Cité*, n°17, avril 1963, pp. 64-66.

MILMEISTER Jean, « Jean-Hubert Biermans et la Fondation Biermans-Lapôtre », *Letzebuerger Almanach 1986*, Luxembourg, Guy Binsfeld, pp. 106-110.

SPANG P., *Les luxembourgeois à la Fondation Biermans-Lapôtre de la Cité internationale universitaire de Paris. De la Maison belge à la Maison belgo-luxembourgeoise*, Luxembourg, Amicale des anciens résidents luxembourgeois de la Fondation Biermans-Lapôtre, 1991, 135 p.

STAQUET Josse, « Fondation Biermans-Lapôtre », *La Cité*, n°2, 1955, pp. 18-19.

VERMEIRRE André, *Hubert Biermans, Du Congo à Shawinigan*, Septentrion, Sillery, 2001, 182 p.

VAN DEN DUNGEN Pierre, JAUMAIN Serge (dir.), *Biermans-Lapôtre : histoire d'un mécène et de sa fondation*, Bruxelles : Racine, 2013, 296 p.
VAN DEN DUNGEN Pierre, JAUMAIN Serge, « Une fondation belgo-luxembourgeoise à Paris : la « maison » d'Hubert Biermans et de Berthe Lapôtre », in KÉVONIAN D., TRONCHET G., *La Babel étudiante...*, op. cit., pp. 101-116.

Maison du Brésil - 1959

BOCCA René, « Officiellement inauguré, le Brésil, 32ᵉ Fondation, n'ouvrira ses portes qu'à la rentrée », *La Cité*, n°13, 1959, pp. 14-15.

BOESIGER Willy, *Le Corbusier 1957-1965 et son atelier rue de Sèvres 35*, Zürich, Artémis, 1991, 239 p.

BRUM Ceres Karam, *Maison du Brésil : um território brasileiro em Paris*, Porto Alegre : Evangraf, 2014, 231 p.

CHIORINO Cristiana, *Il manierismo dell'atelier Le Corbusier negli anni '50. La Maison du Brésil : progetto, cantieri, restauro*, Tesi di laurea, Politecnico di Torino, Facultà di Architettura, Turin, 2000.

CHOAH Françoise, « Le pavillon du Brésil à la Cité universitaire », *L'œil*, n°57, septembre 1959, pp. 54-59.

*Le Corbusier et son atelier rue de Sèvres 35. Œuvre complète, 1957-1967*, Zürich, Éd. Girsberger, 1965, pp. 192-199.

COSTA Maria Elisa, EL-DAHDAH Farès (dir.), *Lucio Costa arquiteto*, Rio de Janeiro, Casa de Lucio Costa, Conjunto Cultural da República, Museu Nacional, 2010, 226 p.

FRANCISCO de AZEVEDO Leonardo, « Maison du Brésil - cotidiano e experiência de pesquisadores brasileiros em Paris », *Ponto Urbe* [Online], 20 | 2017, consulté le 12 juin 2024.

HERBERT Jean-Loup, *Lucio Costa. XXᵉ siècle brésilien : témoin et acteur*, Saint-Étienne, Publications de l'Université de Saint-Étienne, 2001, 315 p.

« Inauguration de la Maison du Brésil à la Cité universitaire », *L'Architecture d'aujourd'hui*, n° 84, juin-juillet 1959, p. 11 et ss.

« La Maison du Brésil, nella Città universitaria di Parigi (1957-1959) », *Casabella*, n° 248, février 1961, pp. 4-14.

MÜLLER Angelica, « 'Subversion et désordre' : Les années 68 de la Maison du Brésil vues par les militaires brésiliens », *Matériaux pour l'histoire de notre temps*, vol. 127-128, 2018, pp. 55-60.

MÜLLER Angelica, « The Maison du Brésil at the Cité Internationale Universitaire de Paris: a project towards national development and internationalism», *Espacio, Tiempo y Educación*,10(1), 2023, pp. 95-114.

PERNETTA Pierpaolo, *Comportamento nel tempo, stato di manutenzione ed inter-venti di restauro del Padiglione del Brasile realizzato da Le Corbusier e Lucio Costa nella Città Universitaria di Parigi*, Tesi di laurea, Politecnico di Torino, Facoltà di Ingegneria, Turin, 1996.

PUPPI Marcelo, *Des espaces inachevés : Le Corbusier, Lucio Costa et la Maison du Brésil*, Mémoire de Master, Université Paris-I, 1996, dactyl.
SBRIGLIO Jacques, *Le Corbusier & Lucien Hervé : the architect & the photographer. A dialogue*, Londres, Thames & Hudson, 2011.

TOULIER Bernard, « La Cité internationale universitaire de Paris : la réhabilitation de la Maison du Brésil », *Architecture et patrimoine du XXe siècle en France*, Paris, Éditions du Patrimoine, 1998, pp. 292-295.

VÉDRENNE Élisabeth, « Le Corbusier à la Cité universitaire », *L'œil*, n°501, novembre 1998, pp. 71-75.

## Maison du Cambodge – 1957

BOCCA René, ‘Le prince royal a inauguré la 30ᵉ fondation », *La Cité*, n°9, 1958, pp. 8-10.

CHAI Michel, *La maison du Cambodge à la cité universitaire, 75014 Paris*, Paris : Saint-Honoré éditions, 2016, 75 p.

GLIKOU Mylène, « Renaissance de la Maison du Cambodge », *Le Moniteur des travaux publics et du bâtiment*, n° 5246, 2004, pp. 74-75

« L’inauguration de la maison du Cambodge porte à trente le nombre des fondations de la Cité », *Annales de l’Université de Paris*, 28ᵉ année, n°1, pp. 38-39.

## Maison des Étudiants canadiens – 1926

*La MEC, 90 ans d’histoire entre renaissance et pérennité : 1926-2016*, Paris, Maison des étudiants canadiens, 2016.

LAPOINTE Linda, *Maison des étudiants canadiens. Cité internationale universitaire de Paris : 75 ans d’histoire, 1926-2001*, Saint-Lambert (Québec), Stromboli, 2001, 234 p.

VAISSIÈRE Gabriel, « La Maison des étudiants canadiens à la Cité universitaire », *L’Architecture*, 39ᵉ année, 1926, pp. 331-334.

## Maison de Corée – 2018

HOUZELLE Béatrice, « Maison de la Corée à la cité universitaire », *Construction moderne*, n°158, Décembre 2018, pp. 10-13.

*Pose de la première pierre de la Maison de la Corée par Mme Park, présidente de la République de la Corée et M. Marcel Pochard, président de la Cité internationale universitaire de Paris, 2 juin 2016*, Paris, CIUP, imp. Photoweb, 2016, 26 p.

TRABELSI Lina, « La maison de la Corée, foyer étudiant entre ‘simplicité et sérénité’ », [*batiaclu*], 13 décembre 2018. https://www.batiactu.com/edito/maison-coree-nouveau-foyer-etudiant-entre-simplicite-54936.php [consulté le 10 mai 2024]

## Danish Foundation (formerly Maison danoise) – 1932

*Det Danske Studenterhus i Paris*, Bog, 1956, 16 p.

HENRY Frédéric, « Quelques nouveaux bâtiments à la Cité universitaire », *L'Architecture*, 46ᵉ année, 1933, pp. 239-248.
ars jubilaeumsskrift : Det danske Studenterhus i Paris, 1932–2007, rédigé par Mette Fabricius Skov, Karl Ejby Poulsen, Niklavs Petersons,...[et al.], Kobenhavn, Komitéen for Det danske Studenterhus i Paris, 2007, 96 p.

## Résidence Julie-Victoire Daubié<fnref n="5" /> – 2018

TRABELSI Lina, « Le site Julie-Victoire Daubié renouvelle le paysage de la Cité universitaire », [*batiaclu*], 8 février 2019. https://www.batiactu.com/edito/p-55425.php [consulté le 10 mai 2024]

## Émile and Louise Deutsch de la Meurthe Foundation – 1925

« La Fondation Deutsch de la Meurthe », *L'Alliance, revue de l'Alliance internationale des anciens résidents de la Cité universitaire de Paris*, numéro spécial du *Bulletin de l'Alliance*, 1992, pp. 4–10.

*La Fondation Émile et Louise Deutsch de la Meurthe : Cité internationale universitaire de Paris*, réalisée par le Service patrimoine et inventaire de la Région Ile-de-France en partenariat avec la CIUP, texte de B. Blanc et photographies de P. Ayrault, Paris, Somogy, 2010, 48 p.

GOISSAUD Anthony, « La Cité universitaire. La fondation Deutsch de la Meurthe », *Construction moderne*, 41e année, 1925–1926, pp. 181–187, pp. 291–296.

MASSON Bernard, *La Fondation Émile et Louise Deutsch de la Meurthe*, Paris, Imp. Sponsor graphic, 1992, 23 p. Professor at the University of Paris Nanterre and Director of the Foundation since 1977).

MASTRORILLI Antonella, *Lucien Bechmann*, Florence, Alinea, 2002, 199 p. (also architect of the Maison internationale, the Résidence André Honnorat and the Fondation Victor Lyon).

MOUTON Sophie, *Industriels et mécène. La famille Deutsch de la Meurthe (1845–1924)*, Mémoire de maîtrise, Université Paris 4, 2006, dactyl.

MOUTON Sophie, « De l'aviation à la Cité universitaire. Philanthropie et patrimotisme chez les Deutsch de la Meurthe », *Archives juives*, vol. 42, 2009/1, pp. 105–117.

*Le pavillon central de la Fondation Deutsch de la Meurthe : première maison de la Cité internationale universitaire de Paris*, Paris, CIUP, 2007, 13 p.

*Soixantième anniversaire de l'inauguration de la Fondation Émile et Louise Deutsch de la Meurthe, 1925-1985*, Paris, Fondation Deutsch de la Meurthe, 1985, 15 p.

, *boulevard Jourdan*, documentary on the Deutsch de la Meurthe Foundation by Ana Zamora, Francisco Cooper Alcayaga, Anna Chruscinska, Assaad Moawad, résidents, DVD, 2011.

<footnote n="5">⁵ Du nom de la première femme bachelière en France en 1861.</footnote>
## Collège d'Espagne – 1935

*Colegio de España, 75 años: 75 imágenes del Colegio... y más, Paris, Collège d'Espagne, réalisé à l'occasion du 75ᵉ anniversaire, 2010, 78 p.*

HENRY Frédéric, « Le pavillon espagnol à la Cité universitaire. Lopez Otera, Boby et Warin architectes », *L'Architecture*, 1938, pp. 393-396.

GONZALEZ CALBET Teresa, *Colegio de España: Cité internationale universitaire de Paris, historique*, Paris, Collège d'Espagne, 1995, 5 p.

LUNA Antonia Maria Mora, "The origins of the Cité Universitaire and the Colegio de España in Paris: Elites, diplomacu and educational modernity", *Sisyphus. Journal of Education*, vol. 4/1, 2016, pp. 198-224.

RODRIGUEZ Antonio Nino, « Bâtir des châteaux... en France ou la naissance du collège d'Espagne à Paris », *Siècles*, n°20, 2004, mis en ligne le 10 octobre 2014 [consulté le 31 mai 2020, URL : http://journals.openedition.org/siecles/2339].

PEDREROL Anna Maria, VILA Marta, *Les grands hommes construisent l'histoire : résidents au Colegio pendant la guerre d'Espagne : Pio Baroja, Blas cabrera, Américo Castro [...]*, Paris, Collège d'Espagne, 2010, 16 p.

PEDREROL Anna Maria, VILA Marta, *80 años del Colegio de España : de la inauguración a la actualidad*, Paris, Collège d'Espagne, 2016

SAZATORNIL RUIZ Luis, *Colegio de España: Cité internationale universitaire de Paris, l'architecture*, Paris, Collège d'Espagne, 8 p.

## United States Foundation – 1930

Fondation des Etats-Unis, 7 Boulevard Jourdan, Paris (An account of the dedication of the new American building and grounds at the Cité universitaire), Paris, CIUP, 1930, 30 p.

LOWRIE Donald A., *United States House in the Cité universitaire of the university of Paris*, Paris, Éditions Mazarine, 1950, 134 p.

Pierre Leprince-Ringuet (1874-1954), Strasbourg, Edari, Collection Travaux d'architecture, s.d., 90 p.

## Collège franco-britannique – 1937

HENRY Frédéric, « Le collège franco-britannique à la Cité universitaire de Paris », *L'Architecture*, 1937, pp. 229-244.

MARGERAND J. L., « Le collège franco-britannique à la Cité internationale universitaire de Paris par Pierre Martin et Maurice Vieu, architectes », *La construction moderne*, 53ᵉ année, 1937-1938, pp. 510-514.

## Résidence André de Gouveia, Maison des Étudiants portugais – 1967

« Cité (A)u, réhabilitation de la Maison des étudiants portugais », *Architecture intérieure*, n°339, 2008, pp. 76-79.

« La future maison des étudiants du Portugal », *La Cité*, n°15, 1961, pp. 70-71.
« Inauguration de la maison des étudiants portugais à la Cité internationale de Paris (20 novembre 1967) », *Annales de l'Université de Paris*, 38ᵉ année, avril-juin 1968, n° 2, pp. 254-257.

*Maison des étudiants portugais : Fondation Calouste Gulbenkian*, Lisbonne, Neogravura, s.d., [1949 ?], 8 p.

« Remise de la Maison des Etudiants portugais à la Cité Universitaire », *La Cité*, n°29, 1968, pp. 4-6.

PEREIRA Victor, « Les Portugais en France pendant mai-juin 1968 », *Revista de História das Ideias*, vol. 38, 2ᵉ série, 2020, pp. 269-305.

## Maison Heinrich Heine, Germany Foundation – 1956

« À la Cité universitaire, la maison de l'Allemagne ouvre ses portes », *Annales de l'Université de Paris*, janvier-mars 1957, pp. 37-40.

« L'Allemagne, nouvelle venue à la Cité », *La Cité*, n°2, 1955, pp. 20-21.

BOCK, Hans Manfred, « Die Maison de l'Allemagne in der Cite Internationale universitaire de Paris, 1956-1972. Zur Implentierung des ersten kultupolitischen Projekts der Bundesrepublik in der französischen Hauptstadt », *Lendemains – vergleichende Frankeichforschung*, 32, n°125, 2007, pp. 110-149.

BOCK Hans Manfred, *Topographie deutscher Kulturvertretung im Paris des 20. Jahrhunderts*, Tübingen, Editions Lendemains, 2010, 400 p.

DANNIEN-MAASSEN Hanna, « Johannes Krahn (1908-1974). Kirchenbau zwischen Tradition und Moderne », *DAM Jahrbuch für Architektur*, 1991, pp. 265-269 (auteur d'un mémoire de maîtrise sur le même sujet soutenu en 1989 à l'Université de Marburg).

DONATO Milena, *Paroles d'anciens résidents*, Paris, Maison Heine, DVD, 2006. Film réalisé à l'occasion du 50ᵉ anniversaire de la Maison Heinrich Heine.

LAPPENKÜPER Ulrich, « Ein "Mittelpunkt deutscher Kulturarbeit": Das Deutsche Haus in der Cité universitaire de Paris (1950-1956) », Deutsch-französiche Kultur- und Wissenschaftsbeziehungen im 20. Jahrhundert : Ein institutionengeschichtlicher Ansatz, *Pariser historische Studien*, n°81, 2007, pp. 257-279.

« Maison de l'Allemagne, Cité universitaire, Johannes Krahn et Paul Maître, architectes », *L'Architecture française*, n° 179-180, 1957, pp. 67-71.

« Pose de la première pierre de la maison de l'Allemagne à la Cité universitaire », *Annales de l'Université de Paris*, juillet-septembre 1954, pp. 351-353.

RAETHER Martin (éd.), *Maison Heinrich Heine, Paris : quarante ans de présence culturelle*, 1956-1996, Bonn/Paris, M. Raether, 1998, 399 p.

« 29ᵉ fondation, l'Allemagne ouvre solennellement ses portes », *La Cité*, n°6, janvier 1957, pp. 30-31.
## Fondation hellénique – 1932

Fondation Hellénique (éd.), *Martyries foititikon chronon. To Elliniko Idryma sti Diethni Panepistimioupoli sto Parisi. Topos Zois-Topos mnimis*, Athènes, Éditions Futura, 2007, 169 p.

GRAVARI-BARBAS Maria (dir.), *La Fondation hellénique de la Cité internationale universitaire de Paris : lieu de vie, lieu de mémoire*, Éditions Kallimages, 2015, 238 p.

GRAVARI-BARBAS Maria, « La Fondation hellénique de la Cité internationale universitaire de Paris : lieu de mémoire de la Grèce en France », in Girard M. et Béchu C. (eds.), *La France et la Grèce au XXe siècle : des archives à l'histoire*, Athènes, École française d'Athènes, 2021, pp. 313-325.

HENRY Frédéric, « Quelques nouveaux bâtiments à la Cité universitaire », *L'Architecture*, 46e année, 1933, pp. 239-248.

KOMETIS Kostis, « Comme les années 1968 ont traversé la Fondation Hellénique », *Matériaux pour l'histoire de notre temps*, vol. 127-128, 2018, pp. 46-54.

MARGERAND J. L., « Le pavillon hellénique à la Cité universitaire de Paris par Nicolaos Zahos, architecte », *La construction moderne*, 48e année, 1932-1933, pp. 370-373.

PAPADAKI Marinela, « The ‘Government Intellectuals’: Nicolas Politis - An Intellectual Portrait », *The European Journal of International Law*, vol. 23, n° 1, 2012, pp. 221-231.

PHILÈ Eleutheria, *To Hellèniko Hidryma ste Diethmē Panepistēmioupolē sto Parisi: topos zōes – topos mnēmēs: martyries phoitētikōn chronon*, Athènes, Fondation hellénique, Ekdoseis Futura, 2007, 169 p.

## Résidence André Honnorat (formerly Fondation Charles-Louis Dreyfus) – 1936/1965⁶

FISCHER Didier, « La santé des étudiants : entre tuberculose et maladies mentales », J.-P. LEGOIS, A. MONCHABLON, R. MORDER, *Cent ans de mouvements étudiants*, Paris, Syllepse, 2007, pp. 253-264.

« Inauguration du pavillon André Honnorat », *La Cité*, n°22, juin 1965, pp. 4-5.

LABOURÉ Marc, Une expérience de médecine préventive : examen de dépistage des étudiants de la Cité universitaire, Paris, Le François, 1937

LACOURBE DR., « Plus que d'autres, les étudiants sont vulnérables », *La Cité*, n°1, 1954, pp. 16-25.

<footnote n="6">⁶ Construit sur les plans de Lucien Bechmann modifiés par Jens Frederick Larson, grâce à une donation à la mémoire de Charles Louis-Dreyfus en 1930 pour la création d'un dispensaire médical à la Cité, ouvert en mai 1937 (extension du Service médical déjà existant). Transformé en résidence étudiante en 1964-1965 après travaux de l'architecte François Girard.</footnote>
LACOURBE Robert, « L'organisation et le fonctionnement d'un service médical collectif : le centre médical de la Cité universitaire de Paris », *Bulletin du Comité national de l'organisation française*, mars 1954, pp. 23-33.

**Hôpital de la Cité internationale universitaire de Paris**

« L'hôpital international de la Cité universitaire de Paris », *La vie collective. Revue de l'économie*, vol. 31, n° 355, février 1965, pp. 281-283.

*Hôpital international de l'université de Paris*, Paris, CIUP, 1989.

LOUSTEAU René, « L'hôpital de la Cité universitaire de Paris », *Cahiers Laënnec*, n° 4, 1959, pp. 36-47.

**Maison de l'Inde – 1968/2013**

SANYAL Bikas C., SANYAL Priti, LIPSKY+ROLLET Architectes, *House of India: the unknown story of Indo French cooperation*, Ghaziabad, Copal Publishing Group, 2020.

*Maison de l'Inde : 40ᵉ anniversaire (1968-2008), 40th anniversary*, Paris, Maison de l'Inde, 2008, 169 p.

**Maison des industries agricoles et alimentaires – 1956**

BONASTRE A., *La Maison des industries agricoles et alimentaires*, Paris, MIAA, 1956, 20 p.

MICHON Camille, « La Maison des industries agricoles et alimentaires », *Bulletin d'information des ingénieurs de l'ENSIA*, n° 109, mars 2006, p. 4.

**Maison internationale et Bibliothèque de la CIUP – 1936**

CAVAILLON Jean, « 5 000 étudiants de la Cité universitaire animent la Maison internationale », *La Cité*, n°1, juin 1954, pp. 6-15.

*Le Restaurant de la Maison internationale de la Cité universitaire de Paris*, Laval, Imp. De Barnéoud, 1937, 11 p. (tiré à part du *Journal des usines à gaz*, 5 mai 1937).

THÉBERT Emmanuel de, « La Maison internationale et les services généraux de la Cité universitaire. Jens Frederick Larson, Lucien Bechmann, architectes », *La construction moderne*, 52ᵉ année, 1936, pp. 134-144.

THÉBERT Emmanuel de, « Le nouveau centre de la Cité universitaire de Paris », *La construction moderne*, 52ᵉ année, 1936, pp. 114-123.

Université de Paris, *Maison internationale de la Cité universitaire de Paris*, Paris, Imp. Davy, 1937, 24 p.

BLOCH Camille, *La Cité internationale universitaire de Paris*, Paris, Publication de la Conciliation internationale, 1930.

DEJEAN Pascale, LOUSTALOT Marie-Dominique, « La Cité Universitaire », in BACHA M., HOTTIN C. et alii, *Les bibliothèques parisiennes : architecture et décor*, Paris, Action artistique de la Ville de Paris, 2002, pp. 168-170.

JOURNAS Georges, « Camille Bloch (1865-1949), archiviste atypique du Loiret, de l'École des chartes à l'Académie des sciences morales et politiques »,
*Bulletin de la société archéologique et historique de l'Orléanais*, tome 19, n° 154, 2007, pp. 39-54

« Die Bibliothek der « Cité Internationale universitaire » in Paris », GERNOT Uwe Gabel, *Bibliotheken in Frankreich : Beiträge zur Bibliotheksgeschichte*, Hürth, Édition Gemini, 2011, pp. 145-149.

**Maison internationale Agroparistech (Maison de l'Institut national agronomique) – 1928**

CIUP, *Inauguration de la Maison internationale AgroParistech, 31 janvier 2011 après réhabilitation*, dossier de presse, 27 p. (revuepresse-minaavril2011 ciup.pdf).

**Maison de l'Italie – 1958**

A la Cité Universitaire, une nouvelle maison est née », *La Cité*, n°10, 1958, pp. 46-47.

ALBANESE Giulia, *La Maison de l'Italie : storia della residenza italiana alla Cité universitaire di Parigi*, Milan, F. Angeli, 2004, 126 p.

*En souvenir de Ruggiero Romano. Actes de la journée d'études (Maison de l'Italie - Paris, le 28 mai 2015) / textes réunis par Maurice Aymard et Roberto Giacone, Paris, Edizioni dell'Istituto italiano di Cultura, 2017, 292 p.*

« L'Inauguration de la maison de l'Italie à la Cité universitaire (25 janvier 1958) », *Annales de l'Université de Paris, 28ᵉ année, n° 2*, avril-juin 1958, pp. 162-164.

« L'Italie, trentième fondation », *La Cité*, n°4, novembre 1955, pp. 11-13.

**Maison du Japon – 1929**

KOBAYASHI Shigeru, *Satsuma Jirohachi : Pari Nihonkan koso waga inochi*, Kyoto-shi, Mineruva Shobo, 2010, en jap.

« Maison des étudiants japonais à Paris. Pierre Sardou, architecte », *L'Architecte. Revue mensuelle de l'art architectural*, nouvelle série, 6ᵉ année, 1929, pp. 88-92.

*Maison du Japon : Cité internationale universitaire de Paris*, Paris, CIUP, 1979, 24 p.

MORICE Gabriel, « Cité universitaire de Paris. Fondation Satsuma, Maison des étudiants japonais », *L'Architecture, 42ᵉ année*, 1929, pp. 397-402.

MURAKAMI Kimio, « Baron Satsuma » : to yobareta otoko : *Satsuma Jirōbashi to sono jidai*, Tokyo, Fujirawa Shoten, 2009, en jap., 401 p. (originellement publié dans *Jūsannicjikai* sous le titre « Baron Satsuma o motomete »).

CHARTIER Hélène, *Pierre Sardou (1873-1952) architecte*, Mémoire de maîtrise, Université Paris-IV, 1995, dactyl.

**Maison du Liban – 1963**

ADRA Chaoukri, « Semaine culturelle libanaise », *La Cité*, n°29, 1968, pp. 7-9.
KHOUZAMI Victoria, *Chronique d'une aventure : La maison du Liban*. Paris, Association culturelle franco-libanaise, Maison du Liban, 2005, 25 p.

« Restaurant du parc Sud et pavillon libanais de la Cité internationale de l'Université de Paris. Jean Vernon et Bruno Philippe, architectes », *L'Architecture française*, 28ᵉ année, n° 295-296, mars-avril 1967, pp. 86-89.

**Fondation Victor Lyon – 1950/2018⁷**

*Inauguration de la Fondation Victor Lyon : 31 janvier 2018*, Paris, CIUP, 2018, 26 p.

« Victor Lyon », FABIANI Martin, *Quand j'étais marchand de tableaux*, Paris, Julliard, 1976, pp. 145-149.

**Maison du Maroc – 1953**

BADICHE Mohamed, *La Maison du Maroc à la Cité internationale universitaire de Paris*, dactyl., 3 p.

BOUAZIZ Mostafa, DENGLOS Guillaume, *La Maison du Maroc à la Cité U. Lieu de mémoire des étudiants marocains à Paris*, Paris, Riveneuve, 2022.

CLERC Jean-Pierre, *Jean Walter & Zellidja ou le devenir homme*, Nérondes, Éd. Keraban, 2010, 352 p.

CULOT Maurice, LAMBRICHS, DELAUNAY Dominique (dir.), *Albert Laprade : architecte, jardinier, urbaniste, dessinateur, serviteur du patrimoine*, Paris, Norma, Cité de l'architecture et du patrimoine, 2007, 399 p. (également architecte de la Maison Abreu de Grancher et de la résidence Lucien Paye).

« Laprade A., Vernon J., Philippe B. Cité universitaire de Paris. Maison du Maroc », *L'architecture d'aujourd'hui*, n° 53, avril 1954, pp. 96-97.

**Maison du Mexique – 1953**

« À la Cité universitaire, inauguration de la Maison du Mexique », *Annales de l'Université de Paris*, n° 4, 23ᵉ année, octobre-décembre 1953, pp. 622-626.

« Pose de la première pierre de la Maison du Mexique à la Cité universitaire », *Annales de l'Université de Paris*, n° 3, juillet-septembre 1951, pp. 364-368.

CANTON L. Wilberto, *La casa de México en la Ciudad Universitaria de Paris*, México, Imp. Universitaria, 1952, 84 p.

MONTEMAYOR GARCIA Felipe, *Pabellón Mexicano : (La maison du Mexique)*, Mexico, Impresora Juan Pablos, 1955.

SHERIDAN Guillermo et alii, *La casa de México en Paris, 1953-2003 ; La maison du Mexique à Paris*, México, Secretaria de Educación Pública, Paris, Maison du Mexique, CIUP, 2003.

<footnote n="7">⁷ Inaugurated for a second time in 2018 after a complete renovation. Originally designed by architect Lucien Bechmann for short stays, it was later transformed into a residence for researchers and their families.</footnote>
**Maison de Monaco – 1937**

« La Fondation de Monaco à la Cité universitaire. Julien Médecin, architecte », *L'Architecture*, 44ᵉ année, 1931, pp. 314-316.

**Collège néerlandais – 1938**

BIERSTEKER T., Post J.M., Oneindigheid in beweging : uitbreiding van het College Neerlandais de la Cite Universitaire de Paris : een voorbeeld van conceptuele monumentenzorg, Eindhoven, Technische Universiteit Eindhoven, 2002.

BOER-VAN HOOGEVEST Carien de (et alii), *Dudok in Parijs: Het Collège Néerlandais, Dudok à Paris: le Collège néerlandais*, Bussum, Uitgeverij Thoth, 1999, 191 p.

*Le Collège néerlandais (Fondation Juliana) à la Cité universitaire de Paris*, Paris, Université de Paris, s.d., 19 p.

*Le Collège néerlandais de la Cité internationale universitaire de Paris: seule réalisation en France de l'architecte Willem Marinus Dudok / Cité internationale universitaire de Paris*, s.l., s.n., 2007, 32 p.

LAVIGNE Emma, *Le Collège néerlandais (1929-1938): Willem Marinus Dudok (1884-1974) : Cité internationale universitaire de Paris*, Mémoire de DEA d'histoire de l'art, Université de Paris-I, 1996, dactyl., 56 p.

OPPERMANN Fabien, « Le collège néerlandais de Dudok », *Connaissance des Arts*, n° 677, 2009, p. 162.

**Maison de Norvège – 1954**

JOHNSEN Espen. "Konkurransen Om «la Maison De Norvège»: Herman Munthe-Kaas Og Reidar Lund Og Den Situasjonsbestemte Modernismen." *Kunst Og Kultur*, 2012, pp. 188-198

« La Maison de la Norvège à la Cité universitaire », *Annales de l'Université de Paris*, n° 2, avril-juin 1954, pp. 237-240.

ROSTRUP Oscar Fredrik, JOHNSON Egil B, OKSENDALL Kjell, *Norge hus i Paris: 1954-2004, La Maison de Norvège à Paris*, Oslo/Paris, Utdannings og forskningsdepartementet, Utenriksdepartementet, Maison de Norvège, 2004, 159 p.

« Sa Majesté le Roi Olav V rend visite à la Maison norvégienne », *La Cité*, n°17, 1963, pp. 64-65.

« Une maison de la Norvège à la Cité universitaire », *Annales de l'Université de Paris*, n° 3, juillet-septembre 1951, pp. 362-363.

**Résidence Lucien Paye (formerly Pavillon de la France d'Outre-mer) – 1951**

« A la Cité universitaire, inauguration de la Maison de la France d'Outre-mer », *Annales de l'Université de Paris*, n° 1, janvier-mars 1952, pp. 10-21.

« Cité universitaire de Paris. Maison de la France d'Outre-mer. Albert Laprade, Jean Vernon, Bruno Philippe, architectes », *L'Architecture française*, n° 119-120, 1951, pp. 7-16.
DELAVIGNETTE Robert, « La Maison de la France d'Outre-mer à la Cité », *Plaisir de France*, n° 169, avril 1952, pp. 38-42.

DIENG Amady Aly, *Mémoires d'un étudiant africain*, vol. 1, Dakar, Codesria, 2011.

*La Maison de la France d'Outre-mer à la Cité universitaire de Paris*, Paris, La propagande de France, s.d. (photographies datées de 1949), 12 p.

« La Maison de la France d'Outre-mer à la Cité universitaire de Paris », *Chroniques d'Outre-mer. Etudes et informations* (ministère de la France d'Outre-mer), nouvelle série, 1er année, décembre 1951, pp. 3-6.

« La Maison de la France d'Outre-mer », *Africa*, vol. 22, n° 3, 1952, pp. 275-276.

## Maison des Provinces de France – 1933

BOURDON Georges, *La Maison des Provinces de France*, Paris, Cité internationale universitaire, 1933, 15 p.

*La Cité universitaire*, Strasbourg, Édari, s. d. (la Maison des étudiants belges et la Maison des provinces de France par Armand Guéritte ; la Maison des étudiants de l'Indochine par Pierre Martin et Maurice Vieu), 16 p.

HENRY Frédéric, « La Maison des provinces françaises à la Cité universitaire. Armand Guéritte, architecte », *L'Architecture*, 47e année, 1934, pp. 401-406.

## Maison de la Région Ile-de-France – 2017

### Maison des Étudiants suédois – 1931

*Un Coin suédois à Paris : la Maison des étudiants suédois dans la Cité internationale universitaire de Paris, 1931-2009*, s.l., Association des Amis de la Maison de Suède, 2009, 130 p.

HENRY Frédéric, « Quelques nouveaux bâtiments à la Cité universitaire », *L'Architecture*, 46e année, 1933, pp. 239-248.

KÄRRE Marianne, KÄRRE Bo, Åk till Paris !: *svenka studenthenmet i Cité internationale universitaire, 1931-2001*, Nacka, B. Kärre, Ljusdal, Stomdals Tryck och Bokkonsult HB, 2001, 141 p.

« Maison des étudiants suédois à la Cité universitaire de Paris. Peder Clason et Germain Debré, architectes », *L'Architecture d'aujourd'hui*, 3e année, mars 1932, pp. 71-73.

SIMONET Marie, *Germain Debré 1890-1948*, Mémoire de Maîtrise, Université Paris-I, 1993, 2 vol., dactyl.

### Fondation suisse – 1933

*Bulletin annuel de la Fondation suisse*, Mesnil, Impr. de Firmin-Didot, 1952-1966.

*Le Corbusier : le mural de la Fondation suisse, Paris, 1948*, Paris, Fondation suisse, CIUP, catalogue de l'exposition, 1998, 28 p.

CORRADO Monica, *La Fondation suisse à la Cité universitaire : petite histoire d'une machine habitée*, Paris, l'Oeil d'or, 2023.
GILLABERT Matthieu, « Les petits scandales du Pavillon suisse à la Cité internationale universitaire de Paris », *Traverse : revue d'histoire*, n°22/3, 2015, pp. 115-127

MARGERAND J. L., « Le pavillon suisse à la Cité universitaire de Paris par Le Corbusier et Jeanneret », *La construction moderne*, 49ᵉ année, 1933-1934, pp. 218-224.

*Le Pavillon suisse en mémoire : 1933-2008*, Paris, Fondation suisse, 2008, Vidéo DVD.

*Pavillon suisse, 75 ans : carnet de notes*, Paris, Fondation suisse, 2008, 1 volume non paginé, édité à l'occasion du 75ᵉ anniversaire du Pavillon suisse.

VÉDRENNE Elisabeth, « Corbu à la Cité universitaire », *L'œil*, n° 501, novembre 1951, pp. 71-75.

ZAKNIC Ivan, *Le Corbusier-Pavillon suisse : the biography of a building : biographie d'un bâtiment*, Basel/Boston/Berlin, Birkhauser Verlag, 2004, 416 p.

**Maison de la Tunisie – 1953/2019⁸**

« Maison de la Tunisie, Cité universitaire de Paris. Jean Sébag, architecte », *L'Architecture française*, n° 139-140, 1953, pp. 49-55.

« Maison de la Tunisie à la Cité universitaire de Paris. Jean Sébag, architecte », *L'Architecture d'aujourd'hui*, n° 47, avril-mai 1953, pp. 62-68.

PRINTED SOURCES

**AIACUP - Alliance internationale : association des anciens de la Cité internationale de l'université de Paris - Juin 1948**

« A la Cité, Fête des Nations de l'Alliance des Anciens Résidents », *La Cité*, n°23, 1965, pp. 14-15.

Alliance internationale de la Cité universitaire de Paris, *Premier congrès international de l'habitat de l'étudiant, 29 juin-1er juillet 1950*, Paris, s.n., 1951, 114 p. (organized by Jeanne Thomas and André Bossin).

*Bulletin de l'Alliance internationale des anciens de la Cité universitaire de Paris*, n°1, juin 1949, from 1 to 4 issues depending on the year and decade<fnref n="9" />.

*L'Alliance, revue de l'Alliance internationale de la Cité universitaire de Paris*, 1992, numéro spécial annuel du *Bulletin de l'Alliance*, 12 p. Publishing director Jean Choukroun.

« Les ‘anciens’ ont leur ministre français », *La Cité*, n°3, mai 1955, p. 22 [concerns the nomination of Léopold Senghor].

<footnote n="8">⁸ Construction in 2019 of a second building called « Pavillon Habib Bourguiba».</footnote>

<footnote n="9">⁹ The association produces a *Directory of former residents*, a source for identifying students' backgrounds and profiles.</footnote>
ARRADON Dr., « Impressions d'un Ancien de 32-34 », *La Cité*, n°4, novembre 1955, p. 9.

VAUJOUR Jean, « L'Alliance internationale a vingt ans », *La Cité*, n°31, 1968, p. 10.

**AIRCUP – Association internationale des résidents de la Cité Universitaire de Paris – 1948/1953-1968, 1985**

LECOLIER Philippe, « La génération spontanée », *Bulletin de l'Alliance internationale des anciens de la Cité universitaire de Paris*, n°105, juin 1986, p. 4.

*L'Echo de la Cité*, édité par l'AIRCUP, bi-mensuel de 4 pages, 2 numéros, 31 octobre 1948 et 15 novembre 1948.

*Journal de la Cité – organe de l'AIRCUP*, Publishing director Jean Charlot, février 1951-1959.

*Cité journal*, édité par l'AIRCUP, bimestriel, Publishing director Eric Bockstael (Fondation Biermans-Lapôtre), 1961-. (n°1 of February-March 1961 presents the cultural activities of the residents, in particular the theater).

*AIRCUP – Informations de la Cité internationale*, mai 1964, ronéographié.

*La Cité*, éditée par l'AIRCUP, rédacteur Hervé Chabalier (MPF), Janvier 1965-.

*Cité internationale*, éditée par l'AIRCUP, magazine mensuel, Publishing director Pierre Dussin, janvier 1987-.

*Droit de Cité*, 1990-1994, Publishing director Elisabeth Usselmann (MPF). Remaquetté en 1995 avec une nouvelle série, 1995-2004.

**Amicale des Anciens de la Deutsch – 1994.** Created by Olivier Marteau.

*La lettre d'Emile et de Louise*. Bulletin trimestriel.

**ASCUP – Association sportive de la Cité universitaire de Paris – 1946**<fnref n="10" />

BLANCARD de LERY M., « Le sport, l'esperanto de la Cité », *La Cité*, n°3, mai 1955, pp. 21-22.

PERCEVAULT B.-F., « L'A.S.C.U.P. », *Bulletin de l'Alliance des anciens de la Cité universitaire de Paris*, nouv. série, 10, octobre 1953, pp. 3 et 6.

*Courrier des sports*, éditée par l'ASCUP, 1958-1959. Publishing director Jean Leygue.

<footnote n="10">¹⁰ Among the association's leaders: Jean Leygue (Deutsch), M. Blancard de Lery, Bob Heddle-Roboth, Alain Braun.</footnote>
**Association des anciens et anciennes du Collège franco-britannique** – 1939, reconstituée en 1954.<fnref n="11" />

*Le Vieux Thélème : bulletin de l'association des anciens et anciennes du Collège franco-britannique, 1954.*

*La Gazette du CFB : bulletin de l'Amicale du Collège franco-britannique, 1996.*

*Le cafard déchaîné : bulletin des résidents de la Fondation Deutsch de la Meurthe, 1995.*

*Escalier de secours: le journal des résidents de la Maison des provinces de France, sous format numérique, 1996-1997.*

**Centre culturel international – 1948-1968**<fnref n="12" />

« Un bilan éloquant », *La Cité*, n°20, 1964, p. 6.

GARRIGUES Charles (président du CCI), « La vie culturelle à la Cité », *La Cité*, n°24, 1966, pp. 8-9.

« La grande semaine culturelle de décembre », *La Cité*, n°17, 1963, p. 67.

JAVAUX Michel, « Anatomie du CCI », *La Cité (AIRCUP)*, n°2, janvier 1965, p. 4.

**Association du Foyer international des étudiants catholiques – 1925**<fnref n="13" />

LACASSE Henri, « Le Foyer international des étudiants catholiques », *L'Etudiant français*, 15 février 1926, pp. 3-4.

PICARD de LA VACQUERIE Abbé, « Bienfaits d'un foyer international d'étudiants catholiques », *Semaines sociales de France*, Le Havre, Gabalda & Vitte, 1928, pp. 659-666.

*Cité chrétienne, bulletin trimestriel des chrétiens : anciens résidents de la Cité universitaire, trimestriel, 194...1957,*

<footnote n="11">¹¹ Its purpose is “to establish a bond of solidarity between residents and former residents of the College, and to maintain among former residents the spirit of good fellowship, cordial friendship and active cooperation which animates the College”. Composed of two branches, alumni living in Commonwealth countries and those living in France and other countries.</footnote>

<footnote n="12">¹² Founding Chairman M. Bachelot (later director of MI). Among his successors: Jean-Pierre Martin (MPF), Victor Levi (MLD), Michel Javaux, Philippe Lecolier (DLM Suède 1958-62).</footnote>

<footnote n="13">¹³ Founded by Abbé Picard de la Vacquerie in November 1925 with the support of Cardinal Dubois and Mgr Chaptal, “l’évêque des étrangers”. Object: “To promote the exchange of philosophical, social and religious ideas between students; to encourage the practice of sports” (Journal officiel, November 13, 1925). Moved to avenue du parc Montsouris in 1926; remained there until November 1936, when the students’ church was inaugurated. From 1937 to 1939, Canon Lallier was director of the Foyer. After the war, Abbé Joly appears to be in charge.</footnote>
Le Globe-trotter, journal des anciens du Foyer international catholique de la Cité universitaire de Paris [variante : Journal de l'Association des amis du foyer des étudiants catholiques de la CIUP], trimestriel, 1959-1964.

Groupe international des étudiants protestants<fnref n="14" />

« Groupe international des étudiants protestants », *Bulletin de l'Alliance*, n°36, 1960, p. 10.

Testimonials

BERTIN Tangi, Blanchard Amélie, RACINE Guillemette (dir.), *17 boulevard Jourdan : récits*, Paris, Alliance internationale, 2012.

BERTIN Tangi, RACINE Guillemette (dir.), *17 boulevard Jourdan : les voyageurs immobiles*, Paris : Alliance internationale, 2014.

*Dans les mur...mur(c)s de la Cité U. / Résidents CIUP. Récits et nouvelles*, Saint-Denis, Edilivre, 2017, préface de Marie Darrieussecq.

*boulevard Jourdan : la Cité de la sérendipité : récits*, Paris, Alliance internationale, 2018.

<footnote n="14">¹⁴ Led by Pastor J.-P. Meyer. Home built in 1936 in the Villa du Parc Montsouris, according to Paul Marcel</footnote>